Indian Antiquary Vol 49

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032541/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.,
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.L.E., F.S.A.,
HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT. COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY,
AND
PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A.
VOL. XLIX. 1920.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS
PAGE. NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A., B.L., P.R.S. - INTER-STATE RELATIONS IN ANCIENT INDIA,
129, 145, 167
NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND MEDIAVAL INDIA .. .. Sup. 7, 16, 23.
31, 39, 47
OLDENBERG, HERMANN (Translation) ON THE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN CASTE.
SYSTEM .. .. .. .. 205, 224
SANKARA AIYAR, K. G., B.A., B.LTHE HATHIGUMPHA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF
KHARAVELA .. .. .. .. ..
43
SHAMASASTRY, R.Corporate Life in Ancient
R. C. Majumdar, M. A. ..
India,
.
by **
TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT.
ΡΔΟΣ. ANONYMOUS (The Times)
A Journey in Mongolia in 1908 .. .. 214 ANSTEY, L. M.
MORE ABOUT NICOLAO MANUCOI.. .. 52 BADHEKA, G. B.
THE NURSERY TALES OF KATHIAWAR .. 11 BHANDARKAR, PROF. D. R., M.A.
DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD .. 30 BHUYAN, S. K.Contributions to the Study of the Ancient Geography of India .. .. .. 136
13A DINESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARYA,
M.A.A CHRONOLOGY OF THE PALA DYNASTY OY
BENGAL .. .. .. .. .. 189 GARDE, M. B., B.A. -
A New Gupta Inscription .. .. .. 114 GRIERSON, SIR GEORGE A., K.C.S.I.
Paisachi in the Prakrita-Kalpataru .. 114 HAIG, LT.-COL. T. W., C.8.1., C.M.G., C.B.E. - THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR
.. 66, 84, 102,
123, 157, 177, 197, 217 HEMCHANDRA RAY CHAUDURI, M.A.EPIGRAPHIC NOTAS ..
.. .174 HILL, S.C.EPISODES OT PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1691-1861 .. .. .. 1, 17, 37,
57, 78, 97, 117, 137 KONOW, PROF. STEN, C.I.E. Een Onbekend Indisch Tooneelstuk Gopalakelicandrika
. . . . . . 232 MAJUMDAR, N. G., B.A. - THE MUNDESVARI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME
Or UDAYABENA : THE YEAR 30 .. .. 21 MAJUMDAR, R. C.
Corporate Life in Ancient India .. .. 175
A BRIET SKETCH OF MALAYAN HISTORY .. 12 ANDAMANESE IN PENANG, 1819 .. .. 91 An Early Reference to Port Cornwallis
in the North Andaman Island .. '.. 68 Lalla Vakyani or the Wise Sayings of
Lal Ded, a Mystic Poctess of ancient Kashmir by Sir George Grierson and
Dr. L. D. Barnett .. .. .. .. 194 MORE ABOUT KEWAJA (AGHA) PETROS .. 76 Notes from Old Factory Records .. 36, 116 Shivaji and His Times, by Jadunath Sarkar,
M.A. .. .. .. .. .. 152 South Indian Research, by T. Rajagopal
Rao, B.A... .. ... .. .. 96 The Annual Report of the Mysore Archæo.
logical Department for the year 1919 .. 115 Town Major ..
.. .. 36 VINCENT AQUILA SMITH .. .. .. 77
VIDHUSHEKHARA BHATTACHARYA SASTRI, M.A.
MAN, E. H., C.L.E. - DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN
LANGUAGE, Sup. 85, 97, 105, 113, 121, 129
TH WIDE SOUND OF E AND O IN MARWARI
AND GUJARATI .. .. .. .. 109 THE WORDE VACHA AND VINITA IN THE ASOKA EDICT .. .. .. . .. 53

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CONTENTS
MISCELLANEA.
ΡΑΟκ. A Journey in Mongolia in 1908 (anonymous) .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
.. 214 An Early Referenos to Port Cornwallis in the North Andaman Island, by Sir R. C. Temple .. A Now Gupta Inscription, by M. B. Gerde .. .. Contributions to the Study of the Ancient Geography of India, by 8. K. Bhuyan Corporate Life in Ancient India, by R: C. Mafundar ..
. .. .... 175 Paisachi in the Prakrita-Kalpataru, by Sir George A. Grierson Town-Major, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .
"
..
.. 114
NOTES AND QUERIES. .. .. .. .. ..
Notes from Old Factory Records
..
..
..
..
38, 116
BOOK-NOTICES. Corporate Life in Ancient India, by R. C. Majumdar; by R. Shamasastry .. .. .. .. 36 Een Onbekend Indisch Tooneelstuk Gopalakelioandrika, by Sten Konow . Lalla Vakyani or the Wise Sayings of Lal Død, a Mystic Poetess of Ancient Kashmir, by Sir George
Grierson and Dr. L. D. Barnett, by Sir RC. Temple .. .. .. Shivaji and His Times, by Jadunath Sarkar, by Sir R. C. Temple.. .. ..
.. .. 152 South Indian Recaroh, by T. Rajagopal Rao, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. 96 The Annual Report of the Mysoro Archeological Department for the year 1919, by Sir R. C. Temple .. 116
SUPPLEMENTS. Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, by Edward Horace Man, C.L.E... 88, 07, 108, 113, 121, 129 Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, by Nundolal Doy, M.A., B.L... 7,15, 29, 31, 39, 47
-
PLATE. Inter-State Relations in Ancient India (Diagrams I-V) ..
..
..
.. ...
to face p. 193

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
VOLUME XLIX—1920
EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851.
By S. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from Vol. XLVIII, p. 226.)
xv. THREE ACCOUNTS OF THE FIGHT BETWEEN THE DORRILL AND THE
MOCR A, 1697.
In the year 1696 the East India Company's ship. Mocha (Captain Leonard Edgcumbe) sailed from Bombay for China. The Captain was disliked by his crew and, apparently, was forced to take whatever men he could get to fill up Vacancies. At any rate sixteen of the new hands were old pirates, who had been trapped by the natives, but had made their escape. Whilst in captivity they had unsucoessfully appealed to the President to effect their release and, being received on board a. Company's ship, they saw an opportunity for revenge. When off Achin, on the 18th June, at their instigation the crew mutinied, murdered Captain Edgcumbe and set the loyal members of the crew adrift in a boat, in which after much difficulty they got to shore. The pirates renamed the ship the Resolution and elected Ralph Stout their Captain. Touching at the Nicobars, they picked up one Robert Culliford and his associates. Culliford had run away with another Company's ship, the Josiah Ketch, and going ashore to plunder the natives, the Armourer and other loyal members of the crew had recovered the ship and made off. When the pirates reached the Maldives, Stout attempted to desert, was caught by his comrades and murdered. His successor was Culliford. In July 1697 Culliford came up with the Company's ship Dorrill (Captain Samuel Hyde). We have three accounts of the fight : one by Captain William Willock, a prisoner on board the piratè, which is interesting as showing the absence of discipline on board a pirate ship, and the difficulty their captains had in persuading the men to fight when they met with a tough customer; another by William Soame, apparently the Company's Agent at Achin, which is probably Captain Hyde's account; and a third by Messrs. Solomon Lloyd and William Reynolds, who appear to have been Supercargoes on the Dorrill..
Captain Hyde had his colours nailed to the mast. It will be remembered that Captain Wright, when the Caesar was attacked, had his ensign seized to the ensign staff (see ante, Vol. XLVIII, p. 205). The distribution of money amongst his crew during the fight, and not the tot of rum of which one reads in piratical and naval romance, was the ordinary method of encouragement adopted by the captain of a company's ship.

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The pirates hoisted a broad red pendant, i.e., a Commodore's flag, the day before the engagement. This must not be confused with the bloody flag, for it signified merely that the Captain of the Mocha claimed superiority to the Captain of the Dorrill, either as his senior or as commanding & ship-of-war, and was therefore a ruse to get the Captain of the Dorrill to go on board him. The use of pieces of glass, broken teapots, chains, stones, etc. by the pirates to load their guns was probably due to want of shot. They suffered very slightly in the fight, but were frightened of losing a mast and being disabled, and so drew off.
THREE ACCOUNTS OF THE TIGHT BETWEEN THE SHIP DORRILL, CAPTAIN SAMUEL HYDE, AND THE PIRATE SHIP MOCHA, CAPTAIN ROBERT COLLIYORD, ON THE 9TH JULY 1697,
IN THE STRAITS OY MALACCA.
1
A narrative about the Mocha Frigatt, written by William Willock,11 a prisoner aboard them
eleven months. " About the latter end of June (July) they [the pirates) mett with an Europe ship near to Pulio Verero.7 They came up with her and hailed her, the ship's name I do not remember. They said her Commander was Captain Hide newly come from Europe. Hell was never in greater confusion than was then aboard, some for hoysing French colours, some for fighting under no colours, some for not fighting att all, some for running him aboard without fireing, a gunn. The Captain laid down his charge because of the confusion, then about ship they must goe to chuse another Captain. All this while they were within speech of one another, soe that the other ship might hear what they said ; but about they went and the English ship made the best of her way from them, but at length they concluded to fight and the Captain resumed his place againe. Then about they went after her againe.
The day before they had layd close by one another within gunn shott, so they saw what they were and provided accordingly. In the morning about 9 o'clock they came up with her againe. They came close up to her on her weather quarter so that they could call to them and asked them what they would have. They answered Money they wanted and Money they would have. Its well, said they, for you may come and take it. So they gave a cheer and went all hands, I suppose, to their quarters. The Pirate first fired his two forechase gunns into her, but before they had fired another they had received both his broadsides, for he took care to work his ship to the best advantage, and had then, I think, about 30 guns mounted and they were as good as the Pirate's gunns. They had not passed above three or four broadsides, I could see the pirates disheartened. Said they, We shall gett nothinge here but broaken bognes, and if we lose a mast where shall we gett others. They had then received a shott in their foremast, a six-pounder, which had gone right through the heart of it. Says the Captain, We have enough of it to fetoh to windward of him. Lett us goe about ship for he lyes by for us, and soe he did. Says one, You may put her about yourself and you will, for I'll fight no more. Nor I, says another, Nor I, Nor I, was the
11 Master of the Satisfaction, taken by two pirate ships (one under English and the other under apparently Muhammadan colours) off Ceylon, January, 1697, and released 22nd December, 1697.
79 Pulo Barahla, an island off the N.E. coast of Sumatra, known as Pulo Verera in the 17th century. -ED.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS
cry. So they lett fall their Mainesaile and foresaile and stood away from him. The English ship sett her sailes also and stood away her course to the Eastward.”
(Colonial Office Records, 323. 2. 123. viii. India Office Records, O.C. 6473 & 6484.]
Letter from William Soame to the Honble Nath. Higginson Esq. and Council at Fort St. George,
dated Achin 11 August 1697. ** Since my accompanying of the 31st July, arrived here [Achin] Capt. Samuel Hyde in ship Dorrill the 8th instant, giving account that the 7th of July, the day after having been forced to ride fifteen days off of Dyamond Point (N. Sumatra), he spied a saile to windward, bearing down upon him, which coming up under his quarter and giving a Levitt 73 with the Musick of trumpets, hoboys and drum, dropt asterne without haling or anything of parley, but keeping company all the night, next day seem'd inclined to withdraw (by baring away sometime before the wind) till July the 9th in sight of Pulla Varera, springing their Luft [bringing their ship's head closer to the wind) and haling each other, said their ships name was the Resolution, T4 Capt. Robert Collifor Commander, bound also for China, after which the Boatswain of the Dorrill demanding the reason of their suspitious working, they answered, Don't you know us to be the Mocha? Wee want neither you nor your ship, but your inoney we will have, whereunto Capt. Hyde replied that if they had it, [it] should be out of the mussels of his guns, and bid them come up fairly alongside and take it.
Thereupon the engagement began and lasted from about 11 o'clock till past 2 afternoone, when the Mocha wheeled off and left them. Those who have since dyed of their wounds at sea were James Smith, Capt. Hyde's Cheife Mate, Andrew Miller, Barber, George Mopp, Servant to the Gunner, and Thomas Matthews, Servant to the Boatswaine. Those who continue dangerously wounded are John Amos, who lost one of his legs, and 'tis feared one of John Blake's must be cutt off. Their volleys of small shott were small and thick, and allmost incessant, as being extraordinarily manned, and keeping one constantly at topmost head, looking out as supposed in expectation of their associates.
The damages Capt. Hyde's ship received were loss of her sprit sail and yard, severall shott between Decks, breaking one of her main Beames, a shott into her Bread Roome, damaging most of her Bread, and one or two between wind and water, and most of her rigging cutt. The Dogge [? Dogs or Day] before engagement they put out the King's Jack, a broad red pennant and Merchant Colours, 76 but fought under none.
After the engagement Capt. Hyde try'de ten days for Malacca, but contrary winds and currents carried him over to the Simbelon (Sembilan) Islands on the Eastern Shoare, from whence, whilst taking in a longboat load of water, which they stood in great need of, a sail to windward appeared making towards them, probably the Mocha's Associate, but night coming on and steering their course that way, happily lost sight before morning.
73 A flourish.
76 See Deposition of Adam Baldridge for another Resolution. It appears from Kidd's trial that the Vocha was renamed Resolution by the Pirates (State Trialn, XIV, 153).
15 The red ensign.

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I am of opinion that Capt. Hyde is forced to relinquish all thought of proceeding for China, and if can reasonably accommodate business of the cargoe here, will proceed no farther, being with [? what] offers at present from
Your Honours &c. obedient Servant
WILLIAM SOAME." [ India Office Fuctory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 33.]
Letter from Solomon Lloyd 76 and William Reynolds to his Excellency Sir John Gayer doc.
Freighters of ship Dorrill, dated Achin, 28 August 1697. Right Honourable Sir and most respected Sirs,
. These truly representeth a scheem of what misfortune has befell us as we were going through the streights of Malacca, in persuance to our pretended voyage, vizt., Wednesday the 7th July, 5 o'clock morning we espied a ship to windward ; as soon as was well light perceived her to bare down upon us. Wee thought at first she had been a Dutchman bound for Atcheen or Bengall, when perceived she had no Gallerys, 17 did then suppose her to be what after, to our dreadful sorrow, found her. Wee gott our ship in the best posture of defence that suddain emergent necessity would permitt. Wee kept good looking out, expecting to see an Island called Pullo Verello [Pulo Barahla), but as then saw it not.
About 8 of the clock the ship came up fairely within shott. Saw in room of our Gallerys there was large sally ports, in each of which was a large gunn, seemed to be brass. Her tafferill was likewise taken downe. Wee having done what possibly could to prepare ourselves, fearing might be suddenly sett on, ordered oar people to their respective stations for action. Wee now hoisted our colours. The Captain commanded to najle our Ensigne to the staff in sight of the enimie, which was immediately done. As they perceived wee hoisted our colours they hoisted theirs, with the Union Jack, and let fly a broad red Pendlant at their maintopmast head.
The Pirate being now in little more than half Pistoll shott froin us, wee could discerne abundance of men who went aft to the Quarter Deck, which as wee suppose was to consult. They stood as we stood, but wee spoke neither to other. Att noone it fell calme, so that (wee) were affraid should by the sea have been hove on one another. Att 1 a clock sprang up a gale. The Pirate kept as wee kept. Att 3 a clock the villain backt her Hailes and they went from us. Wee kept close halled, having a contrary wind for Mallacca. When the Pirate was about 7 miles distant tackt and stood after us. Att 6 that evening saw the lookt for island, and the Pirate came up with us on our starboard side within shott. Wee see he kept a man at each topmast head, looking out till it was darke, then he halled a little from us, but kept us company all night.
At 8 in the morning he drew near us, but wee had time to mount our other four gunns that were in hold, and now wee were in the best posture of defence could desire. He
78 Lloyd was at Pulo Condore in 1705 when the Macassar soldiers, who had been detained, after their three years' agreement was ended, by the Agent, Allan Catobpole, mutinied and murdered all the English they could get hold of.
T Thono had, no doubt, been removed, in order to facilitate the working of the big gums on the poop, so that it was easy to see she was a fighting ship of some kind or other.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS
drawing near us and seeing that if (wee) would, [wee ) could not gett from him, he far outsailing us by or large (in one direction or another), the Captain resolved to see what the rogue would doe, soe ordered to hand [furl] all our small sailes and furled our mainesaile. He seeing this, did the like, and as [he] drew near us beat a drum and sounded trumpets, and then hailed us four times before wee answered him.
At last it was thought fitt to know what he would say, soe the Boatswaine spoke to him as was ordered, which was that wee came from London. Then he enquired whether peace or war with Franoe. Our answer, there was an universall peace through Europe, att which they paused and then said, 'That's well. He further enquired if had touched at Attcheen. Woo said a boat came off to us, but [wee] came not near itt by severall leagues. Further he enquired our Captain's name and whither wee were bound. Wee answered to Mallacca. They too and (would have] had the Captain gone aboard to drink a glass of wine. Wee said that would sve one another at Mallacca. Then he called to lye by and he would come aboard us. Our answer was as before, saying it was late.78 He said, true. it was for China, and enquired whether should touch at the Water Islands (Pulo Ondan, off Malacca). Wee said should. Then said he, So shall wee. After he had asked us all these questions wee desired to know from whence he was. He said from London, their Captain name Collyford, the ship named the Resolution, bound for China. This Collyford had been Gunners. Mate at Bombay, and after run away with the Ketch.79
Thus past the 8th July. Friday the 9th do., he being some distance from us, About an hour after 10 came up with us. Then it grow calme. Wee could discerne a fellow on the Quarter Deck wearing a sword. As he drew near, this Hellish Imp cried, Strike you doggs, which (wee) perceived was not by a general consent for he was called away. Our Boatswaine in a fury run upon the poop, unknown to the Captain, and answered that woe would strike to 206 mol doggs as he, telling him the rogue Every 80 and his accomplices were all hanged. The Captain was angry that he spake without order, then ordered to haile him and askt what was his reason to dogg us. One stept forward on the forecastle, beckoned with his hand and said, Gentlemen, wee want not your ship nor men, but money. Wee told them had none for them but bid them come up alongside and take it as conld gett it. Then a parcell of bloodhound rogues clasht their cutlashes and said they would have itt or our hearts blood, saying, 'What doe you not know us to be the Moca! Our answer was Yes, Yes. Thereon they gave a great shout and so they all went out of sight and wee to our quarters. They were going to hoist colours but the ensigne halliarde broke, which our people perceiving gave a great shout, so they lett them alone.
As soon as they could bring their chase gunns to bear, fired upon us and soe kept on our quarter. Our gunns would not bear in a small space, 81 but as soon as did hap, gave them better than the pirates] did like. His second shott carried away our spritt saile yard. About an hour after or more he came up alongside and Hoe wee powered in upon him and continued, some time broadsides and sometimes three or four gunns as opportunity presented and could bring them to doe best service. He was going to lay us athwart the hawse, but
That is, they were late in making the China voyage and therefore could not afford any delay.
The Josiah keteh. * The notorious pirate Henry Every. 81 "In a small space" means "for a short space of time."

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by God's providence Captain Hide frustrated his intent by pouring a broadside into him, which made him give back and goe asterne, where he lay and paused without fireing, then in a small space fired one gunn. The shott caine in at our round house window without damage to any person, after which he filled and bore away, and when was about 2 mile off fired a gunn to leeward, which wee answered by another to windward. About an hour after he tackt and came up with us againe. Wee made noe saile, but lay by to receive him, but he kept aloof off. The distance att most in all our fireing was never more than two ships length; the time of our engagement was from an hour after 11 till about 3 afternoon.
When (wee) came to see what damage [wee) had sustained, found our Cheife Mate, Mr. Smith, wounded in the legg, close by the knee, with a splinter or piece of chaine, which cannot well be told, our Barber had two of his fingers shott off as was spunging one of our gunns, the Gunner's boy had his legg shott off in the waste, John Amos, Quartermaster, had his leg shott off [ while) at the helme, the Boatswaine's boy (a lad of 13 years old) was shott in the thigh, which went through and splintered his bone, the Armorer Jos. Osbourne in the round house wounded by a splinter just in the temple, the Captain's boy on the Quarter Deck a small shott raised his scull through his cap and was the first person wounded and att the first onsett. Wm. Reynolds's boy had the brim of his hatt shott off and his forefinger splintered very sorely, John Blake, turner, the flesh of his legg and calfe a great part shott away.
Our ships damage is the Mizentopmast shott close by the cap and it was a miracle stood soe long and did not fall in the rogues sight. Our rigging shott that had but one running rope left olear, our mainshrouds three on one side, two on the other cutt in two. Our maineyard ten feet from the mast by a shott cutt 8 inches deep, our foretopmast backstays shott away, a great shott in the roundhouse, one on the Quarter Deck and two of the roundhouse shott came on the said deok, severall in the stearidge betwixt deoks and in the forecastle, two in the bread room which caused us to make much water and damaged the greatest part of our bread. They dismounted one of our gunns in the roundhouse, two in the stearidge, two in the waste, one in the forecastle, with abundance more damage which may seem tedious to rehearse.
Their small shott were most Tinn and Tuthenage [tutenaga, spelter). They fired pieces of glass-bottles, do. teapots, chains, stones and what not, which were found on our decks. We could observe abundance of great shott to have passed through the rogues foresaile, and our hope is have done that to him which will] make him shunn having to do with any Europe 84 ship againe. Att night wee perceived kept close their lights. Wee did the like and lay by. In the morning they were as far off as (wee] could discerne upon deck. Wee sent up to see how they stood, which was right with us. In the night wee knotted our rigging and in the morning made all haist to repare our carriages.
Our men, seeing they stood after ns, [wee] could perceive their countinances to be dejected. Wee oheared them what we could, and, for their encouragement, the Captain and wee of our proper money did give them, to every man and boy, three dollars each, which animated them, and promised to give them as much more if engaged againe, and did. in your. Excellency's name assure them that if [wee] took the ship, for
As distinguished from a country
or coasting vessel of the East.-ED.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS
every prisoner five pounds and besides a gratuity from the Gentlemen Employers. Wee read the King's Proclamations about Every &c. and the Right Honble. Company's.84
About 9 o'clock the 10th July wee perceived the rogue made from us, soe wee gave the Almighty our most condigne thanks for his mercy that delivered us not to the worst of our enimies, for truly he [the pirate] was very strong, having at least an hundred Europeans on board, 34 gunns mounted, besides 10 pattererers 85 and 2 small mortars in the head; his lower tier, some of them, as wee judged, sixteen and eighteen pounders. Wee lay as near our course as could, and next day saw land on our starboard side which was the Maine [Land]. Kept on our way.
The 12th July dyed the Boatswaine's boy, George Mopp, in the morning. Friday the 16th do. in the evening dyed the Gunner's boy Thomas Matthews. Sunday the 18th at anchor two leagues from the Pillo Sumbelong [Pulo Sembilan] Islands dyed the Barber Andrew Miller. Do. the 31st dyed the Cheife Mate Mr. John Smith. The other two are yet in a very deplorable condition and wee are ashore here to refresh them. . . . The Chinese further report....the Mocco was at the Maldives and creaned [careened]; there they gave an end to the life of their commanding rogue Stout, who they murthered for attempting to run away."
Atcheen, the 28th August 1697.
7
SOLOMON LLOYD.
WM. REYNOLDS.
[ India Office Records, O. C. 6430. ]
XVI.
CAPTAIN KIDD'S FIGHT WITH TWO PORTUGUESE SHIPS: PORTUGUESE REPULSED BY ARABS, 1697.
When the English Government decided to assist the East India Company in the suppression of piracy, it had no ships-of-war to spare and was glad to accept the offer of Lord Bellamont, Governor of New York, to send out one equipped by a kind of private company. As most of the pirates to be dealt with were equipped from New England, it was supposed that Lord Bellamont would be able to find a captain who would have means of obtaining much useful information to assist him in his task, and so, if not to set a thief to catch thieves, at any rate to send a man well informed as to the ways of the thieves. The fact that such a man might turn thief himself was either ignored or. supposed to be discounted by giving him forty shares in the undertaking.
Lord Bellamont chose Captain William Kidd, a man who, as far as is known, had a previous good reputation. He received two commissions from the Crown, one dated 11th December 1695 as a privateer against the French, the other dated 26th January 1695-6 enabling him to take pirates wherever he found them. He left England early in 1696 and, after strengthening his crew in New England, sailed for the Cape. What his original
83 Dated 17th July 1696.
8 Dated 22nd July 1696. [N.B.-The King's Proclamation offered £500, and the Company's Rs. 4,000, to whoever should seize Every. Home Misc., vol. 36, pp. 191, 193.]
85 Pattararo, pedrero, a small gun.-ED.

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intentions were is unknown, but before he reached the Cape he fell in with a squadron under Commodore Thomas Warren, his behaviour to whom was sufficiently truculent to exoite suspicion, though his commission prevented that officer from interfering with him. In April 1697 he arrived at the Island of Johanna, one of the Comoro group, which was & well-known halting place for the Company's ships. There he fell in with some of the latter and behaved in such a way that they expected him to attack them and took all necessary precautions. Apparently he was afraid to do this and they went on their way unmolested. From Madagascar he went to the Red Sea with the intention of attacking the pilgrim ships, and in August came up with the fleet, but was frightened off by the convoy. Next, sailing down the Indian Coast, he took various native vessels, some of which were commanded by Englishmen, one of whom-Captain Parker-be kept on board for some time as a kind of pilot. Being attaoked by two Portuguese ships-of-war, he crippled the smaller and better sailer and showed his heels to the other. This does not look like courage on his part, but it does not prove cowardice, for, even if he had fought and beaten the bigger ship, he must have suffered some logs without any prospect of booty, which was contrary to pirate custom.
After eluding the Company's oruisers which were now on the look out for him, and refitting his ship, he renewed his watch on the coast for a rich native veggel, and, early in 1698, took the Quedah Merchant, commanded by Captain John Wright, with a cargo worth $20,000. He gave back to Captain Wright all his personal property as, it was thought, a reward for making no resistance. With this capture Kidd appears to have been satisfied. He sailed to Madagascar, where he arrived in May. There he met the pirate Oalliford, to whom somo ninety of his men deserted. At last, thinking his own ship, the Adventure Galley, unfit for the homeward journey he transferred to the Quedah Merchant and sailed for America..
Arriving in Boston in 1699 he assumed all the airs of innocence, but the outory against him was too strong. He was arrested and sent to England, tried for piracy and murder, and being convicted was, on the 24th May 1701, hanged at Execution Dook,
So far as is known he had never actually attacked English or European ships and never flown any kind of piratical flag, though of course his commission entitled him to fly the broad red pendant. He justified his attacks on native vessels on the ground that thoy carried French passes. Sir Cornelius Neale Dalton maintains that he had been set ay ba possible task in which he naturally failed, that the alleged murder of his quartermaster was probably an act necessitated by the requirements of discipline and that no conclusive evidence of piracy was produced at his trial. It is certain that his defence was badly conducted, that evidence in his favour was wilfully suppressed, and that the witnesses against him were absolutely untrustworthy, but I doubt whether there was any actual miscarriage of justice. He appears to have been an excellent seaman and a rigid disciplinarian. His biggest capture, the Quedah Merchant, was not one. that would have satisfied a pirate like Every, and the fact that it was his biggest suggests that the stories of his buried treasures have absolutely no foundation.
The concluding portion of the letter describing Kidd's fight with the Portuguese deals with a fight between the Portuguese and the Arabe. It shows that whilst individual Portuguese may have maintained the national reputation, the Portuguese seamen had, as a body, fallen beneath contempt.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS
Letter from Thomas Pattle 86 to the Council at Surat, dated Carwar, 22 September 1697. Honble Sir,
"These are to aoquaint you what lately happened here. The 3rd instant came into this Cove Captain William Kidd in the Adventure Galley. He has on board 140 well men and 36 guns. Tis the same man-of-war that the Honble. Company's ships 87 met coming out. He says he hath been at the Mohelas, 88 Madagascar and several other places to look for pirates, but yet hath not met with any, and now is come on the Coast for the same purpose. Since which came to the Factory two of his men, who inform us they have taken an English vessel off of Bombay and that they have got the Commander89 on board & prisoner. They took out of her about 100 lbs. of gold, some rice and raisins. They're [sic] going to Mocho was with full intent to take the Surat ships, had not the Convoys prevented them. They intend to take Abdull Gophore's 90 ship, either in the Cove or watch for her as she goes out. If they do 'twill cause abundance of trouble with the Muhammadan Government].
The men say the ship is very leaky and rotten, so that they intend to take for their use the first good ship they meet with. We believe he intende to lie off here and watch for Abdull Gophore's ship. He sailed hence the 13th instant without doing any harm, neither did we let him know we were come to the knowledge of his evil actions, for fear when he found himself discovered, [he) should do as bad here. We several times sent Captains Perrino1 and Mason on board of him to pry into what they had done and what intended for the future to do, who we must needs say proved very faithful and true to us. They 99 could never come to a sight of Thomas Parker, being kept close prisoner in hold, nor certainly know where they intend to go, sometimes talking of one way, sometimes of another, but yet we very much fear he will cruize off this place to meet with Abdull Gophore's ship. We are informed at St. Mary's [Madagascar) is settled abundance of these villainous people with their families, and are yearly supplied from New York with all sorts of Liquors, Provisions and Stores, so that when any ship wants men they go thither and get as many as they please.
He showed his Commission under the Broad Seal of England to Captains Perrin and Mason, wherein he has liberty to range all seas and destroy pirates wherever ho meets them. The Captain is very severe and cruel to his people, which causes them to be much disaffected to him. They attempted Captain Mason to take the command of, the ship, which he honestly refused. They are a very distracted Company, continually quarrelling and fighting among themselves, so that it is likely in a short time they may destroy one another, neither have they provisions on board to keep the sea a month.
Three of the men run to Goa and acquainted the Viceroy that there was a pirate in Carwar Road, upon which he presently fitted out two ships full of men, one 44 guns and the
B6 Chief of the Company's factory at Carwar (Karwar).
87 The Sidney and Essex. 88 The Comoro Islands, one of which is called Mohilla.--ED.
89 Captain Parker. See below. Capt. Parker commanded a Muhammadan ship and was taken between the Red Sos and Carwar. State Trials, XIV, 155.
• Abdu'l-Ghafar, a very wealthy Indian merchant. Capt. Charles Perrin of the Thankfull.
In the State Triala, XIV, 165, it is stated that Harvey and Mason at Carwar tried to get Parker released.

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other 20 guns, with orders to take him wherever they met him. They imagined to find him in the Road, but he saved then the labour of coming so far and met them half way between here and Goa. He presently perceived what they were and pretended to run from them. The smallest ship, sailing best. followed him with all the sail they could make. The biggest ship lagged astern, and as soon as Kidd perceived he had got the least a good distance from the biggest, he tacked and made to him. When they came near, the Portuguese very valiantly fired into him as fast as they were able, but Kidd's hardy rogues soorr gave them enough of it and miserably mauled them before the great ship could come to their help, but as soon as she came near Kidd set his sails and run from them.93 The smallest ship was very much damaged and abundance of men wounded and killed, and so much Beybled that she was forced to make her way to Goa again.
The greatest ship came hither to convoy a small ship of theirs that wintered here belonging.to the Portuguese Company, and came to an anchor in the Road the 18th instant evening where they had soon information of an Arab ship that was in the River. They presently filled three boats full of soldiers and came into the River to destroy the Arab ship. About 3 in the morning began the fight in sight of our Factory. They took the Arabs unawares, most of the men being ashore, not above ten Arabs and fifteen Lascars on board and them all sleeping unprepared, but, instead of boarding her, they kept at a small distance firing their muskets and bocomortesses and flinging granadoes. The people aboard soon waked and began to make resistance, firing some great guns and small shot at them. This continued above two hours till by an accident, nobody knows how, the powder in one of the Portuguese biggest boats took fire, blew up and burnt most of their people, sunk their boat. Their own granadoes, muskets and bocomorterses all went off, wounded and killed several mon, upon which they forbore further attempt and was glad to withdraw. About 14 men were killed outright and as many more cruelly burnt. Upon this the country people were all up in arms, so that with one trouble following the heel of another all business has been hitherto impeded. I am &c., &c., THOMAS PATTLE." Extract of a letter from the Bombay Council to the Surat Council, dated 30 September 1697.
"Kidd carries a very different command from what other pirates used to do, his Commission having heretofore procured respect and awe, and this being added to his own strength, being a very lusty man, fighting with his men on any little occasion, often calling for his pistols and threatening any one that durst speak of anything contrary to his mind and to knock out their brains, causes them to dread him and with all are very desirous to put off their yoke."
Extract of a letter from the Bombay Council to the Surat Council, dated 14 April 1698.
"Kidd has taken the Quedah Merchant on which was laden, as is reported, & rich cargo of about 200000 rupees by the Armenians and a Moorman.”
[ India Office Records, Factory Records-Surat, Vol. 13.)
(To be continued.).
43 Kidd had 10 men wounded in this fight. State Trials, XIV, 166.
Agun with a mouth or open-mouthed face sculptured at the muzzle. Lat. bueca, It. bocca, Port. boos: hence, buocamortis, death.dealing face.-ED.

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THE NURSERY TALES OF KATALAWAR
THE NURSERY TALES OF KATHIAWAR.
(Literally Rendered.) BY G. B. BADHEKA, BHAVNAGAR.
A Parrot and a Kabar.1 THERE was a king. He had a parrot brought from Africa. The bird was of noble birth and gentle mien. He sang so very sweetly that the king loved him dearly and looked after his comforts keenly. For him he made a golden cage, a diamond rock and two bowls of pure silver. The richest fruit that the country produced formed the everyday diet of the lucky bird. The king visited the parrot every morning, opened the cage himself, and seated the bird on his lap. The parrot then sang sweetly, so that the king felt greatly pleased and much satisfied.
Now there lived a kabar on a big nam (Azidarachta indica) tree opposite the king's palace in a snug little nest of shreds of cloth and tiny sticks of wood. Every day she saw the golden cage, the diamond rock and silver bowls of water, the king coming to the parrot, opening the cage himself and seating the parrot on his lap, and every day she thought herself very miserable.
At last she grew envious of the parrot of the golden cage. Once she murmured, 'I wish, oh! I wish I were that singing bird yonder that I might enjoy the proud company of the king and taste the comforts of that priceless cage."
She thought, then, of entering into the cage and enjoying the pleasures thereof, if ever chance favoured her; and she was always on the look out for the desired moment.
Once, fortunately for the kábar, it so happened that the king after his usual visit to the enchanting songster went about his business without closing the doors of the cage. Just then the parrot took a fancy to go out and enjoy his natural freedom; and away he flew into the vast blue sky.
There was the cage left empty and there was the envious kabar waiting for her chance. Down she flew to the golden cage, entered it and settled herself in her new home. While she was heartily enjoying the pleasures of the cage, she proudly thought, Queen as I am of this golden cage now, there is no happier bird under the sun than mine own self.' The day she passed there merrily and happily and she stayed overnight in the cage.
Early the next morning the king came there as usual and calling the parrot by his name Kasulu,' wanted him to sing and please him. But there was no kasuku inside; the songater was gone and the kábar was there in his stead. No bird sang to the king.
The king did not know what had happened and as it was then too dark to see that the kåbar was inside the cage, he got a little vexed at the indifference of his supposed parrot friend. He took up a little stick and began in his anger to thrust at the poor little kábar. The queen of the golden cage now realised her true situation, and just to save herself from the approaching misfortune, she thought she should no longer keep silence and said :
. "Thrust at me not, oh angry king,
No thrust can make me sweetly sing; . The bird that sweetly eang, has left the cage, And if twe pleases you, Iwe-twe I can make."
1 A speckled bird in Gujarat, very often disliked by the people for her rather unpleasant voice. It'is always spoken of as female. A woman who is very noisy and over-talkative is often called a kabar.. Thro ladbar is a conspiouous character in many a nursery tale of KathiAwar.
I A name given to a patrot of Africa, in the Swahili language prevalent amongst the people living on the coast of Evt Africa. The African parrot is known to be very good singer and is prized very highly in India.

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At once the king know to his surprise that the bird inside was a bábar. In his rage he flung open the doors of the cage, caught the kabar by her wings, and threw her out on to the hard pavement where she lay dead and was gone for ever. The couplets in Gujarati are as under :
"Ghooka Ghonki ma kar Raja,
Ghonké amé marié; Sarava sâdaváló tó adi gayó, Kétò kal-bal, kal-bal karié."
A BRIEF SKETCH OF MALAYAN HISTORY
BY SIR RIORARD TEMPLE.
(Continued from Vd. XLVIII, p. 231. ) Borneo and the Philippines have each a considerable history of European occupation. Borneo was the scene at Brúnei of a long trade connection, Portuguese from 1522 and Spanish from 1580, until the Dutch appeared in 1604 and the British in 1609. Mismanagement by both Dutch and British ended in the loss of all influence in 1775 and 1809 respectively. This gave an opportunity to organised piracy on a large scale by the natives, which continued until Sir James Brooke pat it down in 1844, after having obtained the sovereignty of Sarawak from the Sultan of Brunei, and became the first Raja Brooke (1841-1868). Meanwhile, in 1823 the Dutch had received about half of Banjermásin (South Borneo) from its Sultán, taking the whole of it later by "succession ” in 1880. But in 1847 the British gained permanent ascendancy in North Borneo, forcing the Dutch to consolidate their authority in the South. Since 1882 British North Borneo has been administered by a chartered company, and lately, since 1888, North Borneo, Brúnei and Saráwak have been British Protectorates.
The Philippines were first entered by the Spaniards in 1521, came under Spanish influence in 1529, and were acquired for Spain by the tact and capacity of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi (1524–1572) as Las Islas Filipinas, 80 named after Philip II (1555-1598). All this effort was the result of avowedly missionary enterprise. Manila was founded in 1571, and the administration was conducted uneventfully on proselytising lines till 1762, when the whole country fell to the British for two years as an incident in the Spanish War of Charles II) with England (1761-1764). Then ensued ecclesiastical rule of the narrowest description, which gradually caused a continually growing dissatisfaction, as contact with the outer world increased, till in 1825 there commenced an era of discontent, which ended in a rebellion (1886) under a highly educated leader, José Rizal (1861-1896), and an insurrection under Emilie Aguinaldo (1896–1901). In both of these the friars and clergy played an unenviable and retrogressive part. In 1898 the Spanish-American War broke out, and in the same year the Philippines passed to the United States' flag. Aguinaldo now became a rebel against the Americans, but since his capture in 1901, the, whole area has been governed by them on a republioan model.
The Malays have long lost all independence, and at the present moment are under the domination of the British, Dutch and Americans, and also to a small extent of the Siamese, despite German intervention in places between 1884 and 1914.

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Dynasties and Suzerainties.
EARLY TRADE.
JAVAN TRADITION.Hindu Dynasties:Astina, 384-662; Malawa Pati, 662-672; Mendaung Kamulan (Brambanan), 672-892; Jangala (and Koripan), 892-1158; Pajararan, 1158-1295; Tumapel, 1232-1275; afterwards Majapahit, 1295
1477.
MUHAMMADAN
DYNASTIES.Demak, 1477-1577; Pajang, 1577-1606; Matarem, 1606-1624, and nominally onwards. European Intervention: Portuguese, 1511; Spanish, 1529; Dutch, 1811: English, 1620.
A BRIEF SKETCH OF MALAYAN HISTORY
DATES OF MALAYAN HISTORY. All Malayan dates are still controversial.
Date.
1000 B.C.-A.D.100
306-298
A.D. 43-85
78-417
79
127-166 250
285
384 412-550 656
662-688
672-892
774-830
892-1158
1160 1184-1195
1293 1293-1345 1295-1477 1350 1455-1474
1477 1508-1511
1514
1519-1529
1522-1809
Chief Events.
13
(Successive occupation of Malaysia by Negritos, Melanesians, Polynesians and Malays. Coasting Trade between South (Dravidian) India and China (1000 B.c.-400): with Persia, Greece, and Rome (400 B.C.-A.D. 100).
Megasthenes reports spice trade from South India (Malay Peninsula). Rise of the Alexander genealogical myth in the Archipelago.
Pomponius Mela mentions Chryse (Peninsula), 43. c. 85. Josephus knows of the Aurea Chersonesus (Peninsula).
Establishment of Javan (Saka) era (78) 78-417. Spread of Saiva Hinduism in Java, Sumatra and Borneo. Hindu kingdom at Tanah Datar (Menangkabau) in Sumatra.
Hippalus discovers the use of the monsoons (trade winds). Oversea trade commences.
Ptolemy mentions Straits of Malacca (Sinus Sabaricus) and Sumatra (Sabadius).
Introduction of Mahayana Buddhism from India into Java and Sumatra.
Traditional earliest Hindu temple in Java (Chandi Maling).
c. 530-550. Cosmas
Foundation of the Astina Dynasty of Java. Fa Hian in Java (412-414). Indioopleustes, traveller. Adityavarma of Astina (Parikisit, 607-649: Udiana, 649-662) builds Boro Budur.
Malawa Pati Dynasty (662-672). I Tsing in Sumatra (671 & 688).
Brambanan Dynasty. c. 800. Temples at Brambanan and Chandi Sewu.
Aji Jaya Baya of Brambanan (Tekiri Daha). 774 and 787. Attacks on Cochin China (Champa). Jangala-Koripan Dynasty. 1130-1158. Panji, national hero. c. 1150. Introduction of Islam. Menangkabau of Sumatra, a general Hindu ruling dynasty.
Munding Sari of Pajararan (Haji Purva). 1193. Con. verted to Islam.
Kublai Khan's expedition to the Archipelago. Medieval travellers. 1293. Marco Polo. 1325. Odorio
of Pordenone. 1345. Ibn Batuta. Majapahit, great Hindu kingdom in Java. Gradual rise of Muhammadan influence. Menangkabau Dynasty adopts Islam in Sumatra. Angka Vijaya of Majapahit, last great Hindu king. c. 1460. Marries a Champa (Cochin-China) Princess.
Majapahit Dynasty overthrown by Raden Patah of Demak (1477-1519).
Portuguese in Archipelago and Peninsula. 1508. Diego Lopez de Sequeira in Achin. 1511. d'Albuquerque takes Malacca.
Francisco Serrão discovers Mindanao (Philippines). Portuguese in Ternate (Moluccas).
Spanish expedition to Moluccas and Borneo. 1539. Spain and Portugal divide the Archipelago. 15811529. Spanish influence in the Philippines. Trade with Borneo. 1522-1580. Portuguess. 15801680. Spanish. 1604-1775. Dutch. 1809-1809. English.

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DATES OF MALAYAN HISTORY--continued.
Dynasties and Suzerainties.
Date.
Chief Events.
1524-1572
MUHAMMADAN DYNASTIES- (contd.)
1527-1539 1551-1606
1579–1604
1580-1640 1595-1608
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi acquires Philippines for Spain.
1371. Founds Manila. French pirates from Dieppe Rise of the Matarem Family in Java. 1606. Rulers
of Java. English competition in Archipelago. 1579. Drake.
1591. Lancaster. 1604. Middleton. 1600. English
East India Company. Union of Portugal and Spain. Dutch intervention. 1602-1798. Dutch East India
Company, 1608. Armistice with Portuguese. Dutch in Jakatra (Java), renamed Batavia (1619). Panambahan Senapati of Matarem, last independent
ruler in Java. Treaty of Defence, English and Dutch. 1623. Massacre
of Amboyna.. Sultan Seda Krapiah of Matarem. Country in the
hands of the English and Dutch. Dutch "Colonial System." 1811-1816. British Rule
intervening.
161: 1614–1624
1620-1637
1624-1636
1627-1830
DUTCH ASCENDANCY:
1680–1810.
1680-1684
1684-1740 1761-1764
Portuguese power disappears : Spain confined to the
Philippines (1680). 1684. English only in Benkulen
(Sumatra). Extension of Dutch power over the Archipelago. English war with Spain. 1762-1764. English occupa
tion of Manila (Philippines). Spanish ecclesiastical rule in Philippines. Organized native piracy from Borneo. English in Penang. 1795 in Malacca. Fall of Dutch East India Company : establishment of
Council of (Dutch) Asiatic Possessions.
1764-1808 1775-1844 1786-1795
1798
BRITISH ASCENDANCY
1810-1824.
1810-1816
1819 1824
Napoleonic Wars: British occupation of Dutch posses
Bions. British in Singapore (Peninsula). Straits Settlements founded : Singapore, Malacca,
Penang. British in Peninsula : Dutch in Archi pelago : Spain in Philippines (1529–1898).
1824-1867
DUTCH AND BRITISH ASCENDANCY from
1824. AMERICANS IN PHILIP.
PINES from 1898.
1825-1886 1830-1848 1840-1868
1847 1854–1890
1867 1873-1905
1874
Straits Settlements under British East India Company
(Peninsula). Discontent in Philippines with ecclesiastical rule. Dutch Culture System." Sir James Brooke, first Raja Brooke of Sarawak (Bomeo,
1840-1868). 1844. Suppression of piracy. 1888.
British Protectorate of Sarawak. British ascendancy in North Borneo. Dutch reforms and extension of rule in Archipelago. Straits Settlements & Crown Colony (British). Achin War in Sumatra (Dutch). Perak and other States a British Protectorate : Federated
Malay States (Peninsula). - British North Borneo (Chartered) Company founded.
1888. A British Protectorate. German intervention in New Guinea and Carolines Rebellions in Philippines. 1886-1896. José Rizal
1896-1901. Emilio Aguinaldo. Spanish-American War. Philippines an American
(U.S.) Colony, British and Siamese Treaty settling respective Pro
tectorates in Peninsula. British take German possessions.
1882
1884-1914 1886-1901
1898 1999 1914

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A BRIEF SKETCH OF MALAYAN HISTORY
15
A BIBLIOGRAPHY. For the use of students, I attach a brief bibliography of the information on the subject available in the Libraries of the British Museum and the India Office.
ANDERSON, John. Acheen and the Ports on the North and East Coasts of Sumatra ; with
incidental notices of the Trade in the Eastern Seas and the Aggressions of the Dutch.
London, 1840. ANDERSON, John. Political and Commercial Considerations relative to the Malayan
Peninsula and the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca. Prince of Wales
Island, 1824. ATKINSON, F. W. The Philippine Islands. Boston, New York, Chicago, London, 1905
(pp. 45-121). BEGBIE, Capt. P. J. The Malayan Peninsula Embracing its History, Manners and Customs
of the Inhabitants, Politics, Natural History, &c., from its earliest Records, Illustrated by Charts and Line Engravings from Original Designs. Printed for the Author at the
Vepery Mission Press, 1834. BLAIR, E. H. and ROBERTSON, J. A. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898. Explorations by
Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and their Peoples, their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of those Islands from their earliest Relations with European Nations to the beginning of the Nineteenth Century. Translated from the originals. With historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 53 vols. Cleveland, Ohio, 1903-1909. [Vol. 53 is
entirely devoted to the Bibliography--pp. 55-142 printed books; pp. 143-419 MSS. ] BOWRING, Sir John. A visit to the Philippine Islands. London, 1859 (pp. 44-70). CAMPBELL, D. M. Java : Past and Present. London, 1915. CLIFFORD, Hugh. Further India. London, 1904 (pp. 1-128). COLONIAL OFFICE LIST, 8.v. Straits Settlements. CRAWFURD, John. A descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and adjacent Countries.
London, 1856 (8.vv. Java, Sumatra, Borneo, &c.). CRAWFURD, John. History of the Indian Archipelago, 3 vols. Edinburgh, 1820
(vol. II, pp. 284-481). DAY. Clive. The Policy and Administration of the Dutch in Java. New York and
London, 1904. (pp. 7-13, 39-43, 79-80, 127-131, 164-168, 203ff). GRAHAM, W. A. Kelantan : a State of the Malay Peninsula. Glasgow, 1908. GUILLEMARD, F. H. H. Australasia. Vol. II. Malaysia and the Pacifio Archipelagoes.
(Stanford's Compendium of Geography, and Travel. New Issue.) London, 1908. (Philippines, pp. 30-33; Java, pp. 103-104; Sumatra, pp. 155-157; Borneo, pp. 214–217;
Celebes, pp. 276-277; Moluccas, pp. 315-318). HAMILTON, Capt. Alexander. A New Account of the East Indies. London, 1744
(Chapters XXXIX-XLVI). JOURNAL OF THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO AND EASTERN ASIA. Singapore. 1847-1859
(vols. I, II, III, IV, IX, X, XI). JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, STRAITS SETTLEMENTS BRANCH. Singapore,
1878-19 [There is a mine of information regarding the Malay Peninsula in this series,

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as the following notes from the first 20 Nos. will show.) (No. 1, Geography of the Malay Peninsula, pr. 51-62; No. 2, The Founding of Singapore, pp. 175-182; No. 3, Geography of Achin, pp. 120--123 ; No. 4, Aboriginal Tribes of Perak, pp. 46-53 ; Nos. 5 and 6, Malayan Bibliography, pp. 69-124, 225-272 ; Nos. 9 and 14, History of Perak, pp. 85-109, 305-332; No. 10, Dutch in Perak, pp. 245-269; British connection with Malaya, pp. 269-281 ; Nos. 13 and 16, Valentyn's Description of Malacca, pp. 49-74, 289-302 ; No. 15, Malay Language and Literature, pp. 93-102; No. 17, History of Malacca, pp. 117-150 ; No. 18,
Index to Denny's Indian Archipelago, pp. 33-342; No. 20, British Borneo, pp. 13-74). LEYDEN John. Malay Annals translated from the Malay language by the late
Dr. John Leyden. London, 1821. LUCAS, C. P. A Historical Geography of the British Colonies. Oxford, 1888 (vol. I,
pp. 96-132). MCNAIR, Major Fred. Perak and the Malays. London, 1878 (pp. 319 413). MALAYAN MISCELLANIES. 2 vols. Bercoolen, 1820. (Vol. I, No. 3, Annals of Achin; No. 8,
Sketch of Borneo ; Vol. II, No. 8, Pulo Niat ; No. 12, Rajas of Pulo Percha, Sumatra). MANDELSLO, J. Albert de Voyages and Travels into the East Indies. Rendered into
English by John Davis of Kidwelly. London, 1662 (pp. 132-167). MARSDEN, William. The History of Sumatra. London, 1784. MAXWELL, W. E. The Malay Peninsula : Its Resources and Prospects (pp. 1-36 of
vol. XXIII of the Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute, 1891-92). NEWBOLD, T. J. Political and Statistical Account of the British Settlements in the
Straits of Malacca, viz., Pinang, Malacca and Singapore, with a history of the Malayan States on the Peninsula of Malacca. 2 vols. London, 1839 (Vol. I, General, pp. 4-8, 15-17; Malacca, pp. 122-135; Nanking, pp. 197-235; Singapore, pp. 272-279; various Appendices, pp. 449-495; Vol. II. Quedah, pp. 6-21; Perak, pp. 24-25 ; Salangore, pp. 30-34; Johore, pp. 44-54 ; Pahang, pp. 55-56 ; Tringanu, pp. 61-62 ; Kalantan, pp. 64-65; Patani, pp. 67-71 ; Interior States, pp. 74-92; Rumbowe, pp. 117-126; States
of Calang, pp. 151-152, 156-160 ; Appendices containing treaties, etc., pp. 437-470). NORMAN, Henry. The Peoples and Politics of the Far East. London, 1895 (Chapters
II, III, XI, XXXI). RAFFLES, Sir Stamford. History of Java. London, 1817. St. John, Horace. The Indian Archipelago ; its History and Present State. 2 vols.
London, 1853. SWETTENHAM, Sir F. A. About Perak. Singapore, 1893 (pp. 3-19). SWETTENHAM, Sir F. A. British Rule in Malaya (Proceedings of the Royal Colonial
Institute, 1895-1896, vol. XXVII, pp. 273-280, 293–295). SWETTENHAM, Sir F. A. British Malaya. London and New York, 1906. (Federated
States only). WELD, Sir F. A. The Straits Settlements and British Malaya (Proceedings of the Royal
Colonial Institute, 1891). WILKINSON, R. J. Papers on Malay Subjects. Malay Literature. Part I. Romance,
History, Poetry. Kuala Lumpur, 1907 (pp. 31-39). WRAY, Leonard. Settlements on the Straits of Malacca (Proceedings of the Royal
Colonial Institute, 1874). WRIGHT, Arnold. Twentieth Century Impressions of British Malaya. London,
Durban, &c., 1908 (Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States-History, pp. 13-114).

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS
17
EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851.
BY 8. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from p. 10.)
XVII. FIGHT BETWEEN THE THANKFUL AND MARATHA PIRATES, 1697.
The fight between Captain Perrin and the “Seevajees " illustrates the purely business character of Indian Piracy. The Indian pirates were not broken men and outcasts like European pirates, though many such men found refuge in the towns along the coast, but were simply a sea-faring population, sometimes engaged in agriculture but making a living chiefly by trading, fishing and piracy on foreigners. When the Marathas made themselves masters of the west coast of the Indian Peninsula they made use of these men, nominally to protect trade, but really to attack that of other nations, in much the same way as Queen Elizabeth employed her seamen. Under the Maratha régime the English called these people " Seevajees" after the great Maratha leader Sivaji. In many documents the name is converted into the English word "Savages".
Declaration from Charles Perrin, Master of the ship Thankful, 24 December 1697.
"December the 6th. In sight of Batticola (Bhatkal] saw 12 sayle of Sevajees (Maratha) Grabs and boates, whom at 7 in the morning was close by us. One boat hailed us, we told them we were of Bombay. He went to the rest who presently fired a shott at us. We spread our colours, handed our small sailes and maingayle, they still fireing both great and small guns. We fired at them. The fight lasted till one in the afternoon, at which time they retreated about half an hour, and then it was calme. They sounded their trumpets and camo on againe, at which time I called to them againe, bid them send one boat on board, look on the ship and then if they thought they] could take her to fight againe. They came and demanded 2000 rupees, without which they would take the ship. I told them I knew of no wars between the English and the Sevajees, but if(there] was we were ready to fight againe, and would not fire againe at them before they came on board, They went with this answer to their Admiral and came againe and askt one hundred rupees and some rice. I told them I would give nothing. They had seen the ship; if they thought (they could take her, come away for we was ready. They rowed a little towards us and then went away to the Southward, which is all the remarkable hath been seen by
Your Honours humble Servt.
CHARLES PERRIN." Suratt, December 24th, 1697.
(India Office Records, 0. C. 6473.]
XVIII. A "MOOR” (MUHAMMADAN) SHIP MISTAKEN FOR A PIRATE, 1700.
The colours ordinarily used by the "Moors," i.e. Indian Muhammadans, were & plain red flag. Since all Europeans used the red or bloody flag as both a sigilah for attack
"We spread our colours and fired a gun to leeward, upon which they spread a Moores ensign all rod ko."-Log of the Charles the Second (Capt. John Dorrill), 3let Oot. 1697.

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and also as a sign of "No Quarter” or “No Surrender", in which signification it was also used as an emblem of Piracy, the Muhammadan flag was liable to be misunderstood by the Company's cruisers, especially when a ship carrying it refused to submit to examination. Captain White, being on the look out for pirates, considered it his duty to examine all suspicious vessels, and had, of course, to explain his conduct when regrettable incidents occurred. Declaration of Captain Richard White and officers regarding a fight with a
Muhammadan ship. “The 23rd day of February 1700 in the latitude of 21 degrees and 26 minutes North and Meridian Dist. West from St. John's96 2 degrees 39 minutes, att two of the clook in the afternoone, see a saile to windward of us with his larboard tacks on board, the wind att N. Wt. Wee stood towards him with our starboard tacks, and at four haveing gained allmost up with him, hoisted our colours, and hee not haveing sattisfyed us with a return of his, fired a shott, wide of his forefoot," for him to bear downe and acquaint us what hee was. Hee then hoisted red colours for a little time and hauled them down again, but would not bare downe, so wee tackt and weather'd up with him, and shortned saile under his lee, calling to him by one William Thornburye, our Pilott, in the Moors language, to brace too and inform us what hee was. I assured him wee were friends and that if hee was an Indian Trading Shipp or upon any honest account, 98 wee were the King of England's shipps and would doe him noe manner of damage, that we came to protect them by endeavouring to apprehend the Pirates, and told them if they had noe boate on board wee would send ours to sattisfy him what wee was and bee informed. what they were, but I had noe other answer than two or three shott one after another and without any colours, which entered the mainsayle and foresayle, and immediately thereupon in Moors language (as our Pilate informed us) cald out and bid us, “Goe to Hell ! Goe to Hell ! Wee wont acquaint you nor trust you. Goe to Hell !”
I bid him have a care what hee did except hee designed to have his shipp sunk, butt makeing the same return of words again and still fireing att us, I gave him my larboard broadside and doe suppose itt did some damage, after that backt astern and hauld up to windward of him, and gavo him my starboard broadside, which did him noe less damage. I plyed him in this manner till two of the clock this morning, having received severall shot from him in my sayles and rigging, but I thought it in vain, seeing him so resolute, to fire any more till brake of day, having disabled him and therefore [being] sure of him.
I must confess at last I took him for a Pirate or an Arab, who are very insolent in these parts, and fireing without his colours, as well as before the evening was sett in as after, did confirm me in the same opinion. I could not conceive him to be a Moors? ship, because they generally love peace and quietness att sea, and the next morning when I came up with him fir'd severall shott att me without colours. His rashness has caused his shipp to bee disabled, tho I endeavoured what I could to hinder itt if he would have
Sanjân, 88 miles north of Bombay. Soo Yule, Hobson-Jobson, ..v, Saint John's for the history of the term.-ED. 87 Foremost piece of the keel.-ED.
A ship was said to be on the account when she was engaged in piracy. " A ship belonging to an Indian Muhammadan. So Indian Hindus were known to the British as Gentoos or Gentilen.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS
As all these matters ought
comply'd with my demand in acquainting me what he was. to be justify'd by a faire account when requir'd, I have deliver'd this to the perusall of my officers to justify the thing with mee, as being satisfy'd to the truth of itt, and there being no opportunity to attest the same by affidavit.
I subscribe with them to all these transactions.
RICHARD WHITE; G. MARTIN, Lieut.; JAMES BARTLETT Mr., &c. &c."
[India Office Records, O. C. 7463.]
19
XIX.
HOW THE DUTCH WERE FRIENDS OF THE PIRATES, 1703.
Madagascar as a base for European piracy in the Red and Indian Seas had the advantage of its great security from attack and the facility with which stores could be replenished and crews recruited, but it was not a good market for booty. Thus the pirates considered themselves fortunate when they found that the Dutch Settlements on the Malabar Coast were quite ready to trade with them, of course sub rosa, taking their spoil in return for cash, stores, wine and provisions. To the Dutch this trade had a double advantage. It furnished them with proofs that the chief pirates belonged to the nation of their hated rivals, the English, and this information they handed on in such a way as to lead the native Government to believe that the pirates were really the ships of the English Company. On the other hand, what they bought cheap from the pirates they could sell again at good prices to their native customers or, if suitable, send to Europe. It was trade made easy as well as lucrative, 100
Some assistance also the pirates obtained from the French islands of Bourbon (Mascarine or Don Mascarenhas)1 and Mauritius. Here, however, the motive for their reception was the inability of the French Governors to offer any resistance.
Extract of a letter from Captain George Wesley3 to Mr. Pennyng, Chief at Calicut. Dated [Rajapur] 7 November 1703.
"Three years past one Captain Merrino, a Frenchman and French Company, took a ship belonging to Surat off or near Cape Aden and made a prize of her, wherein was considerable riches, and.... sailed for the island of Mascarenha [Bourbon], a general rendezvous for pirates, where the said Merrino is now settled and actually become an inhabitant. This relation I had from some of his own ship's Company, which are Frenchmen and belonged to the ship I was imprisoned in. The same year was taken, off St. John's [Sanjân], a Surat ship by the ship Speaker, whose Company consisted of all nations to my certain knowledge, the major part being now in the Pirates on the Coast, and the same
100 See also Episode XX, infra.
1 "The first inhabitants were pirates who settled here about 1657 bringing with them negro" (i.e. native Malagasy) women from Madagascar. Bernardin de St. Pierre, Voyage to the Isle of France, p. 192. Abandoned by the Dutch about 1712 and settled by the French from Bourbon. See Bernardin de St. Pierre, Voyage to the Isle of France, p. 54.
3 Commander of the Pembroke, taken by Bowen at Mayotta (Comoros) 10 March 1703 (Madras Consultations, 31 May 1703).

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Commander, John Bowen, here near Callequilon : they took Captain Conaway from Bengal, selling ship and goods in shares, i.e., one third part to a marchant of Callequilon, another third to a merchant of Porca, the other third to Malpa [? Tam. Mallappan) the Dutoh broker of this place, which relation I had from Captain Bowen and several of his Company; then left the Coast and sailed for the Island of Madagascar, but in the way was lost on the Island of Mauritius, on St. Thomas' Reef,where they were most courteously received and feasted, their sick carried into their fort and cured by their doctor, and a new sloop sold them and supplied with all sorts of necessities for their cutting her and making her a brigantine, which they performed by the middle of March, and took their leave of the Governor, giving him 2,000 pieces of eight, their vessels and necessaries, leaving their lascars with him to be conveyed for Surat, and being invited to make it a place for refreshment, sailed for the Island of Madagascar, where at a place on the east coast called Maritan, the Captain with a gang settled themselves till two Scotch ships or vessels falling in the port were both surprised and taken by them.
"By another gang which was settled at St. Augustine (St. Augustine's Bay) the ship Prosperous (Captain Hilliard) was taken. The remainder went for New Mathelege, 10 whero they gave the King their brigantine, where I saw her and left her when the pirates sailed from thence. The pirates, having these three in their possession, in searching after one another, lost one of the Scotch vessels, but at last two met at Mayotta Comoros], where it was my misfortune to fall into their hands and detained by them after they had slain my chief mate and another European and plundered what they pleased, let the ship go and sailed for Methelage ; from thence to the islands of Mayotte and Johanna, from thence to the highlands of St. John's, off which and at Surat's river mouth they took two sail of Surat ships from Moca; she at the river's mouth was taken by Thomas Howard in the Prosperous, the other by John Bowen in the Speedy Return, e Scotch ship; having taken the following sums out of each ship, vizt., out of her taken at the river's mouth 168,000 pieces of eight, counting each piece of gold two pieces of eight. In the other ship was taken 88,000 pieces of eight, at the same reckoning. One ship they left adrift at Daman11 without anchor or cable, the other they carried to Rajapore. 13
"Thus by the help of our friends' (i.e., the Dutch of Mauritius) brigantine have been taken six sail of ships and hundreds of people) ruined. Here in Rajapore was both the pirates ships burnt and both Companies transported on board the Surat ship, detaining about 70 lagoars, mounting 56 guns and 164 fighting mon, of which part
Capt. John Conaway in the Borneo was taken by the Speaker (Capt. John Bowen) on the Malabar Coast, 28 October 1701. India Ofice Records, 0.0.7768.
6 Cully Quilou (Kdyankalam), a port in Quilon division, Travancore.-ED. • Porca (Purakkada) on the coast of Travancore.Ed.
Probably one of the group of small islands to the north of Mauritius-name now apparently forgotten.-ED.
• Probably Antongil Bay in the district or local kingdom of Androns whose principal fortress was Marotándrana.-ED.
There were the Speedy Return (Capt. Robert Drummond) and the Content Brigantine (Capt. Stowart) 19 This placo, called also in Episode XX infra (p. 62) Masse ledge, seems to represent Masomeloka on a emall inlet on the cast coast of Madagascar just below lat. 20°.ED. 11 Daman, on the coast of Gujarat.
"11 RAJApur, Ratnagiri District, Bombay.

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21
are 43 English, the better part of the Company French, the rest Negroes, Dutch &o. nations that cries 'yaw '13; from where they sailed to the Coast of Mallabar, and about three leagues to the northward of Cochin they anchored and fired several guns, but no boat coming off the quartermaster want near the shore and had conference by boat with the people, who supplied them next day with hogs &c. refreshments. And from Malpa (Mallappan) the Dutch broker came a messenger, who advised of the ship Rhimae, 14 her being in Mud Bay, 15 and that if the pirates would take her he would buy her of them; this I heard myself, and that they should be supplied with pitch, tar and other necessaries.
"I took an opportunity to ask the messenger, Who sends the things on board ? Not knowing but that I was one of the pirates, [he] told me, The Dutch, but he should be sont off with them. But before he brought them on board I got clear of the pirates. There had been several Dutch on board before I got ashore, and since my abode here for my health I have seen no difference, ( in their treatment between a pirate and a merchant ship, both black and white flocking off with all sorts of merchandizes and refreshments, jewels, plate and what not, returning with coffers of money. And Malpa, tho broker, has been so impudent as to offer them to sails? sell]a small ship, which they want and asked one Thomas Punt 18 to carry her off to them, who denied him, telling him, now he was not ashamed to show his face, but should he be guilty of so base an action, he must never see the face of his countrymen (again), which made the gentleman change his countenance.
"Thus are these villains encouraged by our pretended friends, which Auga Rhimae [Agha Rahmân) cannot chuse but soe; and, if at his arrival at Surat [he] will speak the truth, must declare the same. I would have waited on him to that purpose, but so feared of being taken notice of and lose the benefit of the physician, which at present I am in great need of, I dare not do it.
“These being the heads of what I remember and what I heard and had from their mouths in discourse at several times from the reports of the pirates on board them in my seven months imprisonment, having omitted nothing but the many hazards of life and abuses received from these villains &c. &c.
GEORGE WESLEY." [T. B. Howell's State Trials, Vol. XIV., p. 1302. ] (To be continued.)
THE MUNDESVARI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF UDAYASENA :
THE YEAR 30.
BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, B.A.; CALCUTTA. This inscription was discovered near the temple of Mundesvart on a hill close to the village of Ramgarh, seven miles south-west of Bhabua in the Bhabuan sub-division of the district of Shahâbâd, Bihar. One part of the stone bearing the inscription was found about twenty-eight years ago, and it was in 1903 that the removal of the débris around the temple
13 People, (Germans and Scandinavians) who say ja 'yaw ") for yes. H 1..., the ship belonging to Aghå Rahman. See infra.-ED. 16 Probably the inlot of Machhakundi (the Fishpond) off Rajapur.-ED.
1J As Captain of the Hoses he was captured by the pirate John Halsey in August 1707. Halsey plu...dered the ship and let her go. Surat Factory Records. Letter from Robt. Adams, 17 Sept 1707.

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led to the discovery of the other part. The two pieces were sent to the Indian Museum, Calcutta, at different dates. They were afterwards joined together by an iron band, and are now to be found in the Inscription Gallery of the Museum. A summary of its contents appeared in the late Dr. Bloch's Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey, Bengal Circle, for the year 1904, pp. 9-10.1 It was subsequently edited by Mr. R. D. Banerji in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, p. 289f and Plate. As Mr. Banerji's transcript and translation of the epigraph can be amended in more than one place and as his conclusions about the age of the record are in my opinion open to some doubt, no excuse, I think, is needed for re-editing the inscription.
The stone consists of four faces. The inscription is on one face only, and above that is sculptured a half five-leaved water-lily; there are traces of bold lettering at the back and also on one of the sides. The inscription consists of 18 lines of well-executed writing covering a space of about 2' high by 1-1" broad. Some of the letters between the two halves of the stone, now pieced together, have been broken away and lost. The lower part of the first half containing the last two lines has been destroyed, and the letters of even the preceding line are greatly damaged. Otherwise, the writing is in a perfect state of preservation and is generally legible throughout. The size of the letters in line 1 (which records the date) is larger than those in the rest of the inscription ; roughly it varies from 4/5" to 2/5". The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. They are, speaking generally, similar to those of the Allâhâbåd pillar-inscription of Samudragupta, with some differences in details, e.g. the formation of p, 8, l, medial i and e and subscript r. They also bear a family likeness to those of the Meherauli pillar-inscription of Chandra, the Mathura inscription of Chandragupta II and the Barabar and Nagarjuni cave-inscriptions of Anantavarman. It is a fact worthy of notice that almost all the characters of the Munce vari inscription are Early Gupta in type and traceable to the records of that period. The paleography of the inscription will be discussed later ; meanwhile, in regard to the form of some of the individual letters the following points may be worth noting, most of which appear to have been overlooked by Mr. Banerji. The first line contains no less than six box-shaped superscript i-s, but in the following lines it is of the usual cursive type : in viditvd. l. 12 we have to note the later type of i-kara (in di) which is, however, the only instance of the type that the record contains. An exact parallel of the promiscuous use of box-shaped and cursive i-s is to be found in the Meherauli pillar-inscription of Chandra. Interesting also is the form of (e.g. in -kaliyam, 1. 8) which from about the middle of the fourth century A.D. begins to appear in the Northern alphabet, e.g. in parts IV and V of the Bower MS. (ed. Hoernle, Table II) and the Karamţândâ inscription of Kumâragupta. dated G.E. 117. The medial # is formed by a hook as in the Allahâbâd pillar-inscription as well as by thickening the lower end of the stem (e.g. in 'nupdlanam, 1. 8). The medial i is of the regular Early Gupta type as in the Gadhwa inscriptions of Chandragupta II and Kumâragupta (e.g. in púrvvdyam, 11, 12 and 13 of the two inscriptions respectively). The ai consists of two superscribed strokes (e.g, in-taila, 1. 9) as in the Meherauli pillarinscription. The characters include the very rare final t in l. 15 and final m in 1. 18, and
1 See also Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India, 1902-3, p. 43. 2 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, PI. I.
Ibid., PI. XXIA. Ibid., PI, III-A. 6 Ibid., Pls. XXX-B, XXXI-A and XXXI-B.
See FQI., PL, XXI.A. . Ted VA Y Panneita r. 7
• FGL. P. IV. B and C.

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23
the rather rare i and f in 11. 1 and 16 respectively. As regards i which occurs twice in conjunct groups, it resembles exactly the same letter e.g. in the Barabar cave-inscription of Anantavarman (in sdriga, 1. 6) and varies in position as it stands (cf. trindao and dvdviisa°, 1. 1). The y is invariably tripartite. The superscript is shown above the vertical ; but in the case of y only it is written on the line. The d is added on to a superscribed r. 10 Particularly interesting is the rare sign of interpunction which occurs four times in the inscription in 11. 6 and 11). This sign is similar to the one ocourring in the Bower MS. which dates from about the middle of the fourth century A.D. according to Hoernle (cf. Table V). The symbol om is of the dextrorsal form having much resemblance to those occurring in the same MS.11 and the Barabar cave-inscription of Anantavarman.12
The language is Sanskrit prose throughout, excepting the last two lines containing an imprecatory verse of which a portion only is now extant. It is, however, not always grammatically correct and contains at least four colecisms13 e.g. the wrong use of the affix ktvách in prartthayitva, 1. 4; the violation of the rule of euphony in may-etat, 1.6; the irregular case-ending in tandula-prastha-dvayan, 1. 8; and the use of masculine (or neuter) for feminine in asmin, 1.2, and neuter for masculine in clal. 1. 6. In karitaka, 1. 6, we have to note the addition of the affix ka. Cf. Cupta Insers, P. 69 and Kielhorn, Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 159, n. 7. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are the following: the use of a guttural nasal instead of an anusvára before the palatal 614 in tribati[me) and dvdvinsatime, 1. 1, the use of a labial nasal instead of an anusvåra twice in the word sambatsara, ll. 1 and 2, where we have also to note the use of b for v; the doubling of t in conjunction with a following rin pittroh, 1. 8 and of a letter except y after a superscript r in pûrvvdyam, 1.2, a-chandrårk ka°, 1. 7, and wd, 1. 13; th becomes tth after & superscript r in prartthayitva, 1. 4 and naivedy. artthai. 1.8final t and m are written somewhat lower than the line (e.g in vaset, l. 15 and púrvvdyam, 1.2); the medial a-stroke varies in length (cf. yathakaldo, 1. 12 and mahasamanta, 1.2); the absence of an avagraha before nupalanam, l. 18; the change of an anusvára to a palatal nasal in uklan=cha, 1. 16.; final m has been retained, where anusvara should have taken its place, in púrvuyam, 1.2 and-nikayam, 1.11 ; and the dh of the conjunct dhy is doubled in -addhyâsi°, 1. 12. As regards lexicography, the words koshthika, 1.7. yathakal. addhyasin, 1. 12 and tapovanika, 1. 13 deserve to be noted. The first word, viz. koshthika is found probably in a Gadhwå stone inscription (Fleet's Gupta Inscrs., p. 268, 1. 3) and certainly in a Damodarpur copper-plate of the reign of Budhagupta.15 There is doubt that the koshthika of our inscription clearly means 'store-room', inasmuch as provision is made for the supply of oil and rice therefrom. The word kotthaka ( Sk. koshthaka) which is found in the Pâli literature, in connection with vihara, appears also to have the same sense.16 Mr. Banerji, however, renders the word koe
9FGI., PL. XXX-B, 1. 6 and of. Bower MS., Table I.
10 This is an archaic sign. Cf., e.g. the Násik cave-inscription of Ushabhadâta, Ep. Ind., Vol VIII, PI. IV, opposite p. 78. 11 Bower MS., Intro. (Bombay, 1914), p. 22, fig. 8.
13 FGI., PL. XXXB, 1. 3. 13 Such violations of the rules of Sanskrit grammar are characteristic of the documents of th. Early Gupta period-cf. Hoernle's remarks, op. cit., pp. 73-5.
14 Cf. Buhler's remarks, Indian Palaography (Eng. Trans.), p. 47.
16 A transcript of this inscription, which will be shortly published in the Epiyraphra, was kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. Radhagovinda Basak. For the Gadhwa inscription, cf. infra. p. 23, n. 48.
16 It has been translated by Jacobi and Rhys Davids as 'store room':-See Vinayapitaka, SBĖ., Vol. XX, pp. 109, n. 1 and 177, n. 1. Cf. also the Sanskrit words koshtha and koskthagara and Marathi kothi (Molesworth's Marathi-English Dict., 6.v.) which are all used in this sense.

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.
by treasury'. But this interpretation is controvertible as rice and oil are surely not things which may be expected to be hoarded up in treasuries. The next word, viz. yathakal Addhyásin has been rendered by him as 'who arrive at the proper time', and Professor Sten Konow suggests' those who come and worship from time to time' (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 290 and n. 4). Even previous to this the expression was known from a number of epigraphic documents, e.g. the Deobaranark inscription of Jivitagupta, 17 the Khâlim pur copper-plate of Dharmapala, 18 the Lucknow Museum oopper-plate of Balavarmadeva 19 and some Orissa Inscriptions, such as the Kațak copper-plates of Mahâbhavagupta. 20 It occurs again in the recently published copper-plates of Kulastambha.81 Fleet translated it as 'those who presided at different times' (Gupta Inscrs., p. 218), and Kielhorn as 'as they may be present from time to time' (Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 250), and also as present and future' (ante, 1891, p. 123). The editor of the grants of Kulastambha, M. M. Haraprasad Sastri, most conveniently omits the expression in his translation. I am afraid, however, that its proper sense has not yet been properly understood, and the interpretations proposed are open to criticism. The clue to its real meaning is, in my opinion, furnished by the Faridpur grants (ed. Pargiter, ante, 1910, pp. 195, 200 and 204) which have adhyasanakale in the sense of during the administration (op'. Again, whonever in inscriptions the expression yathakal-Adhydsin is used as an adjective, it is invariably found to qualify certain administrative functionaries. For instance, in the Lucknow Museum copper-plate it is an adjective of rajakulas or royal dynasties', and in the Katak copperplate of Mahâbhavagupta, of certain officers like samdhartin, sannidhat, in, niyuktaka and so forth. The only natural conclusion that suggests itself to me is, therefore, that when it is used adjectively it means, those who administer from time to time', and when substantively, the successive administrative officers' 28 In the present record the allusion is most probably to the officers who had to superintend the various affairs of the majha. The next word that deserves our attention is tápovanika. Mr. Banerji wrongly read it as - Apovanika and took it in the sense of the merchants who trade on the waters (?)'. The word should, however, be read as tá povanika and derived from tapovana. It would naturally mean the inhabitants of the tapovana, ie, the ascetics, who are in all likelihood the mahants or pontiffs of the magha.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Mahdadmanta Mahapralihara Mahardja Udayasena, and is dated, in words, the 22nd of Kårttika of the year 80 of an unspecified era. Its object is to record the erection of a matha of the god Viniteśvara, the daily provision of two prasthas of rice and one pala of oil for the offering and lamp respectively, as well as certain other gifts of the value of 50 dindras by the dandandyaka Gomibhata.
But what is the age of the inscription? This question has been discussed by Mr. Banerji (op. cit., p. 285f) who is of opinion that the record belongs to the first part of the seventh century A.D. This theory is apparently traceable to the remarks of the late Dr. Bloch in his Annual Report, p. 9. According to him, the date of the inscription, viz. the year 30, from the shape of the characters must be referred to the Harsha era of A.D. 106. This gurmise on the part of Dr. Bloch has, however, not been substantiated.
17 FGI., pp. 216, 218. 19 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 260, 245, n. 3. 19 Ante, 1891, p. 123. 20 Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 347, 11. 5-6.
21 JBORS., Vol. II, pp. 402, l. 21 and 406, 1. 10. The word yathakdf-adhydyin which occurs in the Sonpur plates of Someivaradova (Ep. Ind. VOL XII, p. 240) is evidently a mistake.

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by subsequent research, so far as I know, and I cannot bring myself to accept it. But to prove my point it is necessary to go into details. Our inscription is on stone and comes from Bihar. To study its palæography, therefore, it is but natural to take into cognizanoe other lithic records discovered in the same province. And if the characters of our inscription are found to be essentially similar to those of any other Bihar inscription, whose date is known, we may very well rest assured that the former cannot be far removed in date from the latter. Now, if it be assumed by scholars that the Mundesvari inscription belongs to the seventh century A.D., as no doubt Mr. Banerji has done, it is to be expected that the alphabetic characteristics of that epigraph should be found to prevail in other seventh century Bihar inscriptions also. Roughly speaking, they must be found in such stone records as were incised in Bihar at least between A.D. 600 and 800. And such inscriptions are the Bodhgay& insoription of Mahânâman, dated 588-89 A.D. 93 and the Aphsad inscription of Adityasena 21 whose date must fall in the latter half of the seventh century A.D. The question therefore arises : whether the characters of the Muqdegvari inscription, if it is to be assigned to this period, are similar to those of the above two records. A comparison of the letters k, r, , h, y, the medials i and i and so forth of the Mundeśvari inscription with those of the Aphsad inscription is enough to show that these two records can never be relegated to the same period. The latter, as Fleet rightly says, "really differs but little from the modern Devanagari” (Gupta Inscrs., p. 202), while the former as I have already stated, presents alphabetic forms which are traceable to epigraphs of the Early Gupta period (supra, p.22). For instance, in the former the letter k consists of a plain curved line intersecting a straight upright, whereas in the latter the right part of the curve develops into a loop. The letter in the former is & mere straight upright without any appendage, while in the latter not only does its lower end develop into a wedge but the right extremity of even that wedge is elongated. The most interesting letter, however, is y which is tripartite in the former, but a 'fully developed Devanagari' in the latter. Again, the tails of the curves of medial i and i are in the latter regularly drawn down low and fully expressed, but they are in all cases but one absent in the former.36 Even setting aside these and other differences, in alphabetic forms which it is useless to enumerate, the great fact remains that the Mundesvari inscription contains right-angled' whereas the Aphsad 'acuteangled ', forms of letters. It is, therefore, but reasonable to place the former considerably earlier than the latter. But we may go even one step further and say that it is earlier than even the Bodhgaya inscription of Mahåndman which is also in acute-angled characters like the Åphsad inscription, and likewise presente some modern Någari forms. The palæography of the Mundesvari inscription, therefore, leaves no doubt that it is to be placed earlier than at least the latter half of the sixth century A.D. The year 30 of the record cannot be, therefore, referred to the Harsha era of. A.D. 606, and as such there remains no other known era to which it may be assigned except the Gupta era of A.D. 318-19. The date of the record thus becomes equivalent to A.D. 348-49.
It seems to me that by not following the above method of settling the date of the inscription Mr. Banerji has placed himself in serious difficulties. In his paper on the Patiakella grant of the Mahârâja Sivarâja, dated [G. E.1 283A.D. 602 he makes
23 FGI., p. 274.
34 Ibid, p. 200.
* For these details seo Ind. Pal., pp. 54-6.

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the following remark about its palæography: “The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets and are in every respect similar to those of the Mundeśvari inscription of Udayasena, from the Shahabad district ” (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 286). This general remark he has illustrated in extenso by definite examples, but they are, I am compelled to say, far from being of a convincing nature. For, he himself admits, for instance, that the letters y (which is tripartite) and of the Mundesvari inscription are of the Early Gupta type 'a point of great importance which seems to have been missed when he assigns the record to the Harsha era and refers it to A.D. 636. This conclusion is based by him on a consideration of the affinity of characters existing between this inscription with those of the years 34 and 39 (of the Harsha era) from Nepal (op. cit., p. 289). But I submit, this comparison, and consequently the conclusion that it leads to, are incorrect. First, because, inscriptions of the same provenance, although they are available, have not been brought together for comparison which is a mistake in any palæographio examination of a scientific nature. There is no paucity of stone inscriptions, which date from the Harsha period and are not distant from the place whence our record comes, such e.g. as the Bodhgaya inscription of Mahânâman and the Âphsa inscription of Adityasena referred to above. Secondly, mere similarity of character between any two inscriptions is not enough to show that they necessarily belong to the same period, especially when they are separated by long distances. This important point is undoubtedly admitted by Bühler, who points out that the eastern variety of the epigraphic Gupta alphabet of the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. represented e.g. by the Allah& båd pillarinscription of Samudragupta is to be found even in Pandit Bhagvanlal's inscriptions from Nepal26 which belong to the seventh century A.D. But if we follow Mr. Banerji's line of argument we shall be compelled to assign the Allâhâbâd pillar-inscription to the age of the Nepal inscriptions--a conclusion which I am afraid, no palmographist can ever bring himself to accept. The Mundesvari inscription cannot, therefore, precisely for the same reason, be brought in a line with the Nepal inscriptions; a fact which is in oppo. sition to the remark of Mr. Banerji that “The palæography of the epoch beginning with the last half of the sixth and ending with the first half of the seventh century A.D. can nowhere be studied with greater advantage than in Nepal.” (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 286.)
It has been stated above that the inscription is throughout in right-angled characters, but the inscriptions with which it has been chronologically grouped by Mr. Banerji, viz. the Bodhgayâ and Aphsad inscriptions, are in acute-angled characters. This fact is rather interesting as it has an important bearing on the chronology of the records in question. Acute-angled form of letters has been acoepted by Bühler as a prominent characteristic of the North Indian epigraphs from the sixth century A.D. onwards. 17 And Mr. Banerji too, does not seem to have disputed it.28 It is difficult to reconcile this with the fact that the Mundesvari inscription, which is assigned by him to the seventh century A.D., is entirely in right-angled instead of acute-angled characters, In discussing the palæography of the four Faridpur grants99 which he calls spurious, Mr. Banerji explains
26 Ind. Pal., p. 46.
3 Ibid., p. 49. 38 "The presence of the acute-angle," he admite," is also another important feature in the determination of the characteristics of the alphabet." -JASB., N.S., Vol. VII, p. 295.
20 The Evidence of the Faridpur granto-Ibid.

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It by asserting that “In the Eastern variety of the Northern alphabet the latest use of the right-angled characters seems to be in the Mundesvari inscription." But to my mind this statement has not been proved and should therefore be treated as a personal opinion only. As I have already said, just because this record presents right-angled characters it must be taken to be of an earlier age than the Bodhgayâ inscription of Mahanaman which shows the acute-angled form of letters. And does not Bühler in formulating his theory about acute-angled inscriptions, refer to this record as the earliest example ? 30 Mr. Banerji no doubt anticipates this palæographic difficulty and in his second paper on the alleged spuriousness of the Faridpur grants, 31 meets it, to my mind unconvincingly, by saying that the Bodhgaya inscription "should never be taken to be the prototype of the Eastern variety of the Northern Indian epigraphs of the sixth century A.D.,” because, “it cannot be said that the characters represent the ordinary epigraphic alphabet of the Northeastern India of the sixth century." But what is this specimen of the ordinary epigraphic alphabet of the North-eastern India of the sixth century?' This obviously is the Mundesvari inscription, and the Bodhgaya inscription, therefore, can only become extraordinary because, it presents much more advanced forms' than those of the former. In my judgment this is putting the cart before the horse. Instead of regarding the Mundesvari inscription as prior to the Bodhgayâ record, as logical reasoning would require ug it becomes necessary to maintain that the former is posterior to the latter. The Bodhgayê inscription becomes the ordinary epigraphic alphabet of the North-eastern India of the sixth century if it be but regarded as of a later period. En passant it may be remarked that Mr. Banerji has used the palæography of this record which he places in the seventh century A.D. as one of the evidences to show that the Faridpur grants are forgeries. But if my contention is proved to be right his arguments would lose much of their force. And there seems no objection to taking the documents as original, as Mr. Pargiter has done: This question, however, I leave aside for discussion in a subsequent paper.
Text. 32 1 Om (1) Sambatsare34 triñba[ti)36 [Karttika
divase dv&yjábatimo.56 2 asmin 37 = sambatsara 38-masa-[di]- -
-pûrv vâyâm 39 śri-mahâsâmanta. 3 mah&pratihâra-maharaj.0-yasena-40
râjye kulapati-Bhagudalana-41 4 S-sadevanikåyam" danda-yaka 13.
Gomibhatena prårtthayitva 44 30 See Ind. Pal., p. 49. 31 Four Forged granta from Faridpur -JASB., N.S., Vol. X, pp. 433 4. 83 From the original stone and a set of ink impressions. 33 Expressed by a symbol. 31 Read andateare. 35 Restore trüs gatime which should be corrected to tri miattame. 36 Should be corrected to dva virheatitame. For forms like this, of., e.g. FOI, p. 268, 1. 1. 37 Should be corrected to asyat.
88 Read aanvataara. 39 Restore- divasa- and supply tithau. Cf. such date wordings in other Gupta records. 40 Restore -Odayatend.
41 The last letter seems to have been inadvertently omitted, but afterwards engraved above the preceding letter la in & somewhat smaller form. Road Bhagudalanath au-devanikdyam.
4 Restore dandandyakau Should be corrected to prarthayitya.

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5 måtâ-pittror = âtmana = cha pu[ny)-abhi
vsiddhaye Viniteśvara-matha-sama6 vesam may=etat" = kâritakat (*1–46
Narayana-devakulasya [|] 17 7 Śrf-Mandalesvarasvâmi[pâ]-[ya).48
koshthikâtah -chandr-arkka - sama8 kaliyamrakshayam prati— _49naivedy ,
arttham tandula-prastha-dvayam 51 9 [di]patailapalasya ch=1- -[ba]ndhah52
kâritah sri-Mangaleśvara10 svâmipâdânâm vi[chchhitti?)- -ta
tantra- sådhâranan 63 panchasatâm 11 dînârâņâm go- ba[li] 61-ja-bhakt-ady
upakaramâni [] 12 devanikâyasya da[tta)--[de]vam55 viditvå
yathakal - addhy&[s]i[bhi] 13 tậpovanikair56=vvê ya- [ni]baddhasya 57
vighấto na kå[rya] *]
45 matham = etat-Mr. Banerji. But the reading is very clear both on the stone and the impressions.
16 Restore Sr. 47 This sign of punctuation is used also in 11. 11 and 16. The one after -devakulasya is superfluous; it should have naturally come after kdritakam.
18 Sri-Mandaleivarasvdmipaddya koshthikdtah-Mr. Banerji. Restore -pádlya-koshthikatah and cf. Chittra (kejat asudmiddlya-koshthikata in Gupta Inscr8., p. 268, 1. 3. Floot, however, reads the passage as Chittraskatasudmi-pddlya-koshthe(?)ta. and translates it as 'belonging to the entrance of .. .. which belongs to the foot of the divine (god) ChittrakūtasvAmin'. The inscription, which is partially damaged, saye (1. 3) that an image of Anantasvâmipada was installed and that an endowment made for the purpose of providing perfumes, incense, garlands, &c., and of executing repairs' (1). 2-4). And in connection with the gift ocours the expression bhaga [va]ch-Chittra[kju asumipadiya-koshthel?)ta. In all these particulars the inscription resembles so much the Mundesvari inscription that I am led to think that we would not at all be wide of the mark if the above correction be adopted. Moreover, it is also very likely that the expression datta dvddaša, between which and the above expression there is a lacuna, means that twelve dinaras were the value of the grant (cf. other Gadhwå inscriptions where we find mention of similar gifts made). I do not think Fleet is right in his conjecture that the gift 'consisted of some land at a village' which belonged to the god Chittrakūtasvåmin and that this was the same god Anantasvâmin under a different name. From Mandalesvara. svamin I believe was derived the name of the hill which was probably called Mandalesvara, and it is just possible that we have an echo of this word in the modern name Mundesvari. Similarly, we have in the Gadhw& inscription the name Chitrakutastámin which means the lord of the Chitrakuta hill (op. cit., p. 268 and n. 1). 49 Restore pratidinai.
60 Read .arthan. 61 Should be correoted to dvaryasya. 52 Restore ropanibandhah. 63 I am unable to restore or interpret this passage. 54 Restore probably -sraja. 55 Restore nyetadzevam.
56 redpovunikair-Mr. Banerji. Read with Prof. Konow tápovanikair- and correct it to ()Etapovanikair.
67 yathanibaddhasya-Mr. Banerji. Restore yath-opanibaddhasya.

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14 Evam = abhisrâvito yo - 258 kuryt=8
mahapatakais = 8815 --ke59 vaset [*] Evan--avadhåranayâ60
madhya... bhaka - ... - tam61 - iti Uktan-cha ........ yatnád = raksha Yudhishthira ......... dånach = ohhreyo = nup&lanam1 [ll].
Translation.
On. (Line 1.) In the year 30, on the 22nd day of Karttika-on the aforesaid year, month and day, in the reign of the Mahdsdmanta, Mahápratihara and Maharaja63 Udayasena, the establishment of this Vinîtesvara-mathat has been made by me, the Dandandyaka Gomibhata 65 after having propitiated the kulapati 66 Bhagudalana together with the temple-committee67 (of this place) for the increase of the religious merit of (my) father, mother and myself. (L. 6.) Provision68 has also been made to supply every day, and pormanently, as long as the sun and moon endure, two prasthas of rice for the votive offering and one pala of oil for the lamp, from the store-room of sri-Madalesvarasvâmipada of the temple of [éri]-Narayana. (L. 9.) (And also) cow, offering, garland, cooked rice and other articles, of (the value of 50 dinara369...... (for) sri-MandalesvaraSyâmipada are made over to the temple-committee. (L. 12.) Having known this the (above) arrangement should not be transgressed by the successive) administrative officers or the hermits. (L. 14.) This being notified, whoever acts to the contrary, shall live in hell with great sins (L. 15). Thus according to the decree? ......... O! Yudhishthira preserve with care ......... preservation is better than gift
5 Restore =nyatha.
59 Restore -saha narake. 60 Restore yath.. This portion was left unrestored by Mr. Banerji. 61 I am unable to restore or interpret this passage. 02 The restoration of this customary verse is not attempted. 63 For the association of these titles soe Fleet's remarks, Gupta Inscrs., p. 18, n. 4.
64 I.e, the matha dedicated to the god Vinsteśvara. The word as personal name oocura in the Lalitavistara (ed, R. L. Mitra), pp. 4, 6. Acoording to Prof. Lüders, "Names ending in tavara always refer to buildings consecrated to Siva" (Ep. Ind. Vol. IV, p. 337, n. 1). In that case, Vinflehara and Mandalesvara would be epithets of Biva also. Mandalesa is the name of a diva referred to in an Arthuna inscription, Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV. p. 302.
66 Cf. names like Gomisvdmin and Gomika of the BhiţA seals, ASR., 1911-12, p. 113, Nos. 67-60. and also Gupta Insors., p. 108, L 3.66 1.e. teacher, something like an Acharya, see Monier Williams 8. v.
67 devanikaya. Mr. Banerji renders it as 'Council of gods (1 Brahmans)'. For its use in the above technical sense see now Talesvara copper-plates, Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, pp. 116, 119.
68 wpanibandha. This is a technical word and is probably the same as nibandha which means an arrangement or assignment. The word abhindvita, l. 14, is also, I presume, technically used. CL. Adeila end nibaddha, Karle and Nasik cave inscriptions, Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 68 and Vol. VIII, p. 84; see also Gupta Insors., p. 71, 1. 11.
This would be the earliest reference to the coin in Indian inscriptions. For other references see Gupta Insors., pp 31-2, 38, 40, 41, 261, 265; the Faridpur grante, anto, 1910, pp. 195, 200 and 204 ; the five Damodarpur grants to be published by Mr. Basak in Ep. Ind. ;.aud a Bodhgaya inscription (ed. Bloch,) ASR.; 1908-9, p. 163.
70 yath-dvadhdranayd. The word auadhidrana, I find, is similarly used in Mr. Pargiter's Faridpur copper-plates e.g. ante, 1910, p. 195, L 10 and Mr. Basak's copper-plates from Damodarpur.

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DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD. BY PROF. DR. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; CALCUTTA. (Continued from Vol. XLVIII, p. 83.)
APPENDIX A. The approximate, dato of the rise of the Batavahana Power. No account of the Dekkan of the Satavahana period is complete without a consideration of the most probable date of the rise of the Satavahana power, regarding which two theories have been propounded. The one accepted by me in this article agrees with that of Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, and is based upon certain chronological statements of the Purâņas. These I intend to consider here with a view to show how far they agree with facts taken as established.
The duration assigned by the Purâņas to the Maurya dynasty is 137 years, and if we take 322 B.C. as the date of its foundation, its overthrow and the foundation of the Sunga family must have occurred in 185 B.C. The Suigas are generally stated in the Puranas to have reigned for 112 years, and the Kanvas 45. But as both ruled simultaneously, we have to deduct only 112 from 185 to get 73 B.C. as the date when the Andhras came to power. This is the view of Sir Ramkrishna, and no argument of any importance has yet been adduced to contradict it. I am not unaware that the inscription of Khâravela, king of Kalinga, in the Hâthigumphâ in the Udaygiri Hills near Cuttack in Orissa speaks of a king called Satakarni, protector of the West, who has been identified with the third king of the Satavahana dynasty described above. Its date is 165th year of the Maurya era corresponding to c. 157 B.C., and it may, therefore, be argued that the date 73 B.C. assigned to the foundation of the Satavihana dynasty is impossible when the third ruler of that family, viz. Satakarņi, has to be placed about 157 B.C. But then it must be borne in mind that it is now-a-days being questioned whether Khâravela's inscription contains any date at all, and that Prof. Lüders, who has recently carefully read the record with the help of excellent estam pages prepared by the Archæological Department, emphatically declares that it contains no date at all.2 So the opposition to our theory based upon the date of the Khâravela epigraph has no solid grounds to stand upon. I am also aware of the palæographic difficulty that has been urged against the date 73 B.C. for the rise of the Satavahana power. But then if the question is properly considered, it will be seen that the difficulty does not arise at all. Such an illustrious palæographist as Bühler has told us that the Nânâghât and Sânchi inscriptions of the Satakarni and the Hathigumph& inscription of Khåravela are exactly of the same period. He has also told us that “the differences between the characters of Gotamiputa Satakarni's and those of the Nanaghat documents are such that it is not possible to place them, as Pandit Bhagwanlal has also seen, at a distance of more than about 100 years." This quotation is from Bühler's article on the Nânåghât inscriptions ; but when he wrote it, Bühler was of opinion that Gautamiputra Satakarņi lived shortly before the middle of the first century B.C., and accordingly he assigned these records to
1 JRAS., 1910, 242 ff. and 824 ft.
List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 1345. An attempt has recently Loon made by Mr. K. P. Jayawal and Mr. R. D. Banerji to revive the theory that the inscription contains a date (JBORS.. 1917, 449 ft. and 488 ff.) But see also Dr. R. C. Majumdar's criticism on it, Ante, 1918, 223-4.
3 ASWI., V, 73.

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200-150 B.C. What is strange is that when this opinion of Bühler's about the age of the inscriptions is now quoted, the date he then ascribed to Gautamiputra Satakarni is entirely lost sight of. Subsequently, however, Bühler changed his mind, and came round to the view of Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar that Gautamiputra Satakarni flourished about A.D. 124.. If we now subtract 100 from this 124 to account for the difference of character as proposed by Bühler, we get A.D. 24 as the approximate date for the Nânâghâț, Sâñchi and Hâthigumphâ inscriptions. If A.D. 24 can thus be the date of the third king of the Satavahana dynasty, this cannot but confirm the date, viz. A.D. 73, we have assigned to its foundation.
APPENDIX B.
Vilivayakura and Sivalakura of the Kolhapur coins.
31
Nearly forty-two years ago, certain coins were discovered in Kolhapur near the hill of Brahmapurî, north-west of the town. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji was the first to give an account of them in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XIII, p. 303ff., and identify the names occurring on these legends with those of the Satavahana dynasty-an inference which has been more or less adopted by all the scholars that have subsequently written on the subject. The legends on these coins have been read as follows:
Raño Vâsithîputasa Vilivâyakurasa. Raño Mâḍhariputasa Sivala kurasa. Raño Gotamiputasa Vilivâyakurasa.
With regard to the reading of these legends no doubt has been or can be raised. It is, however, when the question of identifying these princes turns up that a divergence of views is perceptible. Pandit Bhagwanlal took Vilivâyakura and Sivalakura to be mere titles, identified the first with Vâsishthîputra Pulumâvi, the second with Mâḍharîputra Sakasena and the third with Gautamiputra Sri Yajña Satakarni, and further deduced the conclusion that as Mâḍhariputra of the Kolhapur coins re-struck the coins of Vâsishthiputra, whereas those of the former were in turn re-struck by Gautamiputra, Vâsish thîputra, Mâḍhariputra and Gautamiputra succeeded to the Andhrabhṛitya throne in that order. His views were endorsed by the late Dr. Bühler.5 In the Early History of the Dekkan, however, Vilivâyakura and Sivalakura are taken to be the names of viceroys and identified, the former with the Baleokouros of Ptolemy, Vâsishthîputra with Vasish thîputra Pulumâvi and Gautamiputra with Gautamiputra Sri Yajña Sâtakarui and not with the father of Puļumavi, Gautamiputra Satakarni, who never reigned in the Dekkan. And as Vilivâyakura was the viceroy of two kings, viz. Vâsisht hiputra and Gautamiputra, it is argued that one of these was the immediate successor of the other, and Śrî Yajña, being the later, must be considered to be Pulumâvi's immediate successor. Madharîputra has been therein identified with Mâḍharîputra Sakasena, who is taken to be a successor, but not the immediate one, of Sri Yajña. Dr. V. A. Smith also regards the princes of the Kolhapur coins as belonging to the Andhrabhṛitya dynasty, but identifies Gautamiputra Vilivâyakura, who is styled Vilivâyakura II, by him, with Gautamiputra Satakarni, and considers the other Vilivâyakura (i.e. Vilivâyakura I) and Sivalakura to be the same as Chakora and Siva-Svâti
Above, 1913, 230.
5 Above, XII, 273.
• Pp. 20-1.

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(Śátakarņi) mentioned in the Purâņas as Gautamiputra's predecessors." It will thus be seen that Viļivậyakura and Sivalakura are taken by Dr. Smith as personal names and of kings pertaining to the Satavahana dynasty. But Prof. E. J.Rapson, whose is considered to be the most important view expressed on this subjeot, supposes them to be local titles, and identifies Mâdhariputra Sivalakura with Madhariputra Sakasena and Gautamiputra Vilivâ yakura with Gautamiputra Satakarņi.8 With regard to the third name, he says the following "The identification of No. 1, Våsthîputra : Vilivyakura, must remain doubtful. The evidence of the re-struck coins shows that he cannot possibly be identified with the best known Vâsishthiputra, viz. Puļumåyi, who was the son of Gautamiputra ; but this metronymic was common in the dynasty, and there is no difficulty in supposing that it was borne by the predecessor of Mathariputra in the Kolhapur District."
Such are the views expressed by various scholars of repute with regard to the names occurring in the legends on the Kolhapur coins. I will now put forth my own view of the matter, in order that it might be taken for what it is worth by the antiquarians. In the first place, Vilivåyakura and Sivalakura cannot possibly be regarded as viceroys of any kings, if the legends on the coins actually are as they have been read. For what this view comes to is just this, viz. that rafto Vasi thíputasa, raño Madhariputasa and rano Gotamfputasa, the first halves of the legend, are to be supposed as containing the names of sovereigns, and Viļiváyakurasa and Sivalakurasa, the second halves, as giving the names of their viceroys. Such a division of the legends is arbitrary and unknown to Indian numismatics, 80 far as my knowledge goes. Whenever coins of any viceroys or feudatories Are found, their names are, as a rule, specified on the reverse and those of their sovereigns on the obverse. Sometimes, no doubt, but very rarely, the names of the former alone occur without those of the latter being engraved. But not a single instance can be pointed out wherein the names of both the sovereign and the viceroy are specified in one single line in one and the same legend without the introduction of any word indicative of the subordinate rank of the latter. The numismatic evidence is, therefore, against Gautamiputra, etc., being considered as names of sovereigns and Viļivậyakura and Sivalakura as those of their viceroys.
Secondly, this view involves the supposition that Vasishthiputra, Madhariputra and Gautamiputra can be used by themselves to denote any individuals, and here, in partic. ular, the Satavahana princes themselves. But not a single inscription has been found in which any one of these metronymics is used by itself to denote a Satavahana. If it is Pulumâvi that is spoken of, he is called in inscriptions not simply V Asishthiputra, but Vasishțhiputra Puļumávi; if it is his father, he is referred to not simply as Gautamiputra, but as Gautamiputra Satakarņi. Similarly, Sakasena (Sri-Sata) is never called simply Madhariputra, but Madhariputra Sakasena (Sri-Sata). Gautamiputra, Vásishthiputra, and Madhariputra of the Kolhapur coins cannot thus, by separating them from what follows and taking them by themselves, be regarded as denoting any Satavahana rulers. Nor can it be maintained that, although the terms Gautamiputra, eto., are not used by themselves to denote the Satavahana princes, they, especially the metronymio Madhariputra, were about this period conjoined to their names only. For it was a custom of this period with
1 EHI., 217 and chart facing p. 318.
CIO-AMk., intro., XL. and LXXXVII.

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DEKKAN OF THE BATAVAHANA PERIOD
33
personages of the warrior class to state the names of their mothers ;' and names of the latter such as VAaish thi, Gautami, Kaubiki, Hariti, and so forth are met with in many old inscriptions, not as mothere of the Satavahana kings only, but also of princes of other families and tribes, such as Maharathi, Mahâbhoja and so forth 10 The name Madhari also is not unknown to Indian epigraphy of this period. Jaggayyapeta stūpa, e.g., has an inscription of the third century A.D., and referring itself to the reign of Virapurushadatta of the Ikahvaku family.11 This king is, therein called Madhariputra. Similarly, the Abhira prince isvarasena is called Madhariputra in a Násik inscription of about the same date.15 The view, therefore, that the terms Gautamiputra, Våsishthîputra and Madhariputra must denote, by themselves in inscriptions of the early period, the kings of the Satavahana dynasty only, has no grounds to stand upon.
I shall now proceed to consider the second view which regards Viļivậyakura and Sivalakura as local titles, and Gautamiputra, etc., as metronymics,-both belonging to the Satavahana kings. This view was first started by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, and has been adopted, as we have seen, by Prof. Rapson. But to look upon Viļivåyakura and Sivalakura as local titles is a mere gratuitous supposition without the least foundation in fact. Again, if they had been titles, some explanation would have been offered of them, but, as Prof. Rapson himself admits, "no satisfactory explanation has yet been given of the forms Vilivayakura and Sivalakura." Next, a sort of inconsistenoy is, I am afraid, perceptible in his identification of Vâsish thîputta Visivyakura. At one place, he says, as we have seen above, that the evidence of the re-struck coins shows that he cannot possibly be identified with Vâsishthiputra Pulumavi but with the predecessor of Madhariputra in tho Kolhapur District, implying that this Viļivậyakura was somewhere between Puļumavi and Sakasena (Sri-Sata). But at another place he says that “two of Puļumavi's predecessors seem to have borne the title 'Viļivayakura' in the district of Kolhapur only,"18 clearly mentioning here that the Visivayakura in question was prior to Pulumavi and not posterior to him as implied at first. But what is most inexplicable is that while commenting on the passage of Ptolemy where Puļumavi and Viļivậyakura are mentioned, he says that both "might well be one and the same person," and adds in support of his statement that “a foreigner might be excused for not knowing that in our country, the Prince of Wales, the Earl of Chester and the Duke of Cornwall were the same person."14 This means in unmistakeable terms that according to Prof. Rapson, Puļumavi and Viļivậyakura were one and the same person, and how this is to be reconciled with his previous statement that "the evidence of the re-struck coins shows that he cannot possibly be identified with the best known Vâsishthiputra, viz. Pulumâvi," is not quite clear to me.
This theory, again, is open precisely to the same objection to which, as we have said, the view first discussed was open. For, if Viļivê yakura and Sivalakura are mere titles why are they to be taken as referring to the Satavahana kings, unless we suppose that the metronymics Gautamiputra, etc., can, even though standing by themselves, denote these princes only. This supposition has been discussed above and shown to be untenable. These metronymics, as stated above, were at this period used in the case of the persons belonging to the Kshatriya class generally and were never employed by themselves without the addition of personal names, not even in the case of the Satavahanas, as shown by their numerous inscriptions.
Abovo, 81. 1 Ibid., No. 1137.
10 Lüders' List, Nos. 1058, 1100, ato. 18 O10.-AN, xl.
11 Ibid., Nov. 1202-4. 14 Ibid., and n. 1.

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All these objections are applicable even to the identifications proposed by Mr. Smith. In fact, no evidence whatever can be adduced to show that there was any connection between the princes named in the legends on the Kolhapur coins and the Satavahana dynasty. Now, it is to be remembered that Ptolemy, the Greek geographer, while describing the cities and villages of inland Ariake, speaks of Baithana as the royal seat of Siro-Polemaios and Hippokoura as the royal seat of Baleokouros. Baithana is, of course, Paithan and Siro-Polemaios, Sri-Pulumâvi of the Satavahana dynasty. Hippokoura has not yet been satisfactorily identified. But Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar was the first to identify Baleokouros with Vilivâyakura of the Kolhapur coins, and this identification is universally accepted. 15 It is to be noted that Ptolemy speaks of two different places and of two different kings as reigning there. The two kings, therefore-Pulumâvi and Vilivâyakura-must be taken to be different persons. And to argue that Pulumâvi and Vilivâyakura are the same person, on the analogy that the Prince of Wales, the Earl of Chester and the Duke of Cornwall denoted one individual, is to argue that Pulumâvi is identical not only with Baleokouros (Vilivâyakura) of Hippokoura, but also with Tiastenes (Chashtana) of Ozene (Ujjain) and Kerobothros (Keralaputra) of Karoura (Karur), the two other kings mentioned by Ptolemy.16 Tiastenes and Kerobothros might also be thus taken to be local titles of the Satavahana sovereign, and not personal names of different kings.
We thus find that Vilivâyakura and Sivalakura cannot possibly be identified with any princes of the Satavahana dynasty, but must be taken to be princes belonging to a different line and ruling separately round about Kolhapur. Now, Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji has shown that coins of Vasishthîputra Vilivâyakura have been re-struck by Mâdhariputra Sivalakura, while those of the latter have been re-struck by Gautamiputra Vilivâyakura. The following is, therefore, the order of their succession:
Vasishthiputra-Vilivâyakura or Vilivâyakura I.
1 Madhariputra-Sivalakura.
1
[ FEBRUARY, 1920
Gautamiputra-Vilivâyakura or Vilivâyakura II.
It will thus be seen that there were two kings of this line bearing the name Vilivâyakura, and one of these was a contemporary of Pulumâvi. Who that was we have at present no means to determine.
THE SURROSH K. R. CAMA MEMORIAL PRIZE.
The Committee of the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute invite competitive Essays for "The Surrosh K. R. Cama Prize" of the value of Rs. 225 on the following subject:
"Life of Zoroaster in Pahelvi Dinkard as contrasted or compared with the Persian metrical Zarathushtnama."
The Essays should be typewritten or written in a neat, legible hand and should
15 Above, 1918, 153.
reach the Honorary Secretaries, the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, Hornby Road, Fort, Bombay, on or before the 15th July 1920. Each Essay should be designated by a motto instead of the writer's name and should be accompanied by a sealed cover containing the name of the competitor and his Post Office address. The competition is open to both Zoroastrians and nonZoroastrians.
18 Above, XIII, 359 and 366.

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FEBRUARY, 1920
MISCELLANEA
35
MISCELLANEA. TOWN-MAJOR
In this connection there is no doubt that, up to Extract of a letter from Elihu Yale and Council quite recently at any rate, this was the view taken at Fort St. George to Sir John Child and Council by Eurasians and Europeans who had not been at Bombay, dated 29th September 1688. Letters in England of the office of Town-Major, for in the from Fort St. George, (Madras Records), 1888, nineties of the last century there was a story going p. 60.
about in Northern India of a certain lady, the wife "This day according to the Right Honble. of an official of position, who was going to England Companys order and appoyntment in their Charter, with her family for the first time and was asked the Town) Major, oldermen and burgesses met how she intended to get about when she reached at the Fort in due sollemnitye, where the Charter London. She replied that she would have no difwas read and delivered to them by the President, 1 oulty because she would go straight to the Town. as alsoe the Maceese (maces of office), doa., after Major for information. which they were duely sworne to their soverall
The Town-Major as the administrative officer of charges and handsomely entertained with a good
a garrison town, is still in existence whenever tho dinner and all requisite to it; after which they
necessity for his services arises : vide the following maroht in their gownds with great gravety and
quotation from the Daily Graphic, London, for the decorum to the towne hall to Confirme their new
11th November 1919 > establishment and Consult the good of the Cittye, which God grant it may redound to, and that all
"How British Ladies Live in the Garrison Towns the Right Honble. Companys Settlement[@]
in Germany. and affaiers may be more auspitious and pros.
"Not only are there wives of officers and perous then forme[rjly."
other ranks' living with their husbands in Franco The above letter is of some interest in reference and Belgium, but the privilege has recently been to the duties at that date (1688) of the well-known extended to members of the Rhine Army 88 well. official called a Town-Major. The Oxford English "The concession is a highly popular one, and Dictionary defines the meaning of the term under every day there is a marked increase in the number three heads
of those taking advantage of it. Of course the (a) The major of a town-guard, as formerly majority are to be found in Cologne, Bonn, Duren at Edinburgh.
and Godesburg, where it is easier to secure (6) The chief executive officer in a gar. 800ommodation, but a fair proportion will also be rison-town or fortress.
met with in the other districts and villagee gar. (c) Applied vaguely to the chief magistrate or risoned by British troops.
administrative officer of a foreign town. “The matter of securing suitable house-room, For the first the Dictionary gives two quotations however, is not too easy, for Germany seems to be in the seventeenth century with regard to the city as overorowded as England. If the wife arrives of Edinburgh.
before lodgings have been settled, she and her hus. For the second it has a series of quotations from band will have to start by putting up at an hotel as 1702 to 1876, giving instances of the Town-Majors a temporary measure. The Town Major arrange of various fortresses in England and abroad, this. There is no charge for the husband, but he inoluding India. That for 1702 is worth quoting. will have to pay a fixed tariff of 10 marks a day in full here
for his wife. This is not so much as it sounds, Mt. Dict., Town-Major, the third Officer in since it really represente less than three order in a Garrison, and next to the Deputy shillings. . . . " Goveror. He ought to understand the In the following instance, too (extracted from Fortification, and has a particular Charge of the Times of the 14th November 1919), the Town.
the Guards, Rounds, Patrouilles, and Sentinels. Major during the European War comes out as a For the third meaning there is another series of civil as well as a military administrator of a quotations from 1748 to 1864, the last of which is l garrison town. also worth quoting in full
" Ypres and the Vandals : Town-Major's Appoa! The Town-Major finding them without cre.
for a Vast Cemetery. dentials or passports, ordered them to be carried to prison.
"Lieutenant-Colonel Bookles Wilson, late TownThe interest in the letter under reference, how.
Major of Ypres, whose efforts to safeguard the ever, is that it shows clearly that in the seventeenth
ruined city from desecration are well known, century a Town-Major in India was both the
returned to Ypres yesterday. To a Proes represenohiotxocutive officer of a garrison town and fortress
tative Colonel Wilson gave some particulars of and also the chief magistrate and administrative the present condition of the place." officer.
R. C. Totta.

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(FEBRUARY, 1920
BOOK-NOTICE.
CORPORATE LITE IN ANCIENT INDIA, by RAMESH would have been a more suggestive and attractive
title. CHANDRA MAJUMDAR, M.A., Calcutta. 1918.
| Excellent as is the work as a collection of reliable This is the title of a new book, (pp. viii+176, facts and figures, the author's translation of some Demy), brought out by Dr. Ramesh Chandra of the Sanskrit passages quoted in the book seems Majumdar, of the Calcutta University. The book to be wrong (pp. 16-17; 22 ; 89 Vairajya). In consists of five chapters, (1) Corporate Activities other places his inferences seem to be wrong: in Economic Life, (2-3) Corporate Activities in (pp. 42; 45). Here Visam pati' does not at all Political Life, (4) Corporate Activities in Religious imply "the importance of the popular element Life, and (5) Corporate Activities in Social Life in the government" as inferred by the author ; The author has taken great pains to collect evidence, nor is there any reference in the Cow-hymn quoted literary (Vedio and post-Vedio), epigraphio and
in page 48 to any assembly, as stated by him. numigmatio, to prove the existence of self-governing Again the word 'sabha' (pp. 47, 55, 56) was in institutions both under monarchicaland republican many places used in the sense of a gambling, forms of government, that existed side by side in rather than a political, meeting. Similarly, the word Ancient India. The cooperative guilds of artisans, Vairdjya' means foreign rule as stated in the traders and merchants with power to elect their Arthasastra (text p. 323) and never & nonown Mukhya or president or presidents, to enact monarchical form of government. their own laws and rules to regulate the work and In noticing the corporate activities in Religious conduct of their memlers, to admit new members life, the author has confined his attention only or to expel members for minoonduct and to appeal to the Buddhistio and omitted the Brahmanio and to the king to restore order in & guild that is likely other communities. to degenerate owing to factious spirit of some of In the last chapter, his description of the evoluits members the political assembly of the people I tion of caste is somewhat oonfused for want of a with power to elect, expel, or restore kings, the olodr chronological analysis of the subjeot. self-governing villages, the Buddhist Sanghas, the On the whole the book is an excellent and valuable Caste ayatem are some of the ancient Indian Insts. treatise on ancient Indian social and political insti. tutions that are noticed in detail with regard to their tutions and deserves to be seriously studied by all relations to the supreme Government. Accordingly that are interested in the history of India. * Self-govering Institutions in Ancient India"
R. SHAMASASTRY.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
parts, of a Merchant and his Servant murthered in their own house by Robbers; The President added that if a Speedy stop was not put to this mischeif it would increase upon Us till it oame past remedy. The Cowle was then read, and the violation of every part thereof by Peddansigue
NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 16. The Chief Watchman discharged for
incapacity. 7 July 1718. Consultation at Fort St. George.
The President reports to the Board that Peddanaigue (Pedda Nayak) the Cheif watchman of the Town has forfeited his cowle (gaul, agree ment] by open and notorious transgressions of every part thereof, that he is become utterly incapable of discharging the duty of that post, having by his extravagance rendered himself una ble either to maintain a sufficient number of Talliars (talaiyare, watchmen) to watch the city or to make good any Loesce that shall happen, us by the Cowle he is oblig'd to do, that thro' his incapacity as a Watohman to discharge his duty, frequent Robberys have happend of late, and one instance of what is unusuall in thelle
Poddansigue being call'd in and acquainted with the sentiments of the Board on his oonduot, was asked if he had any thing to say in his own defence. Ho only reply'd that he was not able to do better and left himself to the Judgment of the Board. Agreed that Peddanaigue, Cheif Watchman of the City, having forfeited his Cowle and being incapable of performing the duty of his Office be dismissed the Hon ble. Companys Ser. vice. (Madras Public Consultations, vol. 87).
R.C.T.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS
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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851.
By S. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from p. 21.)
XX. THE STORY OF THE CASSANDRA, 1720-1723. The story of the Cassandra, which was captured by the Pirate Jasper Seager, is famous in the history of the East India Company's shipping. Her Captain, James Macrae, was an Irishman and, it is said, had been a school-fellow of his captor, who, on turning pirate in order to prey on English commerce, had impudently taken the name of Edward England. James Macrae, in reward for the courage with which he had defended his ship, was made Governor of Madras. Seager was kind to him on his capture, a kindness which caused his own deposition and ruin, so that he died in a state of great misery in Madagascar. Taylor, Captain of the Victoria, a brother pirate, present on the occasion of the attack on the Cassandra, got away safely to America and, possibly in return for an act of generosity, committed whilst drunk, in favour of a distinguished Portuguese nobleman, was received into the Spanish service.
An account of the action by Richard Lazenby, second mate of the Cassandra, affords a good description of the way in which the European pirates used to treat their prisoners, and also of their infamous cruelty towards Asiatics. It also discloses the fact (which one finds it difficult to believe) that the Dutch maintained regular communications with such wretches, but there is too much evidence for any doubt to exist. It further discloses the cowardly behaviour on the part of Captain Kirby of the Greenwich in deserting Macrae during the fight with Seager and the equally disgraceful flight of Captain Upton in cominand of the Bombay fleet, which incidents prove that all the Company's Captains were not of the same metal as Macrae, whose reputation is heightened by the terror and rage shown by the pirates as soon as they heard that he was to be put, by the Governor of Bombay, in charge of the operations against them. It is, perhaps, amusing to observe that they considered him guilty of ingratitude to men who, whilst robbing him, had spared his life and given him the means of escaping from Madagascar; but nothing is more certain than that the pirates of this period looked upon seamen that remained faithful to their employers as a kind of blacklegs who supported those rascally capitalists, the merchants, against honest sailors. The pirates were, in short, extremists of a very red dye.
Jasper Seager flew the Black Flag, and, as far as I know, was the first pirate to do so in Eastern waters; the only other recorded instances with which I have met are those of Malay pirates one hundred years later. The first instance which I have found of its use anywhere is by a French pirate from Dominica named Emannuel Wynne in 1700, who fought Captain John Cranby, R.N., off Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands, but the skull and cross bones usually borne on it appear in the picture of Death and the Young Lady in Hulderich Frolich's Beschriebung ... des Todtentanzes Basels und Berns, published in the year 1607, in which the flag, attached to a trumpet which Death is blowing, bears this emblem. Whether Frolich invented it or actually found it on the walls of the convent he is desoribing cannot be known, for the Dances of Death there depicted have been destroyed, but it appears likely that the emblem was originally ecclesiastical and not piratical. Its Ilse at sea is shown by the fact that many of the commanders of the East India Company placed it as & marginal sign in their Logs to indicate the record of a death. Probably other sea-captains did the same, and so, possibly, it became known to seamen and was by them chosen as an emblem to show that those who had turned pirates were, being dead in law, serving under the banner of King Death. This I believe to have been the case rather

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than that they used it as threatening death, for as late as 1723, Captain Hawkins, when a prisoner in the hands of pirates, ascertained that they used it as a sign only of their occupation, and that they hoisted the Red Flag when they intended to give no quarter. It is true that they called it the Jolly Roger, a name of which no satisfactory derivation has yet been given, but if one supposes that that name was originally applied to the Red Flag there is not much difficulty in supposing it to be an English or American perversion of the French "Joli Rouge" (a name which French seamen may well have ascribed to it), which became transferred by English seamen to the Black Flag in ignorance of its exact meaning. There is, however, no documentary evidence which I can produce to prove that this supposition is correct, and there are at least half a dozen other possible derivations which I will not
trouble to enumerate.
1.
The Cassandra taken by Pirates, 7 August 1720.
"The account 17 which the Captain of the Cassandra gives to the India Company of the loss of his ship is in substance as follows:-That about the latter end of July last (1720) he with the Greenwich and an Ostender18 went to water at the isle of Johanna, near the Coast of Madagascar, where they had intelligence that some pirates 19 were at work to fit out a small pirate ship at Ayanotta [? Mayotta], another island about three leagues off, which they resolved to go and destroy. That on the 7th of August in the morning about 8 o'clock they discovered a sail standing into the Bay of.Johanna, upon which they immediately unmoored and made clear ships, both Captains having mutually engaged to stand by each other, not doubting but to give a good account of them. The Cassandra weighed and got under sail. The Greenwich cut and did the like, the Pirates then within a mile of them. The Cassandra being under the high land had but a broken wind, but the Greenwich, being open to the valley, had a true breeze and made the best of his way from the Cassandra. They had an Ostender in their company of 22 guns, whose Captain promised heartily to engage with them, and 'tis believed would, had he not seen the Greenwich make the best of his way from them, which he seeing, did the same, leaving the Cassandra engaged with both Pirates, who called several times to the Greenwich to bear down to his assistance and fired two guns at him, but all to no purpose; but when he got about a league from the Cassandra, he brought to and looked on.
The largest of the Pirates had but 34 guns, and the lesser 30, which encouraged the Cassandra's men to see them of so small force, not doubting but if the Greenwich would have fought to have taken both the Pirates, who having taken just before two rich prizes from Judea [? Jeddah], which had the value of £200,000 on board, but the Cassandra having no assistance was left to the fury of both the Pirates, from whom no quarter was to be expected, their black and bloody flags being all the time displayed; who notwithstanding their superiority engaged them both above three hours, during which the largest of them received some shot between wind and water, which made him keep at a little distance to stop his leaks; the other endeavoured to board him by the help of his oars, but by good fortune the Cassandra shot his oars to pieces and prevented him, and by consequence saved all their lives.
"About 4 o'clock all the officers and men placed on the Quarter-Deck and Poop being killed or wounded and none left there but the Captain, the other Pirate made up
17 Macrae's own account is given in Johnson's General History of the Pirates, I, 119. This account adds one or two details.
18 A ship of the Ostend Company, which was not, however, formally incorporated until 1722. For a note on its history, see C. R. Wilson, Old Fort William in Bengal, II, 178 n.-ED.
10 Apparently the crew of the pirate ship Indian Queen (Captain Oliver de la Bouche or Levasseur), which had been wrecked.

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to the Cassandra again, having lain all the time within a cable's length and given her several broadsides, in order to clap her aboard; when, no hopes remaining, she clapt her helm a-weather in order to run the ship ashore, and, notwithstanding she drew four foot more than the Pirate, yet, by good Providence, the latter stuck fast on the higher ground, her boltsprit reaching almost to the Cassandra's mizzen shrouds, by which they were disappointed a second time from boarding her; when a more furious engagement ensued than ever, and the Cassandra having the advantage of showing his broadside to the Pirate's bow and gauled him very much, and had Captain Kirby come in even then, 'tis verily believed they had taken both the Pirates, for the Cassandra had one of them sure, but the other Pirate, who was still firing at her, seeing the Greenwich did not offer to come near, supplied his consort with three boats full of fresh men. At which time, being then about half an hour past four, the Greenwich made sail and stood quite away to sea; whereupon Captain Macrae, seeing himself totally deserted, ordered all that could to get into the longboat, under the smoak of his guns, and save themselves; and himself went into the yawl, very sorely wounded in the head by a musket ball, so that, some by boats and some by swimming, most of the crew that were able [i.e., unwounded) got ashore. When the pirates came aboard they cut three of the wounded men to pieces, whilst the Captain and a few of his people made the best of their way to Kingstown 20 about 25 miles up the country, where he heard that the pirates had offered 10,000 dollars to the country people to bring him in, which they would certainly have done, but that they knew the King and his chief people were in the English interest, who in the interim gave out that he was dead of his wounds, which somewhat abated the fury of the pirates, but after ten days when he was pretty well recovered, beginning to consider the dismal condition they were in and the little hopes they had of ever getting a passage from thence, he desired Mr. Cowan, a passenger with him, 91 to go down to the pirates and try if he could obtain their promise for his safety if he came down to them, which they readily granted, some of them having formerly sailed with him, which proved of great advantage to him and was the means of preserving all their lives, for, notwithstanding their promise, they were going to out them to pieces unless they would enter with them, had it not been for the authority that the chief Captain, Edward England or English, and some others that knew Captain Macrae, had over the rest ; and in the end he managed it so that they made him a present of the lesser Pirate Dutch built ship of about 300 tons, called the Fancy, and 129 bales of the Company's cloath, though they refused him & suit of his own cloaths or a shirt.
« On the 3rd of September the Pirates sailed from Johanna, and five days after Captain Macrae with 55 of his men, inoluding 2 passengers, with jury-masts and such odd sails as the pirates had been pleased to leave him, sailed for Bombay, where they arrived after a passage of 48 days, almost naked and half starved, having been reduced to a pint of water a day, and almost in despair of ever seeing any land through the long and continued calms they met with between the Coasts of Arabia and Malabar. At Bombay they found the London and Chandois. By these accounts it appears that Captain Macrae killed the pirates between 90 and 100 men, and lost himself 13 men and 24 wounded. The pirates had on board both ships when they sailed 300 white men and 80 blacks.
30 The two chiet villages of Johanna (Comoro islanda) were known as King's Town and Queen's Town in the 17th and 18th centuries.-E.
21 The Weekly Journal for the 13th July 1723 notices that the East India Company had made providon for the families of Captaina Benjamin Loveday and Francis Randel, who were killed fighting pirator on the Cassandra, and who were also probably passengers in the ship

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[MARCH, 1920
:
"We hear the owners of the Cassandra have resolved to send the Captain a present to Bombay for his singular gallant behaviour in engaging the Pirates."
[Weekly Journal or British Gazetteer, 22 April, 1721.]
Extract of the Log of the Greenwich, Captain Richard Kirby Commander.
Sunday, August 7th 1720. At 7 this morning saw two ships standing in for the Road [of Johanna). At ll following unmoored, at 12 the Cassandra being under sail cut bower cable in the hawse and then the Ostender weighed, at which time discovered the two ships to be pirates, the one a French built ship of 46 guns, by name the Victory, Captain England. The other Dutch built of 36 guns by name the Fancy, Captain (Jasper] Seager. Got all things in readiness for our defence.
"Monday August 8th 1720. At l p.m. the Cassandra, being the leewardmost ship. was engaged by the small ship. They fought under the black flag at the maintopmast (with death's head in itt), the red flag at the foretopmast head, and St. George's colourses at the Ensigne staff. We tacked and stood in for to assist him, when perceiving the Cassandra aground, tacked and stood off, making the best of our way for Bombay. About 8 following spy'd one of the Pirates in chase after us; she having the land breeze first got almost within gunshot of us before we had the breeze, then we out away our longboat and lost our yawl, the main ...... giving way, with two sailors in her, by name James Tate and William Prescott. Night approaching, soon lost sight of the Pirate and proceeded without any further attempt. We were not fully satisfied whether the Cassandra was taken or not. The last time we saw her perceived them hotly engaged, but could not come to her assistance.”
[India Office Marine Records. ]
3.
Narratives of Richard Lazenby of London, Second Mate of the Cassandra ; Captain James Macrae, Commander, taken by two pirates; Captain Seager of the Fancy and Captain Taylor
of the Victoria.
No. 97. Letter from Richard Lazenby. “I omit the particulars of our engagement and being taken, because do not doubt but your Honours have had a satisfactory account of that from Capt. Macrae, and likewise in what manner I was taken from him. The first night I oame aboard [?the pirate ship) and the time came for these people to sleep, there was a watch ordered on my account, which made some of them so angry as to say that if they saw me out on the deck on any account soever they would knock my brains out, which did not a little concern me. Some who were in the cabbin bade me be of good cheer, but not to venture on deck for fear of the worst. The Chief Surgeon in particular, who took care to lay me down on the cabbin floor by him, more to prevent my escape than any good nature in the villain, which I found afterwards when I rose in the night by his following me into the gallery and telling me if I offered at escaping they would oblige Captain Macrae to find me or else take all from him again and burn the ship.
"The next morning they unmoored and hove short for sailing. Captain Macrae came on board and interceded much for me, but to no purpose. He left me and soon after they got under sail designing to proceed for India, where they arrived some time in October (1720) The day before they made the land saw two ships to the eastward, whom at first sight tool
See Log of the London (Captain William Upton) under date 4 Nov. 1720. » The White Ensign.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS
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to be English, whereupon the Captain called for me and threatened to cut me in pieces if I did not immediately tell him the signals4 between us and our consorte from England. I made him answer I knew of none, or ever had occasion to make any during our company together. He then abused me, calling me scurrilous names, shook his broad sword at me, saying he would plague me like a dog as I was and I [had) better tell him. Then came up with the ships soon after, which proved to be two small Moor ships which came from Muscat with horses, which they took by firing a gun or two. They brought on board their Captain and Merchant, putting them to torture to make them confess of their money, believing they were come from Muscat. They continued all night, rifling and tormenting the people and the next morning made the land. At the same time a fleet 35 in shore plying to the northward, they instantly held a Council what to do with the fore mentioned ships. Some were for sinking them, men and horses in them, others for throwing their sails overboard, others again for cutting away their masts, and all was, they said, for fear of being discovered on the Coast. After their debates were over, they brought them to an anchor in thirty-five, fathom water, throwed all their sails overboard and cut one of the ship's masts half through.
“When at anchor one of the fore mentioned fleet bore away to them. They made them' and hoisted English colours, the pirates answering with red.26 The rest of the day they employed in taking all their water from them and at night weighed with the sea-wind, and left the two Moor ships to stand to the northward after the fleet, which they came up with about four the next morning, just as they got under sail with the land-wind, making no stop but ran through them, firing their small arms and great guns on both sides as fast as they could load and fire till day light, then saw their mistake, having all along taken them for Angria's floet. They were in great consternation, not knowing what to do, whether to run from them or pursue, being so much inferior to them in strength, having no more than 300 men in both ships and 40 of them negroes, besides the Victory at that time had four pumps at work and must inevitably have perished some time before had it not been for the hand pumps and several pair of standards they took out of the Cassandra.
“ Observing the indifferency of the fleet, they took courage to chase rather than run, which they did when the sea-wind came in, but were to leeward about a gunshot, some ahead (especially the great ships) and some astern, which were afraid to tack upon believing them to be fire vessels. The great ships began to gain upon them towards sunset. They continued the same course all night. Do see several boats pass they had cut away. The next morning were all out of sight, only some few Gallevats and a small Ketch to leeward, which they bore away after. The Ketch perceiving it embarked their people on board a Gallevat and set fire to her. They then left off chasing, the Gallevats being too nimble for them. About an hour after they see a Gallevat to the north which they chased and took, being come from Gogo38 and bound for Callecut, loaded with cotton.
* When the Company's ships left England together, the senior Captain drew up a set of signals for recognising each other at a distance, if they happened to be parted, and for certain other occasions. These appear to have varied from time to time, as, if they had always been the same, the capture of any one ship by an enemy would have made them not only useless but even dangerous.
26 This was the Bombay floot under Captain Upton of the London, sont against Angria. His cowardly behaviour in presence of the pirates is referred to by Hamilton.
» Muhammadan colours, which were plain red.
27 " 21 October 1720. Capt. Harvey came aboard and reported they were the Casrundra and Great French ship [6.6., the Victory]..... The other two they took to be their prizoe. Upon the Antelope's coming near them, she fired a shot to leeward, they did the same and immediately after hoisted their bloody flag at mast head and fired two shot at her."-Log of the London.
Gogha in the peninsula of Kathiâwâr, Gulf of Cambay.--ED.

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"They asked them after the fleet, believing they were in it, but the fellows told them they had not seen a ship or boat before that day since they left Gogo, and notwithstanding the poor fellows' pleading, they threw all their cargo overboard, tormenting them by squeezing their joints in the vice to make them confess of the fleet. They kept the boat with them all that night and part of the next day, but blowing fresh eventually they split the Gallevat's sail, so that they could not keep oompany with the ship. They then put the people into their boat, having nothing but a small try-tail, no provisions and about four gallons of water half salt, and then out of sight of the land.
"They then resolved on cruising southward. The next day were between Goa and Carwar. At noon heard guns fire at Carwar. They instantly came to an anchor, and at night sent their boat to discover what ships there was in the Road, who returned about two in the morning, giving an account of two Grabs at an anchor there. They then weighed and ran nearer to the Bay and anchored again at daylight. The Grabs having sight of them ran out to get under India Diva [Anjidiv] Castle, which they did with much difficulty. The pirates were so much displeased at it, wanting water, that they had a Council whether they should make a descent that night and take the island. They could not agree on it, so proceeded to the southward. The next morning see a small ship at an anchor in Onnore [Onore, Honåvar), which in the evening they took, having no one on board but a Dutchman and two Portuguese, the Captain and his officers being gone on shore. The next morning they sent on shore to acquaintthe Captain that if he would supply them with some water and fresh provisions he should have the ship again. At night he sent on board his mate, Frank Harmless, with a letter to them that if they would deliver the ship into his possession over the Bar he would supply them with what water and provisions they wanted and not before. They not liking his proposals the Mate said he would carry them where they should get what they wanted. They not liking to trust him being a stranger, resolved of seeking water at the Lacker Diva [Laccadive] Islands, which they put for directly, where they arrived in three days after. The same day of their arrival they took a small Monchew29 with the Governor of Carwar's pass on board, who gave them an account that there was no anchor ground among the islands.80 They then being near the Island of Melindra [? Amondivi) sent their boat on shore to see if there was any water or whether the island was inhabited. They returned giving an account of there being good water and abundance of houses, but that the inhabitants at the sight of the ships were fled off in boats to the adjacent islands, only abundance of women and children, which they found a day or two afterwards hid in the bushes, and forced them in barbarous manner to their lascivious inclinations, destroying their cocoa-trees and everything they met with, setting fire to several of their houses and churches. Had fresh gales of wind whilst there, which occasioned their losing three or four anchors there, the ground being so rocky, and lastly with a hard gale of wind were forced from the island where they left about 70 people, black and white, and most of their water casks. In about ten days they made shift to find the island again, where they filled their water, took their people on board. Provision being very scarce among them, they, now resolved of proceeding to Cochin and see what they could get from their good friends the Dutch, who, they said, they were confident would not fail of supplying any of their profession.
(To be continued.)
» A manchua, the Portuguese name for a cargo-boat on the West Coast of India. See Travels of Peter Mundy (Hak. Soc.), ed. Temple, III. Pt. I, p. 205 n.-ED.
30 Captain Biden, Master Attendant at Madras, stated in 1848 "Exoept on a small bank oft Minicoy there is no Anchorage amongst the Laccadives." -Low, Indian Navy, IT, 196.

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THE HÅTHIGUMPHÁ CAVE INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA.
BY K. G. SANKARA AIYAR, B.A. B.L.; TRIVANDRUM. THE HAthigumphå cave inscription of Khâravela in the Udayagiri hill (Orissa), edited and translated by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal in the Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 3. 425-504 ; 4. 364-403, deserves careful study, because it throws light on early Indian history, and because Mr. Jayaswal claims that it compels us to revise our dates for Buddha and the Sais unâka kings of Magadha.
The inscription opens with a salutation to the Arhats and the Siddhes, thereby indicating its Jaina origin. It then introduces ús in line 1 to Khâravela, the emperor (sfer) of Kalinga, whom it calls a lunar king (Aira-Aila), Mahâ meghavahana (=Mahendra), Maharaja, and the increaser of the dynasty of King Cheta ( TTT). The Purdņas mention, among post-Andhra kings, nine very powerful and wise kings called Meghag in Kosala (F. E. Pargiter : Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, 73). These Meghas must be the Meghavahanas of Kalinga who were therefore emigrants from Kosala. This is confirmed by an Oriya MS. of the 16th century A.D. preserved in the Indian Museum which states that the Aira kings of Utkala, i.e., Kalinga, had come to Khandagiri (Udayagiri) having abandoned Kosala ( Marap at emaa). And Khåravela, too, is called an Aira. This MS. also informs us that Kalinga was first conquered by Nanda, the famous Magadhan king (HES ART TO T ; T ftuar:
gà a ), that it was later on recovered by another Aira king, the destroyer in Kalinga of Nanda's Vedic faith (iş a ret; i anata; atas na: IVA : and that it was again conquered by Asoka (TÈTRT FIAT: OT: R T:). These are confirmed by Megasthenes' statements that the last Nanda who was ruling when Alexander arrived at the Hyphasis (Bias) in September 326 B... (V. A. Smith: Early History of India, 114) was king of the Prasii (Magadha) and the Gangaridze (Kalinga) also, and that in his own time Kaliiga was a free kingdom (McCrindle's Translation, pp. 135, 155), and by Asoka's claim to have conquered Kaliiga hitherto unconquered ( af ) by the Mauryas (Rock Edict 13).
Taranatha says (pp. 34, 38, 41 ; ch. 6) that Kamasoka conquered the country on the south-eastern ocean (Kaliūga) and was converted by Yasas who held a council at the Kusumpurivihâra in Vesali under King Nandin. The Di pavainsa (4. 44, 47), and the Mahavamsa (4. 8) place this Vesali council of Yaşas in Kalásoka's eleventh year. Therefore Kâmásokat Kâlâśoka=Nandin; and Nandavardhana, who, as we will show elsewhere, ruled from 401 to 361 B.c., conquered Kalinga before his eleventh year, i.e., 401-10=391 B.c.
Since the last Nanda held Kalinga till September 326 B.C., it must have recovered its independence between that date and the date of accession of Chandragupta Maurya to whom it was not subject.
In the time of Megasthenes, it was a powerful kingdom. But eight years after his anointing (Rock Edict 13), Asoka conquered Kaliiga, and the suffering which his conquest had caused through slaughter, captivity, famine and pestilence stung Asoka with remorse, and made him forswear for the future all military ambition. Twelve years after his anointing, Asoka, in addition to his fourteen zock edicts at Dhauli (Cuttack district) and Jau gada (Ganjam district) in Kaliiga, issued two edicts special to Kaliiga enjoining its just government and insisting upon sympathetic and tactful treatment of its wild tribes. In the same year he gave two cave-dwellings, and, eighteen years after his anointing, he gave a third cave-dwelling in the Barabar hills (Gayà district) to the Ajivikas, a sect of naked ascetics. So Kaliiga probably continued to be under Asoka's rule till his death, and only thereafter became free once more.

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The Hâthigumphâ inscription then gives a brief and sober account of Khâravela's doings from year to year. When he had completed fifteen years of his age, he was anointed crown prince () and ruled as such for nine years. He had already thoroughly learnt royal correspondence (), currency (), state-accounting (TTT), municipal These facts are law (set), dharma injunctions (Fr), and all the arts (fr:). related in 1. 2 of the inscription. Mr. Jayaswal infers from them that it was then usual to postpone the formal anointing as king to the twenty-fifth year of age, even though the predecessor die long before that time. But the inference is not a necessary one. Khâravela's anointment at that age might have been due to his predecessor having died only then. Mr. Jayaswal argues that his inference would account for the four years' interval between the accession and the coronation of Asoka (MV., 5. 21). But the interval might have equally well been due to the struggles between Aśoka and his brothers for the succession to the throne, which are dimly reflected in the Buddhist legends about Asoka's destruction of all his brothers before his conversion to Buddhism.
When Khâravela had completed twenty-four years, he was anointed Mahârâja in the third Kalinga dynasty for one generation (q). (insc. 1. 3). The reference to Cheta's dynasty as the third, confirms the conquests of Kalinga by Nandavardhana and Aśoka. The first dynasty ruled down to the time of Nandavardhana, the second from after the time of the last Nanda to the ninth year after the anointing of Aśoka, and the third after Aśoka's death. The reference to the anointing for one generation indicates that the people were in theory free to choose their kings for a limited number of generations or for the whole duration of that dynasty, just as they liked.
In the first year of his rule, soon after his anointment, Khâravela repaired the towers, city walls, buildings, and embankments of reservoirs in the Kalinganagara which had been damaged by a storm (1.3), and pleased his subjects, reckoned at three and a half millions. Then in the second year, disregarding Satakarni, he sent a large army to the west, and, by his army which had reached the Kanhabena, he burnt the Mûshikanagara (1. 4). We will show elsewhere that the Satakarni here referred to must be identified with Sri Satakarni (170-160 B.C.), the third Andhra king of the Purana Text (p. 71). The Kanhabena is doubtless the river formed by the junction at Bhandara (Central Provinces) of the Kanhan and the Wainganga which in its turn joins the Wardha. The Mûshikanagara, therefore, was situate in the Central Provinces. This inference is confirmed by Khâravela having sent his army to the west (of Orissa). But the Mûshika kingdom is placed by the Keralolpatti in South Travancore, and its capital was, according to the Mishikavamia, Kolam, the modern Quilon (Travancore Archæological Series 2. 106-7). So the Mûshikas of South Travancore were emigrants from the Central Provinces after A.D. 825, the starting point of the Kollam era which marks the foundation of that city "கொல்லம் தோன்றி நூற்று நாற்பத்தொன்பதாமாண்டு "-Srivallavankodai's insc., Ep. Ind., Vol. 8), since it was the capital of even the first Mûshika king Râmaghata. In sending an army to the west and burning Mûshikanagara, Khâravela is said to have disregarded Satakarni, because apparently the latter's sway extended as far east as the Central Provinces.
In the third year, Khâravela entertained the people of Kalinganagara with dances, music and feasts (1. 5). In the fourth year, he subdues the leaders of the Râshtrikas and Bhojakas, apparently Central Indian republican tribes. In the fifth year, he brings into the capital city from the Tanasuliya Road the canal excavated by King Nanda sud (1.6). Mr. Jayaswal translates the last term by 300 years before', and argues that, since this inscription places Khâravela's fourteenth year in the

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45
Mauryan year 164, Nandaraja must have ruled over Kalinga in 325 (Chandragupta's acc. 164+ 300+ 145=470 B.C. and that this fact is consistent only with his chronological scheme, and the date 544 B.C. not c. 480 B.O., for Buddha's death. But, in his scheme, even the earliest Nanda, Nandavardhana, ascended the throne only in 449 B.C., twenty-one years later than the date arrived at for him on Mr. Jayaswal's interpretation of the inscription. And, since Mr. Jayaswal's scheme professes to be not merely an approxi. mation, but exact, being arrived at by taking into account even fractions of years, this fact alone is fatal to his interpretation. Moreover, even allowing the maximum figures for each king, Nandavardhana's accession cannot be dated before 325+12+28+43+42— 450 B.C. (Pargiter : Purana Test, 69). On the other hand, it is impossible to take the 300 years to be an approximation, because there is no term to express the meaning about'. There is nothing in the term to express the meaning before' (që) either. On the contrary, the use of the accusative singular can only be consistent with the interpretation
in such and such year'. The interposition, moreover, of te between fr and is intentional, to prevent our taking it to qualify . So the term should be translated by in the year 103'. The use of here between r and is parallel to the use of 979 in 1. 17 between re and afere, and to the use of itself between
eig que and in Mr. Jayaswal's original reading of the dated portion of the inscription. His interpretation of the former term as 64+100=164, and not 64 x 100— 6,400 years, and the latter term as 65+100=165, and not 65 x 100=6,500 years. is inconsistent with his principles of numerical interpretation. If the engraver had meant "300 years' he would have inscribed T agor frau with fast completely separated from ay or with us in the end, and with an order in the plural on the analogy of refra: Tec(-35,00,000 1.4), Taa yama (-90,00 bulls original reading of l. 14), Tex: (100,000. 1. 7), F a r #: (-75,00,000, 1. 16). And even if the term meant '300', the proper translation would only be in the year 300', not .300 years before. The year 103 should be counted in the same era as the year 164 in the same inscription (1. 16), since no other era is here referred to. And that era is the Mauryan (guna ). Mr. Jayaswal objects that King Nanda, who preceded Chandragupta, could not have lived in the year 103 of an era which must have started from the date of accession of the latter, because he was the first Mauryan king. But there is no reason to identify the King Nanda of this inscription with any King Nanda of Magadha. There might have been a later king of that name in Kalinga itself. There is nothing unusual in kings of different lands and dynasties having the same name. In fact, much of the confusion in Indian chronology arises from different kings bearing the same name. Finally it is more probable that the canal was extended into the capital city within 164—14+5—103—52 years of its excavation by King Nanda, than that the people took 300 years to realise the advantages of such extension, even if after all these years, the canal was in existence and in proper repair. This passage of the inscription should therefore be translated by "In the fifth year Khåravela extended into the capital city, from its former terminus in the Tanasuliya Road, & canal excavated by King Nanda (of Kalinga) in the Mauryan year 103."
In the sixth year, Khâravela performed Rajasuya (a sacrifice asserting imperial claims ), and, in honour of the occasion, remitted all tax money (
a r) and bestowed many privileges on civic and village corporations (11.6–7). The reference to shows that taxes were paid in money also. The reference to civio privileges shows that the imperial government did not interfere with the internal administration of cities and villages, but left it to local corporations. It is usually assumed that Khåravela was a Jaina, but there is

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apparently nothing in this inscription to support that view. If he is referred to in l. 12 as paying respect to the Jaina image of Kaliiga, and in 1l. 14-5 as granting maintenances to Jaina professors, and caves for learned Sramaņas to meet in assembly, he is, on the other hand, also referred to as performing Rajasaya (11. 6-7), and, for the success of his expedition to Bhâratavarsha, Vedic sacrifices (1. 10), and as granting gifts of golden Kalpa trees, horses, elephants, and houses with fire-altars, and, to make them accepted, lands to the caste-assembly of the Brahmans (1. 9). It is more likely that a Hindu might also have worshipped Jaina images and patronized Jaina professors and Sramaņas, than that a Jaina might have performed Rajasůya and other Vedic sacrifices, as Jainism and Buddhism were primarily revolts against Vedic sacrifices. He therefore seems to have been a liberal Hindu, like King Harshavardhana of Kanauj. This is confirmed by the references to him in l. 17 as a restorer of every temple (aga), perhaps mere wooden structures in his time, as a respector of every sect ( 1997), and as one born in a family of Kshattriya Vedic seers (
mara ), and is not really inconsistent with his respecting forms and acts of lay observance (1. 14), because worship and ritual are common to all religions, though the particular forms may differ.
In the seventh year, his wife Dhusi of the house of Vajira gave birth to a son (1. 7). Mr. Jayaswal identifies Vajira with Alexander's Bazira, west of the Indus (Arrian 4. 27), because in l. 15 Dhusi is called the queen of Sim haprastha (Simhapura) and Simhapura is placed near Kashmir in the Mahabharata (Sabha Par. 17-20). But it is unusual to call a queen as the queen of her parental instead of her matrital home, though she might be spoken of as the Vajira princess'. So Simhapura must be the capital city of her husband's Kalinga country itself, though Mr. Jayaswal thought it impossible to identify the Kalinganagara. And we should expect her parents' country Vajira to be nearer Kalinga. The Tamil epics Silappadhikaram and Manimekhalai of the second century A.D. confirm these inferences by saying that Simhapura was a capital city of Kalinga (selas நன்னாட்டு, வடிவேற்றடக்கை வசுவுங்குமானும், தீமபுனற்பழனச் சிங்கபுரத்தினுக், காம்பெழு
& Jayne , Gir @#WA @DJS CONS"-Silap. 23. 138-42;" salos நன்னாட்டுத், தாயமன்னவர் வசுவுக்குமானுஞ், சிங்கபுரமுஞ் செழுநீர்க்கபிலையும், மக்காள் B UILÒ Q#gods ”-Manim. 26. 15-8), and that the king of the Vajra country
bounded by the holy expanse of water' gave tribute to the Chola king Karikala (“orfir Calel o r tit , Garof en p a s a repu wi "-Silap. 5. 99-100). Adiyarkunallar (twelfth century A.D.), who commented on the former work, remarks that the Vajra country lay about the banks of the river Son (aš Arsr-G#TAT ĆE 01-) which passes through eastern Bundelkhand and that part of Bihar which lies between Benares and Gaya, and effects å junction with the Ganges (the holy expanse of water '), which bounds them on the north, near Patna. So we must identify Vajra with the Vajra country, i.e., South-West Bihar and East Bundelkhand. Adiyarkunallar interpreted
Lori Carol' to mean '&L Gaal' i.e., bounded by the sea'. But this is a mistake due to his ignorance of the geography of North India, because neither Bazira nor Vajra was bounded by the sea, and because it is impossible that, in Khâravela's time when the whole of North India and Deccan was practically partitioned between the three powerful sovereigns Sri Satakarņi who ruled from the west coast to the Kanhabena, Pushyamitra who ruled from the Indus to the Barabar hills, and Khåravela who ruled from the east coast to the Barabar hills and the Kanhabena, the Vajra country could have extended its sway to the limits of the eastern on the western sea. But Vajra is not to be confused with Magadha, since the Magadhan king is separately mentioned as having also given presents to Karikala after defeat " மகத நன்னாட்டு வாள் வாய் வேந்தன், பகைப்புறத்துக் கொடுத்த பட்டி

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THE HÂTHIGUMPHẢ CAVE INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA
LDA LUGO "--Silap. 5. 101-2). As regards the site of Simhapura, Mr. Jayaswal has already shown that the capital city of Kalinga could not have been far from the Udayagiri hill and this is confirmed by the Oriya MS. already referred to which says that the Aira kings of Kalinga had their capital city near Khanủagiri (Udayagiri) (4
). In the eighth year, having with a large army stormed the Gorathagiri barrier (Barabar hills), Khåravela besieged Rajagļiha, which had again become the capital of Magadha apparently after Aboka's death, and caused its king to retreat in haste to Mathura, abandoning his army to its fate, but, owing to a gap in the inscription, the result is unknown (11. 7-8). The fact that the then Magadhan king, Pushyamitra (as we learn in 1. 12) retreated to Mathura shows that he was not merely, as is usually supposed, a local ruler, but an emperor whose power extended in the west not merely as far as Mathurâ, but, if Kalidasa who refers to Vasumitra's victory over the Yavanas, in defence of his grandfather Pushyamitra's sacrificial horse, on the banks of the Indus (fer (Malavikågnimitra, Act 5. Pushyamitra's letter to Agnimitra'), and Pata ijali, the contemporary of Pushyamitra (Smith : EHI., 214), who refers to the expulsion of Yavanas and Sakas beyond the borders of India (Mahabhashya on Tamafarafearai. 2. 4. 10) are to be believed, as far as even the Indus.
In the ninth year, Khâravela grants gifts of golden Kalpa trees with sprouts, horses, elephants, and houses with fire-altars, and, to make them accepted, he gives lands to the caste assembly of the Brahmans (1.9). This shows the unwillingness in his time of Brahmans to accept gifts at the hands of non-Brahmans, although they were kings, and also the esteem in which they were held. In the tenth year, after performing Vedic sacrifices, he sends a successful expedition to Bharatavarsha which must, in his time, have been restricted in its application to the Gangetic valley (1. 10). In the eleventh year, he leads out in procession, in a wooden car, the nim-wood statue of
tarquard (1. 11). As before, Mr. Jayaswal takes this term to mean 'Ketubhadra who lived 1300 years before and identifies Ketubhadra with Ketumân, the eldest son of the Kalinga king, who, as the commander of the Kalióga foroes in the Bharata war, died on the field of battle (Mahabharata. Bhishma Par., chs. 17 and 54). But, for reasons already given, this passage also should mean 'Ketubhadra wbo lived in the Mauryan year 113', and the epithet Bhadra indicates that Ketu was a king of Kalinga. It is more probable that the people of Kalinga honoured the statue of a king who lived 164-14+11-113-48 years only before their time, than that they honoured a prince who died 1300 years before and that his statue came down to them intact through all that long period, even if the art of making statues was known as early as the time of the Bhârata war.
In the twelfth year, frightening the Northern kings ( 77704) and the people of Magadha, Khâravela crossed the Ganges from its northern side on his elephants standing end to end across the river, and made the Magadhan king Bahasatimitra bow at his feet (11. 11-2). 'Bahasati' is Prakrita for Brihaspati', the deity presiding over the Pushya Nakshatra (Sankhyd yana Gyihya-Sutra, 1.26-6). Therefore, Mr. Jayaswal argues, Bahasatimitra' is identical with Pushyamitra, the first Sunga king, and he establishes the identity convincingly by citing the Mitra coins of Oudh, Gorakhpur, etc. (JASB., 1880., pt 1., pp. 21-8, 87-90 ; Cunningham: Coins of Anc. Ind., 69, 74, 79, 93: Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum., vol. 1. 184) which refer to Pushyamitra by that name. The twelfth year of Khâravela corresponds to the Mauryan year It=14+ 12-162 Pushyamitra was therefore living in that year. Since the Purâ as place him in the Mauryan years 137-173 (Pargiter: Purana Text, 70), this inscription confirms the Purinio chronology for the Mauryan and Surga kings of Magadha.

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Then occurs the following passage as edited by Mr. Jayaswal
da af metado
l a VITEITE STATT arra (1. 12). The plate clearly reads नंदराजानीतं, not नंदराजनीसं. The central line is distinctly lengthened to mark the long vowel and the very small gap between shows the lengthening is intentional. The lengthening is material, because i t would mean brought by King Nanda', while stat may mean 'taken away by King Nanda'. In the one case, Nanda would be the king of Kalinga, and, in the other, he may be the king of a foreign country like Magadha. It may be argued that the inscription mentions only acts of peace or of war in alternate years and that, the twelfth year being a war year, the events referred to in this passage should also be war events, and that, therefore, the correct reading should be
ft. But the very next event of the same year, his building towers with carved interiors is an act, not of war, but of peace. And, in the sixth year, which ought to be a war year, no act of war is mentioned or even hinted at. The after a connects
afa (immediately before starate) with another predicate which is missing after fad perhaps something like 'serves'. The after connects this predicate with anat. Pandit Bhagavânlal reads 'T 9freicfe,' and his reading would mean by doors set with family gems', while Mr. Jayaswal's reading would be meaningless, unless, like him, we take fagre in the unusual and unauthorised sense of
recaptures'. Even then, how are we to construe the instrumental plural reef with the accusative singular iad and , what are we to supply in the gap, and how are we to construe the whole passage consistently ? On the other hand, with our reading wrofic and Pandit Bhagavanlal's reading T& Tafturdre, we may translate it by “And he serves the Jaina image of Kalinga brought by King Nanda (of Kalinga) with doors set with family gems, and brings the wealth of Anga and Magadha". Finally, even if the reading be terrari, atat in this term might have the same sense asana'' brings ' instead of takes away', and, in that case too, Nanda would be a king of Kaliuga.
In the same year, Khâravela built towers with carved interiors, and received presente of elephant-ships, precious stones like rubies, pearls, etc. from the Påndya king (PETA). The Pandya country was famous for its pearls (1. 13). Then, in the thirteenth year, he grants maintenances to Jaina professors of philanthropy (ar) who resided on the Kumârî hill (Udayagiri), and he respects forms and acts of lay observance like Srî Jivadeva, apparently Khâravela's father, of whom he might have been deemed a worthy successor, by continuing his pious observances (1. 14). He also makes the present cave for learned ascetics ( :) to meet in assembly, and near their residences he builds a palace with beryl-inlaid columns for Dhusi, the queen of Simhaprastha, to halt in while on a visit to this place (1.16). When this inscription was engraved, Khêravela had completed (sufogw) the Mauryan time (gree) of a 64+100=164 years' interval, i.e., the Mauryan year 164 (. 16). Then the inscription calls Khåravela by the names 'king of prosperity' ( CTE). 'king of increase' (TVET), king of ascetics' ( rs), and 'king of Dharma' (WHO). and refers to him by the favourite idea of kingship, i.e., as rolling his wheel of Dharma (T T T), (11, 16-7). With this the inscription comes to a close.
To fix the chronology of this inscription, it is necessary to determine the date of Chandragupta's accession. A passage from Justinus' Epitoma Pompei Trogi (15. 4) relevant in this connection is translated by Dr. Hultzsch as follows "Seleucus carried on many wars in the east ... First seizing Babylon, and then reducing the Bactrians ....Thereafter he passed into India which had, since Alexander's death, killed his prefects, thinking that the yoke of slavery had been shaken off from its neck. The author of its freedom had been

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Sandrokottos, but, when victory was gained, he had changed the name of freedom to that of bondage. For, after he had ascended the throne (siquidem occupato regno), he himself oppressed with servitude the very people whom he had rescued from foreign dominion. Though of humble birth, he was impelled by innate majesty to assume royal power. When King Nanda (Nandos) whom he had offended by his boldness, ordered him to be killed, he had resorted to speedy flight... Sandrokottos, having thus gained the crown, held India at the time when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness." (JRAS., 1914, 948-9). Since Dr. Hultzsch has omitted in his translation some relevant passages after "he had resorted to speedy flight", we will supply them from McCrindle's translation in his Invasion of India by Alexander the Great. "It was this prodigy (of a lion licking him) that first inspired him with the hope of winning the throne, and so, having collected a band of robbers, he instigated the Indians to overthrow the existing government. When he was thereafter preparing to attack Alexander's prefects, a wild elephant approached him and, receiving him on its back, fought vigorously in front of the army. Sandrokottos, having thus, etc." The course of events mentioned in these passages may be arranged as follows:
49
(1) When King Nanda ordered Sandrokottos (Chandragupta) to be killed, the latter had resorted to speedy flight.;
(2) While a fugitive, he met Alexander when the latter was preparing to retreat from the Hyphasis (Bias). Plutarch (first century A.D.) writes in his Life of Alexander (ch. 62):"Androkottus himself, who was then but a youth, saw Alexander himself and afterwards. used to declare that Alexander could easily have taken possession of the whole country, since the king was hated and despised by his subjects for the wickedness of his disposition, and the meanness of his origin";
(3) The prodigy of a lion licking him first inspired him with the hope of winning the throne;
(4) He then collected a band of robbers and instigated the Indians to overthrow the existing government (obviously of Magadha);
(5) He was thereafter preparing to attack Alexander's prefects when a wild elephant, taking him on its back, fought vigorously;
(6) Sandrokottos thus gained the crown;
(7) India killed Alexander's prefects shortly after his death, because if the killing had occurred long after Alexander's death, the latter event alone could not be said to have made India think that the yoke of slavery had been shaken off from its neck;
(8) Sandrokottos, by taking advantage of the confusion caused by killing the prefects to raise a revolt, was the author of India's freedom;
(9) But after Sandrokottos ascended the throne, he oppressed the very people whom. he had freed from foreign control;
(10) Sandrokottos held India, when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness.
It is thus clear that, soon after he heard, i.e., in about two months of Alexander's death at Babylon in June 323 B.C. (Smith: EHI., 114), Chandragupta was preparing to attack

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Alexander's prefects. Then he fought with and killed Nanda and thus gained the crown. The Indians regulated their military movements strictly by precedent. So serious fighting could not have been begun before Karttika in the cold season of 323 B.C. The military operations themselves would take about six months, i.e., till about April 322 B.C. Then only could he have helped the people of the Punjab who had killed Alexander's prefects to revolt successfully. This again would take many months, about a year, if we remember that it took even Alexander nearly two years, from January 326 to October 325 B.c. to conquer the Punjab and the Indus valley. So the acoession of Chandragupta, who ascended the throne only after he had freed the Punjab and the Indus valley, could not be dated before 321 B.C. Neither could it have taken place after that year, since, in that same year, in consideration of the changed conditions and the diminished territory, Antipater had to divide the satrapies anew and practically recognise the independence of India by giving the Indus valley, which had been under Peithon in Alexander's lifetime, and the Punjab, as a matter of form, to the Indian kings Porus and Ambhi of Taxila " for, it was impossible to remove them without royal troops under the command of some distinguished general" (Diodorus, 18. 39).
That the accession of Chandragupta must be dated after Alexander's death is also clear from the course of events in the Punjab. When Chandragupta met Alexander as the latter was preparing to retreat in September 326 B.C., the former was still a fugitive. Alexander stayed in India till the beginning of October 325 B.C., when he began his march through Gedrosia.' While he was marching through Karmania in February March 324 B.O., Alexander heard that Philippos, one of his Indian satraps, had been murdered by his mercenary troops who, however, had been slain at once by his Macedonian bodyguard, and directed Ambhi, king of Taxila, and Eudemos, commandant of a contingent on the Upper Indus (Curtius, 10. 1.11) to assume temporary administration of the province. The murder of Philippos must not be confused with that of Alexander's prefects referred to by Justinus, because the former occurred before, and the latter after, Alexander's death, and since the former involved no loss of territory to the Greeks, like the latter. Nothing more happened till Alexander's death (Smith: EHI., 109-10, 113-4). So Chandragupta's accession must be dated after Alexander's death, and in 321 B.O.
The Purdņas (Pargiter : Purana T'ext, 70) assign Chandragupta 24, his son Bindusåra 25, and his son Asoka 36 years. Buddhist works assign them 24, 28 and 37 years (Dipava isa, 5. 73, 100, 101; 11. 5, 12, 13; Mahdvansa, 5. 18, 19; 20.6; Buddhaghosha's Samanta pasadiká, Vinayapitaka, Oldenberg. 3.,321 ; Bigandet's Life of Gautama 2. 128), and say Asoka was anointed four years after his accession (DV., 6.1. 20, 21 ; MV., 5. 21; Sp. 299; Bigandet, 2. 128). The total for the Maurya rulers was 137 years (Pargiter : Purana Text, 70), but, by adding the figures of individual reigns, we get only 133 years (Vdyn, and Brahmånda purânas). To get the 137 years, we must add the four years' interval between the accession and the coronation of Asoka. On the other hand, the Buddhist works, by adding three years for Bindusara, and one year for Asoka, count the period twice over. So we should give these kings 24, 25, and 4+ 36-40 years. Târanátha, by giving Bindusara thirty-five years, confirms the unit figure of the Purdņas, and probably misread fry for fun in the decade figures. We may also note that Asoka commenced publishing his rescripts on morality 'twelve years after his anointing (Pillar Edict 8; Rock Edict 4).

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THE HÂTHIGUMPH CAVE INSCRIPTION OF KHẢRAVELA
51
We now give the following Chronological Table to illustrate this inscription :
c. 400 B.O.-Kalinga conquered by Nandavardhana (401-361 B.C.). 333-321 B.O.--Sumâlya Nanda of Magadha. 326-321 B.C.-Kalinga freed by an Aira king. 321—297 B.C.-Chandragupta Maurya of Magadha destroyed Nandas, and freed
Punjab and the Indus valley from the Greeks before his
accession. Kalinga a powerful and independent kingdom 297—272 3.0.—Bindusara of Magadha. 272 B.C.-Accession of Asoka, and struggle between him and his brothers for the
• throne. 268 B.C.-Anointing of Asoka. 260 B.C.-Asoka conquered Kalinga, and was converted. 256 B.O -Asoka's Kalinga edicts. He presents two caves in Barabar hills to the
Ajivikas. 249 B.C.He presents another cave in the same hills to the same. 232 B.C. -Asoka died. Probably Kalinga freed under Megha king Cheta of Kosala 218 B.C.-Nanda of Kalioga excavated & canal with terminus in Tanasuliya
Road. He also brought the Jaina image of Kalinga. Succeeded by
Ketubhadra (208 B.C.). 184_48 B.O.-Pushyamitra Sunga of Rajagriha expelled Yavanas and Sakas, and
ruled all North India as far west as the Indus. 194 B.C.-Khåravela (son of Jivadeva ?) born. 179 B.C.-Khâravela yuvarâja after studying or 9, 777, ETT, w, and prot: 170 B.C.-His father's death. Anointed king for a 4 . Repaired storm
damaged Simhapura. His subjects counted 3,500,000. Accession
of Sri Satakarqi, Andhra king. 169 B.C. -Disregarding Satakarņi, Khâravela sent an army to the west and burnt
Môshikanagara on the Kaņhabena (Central Provinces). 167 B.C.-Khâravela subdues the Rashtrika and Bhojaka leaders. 166 B.C.He extended Nanda's canal into Simhapura. 165 B.C.-He performs Rajasůya, remits tax-money, and bestows privileges on
civic and village corporations. 164 B.C.-His queen Dhusi of Vajra house (East Bundelkhand and South-West
Bihar) bears a son. 163 B.C.-Stormed Gorathagiri (Barabar hills) and besieged Rajagriha. Its king
retreats in haste to Mathura, abandoning his army. 162 B.C.-Grants gifts to Brahmans, and, to make the gifts accepted, lands to their
assembly. 161 B.C.-After performing Vedio sacrifices, he sends a successful expedition to
Bharatavarsha (the Gangetio valley).

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160 B.C. - He leads out in procession, on a wooden car, the statue of Ketubhadra
of Kalinga-acc. in Mauryan year 113-208 B.O.; Satakarņi dies. 159 B.C.-Frightening the cartray kings, and the Magadha people, Khårávela
crossed the Ganges from its northern side on elephants, and bowed Pushyamitra of Magadha. He presented jewelled doors to Nanda's Jaina image of Kalinga. Brings wealth of Auga and Magadha. Built towers with carved interiors. Received presents of elephant
ships, rubies, pearls etc. from the Pandya king. 158 B.C.--He grants maintenances to ar professors on the Udayagiri hill
and makes the Hathigumphå cave as an assembly room for learned Sramaņas. Near their dwellings, he builds a halting-place with
beryl-inlaid columns for Dhusi, queen of Simhapura. 157 B.C.-The Hathigumphê cave inscription engraved in Mariya year 164.
MORE ABOUT NICOLAO MANUCCI.
By L. M. ANSTEY. In his Introduction to the translation of Nicolao Manucci's Storia do Mogor, 16531708 (Indian Texts Series, 4 vols., 1907-08), the late Mr. William Irvine writes (vol. I,pp. lxvi-lxvii) : "On January 14, 1712, the president [of Madras) .... informed the Board that a special order had come to Pondicherry calling for Manucci's attendance at Shah Alam's court (then at Lahor). . . However, the emperor Shah Alam' died at Lahor on February 27, and the report thereof reached Madras in April 1712; thus, no doubt, Manucci did not start for the court ... I have failed to trace Mangoci farther at Madras or Pondicherry."
Since these lines were written three additional references to Manucci have come to light, two of them being later than April 1712. (1) Extract of Minutes of Mayor's Court Proceedings ("Records of Fort St. George," p. 7).1
2 September 1889. Nicola Manuche complains against Manuel Gonsalves de Livera for one hundred pagodas. (2) Extract of a letter from John Scattergood at Madres ("Scattergood Papers, commu
nicated” by Mr. Bernard P. Scattergood, F. 8. A.). 8 October 1712. I have sold my garden house to Maunutche, designing to send my wife home the next year. (3) Extract of Minutes of Mayor's Court Proceedings ("Records of Fort St. George,
pp. 72-73).” 3 December 1718. Doctor Manuch Enters an Action against Cojee Bauba (Khwaja Bâbâ) for 400 Pagodas.
Warrant return'd and Served. Bail'd by Cojee Gregory. 26 December. Petition read. Ordered that Cojoe Bauba be summoned the next Court day.
1 Abbreviations in the documents quoted been extended.

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53
6 January 1718-19. Answer read, and Petition read.
Doctor Manuch produces Certificates under Sevrall Persons hands declaring that Cojee Bauba desired them to send for the said Doctor Manuch to make up the matter between them on Account of what he was indebted by playing at Back Gammon.
The said Manuch likewise produces two Witnesses that declare they severall times carried Physick to Cojee Bauba from Doctor Manuch.
Ordered that Doctor Manuch give in next Court day a particular Account of what money he won of Cojee Bauba, and likewise of what physick he gave him and that he take his oath to the same if the Bench require it..
20 January. Doctor Manuch delivers in an Account of what Cojee Bauba is indebted to him at Gaming, but it not proving satisfactory, and it being difficult to get a true light into the matter,
Agreed that the affair of the Gaming be thrown out of Court.
Doctor Manuch likewise gives in his bill for what Physick he gave Cojee Bauba, which the Bench are of opinion ought to be wrote in a more ample manner and do not approve of the same.
Order'd that Doctor Manuch deliver in next Court day an Account of what Physick he gave Cojee Bauba drawn up in a proper form when the Bench will consider of the reasonableness of his demand.
30 January. Doctor Manuch delivers in a reply to Bauba['s] answer to the Petition.
The bench having thorowly Examind this affair, do give Judgment for the Defendant to pay the plaintiff 50 pagodas as likewise the Cost of suit.
The second of the above references confirms Mr. Irvine's supposition that, on receipt of the news of the death of Shâh 'Alam, Manucci gave up the idea of going to Lâhor, and it shows, moreover, that he returned to Madras as a resident.
The third reference finds him still at Madras, six years later, and proves, as Mr. H. D. Dodwell remarks in his Preface to the Minutes of the Mayor's Court Proceedings, that the period of Manucci's death must be later than 1717, the date tentatively assigned to it by Mr. Irvine (op. cit., vol. I, p. lxvii).
THE WORDS VACHA AND VINITA IN THE ASOKA EDICT. BY VIDHUSHEKHARA BHATTACHARYA SASTRI; SANTINIKETAN.
IN Aśoka's Rock Edict VI there are two words, vacha and vinita, about the true meaning of which 'some controversy has been started. Mr. Jayaswal (Ante, Vol. XLVII, February, 1918, pp. 53-54) has attempted to interpret them in the light of Arthasâstra, but as regards the second word, i.e., vinita, Prof. Radha Govinda Basak has satisfactorily proved (ibid, Vol. XLVIII, February, 1919) that the interpretation suggested by Mr, Jayaswal is not correct. I have also a few remarks to offer in this connection which I believe deserve attention.
I am afraid, Mr. Jayaswal has laid too much stress on the Royal Time Table given in the Arthasâstra (pp. 37-39) assuming that it was strictly followed by Aśoka. It is quite true, as he says, the chapter of the Arthasâstra in which the Time Table is given emphasises utthana, the quality of energy' and also in the Aśoka Edict VI it finds prominence. But

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there is no proof whatever that the same daily routine was carried out in practice by him. The fact, as has been related by Megasthenes, that Chandragupta used to receive petitions when he was being shampooed is no evidence that he was in the habit of acting upon the time table enjoined in the Arthasastra. Nor can we agree with Mr. Jayagwal when he says that this “shampooing " naturally refers to the hours before bath. On the contrary, it may safely be said that it refers rather to the hours following not only the bathing time, but also the meal time, i.e., the time fixed for svairavihdra or mantra in the Arthasastra. We find our support in Kadambarî where it describes the king Sadraka enjoying his shampoo.1
Following this, we may reasonably infer that Asoka was willing to extend the time for receiving reports even to the hours spent in his inner apartment or private room (gabhágdlasi, Skt. garbhagdre) in taking rest or consultation with ministers" gefert " -Arthasastra, p. 38). It is well known that it was the custom of other kings to employ for this purpose the second part of the day, say between 7-30 a.m. and 9 a.m., (Af., p. 37). But all the same there are reasons to think that the daily routine of duties according to the Arthasastra has no connection with the words used in the Edict VI. Prof. Basak has convinced us that the word vinita cannot mean "military exercise," as suggested by Mr. Jayaswal. Bühler has taken the word in the sense of a 'carriage', but he did not give any particulars about it. According to Prof. Basak vinita or vinita might mean either a welltrained (sådhuváhí) horse (Amara, II, 8, 44 ; Medini, Tântavarga, 158)..or & vehicle which is called vainitaka in Amara (II, 8, 58) and vinitaka in some other Sanskrit lexicons. But the question occurs to us why the word 'well-trained horse should be mentioned here in place of the general term for a horse, asva, or why elephants should be excluded which were equally important as a means of conveyance. I, therefore, incline to accept the second meaning proposed by Prof. Basak, i.e., 'a vehicle'.
But there can be no doubt that some special kind of vehicle is meant by the words vainitaka and vinitaka. Following Amara (II, 8, 58), Prof. Basak rightly calls it a parampardvdhana which he explains by saying (perhaps relying upon Monier Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary) that it is "a porter carrying a litter or a horse dragging a carriage." This explanation is far from being satisfactory. Parampardvahana literally means a váhana' vehicle 'dragged in parampard ' succession ' by animals, or in other words, a vehicle dragged by a relay of horses, etc. It is needless to say that this sort of conveyance was necessary in those days for a long journey.
Now, the word vinita or viníta ( =vainitaka, vinitaka), being a common term denoting a particular mode of conveyance, has to be coupled for the definiteness, with some other
1 YTT STEUTT403972regi ....aytez..... aga & ATYTU: arr a farar: AT FÅ FE TEAT: FT:
AT S EI " Kadambart, Parvabhaga, ed. Girijachandra Vidyalar Ara, Cal. 1885, p. 33. This passage is important as it agrees with what is proscribed in the Arthasdstra (p. 38): " true
"It is to be noted that in this extract the king is described as being attended here with his amdtyas, 'ministers', friends, and only those chiefs who could be allowed to meet him at that time. Mark also the significance of the phrase " fa " 'for very short space of time'.
1 Mr. Jayaswal has not offered any proof for his supposition that the garbhdgdra in the Ediot 4 was most likely an underground cool room for rent in summer." The underground room
(Arthasdatra, p. 40) seems to be more for safety on partioular occasion than for ordinary rest.
Prof. Basak did not give any particular name. But se Monier Williams' Sanskrit- English Dictionary, s. v. rata.

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THE WORDS VACHA AND VINITA IN THE ASOKA EDICT
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word that describes the special kind of carriage meant by the speaker; as for instance, rathavinita, which means a ratha' chariot' drawn in the aforesaid manner. This view will be supported by a Pali passage which is quoted below from the Rathavinitasutta of the Majjhimanikaya, 24 (I, 3,4; P. T. S., Vol. I, pp. 148-149; Rajwade, Vol. I, pp. 106-107) :
"c
"Seyyathâpi âvuso rañño Pasenadissa Kosalassa Sâvathiyam pativasantassa Sâkete kifchid-eva achchâyikam karaniyam uppajjeyya, tassa antarâ cha Sâvatthim antarâ cha Sâketam satta ratha vinitâni upaṭṭhapeyyum. Atha kho âvuso râjâ Pasenadi Kosalo Sâvatthiya nikkhamitvâ antepuradvârâ pathamam rathavinîtam abhirüheyya, pathamena rathavinitena dutiyam rathavinitam pâpuneyya; pathamam rathavinitam vissajjeyya dutiyam rathavinitam abhirâheyya, dutiyena rathavinitena tatiyam rathavinitam pâpupeyya, sattamam rathavinitam abhirâheyya, sattamena rathavinîtena Sâketam anupapaṛeyya antepuradvArah."
In the above quotation it is stated that in case the king Pasenadi of Kosala owing to some urgent business had to go to Sâketa, there would be arranged for him seven rathavinitas between Sâvatthi and Sâketa. Here it is evident that the rathavinita, 'a viníta in the form of a ratha' is a paramparáváhana. It should be noted that the gender of the word is neuter. According to Amara (II, 8, 58) this word must be used either in masculine or neuter gender. And therefore the word vinita in rathavinita being used in neuter gender cannot mean anything else but a paramparáváhana.
Buddhaghosa explains the word rathavinitâni by vinita-assâjânîya-yutte rathe, 'the chariots to which are yoked the horses that are well trained and of good race.' But strictly speaking, this explanation does not seem to be quite accurate. For in that case the ratha vinita in the original text could not be employed in the neuter gender.
One thing deserves to be pointed out here, and it is this: It is clear from the use of the word in the Majjhimanikaya that the seven vehicles arranged for the king between Sâvatthi and Sâketa were separate and that each of them was drawn by a different set of horses. It, therefore, is not unlikely that either a succession of vehicles is meant by Amara in his describing vainitaka as paramparáváhana, or the same vehicle dragged in succession by a supply of fresh animals, or both, according to necessity or convenience. But such distinction is immaterial, the important point being the particular manner of conveyance.
We have clearly seen in the above extract of the Majjhimanikâya that the vehicle named vinita is employed in a long journey. And therefore Asoka's meaning is evident in the Edict whereby he proclaims that when travelling a long distance in a vehicle drawn by a relay of horses he will expect his men to report the people's business to him. This inter pretation will be strengthened by what I am going to say about the second word of the Edict, i.e., vacha, which has hitherto generally been taken to mean a 'latrine'.
It cannot be disputed that the Sanskrit equivalent of the word vacha in the Edict is nothing but vraja. For the Pali word vacca literally means excrement and not a 'latrine', and to denote the latter, the word vachchaku is constantly used in Pâli literature. Furthermore, as Mr. Jayaswal rightly observes, "No king in his senses would ask officers to announce the business of suiters in his latrine."
Through the influence of Paisachi Prakrit, according to Prakrit grammarian (Hem., VIII, 4. 325; Trivikrama, III, 2. 65) Skt. vraja, Pali or Pkt. vaja becomes vacha. But what is the meaning of it? Mr. Jayaswal takes it to mean "the royal stables for horses, mules,

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bullocks etc., and their breeding farms." Here he himself has gone against the royal business routine fixed in the Arthasâstra on which he has laid so much stress. The Arthasâstra nowhere enjoins that a king himself should look through the affairs in the vraja. Moreover, this word in the Arthasâstra does not necessarily mean a royal' vraja, but it refers rather to a common vraja from which the Collector-General is to collect revenue. Then again, we ask why, should Aśoka particularly mention the vraja, i.e., the stables for "cows, buffaloes, goats, sheep, asses, camels, horses, and mules" (Arthasástra, p. 60), and not the stalls where his elephants were kept which were undoubtedly not less important. This leads me to think that a road, which is one of the meanings of vraja according to Sanskrit lexicons, exactly fits in with the context. If we read it now together with what I have already said about the word vinita, the sense of these two words, vacha and vinita, becomes clear. And I have no doubt in my mind that Aśoka in his declaration means to say that whether the king is on the road for a short walk or journey or being carried to a long distance by the help of successive arrangements of carriages the reporters should report the people's business to him. 5
MISCELLANEA.
AN EARLY REFERENCE TO PORT CORN. WALLIS, IN THE NORTH ANDAMAN ISLAND.
(Madras Courier, 22 Dec. 1790.)
The Honorable Commodore Cornwallis was at the Andamans, on board the Crown, when the Atalanta came away; and it appears by the account she has brought, that a new Harbour had been discovered in one of the small Islands to the North East, extremely capacious and commodious; much more so than even the former one which has been hitherto occupied and known by the name of Port Cornwallis [ now Port Blair ]. The name therefore will probably be now transferred where it is best. deserved, and the new Harbour established [ now known as Port Cornwallis ].
[ MARCH, 1920
The natives of the Andaman Islands appear unfortunately to be of an untractable disposition,
not easily made sensible either to benefits and the kindest treatment or to the superiority of Force. On the boat of the Crown landing on the little Islands mentioned above, a small number of them appeared; and notwithstanding every friendly demonstration, attempted a determined resistance; and actually wounded with their Bows and Arrows some of the Seamen.1 A few of them, however, who were taken, being treated with all possible lenity and dismissed with friendly assurances, it is hoped they may acquire a disposition more favorable both to themselves and us; and that there may be no inconvenience whatever from a contrary spirit to the establishment of so good & Harbour in a situation so eligible.
R. C. TEMPLE.
"Gost hddhvanivahá vrajah."-Amara, III, 3. 30; Sasvata, Poons, 1918, v. 626; Medini, Cal., 1897, Janta, 16; Vivaprakdia, Benares, Janta, 3; Kesavasvdmin, Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, 1176.
5 [It may help the discussion to note that I recollect the well-known native magistrate of Mandalay, U Pe St, helping European officials in 1887 to deal with cases in open Court lying on his face while being shampooed, The Burmese Court continued many very old Indian customs.-ED.]
1 The tribe met with was the Akakora Tribe of the Northern or Akayerewa Division of the people. The cause for hostility to strangers is explained in Census of India, 1901, Vol. III, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, p. 44.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851.
BY 8. CHARLES HILL.
XX. THE STORY OF THE CASSANDRA, 1720-1723. No. 97. Letter from Richard Lazinby.
(Continued from p. 42.) "Three days after they left the island they arrived off from Tellicherry where they took a small vessel belonging to Governor Adams, 31 John Fawke Master, whom they brought on board very drunk. He having heard of my misfortune, enquired for me, having been acquainted with him in my former voyage to Bengal in the Duke of Cambridge. He began presently to tell me that my old Captain Macrae was fitting out after them, at which nows the Quarter Master told me to prepare, for the next day, he swore, he would hang me like a dog as I was, not doubting, he said, but if I was cleared from them, I would take the first opportunity to come and fight against them as Captain Maorae had, who, they said, like a villain as he was, they had used so civilly in giving him a ship to carry him from Johanna, and swore for the future, if in his power, he would carry the Masters and Offioers of all ships they ever overpowered, to plague them like dogs as they were to abuse oivillity. They then proceeded to Calicut, where they endeavoured to take a large Moor ship out of the Road, but were intercepted by some guns that were mounted on shore. I was down below as usual, thinking the story Captain Fawke told them was forgot, but, unknown to me, the Captain and Quarter Master were so malicious to order me to the Braces on the Booms in hopes I should be shot. When they got clear of the Road they called me up to know the reason why I was not on desk according to their order. I replied I had no business there at the time, entreating to be put on shore. The Quarter Master answered that if ever he knew me off the deck in time of action, he would shoot me through the head. I told him 'twas better directly to do it than keep me in misery there, at which he begged the Captain to correct me for my impudence, he being lame of his hands. According to his desire, he fetched his oane and began to belabour me unmeroifully, which some of their people seeing came to hinder him and said he might be ashamed to abuse me in such manner for nothing, saying they would do their endeavour to have me put on shore at Cochin with Captain Fawke. The next day in their passage down, came up with a Dutoh galliet bound for that place with limestone. They sent their boat on board with Captain Fawke, which the forementioned people seeing, came to the Captain and told him he might as well then let me go as not, and pressed it very hard, but the Captain's answer was that if they had a mind to overset their proceedings by letting a dog go, who had heard their designs and resolutions for the ensuing year, they might, but he would never consent to it. Abundanoe of the Captain's party also objected against it, which occasioned a strong debate, and so far enraged the Captain that he swore if I Font he would have a limb of me first to his share. He likewise added that my going there might be a hindrance of their having a supply from the Dutch.
"Captain Fawke was sent away in the Galliot. The next day they arrived off Cochin, where by a fishing canoe they sent a letter on shore, and, in the afternoon with the seabreezo ran into the Road, where they anchored, saluting the Fort with eleven guns each ship, the Fort returning their salute, gun for gun. At night there came on board a large
31 Robert Adams, Chief of the Company's factory at Calicut, and later of Tellichern

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boat laden with fresh provisions and liquors with the servant of an inhabitant of that place, vulgarly called John Trumpet, 32 who told them they must immediately weigh and run further to the southward, where they should have a supply of all things they wanted, as well Naval stores as provisions. They had not been long at an anchor before they had several canoes on board with Inhabitants, as well white as black, which never ceased more or less during their stay there. At night came on board the forementioned John Trumpet, bringing with him a large boat with Arrack, which they received with abundance of joy, asking if they could have any more. He said that he had procured all on the place for them, which was about 90 Legors [leaguers) and 60 bales [?] of sugar [? canes), which they should have off before he left them, which they did in about three days, the boat going and coming as fast as it could. The second day they sent on shore a fine Table Clock which was taken in our ship (the Cassandra], a present to the Governor, also a large gold watch to his daughter, who, in return, sent them ten bales of sugar.
" When they had all on board, they paid Mr. Trumpet his money, gave him three cheers (or huzzahs]$and eleven guns each ship, throwing handfuls of ducatoons into his boat as he put off from the ship. That night being little wind they did not weigh, and the next morning John Trumpet returned with more Arrack and two large chests of piece-goods and ready made clothes, bringing with him the Fiscal (magistrate] of the place. At noon they saw a sail to the southward which they immediately weighed after and chased, but she, having so good an offing, got to the northward of them and that night anchored a small distance from Cochin Fort, which, in the morning, they had sight of and gave hur chase, she standing into Cochin Road and they after her, being asured by the forernentioned Gentlemen that they might take her from under the Castle without any molestation, begging withall not to carry her away, for they would purchase her and give as good & price as anyone. The Captain begged them to go into their boats and he would talk with them after he had taken the ship. They stood in boldly to board her, but when they were within about & cable length or two of her, the Fort fired two small guns at them, the shot falling close almost to their muzzles, at which they instantly bore out of the Road and made easy sail to the southward, where [? they arrived) at night and in their former berth ; at night a great boat was sent by John Trumpet to get them water and to let them know if they would stay there some days longer there would be a very rich ship pass by commanded by the General of Bombay's brother.
"That night they spent in getting of water, and in the morning weighed to continue their cruise southward, having disbursed for Liquor, Provisions &c. between stx and seven thousand pounds. After finishing their affairs with the Dutch some were for proceeding to Madagascar forth with, others to stay and cruise for a store-ship for them; the latter at last agreed on, they plied to the southward, where sometime after they see a ship in shore, but she having the wind of them they could not get rear her till the sea-wind set in, which Was very faint. Night coming on they separated, one ship to the northward and the other to the southward, thinking in the morning to have her between them, but, oontrary to their expectation, when day broke, instead of their chase, [they) were very near five sail, who immediately made them signals to bear to them, which put them in great confusion, their consort being three leagues to the southward of them. They immediately stood to
33 In his Deposition, Lazinby says this was an assumed name, but does not give the real one. * See Lazinby's Deposition, infra.

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their consort and joined him, the fleet chasing them. Being at first very much dejected, believing it to be the forementioned fleet commanded by Captain Macrae, they made all sail from them possible, and, after three hours found none of the fleet came up with them, only one Grab, who came very near half way between them and the fleet, they began to take courage and rejoice. It presently after fell calm and so continued till night. When the land-wind came they ran directly off shore and in the morning finding the fleet out of sight, were extremely satisfied, not desiring any of Captain Macrae's company. They now thinking themselves out of danger, proposed to carouse and keep their Christmas before they would stir any further, which they did in a most riotous manner, destroying all their fresh provisions they had, and two thirds in waste I believe.
“This lasted near three days, when they then proposed to go to the island Mauritius, there to repair, their leaky ship (the Victoria ] being in a very bad condition. That being agreed on made the best of their way there. In their passage expected the leaky ship to sink every day. They were going several times to quit her and I believe had done so, were it not for the scarcity of provisions and water; another thing being there a great quantity of Arrack. The allowance among them at that time was one bottle of water per man a day, and not above two pound of Beef and a small quantity of rice for ten men per day, which, had it not been for the Arrack and Sugar, must the greater part of them have perished.
"In this condition they arrived at the Island of Mauritius about the middle of February 1721 1 where they found very good refreshment, refitted and sheathed their leaky ship, and the 5th of April they sailed in order for the Island Mascarine. They arrived on the 8th ditto in the morning, where they found lying there a large 70 gun Portuguese, whom they immediately took with very little resistance, she having lost all her masts and likewise guns save 21 in a storm they had met with in 13° South Latitude. She had on board, when they took her, the Viceroy of Goa, 34 and several other gentlemen that were Passengers, who came on board that morning, believing they were English ships. Having an account of another ship, an Ostender, that lay to the leeward of the island, they made the best of their way to it and took her. She was formerly the Greyhound Galley belonging to London.
“There happened a great Cabal among the pirates on the Viceroy's account. 35 some being for carrying him to Mozambique and make him ransom (himself], others saying they did believe this rich prize they had taken might partly belong to him, and said it was better to take a small ransom there than be troubled with him, which was at last agreed on for 2,000 dollars. I then begged to be set on shore, which was granted. Accordingly was
get on shore on the 10th with His Excellenoy and the rest of the prisoners. The Governor of the place interceded, as also the Viceroy, very much to leave a ship (either the Portuguese or the Greyhound ]36 to carry the prisoners away, alleging that the island was not in a condition to maintain so many people. They with smooth promises said they would call & Council about it to see what might be done, but contrary to that in the night sailed away, carrying with them the best of the men that they had taken in the two ships, besides 200 of Mozambique negroes in the Portuguese, designing for Madagascar, there to
* The Count de Receirs. 30 See below for the traditional story of this affair which became current in the islande 36 See Deposition,

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clean the Cassandra and from thence to the Red Sea, where, if they met with no success, they would to their old friends at Cochin and sell their diamonds they had taken in the Portuguese ship (which since as the Viceroy told me, were to the value of between three and four millions of dollars) and thence to make the best of their way into the China Seas, believing there might be men-of-war or other ships fitted out in pursuit of them.
60
[APRIL, 1920
"During my stay on the island there arrived in May two ships from France bound to Madagascar for slaves and from thence to Missisippi. The beginning of June arrived another from St. Malo for China, and in her way to settle the Island of Pullecondore [Pulo Condore], having on board her a Governor, two Engineers and about one hundred soldiers and officers. They made but very little stay. When they sailed I took care to write to China to acquaint your Honours of what is herein mentioned.
"On the first of November last arrived the Triton, French ship from Mocha, last, from the Island of Mauritius, where had stayed forty days, during which time had taken possession of the said island by erecting a large Cross and leaving a French flag flying."3"
"The Governor of this place had some time before been in expectation of ships from France for that purpose, but none coming had begun to build a small vessel to send up there with people to settle it, much fearing that the Ostenders would do it before them, which he had an account they intended.
"Having now an opportunity, I embarked with the Viceroy and several others for France, but luckily touching at the Isle of St. Helena met Captain [William] Hutchinson [ of the Sunderland ], who was so obliging to take me on board, being almost starved in the French ship.
3-A.
RICHARD LAZINBY."
No. 99. Deposition of Richard Lazinby (Extract).
"And this deponent further saith that during his stay at the said island Don Mascarenhas he saw and discoursed with Captain Condon and about forty of his people, who had been a pyrating, that they told him they had taken a rich India ship, which they brought to Madagascar and sunk her at or near Port St. Mary's, 38 and from thence came to Don Mascarenhas on the encouragement of the French King's Act of Grace, that about fifteen of them came from thence taking passage on a French ship called the Triton, bound for Europe, on which this deponent also took passage in November last, that Captain Condon and about eighteen more continued on the island and the rest were dead. That this deponent understood from the French Directore there that the French East India Company's orders were that, if any of the pirates on the island died leaving a wife, his widow should enjoy
37 Bernardin de St. Pierre says the French took possession after the Dutch abandoned it in 1712. 38 Commodore Matthews in 1721/2 found at St. Mary's the wreck of a fine Jeddah ship which had been taken by Capt. Condon of the Flying Dragon with 13 lakhs of treasure on board. The pirates, in ignorance of or careless of their value, had left all the rest of the cargo, spices, drugs, cloth and guns, lying on the shore. (Biddulph, Pirates of Malabar, p. 186.) According to Johnson, History of the Pirates (II, 140, 143), the Flying Dragon was a former privateer which Condon (or Condent) took from the Dutch off the island of St. Jago. Johnson says that he assisted in the capture of the Viceroy of Goa (which seems unlikely from Lazinby's account) and that he retired to St. Malo where he became a merchant. Condon was in Madagascar in 1720 (see Miscellaneous Letters Received, Vol. 12, No. 256).

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the effects belonging to the deceased, but, if not, then such pirates were not allowed to give away any of their effects at their death. This deponent saw the Directore take into his possession the effects of two of the said pirates immediately after notice of their decease. And lastly this deponent saith that the ship Triton, in her homeward bound passage, touching at St. Helena, found there the ship Sunderland, belonging to the United English Company aforementioned, on which this deponent came to England."
[ India Office Miscellaneous Letters Received, Vol. 13, Nos. 97 and 99. ]
Account of Bourbon. "It is well known that the first inhabitants (of Bourbon or Mascarenhas) were pirates, who co-habited with negro [native) women from Madagascar. They fixed here first about the year 1657. The (French) India Company had also at Bourbon a Factory and a Governor who lived with them [i.e. the pirates) in great circumspection. The Viceroy of Goa came one day to anchor in the Road of St. Denis and was to dine with the Governor. He had scarcely set his foot on shore before a pirate ship of fifty guns anchored alongside his vessel and took her. The Captain landed forthwith and demanded to dine at the Governor's. He seated himself at table between him and the Portuguese Viceroy, to whom he declared that he was his prisoner. Wine and good cheer having put the seaman in good humour, Monsieur Desforges (the Governor) asked him at how much he rated the Viceroy's ransom. I must have,' said the pirate, 'a thousand piastres.'39 That's too little,' said Monsieur Desforges, 'for a brave fellow like you to receive from a great Lord like himask enough or ask nothing.' 'Well, well, then I ask nothing,' replied the generous corsair,
let him be free.' The Viceroy embarked instantly and set sail, happy at having escaped on such good terms. This piece of service of the Governor was recompensed shortly after by the Court of Portugal, who presented his son with the order of Christ.
“The pirate 10 afterwards settled on the island and was hanged a considerable time after an amnesty had been published in favour of his companions, and in which he had failed to get himself included. This injustice was the work of a Judge who was desirous of appro. priating his spoils to his own use. But this last villain, a little while after, came to nearly as wretched an end, although the justice of men did not reach him.
"It is not long (written 21 December 1770] since the last of these pirates, whose name was Adam, died aged 104 years." (J. H. Bernardin de St. Pierre, Voyage to the Isle of France, p. 192.]
5.
The end of the “Cassandra." On the March 1723 John Freeman, Second Mate of the Ostend Galley *1 deposed that he was taken by the Cassandra at Don Mascarenhas in April 1721. The Ostend Galley was taken thence to St. Mary's in Madagascar, but having been sent down the coast for a mast, the Dutchmen and Portuguese on board, finding themselves with only two pirates, put
39 This would be at the most one quarter of the sum mentioned by Lazinby.
40 It is a pity St. Pierre does not give us the pirate's name. It may have been Condent or more probably Labouche who was a Frenchman. Again, if it was Taylor, it would account for his good treat. ment when he rurrendered to the Spaniards.
61 I..., the old Greyhound. See above, p. 59.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1920 the latter ashore and escaped with the ship. Freeman said that no less than eighty of the pirates died at St. Mary's. In December they sailed thence, the Victoria with 64 guns and 100 men and the Cassandra with 40 guns and 100 men. At Tullear Bay on the west coast of Madagascar +2 they took a French ship of 200 tons and burnt her. Thence they went to St. John's 13 and Dillego (Delagoa Bay] then to Mozambique and to Massaledge, 44 where they parted company, the Victoria, now carrying 220 men, with a small sloop of 20 guns going to St. Mary's and the Cassandra, via the Cape, St. Helena, the Assiento [ Ascension Island ) Fernando Po, and the Island Rube,45 to the Shamblan Keys 46(?) in the West Indies. [India Office Miscellaneous Leiters Received, Vol. 14, No. 162. ] 5-A. Letter from Jamaica to Humphrey Morrice Esq., 12 May 1723. "We have received an account from Portobello by a vessel just arrived from thence that a pirate ship of 40 guns and 140 men was lying about thirty leagues to the windward of Portobello. The ship was the Cassandra formerly taken from Captain Mackray in the East Indies. The last place they came from was the Island of Madagascar, having been from thence five months and halfe. The present Captain of the Pirate ship is named Taylor and he has sent down by a small turtle fishing sloop to Portobello, the Doctor of the Pirate ship desiring a pardon. This letter wous delivered to the Commander (Captain Laws] of the Mermaid man-of-war, whom he, the Doctor, informed that the Captain of the Pirate ship was not above twelve leagues distance, and he believed if the Captain of the man-of-war would send up an hostage that the Captain of the Pirate would come down aboard the manof-war, which was readily consented to and the Captain of the man-of-war sent down his brother. Two days after the Captain of the Pirate ship came down aboard the man-of-war and was very solicitous for a pardon. The Captain of the man-of-war treated the Captain of the Pirate very civilly and persuaded him to bring down his ship and go with him to Jamaica and he would not molest him. After two days' stay the Captain of the Pirate ship went to his Concerts to prevail with them to surrender to the Captain of the Mermaid man-of-war. The pirates have got the ship Cassandra into so crooked a place that all the Navy of England cannot hurt her. They have lighted [sic] their ship three foot to get her over the shoals and were six days hauling her in between the rocks (so) that it is impossible for any vessel to come near her. They give out that they can divide in silver and gold PS1,200 a man, and to have a great value aboard in diamonds besides a great many rich goods."' 5-B. Letter from James Pearce to Humphrey Morrice, 4 July 1723. "Captain David Greenhill in one of the South Sea Company's Snows arrived from Porto. bello two days before we sailed from Jamaica and brings account that the Cassandra Pirate was come into Portobello and the people had a free pardon for themselves and goods [i.e. were allowed to keep their booty), only paying the King's duty, and they were selling their diamonds and India goods there when he came away. They have taken the ship for the King of Spain and christened her with great ceremony." 12 Tullear is on the north of St. Augustine's Bay. 13 St. John's Road, S. W. Africa (Umzirubu). 4 N. W. coast of Madagascar ( ? modern Majanga ). See Hamilton's map, I. fig. 1, and correct note on p. 20, ante. 48 Aruba or Oruba, off the Gulf of Maracaibo, Columbia. 48 Gulf of San Blas, Columbia, where there would be a good hiding place for pirates in the Archipelago. do las Mulattas.,

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5-c.
Letter from Captain James Pearce of the " Ruby" Snow to Humphrey Morrice, dated Jamaica 19 June 1723.
63
"By a sloop belonging to the South Sea Company arrived here from Portobello we have an account that the large Pirate on the Spanish American Coast formerly called the Cassandra have surrendered themselves to the Spaniards allowing 20 per cent. out of their riches."
[ India Office Miscellaneous Letters Received, Vol. 14, p. 205 et seq.]
XXI:
ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE REVENGE AND BOMBAY GRAB AND A MARATHA FLEET, 1775.
Technically, I suppose, the Marâthas engaged in this fight were not pirates, as their commander was a Marâtha officer, but practically the whole Marâtha fleet engaged in piracy in peace times, and became respectable, like the old Elizabethan privateersmen, when war broke out. The fight described below was altogether one-sided, as the Marathas were no match for the English in gunnery, though they were quite as heavily armed as the English ships. In the circumstances attending the encounter now reported one can, therefore, only admire the courage of the Maratha commander, who sacrificed his ship to save the rest of his fleet.
A Narrative of the Engagement between the Revenge and the Bombay Grab 48 with the Moratta fleet off Cape Dobbs 49 [1st and 2nd February 1775, by a Passenger on the Bombay Grab].
The enemy were seen in the morning of the 1st instant, consisting of five large ships and two ketches with some gallivats. At one in the afternoon the two ketches with three gallivats bore away to the eastward. At four the Commodore [John Moore] made the Grab's signal to chase to the south-west. At past five the ships separated, two departing to the eastward and two to the westward with the remainder of the gallivats. The fifth ship stood on to the south-east, which the Revenge and the [Bombay] Grab pursued.
About past seven in the evening the [Bombay] Grab had the good fortune to get up alongside within pistol shot of the Moratta ship (since found to have been the Sensare Jung [Shamsher Jang] of forty guns and 350 men), when she began a brisk firing both with great guns and small arms. Some few of both were returned by the enemy, but far short of what might have been reasonably expected from a vessel of her force. The Revenge was at this time far astern, nor could she come up till about ten o'clock, when a brisk firing commenced from her also.
The evening being dark, it was impossible to see the damage she must have received from the Bombay Grab's cannonading: the shots were heard to strike very forcibly against 48 Two of the Company's cruisers.
47 Probably at the Gulf of San Blas.
19 By Cape "Dobbs " the writer apparently means the southern point of the mouth of the Vashishti river, from which Dabhol, in Ratnagiri district, is six miles distant.-ED.

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her sides, and as the Revenge had joined us to destroy her, it was reasonably expected she would speedily become a prize to our superior force, and though repeatedly desired not to make any further resistance, yet they [the enemy] refused, preferring to receive a most smart cannonading from both vessels than strike. On her part a very slow fire was returned:
From her keeping so much to the eastward we were of opinion the enemy meant to run their vessel on shore (since we have been informed that was their design), though the
Bombay) Grab followed her into 4 fathoms rocky ground and anchored, but the Commodore, knowing the Revenge drew less water, he directed the boat from each vessel to tow him up alongside the Moratta ship. It was about before eleven o'clock when the [Bombay) Grab anchored. At past she again weighed and the land wind . . . . all the vessels out, prevented the enemy running on shore. At ; past .... she blew up and was continually in a flame from head to stern. The cause of this accident cannot be determined but is reasonably supposed to have happened from the careless manner in which they have their powder or by a hand grenade. Perhaps a shot from ono of the vessels struck a bolt in her Magazine, but how it happened is merely conjecture. Sufficient to say that she is totally destroyed.
It is impossible to describe so terrible a picture. The ship itself in flames was dreadful, but more so were the cries of the unhappy sufferers, many of whom after being severely burnt were found swimming, endeavouring to avoid the power of one element by flying to another. Our Commodore sent his own boat and the Bombay Grab's to relieve as many of the people as they possibly could. To the number of thirty were saved, but many of them such objects that it hurt the nature of man to see them ; some shot in different places, others miserably burnt. Many will in all probability die. Every method was used to ease them that was in the power of the Surgeons by the application of such medicine as were proper and suitable.
It is to be remarked how singularly fortunate it was that not a person on board either vessel received the smallest hurt from the enemy, nor did either of our ships suffer, unless from one shot which struck the (Bombay) Grab forward. From the nearness with which the Company's vessels began, continued and ended the fight, it was reasonably to be expected that greater accidents would have happened than what did. The situation of each vessel was very dangerous at the time of the explosion as well as from the flames of the Moratta ship, but providentially they have both escaped.
It will ever afford me pleasure to relate with what spirit and bravery distinguished both officers and men on this occasion, each endeavouring to convince how much they were interested in the Honour of that Service in which they are engaged.
At the earnest solicitation of the prisoners, when off Gheriah,60 the Commodore made a signal for a boat, which being observed by one going into that port from Vengurla,
Vengorla, Ratnagiri District), she came to the Revenge, when those poor creatures were sent on shore--miserable objects indeed!
80 Gherish or Vijayadrug, a port in Ratnagiri district, Bombay.-ED.

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Whilst lying to off this port, there was seen flying a pendant similar to that which the vessel had we burnt, hoisted only half mast up.51 May it not reasonably be supposed a kind of mourning for either the ship or her commander, as she must be a very great loss to them, being by far the finest ship in their service, new and mounting guns of 18, 12, 9, and 6-pounders, which are said to have been taken from the Saint Anne, Portuguese ship.
Many enquiries made from the prisoners respecting the strength of the enemy's fleet, which they informed consisted of the following vessels, not including the ship destroyed before mentioned, vizt.
The Fattee Jung [Fateh Jang) ..
Dat Paul [Datu Pal] .. .. Narror Paul (Narhar Pal]
.. • Naddow Paul (Nadav Pal] ..
Rampersad (Ramparshâd] Ketch Greyspursaud (Guruparshad) Ketch Shoespursaud (Shivparshad] Ketch
.. .. .. ..
.. of 38 guns. .. 26 do. .. 26 do. .. 32 do.
.. ..
with two other ketches, whose names they did not know, belonging to Rutnagurry [Ratnagiri)."
They also said that on seeing the (Bombay) Grab come up with them, they had determined to board her but were stopt therefrom by the quick fire kept up from that vessel, which prevented them from keeping on deck. Their sepoys (Maratha soldiers) went down the Main (hatch or hold) and the lascars sheltered themselves in the Forehold, now and then stealing up to fire a gun or discharge a matchlock.
We learn likewise that on finding themselves so much overmatched; the Moratta Commander resolved if possible to run his vessel on shore, as he observed to his own people, when by them desired to strike, that he could not think of so doing, as he would by such an action incur the displeasure of his superior officer, who would decapitate him if ever hereturned to Gheriah.
The Head Subedar53 (the prisoners informed us) left the ship. How many accompanied him we cannot learn, but from the size of the boat concluded but few could have been so fortunate, from whence it may be concluded that the major part of the number have perished. [ India Office Records, Home Series, Miscellaneous, Vol. 120, pp. 5–14.)
(To be continued.)
61 The flag at half-mast replaced the black flag as a sign of mourning as early at least as 1700, but certain countries kept to the old custom much later.
52 The Marathas, like the European pirates, were always much more strongly manned than the English ships of war, and generally, when unable to escape, tried to board in order to use their advantage of superior numbers. The warships, on the other hand, with better disciplined crows almost invariably tried to sink or disable them and so force the pirates to surrender without coming to close quarters.
53 Sabahdår, the commander of the Marktha seepoys.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AĦMADNAGAR.
BY LT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G. The following account of the Nizâm Shâhi dynasty of Ahmadnagar is a translation of the second part of the Burhan-s-Ma'asir by 'Ali ibn 'Aziz Allah Tabatabai of Samnân, of which only three copies are known to exist. The first part of this work, containing an account of the Bahmanî kings of the Dakan, is merely introductory and has already been translated by Major J. S. King, who published his translation in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXVIII, from which it was reprinted in book form in 1900 by Messrs. Luzac & Co., under the title of The History of the Bahmani Dynasty, founded on the Burhan-i-Ma'asir.
Meeting Major King in the library of the India Office, in 1909 or 1910, I asked him whether he purposed continuing his translation, and on ascertaining that he had no such intention, I made, for my own use, a translation of the rest of the Burhan-i-Ma'dsir, which I was then reading. I now offer this translation to readers of The Indian Antiquaru.
The author's style is bombastic and prolix in the extreme, and in my translation I have freely curtailed the pompous phraseology of the original. Some passages, such as the description of the festivities on the occasion of a royal wedding, I have omitted altogether, as being void of historical interest.
The value of the work as a historical document is much impaired by its partiality, the author being a panegyrist of the dynasty whose history he professes to tell. The most flagrant instances of his unscrupulous partiality are his impudent attempt to claim for the founder of the dynasty, in the face of the clearest historical evidence, descent in the male line from the Bahmanî kings, his fictitious account of a defeat inflicted on Mahmud Shảh Begâra of Gujarat by Ahmad Nizam Shah, fighting in defence of a mythical Mahmud Shâh of Khandesh, and his praise of the maniac, Murtaza Nizam Shah I.
Nevertheless the chronicle is not without value. It is a record of events in the State in which the author lived, and is probably fairly trustworthy so far as it relates to domestic affairs; and the detailed record of the siege of Ahmadnagar by Akbar's troops is interesting, and is, so far as I know, the only original account of the siege from the point of view of the beleaguered garrison. It contains mueh information not to be found elsewhere.
Such a work as I have described requires to be carefully compared with other histories and this must be my apology for the number and length of the notes.
Abbreviations. F.--Firishta's History, Bombay text of 1832.
AN.-Albarnama, Bibliotheca Indica edition, text, published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
zw.-An Arabic History of Gujarat (Zafar-ul-Walihi bi Muzaffar wa Alik), edited by E. Denison Ross, Ph.D. John Murray & Co., 1910. Indian Texts Series (Text).
Danvers.--The Portuguese in India, by F. C. Danvers. W. H. Allen & Co., Limited 1894. BS.-Basåtin-us-Sallin., Haidarabad, lithographed edition. HA.-Hadiqat-ul-Alam. Haidarabad, lithographed edition of A... 1309. TMS.-Tátish-s-Muhammad Qutb Shahe. MS. in author's possession.
T. W. G.

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1.-ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AĦMADNAGAR. Since God's eternal mercy was closely connected with the preservation of the male line and the continuation of the kingdom and prosperity of the family, founded in vicegerency, who, from father to grandfather, have been crowned kings and rulers since the days of Bahman the son of Isfandiyâr and, before that, as far back as Kayûmars, He saved the firmly founded house of the pillars of the kingdom of the king of the world, Sultan Muhammad Shah Bahmanî, from the inroads of ruin and disintegration, and the misfortune of extinction and decay, by the birth of the successful and fortunate prince, a Faridan with the power of Jamshid, protected by the one God, Aba l-Muzaffar Sultan Ahmad Bahri Nizam Shah. Although historians differ much in their accounts of that king of high birth, and the author of this noble work has seen in the royal library of the Nizam Shahi kings a treatise in the noble handwriting of His Majesty whose abode is Paradise, at the end of which he had written, "The writer of this was Shaikh Burhân-ud-dîn, son of Malik Ahmad Nizâm-ulMulk, son of Malik Näib, who had from His Majesty the title of Ashraf-i-Humayûn Nizâm Shah ; " yet that which has come before the eyes of the writer of these lines in some works on the history of the sultâns of the countries of the Dakan, and which he has. heard from experienced old men of this country, is the story which is now to be related.
Historians of Ahmad Nizam Shah have written as follows: When the king of the world, Muhammad Shah Bahmani, was on the throne, some of the amirs who were, by his orders, employed in collecting tribute from, and in laying waste. the country of the idolaters, captured a beautiful damsel. When they saw that she was worthy of the royal bedchamber, they sent her, with other gifts, to His Majesty. The modest virgin, on her arrival at court, found favour in the king's eyes, and was treated more kindly than any other member of the seraglio, as she excelled them all, not only in beauty, but also in courtesy, modesty, fidelity and understanding. Since it was God's eternal will that that Bilqis of the period, that Mariyam of the age, should be the shell which was to contain the gem of the vicegerency and the place of rising of the star of sovereignty, the plant of her hopes, after the Sultan had gone in into her, bore fruit, and became heavy therewith. When her days were accomplished, a prince was born, and the Sultan, on receiving news of the event, rendered thanks to God and gladdened his eyes with the sight of the child. The young prince was entitled Moti Shah, and received the name of Sultan Ahmad. The king then bestowed gifts on all around him, and commanded the astrologers to draw the young prince's horoscope with the utmost care. They foretold, from the aspects of the seven planets, that the child would become king, and that the further he could be sent from the court and the capital, the better it would be for the interests of the State.
When they reported the result of their investigations, the king, though delighted by the bright future foretold for the child, writhed with anguish at the thought that he must part from him. At last he decided that the interests of the State would be best consulted by his sending the prince and his mother to Malik Hasan Humayun Shahi, who ultimately obtained the titles of Majlis-i-A'lâ Mangab-i-Mu'allà, and Malik Näib, in order that that vazir.might send the prince and his mother to Ramgir and Mahûr, which were parganas far from the capital and held by Malik Naib, and keep him in that country, taking the greatest pains in his education and in the care of him. Majlis-i-A'lâ Mansab-i-Mu'alla Malik Naib
1 Burhan Nizam Shah I.

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was therefore summoned, and the Sultan took counsel with him on the project. Malik Näib agreed that it would be best to send the young prince to Ramgir and promised, as a faithful servant, to neglect nothing that would be for the benefit of him and of his education, The Sultân accordingly carried out his design, and the education of the young prince was entrusted to Malik Naib.
Some historians say that Sultan Mahmud Shâh gave Malik Näib a slave girl from his haram and that when Malik Näib took the girl to his haram she was discovered to be pregnant. Malik Näib of necessity brought the matter to the notice of the king, and it was decreed, with the connivance of the slave girl, that since that royal offshoot had first seen the light in Malik Nâib's house, Malik Naib should thenceforth be his tutor, and afterwards when Mahmud Shâh came to the throne, the young prince (Ahmad) was generally regarded as the son of Malik Naib. But God knows the truth of all things.3
Majlis-i-A'lâ (Malik Naib) formed great hopes of advancement from the favour which had been shewn to him, and sent the young prince with a large retinue to Mâhûr and Râmgir, which were his own jagirs, and took the greatest possible care of him. The king, too, inquired closely and constantly into the young prince's affairs and devoted much attention to his education, always seeing that he was well supplied with rich clothes, Arab horses, arms, and all that was understood to become his position as a prince, and sending them to him.
When the prince came to years of discretion, having devoted his time to the acquisition of accomplishments and learning, his talk was ever of arms, and the distinction and honour to be gained by their use, and he was ever conversant with them, so that kingship
Sic. A mistake for Muhammad.
3 This fictitious account of the origin of the Nizam Shahi dynasty has apparently been fabricated by the author. The origin of the dynasty is well known. Its founder, Almad Nizâm-ul-Mulk. who afterwards assumed the title of Shah, was the son of asan, entitled Malik Naib. Hasan was a Brahman, originally named Timå Bhat, who had been captured in his youth by Ahmad Shah Bahmani in 8 campaign against Vijayanagar in 1422 or 1423. Although he was captured in Vijayanagar territory, he was a Brahman of the Maratha country, his father, whose name is corruptly given as Bhareo, probably a version of Bhairon or Bhairava, having belonged to the family of the kulkarnie or paf wdris of Pathri on the Godavari, and having fled from that place to Vijayanagar in order to escape the persecution to which he was subjected by the Muslims. From a further corruption of the name of Ahmad's grandfather, the cognomen Bahri, often applied to the dynasty, was formed.
Sayyid Ali cites no authority for his story except some unnamed historical works and the oral testi. mobny of some old men. The evidence on the other side, both positive and circumstantial, is overwhelming There is the statement of Burhân Nizam Shah I in his own handwriting, which is mentioned by Firishta (ii, 199) as well as by Sayyid Ali, that he was the grandson of Malik Naib; there is the evidence of the historians Firishta and Nizâm-ud-din Ahmad, author of the Tabaqdt-j-Akbart that Aḥmad always passed and behaved as the son of Malik NAib; and there is the action taken by Burhan Nizam Shah I in 1518 when he demanded of 'Ald-ud-din 'Imad Shah of Berar the cession of the town and district of Pathri, then included in the Berar kingdom, in exchange for another district, on the ground that Pathri was the home of his ancestors and that many of his relations still lived there. On "All-ud-din's refusal to cede the district, Burhan I made war on him and annexed it.
The circumstantial evidence is also strong. Had Abmad been a Bahmani prince, he would have called himself Bahmani rather than Balri, and when the feeble Mahmûd was completely dominated by Qarim, Barid-ul-MumAlik, he would have made some claim to the throne of his ancestors, or at least to the regency. The house of Bahman still commanded much respect, and the rebellion of the provincial governors, Yusuf Khân of Bijapur, Fethullah Imad-ul-Mulk of Berar, and Sultân Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk of Golconda was a revolt, not against Mahmud ShAh and his four feeble successors, but against the tyranny of the maires du palais, Qlaim and his son 'Ali Barid I, whose usurpation they resented. A prince of the royal house would certainly have commanded the allegiance of Qutb-ul-Mulk and 'Imad ul. Mulk, and probably that of Your Kben also. As a matter of fact these three amtrs were hostile to him.

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seemed, as it were, to blossom in him, and to be evident in his speech and actions. Indeed, he soon outstripped all in the use of arms. He attained all this perfection in his twelfth year, when Sultan Mu'ammad Shah died.
69
Sultan Muhammad was succeeded, according to his will, by his son, Sultan Mahmûd Shah. Mahmûd Shâh honoured Malik Hasan Humâyûn Shâhî (Malik Nâib) above all his fellows, and promoted him above all the amirs, so that he became the butt of their envy, and the whole of the management of affairs of State was left in his hands.
II-ACCOUNTS OF THE EARLY EXPLOITS OF MALIK AḤMAD.
While the prince was living happily in Râmgîr and Mâhûr, war broke out between Sultan Mahmud Shah and the accursed Uriya, who was the chief of the irreligious unbelievers of Tilang. The king, having resolved on a holy war, set out with a large army for the country of the seditious polytheists, and the rebels prepared to resist him. The dispute came at last to actual fighting, and a disaster befell the (usually) victorious army, the army of Islâm being defeated by Uriya the polytheist, so that most of the baggage, nay, some even of the ladies and female servants of the haram, were disgraced by falling into the hands of the enemy. The prince, on hearing of the disgrace which had befallen the king's army, resolved to go to his assistance, and, assembling his followers, marched in the direction of the enemy, who were pursuing the royal army. He took up a position in a mountain pass which blocked their way, defeated the infidels, and put them to flight. He plundered them and regained possession of the spoil which they had taken from the royal army, including the ladies of Mahmûd's haram, and sent these to the king. The king was overjoyed to hear that the prince, with so small an army, had defeated the forces of the unbelievers and had redeemed the honour of the house of Bahman by rescuing the ladies of the haram who had fallen into the enemy's hands by reason of the negligence and quarrels of the amirs, but a number of jealous and envious men, who were ever at enmity with Malik Nâib on account of the relation in which he stood to the prince, took this opportunity of recalling to the king's recollection what the astrologers had predicted in respect of the prince, and represented to the king that the prince had now reached years of discretion and that the predictions of the astronomers to the late king were being fulfilled, for strange and wonderful signɛ of their fulfilment were daily apparent in the prince's actions. They said further that it would be but prudent to consider what steps should be taken to prevent any mischance.
III. THE ACCOUNT OF THE SENDING OF THE VICTORIOUS PRINCE TO JUNNIR AND ALL OTHER PLACES IN THE KONKAN, AS FAR AS THE SEA COAST.
When the king was beginning to be anxious regarding the prince, which anxiety was perceived by Majlis-i-A'la Malik Nâib, the subjects in the province of Junnâr and its dependencies complained to the king of the oppression of the unbelievers of Shivner and other
Sayyid 'Ali again writes Mahmûd for Muhammad. "The prince" is, of course, Amad. Malik Naib, his father, was at this time governor of Telingane and the great vazir, Mahmûd Gâvân, being sus picious of the loyalty of Malik Naib and his abler and more energetic son Ahmad, had induced the king, Müḥammad III, to separate them by giving Ahmad the command of 300 horse and fiefs in Mahûr. Another reason for Ahmad's removal from the court was a connection which he had formed with one of the women of the royal seraglio. This intrigue may have suggested to Sayyid Ali his story of Ahmad's royal descent. Malik Naib checkmated the minister by persuading the king to recall Aḥmad to Telingana, where the Court then was, as commander of 1,000 horse, and this was the occasion of his return from Mahûr to the royal camp. The story of the defeat of the royal army is not correct. It was Malik Naib, governor of Telingana, who was then living at Rajamahendri, who was defeated by the Raja of Urisa.

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forts in those parts, which were in the hands of the infidels. Malik Naib seized this opportunity, before the king had issued any orders in respect of the prince, and represented that the prince, who had now come to years of discretion, was the fittest person to be sent to restore order in that country. The king accepted Malik Naib's advice, and it was decided that the prinoe should be sent to Junnar with orders to restore prosperity to that beautiful country, and to do his utmost to this end, applying the plaster of ease and justice to the wounds caused by the swords of the lords of oppression and injustice, thus by his kindness and courtesy consoling the inhabitants of the land.
Malik Naib, in accordance with the royal orders, issued a farmán to the prince and sent with it a petition of his own, urging the prince to get out for Junnar without delay on receiving the royal commands, as his enemies had been busy at court and had turned the king against him, and it was to be feared that if the prince did not set out at once, an order might be issued, the rectification of which would be beyond human power. The prince, as soon as he received his orders, issued pay to his army and set out for Junnar. When the prince arrived at Junnar he was met by the principal inhabitants, and took his seat on the throne of honour and majesty like an independent sovereign, and opened the doors of justice and mercy in the faces of the cultivators, the inhabitants, and the merchants of that country, thus restoring happiness and prosperity to them. Thus all the inhabitants of that country and all travellers therein, Dakanis and Khurasanis, Hindus and Musalmâns, passed their lives in peace and content, and gladly submitted, in all loyalty, to the prince.
Ali Balish-Dihs, who had been one of the dependants of Khvâja Jahan Mahmud Gâvân, and was at this time governor of the fort of Chåkan and its dependencies, when he heard of the obedience and loyalty of the inhabitants of Junnar, and of the prosperity of that country, was moved by envy and jealousy, the fruit of which can be nothing but shame and repentance, to stray from the way of concord and amity with the prince, and entered into conspiracy with his enemies at court, constantly sending to court lying reports and petitions prompted by self-interest, and the prince's enemies at court taking advantage of this opportunity, persuaded the king that the prince cherished designs on the throne, and thus poisoned his mind against him. The king who was not free from a natural desire to see the prince again, issued an order summoning him to court. The prince marched for Bidar with his troops and was favourably received there, being accorded the honour of the istiqbal, which was performed by all the amirs and officers of State, the Sayyids, Shaikhs and learned men. He succeeded in disabusing the king's mind of the ideas which had been instilled into it by his enemies and was received most considerately and affectionately by him, and acquired further honours. He thus became more than ever the object of the envy and jealousy of his enemies.
When the king heard of the manner in which the prince had treated his subjects in Junnar, and of the satisfaction of all the inhabitants of that country with him, he sent
5 This is a garbled account of what actually occurred. After Malik Naib had outwitted Mahmud Gåvån, the latter, apprehensive of the power of the provincial governors, subdivided the four great tarafs, or provinces of the kingdom, into eight. Thus Gulbarga was divided into the provinces of Gulbarge and Bijapur, DaulatAbad into those of DaulatAbad and Junnar, Berar into those of Gawil and Mahar, and Telingana into those of Rajamahendri and Warangal, and the powers of the provincial governors were much curtailed. The old governors, and especially Malik Naib, bitterly resented this reform, and in 1481 Mahmod Gavan's death was compassed by a band of conspirators of whom Malik Naib was the chief. Malik Naib suoceeded Mabmůd Gåvån as minister and sent his son Almad to DaulatAbAd as governor. Then expeditions into the Junnar province were an attempt to reunite the provinces of Daulat Abad and Junnar.

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for Malik Näib, who had been his tutor and mentor, and privately consulted with him as to what should be done with the prince. On Malik Naib's advice, the king decided that the prince should not remain at court, but should return to Junnar as governor, and on the following day, when the prince waited on the king, he was given a robe of honour and the honourable title of Nizâm-ul-Mulk. He was reappointed governor of Junnår and its dependencies, and it was ordered that any forts that he might conquer from the unbelievers should be added to his jagirs. The prince then left the court for Junnâr, where he was welcomed by the inhabitants as before. He took his seat on the throne in the royal capital and again employed himself in administering Junnar with justice and mercy.
VI.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE PRINCE'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE FORT or SUVNER,
AND ALL OTHER FORTS AND DISTRICTS OF THE KONKAN. Since the prince was ever desirous of raising the standard of Islâm, and propagating the faith and sacred law of Muhammad by engaging in a holy war, and stamping out the strife and wickedness of infidels without faith and without righteousness, and most of the forts of the Konkan and the nilly country of the Dakan were in the hands of the polytheists and idolaters, vile misbelievers who harassed merchants and all other inhabitants of that country, it was necessary for the proper administration of the country that those forts and strongholds should be captured and the infidels punished. The Prince, therefore, with a view to carrying out this work, distributed rewards to the army, and in a short time collected a very large army of horse and foot; and when the army had assembled, the prince ordered that it should march first against Shivner.?
Shivner is a fortress situated on a high hill in the neighbourhood of the town of Junnar, so strong that it had never before been captured. The prince's army marched against it. After a short siege, in which the prince's army displayed the most determined valour and the infidels offered a stout resistance, the defenders had no choice but to capitulate, and the commandant of the fort and his chief officers came before the prince with swords and shroûds suspended round their necks, and offered him the keys of the place. The prince took pity on them and granted them their lives, and his troops entered the fort, where they recited the takbîr and the kalimah and, after destroying the temples and dwellings of the idolaters. erected mosques in their place. Much spoil, including jewels, money, rich clothes, merchandise, and beautiful slaves, was taken by the prince's army and presented before the prince, who took what he required for the treasury and remitted the rest to the troops.
The prince regarded this great victory as an earnest of God's grace, and decided to proceed to the conquest of other forts in the Konkan. After appointing ong of his trusted officers to the command of Shivner, he marched against the fortress of Jond, which also is in the neighbourhood of Junnar.
The circumstances in which this campaign was undertaken are misrepresented. Muhammad Bahmani III died in 1482 and loft Malik Naib, by his will, regent of the kingdom and guardian of his infant son Mahmud ShAh. Malik Naib transferred his son Aymad from DaulatAbAd to Junnar, but also transferred to that province Bir and many other parganas which had belonged to Daulatábad. Ahmad was commissioned to reduce several forts held by Marktha officers who were loyal to the Bahmani dynasty but were not disposed to submit to the regent or to the provincial governors and this campaign was undertaken in consequence.
7 Shivner is the hill fort of the town of Junnar, suitated in 19° 12' N. and 73° 52' E..

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The army surrounded Jond and captured it without much trouble, much spoil falling to the lot of the victors. The prince handed over the fort to one of his trusty officers, and marched on the fortress of Luhaka, which is known as Lohogarh.8
Lohogarh is situated on a high and rocky hill, and when the prince reached it he commanded his troops to surround the fortress and to harass the defenders in every way possible. The troops fought with great valour, and the defenders resisted them stoutly, but the army of Islâm prevailed. The fort was taken by storm and the defenders were massacred, their bodies being thrown from the high rock on which the fort is built. The temples of the idolaters were overthrown, and mosques were built in their place. Much plunder was taken, and the prince, after appointing one of his officers kotwal of the fort, marched on the fort of Tung and Nikona.'
When the prince and his army arrived before Tung and Nikona, the garrison, who had both heard of, and seen, the invariable success and victory of the prince, refrained from offering any resistance, and came forth and submitted. The prince had mercy on them and granted them their lives, granting them immunity from any attack by his army. The army, however, obtained much plunder from that place, and the prince; placing one of his trusted officers in command of that fort, marched to Kondhåna 10 which was one of the greatest forts of that time.
As soon as the prince's army arrived at Kondhâna, that fort, like the others, was conquered, and the prince, after appointing one of his servants to command it, marched for Purandhar. 11
The prince encamped before Purandhar and his troops resolutely attacked. The garrison exerted themselves in its defence, but their efforts were of no avail, and the attacking force pressed them ever harder and harder, till they lost bope, and the fort was taken by storm, many of its idolatrous defenders being killed, and their houses plundered and then burnt. The prince bestowed the governorship of that fort and its dependencies on one of his officers and marched towards Bhorap.13
When the army arrived at Bhorap the prince, by liberally bestowing largesse, encouraged them to attack the place with such spirit that it was at once taken by storm, with much slaughter of the polytheists. Temples were overthrown and mosques were erected in their place, and much spoil fell into the hands of the victors, the wives and children of the miserable defenders being made captives. The prince then made arrangements for the restoration of the fortress by placing one of his officers in charge of it, and marched towards Marabdes.
Lohogarh is a fort of some antiquity and importance situated in 18° 42' N. and 73° 29 E It was much used as a State prison by the Nizam Shahi kinge.
Tung and Nikons are two hill forts, the former five miles to the south by west and the latter twelve miles to the south-east of Lohogarh.
10 A fort situated in 18° 29' N. and 73° 46' E. and now known as Sinhgach, which name was giveri to it in 1647 by Sivaji, when he acquired it by means of a large bribe paid to the Muhammadan commandant.
u A hill fort situated in 18° 17' N. and 73° 59 E., now sanitorium for European troops. 12 A hill fort situated fifteen miles south-west of Lohogarh.

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The garrison of Marabdes, who had heard of the fate of Bhorap and all other forts, profited by the example which had been given to them, and showed consideration for their wives and children by opening the gates of the fort and appearing submissively before the prince with shroude round their necks. The prince had mercy on them and ordered his troops to molest neither their persons nor their property, but to destroy all temples and idols and to build mosques in their place. The prince collected an indemnity from them, and ordered a commandant for that fort, and officers to assist him, to be chosen, and a body of troops to be stationed there for its proteetion, and for the propagation of the holy law of Muhammad. These orders were carried out, and the mind of the prince was set at ease with respect to that fort.
The prince next marched to JQdhan, 13 and the army besieged that fort and attacked it with great spirit. The garrison at first defended that place bravely, but could not long endure the assaults of the prince's valorous troops, and at length came forth and humbly ofered to surrender the fort. Their lives were spared, but the place was sacked, and the property of its inhabitants plundered and their houses destroyed. The prince appointed a trusty officer to the command of that fort, and the army then marched to the fortress of Khaj, and encamped before it.
The fortress of Khaj, like all other forts, was captured with very little trouble, all outward signs of idolatry were overthrown, and much spoil fell into the hands of the victors. The army then marched towards Kher Drug.
When the army arrived before Kher Drug the inhabitants were much alarmed, and submitted with great humility to the prince, who mercifully spared their lives and appointed one of his officers to the command of the fort.
The prince next marched on the fort of Moranjan, 15 and cleared that fortress also of the base existence of evil men, uprooting the foundations of polytheism and infidelity, and thence marched for the fort of Tungi and Taroni.
Those forts were very soon captured and much spoil, both in money and kind, was taken by the troops.
Thence the prince marched to Maholî, and, having encamped before the fort, issued orders for an assault. His troops attacked the place with great valour, and at the first assault overcame the garrison and captured the fort, and many of the polytheists were slaughtered. Much plunder fell to the lot of the army of Islâm, and the idol temples were levelled with the ground. The prince appointed one of his servants to the command of the fort, and marched on Påli. 18
18 About thirteen miles north-west of Junnar.
14 About twelve miles south of Poona. 1 A fort about forty-seven miles south-west of Junnar. 16 A fort about forty-five miles west by north of Poona.

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Pali is a fortress situated on a high mountain peak rounded like a dome, extremely strong, and well-nigh impregnable. When the prince arrived before it, he ordered that a regular siege should be undertaken, and that the siege train should open fire upon it. The army set itself to obey these orders, and to capture the fort from its accursed and idolatrous defenders. The garrison defended the fort most strenuously, but to no avail, for weak gnats and ants, how numerous soever they may be, cannot resist the storm wind. At last victory declared for the Muslims; the vile misbelievers were overpowered, and this strong fortress fell into the hands of the prince. The troops proceeded to slay and plunder, granting no quarter, so that a large number of the unbelievers, young and old, were put to the sword, and rich spoil, elephants, horses, money, and goods, fell into the hands of the captors, and the smoke of annihilation rose from the dwellings of the idolaters and misbelievers. After thus wiping out the infidels, the prince appointed one of his trusty officers to the command of the fort of Påli, with instructions to repair its ramparts and bastions, and marched for Kot Danda Rajpuri, and encamped before the fort.
The fortress of Danda RÂjpuri17 is a fortress on the shores of the Indian Ocean, so stuated that the waters of the ocean come up on two sides of it, and it is approached on the third side by a road across the dry land, but athwart this road runs a deep and broad artificial ditch, connecting the two branches of the sea. The ramparts and bastions of the fort are of stone, and are very high. The garrison of that fort, a band of vile unbelievers, had the greatest confidence in its strength, and contumaciously banded themselves together to oppose the prince. But since the prince was under God's special protection, he was in no way perturbed by the thought of the strength of that fortress, and fearlessly ordered his valiant troops to attack it and send the contumacious miscreants to hell. The army attacked it with great valour, and a terrible fight was fought. The garrison of the fortress discovered that it was useless to attempt to contend with the prince's victorious army, and came forth and humbly submitted themselves to the prince, imploring mercy both for them. selves and their children. The prince, in his mercy, ordered the troops to spare the lives of the inhabitants of the fortress, but to plunder their property, in order that they might furnish an example to other contumacious wanderers from the right way, and that nobody might henceforth swerve from obedience, or incline towards disobedience. The army, in accordance with the prince's orders, sacked the place, taking possession of all that belonged to the unbelievers.
In short, in a brief space of time all the forts and districts of the Konkan, both above the Ghats and below the Ghats, were captured by the prince's army, and there remained nobody who had not submitted to the prince's authority, although the infidels had been many and had fought valiantly.
17 Danda and Rajpuri were two forta standing on either bank of the Rajpuri creek, on an island at tho entrance of which now stand the fort and village of Janjira, situated in 18° 18'N, and 73° E., fortyfour miles south of Bombay Island. Janjira is the capital of the State of the same name.

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The prince, having accomplished all this, returned to his royal capital of Junnar, where he was welcomed and congratulated by his subjects. He then sent to the king & report of his victories together with rich offerings from the spoil which had been taken by his army. The king of the Dakan, when he heard of the prince's victories, highly praised him before the court, and offered up thanks to God. He bestowed robes of honour on the prince's messengers, and sent by them to the prince a special robe of honour, and a jewelled waist-belt, and bestowed on him in jagår all the forts which he had captured. The prince then enjoyed himself, free from care, in his capital. 18
(To be continued.)
MORE ABOUT KHWAJA (AGHA) PETROS. An Addition to Sidelights on Omichund (ante, Vol. XLVII, pp. 265-274)..
BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE. In the Life and Adventures of Joseph Emin, Second Edition, edited by Amy Apcar, there is an interesting allusion to the Armenian merchant who remained loyal to the East India Company in 1756-1757 and also a long note (pp. 434—438) giving details regarding Khwaja Petros and his family. Both are worth reproducing as an appendix to my article, noted above.
After an account of how Joseph Emin obtained an Ensign's brevet from Governor John Cartier, President of Bengal, in 1770, the author adds the following remark:
“Emin omitted ingerting that when Mr. Cartier favoured him with the brevet, the late rich Armenian Coja Petrus, at that time the earthly god of the other Armenians in Calcutta, being an old acquaintance of the author's father, and hearing of his good guccess, thought it polite to make him some presents, and ventured to send him a large horse (worth 600 rupees), with rich Turkish silver harness, and a pair of stirrups of the same metal, each large enough to weigh four pounds of silver, together with several fine shauls, the whole of the value of about 2,000 rupees; but Emin, whose spirit was above it, though poor, refused the present, and returned it with the following message:
"Several afternoons, when, in obedience to my father, I used to make you visits, you detained me in your house, in the cold season, till it was dark and foggy, without even offering me a mashal (toroh] to light me home; and now, when you see me supported by the English, you send me presents! I return them with many thanks. Be pleased to send me some bread and salt, with a maund of rice, and half a maund of ghee, to confirm our friendship and to satisfy you that I can forgive all your Asiatic artful methods of setting a father against his son, who was lost, and then found. The same noble nation, through whom you thrive with riches among the Armenians in Calcutta, have provided, and will provide for me, rest satisfied.'
"At this the Armenians were astonished; but the noble-minded English admired it, commending Emin for his disinterested spirit, when they heard his simple reasons, saying,
18 The nature and object of this campaign in the Konkan are entirely misrepresented. Ahmad was not a chivalrous young prince defending or extending the dominions of his elder brother, but a rebellious Provincial governor busily engaged in carving a kingdom for himself out of the directa membra of the king. dom of the Bahmanida and in overthrowing all officers who still remained faithful to that dynasty. The absurdity of the claim of royal descent for Ahmad is once more apparent. Mabud Shah anoended the throne in 1842 at the age of twelve, and according to Sayyid 'All Abmad was his younger brother, so that at the time of this campaign, which oocurred in 1482 or 1483, he was not more than eleven or twelve years of age. Abmad had been, in fact, sufficiently old, before 1478, to become an object of suspicion and was then sent to Mohár as a commander of 300 horse. See note 4.

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that to take any thing which is given with an ill-will, is not better than exacting it by main force ; for neither Petrus, nor any of the same cast, would do a piece of kindness without having some low design in it. They are to be pitied rather than blamed, since having once lost the sweets of liberty, and being kept under exorbitant tyranny for several centuries they are become like fatherless children, and it is impossible they should conduct them. selves with the same delicate sentiments as a free or polite nation."
NOTE (BY THE EDITOR, AMY APCAR]. Khoja Petrus Arathoon, the "earthly god of the Calcutta Armenians," died in 1778.
Emin is perhaps a little unjust to him. He was the Armenian (who] ... supplied the refugees at Fulta in 1756 with provisions for six months ...
Pietros Arathoon's tombstone in the south choir of Nazareth's Armenian Church, Calcutta, is & white marble stone let into the marble flooring with an inscription in an exaggerated style, as follows "The eminent princely chief Aga Pietros Arathoon of Erivan, New Julfa, Ispahan, of the family of Abraham, was a lustrous hyacinthine crown of the whole Armenian nation. He acquired a great fame amongst all peoples to the glory of his nation. He worked assiduously and expended lavishly. His generosity towards the destitute orphans and widows was without parallel. By his frequent munificent gifts he erected handsome and well-embellished churches. He departed in the hope of salvation at the age of fifty-three, and was placed in this tomb with pomp, in the year of Our Lord 1778, the 29th of August, corresponding with the year 163 of the era of Azariah, the 12th of the month of Nadar."
The word translated princely chief is Ishkhan ---prince, or absolute ruler. There were no princes, or even "meliks" in New Julfa. Next to Khojah Pietros lies his wife, under a plain stone of blackish grey marble, inscribed with five lines of Armenian, as follows:
“This is the tomb of Dastagool, the daughter of Aga Minas of the family of Khoja Minas of Erivan (a parish of Julfa) and wife of Aga Pietros. She departed this life on the 3rd of June 1805."
Pietros Arathoon erected two small altars in the Armenian Church of Calcutta ; on the north and south sides of the sanctuary there are respectively a vestry and a sacristy, and a flight of steps was introduced in each, leading up to an altar on a higher elevation than the principal altar. In an Armenian Church there should be only one altar, but apparently a man of Pietros Arathoon's position was privileged to make an innovation. The inscriptions on the walls facing the congregation above the doors leading from the choirs into the vestry and sacristy are as follows. In the north choir
* This alter in the name of the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul is (erected] to the memory of Aga Pietros, the son of Arathoon, a native of Old Erivan, in the year of Our Lord 1763."
In the south choir :
“This altar in the name of S. Gregory the Illuminator is [erected] to the memory of Aga Gricor, the son of Arathoon, a native of Old Erivan, in the year of Our Lord 1763, December 21st."
Both altars were erected in the lifetime of the donor.
Aga Gricor (Gregory), known in Indian history as Gurgin Khan, was the brother of Aga Pietros. He was in the service of Mir Kasim, commanding his soldiery, and he fought against the troops of the East India Company. He established a foundry at Monghyr for casting cannon and manufacturing firelocks. He died by assassination in August 1763, and his brother erected the small altar to his memory in the same year. Aga Pietros was also the founder of the Armenian Church at Saidabad, built in 1758.

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VINCENT AQUILA SMITH
77
VINCENT AQUILA SMITH.
BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE. PY the death of Dr. V. A. Smith, C.I.E., D. Litt., I.C.S., the Indian Antiquary has D lost a valued contributor of more than forty years standing and India itself an eminent student of her history and antiquities. It is fortunate, indeed, that he was spared to complete his invaluable Oxford History of India, a work of the first importance for all who wish to be introduced to an accurate knowledge of the story of that vast country in its many aspects.
His great attainments made it possible for him to take a leading part in the research which led up to his Early History of India from 600 B.C. to the Muhammadan Conquest, first published in 1904. Of this it has been truly said that it “sifted a vast quantity of evidence scattered in many monographs and periodicals and fashioned it into a connected and sane history. It conferred an immense boon on all interested in ancient India, and particularly on scholars, whose special researches made it difficult for them to assess all the information amassed by others. It became authoritative at once, for the want of such a compilation had been sadly felt. The third edition, published in 1914 with careful revision and large additions, will hold its position for many years to come."
Among other important works and contributions to a great number of Journals, he made a Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum at Calcutta in 1906, and writing for Indian students, he compiled an Oxford History of England in 1912. He did not confine himself to political and social history, for in 1911 he produced his History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, a work of remarkable usefulness. His Life of Akbar the Great Mogul has. become very popular as a notable and characteristic account of the great Emperor.
Vincent Smith's connection with the Indian Antiquary dates from 1878, commencing with a query on Saka and Samvat Dates, and since 1885, when this Journal passed into the hands of the late Dr. J. F. Fleet and myself, he was a constant contributor to its pages, his notes and papers being naturally concerned with the details of research. He also constantly favoured this periodical with many valuable notices of books and a number of miscellaneous notes on a great variety of subjects connected with things Indian. His contributions covered his favourite studies in history, chronology, epigraphy, numismatics, art and architecture.
His papers were always illuminating and suggestive, even if at times controversial, and in him the world of students has lost & valiant pioneer in many lines of thought and research, and myself an old and valued friend and coadjutor.
Vincent Smith's principal contributions to the Indian Antiquary. 1878. Vol. VII. Query. Saka and Saṁvat Dates. 1885. Vol. XIV. Note in Miscellanea. The Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 1886. Vol. XV. A note on the Date of Mihirakula. 1889. Vol. XVIII. A Dated Græco-Buddhist Soulpture. 1896. Vol. XXV. Query as to a List of Mudras. 1902. Vol. XXXI. The Inscriptions of Mahanaman at Bodh Gayê.
Revised Chronology of the Early or Imperial Gupta Dynasty.

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1903. Vol. XXXII. Tibetan Affinities of the Lichchhavis.
A Chinese Asoka. Asoka Notes (continued in vols. XXXIV, XXXVII,
XXXVIII, XXXIX). The Copper Age and Prehistoric Bronze Implements of India
(continued in vol. XXXVI). 1906. Vol. XXXV. Pigmy Flints.
Bacon's Allusion to the Oxydrakai. 1908. Vol. XXXVII. The History and Coinage of the Chandel Dynasty of
Bundhelkhand from A.D 831 to 1203. 1909. Vol. XXXVIII. The Påla Dynasty of Bengal. 1911. Vol. XL. The 'Outliers' of Rajasthani.
Discovery of the Plays of Bhâsa, a Predecessor of Kilidasa.
Indian Painting at the Festival of Empire, 1911, 1914. Vol. XLIII. Painting and Engraving at Agra and Delhi in 1666.
Joannes De Laet on India and Shahjahan. 1915. Vol. XLIV. Architecture and Sculpture in Mysore ; the Hoysala Style.
The Date of Akbar's Birth. 1918. Vol. XLVII. Asoka Notes, No. XII (continued from vol. XXXIX).
The Stratagem used by Alexander against Porus, alluded to
in the Ain-i-Akbari.
EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851.
BY S. CHARLES HILL. ( Continued from p. 65. ).
XXII.
A MALAY MUTINY, 1792. The Malay have been notorious for their readiness to mutiny ever since they were first employed by Europeans. They are good seamen, but a blow, an insult real or fancied, or the desire and opportunity for plunder have always been sufficient to cause an outbreak.
Piracy and Murder. It is much to be lamented that this infernal practice seems to be gaining ground in India. We have in the instance before us to lament the loss of a most deserving young man, Captain Nelson, who sailed from Bombay in the Snow Betsy, bound for the west coast of Sumatra and Batavia. A few days after his leaving Bencoolen, the gunner, seacunnier, 54 and some Malays that were on board formed the plan of cutting off the vessel, and, having procured arms, in the night, during the Chief Mate's watch, came aft on the quarter-deck, wounded him on both his sides and out him several times in the neck.
* Helmemen, from the Arabo-Persian rubbdnt, the man who stoor the sukladn, helm.-ED.

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The noise he made caused an alarm, which brought up the Second and Third Officers. The Seoond Officer was immediately despatched and thrown overboard. The Third leaped overboard and swam foi the longboat towing astern. Captain Nelson, finding everything lost, leaped out of the cabin window and got also to the longboat, though we have reason to think he was wounded before he left the cabin.
Having no knife to cut the boat's painter, they threw overboard the mast and some oars and committed themselves to this raft. At daylight they were discovered, and a boat with the gunner, some seaounnies and Malays were sent with a few muskete, who shot Captain Nelson and the officer. On their return on board, there were three Caffries, 65 of whom the gunner seemed apprehensive. They were therefore seized and most inhumanly murdered.
The Syrang, 56 collecting from the conversation of the gunner and seaounnies their intention of carrying the vessel to Manilla, began to be apprehensive for his own and the lascars' safety, and formed the resolution of taking the first favourable opportunity of retaking the vessel, which soon after occurred.
Having made the land and a boat being in sight, the gunner, with four of the seacunnies, the carpenter and his mate and some of the Malays went in the Betsy's boat in order to purchase some provisions. This was not an opportunity to be neglected. The party being weakened, the Syrang happily gained possession of the vessel, putting the seacunnies that remained on board to death. He afterwards fell in with the Jane, Captain Bampton, from China, bound to Bombay. He made a signal of distress which was observed by Captain Bampton, who immediately bore down, and after having learnt all the ciroumstances, sent an officer on board to take charge of her and conduct her safe to Bombay.
[ Madras Courier, 19 July 1792. ]
XXIII. KILLING THE WIND: A FIGHT BETWEEN THE DUTCH AND SOME
MALAY PIRATES, G. 1800. Captain Osborn in his book on Quedah gives this story as told him by an ex-pirate Jadee (Jaddi), who was employed upon a British ship-of-war. A somewhat similar story of a Malay pirate prahu, which fought to the last when surrounded by Dutch gun-boats in the year 1715, is to be found in Parliamentary Papers, LVI, i. p. 63 (Historical Notice upon the Piracies committed in the Indian Ocean, by J. H. R. J. P. Cornets de Groot, Secretary General to the Minister of the Colonies, 1846), but, from the date of Captain Osborn's book, this story, if true, must refer to an action which took place at a very much later date-probably about the year 1800.
The courage displayed by the Malays against the Dutch was equally exhibited in their fights with the English cruisers, when the latter began to take their share in the suppression of piracy in these seas, but their peculiar animosity against the Dutch was due to a long record of suffering at their hands. Osborn says (p. 145) " One example of the Dutch
* Probably nogo or Malagasy soamen.
06 The Byrang (Pers. sarhang, a boatswain) who is the chief of the Indian soamen, was often the man who had engaged them in many cases from amongst his own kinamen or follow-villagers.

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policy may be quoted, and it is no singular instance of their phlegmatic cruelty John Petersen Koen (Jan Pieterszoon Coen), their most illustrious Governor General of the Indies, exterminated the inhabitants of the Banda or Spice Islands57 and replaced them by slaves ....The piratical acts now (1865] committed in the Malay Archipelago are, I firmly believe, the result of the iniquities practised upon the inhabitants in the olden day. and the Dutch, Spaniards and English, even at the present time, are too prone to shoot down indiscriminately any poor devils who, for the first time in their lives, are told, with powder and shot arguments, that war as carried on by them is piracy by our laws."
In Dubois' Vies des Gouverneurs Généraux ... des Etablissemens Hollandois, p. 69, we are told that Governor Coen took the Spice Islands in the year 1621. The greater part of the inhabitants of "Lonthoir" (Lantor), which was the capital, retired into the interior, but after some years, when a large number of them had been killed, the remainder. owing to want of food, were compelled to leave the island.
It is, however, I think, certain, that the Malays indulged in piracy from the time of their arrival in these seas, and it is equally certain that the only argument for the suppression of piracy to which they would listen was the argument of force, but how far that argument should have been carried is another question.
Narrative of Jaddt, a pirate. Long before that action with the English man-of-war, which drove me to Singapore, I sailed in a fine fleet of prahus belonging to the Rajah of Johore [Sultan Mahmud Shah). We were all then very rioh-ah I such numbers of beautiful wives and such feasting 1-but, above all, we had a great many most holy men in our force! When the proper monsoon came, we proceeded to sea to fight the Bugismen [of Celebes) and Chinamen bound from Borneo and the Celebes to Java ; for you must remember our Rajah was at war with them. (Jadee always maintained that the proceedings in which he had been engaged partook of a purely warlike, and not of a piratioal character.)
Our thirteen prabus had all been fitted out in and about Singapore. I wish you could have seen them, Touhan [Tian, Sir]. These prahus we see here are nothing to them, such brass guns, such long pendants, such creeses (Malay kris, dagger]! Allah-il-Allah 158 Our Datoos [datuk, a chief) were indeed great men!
Sailing along the coast as high as Patani, 69 we then crossed over to Borneo, two Dlanoon60 prahus acting as pilota, and reached a place called Sambas (West Borneo] : there we fought the Chinese and Dutohmen, who ill-treat our countrymen, and are trying to drive the Malays out of that country, Gold-dust and slaves in large quantities were here taken most of the latter being our countrymen of Sumatra and Java, who are captured and sold to the planters and miners of the Dutch settlements.
Do you mean to say,' I asked, that the Dutch countenance such traffic ?'
57 The Banda group of islands les south-east of Ceram.-ED.
68 LA 1Aha illallah, part of the Muhammadan Creed: There is no God but God. However, it is probable that what Jaddi really said, with the Malay pronunciation, was, Allahu akbar, God is great.
81 On the onstern side of the Malay peninsula.-E. 60' The name of the Mindanaon and Sulu pirates, from Illana Bay in the Illano District of Mindanao.

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The Hollanders,' replied Jadee, have been the bane of the Malay race; no one knows the amount of villainy, the bloody cruelty of their system towards us. They drive us into our prahus to escape their taxes and laws, and then declare us pirates and put us to death. There are natives in our crew, Touhan, of Sumatra and Java, of Bianca (Banka) and Borneo; ask them why they hate the Dutchmen; why they would kill a Dutchman. It is because the Dutchman is a false man, not like the white man [English]. The Hollander stabs in the dark; he is a liar l'
However, from Borneo we sailed to Biliton (island between Banka and Borneo) and Bianca, and there waited for some large junks that were expected. Our cruise had been so far successful, and we feasted away-fighting cooks, smoking opium and eating white rice. At last our scouts told us that a junk was in sight. She oame, a lofty-sided one of Fokien (Fuhkien). We know these Amoy61 men would fight like tiger-cats for their sugar and silks ; and as the breeze was fresh, we only kept her in sight by keeping olose inshore and fellowing her. Not to frighten the Chinamen, we did not hoist sail but made our slaves pull. Oh!' said Jadee, warming up with the recollection of the event, -ohit was fine to feel what brave fellows we then were !
Towards night we made sail and closed upon the junk, and at daylight it fell a stark calm, and we went at our prize like sharks. All our fighting men put on their war-dresses ; the Illanoons danced their war-danoe, and all our gongs sounded as we opened out to attack her on different sides.
But those Amoy men are pigs ! They burnt joss-paper, sounded tþeir gongs, and received us with such showers of stones, hot-water, long pikes, and one or two well-directed shots that we hauled off to try the effect of our guns, sorry though we were to do it, for it was sure to bring the Dutohmen upon us. Bang! bang! we fired at them, and they at us; three hours did we persevere, and whenever we tried to board, the Chinese beat us back every time, for her side was as smooth and as high as a wall, with galleries overhanging.
We had several men killed and hurt ; & council was called ; a certain charm was performed by one of our holy men, a famous chief, and twenty of our best men devoted themselves to effecting a landing on the junk's deck, when our look-out prahus made the signal that the Dutchmen were coming; and sure enough some Datoh gun-boats came sweeping round a headland. In a moment we were round and pulling like demons for the shores of Biliton, the gun-boats in chase of us, and the Chinese howling with delight. The sea-breeze freshened and brought up a schooner-rigged boat very fast. We had been at work twentyfour hours and were heartily tired; our slaves could work no longer, so we prepared for the Hollanders; they were afraid to close upon us and commenced firing at a distance. This was just what we wanted; we had gans as well as they, and by keeping up the fight until dark, we felt sure of escape. The Dutch men, however, know this too, and kept closing gradually upon us; and when they saw our prahus baling out water and blood, they knew we were suffering and cheered like devils. We were desperate ; surrender to Dutchmen we never would ; we closed together for mutual support, and determined at last, if all hope of escape ceased, to run our prahus ashore, burn them, and lie hid in the jungle until a future
a Prom Amoy in the Fuhkien Channel. -Ed.
49-See ande, vol. XLVIII, p. 167.

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day. But a brave Datoo with his shattered prahu saved us; he proposed to let the Dutchmen board her, creese [stab with a kris] all that did so, and then trust to Allah for his escape.
It was done immediately; we all pulled a short distance away and left the brave Datoo's prahu like a wreck abandoned. How the Dutchmen yelled and fired into her! The slaves and cowards jumped out of the prahu, but our braves kept quiet ; at last, as we expected, one gun-boat dashed alongside of their prize and boarded her in a crowd. Then was the time to see how the Malay man could fight; the creese was worth twenty swords, and the Dutchmen went down like sheep. We fired to cover our countrymen, who, as soon as their work was done, jumped overboard and swam to us; but the brave Datoo, with many more died as brave Malays should do, running a-muck against a host of enemies.
The gun-boats were quite soared by this punishment, and we lost no time in getting away as rapidly as possible, but the acoursed schooner, by keeping more in the offing, held the wind and preserved her position, signalling all the while for the gun-boats to follow her. We did not want to fight any more; it was evidently an unlucky day. On the opposite side of the channel to that we were on, the coral reefs and shoals would prevent the Hollanders following us : it was determined at all risks to get there in spite of the schooner. With the first of the land-wind in the evening we set sail before it and steered across for Bianca. The schooner placed herself in our way like a clever sailor, so as to turn us back; but we were determined to push on, take her fire, and run all risks.
It was a sight to see us meeting one another; but we were desperate : we had killed plenty of Dutchmen ; it was their turn now. I was in the second prahu, and well it was BO, for when the headmost one got close to the schooner, the Dutchman fired all his guns into her, and knocked her at once into a wrecked condition. We gave one cheer, fired our guns and then pushed on for our lives. Ah ! sir, it was a dark night indeed for us. Three prahus in all were sunk and the whole force dispersed.'
To add to our misfortunes a strong gale sprang up. We were obliged to carry canvass ; our prahu leaked from shot-holes; the sea continually broke into her ; we dared not run into the coral reefs on such a night, and bore up for the Straits of Malacca. The wounded writhed and shrieked in their agony, and we had to pump, we fighting men, and bale like black fellows (Caffre or negro slaves]! By two in the morning we were all worn out. I felt indifferent whether I was drowned or not, and many threw down their buckets and sat down to die. The wind increased and, at last, as if to put us out of our misery, just such a squall as this came down upon us. I saw it was folly contending against our fate, and followed the general example."God is great l' we exclaimed, but the Rajah of Johore oame and reproved us. Work until daylight,' he said, and I will ensure your safety. We pointed at the black storm which was approaching. Is that what you fear?' he replied, and going below he produced just such a wooden spoon and did what you have seen me do, and I tell you, my captain, as I would if the Company Sahib'stood before me, that the storm was nothing, and that we had a dead calm one hour afterwards and were saved. God is great and Mahomet is his prophet --but there is no charm like the Johore one for killing the wind !
N.B.The charm was worked as follows (see p. 68) -" Hand here the rice-spoon shouted Jadee, looking as solemn as a Quaker or a haggi (Haji). This rice-spoon, by the way, was the only one in the vessel ; it was made of wood and used for stirring the rice whilst cooking over the fire ; its value to us probably invested it with a certain degree of sanctity. The spoon was brought and I tried to look 88 solemn as Jadoe, who calling to his aid the

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sanctimonious Alee ['Ali], placed the spoon upon the deck between him and the wind, and the pair of true believers repeated some verses over it-bound themselves by a vow to sacrifice several game-cocks upon a favourable occasion, and then the precious spoon was stuck through the lanyards of the main-rigging, with the handle to leeward. I think I should have died from the effects of suppressed mirth had not the fury of the squall and the quantity of water thrown on board of us given me enough to do to look after the safety of the craft. Jadee, however, sat quietly watching and waiting for the effect of his incantation. At last down oame the rain, not in drops but in bucketfuls, and as usual, the wind fell entirely." 63
[CAPTAIN SHERARD OSBORN, [ Quedah, p. 69. ]
XXIV.
CRUELTY OF ARAB PIRATES, 1819.
The pirates mentioned in the following account were known as Joasmees (Juhasmi, Juasmi) and were early Arab settlers from Nejd on the 'Omân Coast of the western side of the entrance to the Persian Gulf, opposite Ormuz, where they eventually assumed the chief position among a number of Arab tribes. They appear to have started plundering vessels of the weaker tribes about 1765 and became pirates as regards native ships. In 1797 they first attacked and captured a British war vessel, the Snow Bassein, for which they were punished by the Cruiser Viper in 1798. After this they treated the British flag with respect until 1804, when they came under the influence of the Wâhhâbîs. In the next year they captured the merchant ships Shannon and Trimmer, and attacked the Cruiser Mornington, behaving with great cruelty to all captives. Their extraordinarily cruel treatment of European and other prisoners, including Muhammadans, was no doubt due to Wahhâbî fanaticism. The Joasmees continued to be a scourge in the Persian Gulf and neighbourhood for the next five years, and intermittently to give trouble till about 1853.
"Bombay, December 18th 1819. We learn by accounts, dated Okamandel 6 19th November, that some pirates, whether Joasmees or others is not exactly known, have been committing some horrible outrages on that coast. About three days prior to the date of the accounts, a vessel going from Cutch Mandavie [Mândvî in Kachh] to Bate, [Beyt] in which were about 80 Byragees,5 men and women, had arrived in sight of Bate, when she was unfortunately fallen in with and boarded by the pirates. The vessel had no merchandise on board, being taken up purposely to carry the pilgrims. The pirates cut off the heads of 40 persons and threw their carcasses into the sea, the remainder, with the exception carried off, they wounded with their spears, some in three or four places. The barbarians then
63 According to Logan's Journal of the Indian Archipelago, IV, 690, the Malays have an idea that they can "call the wind," i.e., compel it to come, by sending the cook aloft as high as he can go with a bowl of rice. He then proceeds to make a great noise and scatters the rice about, repeating the ceremony at intervals until the wind comes. Naturally, the opposite effect would be expected from showing an empty spoon to the wind. I suppose the root idea is that the wind can be "called " by a process similar to that which "calls" birds.
64 Okhamandal, in Kathiawar, Bombay Presidency.
65 Bairdgt, a soot of Hindu religious mendicante.-ED.

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took away the sail and, having driven a hole through the bottom of the vessel, quitted her, in the hopes that she would sink and drown the poor wounded creatures left on board. These latter, however, after the departure of the pirates, which was about dusk in the evening, oontrived to provent the vessel filling. Tying together their few remaining olothes they formed a kind of sail and in that way reached Bate. Every assistance was afforded them by the Company's officer at that station in binding up their wounds and supplying them with food; six had notwithstanding died, and it was not expected that more than ten would eventually recover.
At the date of our advices there were then six pirate vessels within 2 miles of the shore, one of the Honourable Company's cruisers was also in sight outside of them, but the shallows and shoals on the coast would preclude her being able to come near them, nor was there any force on shore sufficiently disposeable or provided with light artillery to prevent these plunderers from landing at different places on the coast and sacking and pillaging the neighbouring country. There were reports received from the coast of Mekran, which were confirmed by the persons, who had been fortunate enough to escape out of the pirates' hands, that they intended to attaok the temple of Dwarka, where they expected to find great plunder."
[Calcutta Journal, 12 January 1820.] (To be continued.)
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AĦMADNAGAR.
BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.B.L., C.M.G.
(Continued from p. 75.)
V.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION OF THE PRINCE, UNDERTAKEN IN ORDER TO ASSIST THE KING, AND OF THE PRINCE'S WARFARE WITH THE ENEMIES
OF THE EVERLASTING STATE.19 While those affairs were in progress, a number of the amirs of the Dakan, being inclined to rebellion against the king of the earth, collected a large army and marched on Bidar with the object of stirring up strife, of which circumstance some mention has already been made. The king of the world at once wrote a farman detailing the seditiousness and faithlessness of the amírs, and sent it with speed to the prince, whom he summoned to the capital. As soon as the prince had read the farman he turned his attention to his army, and, having assembled it, set forth for Bidar.
When the prince's army neared Bidar, the amirs and officers of state went forth to welcome him and attained the honour of kissing his feet. Thence the prince hastened at
19 The whole of this chapter is a perversion of historical facts. Aḥmad visited the capital to support his father the regent, who was attempting to crush the foreign amire, headed by Yusuf 'Adil Khan of Bijậpûr. Active hostilities began by a massacre of some of the Turkigh troops. Fighting then began between the troops of Yâsul 'Adil Khan and those of Abmad and lasted for twenty days, in the course of which three or four thousand men were slain. The 'ulamd at length made peace between the factions. Yusuf returned to Bijapur and Aḥmad to Junnar but the Dekani faction retained all power in the capital and Malik Naib and Fathullah 'Imad-ul-Mulk of Berar were regont and prime minister for the next three yoan.

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once to court and humbly saluted the king, presenting to him a suitable pishkash of rich clothes and merchandise, horses and elephants, and receiving in return many marks of royal affection and favour. The king then complained to the prince of the contumacy of his enemies and took counsel with him regarding the suppression of the rebellion. The prince then bade the king take heart, for that he would exterminate the rebels. The king then thanked the prince and prayed to God for his success.
When the rebellious amirs with their troops neared the capital the king went forth with the prince, Majlis-i-A'la, Mangab-i-Mu'alla, Malik Naib, and the amírs and officers of state from the capital, and the royal forces were drawn up over against the rebel army. A fierce fight ensued, but since the disloyal amirs were treading the path of rebellion, they were unable to attain their object. The prince displayed the utmost valour in the battle, and sent many, with his own hand, to hell. The rebels fought with great courage, but were at length compelled to give way, and fled. The victorious prince pursued them for several leagues, and put many to the sword, capturing all their property and effects, their horses, and their arms. He then returned and respectfully saluted the king, who embraced him affectionately, bestowed on him the high title of Ashraf-i-Humayûn, Nizâm-ul-Mulk Bagri, and placed on his body a royal robe of honour, and on his head a royal crown, and the prince of the age, Ashraf-i-Humayûn, Nizâm-ul-Mulk Bahri then obtained leave from the king to depart, and set out for his capital. On his arrival there he busied himself in the management of his kingdom and the administration of justice.
On several occasions after this, Sultan Mahmûd Bahmani was confronted by difficul ties and dangers, and always appealed to the prince for help. Sometimes the prince answered the appeal in person, and after rendering such assistance as was required, returned to his capital, and on other occasions he sent to the king's assistance, with his army, his amirs, such as Zarif-ul-Mulk, the Afghan, and others as will be clea from what has gone before.
VI.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARTYRDOM OF MAJLIS-I-A'LA, MANSAB-I-MU'ALLA, MALIK NAIB WASIYY-I-KH 9, AND OF THE OCCURRENCE OF STRIFE AND CONTENTION
BETWEEN THE VICTORIOUS PRINCE, AND THE AMRS OF THE DAKAN. It has already been mentioned that most of the amits of the Dakan were constantly at strife and variance with the prince and with Malik Näib, his tutor and foster-father, to whom was entrusted the regency at the capital of Bidar, and were speaking against them to the king, but, since the prince was under God's special protection, their plots came to nought, and the prince prospered ever the more and more, so that the despair and fear of his enemies increased, until, in A.H. 888 (A.D. 1483),80 when the king with his army had marched
This date is wrong by three years. Malik Näib, Abmad's father, was put to death in 1486. The amira generally were disgusted with his arrogance and complained against him to the king, who was cha fing under the restraint to which he was subjected. The king requested QAsim Barid-ul-Mamalik, Daatar Diner to rid him of Malik Naib, and the latter, becoming aware of the design against his life, fled from Warangal, where the court then was, to the capital, Bidar, and summoned his son Ahmad from Junn Ar to his assistance. The king and the amfrs followed Malik Naib towards Bidar, and Malik Naib, not being strong enough to meet the royal army in the field, prepared to flee to Junnar, carrying with him the contents of the royal treasury. Dilpasand Khân, governor of Bidar, whom Sayyid 'Alf calls Pasand Khan, pretended to be Malik Naib's partisan, but deceitfully dissuaded him from fleeing and sent a secret megsage to the king saying that he was detaining Malik Naib in Bidar and awaited instructions regarding him. The king replied that if Dilpasand Khan was a loyal subject he would send him Malik Naib's head. Dilpasand Khân, at a private interview with Malik Naib, strangled him, cut off his head and sent it to the king. (F. ii, 707, 708.)

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against the infidels of Telingâna, the prince not being with him, the ill-disposed, finding Malik Näib deprived of the prince's support and assistance, took advantage to fasten some accusation on that wise minister, and to soouse him to the king of base acts and wicked deeds, and urged the king to issue orders for his execution. The king harkened to their counsel and issued orders for the minister's death-orders which led not only to remorse, but to the ruin of his kingdom.
When Malik Naib became aware of the plots of his enemies, he fled from the king's camp, but since fate had decreed his martyrdom, the screen of negligence was placed before his eyes, so that he did not take the way of safety, which lay in the direction of the prince's protection, but, reposing confidence in Pasand Khân, governor of the city of Bidar, who was one of his own protégés, he went to Bidar, and the wretch, Pasand Khân, whose temerity in committing an atrocious act has earned for him the title of haram 'dr, made him a martyr and sent his head to the king.
When the news of Malik Naib's martyrdom reached Ashraf-i-Humâyûn, Sultan Ahmad Bahri, he mourned for him and wept bitterly, and all his amírs and all his army participated in his grief.
After this calamity the prince displayed greater anxiety than ever regarding the plots of his enemies, and paid more attention than formerly to collecting troops, and to preparing for revenge on his enemies.
Some say that the prince, after the murder of Malik Naib, left the king's camp with 1,500 horse, all valiant soldiers, and went to JunnAr and strengthened the fortress of Shivner, which had hitherto not been a fortress of any great strength, and increased his forces until he had a most numerous and powerful army.
When the news of the prince's assembling of his forces reached his enemies and opponents, they took counsel together as to the best means of resisting him before he should become too powerful to be resisted, and devoted all their attention to his over. throw. They continued to slander him to the king more than ever, now saying that he had been alarmed for his own safety on hearing of Malik Naib's death, and that he had withdrawn from his allegiance, and was collecting such an army as would enable him to declare himself independent, and that it was necessary to overpower and disarm him before matters became worse. As has already been mentioned, Sultan Mahmud Shah Bahmani had, in the later days of his reign, very little power in the state, and was a king only in name, the amirs managing all public business, the most powerful of them for the time being making himself regent until he was overcome by a combination of the others, and another was set up in his place. Thus the king, as he was too weak to manage any important affair, was induced to issue a farmán to the prince's enemies, giving them authority to take such action as they might deem best in the interests of the state. Accordingly, these lovers of strife agreed among themselves that a force should be sent, under the command of some of the boldest officers of the royal army, against Sultan Ahmad, in order that his power might be broken, and his well-wishers and faithful servants might be dispersed. They therefore selected Shaikh Mu'addi, the Arab, entitled Nadir-uz-Zamân, who was distinguished abave all the officers of the royal army for his valour and intrepidity, to take command of the army to be sent against Sultan Ahmad Nizâm-ul-Mulk Babri, and he accepted that arduous task, while those who appointed them plumed themselves on the courage and

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velour of the fool, believing that a lamp could remain alight in the storm-wind, and that a crafty fox would prevail against the teeth and claws of a raging tiger. 21
When the contemptible and impertinent Shaikh undertook the expedition against the prince, he was given the command of 1,200 fierce Arab lancers, who were his own troops, and, taking the road to prison, encamped at Parner. The prince was informed by his spies, of the designs of his enemies, and of the appointment of Nadir-uz-Zaman with his Arabs as an expeditionary force. He assembled his forces, and, opening the doors of his treasurles, distributed both to his foot, and to his horse, liberal largesse, gold, horses, and arms, and soon had such an army as would have astonished the god of war. The army having assembled, the prince marched from Junnar to Nakot, so that a distance of not more than four leagues intervened between his army and that of the enemy.
VII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE PRINCE'S EXPEDITION AGAINST ALI-TÂLISH DIHI, AND
OF THAT ILL-DOER'S REWARD FOR HIS ERRORS. In the midst of these affairs the prince's informers reported that 'Ali Talish Dihi, 13 who was the governor of the fort of Chåkan 24 and its dependencies, and of whose enmity to the prince some mention has already been made, had taken advantage of the prince's being occupied with his enemies, to assemble his troops, and was impudently marching to the support of Shaikh Mu'addi. The prince determined to march first against 'Ali Talish and crush him before he could join Shaikh Mu'addi, and it so happened that the arrow of his design hit its mark, and that his well-conceived plan led to the complete defeat of both armies.
The prince sent for Masnad-i- Ali Malik Nagir-ul-Mulk Gujarati, 25 who was at that time valil and pishvd, and took counsel with him. Masnad-i-Al highly approved of the prince's plan, and it was decided that Napir-ul-Mulk Masnad-i-Art should remain where he was, with the main body of the army, and that the prince should take a picked body of men by forced marches against Zain-ud-din 'Ali TAlish, should fall upon him, crush his army, and put him to death before he could effect a junction with Shaikh Mu'addi, and should then return to the main body of his army and deal with the Shaikh. The Prince, having chosen the force which was to accompany him, impressed upon Masnad-i-'Âli the necessity
31 It was at the instigation of Qasim Barid, who had succeeded Malik Naib as maire du palais, that this expedition was sent against Ahmad. Qasim first tried to enlist the aid of Yasuf 'Adil Khân of Btj&pår, who had been the bitter enemy of Malik Naib, but it was the system rather than its representative that your opposed and he transferred to Qasim all the ill-will be had formerly bome to Malik Nåib. He not only refused to act against Ahmad but sent him a message of condolence on the death of his father, oncouraged him to resist Qasim and withdrew force of 10,000 horse which he had sent to Indapar to support Zain-ud-din AL TAligh, governor of Chakan, who resisted Ahmad's authority. It was on the failure of the negotiations with You that QAgim dispatched the expedition under Shaikh My'addi, whose title is given by Firishta as Bahadur-uz-Zaman. (F. ii, 182.)
2 About 23 miles west by south of Ahmadnagar.
33 Called by Firishta, Zain-ud-din "Au Talish and mentioned on pago 6 sa 'All Balish Dihi. Talish is a distriot on the south-western coast of the Caspian.
Situated in 18° 46' N. and 73° 32 E.
> According to Firishta, Aḥmad had appointed Zarif al-Mulk the Afghan his amir-ul-umard and Naper-ul-Malk Gujarati his amer-ijumia. The appointment of officers with these titles wing tantamount to a declaration of independence.

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of remaining where he was and of refraining from attacking the enemy. Masnad-i-'Ali promised obedience and declared that he would avoid any conflict with the enemy until the prince returned. The prinoe, with his chosen force, then set out at night, by forced marches, for the fortress of Châkan. 36
Ali Talish Dihi was still making his preparations for war and collecting his troops when the prince's force suddenly fell upon him. 'Ali Tâlish Dihi came forth to meet them as best he could, and fought bravely against them, but to no avail, for he and his troops, after fighting for some time, could withstand the prince's force no longer, and 'Ali Talish Dihi wa slain and his troops were put to flight. The victorious king put a large number of fugitives to the sword and much spoil fell into the hands of the victors, and was presented, together with the head of Ali Talish Dihi, to the prince. The victorious king, after slaying and plundering his enemies, turned towards Masnad-i-'Ali, 27 who having heard of his master's victory. was emboldened to attack Shaikh Mu'addi and his followers. As this action was contrary to the will of the king, the usually victorious troops were defeated and dispersed, and Naşir-ul-Mulk was compelled to retire on his former position, and halt there. The king then arrived with his victorious troops, and was much annoyed on hearing of Masnad-i. 'Ali's untimely action and of the presumption of the enemy. He severely rebuked Naşir. ul-Mulk, and told him that disobedience to the commands of one's master could bear no other fruit than mishap and repentance. Masnad-i-'Ali humbly asked for pardon. The king graciously forgave him, and said that with God's help he would crush the rat-eating Arabs.
Shaikh Mu'addi had been rendered over-confident by his temporary success and was devoting himself to pleasure, with no thought of fighting, and the king Ahmad purposely delayed attacking him for a few days, in order that he might grow still more careless; and then marched one night at midnight to attack him. He reached the enemy towards morn. ing and found that they were still sleeping the sleep of negligence. He therefore fell upon him. He took them completely by surprise, and though the Arabs, when they woke, fought bravely, it was of no avail, and Shaikh Mu'addi and nearly all his followers were killed. The few survivors fled, and with much difficulty reached Bidar, while all the camp, the baggage, the horses, and elephants fell into Ahmad's hands.
The victorious king, after thus slaying and plundering his enemies, returned triumphantly to his capital, Junnar, the inhabitants of which humbly congratulated him on his BUCOOBS.
When the news of the death of Mu'addi and of Ali Tâlish Dihi, and of the defeat of the army - which had been sent against the prince, reached the ears of the king of the world (Mahmud Shah) and of his amirs, great fear fell upon them, and they bitterly repented of their action in sending against so brave and powerful a prinoe, whose power they had under estimated, a small body of troops. They saw that the prince was growing more powerful
» Pirishta says that Ahmad first gent Zain-ud-din Ali a message proposing a reconciliation to which Zain-ud-din Ali agreed but afterwards changed his mind on hearing of the advance of Shai Mu'addi. Ahmad, on learning that Zain-ud-din 'Ali was awaiting an opportunity of joining the Shaikh, left his army And marched rapidly to ChAkan with a small picked force, soaled the walls by night and put Zain-ud-din 'Ali and the garrison, consisting of 700 foreign archers, to the sword.
• 27 Firishta says that Napr-ul-Mulk was successful against a part of Shaikh Mu'addi's funebat when he encountered the main body, led by the Shaikh in person, he sustained a crushing defsat and was obliged to retreat and join Zarif-ul-Mulk,

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and his followers more numerous every day, while their own army was enfeebled and disheartened. It was decided that the best plan would be to send against the prince a large army of experienced veterans under the command of a cautious but active officer, and that this force should be sent against him before he grew too powerful to be meddled with. Accordingly, most of the amirs and officers who were at the royal court, with eighteen amirs who chose to serve against the prince, were appointed to the army which was to act against the prince. Some say that the first of Sultan Mahmûd's amirs to take the field against the prince, was Majlis-i-Rafi 'Yusuf 'Adil Khân, 28 and that a great battle was fought between him and the prince, but in all these wars the prince was victorious. Sultan Mahmûd then appointed the eighteen ministers who were always in attendance on him to the army acting against the prince, and 'Ali Tâlish Dihî came from the fort of Châkan to the assistance of the amirs. The royal army encamped near Wargaon, and the prince's army was in Wargaon. Sultan Mahmûd's amirs then sent on several of the principal officers of the army with the advanced guard against the prince, and the prince sent Rûmî Khân and Châlâk Khân to repulse them. These officers overcame the advanced guard of the royal army, slew many, and captured three elephants, which were presented to the prince. The next day the prince marched from Wargaon and encamped at Kapar, where his spies reported to him that the royal army was drinking morning and evening, and in their pride took no account of the prince's army. The prince accordingly marched at midnight with his army to attack the amirs, and with 'Ali Tâlish Dihi fell upon them before morning broke. The amirs were captured and stripped to the waist and were then ridden on buffaloes through the prince's army. After that they were let go. The prince highly honoured 'Ali Tâlish Dihi, and again conferred on him the command of the fortress of Châkan. After a while the prince asked for that fool's daughter in marriage, and 'Ali Tâlish attempted to put him off with excuses. The prince then led an army against Châkan, captured it, put 'Alî Tâlish Dihi and his principal officers to death but laid no hands on his daughter, who was in the fort, for 'Ali Tâlish Dihî when the prince asked her in marriage, had uttered words which changed his inclination to dislike. The prince then levelled the fortress of Châkan to the ground. But God alone knows the truth of the matter.29
89
VIII. AN ACCOUNT OF THE SECOND EXPEDITION OF THE PRINCE'S ENEMIES
AGAINST HIM.
The amirs who elected to fight against the prince (Ahmad), left the capital of Bidar with a large army and marched to the foot of the Meri Ghât. When spies brought the information that they had with them a very large army, the prince, although bis views in all contingencies were such that they always proved in the end to be in conformity with what had been decreed by God, summoned Masnad-i-'Ali Malik Naşîr-ul-Mulk Gujarati and the officers of his army, and took counsel with them. Some, noted for their bravery,
28 This is a mistake. Yûsuf 'Adil Khan did not take the field against Ahmad on this occasion. "Agamat-ul-Mulk the minister commanded the first force sent against him from Bidar after the defeat of Shaikh Mu'addi, but the account here given by Sayyid 'Alf seems to be a confused medley of the records of two or more expeditions.
This account, given as an alternative to what has gone before, is incorrect. Zain-ud-din 'Ali did not change sides as described, and he had already been slain. Ahmad certainly did not level the fort of Chakan with the ground, for portions of a structure anterior to the date of the capture of the fort by Aḥmad are still standing.

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advised the prince to attack the enemy, while others, known for their cowardice, advised another course, but the prince followed the advice of neither. To be drawn unnecessarily into action with an enemy so much more numerous than his own was, he argued, imprudent, while to fly before them would mean disgrace. He therefore determined on a stratagem which would bring disunion between them and throw them into such confusion that they might safely be attacked. The prince then said that his design was to make a forced march on Bidar, with a picked body, to bring the haram of Malik Naib and his own servants forth from the city, and to carry off the wives and families of the amirs, in order that he might be freed froin anxiety regarding the former and might have an opportunity of falling on the latter when they were thrown into confusion by the news of the raid.
The prince therefore marched from Junnar with his army, and, avoiding the enemy, marched on Bidar. The enemy, when they heard of his movement, thought that he was flying from them, and gave themselves up to enjoyment, untroubled by any anxiety regard ing a battle. The prince, however, pressed on, and in a very few days arrived before Bidar, and, entering the city by night, before any of his enemies were aware of his move ments, gained possession of the children of Malik Naib and his own servants, put them into palkis and singhäsans, and sent them off to Junnar under the escort of some trusted troops and eunuchs. He then carried off from Bidar the families of the amirs who had been sent against him, with the servants and eunuchs who attended them, and sent with them another detachment of his troops, to whom he gave strict injunctions to guard the captives and their honour most carefully, and to attend to all their comforts. The prince followed them with the remainder of his troops, and when all had proceeded one stage from the city the prince had tents pitched for the wives of the amirs and allayed their anxiety. The next day the kotwáls and guards of the city of Bidar informed the king of the prince's raid, and of his carrying off the haram of Malik Naib and the wives of the amire. He accused the amirs, who were at court, of negligence, and sent eighteen of the principal amire to pursue the prince and recover the wives of the other amirs, nay more, to capture the prince and bring him to court.30
Some of the histories of the prince relate that when the amirs who had been sent against him were defeated, Sultan Mahmud took the field against the prince in person, and marched on Junnar, with a large army, and that when the prince heard that he had taken the field, he considered that it would not be politic to fight against the king, who was his elder brother, and his father's heir, and that he left the fortress of Shivner in the hands of one of his trusted officers, and himself marched on Bidar by way of Daulatabad. When he
30 Sayyid 'Ali's principle apparently is to collect all the conflicting accounts he can find of a campaign and to offer them to his readers either as different accounts of the same campaign, among which they are at liberty to take their choice, or as accounts of different campaigns. What really happened after the defeat of Shaikh Mu'addi's force was as follows. Mahmud Shah, or rather his maire du palais, was much annoyed by the news and sent against the rebel a large force under the minister Azamat-ul-Mulk, with eighteen other amfrs. Ahmad was too weak to meet this force in the field and, eluding it, made a forced march on Bidar. Having corrupted the guard at one of the gates he entered the city and carried off his own household and the wives and families of the amira in the manner described by Sayyid Ali. The amire dared not attack him now, but sent him a message reproaching him with having warred against women, whoreupon he sent their wives and families back to them, and retired to Paretda.
Mahmud Shah bitterly reproached the amirs with having permitted the rebel to raid the capital and thoy, in reply, la id all the blame on "Anamat-ul-Mulk's incompetence. Ayamat-ul-Mulk was recalled to She capital and Jahangir Khan from Telingana was appointed to the command of the army and sent to join it at Bir.

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reached Bidar he collected his own haram, which had been left in the capital until then, Malik Naib's haram, and the harams of those amira who were in his service, and returned by another way.
When the king reached the neighbourhood of Junnâr and learnt of the prince's flight he set his heart on capturing the fortress of Shivner, and laid siege to it. The kotwal of the fort prepared to defend it, and removed from his mind any thought that he was bound by ties of duty to the king. The king sent a message to the kotwdl to say that all forts and districts were in his hands and that the young prince himself was no more than one of his servants. He said that the Kotwal was committing an error in refusing to submit to him. The kotuál replied that the prince had entrusted the fort to him, and that if he were false to the prince and surrendered the fort to the king, the latter could thenceforth have no confidence in him.
In the meantime the news of the prince's raid on Bidar reached the king's army, and the king was perturbed by the thought that the prince might have seized the capital and placed him in great straits. He set out for Bidar by the road by which the prince was returning, but the prince, turning aside, avoided him. The king then issued a farmán summoning the prince to court, and attempted to satisfy him by means of a safe conduct, but the prince sought refuge in plausible excuses and avoided attendance on the king. After this the king molested the prince no more till the day of his death.
It is clear that this story is more probable than the other, for it is more credible that it was in the king's absence, rather than when he was in the capital, that the prince ventured to go to Bidar and carry off the haram.31
(To be continued. )
ANDAMANESE IN PENANG, 1819.
BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE.
Prefatory Note. The two following accounts of the same event, namely a visit to Penang of two Andamanese captured by a Chinese junk in 1819, are taken respectively from the Prince of Wales Island Gazette of the 3rd April 1819 and from the May 1867 number of a now extinct journal called Indian Society, published in Calcutta.
Both accounts purport to relate the circumstances of the capture and the visit, embellished by remarks from Hamilton's article on the Andamans in his East India Gazetteer, published in 1815, his information in its turn being based on Colebrooke's paper on the Andaman Islands, No. 27 of vol. IV, Asiatic Researches, ed. 1799 and on Symes' Embassy to Ava, published in 1800. The later version of the story has also further details of the Andamanese taken from Mouat's Adventures and Researches among the Andaman Islanders, published in 1863.
The first account was written by John Anderson, Secretary to Government, Prince of Wales Island, and the second by his son, Captain T. C. Anderson, Bengal Staff Corps.
The footnotes to the accounts will show where they are in error.
31 In spite of Sayyid 'All's estimate of its probability, this story is incorrect, and Mahmud Shah was in the capital when Ahmad made his daring raid.

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1. Un Thursday morning were landed on the beach two Negroesi from the Andaman Islands, captured by the crew of a China Junk. Their appearance excited much interest and curiosity as a race of people generally considered as Cannibals. The following account of them has been obligingly communicated to us by a Gentleman who has very humanely taken them under his care.
"A Chinese Junk manned partly by Chinese and partly by Burmahs, proceeded to the Andaman Islands to collect Becho de Mar (bêche de mer], and laying about 2 Miles from the shore, they observed about 8 or 10 of the Savages approaching the Junk, wading through the water. Upon coming within a short distance of the vessel they discharged several showers of arrows, which severely wounded four of the Chinese. The Burmahs gave immediate pursuit in their boat, and after much difficulty took two of the Savages prisoners.
“During the chase they were frequently observed to dive and to make their appearance at a considerable distance to elude their pursuers. Several of the arrows were picked up by the Chinese, which are now in my possession; they are made of Rattans with a piece of hard wood for a point, and an iron nail or fish bone fastened to the extremity in such a manner as to make it difficult to extract, if it enters the body.
"Thege Negroes are extremely diminutive in stature, though apparently well formed and their limbs and arms are uncommonly small; one of them is 4 feet 6 inches, the other 4 feet 7 inches high, and each weighing 76 lbs. Avoirdupois. They have large paunches and though so small, are in good condition. One is an elderly man of ferocious aspect, the other a boy of about 17, of a good expression of countenance. They appear dull and heavy, extremely averse to speaking; when conversing, which they only do when left alone and imagine they are unobserved, they make a noise resembling much the cackling of Turkies. They are of a jet black colour and their skin has an extraordinary shining appearance, and their bodies are tattooed all over; of a most voracious appetite, and crack the bones of fowls with their teeth with the greatest facility. Their manner of ascending a Cocoanut Tree is remarkable, running up like a monkey, and descending with astonishing velocity."
As some account of the inhabitants of the Andamans may not be unacceptable to our readers, we have great pleasure in submitting the following extract from the East India Gazetteer, which, it will be observed, corresponde materially with the description given of the two Negroes abovementioned. 6
"The population of the great Andaman and all its dependencies does not exceed 2,000 or 2,500 soule : these are dispersed in small societies along the coast, or on the lesser islands within the harbour, never penetrating deeper into the interior than the skirts of the forest.
The Andamanese are not Nogroes but Nogritos.
? They are not and never have been cannibals. See Temple, Census of India, 1001, Vol. III. Andaman and Nicobar Iolanda, pp. 48 and 44, where it is explained how the error arose and also why the Andamanese first met with by the English were hostile to all strangers 8 That is, Mr. John Anderson himself.
. * See E. H. Men, On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, pp. 139–141.
5 This is a gross misrepresentation. Andamanese on growing old are apt to become dull, but are anything but unintelligent while young and in the vigour of life. Their languages are characteristio of savagee, but show a long history of intelligent dovelopment.
• The rest of the description is taken from Hamilton, East India Gatotteor, vol. I (ed. 1815), ..v. Andamane.
ITI

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ANDAMANESE IN PENANG
Their sole occupation seems to be that of climbing rocks or roving along the margin of the sea in quest of a precarious meal of fish, which, during the tempestuous season, they often seek in vain.?
"It is an object of much curiosity to discover the origin of a race of people so widely differing, not only from all the inhabitants of the neighbouring continent, but also from those of the Nicobar Islands ; however, the inquiries of travellers have produced no satisfactory conclusion. In stature the Andamaners seldom exceed 5 feet; their limbs are disproportionately slender ; their bellies protuberant, with high shoulders and large heads; and they appear to be a degenerate race of negroes, with woolly hair, flat noses and thick lips : their eyes are small and red, their skin of a deep sooty black, while their countenances exhibit the extreme of wretchedness, a horrid mixture of famine and ferocity. They go quite naked, and are insensible to any shame from exposure. 10
“The few implements they use are of the rudest texture. Their principal weapon is a bow, from 4 to 5 feet long; the string made of the fibres of a tree or a slip of bamboo, with arrows of reed, headed with fish bone or wood hardened in the fire. Besides this, they carry a spear of heavy wood, sharp pointed, and a shield made of bark. They shoot and spear fish with great dexterity, and are said also to use a small hand net made of the filaments of bark.11 Having.kindled a fire, they throw the fish on the coals and devour it half broiled.12
" Their habitations display little more ingenuity than the dens of - wild beasts. Four sticks fixed in the ground are bound at top and fastened transversely to others to which branches of trees are suspended : an opening just large enough to admit of entrance is left on one side, and their bed is composed of leaves. Being much incommoded with insects, their first occupation of a morning is to plaster their bodies all over with mud, which hardening in the sun, forms an impenetrable armour. Their woolly heads they paint with ochre and water, and when thus oompletely dressed, a more hideous appearance is not to be found in the human form. Their salutation is performed by lifting up one leg, and smacking with the hand the lower part of the thigh.13
" Their canoes are hollowed out of the trunks of trees by fire and instruments of stone, having no iron in use among them but such as they accidentally procure from Europeans or from vessels wrecked on their coast. 11 The men are cunning and revengeful and have
? This is a mistake. They are found all over the islands, obtaining ample food all the year round from fruit, fish, turtle and pige.
. It is now known that they are aboriginal Negritos with probable ethnological conneotions still existing in the Malay Peninsula and Archipelago, at any rate. For the reason of their long isolation as a race, see Census of India, 1901, vol. III. Andaman and Nicobar Is., p. 51.
They are not negroes at all, nor are they a degenerato race.
10 For a correct physical description of the Andamanese, see Census of India, op. cit., p. 56; Man, Aboriginal Inhahts. of the Andaman Islands, pp. 11.
11 For Andamanese bows, arrows, spears and manufactures, see Man, op. cit., pp. 138–187. It is entirely an error to suppose that their implements are of the "rudest texture."
12 The Andamanese cook all their food, except fruit, on wood fires.
18 For Andaman dwellings, plastering the body with ochre and forms of salutation, see Man, op. cit., pp. 37–48, 184, 79-81.
14 For canoes, see Man, op. cit., pp. 149-150.

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a great hatred to strangers : they have never made any attempt to cultivate the land, but subsist on what they can pick up or kill 15
“The language of the Andamaners has not been discovered to possess the slightest affinity to any that is spoken in India, or among the other islands.16
“They appear to express an adoration to the sun, the genii of the woods, waters, and mountains. In storms they apprehend the influence of a malignant being, and deprecate his wrath by chanting wild chorusses. Of a future it is not known they have any idea, which possibly arises from our imperfect means of discovering their opinion." 17
II. A Chinese Junk manned partly by Chinese and partly by Burmans, proceeded to the Andaman Islands to collect Bech de mer, sea-slugs (a great treat in Ching) and somewhat resembling a black snail, which the Chinese dry and eat, as well as edible birds' nests which abound there. The crew of the junk which was lying about two miles from the shore observed about eight or ten of the savages approaching the vessel and wading through the water. Upon coming within a short distance of the vessel, they discharged several showers of arrows, which severely wounded four of the Chinese. I have seen their arrows and can well fancy the wounds caused by them would be of a severe nature. Dr. Mouat in his work alludes to them. The Burmans gave immediate pursuit in their boat, and after much diffi culty captured two of the savages. These were brought to Penang by the Chinese
During the chase they were frequently observed to dive and to make their appearance at a considerable distance to elude their pursuers. Several of the arrows were picked up and found to be made of rattans with a piece of hard wood for a point, and a nail or fish one fastened to the extremity in such a manner as to render the arrow difficult to extract, if it once entered the body.
These savages were extremely diminutive in stature, though apparently well formed, and their limbs and arms were uncommonly small. One of the savages was 4 feet 6 inches, the other 4 feet 7 inches in height, and each weighed about 76 lbs. Avoirdupois. They had large paunches, and though they were so small, were in good condition. One was an elderly man of ferocious aspect, who afterwards died of cholera on board ship on the way to Calcutta, the other was a boy of about seventeen years of age and of a good expression of countenance. He subsequently died of delirium tremens as he had contracted the bad
16 The mental limitations of the Andamanese are thus described in the Census of India, op. cit., p. 69 "In childhood the Andamanese are possessed of a bright intelligence, which, however, soon reaches its olimax, and the adult may be compared in this respeot with the civilised child of ten or twedve. He has never had any sort of agriculture nor, until the English taught him the use of dogs, did he ever domes ticato any kind of animal or bird, nor did he teach himself to turn turtle or to use hook and line in fishing. He cannot count and all his ideas are hazy, inaceurate and ill-defined. He has never developed unqided any idea of drawing or making a tally or record for any purpose, but he readily understands & sketch or plan when shown to him. He soon becomes mentally tired and is apt to break down physically under mental training."
20 This is quite true as regards the known modern languages of India and the East, exoopt perhaps as regards some of the terms in Negrito" languages of the Far East,
17 This statement is partly incorrect. For an account of the religion, opperstitiops, pythology and initiatory ceremonies of the Andamanese, see Certimus of India, op. cit. pp. 63.-64.

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habit of drinking.18 Both of them at first appeared dull and heavy and extremely averse to speaking. When conversing, however, which they only did when left alone and imagined they were unobserved, they made a noise resembling the cackling of turkeys. They were invariably made to sleep in an outhouse lest they should make an attempt on the children's lives, as having been supposed to belong to a cannibal race, they were looked upon with some dread. 19
On one occasion the old man made his appearance without any hair on his head, and on an attempt being made to find out how he had contrived to do so, it was found that he had scraped off the hair with a piece of broken plate.30 He had a bad habit of attacking the fowls with his bow and arrow, and on one occasion attempted the life of the domestic goat. The younger lad, who was christened Tom, was more docile, and took an interest in the family. He acquired a knowledge of Hindoostanee and Malay. These two natives appear to have been smaller than those captured at Port Blair during Colonel Haughton's time, one of whom was 5 feet 4 inches in height.
My father in a work published by, and under the authority of the Penang Government (and not to be obtained), entitled “ Considerations relative to the Malayan Peninsula," says in a paper on a tribe called "Semangs": " There is little doubt that the degenerate inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, in the Bay of Bengal, are descended from the same parent stock as the Semangs, and it is extraordinary that they have preserved the same uniformity of manners and habits through such a series of ages." And again he says of a Semang whom he saw: “This man was at the time of his visit to Penang, when I saw him, about 30 years of age, four feet nine inches in height. His hair was woolly and tufted, his colour a glossy jet black, his lips were thick, his nose flat, and belly very protuberant, resembling exactly two natives of the Andaman Islands, who were brought to Prince of Wales Island in the year 1819." 31
The two specimens alluded to were of a jet black colour and their skin had an extraordinary shining appearance. They had a most voracious appetite, and cracked the bones of fowls with their teeth with the greatest facility. Their manner of ascending a cocoanut tree was remarkable, running up like monkeys and descending with astonishing velocity.
The population of the great Andaman is very small and is dispersed in small societies along the coast. They never penetrate deep into the interior and their sole occupation seems to be that of climbing rocks or roving along the margin of the sea in quest of a precarious meal of fish, which, during the tempestuous seasons, they often seek in vain.
18 Andamanese, like other savages, will drink to excele on opportunity arising. Taking unacous. tomed food or drink to excess is common to all wild animals. The writer of these notes, at one time the possessor of an extensive aviary, in which food appropriate to many kinds of birds was placed daily, has frequently seen birds gorge themselves to death on unaccustomed food meant for other species, while deserting that to which they were accustomed from birth.
19 See note 2 above. The fear was entirely unfounded,
20 For the shaving methods of the Andamanese, Bee Man, op. cit., pp. 9-10, 114-115. The present writer has undergone the process as an experiment, the razor used being chips from a glass bottle. It is a rough but safe method of shaving.
21 "My father" was Mr. John Anderson of the first account, and this paragraph shows acute observation. For the agreement and physical differences between Samangs and Andamanese, see Census of India, op. oit., p.67: the present writer has been unable to discover any real connection between the languages.

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It is an object of much curiosity to discover the origin of a race of people so widely differing, not only from all the inhabitants of the neighbouring continent, but also from those of the Nicobar Islands. However, up to the present time, no satisfactory conclusion has been arrived at. In stature the Andamanese seldom exceed 5 feet; their limbs are disproportionately slender; their bellies protuberant, with high shoulders and large heads; and they appear to be a degenerate race of negroes, with woolly hair, flat noses and thick lips : their eyes are small and red, their skin of a gooty black, while their countenances exhibit symptoms of famine and ferocity. They go quite naked, and are insensible to any shame from exposure.
The few implements they use are of the rudest description. Their principal weapon being a bow from 4 to 5 feet long, the string being made of the fibres of trees. Their arrows are of wood, with a nail or fish bone for the tip, and they are very expert in using them. Some of them are armed with wooden spears. They shoot and spear fish with great dexterity Having kindled a fire, they throw the fish on the coals and devour it half broiled. 19
Their habitations display etc. [The remainder of the account is identical with the preceding.)
BOOK-NOTICE. THE SOUTH INDIAN RESEARCH.-A Monthly Jour. Two other articles have attracted the special nal Devoted to All kinds of Researches. Edited attention of the present writer. In a note on "The by T. RAJAGOPALA RAO, B.A. Vepery, Madras. Interrelation of Kannada and Telugu" are given Nos. 1 to 12.
• number of words meant to show a very ancient We, of the now old Indian Antiquary, always relation of these tongues to the languages of welcome any new effort on the part of native Northern Europe by borrowing or otherwise. The scholars in this country to look into their past article is not very convincing in itself, but it does and learn what they can about it. It is clear that open up a more than interesting speculation. Was they are in a better position to do so than are there a pre-historio and very ancient immigration Europeans, however leamed and enthusiastio the of the variety of mankind now called Dravidian latter may be. It is therefore with much pleasure from the West into India through Persis in prethat we watch the growth of so many new Societies Persian days? Elsewhere, for entirely different and Journals all over India, from the Panjab and reasons than those of the author of this article, Bihar to Madras and Mysore, and elsewhere. the present writer has suggested that there was. Burma too has now a flourishing Burma Research Anyhow, the subject is worth pursuing historically, Society. They all unearth something of value to philologically and ethnologically. Let the author History and Ethnology.
seek relationship in the languages of the earliest The Journal under notice is eclectic in its articles, known inhabitants of the delte of the Tigris and many being of the magazine order and some Euphrates and the Coast Eastwards to IndiaAlmost purely literary. On the other hand, it Elamite, Akkadian, Sumerian and the like, through admits some that are true efforts of Research
Brahdi (Baluchistan) to India. There is plenty original articles on original documents. For
of evidence of Dravidian' terms being known to
the oldest Sanskrit grammarians with which to instance, it is good to see a report on an "Un. published Inscription of Kumara Tailapа" and
carry on the investigation. a translation of "The Vyakarara Mahabhåshya." The other article is an "Historical Basis for the There is also, we notice, a novel and interesting Kanyaka Purana of the Komatis." Puranas of suggestion as to the true derivation of "Karnata , this kind are always worth sifting for chance light and "Maisur" and a notice of "The Chronology they may throw on genuine history. They are of the later Gangas." There is further a suggestive seldom altogether legendary article on "Prakrits and the Dravidian Languages," all of which and the like are true Research.
R. C. TEMPLE * All this is practically the same as the firgt account, repeating the errors, for which see notes above.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1510 TO 1851.
Br 8. CHARLES HILL.
97
(Continued from p. 84.)
XXV.
A MALAY PRAHU FLIES THE BLACK FLAG, 1820.
I have said that I have found records of only two occasions on which the Black flag was used in Eastern waters. The first was the raid of the pirate Seager or England in 1720, 66 the second was the fight given below between the brig Pallas with twenty Malay prahus, the leading one of which carried such a flag. I strongly suspect that there must have been a European leader in the Malay fleet, though the Captain of the Pallas apparently did not identify such a man. This supposition is strengthened by the fact that whereas the fight with the Pallas took place on the 2nd August 1820, the following paragraph appears in the Asiatic Journal for April 1820:
"Dutch Pirate. A Dutch pirate has made his appearance in the Eastern Seas. A man named Thunderwold, formerly a resident at one of the outposts in Java, whose property had been confiscated for some offence against the Dutch Government, has armed two brigs, one mounting 22 guns, and with 6 praus, is committing great depredations in those seas. It is stated that he has attacked and sunk 2 Dutch cruisers and is otherwise annoying their trade materially. A Dutch 74 and a frigate are gone in quest of this marauder, who, it is reported, is now cruising about the straits of Sincapore. We do not, however, learn that he has molested any vessel under British colours."
A noticeable point in regard to the fight with the Pallas is the absurd smallness of the cruisers, manned largely by lascars, which were sent by the Indian Government to suppress piracy in the Malay Archipelago. The same is true of the Dutch cruisers, but this fact does not wholly account for the long endurance of piracy in these seas. The habit was engrained in the very nature of the islanders and only constant watchfulness and swift punishment could avail to suppress it. The introduction of steam vessels made these possible, and it is almost a truism to say that it was Steam which destroyed Piracy. Little incidents, occurring right up to the present time, show that the spirit and will still exist.
Defeat of Malay Pirates.
"We have great pleasure in bringing to the notice of the Public the following account of an affair which does honour to the spirit with which it was maintained, the defeat of 20 Malay pirate prows off Coba on the island of Banca [Koba, on the East Coast], by the little brig Pallas of this port [Calcutta] of 150 tons.
Her crew consisted of 24 persons only when she left this port, including the Commander, Chief Mate, Gunner and Seacunnies.67
Captain Roberts modestly avoids taking notice of the part he bore in the action, but says, Too much praise cannot be bestowed on Mr. Smith, the Chief Mate, and his brave little crew for their conduct on this occasion, the whole of whom fortunately escaped unhurt.' We are not aware that the crew had been at all increased, but are informed that five of 67 See ante, note on p. 78.
66 See Episode No. XX, ante, p. 37.

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the specified number, together with the longboat, were on shore at Coba during the whole of the action."
Extract from the Log of the Brig Pallas. August 2, 1820. "At 2 a.m. sent on shore the longboat with one Sencunnie and four hands. At 5-30 Captain Roberts repaired on shore in the jolly-boat. At 7 a.m. saw from off deck 20 large Prows standing towards the brig, fired & gun and made a signal for the boats. At 7-30 from hearing tom-toms beating and loud shouting on board the Prows together with their standing on directly for the brig, knew them to be Pirates. Loosed and set sail. At 7-45 came on board the jolly-boat with Captain Roberts, the Prows being then within gunshot. Endeavoured to slip the cable but found that we had not time to make a buoy fast, the Prows being almost alongside. Cut the cable at the 90 fathoms mark for the safety of the vessel as well as the crew on board, and made all possible sail with a light breeze from the S.E., when the headmost Prow hoisted a black flag at her mast head and one upon her larboard quarter, a white flag with a black dagger and skull. Fired the starboard broadside, loaded with round and canister into the headmost boats, who instantly returned the fire, which was kept up on both sides till 9-30, when a moderate breeze sprung up from the S.W. Set the starboard studding sails and, the breeze freshening, by 10 was out of gunshot.
At 10-15 breeze decreasing and at 10-30 calm, hauled in the studding sails and up courses, the Prows coming up very fast. Shifted 2 guns to the aftermost side ports and at 10-45 the Prows being again within gunshot opened their fire, the Brig not having steerage way. They kept under our stern and, from the constant fire they kept up, cut our sails and standing and running rigging very much. Shifted 2 guns aft to the stern mooring ports and fired upon the nearest Prows, who then pulled up on our quarter, when we kept up a constant fire with the stern guns, two aftermost guns and musketry, the Prows being then within half pistol shot.
At 11 the whole of the Prows having come up, surrounded us completely, when our fire commenced on both sides, which was returned by the whole of them and lasted till 1-30 p.m., when the boat having a black flag hoisted, struck her colours and pulled from us. A breeze springing up at the same time from the W.S.W., made all possible sail, when the whole of the boats, after discharging their guns at us, lowered their sails, ceased firing, and pulled inshore.
In hauling our wind to weather Pallas Isle,68 gave them our starboard broadside and sunk the boat that had formerly the black flag flying. Perceived that the remaining 19 Prows had pulled and anchored close inshore and blockaded the mouth of Coba River: deemed it expedient for the safety of the vessel to proceed to the first port upon the coast, wherec y of the H.N.M. (Dutch) cruizers might be lying, and knowing that gun-boat No. 17, Captain Kolfe, was then lying at Linga Leat, 69 bore up and made all possible sail for the above port....
....Fired 28 broadsides during the action and found expended two hundred pounds of powder, two hundred and sixty round shot and forty cannister ditto and thirty-four bags of musket balls, each bag containing twenty-six, and two hundred and forty-two ball oartridges."
(Calcutta Journal, 18 November 1820.) · Evidently intended for the name of one of the many islota in the neighbourhood.-Ed. "That is, of the lingi or point of Liat Island, between Banks and Billiton.

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XXVI. LAST FIGHT OF A PERSIAN GULF PIRATE, 1826. When the Portuguese came to India at the end of the fifteenth century, they found the external trade of the countries bordering on the shores of the Indian Ocean almost entirely in the hands of the Arabs, who, as far as we know, were generally a peaceable class of seafaring folk, but not of a character to submit tamely to injustice at the hands of foreigners, and who strongly resented any intrusion upon what they had hitherto considered a close trade. The overbearing behaviour of the Portuguese soon resulted in the Arabs arming their ships and the next step to piracy was an easy one. As the Portuguese decayed, the Arabs became more formidable, nor did the growing power of the Maraihas in any way check them, but they were no match for Europeans like the British, nor, even when assisted by the Turkish Government, could they make any headway against the European pirates who visited the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf at the end of the seventeenth century. From that date they ceased to be formidable.
At the end of the eighteenth century the Arabs came under Wahhabi influence. Their fighting spirit revived, and the Arabs of the Persian Gulf--notably the Joasmees70_became the scourge of the Indian merchants, until they were suppressed by the British about the year 1810. The unrest caused by the Wâhhâbîs continued for some thirty years longer, finding its vent in internecine piratioal warfare.
One of the most notorious of these Arab pirates was Rahmah bin Jabir of the tribe known to history as the Uttoobees ('Uttûbi) of Koweit at the head of the Persian Gulf. He was one of the four sons of Jâbîr bin 'Uttûb who joined in an attack on the island of Bahrein in 1784, but being dissatisfied with their share of the spoil, withdrew to Khor Hasan on the Arabian Coast close by and, under the leadership of Rahmah, the ablest though not the eldest of the four brothers, betook themselves to piracy. Rahmah always tried to cultivate good relations with the British and also with the Wahhabis, but in 1816 he quarrelled with the latter and retired to Bushire and later to the island of Dammâm near Khatif on the opposite coast, being always at war with the Uttoobees of Bahrein. This state of things lasted until the year 1826, when he found himself bereft of all friends and not only old but blind. He determined, however, at any rate to die not ingloriously, and sailing to Dammâm, from which in the interval the Uttoobees had driven him, he forced them to fight him. Meeting his challenge in the spirit in which it was given, a single vessel was sent out for a fight to the finish.
“About the end of 1826, finding himself much pressed by his enemies, who had invaded Demaun [Dammâm]Rahmah (bin Jabir) proceeded over to Bushire, with the view, if possible, to interest the British authority in his favour, and also to procure an addition to the crew of his Buggalow, 11 which had suffered very materially. In his interview with the Resident, this singular old man (although nearly seventy years of age, totally blind and covered with wounds) displayed the same haughty and indomitable spirit which had always characterisad him, and he expressed equal ferocity and scorn against his Uttoobee enemies. Failing in his design of inducing the Resident to interfere in his behalf, he set sail from Bushire with a reinforcement of 25 or 30 Beloochees (Baldchis] and proceeded over to Demaun,
To See ante, p. 85.
11 The Indian term bagla, bagaid, a corruption through Arab bahald or Port. bajd, bazel, etc., of the European term vascellum, means & large native teak-butt venel.ED.

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where he ordered his vessels to fire & salute-a mark of contempt which so irritated the Bahrein Chiefs, that Ahmad bin Suleman (Ahmad bin Sulaiman), a nephew of the ruling Shaikh, volunteered to attack him in his own Buggalow. His offer being accepted, he laid himself alongside of Rahmah's vessel, and a most furious action took place, the struggle being for life or death. The people of the Uttoobee Buggalow, however, suffered so severely from the heavy and well directed fire of the enemy, that she was under the necessity of sheering off, in order to recruit her exhausted crew from the other Bahrein vessels in the vicinity. Having procured a reinforcement, and refusing the assistance of the rest of the fleet, Shaikh Ahmad again advanced to the attack, weakoned as his crew was in the former combat.
Rahmah soon found that he was in no condition to carry on the engagement and that in a short time he must be taken by boarding unless he surrendered - an alternative which was out of the question, considering the atrocious and sanguinary warfare he had so long carried on against Bahrein. Having therefore given orders for his vessel to grapple with the enemy, he took his youngest son (a fine boy about eight years old) in his arms, and seizing a lighted match, directed his attendants to lead him down to the Magazine. Although. acquainted with the determined character of their Chief and, of course, aware of the inevitable destruction which awaited them, his commands were instantly obeyed, and in a few seconds the sea was covered with the scattered timbers of the exploded vessel and the miserable remains of Rahmah bin Jaubir and his devoted followers. The explosion set fire to the enemy's Buggalow, which soon after blew up, but not before her commander and crew had been rescued from their impending fate by the other boats of the fleet.
Thus ended Rahmah bin Jaubir, for so many years the scourge and terror of this part of the world, and whose death was felt as a blessing in every part of the [Persian) Gulf. Equally ferocious and determined in all situations, the closing scene of his existence displayed the same stern and indomitable spirit which had characterised him all his life."
[Selections from the Bombay Records, No. 24, pp. 527-28.]
XXVII. THE TREACHERY OF AHMAD BIN DAD KARIM, 1846. The following extract from the Bombay Records illustrates one of the perils to which Indian trade was exposed during the early nineteenth century, though I do not think many similar instances of treachery can be found among captains to whom Indian Merchants. entrusted their vessels.
In the month of September 1846 a buggalow, belonging to Nansee Thackersee [Nanji Thákurji], a Bombay merchant, set sail from Muskat for the Presidency (Bombay). She was commanded by one Ahmed bin Dad Kureem [Ahmad bin Dad Karim) a Beloochee. native of Muttra (Mátrah), subject to the Imaum" of Muskat. Having arrived in the vicinity of the Island of Busheab, 13 Ahmed bin Dad Kureem formed the project of plundering and possessing himself of all the treasure in the vessel. He seems in the first instance to have endeavoured to carry out his purpose by stealth and quietly, for, in the dead of night, whilst the superoargo, in whose charge the money was, was asleep, he repaired to the
na Imâm, a title given to the Princes of 'Omfn. See Yule, Hoheon-Jobson, s.o. Imaum.-ED.
T3 Bushokb, Abu Shu'aib, Shekh Sha'sib, Jadratu's-Shokch, an island near Al-Kais (Kenn) on the Persian Coast of the Gulf, about 150 miles from the entrance.-ED.

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treasure chest and was in the act of making off with its contents, when one Moorad [Murad], a sailor on board, remonstrated with him and caused him to desist. The Nakhoda's 74 plans being thus frustrated, he resolved to rid himself of his opponents and to perform by force what he was unable to do by stealth. The following night accordingly, at anadvanced hour, whilst his unsuspecting victims were in a profound sleep, he, with a number of his followers, fell upon and savagely butchered both Moorad and the supercargo : he likewise put an end to the existence of an unfortunate slave, who happened to be standing by at the time. Some of the crew, affrighted, leaped into the sea : 75 many took part in the bloody deed: and the rest, however well disposed in their hearts to resist, were too much overawed by the fierce brutality and fiendish threats of the Nakhoda and his accomplices to dream of opposing them.
Ahmad bin Dad Kureem vowed instantaneous death to any man of the party who would not take the oath of Zuntullak [zan talâq] (the most solemn form of oath among Arabs— By the divorce of the wife')—to keep inviolate secrecy. They then, one and all, nineteen in number, embarked in the longboat, having previously set fire to the buggalow and collected the treasure in date jars. Six of the men, notwithstanding that they had taken the oath required of them, fell victims to the Nakhoda's suspicions, and were cruelly slaughtered ; two others, fearful of their lives, let themselves down into the sea close to Shinas 76 and swam ashore, whence they proceeded to Lingah 76 and back to Muttra [ Mâtrah] their native city. Scarcely had they reached the latter place before they were seized and conveyed to Muskat, as accomplices of Ahmed bin Dad Kureem.
For a length of time they denied all knowledge of the matter, and assured both his Excellence Syud Soweynee [Sayyid Şuaini] and the British Agent that, as soon as the vessel caught fire, they threw themselves into the sea to save their lives; that they knew nothing further. Guilt, however, attached itself too strongly to these individuals to permit of their story being credited. Recourse was had to intimidation, and preparations were even made for inflicting torture upon them, when, upon being promised full pardon and liberty, they turned informers and related all that had occurred.
In March 1847, after endless search and trouble, Ahmed bin Dad Kureem was likewise apprehended and conveyed to Muskat, where, on being examined and told that there was evidence forthcoming to convict him of his dastardly act, he at once confessed his guilt and threw himself upon the mercy of his accusers. The matter of his trial was referred to the Bombay Government, who desired he might be tried before the Native Court in Muskat and suffer such punishment as the judicial authorities in that town might think fit to award.
His Excellence Syud Soweynee, strange to say, did not so much as consult the Court of Justice regarding the punishment to be inflicted, nor did he cause any form of trial whatsoever to be undergone by the prisoner, but simply and plainly pronounced sentence of death upon him. His execution took place on the 5th day of October 1848 in the presence of the whole concourse of the Muskat population."
[Selections from the Bombay Records, No. 24, p. 226.]
(To be continued.)
74 Pers. ndkhuda, skipper, master of a native vessel.-ED. T6 Apparently some of these got ashore and gave the first information of the crime.
To Shine and Langah are coastal towns on the Persian Gulf between the islands of Kenn and Ormuz,-En.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR.
BY LT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.L, C.M.G.
(Continued from p. 91.) IX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE THIRD EXPEDITION OF THE PRINCE'S ENEMIES AGAINST
HIM, AND OF THEIR CAPTURE BY Romi KHÂN. The amirs, already mentioned, left the city with a large army to take vengeance on the prince, and pursued him, but when the amirs who had first been sent against him, heard that he had visited Bidar, and carried off their wives and families, fear and trembling fell upon them and they were divided and scattered, so that the prince's object was gained. On the receipt of this news, a numerous and well-appointed army was dispersed, and its officers repaired to court complaining bitterly, and in the strongest language of the negligence of the amirs who had been at court when the raid was made. When the prince's spies informed hina of the approach of these amirs, and the news of the dispersal of the army, which had been encamped at the Meri Ghật, became known in his army, he left the wives and families of the amirs where they were and marched on his capital by way of Parenda. The king's troops, who had followed him from Bidar, emboldened by his marching away from them, followed in his tracks,
When the prince halted at Parenda," he sent for Jalal Rami Khan and told him that his forces were much weakened, for a detachment had gone with the haram, and many, exhausted by his forced march on Bidar, had fallen out by the way. He then ordered Rami Khân to hold Parenda and await the arrival of the stragglers, while he marched on one stage, in order that the royal army might believe that he was fleeing from them, and might pursue him, and not on any account to emerge from Parenda until the pursuers had passed it, in order that he (the prince) might then make a stand while Rami Khan issued from the fortress in the enemy's rear and thus surrounded him Jalal Rûmî Khân promised to obey these orders and remained in the fort while the prince marched on one stage, and when the amirs heard that the prince had passed Parenda, they were puffed up with pride, and pressed on with all haste in pursuit of the prince, until they came to the stream which is known as Alat Nadi,34 and flows past the town of Parenda. Here they halted and circulated the wine-cup and had music, paying no more attention to Jalâl Rami Khånd, who was in Parenda, than if he had not existed. So careless were they that they took no heed of anything until they fell into a drunken sleep.
When Rami Khân heard of the state of the enemy's army, he wisely thought that he could best serve the prince by disobeying his orders, seeing that the enemy's negligence promised him a certain victory and the oppertunity was one not to be neglected. He therefore assembled his army and with a strong force, fell upon them when many of them were in a drunken sleep and many more had barely slept off their debauch. Some were sent to eternity from a drunken sleep and some opened their eyes only to be sent by the same road. Not a single man of the enemy had any time to prepare for the fight, and large numbers were sent to hell by Rami Khan's troops. The amirs and the principal
. *This appears to be an account of the operations of the royal troope after Jabangir Khan bad taken command.
* Situated in 18° 18' N. and 76° 27' E. The fort of Parenda was built by the great minister Mahmad Gavan.
* Parenda stands between two small tributaries of the Sina, which is a tributary of the Bhime..

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officers of their army who had stirred up strite against the prince, were caught in the clutches of fate and it was the good fortune of the prince that such a victory was gained by Jalal Rami Khan we will be the preface of all the noble geets and deeds of kings till the end of time.
Rami Khen, when the slaying was finished, took large qnantities of plunder, and took those eighteen persons who had been the chief amirs of the king's army, mounted on buffaloes, to the prince's camp."
When the news of the victory reached the prince, he first rendered thanks to God, and then, with the sound of trumpets and drum, gave the signal for rejoicing throughont his army. At this moment Rami Khán arrived at the prince's camp with the captive amire. Romi Khân made his obeisance to the prince and was loaded with favours and encouraged to expect great advancement. He received a royal robe of honour, and the king's amtrs also participated in the favours bestowed on him, for they received robes of honour and were given leave to depart for Bidar. By such landable actions the prinos captivated the hearts of these men, nay most of the amfrs of the king's army, and made all those who had been his enemies subservient to him, so that in a short time the greater number of the army which had opposed him, both Dakanis and Foreigners, submitted themselves to him and were enrolled among his servants.
The prince, after this famous victory, which was the dayspring of his fortune and the origin of royal reign and kingly power, returned in triumph to his capital and showered favours upon, and executed justice among the people of Junnar and the districta, until nobody was seen in his dominions with a torn collar, it we except the dawn with its collar torn by the torch, and no blood was seen on any, if we except the gloaming tinged by the reddy light of the lamp. X.-AN ACCOUNT OF AUMAD SHH'S ENTHRONEMENT ON THE THRONE OF SOVEREIGNTY,
.. HIS DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. It has already been mentioned that in the reign of Sultan Mahmud Shah Bahmani the king's authority was much shaken, and most of the amirs, maliks, and officers, turning aside from the path of obedience and submission took the road to the desert of contumacy and rebellion. Among these was Majlis-i-Rafi' Malik Yasuf 'Adil Khan, who by the king's authority held the country of Bijapur and all its dependencies in jagir. He raised the stan
35 This account differs widely from Firishta's, who gives to Ahmad himsoll the credit of the victory As Jahangir Khan's forco advanced, Ahmad fled from Parenda to Paithan, whence ho psuccessfully aught aid from Fathullah 'Imad-ul-Mulk of Berar, As Jahangir Khan approached Paithan, Ahmad retired and occupied the hilly country of Jer, where he was joined by Napr-ul-Mulk Gujarati from Qadirabad. Jahangir Khan marched to Nikapar and cut oft Ahmad's retreat to Jannar. The two armies lay within aix leagues of each other for nearly a month and as the rainy season had begun Akmad's troops waffered severely. But the mers of the royal army, believing that Ahmad could not cacape, neglected all military precautions and gave themselves up to foasting and drinking. Ahmad marshed by night to Nikapor, arrived there early on the moming of June 19, 1490, and fell on the royal army while most of thein were still in a drunken sleep. Nearly the whole of the army was slain, including the amte Jahangir Khan, Sayyid Imag, Sayyid Lagfullah, Nigam Khan, and Fatbullah Khan. The other camera were captured and Ahmad, after stripping them down to the knees and parading them round bin camp on buffaloes, sent thom back to Bidar. The battle was known as “the battle of the garden," from garden which Ahmad laid out on its site. This battle established Ahmad's independence.

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dard of opposition and made the claim "I and there is none beside me." In the same way Majlis-i-A'la Malik Sultân Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk, 36 who, by the king's command, held the whole of the province of Telingana, raised the banner of independence and pride, and regarded none béside himself; Malik Fathullah, 'Imâd-ul-Mulk in the country of Berar, raised the standard of usurpation and pride sky-high, and gave currency to the habit of rebellion. In the same way all the rest of the amirs and maliks, who were in their own provinces, went astray, and Majlis-i-Mukarram Malik Qasim, Barid-i-Mamâlik, who held the districts of Qandahår 37 and Ausa 38 and their dependencies, raised the banner of authority and independence in the capital, Bidar, and took into his own hands the whole administration of the country, leaving to Sultan Mahmûd nothing but the name of a king In the meanwhile the amirs were constantly leading their armies from all parts to Bidar, in the attempt to overthrow Malik Qasim, Barid-i-Mamalik. In some of these expeditionis matters were compounded without bloodshed or fighting, but sometimes the quarrels of these erring men could not be settled without an appeal to the sword. In several of these expeditions Ashraf-i-Humâyûn Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahri was present in person, allaying strife, and punishing the quarrelsome and contumacious with the sword, as has already been described, until at last, on the date39 which has already been given, the king of the countries of Dakan, Sultan Mahmûd Bahmani, bade farewell to this transitory world and took his departure for the eternal abode.
Since Malik Naib suffered martyrdom at the instigation of the contumacious but still frustrated men, and the stirrers up of strife poisoned the mind of the king of the world, Mahmûd Shah Bahmani, against His Highness Ashraf-i-Humayan, Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahri, so that armies were several times sent against his highness with a view to crushing him, as has been related, the amirs and officers of the kingdom, who were in the service of His Highness Ashraf-i-Humayun, Sultan Ahmad Bahrî, represented that the disloyal amirs of the king had obtained the supreme power, and that very little authority was left in the hands of the king, while the whole of the attention of these disloyal amirs was devoted to attempts to crush the prince, and therefore the salvation of the prince's rule and of his dominions lay in his proclaiming himself independent and in his ascending the throne of sovereignty and donning the crown of royalty, in order that the administration might be efficiently continued and that the dominion might not depart from the great family of Bahman).
Abone.
36 This is not correct. Sultan Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk was of all the great provincial governors the most faithful to the house of Bahman, and though he often refused to recognize the orders issued by Qasim Barid, he would not formally declare his independence until Mahmud Shah died in 1518 and his young son Ahmad III was placed on the throne in Bidar by Qasim. Ahmad Nizâm-ul-Mulk was the first to propose to the other provincial governors that they should declare their independence of Bidar, and all, except Qutb-ul-Mulk, agreed.
37 The name of this place is always thus spelt by Muhammadan historians. The correct spelling is Kandhar. It is on the Manada river, about 68 miles north of Bidar.
38 Situated in 18° 15' N. and 77° 30' E.
39 The date already given is Zi-l-Hijjah 24, A.. 924 (December 27, A.D. 1518). See The History of the Bahmani Dynasty by Major J. S. King, p. 147. Firishta (i, 726) gives the date as Zi-l-Hijjah 4, 924 (Dec.7, 1518). Sayyid 'Alf conveniently ignores the existence of the nominal successors of Mahmûd, Ahmad III, 'Ald-ud-din, Wali-ullah, and Kalim-ullah, and makes it appear that Ahmad ascended the throne as a Bahmani king though he carefully avoids describing him as Bahmani and always gives him the distinctive cognomen of his dynasty, Bahri.

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40]
Therefore his highness, the Sulaiman of the age, Ashraf-i-Humâyûn, Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahri, who was, in the opinion of his loyal officers, the means of continuing the royal line and the candle of the family of the Khilafat, at a time when the aspect of the sun fore. told the continuance of the kingdom and of its glory in his family, that is, A.U. 891 (A.D. 1486)40 took his seat on the royal throne, and imparted glory to the crown of kingship by placing it upon his head.
When his majesty ascended the throne he was twenty years of age. 11
The amirs swore fellty to the king and tendered their congratulations to him. They scattered gold abroad an ! received honours and royal favours in measure corresponding to their degrees. After that the king paid attention to the wants of his army and his subjects, and abolished all tyranny and oppression and raised the standard of justice and equity. He made even greater efforts than before to increase his army, in order that he might conquer the hereditary dominions of his father and grandfather, which God destined to be his. XI.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE WAR BETWEEN 'ADIL KHÂN AND THE KING OF THE WORLD,
ASHRAF-I-HUMÂYÊN, AHMAD BAHRI. When Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahri ascended the throne of sovereignty, and the fame of his kingdom and justice was through all the world, Majlis-i-Rafi, Yûsuf 'Adil Khân, who was distinguished from all other amirs of the Dakan by the greatness of his power and the extent of his jagers and his province, and was intoxicated by the numbers of his army and by pride of place, opened the door of strife in his own face. In short, the desire of power and conquest entered 'Adil Khan's head and he thought that royal robes and the honours of the Khilafat were for every seeker after them, whether he had been externally predestinated to them or not, not knowing that the royal umbrella is a humd," which spreads not the wing of good fortune over any but the elect, and that lordship over men is an 'angd, 13 which settles not but on the Qaf of the worth of those who have been accepted, and that a kingdom is not administered and maintained solely by means of the abundance of treasure and the number of one's adherents and assistants.
Malik Yasuf 'Adil Khân considered that Ashraf-i-Humâyân Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahrî was in one quarter of the Dakan, and that much land intervened between his province and Sultan Ahmad's, which land could without much trouble be added to his province. It behoved him, therefore, to forestall Ahmad Nizam Shah, and to capture and occupy that country before he entered it. "Adil Khân, therefore, set out from Bija par, which was
60 This date is wrong by four years. The provincial governors had been their own masters since the death of Muhammad III, but Ahmad had not technically become a rebel until 1486, in which year his father was put to death, for he had been obedient to his father, who was regent. From the time of his father's death he was in open rebellion, but it was not until 1490 that he, Yusuf 'Adil Khan of Bijapur, and Fathullah 'ImAd-ul-Mulk of Berar declared themselves, at Ahmad's instance, independent.
41 Ahmad's age is here absurdly understated. Firishta does not give it, but in 1478 he had been considered sufficiently dangerous to be banished from court and cannot then have been less than twenty-five years of age. His father was then at least sixty-five years of age and it is probable that Ahmad was thirty or even more, so that he was now probably about forty, and in 1490, when he actually declared his independence, forty-four or forty-five.
19 A fabulous bird of happy omen, supposed to fly constantly in the air without touching the ground and to indicate that the head on which its shadow falls will wear a crown.
13 A fabulous bird said to dwell in Qaf or Mount Caucasus. The legend is similar to that of the phoenix.

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his capital, with a very large army and encamped before the fort of Rânübari. As that fort was not very strong, 'Adil Khan formed the intention of capturing it and handing over the command to one of his officers, in order that he might then make it his base of operations against Ahmad Nizam Shah's country, and capture that country with ease.
When the king's spies reported to him Yûsuf 'Adil Khan's expedition, he issued orders for the assembling of his army, and prefects and muster-masters were sent in haste to all parts of the kingdom to bid the amirs and chief officers of the army to assemble at court with their troops. In a short time a very large army was thus collected, with which the king marched against the enemy. When the royal army arrived at Ghâți Vabalad, near which was the army of Majlis-i-Rafi' Yûsuf 'Adil Khân, the king commanded that the pass at the head of the ghat through which the invaders must pass, should be blocked, in order that their retreat might be cut off and that they might be confounded in the whirlpool of perplexity.
Although this plan for crushing the enemy was very well conceived, Masnad-i-Ali Malik Nasir-ul-Mulk and the rest of the amirs humbly represented that to close entirely the enemy's way of retreat would but compel him to invade still further the king's dominions and to support himself there by plundering the country. The best plan, they said, would be for the royal army to move aside and leave one line of retreat open. The king accepted this advice and ordered the amirs to choose a camping ground for the army. Then the king issued a farmán to the kølis dwelling in those parts, authorizing them to plunder and slay the enemy. The kôlis had been hoping and praying for such a permission. The enemy's camp was surrounded by jungle and brushwood, so dense that an ant could not penetrate it without shedding its skin like a snake. The kolie crept through this jungle on dark nights and poured showers of arrows into the enemy's camp and carried off horses and goods without any serious opposition, and when the day broke, took refuge again in the jungle and in their places of retreat, and would then again lie in ambush and attack the enemy with clouds of arrows, and thus in a short time reduced the army of 'Adil Shah 44 to great straita. The enemy's spirit was entirely broken, and at last, without fighting and without having acquired any honour, they determined to retreat, and set forth on their retreat by that road which passed close to the camp of the royal army. Since the king's army had closed the enemy's line of retreat and every pass was occupied by a detachment of royal troops, It was only with the greatest difficulty that 'Adil Khan extricated himself alive. The royal army fell upon his troops and defeated them with great slaughter and those of the enemy who dismounted and fled on foot escaped, while those who would not dismount and throw away their arms were slain. The royal army took much spoil from the vanquished, and the king returned in triumph to his capital.45
4 Here Sayyid 'Ali incautiously admits that Yusuf was as much a king as his hero was.
4 It is not easy to identify this raid of Yusuf 'Adil ShAh's. The author of the Basatin-118-Salatin says that Khwaja JabAn of Bijapur completed the fortress of Parenda in 1487, but there is no mention of any interruption of the work by Ahmad. According to Firishta, Ahmad's first enterprise after his declara. tion of independence in 1490 was the reduction of Dande-Rajpuri (Chaul), the siege of which place he had raised on hearing of the death of his father in 1488. The siege now occupied him for ten months or year, at the end of which time the fortress surrendered and left Ahmad free to march on Daulatábad. (F. ii, 186.) The account can hardly refer to Ahmad's expedition to Bijapur in A. D. 1503-04 which was undertaken for the purpose of compelling Yteuf. Adil Shah to revoke his ordinance establishing the Shish religion (F. ü, 19), and it is not improbable that the incident has been invented by Sayyid Ali for the glorification of Ahmad.

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XII.-AN ACCOUNT OF AHMAD NIZÂM SHAR'S EXPEDITION AGAINST DAULATABAD.
As Ahmad Nizâm Shâh was always anxious to capture fortresses, he now turned his attention to Deogir, which is generally known as Daulatâ båd. This is a very strong fort, situated on a high hill, so strong that it has never been taken. So wonderful is the construction of the fort and so great are the stones used in its bastions and ramparts, that it is the generally received opinion, nay, it is certain, that it is not the work of men, but of some more powerful agency, for it is generally agreed that the work is beyond the power of men.46
Sultan Mahmûd Bahmani had entrusted the kotwdlt and governorship of the fort of Daulatå båd, with the city and the surrounding district, to Malik Sharq and Malik Wajih, 47 two brothers who were among Sultan Mahmûd's trusted officers. Since the time when Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahri had ascended the throne Malik Sharaf-ud-din, rendered confident by the impregnability of Daulatå båd, had set foot in the desert of rebellion and strife. As the king was always anxious to conquer his hereditary dominions, he made preparations for the conquest of that lofty fortress. As the capture of this fortress by force of arms appeared to be very difficult, Ahmad Nizam Shah determined first to treat courteously and diplomatically with its governors and to endeavour to win their hearts. He therefore opened communications with them and gave in marriage to Malik Wajih-ud-din one of the daughters of Malik Näib, who was in his palace,8 thus 'establishing friendship with him on a firm foundation. But since Malik Sharaf-ud-din's star was declining and the days of his prosperity drawing towards evening, he withdrew himself from the friendship which had been established, and his disposition deteriorated so that he committed blameworthy acts, and the brotherly love which had existed between him and his brother, Malik Wajih-ud-din, was changed to enmity. For Malik Sharaf-ud-din had considered the matter and had come to the conclusion that the result of this alliance with Ahmad Nizam Shah could lead to nothing but the loss of the command of the fort. Malik Sharaf-ud-dîn's wrath increased daily and he was ever resolving plans for the undoing of his brother, until at last he compassed his death.
After the murder of Malik Wajih-ud-din, his widow, the daughter of Malik Naib, went to Junnêr and appealed to Ahmad Nizam Shah for justice against her husband's murderer. The king comforted the victim of tyranny and resolved to revenge her on the tyrant, and to capture the fort of DaulatAbåd and the country belonging to it; and he set out with a large army for DaulatAbåd. When he reached Daulatåbåd he encamped before it, and his army surrounded the fortress and prevented all ingress and egress. The next day the king mounted his horse and reconnoitred the fortress. He perceived that its reduction by force of arms would be very difficult and that a protracted siege would be necessary. He came to the conclusion that it would be better to gain possession of it by stratagem, and he there. fore gummoned Masnad-i-Ali Malik Nasir-ul-Mulk and all his other amire and officers, and took counsel with them. When Naşir-ul-Mulk and the rest of the amirs had heard what the king had to say, they said that his object could best be attained by laying waste and plundering the Daulatábåd district every year at harvest time, and thus depriving the fort of
46 The fort was built by Muhammad Tughluq between 1337 and 1343.
17 Sic, for Malik Sharef-ud-din and Malik Wajth-ud-din. In subsequent passages I have corrected the names.
48 This, of course, was Ahmad's own sister. Her name was Bibf Zainab and she bore to Wajih. ud-din a son named Moti. Sharaf-ud-din, who was governor of the province, while his brother was commandant of the fort of Daulatabad, cherished the ambition of declaring his independence and much resented his brother's close alliance with Ahmad, because it strengthened both Abmad and Wajih-uddin and diminished his chances of being in a position to assume independence. He therefore put both Wajih-ud-din and his infant son Mott to death.

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supplies, by which process the defenders would be compelled to surrender. The king then issued orders that the plundering should begin at once and the army plundered the city and the surrounding country and destroyed the dwellings of the people. The king then returned to his capital.
XIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE CITY OF AHMADNAGAR. Since the erection of buildings is one of the most essential affairs in the world and one of the most necessary for the comfort of mankind, great kings in all countries have left behind them wonderful monuments by building cities and laying out gardens planted with fruitful trees. The king of the age and the earth (Ahmad Nizam Shah), who was ever solicitous for the welfare of the world and its inhabitants, determined to found a city. As it had been decided that the king should lead an army every year to Daulatâbâd to plunder and lay waste that province, and it would have been necessary for him on each ocoasion to traverse the considerable distance which intervened between Daulatâbâd and his capital, which in those days was Juunar, he determined to found a city between Junnar and Daulatabad in order that he might dwell there until the fall of Daulatábad and his army would not have 80 far to march. He therefore pitched on the site of Ahmadnagar, exactly half way between Junnâr and Daulatâbåd, in & tract which in climate and in greenness and freshness of its hills and plains, may be compared with Paradise, and is indeed second only to the Paradise on high.
Some historians have given the following account of the founding of the fair city of Ahmadnagar: Ahmad Nizam Shah, who was very fond of hunting and of wandering in the country, was one day hunting with some of his companions and nobles in the plain on which Ahmadnagar now stands. A fox was viewed, and the king ordered the hounds to be loosed on it. The fox tried to save himself by craft, but when this failed, and he was hard pressed by the hounds, he turned on them and faced them, ready to make a fight for his life. The king was much astonished and determined to build his new capital on the spot, deeming that the land which could instil such courage into a feeble animal like the fox, was a fit place for a king's abode. 9 He communicated his design to the cmirs and companions who were with him, and they applauded it. He then consulted his ministers and astrologers who declared that the spot was a fit one for the capital.
When it was finally decided to build the capital in that spot, the king halted there and, having ordered the astrologers to seleet an auspicious day for the beginning of the work, summoned surveyors, architects, and builders from Junnar to lay out and build the city. An auspicious day was selected, and the surveyors, architects and builders obeyed the king's commands, and laid out and began to build the city with its palaces, houses, squares and shops, and laid out around it fair gardens. In a short time, a very fine city was brought to completion under the king's personal supervision.
When the question of the naming of the new city came up for consideration, the king remembered that the city of Ahmadâbâd in Gujarat, which was built by the late Sultan Almad of that country, had been so called from the king who built it, his minister, and the Oaxt of the sacred law, who all bore the name of Ahmad. In this case also, by a fortunate coincidence, the king's name was Ahmad, the name of his minister, Masnad-i- 'Ali, Malik Nasir-ul-Mulk Gujarati, was Ahmad, and the Qazi of the royal army also bore the name of Ahmad. For this reason the new capital was named Ahmadnagar.
(To be continued.) 19 A similar story is told of the foundation of Bidar, Nirmal, and other towns. In fact there are very iew towns in the Dakan, the foundation of which is recorded, of which the story is not told.

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THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O IN MARWARI AND GUJARÍTI. BY PANDIT VIDHUS HEKHARA BHATTACHARYA SHASTRI : SANTINIKET.NA
The controversy between Dr. Tessitori and Mr. Divatia regarding the above subject leads me to write the following lines which may throw a little light on some of the points discussed by them.
It is a well-known fact that the Sanskrit diphthongs ai and au ( it) are com. posed of two vowels, ati and atu respectively; and though each of these two groups of vowels has two syllables separately, they form only one syllable in the resultant diphthongs, For a diphthong is a long vowel, and therefore its component vowels must combine themselves in such a way that they may not exceed the regulation quantity of one long vowel. It therefore follows that the component vowels must suffer loss in their original quantity and such loss may be unequal in amount in the mutual adjustment, that is to say, the one portion may occupy longer duration than the other.
This is what the Prátisakhyas affirm when they say that the first element of a diphthong (i.e. a, 9 ) is short and the second (i.e. i or u, 6, 7, ) is far longer than the first.1
It has, however, not been strictly followed in the vernaculars, for, as we shall see later on, sometimes the first and sometimes the second element of a diphthong has been lengthened and this has given rise to different words from the original.
Neither the ai (&) (with a single exception, see Hem., VIII, 1. 161 ; Trivikrama, II, 2. 74 - Shadbhasha, B.S.S. p. 150), nor au (*) of Sanskrit is to be found in Prakrita, the former becoming generally (i) a-, -, and the latter a-u, -3-, both in two syllables, and sometimes (ii) , T, and 0, wit, respectively.
The Prakritic a-i and a-u in two syllables gradually began to contract themselves into one syllable again, according to the principle of quiescence or disappearance of medial or final vowels a process the operation of which is seen widely, not only in our vernaculars, but also in the Vedic and classical Sanskrit, about which I have already discussed in detail elsewhere. By the word quiescence, for which I have used the Sanskrit term grasta ( YET), following Prof. Jogeshchandra Ray in the article referred to, I mean a vowel sound which first becomes inarticulate and then gradually disappears or is deprived of its proper or original quantity. For instance, from the stem or crude form rajan in the singular number fourth case-ending e we have first rd-ja-ne in three syllables, and then, according to the principle above mentioned and the rules thereof, the second syllable, i.e., a in ja first becomes quiescent, and finally disappears, giving rise to the form rdj-ne in two syllables, which again in accordance with Sandhi rules coalesces into rájñe. Let us take another example. The H. chaudha ( T ) is derived from Skt. chaturthaka through the stages as follows :(i) cha-tur-tha-ka>(i) Pr. cha-u-tha-a>(iii) cha-u-tpha > (iv) chau-tha>(v) chau-tha. Here in the third stage, a trisyllabic word cha-u-tthd can never change into the fourth stage chauttha until the second syllable (i.e. the u of the trisyllabic cha-u-tha) lessens its own quantity or matrd and combines with the preceding syllable, i.e. the a in cha. This decrease in quantity is governed by a principle which I have explained in the paper alluded to. For the sake of convenience I shall denote such thinned vowels by putting them above the line. Thus the dissyllabic chau-thd is to be written chatha and so on.
1 According to Řk. Pr., Benaro, XIII, 41, the mderd of the first element (a) is and that of the second (i or w) is 14. See Tai. Pr. Mysore, II. 26-29. (Ubbata says +1t=2.)
3 Vangiya-Sahitya Parishat-Patrikd, Vol. xxv, pp. 26 ft.

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According to this principle of lessening the quantity of a vowel, new sets of diphthongs have found their way into our vernaculars. But in these, the sounds were changed owing to the shifting of the accent or stress, sometimes on the first and sometimes on the second element, and also because of the peculiarity of pronunciation of the first element, i.e. a, in different vernaculars.
As regards the wide sound of è and o in Marwâri and Gujarati, I think, it is due to the accent, or stress, on the first part of a i and a*. And so it goes without saying that here I am at one with Mr. Divatia, who has clearly said (Indian Antiquary, Feb. 1918, p. 41) " that when in the vocalio group of or 3, 4 is accented the <3 getting subordinate, the ultimate result is the wide sound & off." But I am at one with Dr. Tessitori in his disagreement with Mr. Divatia when the latter says that "STK and 7 pass through an intermediate steps and TT (eventually and ) before assuming the wide sounds and 371." As regards the narrow sound of é and 6, it owes its existence to the accent on the second part of a-i (dissyllable) and a-u (dissyllable) and not of a: (monogyllable) and a monosyllable). Here the accented i and u become e and o respectively, and they are narrow, because there are no other elements whatever to widen them; and then the preceding a is assimilated with the following e and o according to the Prakritic rules for assimilation. I should note here what Mr. Divatia has stated (ibid.) in this connection: "When in these groups (and ) the 7-7 are accented, their prominence leads to the uniting of andy and wand 3 into the narrow and wit."
Examples are needed to illustrate what I have to say, but before producing them I must briefly discuss the question of accent above mentioned. At the very outset it should be borne in mind that accentuation of words has undergone a great many changes from the Vedic time downward. The accent which was the cause of original corruption of a word does not necessarily continue to be in its place so long as the word remains either in the same or other form ; for it may have a different acoent resulting, in some cases, in its assuming a further new form. I do not wish here to enter into details, but simply to say as a general proposition that accentuation in Prakrita has played a great part in forming the words of different vernaculars. Evidence has been given by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar in his Wilson Philological Lectures, of the accent on the penultimate or final syllable, from which a number of new words have found their place in our vernaculars. But he did not cite any Prakritic words in support of his view though such words are not wanting. Mark the following words : vdülla also vdüla (Skt. vyakula); daïvva (Skt, daiva); paravvasa (Skt. paravasa). Here the accent is evidently on the penultimate syllable. It can, however, also be shown that sometimes in Prakrita the first syllable of a word is accented. Let me here draw attention to the following words which will support this contention : nivvedayitavva (Skt. nivedayitavya), Samardichchakaha, Bibliotheca Indica, p. 134; sapparihasa (Skt. sa parihása), Shadbhasha, p. 47; jovvana or juvvana (Skt. yauvana ), Kumarapala, III, 18: sochchia (Skt. V buch+tvd or ya), Prakritarúpavatára, XII, 78; etc. These words invariably carry the accent on the first syllable which accounts for the doubling of those consonants which have to bear the brunt of the stress. The same thing happens in different vernaculars. Mark the following Bengali expressions : (i) sakkale jdne, all know '; (ü) kakkhano nd, never'; (ii) kichchhu dibo na, nothing I will give '; (iv) badda garam, 'too hot'; (v) chotto gachh, 'a very small tree '; etc. So in Hindi : Kausikka and Gautamma for Kausika and Gautama respectively (Hammira-ráso, Nagrįpracârimî, p. 9). The subject of accentua
3 Sometimes doubling is made to suit a metre. Instances are abundant in Ppthvirajaráso.

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tion in Prakrita and the vernaculars is a very important one which, if not properly attended to, will leave unexplained several points of word formation in our vernaculars.
With this preliminary remark I proceed to examine a few words to find out the influence of accents in determining the process of corruption :
(i) Skt. khadira> (i) Pr. khaïra > (iii) kha ‘ra > (iv) H. P. M. khaira, a (usually
BO written, but strictly, khair, the final vowel a being dropped and thus the
word becoming practically monosyllabic). Here in the second stage, (i) khaïra evidently contains three syllables (kha-s-rah). Now in the third stage, the word kha'ra, which is dissyllabic (khai-ra), could by no means be formed unless the second of the three syllables in the second stage was reduced in quantity and . thus easily blended with its preceding syllable or vowel (i.e. a in kha-), making the word a dissyllabic one, and this reduction in the quantity of the second syllable in the second stage, (kha-i-na) becomes logically impossible unless the quantity of the first syllable is somewhat strengthened and lengthened by some stress or acoent on it.
Similarly (i) Skt. chatushka > (ii) Pr. chaikka > (iii) chakka > (iv) H. P. M. chawka >chauka,
4 (-chauk, ). Here the existence of the third stage which is a dissyllabic one depends entirely on the reduction in the quantity of the second syllable in the second stage which is effected by the accent on the first syllable.
In a similar way we may explain the cases where there are aya or ava in a Sanskrit or Prakrita word. Thus:
1. (i) Skt. nayana> (ii) Pr. nayaņa or nayana (with ya-sruti)>(iii) nay na> (iv) nay
na>(v) H. P. na ina>(vi) nain or nain ( 47, 4 ). 2. (i) Skt. kavala > (ii) kavala > (iii) kavla > (iv) ka“la>(v) karl or kaul (sim,
In the above instances the ya, ya, or y, and ra, ea, or v have gradually become i and w respectively, because they are not accented. It is evident from Vedic texts that ya and va undergo samprasarana only when they are not accented; on the other hand when they are accented they do not do so. For example, from V. yaj, to sacrifice', we have islá on the one side and iyáj-a on the other; from V vad, 'to speak', udi-tá, udya-te, when the root is unaccented, and váda-ti when it is accented. This fact has been noticed by Dr. Tessitori, too, when he says (ante, Sept. 1918, p. 231) "80 long as the v in kasa-vagt retains the stress or emphasis ... it can never undergo samprasdrana." The principle working here is not difficult to understand. Accent or stress strengthens a syllable, which then cannot be subject to a change.
Let us now illustrate what has been said before regarding the wide and narrow sounds of è, ò and é, ó in Marwari and Gujarati.
(i) Skt. vaira (dissyllable)>(ii) Pr. vaira (trisyllable) <(iii) G. vaira (dissyllable)> (iv) vair =vairs (with a pronunciation different from that of the Skt. diphthong ai)
ver, PC Here in the third stage, vasra, which is derived from the second (vaira, trisyllable), as shown above, there are two syllables, vai and ra; the acoent falls here on the first part of the first syllable, vai, i.e. on the va or a of va and not on the whole syllable vai. The accent having

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fallen thereon strengthens and lengthens it to some extent, while the following i though reduced to something less than its normal proportion affects the preceding vowel sound thus making the whole sound of the vocalic group (ai) somewhat oblique. It may be compared with the æ sound in English, that is, the sound of a in 'hat' lying half way between & (or i long) and a (or a long). The M. H.P. words like khair, . (Skt, khadira>Pr. khaïra) should be explained in this way though the sound of ai in them differs, as has ably been mentioned by Mr. Divatia (ante, Jan. 1918, p. 26).
I have already hinted that the narrow sound of é, ó has come from dissyllabic a-i and a-u, the process being through the accent falling on the second syllable, i.e. on the i and u of a-i and a-u, they are turned into e and o respectively, or in other words, according to the • native grammarians, firstly there is the guna transformation of i and u into e and o; and
secondly the preceding a of the original a-i and a-u and the subsequent a-e and a-o is euphonically coalesced according to the general rules for Sandhi either in Sanskrit or Pali. Prakrita. As it will take up too much space I purposely refrain here from explaining these rules in detail, citing, however, only two examples from the Sanskrit grammar, which are well known to all, viz. upa+ ejate=upejate, upa+oshatisuposhati (Panini, VI, 1. 94).
I believe, every e and o, as result of Sandhi of a + i and +ū in Sanskrit and Prakrita and vernaculars as well, have appeared in this way and in this way only. E and o though still regarded as Sandhyakshara or diphthong in Sanskrit grammars through tradition, had long ago, even at the time of some of the Prátisakchyas lost that character and become single vowels, which could only be due to the process suggested above.
Sanskrit ai and au have generally assumed two forms each in Prakrita, a-i and e, and a-u and o respectively. As regards the first forms, a-i and a-u, it should be observed that they are dissyllables, while originally in Sanskrit they were monosyllables. Sanskrit monosyllables ai, au split themselves in Prakrita into dissyllables a-i and a-u respectively. And then, in course of time, these diggyllabic a-i and a-u gradually became monosyllabio e and o through the process explained above. Now the whole process stated stands thus >
(1) Skt. kailasa > Pr. kaildsa (=ka-i-18-8a-) > kaelasa (=ka-e-id-sa) > Pr. keldsa. Again (2) Skt. kaildsa > Pr, kaildea (=ka-i-la-ra)>(vernaculars such as B.) katlāsa or kalas.
usually written kaildsa. It goes without saying that this process holds good as regards o, too.
Here in the first series Pr. la-1-18-aa continued to be pronounced for some time in four syllables with its accent unaltered. Then the accent shifted on to the second syllable, i.e. on i, changing it into e, the whole form becoming *ka-e-la-sa. Following the law of economy in pronunciation the preceding a merged in the following e which had double strength of a long and accented vowel, and this resulted in the trisyllabic form, Pr. keldsa.
A few words of explanation are required about the change of i into e, and of u into o when they are accented. Examples of such cases are numerous, as will be borne out by the follow. îng: G. gora (gora ), 'family priest', < Skt. guru; M. mehuņa (mehuna ) < Pr. minuna <Page #117

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THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O
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u undergo guna before a conjunct letter; as Pr. penda Skt. pinda, Pr. tonda < Skt. tunda (Hem. VIII, 1. 85, 116). This fact goes to show that the guna in such cases has been caused by the conjunct letter affecting the preceding i, u in the same way as an accent or stress does.
Though it may seem from what has been said above that a narrow é can never come from Pr. a-i, of which the last member i does not change into e, we find in some cases the wide è gradually changing into a narrow é. I quote here the following words of Dr. Tessitori :-"There is in modern Marwari-Gujarati a marked tendency to pronounce è and ò less wide when they are final than in other cases.... In some cases the vowel is actually heard as narrow." (Italics are mine.) Instances have been given by him (Ante, 1918, Sept., p. 232). The cause of it is a natural one. For the sound of è (= æ as a in English 'hat') lies, as has been stated above, half way between é and d. One starting fromé cannot reach & without passing through è (-a). Thus the gradation is:
(i)é>(ii) è>(iii) d.
I cannot, however, say whether á is actually found in the place of è in any word of Marwari-Gujarati, but there is possibility of its being so.
The sound è (c) is seen in Bengali in such words as eka (eka), 'one', pronounced ak"; dekha, 'see', pronounced dækha; etc. It is seen also in Sinhalese, in which it is further divided into two, long and short, as mada 'a ram' (generally transliterated as meḍa, ea in
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Thus, the word or is pronounced in Marwarf-Gujarati ráfhòra (=rdfhöre). with wide o, but sometimes rathóra ( = râthor" ) with narrow 6, as Dr. Tessitori says. Here the original Skt. is ndshtrakala whence through Pr. gradually came rattha-ilta > rdthaafa > rdthaya (ta becoming ra). Here in this last stage the final a of the first word and the initial of the last one have become together as (= 0), the whole compound word being in three syllables (na-tha"-a) as already explained, and we have at last ndihöra or rathor. But the derivation of the word rdthóy may be traced through a different process, viz. rapha-úra > ratha-10"> rath-" > råthor", the accented u of up becoming 6.4
The same process may be the origin of the narrow & in such words as aveva (or aveva) etc., as, Skt. avayava > avaytua > avatva > av-iva > av-Eva=avéva (or aveva). But néra (or nora) is to be explained thus : (i) Skt. nagara > Pr. nayara > na'ra > na-ira > na-era > nera (néra); or (ü) narra > nera, and then gradually néra (nér') as in the case of the transformation of naghoy into rathó;" , though it is not unlikely that in this last example, i.e. nathór the cause of the change lies in the loss of that element in d which renders the simple sound an oblique one, s.e. the u of o. .
D
MISCELLANEA. e t IN THE PRAKRITA-KALPATARU. no way invalidate the main argument of the portion The late regretted S. P. V. Ranganathaswami of the article in which they are quoted. It is Aryavaragun was quite correct in his remarks in undoubted, as there maintained, that the standard the important article on Paibachf Prakrit in the Paidacht of Ramatarkavagisa, of Markandeya, Indian Antiquary for November 1919, so far as and of Lakshmidhars was closely connected with they refer to my account in the Bhandarkar Com
the Kaikeys country. memoration Volume of Ramatar avâgisa's classifi.
GEORGE A. GRIERSON. oation of Paitachika. I was there quoting Professor Konow's statements, which, in their turn, were based on Lassen's Institutioncs. Since then, I have myself been able to study the India Office MS. of
A NEW GUPTA INSCRIPTION. the Prakrila-balpataru. Lassen 's "chaska" cer
This inscription was discovered by me a few tainly does not exist, and the correct word, as the months ago in the course of my listing tour at Pandit has said, is evidently chatushka. I may add Tumain, & village in the Esagarh District of Gwalior that I have since edited the whole Paibach chapter
State, situated about forty miles to the west of of the Prakrita kalpataru, and that it will appear Eran. Unfortunately the right portion (possibly in due course in the Agutosh Mukerjee Comme. more than one half) of the inscription is missing moration Volume.
and consequently the first part of all the lines is I am, however, right in saying that Hemachandra lost. The inscription will be published in detail does mention three varieties of Paibhohl. That is along with facilimile in the Epigraphia Indica. to say, be describee Paibach and two varieties of But as this must take some time, I hasten to give ChalikA-paifichika (nee iv, 226, 327).
hero a summary of the contents of the inscription I regret that in my article in the Bhandarkar with brief remarks on its historical bearing for the Volume, I was compelled to
ed to
trust to Lassen's
trust to Legen's information of scholars. incorrect account of the Kalpataru passage, The contents of the inscription can be briefly sumwbioh, at the time, was the only authority within marised as follows In the existing portion of my mach. That will now be corrected in my forth- line 1 is preserved the latter part of a verse which ooming edition ; but the mistakes of Lassen in apparently refers to Samudragupta.
That the process nafha-&?a> nafha-ora> rdthóra is also quite possible has already been said.

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BOOK-NOTICE
The next verse in line 1 eulogises Chandragupta II 88 one who conquered the earth as far as the ocean. Line 2 is dedicated to Kumaragupta I here described as Chandragupta's son, who protected the whole earth as a chaste and devoted wife. Line 3 praises Ghapot kachagupta who is com. pared to the moon and who is spoken of as having won by (the prowess of) his arms the good fame attained by his ancestors. Line 4 specifies in words the date of the inscription, namely, the year 116 of the era of the [Gupta] sovereigns and mentions Kumaragupta as ruling over the earth at the time. The remaining two lines record the construction of a temple sacred to a god (whose name is lost), by a band of brothers, residents of Tumbavana which is identical with modern Tumain where the inscrip
tion was found.
The chief historical interest of this inscription is this, that it enables us to recognise with certainty a member of the Imperial Gupta dynasty whose identity was hitherto a matter of surmis only. The person in question is Ghatotkachagupta. a name which was so far known from two documents (1) a seal 1 found at Basarh bearing the inscription Sri Ghatotkachaguptasya and (2) a coin 2 in the St. Petersburg collection which, according to Mr. Allan, bears on the obverse a marginal legend ending in gupta and beneath the king's arm the name Ghato with a crescent above and on the reverse a legend which seems to read Kramadityaḥ. Dr. Bloch was inclined to identify Ghatotkachagupta of the Basarh seal with Maharaja Ghatotkacha, the father and predecessor of Chandragupta I, and this view was approved of by the late Dr. V. A. Smith. 3 But Mr. Allan in his Catalogue of the Gupta Coins in the British Museum rightly points out the difficulties in the way of this identification and surmises that Ghatotkachagupta was probably a member of the Imperial Gupta family and that he probably held some office at the court of the Yuvaraja Govindagupta who was governor at
BOOK-NOTICE.
THE ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT FOR THE YEAR 1919. Bangalore, Government Press.
Mr. R. Narasimhachar, Director of Archaeological Research, Mysore, has produced a creditable and well-illustrated report of energetic departmental work during the year 1919.
115
Vaisali (Basach) during the reign of his father Chandragupta II. The Ghato of the coin in the St. Petersburg collection is believed by Mr. Allan to be still another Ghatotkachagupta on the ground that the style and weight of the coin place it about the end of the fifth century and that it therefore cannot be referred either to Ghatotkacha, father of Chandragupta I, or to Ghatotkachagupta of the Basarh seal. But this conclusion which is arrived at from such general evidence can be only approximate and not exact. It certainly requires to be modified in the light of the new information supplied by our inscription.
Hitherto the identification of Ghatotkachagupta remained uncertain because he was known only from his seal and coin which did not mention his genealogical relations and because he was, not referred to in any of the genealogical lists of the Guptas known so far. This want is now supplied by the genealogical list given in our inscription which places Ghatotkachagupta immediately after Kumaragupta I. Unfortunately the word expressing the exact relationship between Kumaragupta I and Ghatotkachagupta, which probably occurred in the inscription, is lost with the missing portion of the stone. It would appear, however, that Ghatotkachagupta was a son of Kumaragupta I and during the reign of his father held the office 5 of the governor of the province of Eran (Airikina) which included Tumbavana (the place where the inscription was recorded). This latter was evidently the reason why his name is recorded in the inscription although it refers itself to the reign of Kumaragupta I. Our inscription further gives a definite date for Ghatotkachagupta, namely, G. E. 116 (A.D. 435). This date is so convenient as to make it almost certain that the Ghatotkachagupta of the Basarh seal, of the coin of St. Petersburg collection and of our inscription were all identical.
M. B. GARDE.
The somewhat bewildering iconography of South India is again represented in the plates, and it is well that it should be so, for the more Europe students learn of this, the bette will they be able to understand Indian architectural design and ornament. They should also be specially grate. ful for the illustrations of the mastikals (memo
1 Director-General of Archeology's Annual Report for 1903-04, pp. 102 and 107.
2 Allan's Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, etc. in the British Museum, p. 149 and plate XXIV, 3, and Introduction, p. liv.
3 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1905, p. 153; Early History of India (edition of 1914), p. 280, note 1. Allan's Catalogue, Introduction, pp. xvi-xvii and liv.
5 That Ghatotkachagupta enjoyed a share in the Government is also proved by his having his own seal and coin.

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rials) shown on plate V, as these are the counter. of sanitation which the villagers had about two parts of the family mural tablete and bas-reliefs
centuries and a quarter ago." to be found all over Europe in churches and other
It is indeed interesting to note that villagers sacred buildings. The two fine specimens of the
in South India in the late 17th Century A.D. recog. dipa-stambhas or lamp-pillars on plate III are
nized the danger of percolation into wells from extremely interesting and one is glad to note three
insanitary surroundings, considering the univergood plates of inscriptions of the Gangas and the sal old world theory in India that water of any Hoysalas.
kind of itself purifies. But epigraphs such as this There are however two points in the Report are always worth recording wherever found, that are of special interest to myself. The in
since one of the things that strikes observers of scriptions reported of two of the Nayaks of Ikkeri old and even ancient India and Asia generally dated A.D. 1660 and 1662 (Venkatapps II and is the modernity of the ways and thought of the Bhadrappa), because of the visits to that now lost people. Take the extraordinary "modern-ness" capital in the days of Virabhadra and Venkatappa
of mind that is in the Arthaidstra of Chanakya respectively by the European travellers Peter
with its “ on and off” drink licences; take the Mundy and Della Valle. In such cases we have
"Domesday Book" of Kulottunga Chola in the the records of these ephemeral local dynasties
very year of that of William the Conqueror as left by themselves, and the stories of their Courts (A.D. 1086); take the self-governing municipalities As they appeared to contemporary European
and local areas of ancient India. Even if these last visitors. For instance, Peter Mundy in 1637 thus be looked at in the light of relics of the Oriental quaintly describes Virabhadra, "I dare say there policy of Alexander the Great, the idea is old is hardly such another grosse proportionable man enough in all conscience. Take the futile effort to bee found in all his owne dominions off aboutt on the part of a Babylonian King to stop official 30 yeares of ago." (Travels, ed. Temple, Hakluyt corruption; the equally fruitless attempt of Society, vol. III, p. 82).
Tibetan ruler to equalise the social position and The other point is a note on p. 12 regarding an property of every one in the State ; the long War inscription which is worth quoting in full: "At
of Liberation in Annam; the close parallel between Rampura near Kadaba is an inscription, EC.
the rise of the Popes of Rome and the Dalai Lamas, XII, Gubbi 27, dated 1696, which is of great
though it is not perhaps generally known that the interest from a sanitary point of view. It states
for her long preceded the latter. The fact is that that it was decided at a meeting of the villagers
the social methods of civilized man have a family that no corpse should be buried within an arrow.
likeness at the various periods and places of his shot of a well that had been newly built, and that
existence, and it is therefore of value always to in case any burial took place the buriers and the
note them wherever they are found faithfully buried should be outcastes in this world and the
recorded without any ulterior motive. next. We have some evidence here of the ideas!
R. C. TEMPLE.
NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. uttmost to gett & Voice weight of the mid 17. Alligators' Gall and Hunting (Poligar) Dogs. I
Gaul, I eamestly desire your Worship to procure
it. Some great persons who are my freinds at Court ( February 1682.) Letter from Brameny Podula
have desired me to procure for them some hunting Lyngapah (the Brahman agent, Podela Lingappa )
Dogs, and I was en form'd your Worship had some from Conjevaram (Kanchipuram) to William
there abouts. If it be so I desire your Worship Gyfford, Governor of Fort St. George. I enjoy good
to make choice of those which are handsome cours health wishing to hear the like from your Worship.
gious and fleet to catch wild hogge, and to send His Lordship Brameny Accana ( the Brahman
two couple of them, and in so doing it will be as Minister, Akkanna ) hath great necessity for one
if your Worship had given me a Lack of Pagodas: Vieco [viss, visai ] weight of Alligators Gaul
30 I entreate your Worship to send them to me (A native laxative medicine) and that I should by
and to keep a continuance of your Love towards all means procure it and send it to him and there.
me. (Records of Fort St. George, Letters to Fort fore I beg the favour of your Worship to order
St. George, 1682, Vol. II, p. 16.) your Mussula and Cattimarran (madla and catamaran, katmaram, boat ] men to use the
R. CT.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN BEAS
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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851.
BY 8. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from p. 101.)
XXVIII. WHOLESALE DESTRUCTION OF BORNEO PIRATES, 1849. The piratical inhabitants of Borneo were of two classes, the Dayaks, whose object was chiefly to secure human heads as trophies, and the Malays, whose object was plunder and also to take as many prisoners as they could to sell as slaves. In 1839-41 the celebrated Rajah Brooke established himself at Sardwak in Borneo, and set about suppressing piracy not only amongst his own subjects, but also amongst his neighbours. After some mistaken opposition, he received the support of the British Government, and the following lotter to the Illustrated London News narrates the destruction of a large fleet of piratical prahua on their return from one of their raids. The affair was characteristically desoribed in Parliament as a massacre of practically unarmed men, against whom there was no proof of piracy-much as if one were to call it murder to shoot a tiger when, after having gorged itself on its prey, it was seen slinking back to its lair.
To the Editor of the Illustrated London News. I send you the following account of an expedition against the pirates of the northwestern coast of Borneo.
"Arrangements were made that H. M. S. Maeander,guns, Albatross, 12 guns, and Royalist, 10 guns, together with the H. E. I. C. war-steamers Nemesis (Captain T. Wallace] and Semiramis, should rendezvous at Sarawak, and furnish boats and an European force of 300 men.
"The Maeander and Semiramis however did pot arrive, and the effective force of the Royalist and Nemesis were so reduced by illness, that we could only muster 7 boats, manned by 108 men, including officers.
"All arrangeinents being completed, it was considered better to proceed, even with this reduoed force, than (by waiting longer) to run the risk of being overtaktoni by the rainy HOMSON. Accordingly wo startod on the 24th July to attack the strongholds of the nirate on the River Rojang," who had been very daring of late. I may mention here that, shortly before we left Sarawak, the pirates of the River Serobus 18 sent an insulting menago to the Rajah, Sir James Brooke, asking if he were an old woman and afraid, that he did not attack them who had throatened.' It will be seen in the sequel that this morago is not likely to be repeated. The Nemen's towed the Royalist up the Batang Lapar, noble stream, and moored her at the mouth of the Linga, which falls into the Batang Lapar, "' to proteot.friendly tribe rosidont there, during the abeence of the warriors, who accompanied won the expedition.
"Wo lett Batang Laper on the 20th Jaly 1849 and towed the European bosta to Banting Marron, a low mady point nopeating the Rivera Serebus and Kaluka, [all in Data Bay) and which had been appointed by the Rajah us the place of rendezvous for the entire force, Earopean and native, previous to starting for the River Rejang.
+ Bar Riwie, to the mouth of Refung Bires, tonto Datu Bay En. + The Boteng Lupar sad Iles, tub e ,
DowBay-ED.

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"On the 27th an old Malay chieftain brought us intelligence that a piratical fleet of 107 prahus, with at least 3,500 men, had left the Serebus the day before our arrival, passing round Tanjong Siri 80 to attack and plunder such villages on the Rejang as were not powerful enough to resist them. The piratical tribes [Dayaks) reside for the most part very far inland, near the sources of the numerous rivers of this coast, in which situations the streams are very contracted and rapid and the banks elevated and heavily timbered. They take advantage of these circumstances and render the advance of an enemy almost impossible by felling huge trees across the river and by cutting others and keeping them suspended by rattans, so that they can be launched in a moment on a passing boat, crushing her to atoms. On any alarm at sea they immediately retreat to some of these strongholds and sink or otherwise conceal their prahus in some of the innumerable creeks with which the rivers abound. All attempts therefore at intercepting a piratical fleet have hitherto failed. Their practice is to make a raid, and pouncing on some unsuspecting village (as the Malays poetically express it) like the rush of the alligator, to burn it, killing all the men and boys and cutting their heads off (which they value beyond price as trophies) and carrying off the women
s slaves. They then, whether successful or unsuccessful, return as speedily and quietly Be they issued forth, having plundered any native trading prahu they fall in with and murdered the crew. Advantage was therefore taken of the unusually favourable opportunity now offered, and a plan was immediately laid by Captain Farquhar of H. M. S. Albatross, who commanded the expedition, and the Rajah (Sir James Brooke) for surprising and cutting them off on their return. The Serebus and Kaluka, the only avenues to the country of the pirates, flow into a deep bay (Datu Bay), round the north-east point of which, called Tanjong Siri, the piratical flotilla must return. The following disposition therefore was made of the force under Captain Farquhar's orders. Very fast spy or scout boats were stationed at Tanjong Siri with instructions to return on the first appearance of the enemy and announce their approach.
"The Rajah with a native force of about forty well-armed prahus, including the Singa Rajah, pulling eighty Oars, commanded by Sir James Brooke in person, and the Rajah Walli, pulling sixty oars, commanded by the Rajah's nephew and acknowledged successor, Captain Brooke of the 88th Regiment (Connaught Rangers) (afterwards. Rajah Sir Charles Johnson Brooke,) as well as the cutters of the Albatross and Royalist, commanded by Lieutenants Wilmshurst and Everest, were stationed in ambush at the mouth of the Kaluka. A large native force of about forty prahus was stationed at the entrance of the Serebus. supportod by the three remaining boats of the Albatross commanded respectively by Captain Farquhar, Lieutenant Brickwell and Mr. Williams, and the two boats of the Nemesis. under Messrs. Goodwin and Baker : as well as the Rance, a very inefficient river steamer, commanded by Mr. Wright.
"Trying as it was to the patience of all parties, we remained in position until the 31st, during which interval every precaution human foresight could suggest was adopted to secure success. About 71 p.m. we were engaged in a rubber of whist on board the Nemesis and had almost abandoned all hope of surprising the enemy, when a spy-boat returned at beat speed. with the long and anxiously looked for intelligence that the piratical fleet had rounded Tanjong Siri and was rapidly approaching our position. As yet it was of course uncertain for which river they would make. This question was however soon set at rest
80 Tanjong (Cape) Sirik, at the mouth of the River Rejang.-ED.

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and a brisk fire of rockets from the cutters and of great and small guns from the remainder of the Rajah's force, stationed at the mouth of the Kaluka, announced that the enemy had attempted to force that river and had met with a warmer reception than they had anticipated. A rocket was now fired by the Rajah, and on this preconcerted signal. Captain Farquhar moved round Banting Marron with the European force under his immediate command to support the Rajah if necessary, and also with a view to enclosing the enemy between two fires, leaving however a strong native force at the mouth of the Serebus to intercept the pirates in case of their passing the European boats and making for this their native river. Finding themselves foiled at the Kaluka, the enemy, gallantly followed by the two cutters and the Rajah's light skirmishing boats (which kept up a constant fire), put to sea, with the intention of running for the Batang Lupar; here, however, no doubt much to their surprise, they encountered Captain Farquhar's boats, and being saluted with round shot and rockets, they divided their force. They yet, however, preserved admirable order. Some returning to the Kaluka (still most judiciously guarded by the Rajah) renewed their attempt to enter, but with the like bad success; others passing in shoal water inside Captain Farquhar, made for the Serebus, and the remainder, having greater speed than his heavily laden boats, succeeded for the present in escaping to sea.
JULY, 1920]
119
"The Nemesis had hitherto remained at the mouth of the Serebus in position, but ready to move at a moment's notice to any point where her services might be required. She now acted her part, and that right nobly. Perceiving by the fire from Captain Farquhar's boats that the enemy had attempted to put to sea, Commander Wallace gave chase and fell in with seventeen prahus, which had succeeded in escaping Captain Farquhar and were making in a beautiful line for the Batang Lupar. When abeam we saluted them with grape and canister from our 32-pounders, raking the entire line, which we then broke, driving many of them on shore badly crippled, where they fell an easy prey to the Dyak boats, which, headed by Mr. Stecle of Sarawak in the Snake, followed the Nemesis, but never interfered with her fire. We then pursued five others and destroyed them in detail, passing round each and pouring in a constant fire of grape and canister, musketry and rifles, until they drifted past as helpless logs, without a living being on board.
"That discharge of grape was a fearful sight as, at point blank range, it crashed over the sea and through the devoted prahus, marking its track with the floating bodies of the dying, shattered prahus, planks, shields and fragments of all sorts. I should have pitied them, but they were pirates, and the thought, steeled my heart. At this period the scene was exciting in the extreme; fighting, was going on in all directions: wherever the eye was turned it met the brilliant double flash of the great gun, the bright quick flame of musketry the lightning streak of the rocket or the dazzling blaze of the blue-light; whilst the ear was saluted with the boom of cannon, the roar of musketry, the wild tone of the tom-tom, the clear startling note of the gong or the still more fearful war-whoop of the Dayak telling a sad tale of destruction and death. The pirates now, finding themselves surrounded, lost all presence of mind-order was no longer preserved the flotilla scattered and fled in every direction, the crews jumping overboard and swimming for the shore or running the prahus aground and taking refuge in the jungle. About 12 o'clock at night the fight might be considered as over, although isolated firing continued until midnight [? daylight]. The entire force under Captain Farquhar's command may be estimated at 3000 men. From informa

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tion subsequently obtained, that of the enemy cannot be taken lower than 120 prahus and 4000 men. The loss of the enemy in the action was 90 prahus and not less than 400 men, whilst we lost but 2 men killed and 6 wounded. In addition, however, to the loss in action, the enemy suffered most severely, being followed in the jungle by the Dyaks, who, like bloodhounds, tracked and hunted them down, cutting their heads off and bringing them in as a proof of victory; and even of those who escaped a violent death, at least one third must have perished before they reached their homes, being altogether destitute of food. The total loss of the enemy may therefore be estimated at 1500 men ; they have also lost an immense quantity of brass guns, muskets, gongs and arms of all sorts, with which they were well provided, but which they either threw overboard to lighten their prahus and increase their speed and prevent them from sinking, or abandoned on taking to the jungle. More than a mile of the beach of Banting Marron was strewed with wrecks and abandoned prahus, which were either burnt or carpled off as prizes.,
"As an instance of the cruelty of these bloodthirsty fellows, I may mention that on the expedition [the piratical flotilla) having surprised the village of Matou, as well as a trading prahu, they, i.e. the pirates, took some heads and one female prisoner. On being compelled to take to the jungle they found they could not carry her off with them : they therefore cut her head off and mangled the body in a most frightful manner, in which state it was found after the action, lying on the beach of Banting Marron, a ghastly object-the lege s.nd arms being nearly separated from the body, which was literally chopped in pieces.
"A considerable force was left at the scene of action to follow the pirates in the jungle and complete the work of destruction, and the remainder moved up the Serebus about forty miles, where the Nemesis and the large prahus anchored, whilst the light boats proceeded up the River Pahoo [ Pahu, a tributary of the Saribas ] to destroy the fortified villages on its banks before the warriors could return to their defence. The advance was opposed by nine large booms lately thrown across the river. These were with difficulty removed, but at length a monster tree, so hard that the axes scarcely made any impression on it, seemed an almost impassable barrier to further progress. After in vain using every effort to overcome the difficulty, the force was disembarked with the intention of clearing & road through the jungle and marching overland, but they had scarcely Janded and commenced operations, when a skirmish took place, in which four natives of our party were killed and amongst them Bungee and Toojong (Bans and Tajong), two sons of the Chief of Lundu [in Datu Bay]. We all felt the deepest regret for these youths, as (unlike their countrymen) they knew not what fear was, and fell victims to the rashest valour, having. contrary to orders, moved in advance of their party, almost unarmed: one brother was carried in headless, and the other with his face cut off and otherwise fearfully mangled. This untoward event threw such a damp over the spirits of the natives, that it was not deemed advisable to advance until confidence was somewhat restored, and in the meantime the unusually low water enabled the boats to pass under the tree and proceed up the river, where they destroyed Pahoo and several other villages and took some prisoners as well as a great quantity of plunder, amongst which were some ancient jars, 81 which the Dyake hand down from father to son as heirlooms and prize very highly, some of them being valued as high as £200. It was indeed fortunate the fleet had been destroyed, as otherwise it would have been impossible to perform the service without
81 Martaban jare. For a history of this term from c. 748–1880, see ante, Vol. XXII, pp. 384-365.ED.

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immense loss of life on our side; for very small party, armed with rifles and stationed in the jungle opposite each boom, could have picked off overy European whilst removing the trees and without the loss of a man on their side.
"During the absence of the boats, numbers of the pirates who had escaped in the action but were not aware of our still occupying the river, were out off by the Dyak boats in attempting to ascend the Serebus, mad I then had an opportunity of witnessing the operation of preserving the heads. The Dyaks, having killed their enemy, immediately cut off his head with a fiendish yell; they then'scoop out the brains and suspend the head from a rod of bamboo.... They then light a slow fire underneath, and the smoke escends through the neck and penetrates the head, thoroughly drying the interior. It is then placed in a basket of very open work and carried suspended from the belt of the captor-more highly prized than ornaments of gold or precious stones. On one occasion I saw five heads on a platform, undergoing the operation, and within two feet of it the Dyaks were coolly cooking some wild boar chops for their dinner and inhaling the mingled perfume of baked human and hog's flesh.
“We now proceeded up the River Rejang, the finest and most interesting of the rivers of the north-eastern coast of Borneo. One glance at the town (either Sáriki or Sibal speaks volumes as to the state of this unhappy country and proclaims the lawless character of one party and the insecurity of the other. The houses inhabited by the Milanos [Milanau, Malanau), a raoo distinct from the Malay and Dyak, are of immense length, some of them containing 300 people. They are erected on pillars of wood, about 30 feet in height, and are only approachable by ladders, which can be drawn up on the appearance of an enemy: each thus forms in iteelf a perfect fortrous. An immenso gallery, protooted by a musket proof breastwork, runs the entire length of the building; this is wood as the common sitting room, and here are oollooted offensive and defensive weapons of all sorte-brass guns, rifles, spears, shields, paraags, sumpitens, stones &o. and they also pour boiling water and oil on the heads of masailants. I was informed that on the erection of one of these houses, a deep hole was sunk for the corner pillar, and in this w we place a bottle containing a coin and engraved inscription) they, horresco referens, lowered an unfortunato girl, docked out in all her finery, and then dropped the enormous post on her head, crushing her to stoms, and yet they are now & fine, intelligent race and cordially unite with the Rajah for the suppresson of piracy.
"Having obtained afficient supply of fire-wood we prooooded up the River Rojang to the Kenowit, up which river the boats advanood about forty miles, and, surprising the enemy, plunderod and destroyed the villages and took several prisoners. The boats having returned, we pressed on to the town of Kenowit [on the Rejang river), on the inhabitants of which the Rajah imposed a heavy fine, with a threat of visiting them with his heaviest displeasure in the event of their violating the pledge they now gave to abandon their piratical babits. All prisoners were roloured with instructions to inform their respective tribes not only that the Rajah had no wish to injuro them, but that he would most willingly afford them all the protection in his power if they would only abandon piracy and live at peace with their neighbours.
"We returned to Sarawak on the 24th August, well pleased with the extraordinary success of our expedition. We had destroyed the most powerful piration tribe on the Coast
Parang, sumpitan, Malay terme indicating a largo heavy sheath-knife and a blow fan made from . hollow one from which poisoned arrows are shok-ED.

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under the most unequivocal circumstances of piracy, having intercepted them returning from a desperate foray, with their hands red with the slaughter of innocent and unsuspecting traders--thus inflicting a lesson which will be remembered on the Coast for ages. We destroyed the fortified towns and crippled the resources of several other tribes: at the same time proving to them by sparing and ultimately liberating the prisoners, that we were not actuated by that thirst for blood, which is the usual motive for Dyak warfare. I feel great pleasure in stating that the Rajah was enabled to control our Dyak allies and induce them (much as they have suffered) to spare the women, children and unresisting men, who instead of being butchered in cold blood and beheaded, were now, for the first time, brought in as prisoners-a grand step towards the ultimate adoption of the customs of civilised warfare, which had hitherto been invariably outraged.
Sarawak, August 29th 1849.
I remain &c., &c.,
B. URBAN VIGORS. ' [Illustrated London News, 10 November 1849.] XXIX.
A BRUSH WITH CHINESE RIVER-PIRATES, 1851.
The increase of European shipping and the regular appearance of European warships in the China Seas put an end to open piracy in those quarters in the beginning of the nineteenth century, but the mouths of the great rivers were long after infested by a class of river-pirates, who preyed upon the traffic and carried off people for ransom. These men always acted in connection with confederates on shore and especially in their attacks upon Europeans-it was suspected with the connivance of the Chinese authorities.
Extract from a private letter.
"On the 26th March, Captain Hely, commanding Messrs. Dent and Co's Store-ship the Amita, stationed in the River Min, whilst proceeding up the river to the town of Foochow, 83 in two China boats, with eight men, was attacked by six large piratical junks, carrying forty to sixty men each. They commenced a heavy fire and made sail upon him, evidently with the view of running his boats down, but a well-directed and continued fire from a large swivel duck-gun and muskets by his crews disinclined the pirates to close quarters, though their boarding-nettings were triced up eight feet high. The boat following his own was, however, intercepted by one of the junks and one of the Lascars was knocked overboard. The hazard was great, but there was no other means of saving the man's life. He ranged his boat right athwart the junk's bow, gave her a raking and engaged in hand-to-hand fighting with the crew.
The struggle was desperate; beside the continual fire of small arms, they heaved stones and stink-pots (pots filled with powder bags having slow matches attached, which are broken by being thrown on any object and explode) upon his crew, and wrested the pikes from two of his men's hands. The Lascar was, however, picked up alive, a tow line was made fast [to the second boat] and Captain Hely had the triumph of sailing both his boats away
83 Fu-chau-fu, capital and fort of Fuh-kien Province.
Probably the same thing as the 900 pots of powder, which were amongst the ammunition that Faris provided for his fight with Coja Acem. See ante, Vol. XLVIII, p. 163.

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and proceeding on his course, the light wind giving him a superiority over the heavy junks. Considering the immense force of the pirates and the time the engagement lasted (half an hour), the escape of Captain Hely and his small crew was miraculous. Seven were however severely wounded whilst alongside the junk by spears and pikes; he himself was struck on the head by a stone, carrying away his cap but without injuring him, and one man only escaped unhurt. Captain Hely had no doubt that the pirates had received timely notice of his intention to visit Foochow, for the shore was crowded with spectators, watching the contest and cheering on the pirates. His fire proved effective, for the Chinese authorities, who were taking measures to secure the pirates, informed him that five were killed and forty wounded, many of them severely.”
[ Times, 24 July 1851. ] (To be continued.)
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.8 I., C.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from p. 108.)
XIV-AN AOOOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF THE FORTRESS or DAULATABÁD. It has already been mentioned that Ahmad Nizam Shah had determined to send an army every year into the Daulatâbâd district to plunder and ravage the country, to collect all the grain and all agricultural produce and to carry off what was moveable, and burn the rest, in order that the garrison might be prevented from carrying into the fort a single grain which would help to enable to sustain life. These orders were carried out, and overy year, at the reaping time and harvest, an army used to invade that country and carry off all that they could, burning the houses and the dwellings of the cultivators and inhabitante.
When some years had passed in this manner, most of the cultivators and labourers of that country were reduced to sore straits by want of food and by the attacks of the royal army, and every day bands of men from the fort, guided by divino gruoe into the path of wisdom, truth, and righteousness, used to desert the fort and come to the royal court, where their affairs were bettered and they lived free from the anxieties of the times under the king's protection. Those misguided fools who tamed their becks on the good fortugo and sought.. not refuge in the royal court had their recompense from the world-consuming wind of the king's wrath, and those who were shut up in the fortress were poduoed to the greatest straits. At length those turbulent men were compelled to go in body to the originator of all the strife, Malik Sharaf-ud-dîn, and to represent to him that it was perfectly evident and clear to all that the heir of the kingdom and of the race of Bahman was none other than Ahmad Ni Am Shah, who was too powerful to be resisted. They urged Sharaf-ud-din to submit. in order that their lives and the lives of their wires and children might be safe. Malik Sharafud-din was obstinate and blind to his own interests and would not listen to their advioe. Just now, however, Malik Sharaf-ud-din was overtaken by fato, and died, and immediately after his death all the inhabitants of the fortress, rich and poor, great and small, young and old, came forth and submitted to the king, surrendering to him the keys, and beseeching him to spare their lives. The king pardoned their offences, and the fortrons of Daulatábad, like

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all the other forts which bo had attacked, fell into his banda, and he appointed one of his offers to command it. 50 XV-AN ACOOUNT OF AUD NIE SHE'S EDITION TO TIL MAND SLAK OF BURRINPOR, AND HIS FIGHTING WITH MAPMUD SAAK OF GUJARIT,
AND THE MANN IN WHICH TI ANTAIB TROMINATED. Historians relate that during the reign of Ahmad Shah Bahri, Acil Shah Faragi, who was the ruler of Burhaapar and its dependencies, diod, and according to his will his son Mahmad Shah 51 succeeded him.
In those days the role of the country of Gujarat and the coasts of Somnat was Sultan Mahmud Bekara, who is also well known as Mahmud Niki, and the rulers of Barhanpur by reason of their nearness to their powerful neighbour and their own weakness were always very submissive to the rulers of Gujarat. Sultan Mahmûd of Gujarat was patted up with pride in his own power and groatnens and in the strength of his army, and had strayed far from the path of justice and equity. When he heard that the role of Burhanpdr had entitled himself Mohmad Shah, he was intensely enraged and, sammoning his amirs and the officers of his army for the purpose of taking counsel with them in this matter, said to thony
What power has the Burhanpart to make himself the partner of our name and titlo, or to even himself with wl' At this time the brother of Malmed Shah of Burhanpár sent lotters to the Sultan of Gujarit, professing obedience to him, and securing his friendship by promining that when the army of Gajarkt invaded Khandesh he would cause the fortress of Agir to be surrendered to it without a blow being struck. Sultan Mahmod was delighted with this letter and set out with a very numerous army for Asîr and Burhanpôr. When
60 This is very cursory account of thooapture of Daulataba, which held out for long time. Sharel-ud-dia took advantage of an invasion of ladosh by Buljan Mobmod Bpkars of Gujarat to send merre to faltan Mahmod, isploring his sid against Ahmad Nizam ShAh and promising if it were piren. to hold Daulatabad a dependency of Gujarat, to sit ammual tribute and to cand the Chutbah to be recited in the name of Sultan Mahmod. The first massage had no result, but on receiving the moond, Baltin Mahmod marched towards the Dulces and Ahmad Nizam Shah mised the lege and retired to Ahmad. DAGA. Shared-ud-dha, is gratitude for this rellof, cated the Kambal to be recited in the mongo. of Qutbad-din Mabarak Shah in the name of Baljan Mood, and Salma Mahmod returned to Gujar. After his retreat Abmed Nina Shah hastened, by forood marcheo, to Daulatbed and the Maratha runnion, who roented Sharaf-ud-dt's recognition of the sovereignty of the king of Gujarat, me
r ing him of their loyalty and Adelity. Sharaf-ud-dia discovered the corresponden and is said in one soooant to have falon siok of grief and voxation and to have died within five or six day, when the fort ww mornidered to Ahmad Nism. Another count, siven in the Monfalib-ul-Labas, Vol. III, attributes Sharaf-ud-din's death, with greater probability, to poison.
The history of the relations of Ahmadnagar, Berar, Khandesh, and Gujarat at this poriod tooms with contraditions and discrepancies which it is impossible to reconcilo.
61 There was never Malmod thth of adol, mad 'Adi Chia II, bere doorbod 'Adhah Frat, died on the 38th September, 1801, and was moooooded by his brother Da'ad bin, bere described
Mohmad Shah of Burhanpor." The whole of this account of Ahmad's expedition to Chladenh appear to be fabrication and its details will be discussed later. What really happened was that ide-oddin, one of the worthless of Da'ad Khka's amire, invited Ahmad Nizam Shah to meet him in doposing Daad Khan. Ahmad, who had as his counselon of the hot house of Chandoah, ono 'Llam Khan, wonded to the appeal and in veded faded in 1804 vith the object of placing his predor on the throne. DA'Ad Than appealed to Naple-ud-dha Shah of Mahu for water and he went an army under Iqbal e, one of his owulve, which expelled Abad Niple Shah and his post from thadh. Amed'
sempt Moomad of Gujarat come later mad brought him no mercredis then some. (8. Pirishta, povim, and An Arabie story Owandt.)

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Mahmad Shah heard of the approach of Sultan Mahmud, he was much alarmed, for be knew that he was not strong enough to meet the army oferujarat, and he therefore appealed for help to Ahmad Nizam Shah, and sent him a letter in which he complained of the high-handed conduct of Sultan Mahmûd, and besought him to come to his assistante.52
Ahmad Nizam Shah, who was ever ready to help the weak and oppressed, when he read Mahmed Shah's letter, started at once with his army for Burhanpur, and refrained from consulting Masnad-i-Ali Nasir-ul-Mulk Gujarati, lest he should be opposed to an expedition against the king of his native land. Naşir-ul-Mulk, who was accustomed to being consulted in all matters of importance, obtained information of Ahmad's intention, but although he adduced clear proofs of the danger of entering into this quarrel, the king would not follow his advice.
Ahmad Nizam Shah marched to Burhanpur and encamped there, but Maspad-i-'Ali was still endeavouring to allay the strife and was ever revolving plans to this end, in order that nothing might happen which should lead to the ruin of the country, or the harassing of the king's subjects, for the enemy's army was twice as strong as that of 'Ahmad Nizâm Shah, and victory and defeat depended upon the will of the Almighty. It occurred to him that it would be well to open a correspondence with those who were nearest to the person of Sultan Mahmûd of Gujarat and by this means to try to pour water on the fire of strife which was about to burst into flame. Accordingly he sent a letter to one of his intimate 'friends who was in the confidence of Sultan Mahmad, saying that although, in accordance with the decrees of fate, he was in the service of Ahmad Nizam Shah, yet he did not forget that Gujarât was his birth-place, and was a sincere well-wisher of Sultan Mahmud, and made bold to represent what he thought was for his interest. He wondered, he said, that the person to whom he was writing, who was a wise and prudent man, should have arranged, and was continuing to arrange, that Sultan Mahmod should engage personally in an expedition concerning so trivial a matter as the affair of Mahmud Shah (of Burhanpar) whose rank was no more than equivalent to that of one of Sultan Mahmad's amirs, especially when Ahmad Nizam Shah had come to the assistance of the Burhanpäri with his powerful army. He said that the Gujaratis could hardly be aware of the strength and valour of the army of the Dakan, who knew no fear at the prospect of a fight, but regarded it rather as others
63 Major King, in a note to his preface to The History of the Bahmant Dynasty, says that Firishta never mentions the Burhdn-s-Ma'dir, unlons he alludes to it under some other title, and adde, “Professional jealousy probably accounts for this.”
Firishta does mention this work, but under another title. In connection with this story of Ahmad Nizam Shah'a viotory over Mahmod of Gujarat he writer (ii, 189): "In the Wagd''.-Nizdmahdhiyyah which Sayyid Al Sammani was writing in the reign of Barhan Nizam Shah II and which he did not live to finish, it is written (and the responsibility for the account is on him who wrote it,) oto."
Then follows a narrative based on the nocount here given but connected with Ahmad's siege of Daulatábad. The story is not exactly copied, a Firlahta's habit is, but corresponda fairly with its original. Firishta concludes the passage with the following criticiano, which can hardly be said to err on the side of neverity.
"It would appear from the internal evidence supplied by this account that it has been hastily compiled or copied and that no attempt ha. been made to comment on it. But God knows the truth."
Firinhta's wonloons was not professional jealousy, but shameless plagiariam.
It may be added that Nigam-ud-din Ahmad, author of the Tabagdt-s-Akbart, probably refers to the Burhdn-i-Ma'dşir in the following romark appended to his extremely briof notice of the reign of Ahmad Nizam Shah.
"As I have seen a long work on the history of thin dynasty I have confined myself to thin brief account."

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would a social banquet. Victory, he said, depended on the will of God, and it behoved the Gujaratis to consider carefully what was likely to be the upshot of this affair. Should the victory be theirs, people would say that Sultan Mahmûd had come with an overwhelming army and had overpowered a small force; but if, on the other hand, the reverse should be the case, Sultan Mahmûd's dynasty would incur a disgrace which would never be wiped out till the end of time.
Before the minister's letter reached the Gujaratis it fortunately happened that Ahmad Nizâm Shah was able to devise a scheme for throwing the army of the enemy into oonfusion, The scheme was as follows. The king called a mahaut to him in private and ordered him to make his way into Sultan Mahmûd's camp and there make friends with the mahaut who had the charge of Biri Sål, the largest and fiercest of all Sultan Mahmud's elephants, and to per guade him by stimulating his avarice to loose Biri Sal in the camp in the middle of the night, when Sultan Mahmud and his army were all asleep, and thus throw the camp into confusion, when the two mahauts would have an excellent opportunity of plundering and of dividing their spoil one with the other. Ahmad Nizam Shah also arranged to send on that night with the mahaut a force of rooketeers and musketeers, who were to conceal themselves in the vicinity of the camp and listen for the sound of the confusion in the enemy's camp, on hearing which they were to come forth and fire their rockets and muskets into the camp, at the same time making a fearful noise with drums and trumpets.
Ahmad Ni Am Shah's device succeeded. The mahaut and the force of infantry set out for the enemy's camp and the infantry lay in ambush, waiting for the mahaut to fulfil his promise. The mahaut, in accordance with his undertaking, made friends with Sultan Mahmûd's mahaut, and then succeeded in persuading him to fall in with his proposale. In the middle of that dark night Biri Sal's mahaut unfastened his leg chains and loosed the elephant in the camp. The elephant ran about trumpeting hither and thither in the camp, killing people as he went, and shouts of confusion arose from the camp of the Gujaratis. Ahmad Nizim Shah's infantry, who were awaiting this sound, sprang from their ambush with shouts, and with rockets and muskets ready. When the Gujaratis saw that disaster was looming upon them from all directions and heard shouts from every side, they were convinced that Nizam Shah had made a night attack on their camp, but since they could not see their enemy and did not know which way to turn in order to face him, flight was the only choice left for them, and Sultan Mahmud and his army left their camp and fled in disorder, and did not check their flight until they had covered a distance of nearly twenty miles.
The next day spies announced to Ahmad Nizam Shah the joyful news of the defeat of the enemy. And Ahmad Nizam Shah marched from Burhanpur and occupied the camp which Sultan Mahmud had left.
When Sultan Mahmûd learnt that the disgraceful flight of his army had been occasioned by nothing which should have caused alarm, he was overwhelmed with shame. At this moment the letter of Masnad-1- Ali Nagir-ul-Mulk reached his camp and was shown to him. As the Sultan already repented of his coming in person, he confirmed the truth of what Nasir-ul-Mulk had written and said that what he had written had actually come to pass. He ordered his ministers to write to Naşir-ul-Mulk and say that if he would persuade his master to retreat, the army of Gujarat would return to its own country. A letter in these terms was aent to Naptr-ul-Mulk and he shewed it to Ahmad Nigam Shah. But Ahmad Nizam Shah

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HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR
said that he would not budge until Sultan Mahmûd had set out for his own country, for if he did, his retreat would be attributed to cowardice and would be a confession of weakness. A long correspondence on this subject ensued between the Dakanis and the Gujarâtis and at last Masnad-i-'Ali wrote to the Gujarâtis to say that his purpose was to compose and not to foment the strife, and suggesting that the Gujaratis should first march two stages towards Idar, when the Dakanîs would march two stages towards 'Imâd-ul-Mulk's country and both armies could then retire to their own countries. This proposal was accepted and the Gujaratis first marched towards Idar, and the Dakanîs then marched towards 'Imâd-ulMulk's country, and Aḥmad Nizam Shah then returned to his capital. 53
The king of Burhanpûr having thus, by Aḥmad Niâm Shâh's help, been freed from his powerful enemy, was firmly established on his throne in independence, but for the rest of his life he was under an obligation to Aḥmad Nizam Shah and always deferred to him. Afterwards, when Burhan Nizam Shah was on the throne and strife was stirred up between him and Bahadur Shâh of Gujarât by 'Imâd-ul-Mulk, Mahmûd Shâh of Burhanpûr, remembering his obligation to Ahmad Nigam Shah, used his best endeavours to compose the quarrel, and succeeded in converting the enmity of the disputants into friendship, as will be related in the account of Burhân Nizam Shah's reign.
XVI-AN ACCOUNT OF THE BUILDING OF THE FORT OF AHMADNAGAR.
After the conquest of Daulatâbâd, the king determined to erect a fort in his capital of Ahmadnagar, which he had built. Surveyors and architects laid it out in an auspicious hour, and masons and overseers set to work to carry out the king's orders. In a short time this strong lofty fortress was completed, and was surrounded by a deep and wide ditch. The slope which formed a berm between the wall and the ditch was scarped, and the approach to the fort, even should the ditch be crossed, was thus rendered inaccessible. In the interior of the fort dwelling houses and other buildings were built, gardens were laid out and planted with fruit trees, flower gardens were planted with herbs and flowering plants, and
63 This imaginary account of a victory gained over Maḥmad Shah of Gujarat is apparently intended to do duty for the history of Ahmad Nizam Shah's two expeditions into Khandesh. The result of the first, undertaken in 1504, has been given in note 51. The course of the second was briefly as follows :-Dâ'ûd Khân died on the 28th August, 1508, and his son Ghazni Khan was raised to the throne but was poisoned after a reign of ten days. With him the direct line of the Faruqi house expired and two parties were now formed in Khandesh, one under Hisâm-ud-din, already mentioned, supporting 'Alam Khan, Aḥmad Nizam Shah's candidate, and the other under Malik Sadan, another amtr, supporting another Alam Khan, the can. didate of Mahmûd Shah of Gujarat. The latter Alam Khan, who may be called, for distinction, Adil Khan, the title which he afterwards assumed, was a descendant in the fourth generation of Hasan, Malik Iftikhar, younger son of Malik Raja (1382-1399) the founder of the Faruqi dynasty. Malik Iftikhar had taken refuge in Gujarat from his elder brother, Nasir Khan, and his descendants had lived in that country and had intermarried with the royal family. Mahmûd Shah of Gujarat had promised to place Adil Khan on the throne of Khandesh and Adil Khan II had adopted him as his heir.
4
Ahmad Nigar Shah, invited by Hisam-ud-din, was first in the field and marched to Burhanpur, where his candidate, Alam Khan, was proclaimed. 'Ala-ud-din 'Imad Shah of Berar also marched to assist him. Meanwhile Maḥmad Shah, with Adil Khan, invaded Khandesh from the west and captured Thalner. Ahmad Nizam Shah with his protégé and 'Ala-ud-din 'Imad Shah fled disgracefully to Gâwilgarh on hearing of Mahmûd Shah's approach and 'Adil Khan was enthroned in Thainer. Ahmad Nizam Shah, who had now reached the frontier of his own territories, wrote to Mahmud Shah suggesting that his protégé, Alam Khan, should inherit at least a share of the territories of Khandesh, but unfortunately for him wrote as one king to another. Mahmud was much enraged and would not deign to answer the letter, but gave the unfortunate envoy a message for his master. How dared the son of a slave of the Bahmant kings, he said, write as though he were a king? A humble petition was the only communication that a slave should address to a king. Let Ahmad see that he did not repeat such insolence, or it would be the worse for him. The unfortunate Ahmad Nizam Shah retired, humiliated and mortified, to Ahmadnagar, taking his protégé with him.
Sayyid 'Alf's unwillingness to give a faithful account of such an event is comprehensible.

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fine palaces with arches and domed roofs were erected with coloured and latticed walls like the mirror of the satin sky, red and yellow, with floors paved with turquoise and lapis lazuli, their courts were like the gardens and their fountains like the springs of paradise.
After the completion of the fort, the king made it the seat of his government and took up his residence there. XVII-AN AOCOUNT OF THE DEATH OF MASNAD-I-'ALI MALIK NAQR-UL-MULK GUJARATI
THE KING'S PRIME MINISTER, AND OF THE APPOINTMENT OF MIYAN CHANDU
(MUKAMMAL KHAN) ONE OF THE KING'S OLD SERVANTS IN HIS PLACE. After these events the king's faithful, able, and prudent minister, Masnad-1-'Ali Malik Nasir-ul-Mulk, died, and he bade farewell to his ministry, and betook himself to the neigh bourhood of the mercy of a forgiving God. The king was much grieved by the loss of his minister, but as the administration of the kingdom had to be carried on, he appointed to the vacant office of minister, Miyan Chandu, one of his old servants, who had great wisdom and intellectual power and was passa bly well fitted for the post and moderately generous. He gave him the title of Mukammal Khân, and conferred other favours upon him, and entrusted to him the care of his army and his subjects.
Some historians have said that Ahmad Nizam Shah predeceased Malik Napîr-ul-Mulk Gujarati, who poisoned him in a quid of betel and was executed for his treason, but the story which has been told above is nearer to the truth. But God knows the truth of the matter.
XVIII.-AN AOOOUNT OF THE DEATH OY SULTAN AHMAD NIZÁN SHAH. Death comes alike to prince and peasant, and Sultan Ahmad Bahri, after he had reigned for nineteen years and four months, or, according to another account, for twelve years, and had waged holy wars and had taken most of the forts and districts of the Dakan from the idolaters and turbulent men, and made them his own, and had destroyed the temples and places of Worship of the accursed infidels and the irreligious polytheists, came at last to the end of his days. The signs of death appeared in his face and the hand of sickness was heavy upon him. His amirs and officers of State, but especially Mukammal Khân, feared that his spirit would take flight from his sufferings and earnestly prayed that God would allow them to die rather than that they should behold the sufferings of their king. Although skilful physicians treated him with all the skill at their command, nothing was of any avail, and the king's power declined day by day.
When the king became aware of the approach of death, he withdrew from desire of wordly kingdom and sent for the prince, Al Mu'ayyad Min'andillah Abal Muzaffar Burhên Nizam Shah, who was then seven years of age, and gave him his counsel.
After that he sent for the amire and officers of State, and conjured them all to be faithful and obedient to the prince. All the amirs and officers of State, the rest of the army and the subjects of the king promised to be obedient to the prince and swore allegiance to him.
When the king had given his parting instructions to all about him, he died, and great grief fell on the amíre, the army, and all the kingdom. The amirs and the officers of the army made all preparations for the funeral and the king was buried in the tomb which he had built for himself in the environs of Ahmadnagar, in the garden known as the Rauzah.51 This calamity happened in A.l. 911 (A.D. 1506-06). 56
(To be continued.) * Probably Raufah, in the hills above DaulatAbad, and not a garden in the environs of Ahmadnegar.
w Finishta says (ü, 198) that Ahmad diod in An. 914 (A.D. 1508-09). Firishta's date must be accepted as correct, for Ahmad certainly invaded Khandesh in 1508, retiring early in 1609, and there is Other ovidence in favour of the later date. Perhape Sayyid 'Ali intentionally antedated his death. On page 106 he places Burhan's accession, and consequently Ahmad's death, in A.. 918 (A.D. 1512-13.)

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BY NAREN
INTER-STATE RELATIONS IN ANCIENT INDIA. BY NARENDRA NATH LAW, MA., B.L., P,R 8. ; CALCUTTA.
Prefatory Remarks. The subject of ancient inter-state relations is evidently very wide, including not merely those inter-state relations that were regulated by inter-state laws corresponding to the international laws of later times, but also those that fell outside the said laws. Light is here attempted to be thrown on the two fields of regulated and unregulated relations in order that a comparative estimate may be made of each in contrast with the other. The recondite nature of the task requires among others a thorough study of the latter half of the Kaufiliya Arthasastra which happens to be the toughest portion of the whole work. Its English translation has, I must admit with gratitude to its learned translator, helped me a good deal in overcoming many difficulties within a shorter time than I could have done without its aid; but at the same time I have to mention, without the least intention of detracting from the credit of the very useful pioneering performance of the said translator, that there have been very many occasions for me in the course of my research to differ from the translation. A critical perusal of the said latter half of the Kau tiliya was undertaken with the object that generalizations made from one of its parts should not run the risk of being contradicted by another. The subject matter of this portion of the Kaufiliya is hardly met with in any other Sanskrit text that I know of with the same elaboration of details, and hence, references to other Sanskrit works in my treatment of the subject are few and far between. It must not however be supposed that I have ignored the evidence available from other quarters, whether law-codes, epics, puranas, dramas, codes of polity or documents of any other description. On the other hand, I have always kept my mind on a keen look out for all kinds of evidence on my subject and would welcome them whenever anything fresh comes or is brought within my reach.
The task of refutation of certain opinions rendered ourrent by previous writers who had occasion to touch the subject of "statal circle," and such other topics pertaining to the present subject, rendered my task doubly difficult. These opinions have become deep-rooted not only by the length of time they have been obtaining currency but also on account of the eminence of one or two of the writers who have lent them their support. In the facility with which the finished products of research are perused, we are apt to lose sight of the great difficulties besetting the stemming of current opinions or the elicitation of facts and generalizations from a confusing mass of evidence, and hence I make no apology for pointing out the following:
(1) The various states forming the mandala (statal circle) have not hitherto been regarded as a collocation, general in character and applicable to the case of any state whatsoever, surrounded by the rest with mutual feelings of friendliness or enmity issuing from the principle of spacial adjacency.
(2) The madhyama state has been hitherto rendered as "intermediary," signifying the misconception about its real character.
(3) The state called udásina has also been wrongly rendered as "neutral" as the result of a mistaken notion about its position and function in the statal circle.
(4) A ydtavya is not the same as ars, which again is not identical with batru. Though the differences among them are not clear in the Kamandakiya, they do exist and appear

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from the Kaufiltya. In the English translation of the latter, the differences have not been clearly kept in view.
(5) The term sandhi bears in reality various meanings and cannot be rendered by the expression treaty of peace." Even in the Kamandaklya, the term has been in one place used in the sense of alliance. In the English translation, the various meanings have been missed, giving rise to confusion in several chapters.
(6) The dandopanata and the dandopandy are totally different individuals and the confusion between them appearing in the English tranalation should be guarded against.
(7) One is led to suppose from the English translation that a state could be attacked by another state without any previous provocation. I have attempted to prove this supposition to be baseless.
Section 1. (A). It was usual with the ancient Hindu writers on Polity to commence their
discourses on inter-state relations by imagining a number of states
of with special names, and inclined to one another as friends or enemies, the statal cirole.
owing to thoir mutual spacial correlation. The adjacenoy of ono state to another, which is obviously a fruitful source of rivalry and differences, was taken to be the determining factor of their mutual attitude. If A be the state with which we start our
discourse and Bits immediate neighbour, it would be allowable to Adjacency creating inter that ordinarily they would be hostilo to such other. Tha samo enmity.
inference applies to A's relation to any other of the states which, liko B, may happen to be its immediate neighbour. The territories of the first neighbours of A therefore constitute a zone of natural enmity towards A. Not so the zone of second neigh
bours indicated by C. The C's being the immediate neighbours of Two sons of onmity the B's are hostile to them and therefore friendly to A. The second and friendliness.
zone therefore is one of natural friendliness towards A. For the present parpose, we need take into consideration A the central state (vijigishu) and ono state from each of the zones, keeping their adjacency intact (Diagram I). Let us put down in a separate diagram this set of ABC, and by applying the aforesaid determiner
of friendliness and enmity, add D, E and F to their numbers of the principle. application (Diagram II). D being in the second zone from B would be its
friend, and E and F, for the same reason, friendly to and D respectively. We can now name the states as follows:
(1) A=Central state (vijiglahu); (2) B-Enemy (ie, of A) [ari]; (3) C-Friend (ie. of A) [mitra);
(4) D-B's friend i.e. enemy's friend (ari-mitra). 1 "Tasya samantato mandalibhata bhom-yantara ari-prakritib"-Kaufiliya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 258. Within this sone, congenital enemies (sahaja) sre created by common lineage, and acquired enemies (eritrima) by actual opposition or causing of opposition (Kautilya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 258).
1 "Tath-airs bhůmy-okAntark mitra-prakpitih "-Ibid. Within this sone aldo, congenital and soquirod friends are distinguished (Kauf illya, Dk. VI, ch. 2, p. 958).
Vijgtahu literally means a state bont on conqueste. But as this desire is not the peculiar characteristio of A alono, it is better to attach to the term somo colourless signification and to render it socordingly.

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(8) E-C's friend i.e. friend's friend (mitra-mitra);
(6) F-D's friend i.e: friend of the enemy's friend (ari-mitra-mitra). It will be seen that C, D, E, F are equally divided among themselves as adhoronts of A and B; for to the ultimate analyule, O and E would be on the side of A, and D and F
on that of B (Diagram III). It was not generally thought necessary Four types of states to add to the chain of friendly and hostile states any more, for in front.
tnter-state relations were not considered generally to bring into operation the active friendliness or hostility of a larger number of states in a partioular direction. In the opposite direction, however, it would be necessary to take into account a number
of states, for the reason that if the casus belli occurs between A and B, Four states in the and they be the actual belligerents, A may be attacked and helped roer.
from behind in the same way we we have supposed in B's case. Four states are therefore set down in the rear, their attitude towards the central state being determined by the usual principle. These states are called
(7) A-Rear-enemy (pdrahni-grdha (lit. "heel-oatoher")]; (8) B-Rear-friend (dibranda); (9) C-Rear-enemy's friend (pdrohni-grdhapdra);
(10) D-Rear-friend's friend (dleranddadra). Thus the two belligerents A and B have each two adherenta in front and two in the roar, tho total number including the belligerents themselves being ten (Diagram IV). The reasons for supposing the belligerents to be as adjacent states and not belonging to
separated "zones" are perhaps that (1) adjacenoy was the most prolifio Why belligerente
de ben source of jealousy and enmity, and (2) the waging of war between two adjacent
distant states with one or more territories separating them rendered the outbreak of war a difficult matter until the interposing states were persuaded to allow them a free passage of troope and all other necessaries of war through their territories, This was rendered diffioult by the fact that the states of the first and every alternate song of each of them are naturally hostile to it, and should they be persuaded by money or otherwise to admit such passage, severance of supply and communioation might arise at any moment; for the hostile states could not be fully trusted, and thefe temporary accession to a demand might ultimately prove to be a trap for the hazarding parties. (8) If however the hazarding party was very powerful, it might cabdue first the interposing states and reach its distant enemy; but such cases must be rare. (4) If the interposing hostile states were won over by money or prospeot of material gains to fight on tho side of the attaoking party against its distant enemy, the situation would then be reduood to one of adjacenoy of the central state and its onomy, allianoe having axtonded the former's range of hostile activities to the latter's door. In these oiroumatanoo, it WAS raonable to put down the belligerents as adjacent states and determine the mutual attitude of the surrounding territories by the application of the principle of adjacenoy as the cause of enmity, - principle that has not perhape yot lost its foroe.

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last being the stre
Call uddsins are so
To the types of friendly and hostile states already named were added two more, vis.
madhyama and uddotna. The former is situated within the first Iwo more states within the first sono.
zone of both the central state and its enemy, and is therefore within one One of Don en
the zone of enmity to each of them. But as expressed enmity to one of them results in friendliness to the other, none of them can consider madhyama as friend or foe until its word or action crystallizes its position. The texts lay down that it helps the central state and its enemy if allied, and can help or destroy each of them when not oombined. From this issues the corollary that the strength of this state is much greater than that of either the central power or its enemy, but less than their oonjoint resources* (henceforth, we shall call it the medium power or state). The uddsina (hence. forth to be termed super-power or state) in the strongest power we have to imagine within the first one of the central state. It is laid down that the super-power takes a friendly attitude towards the three powers when combined, and can at pleasure help or destroy each of them when separate. This gives rise to the position that its strength is less than the combined strength of the central state, its enemy, and the medium state, and necessarily much greater than the individual power of each of them.5 (Diagram V shows the location of the medium and super-states.) The madhyama is so called from its strength being intermediate between the central
state or its enemy on the one hand, and uddsina on the other, the Why... madhyama Just being the strongest power within the first zone, within which
therefore three states besides the central, of gradually higher strength, are contemplated, viz., enemy, medium, and super. This zone, as already stated, is the region where the chanoes of war between the central and other states are the greatest, and hence the location of two states of higher grades of strength within it, with their special names, to meet emergencies of reference to such powers in the discourse to follow.
4 The Kauf illya (BK. VI, ch. 2, p. 269) has this passage "ari-vijigishvor=bhêmy-antaraḥ saphatAsaphatayor=anugraha-gamartho nigrahe ch=Asamhatayor=madhyamah.". The expression avhatdear hatayor-anugraha-samartha) is ambiguoue inasmuch as it may be made to signify (1) " can help the central state and its enemy both when allied with each other, and when not so allied":(2) "can help the central state or its enemy both when allied with other power or powers, and when not so allied."
The first meaning gaing support from the “UpAdhyâya-nirapekshasariņi" commentary (Bibl. Indios) on sarga 8, lk. 18 of the Kamandalys, and the second meaning from BankarArya's commentary ng the same.
The merit of the first interpretation is that it indicates the measure of strength of the madhyama, while the second leaves it obscure. It may be objected that the central state and its enemy cannot easily be transformed into allies whicin this interpretation implies. To this the reply may be made that the alliance (though it is not an impossibility) is suggested only to show that, should they be allied, the madhyama single-handed will not dare offend them both simultaneously but rather will tum to help them. This indicates that the strength of the madhyama is greater than both that of the central state and its enemy but less than their combined resources. That such a measure of strength in the marthyama was intended to be conveyed by the politionl thinkers of yore may be inferred, not only from the name madhyama, but also
rom the location of a higher power than madhyama within the first one of the central state. This power is called uosina (literally "seated on a hoight") and is the highest power that we have to keep in view within the aforesaid first zone. With reference to the central state or its enemy on the one hand, and the udostna on the other, the madhyama comes as a siate of medium strength, and hence its name.
8 Kawillya (Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 259) has "ari-vijigishu-madhyamanath Vahib prakritibhyo balvatLarab.......". The Bibl. Indica commentary on Kamandanya, sargo 8, lk. 19, which uses the word ** mandalAd-bahih," interprete vahib " as " vijigishor bhomy-enantarab" 1.c. " within the first zone of the central state."

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To render udasina by " neutral" and madhyana by "modiatory," i.e. as effeoting a mediation between the central state and its enemy would be wide of the mark. The significance of their names has already been indicated. Mediation need not be the special work of a particular neighbour ; nor neutrality the special attitude of one of the aforesaid eight states in the hostilities between the central power and its enemy. A state was analysed by Hindu statesmen into seven constituents, viz., (1) Svami
(sovereign), (2) Amatya (minister), (3) Janapada (territory with Seven constituents or sources of strength its subjects), (4) Durga (fort), (5) Kosa (treasure), 6) Danda (army) of a state.
and (7) Mitra (ally). To gauge the strength of a state, it is necessary to measure the individual excellence of each of the seven constituents. The first constituent, svimi, signifies the person holding the supreme authority in a state, and in a monarchy the king personally. The excellences of these constituents as enumerated in the Kauçiliyab make it clear that svami signifies a king or any other person in supreme authority in a state, and not any constitutional body or bodies in which the sovereign-power may be vested. In the above scheme of twelve states, each has its svání; and if the central sovereign or his enemy wants to measure the allied strength of the other before taking any important political action, the aforesaid attitudes earmarked for the several states may well furnish a basis upon which to calculate roughly the number of his allies. The above calculation will have to be supplemented by gauging the strength of each state from the information previously collected as to the excellence of each of its first six constituents. The twelve states, with five inner con
stituents in each (the first constituent svåmí being merged in the The sovereign-ele. ments and the re- state, and the seventh mitra in the allies among the twelve states) source-elemente. compose a mandala (circle),--the twelve states being called the sovereign-elements (rdja-prakriti)- and the sixty constituents the resource-elements (dravya-prakriti), the total number of the two kinds of elements being seventy-two [12+ (12x5)-72).
A general concensus of opinion among the Hindu publicists accepts the above composition of the statal circle as sufficient for the needs of reference to or delineation of the situations arising among the states in their mutual intercourse, the components of the circle with their defined correlation and special nomenclature furnishing the basal concepts and terminology for the performance of the aforesaid task with ease and precision. There were various opinions inclining to an extension of the range of the statal
circle or a different arrangement of its components for the same Other schemes of mandala.
purpose e.g. (1) the 72 elements form four mandalas of 18 elements
each (the central state with a friend, and friend's friend with inner constituents of each are equal to (3+15-18) elements composing the first mandala ;
• Kauf illya, Bk. VI, ch. i, p. 356. 7 The noventh constituent is here left out, as it has been taken into account already,

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the second, third and fourth mandalas being similarly formed by the enemy, medium, and super states with a friend and friend's friend of each 1.8 (2) The central state, enemy, friend, rear-enemy, medium, and super states form a circle of six sovereign-elements according to Puloman and Indra."
A list of other opinions is given below. 10
The excellences of the seven constituents are indicated in the Kautilya.11 (1) Those of the sovereign are:-(a) The inviting qualities (abhigamika-guna) of very high descent, favoured by destiny (daiva-sampanna), intelligent (buddhi-sampanna), steady (in weal or woe) (sativa-sampanna), seeing through people old in wisdom, virtuous, truthful, noncontradictory, grateful, having large aims, highly energetic, prompt, able to control neighbouring states, resolute, served by good men, and self-controlled. 19
(b) The intellectual qualities (prajfd-gusa)-desiring to hear what is worth hearing, hearing it, understanding, retaining in memory, discriminating, deliberating, rejecting what does not appeal to reason, and adhering to what is regarded as best. 13
(c) The energic qualities (utedha-guna)-courageous, justly indignant, quick, and industrious.
Kautilya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 259. This corresponds to Maya's view in the Kdmandakiya, sarga 8, 4k. 20, calling the four principal states mala-prakriti (root-elements). The other elements would be called sathd-prakriti (branch-elements).
Kamandakiya, VIII, 21. The resource-elements have not been calculated.
10 (a) Maya (second view): the usual 12 sovereign-elements with an ally and an enemy of each (12+(12×2) 36 sovereign-elements). Ibid., VIII, 23.
(b) Brihaspati: 12 sovereign-elements-+an enemy of central state+an enemy of enemy+a friend as well as an enemy of each of the latter two=12+1+1+4=18 sovereign-elements. Ibid., VIII, 26.
(o) Kavaya (the wise): 18 sovereign-elements mentioned in (b)+5 resource-elements of each 18+90=108 (both kinds of elements). Ibid., VIII, 27.
(d) Visláksha: 18 sovereign-elements-+an ally and an enemy of each=18-+-36=54 sovereign-elements. Ibid., VIII, 28.
(e) 54 sovereign-elements mentioned in (d)+5 resource-elements of each 54+5x54-394 (both kinds of elements). Kémandablya, VIII, 29. [M. N. Dutt's translation of this passage at p. 90 is incorrect. He refers to "three hundred and twenty-four monarchies" which is likely to mislead a reader.]
In this way, the varying speculations of the ancient Hindu publicists mention 14, 6, 36, 21, 48, 10, 60, 30, 2, and even 1 element (Ibid., VIII, 30-40), the generally accepted view as already pointed out being that of 12 sovereign-elements. (Ibid., VIII, 41).
11 Kautilya, Bk. VI, ch. 1, pp. 255, 256.
19 I have consulted Sankararya's commentary as well as that called "Upadhyaya-nirapekshasarint" on dokas 6-8 of the fourth sarga of the Kdmandaliya in translating the above passages of the Kautilya.
18 Cf. Kamandakiya, IV, 22, 23 with the aforesaid commentaries.

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(d) The personal qualities (atma-eampat)-intelligent, bold in the refutation of arguments, with retentive memory, strong, towering, able to easily dissuade others from evil ways, proficient in arte, able to reward or punish for benefaction or injury in calamities, shameful,14 far-sighted, able to utilize the advantages of time, place, and manly efforts, resorting timely to alliance, vikrama, 15 concession, restraint upon actions and compacts, and turning into account the weaknesses of enemies ; reserved (samwrita), noble-minded (adina), treating jests with oblique looks and brow-beating, 16 devoid of evil passions, anger, avarice, idleness, frivolity, haste, and wickedness ; able,and talking with smile and dignity, and acting upon the advice of men old in wisdom.
(2) The excellences of ministers have been enumerated at the beginning, middle, and end of the Kaufiliya.11
(3) The excellences of the janapada are:-Extensive, self-sufficing, able to supply the needs of other states in their calamities, provided with sufficient means of protection and livelihood, (with subjects) hoetile to inimical states, able to control the neighbouring states, devoid of miry, stony, saline, uneven, thorny lands as well as forests with ferocious animals; lovely, containing agricultural lands, mines, timber and elephant-forests, inhabited by energetic people, provided with cattle, other animals, and well-protected pastures ; not relying upon rain for irrigation purposes (.e. containing irrigation works), possessing land and water-ways, large quantities of valuable and variegated articles of commerce, able to maintain an army and bear taxes, inhabited by laborious tillers of the soil and numerous intelligent (abelida) owners of properties, and containing numerous people of lower castes and loyal and righteous citizens.
(4) The excellences of forts have been already mentioned. 18
(5) The excellences of the treasure are :- Acquired honestly by the sovereign himself or his predecessors, containing large quantities of gold and silver, gold coins and varieties of big gems, and able to withstand long calamities and non-replenishment.
(6) The excellences of the army are Hereditary service, permanent, devoted, contentod, maintaining wife and children, not dissatisfied (avisamuddita) in sojourns,
# Tho next exprension in the text is not intelligible.
# Including pradda-yuddha (open fight), kdfa-yuddha (treacherous fight) and wish yuddha (scoret fight). Boo Kardiya, Bk. VII, ch. 6, p. 378. : "Abhih Aaya-jihma-bhrukutikshape" (implying abhindeyemalindaya vishaye).
17 Boo Kautilya, Bk. I, (mantri-pwahita patlik), p. 15, and the next chaptor, p. 17; the qualities of the and you lie poattered elsewhere in the work, the word referring to officialaliko samdharti and annidhi and not to mandrine (councillora) slono
. Kautilya, Bk. II (durga-vidhdnam), p. 51; B. ch. 10, pp. 292, 293.

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irresistible everywhere, enduring, experienced in many battles, trained in all modes of fighting and skilful in the use of all sorts of weapons, never failing in adversity 19 (sharing equally as they do the weal and woe of the king) and composed mostly of Kshattriyas.
(7) The excellences of a friendly state are:-Friendly from generation to generation, unchanging, devoted, liberal, and responding promptly to call for help. 20
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
"CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STUDY OF THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA."
A NOTEWORTHY OMISSION,
Our thanks are due to Mr. Surendranath Majum dar Sastri, M.A., for publishing in the Indian Antiquary of February 1919, a bibliography on the Ancient geography of India. While Mr. Majumdar has included such books 88 Babu Nabin
Chandra Das's Geography of Asia Compiled from the Ramayana, which he himself styles as of 'no importance,' it is extremely regrettable that he has omitted from the list by far the most important contribution on the subject made by an Indian. We cannot point to a more devoted scholar in the field of Sanskrit research than the late Mr. Anundoram Barooah, B.A., I.C.S., Barrister-at-Law, of Assam. His English-Sanskrit Dictionary written in the late 'seventies was for a long time the only book of that type by an Indian. To the third volume of this Dictionary Mr. Baroosh prefixed a long introduction on "The Ancient Geography of India" and an appendix of "Geographical names rendered in Sanskrit." Along with Sir Alexander Cunningham's monu. mental work on the subject, Mr. Barooah's is regarded as the most valuable; and I have seen editors and commentators of Sanskrit texts quote Mr. Barooah's authority in tracing the identity of places mentioned in our ancient classics. The well-known editor of Sanskrit Classics, Rai Sahib Bidhu Bhusan Goswami, M.A., has added a summary of Mr. Barooah's "Ancient Geography of India" to his excellent edition of Kalidasa's Meghaditam. Prof. Max Müller has said about Mr. Barooah's work in the Academy of the 13th August 1881:-"Mr. Baroosh has added to the third volume of his English-Sanskrit Dictionary a long and important introduction on the Ancient
JULY, 1920
Geography of India," and an appendix of Geographical names rendered in Sanskrit both of which will be gratefully received by Sanskrit scholars in Europe." Prof. Cecil Bendall has remarked in Trübner's Record No. 245, 1889,"Not content with commencing such a magnum opus as a dictionary, he added to its d and third volumes two new and original works, his Higher Sanskrit Grammar,' and a Sanskrit geographical names illustrated by a valuable prefatory essay. Both are thoroughly original works, and rather suffer by being united with the dictionary. The latter is, I believe, still a unique contribution to Indian research."
It is to be regretted that the existence of such a book on the ancient geography of India has not come to the knowledge of Mr. Majumdar, deeply read as he is in Indian antiquities. We hope in future discussions he will not omit Mr. Barooah's most noteworthy contribution on the subject.
Here we may add that we agree with Prof. Bendall when he says that the value of Mr. Barooah's - "Geography of Ancient India" has suffered by being united with the dictionary. His Higher Sanskrit Grammar was published separately during Mr. Barooah's life-time. Could not the lovers of Sanskrit learning, and the various organizations existing all over the country for its promotion and research, see their way to reprint and pablish separately Mr. Barooah's "Geography of Ancient India" and thus rescue from oblivion this most valuable contribution by an Indian to the ancient geography of the land of his ancestors? 8. K. BHUYAN.
Cotton College, Gauhati, Assam.
19 For the meaning of advaidhya, of. Kauiliya, Bk. VII, ch. 9, p. 289.
20 These attributes of the friendly state have been dealt with at length at p. 289 of the Kautilya, Bk. VII, ch. 9. The Kamandakiya dwells on the excellences of the state-olements in sarga 4 and offers many parallels to the statements in the Kautilya.

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EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1819 to 1881.
By S. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from p. 123.)
ADDENDA.
Additional note to Episode V.
JAPANESE DESTROY A SPANISH SHIP, 1840. Mr. W. A. Woolley gives the Japanese version of this episode as follows:
"In 1640, on July 7th, a ship from: Luzon (Manila) arrived. It was seized and the crew were imprisoned in Deshima (a small island in the harbour), 61 of whom were put to death at Nishizaki on August 3rd, and the ship with its cargo, consisting of 60 kwamme (one kwamme-10 lbs, Troy or 87 lbs. Av.] of gold, gold ornaments and piece goods was sunk off Sudzure in Nishidomari. Thirteen of the crew, who stated that they had come to Japan against their will, were spared and sent home in a Chinese Junk to inform their countrymen of the fate of their comrades and of the prohibition against the coming of foreigners. In 1663 the sunken cargo was presented to the Machi-doshi-yori, who succeeded in raising over 45 kwamme of gold." [Historical Notes on Nagasaki, from a MS. entitled Nagasaki Kokon Shuran by Matsura
T6 of Nagasaki. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, IX, 139.)
(II)
A Chinese Account of Episode VII. THE PIRATE COXINGA TAKES FORMOSA FROM THE DUTCH, 1661. (Communicated by Mr. 8. Charles Hill and edited by Sir R. O. Temple, Bl.)
The Dutchman Lang-peih-tseih-li-ho (1) after his unsuccessful raid on the coast of Fuhkeen, made sail for Holland, and throwing himself on the mercy of the King, was pardoned.es
Kwei-yih, 86 a younger brother of the King's, burning with anxiety to avenge the honour of his country, was allowed to organize the next expedition which consisted of veteran troops, and which embarked in fifteen transporta. Favoured with southerly breezeg the flotilla progressed, until on a certain day high land hove in sight, which caused Prince Kwei to enquire whether the China coast was not being approached. An old soldier, one who had Berved under Lang-peih-taeih-li-ho, on being appealed to replied, that judging from the oolour of the water he surmised that they were on the coast opposite to China ; whereupon the Prince ordered the squadron about so that they might determine their position.
An anchorage having been discerned, the Prince was able to make out through his talescope that there were no towns or cities on shore : therefore the ships were anchored in line, guns were run out for use in case of need, and the Prince's son, Tung-lan(1) landed to rooon
* This statement is either a garbled account of the attempt of the Dutch, under Fransoon, in 1693, to trade with Amoy (
ne Valentyn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, IV, Formosa, pp. 47, 48) or an allusion to the unsuccessful attack on Maono, in 1660, by Admiral Van der Laan, who rubroqnently retired to Batavia. But, as the narrator gooi on to describe the settlement of the Dutch in Tai-ousn in 1624, it seems unlikely that he is referring to the latter incident.
# By "Prince Kwei-yih" the narrator moans Frederik Coyett, as is evident from the account of the taking of the Dutch ponsennions on Formoss which follows. But Frederik Coyott, Governor of Fort Leolandia in 1681, had nothing to do with the first settlement of the Dutch on Tai-ouan, an islet on the & W. of Formosa, in 1824. Moreover, the expedition was made peaceably under Maarten Bonk, who became the firet Governor (nee Valentyn, op. oit., p. 40; Imbault-Huart, Formosa, pp. 18-28). The right of the Dutoh to settle on Formoss was conceded to them by the Chinese, on oondition of their eviouation of the Pescadores Inlande. A treaty w pogotiated by Oornelias Royers in 2013 and concladed by Bonk in the following you

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noitre; being accompanied by a guard of one hundred men, each armed with musket, pistol and sword. Nothing but some old ruins being observed at Kwen-shen the party returned to their boats and crossed to the other bank of the river," where after traversing a li88 or so, a native came in sight who was armed with a bow and arrow, and who was destitute of clothing. His language proved unintelligible, but by signs he led the way to where his tribe were living. It so happened that at the time one Ho-pin, a linguist, was lying sick in the encampment of the tribe; and on the approach of the Dutch he came forward and explained that the country they had reached was called Tai-wan. He further explained that there were no rulers in the island and that people settled here and there at their pleasure. On learning this the Dutch were delighted beyond measure and took Ho-pin on board ship with them to see Prince Kwei. After questioning the linguist the Prince was highly pleased with him, engaged his services, and made him his right hand man generally, 89
In due course he came to enquire as to the distance from Taiwan to China; and on being informed that the Pescadores could be reached in four watches, and Amoy in seven, he replied that he was eminently satisfied, as in the absence of any fixed government in the island he intended to colonize.
From morning till night therefore he proceeded to busy himself with Ho-pin in surveying, and in laying out sites for cities; all with a view to permanent occupation.
Substantial walls were run up at Tseih-kwen-shen, the bricks being well faced, and cemented together with a compound of ground rice and lime; and outside these again a fort [Zeelandia] was erected. On the opposite shore at Chih-khan [Sakkam] a smaller fort [Provintia] was built. The soldiers of the expedition were directed to take women of the Sinkiang aboriginal tribes to wife; whilst three transports were despatched to Holland to convey despatches, and to obtain supplies generally for the new colony.
The land works being completed, attention was next paid to the approaches to the position from the seaward; and as these were found to be comparatively easy, six or seven of the old transports were filled with stones and scuttled in such positions as to render it necessary for a vessel entering port to pass under the guns of the fortifications: otherwise she ran a great risk of striking on the sunken vessels. The above precaution having been taken, the position was deemed to be impregnable.90
In the 18th year of Shun- chih (A.D. 1667),1 Ho-pin, the linguist, having embezzled several tens of thousands of dollars from Kwei-yih's treasury, 92 and fearing lest he be called on to render an account, had recourse to a stratagem. He managed to find out about the intricacies of the river navigation; and, having engaged two vessels to lie in wait for him, he prepared for flight. A feast was arranged to which he invited Prince Kwei and his staff; and whilst lamps were blazing on all sides, firecrackers were being let off, puppet shows, dancing and feasting were in full swing, he waited for the turn of the tide; and then, feigning to be the worse for liquor, and to have a celic, let himself out by a back entrance, and reaching his vessel made good his escape to Amoy.93
Arriving there he called on Cheng-cheng-kung [Coxinga ]; and whilst unfolding to him all the advantages to be reaped by the possession of Formosa, he drew from his sleeve and presented him with a plan of the whole Dutch position.
I have found no confirmation of this part of the story or any mention of "the Prince's" (Sonk's) son. ss The ordinary Chinese itinerary measure, now reckoned as rather less than a third of an English mile, but it varies in different parts of China and has varied at different dates.
This part of the account is substantially correct (see Imbault-Huart, Formosa, pp. 21-22, 58-59). 20 See Imbault-Huart, op. cit., p. 23, for confirmation.
91 An error for 1661. Shun-chi, ninth son of Tien-ming, was proclaimed Emperor in 1644.
14 Kwei-yih here means Frederik Coyett, Governor of Tai-ouan, 1656-1662.
8 For corroboration of this account of Ho-pin, a Fuhkienese interpreter, see Imbault-Huart, op. cit., pp. 58-59.

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Cheng was highly delighted with all he heard, and after a deep consultation with his several Commanders, he put to sea with his whole fleet on the 3rd of the moon, bound for Tai-wan (Formosa ). On the morning of the 4th a look out man at the mast hoad discovered the Pescadores, and little after mid-day the expedition reached Neang-ma-king in safety. On the 6th oblations were offered to the sea gods, and a thorough reconnaissance of the adjacent islands was made.
On the 8th the fleet weighed anchor; and on Luh-urh-muns being descried in the distance, Cheng made prayer for a favourable tide to carry his vessels safely into port. Prayer ended, he directed leademen to take a line of soundings, and these returned with the news that the tide had risen fully ten feet higher than on the previous day.
On receiving this intelligence, Cheng fired a gun; and, hoisting signals for a general advance, was followed by his whole fleet. The linguist Ho-pin was posted in the prow of the leading vessel to point out the passage as laid down on the chart he had provided : and eventually, after much poling, sounding and mancuvring, the fleet came to an anchor with great uproar off the city of Chih-khan ( Sakkam ].96
The Commandant of Chih-khan, Meaou-nan-ting? " no sooner beheld the martial appearance of Cheng's landing party, than he despatched Lang-ho-ke (1) to Kwon-shen" for reinforcements, and at the same time opened fire on the floot from all his guns.
On the 10th Cheng, having directed each soldier of the force to provide himself with a bundle of straw, laid close siege to Chih-khan, and sent two interpreters to the front to inform the Commandant that unless he capitulated the whole place would be set on fire. This menace had the desired effect; as Nan-ting (1) being terrified to a degree, surrendered, and the position (Fort Provintia ) was at once occupied by the assailants.
Here it is necessary to pause a moment in order to mention that on the occasion of Ho-pin's feast, Prince Kwei had not the slightest idea but that the linguist's retirement was consequent on his having imbibed too freely. Nay, not until the second day, when efforts to find him proved fruitless, could he be brought to believe that he had absoonded. Even then he continued to attribute his flight to the embezzlement which he had been guilty of, and could not believe that he would so far turn traitor as to guide an expedition whose ambition was to dispossess the Dutch of their settlemente.
To resume on the 18th a heavy gale sprang up, the waves breaking on shore with a roar which was at once deafening and appalling, and this state of affairs continued till midnight.
At daylight the Prince (Coyett ) and his officers mounted the city wall to reconnoitro, and on looking seaward they observed a whale swimming to and fro with a human figure seated on his back. The figure was clad in red garments and its locks were dishevelled.
From Luh-urh-mun the fish started, and after indulging in a variety of gambols, finally passed Chih-khan city and disappeared. The Prince and his staff stood staring at one another, until, finding their tongues, they concluded that they had either been in a trance or had seen a vision. Their ears were now greeted with the sound of her vy guns from the direction of Luh-urh-mun, and on mounting a look out, they discerned through their glasses & whole fleet of vessels approaching with their ensigns and banners floating in the sun light.
* The floet touched at MA-Koung, Pescadores, on the 80th April 1661.
06 Lou-eul moun, the Gate of the Stag's Ear, the strait between Tai-ouan and the matnland of Formosa, called also Lou-k'eou, Mouth of the Stag. # Boe Imbault-Huart, op. oit., p. 60.
(1) Leonard Campin, who was one of the Council at Tal-ouan in 1661 (He Valentyn, op. cit., p. 60). * From this and the preceding references, "Kwen-shen" seems to represent the Metrio where Fort Zeelandia, the headquarters of the Dutch, was situated.
# Soo anse, Episode VII, Vol. XLVIII, p. 179, for a referanoto this apparition.

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On seeing the vessels the Prince burst out laughing, and remarked that the Chinese in invading his position in this fashion must have little regard for their lives, and he at once gave orders for the batteries to be in readiness to treat the fleet to a broadside on its nearer approach. Thus he expected to annihilate the invaders at one stroke.
Whilst still chuckling to himself, the tactics of the leading vessel, which were being carefully followed by the rest, came under notice. First she tacked to the north, then went about to the eastward, and again altered her course to the north ; until finally she and her consorts came to an anchor without passing under the guns of the batteries. The Prince turning to the staff observed that heretofore the channel which the Chinese fleet had come through was thoroughly impracticable and it was strange that they had not shoaled and come to utter grief. Whilst pondering over these matters, he still gave the order to open fire; but owing to the long range, the firing was ineffectual. His next move therefore, was to direct one of his subordinates, Li-ying-san(?), to thoroughly man the Dutch vessels in port, and to proceed to dispute the advance of the enemy.
By the time the Dutch troops were in order night was drawing on apace; and as the tide was flooding, Li-ying-san soon became aware that a whole fleet was investing Chihkhan (Sakkam), and that a landing party had been disposed on shore in fighting array. At this juncture the Prince Kwei [Coyett], fearing lest his own position should be assailed, recalled the force he had sent on shipboard, and directed Li to advance vid Kwen-shin to the assistance of the Chih-khan garrison. On reaching San-kwen-shen, Li was met by Lang-ho-ke who stated that the force he was advancing with was too small to be of any material avail; and who proceeded to report to the Prince that the enemy were such a soldier-like lot that before attacking them it would be advisable to call in, and hold in readiness, all auxiliaries.
In reply, the Prince, after enquiring as to where the enemy had come from, called out all his infantry, and made preparation for marching on the morrow. At daylight Cheng became aware from the bugling and drumming which was audible in the direction of An. ping that the Dutch were about to advance; 80, sending for his several Commanders, he informed them that the Dutch would rely principally on their artillery, and he disposed of his forces as follows:
500 infantry armed with muskets, and 200 heavy gingals 100 were formed into three divisions under a Commander, who had orders to march on Kwen-shen-wei and engage the Dutch as they advanced : 500 shield bearers under another Commander were ordered to take up their position to the left of Kwen-shen and to attack the enemy's flank when oppor: tunity offered : another body of troops manned some 20 small junks, and were directed, on observing the Dutch to have passed Tseih-kwen-shen and to be about to open fire, to wave their flags and shout vigorously; at the same time making a feint of attacking the city by heading their boats in ite direction. This proceeding it was hoped would be noticed by the Dutch force, and throwing them into a state of perturbation, would cause disorder in the ranks; thus rendering their defeat oomparatively easy.
The above disposition of foroes having been made, the balance of Cheng's force was drawn up as a reserve.
In due course the Dutch force arrived at Tseih-kwen-shen-wel, and were about opening fire when they were horrified by noticing & movement amongst the junks, which appeared to betoken an attack on the An-ping position from the water. Whilst still in doubt as to what steps to take, the shield-bearing force commenced its flank attack, the result being that the Dutch gave way, and with a loss of half their numbers retreated on the stronghold whence they had issued.
200 Gingall, jingall, Hind. janjal, a swivel or wallpicoe, word of uncertain origin (see Yule, Hobson. Jobson, e.v. Gingai).
1 Tho narrator seems to have drawn largely on his imagination for these detaile.

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To this close siege was now laid ; but the defenders worked their gans so well, and by constant sallies inflicted such loss on the besiegers, that an advance, or an attempt at storming was impossible.
Cheng continued to hold the only road which communicated with the fort, however; and he now, in order to protect his people, commenced the erection of earth works and of a battery.
During the 8th moon the Dutch Prince organised two expeditions, the one being despatched in the direction of Chih-khan by water, the other against Kwen-shen by land. In opposition to these Cheng commanded afloat in person, whilst the shore forces were handled by one of his generals, Hwang-gan.
The battle raged the whole day, until the Dutch, having lost one ship and three boats, retreated to the fort, which they continued to defend most stoutly.
In the 11th moon the N. E. monsoon having now set in, Cheng ordered his subordinates Cheng-seuen and Cheng-chung to load some ten old boats with saltpetre and other inflammables; and to attempt the destruction of the Dutch ships, whilst & general attack from the shore was simultaneously made on the fort.
In this engagement the Dutch lost three more ships and a number of men, which even caused Prince Kwei to be much cast down.
Taking advantage of the victory, Cheng sent a linguist named Li-chung into the Dutch lines with a message.3
It was to the effect, that the position now held by Kwei-yih was no Dutch possession ; nor, owing to the distance from Holland, could be possibly hope to maintain & lasting occupation of it. The neighbourhood had been originally occupied by an Imperialist garri. son, and it was Cheng's firm intention to regain possession. Having some pity for the defenders of the fort who had come from afar, he had no desire to injure them, and in consideration of the surrender of the treasury chest, stores, ammunition, &o., he was willing to afford them a loop hole for escape with their private effects and valuables.
Failing acceptance of the terms now offered, it was his intention to renew the attack on the morrow from all sides. Their vessels should then be burnt, their stronghold reduced, and their personal annihilation must follow.
Prince Kwei-yih and his staff on receiving the above message were much moved, and offered to surrender if supplied with provisions for the homeward voyage.
The linguist returning to Cheng gave the reply to the ultimatum, and the surrender was at once completed; the victors taking over, as per list, the contents of the government obest, the military stores, &c.
The surviving Dutchmen were then allowed to remove their personal effects on board ship, and on the 3rd of the 1st moon they took their departure for their native land.
[Translation of a Chinese record concerning Coxenga or Koxinga (Cheng-cheng
kung) the celebrated Chinese pirate, by H. E. Hobson (Journal of the North
China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 2nd Series, No. XI, pp. 34-40). ] There is some exaggeration here. Of the four Dutch ships in the harbour, the Hector was burnt, the Maria oscaped to Batavia and the two others retired, after sinking soveral junks, under the cannon of Fort Zoolandia (800 Imbault-Huart, op. cit., p. 60).
It was a protestant minister, Antonius Hambroek, whom Coxinga sent as an emissary, keeping his wife and two of his children as hostages. Hambroek urged the garrison to fight to the last and returned to Coxinga to meet his death (100 Valentyn, p. 90; Imbault-Huart, pp. 66-67).
This is not correot. Emissaries were sent to Coxinga, offering to deliver up to him Fort Provintis in order to save the other buildings and Fort Zoelandia. Ooxings replied by demanding the immediato Vuation of Formose. Provintia was thereupon currendered, on the 4th May 1861, but the oitadel of Zeelandin was defended vigorously and it was not until the 12th February 1662 that Coxinga was able to raise his standard on the Fort, (See Imbault-Huart, pp. 61-72.)

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(III) CAPTAIN JOHN HALSEY FIGHTS POUR ENGLISH SHIPS AND TAKES TWO OF THEM, 1707.
of the European pirates, one of the most humane was Captain John Halsey of the Charles Brigantine, who on the 7th November 1704, received a commission from Governor Cranstone of Rhode Island to cruise against the French on the banks of Newfoundland. This he considered good enough authority to cover attacks upon native shipping in the Indian Seas, and though at first he refrained from molesting European vessels, that scruple did not long hold good. On the occasion described in the episode narrated below, we find the very unusual fact of a single pirate attacking a number of merchantmen, all apparently ready to defend themselves and to support each other. Halsey's kindness to his prisoners is a matter of history, and the episode in question fully justifies Captain Johnson's eulogy -"He was brave in his person, courteous to all his prisoners, lived beloved and died regretted by his own people.” (History of the Pirates, II, 118.)
A comparison of Johnson's account of the fight with that given by Robert Adams, the East India Company's Chief at Calicut, is useful, as it shows that Johnson, however confused may be his chronology, was fairly accurate in regard to other details.
The Records of the East India Company give further information about Captain Samuel Jago, whose ignominious flight gained him an unenviable notoriety on this occasion. He was employed by the Court of Managers in England and was sent out by them in command of the Bombay Frigate for Merchant), & ship expressly designed for the defence of Bombay and the neighbouring coast against the attacks of pirates. By the Court's orders, Captain Jago proceeded first to Mocha to land & cargo. There, it seems, he fell in with the Rising Eagle, Essex, Mary and Unity, all country ships from the Coromandel Coast, and together they were sailing towards Bombay when they encountered the pirate.
Captain Jago reached Bombay on the 22nd August 1707 and apparently held his peace regarding his cowardly desertion of his consorts. Even when Robert Adams' account of the affair was received two months later, no notice seems to have been taken of the conduct of Jago, who had meanwhile been sent to Kârwâr. However, disaster was in store for him. On the 11th November 1707 he and some of his crew returned to Bombay in the Prosperous and the Union Frigate. He stated that he sailed from Karwar with the Union on the 27th October. “The 28 about 11 Clock in the morning, seeing one Savajee (Maratha] Boat hovering about them, Fired their Chase Gunn, after which the Bombay Friggatt immediately blew up and Sunck, and ten English and about as many blacks lost, besides what since dyed, and others in a Languishing condition, and near Fifty burnt."
On the 9th December 1707 and 27th January 1708 letters were received from Fort St. George containing "a warm Information and Complaint against Captain Jago for not engaging the Pyratt in his Passage from Mocha hither, but left four of their private Ships, two of which Seized by said Pyratts." Certificates by the supercargoes and commanders of the vessels were enclosed. There is, however, no record of any action taken by the Bombay Government in the matter.
Early in 1708 Captain Jago took the Indian Frigate to Persia, and on his return to Bombay in May of that year, he was permitted to embark in the Aurangzeb for Europe.
We have also some account of the subsequent fate of Halsey's crew who, after his death, settled in Madagascar, and survived, some of them at any rate, till 1719.
Chase-guns fixed in the chase ports in the fore-part and stern of vessels were known as bow. chage (chasers) and stern-chane guns. Smyth, Sailor's Word Book defines Bow-chasers as "two long ObApo-guris placed forward in the bow-ports to fire directly ahead."
The particulars regarding Captain Semuel Jago are taken from the East India Company's Records, Bombay Public Consultations, Vol. 2.

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When the King George, an East India Company's ship commanded by Captain Samuel Lewis, was at St. Mary's Madagascar, in 1719, her Log, under date 23rd July (Marine Records, India Office), tells us that two Europeans, John Guernsey and Old Nick of Dover samo to see the oaptain, who writes as follows:
"These I kept on board two nights and entertained them plentifully with liquor, in hopes to sound what might be gathered from them. They faithfully promised me provisions speedily, but I found their tempers much alike (with a downcast eye, not able to look me in the face), very cautious of what they spoke till almost drunk, then they lay themselves open and tell of their loose way of living, bragging in their villainy as bravoes. They acknowledge of their being in the brigantine [the Charles] that took [killed] Chamberlayne, and at the plundering of three Moors ships and bringing away a fourth, which lay bunk in their harbour. This they called the Fair Chance, and they wanted but one bit more and then to go home, for they were aweary of their course of life. Their number was now reduced to 17 with about 10 or 12 Mustees and free negroes, That they live separate on the other side upon the Main, some 20 or 30 miles asander, each having a town to himself and not less than five or six hundred negroes & their vassalls, ready to serve 'em upon any expedition. They do not appear to be in any wise concerned for their former ill actions, only in relation to Sir John Bennett, whom they acknowledged they had not used well in taking his goods and money from him after a fair agreement. Thus froely they would talk when warin with liquor, but always cautious whell sober. I likewise askt 'em why they did not accept of the King's pardon (1718] and go home in time. They told me that they believed it was a sham and would not trust to any unless they had the Great Seal to it. Such impudence and ignorance possest them."
1.--Captain Johnson Account. Three days after, they spied the 4 ships, which they took at first for the trees of Babel Mandeb; at night they fell in with and kept them company till morning, the trumpets sounding on both sides all the time, for the Pyrate had two on board as well as the English. When it was clear day, the four ships drew into a line, for they had haled the pyrate, who made no ceremony of owning who he was, by answering according to their manner," from the Seas."
The brigantine bore up till she had flung her garf [sic]. One of the ships perceiving this, advised Captain Jago, who led the van in & ship of 24 guns and 70 men to give chase, for the pyrate was on the run, but a mate, who was acquainted with the way of work. ing among the pyrates, answered he would find his mistake, and said he had seen many & warm day, but feared this would be the hottest. The Brigantine turned up again, and ooming astern, clapped the Rising Eagle aboard, a ship of 16 guns and the sternmost. Tho' they entered their men, the Rising Eagle held them a warm dispute for three quarters of an hour, in which Captain Chamberlain's mate and several others were killed; the Purser Was wounded, jumped overboard and drowned.
In the mean while the other ships called to Captain Jago to board the pyrate, who bearing away to clap him on board, the pyrate gave him a shot, which raked him fore and aft and determined Captain Jago to get out of danger, for he ran away with all the sail he could pack, though he was fitted out to protect the coast against pyrates. His example was followed by the rest, every one steering a different course; thus they bocamo masters of the Rising Eagle.
I can't but take notice that the second mate of the Rising Eagle, after Quarters were called for, fired from out of the Forecastle and killed two of the pyrates, one of whom was the gunner's consort, who would have revenged his death by shooting the Mate, but several Mestiços, Portuguese half-castes.
* I..., Malagasi.
. Soe infra, 2.

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Irish and Soots, together with one Thomas White, once a commander amongst the pyrates, but then a private man, interposed and saved him, in regard that he was an Irishman.
They examined the prisoners to know which was the ship came from Juffa (Juddah), for that had money on board, and having learned that it was the Essex, they gave chase, came up with her, hoisted the bloody flag at the mainmast head, fired one single gun, and she struck; though the Essex was fitted for close quarters, there were not on board the Brigantine above 20 hands, and the prize [the Rising Eagle) was astern so far that her topmast scarce appeared out of the water. In chasing this ship they passed the other two who held the fly of their ensigns in their hands ready to strike. When the ship had struck the Captain of her asked who commanded that Brigantine. He was answered, " Captain Halsey.” Asking again who was Quartermaster, he was told "Nathaniel North," to whom he called as he knew him very well. North, learning his name was Punt, said, "Captain Thomas Punt, I am sorry you are fallen into our hands." He was civilly treated and nothing belonging to himself or the English gentlemen, who were passengers, touched, though they made bold to lay hands on £40,000 in money belonging to the ship. They had about £10,000 in money out of the Rising Eagle. They discharged the Essex and with the other prize and the brigantine, steered for Madagascar, where they arrived and shared their booty.
(C. JOHNSON, History of the Pirates, II, 114-115.) 2.-Robert Adams' Account, received per Captain Thomas Punt. May it please Your Excellency, &o.
Captain Gaywood being wind bound off this Port, have just time to write to your Excellenoy a few lines, Copies of our last being at Callicut, which were under 30th past, vid Carwarr, per Pattamar, cannot send them. Came from Callicut the 7th Instant to view this place, being advised of its miserable condition, which have found beyond expectation to be laid in no less than five places leavell with the Ground by the great Raines, so that are forced to make Bamboo hedges to keep the Cattell out.
The following relation is the unhappy news received from Captain Punt, who we) found here at our arrivall in the Ship Essex.
They sailed from Mocho the beginning of August, in all 5 sail, vizt., The Bombay Merchant from Europe, the Eagle, Essex, Mary and Unity from the Bay and Coast, when fell in with a Brigantine Pyrat. They all drew up with an intention to fight. The Bombay Merchant and Eagle gave him some broad sides, but so soon as boarded Captain Chamberlaine, the Bombay Merchant bore away, which put all the rest to shift for theraselves. Captain Chamberlaine, Captain Phillips and all the Stern Quarters were killed, but one French man who cried out quarters. Mr. French, Chief Mate, who was in the Fore Castle, not knowing what was done a baft, fired briskly on the Pyrate and killed 6 and wounded 20 of them, and did not yield up, but kept his arms in his hand till they promised him good quarters. So soon as they got the Eagle, they foroed the people to tell them which was the Judda Ship, and imediatly both Brigantine and ship made after her, and went by the others and came up with her and took her, the Passengers and People being so discouraged that they would not let the Captain make any resistance least they should put them all to the Sword, they coming up to them with the Bloody Flagg. After this they detained both ships in their Company, designing for Socatora to take in Refreshments; but the Easex breaking her fore yard and springing her Foretopmast &c., not keeping them Company, Sir John Bennet and several of her people are left on board the Pyrat, and Mr. French is on board Ship, who is gone to Calliout to see if he can get into the River, if not, to goe down to Coohoon, but since hear she is in Calliout River ....
[Letter from Robert Adams &o. at Tellicherry to the President and Council at Surat, dated, 17th September, 1707 (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 101).]
[T: END)

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INTER-STATE RELATIONS IN ANCIENT INDIA. BY NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A., B.L., P.R.S.: CALCUTTA.
(Continued from page 136.)
(1) The scheme of a mandala of twelve states was, as we have just said, generally accepted, The uses of the the needs of reference to particular states in a certain spacial or scheme of mandala
la
political patio
political correlation, or of description of particular political situa. and the seven oonstituents of a state. tions being ordinarily satisfied by the scheme. All the twelve states composing the circle may not, in particular cases, be put to the necessity of siding with the one or the other of the warring parties, the activities being limited say to the second zone. In this case, only a few states of the circle may be noted in calculations of strength or other such forecasts. The list of excellences of the seven constituents of the state furnish the criterion by which those constituents of the required states in the circle have to be judged ; and the group of qualities of a particular constituent in the list shows the points with regard to which the enquiries require to be instituted. The final estimate shows the merit or deficiency of each constituent, and the total strength of the states, their weak and vulnerable points being exposed to view for the guidance of the inquirer. It may be mentioned in this connection that the making of such estimates necessarily implies the agency of informants through whom accurate information as to the details of the constituents was procured. The scheme of the mandala, and the analysis of the state into its
Their value for constituents with an enumeration of their excellences serving as the practical politics criteria for estimates of strength of states, enabled a sovereign to of those days. The courses of action take the course or courses of action to be detailed presently. These courses were analysed into (1) sandhi (including alliances, treaty of peace etc.), (2) vigraha (war), (3) asana (halt), (4) yana (attack), (5) sambraya (resigning oneself to another's protection), and (6) dvaidhibhdva (making alliance with one and fighting with another). They admit of certain combinations and include various sub-courses of action adopted in stated situations. (B) The six courses of action, including their combinations and sub-courses for
particular inter-state situations, are the source of vydydma and sama, Objects in view in Inter-state relations. 3.e. exertion to create means for the beginnings of undertakings,
and exertion to ensure the enjoyment of results of undertakings. In addition to human exertion, there is scope for the operation of providential foroes in the creation of the conditions in which & state may be at any particular moment. The causes, therefore, that determine those conditions, are of two kinds, human (manusha) and providential (daiva). The former lies in the pursuit of the right or wrong courses of action (naya and a panaya) and the latter in the favourable or unfavourable circumstances or forces of nature (aya and anaya).21 The net result of the operation of the two sets of causes is the particular condition of the kingdom at any particular moment, viz. deterioration (kshaya), stagnation (sthana), or prosperity (vriddhi).22 In other words, it is the aforesaid causes that bring about the weakness or vigour of each of the sovereign and resourceelements, upon which depends the total strength (sakti) of the state as well as the happiness of its citizens (sukha identified with siddhi (success)].3 The prosperity of the state stands As the ideal, and though the immediate result of every undertaking may not be conducive to this ideal--and it is impossible that it should be so the final aim of persons at the
21 These forces and their effects are dealt with in a subsequent section on the vyasanas (dalamities). 22 Kaut ültya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, pp. 257, 258.
33 Ibid., Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 259.

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helm of the state should be this and none other. Hence, temporary deterioration, or stagnation of the state is permissible if the ultimate issue of the actions be gainful.14
With reference to the central state, any other state may be superior (jydyan), equal (sama), or inferior (hina) in strength and prosperity. Efforts should be directed by the above state towards the increase of its own strength in order that it might be superior to others in its mandala.
It is mentioned in the Kautiliya that conformity with the advice of treatises on polity leads a self-controlled sovereign to greater and greater power and position, making him ultimately the ruler of the whole earth, while the reverse conduct on the part of even an emperor with dominion from sea to sea reduces him to miserable straits.35 The statement may at first sight sound too much laudatory of treatises on polity and the efficacy of their rules and recommendations, but, yet, on closer observation, it cannot be said to be without a foundation. For, in those days, "jealous rivalry between two or more states, the awakening of ambition, craving for rich colonies, desire of a land-locked state for a sea-coast, endeavour of a hitherto minor state to become a world-power, ambition of dynasties or great politicians to extend and enlarge their influence beyond the boundaries of their own state, and innumerable other factors” were at work to create causes of war in the same way as they do at present. These causes, numerous as they are, must have been more prolific than now in view of the then state of inter-statal relations regulated by comparatively fewer laws and provided with smaller facilities for the pacific cessation of hostilities by inter-statally constituted means.96 Hence, the outbreaks of hostilities were comparatively greater, furnishing opportunities to an aspiring sovereign for the extension of his territory or for other means of acquisitions. The sovereign, to achieve the great results promised by the treatises on polity, must be endued with the qualities inculcated by their writers. The onerous conditions made necessarily rare the existence of such sovereigns, but nevertheless there is no reason to deny that the recommendations of the writers had no merit by virtue of their applicability to the conditions of internal and inter-statal politics of those days.
Attack on a state by another merely because the former is weak and the latter strong was not justified by practioe, though of course, a pretext put forward as a real cause for war might have been picked up for the opening of hostilities. Conflict must have preceded
* Kaufiliya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 263. 25 Ibid., Bk. VI, ch. 1, p. 257 ; Bk. 1, iddha-saf yoga, p. 11.
% It should be noted that a state in calamitios (vyasana) is oalled ydtavya (lit. Aebailable, s.e. totter. ing) by Kautiliya, who includes it in the list of the various kinds of hostile states (Kautiliya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 258). This may lend colour to the supposition that a 'tottering state was generally thought to be assailable by another state without any preceding conflict. That such a supposition is baseless will te apparent from the following
(1) Kautilys says that state in calamities can be protected or easily attacked. (Kaut ilya, Bk. VIII, ch. 1, p. 319.)
(2) A state in calamities is mentioned by Kautilya as ydtavya with reference to another state on the assumption that ill-will exists between the two parties. Should they be friendly, the former would be protected instead of being attacked by the latter.
(3) It is expressly laid down by Kautilya that writs (implying negotiation) are the root of peace and war between states (Kautiliya, Bk. II (ndsanádhikára), p. 70; Kautilya tells us that he wrote the chapter on royal writs not merely in accordance with all the $dstras (treatises on polity) but also the prevailing practices (prayoga) of the day. Ibid., p. 75).
(4) If prata pa meang ultimatum '[see Kauçiliya, Bk. I (data-pranidhih) p. 32,] then it is evidence of the existence of negotiation before the declaration of war. Hence, it is not permissible to suppose that a state in calamities could be attacked by another state without any previous conflict. It was preceding conflict alone that justified an attack. A friendly state would, on the other hand, protect it in its sorry plight.

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war, and there is, as has been shown already, no ground to suppose otherwise. This supposition is rendered firmer by the fact that there are means at the disposal of a very powerful sovereign to demand submission of other sovereigns far and near for reasons other than existing conflict. These means were provided by the politico-religious ceremonials of rajasúya and afvamedha, which could be performed at will with the said political object in view. But they could be utilized by those sovereigns alone, who had already become powerful enough to dare and defy the active oppositions that were sure to follow the celebration of the ceremonies, and served more as ways of asserting power already acquired than as those of acquiring the power itself. The steps leading to world-power at the disposal of the humbler states aspiring to such power are thus described by Kautilya 37 :
1. (1) The central state should, after subduing the enemy,' try to subdue the medium state, and when successful in this attempt, the super state.
(2) The medium and super states being subjugated by the first step), the central state should, in proportion to the increase of its power, subdue the other states within the first zone. 28 When these states are brought under subjection, the states within the other zones 29 should be dealt with in the same way.
(3) When the whole statal circle has been put under the sway of the central state (by the second step), 30 an amitra (enemy) (among the states faced next) should be squeezed, '31 by a batru, 3 or a batru by a mitra (friend).
II. Or a weak neighbouring state should be subdued : and then with double power, a second, and with triple power, a third. 33
The processes involve a series of fights, but as the time oooupied by them is not in any way limited, there is no reason to suppose that they necessarily imply disregard of such inter-state practices as attacking states without preceding conflict, or friendly states in
2 Kautilya, Bk. XIII.ch. 4, p. 406.
>> "Ari-prakriti" in the text refers to 'rája-prakriti '(sovereign elements) within the first zone and not to the citizens of the states.
> "Uttara) prakriti" refers similarly to the sovereign-elements in the other ones of the statal cirole.
30 The subjugation of the sovereign-elements of the statal circle brings the central state face to face with other states, if any, which will be either friendly or hostile, and dealt with in the above process.
31 The word used in the text is sampllana which is thus explained in the Kamandaktya sarga VIII, alk. 58: pidana is more serious than harians (or karohana). The latter is effected by causing the emaciation of the treasure and army together with the death of the high ministers of state. Plana being more serious than karsana includes acts much more oppressive. Sankarrys explains it by "mala-varja-desa-vilopanam."
39 A fatru is thus described by Kautilya : "ari-sampad-yukta admantas satrul" ( neighbouring state endued with ari-sampata is called satru) (Kaufiliya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 258). The ari-sampals (or amitra. sampata) are those qualities that render a hostile state an easy victim to the central mate and are thus enumerated :-"Not born of a royal family, greedy, surrounded by mean persone, baving disloyal subjects, unrighteous, silly, addicted to evil passions, devoid of energy, trusting to fato, indiscreet, incongir. tent, coward, and injurious" (Kaufiliya, Bk. VI, ch. 1, pp. 256, 287). Owing to these disabilities, a fatru can be easily made an instrument in the hands of the central sovereign. It is implied that the former is helped by the latter in the act of squeezing!
33 The first three margas (lit. ways) are but links of a single process, one leading to the other. The fourth mdrga may be taken either as a link supplementary to the third (in which case, it cannot be called, strictly speaking, the fourth marga) or as an independent second process standing apart from the first process composed of three links. The words "dvigunah" and "triguma," unlees they be taken as ugod loose ly, favour the interpretation of the fourth mdrga as an independent second process of conquering the world.
The independers. existence of friendly states' was not perhaps regarded as a bar to world.conquest, if the central state could subjugate the hostile ones and thereby extend his domin'on over a large expanse of territory, say from sos to sea.

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disregard of friendship. An aspiring king should abide the opportunities offered by dispute with other states but should not artificially stir them up to create the opportunities. It cannot be asserted that no breaches of salutary practices conducive to inter-state peace occurred in ancient times. An unruly, aggressive sovereign might have set them at naught but not without incurring the displeasure of the other states or even of his own subjects.34 Whether this displeasure could take shape in steps to bring to justice the infraction of the practices is another question. The displeasure indicates the volume of opinion for the maintenance of the practices and can well be a reason for considering them as the prevailing ones.
The legitimate inference, therefore, stands out to be that an aspiring sovereign should accumulate as much power as possible by a due application of the adstric injunctions to his personal conduct as well as to his administration of the realm. The increase of vigour of the resource-elements of the state should always be followed up by the pursuit of those measures that remove the obstructions retarding their progress and make them stout and healthy. The steps suggested for the extension of territory and acquisition of power by conquests may lead one to infér that they imply treacherous attacks, without preceding conflict, on friendiy states or on those in a miserable plight, but in the light of other evidences there does not appear to be any ground for such supposition. The opportunities for war offered by the disputes that naturally came on were generally enough for the ambition of a royal aspirant able to utilize them fully. Unjustified invasions of states merely to satisfy the earth-hunger of the invader were condemned by the opinion of the sovereigns generally as well as of the citizens. When a king was powerful enough, he could assert and proclaim his power by performing the rdjasúya or the asvamedha ; but so long as he lacked this power he had to wait for opportunities, making most of those that actually did present themselves The advice of the writers of treatises on polity is directed to this full utilization of opportunities, which is possible only by a previous accumulation of strength from careful and diligent internal administration of the realm and a regulation of inter-statal dealings in the light of their instructions and recommendations garnering the political wisdom of the past.
The conquest of the earth 'may be the goal cherished by the sovereigns but the diffi. culties besetting it are enormous. The lower the position of a monarch in the comity of states, the more onerous is his attempt to reach the goal. Favourable circumstances play no mean part in the achievement of the object, as also the capacity of the aspirant and his adherents. The task moreover cannot, except rarely, be accomplished by the labour of a single monarch in his life-time. The various usurpations of the throne of comparatively larger kingdoms extended into 'world-powers 'by the usurpers may tend to obscure this view of the.question; but really the kingdoms acquired by the usurpers were not fabrics of their creation but of their predecessors. Keeping these limitations in mind, we can well endorse the statement of the Kautiliya, laudatory in a way of the injunctions of the works od polity.
Atmavám-tutalpadesopi yuklah prakyitisampada
nayajñah Prithivim kritanam jayatyreva ng hiyate. 35 IA self-controlled (king), with even a small territory, but versed in polity and possessed of the state-elements in a flourishing condition, is sure to conquer the world and never decline in power.] Kautilya's discourse on the courses of action is not meant for the central state alone,
but also for the other components of the mandala ; for The couros of action advico is needed as much for the state oentrally (shad-gunyam).
situated as for those in different situations. Hence, two aspects of his advice See the Kautilya, Bk. VII, ch. 13, p. 300; where reference is made to the displeasure incurred by attacks on sovereigne righteous, or friendly.
26 Kaufiliya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 257.

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are often noticeable : on the one hand, for instance, he states the circumstances in which to make a treaty of peace with hostages while, on the other, he enumerates the means by which the hostages can escape from the territories to which they have been committed ; similarly, he advises a powerful monarch as to when and whom to attack, recording as well the ways by which a weak or distressed monarch should defend himself against the attack; he offers his guidance in the same way to an invader by asking him to take proper precautions against
rear attack, direoting at the same time a rear enemy as to when and whom to attack from behind. Thus his advioe is meant for the solution of problems arising from different interstatal situations and has in view the welfare not of a single state in a particular situation in te mandala but of the other states in it as well.
An analysis of the ways by which difficulties in inter-statal situations.could be tided over laid bare to the Hindu statesmen six courses of action,-sandhi, vigraha, dsana, yana, sambraya, and dvaidhíbhava. A further analysis may reduce them to the first two, and according to Vâta vyâdhi, these two are taken as the fundamental courses; but the aforesaid six are generally recognized in view of their applicability to different conditions.36
These six courses of action admit of combinations and imply many other measures which need not be named at present. Let us treat of the first course first.
SECTION II. Sandhi in the sense of treaty of peace represents but one of its uses in the Kauçiliya.
The other senses have to be carefully distinguished from the first The different senses of in order to avoid a confusion. The term bears in the Kauçiltya the sandhi in the Kaufiliya.
following meanings : (1) It is panabandha, i.e., a treaty of peace 36 concluding hostilities between the parties to the treaty.
(2) It is a compact between powers in their efforts to have friendly state to help them in their needs.37
(3) It is a compact between powers out on an expedition to divide among themselves the lands that might be acquired by each as the result of their combined efforts against a hostile state, 38
(4) It is a compact to plant a colony.39
(5) It is a compact to carry out particular works advantageous to the parties to the compact, such as building forts, exploiting mines, constructing trade-routes.co
(6) It is a settlement of differences between the king and his friend or servant.1
It is the first signification alone that has to do with the treaty of peace. The use of the second kind of compact will be realized when it is borne in mind that to secure a friendly state for help in difficulties, specially in war, was not an easy matter; for, as on the one hand, the combined request of two or more states was likely to be more mighty and persuasive than the request of a single state, so on the other, the compact was helpful in the dissension that might have ensued from the rejection of the request. The compact though termed a kind of sandhi was altogether different from the treaty of peace (hina-sandhi), and might have been in certain cases dissociated from war. The third compact had connection with but preceded the conclusion of the war in which the parties acted as friends, while the fourth and fifth need not have anything to do with war at all. The sixth would be devoid of any # Kausillya, Bk. VII, ch. 1, p. 261.
» Soe Ibid., Bk. VII, ch. S mitra-80.dhs). * Soe Ibid., Bk. VII, oh: 10 (bhdmi-sandhi). » See Ibid., Bk. VII, ch. 11 (an asta-sandhe). 49 Boo Ibid, Bk. VII, ch. 12 barmd-sandh).
41 See Ibid., B. VII, ch.6, Ep. 279, 280. 41 Cf. ruch cases in Ibid., B. VII, ch. 7.

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direct inter-statal bearing if the mitra+3 instead of signifying a friendly sovereign meant only a courtier or a personal friend of a particular king.
(A) Hina-sandhl. (A) It is the hina-sandhis alone that constitute the treaty of peace for bringing the
hostilities between the belligerents to a close. This is what we The hina-sandhis.
ordinarily mean by the term sandhi and will be dealt with at present, relegating the other kinds to subsequent sections. A treaty of peace should be concluded by a sovereign in view of the fact that the continu.
ance of hostilities will make him gradually weaker than his The circumstances in which sandhi should te enemy.44 It is recommended to be made with states of superior made.
or even equal power, for in the former case, the continuance of war is ruinous to the inferior state, and in the latter, to both. Should a superior power reject an offer of peace, the inferior has no other alternative but to throw itself up to the mercy of the former or have recourse to the methods of defence recommended in'dvallyasam'.45 If an offer of peace by a belligerent be rejected by another of equal strength, the former should wage war only so long as the latter sticks to it. An unqualified submission made by an inferior state ought to put a stop to hostilities; for, as on the one hand, the state may grow in fury by further maltreatment, so on the other, it may be helped by the other powers of the statal circle taking pity on its miserable condition. Should a state allied with other states against an enemy find that the states of the adjacent zone 6 naturally hostile to it will not attack (n = opagachchhanti) it, even if they are tempted, weakened, and oppressed by the enemy (trying to win them over to its side) or will not do so through fear of receiving blow for blow from the allied states (pratyaddna-bhaydt), then the state in alliance, even if inferior to the enemy individually, should continue the war. When again a state in war with another finds that the states of the adjacent zone will attack it, tempted, weakened, or oppressed by the latter, or through anxieties caused by the war waged next door, it should, even if individually superior to the enemy, make a treaty of peace in the first case, and remove the causes for anxiety to the aforesaid states in the second.47 If & belligerent sees that he is afflicted with calamities greater than those of his enemy, who will be able to remedy them easily and carry on the war effectively, the former though superior iv strength should make peace with the latter. 48 Kinds of hina-sandhi The various kinds of treaty of peace (hinu-sandhi)49 are :
I. (1) Atmamisha.50 The defeated sovereign (henceforth abbreviated into DS) agrees to help the conqueror (henceforth abbreviated into C), by going over to him personally with a stipulated number or the flower of his troops. A person of high rank is also given as a hostage.
13 In the passage " bhpityena mitrona od dosh- pas ritena ..... "Kaufi Hya ,Bk. VII, ch. 6, p. 279. 11 Kau illya, Bk. VII, ch. 1, p. 261, parasamad=dhiyamanah sam dadhita. 15 1.e.. Bk. XII of the Kaniliya.
< Para-prak ritaya's.ri-prakritaya, the reference being to the dja-prakritis and not to the citizens of the state of the enemy..
47 The text (Karafiltya, Bk. VII, ch. 3, p. 287) has " monopagachchhanti" which appears to be ar error for mdm upagachchhanti.
For the texts of this paragraph, see Kaufiltya, VII, ch. 3, pp. 266, 267. 4 The treaty of peace is also calledrama or samddhi. See Kautilya, k. VII, ch. 17, p. 311. 56 Corresponds to Kamandaldya, warga IX, fik. 16.

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151.
(2) Purushantara. The DS agrees to help the C by sending the aforesaid troops headed by his son and commander-in-chief.51 This exempts the personal attendance of the DS and hence its name. A woman is also given to the C as a hostage.62
(3) Adyishtapurusha. The DS agrees to help the C by sending the aforesaid troops headed either by himself or by somebody else. In the latter case, the personal attendance of himself, his son or his commander-in-chief is exempted.53
The above three kinds of treaty form the class of sandhis called dand-opanata, danda (army) being the chief subject matter of their stipulations.
II. (1) Parikraya. The DS gives up his treasure to the C as the price of setting free the rest of the state elements.54
(2) Skandhopaneya. The indemnity is paid in instalments.55
(3) Upagraha. By it, according to Kamandaka, peace is purchased by the surrender of the entire kingdom to the C. 56
(4) Suvarna. Its foundation lies in friendship and mutual confidence. Hence, it is called Golden 57
(5) Kapala. This form of treaty is of a nature reverse to that of the Golden. Under this, a very large indemnity has to be paid to the C. According to the Kamandakiya,58 the two parties to the treaty are of equal strength, and the peace concluded between them does not produce mutual confidence rendering it the reverse of the Golden.59
The five forms 60 of treaty constitute the class called kos-opanata, i.e., having koka (treasure) as the chief subject matter of their terms. III. (1) Adishta. The DS cedes a part of his territory to the C.
(2) Uchchhinna. It requires the DS to cede to the C all the rich lands in his territory except his capital.61 The C intends by this form of treaty to bring misery upon his enemy (para).
(3) Apakraya.62 The DS releases his dominion by giving up the products of his lands to the C.
61 Corresponds to Kamandakiya, IX, 13. 52 The sloka in the Kaufiliya, Bk. VII, ch. 3, p. 268, is as follows:
"Mukhyasir bandhanam kuryat púrvayok paschime tvarim,
Sadhayed=gadham=ity=ete dando panata-sandhaya." I have taken mukhya and stri separately in view of the fact that mukhyas are stated to have been given as hostages at Kaufiliya, Bk. VII, ch, 17, p. 312. Ari gadham aadhayet refers perhaps to the over. renching of the other party by the subsequent secret deliverance of hostages from the C's custody (see Kautiliya, Bk. VII, ch. 17, pp. 313, 314). If this meaning be sccepted, pagchime should be taken in the sense of "subsequently " instead of as referring to the third treaty, in spite of the juxtaposition which at first sight appears to exist between this word and purvayol.
50 Corresponds to Kamandakiya, IX, 14. 51 Corresponds to Ibid., IX, 17.
Corresponds to Ibid., IX, 19 ( skandhaskandhena means, according to sankardrya, khanda. khandena).
58 Corresponds to Ibid., IX, 16. The Kaufiliya is not so clear on this point, but says nothing that contradicts the above definition.
57 Corresponds to Ibid., IX, 8.
$3 Ibid., ix, 5. sankarkrya accounts for the name of the treaty by stating that as the two skull. bones (kapala) of a man appearing similar to each other from a distance show points of dissimilarity when observed closely, so the two belligerents though agreeing so far as to be parties to the sandhi really differ from each other owing to the lurking suspicion of each for the other. L9 Ibid., IX, 15.
0 Kautiliya, Bk. VII, ch. 3, p. 269, last sloka. 61. Atla-adrdndm in the text (Kaufiltya, Bk. VII, ch. 3, p. 269) if taken to signify denuded of resouroen,' renders the meaning of the passage opposite to that given above. Atta' may mean seized and dttasdrándni from dital sdrah yayd toedm may be interpreted as possessed of resources.' This meaning is in accord with that of the Kamandakiya, IX, 18.
62 Pandit R. Shama Sastri's English rendering of the text puts the term as avaloraya.

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(4) Paribhushana.63 The DS has to pay more than his own lands produce. These four forms of treaty are termed desopanata, the cession of territory (desa) being their special feature.
Kautilya mentions in all twelve kinds of hina-sandhis of which three belong to the first class, five to the second, and four to the third. Barring slight differences of meaning and taking into account the similarity of names of the treaties, all the hina-sandhis of the Kauțiliya are found in the Kamandakiya with the exception of avakraya alone. As the latter has sixteen altogether, these five, viz., upahára, santâna, upanyasa, pratikára and samyoga have no equivalents in the former. Of these, the last two appear rather to be alliances and not forms of treaty of peace at all, pratikára corresponding with alliances like the bhûmisandhi and samyoga with alliances like the karma-sandhi of the Kauțiliya.
(To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICE.
Kautilya and Kamandaka.
This new historical study by Mr. Sarkar has come out at an opportune time, and I have no hesitation in saying also in an opportune manner. It relates to a second-birth struggle, as it were, of a nation that subsequently achieved great things, and is at the present day of much importance in the land it occupies, and also to a struggle between peoples dwelling in two totally different atmospheres of religion, thought and emotional feeling, and consequently attached strongly to separate sympathies. It is therefore practically impossible for writers belonging to either party to look at the historical events or the actions of the historical personages concerned without some feeling of partisanship peeping out in any accounts they may severally give of them. A Hindu will involuntarily lean towards Shivaji and his Marathas, a Muhammadan towards Bijapur and Aurangzeb. I may at once therefore say that the great merit of this book by a Hindu lies in the fact that he has tried to be fair, tried to get at the original documents and to relate nothing that cannot in his judgment be supported by the most reliable authorities open to him. Throughout he gives his authorities in such a way that they can be verified. The book is indeed history treated in the right way and in the right spirit.
feeling on the part of the Marathas that prompts the modern desire to whitewash Shivaji and blacken Afzal Khan, who was his first serious, and, after all is said and done; his most important opponent But in view of the crucial part that these two antagonists played in the revolution of Modern Indian History, it is well worth while to combat legend and get at the truth as nearly as may be after 250 years. This is what I think Mr. Sarkar has tried to do. Consequently, I propose to examine closely the story as he tells it, and to confine myself to the events on which the whole of Shivaji's great career depended. I make no apology for an examination at length, as so very much has depended on two points: the murder of Chandra Rao More and the assassination of Afzal Khan (Abdu'llah Bhatari).
Mr. Sarkar, who places Shivaji's birth on or about 6th April 1627 (p. 23), tells us (p. 22) that "Shahji Bhonsla, a captain of mercenaries, belonged to a Maratha family that had migrated from Daulatabad and entered the service of Ahmadnagar. Some of his kinsmen had joined the Mughals with their retainers and risen to high rank early in Shah second son of Jahan's reign. Shivaji, the Shahji, was born in the hill-fort of Shivner, which towers over the city of Junnar, in the extreme north of the Puna district. His mother Jija Bai (a daughter of the aristocratic Lukhji Jadav of Sindkhed) had prayed to the local goddess, ShivaBai, for the good of her expected child, and named him after that deity."
1
It was inevitable that in former uncritical times Muhammadan historians should give a version of Shivaji and his doings from their point of view only, and that the outpourings of the Maratha bards and the statements of the bakhars should take a similar line from the Hindu side of the story. It is inevitable also that current patriotic emotions should colour present-day rechauffées of the old writers, and so perpetuate false and partisan his tory. Indeed, one can quite appreciate the national | in reality, he seems to have deserted both."
On pp. 23-24 we are told that "We know from the contemporary Persian histories that Shahji led a roving life, subject to frequent change of place and enemy attacks, during much of the period 1630 to 1638. Under these circumstances he would naturally have left his wife and infant son for safety in a stronghold like Shivner.
Put
63 The Kamandakaya of Trivendrum Sanskrit Series has paradushana in the place of paribhashana.
SHIVAJI AND HIS TIMES by JADUNATH SARKAR, M.A., Indian Educational Service. M. C. Sarkar & Co. Calcutta, 1920.

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We thus get a clear view of Shivaji's origin and upbringing the son of a wandering commander of Hindu soldiers of fortune, in general conflict with the Muhammadan powers of the day, left in the mountains of the Western Ghats to grow up as best he might, without any literary education and the knowledge that such brings with it, am d the hard and practical surroundings of a highland peasantry. A boy of natural strength and ability would grow up self-reliant and self-seeking in such circumstances.
In October, 1636, when Shivaji was ten and a half years old, his father made peace with the Mughals, but had to cede Shivner. He, however, "retained his ancestral jagir of Puna and Supa" (p. 26). Shivaji and his mother were accordingly moved to Puns, and Dadaji Kohnddev, an experienced kulkarni, or land-steward, was appointed guardian. Dadaji was an effective administrator, and until his death in 1647, Shivaji grew up under his tutelage, becoming his own master at the age of 20. Dadaji (p. 35) was " a man of methodical habits, leading a sober blameless and hum-drum life, but quite incapable of lofty ideals, daring ambition or far. off vision. Shivaji's love of adventure and independence appeared to his guardian as the sign of an untutored and wayward spirit, which would ruin his life's chances." The other strong influence on his character is thus described (pp. 33-34):"Young Shivaji wandered over the hills and forests of the Sahyadri range, and along the mazes of the river valleys, thus hardening himself to a life of privation and strenuous exertion, as well as getting a first-hand knowledge of the country and its people. During his residence at Puna his plastic mind was profoundly influenced by the readings from the Hindu epics and sacred books given by his guardian and other Brahmans, and still more by the teaching of his mother. The deeply religious, almost ascetic, life that Jija Bai led amidst neglect and solitude imparted by its example, even more than by her precepts, a stoical earnestness mingled with religious fervour to the character of Shiva. He began to love independence and loathe a life of servile luxury in the pay of some Muslim king. It is, however, extremely doubtful if at this time he conceived any general design of freeing his brother Hindus from the insults and out
rages to which they were often subjected by the dominant Muslim population. An independent sovereignty for himself he certainly coveted; but he never posed as the liberator of the Hindus in general, at all events not till long afterwards."
Shivaji was now his father's representative in his jagir, and at once took matters in hand himself on the opportunity offering of self-aggrandise. ment by the illness and consequent incapacity of the Bijapur monarch, Muhammad Adil Shah He took the Bijapur fort of Torna by a trick and managed to retain it by bribery at Court (p. 38).
153
and by similar means annexed Supa, Chakan, Kondana and Purandhar, and so on, even from his own relatives (pp. 38-41). Kalian, Bhimri and Rairi (afterwards his capital as Rajgarh), and a number of places in the Thana and Kolaba distriots and in the Northern Konkan followed into his possession by raids or attacks, seemingly unprovoked (pp. 41-43). Al this by 1648 when he was about 21. He was then drawn up with a round turn by the imprisonment of his father in that year at Jinji across the Peninsula by the Bijapur: authorities (pp. 44-47). This brought about a crisis in Shivaji's affairs and induced him to negotiate with the Mughal Emperor, and even after the release of Shahji in 1649, itkept him quiet till 1655, spending the interval in consolidating his gains, which can hardly be said to have been well gotten (pp. 46-50). Shivaji was now 28!
Then comes the crucial event of the murder of Chandra Rao More in the year 1655. Here is Mr. Sarkar's version (pp. 51-54): "A Maratha family named More had received a grant of the State of Javli [Satara District] from the first Sultan of Bijapur early in the 16th century, and made the claim good by their sword. For eight generations they conquered the petty chieftains around and amassed a vast treasure by plunder. They kept 12,000 infantry, mostly sturdy hillmen of the same class as the Mavles, and succeeded in getting pos session of the entire district and parts of Konkan.. The head of the family bore the hereditary title" of Chandra Rao, conferred by a Bijapur king in recognition of the founder's personal strength and courage. The younger sons enjoyed appanages in the neighbouring villages. Eighth in descent from the founder was Krishnaji Baji, who succeeded to the lordship of Javli about 1652.
The State of Javli, by its situation, barred the path of Shivaji's ambition in the south and southwest. As he frankly said to Raghunath Ballal Korde, Unless Chandra Rao is killed, the kingdom cannot be secured. None but you can do this deed. I send you to him as envoy.' The Brahman entered into the conspiracy, and went to Javli, attended by an escort of 125 picked men, on a pretended proposal of marriage between Shiva and Chandra Rao's daughter.
"On the first day the envoy made a show of opening marriage negotiations. Finding out that Chandra Rao was fond of drink and usually lived in a careless unguarded manner, Raghunath wrote to his master to come to the neighbourhood in force, in readiness to take advantage of the murder immediately after it was committed. The second interview with Chandra Rao was held in a private chamber. Raghunath talked for some time on the endless details of a Hindu marriage treaty, and then drew his dagger all of a sudden and stabbed Chandra Rao, who was despatched by a Maratha soldier. The assassins promptly rushed
1 It has not been proved that he could read or write (p. 30).
In this, however, he merely followed a very old Indian custom, Hindu and Muhammadan.

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out of the gate, out their way through the alarmed and confused guards, beat back the small and hurriedly organised band of pursuers and gained a chosen place of hiding in the forest.
"Shivaji had kept himself ready to follow up his agent's crime; according to later accounts he had arrived at Mahableshwar with an army on the plea of a pilgrimage. Immediately on hearing of the murder of the Mores, he arrived and assaulted Javli. The leaderless garrison defended themselves for six hours and were then overcome. Chandra Rao's two sons and entire family were made prisoners. But his kinsman and manager Hanumant Rao More, rallied the partisans of the house and held a neighbouring village in force, menacing Shivaji's new conquest. Shiva found that unless he murdered Hanumant, the thorn would not be removed from Javli.' So, he sent a Maratha officer of his household named Shambhuji Kavji with a pretended message to Hanu. mant Rao, who was then stabbed to death at a private interview (about October 1655). The whole kingdom of Javli now passed into Shivaji's possession and he was free to invade South Konkan with ease or extend his dominion southwards into the Kolhapur district.
"The acquisition of Javli was the result of deliberate murder and organised treachery on the part of Shivaji. His power was then in its infancy and he could not afford to be sorupulous in the choice of the means of strengthening himself...
"The only redeeming feature of this dark episode in his life is that the crime was not aggravated by hypocrisy. All his old Hindu biographers are agreed that it was an act of murder for personal gain and not a human sacrifice needed in the cause of religion. Even Shivaji never pretended that the murder of the three Mores was prompted by a desire to found a Hindu swaraj.""
To this remark I would like to add, as an onlooker, that the story shows Shivaji in 1655 in the light of a man cunning, intriguing, tricky, without scruple, and capable of going to any length to gain his ends, and it prepares us for the story four years later of Afzal Khan.
Mr. Sarkar goes on to say (pp. 54-55): "Some Maratha writers have recently 'discovered' what they vaguely call 'an old 'chronicle,'-written nobody knows when or by whom, preserved nobody knows where, and transmitted nobody knows how,-which asserts that Chandra Rao had tried to seize Shiva by treachery and hand him over to the vengeance of Bijapur, and that he had at first been pardoned by the latter and had then conspired with Baji Ghorpade to imprison Shivaji. Unfortunately for the credibility of such convenient discoveries,' none of the genuine old histories of Shiva could anticipate that this line of defence would be adopted by the twentieth century admirers of the national hero; they have called the murder a murder."
[ AUGUST, 1920
Now let us see what are the authorities on which Mr. Sarkar relies for his version. They are given on pp. 500-502.
(1) Shiva-chhatrapati-chen Charitra by Krishnaji Anant Sabhasad (Sabhasad Bakhar): 1694. Shiva-chhatrapati-chen Sapta-prakaran-atmak Charitra by Malhar Ram Rao, Chitnis: 2nd ed., 1894.
(2)
(3) Shiva-digvijay. Ed. or published by P. R. Nandurbarkar and L. K. Dandekari
1895.
(4) Shrimant Maharaj Bhonsle-yanchi Bakhar of Shedgaon, published by V. L. Bhabe:
1917.
The second and fourth Mr. Sarkar describes as valueless (pp. 501, 502). He has not a much higher opinion of the third: "but the kernel of the book is some lost Marathi work composed about 1760-1775, and containing, among many loose traditions, a few facts the truth of which we know from contemporary Factory Records." Of the first he has not a high opinion, "but [it is] the most valuable Marathi account of Shivaji and our only source of information from the Maratha side. All later biographies in the same language may be dismissed, as they have copied this Sabhasad Bakhar at places word for word." Evidently Mr. Sarkar has gone as far back as he could for the facts of the story of Shivaji's relations with the More family and has given us the best source available, unsatisfactory though that is. When Mr. Kincaid, replying to criticism on his and Rao Bahadur Parasnis' History of the Marathas in the Times Literary Supplement, August 14, 1919, states
64
'we acquitted Shivaji of guilt in connection with Chandra Rao's death," he has no such authority to support him, and the probabilities are against him in view of Shivaji's general character and story.
In 1656, when Shivaji was still under 30, there came the great crisis in his and indeed in Maratha history. He had much enlarged his kingdom and commanded a considerable army, said by Sabhasad, writing from memory, to be some 10,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, while he held about 40 forts. In that year Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur died, and Shivaji began to prepare for the invasion of Bijapur" (p. 58). He entered into negotiations with Multafat Khan, the Mughal Governor of Ahmadnagar, and also with Aurangzeb himself at Aurungabad all against the Bijapur kingdom (p. 59). But in the end he sided for the time being with Bijapur, his officers raiding Mughal territory right up to Aurangabad (p. 60), while he himself captured Junnar. This roused the wrath of Aurangzeb, then besieging Bidar. Shivaji's escapades resulted in his own discomfiture for a time, for Aurangzeb was no fool when it came to organising a campaign or protecting his frontiers. In the end Shivaji had to make his peace by 1658. Then commenced "the War of Succession which kept Aurangzeb busy for the next two years, 1658-1659," and freed Shivaji from all fear of the Mughals (pp. 58-67).
By 1659 Khawas Khan was administering the Bijapur Kingdom with ability and vigour for the

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virtual ruler, the Queen Mother Beri Sahiba, and useful information about it and learn for himself it became necessary to crush Shivaji if possible what the Khan's real aim was. Through Gopinath (pp. 67-68). But the command of the expedition Shiva vowed that no harm would be done to Afzal against him went a-begging at the Bijapur Court, during the interview, and Afsal, on his part, gave till Afzal Khan accepted it” (p. 68). However, similar assurances of his honesty of purpose. But when the push came, he did not feel strong enough Gopinath learnt by a liberal use of bribes that (he had no inore troops at his command than had Afzal's officers were convinced that he had so Shivaji) to openly attack the rebels." Indeed, arranged matters that Shiva would be arrested at he was instructed by the Dowager Queen to effect the interview, as he was too cunning to be caught the capture or murder of Shivaji by 'pretending by open fight. On his retum, Gopinath told it friendship with him and offering to secure his all to Shiva and urged him to anticipate the perdon from Adil Shah" (p. 69). "Ho planned treacherous attack on himself by murdering Alzal to effect his purpose by a combination of fright. | at a lonely meeting and then surprising his army. fulness and diplomacy. From Bijapur the expe
"Shiva', taking the hint from Gopinath, feigned dition marched duo north to Tuljapur, one of the terror and refused to visit Wai, unless the Khen holiest shrines in Maharashtra and the seat of met him nearer home and personally promised him Bhavani, the guardian goddess of the house of safety and future protection. Afzal agreed to make
Bhopala. Afzal's strategy was either to make a this concession. By Shiva's orders path was eeep round Shiva's line of southern fortresses and cut through the dense forest all the way from penetrato to Puna through the exposed eastern
Wai to Pratapgarh and food and drink were kept
Wai to Pra Aank of the Maratha kingdom, or to provoke Shive, ready for the Bijapur army at various points by a grose outrage on his faith, into coming out
of it. By way of the Radtondi pass (below * Bom. of his fastnesses and meeting the Bijapuri army in
bay Point of the Mahabaleshwar plateau), Afzal the open. At Tuljapur he ordered the stone image
Khen marched to Par, & village lying one mile of Bhavani to be broken and pounded into dust in
below Pratapgarh on the south, and his men hand-mill" (p. 70). In addition, he plotted to
encamped there in scattered groups, deep down in win over Maratha chiefs, and continued his 'fright
the valley near every pool of water at the source fulness 'by further acte of sacriloge (p. 70). While he was proceeding in this manner, Afzal Khan
"Gopinath' was sent up the hill to report the "gent his land-steward Krishnaji Bhaskar to Shivaji
Khan's arrival. The meeting was arranged to take with a very Alluring mebeage, saying, 'Your father
place next day. The place chosen for the interhas long been a great friend of mine, and you are,
view was the crest of an eminence, below the fort therefore, no stranger to ne. Come and sea me,
of Pratapgarh, and overlooking the valley of the and I shall use my influence to make Adil Shah
Koyna. On both sides of the forest path leading confirm your possession of Konkan and the forta
up the hillside to the pavilion picked soldiers were you now hold. I shall secure for you further distinctions and military equipment from our
posted in ambush at intervals by Shivaji. Here Government. If you wish to attend the Court,
he erected tents and set up a richly decorated you will be welcomed. Or, if you want to be
canopy with gorgeous carpets sad cushions worthy excused personal attendance there, you will be
of royal guest. Then he prepared himself for exempted" (p. 71).
the meeting. Under his tunic he wore a coat of
chain armour and below his turban he placed Shivaji Wa Dow much perplexed and his followers
steel cap for the protection of the skull. What seriously alarmed, tales of Afzal Khan's strength
offensive arme he had, nobody could see ; but and ruthlesenese having reachedthe Maratha camp.
concealed in his left hand was a set of steel claws " This was the most critical moment in the career
(baghnakh) fastened to the fingers by a pair of rings, of Shivaji," but he appealed to his men's sense of honour and they resolved on war (pp. 72.73).
and up his right sleeve lay hidden a thin sharp
dagger called the scorpion To get a clear view of Shivaji's subsequent darger called me
(bichwa) His comactions and of the story of his murder of Afzal panion wer
i panions were only two, but both men of extra ordiKhan a long quotation from Mr. Sarkar's book is
nary courage and agility-Jiv Mahala, an expert
gwordsman, and Shambhuji Kavji, the murderer necessary (pp. 7479)
of Hanumant Rao More. Each of them carried "Then came Afrai's en voy, Krishnaji Bhaskar, with the invitation to a parley. Shive treated him
two swords and a shield. with respect, and at night met him in secrecy and "As the party was about to descend from the
fort & saintly female figure appeared in their solomnly appealed to him as a Hindu and a priest to tell him of the Khan's real intentione, Krishnaji midat. It was Jija Bai. Shiva bowed to his
mother. She blessed him saying, Victory bo yielded so far as to hint that the Khan seemed to harbour some plan of mischief. Shivaji then yours!' and solemnly charged his companions sont the envoy back with Gopinath Pant, his own to keep him safe; they vowed obedience. Thep agont, agreeing to Afzal's proposal of an interview, they walked down to the foot of the fort and waited. provided that the Khan gave him a solemn aneur. "Meanwhile Afzal Khan had started from his 1000 of safety. Gopinath's real mission was to camp at Par, with strong enoort of more than And out the strength of Ain's army and other thousand muakotoor Gopinath objooted to it,

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saying that such a display of force would scare ... The carnage in the Bijapuri army was teraway Shiva from the interview, and that the Khan rible.... 3,000 men were killed according to the should, therefore, take with himself only two report that reached the English factory at Rajapur bodyguarde, exactly as Shiva had done. So, he a few days later .... A grand review was held left his troops some distance behind and mado by Shivaji below Pratapgarh" (pp.7982). his way up the hillpath in a palki, accompanied | What is the impression caused by such a story! by two soldiere and a famous swordsman Demed What can the only impression be! Here we have Sayyid Banda, as well as the two Biahman envoys, I two unscrupulons for such capable of any act to Gopinath and Krishnaji. Arrived in the tent, gain the objeot in viowin this case the other's Afzal Khan angrily remarked on its princely furni.
destruction, whether by crafty diplomacy or direct ture and decorations as far above the proper style murder. The most astute won. It reminds ono of a jagirdar's son. But Gopinath soothed him of the answer given by a millionaire when asked by saying that all these rich thinge would soon go
how he managed to amass his fortune in the face to the Bijapur palace as the first fruite of Shiva's
of so many sble opponents 'I suppose I was submission.
the best business man.' This view is not only in "Messengers were sent to hurry up Shiva, who
accordance with the facts stated, but also in accord was waiting below the fort. He advanced slowly,
with the medieval spirit of the time and place then halted on seeing Sayyid Banda, and sent
in which they lived, and of the condition in which to demand that the man should be removed from
they both had attained their high position in life. the tent. This was done, and at last Shivaji
For the crowning act of the tragedy—the meeting entered the pavilion. On each side four men were
with Afzal Khan-Mr. Sarkar's authorities are present, the principal, two armed retainers and
the fundamental Sabhasad Bakhar of 1694 and the en onvoy. But Shiva wag seemingly unarmed,
three unreliable accounts above mentioned : the like & rebel who had come to surrender, while the
Tarikh-i-Shivaji, & Persian Ms., "the work of a Khan had his sword by his side. "The attendant stood below. Shiva mounted
Hindu based on Maratha tradition" (p. 605), i.e.,
on the same Maratha source as the Shiva-digvijay, the raised platform and bowed to Afzal. The Khan rose from his sest, advanced a few stepe,
and so of doubtful value; Mirza Muhammad Kazim's and opened hie arms to receive Shiva in his
Alamgir-namah; Bhimsen Burhanpuri's Nuakha.
-Difkasha ; Khafi Khan's Muntakhab-14-Lubab : embrace. The short slim Maratha only came up to the shoulders of his opponent. Suddenly
Rajapur Factory Records, of the highest value for Afzal tightened his clasp, and held Shiva's neck
the facts they state, Eryer; the Powadas, Marathi in his left arm with an iron grip, while with his
ballads, collected by H. A. Acworth and S. T. right hand he drew his long straight-bladed dagger
Shaligram, 2nd (really 3rd) ed., 1911, "mostly And struok at the side of Shiva. The hidden armour
legendary and of a much later date than Shivaji's rendered the blow harmless. Shiva groaned in
life-time. The Afzal Khan ballad is.probably the agony as he felt himself being strangled. But in
oldest, and belonged to Shambhuji's reign : touches a moment he recovered from the surprise, passed
only two incidents of Shivaji's life" (p. 503). his left arm round the Khan's waist and tore his
It will be seen therefore that Mr. Sarkar has bowels open with a blow of the steel claws. Then
again gone impartially to the best, as well as with the right hand he drove the bichwa into Afzal's
to the unreliable sources available on both side. The wounded man relaxed his hold, and
sides-Marathi and Muhammadan. Shivaji wrested himself free, jumped down from the I have now & suggestion to make to Mr. Sarkar. platform, and ran towards his own men outside. These two acta by which Shivaji commenced his
"The Khan cried out, Treachery! Murder ! great career as a ruler of men, and the circum. Help 1 Help! The attendanta ran up from both stanoes leading up to and attending them, are so sides. Bayyid Bands faced Shiva with his long important that it is worth while to collate them and straight sword and cut his turban in twain, making relate them in full ; and since he is able to approach & deep dint in the steel cap beneath. Shiva quick- the subject with the necesrary detachment, has ly took a rapier from Jiv Mahala and began to access to the best information and the linguistic party. But Jiv Mahals came round with his other knowledge and capacity to use them, I hope he sword, hacked off the right arm of the Sayyid, and will undertake the task. The pages of this Journal then killed him.
will always be open to him for the purpose and auch "Meanwhile the bearers had placed the wounded resources as I possess for verifying facts and Khan in his palki, and started for his camp. But statements will be placed at his disposal. Shambaji Kavji slashod at their legs, made them 1 I must add that the book has no index, which is drop the palki, and then cut off Afzal's head, which . serious defect in a work of research and partihe carried in triumph to Shiva."
cularly annoying to the present writer, as he has The story is continued thus: "Freed from shortly to deal with the MB. of an Englishman's danger, Shivaji and his two comrades then mado wanderinge in India covering Rajapur in Shivaji's their way to the mummit of Pratapgarh, and fired time. Ms. Sarkar's rolerences will therefore be cl
cannon. This was the signal for which hie troops value to him, but they will not be ebay to use wore waiting in their ambah in the valleye below
R. C. TEMPLE

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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR.
BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 128.)
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XIX-THE CHARACTER OF AHMAD NIZAM SHIH.
Aḥmad Nizam Shah was exceedingly chaste and continent. When riding through the city and the bazaars, he never glanced either to the right hand or to the left. One of his intimate companions one day asked him why he never looked around him on these occasions. The king replied that as he and his troops passed by, crowds of people, both men and women, assembled to see them pass, and lined the doors and walls, and crowded the streets and market-places. He could not look upon them without seeing somebody upon whom it was not proper to gaze, and as to let his glance rest on such a one would be unpleasing to the Creator, he thought fit to refrain from looking about him.
Aḥmad Ni âm Shâh was also noted for his austerity and piety. Once in the early days of his reign, while he was yet a young man, and at the age when the lusts of the flesh are predominant and most violent, he led an army against the fort of Râwil and took it. Among the captives who fell into the hands of the royal army, was a most beautiful young woman whom Masnad-i-'Ali Malik Naşir-ul-Mulk, on hearing of her beauty, summoned before himself. On seeing her, he considered that such a being should adorn none but the royal haram, and wrote to the king, proposing to send her to the haram. The king replied, commanding him to do so. When the king retired to his bedchamber in order to go in unto her, the woman came before him with blandishments and coquetry, but the king, before retiring, asked her whether she had a husband, or a mother, or a father. The woman replied that her husband and her parents were living, and the king at once extinguished the fire of lust and bade the woman be comforted, for he would send for her husband and her parents and hand her over to them. In this case it may be said that Ahmad Ni âm Shâh's chastity and continence excelled those of Joseph, for Zulaikha, being the wife of Joseph's master, was not lawful to him, whereas this woman being a captive taken in war, was lawful to Aḥmad Nizam Shah. On the following day Masnad-i-'Ali Malik Naşir-ul-Mulk came to pay his respects to the king and would have congratulated him on his enjoyment, but the king told him of what had passed, and of his promise to the woman. In accordance with the royal commands, the woman's husband and parents were produced and, after they had been royally entertained, the king handed the woman over to her husband.
One of Ahmad Ni âm Shâh's wise customs was this. If by chance in the day of battle he saw one of his men behave in a cowardly manner and turn his back on the enemy, he would send for him and ask him, kindly and gently, why he had behaved so. When the coward, in halting phrases, excused himself, the king would give him a quid of betel and allow him to depart to his post. When the fight was over, and those who had distinguished themselves, were brought up to receive robes of honour and royal favours, the king would first enquire for the coward and, when he had been found, would confer on him a robe of honour and other favours, and would afterwards bestow rewards on the brave. One day one of the king's more intimate associates made so bold as to say that it was not understood why the king thus gave to a coward precedence of those who had borne the burden and heat of the day, and had acquitted themselves valiantly. The king replied that the reason for this practice would be made known to him later. Shortly afterwards it so happened that the king's army was engaged with the troops of the enemy, and the man who had on a former occasion

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fled from the battle, now charged the enemy more valiantly than the bravest of the army. The king, turning towards the courtier who had objected to his kindly treatment of the coward, said. Now the reason for my kindness to men of this class is apparent, and you know that to convert the cowards of the army into brave men by this device is wise policy.'
Another of the king's wise actions may be mentioned here. Dalpat Rai, a Brahman officer in the army, was jealous of Masnad-i-'Ali Malik Naşir-ul-Mulk, as is often the case with officers whose sole aim and object is the acquisition of wealth, and who cannot bear to see anybody more prosperous than themselves. Dalpat Rai, prompted by his evil passions, forged a memorandum, purporting to be in the handwriting of Masnad-i-'Alî, in order to show that Masnad-i-'Alî received large sums as bribes from the officers and governors of countries on the borders of the king's dominions. Spies reported this matter to Masnad-i-'Alt and he, without thought of denying the charge, said, 'Dalpat Rai does not know the truth of this matter. Those who have given and he who has received the bribes must necessarily know more about the matter than Dalpat Rai.' He then drew up, as a counterblast to Dalpat Rai's memorandum, another memorandum shewing that he had received double the amounts mentioned in Dalpat Rai's memorandum. On the day on which the king held his court, Dalpat Rai came forward and presented to him his memorandum. The king turned to Masnad-i-'Ali and asked him to explain the accusation which had been brought against him by Dalpat Rai. Masnad-i-'Ali, after praying for the king's long life and prosperity, said, 'What can Dalpat Rai know of my outgoings and incomings?' and placed in the king's hand the memorandum which he had himself prepared. The king, on reading this memorandum, found that the sums mentioned therein were greater than the sums mentioned in Dalpat Rai's memorandum. Masnad-i-'Ali then said, 'All this money belongs to your majesty, and I have saved it against this day.' The king then tore up both memoranda and cast them from him and said, ' Men enter the service of kings for the sake of acquiring worldly treasure, not for the sake of laying up treasure in heaven, and as long as Masnad-i-'Ali Na ir-ul-Mulk is not convicted of treachery in the royal service, nor of extortion from the kingdom and its subjects, I shall be thankful and not displeased if the Sultans of neighbouring countries send him gifts and presents for the sake of establishing and confirming mutual feelings of friendliness and averting strife, for this will show that God has favoured my servants with the opportunity of acquiring from others the means of power, and has so implanted in the hearts of all men the fear of me that they are willing to ingratiate themselves with my servants by sending them gifts and by comporting themselves with proper humility towards them.' The king then turned to Dalpat Rai and said to him, 'Henceforth do not dare to be guilty of such conduct, or to allow your envy to lead you into acts of enmity against my loyal servants, or you will incur my royal wrath. It is the part of faithful servants to live with one another in peace and amity, having for their object the furtherance of their lord's affairs and not their own personal and selfish ends, which they should put aside, in order that they may receive the rewards due to faithful service.'
Another of the merciful and clement practices of the king was the following. If any person was accused of an offence and the case came before the royal court of justice, the king would ask the prisoner whether he were guilty of the offence charged against him, or not. The object of the question was that the prisoner might deny his guilt and so be freed from imprisonment. If the guilty person divined the object of the question and denied the guilt, he was set at liberty, but if he confessed his guilt, the king, in his mercy and clemency and

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in the desire of supporting the panel, would say 'munddsd paihara band, 56 that is to say,
Tie your turban again " in order that that person might realize the object of the question and thus escape punishment.
Khân
The following are the names of some of the officers of state, the amirs, and the vazirs of Ahmad Nizam Shah :
(1) Malik Nazir-ul-Mulk Gujarati, Vakil and Pishwa.57 (2) Dalpat Rai, vazir of the Government. (3) Qazi Khvând-i-Majlisi. )
Vazira. (4) Ustâd Khvâja bin Dabîr. (5) Kâmil Khân. (6) Zarif-ul-Mulk the Afghân. (7) Jalâl Rûmî Khân. (8) Kadam Khân. (9) Munir Khân. (10) Falad Khân. (11) Malik Raja Dastur-ul-Mulk.
(12) Sayyid Mu'izz-ud-din. XX-THE ACCESSION OF AL-MU'AYYAD MINʻINDI-'LLIK ABU-L-MUZAFFAR BURHAN Nigam SHK TO THE THRONE OF SOVEREIGNTY, AND A BRIEF ACCOUNT
OF THE EVENTS OF HIS REIGN. When the king Al-Musta'àn bi-'inayati-'lláh Abul Muzaffar Ahmad Shah (bin Muhammad Shah bin Humayan Shah Bahmani) having cleared the land of his enemies and given fresh lustre to Islâm, died in A.H. 911 (A.D. 1505-06), his son, Abd'l Muyaffar Burhan Nizâm Shâh in the same year, viz., A.H. 911,58 adorned with his person the crown and throne of sovereignty, and caused both the currency and the khutbah of the Dakan to run in his name. In his reign the wolf herded the sheep and the hawk guarded the pigeon.
It is well known that the events in the reign of Burhan Nizâm Shah were so numerous that they cannot easily be narrated, for, according to the best-known accounts, the king reigned for nearly fifty years, and of all those years there was not one in which his armies did not go forth to fight against his enemies; and as no historian has hitherto attempted to give a detailed and systematic account of his reign and many discrepancies are to be found between the accounts of those who lived in that fortunate reign, or shortly after it, especially with regard to the sequence of events, the author of this history trusts that he will not be severely censured for any errors or discrepancies that may appear in his account.
Burhan Nizam Shah, at the time of his accession, was not quite seven years of age, and Mukammal Khân, who had held the office of vakil and pishva since the reign of the late king, Ahmad Shah Bahri, took the whole administration of the army and the state into his own
50 An expression taken from either Markthi or Hindi. Finishta draws largely on this account of Ahmad Nizam Shah's character.
57 This office was characteristic of the Muhammadan kingdoms of the Dekan and Sivaji followed the examplo of the Muhammadan kings. The powers attached to the officer were much greater than those of an ordinary minister.
# Pirinhta (ü, 198) gives the chronograma, ve for the 2000sion of Burhan Nila Shah I. This given tho dato 014 (A.D. 1608-09).

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hands and governed the kingdom almost as an independent king. His son, Jamal-ud-din, who had received the title of 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, had drunk from the cup of place and pomp until he was drunk with power and pride and so enmeshed in the lusts to which youth is prone, that he paid regard to none but himself. Owing to the power of the regent and his son, a party of the amirs and chief men of the Dakan, moyed by envy and the desire of stirring up strife, conspired to raise to the throne the king's younger brother, who was known as Rajaji, but since God had decreed the kingdom to Burhan Nizam Shah, the plot failed.
When the opponents of the Government realized that it was useless to attempt to reverse the Divine decrees, they submitted and made obeisance at the gate of the royal court. XXI-AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSES OF THE QUARREL WHICH OCCURRED BETWEEN BURHAN Nizim SHIH AT THE BEGINNING OF HIS REIGN, AND
SHAIKH ALA-UD-DIN "IMAD-UL-MULK. A.D. 1510-11. Early in the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah, the amirs, the officers of state and the subjeots generally were discontented, owing to the great power enjoyed by Mukammal Khan and the pride and arrogance of his son, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk. 'Aziz-ul-Mulk plunged into all sorts of immorality and wanton pastimes, and used oppressively to violate men's honour, and this tyranny was unbearable to the men of the Dakan, so that a great outcry arose against him. Some of the amfrs, such as Rûmî Khân, Qadam Khân, Munir Khân, and others, feared that he entertained designs against them, owing to the part which they had played in the attempt to raise R&jaji to the throne, and for this slight cause, making 'Aziz-ul-Mulk's enormities their excuse, left the court and took refuge with 'Imád-ul-Mulk in Berar, where they made every effort to stir up strife. They persuaded 'Imad-ul-Mulk that the rule of Mukammal Khan and hie son, during the king's minority, were hateful to the people, and that the conquest of the country would be an easy matter, adding that it was not the part of a wise king to let slip an opportunity of this nature and give his enemies time. 'Imâd-ul-Mulk was beguiled by their words and was proud of the strength of his army. He collected his troops from all quarters of his country and marched towards Ahmadnagar.
When the news of 'Imád-ul-Mulk's moyements reached the king, he ordered Mukammal Khân to send swift messengers to all party of the kingdom to summon the army, and to send the royal tents on towards Berar. These orders were carried out. The amirs and officers were summoned with their troops and the royal tents were sent forward towards Berar. When the army was assembled at the capital it marched rapidly towards the town of Ranubari,69 where it encamped.
'Imád-ulMulk also marched from the direction of Berar towards Rânübari and encamped over against the royal army.
On the following day, when the sun rose, the two armies were drawn up in battlo array, facing one another.
Mukammal Khan divided the royal army into two divisions. The duty of one was to guard and protect the king, and the command of this division was given to Miyên KAIA
* Firishta (ü, 199) has Renart. From the similarity of the names as written in the Persian soript. the site of the battle was probably Rahar situated in 19° 22' N. and 74 40 E. Bayyid 'All's account of this campaign does not differ materially from that given by Firishta, but Firishta blamee Mukammal Khan and his non 'Aziz-ul-Mulk for having by their hostility driven the améra from Ahmadnager. The amira took with them 8,000 horse. The battle of RAhorf was fought in A . 916 (A.D. 1610-11) and the victory of Burhan Nigam Shah's army was even more complete than Sayyid 'All represents it to be. 'All-ud-din 'Imad Sh Ah was so closely pursued through Berar that he fled to Burhanpor, and it was dil Khan III of Khandesh that made peace between the belligerente.

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Azhdar Khân. As the king was too young to be able to manage a' charger, Azhdar took him in front of him, and tied a sash round the king's waist and his own, lest the horse should beoome restive on hearing the noise of battle and unseat the king. The duty of the other division was to attack the enemy.
'Imâd-ul-Mulk also divided his army into two divisions, and appointed one to repel the attack of the second division of the army of Burhân Nigam Shah, while he led the other division against the division appointed to guard the person of the king.
The royal army marched out of the town of Råndbari and met the enemy, and a fierce battle was fought. While the battle was in progress, two of the fieroest of the king's elephants, named Barkhurdar and Buzurgwar, were taken by their mahouts to a river which ran near the field of battle in order that they might be watered. At the river they met and fought and, so fighting, being beyond the control of their drivers, moved in the direction of the enemy. When the royal troops saw that two of the king's own elephants were going towards the enemy, they charged after them, fearing lest they might be seized by the enemy. It fortunately happened at this moment that 'Imad-ul-Mulk was informed that the amfrs of Burhan Ni âm Shah, who had joined themselves to him, were deserting him and joining the army of Burhan Nizâm Shah. When 'Im&d-ul-Mulk heard this news and at the same time saw the bravest of the royal troops charging his army, he lost heart and fled, halting not until he had reached the midst of his own country. The viotorious army pursued the enemy and slew very many of them, taking also large quantities of spoil, horses, elephants, arms and tents. It is said that on that day the army of 'Imád-ul-Mulk was utterly dispersed and fled into all parts of the country, so that most of their horses and elephants fell into the hands of the country people by whom they were brought and presented to the king.
After this victory the king returned to Ahmadnagar.
XXII-AN ACCOUNT OF THE DOMINATION OF 'AZIZ-UL-MULK, OF THE GENERAL MISCHIET
CAUSED BY HIS ELEVATION TO THE OPTIONS OF VAKIL AND risavt, OY AIS
AMBITIOUS DESIGNS FOB DEPOSING THE KING, AND OT HIS PUNISHORNT. A short time after the defeat of the army of 'ImAd-ul-Mulk and the extinguishing of the fire of war, Mukammal Khan, who had been vall and plahud, since the reign of his late majesty Sultan Ahmad Babri, departed this life. After his death the king bestowed the offices of valal and prahud on his son, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, who had some hereditary claim to them. Aziz-ul-Mulk, who had an evil disposition, soon raised the standard of strife and turbulence, and the banner of tyranny and injustice, and got all power in the administration of the state into his own hande, ruling like an independent king, while to the king was left nothing but the name of a king.
When 'Aziz-ul-Mulk had thus seized all power, pride and folly established themselves in his disposition, and he conceived in his base heart the design of still further extending his power and of rebelling against the king. Moreover, he devoted the whole of his atten. tion to undermining the foundation of the kingdom, and excluded from the royal service most of those who had been in close attendance upon the throne, and the king's old servants, and admitted to the king's presence nobody except three wet-nurses who had nursed tho king and brought him up, and three eunuchs who had been in the service of his late majesty. Ho also tried to overthrow the state-altogether, and one day put some deadly poison into home milk of which the king was extremely fond, and sent it to the king. The king's nurses,

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however, were on their guard and would not allow the king to drink the milk. They gave a little of it to a beast, in order to test it, and the moment that the beast drank it, it died. Then they thanked God, Who had spared the young king's life, and distributed alms to poor and holy men by way of a thankoffering. Thus 'Aziz-ul-Mulk forgot his duty of loyalty to the king, and became an ungrateful rebel. When a man of base nature attains worldly power, the blackness of his heart and the baseness of his nature become manifest in his acts.
The king's loyal servants, and those who were near his throne, wearied of the dominance and disloyalty of 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, and consulted together as to how this enemy of the faith and the state could be overthrown, asking assistance in the matter from all loyal servants of the king. At this time Dânayya Chisan Jiyû,60 who was governor of the fort of Antûr, came to court to pay his respects, and had an audience of the king. When he ascertained the course of 'Aziz-ul-Mulk's conduct and his ingratitude and disobedience, he represented to the king that he had formed a design for overthrowing 'Azîz-ul-Mulk, and would disclose it if he had the king's leave. The king, by the mouth of one of his faithful servants, asked what the nature of his plan was, and he replied that he would return to his fort and there feign to rebel, in order that 'Aziz-ul-Mulk might be sent in person to quell the rebel lion and the king might be relieved of his presence. Dânayya continued saying that he would fight against 'Aziz-ul-Mulk as the king's enemy and would do his utmost to remove him, and to relieve the king from his dominance. The king highly approved of this plan and gave Danayya leave to depart, urging him to use his best endeavours to put 'Azîz-ul-Mulk out of the way. Dânayya, in accordance with the royal command, returned to Antûr, and there set up the standard of rebellion. When news of this rebellion was brought to 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, who trusted none of the amirs of the Dakan, sent his brother, Jahangir Khân, to crush the rebellion, and Jahângîr Khân, with a numerous army, of the strength of which he was very proud, marched for Antûr and encamped before the fort. When Dânayya heard of the approach of Jahangir Khân, he closed the fort against him, withdrew his men from the walls and bastions, and made no sign of offering resistance. Jahângîr Khân attributed this conduct to Dânayya's pusillanimity and was emboldened to attack the fort, and with great assurance ordered his troops to attack the fort on all sides at once. The defenders waited until Jahangir Khân's troops had advanced to within a short distance of the walls, and then poured in upon them a deadly fire of artillery and musketry. The army of Jahângir Khan was broken; many were slain, and some fled. The sons of Jaya Singhji came forth from the fort with their brave army and pursued the fugitives like messengers of death. Jahangir Khân had the ill fortune to be taken prisoner by Dânayya's troops, but the rest of his army escaped, though with great difficulty. Dânayya ordered that Jahangir Khân should be paraded through his army on an ass, like a thief, as an example to all disloyal men, and that he should then be punished for his ill deeds, that all men might know that this was the reward of treason.
When 'Aziz-ul-Mulk heard that his brother's nose had been cut off, he raved like a madman, and went to the king and reported the matter to him, saying that if the king treated this matter lightly and did not set forth in person to put down Dânayya's rebellion, it would gain head and would soon be beyond repression.
The king, seeing no way out of the difficulty, ordered his army to assemble at the capital and sent his tents forward. 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, inflamed with pride, ordered the army to assemble from far and near, and the king set out with his troops towards the fort of Antûr.
Sic. The correct name is Jaya Singhji, which was Danayya's father's name, following his own, as is usual in the Dakan. The sons of Jaya Singhji, mentioned later, were evidently Dânayya and his brothers.
Antor was situated in 20° 27′ N. and 75° 5' E. not far from the spot where the frontiers of Ahmadnagar.. erar, and Khandesh met.

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In the course of the march, the king's loyal servants, seizing a favourable opportunity, advised the king to issue to the amirs who had fled from the court for fear of 'Aziz-ul-Mulk and had taken refuge with 'Imâd-ul-Mulk in Berar, a safe conduct to court, in order that by their aid he might be freed from the domination of disloyal and ungrateful subjects. The king acted on this advice and sent a safe conduct to the amirs who, by great good fortune, joined the royal camp from that direction before the army reached Antûr, and, before they had even paid their respects to the king, entered 'Aziz-ul-Mulk's tent, seized him, and blinded him with a red-hot iron, thus freeing the world from the strife and confusion caused by that chief of the lords of oppression and injustice., They then went on to the king's presence and had the honour of making their obeisance. They were honoured with robes of honour, golden girdles, and other marks of the royal favour, in order that it might be made clear to the world that loyalty and obedience are rewarded and disloyalty and ingratitude punished.
163
After the blinding of 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, the king appointed no other person to the office of pishvd, but, in spite of his tender age, which was no more than twelve years, took the whole administration of the kingdom into his own hands and so apportioned his time that every moment was devoted to some affair of importance; and he never, for a long time, varied this arrangement. Like the sun, he never rested by day from attending to the wants of the humble and, like his own wakeful fortune, he scarcely slept at night for employment in the affairs of his subjects.
Meanwhile, Mir Rukn-ud-din, who was a faithful and pious man, was vazir of the kingdom of the Dakan, Shaikh Ja'far and Maulânâ Pir Mu', ammad Shirvana, who were companions of Mir Rukn-ud-dîn, having been admitted to the king's presence by the favour of the Mir, were appointed to be his companions.
Since, however, the dealings of Mir Rukn-ud-din with the king's subjects were not mark. ed by justice and equity, complaints of him reached the royal threshold and he had been vazir for a short time only, when the office was taken from him and given to Shaikh Ja'far.01
XXIII-AN ACCOUNT OF THE WARFARE BETWEEN BURHIN NIZAM SHAH AND 'IMAD-UL-MULK, AND OF THE DEFEAT OF 'IMAD-UL-MULK IN THE LAST
BATTLE AND HIS FLIGHT TO GUJARIT.
After 'Imâd-ul-Mulk had fled before the royal troops in the battle which took place in the neighbourhood of the town of Rânûbarî, and had lost most of his elephants, horses and munitions of war, he was constantly overwhelmed with shame at the thought of the disgrace which had befallen him, and was again preparing for war in the hope that he might be able to retrieve his honour. He collected a large army of capable troops and marched for Berar with the object of making war on Burhân Nizam Shah.
61 The death of Mukammal Khan shortly after the battle of Rahuri, the appointment of his son 'Aziz. ul-Mulk as pishvd, and Danayya's feigned rebellion in Antûr are not mentioned by Firishta, who says that Mukammal Khan was still in power in A.H., 924 (A.D. 1518) after the capture of Pathri by Burhan Nizam Shah, when the king was seventeen years of age. Burhân, after his return to Ahmadnagar, became enamoured of a courtesan named Amana or Amina, and was so infatuated with her that he married her and made her the chief lady of his seraglio. She led him into evil courses and taught him to drink wine, so that he neglected his royal duties and spent his time in riotous living. Mukammal Khân, now an old man, tendered his resignation of his office on the ground that the king had reached years of discretion. His resignation was accepted and Shaikh Ja'far the Dakant was appointed vabil and pishvá. Mukammal Khan's son, perhaps 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, was made an amir, but there is no mention of his being appointed to any particular office. Mukammal Khan lived henceforth in retirement, only occasionally attending at court. (F. ii, 200, 201.)
It is impossible to reconcile these two accounts, but it is more probable that a youth of seventeen should give way to sensuality than that a boy of twelve should administer and rule a kingdom,

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Spies reported to Burbân Niyam Shah the approach of 'Imád-ul-Mulk with a large army, and the king immediately issued orders for the assembling of his forces, and the troops assembled at the capital. The king then summoned his amirs and the officers of his army and took counsel with them regarding the means of repelling the invader. Their reply was s request to be led against the enemy. The king highly approved their decision and set out with his forces to meet 'Imid-ul-Mulk.
The king and his army marched from the capital and met 'Imând-ul-Mulk in the neigh. bourhood of the town of Borgaon, where a desperate battle took place. The Yamanî sword rested not from scattering heads, and Death's executioner stayed not a moment from cutting off hope of life, until the earth was clad in robes like those of the 'Abbâsîs. Large numbers were slain on both sides and victory declared for neither. Each commander drew off his forces and made for his own country.
After the lapse of a short time, the two armies again marched against each other and met near the Deonatî river, where a battle was fought. The officers who specially distinguished themselves on the Ni: âm Shâhî side were, 'Alam Khân, Rami Khân, Qadam Klân, Munîr Khân, 'Umdat-ul-Mulk, Khairat Khân, Falad Khân, Miyan Raja, Dânayya Rui Rai, and others.
The battle raged till sunset, when both armies retired to their own camps; and on the following day the two kings, neither having gained the victory, retired to their own countries.
In this warfare the great amirs of the kingdom of the Dakan, who were usually in. attendance on the king, were Makhdům Khvâja Jahan and 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who were of the number of his servants.
XXIV-AN ACCOUNT OF HIS MAJESTY'S THIRD CAMPAIGN AGAINST 'IMAD-UL-MULK
('ALA-UD-DIN 'IMAD SHAH). Since the king had twice taken the field against the enemy, and had on neither occasion been victorious, he was inflamed with the spirit of emulation and with jealousy of his foe, and set himself to improve the condition of his army and to increase its strength. He then set out with a large army against 'Ald-ud-din 'Imad Shah of Berar.
When 'Imad-ul-Mulk heard of the king's approach, he spared no efforts to collect his army, and, having collected a very numerous and valiant force, marched to meet the king.
The two armies met in the neighbourhood of the village of Valorân, where they encamped over against one another and threw out outposts for their protection during the night. On the following day they were drawn up in battle array against each other, and the battle began. The fight was fierce and bloody. At length victory declared for the king and the army of 'Imâd-ul-Mulk fled from the field, the king's troops pursuing them with great slaughter.
a Borgdon and Bargaon (Wadgaon) are common village names in Berar and I have not been able to identify the Deonati river, mentioned lower down, but the village of Valorn, mentioned in the following chapter, is Vålor, situated in 19° 29' N. and 76° 36' E. Firiehta mentions neither of these campaigns against *All-ud-din 'Imad Shah, and according to him the first hostilities between Aḥmadnagar and Berar, after the battle of RAhuri, were those which resulted in the annexation of Pathri by Burhôn Nigem Shah I in 1818. From Sayyid 'Ali's mention, in his account of what he calls the third campaign, of 'All-ud-din
Imad Shah's flight to Gujarat, it is obvious that he has confour ded the first and second captures of Pathrf. In 1826-27, as will be hereafter noted, 'Ald-ud-din recaptured Pathri and Burhan then allied himxelf with
All Burid of Bidar and not only captured Pathri & second time but drove 'Ala-ud-din and his ally, Mubam. mad Shah Faruqi I of Klandech, through Berar in Euch sorry plight that they were constrained to appeal or help to Bahadur Shah of Gujarat.

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All'Imád-ul-Mulk's elephants, horses, arms, tents and camp equipage, and those of his army, both small and great, fell into the hands of the royal troops. 'Imad-ul-Mulk, with great difficulty, and after suffering many hardships, contrived to escape, but was so overcome with shame, that instead of returning to Elichpar, which was his capital, he made his way to Gujarat.
The king, when the pursuit had been pressed to the utmost, dismounted and took his seat on a mound in the neighbourhood, while his army presented before him the spoil which had been captured from the enemy, and congratulated him on the victory which had been gained. The king oaused all this most abundant spoil, except the elephants, which are the perquisite of royalty, to be divided among his army.
XXV.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF THE FORTRESS OF PATHRI. After the defeat of 'Imâd-ul-Mulk, the king marched towards Påthrî, which is one of the greatest and strongest fortresses of Berar, and which he straightly besieged. The royal army surrounded the fortress and opened their batteries against it. The besieged made some efforts to defend the fort, but since they were, at the outset, overcome by fear of the besiegers, these efforts were of little avail. When the royal army saw that the spirit of the gurrison was already broken, they stormed the fort, pouring into the ditch and mounting the ramparts. Some thus scaled the ramparts and bastions while others entered the fort by means of minee which they had run under its walls, and thus, by God's help, they captured this strong fortress and put the whole garrison, without exception, to the sword. They then proceeded to plunder all the goods in the fort and to make captives of the children, women and men (other than those of the garrison, who had been slain), and took possession not only of their persons, but of all their property, and destroyed their dwellings.
After Pathri had been captured, the king commanded that the fortress should be razod to the ground, and annexed the district dependent on the fortress, leaving a force there to oocupy and protect it.
Some historians have said that the fort of Pathri was not destroyed as soon as it was captured, but that some time elapsed before the king ordered it to be destroyed. It would however seem that fate decreed that that fortress should be twice destroyed, and nobody bas hitherto attempted to rebuild it.
Muhammad Ghari, who had shewn great valour in the capture of the fortress and had distinguished himself above all his fellows, was honoured with the title of Kâmil Khân, and appointed to the government of the conquered district, and the king then returned to his capital, where he administered justice and caused peace and contentment to reign through out the Dakan.
Meanwhile, however, Shaikh Ja'far's power had increased beyond all reasonable limits and complaints of his misconduct were laid before the throne. The king therefore issued an order depriving him of the government and of the office of vazir, and, since he had observed in Kanha Narsi, a Brahman of Shaikh Ja'far's, who had entered the royal service through Shaikh Ja'far's interest, signs of ability and fidelity, he appointed this Brahman to the vacant post of minister. Känhů Narsi held the post of minister for a long time and performed his duty faithfully and well. During his tenure of the office, thirty strong fortresses were, in consequence of the plans matured by him, captured by the royal troops. I cannot, without

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being tedious, turn aside from my narrative at this point, to describe the capture of these forts or even to give a list of their names, but they will be mentioned, please God, in the summary of the events of this fortunate reign, which I shall give at the conclusion of this
record. 63
XXVI.-ACCOUNT OF THE ARRIVAL OF SHAH TAHIR IN THE DAKAN. At this time the learned, pious, and eloquent Shi'ah sage, Shah Tâhir, who had formerly been highly honoured by Shah Ismå'il bin Haidar, Şafavi,64 was slandered by some persons at Shah Isma'il's court, and was advised by Mirza Shah ķusain Isfahânî to leave Persia. Shah Tâhir, accordingly, taking with him his family and dependents, left Kåshận,65 that abode of true believers, in A.H. 926 (A.D. 1520) for Hindustan. He travelled speedily to the shores of the Indian Ocean and sailed from the island of Jarûn 66 in a ship bound for the port of Goa. It said that that holy man, after having his Friday prayers, embarked, and by God's blessing and help was enabled to say his prayers on the following Friday in the port of Goa, and this was one of the signs of the heavenly blessings which sprang from the visit of that holy man to Hindustan. On arriving in India, he wrote a letter, dated in the early days of Jamâdî-ul-Avval, A.H. 926 (April 19, 1520) to one of his friends, informing him of the voyage which he had undertaken, and of his safe arrival in Goa.
As soon as the news of Shah TAhir's flight became known, the Shah of Persia sent horsemen after him with instructions to turn him back wherever they should find him, but since it was God's purpose that the Dakan should profit by the presence of that holy man," he had embarked on his voyage to India before the Shah's messengers came ap with him. The ShAh soon became aware that the reports which he had heard against Shah Tahir were the fabrications of ill-disposed men and repented of having acted on them. He set himself to make amends to Shah Tahir, but was overtaken by death before he could carry his designs into effect. His son and successor, Shah Tahmåsb,67 did his best to make amends to TÅhir, as will be seen from the farmáns which he issued to him.
After landing at Goa, Shah Tahir went to Bijâ par but, finding that the conditions of life in that city did not suit him, he went to Gulbarga, which was formerly the capital (of the Dakan) under the name of Absanabad. After having rested for some time in that city, he formed the design of performing the pilgrimage, and, having set out thence, reached the
63 This account of the Pathri campaign seems to have been utilized by Firishta (li, 200), though he does not mention the source of his information. Firishta, however, recites Burhan Nizam Shah's me . for desiring to possess Pathri, which Sayyid 'Ali naturally omits. Burhan's great-grandiather, Bhairava. had been kulkarni or patsdri of Pathri but had fled to Vijayanagar to escape persecution. After the establishment of the Nizam Shahf dynasty those of their relations who had remained in Vijayanagar eeturned to their old home. Mukammal Khan, by Burhan's orders, wrote to 'AIA-ud-din 'Imad ShAh and begged him to cede to Burhan the pargana of Pathri, offering in exchange another porgana more valuable than Pathri. 'Ald-ud-din refused to exchange Pathri and, knowing the consequences of his refusal, fortified the town. Mukammal Khan protested against the establishment of fortresa so near the frontier but 'ATA-ud-din completed the work and returned to his capital. The army of Ahmadnagar Y sembled on the pretext that Burhan wished to tour in the hills above Daulatabad, and forced march was made on Pathr, which was carried by storm, as described.
Pathrt is situated in 19° 15' N. and 76° 27' E. of Shah Isma'11 (1502-1524), founder of the Safavi dynasty. 66 The well-known town in Persia, about 90 miles north of Ipfahan.
€ There is no island of this name in the Persian Gulf. Sayyid 'All probably means to tay that he . ame to the Persian Gulf vid Jahrum, in F&rs, about 90 miles south-east of Shiraz.
89 Shah Tahmob I (1524—1576), aon and successor of IamA'11 I.

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town of Purenda which was on his way. Makhdum Khwaja Jahân, who was at that time governor of the fort and town of Purenda, on hearing of the holy man's arrival, made haste to wait on him, and he represented to him that as the rainy season was in progress and travelling was very difficult, he would do well to honour Purenda by staying there for some time. Shah Tahir accepted this invitation and remained in Purenda in comfort during that rainy season, employing his time in imparting religious instruction.
Meanwhile, MaulAna Pir Muhammad Shîrvânî, one of the learned men of that age and a companion of Burhan Nizam Shah, came from the capital to Purenda on an embassy to Makhdam Khvaja Jahân, and, on learning of Shah Tahir's presence in the town, waited on him, and daily thereafter attended his lectures, profiting much by the religious instruction which he received. When the period of his embassy had expired, he returned to the capital and acquainted the king with the perfections of Shah Tâhir. When the king heard of his learning and piety, he sent a farman to Makhdům Khvâja Jahân, the contents of which were communicated to Shah Tâhir, who took offence, because a separate farmán had not been issued to him, and excused himself from attending at court. As, however, the king's desire to see Shah Tâhîr increased daily, he sent Maulânâ Pir Muhammad Shirvânî again to Purenda with a letter addressed to Shah Tâhir, in which he gave utterance to his great desire of seeing him. Shah TAhir, on perusing this letter, set out at once for the capital in the months of the year-68 On his arrival at Ahmadnagar he paid his respects to the king, who found that what he heard fell, in truth, far short of the holy man's perfections, and honoured Shah Tahir exceedingly,
(To be continued.)
INTER-STATE RELATIONS IN ANCIENT INDIA.
(1) BY NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A., B.L., P.R.S.; CALCUTTA.
(Continued from page 152.) Treaties of peace depending for their strength upon the solemn affirmation or oath of the Solemn affirmation of parties were looked upon by some as mutable, but when ac. oath in treation of peace. companied by pratibh 464 or prutigraha, 65 as immutable. Kautilya Hostages.
is of opinion that the solemn affirmation or oath made the treaties as much immutable as could be done by any safeguards simultaneously for the purposes of this and the next world. The taking of hostages only added to their strength on their worldly side. 66
68 Blank in the original. The year should be either 927 or 928 (A.D. 1621 or 1622).
Firishta (ii, 213) gives a long account of the descent and antecedents of Shah Tahir, who claimed doscent from the Fatimid Caliphs of Egypt. His family had been settled in Khund, a village in the Qazvin province of northom Persis and on the borders of Gilan, for 300 years. Sheh Isma'il I was jealous of Shah
Ahir owing to his illustrious descent and his reputation for Banctity and learning, and lent a ready ear to the accusation that Tahir was a leader of the Isma'ilf heretice. A warrant for his execution was about to be issued when he escaped, owing to the timely warning given to him by Mir Shah Husain Isfahani, ndair of the divdn of Shah Isma'il.
* Pratibhd means the giving of great ascetics or nobles &s hostage (Kautilya, Bk. VII, ch. 17,
p. 312).
65 In pratigraha, the hostage given by the party suing for peace is a near blood-relation. (Ibid.) * Kaufiltya, Bk. VII, ch. 17, p. 311.

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#
In making a solemn affirmation, the parties only uttered the words samhitâssmaḥ" (we are united), while they took oaths by fire, water, plough, wall (say, of a fort), clod of earth, shoulder of an elephant, horse-back, seat of a chariot, weapons, precious stone, seed of plant, fragrant substance, rasa,67 gold coin, or bullion, saying this formula on the occasion, "let it or these (naming the thing or things by which the oath is administered) desert and kill me if I transgress the oath."68
The kings of yore who put so much faith in affirmations used to enter into treaties of peace with the simple formula" we are united." In case of breach of this affirmation, they took the oath; and when this oath was contravened, the hostages were demanded.
selection of the hostage.
Much discrimination had to be used by both the parties in the selection of the hostage, for a good deal depended upon the place occupied by him in the Discrimination in the love or religious susceptibilities of the giver or his subjects. It was the interest of the giver to make over the person for whom he cared least or who would prove troublous or ruinous to the taker, while the latter tried to have one to whom an injury, conditioned by a breach of the treaty, would affect the tenderest sentiments of the former or his people.
Keeping these points in view, Kautilya dilates on the subject, which may be summarized as follows:-Advantageous to the giver are the undermentioned hostages: (1) a great ascetic or noble, able to trouble or ruin the foe; (2) a corrupt son; (3) a daughter; (4) a baseborn son; (5) a son devoid of mantra-sakti (who does not follow, or has not at his disposal wise advisers); (6) a son devoid of utsaha-sakti69 (i.e., capacity for the three kinds of hostilities); (7) a son unskilful in the use of weapons 70 and (8) one of many sons. A king parting with his only son as hostage is unable, as a rule, to risk a breach of the treaty. Should there be no chance of a second son being born to him, he should rather give himself up as hostage, installing his son on the throne."1
The breach of the
In ancient inter-state relations, it was the power possessed by a state that determined, to a great extent, its conduct towards the other states. A sovereign treaty, whether justified. submitting to a humiliating treaty of peace might have, sometime after the exhaustion of the war, recouped his power so much as to be superior to the other sovereign to whom he was bound by the treaty under which he was smarting. In such a case, the contrivance resorted to was to secure the escape of the hostage from the custody of the other party. The matter was so managed that outwardly the hostag ppeared to escape of his own free will's and without any help from his pledger although secret agents in the pay of the latter might actually assist in the matter. The escape of the hostage unsettled the existing treaty, and gave rise to conditions in which
67 As it signifies a variety of substances,-mercury, poison, milk, &c., it is not clear which of them is meant.
e8 Ibid., Bk. VII, ch. 17, p. 312.
•
Kautilya explains utsdha-sakti' by 'vikrama-bala' and 'vikrama' by prakása-yuddha, kútayuddha and tashnim-yuddha (Kautilya, Bk. VII, ch. 2, p. 259; and ch. 6, p. 278).
70 Kautilya distinguishes the relative superiority or inferiority of son by virtue of their nobility of extraction (on the mother's side), wisdom (from mantra-sakti), bravery (from utsdha-fakti), skilfulness in the use of weapons, and such other qualities. The last passage at p. 312 appears to be corrupt, and the significance of the expression 'lupta-ddydda-santanatvdt' as also its consistency with the last passage as it stands, are not evident. (See Kautilya, Bk. VII, ch. 17, pp. 312, 313.)
71 Kautilya, Bk. VII, ch. 17, pp. 312, 313.
72 Although I have spoken of the hostage as masculine the above remarks might also apply to female hostages.

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the fresh demands of the pledgee might be either rejected point blank or refused on various grounds. This would lead to friction but as the circumstances are changed inasmuch as the aggrieved party has become inferior in power to the other," he is not likely to declare & war specially as there is no direct proof of the pledger's assistance in the escape of the hostage. The act is, in view of the latter's secret implication in it, really wrongful but concealed under garb of innocence, and turned to advantage by a shuffling of what to an inferior state would have been brought home as its duty. The only argument that might be adduced in favour of the breach of the treaty is with reference to the exceptional cases in which, for instance, the very existence or the necessary development of the state bound by the treaty are hampered by its terms. The ground for the breach would then be this, that the latter are the primary duties of the state and, any obligations that hinder their fulfilment must be considered null and void.74
The hostage in effecting his escape took to various dodges and utilized the help provided The doden for the by secret agente. The dodges were not always of amild type but deliverance of the included, if needed, violent means that made light of losses of human hostage.
life for achieving the end in view. A study of the Kauriltya leads to the inference that sacrifices of human lives caused through secret agents for state-ends in inter-statal discords, in measures against sedition within the state or against enmity personally to the king and his own were not gonerally regarded as obstacles at which the state would stick, the interests of the kingdom and the monarch and their self-preservation being regarded as justifying the application of the means. The artifices used by and for the hostage for his deliverance were :
(1) Spies (satrinah) serving in the neighbourhood in the guise of artisans and craftsinen may remove the hostage surreptitiously through a tunnel constructed at night.
(2) Spies disguised as actors, dancers, singers, players of musical instruments, buffoons bards, acrobats, jugglers, etc., may take service under the enemy and secure for themselves the privilege of free ingress, stay, or egress. They will also serve the hostage who may escape at night in the guise of one of these people. Women spies may also do the same, and the hostage dressed like one of them with a characteristio article in hand may effect his escape. .
(3) The hostage may be concealed amidst oommodities, clothes, vessels, boxes, bede, Beats, and articles of luxury, and removed by spies serving the enemy as ondast (those who cook pulses or vegetables), drdlikas' (those who boil rice), bathers, shampooers, spreaders of bed-clothes, barbers (kalpaka), toilet-makers, or drawers of water.
This reminds one of the memorable artifice by which Sivaji made his escape from Aurangzeb's oustody.
+ The text has "abhyachablyamanah samadhi-moksham karayet " (Kaugliya, Bk. VII, ch. 17, p. 813).
Tof. Dr. L. Oppenheim's International Law, Vol. I, p. 550.
* Sada according to the doharpatya is the same as odpa-kartd, Nilakantha in his comments on the Mahabharata, Virta-Parva, ch. 2, blk. 9, states that and pakdra is one who cooks pulses like mudga (phaseolus mungo). According to others quoted by him, ad pakartd may also be one who cooks vegetables.
As explained by the scholiast in connection with the above passage, an drdlika may mean (1) one who plays with or disciplines an infuriated elephant ; or () one who boils rice. (This passage "ArAliko'nna paki syat, sapalarta tu #Akakpit" is quoted as his authority.)
76 These spies are named at p. 81 of the Kaufiliya, Bk. I loud apurusha-pranidhi').

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(4) The hostage may hold communion with Varuna at the entrance of a tunnel, or in a reservoir of water, accompanied with nocturnal upahára, (oblatione, or religious services consisting of laughter, song, dance, muttering huduk, adoration and pious ejaculation): 47 and flee away at the opportune moment.78 Spies in the guise of traders divert the attention of the sentinels by selling them fruits and cooked food.
(6) The hostage may give the sentinels food and drink mixed with poisonous preparation of madana plant on the occasions of offerings to the gods, árddahs, or sacrificial rites, 80 and when the sentinels are under its influence, he may flee away.
(6) The sentinels may be incited to get fire to buildings with valuable articles, or spie disguised as citizens, bards, physicians, or vendors of cakes may do the same. The sentinels may be persuaded to set on fire the stores of commercial artioles, or spies disguised as traders may do so. In the tumult, the hostage may escape. To avert the chance of being pursued, the house occupied by the hostage may be set on fire and a dead body (procured previously) may be cast into the flames. The hostage may escape by making a breach in the wall, or through an air-passage (vâta-surunga).
(7) The hostage may escape at night in the disguise of a carrier of glassware, pitchers, or other commodities.
(8) He may enter the hermitages of the Shavelinge (mundas) and the Braided-haired (jafilas) $1 and escape thence in the guise of one of theme hermits.
He may also disguise himself as one suffering from a deforming disease, as a forester, or the like, and filee away.
(9) He may be removed as a corpse by spies, or may himself follow, as a widowed wife, * corpse carried by the spies as if to the crematorium.
(10) He may at night fall upon the sentinels with a concealed sword and run away with the secret agents stationed in the neighbourhood.
Spies in the apparel of foresters would misdirect the pursners. The hostage may con cual himself under the enclosure of a cart driven along the way. The pursuers being near, he may hide himself in a bush. When there is no bush at hand, he may leave on both sides of the way gold coins or poisoned articles of food for the pursuers. If captured, he will apply to the captors conciliation and other means (bribery, dimension, and chastisement), or serve them with poisoned food. In case a corpse, pored to be that of the hostage, had been put in as a dodge at the place where the aforesaid worship of Varuna was held, or at the house (Bet on fire) where the hostage stayed, the giver of the hostage may accuse of murder the sovereign who held him.83
77 Monier Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary.
78 Cf. Kawfiltya, Bk. XIII, ch, 1, p. 393. The expression varuna yoga' bears the implication that it is a trick by which the enemy is overreached.
70 For madana-yoga, see Kaufiltya, Bk. XIV, ch. 1, p. 410.
80 The Sanskrit word ispravahana' which seems to be mistakenly put for 'prahavana.' . Pandit R. Syama Bhatri translates it by “sacrificial rite," .jmplying that the word should be " prahavara.” There soom to be other instances of confusion between the two words in the Kaufiliya, e.g. at p. 401 (Bk, XII, oh. 3).
81 For those dose of hermite, soe Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 145. 82 For the above information about the dodgoa, s Kaufiftys, Bk. VII, ch. 17, pp. 313-316.

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(B). Of the several kinds of treaty of pence, the first three have been found to form a
group called Dandoponata-Sandhis, danda (army) being the chief Belf-submitter. subject matter of the stipulations. The dandopanata of the
Kauriliya, Bk. VII, chs. 15, 16 appears to be a much more helpless sovereign than one who is compelled to sue for a treaty of peace in any of the above three forms. If the disparity in power between a sovereign and his invader be very great and the former sees no other means of saving himself except by throwing him. self upon the latter's mercy, he becomes dandopanata. This self-submitter owes several obligations to the dandopandyin (henceforth to be termed dominator '). These obligations do not appear to be part and parcel of the three dandopanata treaties of peace, which points to the inference that the position of a self-submitter is not the outcome of those treaties but is rather caused by self-submission before any fight takes place between him and the invader, who afterwards becomes the dominator. For one who had enjoyed independence, the position of a self-submitter was no
doubt humiliating. He had to demean himself towards his The obligations of dominator rather like #government servant in the self-submitter.
the conven. tional ways, discharging his duties faithfully, but adapting himself to the moods of his master to continue in the latter's good graces.89 He had, when ordered by the dominator or with his permission, to engage in the construction of forts or other works, invite (other kings), celebrate marriages, hold the installation ceremonies of a son, capture elephants for sale, perform sacrifices, march against foes, or start on excursions for amusement. 84 He could not enter into alliance with any kinga85 staying in his kingdom or secretly punish those who had backed out from such alliances. If the citizens in his king. dom were wicked, he could not exchange it for lands with righteous people from another king, punish the wicked with secret punishments, or acoept lands offered by a friendly king, without the aforesaid permission. Interviews with the chief councillor, royal priest, commander-in-chief, or heir-apparent without the knowledge of the dominator were prohibited. 87 It was incumbent on the self-submitter to help the dominator to the utmost of his capacity and always express his readiness to do so. On the occasions of invocations of blessings on the dominator before the gods, he should promptly cause the ceremony to be observed in
98 "Lavdha-samiraya samay-doh drivad-bhartari vartota " Kaufltya, Bk. VII, ch. 18, p. 308, referring to Ibid., Bk. V, ch. 5 (comaydohdoilam), p. 250.
Some of the items enumerated above may be on behalf of the dominator. The construction of forts, for instance, may be for the defence of the dominator's kingdom, while several of the remain. ing items may be intended for him a well.
* The word in the text is praksis. The reference is to rdja-prakriti. For a parallel use of the word, see the heading "prakritindm sdmandyika-viparimarsch" in which prakpitindm" means "ndja. prabitindo " (Kautilya, Bk. VII, sh. 8, p. 372).
* For the treatment of the apassitor, 400 Kampültya, Bk. VII, ch. 6, pp. 278—280 Where apattina keriyd has been dealt with.
# There has been an omission of negative particle in the Sanskrit padenge for this sentence (Koufiltya, B. VII, ch. 16, p. 308

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his territory. He had to dissociate himself from people hostile to the dominator 88 and hold his territory virtually as the latter's " warehouse." 89 It seems from the above evidence that the self-submitter was allowed to live in his
own territory but had to go over, when needed. to that of Solf-submitter's moans of deliveranoe.
the dominator or elsewhere and stay there so long as the work
in hand or the dominator's desire compelled his stay. It is to such stay that the advice embodied in the Kauriliya' applies. The advice is that when he saw the dominator suffering from a fatal disease, or his (dominator's) kingdom from internal troubles, when the latter's enemies were growing (in number or prosperity) or his allios unwilling or unable to support him, creating thereby opportunities for the self-submitter to ameliorate his condition, then he (self-submitter) might, unde vome believable (tbhduya) pretence of a diseane or performance of some religious rites, leave the dominator's kingdom. It already in his own state, he might not, in view of the aforesaid opportunities, come to the dominator suffering as above; or coming nearer, he might strike at the vulnerable pointa 1 of the dominator's state."
Just as the self-submitter owed a number of obligations to the dominator, so the latter The Ohliention of also did to the former. The dominator's obligations to the devoted the dominator. submitter were :
(1) To help him to the best of his (dominator's) power in return for help received ; (2) To give him wealth and honour; (3) To help him in calamities; (4) To grant him interviews whenever asked and accede to his requests;
(8) To avoid using insulting, offensive, contemptuous, and harshly loud language towards him;
. # For the above information regarding self-cut mitter tee Kaufikya, Bk. VII, ch. 16, p. 308. The lobo at p. 308 of the Kaufiltya, Bk. VII, ch. 18, is
Samyukta-valavatsevi viruddha-iarkitadibhih.
vartota dard-opanato bhartery=evamavasthitah. The self-submittor should be united with anyukta) those who fear to mix with people opposed to the dominator (viruddha-baikitddibhir). Mallin&tha quotes this passage from the Kaufiliya in connection with his comments on Ragghiwamsa sarga 17, ilk. 81. The passage quoted by him shows some variations but the meaning remains unaltered : . Durvalo valavatsevt viruddh Achchha loitadibhih.
vanota dagd-opanato bhartary-evam=smasthitah.. * The king who has no other alternative than self-submission, is asked by tho Koufiltya (Bk. VII. ch. 16, p. 308) to greet the envoy of the invader thus : "This (i... this kingdom) is the king's uning of course appropriate expressions such as "His Majesty's) warehouse ; it belongs to the queen and tho princes (using appropriate epithets as before); the existence of this kingdom depends upon the words of the queen and the princos; I am but their reflector." #0 Kautilya, Bk. VII, ch. 2, p. 865.
The word in the text is chhidra.' Bankarirya, in connection with Kamandaliya, VIII, 66, intorprote this torm by rakend-vaithilya.
# Kautilya, B. VII, ..p. 366.

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(6) To show him fatherly kindness, and ask him to feel secure from fear;
(7) Not to lay claim to lands or moveable properties of the submitter deceased, or put to death or injure his wife and children; to allow his distant relations to enjoy their belongings, and his son to succeed to his father's office after the latter's death.
It is only such treatment as above that can ensure the devotion of the submitter and his heirs to the dominator and his heirs through generations. Humane treatment of the submitter was required by the opinion, not merely of the sovereigns of the time but also of the people. A warning in the Kauliliya, for this reason, especially cautions the dominator against the transgression of the last obligation, which happens to be the most important. Breach of this obligation, says the Kautiliya, agitates the whole statal circle to actions for the destruction of the dominator, and even excites his own ministers living within his dominion to attempt his life or deprive him of his kingdom.
A recalcitrant submitter however lost claim to the above treatment. He could be punished by the dominator secretly or openly, his guilt being made public in the latter case. If the open punishment put the dominator to the risk of rousing his enemies and of giving them a handle wherewith to work against him, he should have recourse to the secret means dwelt on in the Kautiliya in its chapter Dandakarmilam.93
1 Kautilya, Bk. V, ch. 1.
Kautilya, Bk. VII, ch. 16 (pp. 309.-311), headed Dand-opandyiv/ittam beging rather o becurely with directions to the self-submitter ordered by the dominator to start on military expedition, as well as with advice as to the use of the four means of conciliation (adma), bribery (dana), dispension (bheda), and open ansault (danda). A classification of the self-submitters comes in next, the basis of classification being the nature of help given by him to the dominator. The classes-ere thus named :
(1) chitra-bhoga. (2) mahabhoga. (3) sarvabhoga. (4) ekatobhogin. (6) wbhayatobhogin, and
(6) Aarvatobhogin. In the first three classes, the help rendered by the self-submitter consists in giving the dominator men and wealth, while in the last threo, it acorubs from the self-submitter romedying the evil arising to the dominator from his enemies or from the friends of those onemies. The pasage bearing on wbhayatobhopin (p. 310) is corrupt; for unlike the preceding and the succeeding sentences relating to ekatobhogin and sarvatobhogin-rospectively, it has the verb " upakaroti" instead of "pratikaroti."
The paragraph at p. 310, immediately following the above passages, is also intended for the guidance of the self-submitter. Should he have to encounter & rear enemy, or other hostile parties conciliable by gifts of lands during the aforesaid military expedition carried on under the orders of the dominator, the lands given them for the purpose should be such as might put them to trouble or offer thom minimum of military or other advantages of which they might be in need. The paragraph has also in viow won in which gifta of lands are to be made to parties like " apardhita," and "gatapratydgata." The gift of land to thb dominator (bhartri) alone is advised to be of advantage to the dominator, inasmuch as the land should be froo from people inimical to him.

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EPIGRAPHIC NOTES.
BY HEMCHANDRA RAYCHAUDHURI, M.A.
1. Parijata and Govardhana.
THE Daulatâbâd plates of the Rashtrakuta Sankaragana 1 after referring to Krishnaraja I say "His son was king Govindaraja who like Hari snatched away the glory of Śrt Parijata and supported Govardhana." The Paurânic allusion is clear enough. But the references in the case of king Govinda are not so certain. Professor D. R. Bhandarkar, who edited the plates, has suggested the identification of Govardhana with the province of the same name mentioned in several Nasik Cave inscriptions. But the identification of Parijata is yet uncertain. I propose to identify it with Parichata (Pârivatra the Western Vindhya) mentioned in the Nasik prasasti of Gautamiputra Satakarni.3 The change of 'j' into 'ch' is not unusual in southern India. For instance the Western Ganga king Rajamalla' was also called Râchamalla.'
2.
Supratishthâbâra. This name occurs in the Poona plates of the Vakâtake Queen Prabhavati-Guptâ, edited by Prof. Pathak and Mr. Dikshit. The editors do rot make any suggestion regarding the identification of the place. In the Kathasarit-sagaras mention is made of a city named Supratishthita in Pratishthâna (modern Paithan), which was the ancestral home of Gupadhya. There can be no doubt that Supratishthahara was the district (âhâra) round the city of Supratishthita. The inclusion of this strict within the Vakataka territory proves that the Vakatakas were not merely a dynasty of Berar, but ruled over a considerable part of Maharashtra. As the dynasty lasted from about A.D. 300 to 500, it is no longer correct to say that "for some three centuries after the extinction of the Andhra dynasty, we have no specific information about the dynasties that ruled over the country," i.e. Maharashtra.
3. Vira and Vardhana.
The Deopârâ inscriptions records that Vijayasêna impetuously assailed the lord of Gauḍa, put down the prince of Kamarapa, defeated Kalinga and imprisoned four kings, ramely, Nânya, Vira, Raghava and Vardhana. Nânya. has been correctly identified with Nanyadeva of Tirhut, who lived in A.D. 1C97 and afterwards established the Karnataka dynasty in the valley of Nepal. Raghava is the Kalinga prince of that name, who reigned about A.D. 1156.90 Vira and Vardhana have, however, not been satisfactorily identified. Dr. Smith suggests that Vira was a Raja of Kamarûpa. Unfortunately the evidence of Sandhyakara Nandi's Ramacharita has not been utilised. In the long list of princes who helped Ramapala to recover Varendri we find the following names :
1.
Viraguna of Kôtâtavi, 10
2. Vardhana of Kausâmbi.
3. Vijayaraja of Nidrâvala.
1 Epigraphia Indica, IX, p. 193.
'Parijata may also refer to the Pariyâtra country mentioned by Bana (Cowell and Thomas, Harshacharita, pp. 210-211).
3 Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 60.
Ep. Ind., XV, p. 39.
7 V. A. Smith," The Vakalaka dynasty of Berar," JRAS., 1914, pp. 317-328.
Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 42. Tawney's translation, p. 32.
Ep. Ind., I, pp. 307-311.
V. A. Smith, The Early History of India, 1914, p. 419.
10 Mem. ASB., III, pp. 36-37.

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Let us try to ascertain the date of these princes. We learn from the Tirumalai Rock Inscription 11 of Rajendra Chola I that Mahipala I was reigning in or about A.D. 1025. The Sârnâth inscription gives a date for him in A.D. 1026.12 His son Nayapala ruled for at least 15 years (as we know from the Krish nadvârika temple inscription).18 Nayapala's son Vigrahapala III could not therefore have come to the throne before A.D. 1026+15= A.D. 1041. He ruled for at least 13 years (see the Amagâchhi Grant 14) i.e. np to at least A.D. 1054. After him came his sons Mahipala II and Sûra pâla II, and the Kaivertas Divvoka, Rudoka and
Bhima, and finally Râmapala who ruled for at least 42 years. 15 It is obvious that Ramapåla reigned towards the close of the eleventh century and early in the twelfth century. The princes Vira, Vardhana and Vije ya who helped him must have flourished about the same time.
We learn from the Naihati Grant 16 of Vall&la Sêna that his ancestors were ruling in South-west Bengal (Radha)17 long before the establishment of their paramount sovereignty by Vijayasêna'victory over the Pala king of Gauda. We know further from the Deopârâ inscription that Vijayasena was a contemporary of Nânyadeva who flourished about A.D. 1097. There can be no objection in identifying him with Vijayaraja of the Ramacharita who lived about the same time and ruled over a principality in the Gauda empire. 18 If this identification be correct, then Vira and Vardhana must be Vîraguņa of Kottavi and Vardhana of Kausâmbi. It seems reasonable to conclude that during the weak rule of the sons of Ramapala, the kinglots of the Gauda Empire who helped Rentepala to regain his throne, engaged in a struggle for supremacy 19 in which Vira, Vardhana, the rájå of Kamar Apa and the lord of Gauda bimself hecame worsted, and Vijayasêna established the supremacy of his own family.
The conqueror's authority was probably next challenged by Nânya and Raghava, the rulers of the neighbouring kingdoms of Mithilâ and Kalinga, who were also defeated and imprisoned.
MISCELLANEA. CORPORATE LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. point has been disoussed at some length by
I am thankful to Mr. R. Shamasastry for having Mr. Pargiter in the course of his review of my kindly reviewed my book Corporate Life in l. book along with another, dealing with the same Ancient India in the February issue of this subject but entitled Local Government in Anciens Journal and recommended it to the publio in India. Mr. Pargiter thinks that the title of my rather flattering terms. I may be permitted, book describes its scope rightly, while the other however, to offer some remarks in reply to his has assumed too ambitious a title, for the title specific objection to the title of my book, and my "Local Government" may hold good for large inference from, and translation of some Banskrit popular councils where they existed, but certainly passeges contained therein.
does not apply to all the other corporate acti. Mr. Shamasastry thinks that "Self-governing vities, social, coonomio and religious. I do not, of Institutions in Ancient India' would have been course, mean that Mr. Pargiter's opinion finally more muggestive and attractive title." This very decides the matter, but I quote his statement as
11 Ep. Ind., IX, pp. 229–332. 1 Smith, Early History of India, 1914, p. 399.
Gaudalekhaimdid, p. 116. 1 Op. cit., p. 122. Mam. ASB., V, p. 02.
Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 156-163. 17 Pralinam Radhan-akahitachanair-bhdshayanto-wwbhduain
The identification was first suggested by Mr. N. N. Vasu. 19 The Kamauli Grant of Vaidyadeva, minister and general of Kumarapala, son and muccessor of Ramapile, refers to wars and rebellions in South Bengal and Kimaropa (106 Goudalekhamdid, p. 128 509.). Vijayasena's principality lay in South-west Bengal. Viragupa's principality aloo lay in the south d. Mem. ASB., V, p. 89).

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it clearly express my point of view in the matter. Mr. Shamasastry thinks that there is no reference I fully endorse Mr. Shamasastry's view that in the Cow-hymn, quoted on p. 45, to any moombly, the title he suggests would have been more attrac- 48 stated by me. He has apparently overlooked tive, but while writing the book, the sonse of his- verse 15 of the hyron which contains the word torical accuracy has always weighed with me more samiti. Both Bloomfield and Whitney have than any ideas of ourrying favour with the public. rendered it by assembly,' and their translations
As regards the wrong translation of certain are given in my book, the passage in question Sanskrit passages, Mr. Shamasastry does not quote being put in italics (p. 46, 11. 10-11). It is just any specific instance, but refers to pages 16-17; 22; possible, however, that Mr. Shamasastry takes and 89 of my book. Pages 16-17 contain three the word samiti in the passage in a different sonne Sanskrit passages, of none of which I have offered But, even then, in view of the undeniable fact any translation. Page 22 again contains three that samiti is used in other hymns in the sense Sanskrit passages. There is no translation of of Rssembly and has been rendered as such in the the first of these, while that of the second is mainly passage in question by scholars like Whitney and based on that given in SBE., Vol. XXXIII, Bloomfield, it appears to me to be somewhat P. 348, with slight modifications such as the sub. dogmatic to assert that there is no reference stitution of guild for company as an English in the Cow-hymn to any assembly.' equivalent of the word dren, to which I believe Mr. Shamasastry observes that "the word
O exception can be taken. The third is a simplo sabha was in many places used in the wense of prone passage which offers no difficulty at all. gambling, rather than a political meeting." But There is no translation of any Sanskrit passage
I have stated this on p. 47, paragraph 6. on p. 89, but it appears that Mr. Shamasastry
Mr. Shamasastry observes that in noticing the demurs to the interpretation of the word vairdjya corporate activities in religious life I have conas denoting a non-monarchical form of government
fined my attention only to the Buddhistio And and takes it to mean foreign rule on the authority omitted the Brahmanic and other communities of a passage in Arthasistru, p. 323. It must be This is not a quito correct statement of facte. On remembered, however, in the first place, that the
pp. 123-24 I have drawn prominent attention to the responsibility for the particular interpretation
fact that religious corporations existed before attaches to Mr. Jayaswal and not to me, as it is Buddha's time and have cited ovidence to show clearly stated in the text that "the term vairdjya
that religious corporations were already well. which has been explained by Mr. Jayaswal as
known factor of society in Buddha's time, and the . King-less states' has been taken by Messrs.
celebrated sangha of the latter was not now Macdonell and Keith as denoting some form of
creation but merely a development upon the existing royal authority. In the second place, the use of
institutions. I have again pointed out on p. 112 the term windjya in a particular sen in Artha
that other religious communities too led corporsdatra is no decisive argument again taking it
ato lives, and have referred to a number of such quito different sense in an ear..er text lilce
corporations on pp. 123, 124 and 142. It is true Aitareya Brahmana, specially when the later sengo
that I selected Buddhist sangha slone for in hardly applicable to the earlier text. Any ono
detailed description, but for this I have nesigned who reads the particular passage quoted on p. 89
reasons on pp. 124 and 142. of my book will probably find it difficult to offer 1 Lastly, Mr. Shamasastry remarks that my any consistent interpretation of it, if the word description of the evolution of custo is somewhat vairdjya is taken in the sense of a foreign rulo, as confused for want of a clear chronological analysis Mr. Shamasastry proposes.
of the subject. I do not wish to meet wuch general Then, as regards wrong inference. Mr. Shame.
charge and shall therefore content myself by Bastry thinks that the expression witam pati does merely pointing out that I have arranged the texte not at all imply the importance of the popular bearing upon caste according to distinct literary olempnt in the government as inferred by me periods and have fully discussed their chronoBut as I have already pointed out in the text, logical order in the Introduction. the substitution of the expression 'king of the
In conclusion, I beg to submit, that although it French' for the old 'king of France' indicated
is unusual for an author to reply to the oriticism & considerable difference in the importance
of his book, it becomes necessary in the present of popular element in the government, and
CABO, as the points involved are mainly of scholarly there is no reason why similar implications may
interest and algo of general importance to the not be inferred from similar phrases in the Vedic
students of Indian history. Besides, I have a literature. It is true that such expression is apt,
good precedent in the reply of the late Dr. V. A. in course of time, to be converted into stereotyped
Smith to Prof. Sten Konow's review of his Early designation of the king, but it is not unreasonable
History of India in this Journal (1918, pp. 178, 371). to assume that, to begin with, it actually corregponded to some real political notion.
R. C. MAJUMDAR

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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. By LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.L., C.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from p. 167.) XXVII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE COMING OF SULTÁN BAHADUR OF GUJARAT TO THE DAKAN,
AND OF HIS RETURNING WITHOUT ACOOMPLISHING HIS OBJBOT. It has already been mentioned that when 'Imând-ul-Mulk, the governor of Berar, was defeated by the royal army at Vâlor and fled before them, he found it difficult to escape from them, and therefore in his terror fled and took refuge with Sultan Bahadur, the king of Guiarát, who at that time excelled all the kings of Hindastan in the strength of his army, and the state which he maintained, and appealed to him for assistance, doing his utmost to stir up strife by representing the conquest of Burhân Nigâm Shah's dominions as an exceedingly easy matter. For a long time Sultan Bahadur hesitated and neglected to return an answer to. 'Imâd-ul-Mulk's request, or to further his object, but at length he was deceived and beguiled by 'Imåd-ul-Mulk's tales and the desire of conquering the Dakan took Possession of his heart, and he collected a very numerous army.69
Sultân Bahadur then marched from Gujant to Daulatâbâd and encamped before the fortress. His amars and officers of state incited him to capture the fortress by saying that as soon as it was in his hands the submission of the Nizâm Sbihi dominions would follow as
matter of course, as Daulatáband was the stronghold and the greatest fortress of that country. Sultan Bahadur socordingly, laid siege to the fortress, but though the siege was
80 Sayyid 'Ali has confused the sequence of events and has thus failed to explain the ciroumstances which led to the invasion of the Dakan by Bahadur Shah of Gujarat.
In 1526-27 (sce noto 62) 'Ald-ud-din 'Imad Shah. of Berar, encouraged by IsmA'LLAdil Shah of Bijapůr and assisted by Sultân Qull Qutb shah of Golconda, recovered Pathri, which he had lost in 1518. Burbån Nigam Shah allied himself with 'Ali Barid of Bidar and again captured the place, after a siege of two months They then advanced to Mahur, captured that fortress, and marched towards Elicbpar. "All-ud-din' who was not strong enough to withstand them, fled to Burhanpur and sought help of Muhammad Shah I of Khandesh, who joined him and marobed with him to moot Burhan and Amir 'Ali Barid. A battle was fought in which Muhammad and 'All-ud-din were defeated. They fled to Burhanpur, after losing 300 elephants. From Burhanpur they sent envoya to Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, entreating him to assist them, and Bahadur, seizing the opportunity of intervening in the affairs of the Dakan, set out in 1528, marching by way of Nandurbår. He drove Burhan and Amir 'Ali Barid out of Berar, but lingered so long in that country as to excite the apprehensions of 'Ald-ud-din, who urged him to hasten on towards the Ahmadnagar dominions.
Burhån was much alarmed and appoaled to Isma'il Adil Shah and Sultan Quli Qutb Shah to assist him in repelling the invaders. He even wrote to Babur, who had recently conquered Delhi, for help. Sul. tan Quli was too much oocu pied with a campaign against the Hind us to be able to spare any troops, but Ismå'il gent 6,000 good cavalry, which forop was joined by Amir 'Ali Barid of Bidar with 3,000 horse of his own.
Bahadur advanced, but his objective was Burhan's army, encamped in the hilly country about Btr, not Daulatábåd. Amir 'Ali Barld inflicted two defeats on his army between Paithan and Bir, but he 000. tinued to advance, and Burhan retired from Bir to Parenda, and, being pursued thither, to Junnar. Bahsdur then occupied Ahmadnagar, where he remained for forty days, and built, in this time, the large platform known as the Kala Chablira or 'black platform. Meanwhile, Burhan's army wus engaged in cutting off Bahadur's supplies and it was when the army in Ahmadnagar had already begun to feel the pinch of hunger that his amiro urged him to complete his conquest by reducing DaulatAbad and he accordingly marched thither, and opened the siego. Burhan, who had obtained another contingent of 500 horses from Isma'll, and Amir 'Ali Barid enoamped in the hill above Daulatabad. See ZW. 1, 151.
It was now that Shaib Ja'fer was dismissed from the office of vakil and plahod and Kanha Narai the Brahman, perhaps a relation of Burton, appointed in his place. See ante, p. 166.

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prosecuted with the utmost vigour and caution, there appeared to be no prospect of the reduction of the fortress, for Manjan Khån, son of Khairat Khan, who was at that time the kotud! of the fort, was a valiant and energetic soldier, and devoted all his energies to the defence.
At this time Malik Barid, ruler of the country of Bidar, who was noted among the amirs of the Dakan for his bravery and valour, wrote to 'Imad Shah, with whom he was connected, saying that although there might be some cause for the quarrel between him and Nizam Shah, he had shown little wisdom in undermining the foundations of his own house and of his own sovereignty, for it was evident to anybody with any sense, that if Sultan Bahadur oonquered the Nizam Shah kingdom, 'Imad Shahi would not reign long in Berar. He advised Ald-ud-din 'Imad Shah to settle his quarrel with Burhân Nizam Shah peaceably, 80 that by this means the enemy might be induced to abandon his design of conquering the Dakan.
Ald-ud-din 'Imad Shah, on thinking over the matter, realized that his alliance with Sultân Bahadur was not likely to bring him anything in the end but ruin and repentanoe, and he therefore began to play Sultan Bahadur false. He withdrew his camp to a short distance from that of the Gujaratis and secretly sent a message to Manjan Khân, saying that although he had cause of quarrel with Burhan Nigam Shah, he would not leave him defenceless, and would never permit the conquest of his dominions by the ruler of Gujarat. He encouraged Manjan Khan to resist the besiegers boldly, promising him that when the time came, the army of Berar would fight for him and not for the Gujaratis.
Manjan Khan was much cheered and encouraged by the receipt of this news and opposed the Gujaratis more stoutly than before, making daily sorties from the fort and killing many of them. At last the Gujaratis grew heartily weary of the siege, and all of them clearly showed that they were disheartened, for they had realized that the attempt to capture that fort could bring them nothing but shame. Sultan Bahadur then summoner 'Imadal-Mulk and all his amirs to his presence, and after they had made their obeisance; he consulted them as to the best method of capturing the fort. 'Imád-ul-Mulk, who was now most anxious that Sultân Bahadur should retire, said that he had been opposed to the siege from the first, but that as the Sultan had ordered it, he did not like to say anything against it, lest he should be suspected of having some purpose of his own to serve. Now, however, that he was consulted, he made bold to offer his opinion as to what was the best course. He said that nothing was to be gained by allowing the army to waste its strength in attempts to capture the rock-fortress; that the best thing was to abandon the field and bring Burhan Nizam Shah to battle, for it was certain that he could not withstand Sultan Bahadur's army in the field, and his defeat would be sufficient to cause the surrender of all the forts in the Dekan.
As all were sick of the siege, 'Imád-ul-Mulk's advice was generally approved, and Sultán Bahadur, by the advice of his amira and officers, abandoned the siege and turned his attention to the conquest of the district of Bir.TO
70 Seyyid 'All has placed the campaign in the Bur district after the siege of Daulat Abad. This is pot corroot. Thoamers of Burhan and Amir Alf Barid descended from the hills on one occasion and attacked tho army of Gujarat. They gained an initial advantage, but on the arrival of reinforcemente sent by Bahadur were defeated and driven back into the hills. They now opened secret negotiations with AIA-ud-din 'Imad Shah of Berar and Muhammad Shah of Khandesh. With the former, who already bitterly regrotted having brought Bahadur to the Dakan, they had not much difficulty, and he readily agreed to change sides. He first sont large quantities of ripplies into DaulatAbid and then, leaving his camp standing, rotired mddenly into Berar.

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'Imâd-ul-Mulk then sent a message to Manjan Khan, saying that he had, by the exercise of no little ingenuity, succeeded in persuading the Gujaratis to abandon the siege, and urging Manjan Khân to sally from the fortress as they departed, attack the rearguard, and plunder the baggage, in order that Sultan Bahadur might be convinced of the bravery of the Dakanis and might abandon the attempt to conquer the Dakan. 'Imâd-ul-Mulk also sent a message to Burhân Nizam Shah saying that love and friendship had always existed between them and that he was at one with Burhân Nizam Shah in the endeavour to drive the strangers forth from the Dakan, the rulers of which were, in fact, all of one family. He advised Burhan Nizam Shah to march, together with Malik Barid, towards the Gujarâtis and to attack them, and promised that he could draw his army off from Sultan Bahadur's and attack the enemy in flank when the battle was at its height, so that the strangers would be overpowered.
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When Sultan Buhâdur marched from under the walls of Daulatabåd, Manjan Khan, with a force from the fortress, fell upon the Gujarâtis and put very many of them to the sword; and this daring act created a great impression on Sultan Bahadur and his army.
When the news of Sultan Bahâdur's march reached Burhân Nizam Shah, who was already apprized, by the letter which he had received and by the news of what had taken place at Daulatâbâd, of 'Ala-ud-din 'Imâd Shah's change of sides, he summoned Malik Barid and all the amfrs and the officers of his army, and ordered them to assemble their troops. A very large army assembled, and the king marched with it to attack the army of the enemy. Burhân Nigam Shah placed Malik Barîd in command of the advanced guard and followed him with the main body of the army.
The armies met in the neighbourhood of Bir, and Malik Barid, with the advanced guard, fell at once on the Gujar&tis, and a fierce battle began to rage. Malik Barid drove the advanced guard of the Gujaratis back on their main body; and when he found that the main body under Burhân Nizam Shah had not arrived, he fell back and joined it, and the whole army then marched against Sultan Bahadur's army.
A fresh battle now began. Some divisions of the army of Gujarât, which had advanced beyond the rest, could not withstand the attack of the Dakanîs and fled crabwise from the field, escaping sideways. One half of the Gujarâtis was thus put to flight, and of the Dakanis, 'Alam Khân the elder, tasted martyrdom on this day. The battle continued until darkness put a stop to the fighting and the two armies retired to their camps.71
It now began to dawn upon Sultan Bahadur that 'Alâ-ud-dîn 'Imâd Shah, who had constantly incited him to attempt the conquest of the Dakan by representing that the army of the Dakan was contemptible and of no account, had played him false, for he had seen what havoc the headlong valour of Malik Barid and his small force had wrought among the brave amire of Gujarât and he bethought himself that if Malik Barîd alone could show such bravery, the whole army of the Dakan under Burhân Nizam Shah would not be easily dealt with. He began, therefore, to repent of his expedition to the Dakan and thought of laying hands on 'Imâd-ul-Mulk, but 'Imâd-ul-Mulk had anticipated this intention and had withdrawn himself and his army to the distance of one stage from Sultan Bahâdur's camp. He sent a message to Sultan Bahadur, reminding him that he had formerly told him
71 This is evidently a garbled account of the battle fought in the neighbourhood of Daulatabad, in which Burhan and Amir 'All Barid were driven back into the hills. Alam Khan the elder, who was killed, was probably Aḥmad Nisam Shah's former candidate for the throne of Khandesh.

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that if the two armies (that of Burhan Nigam Shah and that of Malik Barid) united, matters would assume a very serious aspoot, and that he now, knowing how affairs stood, had purposely withdrawn from Sultan Bahadur's camp, for he was certain that his pregence there could not fail to increase the resentment of the Dakanis against the invaders. He advised Sultan Bahadur to retreat on Chênak Deo. Sultan Bahadur had no alternativo but to march, and when he reached Chånak Deo he heard that 'Imad-ul-Mulk had retired to his own country. This news caused him much anxiety and he bitterly regretted that he had been deceived by 'Imad-ul-Mulk's words and had been induced to invade the Dakan. He now resolved to return to his own country, and prepared to march from the Dakan.
When news of Sultan Bahadur's movement reached Burban Nizam Shah, he returned with Malik Barid to his capital.?? XXVIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE MEETING BETWEEN BURHAN NIZÂM SHIH AND SULTÂN BAHADUR OF GUJARAT, BROUGHT ABOUT BY SHu TAHIB AND MAHMUD SHH Or
BURHANPUR. It has already been mentioned that Sultan Abmad Shah Bahri went to war with Sultan Mahmûd of Gujarât in defence of Mahmud Shah of Burhanpur, and that the presence of his army prevented any damage from being inflicted on the state of Burhanpår by the Gujaratis.
Now, therefore, MahmûdShâh of Burhênpûr, who was related to Sultân Bahadur, was impelled by the gratitude which he owed to Ahmadnagar to make peace between Bultan Bahadur and Burhan Nigam Shah, and to put an end to the strife and enmity which had been fomented and increased by 'Imad-ul-Mulk. He therefore sent an envoy to Ahmadnagar and besought Burhan Nizam Shah to send a wise, faithful, and experienced ambassador to Sultan Bahadur's capital for the purpose of strengthening the bonds of peace. In like manner he sent an envoy to Sultân Babådur, imploring him to terminate the dispute and to open negotiations for peace.
Burhan Nizam Shah, with the concurrence of Mahmud Shah Fârûgi, sent Shah Tahir with numerous and valuable presents as an ambassador to Sultân Bahadur. Before Shah T&hir arrived, Sultan Bahadur had heard that he was the most learned man of the age, and that the emperor Humayun, when he wrote to him, used to seal his letter on the back of it,
This is a very imperfect account of the circumstances in whioh Bahadur withdrew from the Dakan. His situation there gave him some cause for anxiety. Ono ally, 'All-ud-din 'Imad Shah, had desorted him; the other, Muhammad of Khandesh, had nothing to gain by a continuanoe of hostilities and WAS anxious for peace; and the rainy son of 1527 was approaching, so that if he remained where he WA, retreat would be difficult, if not imposible, and he would be exposed to a corabined attack by the five kings of the Dakan. Muḥammad of Khandesh therefore opened negotiations for peace, and tho terms on which it was granted were sufficiently humiliating to Burhan. Both ho and 'Ald-ud-din were to cowo tho Khutbah to be recited in their dominions in Bahadur's name; Pathri and MAhûr were to be retroceded to Berar, and the elephants captured from 'Ala-ud-din and Muhammad were to be returned. Burhan, in order to rid himself of the invaders, caused the Khutbah to be recited once in Bahadur's name, and Bahadur retired; but he fulfilled none of the other conditions. Some time afterwards Mudramad of Khandesh called upon him to return the elephants, and he returned those which he had takon from Mubammad, but retained AIA-ud-din's Muhammad, having got all that he wanted; made no further attemp to obtain satisfaction for 'All-ud-din, but entered into a 1 alliance with Burhan; and Pathri, and, for a time, Mahar remained in the possosion of Burhan.
13 Mahmad appears to be Sayyid Ali's stock name for the Khare and kings of Khandesh. Having applied it to Da'ad he now applies it to his successor Muhammad. Firishta says that Shah Tahir was pont to Gujarkt in A.x. 936 (A.D. 1629-30).

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out of respect for him, and he therefore considered how he could fitly receive so learned ⚫ man who was so much honoured by the kings of the earth, for he feared that if he received him in a manner suitable to his eminence in learning, the honours paid to him might be regarded as honours paid to the ambassador of Burhân Nizam Shah; while if Shah Tahir's reception fell short of this, he might be suspected of not paying due respect to learning and excellence. At last he decided to receive Shah Tahir unceremoniously while walking in his garden.7+
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After Shah Tahir had thus been honoured with an interview with Sultan Bahadur, he was treated with the highest honour and consideration, and, since Sultan Bahadur delighted in his company, he would not give him leave to depart, and thus Shah Tâhir remained for three years, or according to another account, for one year, with Sultan Bahadur, and within this period Sultan Bahâdur formed the design of conquering the country of Malwa, and marched for Malwa with a numerous army. Shah Tahir accompanied him. He besieged the fortress of Mândû, but the siege was prolonged and the Gujarâtis lay surrounding the fortress, for nearly six months. At length Mândû was captured by Sultân Bahâdur, and Shah Tahir then represented to the Sultân that he had been in attendance on him for a long while and had been treated with every kindness, but that the object of his mission was not, as yet, accomplished. Sultan Bahadur asked him what that object was, and he replied that it was to arrange a meeting between him and Burhân Nigam Shah, in order that peace might be firmly established between them. Sultan Bahadur asked whether His Majesty Burhân Nizam Shah would indeed meet him, and Shah Tahir replied that he certainly would, since that had been the object of the embassy. Sultân Bahadur asked where he would meet him, and Shah Tahir replied that he would come as far as Burhanpûr. Sultan Bahadur asked Shah Tahir to go at once to Burhan Ni âm Shah and conduct him to Burhanpûr, promising to proceed thither in a leisurely manner, hunting by the way, so as to meet Burhân Nizam Shah there.75
Shah Tahir at once set out for Ahmadnagar and, on his arrival, told Burhân Nizâm Shah that Sultan Bahadur had promised to meet him in Burhanpûr. Some of the courtiers, who were jealous of Shâh Tâhir, discredited this statement and said that it was not likely that Sultan Bahadur would come to Burhanpûr to meet Burhân Nizam Shah. Shah Tahir, however, insisted that his information was correct and urged Burhân Nizam Shah to go to Burhanpûr. Burhân Nizam Shah consented, and proceeded to Burhanpûr, while Sultan Bahadur approached that city from the opposite direction and encamped in the garden of Mahmûd Shah. When Burhân Nizam Shah reached the environs of Burhanpûr, Shah Tahir hastened on to wait on Sultan Bahadur. He entered the garden and knocked at the door of the house where Sultan Bahadur lodged. Sultan Bahadur, perceiving who was
74 This is not quite a correct account of Shah Tahir's reception. At first Bah dur refused to receive any envoy from Burhan Nizam Shah on the ground that the latter had not fulfilled the terms of the treaty of Daulatabad, but had had the Khutbah recited only once in the name of the king of Gujarat and had then reverted to the practice of having it recited in his own name. Muhammad of Khandesh made excuses for Burhan, saying that he was bound to consider the susceptibilities of the other kings of the Dakan, and Bahadur then consented to receive Shah Tahir, but showed him scant consideration. It was not until Khudavand Khan of Gujarat had warmly eulogized Shah Tahir's piety, learning, and personal merits that Bahadur received him with respect.
Firishta says that the meeting between Sultan Bahadur and Burhan Nizam Shah I took place after the capture of Mândů by Sultan Bahadur and at the end of the rainy season. Mandû fell on March 38, 1531, and the two kings met, therefore, in October, 1831. F. ii. 208, 431, 530. Muhammad' should be read for Mahmûd' throughout this section.

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there, asked whether Burhan Niyam Shah had arrived. Shah Tahir replied that he was in the environs of the town and was ready to do homage to Sultan Bahadur. Sultan Bahadur then told Shah Tâbir to tell him that he would receive him that evening and also sent & message to Maḥmad Shah saying that as the meeting between himself and Burhan Nizam Shah would take place in his dominions, it behoved him to attend to his duties as host, and to prepare a banquet for them in order that they might dine when they met. Mahmud Shah then prepared a splendid banquet.
Accordingly near sunset, Burhan Nizam Shah set out with a body of his most learned courtiers and a detachment of his army to pay his respects to Sultan Bahadur, as it were the moon approaching the sun, and when they met, Sultan Bahadur received him with all love, friendship, and honour. Burhan Nigam Shah then presented his písh leash and gifts, consisting of elephants, horses, and valuable merchandise and stuffs of Khurâsân and Hindustan. After that & sumptuous feast was spread for the two kings and food was distributed to all the troops.
[According to some accounts, Sultan Bahadur, puffed up with the pride of his royal power and dignity and of the strength of his army, paid but little attention to Burhan Nigám Shâh at their first meeting and did not even command him to be seated. Burhan Nizâm Shah, observing the etiquette of the royal court, stood patiently where he was, and Sultân Bahadur requested Shah Tahir to sit on his right hand. But Shah Tahir said that it would be improper for him to sit while his master remained standing, and the Sultân then, turning to Burhan Nizam Shah, asked him why he did not take his seat. Burhan Nigam Shah then sat down beside Sultân Bahadur and entered into conversation, and in a short time all unpleasantness between the two kinga was at an end. But this account can hardly be credited.]76
After that Sultan Bahadur commanded that a green umbrella and aftabgir, such as are only used by kings, should be brought, and bestowed them on his guest, whom he addressed as Ni, am Shah Babri. The Sultan's chief amírs also praised Burhan Nizam Shah Bahri, giving him the royal title, and all the other amirs and those who were present in the assembly, offered him their congratulations on the honour that had been shewn bim."
They say that on that day Sultan Bahadur said jestingly to Maulana Pir Muhammad “Tumhari bazdn kyd karti hai," for the word bazan often occurs in the speech of the Dakapis - and Maulana Pir Muhammad replied in the same vein, "Tumhart 'anatoalt "kaun du'karti hai ?"78 Sultan Bahadur was much pleased with Maulana Pir Muhammad's answer
78 Nevertheless it appears to be the correct one. According to Firishtå the ceremonial arranged Was that Sultan Bahadur should be seated on his throne and should receive the homage of Burhan Nigam ShAh. Burhan was minded, when he understood how he was to be humiliated, to turn homewards. regardless of the consequences, but Shah Tahir counselled patience and submission and told Burhan that he had a device for modifying the most humiliating part of the ceremony. Ho had, he said. & copy of the Qur'an in the handwriting of 'Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad. He would ca this with him, and Sultan Bahadur' would be obliged to rise and descend from his throne in order to do reverence to the sacred book. Accordingly Shah Tahir carried the copy of the Qur'an on his head, and when Bahadur, in answer to a question, was told what it was that he was bearing, ho at once descended and did reverence to the sacred book,
TT This was apparently regarded, by all present, & a formal investiture of Burhan with the royal title and insignia.
78 These two questions moan." What is the meaning of your basdn " and "What prayer does your and wali make ?" Bazdn seems to have been a common Dakani corruption of ba'd az dn, after that, but I have not been able to accertain the meaning of andwal, which is probably some Gujarati word or Clujarati corruption of an Arabio or Persian word.

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and rewarded him by giving him two horses, an Arab and a Turki. Burhân Nizâm Shâh then obtained leave to depart and returned to his own camp, but Shah Tâhir stayed in the assembly for a short time after his departure and Sultân Bahůdur said to him, "I dismissed Burhån Nigam Shah thus early lest fear should enter his mind." Shah Tahir replied, "His Majesty has never in any juncture known fear, nor does he know it now, but out of respect to the royal assembly he would not speak unceremoniously." Sultan Bahadur then asked whether His Majesty Nizam Shah could play polo, and Shâh Tâhir replied that whenever Sultan Bahadur took a fancy to see a game of polo, he would see that Burhan Nigam Shah excelled all the soldiers and horsemen of the world in soldierly accomplishments, horsemanship, and boldness. Sultân Bahadur then asked him to tell Burhan Nizam Shah that he would go out early the next morning to amuse himself by watching some polo and that Burhan Niyâm Shah should also come out and watch the play of the valiant men. Shảh Tâhir then took his leave, hastened to the presence of Burhan Nigam Shah, and told him what had passed between himself and Sultan Bahadur, saying that Sultan Bahadur's object was to make trial of him, and advising him to disregard etiquette and to join manfully in the game and to do his best.
Early the next morning Sultan Bahůdur rode out towards the open plain, and Burhan Nizam Shah algo, mounting his horse, rode out with a band of his warriors towards the plain. Here the two parties met and played polo. Burhan Nizam Shah distinguished himself above all others in the game, so that all spectators applauded, and Sultan Bahadur and all his warriors were astonished at his quickness, dexterity and boldness, and dąsh, and, withdraw. ing from the game, watched him in admiration, praising and applauding him loudly.
When the game was over, both Sultân Bahadur and Burhån Nizam Shah went to the former's camp and Sultan Bahadur ordered his attendants to bring forth abundant gifts, cash, goods, horses, elephants, and whatever else might be worthy of the acceptance of Burhan Nigam Shah. Those were produced by Sultan Bahadur's order and were presented to Burhan Nigam Shah, who then asked for leave to depart. Sultan Bahadur embraced him and gave him permission to depart, and he returned to his own camp. After his departure, Sultan Bahadur summoned his singers and ordered them to go to Burhan Nizam Shah's camp and delight him with their singing, and also to make trial of him and see whether he was of ready understanding and quick in the uptake. They obeyed the order, and when they sange Burhan Nigam Shah put questions to them and made apt interpolations in each couplet and each song that they sang; and the singers were astonished at the quickness of his wit and loudly praised him. He then gave them numerous presents and dismissed them. When the singers returned to Sultan Bahadur's camp, they were loud in their praises of the ready wit and the generosity of Burhân Nigam Shah. So much did they dilate on them that some of the courtiers rebuked them and told them that it was both disrespectful and foolish to praise another than their master so extravagantly for wit and generosity. But Sultân Bahadur acted justly and said that the singers spoke the truth, and that Burhân Nizam Shah excelled him both in understanding and generosity, for his own language was much the same o that of Gwalior, in which the poetry was written, while the language of the Dakan did not so much resemble that of Gwalior, and that his own treasure far exceeded that of Burhån Nigam Shah. Therefore, he argued, Burhan Nizam Shåh's understanding every song and every couplet as it was sung, and his generosity in giving the great gifts which he had bestowed, though his treasure was but small, were sufficient proofs of the quick understandng and great generosity of that great and most generous king. .

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In truth, in respect of these two matters, the Sultan said no more than justice and truth demanded, and was guilty of no distortion or exaggeration.
Some historians have related that the meeting of these two kings took place in a village near Daulatâbâd and without the intervention of Shâh T&hir, but by the advice and inter vention of Khvája Ibrahim, the councillor, and Såbaji, and that these two men were rewarded for the service which they had performed, the former with the title of Latif Khân, and the latter with that of Part&b Rai; but the story told here at length is the correct account.79
After this meeting Burhan Nizam Shâh returned to his capital, and Sultan Bahadur returned to Gujarât. 80 XXIX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INÁMI RELIGION BY BURHÂN NIzin
SHẦH IN THE DAKAN, IN PLACE OF THE HANAFI RELIGION, It has already been mentioned that Burhan Nizam Shah spent much of his time with doctors of the faith of Muhammad and devoted all his attention to acquiring learning and spiritual excellence. He occupied himself in listening to the discussion of religious questions, and to the adducing of proofs, in order that he might acquire knowledge of God and an insight into the holy law, and he was ever & seeker after the straight way, which is the means of pleasing God.
His object in thus associating with learned doctors of the faith was discrimination between truth and error, in order that the rust of doubt might be scoured from the mirror
79 Sayyid 'All seems to be confounding two meetings, for it is highly probable that there was a meeting between Bahadur and Burhan before the former retired from the Dalan, and there sooms to be no doubt that this meeting took place at hånpur after Bahadur's conquest of MAlwa. Firishta says (ii, 431) that Bahadur's object in conciliiating Burhan was to obtain him as an ally in a scheme which he had formed for wresting the empire of Dihlf from the Taimurids; and this is highly probable. Bahadur had recently added the kingdom of Malwa to that of Gujarat, Muhammad of Khandesh was his vással, and it would have been strange if ambitious schemes had not been generated by his success. With Burhån and *All-ud-din of Berar as his allies, he might not unreasonably hope for the success of such a scheme as he had formed, but a stronger than he was in the field, and Burhan was not won over. Firishta says that he even instigated Humayun to attack Gujarat.
90 Seyyid 'Ali omita all mention of the events which followed Burhan's return to his capital, probably because they reflect little lustre on Burhan's reputation. Amir 'Ali Barid had promised to codo Kaliyâni and Kandhår to Isma'il 'Adil ShAh, but had failed to keep his promise. Lama'il accordingly prepared, in 1531-32, to capture the two fortresses by force of arms, Burhån, at Amir 'Ali Barid's request, wrote to Ismail asking him to desist, and Isma'il replied, with some warmth, that he had not interfered when Burhan had taken Mahûr. He added that he was going to inspect his frontier posts of Naldrug and Sholapúr, and trusted that Burhan's officers would not be alarmed. Burhan's reply was couched in a haughty and menacing tone; and when Ismâ'il next wrote, he desired to know the reason for Burhan's change of tone. Was it the second-hand umbrella and tents of the kings of MAlwa conferred on him by Bahadur. Or was it the title of Shah by which Bahadur had addressed him t If so, let him know that the royalty of the kings of Bijapur was recognized by greater monarch, the King of Kings of Persia. The letter concluded with a challenge.
Burhan and Amir 'Ali Barid marched on Naldrug with an army of 25,000 horse and were utterly defeated by Ismail, who had but 12,000. Three thousand of Burhan's army were slain and he fled from the fald. In the following your (1632-33) Burhan and Isma'il met on the frontier of their kingdoms And. conohided a treaty, in accordance with the terms of which, Lama'il was to be allowed to annex the kingdom
Golconds and Burhan that of Berar ; but Lemâ'il died in 1634 and the treaty was held to have speed. F.ii, 44, 45, 46, 211.

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of his heart, which was a repository of divine mysteries. He did not, however, attain this object from association with the learnod men who were in the service of the court. On the contrary, the discrepancies between their words and their deeds confused his mind and threw him into great perplexity. Since those learned men had no love for, nor devotion to, the king of seinte ('Ali) who is in Madinah the banner of God's prophet and the guide to the path of true guidance, their learning was not profitable to the faith, nor did it raise the pinnacle of assurance, nay rather, in its avoidance of setting forth the truth it was worse than compound ignorance, for their object in following that learning was not the discovery of the way of orthodoxy, and consequently their learning led thern many stages away from what should have been their object.
When Shah Tâhir gained admission to the royal court, he joined in the discussions on religion and the sacred law, in spite of the fact that he was compelled by circumstances to perform taqiyyah 81 and to conceal his true faith, but he would cite Shi'ah authorities and attach all the importance to them that he could. Burhan Nigam Shah, by means of his natural acumen, suspected that the faith of Shah Tahir was not that of the folk of Sunnat and Jamaat, 82 and by means of God's guidance began to realize that the religion of that true Sayyid was the true one and acceptable to the prophet of the 'Arabs. The king therefore called Shah Tahir to himself in private and straitly questioned him on all religious questions, and Shah Tahir returned such answers as left no doubt in the king's mind as to his religious belief. The king then asked him straight out what his religion was, and Shah Tahir at first observed taqiyyah and dissembled, but the king said that it was perfectly evident that he was a Shi'ah and asked what it profited him to conceal the fact. Shâh Tahir said that he could not reveal a matter, the concealment of which had (in the circumstances in which he was placed) been decreed by the king of the saints, and that on this matter ho could not make paper the confidant of the pen. The king then solemnly swore that his question was in no way connected with bigotry or obstinate preference for one form of religion, but was prompted by & sinoere desire to discover the way of truth and release from ignorance and strife. He bade Shah Tahir to be in no way anxious, as nothing could be said or done that might be in any way. distasteful to him. He said that he had long been perplexed by the differences between sects, and that none of the doctors at court had been able to free his mind from his doubts. When Shah Tahir had received these assurances he spoke more freely. He said that inquiry after the truth was incumbent on all men, and on none more than kings, who were the shadow of God on earth. On the king's urging him to proceed, Shah Tahir revealed all that was in his mind. He reminded the king that Muhammad had said that among all the numerous.sects of Islam one should follow the way of salvation and the rest the way of damnation. He then plied the king with arguments to prove that the Shi'ah religion was the way of salvation. He told him that Ali bin Abi Talib was the undoubted Guccessor of the prophet, and was followed by his son, Hasan, who was succeeded by his brother, Husein, and that they were succeeded by 'Ali Zainu-l-'Abidin, and that their descendants followed in succession, the last of them being the lord of the age, Abu-l-Qasim
A practice permissible according to the tenets of the Shi'ah sect of Muslims. It consigta in concealing one's religious belief in order to avoid persecution or molestation and may, with the same object, extend even to reviling it.
81 "The traditional law and the congregation," in the following of which, orthodoxy, socording to Muslims of the Sunni soot, consista.

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Mutammad bin Al-Hasan al-Mahdi. He gave the king their names, 'Ali, Hasan, Husain Zain-ul-'Abidin, Baqir, Ja'far, Mûsê Kazim, 'Ali Musa Riga, Taqi, Naqi, Hasan Askari, AbQ-IQhgim, al Mahdi,88 who is still living. He also set forth the absurdity of the belief of the Sunnis. The king then praised God for having decreed that the truth should be unfolded to him, and God appointed Mustafa, Murtaza, and the Imâms to reveal to him the true faith Xxx.-AN ACCOUNT OF THS EVENT WHICH CONFIRMED THE KING IN THE TRUE RELIGION
OF THE TWELVE IMAMS. When Shah Tahir left the king's presence and went to his bedchamber, the king also retired to rest, and saw a vision. He dreamt that he saw Muḥammad with 'Ali on his right hand and Hasan and Husain on his left with Muhammad Baqir, while Shah Tâhir was standing at a little distance from them, prepared to execute their orders. When Burhân Nisâm Shâh realized in whose presence he was, he made his obeisance, and Muhammad Bågir said to him, "The prophet commands that you should follow the guidance of Shah Tâhir and lay hold on the true faith of love for the prophet's descendants." The king, who was highly pleased at being addressed, bowed his head to the ground in acquiescence, and opened his lips to praise the Imâm. Just then the morning broke, and the king awoke, full of joy, and praised God for the vision which he had seen. He then sent for Shah Tâhir and began to relate to him the dream which he had seen. It so happened that Shah Ahir had seen the same dream and had been ordered by the prophet, through the mouth of Muhammad Baqir, the Imêm, to guide Burhan Nizam Shah into the path of truth. He stopped the king's narrative and first told his own, thereby convincing the king of the genuineness of his vision. The king then told his story, and Shah Tâhir said that he ought to be surely con-. vinced of the truth of the Shi'ah religion and ought to regard the hatred of the opponents of the prophet's descendants as a religious duty. The king admitted that all his doubts were removed and that he was a firm believer in the truth of the Shi'ah religion and hater of all its opponents, but said that he could not proceed further in the matter without Shah Tâhir's help, which would be necessary for the convincing of the doctors of the law about the court of tbe truth of that faith and for the removal of their opposition and also for leading the people generally into the way of truth. This was, indeed, proof of the king's justice, that he would not proceed violently against such as had not a knowledge of the truth. Shâh Tahir undertook the duty of arguing with the doctors of the faith and of reducing them to silence.
83 These are the names of the "Twelve ImAms" of the Shi'ah sect. The fundamental difference between the Sunnis and the Shf'ahs is well known. The former maintain that the succession to Mułammad m God's vicegerent on earth was properly determined by the popular choice, and that the first four Caliphs, Abu Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman, and 'All, who were elected, ware Mulammad's lawful stonon. The Shi'ahs maintain that the succession depended on natural descent from Mul ammad through his daughter Fatimah, who was married to his cousin 'Ali, that Mulammad in his lifo time designated 'AR me his MICROOr, and that 'Umar, who was present or the occasion and acknowledged 'AN's right to rudoved, concealed the fact after Muhammad's death. They revile the first three Caliphs as usurpers and maintin that 'All's right to the succession depended not upon his oleotion after the death of Uthman, but w inherent in him, so that he should have succeded on Mulammad's death, The Imama, for the Shi'aha do not use the word Caliph (Kallfah) are the lineal descendants of 'All and Fatimah, and the last. al Mahdi, is supposed to be living, but concealed.
MuratA is an opithet of Mułammad and Murta. A of 'All. Mulammad Baqir, mentioned in the next motion, is the fifth Imam.

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XXXI-AN ACCOUNT OF THE CONTROVERSY OF SHAH TAHIR WITH THE SUNNI DOCTORS, AND OF HIS VICTORY OVER THEM.
By the king's command an assembly, which the king graced with his presence, was convoked, and before that assembly Shah Tahir conducted a controversy with the following Sunni doctors :
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(1) Maulana Pir Muḥammad, (2) Shaikh Ja'far, (3) Maulana Abdul Awwal, (4) Qazi Muhammad Nayata entitled Afzal Khân, (5) Qâzi Zain-ul-'Abidin, camp Qarf, (6) Sayyid Ishaq, the librarian, (7) Qazi Wilayat Ambar (Abtar).
Shah Tahir began by quoting the Ahadith to the effect that of the seventy-three sects of Islam, one was in the way of salvation and the rest in the way of damnation. He then twitted the Sunnis successfully with the differences between their four sects and continued his arguments at great length, basing all his arguments on Ahadith accepted by the Sunnis or passages from Sunni books, observing that it was useless to cite authorities not accepted by both parties. He concluded this portion of his argument by challenging his opponents to shew that he had misquoted anything or misplaced any quotation, calling for the books, the chief of which was the Sahih-i-Bukhart, from the royal library, and promising to desist for ever from upholding the Shi'ah faith if it could be shewn that the passages quoted by him were not in the books. Qazi Zain-ul-'Abidin, however, forbade Sayyid Ishaq, the librarian, to produce the books. It so happened that the king had brought with him a copy of the most important, the Sahth-i-Bukhari, which was produced, and the passages quoted by Shah Tahir were found therein, to the shame of the Sunnt doctors, who then shifted their ground. The argument continued; and Shah Tahir having followed the Sunnis over their change of ground, continued his argument and again beat his opponents on their own ground. They were confuted and, as they could not meet his arguments, had recourse to abuse. Shah Tahir then appealed to the king to say whether he had not utterly confuted his opponents, and whether their taking refuge in abuse were not an admission of defeat. The king replied that the confutation of the Sunnis was as clear to' him as the sun in the heavens and that all who had ever contended that 'Alf was not the rightful immediate successor of the prophet were worthy of being cursed, and furthermore that the Imams after 'All were the infallible and only guides to the truth.
When the king announced his acceptance of the Shi'ah religion, the Sunn! doctors cried out with one accord that it was unworthy of his royal dignity that he should, on the unfounded statements of anybody, abandon the faith of his fathers and the religion which was accepted by so many famous kings, and should accept the arguments of any unauthoritative stranger. When the king heard what they had said, his wrath burst into flame, and he said,
The Bath-ul-Bukhart is the great collection of addith, the sayings or 'traditions of Muḥammad, accepted as authentic by the Sunnis. The four sects of the Sunnis here mentioned are the Hanafis, the Hanbalis, the Shafts, and the Malikis, the followers of the four great doctors of the law, whom the Sunnis call the four Imams, Abd Hanifah, Ibn Hanbal, ash-Shaft, and Malik. The differences between these sects are unimportant and each regards all the others as orthodox.

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"O lords of error and insolence. Know that we, in our search after the truth, have set asido all obstinacy and bigotry and have followed the way of truth in sincerity and faith, and but now, by way of proof, we decreed that Shah Tahir should hold a controversy with you in order that you might be convinced, and that the people might not say that we have without good grounds and sufficient proof abandoned the faith of our fathers. Now that you have been overcome in argument and are in that respect helpless, you take up a new line, and say that it is not right to forsake the faith of our fathers. But this is unreasonablo, and is merely the speech of fools whom God has refuted in the Qur'an. The excuse that a particular religion was the religion of one's ancestors will never be accepted on the day of resurrection. Now, if you wish for prosperity in this world and salvation in the next, abandon your errors and accept the true Shi'ah faith, or the punishment that we shall decree for you will ompty the cage of the birds of your souls, and the sword of our wrath shall remove your heads to & distance from your bodies."
Notwithstanding the king's efforts to guide these men into the way of truth, fato had decreed that they should obstinately adhere to error, and Qazi Abrar, the most obstinato bigot of all, was beheaded. Maulana Abdul Awwal was punished with torture and with every species of affliction and was compelled to eat the flesh of dogs, and the others wera punished in various ways. The power of the sword in a short time established the true religion of the infallible Imams in the remotest part of the country of the Dakan, and love for the family of the prophet was established in the hearts of both enemies and friends, so that the other Sultans of that land, that is to say 'Adil Shah and Qutb Shah, followed the king's oxample and accepted the Shi'ah religion.85 Thus the Shi'ah religion became the religion of the land: the titles of the Imams were heard from the pulpits, and adversaries of the faith were rooted out from the land. After this the king's power and prosperity grew and increased.
(To be continued.)
* Seyyid 'Alin Mont inaccurate hero. Bulgan Qult Qutb Shah and all his successors in Goloonda wa Shi'cha. Yawuf Adil ShAh, founder of the Bijapur dynasty, was so zealous a Shi'ah that bo nearly lont his throne by prematurely establishing that religion in his kingdom. His son Isma'il was also Sht'sh, but Ibrahim 'Adil Shah I, IsmA'li's son, who had lately succeeded to the throne of Bijapar, was a Sunns, but all other kings of this dynasty wero Shi'aha. Thus, after the conversion of BurhAn, the three principal dynasties in the Dakan, those of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, and Golconds were Shi'ahs, while the ruler of the two small kingdoms of Berar and Bidar Were Sunnis. But Berar w annexed by Ahmadnagar in 1674 and Bidar by Bijapur in 1619, so that the Shi'ah faith became the established religion of the Dekan. This fumished the bigot Aurangzib with a scarcely needed pretext for the annexation of Bijapur and Goloonda.
# FiriahtA's noount of Burhan's conversion to the Shi'ah religion is similar to this but contains somo Additional particulars. According to him, ShAh Tahir first took advantage of a dangerous illness of 'Abdul Qadir, Burhan's favourite son, to broach the subject of the Shi'ah religion, suggesting that if the king scoeptod it, the prince would recover. It was while watching by his son's bed that the King fell asloop and dreamed dream, in which he saw, according to Firishta, Muhammad surrounded by the twelve Imams. Muhammad promised him that his son should recover and bade him follow the teaching of Shah Tahir. The king's conversion followed as a matter of course. Firishta, who was & Sunni, does not relate the story of the conversion so sympathetically tho Shi'ah, Sayyid 'Ali.

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A CHRONOLOGY OF THE PÂLA DYNASTY OF BENGAL.
BY DINESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARYYA, M. A. The history of the great PAla dynasty of Bengal has during the last ten years cleared up remarkably, and we have now a fairly accurate chronology for it established by the working of a number of happy synchronisms. Scholars however disagree in some of the minor details. In the present article an attempt has been made to show that we can arrive at a definitely certain chronology for a major part of the dynasty from the available materials. The publication of Mr. R. D. Banerji's elaborate monograph on the Palas of Bengal 1 which mostly embodies the recent researches on the subject, saves the present article from being burdened with full references.
We start from the reign of Mahipals I, for whom we have a certain date in the Sarnath inscription of A.D. 1026. Hitherto the inscription was referred by all scholars to the actual reign of Mahipala, but Mr. R. D. Banerji contends that it might have been incised soon after his death. In support of his contention he seems to put forth two facts, viz. (1) a MS. from Nepal was written in 1076 Samvat when a " TTTT
tours qa " was reigning in Tirhut. According to Bendall, this is Gangeyadeva Chedi. The date of the MS., A.D. 1019 (referring it to the Vikrama era) fell, therefore, before the brass plates of Mahipala from Imadpur in Tirhut, dated in his 48th year; and as the longest period assigned to Mahtpala is 52 years (Taranath), he must have been dead in A.D. 1026. (2) Besides, the absence of any elocutionary epithets before the name of Mahipala in the above inscription and the use of the past tense in akdrayat may point to its being a posthumous record. It should however be noted that Mahipala was still living in A.D. 1023 when Rajendrachola invaded Bengal, and even assuming that he died soon after, his 48th year hardly falls before A.D. 1019. Besides, there is no clear reference in the Kalachuri inscriptions of this not very insigrificant conquest of Tirhut (and Gauda) by Gaugeyadeva.
We are thus inolined, with Mons. Levi, to reject Bendall's interpretation and to acoept Mr. Chanda's suggestion that the colophon refers to a local Samanta.
The Sarnath inscription, again, is in veree, and as such, the single epithet afaris sufficiently expressive of the king's life and honour. Moreover, the use of the proximate past tense, , very fairly refers the inscription to the actual reign of Mahipala I, who may therefore be taken to have been still reigning in December, A.D. 1026.
The date of Mahipala's accession to the throne can now be definitely settled, for fortunately we have a verifiable datum referring to his reign. A MS. of Ashtasdhasrika was copied in the sixth year of his reign
af artat T. “Kartika vadi 13" fell on a T'wesday on the following possible dates :Pwrpimdula.
(1) October 21, A.D. 979.
(2) September 27, A.D. 992. Nom. ASB., Vol. v. Nad.
p. 76.
ASR., 1911-12, p. 173. fatto in the Gohar plate of Karpadeva (BI., XI, p. 148) takon to refer to an invador of Angs, should perhaps moro corrootly be constructed with the previous word, ango manning rather the wovon functionaries of a kingdom (of Ktra)
uudandyaman, p. 43. It is Indood possible, referring tho year to the sake ora A.D. 1164, that the prince is no other than Gargoyadeva, the son and Door of the famous Nanyadors of Mopal and Tirhutan identification which will also oxplain the otherwise inexplicable connection with Geuda convoyed by the epithet gaudodhuaja though it should be noted the same time that Inter Nopalooo king rofor the dynasty of solar longo.

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Amanta.---
(1) November 2, A.D. 986. (2) November 18, A.D. 990.
(3) November 14, A.D. 993. We have given both Purnimanta and Amanta calculations. It is always very difficult to ascertain which particular system was prevalent at that period in particular places. Here also fortunately we have a definite epigraphic evidence to show that the Amanta system was prevalent in Bengal about that time. The Badkamtê Narteśvara image inscription of the reign of Layahachandra gives a date-Ashadha vadi 14 with Thursday and Pushyå nakshatra.& Any one versed in Indian chronology will see that the data, making an impossible combination under the Purnimdnta system, clearly refer to the Amdnia system. We have ventured, therefore, to make our seleotion from dates calculated under the Amanta system. Of all the calculated dates, 979 is rather too early, dating Mahipala's death in A.D. 1025 at the latest, after full 62 years. On the other hand, both A.D. 992 and 993 are somewhat too late, carrying us to about A.D. 1038. We know from Tibetan sources that the celebrated Buddhist missionary Dipankara left for Tibet in A.D. 1042 under King Nayapala whose associstion with the Buddhist sage must have extended to a number of years. Of the two dates remaining, 986 is certainly the most convenient one. So Mahipala ascended the throne in A.D. 981, November 981 falling within his first year. His predecessor Vigrahapala II's date is also hereby settled, dating his accession not later than A.D. 955, a MS. having been copied in his 26th year. The date of Kamboja usurpation (A.D. 966) as gathered from the Dinajpur pillar insoription, fits in well during Vigrahapala's reign. The date, A.D. 966. however, already falls too early in his reign to admit any later date for Mahipala's accession than the one we have selected. Mahipala died therefore in circa A.D. 1030 after a reign of about 50 years.
Before settling the dates of the immediate successors of Mahipala I, we shall try next to settlo date which is likely to evoke very far-reaching consequences, namely, that of the Kamauli grant of Vaidyadeva. It records a grant made on a fayd ay coinciding with a varet (verse 28 dure Agrate frytu amat) Dr. Venis, who first edited the inscription, from the then meagre state of Pala chronology, selected A.D. 1142 from among the possible dates calculated by him. Moreover, he caloulated only vadi dates though there was no reason to exclude sudi ones, which equally make a fort. The possible dates for our immediate purpose are the following: 1096, 1100, 1104, 1110, 1119, 1123. Of these, 1096 is too early, as we shall presently see. In 1104 there was of both at sunrise and the moment of Sankranti on the Sankrdnti day: it is thus rejected, as is also 1115, when there was great at sunrise but rareft later on, and such a combination does not make a oftaret. 1123 is rather too late. So we have only two dates, A.D. 1100 and 1119, for the fourth year of Vaidyadeva. Let us see what comes out of the earlier date. It is clear from the epithets her etc., used in the inscription, that Vaidyadeva became independent, and it has been rightly conjectured that he " declared his independence after the murder of Gopala III," probably by his. Lancle Madanapala. The latest inscription of the reign of Râmapala is dated "Samvat
42 Khadha dine 30." 10 That of the reign of Vigrahapala III is dated "Samvat 13 MArges
JASB., 1914, p. 88.
Mon., p. 69.
EI., II., p. 349.
p. 108.
p. N.

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dine 14."11 The latest record of Nayapala is again, from the colophon of a MS., dated "Samvat 14 Chaitra dine 27."11 We have thus the following scheme worked out:
March 1100 falls within the 4th year of Vaidyadeva. March 1097 falls within the 1st year of Vaidyadeva.
Allowing only a few months' reign to Kumarapala and Gopala III,
June 1095 falls within the 42nd year of Ramapala. Therefore, June 1054 falls within the first year of Ramapala
Allowing again a few morths' reign to Sarapala II and Mahipala II, November 1052 falls within the 13th year of Vigrahapala III.
November 1040 falls within the first year of Vigrahapala III. Therefore, March 1039 falls within the 14th year of Nayapála, and March 1026 falls within the first year of Nayapala..
Against this apparent agreement of the chronology with 1100 for the date of Vaidyadeva's grant, there are grave and numerous objections. In the first place, all the six kings of the series here are allotted just the minimum lengths of reign as determined by materials hitherto collected, and there is not even a few months' margin left. Secondly, the happy synchronism of Karnadeva and Nayap&la, which has been accepted from Tibetan sources, 18 has to be rejected under the present scheme, for we now know that Karnadeva ascended the throne in January A.D. 1041 14 while Nayapala, here died before November 1040 at the latest. 18 Thirdly, Dipankara addressed & didactic letter "Vimalaratnalekha " to King Nayapâla, while the sage was "staying in the plains of Nepal on his way to Tibet” in A.D. 1041 (Dr.Vidyabhu: haņa in the ASB.). This also is not poggible under the present scheme. Fourthly, Nayapala's reign here begins in March, 1026 at the latest, but the Sarnath inscription is dated December 1026. Moreover, Karnadeva's son was still reigning in A.D. 1122.16 It is but fair then to assume that Karnadeva was quite a young man when he ascended the throne in A.D. 1041, and Vigrahapala III, to be consistently a son-in-law of his, must needs be pushed beyond A.D. 1053, (the date of his death under the present scheme) when hat would be too young it born, at all. Indeed, if the measured words of the Ramacharita17 be taken literally, Vigrahapala must have married the princess at the time when he ascended the throne, (" toff arrarat "
: THE Writtor
) which becomes even more unlikely under the present scheme. We are thus sufficiently justified in rejecting 1100 and accepting 1119 for the date of Vaidyadeva's grant. The only thing that stands in the way is the supposed alliance of Madanapala with Chandradevs of Kananj, put forth by M. M. H. P. Sastri in the learned introduction to the Ramacharita. Here we have to discuss the following connected genealogy:
Nayapåla Karpadeva (aso. 1041)
Chandradeva Madanapala
Mahanadeva 1 Sankaradevi
Vigrahapala=Vijayasri Yasahkarna (1122)
Râmapala Gayakarna (1151)
Govindachandra Kumaradevi. Kumarapala Madanapals (1104—1154). 11 P. 112.
19 p. 79. 18 p. 77.
14 E I., XI., p. 146. 16 Dipankara who brought about a ponce between Karadeva and Nayapala, could not therefore have best for Tibet before A.D. 1042. Dipankara's chronology, which originally appeared in JASB., Vol. LX, 1881, p. 237, was in keeping with this synchronism, but it is not known what led the olaronology to be shifted later by two years. 16 EI., II, p.
17 I, 9.

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A glance at the above genealogy will show that Madanapala was a contemporary of Govindachandra, and if there was any alliance at all, it was not with Chandra-deva but with Govinda-chandra. The whole question, however, rests on very doubtful grounds, as the Ramacharita is there unelucidated by any commentary. Possibly the campaigns of Madanapala on the banks of the Yamuna were against and not on behalf of the king of Kanani, whoever he may be. i like rear should perhaps better be taken to refer to a king of the "Chandra" dynasty of Bengal.
Thus March 1119 falls within the fourth year of Vaidyadeva, so that the date of Kumarapala's death easily works out to be A.D. 1115. Ramapala's date can now be fixed with greater accuracy. In the legendary work called dergive, there cours the following verse recording the death of R&mapala:
शाके युग्मकृशानुरन्त्रकुमिते (1) कन्यां गते भास्कर कृष्णे वाक्पतिवासरे वमतियो वामइये वासरे। . जाहण्यां जलमध्यतस्त्वमशास्वा पचनिनः हा पालान्वयमौलिमण्डनमाषः श्रीरामपालोमृतः॥
(Vide Gauqarájamala, Introd., p. 9.) This fine Sardúlavikridita stanza occurring in a mass of bad prose and worse Sanskrit has been justly taken by the late Mr. Batavyal to be a genuine record of Ramapala's demiso. 18 Besides, the latter part of the stanza bears & remarkable corroboration from the Ramacharita where also Råmapala is reported to have drowned himself in the Ganges. Unfortunately, the reading of the year has been corrupt beyond rescue. The details that follow, Abvina vadi 2 (yama means 2) corresponding with a Thursday, however, yield the following date :September 21, A.D. 1111. The corresponding Soka year 1033 actually ends in a (an emendation may accordingly be suggested a gr o ga eto.) The date moreover fits in marvellously with our determination of Vaidyadova's date. Ramapala therefore died on September 21, A.D. 1111.
The next date we mean to work out, is, we confess, based on very doubtful assumption, but we have the authority of the late De. Kielhorn. The Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapåla III is dated the ninth day of Chaitra in the 13th year of his reign and grants a village on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. Dr. Kielhorn assumed that the date of the plate was coincident with that of the lunar eclipse and calculated A.D. 1086 as the date in question. 19 This year is now unsuitable. There was, however, a lunar eclipse on March 3, A.D. 1067
vavo or woession. Date of death. Vigrahapala II .. .. .. .. Circa 965
981 Mahîpåla I .. ..
981 Circa 1030 Nayapala ..
Circa 1030
1054 Vigrahapala III .. . .. . .
1054
1067 18 Sahitya, Bengali monthly, of the your 1801 B. 8. pp. 1-10. 9 Ante, XXII, p. 108
90 The praviour Sankranti occurred near about, though not exactly at midnight ( 7227 after Sunrise). If taken practically for midnight, the moment yields 9th Chaitra as the date of the eolipec, by the application of the well-known Bengal rule of counting civil days,
*Sahitya, Bengali monthly, of the year 1301 B. 8. pp. 1-10. Ante, XXII, p. 108
10 The previous Sankranti occurred near about, though not exactly at midnight ( 7227 after Sunrise). If taken praétically for midnight, the moment yielde 9th Chaitra as the date of the selipe, by the Application of the well-known Bengal rule of counting civil days.

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Sarapala II and Mahîpala II
Ramapala.. Kumarapala.. Gopala III
Madanapala..
aefteftak zit vakok mégfa www.primi grimiencenrest |
Except those of the accession of Vigrahapala II and Nayapala, all the dates are almost definitely settled.
Date of accession
1067
1069
1111
1115
1115
Of the first seven kings of the dynasty, we have unfortunately no clue to definite dates except in a single inscription of Dharmapala's time. A votive inscription from BodhGaya is thus dated
193
Date of death
1069
Sept. 21, 1111
1115 1115
?
Under the Amanta system-A.D. 764, 768, 771 and 788. Under the Purnimanta system-774, 777, 781 and 784.
(Vide JASB., 1908, p. 102.)
Between A.D. 760 and 780 we have arrived at the following possible dates of Dharmapala's accession by verifying according to mean calculations the date given above, viz. Bhadra vadi 5, Saturday.
Dharmapils Devapâla
Vigrahapala I (or Sûrapala I)
Narayanapala
Rajyapala
Gopala II Vigrahapala II
The discovery recently of two new inscriptions, one dated in the 54th year of Narayanapala and the other in the 24th year of Rajyapala, 21 makes it impossible to place Dharmapala's accession later than A.D. 788, as the following tentative chronology will show.
788-820 (just 32 years).
820-853
(33 years). 853----860 (7 years). 860-915 (55 years). 915-940 (25 years). 940-955 955-981.
(15 years).
Thus, with 788 as the date of Dharmapâla's accession, the chronology fits in almost too closely with the one fixed above. For it allows only seven years to Surapala I, while, according to Dr. V. Smith, he reigned for at least 13 years. 23 Moreover, according to the Manahali inscription of Madanapala, Gopaladeva I was "feaccedcarverar raft" which means, if anything, that he reigned long enough, if not, literally, longer than his predecessor, Rajyapala. Fifteen years, on the other hand, make one of the shortest reigns of the dynasty. We are inclined, therefore, to look for the date of Dharmapala's accession not later than the sixties of the 8th century, either A.D. 764 or 768. al See ante, Vol. XLVII, pp. 110-111. See ante, Vol. XXXVIII, p. 235. We are unable, however, to verify Dr. Smith's statement.

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BOOK-NOTICE.
LALLA VAKYANI OR THE WE SAYINGS or LAL information about her to Punjab Notes and Que
DED, A MYSTIC PORTES OF ANCIENT KASHMIR, mies, which I started as long ago as 1883 and by SIR GEORGE GRIERSON and DR. L.D. BARNETT. maintained for some years. Asiatic Society Monographs. London. R.A.S.
Dr. Farquhar seems to be quite right in describ1920. Pp. vi and 225.
ing Lal Ded as belonging to the period of Muslim I should like to say at the outset that within Influence on Hinduism. She is consistently dethe compass of this short book there is contained Boribed by tradition not only as a contemporary, philological and religious knowledge of the highest but as a friend, of Sayyid Ali Hamadani, the order, which is a credit to the well-known authors Muslim apostle of Kashmir in 1380—1386 ; and and to the Society which has published their one of her verses (No. 8) runs as follows: very valuable labours.
Let Him bear the name of Siva, or of Kebave, Lalla or Lal Ded was a female wandering saiva or of the Jins, or of the Lotus-born Lord ascetic (yogini) of Kashmir in the fourteenth
whatever name ho bear, century A.D., and her verges are of extreme value
"May He take from me, sick woman that I am, for two reasons. They form the oldest known
the disease of the world. specimen of the Kashmiri Language and they
Whether He be he, or he, or he, or he." represent the teaching of the saiva Yoga as it
The commentary on this (and how admirable presented itself through her to the ordinary Kash
30 many of the authors' commentaries are) in :miri followers of that religious system. To any.
"By whatever name the worshipper may call the one therefore, who, like myself, endeavours to
Supreme, He is still the Supreme And He alone ascertain the effects of the philosophic teaching
can give release. Kébava means Vienu : by the of the Hindu sects on the public at any given
name of 'Jina' is indicated both a 'Jina,' the period, the book is of the highest interest.
Saviour of the Jains and also the Buddha. I One criterion of the importance of this book is suspect that here it is confused with the Arabic shown by reference to Dr. J. N. Farquhar's Jinn, the Genius of the Arabian Nights. The admirable Outline of the Religious Literature of Lotus-born Lord is Brahma." I would like to go India, also dated 1920. At p. 352 all he has to much further than the author and to state from say about "Kashmir Saivis" is : "Kashmir what follows that the confusion is undoubted, Saivism still exists, but it shows very little vitality. though no doubt the Pandit Rajanaka Bhaskara Yet scholarly pandits are not wanting: their work, in his Sanskrit translation of this verse, thought olothed in English, may be seen in Chatterji's the reference was to the Indian Jins only. The Kashmir Shaiviam. Sir George Grierson refers importance of this particular verse is enhanced to a wise old woman known as Lal Ded' who by the fact that the version given by the editors' lived in Kashmir in the fourteenth century, authority is practically identical with that in "whose apophthegms in short verses are still Sir Aurel Stein's Collection at the Oxford Indian freely quotet in the happy valley" and he quotes Institute, showing the hold it has had on the and translates one of her stanzas. Mr. Chatterji names only a single writer belonging to this period
But is not Lal Ded here forestalling Kabir (1440— (Muslim Influence : 1350-1700), Bivopadhyaya of
1618), who followed and improved on RamAnanda the eighteenth century, who wrote a commentary
(1400—1470), who preached "& compromise beon the Vijana.Bhairava-Tantra." But the In
tween theism and strict monism," and the roots troduction to Lalld Vákyani now under consider
of whose teaching go much further back in the ation goes much further and describes it as giving
then old Hindu doctrine of bhakti or devotional "an socount, often in vivid language, of the actual
faith, whether the, Sects professing it were Baiva working out in practice of & religion (Saivism)
lor Vaishnava. Lal Ded could never have heard previously worked out in theory. As such it is a
of Ramananda, and his doctrines and she must unique contribution to the body of evidenoe that
have died before Kabir was born, but RamAnanda muat necessarily form the basis of a future history
was not the first, without giving up his caste, to of one of the most important religious systems of
take all castes and conditions of men into his personal India."
following, oven Muhammadans, and to be on terms On p. 286 Dr. Farquhar, in his bibliography, of mutual respect with the last. In fact, in this dates Lal Ded as "c. 14th century" on the faith respect he adopted a fashion that was then springof Sir George Grierson's article in JRAS., 1918, ing up among both Hindu and Muhammadan p. 157. It is therefore with some pride that I torchers under Muslim influence. What was note that the editors of Lal Ded's poems resort this influence? Was it not Sufi mysticism? Though for a good deal of their legendary and historical & Muhammadan at bottom, the Sufi was not

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orthodox and was imbued with outside influences, mystic formule of apparently neaningless sounds European and Asiatic, and even Indian thought in this can difficult to dissect and more than He tended to identify himself with God, like the probably actually meaningless, but no doubt in early Hindu, and to lose his individuality after the minds of the users all the more holy and efti. death in eternal companionship with God. His cacious on that account. The idea of the equality object in this life was to escape from individuality, of all in religion would, however, sink readily and in order to realize that God is the only reality." deeply into human beings situated as are the His practice to this end came very near to the Mehtars. Hindu Yoga, and to him all religious systems tended to become unreal and of equal value.
dof equal value Lal Ded enforced her doctrines by wandering It is not difficult to understand that a yôgint of about singing and dancing in a nudo or nearly. the fourteenth century, in contact with Muham. nude condition. This was nothing new in Saiva, madanism, should quickly absorb such a line of or indeed in other forms of Hinduism, or in thought. And the interesting point in Lal Ded's Judaism or Islam. In Verse 94 she defends the life and popular teaching is that we here seem to practice :get a glimpse into the trend of the Hindu mind
“My teacher spake to me but one precept. that gave Ramananda, and more largely his great
He said unto me 'from without enter thou pupil Kabir, the enormous sway they have wielded
the inmost part.' over the religion of India of their own and even
That to me became a rule and a precept, the present day.
And therefore naked began I to dance." How deeply the general idea conveyed in Lal Ded's verse above quoted has struck its roots
The authors' gloss on this is : into the every-day Indian mind is shown in a coup. "The Guru or spiritual preceptor, confides to let taught to my own children when very small by his disciple the mysteries of religion. Lalla's their nurse, though long completely lost by them. nccount is that he taught her to recognise the She was an Outcaste, & Mehtarani
external world as naught but an illusion, and to Ram nam ladda; Gopdh ndm ghe;
restrict her thoughts to meditation on her inner Har kd ndm miert ; ghól ghol pi.
Self. When she had grasped the identity of her
Self with the Supreme Self, she learnt to appre. The name of Ram is the sweet; Gopal's name
ciate all externals at their true value. So she is the butter;
abandoned even her dress and took to going Har's name is the sugar: mix up well and take.
about naked .... Here she says that she danced The form of the couplet is purely Hindu, Ram in this state. Filled with supremo rapture, she nâm, Gopal nAm, Har nåm, referring back to the behaved like a madwoman. The dance, called age-old doctrine" of the eternity of sound and the tandava, of the naked devotee is supposed to be a indefeasible connexion between the sound of a copy of the dance of Siva, typifying the course word and its meaning," and thence between the
of the cosmos under the god's rule. It implics attributes of a god and his name: but the senti. that the devotee has wholly surrendered the world, mant in medieval Hindu, like Lal Ded's. In fact, and become united with siva." if we take Ram and Gopal (Krishna) to represent the Vaishnava hero-gods and Har to represent Lal Ded was essentially nothing more than the siva, we got very near to Lal Ded's teaching. If product of her race and time and incapable of found.
ing we take the couplet to be of Ramaite origin and Sect or organised following, and it is quite to mean that Gopal And Hari (Krishna) are sub. possible that her popularity was founded on her ordinate to and absorbed in Râm, the vorse'is reputation M dancing ascetic coupled with her Vaishnava but non-sectarian. In the Mohtarani's capacity for stating in fascinating verde the doc. mind, however, I feel sure it conveyed the equality
trines taught her. The emotional dancing would of the Supreme by whatsoever name He was called,
draw the necessary attention to her and the quality because she was the wife of the chief priest (as one of her verse would remain in the public memory.' may say) of the LAlbêgi Mehters of Ambala. This A century after her time we have a strong instance man had a M8. keurindma or Genealogy' of his of this in a very different Hindu personage, teachSect, of which I got the loan about 1880 and pub. ing dootrine in some aspects as poles part lished it verbatim in the Legends of the Punjab, from hors-the Bengali Brahman Visvembhara which, in its turn, led to the subsequent publice. Miéra (14861833), known to fame as Chaitanya tion in the Indian Antiquary of a somewhat ex. A Vaishnave of the general Bhagavate community, tensive Lalbêgi Literature. The Genealogy' he practised the passionate variety of devoturned out to be hagiolatry pure and simple antional faith (bhakti), con contrating in his case on eclectic worship of anything doomed to be holy, the story of the love of Krishna and Radha in whatever its source Sectarian Hindu, Muham. hymns, and enforcing his doctrina by the publio madan or Christian-in the form of mantras, i.e. I dancing of himself and his followers with extra

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ordinary fervour and emotion. Although in his miraculous control over the universe, culminat. case he founded an important Sect, he was, like ing in the complete translation of his soul into the Lal Ded, no organiser, but his religious emotion highest phase of Being, the Absolute (usually conwas real and clean, and he turned the talu of ceived as the Supreme Siva) for ever and ever." Radha-Krishna, not very savoury from the point of The Yogic theory of the microcosm contained in the general morality, into something that held the human body involves a description thereof which imagination of a vast public to their good. The has to be learnt, as it has no counterpart in the dancing and the music soon died away after his ordinarily observable facts of its anatomy. death, but they had done their work, for they "As the object of metaphysical contemplation attracted general attention, and the contonts of is to merge the individual soul into the absolute tho hymns and the teachings of the Sect, with All-Spirit, so the object of Yogic contemplation much deterioration, alas ! in certain instances, is to absorb (the Creative Force of the Phenomenal were left to their inherent value for success and Universe, personified as] Kundalini in the mioropermanence.
cosm, representing the microcosmic Energy, Lal Ded purported to popularise the highly
into the highest of the circles supposed to be anthropomorphic doctrines of the Saiva Yoga,
I attached to the spinal cord at the base of the This was no easy task, for the Yogic philosophy
palate and called) Sahasrara, typifying the Absolute WAS so abstruse and difficult to follow and so full
whereby the Cosmos is merged into the infinite of technicalities, that obviously the workaday
bliss of the Supreme (Perameévara)." While the unlettered population could never grasp it ; and
absorption is being effected there occurs the Ele. the technicalities, which would come to be repeated
mental Sound in his body audible to the Yogi,
the subject of further extremely complicated. glibly enough, must have largely appeared to the
and obscure theories of cosmic evolution, but public like "the blessed word Mesopotamia." In his illuminating discourse on Yoga, Dr. Barnett
they are of importance because, as the Creative
Force " reveals herself in sound, Word or Logos, starts by saying: "The object of the discipline
the elements of Speech, namely syllables and called Yoga is to emancipate the individual soul
their combinations, have a profound mystio signifrom its bondage to the material universe" includ.
ficance in Saiva doctrine." ing "the mental organism.... The emancipa. tion is effected by a mental and bodily discipline Teach the details of such a doctrine by a mass culminating in a spiritual transformation, in which of technical terms in, or based on, a conventional there comes into existence a permanent intuition tongue, such as Sanskrit has been for a very long revealing an essential distinction between the time; add to it fragments of other striking docindividual goul and the material universe. This trines current at the period, and the people will 18 the state of isolation which is salvation." As I be puzzled ; and so it is with some justification the bondage of the material universe includes the that Granny Lal's editors point out the importance bondage of the mental organism the Yogi attempts of her songs from the fact that they are not a by ascetic exercises, into which metaphysical systematic exposé of saivism on the lines laid contemplation largely enters, to attain such power down by the theologians who preceded her, but over his own mental organism that "all sense of illustrate the religion on its popular side." How objectivity disappears from the matter of thought, much Lal Ded actually taught the people of leaving only the intuition of the distinction between what she herself understood her editors have rot the individual soul and the material universe,
worked out, but it would be worth doing. wherein the individual soul shines for over in its
I have been so absorbed in the philosophical perfectly pure still radiance."
side of this remarkable book that I have almost Dr. Barnett explains that from the first the omitted to mention Sir George Grierson's invalu. Yogic method of gnosis presupposes certainable Appendices on Lalla's Language and Lalla's mystic conceptions of the natural and spiritual Metres and the Vocabulary. Especially would world " which may be classified broadly under I draw attention to the extremely informing foottwo heads : (1) the theory of Nature and of sal. note on p. 128, based on the experience gained vation hv manns thereof (2) the practice of by the fact that her songs have reached physical means supposed to be eiticaciótis in at handed down by word of mouth from generation taining the latter object....In Yogic theory
to generation, and are therefore now found in the human body is conceived as a miniature copy
practically modern Kashmiri. His footnote says: or replica of the world without it: the forces by
"So also the Vedic hymns were for centuries handed which this microcosm is controlled at the same down by word of mouth and Lalla's songs give time operate upon the macrocosm outside, and & valuable example of the manner in which their thus by certain physical and mental processes the
language must have changed from generation to Yogi can win for himself not only supernatural generation before their text was finally established." powers over his own body and mind but also a
R. C. TEIOLE.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 188.)
XXXII--AN ACCOUNT OF THE RISING OF MAULINA PIR MUHAMMAD, AND OF WHAT FOLLOWED.
As the king of the race of Bahman had before this, from the great kindness which he had towards Maulânâ Pîr Muḥammad, sworn that he would never on any account, attempt to injure that foolish man, the Maulânâ escaped the punishment which overtook most of the Sunni doctors. He now came forth with 3,000 horse, ready for war, and encamped before Ahmadnagar, his bigotry having led him to entertain the design of dethroning the king. He therefore entered into an undertaking with the officers of his army to take 2,000 cavalry soldiers into the king's court, and seize and imprison the king, and then to raise the young prince, Mîrân 'Abdul Qadir, to the throne, and to crown him king, while the remaining thousand horse surrounded the dwelling of Shâh Tâhir and put him and his family and followers to death. It is, however, useless to plot against what has been decreed by God, or to attempt to overthrow a king He has chosen. 87
Husain Abdul Rumi, who was a sincere lover of the family of the prophet and was the king's master of the horse, discovered the plot and informed Shâh Tâhir of it. He at once hastened to the king and informed him of the conspiracy, who asked him for his advice in the matter. Shah Tahir said that there was no remedy but the sword, but the king told him of the promise which he had given to Maulânâ Pir Muḥammad. Shâh Tâhir said that it was necessary that the rebel should at least be imprisoned and the king summoned Pir Muḥammad and ordered Zabit Khân, sarpardadar, to arrest him when he appeared. Maulânâ Pir Muḥammad was afterwards confined, under the charge of some trusted officers, in the fortress of Pâlî,88 and the rebellion, owing to the imprisonment of its chief soon subsided.
Maulânâ Pîr Muḥammad remained imprisoned in the fortress of Pâlî for about a year, when the king, having gone to war with Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah, gained a victory over him in the neighbourhood of Kutal Hatiyâlî and Shâh Tâhir advised him, in gratitude for his victory, to set all prisoners free. The king followed this advice and the prisoners were released, among them Maulânâ Pir Muhammad, who was permitted to attend at court, but was not restored to his former rank. Shortly after this Maulânâ Pîr Muhammad died. XXXIII-AN ACCOUNT OF THE APPOINTMENT OF SHIH TIHIR AS VAKIL, AND MINISTER.
The king considered that it would be to the interest of the kingdom to appoint Shah Tahir minister, and he therefore honoured Shah Tahir by going to his house to make this proposal to him. On entering the house, Shâh Tâhir led him to a private room where they could talk apart, and the king then asked him to undertake the whole administration of the state. Shah Tâhir at first declined the honour, but afterwards, seeing that the king had set his heart on his having the appointment, accepted it.
According to Firishta, Pir Muhammad's rising was much more serious than it is here represented to be, and he had at his disposal 12,000 horse ready to fight in defence of the Sunnf religion while the king had only 400 horse, 1,000 foot and five elephants. Most of the army, however, joined the king when summoned to return to their allegiance, and Pir Muhammad fled to his house accompanied by only a small force.
ss A fort in the Western Ghats, about twenty miles east of Chaul.

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The king then proceeded to complain of the perpetual quarrels of the Sultans of the Dakan, saying that they were always plotting against one another and quarrelling among themselves, whence it happened that both their countries and their subjects were ruined; and a land which was by nature an earthly paradise, was being depopulated, while both the armies and the people were suffering.
Historians say that Burhân Nizam Shah, in the early days of his reign, observed moderation in his giving of alms and free grants and avoided excessive expenditure. As this policy was not in accordance with the views of those who desired to subsist on alms and free grants, they accused the king of stinginess, and Shâh Tâhir had long been considering how he could represent this matter to the king without giving offence. He now seized the opportunity, and said to the king that God created generous and open-handed rulers for the relief of the poor, the indigent, and the oppressed, and that generosity was wise policy, as it pleased those who had benefited by it and prevented them, by means of the fear of losing what they had gained, from plotting against the state, while it aroused hope in others; while all loved a generous ruler. Charity, he said, covered the multitude of sins.
When Shah Tahir had made an end of speaking, the king answered him not a word, but went off to the Bagh-i-Kâriz and remained there for three days, during which time none of the amirs nor officers of state saw him. At the end of three days he sent for Shâh Tâhir and told him that he had for three days been fighting with his own inclinations, and had at ast subdued them. He had decided, he said, never to depart from the advice of Shâh Tâhir. and to place in his hands the whole administration of the country and the government of the subjects, giving him complete control over all the treasure. Shâh Tâhir then advised the king to have all alms distributed to the poor and to religious mendicants through the princes, as by this means the princes would be taught to be generous, and would also become objects of love to the people, while Shâh Tâhir himself would not be exposed to the criticism of the people.
The king followed this advice and caused the princes to distribute alms. Of the princes, Mîrân Husain and Mîrân 'Abdul Qadir were more generous than the rest. Mirân Husain's generosity was such that when he had distributed all of his own share of the alms, he would seize his brother's share and distribute that too, and in this way he so endeared himself to the army and the people, that the crown ultimately came to him. The result of the king's liberality was that peace, prosperity and plenty reigned throughout the land, and the strong no longer oppressed the weak. Deserving men came from all countries and profited by the king's bounty. Every year shiploads of treasure, carpets, lamps, and other offerings were sent to Makkah, Madinah, Najaf, Karbalâ, and other shrines of the infallible Imâms, and the gates of joy were opened before all descendants of the prophet.
One of the results of this policy was that the enenties of the state were everywhere overthrown and rendered powerless while the king's officers were everywhere gladdened by victory, and the glory and prosperity of the kingdom increased day by day. The giving of effect to Shah Tâhir's advice had its rewards from God, for many Sayyids of high degree and religious leaders of great fame came to the Dakan and met with the fulfilments of their hopes from the king's bounty. The chief of them was Amir Sayyid 'Ali Shadgham (sic) Husaini Madani who was among the most noble among the descendants of Husain in Madinah and was distinguished by pre-eminence in learning. When he arrived at Ahmadnagar the king sent one of his courtiers to inquire what was the object of his coming, and the Sayyid

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replied that he was so desirous of performing a pilgrimage to his grandfather's tomb that he wished to recite the evening prayer at the head of Mustafa's grave. The king was much affected by this speech and gave the Sayyid 12,000 hans.89 He also bestowed on his son, Sayyid Hasan, in marriage, one of his daughters who, as she had been born at the time when the king gained one of his famous victories, was named Fath Shâh Begam. Fath Shah Begam performed the pilgrimage with her husband, but when the latter wished to return to the Dakan, she refused to accompany him, even to her own country, saying that she was not the woman to leave the prophet's tomb for the sake of worldly advantage. At length sho died there and was buried near Muhammad's tomb. After her death, Sayyid Hasan came again to the Dakan, and died and was buried in Junnar.
Another Sayyid who came to the Dakan was Sayyid Muhammad Ilusaini. Madani Wuladi. who was received with honour both by Suâh Tâhir and by the king. Sayyid Muhammad, having gained his object, returned to 'Iraq, and there made a report to Shah lahmâsb, son of Shah Isma'il Şafavi, of all that he had seen and heard of Burhan Ni âm Shah, of his attachment to the Shi'ah faith, and of the controversy with the Sunni doctors. This report led to the opening of friendly communications, fostered by Shâh âhir, and to the bestowal of many favours by Shâh 'ahmåsb on Burhan Nizam Shah, between whom and Shah Tahinasb letters constantly passed. Among these communications was a farmán dated in the month of Muharram, A.H. 949 (April-May 1542) addressed to Shah Tahir, which, when it was read, infused joy into the hearts of all loyal friends, and grief into the souls of all erring enemies of the Shi'ahs).
Shâh Tahir showed this farmán to the king and represented that it would be advisable to send a reply thereto, by means of an ambassador worthy of the task, but preferably by the hands of one of the princes, in order that the bonds of friendship with the Court of Persia might be more tightly drawn. The king approved of this advice and selected Shâh Haidar, the most learned and accomplished of his sons, as his ambassador to Persia. The prince bore a letter to the Shâh of Persia, and when he reached the Persian court and paid his respects to the Shah, he was received with great honour and special favour and became one of the Shâh's most intimate courtiers, and devoted all his.endeavours to promoting friendship between the Şafavi and Ni, âm Shâhî families, the results of which may be seen in the correspondence which passed between the two kings, for when the Sayyid Mir Nizâm-uddin Kur Shâh came from the Persian court to India and waited on Burhan Ni âm Shah, he brought a farmán 91 from the Shah of Persia. The farman was dated Rabi I, A.H. 954 (April-May 1547).
About this time Mihtar Jamal arrived from Persia with another communication from the Shah, but after his departure from Persia, was found to have been guilty of some unfitting words and deeds, and some officers were sent after him to arrest him, but he, becoming aware of this, made off before their arrival, and having reached one of the ports, embarked on a ship and thus escaped from danger. Burhan Nizam Shah then wrote an answer to the letter which Mihtar Jamal had brought, and naked, among other things, that a body of troops might be sent from Persia to the Dakan to help him against his enemies.
89 A gold coin, worth four rupees or eight shillings when the rupee was worth two shillings.
10 Sayyid Ali reproduces this letter. I have not translated it. It is very long, very fulsome, and oontains nothing of historical interest.
This farmon also is reproduced. I have not translated it, for the reasons given in the prooeding note

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XXXIV-AN ACCOUNT OF THE KING'S EXPEDITION TO MURHÎR, IN ORDER TO CONQUER IT, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION TO, AND CAPTURE OF, THE FORTRESS OF GALNA.
As the king was ever desirous of exalting the banner of Islam and of uprooting unbelief, he now determined to capture the fortress of Gâlna,92 which is one of the famous fortresses of the land of Hind, and is situated in the country of Raja Baharjî,93 which lies between the kingdom of Ahmadnagar and the country of Nandurbâr 94 and Sultanpur. He therefore marched against that fortress and laid siege to it. The infidels who garrisoned the fort, made some attempt at defending it, although they had lost heart at the sight of the royal army, but their schemes were like the schemes of a fox against a raging tiger. They, therefore, soon came forth and humbled themselves before the king who had pity on them and granted them their lives, but destroyed all their temples and dwellings, and built mosques where idol-fanes had stood. Large quartities of plunder were seized by the victorious army and the king, having appointed one of his great amirs to the command of the fortress, returned to his capital in triumph.
At this time the king determined to capture the fortress of Murhîr, 95 which is situated in the borders of Gujarât and the Dakan, and was then held by an infidel named Bhirdarra. He therefore assembled a very numerous army and marched on that fortress, which was second only to Khaibar in strength.
When the army reached Murhir they at once attacked the fortress and drove the garrison from the outer fort into the inner, slaying many of them. They then besieged the inner fort and made several attempts to carry it by escalade, slaying many of the garrison at each attempt.
When Bhirdarna perceived that he could not long withstand the royal army he appealed to Sultan Bahâdur of Gujarât for help. Sultan Bahadur wrote to Burhân Nigâm Shah, informing him that Bhîrdarna was a vassal of Gujarât, and requesting him not to proceed to extremities against him. Burhân Nizam Shâh graciously acceded to Sultan Bahadur's request ard returned towards his capital.
XXXV-AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF THE FORTRESS OF PARENDA.
While Burhan Nizam Shah was returning from Murhir towards Ahmadnagar, Ratan Khân, brother of Makhd âm Khvaja Jahân 96 (Dakani), guided by God's grace, sought refuge at the foot of the king's throne and complained of his brother's cruelty to him. The king encouraged Ratan Khân to hope that is wrongs would be righted and marched to capture Parenda.97
93 A fort situated in 20° 46′ N. and 74° 32′ E. It is built on a circular detached hill 2316 feet above sea-level and 800 feet above the surrounding plain.
93 This was the honorific title adopted by the Rathor rajas of Baglâna, a hilly tract now represented by the Baglan and Kalvân tálukas of the Nasik district of the Bombay Presidency.
4 Nandurbar town is situated in 21°22' N. and 74°14' E. The district of which it was the capital was always a bone of contention between the three Muḥammadan states of Gujarat, Malwa, and Khandesh. Akbar assigned it to his suba or province of Malwa.
95 This is the fortress of Mulher in Baglana, situated in 20°46′ N. and 74°4' E.
98 This was Fakhr-ul-Mulk the Dakaai, entitled Khvaja Jahan, to whose lot the fortress and district of Parenda fell at the partition of the Bahmani dominions. He is often found in alliance with Ahmadnagar but did not regard himself as its vassal. At one time he cherished the design of declaring himself independent; but his neighbours of Ahmadnagar and Bijapûr were too strong for him.
This is evidently intended to be an account of the last war between Burhân Nizam Shah I and Isma'Il 'Adil Shah, and should have preceded the account of Burhân's conversion. It is incorrect, for that war began and ended with the total defeat of the army of Ahmadnagar near Naldrug and the flight of Burhan to his capital.

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When Makhdům Khvaja Jahan heard that Burhân Nizam Shah was marching against him, he realized that he could not hope to withstard him, and vacated-Parenda and fled to Bijapur. Burhår Nizam Shah placed a garrison of his own in Parendo and returned to Ahmadnagar.
'Isma'il 'Adil Shah resolved to assist Makhdum Khwaja Jahan and sent some troope with him to Parenda, with orders to capture it and to hand it over to him.
When it was reported to Burhan Nigam Shâh that Makhdom Khvâja Jahâu was coming with an army of Bijapuris to recapture Parenda, he appointed Hasan and Daulat, the sons of Jîman Khairat Khan and ghulam-zadas of the Nigâm Shahi house, to the command of an army to march to Parenda and meet Makhdûm Khvâja Jahân.
When the two armies met, a fiercely contested battle was fought, and the army of Ahmadnagar was at first borne backward, but the fortune of the day changed, and at length Makhdům Khvaja Jahan and the Bijâpůris were utterly defeated. All their camp equipage and other belongings fell into the hands of the victors, who pursued them with great slaughter. Makhdam Khvâja Jahan escaped from the field with great difficulty, and since he could no longer, for very shame, show his face in the Dakan, he fled to Gujarat.
The army of Aḥmadnagar returned, after this victory, to the capital, and Hasan Khan and Daulat Khân, who had covered themselves with glory in the battle, were royally rewarded.
Makhdum Khvâja Jahân, after sperding a long time in affliction in Gujarât, mode interest with some of the courtiers of Burhan Nizâm Shah and received a safe conduct, which enabled him to come to Ahmednagar, . and pay his respects to the king. He still further assured his position by giving one of his daughters in marriage to Miran Shah Haidar, after which marriage the king repleced him in Parenda, as will be related in its place. XXXVI-THE DEATH OF 'ISMÃ'il 'ADIL SHAH, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE EVENTS
WHICH HAPPENED THEREAFTER. A.D. 1534-35. In this year and while these events were in progress, 'Isma'il 'Adil Shah died,98 ard Malla Khân, his eldest son, ascended the throne; but he had scarcely had time to taste the sweets of sovereignty, when Asad Khân, who was the most powerful of the amirs of Bijapûr and was ill content that Mallû should be king, with the assistance of the rest of the amirs and officers of state, deposed Mallû, caused him to be blinded with a hot iron, and threw him into prison, and then raised his younger brother Ibråhim to the throne. Asad Khân then mude himself regent of the kingdom of Bijapûr.
A.D. 1537-38. Meanwhile it became known that Ram Raj, vakil of the king of Vijayanagar,hod rebelled against, and overcome his lord, and, having imprisoned him, had usurped the kingdom.99
* 'Isma'ul 'Adil Shah died on Safar 16, A.L. 941 (August 27, 1534). His eldest son, Malla, was raised to the throne, but so disgusted the people by his shameless debauchery that he was deposed and blinded. His grandmother, Punji Khatim, was the prime mover in his deposition, and Asad Khan Lari merely obeyed her orders. 'Isma'il's second son, Ibrahim Adil Shah I, was raised to the throne in March, 1536.
This is a garbled and misleading account of Ibråhim's expedition to Vijayanagar. Vonkata. riya, whom Firishta and Sayyid All call Ramraj, had attempted to usurp the throne in Vijayanagar, but finding that he was unable to command the allegiance of the leading men of the kingdom, had been obliged to place on the throne, as a puppet king, a scion of the old royal house, appointing the boy's maternal uncle, Hoj Nirmal Raja, on whom he thought he could rely, tutor to the king. But Hoj Nirmal, who was a lunatic, put his nephew to death during Venkatarya's absence from the capital on an expedi. tion, and usurped the throne. His freaks so disgusted his supporters that they turned again towarde Venkataraya, and Hoj Nirmal, alarmed for his safety, sought help of Ibrahim Adil Shah. Venkataraya

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While the success of Râm Râj was yet doubtful and the whole of the army of Vijayanegar had not joined his stendard, Asad Khân, regarding the state of affairs in Vijayanagar as an opportunity not to be lost, assembled the whole of the army of Bîjâpûr and, taking Thrâhîm Adil Shah with him, invaded Vijayanagar with the intention of corquering the country.
When Râm Râj learnt that Ibrâhîm Adil Shâh was invading Vijayanagar he, having regard to his own uncertain position in the country, was compelled to seek safety, at the expense of his honour and reputation, in flight.
Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah, finding that his enemy had fled before him, encamped in Vijayɛnagar and remained there for a considerable time. This easy occupation of an enemy's courtry turned the young king's head, and he several times said, in the presence of Asad Khân and the rest of the amirs, My house has hitherto been extremely ill served by its slaves, and as soon as I have done with Vijayanagar, I will, by God's grace, see to this matter, and will take vengeance or all who have not done their duty, and will have done with them." These words made Asad Khân and the other amirs apprehensive, and they sent a messenger to Râm Râj, charged with this message, "What has come to thee that thou hast brought shame on thyself by flying without striking a blow, and hast thus branded thyself as a cowerd and a craven? Even I ow, if thou wilt set forth we will so arrange matters that Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah sbell avoid a fight and take the road; and even if the affair should end in a battle we will stand aloof so that the day shall be thine. In any case it behoves thee to shake off desponder cy and to come to battle."
XXXVII-AN ACCOUNT OF THE KING'S EXPEDITION FOR THE PURPOSE OF SUBDUING SOME OF THE TRACTS ABOUT PARENDA, AND OF THE EVENTS WHICH HAPPENED
DURING THAT EXPEDITION.
A. D. 1540-41. While Burhâr Nigâm Shâh had been engaged in his dispute with Sultân Bahadur of Gujarât, which had been fomented by Imâd-ul-Mulk, 'Adil Shah, taking advantage of the opportunity, had anne xed some of those districts of the Ahmadnagar kingdom which lay on his frontier and had refused to comply with Burhân Nizam Shah's request for their restoration. Now that Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah Lad invaded Vijayanagar and was encamped there, awaiting the army of Râm Râj, Asad Khân wrote a letter to Burhân Nizam Shah, advising him to seize this opportunity of recapturing his lost districts, as Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah could not leave Vijayanagar, and the Turks, who were the flower of his army, were friendly towards Burhân Nigâm Shah. Burhâr Nigâm Shah therefore assembled his army and marched towards the 'Adil Shâhî dominions. At this time a close alliance existed between the king and Darya 'Imâd Shah, and the latter was summoned to join the royal camp. He came, but disapproved of the campaign agairst Bîjâpûr, telling Burhân Nizâm Shah that the 'Imâd Shâhî and the 'Adil Shâhî families were united both by marriage and by the ties of long-standing friendship, ard that he conceived that it would be both ungenerous and unkindly to attack the kingdom of Bîjâpûr now that 'Ismail 'Adil Shâh was dead and the government was in the hands of a boy. But in spite of the views urged by Darya 'Imâd Shah, Burhân Nigâm Shah, whose apprehensions had been entirely set at wrote to Hoj Nirmal, pointing out to him the danger of introducing a Muhammadan army into the country and promising to serve him faithfully if he would induce Ibrâhîm to retire. Hoj Nirmal paid Ibrahim 4,400,000 hins to retire, and Venkataraya then marched on Vijayanagar. Hoj Nirmal committed suicide and Venkataraya ascended the throne. Ibrahim then sent Asad Khân Lâri to capture Adoni, but Asad Khan was defeated by Venkatadri, brother of Venkataraya. He retrieved his defeat by a victory and then, with the approval of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, made peace. (F. ii, 49-52)

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rest by Asad Khân's letter, continued his merch towards Bijâpûr, moving, however, in a very leisurely manner. Daryâ 'Imâd Shah, who was annoyed by Burhân Nizam Shah's persistence and disregard of his remonstrances, and also strongly disapproved of his change of religion, marched on rapidly and was several stages ahead of the army of Burhan Nizam Shah.
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When news of the movements of Burhân Nizam Shah reached Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah in Vijayanagar, he was much perturbed, and corsulted Asad Khân and his other officers, who had really brought about the invasior, 100 as to the best means of meeting the situation. They unanimously advised him that the only wise course was to make peace with Râm Râj and to return to his own country. This advice was followed, and Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh, on his return, wrote to Darya 'Imâd Shah, imploring his assistance against the powerful army of Burbân Nizâm Shah. As he had outstripped the army of Burhân Nizam Shah in its advance. he was enabled to press on and meet Ibrâbîm 'Adil Shâb, and he and Itrâhîm then marched together against the army of Ahmadnagar.
At the same time the loyalty of some of Burhân Nizam Shah's officers, such as Sayyid 'Umdat-ul-Mulk, Jiman-i-Khairât Khân, his brothers Hasen Khân and Daulat Khân, who were the sons of Khairât Khâr the African, and the other chief officers of the army, who resented the king's change of religion, was doubtful, and the king was disturbed by the thought that he could not trust them.
1
At this time the army of Ahmadnagar was encamped at Ghât Apar Ganga near the Qutli tank and the armies of Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh ard Daryâ 'Imâd Shâh were near Bakasi. at a distance of two gaus from the ghat. Hasan Khân ard Daulat Khân, the brothers of Jiman-i-Khairât Khân, who were the best officers in the army, descended the Chât and thus excited the suspicions of Burhâr Nizam Shah, who ordered them to return. They replied that their retreat in the face of the enemy would only serve to encourage him, and offered to attack the enemy and break his spirit. Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah, having learnt of the dissensions of the army of Ahmadnagar, was anxious to march forward and attack it, but Darya 'Imâd Shâh restrair ed him ard sent a message to Burhâr Nizam Shah, telling him that the best thing he could do would be to desist from makirg wer or Bijapur in order that Darya Imad Shah might persuade Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh to surrerder the districts about Parenda and induce him to return to Bijâpûr. Burhân-Nizâm Shâh agreed to make peace, as these districts were the only cause of the quarrel, and then seized Jiman-i-Khairât and blinded him. 'Umdet-ul-Mulk ther fled from the camp and sought refuge with Deryâ 'Imâd Shâh.
One night Daryâ 'Imâd Shâh came in disguise to the tent of 'Air-ul-Mulk Kan'ânî, one of the officers of Burhân Nizâm Shâh who, like the rest, resented the kirg's change of religion, and told him that he had come thus as he had a request to make, which he hoped 'Ain-ul-Mulk would grant. 'Ain-ul-Mulk replied that it was grerted before it was asked, and Darya 'Imâd Shâh then produced 20,000 hûns and handed them over to 'Ain-ul-Mulk, promising him other 30,000 for the trouble of joining Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah's camp to get them. 'Ain-ul-Mulk agreed, and marched that night and joired Ibrâhîm Adil Shah, whose
100 This accusation is without foundation, and peace had already been concluded with Vijayanagar before Burhân Nizam Shah invaded Bijapur. Asad Khân Lârf, who was on his estates at Belgaum, was in disgrace at Bijâpûr owing to the slanders of an enemy, Yusuf the Turk, who with the permission of Ibrahim Adil Shah, made more than one attempt to have him poisoned or assassinated. Yusuf told Ibrahim that Asad Khan was annoyed at the re-establishment of the Sunni religion and wished to surrender Belgaum to Burhan Nizam Shah, who was a Shi'ah king. The accusation was false, but Asad Khân feared to appear at court, and when Burhân Nizam Shah reached the neighbourhood of Belgaum, joined him with 6,000 horse, but was afterwards reconciled to his master and deserted Burhan.

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army thus became the stronger of the two, for 'Ain-ul-Mulk had always with him three or four thousard of the best cavalry, and it is evident that a charge of sides by such a commander must always strengthen the side which he joins.
A.D. 1542. As Daryå 'Imac ShAh was anxious to put an end to the strife and wished well to both sides, he went to Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and did his best to persuade him to surrender the pephs of Parenda. These were surrendered to him, and he made them over to Burhåp Nizam Shah and then persuaded Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâb to return to Bijapur. After this, Darya 'Imad ShAh himself returned to his own country, and Burhan Nigam Shah set out on his return march. When the army started for Ahmadnagar Burhan Niyam Shah considered it unwise to pay any attention to Hasan Khân and to Daulat Khân, who were below the ghal, and they, being apprehensive of his intentiors ton ards them, went to their jagfrs, Parenda and Ashti, and thence made their way to Gujarat, where they had been assured of a favourable reception.
According to some historians, Barîd-i-Mamálik (Amîr 'Ali Berid) who acecmpanied Burhan Nizam Shah on all his expeditions, died on the return merch to Ahmadnagar, while some say that his death occurred just after the meeting of Burhan Nigam Shah with Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat ; but whichever account be true, it is certain that be met his death while serving the king 101
The king grieved sorely for the death of Malik Barid (Amir 'Ali Barid) who bad ever been obedient to him and had never for any reason disobeyed him or crossed him, ard after his return to Abmadnagar he honoured his eldest son, who had accompanied his father on his expedition, by bestowing on him one of his daughters in merriage, and granted to him A royal robe of honour, an umbrella, and an aftábgér, set him up in his father's place, and dletributed both to him and to his army very large rewards both in cash and in kind.
When Malik Barid (Al Barid Shah I) obtained permission to depart and returned to Bidar, his two younger brothers, who were in Bidar, rebelled against him and blinded and imprisoned him, and then took the kingdom for themselves, ore of them taking the title of his father ard the other that of Khan Jahan. Such is føte.
After this, the sons of Malik Barid, following the guidance of good fortune, remained loyal for a time to the Nigam ShAhi house and were honoured accordingly, but afterwards, their enmity and opposition to the royal house bore their own fruit, as will be mentioned hereafter in its proper place.
At this time the love and friendship that existed between the king and Darya 'Imad Shah were strengther ed by the marriage of one of the daughters of Darya 'Imad Shah to Miran 'Abdul Qadir, and the two families were long united ir the bonds of friendship until the traitor Tufal Khan rebelled agrirst the children of Daryå 'Imad Shah and took possession of the country of Berar, until time brought home to him the punishment of his misdeeds. 101
(To be continued.)
101 Amir 'Ali Barld, the second of the Barid dynasty of Bidar, died in 1642 near Daulatabad, whither Burhan Nizam Shah had been driven by Ibrahim 'Adil ShAh I. Sayyid Ali's account of this ampaign is most misleading. The true version will be given later. Amfr 'Alf was succeeded by his son of the same namo who, having been the first of his line who ventured to assume the royal title, is known M'Al Bard Shah. The statement that his two younger brothers rebelled against him and deposed and blinded him is entirely incorrect. Ho reigned in Bidar until his death in A.x. 987 (A.D. 1879) and was fucoooded by his oldest son, Ibrahim Barid Shah.
103 That is to say, the annexation of Berar by Murtad Nizam Shah I in 1674 and Tufal Khan's imprisonment and death.

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ON THE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN CASTE-SYSTEM. BY HERMANN OLDENBERG.
(Translated by H. C. Chakladar, M.A.; Calcutta.)
A SHARP reaction has developed against the attitude of unsuspecting confidence with which a past generation of scholars approached the ancient Indian tradition about religion, custom, law and the state. There is an ever-increasing tendency to regard the simplicity and the rigid and straight lines of the picture furnished by that tradition as a product of art, even as a fabrication of ancient theorists; wherever there appears to have been some success in lifting a little of the veil spread by these authorities over the real state of things, it is believed that there may be perceived, instead of that simplicity, an endless complexity of numberless forms crossing one another, intert wining with one another, running into and then again vanishing out of one another. There is nothing more hazardous, so we are told by powerful voices, than when the scholar who is faced by such a chaos, is carried away-to speak with Senart" by the anxiety for great clear-cut lines, for a fixed framework;" thus one attains to an "orthodoxy a little too hasty," which at the bottom is nothing but a perilous illusion and, to speak frankly, somewhat of a pedantry." If I am not mistaken, the above-indicated tendencies and counter-tendencies that characterise a modern profitable direction of Indian antiquarian research, are strengthened by a second, and no less powerful tendency of modern investigation by the predilection for interrogating the India of the later literature, nay even the India of the present day, as the best witnesses with regard to the condition of older India. We are now fond of examining, in the light of the Mahabharata, and even in the light of what is perceived by the present day observer of living Indian life the culture of the Rigveda the specific Indian stamp of which, one would fear, might be obliterated by bringing in the occidental point of view: no wonder then, that the inexhaustible diversity and labyrinthine intricacy of present day conditions make the affairs of antiquity-inasmuch as they are illuminated by those of the modern times -appear in quite another light than that in which they would appear to the philologist who had drawn from the ancient sources such a simple, clear picture of the times of the Veda and of Manu. "One is not so clear with impunity." (Senart.)
No doubt the sort of speculation indicated above widens most effectively the narrow, oldhorizon in a hundred directions, has yielded the most gratifying and profitable results to research, and, we may here set down without hesitation, promises to be still further fruitful. But new branches of science are threatened more than those that are of older standing, and richer in respect of well-attested facts, by the danger that principles and ideas correct in themselves may be strained beyond all measure. So I intend to note here the signs and indications that warn us that we are in danger of running from one extreme, viz., that of unsuspecting reliance on the picture of Indian antiquity which, it had been believed, could be discovered all too easily from a study of the sources-to a hardly less hazardous extreme of mistrust. The ever-growing and ever-strengthening preference for the complicated, the incommensurable, for the infinite gradations of shades and nuances, hovering in cloudy uncertainty, imposes upon us the duty of emphasizing the claims of positive well-ascertained facts, of fixed and sure lines drawn from tradition-the duty of
*From the ZDMG. Band LI, pp. 267-290.
1 In his introduction to Minayeff, Recherches sur le Bouddhisme, p. II fg.

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emphasizing, in opposition to the dragging in of the incalculable diversity of present day Indian life into investigations about antiquity-the claims of this antiquity itself, so that it may not be deprived of its character of old-world simplicity.
In this sense I would like to make a few observations on a work which, in spite of differences of opinion in which I feel myself opposed to the author, appears to be one of the most prominent works of the new Indian research-Senart's book, Les Castes dans I'Inde, les faits et le système (Paris 1896). I enjoy a substantial advantage over Senart, inasmuch as I am now in a position to avail myself of the excellent compilations and researches which R. Fick has embodied in his book, The Social Condition in North-Eastern India in Buddha's Time (Kiel 1897). I can by no means suppress the observation that the sources upon which Fick has drawn, were already accessible before, and that in my opinion, they must, without fail, have been approached for the solution of the questions that Senart has to deal with.
Senart proceeds to describe the modern castes: it is impossible to do this with greater mastery than his. With the picture that he has thus made up, he next approaches the ancient tradition, in order to investigate it thoroughly with regard to the more or less clear traces therein of the same state of things.
We endeavour to reproduce here the substance of his exposition of the subject.3
The modern caste--if its typical form is kept in sight and the exceptions-numberless. as may easily be conceived, they are-be left out of consideration-represents a corporation, to which the members belong hereditarily, by virtue of their birth. This corporation has its organisation with a chief and a council at the head. It exercises, partly through this organ, partly direct, a certain control over the affairs of its members, a certain jurisdiction; it inflicts penalties and expulsion. They marry-especially so far as it concerns the first marriage which is associated with special sanctity in the regulations about polygamy-inside the caste, because only a mother of the same caste can bear children who inherit the caste of the father. On the other hand they marry outside a certain narrower section of the caste, outside the family or the clan. They avoid community of meals with persons of lower caste, and also other forms of contact, of course under closer restrictions of the most varied kind. Many kinds of special customs, especially in relation to food and married life, serve to characterise the caste and to fix its superior or inferior position in the social order: certain restrictions about food, the abstention from spirituous liquors, the marriage of girls in childhood, the prohibition of widow-marriage, and so forth. Similarity of occupation and profession amongst the members of a caste is the rule, but this is broken by innumerable exceptions, and also inversely, the followers of the same profession do not in any way belong to one caste but to more or less numerous and distinct castes: thus the Baniyas or traders in the Punjab are split up into sections with geographical names such as the Aggarwals, the Oswals etc., and these sections, characterised by endogamy, must be taken as even so many separate castes. Such castes, larger and smaller, occupy the stage in an immense crowd, in an inextricable tangle. Constantly new castes spring up into existence; now the introduction of a new custom, of a new rule of purity, calls a new caste into being, and now again, religious or even geographical separation has the same
3 Cf. Jolly, ZDMG, 50, 507ff.; Barth, Bulletin des religions de l'Inde (Revue de l'hist, des Religions XXX), p. 76 ff. of the separate reprint.
3 An apology is necessary that this fresh summary makes its appearance here, after Jolly has already given an excellent résumé of Senart's book elsewhere in this Journal. Yet it is indispensable for me to give in my own way the necessary foundation for the criticism which follows.

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effect; illegitimate children of one caste bind themselves together into a new caste; groups of aborigines, stepping into the sphere of Hinduism and embracing the customs of the Hindus, form new castes ; old castes, which renounce this or that lower occupation, take up the names and attributes of castes standing higher. So there prevails a constant transformation into separate units hardly comprehensible in their incalculable diversity, whilst over the whole, as a conservative, stabilising power, rules the hierarchical principle of the supremacy of the Brahman's position which impresses its stamp upon everything.
Here is described the caste as it appears at the present day, and no one can call in question the correctness of the picture drawn by Senart, so now the question arises how the ancient literature stands in relation to this picture. Senart investigates this as he gradually ascends, with the help of that literature, from the modern strata to the ancient and still more ancient ones; at first he occupies himself with the Dharmasastras and the Epics, next with the Satrás and the Brahmanas, and finally with the Hymns of the Rigveda.
The law-books, like that of Manu, draw a picture of a society rigorously organised according to castes (Senart, p. 111 fg.). Every caste has certain occupations allotted to it. Marriage has to be concluded, at least for the first wife of a man, within the limits of his caste, and on the other hand, outside the limits of his gotra. Interdining and various other kinds of contact with people of lower castes are strictly prohibited. Spirituous drinks are tabooed; detailed prescriptions separate the permitted food from the unpermitted. The marriage of maidens in infincy is prescribed, widow marriage interdicted. Every serious violation involves the loss of caste.
Thus the data drawn from this literature have a striking agreement with the state of things to be observed at the present day (p. 113). The great difference that strikes the eye lies only in the well-known fourfold division of the ancient castes as against the numberlessness of the modern ones. However, a thorough examination of the ancient ordinances themselves shows us that the simplicity is only apparent. There is no fifth caste, it is said. And yet, beside the four castes, there are the mixed castes and the ippumerable mixtures of these mixtures; besides, there are the various categories of the Vrâtyas who have lost their caste, because in their childhood the necessary sacred initiation had not been effected. Even the strict demarcation of the occupatio is of the four principal castes proves itself to be as illusory as the fourfold enumeration. Every caste is expressly given the right to adopt, in need, the oceupation of the next following caste. And the list of Brahmans who are considered to be unworthy of taking part in a funeral feast, includes thieves, butchers, actors and the followers of many other professions ; this shows that there was no less diversity of occupations amongst the Brahman-class formerly than there is today. Lastly, the law-book of Manu shows expressly too the elastic character of its own rules, inasmuch as it declares that the usage of each caste, family and province is to be considered as the decisive and final authority. Thus is revealed the endlessly complicated condition of the actual life behind that apparently 80 simple system of four castes, which system in reality is only a product of the passion for theorising and schematising in the Indian mind. Everything, however, is intelligible; the inconsistencies are solved by local differences; the improbable symmetry is explained by the endeavour for clear systematisation, if it is taken for granted, that, behind the ancient tradition, there exist circumstances which were perfectly analogous to the modern ones and which are reproduced in that tradition only in a false perspective, with generalisations and distractions which are sure to be produced by the peculiar predisposition of the Indian mind and also by the all-dominating deference to the interests of the Brahmanical class (p. 128).

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From the Dharmasastras the investigation goes back to the Sûtras and further back to the Brahmaņas (p. 131, ff.). No doubt this entire literature moves upon the same ground as the later texts. Here also are the same four castes with the very same fixed limits as later, the same prestige of the Brahman caste, the same ordinances about marriage, about the avoidance of defilement, the same condemnation of the indulgence in spirituous liquors, and so forth. Here too are the same traces that the real facts of life are not exhausted by the few simple and straight lines of the system. By the side of the well-known four castes stand innumerable mixed castes. And, as far as the principal castes are concerned, have we not reasons to doubt that there ever existed a caste of the Kshatriyas or of the Vaisyas ? Categories like these are certainly much too wide to be consistent with that corporate organisation with which we are acquainted in the living castes. We should speak, not of one Brahman caste, but of Brahmanical castes. One should be very clear about this that it is but a generic name which covers innumerable single caste-units, each endowed with its own individuality. The modern Rajputs who claim to represent the Kshatriyas of the system-do they form one caste ? They form innumerable castes, and we see before our eyes how small castes are ever laying claim anew to one of those great titles, which means for them an elevation to a higher social standing. Would it not have been exactly so in ancient times (p. 140) ?
Thus have we, infers Senart, arrived at the conclusion, that those four great categories of the ancient system represent in reality not four castes, but four classes. As such they are Very ancient ; they correspond to the four classes of the Avesta. The old theoretical doctrine has extended the form of these classes to the true castes to those castes which are to be thought equal to, or, at least, analogous to the modern ones. In point of fact these latter organisms are absolutely distinct in their nature from the former (pp. 140-142).
The four classes Senart finally traces back to the oldest literary monument of India, the Rigveda (p. 145, ff).
First of all, he proceods to that well-known hymn Rv. X, 90 which makes the Brahmaņa proceed from the mouth of the primordial being, the Rajanya from his arms, the Vaisya from his loins, and the Sadra from his feet: as is well known it is the only passage in the Rigveda where are found the later designations of the four varnas. However, this passage belongs to a hymn about the late origin of which in comparison with the main body of the Rigvedic poesy, there can be no doubt.
But how are the relations of the classes represented in the main body of that poem
In the foreground stands the distinction between the Arya varna and the Dass varna. The former corresponds to the first three castes of the later system, and the latter, to the fourth. It is clear that it has to do with the antagonism of nationalities : Aryan and non. Aryan-characterized by the bright and the dark colour of the skin (varna). Next, amongst the Aryans, the Hymns of the Rigveda further distinguish distinctly three great in the oldest time not yet called varņa-categories, the prieste, the chieftains and the folk, with the Vedic words Brahman, Rajan and Vis. It has to be assumed, that already in those days the priestly functions were guarded against a far too easy penetration by # foreign element, and that the military nobility had here, as elsewhere, the tendency to make itself hereditary (p. 149, ff.). But castes in the proper sense, castes like the modern ones, those classes in the Rigveda have never been. None of the characteristics that make up caste is mentioned about them (p. 150).
Benart, p. 136. 'I differ here slightly from the method that Separt has followed.

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It is nevertheless evident that those three categories answer to the three higher castes of the Brahmanical theory. But over against the designations Brahmana, Rajanya, Vaidya, of this theory, the Rigveda employs the word Brahman mostly and always Rajan and Vis. Thus the linguistic usage already discloses inasmuch as it allows learned derivatives to step in, in place of the old technical words-that the system of the later texts does not represent "the simple prolongation, spontaneous and organic, of the situation reflected in the Veda:" we have to do with a deliberate system adapted to the conditions, either entirely new or at least very different from that whence the primitive triple division originates. "This is to reverse the true relation, to interpret the Vedic evidence by the Brahmanical theory of a more recent age" (p. 152). The gulf between the old and the new conditions betrays itself further in this, that the old texts, beside the Aryan people, speak only of the hostile body of the Dasyus, the Dása varna, but the later texts know the Súdras, aborigines by descent, who were on the one hand indeed excluded from the Aryan community, but on the other were united with them by certain bonds-"fresh proof that the system is quite a different thing from the normal development of the Vedic situation" (p. 153).
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What has then happened between the oldest and the more recent stages of the tradition? In the Rigveda is represented a.primeval class organisation. On the one hand the later texts had before their eyes, the castes standing forth in full living activity, and on the other they were bound up with an inheritance of the old tradition. "Souvenirs of the past and realities of the present were blended together in a hybrid system; the living régime of the castes was inserted into the old divisions of races and classes which tended to produce this effect" (p. 155). Here we have the starting point in Senart's conception of the Vedic conditions and the traditions relating to them: the system of the Brahmana texts and of the law-books-the system of four classes which possess all the characteristics of casteshave proceeded out of an artificial contamination-carried out by an unscrupulous speculation, of the primeval classes and of the modern castes which resemble them in their essence.
I shall not reproduce the disquisitions of Senart upon the origin of the caste institution. If the following discussions succeed in crushing his view of the more ancient history of caste, then the basis for the discussion of that question will be materially removed, so that a detailed criticism going into details will no longer be necessary here.
Our examination of Senart's conceptions may commence with what he says about the relation of the Rigvedic data with those of the Brahmana times. There in the Rigveda we are said to have genuine, perfectly valid evidences about the primitive organisation of classes, and here, in the Brahmanas, a hybrid system which is founded upon an
5 Irrespective, of course, of Hymn X, 90.
The question whether these castes go back to the time of the Rigveda, is treated by Senart as a problem unsolved and probably incapable of solution (p. 160, fg.). Evidently X, 90, has not been taken into account (cf. p. 171).
7 I find myself entirely in agreement with Senart with reference to the much-discussed question about the previous existence of the threefold organisation of the Aryans (Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Visas) in the Rigveda whether one prefers to speak of three classes or of three castes (we shall come to it later on). Here I may be permitted to say a few words only on the matter. Just as it has become ever clearer to me that the sacrifice and the sacrificial poetry of the Rigveda represent not the naive effusions of primitive religious feelings, but that the Soma-ritual of the later Vedas was already at that time in agreement with the Rigvedic litanies, at least in the leading and basic features, similarly, in my opinion, it admits of no doubt that the Rigveda has a priestly class which is to be considered as essentially the same as that

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artificial mixture of the class-system and the caste-system. Does this antagonism really exist Is it not by looking with too suspicious an eye at the tradition that this antagonism is discerned ? On my part I must confess my inability to discover anything of moment that would prove its existence.
That in the Rigveda, Brdh man appears more frequently than Brahmaņa, that only the names Rájánah and Vitaḥ are found and not as yet Rajanyaḥ and Vaibyah-what does it prove at all? Does not the change undergone by these expressions correspond, in the most unobjectionable way, to the passing transformation of the character of the language ?
Does the fact that in the Rigveda, besides Dasyu, there is the expression Dásu varna and not Sedra, prove in reality that the Brâh maņas contain " quite another thing than the normal development of the Vedic situation !” Already in the ancient times of the Rigveda, the dark-skinned aborigines were known not merely as enemies, but also as dependants attached to the Aryan community: this follows from the positive appearance of the word Dasa in the Rigveda in the sense of "slave" or“ menial.” Certainly it is possible, nay, probable, that in the course of time non-Aryan elements of that kind increased in importance, and it is not less probable that with this process is connected the introduction of the new expression Sadru, whatever might be its origin. However, is there anything here other than a perfectly normal—I would like to say self-evident-development ?9 of the Brahmapa times; and certainly the priestly craft had already at that time evidently become the property of certain families like the Vasishthas etc., and thus been connected with birth. The difference between the priestly and non-priestly persons or families could not be explained-at least not in the first place according to the modern idea, by the intricacy of the technical business to be carried out by the priost, but above all, in accordance with the conception of life of the primitive age, by the qualification of having a certain mysterious attribute pervading the whole person and necessary for the hazardous. intercourse with gods and spirits, with what is expressed by the Indian word Brahman. The Brahman however, dwells not in the son of a man, who himself is destitute of it, and as such can communicate to oneborn of him a Brahmanlons nature alone; according to the ideas of that time, the life of the individual had not as yet been dissociated from the life of the family in which his whole being lives and moves. No doubt the same conception as in the case of the Brakman held good also for the Kshatra. It is naturally conceivable that in particular casos human arrogance and pride should break through this order, but it is hardly expential for a critical estimate of the order as such. Moreover, I cannot admit as valid the parti. cular proofs that are usually brought forward in favour of the contention that in the olden times the sacred prerogatives of the Brahmans had not as yet been acknowledged or properly acknowledged. Benars (p. 166) says of the pooupation of the Purohita : "In many cases the sons of the nobles performed this function," and he refer to Zimmer, Alt ind, Leben. 196. There I find a single caso adduced in support, tis. that of Devapi: but it does not appear from the Rigveda that this latter came from a royal family; it is based upon nothing better than the authority of an exegetical narrative given by Yaka. Zimmer gives (on p. 195) another case in which "a king managed a sacrifice alone without a Purohita," the code of Ait.. Brs. VII, 27: it is necessary only to read carefully the passage referred to, in order to see that here there is a mention pot of a sacrifice without a priest, but of a sacrifice without calling in a partioular family that laid claim to participation in it. Further, Senart (p. 165) refers to the well-known testimony which is offered by the fact that several kings were regarded as greater adepte in the sacred science than the Brahmanas, and that Kshatriyas or even Vais'yas were the authors of Vedic hymns (cf. Zimmer, 100). When KlopAtock composed religious songs and Schelling construed the Trinity in a philosophical way, was it really readily acquienced in, in coclesiastical circles! Moreover, would the one or the other have been acknowledged a qualified for the performance of the religious duties of an official minister ! - We may compare also the name Divoddea, ZDMG., 49, 175. - Incidentally it may be noted that I cannot also believe that the use of the word arya for Vaisya (Senant, 183 .) Rignifiee anything which would enable us to arrive at a conclusion about the oontrary usage of the two of the ancient ago when the Varsya " formed in reality the whole of the class of free men, the body of the nation," and of the later times when, instead of this "vague grouping." "veritable caste"

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In fact everything, in my opinion, speaks in favour of the acceptance of such a development between the Rigveda and the later Vedic literature. One may perhaps follow up the religious data ; one may pursue, above all, the history of the ritual--the functions of the priesthood, the composition of the Soma-sacrifice, etc.-one may investigate, in whatever department one likes, the connection between the Rigvedic and the subsequent age, everywhere one will find a continuous development, and nowhere such a gulf, bridged over by a deceitful appearance or by such a curious hybridity, as Senart here assumes. Just as the Holar or the Adhvaryu of the Brahmana texts is certainly not very different from the Hotar or the Adhvaryu of the Rigveda, but stands very close to him and is evolved out of him in a direct line, so have we also every right to consider the Brahmana or the Vaisya of the later Vedic texts as developed in a direct line, without the intervention of falsehoort and deceit, from the Brahman any the Vicah of the Rigveda. The later materials fit in with the older with the closest conformity and elucidate them as perfectly, as perhaps the Brâhmana and Sätra texts elucidate the fragmentary ritualistic data of the Rigveda. "This is to reverse the true relation which interprets the Vedic evidenced by the Brahmanical theory of an age more recent," seys Senart (p. 152). I believe, however, that such an interpretation is less open to objection than the abrupt importation of present day condi. tiong, without any intermediate links of connection such as Senart has attempted to do.
Moreover, if I am not mistaken, with Senart the real motive for his assumption of that great difference between the Rigvedu and the later 'iterature lies in no way in those com paratively non-essential considerations, with the criticism of which we have occupied our selves, but in something else. Senart conceives, as we have seen, the system of the Brahma na Satra and Dharmasastra as an artificial veil which has, in the interest of a theory, been, spread over & caste-system which is really analogous to that of the present day. On the other hand, he cannot obviously get rid of an impression that the terms, the concepts, in which the Rigveda so apparently approximates those texts, have, on the ground of its being the oldest Veda, & real importance untouched by any artificiality. Hence, according to him, between the one and the other stage of that process of change, must have taken place, it may be said, that falsification of the significance of the respective data-toaffirm which the external form alone of these deta would hardly have given any occasion.
So we turn to our examination of the point which is obviously at the same time the most questionable and the most conclusive about the whole question, viz., the assumption that in the Brâhmanas, the Satras and in Manu, behind the four varnas there was a real and actual fact approximating very closely to the modern caste-system.
Senart points out, as has already been shown here once (cf. above, p. 270), that the laws which regulate the varnas of the old theory are quite similar to those which govern the life of the modern castes. If, however, the plain and straightforward simplicity of the four great divisions appears to stand in the way of our carrying back to those old times the multiple forms of the modern castes, we have, on the other hand, those ancient statements about the numerous mixed castes, about the Vrâtyas, about the great diversity of makes its appearance. It was quite as pertinent for the system of the later texts as for the Rigveda, that the Vaisya must have made up the body of the people, and therefore, as the entire grouping was merely a vague one, that designation seems to me to decide nothing either on the one side or on the other. Besides, after a survey of the materials that relate to the word Arya, I cannot but suspect the truth of the statement that the use of the same for Vaisya delineates a relatively late artificiality based upon an erroneous interpretation of old passages -- in reality, however, that word has been a synonym of Arya from the beginning.

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occupations which a Brøhman could follow and so forth, which show that that simplicity is only artificial, the society being in reality under the domination of a complicated tangle of many castes, as at the present day.10
We begin, on our part, with the last of the points alluded to. When the Brâhmars are asserted by Manu to be the followers of quite diverse professions some of which were hardly honourable, does it follow therefrom that--as Senart concludes (p. 139) - that one should rather have to speak of innumerable Brahmanical castes instead of one oaste of Brahmans ? Quite certainly, beside the Brahmaņas who performed sacrifices and upon whom Veda-study was incumbert, there were, in fact, also such as maintained themselves, for example, by the butcher's trade or by theft. About them Maru seys, that they are unworthy of being invited to funeral feasts. Are we to hold that the ancient texts here disclose the existence of a special caste-or rather, perhaps, local seperete castes of thief-Brahmans, butcherBrahmans, etc., who had their chiefs and councils, who married only among themselves and so forth ? It is, I suppose, clear that there are here two quite different things, the one namely, to state as a fact certain interesting, as well as intelligible devictions in actual life from the ideals of Brahmanical life-and, on the other hand, to discover out of such data the existence of those positive structures that belong peculiarly to the modern times, but which are by no means betrayed in those alleged traces as belonging to antiquity.
Further, the theory of the mixed castes. When by a particular admixture a Vaideha, a Mâgadha, and by others a Chandála or Nishada, is said to have been produced, then everyone naturally sees that here the origin within the caste-system of non-Aryan as also of remote, less important Aryan peoples or tribes depends upon purely fictitious methods. How could these tribal communities standing in different degrees of remoteness outside the fully recognised sphere of cult and culture prove anything at all-ard upon this indeed everything depends--in favour of the contention that inside the bounds of this sphere itself there predominated such an intricacy of innumerable castes as Senart has taken to be the groundwork of the modern conditions? And those few other so-called 11 mixed castes which appear in the law-books and which bear the names of their occupations, such as the Rathakara, -what do they prove? I think only this that outside the fully qualified people of the three Aryan Varaas, be it amongst the non-Aryans, or be it amongst Aryans of no unobjectionable origin, there existed individual groups amongst whom people of & particular extraction had associated themselves more or less closely with one of the distinguished professions which were more or less hereditary ;12 amongst these groups we see that that of the Rathakâras-while their pure Aryan descent was denied, yet perhaps in consequence of the respect which was enjoyed by their craft-possessed privileges of a sacred character by virtue of which they were brought nearer to the position of the fully
10 The name of these true castes in the law books, as against the four great varme, is said to have been játi (p. 155). It is true that varya is used regularly as the technical expreesion for the four great divisions, the dominating categories of the entire system, and only exceptionally for the mixed castes (Jolly, ZDMG., 50, 518). It is therefore but natural that the mixed castes that were founded upon birth and did not represent any varyas, were designated by preference as jdt. However, it does not mean that this term corresponded, as against varsa, to the "true castes such as we see living and moving," and I could not discover any trace of this. About the use of jati in the PAli texts, of. Fick, 22.
u It is liable to question whether the tracing back of these castes to certain admixtures is to be taken seriously, as in the case of the Magadbs etc.— I refer here to p. 282 below, note 4, on the caste admixtures alluded to in Buddhist literature.
11 The way it happened may have been, as surmised by Fiok (Die Sociale Gliederung etc. 800, fl.), viz., that the Indian Aryans pushed hard upon an autochthonous tribe, who pobeorsed special skill in concle building and so forth, and was consequently employed by the conquerors for this craft.

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qualified Aryans 13 But what a long stride it would be from the formation, on the one hand, of groups of this kind, which to all appearance extended over the whole sphere of culture under discussion, to the breaking up, on the other hand, of the entire people, and in the third place, of the three great Aryan castes, into those multitudes of small locally circumscribed bodies? As regards the offspring of mixed marriages, it has to be taken into consideration that they, through continued marriages inside one of the varņas which lay at the foundation of the mixture, got back, after & certain number of generations, into that parna;14 certainly no intimation this that the children of such mixed marriages formed among themselves a particularly close and compact community.
And lastly the Vratyas. If the offspring of the Brahmara, the Kshatriya or the Vaišya could lose their caste through the neglect of certain sacred duties, then does the existence, I might ask, of such a detritus as may fall off from those great castes, entitie us to conceive of the main bodies of those castes in a totally different way from what the tradition indicates ? Nothing more natural, than that the actual circumstances in the course of time obliterated the old simplicity of that threefold division where, so to speak, on the border of the structure new formations were annexed to the old stock and hero, beside the actual facts, the Indian passion for theorising has also played its part without question, as Senart so strikingly delineates : however, it is one thing to set in their proper places individual supplements of the ancient structure which annex themselves naturally to it as it progresses, which even grow out of it,--and it is something different to attribute to the entire organisation a new inner structure fundamentally different from the old one.
Moreover, the direct tradition which is comparatively abundant, especially with regard to the Brahman class, has preserved concrete materials that may furnish a means of estimating the worth of the great Senartian transformation of our fundamental principle. Senart would substitute numerous Brahman castes for & single Brahman caste. Now traditions, of which the authenticity is hardly questioned, enable us to find out with tho greatest precision the sections into which the Brahman caste really broke up in ancient times. They inform us about the system of the marriage regulations depending upon these class fications, about the endogamous and exogamous circles which had to be taken into account, about the marriage of the Brâhmaņas. Where is then Senart's dismemberment of the grest classes into crowds of endogamous castes !
Any one who takes into consideration the ethnological standpoint here referred to will naturally only find that the warņas were separated from one another by barriers of the connubium, by rules about cleanness and so forth.15 No lese natural is it that the modern castes should obey a multitude of similar regulations, certainly in part as an inheritance
13 Cf. Indische Studien X, 12 fg.
u Gautama IV, 22, eto. 15 Is, however, may I ask in pussing, othnology accepted, in the opinion of Senart, as a probable explanation about the origin of these barriers and limitations 1 The endogany of the Indian caste is said to be based upon the "Aryan conception of marriage," upon the community of sacrifice of the
sacrificing couple attached to the fire-altar of the family." I believe, that he who follows up the study of the whole range of the conception of eudogamy, throughout the full course of its development, will be led by this study to much remoter origins which have to be measured with the logio of the savage and not with that of the Aryan. Similarly I differ from Senart (212) with regard to the prohibition of interdining with persous of another caste and of taking food prepared by personsul a lower caste. To Sebart this 18 "on of the bizarre usages that take us by surprise;" it is explained, he thinks, by the Aryan conception of

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of that ancient round of ideas and customs, and partly perhaps as introduced from the aborigines among whom-where on earth are such things not found 1-rules of a similar nature might have been in existence. However, should one on that account transfer into ancient times the entire structure of modern caste-intricacy, then I can only hold it for an inference that by no means follows from the premises. If we have proved and established certain points of contact between the ancient and the modern state of things, we do not, indeed, on that account, cease to take into consideration the great divergences also between the old and the new : just as we would not deny to the religious system of the Veda its antique Vedic appearance, even though there were found a number of pious or superstitious customs which the Vedic times have in common with modern Berar or Bengal. In my opinion one has only to look with unprejudiced eyes at the copious evidences, especially of the Brâhmaņa texts, in order to receive the most convincing impression that here without any lies and frauds, without a hybrid admixture of disparato elements, an unbiased, picture of the actual state of things is given, pervaded by a breath of the feeling which filled and moved that atmosphere a picture that gives authentically, although of course not all the elements, yet the broad outlines of the real circumstances.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. A JOURNEY IN MONGOLIA IN 190. Wushin; the others are called Jassak, Jungar,
The following anonymous account, in the Ottok, Wang, Hankin, and another whose name humble form of a letter to The Times of the I havО forgotten, but we need not trouble about 17th September 1919, of what must have been them. remarkable journey over a very long stretch of It was not easy to find the residence of His Highsome of the most difficult country in the world, I ness of Wushin, but what mattered that when there gives a view of the lite of the petty Mongol chief was such excellent sport, after crossing the Yellow scattered over it and of their surroundings that is River, near Kweihuacheng, among the antelope, well worth preserving for students of Asiatio hares, pheasants, partridges, geese, and Mandarin peoples. The accompanying map has been spe-duck which abounded in the labyrinth of sandhills cially prepared to illustrate the joumey.--Ed.) and sorub-covered hillocks through which we and
"Kings o'er their flocks tho aceptre wield" is our train of camels moandered. an excellent translation of an extract from the However, we did arrive-though some of our immortal Horace wherewith to describe the camels foundered en route and found series of tribal chieftains in Mongolia, chieftains who are low buildings in the Chinese style surrounded dignified with the title of Prince," or even by a low wall. Outside the entrance W . "King," though their functions are far more line of tall poles from which fluttered strings of limited than those of the ordinary English
raga covered with Tibetan characters-prayer flags. gentleman.
His Highness was away from home, and the popu. Lot me tell you of three. I will begin with lation of his camp only consisted of three souls,
relatives of His Highness, who allowed us to do There is a sandy waste of country lying to the exactly as we pleased; so we commandeered the south of the Yellow River as it flows past Ningh- princely "gourt" (or Mongol tent) pitched in the kiafu to near Kweihuacheng. Its northern bound inner courtyard, and stayed two days in order to ary is the muddy stream, and its southem limit renew our strength before continuing the joumey the Great Wall of China. Mongolia, properly speak. to (1) Borabolgasson and Ninghsiafu. ing, begins on the other side of the river. In The "gourt" was unusually comfortable (the this most inhospitable stretch of country "reign " average Mongol gourt is Althy). It was lined withBovon Mongol kings, one of whom is the Prince of nd without with felt (an agreeable change from the community of meal, as the family-union linked togethe. about the sacred hearth. He goes even so far as to trace back the impurity of the dead," without doubt in part," to the same cause, that the dead can no more take part in the family meal and the family-rites (p. 218). I can here only repeat that in my opinion, ethnology leads to an entirely different conclusion about these conception--for they are in no way startling peculiarities, and ethnology proves them to have been long anterior to the special develop ment of the family-regulations of the Aryans: it is, of course, not possible here to go into this matter in extenso.
Wushin.

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my "gourt" of the night before which had only been lined with semi-liquid camel's dung), while inside there was an additional lining of thin dark red silk. In summer the felt is all removed so that the breeze may enter freely. The flooring was of stone(as a rule it is of animals' droppings),covered with a heavy and beautiful Ninghsia carpet, and low oushions of the same make were scattered about profusely, while in front of each was a low, delicately inlaid stool as a table. A few small cabinets and some brass Buddhas completed the furniture. The end farthest from the door was slightly raised to form a dais.
The Prince's pet Pekingese was scampering about, much distressed at the absence of his master, and was doing great damage to the fine carpets.
My retinue spent the whole of the first day teasing His Highness's pet monkey, which got a bit of his own back when we retired to rest, for, like an over-excited child, he refused to sleep, and spent the night on the tiles, over which he scampered, dragging a 6-ft. chain behind him. As our only object in halting at this local "Buckingham Palace" was to get rest from the hardships of the journey, I had to issue an ultimatum respecting the capture of the animal.
And so to Ninghsiafu, and, after climbing the Alashan range, a day's journey to the west of his town up an exceedingly picturesque pass, which is nothing more than the rocky bed of a stream, and so steep that our camels nearly col. lapsed during the climb, we enjoyed from the top an extensive view over the Sandy Mongol Kingdom of Alashan, with its capital, Fumafu, or Dinyuaning, nestling in a little oasis below us. The town is visible during the whole descent from the top of the range, and the patch of tall trees afforded a pleasant change to the eye from the bleak monotony of the rest of the landscape. But on reaching the town one finds little water trickling below the trees. However, the fact that there is water at all has brought about the cultivationmostly by Chinese-of a small amount of ground near the town. At the time of my visit there had been a seven years' drought, caused, according to popular opinion, by the presence at Fumafu of the exiled Prince Tuan, of Boxer notoriety. This drought was causing real uneasiness, and a change of capi tal had been mooted. The difficulty was that there was no suitable spot in the "kingdom" to which the "capital" could be moved. However, if the Court, ever is forced to go, the population will doubtless accompany it, and in course of time Fumafu will be added to the list of sand-buried cities of Central Asia.
The town is divided into two parts, the smaller portion being surrounded by high walls in an excellent state of repair. In it is the king's palace, a small collection of ordinary Chinese houses of the meanest description huddled under the southern
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wall. History has, indeed, shown the necessity for a walled town, for in 1869 the Dungares [? Dungans or Jungaris] attacked and destroyed all the buildings outside the walls, but failed to capture the "citadel." The chief weapons of defence were stones, and to this day piles of these lie at various points on the walls in readiness for another defence. A feature of the walls are the numerous shrines, visited once a year in procession by the Lama priests carrying the sacred books.
The government [in 1908] of this capital, the population of which probably consisted of some 4,000 souls, of whom 1,500 were Chinese trad ers, was carried on by a "King"-so his subjects styled him and they considered him the strongest potentate on earth. Although he was said to have a violent temper and a strong aversion to foreigners, I craved an audience. His Majesty's family have married a succession of Manchu prin. cesses, and consider themselves now more Manchu than Mongol: at any rate they prefer to speak Chinese en famille. The arrival of these Manchu consorte had probably much to do with the com. parative civilization of the capital, for even the Mongols there live in ordinary houses like the Chinese, and have ceased to be nomads.
The "King" was supposed to visit Peking once in three years, but the visit was so costly (the retinue always included inter alia a theatre) that it was frequently deferred, and His Majesty would send his annual tribute (in kind) instead, at the hands of his son, the "Duke."
It was at Fumafu that I met Colonel Kozloff's expedition into Central Asia en route for Kokonoor and Szechuan, and it was here that I was privileged to spend an evening in the company of this distinguished Russian explorer. His party, which consisted of several friends and a small Cossack guard, were lodged in the premises of a Russian Buriat, who probably exercised over the King of Alashan as much influence as the famous Dorjieff did at one time over the Dalai Lama. But, although our only language in common was Mongol, I am happy to think that I have nothing but pleasant memories of the gallant colonel, who enter. tained me in a most friendly manner in a spot far removed from European civilization. I met him again the following year in St. Petersburg, where he lectured on this very journey before the Imperial Geographical Society and opened a small collection of manuscripts, etc., brought back from Central Asia.
And so back to Kweihuacheng, across the Gobi to Urga, and westwards by. caravan to Uliassutai and Kobdo, and over the snows of the Altaishan to the new Chinese colony of Sharasumé (7) Here we got fresh camels to proceed by Buluntogo to Chuguchak, and after a week's march westwards from Sharsumé arrived at the camp of the Tourgont [Torgot] (Mongol) Prince, lying close under a

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mountain range called the Bayinzarkanaderik, from which triokles a small stream past the camp.
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99.
This latter consisted of a group of "gourts" lying round a tribal temple built half-way up a large natural mound, the latter being surmounted by a "joes" of the ordinary pattern and a large "obo" of sticks to which white and yellow streamers were suspended. The Prince Ochingwang lives in two white gourts in summer, and in a low mud house behind them in winter: in this latter he is able to have a Russian stove. His Highness sent me his greetings on arrival, and kindly caused two "gourts" to be erected specially for us. I called on him in state in the afternoon, and found a fat lad of some 20 years of age, rather shy, but with agreeable manners. He had never been to Peking, and I gathered that the trouble and expense of getting there and back were the reasons. He had visited Chuguchak several times to pay homage to the Imperial tablet, and had come into contact with Russians there, which explained why his rooms were full of photographs, watches, clocks, and the inevitable gramophone. He told me that no foreigner had previously visited this his "capital," and seemed very gratified that one had come. He said his favourite amusement was fox-hunting with an eagle, and that he indulged
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in this sport five days a week in winter. The huge bird was brought into the room during our conversation, and made such a din that I had to beg it should be removed.
The Prince was dressed in a dark red silk robe and wore huge spectacles and the usual Chinese pork-pie hat with peacock feather and red button.
After he had agreed to furnish fresh camels for the six days' journey westwards to Chuguchak we spent two idle days at his camp, and were treated with the utmost hospitality possible in those parts. His Highness was indeed almost embarrassing in his attentions from morn till night. He was constantly sending over Tartar koumiss and meals from the princely kitchen for myself, whilst rolls of silk and money presents kept arriving for my Chinese boy. As each meal consisted of a whole bucketful of soup and half-a-dozen dishes of meats prepared in different ways, it was difficult to dispose of it without giving offence. However, the two days soon passed, and we were thankful to have found such a comfortable lodging, for "sleep knows no pride and scorns not cots of village hinds," and if the village hinds do assume the semblance and rank of royalty, well, so long as they are prepared to show their neighbour a kindness, nothing else matters.
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HISTORY OF THE NIZAM 8
H1 KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR
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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAĦ KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUTCOLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.8.I., C.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from p. 204.) XX.XVIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF ARCEAN- BETWEEN BURHAN NIRX SHAH AND
IBRBIM 'ADIL SHIH, AND OF ITS RESULTS. 103 It has already been mentioned that Ased Khân, who surpassed all the other 'Adil Shah amirs in power and in strength of the forces under his command, was apprehensive of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah's intentions towards him and was therefore ever sedulous in stirring up strife, considering that his safety lay in Ibrahim Adil Shah's pre-occupation with his enemies. He now stirred up strife between Burhan Nizam Shah and Ibrahim Adil Shah until the matter ended in bloodshed. Both kirgs assembled their armies in order to do battle with one apother, and Burhan Nigam Shah, having sent Mahmad Nafir to summon Malik Barid and his brother Khan Jahan, marched rapidly to meet the enemy. Malik Barid and Khan Jahan joined the king near the town of Kalam, and the opposing armies met at Arjan, where a fieroe battle was fought. The battle raged lorig with great vehemence and among those slain on the side of Ibrahim 'Adil Sb&h, was 'Ain-ul-Mulk Kan'âni, who, as be had bebaved treacherously on the former occasion by deserting Burhan Nigam Shah and joining Ibrahim Adil Sh Ab at the instigation of Darya 'Imad Shah, may be seid to have met with the due reward of his treason and ingratitude. Ram Shiva Deva, a Brahman of the court of Burhan Nizam Shah, who enjoyed great irtimacy with the king, left the heaven which he had oocupied in this earth for bell. The battle lasted until sunset, but at last victory was declared for Burh An Nizam Shah and the Bijâparis fled, leaving the whole of their baggage, tenta, and camp equipage in the hands of the victors. The army of Abmadnagar pursued the fugitives and put large pumbers to the sword, and the survivors made their way, with much difficulty, to Bij pôr.
Burhån Nizam Shah tben marched to Sholâpár, a very strong fortress situated on the frontier of the Bijápar kingdom, and then held by an officer for Ibrahim 'Adil Shah. Here he encamped while his army besieged the fortress. The garrison, finding themselves unable
109. The accounts of campaigns between Bijapur and Ahmadnagar in this and the following five mootione are incorrect. The course of the war between Ahmadnagar and Bijapar was briefly follow : In 1540-41 Burhan Nigam Shah, encouraged by reports of the estrangement between the Sunnf Ibrahim
as Shah I and hie most powerful subject, the Shi'ah Asad Khan Larf, believed that the time had como for be rooovery of the Sholapur district, which had at one time been a fief of the Ahmadnagar kingdom, but and been annexed by Bijapur during the war between Burhan and Bahadur Sbah of Gujarat. Ho therefore formed an alliance with Amir 'Ali Barid and Darya 'Imad Shah of Berar, invaded the Bijlpar
jpgdom, ro-annexed the Shol&pur district and advanced to Belgaum, the fief of Asad Khan. And Khan was loyal to his master but could not withstand the invaders and was obliged to make show of
amplying with Burhan's demands by joining him with his contingent of 6,000 horse. Ibrahim, on learning of this accion of strength to Burhan, fled from Bijapur to Gulbarga whilo Burhan and Amir 'Alt Barid antored Bijapur and besieged the citadel. Darya 'Imad Shah who had disapproved of the expedition from the first and was awaiting an opportunity of ohanging sides, was employed by Aba" Khan Lart to make his peace with Ibrahim and both he and Daryl joined Ibrahim who was now strong enough to attack Burhan. As Ibrahim and Dary advanced, Burhan and Amir 'Alf retired, first on Bt. and on being pursued thither, to the hills above Daulatabad leaving Ahmadnagar at the mercy of the invaders. Amir 'Alt Barid died near Daulatabad (see note 101) and Burban was foroed to sue for pesco, which be obtained by the retronion of the Sholapur district and a promise never again to molest Bipo.
The battle of Archan" wis probably a battle or skirmish fought at Charchin, abond 32 miles sous weat of Bhol&por, during Burhan's advance to Belgaum

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to hold the fortress against the besieging army, and being well aware that Ibrahim 'Adir ShAh could send them no assistance, resolved to surrender, and the commandant came forth and submitter! himself to Burhan Nigam Shah, to whom he presented the keys of the fortrese, thus obtaining exemption from the fate of the garrison of the fortress taken by storm. Burhân Nizam Shah ther appointed one of his officers commandant of the fortress and returned to Abmadnager.
Some historians say that Burhan Nizam Shah, after capturing Sholâpôr, marched to Bijâpar, and besieged Ibrahim 'Adil Sb Ah, who shut himself up in the citadel ard sent an envoy to Burhan Nizam Shah, promising that if the latter would pardon his misdeeds ond leave him in peace, he would ever be obedient to him. According to this account, Burhan Nigam Shah acceded to the request of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and returned from Bij&par to Ahmadnagar. But God knows the truth of the matter. XXXIX.-AN ACOOUNT OF IBRAHIM 'ĀDIL SHAH'S EXPEDITION FOR THE BEOOVERY
OF SHOLAPOR AND OF BURHIN NISAM SHAR'S MARCH TO MEET HIM. Wher Burhân Nigam Shah had returned to Abmadnagar after the capture of SholApar, or, as other historians say, after the siege of Bijapár, Ibrahim Adil Shah assembled his army for the purpose of recovering Shol&por, and, having marched to that fortress, besieged it. He directed his army to throw up lines of contravallation as a defence against the army of Ahmadpagar when it should march to the relief of Sholapur.
When Burhan Nizâm Shab heard that Ibrahim Adil Shåh was besieging Shol&pur, he assembled a very large army and sent it to Sholậpur, where it encamped near the ground occupied by the army of Bijapur. Every day skirmishes took place and the troops of Abmadnagar were usually victorious over those of Btjápar.
One day about forty valiant horseme of Abmadnagar, among whom were Ashraf Khan, Farang Khân, Firüz Khan, Sayyid Muhammad Qasim, Miyên Tund, Khalji Khan, Shail Mulch târ, Miyan Afghan, Shaikh Khanus, Farhad Khan, Anwar Chata Khân, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, Sayyid Ibrahim, Sayyid Uwais and others, while out reconnoitring passed near the larger of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah. Qadam Khan and Mustafa Kan of Bijâpâr, with 3,000 horse and Beveral elephants, were employed in constructing this laager, and when they saw how few there were of the army of Ahmadnagar, they lay in wait for them and suddenly attacked them. The forty horsemen, however, threw themselves upon their assailants and at length Overcame them and dispersed them, pursuing them nearly as far as Ibrahim 'Adil Shah's tonte. Just then Ikhlaa Khån, one of Burhan Nizam Shah's amirs, came up with fifty horse, and when he saw that forty horsemen had defeated a large body of the enemy, he too, fired, with the spirit of emulation, attacked a force under Qabal Khan Adilsh&hi, which was without the laager, defeated it, and put it to flight.
When Ibråhim 'Adil Shah saw that his army was unable to meet that of Ahmadnagar in the field, he lost heart, left Sholapur at night and returned to Bijâpär, whereupon Burhan Nigam Shah returned to Abmadnagar. XL.-AN ACCOUNT OF IBRİHÍM 'ADIL SHAH'S SECOND ATTEMPT TO RECOVER SHOLAPOR, OF THE EXPEDITION OF BURHÂN Nigam SHAH TO MEET MIX AND OY
THE LATTER'S VICTORY. After a while Ibrahim 'Adil Shah was again moved with the desire to recover Sholdpar, and marched thither with a large army and besieged it as before, constructing lines of contravallation and a strong laager, within which he took up his quarters. Burhån Nizam Shah then marched from Abmadnagar with a large army and encamped over against

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Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, and, as before, skirmishes took place daily. One day Bahadur Khân, brother of 'Alam Khan and one of Burhân Nigam Shah's officers, attacked the enemy and performed great feats of valour, but since the enemy greatly outnumbered him, they were able to surround him, and he was very nearly taken prisoner; but reinforcements were sent from the army of Ahmadnagar and freed Bahadur Khân from his perilous position. Afterwards Fir Muḥammad Khân, with the small force under his command, attacked the Adilshâhî army and fought most bravely, but was at length taken prisoner and carried before Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, who highly praised him for his valour and, giving him a robe of honour and a reward, allowed him to depart.
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After that the king commanded Mushir-ul-Mulk the Afghan, to attack the enemy and ordered Firûz Khân to support him, but although Mushir-ul-Mulk displayed great valour on that day, the attack was unsuccessful, and Firaz Khân, who was envious, reported to the king that Mushir-ul-Mulk had not behaved well before the enemy. The king, in his displeasure with Mushir-ul-Mulk the Afghân, deprived him of his command and transferred it to Allâh Dad Daulat Khân, but Daulat Khân informed the king that Mushir-ul-Mulk had behaved very bravely in the fight and that Firaz Khan's report was false. The king then sent for Daulat Khan's brothers, who had been with Mushir-ul-Mulk in the battle, and asked them for an account of the fight. They insisted that Mushir-ul-Mulk had shewn great bravery, and the kir g then restored Mushir-ul-Mulk to his command and honoured him before his fellows; but Firûz Khan, who had made a lying report, fell from favour.
One day at about this time Nûr Khân 'Adilshâht made an attack on the royal army and Kamil Khan, ore of the amirs of Ahmadnagar, was wounded with an arrow. Burhân Nizam Shah sent Shuja'at Khan, Azhdaha Khân, and Daulat Khân to the assistance of Kâmil Khân with instructions to punish Nûr Khân. These amirs attacked Nor Khân, who, being unable to withstand them, took to flight. Some of the Ahmadnagaris pursued him and slew several Bijapûris, and returned with their horses and arms.
Ibrahim 'Adil Shah again found that his troops were not able to withstand those of Ahmadnagar and, as he had done before, returned to Bljâpâr by the road by which he had come and thus made an end of the strife. Burhan Nizam Shah then returned in triumph to his capital.
XLI. AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF SILBA, BETWEEN BURHAN NIZAM SHAH AND IBRAHIM 'ADIL SHIH, AND OF OTHER EVENTS WHICH HAPPENED ABOUT THAT TIME.
Some months after the retreat of Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah from Sholapur to Bijapur and the return of Burhân Nizam Shah to his capital, Asad Khân Adilshâhi, who was always at heart a faithful servant of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, and shewed his fidelity in all campaigns and battles between Ahmadnagar and Bijâpûr, took ill; and in his sickness it occurred to him that as Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh wes always suspicious of him, he might take advantage of this opportunity to get rid of him. He therefore wrote secretly to Burhân Nizam Shah, urging him to invade the kingdom of Bijapur, in order that Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah, being perturbed by the invasion of his country, might abandon his design against him.
As Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, unlike the rest of the amirs of the Dakan 104 who were usually submissive and obedient to the king, attended at court when called upon, and attended him in his wars (and if occasionally one of them were disloyal or disobedient, he became the object of the king's wrath and speedily met with his deserts), was constantly at enmity
104 This is a very impudent attempt to represent an independent sovereign as one of the amire of Burhan Nigam Shah's court.

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with Ahmadnagar and opposed the king on every possible occasion, Burhân Nigam Shab made it his principal object to overthrow this promoter of strife, to take vengeance on him, and to deliver the people of the country from his oppression and tyranny. He also sent Shah Tahir to win over Malik Barid, who was just now not on good terms with Ahmadnagar, and with instructions to go on, after he had sent Malik Baild to Ahmadnagar, to Telingana and to attempt to induce Sultan Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk to enter into an offensive alliance with Ahmadnagar, for at this time Sultan Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk followed his usual policy of keeping himself to himself, and of avoiding both enmity and alliance with the other Sultans of the Dakan.
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Shah Tahir had an audience of Molik Barid (All Barid Shah) and stated the case to him. It is said that Khân Jaban, the brother of Malik Barid, set himself dexterously to annoy Shah Tahir and uttered words regarding him which bore a contemptuous signification. Shah Tahir was very angry and returned angry answers. Malik Baid was much annoyed at his brother's conduct and did his best to pacify Shah Tahir, and actually punished his brother, but Shah Tahir never forgot the insult. This matter ended in Malik Barid joining Burhan Nizam Shah at Ahmadnagar, and Shah Tahir wert to Telingana.
When Shah Tabir waited on Sultan Quli Qutb Shah he soon persuaded him not to oppose, but to further, the designs of Burhân Nizam Shah. Sultan Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk set out with his army to aid Burhân Nizam Shah, and sent on in advance a force which accompanied Shah Tâhir. Burhân Nizam Shah, when all his forces had assembled, marched towards Bijâpûr.
Darya 'Imad Shah and 'Ali Barid Shah paid their respects to the king at about the same time and the army moved forward &1 d crossed the Bhinur. When the troops thus entered the Bijapuûr dominions, Burhân Nigam Shab sent bis artillery on towards Bijapur by the main road, while be, with the rest of his army, marched rapidly on Bijapur by another and less well-known road.
When Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah learnt that Burhân had separated his artillery from the main body of his army, he, with a picked force, moved on the artillery by forced marches. The amirs, who were with the artillery, defended the guns manfully and, since they had a large force with them, they beat off the attacking force and wounded many and made many prisoners. They loaded some of the guns to the muzzles, so that they burst when fired.
Meanwhile the main body of the army, marching rapidly by the other road, had arrived before Bijapûr, and the king encamped there and opened the siege. A messenger now came from Asad Khân to say that the prospect of the success of a siege of Bijapur was not very hopeful, and to advise the king to march on Belgaum, as that fortress would more easily all into their hands.
The king then marched from Bijapûr, and halted at Miraj, 105 the distance from which place to Belgaum is three gåûs. Here he heard that Asad Khân had died and that Ibrahim 'Adil Shah had reached Belgaum and was prepared to defend the place. He therefore turned aside and, instead of marching on Belgaum, marched on Fanhåla, 106 a very high and strong fortress, and besieged that fortress. The army besieged it vigorously for three days, in the course of which Rajan Maḥalldar, one of the king's intimate associates, was slain. It soon became manifest that the army would not be able to capture that fortress, and the king
105 Miraj is situated in 16° 49' N. and 74° 41' E. Sayyid Ali's geography is as bad as his history. The distance from Miraj to Belgaum is not three gusie (twelve miles) but about sixty-eight miles.
108 Fanhala is about thirty-five miles west of Miraj. I have not been able to find Pamin, but pekape we abould read "the lower fortress."

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abandoned the siege and marched on the fortress of Pamin, and laid siege to it. The army of Ahmadnagar, after having laid siege to Påmin for no more than a day and a nigbt, took the fortress by storm, and Burhan Nijâm Shah caused its fortifications and the dwellings of its inhabitants to be levelled with the ground.107
Burhan Niyam Shah then marched to Satâra, 'a very strong fortress situated in the hills, and, in spite of its strength, his troops attacked it resolutely and continued their attempts to take the place by storm for five days, at the end of which time Burhåp Nizam Shah heard that Ibrahim 'Adil Shah was marching to attack him. He therefore detached several thousand horse under the command of some of the bravest amtne of his army to advance to meet Ibrahim, for the ground about Satára, where Burhan was encamped, was very hilly and unsuited for battle. The amirs marched to meet Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, and when they fell in with his advanced guard, attacked it, and slew many. But the main body of the army of Bijâpar arrived on the field and attacked the amirs, defeated them, and put them to flight.
Then Burhan Nizam Shah, seeing that he could not fight in the position before Satâra, marched to the ghåp of Salpa, where he encamped. But the position here also was very cramped, owing to the density of the jungle, and Ibråhim 'Adil Shah sent 3,000 infantry of his army into the jungle surrounding Burhån's camp, in order that they might harase and annoy the army of Ahmadnagar. The enemy's infantry, trusting to the density of the jungle, carried out these orders, but Burban Nizam Shah ordered Dilâvar Khan and Darya to attack the infantry and they fell on them and at once blew three hundred of them, and carried the heads to Burhån Nigam Shah, hy whose orders they were built up into pillars.
As Pår 108 was too cramped a position for the army, Burhan Nigam Shah marched on and encamped on the river of P&r. On the following day Ibrahim 'Adil Shah descended the ghat and encamped over against the royal army, and the two armies lay that night opposite to one another.
On the following morning the two armies were drawn up in battle array and the fight began. Ibrâhîm Adil Shah fought in person with the utmost valour, and several times threw both the right and the left wings of the army of Ahmadnagar into confusion. Burhan Nizâm Shah was astonished at Ibråhim's bravery and loudly praised it, although parts of his own army were scattered. He himself, however, in the assurance that victory would at last be his, firmly held his ground, and Shih Tahir, who was supernaturally enlightered regarding the result of the day, confirmed him in his resolution. The battle lasted till sunset, when Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, with two or three thousand of his best cavalry took up his position on some rising ground on the flank of the army of Ahmadnagar. Burhan Nizâm Shah then opened a fire of rockets on the enemy and scattered them, while Kamil Khan and Zahir-ul-Mulk, two amifre of the army of Ahmadnagar, attacked Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and dispersed the force of cavalry which was with him. Ibrahim Adil Shah then fled from the field, and the army of Ahmadnagar, pressing forward, pursued and slew many of the tugitives and captured their camp equipage, goods, arms and elephants, and also Ibrahim's umbrella and other insignia of royalty.
Among the spoils were forty elophants, including Arad Khan's own riding elephant and Ibrahim Adil Shah's umbrella and aftabgfr and all his insignia of royalty. Burhån Nizam
107 This is the famous fort of Bataro, onde Sivaji's capital, and now the headquarters of a British distriot, atuated in 17° 41' N. and 74 E.
100 The Par Pass, situated about thirty-four mile north-wees of Batkre.

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Shah's scribes then wrote acoounts of the victory and dispatched them to all places in the king's dominions.
Burhan Nizam Shah then returned in triumph to his capital and devoted his attention to the administration of his kingdom and to the needs of his army and his subjects. XLII.-AN ACCOUNT OF IBRAHIM 'DIL SHH's THIRD EXPEDITION TO SHOLAPOR
AND OF ITS CAPTURE. After Ibrahim Adil ShAh had suffered at Sâlpa such a defeat as be had never in his life suffered before, he devoted bis attention to the strengthening of his army, to collecting material for war, and to preparing for reprisals. He also, by diplomatic arts, gained over to his side Barid-i-Mamalik and then marched to Sholåpar with a large army. When he reached Sholapar he opened a regular siege and, in accordance with his neual custom, constructed lines of contravallation against & counter-attack from the army of Ahmadnagar and carried a flying sap towards the fortress on all sides.
When Burhân Nizam Shah received news of Ibrahim Adil Shah's siege of Sholapar. he assembled his army and asked Darya 'Imad Shah for help, and Darya 'Imad Shah came to his assistance. He then marched to Sholapur and encamped in the neighbourhood of the army of Ibrahim Adil Shah, and skirmishes took place daily between the two armies. This intermittent fighting went on for a long time, and meanwhile provisions began to fail in the fort and the garrison were reduced to great straits, for Ibrahîm Adil Shâh besieged them so straitly that no communication between those within the fort and those without was possible. Moreover Darya 'Imad Shah wearied of the long strife and had no heart for fighting, but devoted all his efforts to attempting to make peace. Meanwhile, the rainy season be an very suddenly and caused great hardship in the army of Ahmadnagar. Burhan Nizam Shah now sent a messenger secretly to Barid-i-Mamâlik to detach him by any means from his alliance with Ibråhim 'Adil Shah, in the hope that his defection would so weaken the besiegers that they would be compelled to relinquish the siege. Barid-i-Mamalik replied that the fortress of Sholâpar could hardly pass from the possession of Burhân Nizam Shah and that his defection from Ibrahim 'Adil Shah would make no difference. He also said that it was not the practice of his kingdom to forsake an ally before a campaign had been brought to a conolusion, and that if he now abandoned Ibrahim Adil Shih he could hardly hope to be trusted by Burhan Nizam Shah in future. He advised Burhan Nizâm Shah to abandon Sholâpôr for that year to Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and to return the next year with a large army to recapture it, promising him his aid in the following year, when he would be free from his engagement with Bijâpôr. Daryâ 'Imad Shah supported Amir 'Ali Shâh and advised Burhan to make peace with Bijâpûr. For these reasons, therefore, Burhan Nizam ShAh made peace with Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, surrendered Sholậpûr to him, and returned to Ahmadnagar. XLIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE DEATH OF Sorin QÚTB-UL-MULK, AND OF
JAMSHID'S ACCESSION TO THE THRONE. • After the affair of Sholapar, Malik Sultân Quk Qutb-ul-Mulk, 109 the governgy of the country of Telingana, was assassinated by one of his courtiers and his eldest son Jamshid
106 Sultan Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk, the founder of the Qutb Shabf dynasty of Golconda, decleted his Indopon denoo in 1512, but had already been virtually independent for twenty-two years. From his epitaph it does not appear that he used the royal title, though his descendants did. He was murdered on September 3rd, 1543, in the ninety-eighth year of his age, by his second surviving son Jamshid, who succeeded him. This account of 'Ali Barld Shah's attempt to annex Telingana appears to be entirely Imaginary, for it was only towards the end of Jamahid's reign that his brothers Haidar and Ibråhim fled to
, AND OF

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Khan, who had been imprisoned in Golconda by his father's order, was released by his father's murderer and ascended the throne. His brothers, Haidar Khan and Ibråhim Khan, who were pot content that he should be king, fled with part of the army and forty elephants and took refuge with 'Ali Barid Shah. 'Alt Bartd Shah then conceived the foolish notion of capturing Telingana for himself, believing that its conquest would be easy with the help of Haidar Khan and Ibrahim, who were the heirs to the kingdom, and of the army of Telingana, most of which was well affected towards them. He therefore assembled his army, marched into Telingana, besieged Golconda, and entered on a campaign.
Shah Tahir, in whose heart Khan Jahan's witticisms still rankled, when he heard that "All Barid Shah had invaded Telingana, warned Burban Nigam Shah that the dissatisfaction of Haidar Khan and Ibrahim with the elevation of their brother Jamshid to the throne, and their taking refuge with 'Alt Baitd Shah had inspired the latter with the ambition of becoming king of the whole of the Dakan, and that he had invaded Telingana ag & step towards the attainment of this object. He said that if 'All Barid Shah gained possession of Telingana, his power would be more than doubled and that it behoved the king not to treat this matter as ore of no importance but to act at once, as 'All Barid Shah would certairly plunge the whole of the Dakan into war as soon as he found himself strong enough to be able to do so with a chance of ultimate success, and that it would not be easy to overthrow him after he had conquered Jan shid and annexed Telingana. The king therefore assembled his army, summoned Darya 'Imad Shah, and marched towards Telingana to the assistance of Jamshid Qutb Shah, sending on before him a force under some of his amirs to render immediate aid to Jamshid.
The road taken by the king with the main body of the army lay by the fortress of Kohir, 110 which is in the country of 'All Barid Shah, but is near the borders of Telingana. Here the king halted and besieged the fortress. The garrison, seeing that there was no hope of successfully defending the place and that the fort was so surrounded by the army of Ahmadnagar that no way of escape remained, surrendered, and by the king's order the arny refrained from molesting them, their property, or their wives and children.
When the amirs, with the force which had been sent forward to the aid of Jamshid Qutb-ul-Mulk, entered Telingana, and 'All Barid Shah and his brother heard of the fall of Kohir, they were greatly alarmed, and retreated rapidly from Telingana towards Bijápor, anil took refuge in the dominions of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah. Jamshid Qutb-ul-Mulk then came to pay his respects to the king, and to thank him for the help which he had given, and the king bestowed on him a royal robe, an umbrella and aftábgir, and honoured him with the title of Qutb Shah. Some historians say that, although the king offered Jamshid Qutb-ul-Mulk an umbrella and aftabgtr,hen refused to receive them, saying that all the amirs of the Dakan had assumed umbrellas and Aftabgirs and that it behoved him to serve the king faithfully as a soldier. He also said that he was the loyal slave of the king and would carry out any orders that were given to him, or attack any enemy against whom he was sent, and hoped that he should be able to perform his duties to the king's satisfaction. Bidar, where all that Al Barld Shah did for them was to give them a safo mylum. Haddar died in Bidar and Ibrahim went on to Vijayanagar, wbonoe he started, after Jamshid's death, on the expedition which gained for him the throne of Goloonde. The true course of events after Jamahid's accession seems to have boon as followe. Burhan, eager to recover Sholapar, instigated Jamahfd to invado Bijapar from the east and Badashivardys of Vijayanagar to attack Raichår, and himself invaded the Bholapar distriot and several times defeated the troops of Ibrahim Adil BhAh. Ibråhim conciliated Burban by the comion of Bholapur, inducod Sadlakivardys to withdraw his troope from Raichor, and then sent Award Khan Larf against Jamshid Qutb Shah, who ww utterly defeated and driven back to Golconda.
110 Kohtr, famous for its mangoos, is about twenty-fivo miles south by cast of Bidar.

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Although 'All Barid Shah had sought refuge with Ibrahim Adil Shah, he expressed repentance for his ill-advised action, and by fair words and submissive messages attempted to excuse himself to Burhan Nigam Shah. He sept a letter, couched in humble terms, to Shah Tahir, expressing his contrition.
When Jamshid Qutb Shah waited on the king before Kohir and received special honour, Burhan Nizam Shah took counsel with Darya 'Imad Shah and Jamshid Qutb Shah regarding the recapture of Sholapar, and then marched, accompanied by them, towards Sholapur.
When Ibrahim Adil ShAh became aware of Burhan's design and realized that he could not hope to confront him successfully in the field, he and 'Alt Barid Shah marched to Parenda and besieged it, and when Burhan Nigam Shah heard of this, he abandoned the siege of Sholậpor and marched to meet Ibrahim "Adil Shab, encamping at the village of Khlosport. Ibråhim-Adil Shah likewise left Parenda and marched on Khånsport to meet Burhan Nigam Shah, and at that place a battle was fought. The opposing forces were drawn up in the morning and the battle raged till sunset, when victory was declared for Burhan Nizam Shah, and Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and his army fled from the field, leaving all their camp equipage and Ibråhim's insignia of royalty in the hands of the victors, who plundered them.
Jamshid Qutb Shah, who had been nursing his wrath against All Barid Shah, now seized his opportunity and purgued the army of Bidar. 'Ali Barid Shah, in his fear of Jamshid, fled precipitately, leaving his umbrella and aftabgir and all his insignia of royalty in the hands of Jamshid Qutb Shâh.
After the armies of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and 'Alt Barid Shah had been taus defeated, Jamshid Quth Shâh received leave to depart, and returned to Telingana, and Darya 'Ima Shâh returned to Berar. The royal army then returned to Ahmadnagar.
(To be continued). ON THE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN CASTE-SYSTEM.
BY HERMANN OLDENBERG. (Translated by H. C. Chakladar, M.A.; Calcutta.)
(Continued from p. 214). These outlines appear to me, expressed briefly, to be the following: -
Amongst the Aryan people, the boundary-line separating whom from the non-Aryans is perceived to be growing sharper and sharper, a twofold aristocracy rises into prominence the one characterised by the possession of the priestly power of magic and the other by secular dominion. In the third position is the mass of the non-aristocratic Aryans. Then outside the Aryan community, the non-Aryan plebeians and slaves; finally, further outside, the wild or half-wild tribes untouched by civilisation. Evidently there are admixtures of these elements; there is nothing to disprove that those great categories are perceived and recognised as fundamentally governing the social life and demonstrating their power at every step. Shall we find it necessary now to speak here only of " classes " and avoid the word "caste!" But it is just this fixedness, I might say animal fixedness, of character based upon birth and hardly surmountable by human endeavour, that is usually denoted by the word "caste." When Bramaņas came into being, they formed only a class and not a caste; the class of the Brahmans, & social organisation of the ancient style, was a caste; the Brahman might, as economic necessity often enough made him, 16
16 of the remarks of Ibbetson in his excellent description of the castes in the Panjab. Report on the Oenew of the Panjab, 1881, Vol. I, 173, 174 f.

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carry on other thao# priestly profesion; he might become a cultivator, a butober or a thief: then he was perhaps treated with contempt, but he remained a Brahman. 11 Under these great oaste-divisions stood the organisation of the gens and of families, but no castes in the sense of the castle of modern India.
I believe that we may point out a number of other considerations, that will fully streng. then and add to the importance, of what has been enunciated abovo.
" It is not the theory which can acoount for the facts; it is the facts that help us to see the theory in its true light," says Senart. Now, however, the theory is separated from the facts which are said to elucidate them, by thousands of years: is it necessary to say in such a case what dangers threaten the interpretation: These dangers must impose upon the investigator the categorical duty of not taking a leap from antiquity to modern times, without first of all devoting the most careful attention to the series of positive facta noaror that remote period of antiquity-facta which in roality have the first claim to be taken into account, if it is intended to explain the theory in the light of the facts.
I have already asserted above (p. 268) that to me the information given in Pali literature and, in particular, in the Jatakas, that "great thesaurus of Indian antiquity both in respect of stato-lore and private life " (Bühler) seems to deserve, in connection with the problems before us, & consideration that they have not received from Senart. We endeavour, with the assistance of the excellent work of Fick, to formulate some of the principal points which can be gleaned from them.
At the head may be placed the statements in the canonical Pali text with the help of which it will be possible to discuss whether they also on their side are not to be taken into account as facts coming within the scope of the theories. I believe, indeed, that they are clearly enough marked by a close correspondenoe with actual life, and that whatever theory may underlie the social pictures in the Pali texts, it is so far independent, at least, of the Brah manical theory, that we shall be entitled throughout to make use of these evidences as a proper authority for checking the other one.
In connection with the prohibition of mutual insults (Suttavibhaga, Pacittiya II, 2; Vinaya Pitaka, Vol. IV, p. 6 ff.), it is related how one may insult another by giving him a low, or, in an ironical manner, a high designation. This may be done jatiya, gottena leammana, sippena and in other ways; and here are specified the principal cases of higher and lower jati, &c. The lower jatis are enumerated as Chand Alajati, Venajati, Nesådajati, Rathakarajati, Pulkusajati, and the higher ones as Khattiyajáti and Brahmarajati. No indication is given that any other case of jati might be looked upon as low or high; the respective possibilities are manifestly looked upon as exhausted, but, of course, the existence of middle jatiyo, that lie between the high and the low cannot be denied. Of gotta, there are named several well-known Brahmanical gottas, some as low (e.g., the Bhâradvajagottam; the horrible Brahman Jûjaka in the Vessantara story is, for example.
17 Sonart (123 .) says: "The Brahman caste pursues ita destiny under our eyes. Under what conditions ? Not at all as & veritable caste, as we have seen, but as an agglomeration of innumerable costes." And of the Kshatriya and the Vaidya-(he sayo): "Here again we can see nothing but some generio dares, a very vast cadre intended to comprise within itself, to conoval, a division into fractions, really infinite." of this "infinite division into fractions" at least the beginnings may have already existed in reality in the early times. But the respective frections were neither called custos, nor were they castes. What there was, was a fast inoroening brook up of the occupations into fragments. This, however, did not hinder the great old costos (warga jdm) from oontinuing to live in the Ladies coniousnous a expressive of a natural division of the individuale.

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a Bharadvaja ; cf.Jật, Vol. VI, p. 532) and others as high (e.g. the Gotamagottam to which Buddha belonged). Low Kamma : Kothakakammam, Pupphachhaddakakammam. High kamma: kasi vâmijja gorakkha. Low sippa : Nalakärasippam, Kumbhakarasippam, pesakdrasippam, Chammakarasippan, Nahápitasippam. High sippa : mudda ganand lekhd. 1 With regard to gotta, kamma and sippa, it has to be added that beside the examples mentioned above as high or low, we have to take into consideration what may, tesu tesu janapadesu, be regarded as high or be looked upon with oontempt.
Now, does here the jati according to Senart the proper word for caste in the sense in which he understands the word, that is, something similiar to the modern caste - appear in any way to differ from the castes or classes of the ancient Brahmanioal system ? I confess I am unable to discover anything that might justify Senart's transformation of the concept referred to. One is Brahmana or Kshatriya by virtue of his juti, or one belongs by virtue of his jati to the dospised people, the Chaqdalas, Nishadas, &o. Everything fully corresponds to the ancient system in the sense in which we are aconatomod to understand it from the remotest times. Moreover, that the trade of the Ratha bidra consolidated itself as a ját, or associated itself with a particular jati, oorresponds to what is otherwise known (see above, p. 277 ff.); Vena (Vaiņa) also stands in a line with the Rasha.bara in the Dharma literature19_not, of course, so far as is known to me, in the ritual literature of the Veda. However, apart from such origins whereby several crafte asumed the form of jati, the bulk of the crafts are summed up under the category sippa. The merchants also represent not a jati but a kamma.30 As regards the narrow divisions inside the jdli of the Brahmaņa, &c., what are mentioned are not the small, perhaps local, castes in the Senartian sense, but the ancient gotras.
Now what this passage of the Suttevibhanga oxpresses in a theoretical form, appears to me to be confirmed by other data in the Pali text, so far as I am in a position to see up till now, and especially by the data of the Jatakas so carefully worked out by Fick. Where people are characterisod as jati, they are either Brahmans or Khattiyas or Chandalas and so forth, 1 but we do not find that immense varioty of játis which is peculiar to the oaste system at the present day. Often we read that there were four kinds of assemblies: assemblies of Khattiyas, Brahm anas, Gahapatis, Semaņas-s.e., of the three ancient higher oastes83 and beside them, those of the new class of ascetics freed from the bonds of caste. Similarly it is often said that there were four lulas : the kulas of Brahmana, of Khattiya, of Vesse and of Sudda, or that three kinds of important Kulas 5 were distinguished the
19 OL. Mahdoagga L, 49 (Vinaya Pitaka, Vol. I, p. 77). 19 Cf. Fick, p. 209.7. about Rathakdra and Vona.
0 The difference between Kamma and Sippa rooms to me to be that the former represente an independent means of living pumued only for one's own benefit, and the latter, on the other hand, denotes work dono as rule for others and dependent upon some manual skill.
Mixed omstes like those that play much an important role in the Brihmapical legal literature, appear to be unknown to the PAli toxto. Opinions appear to have differed to whether child descended from parenta of whom one came from tho Brahman, and the other from the Khattiya caste, was to be allowed to have the quality of Brahman or Khattiya. I am unablo, however, to discover any statement about the proper oategories for the children of such marriage. Cl. A sadyanamitta. p. 18 (Pischel); Fiok, p. 35., 67 f.
# Do., Mahaparinibbongatta. p. 11 (Childers), Mahanaga. VI, 18, 4, &o.
Wo shall come back to the meaning of the texm gahapani. 2.9., Battavibhanga, Samghadinen, XII, 2.
» Chulavage, VI, 6, 2.

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Kula of the Khatiya, of the Brahmana, and of the Gahapati.16 Everywhere it is patent that in the period of the Pâli text the old framework did in no way cease to govern the actual life, and to represent its condition adequately. Where the Jataka stories turn upon questions of cleanness and defilement, the reference is to the old categories such as Khattiya, Brahmana (Udichchabráhmaṇa) and Chandala.17 "A breaking up of the Brâhman caste into several sub-castes," says Fick pertinently (p. 125' A. ), "a coalition of those expelled from caste into new castes, as it exists in modern India, is, I believe, not met with in the older Buddhistic period, because nowhere in the Pâli text do we find a trace of it." There is no reason to suppose that we have to think of a narrow caste-like union of a local nature inside the Brahman caste, when the expression Udichchabrahmana is used as; the word itself signifies nothing more than this, that the Brahmana families that came from the north-west-as well-known historical circumstances prove easily were held in particular esteem.
So far as the castes Khattiya, Vessa and Sudda are specially concerned, I believe that Fick (pp. 55, 163, 202) is far too sceptical with reference to their real significance during the period of which the Pâli texts furnish an account.19 When it is admitted that the families of Gautama, Bharadvaja, &c., were all grouped together in the caste of Brahmanas, as being pervaded all of them by the mystic potency of the Brahman, I cannot see why, just in the same way and answering to exactly similiar modes of expression in the texts, it should not be held that families like those of the Sâkyas, Lichchhavis, &c., all of whom felt in themselves the potency of the Kshatra nobility, all of whom said "Mayam pi Khattiya, 30 are to be reckoned as belonging to a single caste of the Khattiyasa single caste of which the members, when they said to each other "I am a Khattiya," "I too am a Khattiya, "31 knew and acknowledged each other as persons of the same kind and naturo. There might indeed be some hesitation about the real existence of a caste of Vessas in the Buddhist period. Turns of expression like those, so abundant in the Brahmana texts, speaking about the relation of the Kshatriya and the Vaisya as the oppressor and the oppressed, are not to be found in the Pâli texts. Again, it could hardly, at least not often, happen that any person who appears in a story as engaged in trade, should be designated as a Vessa, because the denomination Brahmana actually appears in numberless cases. It is not therefore to be wrongly supposed that here there is a positive withdrawal from our former position. The causes of this apparent anomaly are, methinks, clear as day. In the Rigvedio age the Vaisyas formed a union, which, however comprehensive it might be, was, none the less, a real, tangible union; not a union of Aryans raised above the general level, through spiritual or temporal nobility, by virtue of the inherent potency of the Brahma or Kshatra, but a union, we might say, of the Aryan peasants carrying on agriculture and cattle-breeding. In the Buddhist period, the advance of civilisation had dissolved the ancient union. Big
26 Fick (p. 22, n. 4) deduces wrongly from such passages, that kula there signifies "caste." It everywhere signifies "family," and those passages show that the generic notion of the family is split up into specific ideas like Brahman family and so forth.
27 Fick, 26 ff. Cf. J&t, Vol. VI, p. 422: evarapo pi náma khattiyo chanjaliyd saddhim vasam kappesi. 28 Bühler, in Jolly ZDMG., 50, 515. Cf. Fick, 138 ff.
20 Cf. about the role of the Vaidya and the Sûdra in Sanskrit literature, the analogous conceptions of Growse in Schlagintweit ZDMG., 33, 554, and L. von Schroeder, Indiens Litteratur und Kultur, 419. 30 Mahaparinibbana Sutta, p. 68 ff.
31 See the account by Fick, p. 26. The Buddhistic materials should not be forgotten, if one wishes to appreciate the theory set up by Senart (p. 24) of course in relation to the literature of the Sanskrit law books" As regards the Kshatriyas.... hardly their name itself has survived in some traces; they are rare."

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towns now formed the centre of life. In the towns or before the doors of the towns lay the gront, perhaps the greatest, part of the scenes of the transactions that the Buddhist texts relate. In these cities there had grown up a rich and highly respectable merchant class.** They were the residences of a highly progressive artisan class ramifying into many branches, and it may be considered as probable that the force of circumstances hard driven masses of persons of Aryan descont into the arts and crafts, which at one time probably were MS # rule the occupations of the Sadras.33 Under such conditions, many of the categories that bad governed lite in ancient timew must have faded under the altered circumstances of the new age.34 It is natural that where pretensions of spiritual or temporal nobility came into play, as among the Brahmanas and Kshatriyas, the ancient ways of viewing things held out with a tenacity different from that in the sphere of burgher life. In this sphere, however, guilds or corporations of merchants and artisans-just as in medieval Europe they acquired a great importance in connection with the flourishing of city, kife, similarly also in India, stepped into the foreground as adequately representing the actual situation and its living interests, pushing into the background such concepts as those of the Vaisya or the Sadra. 35. Moreover, wo are entitled to maintain that although those last mentioned concepts had been pushed into the background in comparison with the others, yet they had by no means gone out of existence. A tradesman was of course in the first place designated a tradesman, but the distinction that the people made between the Vessakulam and the Suddakulam, makes us adopt the view that on that account, the fact was not lost sight of, that a particular merchant was & Vessa or that an artisan was possibly a Sudda. 36 And the important rôle that the Gahapati plays in the Pali text justifios the conclusion that here it represents a still living thing rather than a mere decayed reminiscence of an institution nearing extinction : I believe, in fact, that we may take the Gahapatikula of the Pali text as a synonym for Vessakula.37
33 I may so express myself, without the fear of being misunderstood, that I deny that there were any merchants in the Rigvedio times.
3) This was not considered as normal in the Buddhistio times; a touch of inferiority was always attached to the handicrafts. Cf. the above quoted (p. 282) passage of the Suttavibbangs es also the
observations of the Majjhima Niklys (Vol. I, p. 85, ed. Trenekner) about the sippatthanas which were - suitable for the Kulaputta. In this connection we may take into consideration what the Dasabrahmanajátaka says (seo Fick, 142) about the BrAhmaņas who followed agriculture and trade, tended goats and sheep : they resemble the Ambattha aad Vosta; for the Vease, even then agriculture, cattle-breeding and trade, and not the handicrafts, were characteristic occupatione (yet of the modern Banys (merchant) says Ibbetson, op. oit., p. 291 : "he is generally admitted to be of pure Vasáya descent"). It may be observed as singular that the Kumbhakdra appearing in J&t. I. p. 80 been the gotta-Dame Bhagava.
34 This is explained very clearly in certain interesting verses of the Bharidattajataka, Ját, Vol. VI. p. 208, verses 151, 153.
35 Moreover, as regards the spiritual class, we may, I think, compare this, at least distantly, with the fact that by the side of, partly perhaps in preference to the spiritual oleas of the old stylo if I may use this expression--the Brahman casto which was falling off from its old oharnoter, the spiritual clase of the new style, corresponding to the ideas of the new age, that is, the roots of the Bramapas stepped up to tho foreground.
36 I here refer in passing to the V ednom ofthe which is mentioned in Jat, Vol. VI, p. 485. Of. also, p. 418, verse 1477, as also p. 142, vemo 636 : Rathakedrabuleau d publwalules d eu ud.
37 The frequent mention side by side of the three on tegories of khathiya, brdhand and gahapati shows that we have to think of the gahapati category diferent from the two higber castes, and yet of the some kind. The conspicuous and respootable position, on the other hand, that is assigned to the Gahapatia (Fick, 164), seems to proahide the idea that muddas were included among them. I cannot admit a modo of expression like the Jataka pescago (II, 241) cited by Fick (op. cit.), as sufficiently adequate for the purpose of establishing a difference between yesss and gahapati. This holds good also of JM, I 182.

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In the observations made above we have already touched upon the passages in the Pâli text bearing on the concept Sudda. Here also Fick (p. 202) denies the real existence of a caste. And certainly it is correct that endlessly heterogeneous elements were comprised together under that designation, about which the only definite thing was that it denoted the position of these individuals below the three higher castes, and that people had no interest in having a clear comprehension of its proper positive character and no enquiry was made in that direction. However, I would not like to express it as my opinion that the concept Sudda appertained to mere theoretical discussions. No matter what exactly those designated as Sudda were, to the living consciousness38 of the generality of people as it is reflected in the Pâli text, the Suddas appear, I think, to have been a category of men who were homogeneous at least when looked at from a particular point of view and were united among themselves by this common feature. The Ambatthasutta (Digha Nikaya) compares the Brâhman who mechanically repeats the hymns of the ancient Rishis, to a Suddo va Suddadáso vâ, to a man who stations himself at the place from which a king has spoken, who talks in the same words and then fancies himself to be a king; a clear proof, I think, that the concept Sudda had its existence not merely in the theoretical framework of society, but that the Sudda had not vanished out of the daily life, and that people were accustomed to say,, So and so is a Sudda.'39
If we are not yet entitled to contest that the concepts Vaisya and Sûdra had parted with an essential part of their ancient significance in the Buddhist age, even then Pâli literature enables us, I think, an occasional glimpse of the newly-forming organisations which drove them out and installed themselves in their place. I think that here we see before us a bit of the previous history of the modern system of caste, inasmuch as we meet with organisations that were predestined later to become castes, at a stage which evidently preceded that development.
A passage in the formulary of confession of the Buddhist order of nuns - as given in one of the oldest texts of the Pâli literature-enumerates the courts, especially the corporate assemblies, which possessed a sort of magisterial dignity. The veil of the nun should not be bestowed upon a Chort, without the authorisation of the respective court; it says, anapaloketvâ rájánam vá samgham va ganam vâ pûgam va senim v4.10 The old commentary▲1 observes here rája nama, yattha råjå anusdeati raja apaloketabbo, samgho náma bhikkhuni samgho vuccati, bhikkhunisamgho apaloketabbo. Gano nama (then in the same way pûgo náma, seni nama), yattha gano (púgo, seņi) apaloketabbo. It will be seen that in this enumeration there is no mention of caste-associations (jati). Here probably we meet with
(Fick, 165): when it is said there that one should behave properly to Brahmana and Gahapatis, toward the Negamas and the Janapadas, it does not manifestly follow that the negamas and the janapadas stood on the same level as the gahapatis.
38 Of course, not to the critical consciousness as it prevailed in the Buddhist monastic order itself, which maintained the essential equality of all men (cf. say, the Assaldyanasutta) — which consciousness, moreover, was sometimes much wanting in consistency, as when the proposition was started that a Buddha could be born only in a Brahman or a Kshatriya family.
Here I refer also to the parable of the man who when hit by an arrow, instead of getting himself attended to by the physician, enquires first of all, who it is that has hit him, whether a Khattiya or a Brahman, or a Vessa or a Sudda (Majjhima Nikdya, Vol. I, p. 429): in my opinion, a satisfactory evidence that people in their daily life had not ceased to mind whether a person was a Vessa or a Sudda.
60 Bhikkhun! Pâtimokkha, Sanghådisesa 2. Vinaya Pitaka, Vol. IV, p. 226. 1 See Vinaya Pitaka, Vol. I, p. XX J.

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associations, namely the senis in which, to all appearance, the tendency to develop into castes in the modern sense, was inherent. Tradition. 43 defines éreni as an association of people of the same or of different játis, who carried on the same trade. Thus the legal literature enumerates by way of examples, éreṣis of horse-dealers, betel-sellers, weavers and shoemakers. The inscriptions also furnish materials; not infrequently, those of the Buddhist cave temples of Nasik Junnar, &c., where we find a dhaññikaseni, a tilapishakasreni and so on (see Archæological Survey of Western India, IV, pp. 94, 96ff, 102, 104). Also an inscription of Gwalior (Samvat 933) mentions a areni of oil-pressers (tailika), as also one of gardeners (málika)5; this last one appears also in an inscription of Samvat 1343 coming from Somanâtha in Sorath, 46 and so on. The Epic leaves no doubt that śreşi acquired an important political significance. 47 We learn from the legal literature that the śrenis had their own ordinances and a certain jurisdiction.18 Their presidents or elders are mentioned in the Jatakas or in other places.49 It is said of everyone who calls together an assembly of the people, sabbá seniyo sannipátetvd.50 It is, however, quite clear that for the time of which the Jâtakas furnish a picture, the conception of caste has to be excluded from the seni. Sen is neither vanna nor jati; the professions in which the corporation of seni is found to exist, fall, as the Suttabibhanga has shown us, under the category of Sippam, perhaps also that of Kammam, never under that of Jati. On the other hand, however, it is no less clear that there are occasions when the senis approach the nature of caste. The hereditary character of the professions is, of course, not an inviolable law, 51 although in fact it is a very important rule. 51 There can be no doubt that the heterogeneous character, the greater or lesser degree of defilement which was associated with particular vocations according to the nature of the work, produced an aloofness mixed with contempt among the members, nay, a split among themselves; the frequent local isolation of particular professions in fixed streets or special villages 53 perhaps wholly, or in part, in consequence of that defilement - must have contributed to the erection of barriers between them. Now, if from ancient times onwards, the thought and life of the nation, accustomed, to the conception of caste as a natural differentiation by birth, was connected -though not indissolubly and not without exceptions with difference of occupation with such restrictions as were produced by the foar of defilement by intercourse with persons of lower birth: was it not then perfectly natural that out of these guilds or corporations, there should grow up organisations more and more like the castes, and ultimately the castes themselves, 54 We learn of guilds of the Mâlikas from a
[ DEC., 1920
43 Puya seems not to have been taken into account here: according to the definition quoted by Jolly ZDMG, 50, 518, n. 2 from the Viramitrodaya, the púga is a corporation bhinnajdtindm bhinnavṛittindm elasthanardsind grámanagarddisthdndnd. In the Vinaya Pitaka may be compared perhaps Chullavagga, VIII, 4, 1; Nisanggiya 30, 1; Pachittiya 33, 5, 2; 82, 1; Bhikkhunt-Nissaggiye 8, 1; cf. also Foy, Königliche Gewalt, p. 15, n. 1.
43 See Jolly, op. cit. p. 518.
4 Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 136.
46 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 160. Cf. the guild of the maidkdra of whom jetihaka is mentioned in Jas, III, p. 405.
46 Ep. Ind.. I, 285.
4s Fick, 172 Jolly, Becht und Sitte, 136; Foy, Königliche Gewalt, 14.
49 Fick, 182.
61 One is here reminded of the parents who pondered upon the question whether they should make their son learn lekhd, ganand or rupa, Mahdvagga, I, 49
47 Hopkins, Ruling Caste, 81 ff.
50 Dhammap. Atth.. p. 239.
$2 Fick, 179.
63 Fick, 180 ff.
An instructive example how, in the atmosphere of India, organisations of a quite different nature readily develop the tendency of resembling organisms of the form of caste, is afforded by the fact that at the present day there exists no connubium, or at least, no commensality between the Brahmans of the various Vedic schools, such as the Rigvedis, Madhyandins, Apastambs, etc., Jolly ZDMG, 50, 515. Senart,

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Jätaka and also from inscriptions; at the present day there is a caste of the Mali.55 This transition from one stage of development to another becomes specially clear, if it be observed that what in one place is a guild, corresponds in another to a caste.56 So I think there can be no doubt left- and here I find myself fully in agreement with Fick,59 who has anticipated me in arriving at this conclusion, viz. that the guilds which the Pali literature shows us to have been in such a flourishing condition, are the predecessors, in a very essential part, of the present day castes; and in As much as we see before us the previous stage of the modern castes in the Buddhist literature, therefore we are again convinced that there is no justification for transferring these modern castes themselves back to the period of the texts referred to.
Though in the course of these observations I have allowed myself to be induced, by the original materials discussed, to cast an occasional glimpse at the origin of modern castee, at least from a particular point of view, yet it will not be possible for me here to attempt a comprehensive treatment of the problem in question, which would evidently have to be approached from a good many different directions.58 It would require a thorough investigation of sources, practically immeasurable in their dimensions, to enable us to bridge over the wide gulf between antiquity and modern times, so far as it is possible for it to be bridged over.
Senart attributes the blame of the errors which he thinks he has discovered in the traditional conception of ancient Indian caste, to the credulity of the philological school who have been carried away, without question or opposition, by the Brahmanical theory, and it has tended to shroud an unprejudiced vision of the real state of things. I am the last person to pronounce the picture of antiquity which has been built up by the philologists working in their studies from the ancient texts alone, to be the best and the only possible picture that research may succeed in drawing. But it would be a matter of immense regret, if amongst those interested in Indian research, certain narrowned and one-sided views of the philologists should be made too much of, and so discredit the philological method in general certainly this is not the intention of Senart ; but the danger that his book will actually be utilized for this purpose, cannot be overlooked. The philological method, when rightly understood, imposed upon those who follow it no blind credulity with regard to the sources; nor does it in any way prevent them from observing the living present and thus sharpening their insight for a better comprehension of these sources and of those past times for which these sources furnish evidence. What the philological method is expected really to prevent, is the far too rash, far too unrestrained projection of the picture of the present day into the past, and the overlooking, or the disregard, of all that by which the texte prove, without leaving any room for doubt, the existence of forms of ancient institutions differing from the picture before our eyes. In the investigations of Senart are there not points where one could wish that the distinguished sobolar had more closely maintained his connection with the "bcole philologique ?" who believes castos and guilds to be separated from each other by considerably wider gulf than I do, looks upon the guild -- a contrasted with the casto comprehending and over-ruling the entire social boing-8"confined in its action to the boonomio functions, the needs or the interest of which have created It (p. 196). If any importance be attached to the analogy with the guilds of the Middle Ages of western sountries which Senart himself has appealed to, then it will be seen that this analogy, far from making that Imitation to the purely economio interesta appear probablo, rather gooo, most popitivaly, against Fach conclusion.
Nosfield, Brief View of the Caste System, $33. Ibid. 168. Attention may be drawn to the fact that (nooording to L. von Schroeder, Indiens Litteratur und Kultur, 436) that Sonnerat did confound the custos directly with the guilde.
& Pp. 179, 183, 214 .
# Boside the custos of the broni character, evidently the "othnio outer " (ok, 208) might as the same time be subjectnd to specially oxhaustivo ta vestigation.

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BOOK-NOTICE. EEN ONBEKEND INDISCH TOONEELSTUX (Gori. worthy of being represented before a royal audience. LAEELICANDRIKA). Tekst met inleiding door W. The Stradhara in his reply does not say anything Caland, Amsterdam, Johannes Mueller, 1917, about any previous literary compositions of the 4. 158 pp. 8° Verhandelingen der Koninklijke author, and the most probablo inference is that Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam. the Gopalakalioandrika was his earliest, and per. Afdeeling Letterkunde. Nieuwe Reeks Deel haps his only work. XVII No. 3.
The play was intended to be acted in the preThe GopAlakelicandrika is a Sanskrit play, which sence of some king, before anpamandala (p. 45). has been discovered by Dr. Caland among the The name of the king is not, however, mentioned. manuscripts collected by the late Professor Kern We are further informed that the spectators were and deposited in Leiden. Other manuscripts not ordinary courtiers (sadhdranardjasamdja, of the work are not known to exist. The text is p. 44), but devotees of Kred (hdribhaktawarydh. not only, and the manuscript, which is not quito ibidem). From these and other indications the complete, cannot always be read with certainty.oditor rightly infers that the Gopalakelioandrika In such circumstances, it is not possible to judge was prepared for representation on the occasion with confidence about every detail, but the main of the ranyátra, the autumnal festival in honour features are clear enough, and as the work itseltof Kroa. It is not, however, . popular play, and is of considerable interest, we have every reason it is exprowly stated that, out of consideration for for being thankful to the editor for making it the high-class audience, it has been written only known to us. It is superfluous to remark that he in Sanskrit. As a matter of fact, there is only ono has accomplished his task with great skill and in short sentence in Prakrit quite in the beginning an admirable way. Nobody would expect anywhere the nat starta addressing the stradhera thing else from a scholar of the rank of Dr. Caland. in the usual way in Sauraseni, but is interrupted Wo may disagree with him and even try to cor- and told to go on in Sanskrit. We may here comrect him in minor points. On the whole however paro BhAsa's Pafcarátra, where Bhannal starte overy sound critic will acknowledge that he has speaking Sanskrit when describing the fight. A been successful in hin readings and interpretations. similar state of things is also found in Bha's Moreover he has added to the usefulness of his
Datav kya, where Sanskrit is the only language work by prefixing a valuable introduction, in which used, and, as mentioned by the editor, in the ho gives careful analyis and ably discusses the Hanumannataka. various problems which this new work raises. The contents are in agreement with the occa
The author of the play was a worshipper of sion of the representation, having been taken from Kropa, carrying the not uncommon name R&ma- the Kripa legend. The play thus belongs to that kros. His father the Brahmin Dovaj ti hailed class of dramas which owes its oxistence to the later from Gujarat and was follower of Ramanuja. development of Hinduism and especially of the The play mentions the Hanumann&taka and con- popular cult of Krpa and Radh. In § 106 of tains reference to the Bhagavata Purana. my sketch of the Indian drama in the Encyclo. It is therefore possible to state with confidence pedia of Indo-Aryan research I have mentioned that Ramakrina cannot be older than the 12th a long series of such plays, and also the Gopalacentury. On the other hand, we have nothing to kolicandrika which I had not, however, then seen, show how much later he should be placed. The wherefore I wrongly supposed that it may have only terminus ante quem is offered by the date been cháyA-nataka. I shall have to return to of the manuscript, which, according to the editor, this question later on. In this place I shall only is about two hundred years old.
remind the reader of the fact that all the KronsThe author is not known from other sources, plays whose date can be ascertained, with the only and no other work of his has been preserved. He exception of Bhasa's Balacarita, are late works. gives no additional information about himself On the other hand, the common opinion of Sanin the praatavana. Here the nati asks the stre-skrit scholars used to be that popular representa dhara if Ramakrips hail from the lineage of Dan. tions of various episodes of the Krena legend, such dinl, Bhavabhūti or Bharavi, since his work w as the slaying of Kamsa, were one of the chief
1 Dr. Caland thinks that the mention of Dardin in this connection characterises him play. wright and adda probability to Professor Pischel's view that Dandin was the author of the Myocha katikA. I am unable to see how the man tion of Daddin's name should prove anything more than that of Bh Bravilo.

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sources from which the classical Indian drama has sprung. This opinion cannot any longer be upheld, since Professor Lüders, in his masterly study on the Saubhikas, has proved that the famous passage in the Mahabhagya, on which this opinion was based, has been thoroughly misunderstood and does not refer to real dramatical performances but to recitations of epical poems accompanied by
shadow pictures or some sort of dumb play.
On the other hand, there can be no doubt that dramatical processions and performances of some sort at an early date played a prominent role in the worship of Kṛṣṇa.
At the present day such performances are quite common. Much useful information about them has been brought together in William Ridgeway's highly interesting book, The dramas and dramatic dances of non-European races: Cambridge 1915. We here learn, among other things, that Brahman actors of the Vallabhacarya sect in Mathura, the so-called Rasdhâris, earn their livelihood by giving dramatic performances of Krena's exploits, and that they also go to Gujarat and perform such episodes there. The language used is Braj.
The performances of the Rasdharis are also men tioned by Growse in his book on Mathura (second edition, pp. 75ff.). I regret not to be able to consult that work here in Kristiania. Dr. Caland, however, gives a quotation which is of especial interest. We learn that the real actors are child
ren, who do not, however, speak the dialogue, but only act in a dumb show, while one of the Ras. dharis is declaiming in set recitation.
There can be no doubt about the character of the performances of these Rasdhâris. We have to do with a popular drama, and we may safely add that such plays have their roots in a distant past. Just the same is the case with the old Yatras of Bengal. These have been described as "a sort of melodrama, the dialogues being mainly conducted in songs." "The master-singer is generally expert in the theological lore of the Vaisnavas. He comes frequently into the midst of the performers and interprets their love as divine love, making a little commentary aside." "When the singers had sung this song, the master-singer would approach and draw the attention of the audience to the description."
The role here played by the master-singer recalls the similar state of things in the so-called "Bhava or popular drama of Gujarat, which seems to be the lineal descendant of an ancient pri
233
nitive drama. The Bhavai is usually performed in open spaces in streets and such other public places as court-yards of temples and the like. No stage is required, no scenery, only a poor curtain, occasionally held by two n en at each end. It consists of monologues and dialogues supported by the chorus reciting songs referring to the incidents represented, in singing which the actors also
join." 3
In both cases we notice that the dramatic performance is supported by explanations given by the manager or by the chorus, a state of things which is quite familiar to most of us from the
present day stage of the juggler, the clown or the buffoon. It is a characteristic feature of the lowclass popular stage and is certainly an inheritance
from the oldest times.
It would be easy to show that such popular performances in modern India show many traces of the influence of the classical Indian drama. Nobody would, however, now-a-days think of con
sidering them as a modern development derived
from the classical stage. On the contrary, they take us back to a primitive theatre which was in
its turn one of the chief sources from which the classical theatre has sprung. The case is exactly analogous to what we observe with regard to the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars in their relation to Sanskrit. They have assimilated numerous
elements of the classical language of high literature, but they are not the daughters of Sanskrit. They are derived from those old forms of speech which are the source of Sanskrit as well; they are nieces and not daughters of the literary language of the Brahmins.
The popular representations of the present day accordingly point to the existence of an ancient popular theatre. And it is possible to prove that the Krsna legend played a prominent role in the repertoire of this theatre at a very early date. That is shown by the existence of a Krena play amongst the dramas commonly ascribed to Bhasa.
I am aware of the fact that Professor Barnett, has tried to show that these plays can hardly be ascribed to Bhasa. He bases his conclusions on the alleged fact that the Matta villea, a prahasana of the Pallava King Mahendravikramavarman "(A.D. 620)" shows exactly the sane features as the plays attributed to Bhasa, except that the author is named in the prelude: it opens with the stage direction, "after the nåndt the stage-manager
1. Dinesh Chandra Sen, History of Bengali Language and Literature, Calcutta, 1911, pp. 724 ff.
3.
See Ridgeway, pp. 199 ff., after D. R. Bhandarkar.
4. JRAS., 1919, pp. 233 ff; Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London Institution, Vol. I, Part III, pp. 35 ff.

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enters," and the latter recites the introductory was once also found in manuscripts of the Vikramverse; the prelude is styled sthapana; and there orvasi. It is impossible to base any conclusions are several traces of likeness in style. As Mahen-on such a state of things, the loss so because even dravikrama varman lived in the seventh century" Bhasa" is not quite consistent in this respect, and Kalidasa probably was about a hundred years no mention whatever of the nandf being met with earlier, these features in the plays of "Bhasa" are in the Madhyama vyayoga. therefore no evidence for a date earlier than that of Kalidasa; and we are fully justified in holding that both the Mattavilåsa and the plays of "Bhasa" are products of a south-eastern school of drama that had not accepted the rules of technique which later became universal (probably through the increasing influence of Kalidasa and his school), and that the works of Bhasa" are really anonymous products of some humble poet of the seventh century, who did not introduce his name into his preludes because it carried no weight. Hence it is perhaps not unreasonable to conjecture that the king Rajasimha mentioned in the final verses of the plays of "Bhasa" is the Pandya Têr-Maran Rajasimha I (ca. A.D. 675)."
These arguments have failed to convince me. We know from the prose portion of the Sahityadarpana VI, 25 that there was no consensus of opinion about what should be understood under the term nandi One author (kascid) was of opinion that it should be applied to the introductory stanza with which most Indian dramas open. Others, and apparently the majority, held that the nindt did not form part of the actual play but belonged to the parrearanga, which was not the work of the author of the individual play. We are further informed that old manuscripts of the Vikramorvasi arranged the opening of the drama in the same way as in " Bhasa's" plays. I understand the passage so that the Vikramo rvasi is only given as an instance of this practice of old manuscripts. And we know from the critical apparatus to Hillebrandt's edition of the Mudrârâksasa that one of the very best manuscripts of Visakhadatta's drama places the words nandyante tataḥ praviéati stradhark before the introductory verse. It is not improbable that the usual opening of most Sanskrit plays is frequently due to a remodelling under the influence of the opinion of the theoretician mentioned in the Sahityadarpana as kascid, and that the manuscripts of "Bba's" plays, of the Matta vilasa and one of the Mudraraksasa manuscripts, have preserved the older arrangement which
Nor am I able to attach any importance to the use of the term sthapana instead of prastávaná in the Mattavilåsa and in" Bhasa's " plays. In the first place, "Bhasa" is not consistent in his choice of this term. In one of the manuscripts of the Pratijaâyaugandharayana we read amukha instead, and in Karnabhara the common term prastávand, which is also alluded to in Dûtaghat. otkaca, is used. On the other hand, the term sthdpans occurs in Kulasekharavarman's Subhadra. dhananjaya and Tapatisamvarana. No chronological inferences can be drawn from such a state of things.
With regard to the likeness of style, I can certainly see that there is some resemblance between the Mattavilåsa and "Bhasa's plays. And one might urge that the unmattaka-scene is of the same kind as the third act of Pratijñāyaugandharayana. But there are also many details in which Bhasa " makes a decidedly older impression than Mahendravikramavarman, and the points of resemblance may very well be accidental, or they may be the result of an imitation of "Bhasa's " plays. The third act of the Pratijñâyaugandharâ. yana has up to modern times teen especially in great favour in Southern India.
The arguments in favour of Professor Barnett's view are therefore, in my opinion, not conclusive. On the other hand, the non-mentioning of the author's name in the opening of "Bhasa's " plays and the fact, which Professor Barnett does not seem to doubt, that the Cârudatta is the source of the first four acts of the Mrochrkrțika make it impossible to assign so late a date to "Bhasa's " plays as suggested by Professor Barnett, and I am still of opinion that they are in fact the work of the famous Bhasa.
At all events, we may safely ascribe the Balacarita to an early date and make use of it in examining the question about old Krana-plays on the popular stage of India.
The Balacarita is a peculiar play, and it seems to be intimately connected with the popular stage.
5 In my Indian Drama, paragraph 71 there is a misprint, the fifth act being mentioned instead of the third. Cf. the introduction to the Pratimânâ:aka, p. xl. When I wrote my Indian Drama, I did
not know the Mattavilasa.
6 In paragraph 75 of my Indian Drama I have through an oversight stated that Daplin, Kavyadaria 2, 226 quotes the stanza limpativa tamo igni from the Mrocha katika. He does not, of course, mention his source.

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The various apparitions seen by Kamsh in his ing of the first act, after the dialogue between the dream were perhaps represented in the pantomimicoûtrachara and the nati, and also the beginning way of the ancient natas, just as is perhaps the case of the third act. In this second place, the passage with the Apabhramba verses of the Urvasi. The that follows immediately after the words tatah chief contents are the feats of Krepa during his prastavand does not consist of dialogues or monosojourn among the cowherds, ending with the logues, but contains a description of the persons alaying of Kamısa.
I present on the stage. A similar description should It is quito certain that these tales and legends perhaps be supplied after the same words at the must have been quite popular and well-known beginning of the first act. when the Balacarita was written, and I have little Then, however, the queetion presents itself, who doubt that Bhasa has transplanted them from the can possibly be the speaker of such a prasidvand popular stage to the higher play.
or introductory description, which does not belong The Krana play did not, however, get a firma to the actual play of the actors. And the same footing on the higher stage until much later, question must be asked with reference to several Bhasa did not find successors before those day. other passages, partly in prose, partiy in veree, when the later devolopment of Hinduism and which do not contain any dialogue or monologue. especially of the religion of Bhakti had set in, but explain the situation or describe the ottitude and the GopAla kolicandrika belongs to this later of the persons represented. Such passages are of phase of the development. The popular Krone frequent occurrence and form a peculiar fenture of drama had no doubt flourished the whole time : our play. its firm establishment on the higher theatre, on the In one place such a description is put into the other hand, is comparatively late. ** mouth of a person called oricaka, and we naturally
The Gopala kelicandrike is, as 'has already been infer that he is the speaker of all such narrative or stated, written in Sanskrit, and it does not, accord descriptive passages. Dr. Caland refers us for the ingly, belong to the popular stage. On the other explanation of the word acaka to Hemacandra hand, it dif.ers in some important details from Adhidhinacintamaạt 330, (ef. Yadavaprakasa, all other known Sanskrit plays.
ed. Oppert, p. 141, 1. 136) and states that encaka
is there given as u synonym of attradhdra. Strictly It is called a nataka. It is not however a
speaking that is not however the case. Hema - nataka in the more specialised sense of this word.
candra simply informs us that the sucaka, the The term has, as in several other instances, boen
* indicator " in dramatical terminology, carries used to denoto a play in general. It is not possible
the designation stradhâra. That is to say, that to register it under any of the various types of
sucaka is the wider, better known term, and it drama described by Bharata and his successors,
is perhaps allowable to infer that it belongs to the The division into acts is apparently incomplete terminology of the popular theatre. In the classiAfter the end of the second aot there is no further cal drama the súce
cal drama the sucaka, who is there called sutra. mention of the beginning or end of any act. The
dhåra, does not "indicate " or "describe" in the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth same way as in the Gopalakelioandrika. We shall 4ct seem to be missing. At the end of what the have to ask ourselvos if we find any indications editor takes to be the fourth act, we only read it that he does, or did, so in the popular play of the nişlerdnta, whoroupon a pravesaka introduces the vulgar stage. In that case we should naturally laat, probably fifth act, at the end of which the infer that the Gopala kelioandrika represente an sutradhara again makes his appearance and puts attempt at applying peculiarities of the popular an end to the performance with the formula alam stage to the claseica' drama. ativistarena, which we know from the beginning of so The editor is inclined to think so. He ably many plays, declaring that it will not be possible diennease
discusses the problems raised by the said peculiar. to give a further representation of the ma ofl
ity of our play, and suggests more than one explaBhagavat, because nobody could do 80 satisfact. nation in addition to the supposition that we are orily. Then the actors leave the stage, and finally face to face with a feature of the populer stage.
blossing and a stanza giving the name of the poet I shall say a few words on these suggestions, which are added, whereupon the colophon follows. Dr. Caland himgelf does not think to be the
A similar arrangement is not found in any other solution of the difficulty. Sanskrit play. There are however also other We might, he says, think of a chaya-nataka, peculiarities.
- shadow.play, where the dialogue and everything The term praslavand is not need in the same way else is spoken by the manager, or in certainoases by sa in other dramas. It seems to denote the opens the secaka. Against suchan explanation he rightly

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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urges that the actors are sometimes said to enter and Jainism gradually came under the influence after pushing aside the curtain.
of Brahmanical thought. Some of the most pro.
minent reformers of modern Hinduism wete BrahAnother possibility which he mentions, is that
mans, and so forth. The Brahmins are of course the play was a reading drama, not destined for the
the guardians of old traditions and they have often stage at all, but only meant to be recited or studied
been described as reactionary enemies of progress in writing. Against this, however, it is sufficient
I and development. That is, however, only one side to refer the student to the introduction, where the
of their physiognomy. At all times they have nati speaks of natanatya and of abhinayapra
also been the pioneers who have assimilated new darkana, and where we hear of the samája, before
ideas and even elements of foreign civilisations, which the play is going to be represented.
melted them together with the traditional lore, and We are therefore apparently forced to look for finally given them that Indian stamp which has an explanation in the usages of the popular theatre, the effect that the whole Indian civilisation, in spite and that is also the viow which Dr. Caland favours. of all differences, imparts an impression of unity He compares the Krona plays at Mathur& de- and harmony. scribed by Mr. Growse, which I have mentioned. In the case of the drama we know that the oldest above.
| playwright whose works have come down to us, I agree with him that we shall have to look in and the first author of a theoretical treatise on that direotion, but I do not think that we have to dramatical act were Brahmins, and poots filled do with a kind of dumb show, scoompanied by with Brahmanical spirit have over and over again recitation by the micaka.
assimilated more and more of popular dramatic So far as I can see the play is a new instance of genres and raised them to the rank of high lhe tendency which I think we can follow all through literature. the history of the Indian drama, to draw on the The Gopalakelicandrika is a new instance. It rich treasure of popular performances for enlarg. is a new transplanting of the popular plays of ing the scope of the high-clase drame. In a similar the Krena worshippers to the higher stage, and it way this drama itself came into existence, and later has transferred the activity of the describing and on we can over and over again obuervo how dra-explaining head-singer or manager into the technics matical peculiarities were transferred from the of the classical theatre. village stage to the learned theatre, so that new That is the chief interest that attaches itself dramatical types arose and got a firm footing. In to Ramakrsna's play. We may some day find other this way the shadow-play has obtained its place plays of the same kind as the Gopalakelicandrika. in higher literature, and in this way we must It is, however, just as possible that it represents & account for the numerous uparupakas and secondary solitary attempt and never found successors. The species. The theoretical treatises of dramaturgy discovery of this novel species shows that the have always exercised a strong controlling influence development of the classical Indian drama was on development, but they are in their turn based continued up to comparatively modern times, and on the existing literature and had to be enlarged if Sanskrit should ever again become the language when new dramatic types came into existence of the highest civilisation in India, there is no Bharata himself 'could do nothing more than doubt that this development will continue. We put together the old rules about the arts of the already possess an adaptation of Shakespeare in an stage and register and describe the various kinds Indian Sanskrit play. We may some day find of dramas existing at his time, even if they were Indian plays in imitation of Goethe or Ibseni. But only represented by a single specimen, as in the we may rest assured that India will eventually case of the Samavakâra. And his successors
remodel all such adaptations in her own spirit. have followed in his footsteps.
The great importance of India in the history of It is just the same thing which we observe in human civilisation does not only rest with the India's religious history. Local and popular original productions of the Indian mind, but also
with ite genius for assimilating new and foreign culta aro raised to the rank of Brahmanical religion.
elemente, and giving them a truly Indian stamp, Siva has some of his roots in conceptions which were not from the beginning Aryan. Buddhism
STEN Konow.

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INDEX
S. A. L. stands for the Supplement, Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, pp. 85–136. G. D. stands for the Supplement, Dictionary of Ancient and Medi rval Geography of India, pp. 7-54.
Abdu'l-Ghafür, Merchant
9 n. 'Ali ibn Aziz Allah Tabatabai, of Samnan, Abd'l-Muzaffar Sultan Ahmad Bahri Nizam
author of the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, comments Shah. See Ahmad Nizam Shah.
on his statements, 66, 68 n., 69 n., 75 n., 85 n., Abu Shu'aib. See Busheab.
90 n., 91 n., 104 n., 105 n., 106 n., 125 n., Adam, pirate, settler in Bourbon, death of .. 61 127 n., 128 n., 160 n., 164 n., 166 n., 177 n., Adams, Robt., Chief at Calicut .. 142, 144 178 n., 184 n., 188 n., 199 n., 201 n., 204 a. Adityasena, his Aphead inscription .. .. 25 'Ali Talish Dihi, Zain-ud-din, governor of ChakAdventure Galloy, the, pirate ship .. 8,9 an, conspires against Ahmad Nizam Shah, Afzal Khan, of Bijapur, murdered .. 154-156 70, 87; punishment and death of; 88, 89, a. Agha Rahman, merchant .. .. .. 21
Allahabad Pillar Inscription, of Samudragupta, Aguinaldo, Emilie, insurgent, in Manila .. 12
22, 26 Ahmadabad . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Alligator's gall, native laxative medicine .. 116 Ahmad bin Dad Karim, merchant captain, *Al-Mu'ayyad Min'indi'llah Abal Muzaffar i turns traitor, 100; is executed
101 Burhan Niyam Shah. See Burhan Nizam Ahmad bin Sulaiman, of Bahrein, his fight with Shah. & pirate ..
.. .. 100 Al-Mustaan bi-'inêyati-"Nah Abal Muzaffar Ahmednagar, History of the Nigam Shahi Kings Ahmad Shah. See Aḥmad Nixam Shah.
of. See History of the Nigam Shahi Kings Amgachi inscription of Vigrahapala III .. 192 of Ahmednagar.
Amita, the, store-ship, her fight with Chinese Ahmad Nizam Shah, founder of the Nigam
pirates .. .. .. .. .. .. 122 Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar, alleged des- Amos, John, quartermaster, wounded .. .. 3,6 cent of, from the Bahmani dynasty, 66, 67; Andaman Island, N., an early reference to Port true origin of, 68, D. ; called Malik Ahmad, Cornwallis, in, 56; the natives of .. .. 56 early exploits of, 69, 70 ; forts in the Konkan Andaman Language. See South Andaman reduced by, 71–76; Dakkan (Dakan) Cam. Language. paigns of, 84-91, 102, 106; declaration of Andamanego in Penang, in 1819, 91-98; independence by, 103-105 ; capture of original Negritos, 92 n., 93 n.; reputed canniDaulatabad by, 107, 123; foundation of bals, 92 n., 93 n.; description and habits, Ahmadnagar by, 108, 127; alleged defeat
of, 92-94; their mothod of shaving, 95, n. of Mahmad Shah Begårs of Gujarat by, 66, Androkottus. See Chandragupta. 124-127, 180; death of, 128, 159.; character Angria, pirate, his encounter with Capt. Upton. 41 of, 157 ; treatment of cowards by, 158; his
Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological officers of State .. .. .. .. 159
Department for the year 1919 (Book Notice), 115 Ahmad Shah Bahmani, captures Haşan 'angd, a fabulous bird .. .. .. .. 105
Malik Naib . .. .. .. 68 n. Antongi bay, pirate base .. .. 20 n. Ahmad Shah Bahri. See Aḥmad Nizam Shah. Antur, & fort .. .. .. .. 162, 163 a. Aira dynasty of Kalinga, 43, 51; their capital .. 47 | Aphaad Inscription of Adityasena... 26, 26 Ajivikas, & sect of ascetios, Aboka's gift to, 43, 51 Arab pirates, their cruelty to captives, 83, 84; Ala-ud-dih 'Imid-ul-Mulk, Shaikh, of Berar, one of the most famous of .. .. 99, 100 his quarrel with Burhan Nizam Shah, 160, n., Arathoon. See Petros. 161, 163–166 n., 177, 202 ; peace overtures
Archan. See Charchån. of .. . .. .. .. 178–180, 202ari, signification of the term .. .. 130, 131 Albatroso, the, outter .. .. .. 117, 118 Arya and Vaidye, the terms dinod , 210 n., Alexander the Great, and Chandragupta,
211, n. -- --- . . A LI !
Arvant. 209 n.. and non, Arvaa peoples ... 224

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INDEX Ashraf-i-Humâyûn. See Ahmad Nizam Shah. Bijapur, Shivaji's dealings with, 153, 155 ; Asiatice, cruelty of European pirates towards. . 37 slaughter of the army of .. .. .. 156 Aboka, conquest of Kalinga by, 43, 51 ; his Bijapur, and Ahmadnagar, wars between, Rock Edict VI, & discussion on the terms
. . 200—204, 217, n.--222 vacha and vinita in .. .. ... 63—56
Bindusara, date of .. .. .. .. 50 Aurangzeb, the .. .. .. .. .. 142
Black Flag, the. See Colours. Ayanotta. See Mayotta.
Blake, John, turner, wounded .. . .. 3, 6 . Aziz-ul-Mulk, vakal and pishda under Burhan
Bloody Flag, the. See Colours. Nigam Shah, 160, n.; disloyalty of, 161, 162;
booomortese. See buocamortis. death of ... .. .. .. .. 183, n.
Bodhgaya Inscription of Mahanaman, 26–27, 29 n. Bomhay Frigate, (or Merchant) coast defence
vendel, flies before the pirate, Halsey, 143-144 Bombay Grab, the, and the Revenge, their
engagement with the Maratha fleet, 6865 Badkamta Nartikvara image Inscription .. 190
Borneo, the, captured by pirates... .20, n. baghnakh, steel claws ..
.. .. .. 155
Borneo, European oocupation of, 12, 13;... bagia, a native teak-built vessel .. 99, n., 100
organised piracy in, 12 ; Rajah Brooke's sup. Bahasatimitra, identified with Pushyamitra.. 47
pression of piraoy in .. .. 12, 117-122 Bahmant dynasty, suggested relationship
Bourbon, Island, a pirate base, 19, 59, 60; with the Nigam ShAhf dynasty, 66, 68 n., 104 n.!
an account of ... ... ... ... ... 61 Bahrein, Island, attacked by pirates .., 99, 100
Bowen , pirate, Capt. of the Speaker, 19 D.; Bahri, cognomen of the Nigam ShAhí dynasty,
commands the Speedy Return . .. 20 derivation of .. .. .. .. 88 8., 104 n.
Brahmaņas, the, on the history of the Indian Bairagis, Hindu religious mendicants, attack
Caute-System .. .. 207-209, 211, 214 ed by pirates .. . ...... 33 Brahmans, the, reosive gifte from Kharavela, 47, Baithane. See Paithan. .
from Aboka, 51; position of, in the CasteBaker, Mr., of the Nemesis ... . ..
System, 207, 208 ; opoupations of, 212 ; only Balavarmadova, a copper-plato grant of .. 24
one oaste of, 218, 224, 226, n., 291-229 Balookouros, suggested identification of
Brampton, Capt., comiends the Jane
70 Banda Islands, inhabitants of, exterminated
Brickwell, Lieut., of the Albatross .. ...118 by the Dutch ...... .. 80 British, the, suppress pirway in the Persian Banjermanin, S. Borneo, acquired by the Gulf .. .. ... . .... ... Dutch. ..
12 Brooke, Rajah Sir Chas., commands the Bass h, Gupta Inscription at. Soe In priptions, at. See Inscription, Rajah Wali
. . . 117, 118 Glupta.
Brookie, .Rajah Sir Jm., suppresse piracy Bassein, the, snow, captured by Arab pirates 83
1. in Borneo. .. ..... : 12, 117--122 Batticola. Seo Bhatkal
Brunei,in Bomeo, European trade with .. 12 Bellamont, Lord, Governor of New York 4. 7
brocamortin, a gun, derivation of the word, 10, 1. Bengal, the Pala dynasty of ... . 189-193
Budhagupta, Bopporplate inscription of, 28, 29 n. Bennet, Sir John, attacked by pirates, 143, 14 buggalow. See: bagla. Betey, tho, snow, mutiny on board .. . 78 l Burhan-e-
M asir, # work by 'Ali ibn 'Aziz Bharatavarsha, the Gangotio valley, Khara vela's
Allah Tabatabai, history of the Nigam expedition to
.
47, 61 Shahi dynasty from ... ... .. : 66 Bharoo, probably Bhairon, an ancestor of the Borhin Nigam Shah I., son of Ahmad Nigam
Nigam ShAhi dynasty ..... 68 n., 1880 Shah. 67, 68 n., 198; accession of 150; at Bhatkal, fight with pirates off .. .. .. 17 war, with 'ImAd-ul-Mulk, 160, 163, 104;. Bhojakas, probably & republican tribe of O. dominated by Aziz-ul-Mulk, 161–163;
Indie .. .. . . .. .. .. 44 capture of P&thri by, 165, 166 n. 1 receives Bhorap, a fort, attacked by Aḥmad Nizam Shah Tahir, 167; attacked by Sultan Bahadur,
ShAh .. .. .. .. . . .. .. 12 177-184; establishment of the Imami Bibliography of Malayan history .. 18, 18 religion in the Dekkan, by, 184-188; bicho, scorpion, applied to a dagger .. 155, 156 influenced by Shah Tahir, 184–188, 197–199, Bidar, visited by Aḥmad Nizam Shah, 70, 84 ;
220, 223; conquests of, 200; at war with murder of Malik Naib at, 86. n. ; strife in, 88, Bijapur, 200—204, 217-222;. his Telingine 89; raided by Ahmed Nigam Shah, 90, 91, 102, 103 campaign .. .. .. . 222-224

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Burhanpur, attacked by Gujarat, 124, 125; delivered by Aḥmad Nigam Shah burial, near wells, forbidden Busheab, Island in the Persian Gulf..
..
..
INDEX
..
126 116 100 n.
Caesar, the, attacked by pirates
'call the wind.' See 'killing the wind'. Callequilon, Cully Quilon. See Kayankalam. Canby, Capt. J., attacked by the pirate E. Wynne Cassandra, the, captured by the pirate Seager, 37-42, 57-63; her captain, 37, wounded, 39, allowed to escape in the pirate ship Fancy, 39; Lasenby's account of the, 40--42, 57-30; becomes a pirate ship 61-63 Caste-System, Indian, on the History of, 205-214, 224-231
195
1
37
Chaitanya, his doctrine... Chakan, a fort, 70; attacked by Ahmad Nizam Shah Chamberlain Capt., of, the Rising Eagle, killed by pirates 143, 144 22
Chandra, the Meherauli Inscription of Chandra Rao More. See More, Chandra Rao. Chandragupta, date of, 48; meets Alexander
22
the Great, 48-50; his conflict with Nanda, 49-51 Chandragupta II, Mathura Inscription of Charchân, 8. W. of Sholapur, a battlefield, 217 n. Charles, the, brigantine, commanded by John
Halsey, 142; survivors of ohase-guns, 5; a description of .. Cheng-cheng-kung. See Coxinga. Cheta, Megha king of Kosala, emperor of Kalinga 43, 44, 51 Chinese pirates, the Amita attacked by, 122. See also Coxinga. Chronological table illustrating the Hathigum. phâ Inscription
Coen, Jan Pieterszoon, Dutch Governor-General of the Indies, his cruelty to the Malays Coba. See Kobe.
87-89
143 42, and n.
51
80
Collifer, Robert. See Culliford, Robert. Colours, nailed to the mast, 1, 4; the English, 41; St. Georges, 40 of European pirates, 17, 18; of Muhammadan pirates, 17, 18, 41 n.; the Black Flag, early use of, by pirates, 37, 97, signification of, 37, called the Jolly Roger, 38, 40, as a sign of mourning, 65 n., use of, by Malay, pirates, 97, 98; the Bloody Flag 2, 17, 18, 144; the Red Ensign, 3, 4; flag at half mast 65, n.
239
Conaway, J., commander of the Borneo,
captured by pirates 20, and n. Condon, pirate, commands the Flying Dragon, 60, n. Content, the, brigantine, captured by pirates.. 20m. Copperplate Inscriptions. See Inscriptions. Corporate Life in Ancient India, by Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, M.A., (Book-Notice), 36; Reply to a criticism on Corporation, modern caste, 206; guild Cowan, Mr., passenger in the Cassandra cowards, how treated by Aḥmad Nizam Shah.. 157 Coxinga, Chinese pirate takes Formosa from
176
228 39
the Dutch, Chinese account of the action, 137-141; aided by Ho-pin, 138; murder of Antonius Hambrook by 141 n. Coyett, Frederick, Dutch Governor of Zeelan dia, 137, and n. ; meets Ho-pin, 138, and n. ; is betrayed by him, 138, 139; is attacked by Coxinga, 139, 140; surrenders to Coxinga.. 141 Calliford, Robert, pirate captain, 1, 2, 3, 5, joined by Wm. Kidd's men
Dakan, the. See Dekkan.
Damman, Island in the Persian Gulf, a pirate settlement
Damodarpur copper-plate Inscription Budhagupta
of 23, 29 n.
Shah
Danda, a fort, captured by Aḥmad Nizam 73, 74 and n. danda, an army, peace treaties, relative to, 151, 170, 171 Ddea varna, the term explained.. 208, 210 Daulatabad, fort, attacked by Aḥmad Nişâm
....
Shah, 106-108; 123, 124 n., 127; besieged by Sultan Bahadur .. .. 177, 178 n., 179 n. 174 Daulatabad plates of Bankaragana Dayaks, head hunting pirates of Borneo, Rajah Brooke's expedition against the, 117-122; their strongholds, how defended, 118; destruction of the, 119; example of their cruelty, 120; their method of preserving heads, 121; results of the expedition against the .. 121, 122 Death and the Young Lady, a picture, suggested connection of the skull and cross bones with
Dekkan, of the Satavahana Period, 30-34; approximate date of the rise of the Satavahana power in the, 30; discussion on the identification of kings named on the Kolhapur coins of the, 31-34; or Dakan, 71; the
99
37

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240
Amirs of the revolt against Ahmadnagar, 84, 85, 102-105; Sultan Bahadur's attack on the, 177-180; establishment of the Imami religion in the ... 184-188 Deogir. See Daulatâbâd.
désa, territory, peace treaties relative to Desforges, M., governor of Bourbon, friend to the pirates
INDEX
.. 152
Dharmapala, his Khâlimpur copper-plate inscription, 24, 193; date of Dharmasastras, evidence of the, on the castesystem 207, 208 Dictionary, Geographical, of Ancient and Medieval India. See Geographical Dictionary.
Dictionary of the South Andaman Language. See South Andaman Language.
Dilpasand Khan, governor of Bidar, murdered, 85 n., 86 dindra, first reference to, in inscriptions.. 29 n. Dipankar, Buddhist missionary.. 190, 191, and n. diphthongs, Sanskrit, a discussion on, 109, 110 Dobbs, cape, probably at the mouth of the Vashishta river, fight with pirates, off Domesday Books Dorrill, the, her fight with the Mocha, 1-7, 17 n. 116 drink licences, in the Arthasdstra Drummond, Capt. Robt., master of the Speedy Return..
63 116
..
61
..
193
..20 n.
Dutch, the, in the Malay Peninsula, 12, 13; abandon Mauritius, 19 n.; trade with pirates, 19, 21, 37, 57, 58; a fight between Malay pirates, and, 79-82; Malay animosity to ward, 79; cruelty of, 80; traffic in slaves by, 80; Malay description of the, 81; pirate of the in the, Eastern Seas, 97; Formosa taken 137-141 from, by Coxinga
Dyak. See Dayaks.
E. and O. in Marwari and Gujarati, the wide sound of 109-114 Edgcumbe, Capt. Leonard, commands the Mocha, 1; murdered..
Edicts, Asokan, 43, 44, 51, 53-5. See Rock Edicts.
Emin, Joseph, Ensign, his letter to Khwaja
Petros..
England, Edward. See Seager, Jasper. equality, an attempt to establish, in Tibet.. 116 Essex, the, plundered by John Halsey, 21 n.,
142, 144
1
75
European pirates, 17; colours used by, 17, 18; their cruelty to Asiatics, 37; tactics of Everest, Lieut., commands the Royalist Every, Henry, a pirate
.. 65 n. 118 5, 7, 8
Fair Chance, the, sunk by pirates 143 Faithful, the, her fight with Maratha pirates.. 17 Fancy, the, pirate ship, her fight with the Cassandra 39, 40 Faridpur grants 26, 27, 29 n. Farquhar, Capt., commands the Albatross, 118, 119 Farügi dynasty, becomes extinct 127 n.
Fathullah 'Imåd-ul-Mulk of Berar, 84 n.; rebellion of, 68 n., 103 n., 104, 105. See also 'Ala-ud-din 'Imad-ul-Mulk. Filipinas, Las Islas. See Philippines, the.. Firishta, historian, on Aḥmad Nizam Shah, 68 n., 88 n., 103 n., 105 n., 125 n., 128 n.;' on Mahmûd Bahmani, 104 n.; on Burhân Nisam Shah I., 159 n., 160 n., 163 n., 164 n., 166 n., 188 n.: on Shah Tahir, 167 n., 180 n. ; on general history of the Nigam Shahi dynasty.. 182 n., 184 n., 197 n., 201 n. Flags. See Colours. Flying Dragon, the, privateer forefoot, foremost part of the keel foreigners, forbidden to enter Japan Formosa taken from the Dutch by Coxinga, 137-142 Fort St. George, the Town-Major of, 35; the
..
chief watchman of, discharged for incapacity, 36 forts, captured by Aḥmad Nigam Shah, 71-75 Freeman, John, second mate of the Ostend Galley 61, 62 French, the, take possession of Mauritius, 60; their intercourse with pirates 60, 61 French pirate, the first to use the Black Flag.. 37 French, M., mate of the Rising Eagle..
144
60 n. 18 n. 137
..
228
gahapati, 226 n.; the term explained
gall. See alligator's gall.
Galna, fort, attacked by Burhan Nigam Shah, 200 Gangaride. See Kalinga.
Gautamiputra Satakarni, date of, 30, 31;
..
..
31-33 suggested identification of genealogy, of the Pala dynasty of Bengal.. 191 18 n. Gentoos, Indian Hindus Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, ancient names G.D. 7-84

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INDEX
241
Geography, Ancient of India, contributions to Nigam Shah I., 671., 128, 169167, 177-188,
the study of, a noteworthy omission .. 136 197–204, 217-224;influence of Shah Tahir Ghatotkachagupta, suggested identification of, 116 on Burhan Nigam Shah I., 166, 167, 180-188, Gheriah, port in the Ratnagiri district .. 84
197-199, 220, 223 gingall. Soe janjal.
Hoj Nirmal, regent of Vijayanagar .. 201 n., 202 n. Gon, viceroy of, captured by pirates, 59, 61 Hollanders. See Dutch. Gogha, in the Kathidwar peninsula ..
Ho-pin, Fuhlieneee interpreter, aide the Goodman, of the Nemesis .. ... 118 Dutch in Formosa, betrays them, 138 n. Gopdiakelioandrika, (Book-notice) . 232—236 leads Coxinga's fleet .. .. .. .. 139 Gorathagiri, stormed by Kharavela .. .. 81 hostages, in ancient India .. .. 167–170 Gotamiputra. See Gautamiputra.
Howard, Thos., pirate, captures the Prospe. gourt, a Mongol tent .. .. .. 214216 roua .. .. .. .. .. .. 20 Govardhana, of the Daulatêbad plates of San humd, fabulous bird .. .. .. .. 105
karagana, suggested identification of .. 174 Hutchinson, Wm., Capt. of the Sunderland .. 60 Greenwich, the, deserts the Oassandra .. 37-40 Hyde, Capt., Samuel, commands the Dorril, 1, 2, 3, & Greyhound Galley, the, renamed the Ostend
Gafley .. ... .. .. .. 59, 61 Gregory, Aga. See Gurgin Khan. Guernsey, John, pirate .. .. .. .. 143 guilds, and corporations, in ancient India,
228-231 and n. Gujarat and Burhanpär, at war .. 124127 Ibrahim Adil ShAh, of Bijapur, at war with Gupta Inscriptions. See Insoriptions, Chopta
| Burhan Nigam Shah I., 197, 201, 202, 204, Gurgin Khan, Armenian, served Mir Kasim .. 78
217-224 'Imad-ul-Mulk. See 'Ala-ud-din 'Imad-ul
Mulk. See also Pathullah 'Imid-ul-Mulk. Imam, title of the Princes of 'Omin . 100 n. Imami religion, the, established in the Dek.
kan .. .. .. .. .. 184-188 Halsey, John, pirate, 21 n. ; his fight with
Imama, the four English ships, 142-144; his character. .142
.. .. .. .. 186 n.
India, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Hambrock, Antonius, Dutch Pastor at
Modirval. See Geographical Dictionary. Zeelandia, executed .. .. .. 141 n. Hasan. See Malik Naib.
India, Ancient, Inter-State Relations in, 129-136, HAthigumpha Cave Inscription of Kharavola, 30,
145—162, 167-173 India, ancient, modernity of ways and thoughts
31, 43-52 Hawkins, Capt., refers to the use of the
in .. .. .. .. .. .. 116
Indian Caste-System. See Caste-System, Indian. Black Flag .. .. .. .. .. 38 heade, Dayak method of preserving ..
Indian Frigate, the .. .. .. .. 149 .. 121
Indian Queen, the, pirate ship .. .. 38. Hector, the, Dutch ship, burnt by pirates, 141 n.
Indian pirates, protect trade .. .. .. 17 Hely, Capt., of the Amita, his fight with pirates, 122 Higginson, Nathaniel, governor of Fort St.
Ineoriptions, Chalakyan, copper-plate of
Balavamadeva ..... .. . 24 George
.. .. .. .. .. Hilliard, Capt., of the Prosperous, optured
Inscriptions, Gupta
of Adityaona,, the Arhead . 25, 26 by pirates .. .. .. .. .. 20
of Budhagupta, on Damodarpur platos, 23, 29. Hippalus, navigator, discovers the two of the
of Chandra, the Mehersuli Pillar .. .. 22 Monsoons .. .. .. .. .. Hippokoura, capital of Balookouros .. ..
of Chandragupta II., * Gadhw, at Mathuri,
22, 33 n. History of the Nigam Shahí kings of Ahmad.
of Jivitagupta, Deobar narks ... .. 23 DAGA, 66-75, 84–91, 102-108, 123-128,
of Khanavela, at HathigumpbA, 30, 31, 43-52 167-167, 177-188, 197–204. 217–224;
of Kumaragupta, at Karahdanda .. .. 22 Introduction, to the, 68; Ruggested origin of
of Mahabharagaptá, at Kotak ... .. 24 the dynasty of the, 67; true history of the,
of Samudragupta, the Allahabad Pillar, 22, 28 68 . ; Abimad Nigam Shah, 67–75, 84-91,
* Tumain ..
.. .. 114, 115 109–108, 128--128, 167-189; Burhla

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242
INDEX
..
..
23
Inscriptions, Pale ,
Johnson, Capt., 142; his account of John of Dharmapala, the Khalimpur copper
Halsey
.. .. .. .. 143, 144 plates .. .. .. .. 24, 193 Joli Rouge. See Colours. of Madanapala, the Manahali .. .. 193 | Joily Roger. See Colours. of Mahipala, at Imadpur, 189; at, Sarnath, 189, 191 Jond, fort, taken by Ahmad Niyam Shah, . 71, 72 of Narayanapala .. .. .. .. 193 Josiah, ketch, seized by a pirato, recovered, 1, 5 n. of Rajayapala .. ..
Jûdhan, fort, taken by Ahmad Nizam Shah .. 73 of the reign of Ramapala .. .. .. 190 Juhaami, Arab pirates of Ormus, attaok
of Vigrahapals III., the Amgaohi plates .. 192 Bairagi pilgrims, 83 ; last fight of one of the .. 99 Inscriptions And Grante, miscellaneous
Junnar, under Ahmad Nizam Shah, 69, 71, 85, 86, of Anantavbeman, the Barabar Cave,
103, 104, 108, 168 the Nagarjuni Cave .. the Nasik Cave of Ahoka, the Dhauli.. Rock Edict VI..
.. 6356 Kabar, a bird .. .. .. .. ll, n., 12 Badkamta Nartekvare Image Inscription .. 190
Insoription .. 100 Kabir, dor
Kabir, doctrine and date of .. .. 194, 198 Bihar Stone ..
Kald Chabuera, the, built by Sultan Bahadur, 177 n. at Bodhgaya ... ... 25—97, 29 n. Kalinga, conquered by Asoks, and others, 43–46,61 Dinajpur Pillar . .. .. .. .. 190
Kamauli grant of Vaidyadeva . 190, 191 Faridpur Grants .. .. 26, 27, 29 n. Kanuna, meaning of the term .. .. 226, n. Jaggayapeta Stepa
.. . .. 33
Kandhar, N. of Bidar .. .. .. 104 n. Kamauli plates, of Vaidyadeva ... 190, 191 Kanhabens, river, identification of .. 44, 46 Kanauj .. .. .. .. .. .. 190 Karlo inscription . ... .. ..
: 29 n. Mundekvart, of the time of Udayasena, 21-29 barbu, parrot. .. .. .. .11 D. - NanaghAt, of Batakarni.. . 30, 31
Kashmir, home of Lal Ded Patiekalla grant, of Sivaraja ... 20, 26 Katah copper-plates of Mahågupta .. .. 24 * Sanchi, of Satakari .. .. 30, 31 Kathiawar, nursery tales from .. .. .. 11 * Bonpur, of Somèsvardeva ..
240. Kayankalam, port in Travancore .. 20 n. Talotvara oopper-plate .. ...
Kenowit, pirate settlement in Borneo .. 121 Tama'il Adil Shah, of Bijapur, at war with Kotubbiadra, R., accension of ..
81, 62 Burhan Shah I, 179 n., 200; death of, 201, n.
Khaj, fort, taken by Ahmad Nizam Shah, 73 Ivars, suffix, signification of ..... 20 n.
KhAlimpor oopper-plates of Dharmapala . 24 Khadagiri, seat of the Aira dynasty .. 43, 47 Kharavela, Emperor of Kalinga, inscription of
at Hathigumph .. .. 30, 31, 43–52 Khor Drug, a fort taken by Ahmad Nizam
Shah .. .. .. .. .. .. 73 Jaddi, ox pirato, his account of fight with Kidd, Capt. Wm., 3 n.; early history of, 7, 8;
Malay pirates .. .. .. .. 79-83 . turns pirate, 8; his fight with two Portuguese Jaggayapeta Sapa Inscription .. .. 33 ship ... .. .. .. .. - 10 Jago, Capt., commands the Bombay Frigate, Killing the wind, Malay charm, 79; explained,
deserta his consort ship . 142, n., 143 8 9; 'oalling the wind' .. .. 83 . Jamil-ud-din. See 'Aziz-ul-Mulk.
King's, pardon, tò pirates (1718).. .. 149 Jamahid, son of Quli Gutb-ul-Mulk .. 222—224 Kirby, Captain of the Greenwich, deserts the . Jawal, swivel, or wall-piece .. 140 n. Oassandra .. .. .. .. 37-40 Jane, the, helps the Belay .. .. 79 Kobe, notre of fight between the Pallas and Japanese, ibo, destroy Spanish ship.. ... 187 Malay pirate .. .. .. .. .. 97 Jataka, ovidence of the, on the onto-system ... 228 Koen. See Coen. jduimoaning of the term ..
.. 212 n.228
212 n., 226 Kolam Boe Quilon. Javli, in Satara, seat of the More family, 163; Kolaparoolne, discussion regarding. 31-33
attacked by Sivaji .. . .. .. 184 Kondhaa. Seo Siphgaph.. Jija Bai, mother of Sivaji . .. 183, 166 Konkan, the, Ahmad Nigam Shah in, 60, 71, 78 m. Jivitagupta, inscription of, & Deobar nark... 23. kola, menning toeruro, peace treaties rel Josepces. 8oo Juhanamt.
to ... .. .. . . .. 181 Johanna, • port of call & X, 38, 3. m., 40 boelie icone of .. .. 23, 84

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INDEX
243
227. n.
botthaka, & store-room . . . . . Krishnaji Baji. See More, Chandra Rao. kula, 226; meaning of the term .. kulapati, a teacher.. .. .. .. Kulastambha, copper-plates of.. ... Kumaragupta, inscription of .. .. Kwei-yih. See Coyett.
..
24
Labouche, French pirate . .. 61 D. Lal Ded, LaVÁ, & wandering female saiva
Ascetic. See Lalla Valydni. Lala Vakydni, or the Wise Sayings of Lal
Ded. (Book-notice) .. .. .. 194—196 Lantor, capital of the Spice Islands .. .. 80 Laws, Capt., commands the Mermaid .. 62 Lazenby, Rich., second mate of the Cassandra,
captured by pirates, 37, 40; released, 67, 60 Legaspi, Miguel Lopez de,' acquired the Phil
ippines for Spain ... ... .. 12, 14 levitt, a flourish .. .. Lingah, on the Persian Gulf .. .. .. 101 literature. See Pali literature. Lloyd, Solomon, supercargo of the Dorrill,
1; at Pulo Condore.. .. .. .. 4 n., 7 Lohogarh, a fort, taken by Aḥmad Nigam Shah. 72 Loveday, Capt. Ben, killed by pirates . 39 n. Luft, springing their .... ....... . .. 3 Lahaks. See Lohogarh.
Mahmod Glavan, vazir, 69 n., murdered . 70 n. Mahmud Shah, Sultan, son of Muhammad Shah
Bahmani, accession of, 69, 71 n., 75 n.; aided by Ahmad Nizam Shah, 85; attacks Ahmad Nizam Shah, 86, 88, 90, 91 ; his loss of power,
68 n., 86, 103 ; death of .. .. .. 104 Mahmud Shah, of Burhanpur .. .. 124, 127 Mahmud Shah, of Gujarat, humiliates Ahmad
Nizam Shah .. .. .. .. 127 n. Mahmud Shah, Sultan of Johor, owner of a
pirate fleet .. .. .. .. .. 80 Maholi, fort, captured by Ahmad Nizam Shah. 73 Majlis-i-Rafi. See Yûsuf *Adil Khan. Malacca, Straits of, a fight in the . .. 2_7 Malansu. See Milanau. Malay, English intervention in .. 13, 14 Malay pirates, use of the Black Flag by, 37, 97;
defeated by the Pallas, 97; fight with the
Dutch, 79-83; of Borneo, slavo raids by, 117 Malayan History, A sketch of, 12–18; datos
of, 13; chief events of, dynasties in, 13, 14;
bibliography of ... .. .. 18, 16 Malays, the, various races of, 12; mutinou
character of, 79; animosity of, toward the
Dutch, 80 ; 'killing the wind' by, 79-83 a. Maldive Is., a pirate base .. . 1,7 Malik Ahmad. See Aḥmad Nizam Shah. Malik Naib, appointed guardian to Ahmad
Nigam Shah, 67; the father of Ahmad Nisam Shah, 68, n.; promotion of, 69, . ; murder of Mahmud Gevin by, 70 .; becomes regent, 71 n. 84 n.; murdered, 86 n., 88,
87, 89, 104, 107 Malik RAJA, founder of the Farūgt dynasty .. 147 n. Malik Sharaf-ud-din, botwal of Daulatabad,
107, n.; death of ... ..... 123, 124 n. Malik Wajih-ud-din, commandant of Daula
tabad, murdered .. .. .. 107 and n. Mallapani, Dutch merchant i ... 20,31 MAlwa, Sultan Bahadur's attack on, 181, 184 n. manchua, Portuguese cargo boat .. 19 mandala, statal circle "..
129, 133, 134 Mandalesvara hill, identification of .. ..28. Manila, under the British and the Spanish, 12, 14 Manu, on the Caste system
. 207, 211 Manucci, Nicolao, further referentoes to .. Marabdes, fort, taken by Ahmid Nike ShAh, 72, 731 Maratha floet, fights the Revenge and the Bom.
bay Grab . .. ...89--68 Maratha pirates, their fight with the May 11 Marie, the, Dutch ship .
101, Maritan. See Antongil Bay. Martaban jars, heirlooms in Borneo .. 120, n. Mary, the, her fight with pirates
149 Mancarino. Sde Bourbon.
Machhakundi, suggested identification of.. 21. Macrae, Capt. J., commander of the Cassandra,
captured by the pirate Seager, 37, 38;
released ... .. .. 39, 40, 57-62 Madagascar, pirate base at, 9, 20, 21, 60, 62
the Cassandra at .. .. .. 37, 38 MAdhariputra, "Sakasena, identified with · Sivalakura of the Kolhapur coina, 31, 32;
several kings of the name .. .. .. 33 madhyama, signification of the term, 129, 132, n., 133 Meander, the, warship .. .. .. .. 117 Mahabhavagupta, the Katak copper-plates of. 24 MahAnAman, Bodhgaya Inscription of, 26–27, 29 n. Mahants, pontifts .. ... .. 24 Mahipela L, 189, date of .. ... 190, 192 Mahmod Bokars, O NEL, Bulten of Gujarat,
attacks Burhanpor .. ... . 124 - 128

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244
INDEX
Manomeloks, on the E. comst of Madagascar, 20 n. | Naldrug, defent of Burhan Shah at Mascarenhas. See Bourbon.
Nánaghat Batakarni inscription at .. 30, 31 Massaledge. See Masomeloka.
Nande, K. of Magadhe, 43-51; conquest of Matthews, Thomas, boatswain's servant, Kelinga by, 43; canal constructed by,
killed .. .. .. .. .. 3, 6, 7 44, 45, 51; date of, 45; identification of Maulana Pir, Sunnt doctor, 187; revolt of .. 197 45, 48; opposes Chandragupta .. 50, 51 Mauritius, abandoned by the Dutch, taken Nanda dynasty, destroyed by Chandragupta, 61
by the French, 19, n., 60, n., a pirate base, 59, 60 Nandavardhana .. .. .. 43, 51 Mayotta, Comoro islands .. .. .. 38 ndndt, suggested signification of . .. 234 Meghas, of Kosala, suggested identification of, 43 Nasik cave Inacription of Ushabbadáta, 23 n., Meghavahanas. See Meghas.
29 n., 33 Meherauli Pillar Inscription of Chandra .. 22 Naşir-ul-Mulk, 125, 126, 128; vakil and pishva Morrino, French captain, turns pirato 19, and n. | under Ahmad Nizam Shah.. .. 157-159 Milanau, Malanau, a tribe in Borneo .. .. 121 Nayapala, date of .. .... .. 191. 192 Miller, Andrew, barbor of the Dorrill, killed, 3, 6, 7 Nelson, Capt., of the snow Betsy, killed .. 78 Miran 'Abdul Qadir, son of Burhan ShAh, 97, 98 Nemesis, the, in a pirate raid .. .. 117-120 Miran Hasan, son and successor to Burhan New Mathelege. See Magomeloka
Shah .. .. .. . . .. 98 New York, pirates aided from .. .. .. 9 mitra, signification of the term . 130, 131 Nikona, fort, taken by Ahmad Nizam Shah.. 72 Mocha, the, her fight with the Dorril, 1-7; Nishizaki, Spanish crew executed at .. 137
renamed .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 Nigam Shahi Kings of Ahmednagar. See Mongol chiefs, their mode of life .. 214—216 History of the Nigam Shahf Kings of Ahmad Moore, John, commander of the Bombay Grab, 63 nagar. Moors. See Muhammadans, Indian
Nigam-ul-Mulk. See Aḥmad Nizam Shah. Mopp, George, gunner's servant, killed, 3, 6, 7 North, Nathaniel, quarter-master of the Charles, 144 Moranjan, fort, talcen by Ahmad Nigm Shah, 73 Moro, Chandra Rao, Maratha Chief, mur.
dered by Sivaji .. .. 163, 164, 156 Mornington, the, attacked by piraten .. .. 83 Moti Shah. See Aḥmad Nizam Shah. Mud Bay. Soo Machhakundi.
O and E, in Marwari and Gujarati, the wide Muhammad Adil Shah, of Bijapur, tricked by
sound of .. .. .. .. 109-114 Sivaji, 153; death of .. .. .. .. 164 Okhamandal, in KathiAwar, soene of pirate outMuhammad Shah, Bahmani, called father of
rages
.. .. .. .. .. 83 Aḥmad Nigam Shah, 67; death of .. .. 69 Old Nick of Dover, .pirato ... .. .. 143 Muhammadan colours. See Colours. .
Ormus, on the Persian Gulf, a pirate settlement, 83 Muhammadans, Indian, called Moors, 17, n., 18, 143
Osborn, Sherard, Capt., pirate story told by, 79 Mukammal Khân, guardian to Burhan Nisam
Osbourne, Jos., wounded .. .. .. 6 Shah, 159, 160, n., 166 n., death of ..161, 163 n. l Ostend Gallev. the
Ostend Galley, the. See Greyhound, the
Sea Grewhound, the Mundesvari Inscription of the time of Udays- Ostender .. . ..
.. 38, 40, 80 sena, 21-29; characters of the, 22; language, orthography and lexicography of the, 23; date of the, 24-26; inscriptions compared with the, 25-27; text of the, 27, 28: trans lation of the .. .. .. .. .. 29 Mundy, Peter, his description of Virabhadra .. 116 Paithan, capital of Sri-Pulumavi .. .. 34 Murhfr, a fort, taken by Burhan Shah .. 200 PALA Dynasty of Bengal, a Chronology of, 189-193 Murtau Nigam Shah I., a maniac .. .. 66 Pals inscriptions. See Inscriptions, Pala.. Mūshikanagara, in the C. Provinces, destroyed, 61 Pali, a fort, taken by Ahmad Nizam Shah. 73, Moshikas, of 8. Travancore ..
74, 197 mutiny, by Malays, in the snow Belay.. .. PAli literature, as evidence on the Casto system, 207,
225
Pallas, the, her tight with twenty Malay Nadir-uz-Zaman. See Shaikh Mu'addi.
prahus .. .. .. .. .. 97, 98 ndkhuda, master of a native vessel.. 101 n. pirang, a sheath knife .. .. .. .. 121
Shah
78

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INDEX
245
Parenda, fight at, 102; attacked by Burhan Prosperous, the, captured by pirates .. 20, 142
Shih .. .. .. .. .. 200-204 Provintia, Dutch fort, in Formosa, 138; sur. Parijata, in the Daulatábad plates of san.
renders to Coxinga .. .. 139, 141 n. karagana, suggested identification of .. 174 Pullo Verero. Bee Pulo Barahla. Parker, Capt., captured by pirates . 8, 9 n. Pulo Barahla, Island off Sumatra .. 2 n., 3, 4 Parrot and a Kabar, Kathiâwar Nursery Talo, 11 Punt, Thoe., Capt. of the Essex, surrenders to Pasand Khan. See Dilpasand Khan.
pirates ... .. .. .. .. 21, 144 Pathri,early home of the Nizam Shahi dynasty, 68n., Pusakkada, in Travancore .. .. .. 20
164 n., 166, D., 166 n., 177 D., 180 n. Purânas, as evidence of the date of the Sata. Patiskella grant of the Mahârâja Sivaraja, 25, 26 váhana period, 30; their chronology of the pattararo, a small gun .. .. .. .. 7 n. Mauryan and Sunga kings of Magadha. 47, 50 Pattle, Thos., Chief at Karwar, his account of Pushyamitra, K. of Magadha, 46: suggested
Capt. Kidd's piratical action .. .. 9 identification of, 47; extent of his territory. ponce, treaties relative to. Soo treaties.
51; conquered .. .. .. .. .. 52 Penang, a visit of two Andamanese to, in
1819 .. .. .. .. .. 91-96 Pennyng -Chief at Calicut .. .. ... 19 Perrin, Capt. Chas., commands the Thankful, 9, 17 Persian Gulf, pirates of the. See Juhasmi. Petros, Khwaja, loyal Armenian merchant, 78, 78
2. Ja Qandahar. See Kandhar. Philippines, the, European occupations of, 12, 13
qaul, agreement .. .. .. .. 36 Philippos, a satrap, murdered .. .. .. 50
Quedah Merchant, the, captured by pirates, 8, 10Phillips, Capt., killed .. .. .. .. 144
Quilon, capital of the Mushikas .. .. 14 piracy, attempts to suppress, 7, 97, 117–121;
Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk, of Golcondah, 68 n., 104, n., by natives in Borneo, 12, 14, 117; a peace time
177 n., 220, 222, n. occupation of the Maratha fleet, 63 ; destroyed by steam, 97; a resort of Arab traders, 99; episodes of, 1-10, 17-21, 37-42, 57–65,
7984, 97-101, 117-122, 137-144 pirates, how bribed to fight, 1 ; royal procla Raghunath 'Balla Korde, officer, under mation against, 7 ; King's pardon to, 143;
Shivaji .. .. .. .. .. . 153 their settlemente, in Bourbon, 19, 69–61;
Rahmah bin Jabir, Arab pirate, his heroic in Madagascar, 9, 20, 21, 37, 38: Dutch trade
death .. .. .. .. .. 99, 100 with, 19, 21, 37, 57, 58; cruelty of, 39, 83;
Rahůri, probable site of a battle, 160, 163 n., 164 D. colours used by, 2-4, 17, 18, 37, 38, 41 n.,
Rajagriha, siege of .. .. .. 47, 51 68, 97, 98, 144 ; capture of the Cassandra by,
Rajah Walli, the, pirate raider .. .. 37-42, 57-63; French hospitality to, 19,
.. 119
Rajapur .. .. .. .. .. 20, a. 60, 61; of the Persian Gulf, 83, 84, 99,
Rajapuri, taken by Ahmad Nizam Shah, 73, 74, n. 100; of Borneo, 12, 14; wholesale destruction
Rajasuya, sacrifice Asserting imporial of, 117–121. See also Arab, Chinese,
claims Dayak, European, Indian Melay, Maratha
R&maghata, first Mdshika king .. .. 14 pirates.
Ramakrona, author of the Gopdlakelicandrika, 232 Poligars, hunting dogs .. .. .. .. 116 Råmånande, doctrine and date of .. 194, 195 Porca See Puråkkådu.
Råmapala, 190 ; date of .. .. 191, 192 Port Blair, ancient Port Comwallin .. .. 56 Rampura, inscription at, referring to burial .. 116 .Port Cornwallis, in N. Andaman Leland, Ram Raj. See Venkataraya.
early reference to .. .. .. .. 56 Randell, Capt., killed by pirates . .. 39 Portobello, the Cassandra at .. .. 62, 63 Rance, the, pirate raider .. .. .. 118 Portuguese, the, in the Malay Peninsula, 12,13; Ranubari. Seo Rahůri.
iltrost Arab traders, 99; veusel of, takon Rashtrikas, probably & republican tribe of C.
by pirates, 59; viceroy of, captured .. 69 India .. .. .. .. .. .. 14 Prakrita, accentuation in .. .. 109, 110 Rathakar .. .. .. . .. 226, . pratibha, the term oxplained .. .. 162, n. Receiro, Count do, viceroy of Goa, captured pratigraha, the term explained .. .. 162, n. 1 by pirate .. .. .. .. 89, 61 prescott, Wm., member of the Greenwich .. 40 Red Flag. Seo Colours.
.
..
.. 45, 46, B1

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246
INDEX
Rejang, river in W. Borneo, pirato stronghold, 117,
118, 121 Resolution, the, her former name, 1 ; her
captains .. .. .. . 1, 3, 5 Revenge, the, and the Bombay Grab, their
engagement with the Maratha fleet, 63-65 Roynolds, Wm., supercargo of the Dorrill,
1, 4, 5, 7 ; his boy wounded .. .. .. 8 Rhime, the, owned by Agha Rahman .. 21 Rigveda, the, as evidence on the Caste system,
207-211 Rising Eagle, the, captured by pirates, 142-144 Rizal, Joad, rebel leader in Manila .. .. 12 Roberta, Capt., commands tho Pallas, 07, 08 Rock Edicts, Abokan, the Dhauli, 43; VI., a dis
cussion on the words vacha and vinsta in, 63-66 Rolfo, Capt., in command of a gun bont .. 08 Royalist, the, outter .. .. .. 117, 118
Saint Anne, the, Portuguese ship .. .. 65 St. Augustino's Bay, Madagascar, pirate
settlement .. .. .. .. .. 20 Bt. George's Colours. See Colours. St. John's. See Sanjân. Bt. Mary's, Madagascar, pirate base .. 9, 60, 62 St. Thomas' Roet, I., identification of .. 20 Saivism in Kashmir .. .. .. 194, 196 Bakkam, in Formosa, attacked by Coxinga, 138-141 sam hitdaoma, signification of .. .. .. 102 Sanchi, Satakarni Inscription at .. 30, 31 sandi, various significations of, 130, 149, and n.--161 Bandrakottos. Bee Chandragupta. . Banjko, port, N. of Bombay .. .. 18 n., 19 Banskrit diphthongs. See diphthongs, Sanskrit. Sanskrit vowels. See vowels, Sanskrit. Sarawak, under Rajah Brooke .. 12, 117 Saribas, Serebus, in W. Borneo, & pirato
stronghold .. .. .. .. 117--120 8&riki, in Borneo, described .. .. .. 121 Sarath, PAIA Inscriptions at .. .. 189, 191 Satakarni, Sri, Andhra king, date of, 44 ;
territory of, 46; accession of, 51 ; death of, 52.
See also śâtavihana. Bathra, a fort, taken by Ahmad Nizam Shah, 221 Satavahana power, in the Dekkan, rise of the, 30, 31 Satisfaction, the, taken by pirates Bavagos. See Soovajees. Bayyid 'Ali. Soe 'Ali ibn 'Aziz Allah Tabata
bai. Sayyid Ali Hamadani, Muslim apostlo of Kash
mir Bongor, Jasper, pirate, captures the Cassandra,
37–42, 57-63; use of tho Black Flag by, 07
Seevajees, origin of the term .. ..
.. 17 Semiramis, the, war-vessel
.. 117 Senart, on the Caste system, quoted ... 205–211 sexis, preceded castes . . . . .
.. 230 Sensare Jung. See Shamsher Jang. Shah Haidar, son of Burhan Shah .. .. 199 Shahji Bhonsla, father of Shivaji . .. 153 Shah Tahir, sage, visite the Dekkan, 168 ; early history of, -167; ambassador to Gujarat, 180—186; his influence over Burhân
Nizam Shah .. .. 197—199, 220, 223 Shaikh Mu'addi Nadir-uz-Zamân, Arab Chief,
attacks Ahmad Nizam Shah, 86, 87; slain, 88, n. Shambhuji Kanji, Shivaji's envoy, murders
Hanumant Rao More, 154 ; and Afzal Khan, 156 Shamaher Jang, the, Maratha ship .. .. 13 Shannon, the, captured by pirates .. .. 83 Shi'ah faith, established by Yusuf Adil
Shah, 106 n., 188 n.; by Burhan Shah, 188,
n., 199. See also Imámi Religion. Shi'ahs, a practice of the, 185, and Sunnia,
differencos in their faiths, 186 n., a discussion
between the .. .. .. .. .. 187 Shinås, on the Persian Gulf .. .. .. 101 Shivaji and His l'imes, by Jadunath Sarkar (Book-notice)
. 152-158 Shivner, fort, taken by Ahmad Nizam Shah, 69,
71; strengthened, 86, 90; attacked by
Mahmud Sultan, 91: birthplace of Shivaji, 163 Siba. See Sáriki. signals, at sea .. .. .. .. .. 41 Simhapura, capital of Kalinga .. .. 46, 47 Singa Rajah, the
.. 118 Sinhgarh fort, taken by Ahmad Nizam
Shah .. .. .. .. .. .. 72 Sippa, meaning of .. .. .. 226, n. Sivalakura, of the Kolhapur coins, the name discussed .. .. ..
31-33 Sivaraja, the Patialella grant of .. .. 25 slave traffic by the Dutch .. .. .. 80. Smith-, chief mate of the Pallas .. .. 07 Smith, James, mute of the Dorrill, killed, 3, 6, 7 Smith, the late V. A., his contributions to the
Indian Antiquary .. .. .. 77, 78 Snake, the, pirate raider .. .. .. 119 Soame, Wm., E. 1. Co's agent at Achin, 1, 3, 4 Social methods of civilised men .. .. 118 Somesvaradeva, Sonpur oopper-plates of, 24 n. Sonk, Maarten, Dutch governor of Formosa, 137 n. South Andaman Language, a Dictionary of the
S. A. L. .. .. .. .. 85-96 Spaniards, the, in the Far East, 12, 13; their
treatment of pirates .. .. 81 n., 63 Spanish ship, a, destroyed by the Japanese .. 137 Speaker, the, pirate ship .. .. .. 19, 20 n.

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spies, in ancient India
Speedy Return, the, captured by pirates, 20, n. Spice Islands. See Banda. 169, 170 Śramapas, not a caste, 224; rise of the, 228 n. freni, meaning of the term 176, 230, 231 n. Steele, Mr., of Sarawak, commands the Snake, 119 Stewart, Capt., commands the Content, 20 n.
122 ne
stink-pots, used by Chinese pirates Stout, Ralph, pirate captain, murdered Strait Settlements, founded sûcaka, meaning of the term Sudda, signification of .. Sudra, signification of, in the Sufi mysticism
1,7 14 235, 236
226, 228, 229, n Buddhist age 229 ..194 78 n. receives 180-183, 200 121 80, 61 Sunni religion, in the Dekkan, 197., 199 Sunnis and Shi'ahs. See Shi'ahs and Sunnis. Supratishthahara, name in the Vâkâṭaka plates at Poona
sukkani, helmsman
Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat, 177-179;
Burhan Shah, and Shah Tahir,
sumpitan, Malay blow-gun Sunderland, the
Tal-wan. See Formosa. falaiyárt, watchman
Talesvara copper-plates..
idpovaneka, ascetics
INDEX
Surrosh, K. R. Cama Memorial Prize, notice of the
34 Sútrás, as evidence of the Caste system, 207, 208, 211
Svámi, supreme authority in a state
33
taqiyyah, a Shi'ah practice
Taroni, fort, taken by Aḥmad Nizam Shah .. Tate, James, of the Greenwich, drowned taxes
..
174
36
29 n' 23, 24 185 73
40
45
Taylor, pirate Capt. of the Victoria, 37, 40; and of the Cassandra
96
18
97
116
Tumbavana. See Tumain.
Tung, fort, taken by Aḥmad Nizam Shah Tungi, fort, taken by Aḥmad Nizam Shah 73 tutenaga, spelter tuthenage. See tulenaga.
Utkala. See Kalinga.
Uttübi, tribe in Koweit ..
247
uddelna, 129; signification of.. 132, n., Udayagiri. See Khandagiri.
Udayasena, the Mundeévart Inscription of his time Union Frigate, the
21-29
.. 142
12
United States, the, acquire the Philippines Unity, the, attacked by pirates..
142, 144
Upton, Capt., commander of the Bombay fleet, his flight from pirates, 37, 40 n.; his encounter with Angria's fleet .. 41 n. Ushabhadata, his Nasik cave Inscription, 23 n., 29 n., 33
114
61, 62 Thankful, the, her fight with Maratha pirates, 9 n., 17 The Prakrita-kalpataru, Paisâchî in the The South. Indian Research. Edited by T. Rajagopala Rao (Book-notice) Thornburye, Wm., pilot
Thunderwold, Dutch pirate
35
Tibet, an attempt to establish equality in Tima Bhat, or Hasan. See Malik Naib. Town Major, the, his office described treaties, in ancient India, 150-152, 168, 170, 171 Trimmer, the, captured by pirates.. Triton, the, French ship .. 60 n., 61 Viper, the, punishes Arab pirates Trumpet, John, befriends pirates Tumain, in Gwalior, a new Gupta inscription found at
83
58
2363
72
..
133
vacha, as used in Asoka's Rock Edict VI., explained
Vaidyadeva, the Kamauli plates of Vaina
Vaidya and Arya
53-56 190-192 ..226 210 m., 211 m., 229 Vajira, suggested identification of 46 Valor, scene of a battle 164, 177 Vardhana, of the Deopârâ Inscription, suggest. ed identification of
212 n.
varas, Arya and Dâsa, distinctions, between, 208, 211, 213; the four Vasishthiputra Pulamâvi, identified with Vilivâyakura of the Kolhapura coins, 31-33 226, and n. 201, n., 202, n.
99
Vena Venkataraya, usurpation of Vessakula. See Gahapati. Victoria, the, pirate ship.. 37-41, 59, 62 Vigrahapala III., the Amgachi plates of, date of 192, 193
174
Vijayadrúg. See Gherish. Vijayanagar, usurpation of the throne of, by Venkataraya 201, n., 202, n. Vilivayakura, on the Kolhapur coins, a dis. cussion on the word..
31, 32 vinita, as used in Asoka's Rook Ediot VI., explained 53-58 83
Vira, of the Deopâra Inscription, suggested identity of .. 114, 115 Virabhadra, described by Peter Mundy 115
174, 175

Page #252
248 INDEX 11. Visvambara Misra. Soo Chaituara. | Wright, -, of the Albatross .. .. .. 118 vowels, Sanskrit .. .. .. .. 109, 110 Wynne, Emannuel, Fronob pirate, the Black Vratyos, low of outo!by ... 207, 211, 2131 Flag used by . .. .. ... ... 37 Yadas, of the Vesali council, dato of .. .. 43 Yathdidladdhydsin, suggested meanings of, 23, 24 Yoga disciplino. .. . .. 194, 196 Yagu Adil Man of Bijapur, rovolt of, : 84 A., 103, 108, n. ; befriends Ahmad Nizam Shah, 87 a.; ostabliahon. tho Shi'ah faith, 106 a., 188 n. Wahhabis, their influence on the Jubaumia, 83, 09 amis, 83, 09 Wallaco, Capt. T., of tho Nemesio ... 117, 119 Warner, Thos., commodore .. Wosloy, Capt. Goo., commanda tho Pembroke, 18-21 Whito, Rich., morohant Captain, his fight .. with a Muhammadan ship .. .. 18, 19 White, Thou., -pirato .. 144 White Enlign.' Soo Colours. . White Flag. Soo Coloun. Williams, , of the Albatross .. Wilook, Capt. Wm., master of the Satisfaction, 1, 2 Wilmshurst, Lious., commando. tho Abatross, 118 Wright, Capt. J., commands the Quedah Merchant . . .. .. Wright, Capt., commands-the Cesar Zan talda, Arab oath, meaning of .. .. 101 Zarif-ul-Mulk, the Afghan, amir under Ahmad Nigam Shah ... .. .. .. 86, 87 n. Zoolandia, Dutch fort in Formosa, 137, 138, " | 139 n. ; taken by Coxinga ... .. 141 a..