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48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MARCH, 1920
Then occurs the following passage as edited by Mr. Jayaswal
da af metado
l a VITEITE STATT arra (1. 12). The plate clearly reads नंदराजानीतं, not नंदराजनीसं. The central line is distinctly lengthened to mark the long vowel and the very small gap between shows the lengthening is intentional. The lengthening is material, because i t would mean brought by King Nanda', while stat may mean 'taken away by King Nanda'. In the one case, Nanda would be the king of Kalinga, and, in the other, he may be the king of a foreign country like Magadha. It may be argued that the inscription mentions only acts of peace or of war in alternate years and that, the twelfth year being a war year, the events referred to in this passage should also be war events, and that, therefore, the correct reading should be
ft. But the very next event of the same year, his building towers with carved interiors is an act, not of war, but of peace. And, in the sixth year, which ought to be a war year, no act of war is mentioned or even hinted at. The after a connects
afa (immediately before starate) with another predicate which is missing after fad perhaps something like 'serves'. The after connects this predicate with anat. Pandit Bhagavânlal reads 'T 9freicfe,' and his reading would mean by doors set with family gems', while Mr. Jayaswal's reading would be meaningless, unless, like him, we take fagre in the unusual and unauthorised sense of
recaptures'. Even then, how are we to construe the instrumental plural reef with the accusative singular iad and , what are we to supply in the gap, and how are we to construe the whole passage consistently ? On the other hand, with our reading wrofic and Pandit Bhagavanlal's reading T& Tafturdre, we may translate it by “And he serves the Jaina image of Kalinga brought by King Nanda (of Kalinga) with doors set with family gems, and brings the wealth of Anga and Magadha". Finally, even if the reading be terrari, atat in this term might have the same sense asana'' brings ' instead of takes away', and, in that case too, Nanda would be a king of Kaliuga.
In the same year, Khâravela built towers with carved interiors, and received presente of elephant-ships, precious stones like rubies, pearls, etc. from the Påndya king (PETA). The Pandya country was famous for its pearls (1. 13). Then, in the thirteenth year, he grants maintenances to Jaina professors of philanthropy (ar) who resided on the Kumârî hill (Udayagiri), and he respects forms and acts of lay observance like Srî Jivadeva, apparently Khâravela's father, of whom he might have been deemed a worthy successor, by continuing his pious observances (1. 14). He also makes the present cave for learned ascetics ( :) to meet in assembly, and near their residences he builds a palace with beryl-inlaid columns for Dhusi, the queen of Simhaprastha, to halt in while on a visit to this place (1.16). When this inscription was engraved, Khêravela had completed (sufogw) the Mauryan time (gree) of a 64+100=164 years' interval, i.e., the Mauryan year 164 (. 16). Then the inscription calls Khåravela by the names 'king of prosperity' ( CTE). 'king of increase' (TVET), king of ascetics' ( rs), and 'king of Dharma' (WHO). and refers to him by the favourite idea of kingship, i.e., as rolling his wheel of Dharma (T T T), (11, 16-7). With this the inscription comes to a close.
To fix the chronology of this inscription, it is necessary to determine the date of Chandragupta's accession. A passage from Justinus' Epitoma Pompei Trogi (15. 4) relevant in this connection is translated by Dr. Hultzsch as follows "Seleucus carried on many wars in the east ... First seizing Babylon, and then reducing the Bactrians ....Thereafter he passed into India which had, since Alexander's death, killed his prefects, thinking that the yoke of slavery had been shaken off from its neck. The author of its freedom had been