Indian Antiquary Vol 48

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032540/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN A ROHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS. PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &o., lo EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART, C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A. VOL. XLVIII.-1919. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A. :-- THE HUN PROBLEM IN INDIAN HISTORY B. V. KAMESVARA AIYAR, M.A.: THE LUNAR ZODIAC IN THE BRAHMANAS CONTENTS K. G. SANKARA AIYAR, B.A.: THE PANAMALAI ROCK-TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA PAGE. . K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A.: .. NUMISMATIC NOTES S. C. HILL: S. P. V. R. ARYAVARAGUN:PAISACHI PRAKRIT 211 A. V. VENKATESWARA AYYAR, M.A., L.T. :THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 112, 133 R. D. BANERJI: Maharana Kumbha RADHAGOVID BASAK, M.A. : THE WORDS NIVI AND VINITA AS USED IN INDIAN EPIGRAPHS CHANDRA'S CONQUEST OF BENGAL PROF. D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.: DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD.. PROF. H. B. BHIDE, M.A., LL.B.: IS KALKIRAJA AN HISTORICAL PERSONAGE? JULES BLOCH :--- THE INTERVOCALIC CONSONANTS IN TAMIL RAMAPRASAD CHANDA, B.A. Date of Kharavela INSCRIPTIONS ON TWO PATNA STATUES IN THE INDIAN MUSEUM .. 25 " 65 .. 95 .. 231 103 13 98 +77 128 NUDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L. GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL INDIA Sup. i, ix 214 120 EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SHAS, ..159, 177, 197, 217 1519-1851 K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.):Saka-Parthiva THE JOGIMARA CAVE INSCRIPTION NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A.,B.L.,P.R.8.: ANCIENT HINDU CORONATION AND ALLIED CEREMONIALS .: 12 .. 131 .. 191 8. N. SEN : 84 N. G. MAJUMDAR, B.A. :-- PATNA MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF JAVASENA.. 43 THE LAKSHMANASENA ERA EPIGRAPHIC NOTES 171 206 R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D.:ALLEGED SAISUNAGA STATUES SECOND NOTE ON THE HATHIGUMPHA INSORIPTION OF KHARAVELA.. PROF. PANCHANAN MITRA, M.A.-NEW LIGHT FROM PREHISTORIC INDIA SAILENDRANATH MITRA, M.A.: IDENTIFICATION OF VINAYASAMUKASE ABOKA'S BHABHRA EDICT E. H. MAN, C.I.EDICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LAN. GUAGE .. Sup. 1, 17, 33, 49, 65, 77 HEMCHANDRA RAYCHAUDHURI, M.A. :(1) Rashtriya and (2) Tushaaphs, the Yavanaraja Palasimundu The Dream Queen The Harshacharita of Banabhatta PAGE. 8. M.-SASTRI, M.A.: CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STUDY OF THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA Tipu Sultan's Letters at Sringeri V. A. SMITH: Survival of the Term Karort Samaja :: IN .. .. 29 145 ..195 187 .. A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D. - THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI Pratiharas in Southern India 57 8 15 176 196 ..132 -236 SIB R. C. TEMPLE, BART. : NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 37, 40, 105, 149 Notes from Old Factory Records.. 48, 76, 148, 236 A BRIEF SKETCH OF MALAYAN HISTORY Sources of Vijayanagar History by 8. Krishnaswami Ayyangar, M.A. 227 .. 235 .. 236 Sunnee, dated Gold Mohar VANAMALI VEDANTATIRTHA, M.A.Bhashavritti S. V. VENKATESWARA:-- Satiyaputa in the Rock-Edict II of Asoka... 102 146 1 .. 132 24

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CONTENTS MISCELLANEA. Saka-Parthivy, by K. P. Jayaswal .. .. .. .. .. Satiyaputa' in the Rock-Ediot II of Aboka, by S. V. Voukateswara .. Tipu Sultan's Letters at Sringeri, by 8. N. Sen .. .. Pratiharas in Southern India, by A. Venkatasubbiah .. .. .. Survival of the Term Karori, by Vinount A. Smith .. .. .. (1) Rashtriya and (2) Tushlapha, the Yavataraja, by Hemohandra Raychaudhuri, M.A. Palaesimundu, by Hemchandra Raychaudhuri . .. Date of Kharavela, by Ramaprapad Chanda, B.A... .. Samaja, by Vincent A. Smith .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 132 .. . .. 195 .. 124 235 NOTES AND QUERIES. Notes from Old Faotory Records, by R. C. Templo .. Sunnee, Dated Gold Mohar, by R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. 48, 76, 148, 236 .. .. .. 236 .. .. .. .. .. 103 BOOK-NOTICE. Maharana Kumbha, by R. D. Banerji ....... .. .. .. .. .. Bhishdvritti, by Vanampalai Vedantatirthn, M.A. .. .. The Dream Queen, by S. Sastri "The Harshacharita of Banabhatta, by 8. M. Sastri .. Sources of Vijayanagar History, by 8. Krishnaswami Ayyangar, M.A., by R. C. Templu .. SUPPLEMENTS. Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, by Edward Horace Man, C.I.E. .. 1, 17, 33, 49, 65, 77 Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medinval India, by Nuudolal Dey., M.A., B.L... i i, ix. Group of Anthon of Letters to Jambu Map of Andanian Islands .. .. PLATES. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. facing 8.A.L. P . E 24 p.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH VOLUME XLVIII.-1919 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN ('HALUKYAS OF KALYANI. BY, A, VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D.; MYSORE (Continued from Vol. XLVII. p. 290.) THE numerous inscriptions of his time that have been found in Mysore and Madras contain I the names of many of his feudatories and officers. Excluding those mentioned in FDKD., p. 450ff., the more important of them were :- The Mahamanlalesvara Tribhuvanamalla-Kamadeva belonging to the Pandyas of Haive, who was ruling over that district in 1112 (EC. VII, Sk. 99; p. 120); the Mahasamantadhipati Mahaprachandadamlanayaka Sridharayya who was governing the vaddaravula and the two bil kod es in 1086 with the Mahamatya Perggade Chaigadevayya as his deputy in the Bana vase province (EC. VIII, Sb. 389 : p. 141): the Mahapradhana Maneverggade-dandanayaka Bhogayya who was governing the Bana vase twelve-thousand province in 1125 with the assistance of Medimayya (who was the dandandyaka of the vaddaravula), Chamusdamayya, Soyipayya and others (EC. VIII, Sb. 170; p. 263); the Mahasa mantadhipati Mahaprachandadandandyaka Baladevaiya who was ruling over the sui ka of the Bana vaso province and the eighteen agraharas in 1079 (EC. VII, Sk. 297 ; p. 263) in subordination to prince Jayasimha IIl ; the Mahasamantadhi pati Mahaprachandadandandyaka Maneverggad e-dandanayaka Gundamarasa who was ruling the waddaravula, herijunka, etc., of the Banavase province in about 1100 (EC. VII, Sk. 111: p. 150); the Mahdsamantadhipati Mahaprachandadandandyaka Sarvadeva who held soine. office which is not mentioned in 1093 (EC. VII, Sk. 114; p. 151); the Mahapradhana Maneverggade dandandyaka Salipayya under whom the Mahapradhana Ramayya was governing the Banavase province in 1123 (EC. VII, Sk. 246; p. 249); the Mahasamanta Bopparasa who was ruling at Bandanike in 1123 (ibid.); the Mahamandalika Chattarasa of the Sinda family who was ruling the Edevette seventy in 1118 (EC. VII, Sk. 316; p. 271); the Mahasamantadhipati Mahaprachandadandanayaka Surya who with his brother the Makdsamantadhipati Mahaprachandadandanayaka Aditya, held some office in the Nolambavadi provinoe in about 1125 (EC. XI, Dg. 90 ; p. 119); the Mahasamanta Nagayya - nayaka who was ruling a kampana of the Mandali one-thousand in 1111 (EC. VII, HI. 10; p. 280); the Dandandyaka Madiraja who was governing the vaddardvula and sunka of the Banavase province in subordination to Anantapalayya in 1099 (EC. VII, Sk. 13; p. 84); the Mahapradhana Madhuvappa who was the perggade of the Banavase province in 1084 (EC. VIII, Sb.235; p. 76); the Mahapradhana Senapati Dandandyaka Mallidevarasa who was the heggade of the same province in 1089(EC. VII, Sk. 166, p. 196); the Mahasamuntadhipati Mahaprachandadandanayaka Jekkamarasa who held some office in the Banava se province in about 1100 (EC. VII, Sk. 111; p. 150) the Dandana ya ka Gopa narasa who was ruling the Banavase province in 1116 (EC. VIII, Sb. 337; p. 124); the Mahasamanta

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2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1919 Ottighattianna who was ruling the Chiluruballe thirty in 1076 (EC. VII, HI. 14; p. 281); the Mahasamantadhipati Mahaprachandadandanayaka Mahapradhana Hirisandhivigrahi Tambarasa who was governing the Santalige one-thousand and the agraharas in subordination to prince Jayasimha III in 1079 (EC. VIII, Sb. 109; p. 211); the Mahamandale ivara Kirttideva or Kirttivarman who was ruling the Bana vase province in 1104 (EC. VIII, Sb. 421, p. 149); the Mahamandalesvara Nanni-Santara who was ruling at Patti-Pomburchcha in 1077 (EC. VIII, Nr. 36; p. 255); his successor Vikrama-Santara (ibid, Nr. 40, p. 268); his successor, the Mahamandalesvara Raya-Santara Tailapaaeva who was ruling in 1089 (ibid., Sa. 103; p. 207); the Mahamandalesvara Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala-Ganga Permmadi who was ruling the Mandali one-thousand from 1076 to 1120; his successor, the Mahamandalesvara Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya-Ganga-Permmadi who ruled till 1123, and is successor, the Mahamandalesvara Tribhuvanamalla Vira-Ganga-Permmadi 19 who was ruling from 1125 to 1129; the Mahasamanta Dakarasa who was governing the hejjunka of the Nolambavadi province in 1093 (EC. XI, Hk. 3; p. 192); the Mahasamanta Sindharasa who was governing the vaddaravula of the above province in 1109 (EC. XI, JI. 12; p. 152); the Mahamandalesvara Rayapandya who was ruling the same province in 1127 (EC. XI, Dg. 122; p. 130); the Mahamandalesvaras Joyimayya (No. 519 of 1915), Kaliyamarasa (No. 515 of 1915), Sigarasa (No. 516 of 1915), Ballaya-Chola-maharaja, Chikarasa (No. 56C of 1915), and Mallarasa (No. 505 of 1915), who were all ruling the Sindavadi province between 1076 and 1109; the Mahapradhana Herilalasandhivigrahi Dandanayaka Raviyana, mentioned in an inscription at Yewur of 1077 (EI. XII, p. 283); the Mahamandalesvara Gangarasa, son of the Mahasamanta Chavundarasa and ruler of the Masavadi one-hundred-and-forty in 1082 (No. 527 of 1914); the Mahamandalesvara Yanemarasa of the Ahihaya family, mentioned on p. 293 of EI. XII; and another Mahamandalesvara Gangarasa, different from above, who was ruling the Kukkavadi three-hundred in 127 (EC. XI, Hk. 68; p. 206). We have seen above that the last recorded date for Somesvara II is 24th January, 1076 and that Vikramaditya VI was anointed on the throne, probably, on or before 11th February, 1076. From that time onwards he ruled without a rival till his death after which he was succeeded by his son Somesvara III Bhulokamalla. It is difficult to determine when these events, namely, Vikramaditya's death and his son's accession to the throne, took place. For, on the one hand, there is an inscription at Gunjaganur (EC. XI, Hk. 68; p. 206) which relates that Tribhuvanamalla, i.e., Vikramaditya VI was reigning on 24th January, 1127; and, on the other hand, one at Udri (EC. VIII,' Sb. 141; p. 47) would seem to indicate that Bhulokamalla was the reigning king on 8th February, 1126. This equivalent, however, of the date of the latter inscription is not so reliable as the equivalent of that of the former inscription; and it is therefore better to believe with the Ganjaganur inscription that Vikramaditya was reigning on 24th January, 1127. Vikramaditya VI, then, was succeeded, probably in 1127, by his son Somesvara III Bhulokamalla. 20 The earliest dates for him are 27th October, 1128 given in an inscription These Gaigas bear, in some inscriptions (EC. VII, Sh. 57, 44, 39, etc.) the titles Satyavakya Kongunivarmma-dharmmamaharajadhiraja and Parameevara. 20 An inscription, however, at Dodda-Banagere (EC. XII, Si. 7; p. 155) relates that the Chalukya sovereign who was reigning on 24th December, 1128 was named Trailokyamalla. Similarly, the inscrip. tion Dg. 99 referred to above, also gives the name of the Chalukya sovereign as Trailokyamalla; while the Mahamandalesvara Mallideva-maharaja had, as was mentioned above, the prefix Trailokyamalla t his name. It seems therefore that Somos vara III had the cognomen of Trailokyamalla also.

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JANUARY, 1919) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS at Chitratahalli (EC. VIII, Sb. 80 ; p. 23) 21 and 8th November, 1128 given in an inscription at Ingleshwar (KLISI, No. 226). The latest dates are 24th December, 1133 given in an inscription at Peddla-Tumbulam (No. 499 of 1915) 22 and 23rd February, 1135 given in another at Somalevarakoppalu (EC. VIII, Sb. 415 ; p. 148). Among his foudatories and officers (see FDKD., p. 456) we have to include the Mahaman. dalesvara Mallidevaraga of the Ahihaya family (EC. XII, p. 293), the Mahamandalesvara Bachiga or Bacharasa of the Sinda family who was ruling Sindavadi in 1132 in subordination to prince Tailapadeva (No. 502 of 1915); the Mahamandalesvara Trailokyamalla Mallidevamaharaja who was ruling the same province in 1133; the Mahamandalesvara Tribhuvanamalla-Paudya who was ruling the No lambavati thirty-two-thousand in 1128 (EC. XI, Dg. 99; p. 124); Bhulokamalla Vira-Ganga-Permmadi who was ruling the Madali onethousand in 1129 with the titles of Satyavakya Kongunivarmma-Dharmmamaharajadhiraja and Paramesvara (EC. VII, Sh. 99 ; p. 76); the Mahapradhana Maneverggade-dandanayaka Masanayya who hekl some office in subordination to the Kadamba Mahamandalesvara Tailapadeva in 1128 (EC. VIII, Sb. 141 ; p. 47); the Kadamba Mahamandalesvara Madhukarasa who was ruling the Banavase prosince in 1135 (EC. VIII, Sb. 414, 415 ; p. 148); the Mahasa. manta Somarasa i Somesvara who was ruling the Nagarakhanda seventy in 1135 (EC. VIII, Sb. 414, 415 ; p. 148); and the Mahamandalesvara Ekkalarasa who was ruling at Uddhare in 1130 (EC. VIII, Sb. 3,7; pp. 1 and 3). Somesvara III was succeeded, probably in 1137, by his son Permma-Jagalekamalla who had the distinctive title of Pratapa-chakravartin. The earliest date for him is 23rd December, 1137 23 given by an inscription at Managoli (KLISI, No. 232): and the latest dates are 25th December, 1150 given by an inscription at Chinno-Tumbulam (No. 517 of 1915) 25 and 13th April, 1151 given by an inscription at Kumsi (EC. VIII, Sb. 86; p. 24).26 His chief toudatories and officers, excluding those mentioned by Dr. Fleet (DKD., pp. 457-8), were The Mahamandalesvara Ekkalarasa, mentioned above, who was ruling at Uddhare in 1145 (EC. VIII, Sb. 132; p. 36); the Mahapradhana Yogesvara-dandanayaka who was ruling the Banavase province in subordination to the Dandandyaka Bammarayya in 1142 (RC. VIII, Sb. 125; p. 34); the Mahamandalesvara Mallidevarasa who was ruling the Haive five-hundred and other divisions in 1143 (EC. VIII, Sa. 58 ; p. 94); the Mahaman. alesvara Goravadeva of the Kadamba family who was ruling the Banavase province in about 1146 (EC. VIII, Sb. 67; p. 20); the Mahamandalesvara Vikrama-Santara who was ruling the Santalige province-in 1146 (EC. VIII, Nr. 37; p. 257); the Mahamandalesvaras Ballariya Bivarasa (Immadi-Bhimarasa) and Ballariya Rachamallarasa, two brothers who were ruling the Sindavadi province in 1142 (Nos. 204 and 206 of 1913); the Mahapradhana Dandandyaka Bachimayya who was ruling the suika of the Banavase and other provinces in 1141 (EC. VIII, Sb. 390; p. 144); and the Mahamandalesvara Lokaditya of the Ahihaya family (EI. XII, p. 293). Jagadekamalla II was followed on the throne by his brother Taila or Tailapa III who had, usually, the cognomen of Trailokyamalla. The earliest date for his reign is 24th +1 VSS DI., p. 4; No. 1. VSSDI., p 21: No. 30. - In the light of what has gone above, the observations that I made in VSSDI. Introd. p. xiii, footnote, and p. 141, No. 233, are no longer tenable and must be given up. I now prefer to rely on the Mapagoli inscription referred to above and to believe that it was Jagadekamalla II who was reigning on 23rd December, 1137. * VSSDI., p. 139; No. 227. 95 VSSDI., p. 40; No. 55. VSSDI., p. 55; No. 85.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1919 December, 1151 given in an inscription at Chitturu (EC. VIII, Sb. 510 ; p. 165): 27 and the latest 28 dates are 10th May, 1161 given in an inscription at Bairekoppa (EC. VIII Sb. 567; p. 174) and 17th June, 1163 given in an inscription at Pataclakal 39 (KLISI. No. 243).30 > Among his feudatories and officers (see FDKD., p. 460) must be mentioned the Mahamandalesvaras Jagadevarasa and Ekkalarasa (the Second) who ruled at Uddhare; the Mahamanlalasvara Mallidevarasa, mentioned above, of Haive (EC. VIII, Sb. 369; p. 133): Bammarasa, the Mandalika of Gutti (EC. VIII, Sb. 54; p. 17) in 1153 ; and the Mahdmamlalesvara Raya-Tailapadeva of the Santara family (EC. VIII, Sa. 159; p. 231). There are a small number of inscriptions with dates falling in Taila III.'s reign which give the name of the reigning Chalukya sovereign as Tribhuvanamalla. These are: an inscription at Sigebaegi (EC. XII, Ck. 32; p. 139) dated in 1162; one at Tiptur (EC. XII, Tp. 61; p. 89) dated in 1162; one at Bairekoppa (EC. VIII, Sb.567; p. 174); one at Herekere (ibid., Sa. 159; p. 231) and one at Bidare (EC. VI, Kd. 72; p. 46) dated in 1162. It would thus seem that Taila III had the cognomen of Tribhuvanamalla also. There is an inscription at Elagalale (EC. VIII, Sa. 28; p. 182) which records that, on 3rd April, 1161, when the Chalukyan emperor Bholokamalla was reigning and the Mahamanilalesvara Jagadevarasa was ruling the Banavase province, a certain Boppana took part in a fight and was slain. It is not unlikely that this Bhalokamalla was the same as the Kumara Bhalokamalladevarasa who is mentioned in a Belgame inscription (EC. VII, Sk. 165 ; p. 198), dated 9th May, 1149, of Jagadekamalla II. He was perhaps a son of Jagadeka malla II's brother Taila III and might have been in charge of some provinces during these two kings' reigns. But we do not hear of this Bhalokamalla again, which seems to indicate that he died before his father (?) Taila III. It is not likely that he could be meant by the terr Bhuvallabha-permmadi which occurs in several inscriptions (EC. VI, Kd. 35, 36, etc.). 27 VSSDI., p. 44; No. 62. * An inscription, however, at Uttangi (No. 530 of 1914) cites for Jagadekamalla a date which corresponds quite regularly to 21st May, 1156; this must be a mistake. (Note that the year Pramathin mentioned in the date refers to the northern luni-solar year of that name and that there is no mistake made in the inscription in citing the Jovian year). 23 VSSDI., p. 151 ; No. 249. 30 In p. 462 of DKD., Dr. Fleet has asserted that the above inscription is incorrect in that it men. biona the Sinda Chavunda II as a feudatory of Taila III in May June, 1163 when, as a matter of fact, Taila III died certainly before the 19th January, A.D. 1163, which is the English equivalent of the Anamkond inscription of Rudradeva in which the fact that he was then dead is mentioned." The date of this inscription is given in IA, XI, p. 12 and XXII, p. 111 ; and it reads as follows Bakavarshamulu 1084 vunetti Chitrabhanu-samvatsara Magha-su 13 Vadda vAramu-nanlu. Dr. Fleet has, on p. 252 of IA, XXII, taken that the term Vaddavdra used here means Saturday and set down Saturday, 19th January, A.D. 1163, as its equivalent, while Kielhor, taking Vad avdra in the sense of Sunday, set down (loc. cit., p. 111) Sunday, 20th January, 1163, as its equivalent. It will be seen, in the first place, that this date belongs to the type which cite the wook day as the only verifiable detail and which are therefore capable (see VSSDI., $ 60; p. 82) of denoting any one of about four different days. And, secondly, I have shown (in 26, ibid.) that Valdavara frequently means Thursday. Saturday, 19th January, 1163, is not therefore the only possible equivalent of the above date. An equally likely equivalent is Thursday, 30th December, A.D. 1163, on which day Magha-su 13 ended at 10gh. 25p, after mean sunrise ; and considering the fact that the above Papadakal inscription gives the cer. tain dato of 17th June, 1163 for Taila III, I am inclined to think that it is this latter day, (30th December, 1163) that is the correct equivalent of the date in the Anamkond inscription, and that there is no reason to mistrust the Pattadakal inscription, which informs us that Taila III was living in June, 1163.

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JANUARY, 1919) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS It was in the reign of Taila III that the Kalachurya usurpation of sovereignty took place in 1156. The usurper, Bijjala or Bijjana, was an officer of Jagadekamalla II and was, later, a Mahamandalesvara under Taila III. He was, as such, entrusted with the supervision of the administration of the whole empire and made use of the opportunities he had to usurp the sovereign power in 1156. He ruled till about 1163 after which he was succeeded, in turn, by his four sons who continued to rule till about 1183. Taila III, tco, on the other hand, continued to reign, as we saw above, even after 1156 over such parts of the empire as still remained to him. And the last date for him was, as we saw above, 17th June, 1163. He was succeeded in the same year by a certain Jagadekamalla whose relationship to his predecessor is not known. The inscriptions of this Jagadekamalla, whom I shall here call Jagadeka malla III, are found in such parts only of the Chitaldrug district as formerly belonged to the Nolambavadi thirty-two-thousand province. There are three of such inscriptions-one at Harihara (EC. XI, Dg. 43; p. 91) dated 26th December, 1163; one at Bannikodil (EC. XI, Dg. 77; p. 112) dated 23rd January, 1167; and one 31 at Chitaldrug (EC, XF, Col. 13; p. 8) dated in 1183. The Mahamandale vara Vijaya-Paulya is mentioned as his feudatory in all these inscriptions ; his capital is nowhere mentioned. The next Chalukyan emperor was Vira-Somesvara or Somesvara IV Tribhuvanamalla who was a son of Taila III and who ascended the throne in, probably, the year A.D. 1184. The inscriptions of his time are not confined to the Chitaldrug district (the Nolambavadi province) but are met with in the Dharwar, Shimoga and Bellary districts, i.e., in the Banavase, Haive and Sindavadi provinces also. The majority of inscriptions apply to him the usual Chalukya titles only, namely, Samaelabhuvanasraya, Sriprithvivallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara, Paramabhaltaraka. Satud ravakulatilaka, and Chalukyabharana. To these titles, an inscription at Belagutti (EC. VII. Hl. 46; p. 296) adds that of Chakravartin while an inscription at Nanda varam (No. 546 of 1915) gives him the title of Vira-Narayara and another at Malakapuram (No. 555 of 1915) calls him Trailokyamalla Bhujabala-vira Rayamurari Somesvara. The two latter inscriptions represent that Someovara was ruling from Jayantipura or Bana vase as capital in 1184 and 1186 ; and so also does an inscription at Garehatri (EC. XI, Cd. 33; p. 17) which is dated in the year 1187 and another at Medakerepur a (EC. XI, Cd. -36; p. 19) which is dated in the year 1200. The earliest date for him is 5th November, 1184 33 which is given by the Malakapuram inscription referred to above; the latest is 17th January, 1200 given by the Medakerepura inscription, likewise referred to above. * In VSSDI., p. 138 (No. 225), I have set down 23rd March, A.D. 1119 as the equivalent of this date, because I then followed Drs. Fleet and Kielhom in believing that it belonged to the reign of Vikrama ditya VI This is not so and the inscription belongs, as I have said above, to the reign of Jagad kamalla III. The equivalent accordingly falls somewhere in the year A.D. 1183. My observations therefore under No. 224 on p. 137 of my SSDI., making out that Taila III. was reigning on 13th July, 1181, are not correct and should be cancelled. This is the correct equivalent of the date cited in the Inscription. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has, to be sure, rejected this equivalent (Madras Epigraphist's Report for 1915-16; p. 102) on the ground that there was no solar eclipse on that day, but, as the distance of the sun from the node was 1.09, a solar eclipse did certainly take place on that day. And although this eclipse was not visible in India, there seems to be no doubt that it is this day, 5th November, 1184, that is the correct equivalent of the given date. Regarding invisible eclipses, see VSSDI., pp. 21, 22.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 1 JANUARY, 1919 . Among his feudatories and officers (see FDKD, p: 465) are to be mentioned the Mahamanlalkvara Kondemarasa who was ruling the Banavase province in 1187 (EC. VII), Sb.47; p. 15); the Mahamanlaleivara Sovideva who was ruling at Bandanike in 1185 (EC. VII, Sk. 249 ; p. 250); the Mahamandale ivara Mallidevarasa who was ruling at Belagavartti or Belagutti in 1188 (EC. VII, HI. 46; p. 296); the Mahanimlalesvara VijayaPandya, mentioned above, who was ruling Nolambavadi; his successor, the Mahamanla. lesvara Tribhuvanamalla-Padya who was ruling in f200 (EC. XI, Cd. 36; p. 19); the Mahamarlalesvara Eraharasa who was ruling at Uddhare in 1187 (EC. VIII, Sb. 47; p. 15); the Mahapra China Malaparasa who was ruling the Sindavali one-thousand in 1184 (No. 555 of 1915); and Padmideva and Vatsaraja who were ruling the above province in 1186 (No. 546 of 1915). Dr. Fleet has (on p. 465, n. 6 of DKD.) referred to some inscriptions which show that Somesvara IV was ruling from Annigere (in the Pharwar district), and later, from Kalyani as capital, while I have, above, shown that he had his headquarter at Banavase at various times. These places passed into the hands of the Hoysalas (see EC. VII, Sk. 138; p. 188) and of the Yadavas (see FDKD., p. 504) about 1200 or even earlier, with the territories surrounding them; and the Chalukyan empire thus came to an end, having been absorbed on the north by the Yadava empire and on the south, by the empire of the Hoysalas. The revised chronological table of the later Western Chalukyas may now be written as follows: Vikramaditya IV Tribhuvanamalla (1) Taila II 973-997 Dasavarman or Yahovarman (2) Irivabe laiga-Satya raya 997-1008 (3) Vikramaditya V 1009-1014 (4) Ayyana II 1014 (5) Jayasinha II, Jagadokamalla 1015-1042 (6) Somesvara I 1042-1068 (7) Somesvara II 1068-1076 (8) Vikramaditya 11 1073-1127 (9) Somdivara III 1127-1136 ? (10) Permma-Jagadekamalla II 1136 ?-1151 (11) Taila III 1151-1163 Bhalokama'la Il 1149-1161 (12) Jagadekamalla III 1163-1184 (13) Somlovara IV 1184-1200

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JANUARY, 1919 ] THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS There are a number of Hoysala inscriptions contained in vols. VI, V, and XII of the Epigraphia Carnatica in which the overlordship of the Chalukyan emperors is acknowledged by the mention of their names in the opening. These names, however, do not agree with those given in the inscriptions of the Chalukyas themselves as can be seen by a comparison of the table given below 33 with that given above : Number of Inscription. Date. Name of Chalukyan Emperor mentioned Tribhuvanamalla. * V, Cn. 248 .. V, Ak. 124 .. V, Cn. 228 .. V, Ak. 117 .. XII, Tp. 61 .. VI, Cm. 161 .. VI, Kd. 76 .. VI, Kd. 72.. VI, Kd. 30 .. XII, Gb. 34 .. V, Ak. 30 .. XII, Ck. 13 XII, Ck. 14 XII, Ck. 16 XII, Ck. 20 XII, Ck. 21 :::::::::::::::: 9th April, 1133 25th April, 1135 24th December, 1150 .. 23rd January, 1156 .. 18th April, 1162 - .. 23rd January, 1138 24th December, 1135 .. 23rd December, 1162 .. A.D. 1170 .. 23rd December, 1128 .. 23rd November, 1134 .. A.D. 1181 16th November, 1187 .. 18th January, 1195 .. A.D. 1188 25th May, 1159: . Ahavamalla. Jagadekamalla. Bhuvallabharaya Perm madi. A.D. 1136 VI, Kd. 35.. VI, Kd. 36 .. VI, Kd. 38 .. :: 1202.. .. . 1191 .. It is scarcely probable that the names cited above of the Chalukyan sovereigns as ruling on the dates shown is correct. I have shown above that Taila III had perhaps the cognomen of Tribhuvanamalla ; and the inscriptions V, Ak. 117, XII, Tp. 61 and VI, Kd. 62 may therefore perhaps be correct inciting that name. It is not, however, probable that Somesvara III, who had the cognomen of Bhulokamalla and perhaps, as shown above, of Trailokyamalla also, could have had the cognomen of Tribhuvanamalla as V. Cn. 248. etc., would indicate or that of Ahavamalla as V, Ak. 30, etc., would indicate. And, similarly, it is equally improbable that Somesvara IV, who had, as shown above, the cognomens of Tribhuvanamalla and Trailokyamalla, had in addition the cognomens of Jagadekamalla and Bhovallabha-Permmadi. It is therefore my opinion that these inscriptions are unreliable so far as the mention of the reigning Chalukyan sovereign is concerned. The incorrectness in this respect was perhaps due to the fact that the Hoysalas, while nominally the feudatories of the Chalukyas, were, from about 1120 onwards, so independent that they were content with the mention of some Chalukyan king as overlord in a few of their inscriptions. 34 53 This table is not complete as I have here, for the most part, included such inscriptions only as contain dates that yield a reliable English equivalent and have rejected the other inscription Note in this conneotion that the inscriptions VI, Kd. 35, 36 and 38, referred to above, all reprosent the Chalukya Bh Ovallabha-Permmadiraya ag ruling from Kalyanins capital in 1136, 1202 and 1191.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY : [ JANUARY, 1919 IDENTIFICATION OF VINAYASAMU KASE IN ASOKA'S BHABRA EDICT. BY SAILENDRANATH MITRA, M.A.; CALCUTTA. IN court of collecting materials for the University publication of a monograph on Asoka's Dhamma as a landmark in Indian literature and religion, a work which my estimable friend Dr. B. M. Barua, M.A., D.LITT., so kindly invited me at the instance of Sir Asutosh Mookerjee to share with him, I lighted upon a paragraph of a discourse in the Majjhima, which struck me so much that I though it might be identified with the much disputed passage contemplated by Asoka's Vinayasamukase in the Bhabra Edict. The discourse is entitled the Sappurisasutta (Majjhima, III. P. T. S., pp. 37-45) and the paragraph inquestion is as follows: Puna c& paran, Bhikkhave, asappuriso vinayadharo hoti. So iti patisamcikkhati: aham kho 'mhi vinayadharo, ime pana 'nine bhikkhu na vinayadhara ti. So tena vinayadharattena attan' ukkamseti param Vambheti. Ayam pi, Bhikkhave asappuriso dhammo. Sappuriso ca kho, Bhikkhave, iti patisamcikkhati: na kho vinayadharattena lobhadhamma va parikkhayam gacchanti, dosadhamma va parikkhayam gacchanti, mohadhamma va parikkhayan gacchanti. No ce pi vinayadharo hoti, so ca hoti dhammanudhammapatipanno samicipatipanno anudhammacari, so tattha pujjo so tattha pasamgo ti. So patipadam yeva antara karitva tena vinayadharattena n'ev'attan' ukkamsoti na paran Vambheti, Ayam pi, Bhikkhave, sappurisadhammo (pp. 39-40.) The extract may be rendered as follows: Once again, Bhikkhus, there may be a bad man who is well versed in the Vinaya. He reflects thus: Verily am Ja vinayadhara, and these other bhikkhus are not. He, by the very reason of his being & vinayudharu, exalts himself and disparages others. This too. Bhikkhus, is the way of the bad man. The good man, on the other hand, Bhikkhus, deliberates thus: "Verily, by the possession of Vinaya-learning only, neither the states pertaining to greed, nor those pertaining to hatred and delusion go to destruction. A man may not possess the Vinaya-learning, but if he has rightly pursued the path of the Norm and wisely, and acts up to it, he, by that very reason, is worthy of honour and of praise." Having only borne in mind the progressive course, ke by reason of his being vinayadhara only, neither exalts himself nor disparages others. This too, Bhikkhus, is the way of the good man. In the occurence of the words vinayadhara and attan'ukkaniseri in the foregoing extract, one may hardly resist the temptation of discovering a clue to the identification of Vinayasamukase. But the simple discovery of a discourse or a paragraph having only a seeming resemblance of words, does not, I think, constitute a sufficient reason by itself for establishing an identification beyond doubt. The suggestion offered concerning the identification should therefore be studied in the light of evidences cited in these pages. Mr. Edmunds seems inclined to identify it with the Dhammacakkapavuttanasutta, the first sermon, as he thinks, delivered by Buddha at Isipatana (Buddhist and Christian Gospels, I, p. 60). But the sermon, wherever it occurs, whether in the Vinaya texts or in the Nikayas, would seem wide of the mark, since it is difficult to conceive any direct connection between the Dhammacakkapavattanasutta and Asoka's Vinayasamukase, which latter, as its title implies, must have bearing upon the subject of Vinaya (.e., discipline in the widest sense); and judging from the precision with

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JANUARY, 1919 IDENTIFICATION OF ABOKA'S VINAYASAMUKASE 9 which the Buddhist emperor enumerated his other passages, we are led to think that the Dammacakkapavattanasutta would hardly justify his meaning: for this particular sermon no more represents the Vinaya as a whole than a detached sutta taken at random from the canon. Prof. Oldenberg's gonjecture is that Asoka probably had in contemplation the Patimokkha, the criminal code of the Buddhist Order. It is still a matter of dispute if the Patimokkha rules, as we now have them, were put together in the form of a code at or before the time of Asoka, considering that the Patimokkha was not included amongst the texts recited in the first Buddhist Council. The word patimokkcha ocorrring in such stock phrases of the canon as patimokkhada nivara sa sivuta, is of course old enough, probably older than the Patimokkha itself, and certainly much older than the time of Asoka, but we must remember that the word, although a technical term, connoted quite a different mewung from that of a book or a formal code as is now denoted by Patimokkha. In the later texts, notably the Milinda, we have an adjectival form of the word qualified and proceded by another adjective (vara-patimokkhiya). Here, too, we must note that the term does not denote the formal code called the Pdtimokkha, but signifies a wider meaning, tentatively, discipline. In this connexion we are reminded of an important passage in the Anguttara, (where the Thera Upali distinguishes between.sikkhapada (moral precepts) and patimokkha (disciplinary code), both of which he regards as auxiliary to vinaya in its widest senne (vinyanuggahaya). We can imagine that with the progress of time, especially after the death of Buddha, the need of a formal code made itself felt strongly enough, when schism after schism broke out within the community threatening its existence as an organized Association. Therefore, the Patimokkha, judging from its main object, has little bearing on the religious ethical system upheld by Asoka. Dealing with the list of recommended passages in the Bhabra Edict, Prof. Rhys Davids says. "There is a word at the commencement of this list, which may either be an adjective applied to the whole list, or the name of another passage ". (Buddhist India, p. 170). Of these two suggestions brought forward by so learned a scholar as Prof Rhys Davids, the latter, viz. that Vinayasamukase may be the title of a separate passage, would seem, judging from the manner of Asoka's enumeration of the Dhammapariyayas, more acceptable and true. The Rathavinita Sutta (Majjhima-N., I, pp. 146-151 ), rightly identified by Dr. Neumann (Buddhist Reden, I, p. 152) with Asoka's Upatisa-Pasine contains two 1 Buddhaghona, in his enumeration of the texts recited in the First Buddhist Council, does not mention the Patimokkha as a work by itself. The texts recited were Mahdvibhanga, Ubhatovibhanga, Khandala, and Parivdra (Sumangalavilasint, pp. 12-13). He further points out that some of the texts included in his time in the Vinaya pifaka were not recited in the first Council and his remark, judging from the above list, applies exclusively to the Patimokkha. Cf. Sumaigalavilasini, I, p. 17:-Tattha pathamasangitiyati sangitana Agangitanca abbam pi samodhanetva ubhayani patimokkhani dve vibhangani dvavisati khandaka solasa parivarati idari vinayapitakan nama There is occasional mention of ubhaydni patimokkhani in a few passages on Vinaya in the Angutiara Nikdya. But, the date of the passages being disputed, we are not justified in fixing the date of the patimokkhani on the evidenoe of the Angutana alone. Milindapafho, p. 34. Anguttara-N, part V,p 70. Viz., Vinaya-Samukase.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1019 expressions, viz. U patissa and Periha, which are highly suggestive as furnishing a clue to a possible identification, inasmuch as they admit of a compound Upatissa-Patho, i.e., Upatisapasine in Asoka's language. But this linguistio semblanoe as a ground for identification, would, as we have said, hardly find favour with us, had it not been corroborated by a closer and more striking resemblance between the teachings of Upatissa's questions in the Majjhima and Asoka's system, the supreme goal of both of which is clearly stated as the attainment of Nibbana or Sambodhi. Carrying our investigation on similar lines, we w er discover that in recommending the Rahu lovadasutta, the king was careful enough to discriminate it from other suttas of che same name, by mentioning its subject matter, viz. conscious falsehood (musdvadani adhigicya). It seems that the king was not satisfied with the method of the compiler of the canon in distinguishing the several Rahulovadasultas with the different attributes Ambalatthikd, Maha and Culla, which gave no idea of the different subject matters thereof, and that therefore he felt the necessity of clearly stating the particular one he meant, by mentioning its subject matter. Similarly, the naming of Munigatha (identified with the Munisulta in the Suttanipata) would seem, from its style, more accurate than that of the earlier compiler. From all this a presumption may arise that in attaching samukase to vinaya, the king had a very special object in view, which was to distinguish a certain canonical passage on Vinaya from others devoted to the same or similar subject, and that there may be a discourse somewhere in the canon which contains expression that might suggest the very title of Asoka's Vinayasamukase. But what is that? The Sappurisasutta in the Majjhima is the one which strikes our imagination. Curiously enough, it actually contains certain expressions, e.g. vinayadhara and attan' i.e., atlanai) ukkanseti, which suggest at once a derivation of samukase other than that by which it means 'excellent' (uttama), we mean samai (attanam) u kkarisetiti sdmukkariso. Perhaps the strongest philological proof in support of this derivation of samukase is the occurrence of attukkannsaka, a form derived similarly in the Majjh., I. pp. 19, 95, 97, 98. We admit that the expressions vinayadhara and attanai ukkaiseli' cannot be combined so happily as Upalissa' and 'pasha' to make up the title vinayasamukase, meaning primarily the discourse where Buddha deals with a person who exalts himself by his vinaya-learning (vinayadharattena attan'ukkaiseti) and disparages others (param vambheti) not learned in the vinaya, and who should, learned as he is in the vinaya, follow the way of the good man, which aims at the extinction of greed, hatred and delusion (lobha, dosa, moho). Moreover the sulta, of which the paragraph on the conduot of the vinayadhara may be taken as a type, deals with vinaya, not in its narrow sense of Patimokkha or criminal code, but in its wider sense of training (sikkha), moral and spiritual. Besides, the sutta inculcates, by comparing and contrasting the ways of a good man and those of a bad man-both learned that those persons should be honoured and praised who, although not well versed in vinaya, although not powerful preachers of the Norm, eto., follow the rules of the Norm to the spirit and not to the letter merely. It is apparent from this that the outta has a close bearing on the principle of toleration tanght Mailing, I, p. 160 6 The Divyavaddna, evidently a work of post-Agokan date, rolers (p. 20) to the Minisutta by the namo given to it by Asoka, 1.6, Munigahd :-athAyushman Chrono bhagavata kritavakdomb wumat parantikaya guptikaya udanat park yankt satyadriah tako sailagatha munigatha artha vargiyani a strani vistarapa svarena svadhyayap karoti.

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11 JANUARY, 1919] IDENTIFICATION OF ASCE 8 VINAYASAMUKASE by Asoka, particularly in his Twelfth Rock Edict, the very expressions of which betray. a likeness, so much so that the king's principle might be regarded as a logical inference drawn straight from the teaching of the sutta, as can be seen from the summary given below with a view to facilitate comparison -1. The Sappurisasutta.-A bad man, although learned, who follows a certain course of conduct, exalts himself by his-learning and system and disparages others who are not learned likewise, and do not follow exactly the same system; whereas a good man, instead of exalting himself because of his learning and method, and disparaging others who are not likewise learned and do not follow the same method, considers a person worthy of honour and praise (pujjo, pasamso), if the latter has only adhered to good form and if he only acts up to the Norm. Thus what the Sappurisa really bears in mind (antaran karoti) is the conformation of people to the path (patipadan yeva), i.e., the standard. 2. The Toleration Edict.-Asoka as a good man inculcates on the same lines that he cares not (na manati, Khalsi text) "so much for gifts or external reverence as that there should be a growth of the essence of the matter (saravadhi," Girnar text) in all sects. The growth of the essence of the matter assumes various forms, but the root of it is restraint of speech, to wit, a man must not do reverence to his own sect or disparage that of another man without reason" (atpapasamdapuja va parapasamdagaraha va no bhave apakaranamhi, Girnar text). In an interesting note on the Bhabra Edict (JRAS., 1915, p. 805 ff.) Dr. B. M. Barua calls attention to a number of dialogues in the Nikayas, the themes of which are moral, characterised by the familiar expression ariyassa vinaya. He appends a list of these dialogues, although he lays great stress upon the Singalovadasutta (Digh. Vol. III, P.T.S.), otherwise styled the gihivinaya in the Sumangalavilasini, the fifth-century commentary on the Dighanikaya. But, although he seems to come much nearer the truth, the vagueness attaching to his long list is evident. In calling attention to the ariyassa vinayas and emphasizing the Singatovadasutta, he seems to have taken his clue from the character of Asoka's ethical system, which is evidently meant for the householders. The adjectival genitive ariyassa (of the Elect) corresponding to the adjective samukkamsika (meaning uttama and attached to dhammadesana and panha in the canonical texts), is not without its influence upon him. But, as we are persuaded to think, the clue ought to have been taken from the naming of Asoka's selections and then verifying the result obtained, by the bearings of the selected canonical text upon Asoka's system as a whole. I am, howver, grateful to Dr. Barus for drawing my attention to a discourse in the Anguttara, called the Sugatavinaya, the theme of which is the stability of the saddhamma (saddhammassa thiti); and it is interesting to note that this also was the single object that Asoka kept in view in selecting his dhammapaliydyas (sadhame cilathitike hasatiti). Whether or not the Ariyassavinaya or the Sugatavinaya may be identified with Asoka's Vinayasamukase is an open question, but it cannot be denied that they have an intimate bearing on the teaching inculcated by the Great Maurya. ? The Saropamasuta of the Majjhima may be taken alongside of the Sappurisa to account for saravadhi, implying a wider notion of toleration. The Mahasaropama extends toleration expressly to all religious sects,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MISCELLANEA. KATYAYANA AND PARTHIA. - of Katyayana, is given under Panini, 2. 1. 60 in the Gana-patha. The Kasika also gives it under that rule. But I find it commented upon under rule 2. 1. 69 () in the Bombay edition of the Mahd-Bhashya. The last location is clearly, wrong as Patanjali in his remarks on the varttika quotes of which proves that it could not have been under that rule. Nor has the varttika any connection with the rule. We must therefore fall back on the Katika and the Gana-patha and go to the rule 2. 1. 60. It is given in the Gana-patha because it refers to a group: zAkapArthivAdInAm upasaMkyAnam. example, our Saka-Parthivo, as a talpurusha compound. In view of the rule 2.1.57 fair vizeSyeNa bahulam which governs all the succeeding rules up to 2.1.60, we have to take as the qualifying member (f) and Parthiva as the principal member (s): Panini is dealing from 2.1:87 to 2.1.60 with compounds formed of adjectives and nouns: fitNA (saha ) bahulaM ( samasyate ) (Kasika). Now Katy&yana adds ("") these three com. pounds. (Patanjali adds one more; -- the Stick, Maudgalya) to the class for which Panini gives 3 or 4 rules. The supplementary examples belong to the -c class with this difference that the two members of each compound of Katyayana are in apposition It may be noted that to this original varttika Patanjali would add "" (:) and the later writers have treated the varttika pazca. as reading -faardiangqeicaragua- to each other (samanadhikarane), as according to Patanjali and the Kasika authors, Katyayana said or implied. Therefore this much is clearly deducible that although the chief word in the compound is Porthiva, Saka is very nearly the sama Similarly the nick-names Kutapa, Aja and Yashfi really are the same "persons as Sausruta, Taulvali and Maudgala. The Ganapatha gives three examples of this group introduced by Katyayana: -, kutapa-s -sauzruta, bhajjA-sauvali. This proves that zAka and pArthiva are not independent members of the group of Katyayana, but they go together. Patanjali explains these three as the Sakaeating (est) Parthiva, the blanket-wearing (:) Saueruta (a descendant of Susruta and the goat-dealer (:) Taulvali (one of the family of Tulvala). The authors of the Kasika reject Patanjali's explanation of the vegetable-eating Parthiva and give their own: cr: fire: Parthiva, the chief of the Bakas.' It is possible to explain Patanjali's interpretation in another way:" the Baka-ruling" Parthiva. But it seems strained. [JANUARY, 1919 Patanjali's interpretation of the other two expressions of Katyayana, they being old Brahmanical expressions, ought to be taken as correct. A particular Saueruta was known as the "blanketSausruta" and a particular Tulvala as "the goat. (man)" Tulvala. The value of these examples consists in the fact that we have to take the other It must be noticed that the word Parthiva does not denote here king', for the rule is limited to Parthiva.1 Now who could be this man called Parthiva and Saka at the same time? It must be, it seems to me, the "Scythic Parthian" king. To denote the king of the Parthavas, we ought have got, to be exact, Parthava. Katyayana living on the North-Western Frontier, or even at Pataliputra, would have heard of the king who set up the Parthian monarchy (or one of his powerful successors) and would have adopted the nearest approach] in Sanskrit, Parthiva. Compare the Yavana of Sanskrit. It seems to me Katyayana was reproducing the official designation of the Parthian king Ar-Saces (the ruling Saka) by his Ska-Parthiva. 1 And cannot be extended to rdjan or any other word. 2 A Pandit friend of mine persistently calls Mr. Montagu Mantra-gu even to-day. The later Indian Sakari, very probably K. P. JAYASWAL.

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FEBRUARY, 1919 ] NIVI AND VINITA AS USED IN INDIAN EPIGRAPHS 13 THE WORDS NIVI AND VINITA AS USED IN INDIAN EPIGRAPHS. BY RADHA GOVINDA BASAK, M.A. ; CALCUTTA. TN February last, ante, Vol. XLVII, pp. 50-56, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has published a 1 very learned article under the heading " The Arthasastra Explains", -in which he has attempted to make clear with the help of Kautilya's Arthasastra, the meaning of some words used in some of the Indian epigraphs. Students of Indian Epigraphy will very gratefully accept the explanation he has offered for the words vracha and vachabhumika (with some reservation with regard to the foot-note on p. 55) as used in the Asokan Edicts and for the word pranaya as used in the Junagadh rock inscription of Rudradaman's time. But I am afraid the explanations he has proposed for the term nivi as occurring in several old inscriptions and the term vinita as used in Asoka's Rock Edict VI will not meet with the approval of scholars. Let us take up the word nivi first. Mr. Jayaswal has very likely kept in view the meaning vastra-bandhanan, as offered to this word by lexicographers, when he proposes that the word "nivi" of the inscriptions is to be translated as "document" or "despatch " and "akshaya-nivi" as "permanent document", and the reason he sets forth for the acceptance of such an explanation is that the meaning "despatch " is to be derived from the physical feature,--"the string," which was tied round the despatch or official returns in ancient days. In support of this view he refers his readers to some passages in the Arthasustra (pp. 61, 62 and 64). I suppose that the most important meaning of the word nivi, as given in Amara's and Hemachandra's lexicons, that would suit the passages in the inscriptions and in tho Arthasastra, has escaped the notice of Mr. Jayaswal, otherwise he would never have proposed such an unsuitable meaning for the word. In Amara Book II, 9,80 we find that the word nivi has been putas a synonym for paripana and muladhana (i.e. the capital or principal in sale and purchase and such other transactions) ["Kraya-vikray. adi-ryavahare yanmula-dhanavn tasya"-Bhattojidikshita]. So has Hemachandra (II. 534) put muladravya as a synonym for nivi. It may be seen that wherever the word nibi occurs in Indian inscriptions (e g. in l. 1 of Ushavadata's Nasik Cave Inscription, Epi. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 82, in l. 26 of the Bihar Stone Pillar Inscription of Skandagupta, Fleet C.I.I.. Vol. III. No. 12, p. 50; and in l. 3 of the Sanchi Stone Inscription, ibid, No. 62, p. 261), it is to be explained as "the fixed capital out of the interest (vriddhi) on which a particular expense is to be met." In the passage in the Nasik Inscription, we find that Ushavadata granted 3,000 karsha panas as perpetual endowment (akshayanivi kaha pana-sahasrani trini) which were in vested in two parts, viz. in 2,000 and 1,000 in two weavers' guilds, and it has been explicitly mentioned there that these karsha panas are not to be repaid (apadidatava), their interest only to be enjoyed (vadhi-bnoja). In the passage in the Sanchi Stone Inscription also, it is found that upasika Haris vamini made a grant of 12 dinaras as akshaya-nivi to the Sangha) in the great monastery of Kakanada bota (akshaya nivi datta dinara dvadasa), and there also it is clearly pointed out that a bhikshu is to be fed daily out of the interest that accrues from this endowment (eshani dindranan yd vriddhir=upaja. yate taya divase divase saingha-madhya-pravishtaka = bhikshur-ekah bhojayitavyah). In the passage again in the Bihar Inscription of Skandagupta we read of the grant of a grama. kshettra (village-field) as an akshaya-nivi (a permanent endowment). So I do not see how these passages in Indian Inscriptions can be explained at all by taking nivi to meap a despatch" or a document." Moreover, the passages from the Arthasdstra referred to

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1019 by Mr. Jayaswal can be cited in refutation of the meaning of nivi as suggested by him, for, the word there means that which remains as "net balance" after consideration of all items of receipts (dya) and payments (vyaya). If we accept the meaning proposed by him, we cannot explain the term in the following passage in the same Arthasastra (p. 65), where Kautilya prescribes the various forms of punishment for scraping off, eating up and destroying the nivi (nivim-aralikhito dvigunah, bhakshayato= shtagunah, nasayatah panchabandhah pratidanan cha). A document cannot certainly be "eaten up." That nivi cannot mean "despatch " can also be shown by a reference to another passage in the Arthasastra (p. 64), where we read of the samanayana (bringing together or verification) of receipt". . (ayah samanayet), of "expenditure" ( vyayari samanayet) and of "net balance" (niviin samanayet). In one of the five copper-plate grants of the Gupta period discovered at Lamodarpur in North Bengal, I mean the Plate No. 1 (to be shortly published in the Epigraphia Indica) dated 124 G. E. (=443-44 A.D.) of the reign of Kumaragupta I.. it is found that the Brahmana Karppatika applies to the local Government for permission to purchase fallow (khila) field (kshetra) at the usual rate prevalent in the locality and prays further that the field may be granted to him according to nivi-dharma (arhatha ....nivi-dharmena datum=iti). With regard to such passages it may safely be stated that to make a gift of land or money according to nivi-dharna is to give it on condition that the endowment is to be maintained as perpetual, and that in cases of akshavanivi also, the grantee could not destroy the principal, land or money, but had to make use of the income accruing from it. There is also evidence of a reversal of this process when the former grantees perhaps transferred the gift to later grantees by nivi-dharma-kahaya (cf. l. 8 of the Dhanaidaha copper-plate grant of Kumara Gupta I.'s reign, JASB., 1909, pp. 459-61). If the meaning attached by Mr. Jayaswal to the word nivi thus fails, we cannot accept his suggestion in the same article that Prof. Hultzsch's corrected reading nipista for di pista of the Asokan Edicts may be translated as nivistha in Sanskrit. meaning "reduced into document or recorded." It is also not clear why the Asokan Inscriptions beginning with the phrase "devanarii piye Piyadasi laja evain aha" are to be regarded as Proclamations" and not "Edicts" as has hitherto been done by all scholars. An "edict" is nothing but " an order proclaimed by authority" Let us now take up the word vinita as used in Aboka's Rock Edict VI. Buhler translated the word by "carriage " and Senart by "retraite religieuse." Mr. Jayaswal refers to Chapter XX of the Arthaidstra on the " Duties of a King" for finding out the meaning of the word vinitamhi or vinitasi or vinitaspi (all in the locative case form) as used in the Acoken Edict. He points out that according to the daily routine of duties prescribed for a king, it is found that during the seventh one-eighth division of a day,' i.e. towards afternoon, the king should inspect the elephants, horses, chariots and soldiers (saptame hasty-asva-rathigudhiyan pasyet, p. 38). But the other passage (p. 10) referred to by him, viz. purvam- aharbhagan hastya=asva-ratha-praharana-vidyasu vinayan gachchhet refers not to a king but to a young prince "under training." I am afraid Mr. Javaswal has missed the plain meaning of the latter passage which clearly means--"during the first part of the day (he) should obtain (gachchhet) instruction or training (vinaya). in the arts concerning olephants (hasti-vidya), horses (asva-vidya), chariots (ratha-vidya) and weapons (praharana-vidya)." My point is that the word vinaya in this passage simply means biksha (training, or instruction). The two passages referred to abovu mention of inspection of military resources and training in military arts,-this is no reason why we

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THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA .15 FEBRUARY, 1919 ] should take the word vinita of the Asokan Edict as equivalent to vinaya as used in the second passage in the Arthasastra quoted above, and should wrongly suppose that it means military exercise," which is never the meaning of the term vinaya. I doubt very much if any authority can be cited to prove that vinaya ever means "military exercise," as supposed by Mr. Jayaswal simply on its occurrence in a passage of which the subjectmatter only is "military exercise or training," viz., hasty=asva-ratha-praharana-vidya, Hence, the meaning of the passage in the Asokan Edict (Rock Edict VI) cannot mean that the communicators (pativedakas) should communicate people's business to the king even when he may be in a vinita, i.e., even when he attends to " military exercise." But it is undoubtedly very hard to conjecture aright the meaning of the term vinita. Sanskrit lexicographers, however, help us in ascertaining, to some extent, the meaning of the term. Amara has "vinitah sadhuva hinah"-Book II, 8, 44, i.e., well-trained horses; so has Medini "vinitah suvahdive syat," when used in genders other than the neuter. We have also another word vainitaka in Amara (=vinitaka of other lexicons) which means a mediate vehicle, e.g., a porter carrying a litter or a horse dragging a carriage (cf. Amara Book II, 8, 58" parampara-vahanam yat tad=rainitakam =astriyam). So it seems plausible that the king. might have meant such a thing as a horse or a vehicle by the term vinita in his edict. But yet we cannot be very certain about its meaning. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STUDY OF THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA. BY SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR, SASTRI, M.A.; CALCUTTA. (1) Present state of our knowledge and the pioneers in this field of research. 1. Mr. Francis Wilford, Engineer." A learned and laborious, but injudicious writer" (Wilson's Hindu Theatre, I. 9). His essays on Egypt and the Nile from the Ancient Books of the Hindus; the Sacred Islands in the West; etc. (Asiatic Researches, III, IX, XIV); the Comparative Geography of India (published posthumously in 1851). His great merit was to point out the existence of Sanskrit sources of geography. His account of the Nile from Sanskrit sources enabled Lieut. J. H. Speke to discover its source. (Speke's Discovery of the Source of the Nile, chaps. I, V, X). 2. H. H. Wilson.-In 1824 he contributed to the Oriental Magazine (Vol. II, p. 180; an article in which he described a Skr. MS. professing to be a section of the Bhabisya Purana which elucidates the local geography of Bengal. In his translation of the Vishnu Purana he commented on the Puranic geography. His Notes on the Indica of Clesias was published in 1836. (Oxford). The geographical portion of his Ariana Antiqua (London, 1841)--an account of the coins and antiquities discovered by Mr. Masson during his travels in Afghanistan-is full and valuable. 3. Christian Lassen.-(a) His Pentapotamia Indica (1827) gives an account of the Punjab from the "classical" sources and from the Mahabharata, the Kosas and other Skr. sources. (b) In the geographical section of his Indische Alterthumskunde (Bonn, 1843)-the very learned and exhaustive work on the antiquities of India-be described the physical features of India and gave (especially in the footnotes) whatever information he could collect from classical and Skr. sources. Though "his system of identification is based on a wrong principle" (M'Crindle's Ptolemy, Preface, p. vii) and hence many of his identifications are wrong (Pargiter in .JASB., 1895, p. 250), these works of erudition are precious mines of materials' utilised by later scholars.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [F#BRUARY, 1919 A. Vivien de Saint-Martin, the father of the geography of Ancient India.-(a) His Btude sur In geographie et les populations primitives du Vord-ouest de l'Inde d'apres les Hymnes Vediques (Paris, 1860) is the sole work on Vedic geography. Its treatment is masterly in the extreme. But as he relied solely on M. Langlois's French translation of the Rigreda-"a version which does not seem altogether to have commended itself to later interpreters"-and as much Vedic research has been done since that time, it is necessary to revise this Etude. In his (b) Etude sur la geographie Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, et en particulier sur l'Inde de Ptolemie and (c) Memoire Analytique sur la carte de l'Asie centrale et de l'Inde (appendedi to Vol. III of Julien's translation of Hwen Tsiang, 1888), he critically examined the classical and the Chinese sources. "His identifications have been made with so much care and success that a few places have escaped his research and most of these have escapeil only because the imperfection or want of fulness in the maps of India rendered actual dentifications quite impossible" (Cunningham's ASR., II, Preface, p. 85). 5. Sir Alexander Cunningham, the father of Indian archaeology. He came to India as a "Royal Engineer." The influence of Prinsep-"the decipherer of the early Indian Alphabets"--made him to fix his eyes on the antiquities of this country. In 1861 he *pplied to Lord Canning to sanction an "archaeological survey" which he justly showed in letter to be the only means for the reconstruction of an account of Ancient India. He was appointed the Archeological Surveyor in January 1862; but as after a few years the post was abolished, he went home and produced the Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I (1871). In it he gave a summary of the results of V. de St. Martin and Lassen revised and corrected in light of his own researches and discoveries due chiefly to his vast travels in this country-an advantage which the earlier writers did not possess. Thus he brought to a focus the then accumulated knowledge into a single English volume which is still the work to which every student of this subject has to refer to. But it must be borne in mind that (a) Cunningham (following St. Martin and Julien) gave in most cases the proposed restorations of foreign sounds as the Skr. names. Though nothing more than this could have then been possible, it is clear that such restoration of a Greek, Latin or Chinese transcript of an Indian proper name could not always be identical with the original one. Hence one ought to search for the original names from Indian sources and there is no doubt that they would eventually be found out. Thus Paqini furnishes Kapiti (IV. 2. 99), Sankala (IV. 2. 75.), Varru (IV. 2. 103; IV. 3. 93), Parvata (IV. 2. 143), etc.--the Sk, forms of Kapisene, Sangala, Fa-la-na, Po-lo-fo-ta, etc. [IA., Vol. I, p. 21). Kasika supplies Ayomukhi (A-ye-mu-ka'). Rajatarangini mentions Udabhanlapura. (Wu-to-ka-han-tu). Vinaya Texts ii, 38 and Jataka iv, 30 supply Kajai gala (Cunningham's Kajughira). Inscription No. 14 of EI. VI shows that the Skr. form of Kong-yu-to is Kongoda and not Konyodha us given by Cunningham. (b) In utilising the accounts of Fa Hian and Hwen Tsiang--undoubtedly his chief sources-- he took 6 li of Hwen Tsiang as one mile and one yojana of Fa Hian to be 675 niles. But later researches have shed much light on this subject causing a scrutinization of his work. (c) Cunningham usually says that Hwen Tsiang made mistakes when his evidence is not in accord with what he (Cunningham) wishes to prove. It is very easy to say that

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ASRUARY, 1919) THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA Hwen Tsiang meant East when he wrote West, or that instead of a thousand he meant a hundred. But one must not do this without any strong proof. (d) He estimated Ptolemy's geography to be of much value (C. 4.G., Preface, vii). But it is otherwise. (e) Cunningham himself has, in his voluminous reports (ASR.) in 23 volumes (the first two only of which were written, though not published, before the publication of his Geography), embodying his researches occupying a period of more than & quarter of a century, abandoned many of the identifications stated in his Geography. And the researches of various other scholars-M'Crindle, Stein, Fleet, Smith, Watters, &c. --have shown that not only are many of his identifications doubtful but that some are positively wrong. 6. H. Yule.-His annotations on Marco Polo; his map of Ancient India from classical sources in Dr. W. Smith's Illas of Ancient Geography (1875); ete. 7. Dr. A'Crindle, the translator of Megasthenes, Arrian, Strabo, Periplus, Ptolemy, &c.--His geographical notes give a summary of 1-1. 3. Mr. Pargiter.-Geography of Rama's Exile (JR.18., 1894), Eastern Indian Nations (JASB., 1895), Eng. translation of Markanleya Purana, Nations at the time of the Great War (JRAS., 1908). 9. Babu Nabin Chandra Div.-GBiography of Asie compilal from the Ramayani (1896). Of no importance. 10. Vandalal Dey-Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India: (A dictionary au l not systematic treatise. Grounds of identifications and references are generally not given.) 11. Prof. F. Pulle.-Cartography of India in the Studi Italiani di Filologia IndoIranica, Vols. IV & V. 12. Dr. M. Collins.--The Geographicul Dale of the Raghuox nsa and Dasakumaracharita. (2) Sources of the Historical Geography of Ancient India. 1.-FOREIGN.1 -. -- . (1) Classical. Though a few references to India may be gathered from the Phoenician and Persian sources, they are not of any importance. Hence of the foreign accounts we have first to turn to that of the Greeks. Their earliest notion of the earth was that it was flat and round disc encircled by the mighty river-Ocean. Homer and his contemporaries knew very little beyond Greece, the Archipelago, Asia Minor, Egypt, Sicily and a part of Italy. But the colonizing spirit expanded their knowledge; and the first introduction of maps, at least in Greece, and the discovery of an instrument to fix the latitude by Anaximander, a disciple of Thales, helped this expansion. Hecatosus (500 B.c.), the first Greek geographer, knew of two continents onlyEurope and Asia (a part of which was Africa). His "Survey of the World" is lost, # Fleet in d, 1901, p. 34 f.; The Evolution of Geograp'y by J. Keane, London, 1899; The Dawn of Modern Geography by C. R. Beazly. London, 1897; etc.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1919 Horodotus (484-431 B.c.), the Father of History, was a traveller. He rejected the flat theory of the earth, but gave none of his own. He knew something of the countries from Seythia to Abyssinia and from India to the Pillars of Hercules. But "his knowledge of India was meagre and most vague. He knew that it was one of the remotest provinces of the Persian Empire towards the East; but of its extent and exact position he had no proper conception." (M'Crindle's Ancient India, p. 1). Hence though his work can be utilised as a source of history for informing us of Skylax's Voyage, etc., it contributes little towards the geography of India. The Indika of Kteslas (398 B.c.), the royal physician of Persia, is full of old wives' tales not to be trusted. Alexander the Groat's march through the Punjao and Sindh brought for the first time, the direct Greek knowledge of India to the banks of the Sutloj. The great invader caused the whole of India to be described by men well acquainted with it (M'Crindle's Invasion, p. 6, f. n.). Some of the eminent men of science and letters who had accompanied him wrote invaluable memoirs which are now totally lost, but they furnished materials to subsequent writers--1. Diodorus (100 B.C.-A.D. 100. He mixed history with fiction). 2. Plutarch. 3. Strabo. (60 B.C.-A.D. 19). 4- Curtius. (A.D. 100. he was deficient in the knowledge of Geography, Chronology and Astronomy"). 5. Arrian (A.D. 200)--the best of Alexander's historians. 6. Justinus (not later than A.D. 500). As none of these abstractors had even a very slight personal knowledge of India, their works. though based on accounts written by persons who actually visited India, are not so much invaluable for geography as for history. A little vagueness due to want of personal knowledge and a few mutual contradictions diminish not a little of their usefulness as a source of the geography of the North-Western and Western districts of India. Hence it is that a "few of the places mentioned in them have been identified with any real approach to certainty" (Fleet in IA., 1901, p. 24) and a greater number of identifications can only be made from Indian sources and not from them. Mogasthenos (305 B.c.). His long s'ay in the very heart of India might probably have given his work great authority in topographical matters also; but, unluckily for us, it exists only in fragments preserved as quotations. In the existing fragments we can only find out his idea of the shape of India, names of some mountains and an important but doubtful catalogue of the Indian races and tribes. About 240 B. c. Eratosthenes, who was placed in charge of the great library established by the Ptolemies at Alexandria, brought Mathematics to his aid and laid the first foundation of a really scientific geography. Accepting the theory which is said to have originated from Thales (600 B.C.) but the credit of which ought to go to Pythagoras, he took the earth to be spherical and as lying in the centre of the universe. Though he had various errors, Sir E. Bunbury has justly pointed out that his geography is not only much nearer to the truth than that adopted by Ptolemy three centuries later, but it is actually a better approximation than was arrived at by modern geographers till about (three) centuries ago. (Hist. of Ancient Geography, Vol. I, p. 635). He described Indis on the authority of Alexander's historians, Megasthenes, and the Register of Stathmi or Marohes, After the lapse of about two centuries flourished Strabo (60 B.C.-A.D. 19) whose object in writing a new geography was to correct the earlier works in light in the

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FEBRUARY, 1919) THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA 19 increase of knowledge' due to the foundation of the mighty Roman Empire. He "did not carry us much further than Eratosthenes. Indeed in some respects he is even inferior. to his predecessor." He distorted the shape of various countries. But he conceived rightly, noticed the difficulty of correctly representing a curved surface on a plane and perceived that a projection must be to some extent erroneous. As for his account of India, he himself has admitted that it cannot be absolutely true. As an apology he has pointed out the difficulty of getting correct inforination about India owing to its great distance and to the fact that only a few have ever visited it, that those few have visited only a part of it, and that those again were ignorant men unqualified to write an account of the places they have visited. (Strabo in M'Crindle's Ancient India, pp. 17 and 9.) Pliny, the Naturalist, (A.D. 23-79) dealt with everything under the sun in his long array of books. Having no new theory of his own and having read (as he himself has said) more than 2,000 books, he became an industrious collector from every source. But " his love of the marvellous disposed him to accept far too readily even the most absurd fiction." He is also liable to the charge of occasional carelessness in his citation. His notices of Asia are fuller and indicate an increasing trade between Europe and the East. And the discovery, made at this time by Hippalus (a navigator who made a study of the winds of the Indian Ocean), of the periodic nature of the monsoons enabling the European navigators to take a direct route to India and not a coasting course, became a valuable aid to the commercial relations with India. The hearsay tales of these rough sailors were mixed by Pliny with the accounts of Alexander's companions and of Megasthenes in his geography of India. (VI Book of his Natu.il History). The increase of trade with India created the demand of a guide-book which was produced in the form of the "Periplus of the Erythraean Sea " by an anonymous writer (first century A.D.). Erythraean sea was the whole expanse of the ocean reaching from the coast of Africa to the utmost boundary of ancient knowledge of the East. It was o called from the entrance into it by the straits of the Red Sea-thu" Erythra " of the Greeks. This Periplus contains the best account of the commerce carried on from the Red Sea and the coast of Africa to the East Indies during the time that Egypt was a Roman province. It mentions river-mouths, ports, eto., with distances from one another, exports, imports, and such other details as a merchant would most value. The author of the Periplus evidently sailed in person round the coast of India. But owing to the occasional shifting of sea-side-emporta, we cannot now expect to find every place on the coast mentioned by him. As to inland details, he was not correct. Thus he placed Paithan at a distance of twenty days' journey to the south of Barygaza while it is 200 miles to the southeast of it. Thus we cannot trust it as a geographical source for inland knowledge, though we can take its mention of commercial products to be true. The greatest figure of this period-Ptolemy, whose name marks the highest pitch of perfection in early geography, Klaudios Ptolemaios who flourished in Alexandria (circa A.D. 150) was a musician, mathematician, astronomer and geographer. His work on geography is a sequel to his great "Almagest." It is not a descriptive geography like that of Strabo, but is exclusively a mathematical or cosmical one. His object was to correct and reform the map of the world. So he explained the geometrical principles of geography and pointed out that the only scientific basis on which a map could be constructed must be made on astronomical observations. Hence in describing places he

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1919 gives their longitudes (calculated from Ferro in the Canaries) and latitudes (parallel of Rhodes). These scientific features are the causes of his wide celebracy. But his system has many defects: (1) He placed the equator at a considerable distance from its true geographical position and vitiated his Eastern longitudes by about seven degrees. (2) He took every degree of latitude and of longitude measured at the equator as equal to 500 stadia instead of 600 stadia (or 60 geographical miles). And thus if he had arrived at the conclusion that two places were 5000 stadia from each other, he would place them at a distance of ten degrees apart and thus, in fact, separate them by an interval of 6000 stadia. (3) As only a few astronomical observations were made in his time, he had to rely (and specially so in the case of India of which he had not even the slightest personal observation) upon second-hand information-reports of travellers, navigators and works of previous writers. (4) In general shape his countries are narrowed at the north and enormously extended as they approach the south; so that the eastern parts of Asia are carried a long way beyond their true distance from Europe and Africa. (5) As the result of the above defects, the shape of India is utterly distorted in his map. His results would place Paithan in the Bay of Bengal, make Ceylon an enormous island, make the Ganges flow into the sea somewhere near Canton, make the Mahanadi river run over Siam and Cambodia, carry Pataliputra to the east of a line from Tonquin to Pekin, etc. Thus we see that unless we have a thorough adjustment of Ptolemy's results for India, it is with but little confidence that we can use it with only our present means of applying information given in it towards reconstructing the geography and political divisions of Ancient India. It is needless to mention the other classical writers [translated by M'Crindle in his Ancient India], though they supply some historical information, they do little more than mentioning a few distorted Indian geographical names without the specification of any distance or direction. Nor was the old classical culture destined to live long after Ptolemy and the author of Peutinger Tables (A.D. 222). (2) Early Christian. The spread of Christianity ruined the old "pagan" culture. The Hebrew theory of flat earth surrounded by the ocean and having massive pillars at the edges on which the heaven rests like a roof banished the Greek spheroidal view. While the old classical structure was undermined, little was done to further any knowledge. The only work of this period in which we have any interest is The Christian Topography of the Universe [M'Crindle's translation of the complete work published by the Hakluyt Society, 1897] by the Egyptian monk Cosmas, nicknamed Indicopleustes (Indian traveller), who travelled from Egypt to India and Ceylon (A. D. 547). Reviling the impious old pagans for their spheroidal view, he depicts the world in his map-the earliest Christian map-as a flat rectangular island surrounded by the sea beyond which are other regions. He had no idea of what geography is and his work contributed little to the historical geography of India. All that we can learn from him is the name of certain western and South Indian places and their trade.

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FEBRUARY, 1919] THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA (3) Arabic. As Arabic enterprise extended their commercial relations far beyond the limits of Ptolemy's world, their knowledge was wider than his and far sounder for many regions in the east and south Eastern Asia, Africa). In geography, as in astronomy, they had worked on the old Greek lines, but on them they had built up their own structures by independent researches on mathematical calculations and reports of travellers. But Arabic geography never got beyond a certain point. It never threw up a truly great writer like Strabo or Ptolemy. What they did was to preserve the Greek traditions and to improve it, schile Europe was degrading into barbariem owing to eoclesiastical authority. "Men like Massoudy (A.D. 956), Alboruni or Edrisi (11th century) had a better and more adequate conception than any Christian before A.D. 1300. The construction of maps and globes reached a considerable proficiency in their hand while the Christian ones are almost ridiculous." Besides the above writers, Sulaiman (A.D. 851), Abu Zaid (A.D. 916), Iba Kurdadba (A.D. 912), Al Itakhri-(A.D. 951) and AlkaswinP(A.D. 1276) have written about India. But the distortion of Indian names in their works perplexes much. Alberuni's knowledge of Sanskrit enabled him to give & transcript as faithful as the use of the Semitio alphabet allowed him. But his geographical account of India is not a new account; it is mainly & synopsis (chaps. 25, 29) of the Hindu accounts-Bhuvana-kosa and Karmavibhaga. He has only added a few notes on them. His original contribution schap. 181 is the account of 16 itineraries which seem to have been communicated to him by the military and civil officers of Mahmud. Here he mentions directions and distances in farsakh (= 34 miles approx.) [Ibn Batuta in Sindh, JRAS., 87, p. 401 ff. and a map in 1889; Rashuddin's geographical notices of India - Col. Yule in JRAS., 1869-70, p. 340 ff.). (4) Chinese. Having discovered the use of magnet as early as the third century A.D., the Chinese could make extensive sea-voyages. They are even alleged to have discovered what is now known as the North America in A.D. 500 (Beazly's Dawn of Modern Geography, pp. 489-90; 493). The conversion of this nation into Buddhism which was introduced into their country in A.D. 67 caused a series of pilgrims to visit India--the land of Buddhaand write invaluable accounts of it. As the Gmeks and the early Arabs visited India either in the track of some invader or as merchants, their accounts chiefly inform us of the military glories of nations or of kings little known or altogether unknown in Indian literature which is deficient in the historical sense, or of the trades of places which have long ago been deserted or buried in the silts of rivers and are no longer remembered. Hence though these sources give much information, they do not contribute much to the study of geography. Rather it coquires much roscaroh to elucidate these foreign accounts. But the case is different with the Chinese. These pilgrims, saturated with Indian ideas, visited their holy land and described the sacred monuments of places which have been immortalized in Sanskrit or Pali literature, some of which still retain their oelebracy, while the ruins of some others still exist enabling us to understand their Chinese description. This fact explaire the importance of the Chinese sourcer. of the various Chinese schounts, those of Sung-You and Iwl Song (A.D. 600.; trane Lated in Beal's Records from the Western World, Vol. I; and in Bull. de l'Ecole Tv

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1919 d'Extreme Orient, Hanoi, 1903) and of 0-Kung (A.D. 800; translated in the Journal Asialique, 1895) are very short, describing a few places of North-Western India (Kabul Valley, the Punjab and Kashmir). Itsing landed at Tamralipti, the then port on the Bay of Bengal, in A.D. 673 and visited Nalanda, Gridhrakata, Buddhagaya, Vaisali, Kubinagara, Kapila vastu, Sravasti, the Deerpark. Cock Mountain, and left India from Tamralipti. [Translated by Dr. Takakusu, C. P. S. Oxford, 1896.) Still more important are the accounts of Fa-Hlan ( A.D. 399-414) and Hwan Tslang (A.D. 629-45 ) or Yuan-chwang (as Mr. Watters prefers to spell it). Fa-Hian entered India from the North-West, travelled over the whole of the Aryavarta and left it at the port of Tamralipti, His record (Fo-Kue-Ki) is truthful, clear and straight-forward. Though a devout Buddhist, he was a sensible and not often a hysterical pilgrim-traveller. The earlier part of his work is strictly geographical. But when he reached India, religion had the better of his geography. Still his geographical notions are valuable for their precision, as he generally fixed the position of every place that he visited by its bearing and distance from that which he left. Yuan Chwang also entered India from the North-West, travelled though the whole of it and left it by the game route. His records Si-YW-K are fuller than even that of Fa-Hian and it is almost impossible to exaggerate their importance. In utilising materials from these sources a student should note that: 1. In giving the direction of a place from another Fa-Hain mentions only the four principal cardinal points. (Hence his E. may mean NE. or SE.; and so with the other pointa.) Yuan Chwang also generally does the game; and very seldom does he give the direction as due NE., etc. But still there are other points of the compass beyond these eight. II. (a) In stating the distance of a place from another, Fa-Hian states it in the yojana and Yuan Chwang in the yojana and the li measure. Dividing the knowndistance-in-miles by the number of yojanas which the distance covers according to these pilgrims, Cunningham asserted that a yojana of Yuan Chwang is 8-75 miles while that of Fa-Hian is 6.71 miles. Mr. V. Smith takes a yojana of Yuan Chwang to be 65 miles and one of Fa-Hian to be 7.25 miles. M. Julien and probably Dr. Stein take 8 miles as equal to one yojana of Yuan Chwang, while in the opinion of Mr. Giles a yojana of Fa-Hian varies from 5 to 9 miles. Now Yuen Chwang has himself stated (Watters, Vol. I, p. 141-2) that a yojana is a day's march for a Royal army; that there are three kinds of yojanas of 16 li (found in Sacred Writings), of 30 l (oommon reckoning in India and of 40 li (old Chinese account). He has also stated that a yojana consisted of eight kerosas (a kerosa being originally the distanoe that the lowing of a cow can be heard). He has also given figures to change a kroja into "bows" ,"oubits","figures" and "barley-oorns." Making caloulations from these materials Floet tried to prove that there were three kinds of yojanas: I. Magad ba yojana (used by the Buddhists) of 16000 hastas or 4:54 miles; II. General yojana of 32000 hastas or 9.09 miles; III. A third yojan.. (which was acoording to Yuan Chwang it of the general yojana) of 12:12 miles. This third yojana was, according to Fleet, the original yojana (from yuj, to yoke)-the yoking distance the distance along which

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FEDRUARY, 1919) THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA 23 pair of bullocks could draw a fully laden cart. This yojana was taken by the Chinese pilgrims as equal to 100 li"s. [JRAS., 1906, p. 1011.) In making the above calculations Fleet took a hasta - } yard. But Major Vost has shewn from Medieval and Ancient Chinese and other sources that the hasta was formerly taken to be a little larger than is done now. [JRAS., 1903, p. 65.] Hence taking his calculations the three yojanas will be-I. 5.288 miles or 5'3 miles very nearly; II. 10.6 miles very nearly; III. 142 miles very nearly. Thus 100 "li"'s or a yojana denoted the distance occupied in making a day's journey. The said day's journey averaged very closely about fourteen miles. But being actually determined in each case by such considerations as the nature of the country traversed and the distance between the villages, sarais and other convenient haltips places, it might easily be anything from twelve to sixteen miles and in exceptional cases might have even a wider range in either direction. II. (6) Again, as Fa-Hian gives distances in yojanas only and not in fractions of it, his one yojana may be any distance more than 3 yojana and less than 11 yojanas. Yuan Chwang also uses round numbers, such as 500 "li's, 600 "lills, etc. Hence we may allow a certain margin and take his 500 "li''s as any distance above 450 and below 550 "li's. Thus the distances of both the Chinese pilgrims can be taken only as approximations, II. (c) Yuan Chwang's dimensions of various countries are generally taken to be exaggerations. It became a common practice of Cunningham to take his thousands as hundreds. But as Yuan Chwang has not stated these details in the decimal system of notation, he is not justified to do so. Vor can we condemn his detans of this kind in general terms without considering how they can be applied. For as he usually stated these details in thousands of "li"'s any one of them may be 50 miles too great or too little. Again re-entering angles may increase a perimeter very considerably, while reducing the area inside it. Conventional ideas as to the size of a country may also have caused some errors in his details. [JRAS., 1907-p. 641 ff.). III. As the names of a country and its capital are sometimes identical (and even when not identical Yuan Chwang has not mentioned them both ) and as Yuan Chwang has not always precisely stated whether by a certain place-name he means & capital or a country, the distances and directions given by him cannot precisely be traced on the map, though the best way would be to take them as from each capital to the next one. IV, The peculiarity of Chinese phonetics caused Yuan Chwang to insert vowels between Skr, conjuncts and to use "k" for Skr. k, kh, g, gh; ch for Skr, ch, chh, j jh ; # for th, dh, ks, fr; t ford, t, th, d, dh; p for'p, ph, 6, bh; 1 for r, 2; f for b and v. Hence the difficulty in finding out the true Skr. form. V. Again cases of discrepancy between the "Records" and the "Life and some apparent mutual contradictions and a few various readings show that the writings of Yuan Chwang have not been correctly transmitted to us. We thus see that even the very hoat of the foreign sources are not fully satisfactory and though the results arrived at from them are of great value, they cannot be taken as anything more than mere approximations. The Chinese source also includes Various notes on India--in the Chinese histories and specially in the Chowese translations of Indian works--translated by M. Sylvain Levi and other scholars. (To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FERUARY, 1919 MISCELLANEA. * SATIYAPUTA' IN THE ROCK EDICT 111 We may compare the data of the Aboka ediet OF ASOKA. with those found in Patanjali's Mahabhashya which Scholars have been much exercised as to the is admitted on all hands to belong to the middle identification of the Satiyaputa (Satyaputra) king of the second century B.C.-.c., less than a century dom, Sir R. G. Bhandarkar would place it near after Aboka. Patanjali 5 mentions Pandya, Chola, and Chera kingdoms along with Kochipurs. Poona on the strength of the existence of Satpule families in that district. Buhler? identifies the Satyaputra is conspicuous by omissinn, as Katchf. Satyaputras with the Satvats. Mr. V. A. Smith puram is in the Aboka edict. One may be inclined would look for them in the Tuluva country or in to ask whether the one name oruld be identified with the other. Satyamangalam in the Western Ghats. On the Buddhist side there are traditions of Kan. The various versions of the Edict may now be chipura having been a flourishing city in Aboka's examined: time. Yuan Chwang 6 mentions these traditions (1) Choda Pada Satiyaputo Ketalaputo a Tamba- as current in his day. He says that Aboka built pamni Attiyako Yona raja.-(Gimar). at pas there, one of them being 100 feet in height, (2) (Chola Pandiya Satiyaputra Keralaputra and that the city was the birth place of Bodhisatva Tatabaparni Amtiyoko nama Yona raja.-(Shah. Dharmapala. Even to-day we find unmistakeable bdsgarhs). evidence of ancient Baudhha vestiges in Kanchf puram. (3) Choda) Paludiya Satiya (putr.) Kerala. There is very strong evidence that the country putr (]... bapani ...tiyoke name round Kanchipuram was known as Satyavrata Yona.-(Mangshra). Kshetram. In the Melupaka grant 8 of Mah. (4) Choda Pari[di]ya Satiyaputo Kelalaputo dova Sarasvati we read Satyavrata ndmankita Tarbapamni [Ar tiyoke nama Yonaldja.-(Khalsi). Kanchi Divya Kshetra (line 6). The same term It is clear from the above, that the correct form is used in the Guruparam para of the Bankara. of the name is Batyaputra and that the kingdom or charya Matha as well as in that of Pimpalagiya Pillai, three generations from the great Ramapeople who went by that name must have had its seat somewhere in South India. Aboka says that nujacharya. The statement of Yuan Chwang that the country round Katchi was the Dravida among the nations and princes mentioned above, country, as distinct from the Chola, may be taken who were his neighbours, he founded two kinds of along with the tradition embodied in the Bhagahospitals hospitals for men as well as for animals. vata Purana that Satyavrata was the lord of DraNo evidence has been adduced for the view that vida. Satyaputra may be the Tuluva country. It is therefore satisfactory to note that Mr. Smith has It may thus be established that the Pandya, abandoned this view. To his new identification Chola, Keralaputra and Satyaputra kingdoms of of the place with Satyamangalam the objection the Atoka Rock Edict II correspond respectively is that there is no evidence of that place having to the Pandya, Chola, Kerala, and KAnchi of Pata jali. Satyaputra was the name of the counbeon the seat of a kingdom or people in Atoka's time or far later. Nor is there any evidence to try or people having Kanchipuram for its capital. connect Asoka with the Satvats. S. V. VENKATESWARA. 1 Indian Revine, 1909. Ep. Ind., II, 466. Early History, 1914, p. 163, 185 n., 459. Ep. Ind., II, 449, 450. 5 Mahdbhdshya, IV, 2.2 * Boal, Buddhist Records, II, 229, 230. * Ante, 1915. Cited by me in Ep. Ind., XIII, 122, see fa. 5. The grant is being edited in the Ep. Ind. by my brother Mr. S. V. Viswanatha.

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MARCH, 1919] INSCRIPTIONS ON TWO PATNA STATUES 25 INSCRIPTIONS ON TWO PATNA STATUES IN THE INDIAN MUSEUM. BY RAMAPRASAD CHANDA, B.A.; SIMLA. VISITORS to the Bharhut Gallery of the Indian Museum are familiar with the two big Patna Statues presented to the Asiatic Society of Bengal so long ago as 1820. These statues have been described by Cunningham in his Report, Vol. XV, pp. 1-3. Both these statues are in the round and are made of grey sandstone which has been highly polished like all edict-bearing pillars and statues of the time of Asoka." About the position and date of the inscriptions Cunningham writes, " A broad scarf crosses the left shoulder to the right hip, hanging down in a loop in front of the breasts, and in a long train behind. The folds of the scarf are marked by deep parallel lines, between which, at the back of each figure, there is a short inscription. At first I thought that the statues might be of the age of Asoka ; but the forms of the letters show that they must be of a later date, somewhere about the beginning of the Christian era." Some of the letters of these inscriptions are doubtful owing to the deeply cut parallel folds of the scarves on which they are engraved." Cunningham thus reads the records - A. Yakhe Sanatananda. B. Yakhe Achusanigika. Recently these short epigraphs have been made the subject of special study by Mr. Jayagwal, who, on the strength of these records, propuses to recognise in these statues the portraits of two Saisunaka kings, Udayin and Nandi Vardhana, in an article entitled Statues of two Saibunaka Emperors (483-409 B.C.) in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. V, pp. 98-106. Mr. Jayas wal starts with the assumption that the insoriptions are contemporaneous with the statues. He writes : After a long scrutiny I came to the conclusion that the letters had been carved before 'the parallel lines to denote the folds on the scarf were chiselled. I consulted Mr. Arun Sen; Lecturer in Indian Art to the University of Calcutta, on the point, and he confirmed my view. The fold-lines have continued in spite of the letters. Over the letters they have been delicately handled; while the symmetry of the lines have been kept on, the forms of the letters have not been interfered with, the original strokes of the letters being scrupulously avoided and kept separate." (pp. 90-91.) The last statement is not correct as the plate will show even in accordance with Mr. Jayaswal's own reading of the records. In A (his b) the base line of the triangular ower parts of kha and va has not been kept separate and in B (his a) the base line of n of ni and the letter that he recognises as Saisunaka dh has been interfered with. The more reasonable view seems to be that the scarves with the folds marked by lines were modelled first and the letters were engraved by a different hand sometime after the statues had been finished. The method followed by Mr. Jayaswal in deciphering the short inscriptions is thus explained by him << The letters, however, which Cunningham had declared to be later than Aboka, presented to me a wonderful problem. They did not fully tally with characters of any period yet known to Indian Epigraphy. While one letter, n, at first appeared to belong to a later age, all others disclosed forms more archaic than the oldest known Brahmi characters. The archaism was so marked that four letters, afterwards identified as th, dh, 6 and s appeared to be new forms. To them value could be assigned only on presuming them to be ancestors of such Abokan letters to which the latter oan be carried back on principles of epigraphic evolution." (p 90.)

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1919 Characters that do not tally with characters of any period yet known, that is to say, are unknown, cannot be necessarily considered archaic. An unknown thing cannot be recognised as archaic until its affinity to something that is known to be archaic is established. The principles of epigraphic evolution cannot be very different from the principles of organic evolution. In the organic world if points of similarity are noticed in the structures of two species of animals, the species with the less developed structure is either recognised as the ancestor of the species with more developed structure, or both the species are traced to a hypothetical common ancestor. So two known quantities are necessary for postulating an unknown third, either as an intermediate form or a common source. The process of evolution of an isolated species whether in the organic or in the epigraphic world cannot be traced backward with the assistance of imagination only. The theory regarding the origin of Brahmi lipi that now holds the field is that of Buhler according to which it is derived from the oldest form of North Semitic alphabet which was introduced into India by traders about 800 B.C. But this theory is not universally accepted. Cunningham never subscribed to it. Another eminent authority, Fleet, suggests that either the oldest Semitic alphabet and the Brahmi lipi were derived from a joint original source," or Hindus "were the independent inventors of that which was emphatically their national alphabet."1 The relationship between certain Brahmi letters and old Semetic letters is undeniable, and I prefer the first alternative proposed by Fleet to the second. But even if we accept the latter view and altogether ignore Semitic forms in our investigation of the origins of the Mauryan Brahmi alphabet it is impossible to recognise the letters of the Patna image inscriptions as fifth century (B.c.) predecessors of the third century B.C. forms without independent evidence. Not only has Mr. Jayaswal failed to offer any independent evidence to prove his case, but his statement that the characters used in these two short records do not "fully tally with characters of any period known to Indian epigraphy" appears to be absolutely wrong. I hope to show that the characters of the epigraphs under discussion nearly fully tally with the Brahmi characters of the Kushan period. A Cunningham-Yakhe Sanatananda. Jayaswal-Sapa (Shapa ?)-Khate (Khete ?) Vasa (Vesa ?) Nandi. (p. 95). (1) Mr. Jayaswal's Sapa or shapa is a clear Ya of the Kushan period with equal verticals, and an angular right limb and a semi-circular left limb (CLI). Cunningham reads the letter correctly and any one can ea silyrecognise it from the good facsimile published with Mr. Jayaswal's article. (2) Mr. Jayaswal's method is best illustrated by his remarks on the second (his third) letter. He agrees with Cunningham in reading it as kh. Like kh in the inscriptions of the time of the Kushan kings and in the Girnar inscription of Rudradaman it consists of a triangle with a hook turned to the left (2). Quite oblivious of this Mr. Jayaswal writes, "The third letter, kh, again, has an older feature. The body is formed of four lines, which becomes round or tends to disappear in Asoka's time." (p. 94.) I do not see the medial e with Kh and so I read the two first letters as Yakha (Yakshu). (3) The third letter which Cunningham reads as sa and Mr. Jayaswal as ta is a doubtful one. Its left leg is a little curved like the left leg of a sa, but its right leg looks more like the right leg of va. With Cunningham provisionally I propose to read this letter as sa. 1 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., Vol. XIV, p. 626.

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MARCH, 1919) INSCRIPTIONS ON TWO PATNA BTATUES 27 (4) Cunningham's reading of this letter as va does not eem to be correct. It looks like & vw of the type met with in the inscriptions of the Kshatrapas and the Kushans with triangular lower part. The two sido strokes are not curvish, as stated by Mr. Jayaswal (p. 94), but straight. The longish vertical above is probably superscript t. (5) No wide difference of opinion is possible with regard to the reading of the last three letters. The na with curved base-line is Kushan in type; but d of di is arohalc. So the inscription may be read Yakha sa (?) rva tananidi. The figure has the remnant of a chauri (fly-whisk) on its shoulder. Though the reading of the name is doubtful, there can be no doubt that when this short epigraph was engraved the figuro was recognised as the image of an attendant Yaksha. B Cunningham-Yakhe Achusanigika. Jayaswal-Bhage Acho chhoni'dhite. (1-2) Cunningham appears to be wrong in reading the first two letters as Yakhe. These two letters were ovidently engraved after scraping off the lines that marked the folds in this part of the scarf and the first two letters were engraved on the clear space. The scraping was then discontinued and the other letters engraved over the lines. Mr. Jayaswal takes the first sign as bha (0). We come across three types of bha in the Mauryan and later inscriptions-don. Mr. Jayaswal writes about the first sign of our inscription "The upward projeotion of the top line as it appears in Asokan bh is not present here. That is a later evolution." (p. 91.) In support of this view Mr. Jaya swal lays down the doctrine of the derivation of the Asokan letter" that tene's to be done in two strokes " from letter" written in three strokes." I place below the sign in question, No. 1, side by side with Asokan and post-Mauriya bhas, Nos. 2-4. A comparison of No. 1 with Nos. 2-3 makes it self-evident that more strokes are necessary for writing the latter signs than the former. I would like to take No. I as an incomplete bhe. The next letter is a round ga. Angular ga (A) is met with in the inscriptions of the third and, the second centuries B.O., and round ga in later epigraphs. The letters that follow bha (?) ga that are larger in size and engraved over the lines of the scarf appear to be the work of another hand and may not be connected with these two letters. What the engraver intended to incise was probably bhagaid, "the blessed one." 131 The u with space between the arms is not an old form as Mr. Jayaswal asserts but a late form. (4) It may be chu or cha. (5) This letter is a chha of the butterfly type met with in Brahmi inscriptions from the first century B.C. onward. (6) Mr. Jayaswal is right in taking it as ni. (7) Cunningham is wrong in taking this sign as g, for an angular ga is out of place in such a late record. But it is not a new form" as Mr. Jayaswal asserts (p. 92), but a tringular v of the Kushan period. * Memoirs ASi., No. 1.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MABOH, 1919 (8) As Mr. Jayaswal himself admits, this letter looks like a ka of the Gupta period. Such ka with curved arms is also met with in the Kushan records. Mr. Jayaswal thus states his objections to recognising this sign as ka : "The absence of seraph (? serif) and the lower flourish together with the number of strokes would dislodge that proposal." (p. 93.) The absence of serif is due to the fact that the top of the letter merges in the line of the scarf. All these letters are very carelessly engraved in a place where there is no room for giving them finishing touches. So the letters following: bha(?)ga may be read as Achachhanivila. Achachha may be taken as uchchha - aksha(ya). Nivi or nivi also means 'capital', principal', stock'. So aksha(ya)niuka probably, means "the owner of inexhaustible capital', evidently denoting Veigravana, the King of Yakshas. The inscriptions on these two Patna statues therefore show that about the second century A.D. they were recognised as the images of two Yakshas, Sa(?)rvatanamdi and Vairavana. The humbler rank of Yaksha Sa (?)rvatanamdi is indicated by the remnant of the chauri and the superior rank of Akshayanivika by the more elaborate armlet. Epigraphy is not the only ground on which Mr. Jayaswal assigns these statues to the fifth century B.O. Plastic considerations have also been requisitioned for the purpose. The mein argument under this head is an argumentum ad hominum, the opinion of Mr. Arun Sen, who declared the statues "on art considerations to be pre-Mauriyan" even before the data of inscriptions were disclosed to him. (p. 95.) What these art considerations are we hope to hear some day from Mr. Sen himself. Mr. Jayaswal has, however, noted one of these : "The general vigour and realism of the statues make one assign a pro-Mauriyan period to the monuments. The decadence which marks the imperial art of Asoka does not even begin in the statues. Mr. Sen had not to think long in declaring them emphatically "Pre-Mauriyan! Without doubt." Yet the statues prove a previous history of the art of the Indian sculptor." (p. 105.) Every object indicates a previous history. Even a chipped stone proves a long, long, previous history for the race of the fashioner of that rude implement. The only known specimens of the iraperial art of Asoka " are the capital of the edict-bearing monolithio columns. What are the signs of deoadence according to Mr. Jayaswal that mark these magnificent soulptures as compared to our Patna statues ! Le it a lack of "general vigour and realism ?" As regards realism I doubt very much whether any one who has seen the capitals of the Asokan.coltmns in the vestibule, and the two statues in the neighbouring gallery, of the Indian Museum, can agree with Mr. Jayaswal." Vigour" is something more subtle. But it is well-known that others who have also made special study of Indian art admire the vigour of the animals of the Asokan capitals. To this writer the Patna statues seem quite lifeless as compared to the lions, and particularly the reliefs, on the abacus of the Sarnath Capital of the Aboka column. If the decadence of vigour and realism is to be recognised as criterion of age, the Patna statues should be assigned to post-Mauriyan rather than to pre-Mauriyan period. Therefore, both on epigraphic and plastio considerations, it appears very difficult to subcribe to the following statement in the Annual Report of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 1918 :- "These monuments are now proved to ne amongst the oldest royal statues in Asia and Europe and stand amongst the greatest historical treasures of the World." It will be a pity to remove these two Yakshas, though hailing from Patna, from the company of their kith and kin on the Bharhut rail.

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MARCH, 1919] ALLEGED SAISUN AGA STATUES ALLEGED SAISUNAGA STATUES. BY R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D.; CALCUTTA. IN the Bharhut gallery of the Indian Museum, Calcutta, are preserved two remarkable 1 statues, which, as the label on the pedestal informs us, were originally found at Patna. Although Buchanan discovered them there as early as 1812, they excited little curiosity or interest, till, by some chance & few months ago, they attracted the attention of the assiduous scholar Mr. K, P. Jayaswal. About the end of January last, Mr. Jayaswal showed me the short inscriptions which are incised on he fold of the scarf just below the shoulders on the back of the statues and explained their bearing upon the identity of these. He has since elaborated his ideas in a pepor contributed to the JBORS., March 1919, wherein, on the basis of his reading of the inscriptions, he maintains that the statues represent two Saisunaga Emperors, viz., Udayin and Nandivardhana. The very great importance of this conclusion is sufficient excuse for a further treatment of the subject. When Mr. Jayaswal first communicated his views to me, I expressed my doubts about their validity on palmographic considerations ; for I was of opinion that the letters of the inscriptions could not be earlier than the Kushan period. As we could not agree on this point, I waited for his forthcoming article which was to contain an elaborate exposition of his views. As soon as this was published I applied to Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, the officer in charge of the Archaeological section of the Indian Museum, for good impressions of the two inscriptions. With his usual courtesy he not only supplied them to me but also afforded me facilities for reading the inscriptions in the original along with him. Thus equipped I began to study the subject afresh, and elaborated my conclusions in the form of an article ready for the press. Before, however, it was actually sent for publication. I came to learn that Babu Ramaprasad Chanda was also engaged in studying the inscriptions. We compared notes, and found to our agreeable surprise that we had both come tu the same conclusion regarding the probable age of the characters. In view of the startling theories advanced by Mr. Jaya,wal, the correct determination of the period to which the inscriptions belong, came to be the most vital problem in connection with the statues on which they oocur. The perfect agreement on this point between Mr. Chanda and myself seems to me to be a substantial step in our gradual advance towards the final solution of the froblem. The very fact that we had both worked out independently to the same conclusion, which was upheld by Cunningham long ago, goes a great way in demolishing the heavy structure so laboriously built up by Mr. Jayaswal. This, in itself, is no small gain, for it will considerably narrow the issues and make the proper understanding of the record a much easier task than before. I now proceed to set forth my grounds for maintaining, in oommon with Mr. Chanda, that Mr. Jayaewal's estimate of the age of the letters is highly untenable. "The letters," says Mr. Jayaswal, "presented to me a wonderful problem. They did pot fully tally with characters of any period yet known to Indian Epigraphy. The archaism WA BO marked that four letters, afterwards identified as bh, dh, & and 8, appeared to me to he new forms. To them value could be assigned only on presuming them to be ancestors of such Asokan, letters to which the latter can be carried back on principles of epigraphic evolution" (p. 90). It thus appears that the central pivot of Mr. Jayaswal's theory is the assumption that the letters did not fully tally with characters of any known period. This seems to be the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCE, 1919 capital mistake which has vitiated all his conclusions. For anyone who looks at the inscription on the statue without the head ca..not fail to recognise the familiar squat Kushan etters y, th and n. To reinore all coubta, the first, second and sixth letters may be compared with the figures represented in Buhler's palaeugraphie chart Taffel III, Iv-31, 111-8, TIL-25Mr. Javaswal seems to have failed to notice this, and instead of trying to read the letters by the similarity they possess with the characters of the Knshan period, he has been guided by the preconceived principle, laid down by himself, that they represent earlierforms from which the Asokan characters have been derived. The result is, that he has been faced with archaism where there is really none, and assigned value to "new forms " in consideration of their being imaginary prototypes of certain Asokan characters, whereas they are really well know forins of characters of a later period. Let me ake a characteristic example, viz., the first letter in the inscription No. 1. Mr. Jayaswal remarks :-" The first letter is taken to be bh. The upward projection of the top line as it appears in Asokan bh is not present here. That is a later evolution." (p. 91.) Thus he imagines it to be a prototype of Asokan bh although no such form has ever been known. The defect of such argument is obvious. For one might similarly suggest that the letter is a prototype of Asokan b, the base line being a later evolution. As a matter of fact there is no need to indulge in these speculations, for the letter may very well be taken as an angular g of a later period. No useful purpose will be served by criticising in this manner the value of each letter ascertained by Mr. Jayaswal on his proto-Mauryan theory. It rests on the assumption that "the characters of the insuription do not fully tally with those of any period yet known to Indian Epigraphy" and must stand or fall along with it. I shall, therefore, next attempt to show that the characters really belong to the second or third century of the Christian era, and if I succeed in doing this, no further argument will be needed to prove that Mr. Jayaswal's position is an untenable one. The statues which contain the inscriptions were, as already observed, tonnd at Patna, and it may be fairly presumed that they originally belonged to that place or its immediate neighbourhood. The locality of the inscriptions, thus ascertained, is an important factor, for while, generally speaking, the Kushan inscriptions represent the alphabet of Northern India in the second or third century of the Christian era, we must not lose sight of the fact that, inore correctly speaking, they merely represent its western variety. The existence of an eastern variety is conclusively proved by the Allahabad Inscription of Samudra Gupta; for if one compare its letters with those of a later date but belonging to the western parte, e.g., the Indore copperplate of Skandagupta, the latter will be seen to possess greater affinity with the Kushan letters. Trke, for iristance, the letters g and l. Theg of the Indore plate is a curve like that of the Kushan inscriptions, but in Allahabad inscription wo already ineet with the complete angitlar form. The l of the Indore plate also closely resembles the Kushan character, but that in the Allahabad inscription is quite different, inasmuch as the base line is entirely omitted and the left hook is attached directly to the right vertical line. These peculiarities must therefore be ascribed to an eastern variety and if we meet with them in our inscriptions it will be readily explained by their locality. It would further follow, that the letters in a Patna inscription of the second or third century A.D.. while retaining general resemblance with Kushan aharacters, may also exhibit those peculiarities or tendencies which we meet with in the Allahabad inscription. 1 Zor a full account of the discovery see Mr. Jayaswal's peper.

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MARCH, 1919] ALLEGED SAISUNAGA STATUES With these short prefatory remarks I proceed to the detailed examination of each inscription. I.-Inscription on the statue with the head on. Cunningham :- Yakhe Achu Sati (or ni) gika. Jayaswal :- Bhage Acho chhonidhise. Chanda :- Bha (?) ga Achachha nivska. . Cunningham's reading of the first two letters has been dismissed as improbable by both Mr. Jayaswal and Mr. Chanda, and it may be at once conceded that the two letters, as they appear to us at present, can scarcely be read as ya 'khe. There are, however, one or two small pints which may be considered in this connection. In the first place, the two letters are considerably smaller than the others, and secondly, the space which they occupy is peculiar in this respect, that it does not contain the deeply cut parallel folds which appear on its right as well as on its left. It is thus certain that the space has been rubbed over and polished, and if this has taken place after Cunningham's time it is just possible that the two letters are really fragments of what was visible to him. Now it is indeed curious that if we cut off the lower portion of the letters ya khe there will remain something very nearly approaching to what we have at presen' The eye copy of the inscriptions which accompanies Cunningham's reading shows the full form of y and kh and it is difficult to suppose that anyone could have drawn such a sketch unless he had before him something very different from what meets the eye at present. In these circumstances I cannot dismiss Cunningham's reading of hand, but cominend it to'the attention of the scholars. As it is, the first letter seems to be an angular form of a though the top stroke still retains the curvilinear form. It may be compared with the first variety of g in Allahabad inscription. (Buhler's Chart Plato IV, I-9). The second letter may be read as te. The top stroke of t is faint but just where it begins the reversu shows something like a dot, which denotes the starting point of the letter, As is the case with all other letters in the inscription. The third letter at first sight looks like a, and I was also inclined to read it as such. It appeared, however, on a closer examination, that whereas in known letters of this type, the iwo huoks on the loft, although soparate, are close to each other, branching off from some points in the middle of the vertical stroke, in the present case th@y are widely apart, heing Joined almost to the two extremities of the vertical strokes. Secondly, in known cases, the lower hook slants downwards but the hook in our lettor has an upward airection. So I now read it as le. Omitting the upper hook, the letter approximates must closely to the i of the Allahabad inscription. Similar occurs in other Gupta inscriptions in Tastern India although later inscriptions from the western parts of the country retain the . Kushana form (f. Buhler's Tables). It would appear, therefore, as already observed, that this was a peculiarity of the eastern parts. The upper hook denotes the conjunct e or i. Numerous instances of the use of this form along with the regular e stroke occur in the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela (cf. for example che in Chela raia (1.1), le in lekharupa (1. 2), and se in rajavrise (1.3), in the plate facing p. 472 of JBORS., December 1917). But similar stroke denotes i in Kuda Cave inscription (Buhler's Taffel III, XV-33). 3 Ct. the excellent facsimile published with Mr. Jayaswall's paper. He has very prudently. Ziven 119 also the reproduction of the reverse side, inasmuch as it is sometimes of invaluable help in tracing the correct outline of the letters. 3 Arch. Suru. Rep., Vol. XV, p. 3. For some emendations of Cunningham's readings of. Luder's Liu of Brahmi Inscriptions Nos. 987-958. 4 What appears as the horizontal stroke in the first letter may be taken as part of the fold. 5 Mr. Jayaswal noticed this feature although he drew a quite different conclusion. (p 92.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1919 The fourth letter is ch. Mr. Ja yaswal rightly observes that this is composed of three strokes whereas the Asokan ch is made up of only two strokes. He fails to notice, however, that this is the characteristic of leter ch, and is led to remark :-"The only exception to this in Asoka chs is the third specimen at Girnar which is the nearest approach to our ch, in the whole range of Indian Epigraphy." (p. 92). The fact is, however, that our letter has a far inore striking resemblance to the third speciinen of Kushana ch represented in Buhler's Taffel. The next letter is chha. Here again, Mr. Jayaswal has rightly remarked that our letter consists of three strokes while the Asokan tends to a two-stroke coniposition, but he ignores the legitimate conclusion therefrom, viz., that it belongs to a later period. The lotters ch and chh seem to be joined together by a stroke. The sixth letter is unfortunately blurred and offers considerable difficulty. Tte chisel marks may be more or less made out by holding the reverse of the estampage before, a looking glass. The distinct portion consists of an indented vertical line ending in a loop on tho left. A closer examination, however, reveals the fact that the upper portion of the indented line also has a similar loop on the left whereas a similar though a smaller loop appears at the right end of the vertical line. The letter thus seems to consist of three big dots and may be read as i, while, along with the conjunct i sign at the top, the whole thing may be taken to represent i. It may, however, be justly doubted whether the faint loops on the upper left and the lower right enda really form part of the letter. If they do not, the letter may be road as vi as it greatly resembles the vi in Allahabad inscription represented in Buhler's Taffel (IV, II-35.) The last two letters seem to me to be really numerical symbols. The first of them consists of an upper and a lower portion. The upper portion, which is entirely above the top line of the letters in the inscription, consists of two equal vertical lines joined by a base of about equal length. The lower portion consists of the downward projection of the right vertical line and a slanting line issuing from it on the left just a little below where it is joined by the base line. The whole thing thus looks like a big pta and this is the wellknown symbol for 40. . The last symbol has also two distinct parts. The lower one is a figure like ka, and the upper one consists of a vertical line joined by a slightly slanting base line with the vertical line of ka. This was the well known form for 4 during both the Kushana and Gupta periods and we may interpret the symbol in our record as such. (Of course if the last two signs are to be read as letters, Mr. Chanda is right in reading them as vike.) The complete inscription may, therefore, be read as : Gate (yakhe?) Lechchhai (vi) 40, 4. It may be translated as "the year 44 of the Lechchais ur Lechchhavis having expired." The Lechchavi is the same as the wellknown Lichchhavi. The form Lechchhai also neours in the Jaina Kalpasdtra. The Lichchhavi era is also well known and its initial date according to the calculation of M. Sylvain Levi, falls in the year A.D. 110-11. The inscription may therefore be taken to denote that the statue on which it was incised was made in the year 44 of the Lichchhavi era which is equivalent to A.D. 154-155. 6 Kalpasutra edited by Jacobi, p. 65.

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MARCH, 1919) ALLEGED SAIBUNAGA STATUES 33 II.-Inscription on the statue without the head. Canningham :- Yakhe Sanatananda (bharata ?). Jayas wal :--Sapakhate Vata Nandi. Chanda :- Yakha Sa(?)rvaga nundi. The first letter is a characteristic Kughan y, as renarked by Mr. Chanda, and no comment would have been necessary but for the fact, that in his article Mr. Jayaswal has referred to me in a manner which might imply that I read it 48 8. The fact is that I read it as y the very first time it was shown to me by Mr. Jayaswal, but he contenced that the two parts of what I read as y were really two separate letters, and I suggested that in that case the left portion may be taken along with a fine line I discovered above it and read as s. I have since examined the inscription with great care and am convinced that the fine line is not a chiselled one but has been produced by a crack in the stone, and that the first letter must be read as y. The second letter may be read as the although the e stroko is not quite distinct. The third letter has no doubt the appearance of t, but the reverse of the estanpage shows that the right hand stroke ends in an upward hook. So I am inclined to take it as e along with Messrs. Cunningham and Chanda. There is a deeply impressed dot on the top of the line, such as occurs on the sixth letter. I take it to represent an anusvdra. The letter may therefore be read as sa." The fourth letter is undoubtedly v. The fifth letter I read as ji. Mr. Jayaswal reads it as tu but the central bar is quite clear. Mr. Jayaswal apparently takes it as part of the fold line but Professor Bhandarkar, who examined it along with ine, agrees in my view that it is more deeply impressed than the rest of the line and must therefore be taken as part of the letter. It may be noted that the eye-opy of Cunningham distinctly preserves the central bar and Mr. Chanda also admits the possibility of reading it as j. The i sign is marked by a slanting line at the top which is clearly visible on the reverse. The sixth letter is nan. The lower base is a clear curve, a characteristic of the Kushan n (of. Bubler's Tuffel II, III-25). The anu svart sign, a deeply impressed dot, occurs on the matra line and a slanting stroke on the right ending in a dot is faintly visible on the reverse of the estampage. The last letter, looked upon as an archaic d by Mr. Chanda, I take to be a numerical symbol. Its upper portion consiste of a hook attached to a vertical on the right. Its lower portion is formed by another hook, with a long downward projection, joined to the lower end of the vertical line. Now the figure for 70 on Kshatrapa coins also consists of a vertical with two hooks at its two ends (Buhlers' Taffel IX, col. ). Its lower hook, is, however, attached to the right end of the vertical, whereas the symbol in our record has its hook on the left. This seems to be an eastern peculiarity, for we find that the Gupta figure for 70 has its lower hook on the left of the vertical line exactly as in the present case (ibid., col. ix) The only real difference lies in the fact that in our symbol the lower hook shows a considerable projection such as is met with neither in Kushan, Kshatrapa or Gupta period. This seems to be due to an attempt, on the part of the engraver, to enlarge the size of the symbol so as to distinguish it from the letters of the inscription. This suggestion is based on a comparison of Inscripiton No. 1. As already observed, both the numerical symbols in that 7. This form is used along with the Kushan form for 70.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY and may be translated as [ MARCH, 1919 inscription are distinguished from the letters of the inscription by the largeness of their size. Any one who looks at Buhler's table for numerical symbols may satisfy himself that only a general, and by no means a close, resemblance is noticeable between the symbols for the same figure, in the same period. To take an instance, one may compare the two Kushan symbols for 70given by Buhler. Under these circumstances, it is permissible, I hope, to rer d our symbol as 70 inasmuch as it shows a general resemblance with the Kebatrapa form, which appears to be interchangeable with the Kushan form, as well as with the Gupta form. The whole inscription may thus be read as Yakhe sam Vajinam 70 "(The figure of a) Yaksha, (made) in the year 70 of the Vajis.". Now the word Vaji is the wellknown Prakrit equivalent for the tribal name Vrijji, the confederate group to which the Lichchh avis belonged. The era of the Vajjis may, therefore, be taken to be identical with the Lichchhavi era, the same era being apparently designated either after the confederate tribe or its most influential section at the time. For we know that other members of the tribe are lost in oblivion while the Lichchhavis established a kingdom in Nepal and entered into matrimonial alliance with the Gupta Emperors. Thus the year 70 of the Vajjis would be equivalent to A.D. 180-181. If my reading and interpretations be correct, the inscriptions must be loked pon as of great historical importance. I do not wish to dilate upon this point till the substantial correctness of my views is established beyond dispute, but shall content mysel by merely pointing out the various directions in which the inscriptions are expected to throw important light. First, they will prove that the statues really represent Yakshas as Cunningham mairtained long ago, in spite of the objection raised thereto by Mr. Jayaswal from the point of view of Indian art. Secondly, as the statues bear a known date, they may be used as an important landmark in the evolution of Indian art, and, in particular, we shall have to abandon the vicws of Mr. Jayaswal, apparently endorsed by Mr. Arun Sen, that the statues were pre-Mauryan. Thirdly, the inscriptions will go a long way in proving the political supremacy of the Lichchhavis over the Imperial city of ancient India, shortly before the time of the Guptas. This has been long suspected but never proved with any definiter.ess The inscriptions thus not only fill a blank in the history of Pataliputra but also explain the pride of the Imperial Guptas on their connection with the Lichchhavis. Fourthly, they supply us with early dates of the Lichchhavi era ccmirg from a locality far away from the Nepal Valley where alone it is so far known to have been used. I shall conclude my remarks on the Patna statues with a short reference to the note on the subject by Mr. R. D. Banerji, M.A., Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, in the latest number of the J BORS. which is just to hard. Mr. Banerji remarks: "There may be difference of opinion about the different parts of Mr. Jayaswal's theory but there cannot be two opinions about the readings Aco and Vata Nandi and therefore Mr. Jayaswal's identification of these two pieces of sculpture as statues as against images and as statues of two Saisunaka Emperors, Aja Udayin and Vartan Nandin, rests on very solid grounds." (p. 210.) Now, as has been shown above, there is room for difference of opinion as to the readings 8 June, 1919, p. 210 ff.

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ALLEGED SAISUNAGA STATUES Acho and Vatanardi, but even assuming that the readings are correct, these letters, by themselves, certainly do not lead to the identifications proposed by Mr. Jayaswal; for Acho and Vatanamdi may be merely part of bigger words, as, for example, in the reading proposed by Mr. Chanda. But let us concede that they are independent words, and even further, that they are proper names. Does it necessarily follow that they are to be taken to refer to the Saisunaga Emperors whose names bear real or fancied resemblance to them? The unreliable nature of this argument may be better demonstrated by an example. In Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 385, we have got the text of an inscription incised on the base of a large statue. Now the word Pushyamitra occurs in this record. Arguing on Mr. Banerji's lines the identification of the statue as that of the founder of the Sunga dynasty may be said to rest on very solid grounds.' The context, however, proves beyond doubt that the word Pushyamitra is the name of a Kula' or family. Again, another record on a statue, published in Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 388, contains the word aya, which is really part of the word ayasa ngamikaya. Is Mr. Banerji prepared to maintain that the identification of the statue with that of king Azes rests on very solid grounds'? The absurdity of these conclusions is too patent, but the position assumed by Mr. Banerji in the case of Saisunaga statues is of precisely the same type. He reads the inscription on one of these statues as bha (?) ge acho chhoniviko. He cannot explain the rest of the sentence, but simply because there are two letters in it which may be construed as the name of a Saibunaga emperor, he concludes that it is a statue of this illustrious personage: MARCH, 1919] 35 Next comes the much more important question, do the names Acha and Vatanandi. assuming they are such, really denote any Saisunaga emperors? Mr. Banerji has assumed that they do, evidently on the authority of Mr. Jayaswal, and as he has not furnished any arguments in support of this assumption, we can only take into consideration those that were put forward by the latter (p. 97). Now there is no monarch called 'Aja 'in the Puranic list of Saisunaga kings as one may satisfy himself by looking at Pargiter's Purana Text, pp. 20-22, but Mr. Jayaswal maintains that the Bhayavata Purana gives Aja in place of Udayin, and that it refers to Namdivardhana as son of Aja (Ajeya). As a matter of fact, however, the Purana does no such thing. In the first place the Bhagavata Purana has Ajayah smrital which means 'remembered as Ajaya (invincible)' and not Aja (unborn); and Mr. Jayaswal's attempt to split up ajayah into aja and yah is inadmissible on two grounds. First, it violates grammatical rules, the correct form being ajo yah. Secondly, the corrupt variant readings in the Vishnu Purana such as anaya, danaya, etc., seem to show that the word really consisted of three syllables, as Mr. Jayaswal himself argued elsewhere, in order to find out the true form of the name Oraka." Mr. Jayaswal's second assertion that Nam divardhana is called son of Aja in the Bhagavata Purana is equally unhappy. The word used is Ajeya, which according to ordinary rules of grammar cannot yield the mea ning 'son of Aja', but son of Ajeya', which, like Ajaya, means invincible. Mr. Jayaswal's reference to Panini is indeed unfortunate. "The Subhra group," says he, "contains many proper names out of which Aja seems to be one." The one name in the group which makes any near approach to it is, however, ajavasti. Is Mr. Banerji prepared to maintain, along with Mr. Jayaswal, that this should be split up into aja and vasti? Mr. Jayaswal has further sought to strengthen his position by a reference to the Pradyota list, but all his arguments are of no value so long as he cannot independently establish a king Aja in the Saisunaga list, and in this, as we have seen, he has completely failed. 9JBORS., 1917, p. 474.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1919 Again, Vatanamdi, as the name of a Sajounaga emperor, is not to be found in any of the Puranas. But Mr. Jayaswal identifies him with Nandivardhana in a most ingenicus manner. He notices that Vayu Purasa calls him Varti Vardhana, and assuming "that Varti ought to be Varta ", he takes the latter to be another name of Namdivardhana. He apparently overlooks the fact that the Vayu Purana has got three variants, not one, riz. Varti Vardhana, Vardhi and Kirti', and that all of them end in 'i'. But let us grant that Varta was another name of the emperor Namdi who had the imperial title Vardhana. But, then, how to explain the curious form Varta-Namdi, composed as it is of the two variant proper names? We can expect either Nandi Vardhana or Varta Vardhana, but surely no one would expect Namdi Varta or Varta Nardi. There are no doubt historical instantes of kings possessing double names. Thus Chandragupta II was also known as Devagupta, and Vigrahapala had a second name Surapala. But who has ever heard of compound names like Chandra-Deva or Deva-Chandra, and Sura-Vigraha or Vigraha-Sura? We hope Mr. R. D. Banerji, who has endorsed the view of Mr. Jayaswal, would offer satisfactory explanation of all these difficulties. He admits that the inscriptions on the statues are of a considerably later period, and simply because there are some letters in them which by a stretch of imagination, more remarkable for in genuity than soundness, can be equated with two names in the Saltunaga list, he uphesitatingly endorses Mr Jayaswal's theory that the statues are to be looked upon as those of the two Sajounaga emperors!! Regarding the age of the inscriptions Mr. Banerji remarks: "Even if we reject other evidence about the date of these two specimens the script of the short inscriptions on their backs would be sufficient to prove that the statues of Kanishka is decidedly later in date than the Patna ones." (p. 210.) In other words, the script of the Patna statues is, in the opinion of Mr. Banerji, decidedly earlier in form than the early Kushan alphabet. Yet when Mr. Banerji proceeds to examine in detail the palacography of the inscriptions on Patna statues, he notes that(1) the vowel A in Aco very closely resembles in form the same vowel in the Sarnath Inscriptions" (which the editor of the record referred to the year 40 of the Kushana era on palaeographic considerations).10 (2) "the form of ca...... in the Patna inscription resembles that in a Mathura inscription of the year 52 of the Kurana era." (3) the form of cha in choni....in the Patna inscription resembles the Kugana form." (4) "examined paleographically the inscription on the statue of Varta-Nandin also points to the same conclusion." (p. 213.) It is difficult to reconcile the results of this detailed examination by Mr. Banerji with his general statement that the script of the Kushana inecriptions is decidedly later in date than that of the inscriptions on the Patna statues. On the whole, the logical outcome of Mr. Banerji's argument is that the inscriptions on the Patna statues really belong to the Kushan period, and in this view Mr. Chanda and myself are in entire agreement with him Mr. Banerji's argument to explain the occurrence of a late inscription on an early statue (p. 214) is weak in the extre me and need not be seriously considered. It is enough to point out that if it were the object of somebody connected with the Art gallery 'to make the Saisunaga statues famili ar to the people who had altogether forgot them, he should certainly have chosen a most conspicuous place to insert the name which, by the way, would most probably have been associated with usual royal titles and the family name, viz. Saisnnaga. 10 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 172.

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April, 1919] NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 37 NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Bt. IN 1887-something over thirty years ago-I commenced making notes and selections I for a series of elaborate articles on the currency and coinage of the former Kingdom of Burma, as I felt myself to be in a position to rescue from oblivion an ancient system which was inevitably passing away beyond recall, and as at the same time that system had in it a great deal that explaine.l the more advanced methods obtaining in other parts of the world, while it retained much that threw light on the methods of ancient and even primitive times. The point of special interest was that I could study going on around me in Upper Burma the ways of a civilised people that was still carrying on its domestic life and its commerce without coin of the realm as its medium of exthange. The ideas as to money and money values involved in such conditions are so entirely at variance with those that have prevailed in the western world and even in the Near and Middle East for many centuries, that it seemed to me, for the sake of a scientific knowledge of the true meaning of habits of such transcendent importanoe to mankind as the modes of conducting commercial relations, to be worth while to make what collection of facts and comments thereon I could before it was too late. The heavy obligations of a busy official life, however, prevented my putting my notes an l observations into print until 1897, in wbich year I commenced the contemplated series of articles in this Journal (Vol. XXVI, p. 154). I-then examined firstly, currency without a coinage, taking peasant ourrency for my first detailed subject (p. 157), passing on to the use of chipped bullion (p. 160), the effect of bullion currency (p. 197) and valuation by weight (p. 204). Next I considered the evil of bullion currency (p. 211), an important and muchm isunderstood point, as articles in the daily papers of England alone show to this day. After this, I examined the age of bullion currency in Burma (p. 232) and made a coinplete enquiry into the history of the terms dinga (p. 235) and tickal (p. 253). Retracing my steps somewhat, the next subject examined was the general one of barter and metallic currency (p. 260), considering barter generally (p. 261) and then the many special articles which have been used by man 4g the medium of exchange, both natural (p. 281) and manufactured (p. 285). This led me to the study of conventional non-metallic articles used for money (p. 290), which was followed by brief notes on the history of exchange in the Far East (p. 309), with some additional notes on barter (p. 311). The research into the above questions led to an historical consideration of the vast subiact of bullion weights (p. 313), commencing (p. 314) with the all-important fundamental low denomination or standard found in the seeds of the abru (ywe) and the adenanthera (yw5ji, ywegyi). This enabled me to examine the Burmese weights and compare them usefully with those of India and the surrounding nations (p. 318). I then (in Vol. XXVII) found myself deeply involved in the question of the history of the bullion weights used in many countries and at many times, commencing with Siamese and Shan weights frorn English and French sources (p. 1) and going on to Chinese weights (p. 29) and Malay weights (p. 37). To complete the subject, I examined the weights used in Southern India (p. 57).including those reported by many early European travellers (p. 63 and again, p. 85). Going back to Burma, the next subjects taken up were those of the Pali and old Burmese weights (p. 113) and the standard weights of the Burmese Kings (p. 141).

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1919 I am afraid I then became rather lost as to my main subject in an enquiry into the ways of the minor peoples inhabiting what is now known as Burma and its neighbourhood, because it involved an examination of their languages (p. 141) so far as they related to money, currency and weights. In this way the following languages were searched, so far as they were known at the date of writing, 1898 Karen (p. 144), Talaing (p. 150), Manipuri (p. 169), Kachin-Naga Group (p. 197), Chin-Lushai Group (p. 253). The time and space spent on this enquiry was not altogether wasted, as it enabled me from personal enquiry to provide a working transliteration or rather transcription of Karen, which at that date did not exist, making it a sealed tongue to all who could not study the language on the spot, and also of all the other tongues above mentioned, in such a way that general Oriental scholars could readily understand the terms used and compare them with other languages. The enquiry as to Manipuri was speciedly useful, as it disclosed an illuminat. ing system of monetary reckoning of a very ancient type and explained much that has been puzzling to students of Oriental weights and measures and monetary systems, besides being in its essentials a system that is at the bottom of habits that have ubtained in countries very far removed from Manipur in history and civilisation. The next thing that happened was that the pressure of official duties in the Indian Empire prevented my resuming the research further until my retirement in 1904, and since then I have found, as many others have found, that a return to life in England meant a pressure of fresh duties as heavy as that of official life in the East, with the consequence that until now I have been unable to publish anything further on this subject. The close of the European War, however, and the hope of a partial cessation of work connected there with and of postal difficulties have determined me to publish what I still can of notes collected so long ago, as they contain information which, so far as I know, is not to be found elsewhere. Some of the old notes I found to be almost ready for press, some to be far advanced and gome still in the stage of being mere notes; and as it is now more than a quarter of a century since I was in Burma, I am not able to do more than publish what there happens to be already collected or to maintain the strict sequence of the former articles. I will therefore print those notes that are most advanced first, leaving the rest to follow in such order as may be found convenient. The articles above described do not cover all that I have written on the general subiect of currency, for opportunities have been taken as they have arisen to examine other phases of the same and kindred subjects. Thus in 1899 (Vol. XXVIII, p. 104) I published some Notes on the Development of Currency in the Far East, showing how all the existing Troy weights and currencies in India and the Far East are based on one. and sometimes both, of two seeds, the abrus and the adenanthera, the latter being double of the former, and that the whole currency of the Far East is based on the Indian Troy weight system. I also showed that in ancient India there were two concurrent Troy scales, which I called the literary and the popular, on one or other of which all the scales of modern India or of the neighbouring, countries outside it are based. This led me to state that the modern Burinese scale is identical with the literary Indian scale, and so are the scales of all Far Eastern peoples possessed of the Indo-Chinese civilisation-the Siamese Shans and the Malays especially. I then passed on to show that neither in form nor in nomenclature is the so-called Chinese currency of the modern merchants trading in the Far East originally Chinese, but that it is an international system, entirely Malayan in origin, constituting the latest development of the ancient Indian literary scale.

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APRIL, 1919 ] NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE B RMESE 39 On the other hand, the old Indian popular scale was caught up by the Muhammadan invaders of the 13th century A.D. and transmitted by them to the Europeans and Indians of to-day. It has found its way to the wild tribes of the Indian and Tibeto-Burman frontiers and to ancient China itself, before the days of the decimal scale in that country introduced by the Mongols in about the 13th century A.D.-a circumstance that has deeply affected the modern Chinese commercial scale, which is nowadays the Malayan scale in form and nomenclature and chiefly decimal in character. I have here spoken practically in terms of Troy weight, because the Far Eastern peoples have never separated the ideas of Troy weight, currency and coinage. The two Indian scales may be thus stated for clearness as 96 rati to the tola for the popular scale and 320 raktika to the pala for the literary scale : this last corresponding to 320 ywegyi to the bol for Burma, 320 hung to the lamling for Siam, and 320 kundari to the bungkal for the Malays. In 1900 (Vol. XXIX, pp. 29 and 61) I published an elaborately illustrated article on the beginnings of Currency which took me all over the world and over all time, ancient and modern. In it I discussed the three points of Barter, Currency and Money in their earliest and simplest forms. Barter was defined as the exchange of possessions pure and simple : Currency as the interposition of an article in common domestic use between the articles bartered, the interposed article being the medium of exchange. Money as the use of purely conventional articles as the medium of exchange. That is to say, Barter ie the exchange of one article for another: Currency implies exchange through a medium : Money, that the medium is a token. I then gave many instances of pure barter between savages and semi-civilised peoples und the civilised, and showed by instonces how the border between barter and currency was crossed. The process is not difficult, but the passing of currency to money involves getting over many difficulties from the use, for the medium of exchange, of. roughly measured natural articles of many kinds to carefully measured and officially marked manufactured articles, leading eventually to the use of gold, silver and copper money as the survivals of the fittest of almost every conceivable article tried at some place or at some time or other. A clear understanding of this fundamental subject is necessary to a complete comprehension of discussions such as that opened up by a consideration of the present enquiry or one analogous to it-that is, of the Currency and Coinage of any given country. In 1913 I published in Vol. XLII, pp. 1-73, a long and elaborately illustrated article on the Obsoleto Tin Currency and Money of the Federated Malay States, which had Occupied my attention for some time previously. There were mysterious exhibits in museums of articles in tin, thought to he old Malay toys. A very careful examination, however, of all the available specimens showed them to be beyond question specimens of some system of a forgotten currency or money. There were antong them tin ingots on a scale and tin tokens, also to scale, representing the tin ingots-that is, these specimens. represented a tin gurrency and a tin money in use among the Malays. Other specimens were models of animals, also to scale, representing a former tin currency. These discoveries led to an examination of the literature likely to illuminate the subject, and it was then discovered that there was a long continued, though now obsolete, .currency and money in tin in the Malay Peninsula for at least 500 years up to quite ppcent times,

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1919 conducted in the more modern times on two scales-one representing the old Dutch and the other the British monetary system introduced into the Peninsula by Europeans. Incidentally the enquiry led to many interesting discoveries, e.g., the true explanation of some of Tavernier's plates of Oriental coinage (1678) and of many other specimens of coins in museums, books, and so on, and of Albuquerque's Portuguese Oriental Coinage (1511). The scales used in this Tin Currency proved to be of a most interesting nature, opening up, through the Manipuri system already mentioned, & wide vista of analogous developments all over the world : in Russia, in old Portugal and Holland and practically every country of modern Europe from the days of Charlemagne in the 7th century ; in ancient India and Kashmir, and even Egypt, Assyria and Persia. The enquiry took one in fact nearly every where in ancient and modern times, showing that one was here on the track of sone working of the human mind that is universal. It is this consideration that in reality makes such a study as the Currency and Coinage among the Burmese possess an interest far outside the boundaries of the country now known as Burma, because in Burma we have in this matter, as it were, a living link between the present and the past. I have gone thus at length into what I have written on this enquiry so that the reader may be put into possession of what has preceded the present notes and make himself, if he so wishes, acquainted with so much of the subject ag will render them the more intelligible and useful. I commence my further notes with some on lump currency, beginning with silver. LUMP CURRENCY. SILVER The raw lump currency of Upper Burnia consisted of gold, silver, and lead, but not of copper, 2 so far as I know, as that metal is not, I believe, to be found in the country. 1 From the Shan State of Then-ni : Yule, Ava, p. 258; Laurie, Our Burmese Wars, p. 373. For interesting references to lump gold, see Moor's Indian Archipelago, pp. 77, 217. 2 See Yule, Ara, p. 269; Crawfurd, Ava, pp. 427, 433, 436, 444. But see Crawfurd, op. cit., p. 42 and Col, Strover's Report on the Metals and Minerals of Upper Burma, quoted in Laurie's Our Burmese Wars, p. 372. Cf. Crawfurd's statement as to Siam, in his Siam, p. 331; also B. B. Gazetteer, Vol. I, pp. 54, 416. So the Chinese found that the people of San-bo-tsai ( ? Sumatra) in the days of the Sung Dynasty (A.D. 900-1279) had no copper currency, but merely (? lump) gold and silver : Indo.China, 2nd Ser.. Vol. I, p. 187. cf. Miss Corner's China written for Bohn, Bell's ed., p. 7; and Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soc. ed., Vol. I, p. 232 f., as to the Maldives in 1602. See also Strettell, Ficus Elastica, pp. 76, 111; Staunton, Embassy, 1797, as to Cochin China, p. 169 f. Silver or "compraw" is the currency of the Kachins. See Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, pp. 181, 425. This word is kumpraw in Symington's chin Vocabulary. and is given 48 synonymous to rupee; 8.0. Rupee: and it 18 compr vocabulary at p. 468, op. cit. Colquhon, Amongst the Shans, however, in & Plate facing p. 315, show copper lats at Bassac and Ubone" (on the Mekong) without description : see also Bowring's Siam, Vol. I, p. 257. In reference to copper, Dr. Anderson, Siom, p. 179, tells a good story of a lie in defence of delinquen. cies. When Potts, the factor at Ayuthia, at the time that the factory was burnt in 1682, was called upon to account for the losses, he explained that 500 chests of Japan copper, which the Company had in specie in Ayuthia, .. d been eaten by white-ante. Alexander Hamilton, the original raconteur of the tale, however, remarks that "Copper is thought too hard a Morsel for them." In his Mandalay to Momien, p. 468, Anderson gives the same vemacular word for "copper" and "brass." Yule, Ava, p. 345, has a very interesting note on the manner in which copper was procured in Upper Burma from the process of changing coarge (i.e., heavily alloyed with copper) silver into fine. "In this way," he says, on the authority of Mr. Spears," that about 12,000 viss (above 20 tons of copper annually reached the capital."

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APRIL, 1919) NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 41 The purest recognised silver in Burma is called Shan bo, or pure silver, and is extracted from lead ore in the Shan country. It is also known, on account of its appearance, as chaubin-bauk b'o and k'ayubat-ngwe. There is silver known as Burmese b'o, and the process of extraction would appear to be the same in both cases. The appearance 3 of Shan b'o is shown by fig. 1, Plate I, a point which will be alluded to later on, while a piece of Burmese bo, which has undergone the process of chipping for currency, is shown in fig. 2, Plate I. Shan silver is said to contain six per cent. of gold, and reddish yellow spots, caused by salts of gold created in the process of extraction from the ore, are frequently to be seen on the reverse surface of Shan b'o. Yule says, Ava, p. 260. that b'd was the currency obtaining between the Burmese and foreigners, but that the King refused it as such, owing to the greater difficulty of testing it than of testing dain, a lower quality of silver. He also says on the great authority of Col. Burney that k'ayubat-nguce was an inferior quality to b'o, thus differing from my information. For the high quality of Shan bo, we have an interesting reference in McLeod's Journal, where he says, "The silver current is of the best description, either the Chinese stamped square coin or bau [bo] silver, or the Burmese yuetni [ywerni J.5" Prinsep (Useful Tables, pp. 30, 31), who saw a great deal of Burmese silver in the first quarter of the last century, agrees with Yule, and so far disagrees with me in differentiating between b'd and k'ayubal-ngwe. He says that the k'ayribat silver "is supposed to denote a particular fineness, which by Burmese law but [? ought] to be ten-ninths yweini in value ; i.e., 9 tikals of k'ayubat pass for ten of ywetni silver; or it should contain 193 b'o and copper." As to b'he makes a curious, but natural, inistake. I will give his statement verbatim. He says, "Ban signifies 'pure' or 'touch,' and is the purest obtainable by the Burmese process of refinery. This word is synonymous with banny of the Ayeen Akbery [ bani of the Arn Akbaril: bunwary [ banuari] is the Indian name of the touch-needles used in roughly valuing the precious metals." Now the word b'o is usually spelt by writers as baw or bau and was mistaken by Prinsep in Burney's MSS. for ban. Hence all his wrong etymology and inferences. The mistaking of au for an in Burmese words containing the sound which I write ag d aw in awful) is very common in books. Some are full of such mistakes e.g., the value of Macmahon's Karens of the Golden Chersonese is entirely marred by this printer's error, and so is that of many papers on Burma and the neighbourhood printed by the House of Commons The second quality of silver is called dain running about 89 to 93 per cent. of 69.8 It is known by the marks of striation on its upper, or obverse, surface. A specimen is shown in fig. 3, Plate I. This was the silver used, according to Yule, Ava, p. 260, for the trade with China. 3 By " appearance" is usually meant in these pages the upper, or obverse, surface of the metal. The Tower, or reverse, surface takes usually the form of the crucible or pot in which it has been melted. * From 21% to 4% worse. 5 Bowring, howovor, says exactly the reverse, and states that in the Laos Country oval ingots of base metal circulate: Siam, Vol. II, p. 21. * He writes the word kharoobat. " It is nally the name for "pure silver." . Yule says, Ara, p. 345, 95 per cent. of b'o.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1919 Prinsep, op. cit., p. 31, says that in his time dain was the most common form of bullion in circulation, and was so called from an assessment levied during the late King's reign (Bodon'aya) upon villages and houses: 9 dain signifying a stage, or distance of two miles. He says it was supposed to be 10% better than ywetni, but varied in reality from 1% to 10% better; and he points out that to admit it to be 10% better would make it equal to k'ayubat, which was not the case. For the statement that the word dain was derived as Prinsep says I have often tried to find corroboration, and there are difficulties in accepting it as correct, e.g., dain (spelt don) means in Burmese, without the heavy accent, (1) a petty chief, foreman of works, the controller of an establishment, such as a gambling-house, opium-den, liquor-shop: (2) a class of Government servants in charge of petty offices: and (3) according to Judson, Burmese Dict., "a silver of a certain quality better than yweini."10. Whereas the word for "a stage or distance of two miles" is tain or atain, spelt thi or aton. Tain, without the heavy accent, means (1) a post, a column: (2) to ask leave: (3) to reach, arrive, attain: (4) to use for a warp in weaving, to set the time in singing. Atain, without the heavy accent, means (1) the measure of 1000 tds about two miles (cf. the kos of India): (2) a warp: (3) the right hand ox in a team. The speo, al assessment alluded to by Prinsep is that mentioned in Spearman's British Burmah Gazetteer, Vol. I, p. 447, who says that "in 1798 A.D. & call of 33 1/3 ticals of silver was made from every house. This took two years to collect and produced about Rs. 6,000,000. What the actual amount levied from the people was it is impossible to ascertain !" Prinsep gives us another class called madain, which Burney stated to be equal to ywetni, but it was in reality much worse. He says it has been extensively circulated and was a "late introduction," say about 1825, and consisted of silver mixed with lead. Malcolm, Travels, Vol. II, p. 269, says that "Dyng has the flowerod appearance over all the cake in larger and longer crystals (than ywetni), and is cast into cakes weighing about twenty ticals, but varies exceedingly in fineness, being of qualities from Huet-nee (ywetni) to ten per cent. purer. It is assumed to be five per cent. purer." Ngwelon and maingyon-ngwe, the latter a Shan (Mungyang or Mungyong) silver, both known by their appearance, are said to be equal to dain in fineness. A specimen of ngwelon is figured in fig. 4, Plate I, and of maingyon in fig. 5, Plate I. The latter is much .vorn. The third quality of silver is called ywetni, about 85 per cent, of b'o.11 and is especially interesting as having been the old native Burmese standard of silver; at any rate when the Burmese Court was at Ava, Amarapara and Mandalay, so much was it the standard in King Mindon's time that Yule tells us (Ava, p. 260) that dain was frequently valued in terms of ywelni. A specimen of ywetni is shown in fig. 6, Plate I. Like Shan b'd this silver is frequently thickly covered on its reverse surface with spots of (litharge) salts of gold.12 (To be continued.) 9 See Phayte, Hist. of Burma, p. 211. 10 My idea is that dain, in its application to silver, merely means ohief" or "best" or principal." See Stevenson, Burmese Dict., 8.0. 11 Yule, Ava, pp. 260, 345, says it varied from 85 per cent. to 90 per cent. of b'd, the alloy being copper. At p. 344 he values gold in terms of " yeutni" (ywelne) silver ; but on p. 345 he calls it 12 It is probably the ng wagwet (spotted silver) of the consignment from Sir Frank Cates in 1889, which never reached me. "yu-wetni."

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APRIL, 1919] PATNA MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF JAYASENA 43 PATNA MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF JAYASENA. BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, B.A.; CALCUTTA. The subjoined inscription was discovered in a village called Janibigha situated at about 6 miles to the east of the modern site of Bodh-gaya, whence it has now been removed to the Patna Museum. It has already been published by Mr. H. Panday, of the Archaeological Department, with a preliminary note on its importance by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. IV, p. 266 ff, and Plate. As Mr. Panday's transcript and translation are, I am afraid, anything but accurate and as Mr. Jayaswal's historical conclusion unfortunately, is open to serious doubt I am compelled to publish this paper and I sincerely hope, that my remarks and emendations will receive the due attention of Mr. Panday who I hear, is engaged upon editing this inscription in the Epigraphia Indica. The inscription is carefully engraved on a piece of stone. It contains 14 lines of writing which cover a space of about 93"X7". On the whole it is in a good state of preservation; but a portion of the stone has broken away from the left margin, thus the beginning letter of l. 9 has totally disappeared, and the beginning letter of 1. 10 has been partially damaged. The size of the letters varies from" to "-The alphabet belongs to the Proto-Bengali type of the 11th and 12th centuries A.D., and is the same as in the Bodh-gaya inscription of Asokachalla, of the year 74 of the Lakshmanasena era. With regard to the forms of individual letters, attention may be drawn to the following: the medial u is shown in a variety of ways, e.g. by an angle at the base of a letter, as in puranam (l. 1), by a slanting right hand stroke at the base, as in Buddhasena (1. 8) and also by a curve turning to the left from the end of the stem, almost like a subscript in shape, as in sudi (l. 14); the subscripts and t are almost similar in stalam (1. 3) and dushia (l. 11); the subscript th in the conjunct lettere th and 8th in Kotthala (l. 4-5) and sthala (1. 4), as well as the conjunct im in tmajena (1. 8) deserves specially to be noted; the superscript r is put on the top of a letter, as in a-chandrarkkam (1. 5); l occurs in two forms, as in Mangala (l. 6) and Lakshmana (l. 13); the anusvara is of the form of a circle, either detached from the vertical, as in puranam (1. 1), or touching the same, as in jinanam (1. 2); the visarga resembles the English figure 8 and sometimes carries a tail, as in sahitah (1. 4) and kritinah (l. 7), an abnormality noticed by Buhler regarding the sign as it occurs in North-east Indian inscriptions and MSS, of this period; 3 the sign of avagraha is employed only in sishto 2'thava in 7. II; and the sign for Om (l. 1) is exactly similar to that in the inscription of Asokachalla mentioned above. The language is Sanskrit, and with the exception of the introductory phrase Om svasti in l. 1 and the concluding words which express the date in I. 13-14 the whole text is in verse. As regards orthography, it may be noticed that gh has been substituted for h in Singhalasya in l. 6; the same sign has been used both for v and b; a consonant is doubled after a superscript r, only in a-chandrarkkam in l. 5; and that an anusvara is wrongly employed in paramparinam in l. 1-2. 1 Epi. Ind., XII, 27 ff. Regarding this matter see Kielhorn's remarks, Assam plates of Vallabhadeva, Epi. Ind., V, 182. Mr. Panday speaking of the medial u says that the triangular type' of it occurs in puranam (1. 1)JBORS, IV, 276. This is, however, not a fact. Such inconsistencies, I regret to say, are not rare in Mr. Panday's paper. E.g. in 1. 13 he would read a symbol for 4 in between the two signs of interpunctuation that occur after the word mata, and remarks that "the fourth verse of the record ends here." I could not, however, trace anything of the kind either on the stone or the plate published by him. a Indian Palaeography (Eng. Trans.), 59. For another instance of this substitution see inscription of Asokachalla, of the year 51 of the Lakshmanasena era.-Epi. Ind., XII, 29, 11. 9-10.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1919 It belongs to a king named Jayasona who is styled Acharya and Pithipati, i.e. Lord of Pithi', and 't carries back the genealogy to only one step further, viz. to Buddhasena, father of the reigning king. After the initial words Oni svasti, the inscription opens with a terse in honour of the city of Mahabodhi and the Bodhi-tree. It then notifies the free gift of the village of Kotthala, which is in Saptag hatta, together with its land and water, and plough-tax to the Vajrasa na tor the residence of the Bhikshu Mangala svamin, come from Ceylon, in whose hands was placed the charter registering the grant. Then follows the date, the year 83 of the Lakshmanasena era, the 15th day of the brighthalf of the month of Karttika. This date does not admit of verification. It would Forrespond, according to the calculation of Diwan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, to (Friday) 1st November, A.D. 1202, 'on which day Karttika sukla 15 ended at 60. ie. 36 ghatikas after mean sunrise. Of the localities referred to in the inscription only Pithi has been found mentioned already in two other places, though it cannot be, at present, definitely identified. The word occurs in the commentary to the Ramacharita of Sandhyakara Nandi (Memoirs ASB., Vol. III, pp. 36, 38) and the Sarnath inscription of Kumaradevi (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 323, 1.5). Dr. Sten Konow, in his paper on thu inscription, put forth the conjecture that this Pithi is but another name for Pittapuram in the Madras Presidency. It was Mr. R. D. Banerji, who first definitely said that it must lie near the boundary of Magadha (Memoirs ASB., Vol. V, p. 87). Mr. Jayaswal now points out that the commentator of the Ramacharita explains the word Pithipati by Magadhadhipa (JBORS., Vol. IV, p. 267). The conclusion which now suggests itself to us, is that Pithi and Magadha are practically identical. At any rate, this much is certain on the strength of the present record, that it included Bodh-gaya and the region around it, as the inscription has been discovered in that locality. This conclusion is forced upon us also by another inscription, the main contents of which will be discussed presently. The other localities mentioned in the inscription, I am unable to identify. The importance of the record lies in the fact that it enlightens us about two hitherto unknown kings ruling over Bodh-gaya, viz. Buddhasena and his son and successor Jayasena. The former, it is to be marked, is not designated king in the inscription, and from this Mr. Jayaswalinfers that he never was a king properly so called, he was only some collateral' of the contemporary Sina king (op. cit., p. 267). But from an independent piece of evidence which will now be considered here for the first time, it appears that he did reign. It is contained in an epigraph discovered at Bodh-gaya many years ago. It is now missing, but fortunately enough a photo-lithograph of the inscription was published by Cunningham in his Mahabodhi, . which, therefore, is our mainstay at present. Cunningham concluded, that it was a record of the reign of Asokachalla, perhaps because his name is found mentioned in l. 8. But he did not publish a reading of the text, nor has any other scholar done so, till quite recently an attempt was made to decipher the insoription by Pandit B. B. Vidyavinode of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. But comparing his reading with the plate itself I find that in many places the text should be read differently. The most important information contained in it and which has not yet been noticed, is, that the record belongs, not to Asokach alla as Cunningham took it to be, but to a quite different individual-Buddhasona by name, who bears the titles Pithipali and Acharya just like 5 Pl. XXVIII, No. C. & Yangiya-Sahitya parishat-patrika (Bengali Journal), 1817 B. 8., 217.

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APRIL, 1910) PATNA MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF JAYASENA Jaya sena of the Patna Museum inscription. This Buddhasena, who is beyond doubt Jayasena's father Buddhasena, of our record, is represented in his inscription as registering a donation (vritti) to one Bhikshupandita Sri-Dharmmarakshita, the religious preceptor of the king of Kama (Kumaon), who seems to be no other than Asokachalla himself; and it further appears that Buddhasena makes a similar grant to a number of Ceylonese sthaviras (11. 13-14). At the end of the inscription there is mention of two officers, apparently of Buddhasena, whose titles are respectively Sadhanika-Ranaka and Mandalika (11. 19-20). It is in the form of a declaration issued to the inhabitants of Mahabodhi including their elders and also the tillers of the land. These characteristics are enough to prove that Buddhagena did actually reign. Moreover, the declaration, as it is issued to the inhabitants of Bodh-gaya, shows that his dominions must have inoluded at any rate the modern district of Gaya and its adjoining territory, or in other words, this was a part of Pithi of which he was the sovereign. Now, I must admit that it is very difficult to restore the actual and entire text of the inscription from the plate published by Cunningham. And tnough I have prepared a reading of it myself, I do not venture to place the whole transcript before scholars, as I consider it merely tentative in many places. Still I reproduce here the following extract, as it sonstitutes by far the most valuable portion of the record and especially as there cannot be, I hope, any great difference of opinion about the general correctness of its reading : 1. svasti ..... 7 patakat Pi.. 2. thi-paty - acharya & Buddhasenad seva] [Bulddha-garn 3. gh-adi - Sakala - sriman - Mahabodhi - yri4. tter =yatha - pradhan - adi-prativasino 5. janapadan karshakam = sch = aropyayitva' 6. Avadati viditematam 10 - astu bhava 7. nto (?) 11 vsittir - asmabhir = aty - adina 19 Raja - Sri - 8. Asogachallade vainamn 13 mukhyatama - 9. nam cha Kama-ra jaguru - bhikshu-pandita - 10. Sri-Dharmmarakshita - charanan&m= &-chandra - 11. srkkam sama[rppi]ta...... From the above passage we learn that a king named Buddhasena was ruling over B6dh-gaya at the time when Sri-Dharmmarakshita, the religious preceptor of the king of Kama (Kumaon), came to visit the place. Another inscription too, dated in the year 1813 of the Nirvana era, mentioning the name of Asokachalla, 14 and likewise discovered at Bodh-gaya, tells us that at the time when Dharmmarakshita visited the place and was there engaged in superintending the construction of a certain gandhakuti by a prince named Purushottama, Bodh-gaya was under the rule of a king who belonged to the Chhinda 1 There are five letters visible on the plate which no doubt form the name of the place whence the rooord has been issued. But I fail to clearly read them. * This portion was completely misread by Pandit Vidyavinod 9 Read aropya. 10 mata is superfluous. u Should be corrected to bhaustam. 11 Should perhaps be corrected to ity-ddind. ja Road Asokachalla devanan. 24 Fleeu supposed that he is not the same king whose records we have got, of the years 51 and 74 of the Lakshmanae na ere--JRAS., 1909, 348-49. But Mr. Banerji has since satisfactorily shown that the two are identical ASB., N. S., IX, 272-73

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1919 family.15 The presumption is therefore natural that he is the same as Buddhasena, father of Jayasena of our inscription. It is interesting to note that before the family of Buddhaseng.came to power in Pithi, there ruled in this part of the country another family of Pitht lords called the Chhikkoras. They were connected, through matrimony, as.we know from the Sarnath inscription of Kumaradevi, with the Gahadavals kings of Benares, and Bodb-gaya must have been under them, at least in the time of Govindachandra, whose dates range from A.D. 1114 to 1168.16 These Chhikkoras seem to have been dispossessed of their territory towards the end of the 12th century A.D. by a new family of Pithi rulers, viz. the family of Buddhasena. It is very likely, that it was he who first established the greatness of the Chhinda line; because, in his inscription, there is no mention of his predecessors and in the inscription of his son Jayasena too, the genealogy is carried back to his father only. It has, however, been assumed that these individuals, viz. Buddhasena and Jayasena, represent, though indirectly, the family of the Senas who for about a century and a half ruled the political destinies of Bengal. Thus Mr. Jayaswal writes: ! "This! inscription now proves that the neighbouring district of Gaya remained under a scion of the Sena family in the time of Muhammad ibn Bakhtyar." But let us see if this inference is logical, Considering the fact that these kings have their names ending in Sena and that Taranatha in his list of the later Sena kings mentions one Buddhasena, it no doubt seems tempting to suppose that they belonged to the Sena dynasty; but, acoording to Taranatha himself, this Buddhasena was succeeded by his son, whose name is not Jayasena but Haritasena,18 Thus no other evidence can be put forward to connect this family of rulers with the Sena dynasty save and except the name-ending Sena on which, however, we cannot lay much stress. Moreover, there is absolutely no proof that the Sena rule really survived in the heart of Magadha immediately after the Muhammadan invasion. On the other hand, in the Tab kati-Nasiri (p. 668 ) there is a definite assertion to the effect that the Senas continued to rule for a considerable period after the passing away of Lakshmanasena, in the country of Bang.' i.e. Eastern Bengal, and not on the Bihar side. Again, at the time of the Muhammadan invasion, as it follows very clearly from the same authority, there was absolutely no trace of the Sena power in Bihar. As a matter of fact, Bakhtiyar passed through it and came upon Bengal where only he could find the Senas ruling. At any rate, even if a portion of Magadha were under the successors of Lakshmanasena during this period, their central power rested not in Bihar but in Bengal. Again, only the use of the Lakshmanasena era at Bodhgaya or Tirhut is not in itself any definite proof of the continuance of the Sena rule in Bihar. Under these circumstances, therefore, it cannot be maintained that at a later period, the Senas became masters of Magadaa and called themselves Pithipatis-a title which they did not adopt even during their palmy days when they actually carried their victorious arms through Magadha. Then again, we never find the title Acharya attached to the name of any Sena king in the whole range of Sena inscriptions. Another important point, however, on which I should lay special stress, is that the Muham 15 This inference is based on the following verse : Prakhyatan ni Sapadalaksha-sikhari-kshma pala chudamanim slai Srimad = Asokochallam = api yo natra vintya svayam attra - Chchhinda-narindram = Indra-sad risan bhrash mune) sasand sthity-oddharam = asou chakdra param = decharyyan kalau durjjayd -Above, X, 342, v. 11.-of. also Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar's remarks, ibid, 1913, 84, 8 8 16 See Kielhorn's Synchronistic Table for Northern India. 17 JBORS., IV, 266. 18 Above, IV, 357.

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APRIL, 1919] PATNA MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF JAY ASENA madan in vasion took place in or about a.d. 1199 and after that according to Taranatha came the later Senas who were subordinate to the Turushkas or Muhammadans.19 The first of this series of subordinate Senas is Lavasena II who was succeeded by Buddhasena. The latter, if Taranatha is to be believed, should, therefore, naturally be placed much later than A.D. 1202 and as such could not probably be the father of Jayasena. Text, 20 1. Om 21 svasti || 22 Sriman - Mahabodhi-puram 2 puranam parampa : - 2. rivam niyatan Jinanam hy = adhvasthitanam sthiti - 3. r = asti yatra sambodhaye X5 Bodhitaros = talam cha ll [1] 4. 36 Srimad-Vajrasanaya sthala -jala-sahitah Kottha5. 14-grama 27 @sha a-chandrarkkam pradattas = tad-adhivasata - 6. ye Mangalasvami - bhikshoh haste sri - Sim ghalasya 28 7. tripitaka - kritinah basanikritya rajna nir-vya-- 8. jah Saptaghatte halakara-ka [li]ta 29 Buddhason- & tmaje 9. [nal | [2] 30 Datto danam - imam gramam Jayasenah sa bhupatih 10. [Pi] thi-patir = uvach = edam = Acharyah satyavag - vachah [3*] *? Vamse 11. madiye yadi ko = pi bhupa! sishto S thava dushtata - 12. ro vinash tal) | vyatikramam chatra karoti tasya ta13. tah kharah sukarika cha mata 11*3 [4*]11, Lakshmana - 14. senasy 34 - Atita -rajye 35 San 83 Karttika Sudi 15. 19 Loc. cit. See also V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 3rd ed., 421-2. 20 From the original stone. Above the writing there is a representation of Buddha seated in the bhumi-sparsamud:d under the Bodhi-tree, and the sun and the moon on both the sides, showing perhaps the permanency of the grant. For a similar representation cf. Epi. Ind., IX, Pl. opposite p. 262. 21 Expressed by a symbol. - Metre : Upajati, 23 Mr. Panday reads it as pradasi. To show that it is not so one has got to compare these two letters with prada in pradalla (1. 5) and pura in purdnan (1.1) oocurring just after the word in question. Further, the reading pradar would offend against the metre and render the construction grammatically impossible. If mahabodhi pradam is taken to be an adjes tive of bodhi-taros = talash, which Mr. Panday apparently prefers, then the particle cha has nothing to be connected with. My reading purum reino ves all these difficulties. For srfman-Mahabidhi as a place name see e.g. Epi. Ind., XII, 29; and above, XVII. 310.Bodh-gay& used at this time to be called Mahabodhi. cf. Purushottama's Bhaahav ritti (III, 3, 137), a work of the 12th century A.D. which cites Mahabidhim ganta amal as an illustration, and Cunningham's Mahdbodhi, p. 3. ? Read parampa .. . 5 Read sambo. 26 Metre : Sragdhara. -7 The letter m has bee damaged. 28 Read frf-Sainhalasya. 29 The upper portion of the s-stroke has peeled off. Read kalito. 20 Metre : sloka (Anushtubh). i Wrong for datted. 32 Metre : Upajati. 29 Below the writing there is an indecent, traditional representation of this curse which is, however, not the first instance that has come to notice in Bihar,' as Sir Edward Gait says-JBORS. v. 5. For this see also an inscription of Asokachalla, now in the Indian Museum, Caloutta.-Epi. Ind., XII, 28, pl. cf. also Jo(yo)anyatha karoti tasya gardabhah pita sikari mata in a Nagavamsi inscription ibid, IX, 164; X, 34 and 42. The earliest representation of the above figure, so far as it has come to my notice, is to be found on a Bharhut relief, in the Indian Museum. After the word mata and before the word Lakshinanasenasya there is a blank space. To show the importance of a particular proper name in Indian epigraphs & space was occasionally left blank before it. Is the space left here to make the name Lakshmanasena appear more prominent than it would otherwise have been ? 31 The letter n has been so engre ved that it looks like 8. 33 Mr. Panday wrongly reads it as rajya-sam. But the d-stroke is very clear. In the two inscriptions of Asokaohalla also we got attardjye. Apparently through an over-sight this phrase in the above records was mis-read by Mr. Banerji as atka-rajya JASB., N. S., IX, 271-2; but c. Epi. Ind., XII, 29, 30. Curiously enough this erroneous reading has been supported by Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha in his new edition of the Prachina-lakhamdia, 186, n.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Translation. Om. Hail! (v. 1)-I invoke 36 the illustrious, ancient and traditional city of Mahabodhi wherein constantly reside the Jinas 37 who are on the Path, 38 and also the foot of the Bodhi tree. (v. 2)-This village of Kotthala in Saptaghatta, with (its) land and water 39 and the ploughtax, is made over without reserve 10 to the illustrious Vajrasana, for as long as the sun and moon endure, for the residence 1 of the Ceylonese 13 monk Mangalasvamin, versed in the Tripitakas, in whose hands is (placed) the charter (of the grant) by the king, the son of Buddhasena. (v. 3)-Having given this village as a grant king Jayasena. who is truthful. (and is called) Pithipati (Lord of Pithi) and Acharya, uttered these words: (v. 4)-If any king of my family, (apparently) gentlemanly, wicked or depraved, violates this (grant) his father is a jack-ass and (his) mother, a sow. On the 15th day of the bright-half of Karttika, of the year 83 since the (commence. ment of the) reign (now) passed of Lakshmanasena. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTO Y RECORDS. 12. Restrictions on Religious Buildings and Festivals. APRIL, 1919 7 Janurary 1716/7. Consultations at Fort St. George. Whereas great number's of these small Pagodas have been clandestinely built, without, the knowledge or permission of the Government, and more are daily begun upon, which tend to raising disputes among the Casts none shall be built henceforward without the permission of the Governour and Council. No colours [flags] for the Future shall be us'd at any Feast in Madrass but the English commonly known by the name of St. Georges colours with a white Feild and red cross. (Madras Public Consultations, vol. 87). R. C. T. 36 Sam-budh in the causative means " to call to." See Monier Williams, a.v. 31.e. the Buddhas, past, present and future. Mr. Panday's translation is 'Conquerors.' For Jinas meaning past, present and future Buddhas of. Suvarnaprabha ed. Sarat Ch. Das (Buddh. Text Soc.), 23. The passage reminds one of the list of sacred places where the Bodhisatvas were redestined to live for all time. See above, XXXIII, 80-81. 39 I.e. to salvation. The word adhvan here means the Bodhi-marga, i.e. the Path of Knowledge. 40 I.e. free. 39 Cl. sajalasthala of other records. The word adhivasati has been taken to mean a monastery' by Mr. Panday, though along with that Mr. Jayaswal suggests that it could also mean the residence of the monk. This latter alternative explanation appeals to me as the more natural one. Vasati no doubt means technically a Jaina temple, (Pischel, Grammatik, SS 207) and it is also well-known that its Prakrit equivalent is vasahi or vasahika and Kannada tadbhava basadi or basati (Hultzsch, Epi. Ind., VIII, 200, n. 1 and Kielhorn, Epi. Ind. IX, 148, nos. 4-5); but nowhere do we meet with a word derived from adhi and vas to denote the sense of temple, either in Jaina or Buddhist literature. The word should therefore be better taken in the sense of settlement or residence." 4 42 For the use of the honorific sr before the taddhita form of a place-name of. Sri-Samatatikah, meaning come from Samatata', in a Bodh-gaya inscription-See ASR., 1908.9, 158. Regarding the word satyavak Mr. Panday says that this is an 'epithet' of king Jayasena and may be compared with the same epithet in the Deopara inscription of Vijayasena. But unfortunately it has escaped his attention that the word satyarak to be found in 1. 10 of the epigraph, in the passage sayavak kant habhittau which refers to Hemantasena, is not an epithet at all for the simple reason that it does not qualify anything. Kielhorn accordingly translated the clause, 'in his throat true speech,' etc. -Epi. Ind., I, 312 Satyavak in our inscription is a Bahuvrihi compound, whereas in the other one it is a Karmadhiraya compound, and as such it would be wrong to take the latter as an attributive. 44 This rendering is after Kielhorn-above, XIX, 2.

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MAX. 1919) NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 49 NOTES ON OURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from p. 42.) DRINSEP, Useful Tables, p. 31, tells us a good deal about ywe ni, yowenee as he writes it ; and among other things that it was the standard in his time. He calls ywet na "(redleafed) flower, or star silver ; " and says it was "80 named from the starry appearance of the melted litharge on its surface." He further remarks that it was sometimes written by Europoane, rowanee, rouns, and roughanee. As to its quality he says the legal ( 1 standard) touch was 85% of b'd but that the average 60,000 tolas of yweint in the late Ava remittanoo" turned out 2 dwts. worse owing to a loss of more than 1% in melting from the exterior scoriae. Ysetnt must also be the silver referred to by Crawfurd (Ava, p. 410) as used for the payment of fines to the 80-called Courts in his day (1827), for he says they were paid in tickals of silver of 10 per cent, alloy. This tichal was taken by English merchants in the early part of this century at half-a-crown.13 In his examination by Mr. Crawfurd in 1826, Mr. Gouger (afterwards author of The Prisoner in Burma) speaks constantly of tickals of "Powered silver" 1 in valuing produce. Mr. Judson, the well-known missionary, used precisely the same expression in the samo oiroumstanoo8.15 That "flowered silver" meant ywotnt or standard silver. we rather from Symge, writing a generation earlier, and also from Cox, who wrote a year later than Symes. The observant author of Two Years in Ava, p. 280, also must have meant yweint, when he says, "The flowered silver is the least adulterated with alloy." Symes in his account of the Burmese currency as he found it in 1795. goos conisdorably wldo of what must have been the true facts. He was aware that "the quantity of alloy varies in the silver current in different parts of the Empire. At Rangoon it is adulterated 25 per cent. At Amarapura, pure, or what is called flowered silver, is most common. In this latter all royal dues are paid." Here he evidently refers to ywetni or 13 Crawfurd, Ava, p. 440: Symon, Ava, p. 327. Groeneveldt's oxtrots from the New T"ang History (A.D. 61 8-906), Bk. 222, Pt. 2, in Indo-China. 2nd Sor., Vol. I, p. 142, soms to allude to smelting like this, when he quotes as to Java (Kaling) : They out leaves of silver and use them as money." The Burmere expression for "floworod silver is nowotwin (silver flower), which tevenson, Dich., 6.6., explains as "a flower that appears on the surface of good silver, thonos called flowerod silver.". The expression "flowered silver" indeed noems to have been known in China, for Yulo, Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 59, quoting Pauthier's extracts from the Yunes or Annals of the Mongol Dynasty, says that" on the issue of the paper ourrency of 1287 the official instructions to the local treasaries were to ime notes of the nominal value of two strings, i.e., 2,000 wen or cash, for overy ounce of. Bowered silver 15 Crawfurd, Ana, Appendix, pp. 18, 89, 768. See also Symes, Ava, p. 327; Cox, Burman Empire. pp. 30, 317, 321 : Wilson, Doou ments of the Burmese War, p. 222. See also Gouger, Prisoner in Burma. p. 14, where boatmen are paid in lichals of "flowered silver," Flowered silver was standard silver in Pegu about A.D. 1700, A. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II, p. 421.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1919 standard silver, as his table given below shows; but this "standard" silver of the Court was never "pare" silver, or anywhere near it. He writes :"The several modifications are as follows: Rouni, or pure silver, Rounika, 5 per cent. of alloy, Rounizee, 10do. do. Rotlassee, 20 do d o. Moowadzoo, 25 do. do. Woombo, 16 30 do. . do." Rouni 11 is merely a rough attempt to transcribe ywetni into English characters (y=r in this as in many Burmese words, and the t is hardly heard): rounika is perhaps for ywelniye, a lump of yweint : rounizee yweinizi, & piece of yetni: rouassee, perhaps = ywetsi, a piece of leaf, or flowered silver: 18 moowadzoo, I can only conjecture to be mojo, a gold standard, to be described later on: woombo, there is little doubt, must stand for wun-b'o, i.e, official "pure" silver. I think we may, therefore, take it that whatever Symes was told as to alloys referred to ywelni as the standard, and that he was either misinformed about or misunderstood the vernacular terms for the various classes of alloyed silver, 19 The question, however, as to what was meant by "flowered silver" may be looked upon as set at rest by the observations of Maloolm in his Travels, Vol. II, p. 269. He there tolls us: "The price of a thing is always stated in weight, just as if we should say in answer to a question of prioe,' an ounce' or 'a drachm.' When an appearance like orystallisation is upon the centre of oake, it is known to be of a certain degree of alloy and is called 'flowered silver.' Of this kind which is called Huetnee (ywetnt ] the tickal is worth fifteen per cent. more than the Sicca rupee. The Dyng [dain] has the flowered appearance all over the cake in larger and longer crystals." Flowered silver, thon, meant firstly ywetni,' and secondly "dain.' That Symes, irrespectively of the above remarks, meant ywetni silver when he speaks of standard or recognised payments is proved by his remarks, Ava, p. 317. Talking of the military tax, he says "Commonly every two, three or four houses are to furnish among them the recruit, or to pay 300 tickal in money, about PS40 to PS45." Taking the English pound to be in his day Rs. 10, then 300 tickals are equal to Rs. 400 to Rs. 450, or 1 tickal - Rs. 1-5-0 to RA, 1-8-0. In other words, he reckoned the tax in ywetni silver. Cox, however, intending, I think, to speak in terms of yweini silver, works out the tickal (Burmhan Empire, p. 44) at Rs.1.4-0, when valuing the outturn of the Yenangyaung oil wells. 30 16 For the true names of alloyed standards, see later on in these pages. 17 The variants of this word are given later on. 18 Of Jays we road in the Chinese New Hist, of the Tang Dynasty "They cut los vos of silver and use them as money." See note 14 above. 19 As late as 1889 I was given equivalente in leed for silver in terms of yoshi. It should be remembered that Col. Symes Wm a real pioneer, and though his book shows him to have been an acute observer and quite the right kind of man to send on the delicato embassy he had to conduct, he was evidently not an Oriental scholar. Hence his statemente must be taken with the caution that these two facto demand of the enquirer. His mistake as to ytotnf being "pure silver" is natural enough, for in 1893 an official bom and bred in Rangoon and an intelligent man, told me that yweink and b'd were one and the same thing! 20 In an account of these wells, communicated in 1801 to Asiatic Researches, Vol. VI, p. 132, Cox says distinctly - The cost of Binking new well is 2,000 tecals flowered silver of the country, 2,500 sioca rupees."

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May, 1919] NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 51 Spearman, British Burma Gazetteer, Vol. I, p. 450, writing in 1870, says: The amount remitted from the various districts of Pugu before the gyoond Anglo-Burm989 War [to the King) has been ascertained with some approach to accuracy. The revenue was paid in rwek-nee (ywetni ] silver and taking & vigs (lbs. 3.65) or 100 tickals of this as equal to Rs. 130, the annual remittances were, etc." Horace Browne, in his account of the District of Thayetmyo, 1874, pp. 95f., 101ff., 107 and 111, makes, for the present subject, most valuable rotes on Burmese currency and revenue at all dates from 1783 to 1852, and he says distinctly that the revenue was collected in ywetni silver which he calls 22" 5 per cent. alloy," no doubt under a misapprehension. At any rate, he gives, in every instance, a statement of the rupee value of the old revenue, which is stated in viss of silver, and his calculations show that the tickal of revenue was worth about Rs. 1-7-0. This proves that it was paid in ywetni even if General Browne had not said so in so many words. On one occasion there was, however, a remarkable divergence from this standard. On p. 96 it is stated that the Myede township was greatly harassed by the officials of Kings Tharawadi and Pagan (1838 to 1852), and that "sums were wrung from the people with the maximum of oppression and extortion." There are seven separate calcula. tions in rupees of the value of the silver extorted in viss at this period. In each case the calculations work out at a trifle over half a rupee per tickal, showing that the demand must have been paid in a very debased silver, worth about 30 per cent. only of ywetni. In La Loubere's time, 1688, the practice in Slam was clearly to refer to a standard silver, the stamped tickal. Thus he says in the quaint English Translation 23 :-"Some informed me, as a thing very remarkable, that the Siamese gold course Silver by weight, because they had seen in the Market that Commodity in one of the Soales, and silver Money [stamped tickals which serv'd as a Weight in the other. The same Names do therefore signifle the Weights and Money both .. Gold is a Merchandize amongst them, and is twelve times the value of Silver, the purity being supposed equal in both the Metals." 24 Y wetni silver was current as a standard in Kiang Tung in 1886, as is shown by McLeod's valuing wholesale prices there in ywetnj.25 The Kings of Burma seem to have kept their treasure in pigs of silver presumably of standard quality. Here is Mr. Gouger's interesting acoount of the Treasury in 1823.26 The King" took his walk to the Shwai-dyke [Shwedaik=Treasury], in front of which, exposed in the open air, were arranged some hundreds of logs of pure silver, shaped like pieces of ships' kentledge, but unfortunately for me, wanting the handle with which kentledge is furnished for the convenience of lifting. The King made some remark about them. Your Majesty,' said I'must have honest subjects: in my country they would be stolen.' They are too heavy,' he rejoined, They cannot be lifted; each piece weighs 100 viss. My countrymen are very strong--they would walk away with them on their shoulders. I could almost do it myself, Your Majesty. "Try, said the King, 'if you can lift one, I will give it you.' The calculation ran through my head in an instant-365 lbs. av. of pure silver ! 21 An interesting variant of value to that usually given, viz., Rs. 126. 22 Vide pp. 101, 103. 23 A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, Vol. I, p. 72: see Bowring, Siam, Vol. 1, p. 257ff., where the custom is shown to be the same in 1855. 21 See also Mandelslo, Travels, Eng. tra.18., Vol. II, p. 130. 25 Parl. Papers, House of Commons, No. 420 of 1869, pp. 61, 81. 26 The Prisoner in Burma, p. 111f.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1919 It is worth trying for at all events. I was young and not deficient in strength. Up went one foot of the login an instant, and I believe the Golden Foot was for the moment terrified lest I should run away with it. Had there been a handle I should certainly have accomplished the feat of lifting it: but the sharp edge of the block cut my han is like a knife and I was obliged to give it up, amid the bantering laughter of the King and his Courtiers." It may not be out of place to note here the light that the existence of this stardard silver in the XIXth Century after Christ-standard by custom and rightly described by Yule as "understood to be the medium of payment when no stipulation as to kind of money is made'--throws upon a transaction recorded as having taken place in the very dawn of Biblical history.27 'When Sarah died, as s stranger in the land of Heth, at Kirjath-arba, ''the same is Hebron in the land of Canaan," Abraham wished to treat with Ephron, the son of Zohar, for the sale to him of the cave of Mach pelah," which is in the end of his field." "For as much money as it is worth ye shall give it mo." And Ephron answered, " The land is worth four hundred shekels of silver." So " Abraham weighed to Ephron the silver ... four hundred shekels of silver, eurrent money with the merchant." 25 Abraham, then, did precisely what a purchaser in Mandalay would have done a few years ago: he paid for his land by weight of silver of the ordinary roognised standard.29 Thak'wa, of about the same fineness as ywetni, is used in Bams chiefly, and is said to be extracted by the Chinese across the border. It is really known by its spongy appearance on its reverse surface, and by the rings caused by the settling down of the molten metal on the obverse surface. Two specimens are shown in figs. 7 and 8, Plate I. The latter has been chipped for use. It is possible that this is not of Chinese, but of Shan make, as, in a plate facing p. 315 of his Among the Shans, Colquhoun gives a picture of 'cast silver in use in the Independent Shan States, which from its appearance is T'hakua silver." 30 Colquhoun, however, gives no explanation of this, and, I may add here, of mony another Plate in the book. Descending from and concurrent with the specially named qualities of silver, there is a large quantity of recognised alloyed standards with local names signifying the amount of alloy contained in the lump. The Taungwin Mingyi, second minister to King Thibo. gave me a list of twenty-two from memory, but the ordinary trader only recognises about eight.31 27 The passage is, however, supposed to be a late interpolation; Bee Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 246. 23 Compare with this transaction that already quoted, ante, Vol. XXVI, p. 209, as taking place in A.D. 1794. So also did Mr. Judson always "weigh out" monoy at Ava in 1823. See Wayland's Memoir of the Rev. A. Judson, pp. 252, 275, 296. So did the merchants in Cambodia in 1831, and in Siam in 1833 (Moor's Indian Archipelago, pp. 56, 202, 205). So also did the people of Borneo in A.D. 977 (Indo-China, 2nd Series, Vol. I, p. 229). - The whole sale recorded in the 23rd Chapter of Genesis, whence these quotations are taken, is replete with customs still obtaining in North India. Other Biblical references to similar pecuniary transactions in precurrenoy days are :-Gen. xvii. 13; xx. 16; xxxiii. 19; xliii. 21; Exod. xxx. 15 : Job, xlii. 11; Judges, ix. 4 ; xvi. 5; xvii. 2f. ; 1 Sam. ix. 8; xxiv, 24; 1 Chron, xxi. 25; Is. xxxiii. 18.; Ezra, vii. 25. * Names for qualities of silver do not appear to be constant throughout the country, ...., in this instance. I have known Shan chilon silver called thagwa. 31 See Phayre, Int. Num. Or., Vol. III, Pt. I, p. 38, who, however, bus a very imperfect note on the point. Yule, Ava, p. 345, says that the silver standards varied from pure to 60 per cent. alloy.

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MAY, 1919) NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 53 90 1 . 100 100 ? The Lists as respectively given me are as follows: Taungwin Mingyi's List. Looking on b'd as pure silver 32 and on dain and ywetni as nearly pure, the Minister proceeded with his list thus:Tamatke .. Rs. alloy in Rs. 10 silver (bo) 971 % Ngamugi .. " >> >> >> 10 95 Thong: mauke ...>> 10 92), Tasege .. . 10 100 Ngamatke .. , 13 , ,, 10 87}, Songajatke .. 16 , , , 100 85 , Tajatko'ni'mage 17 mus, , 100 m Nasege 20 , ,,Rs. ] Asekke 25 ,, ,, ,, Thongzege 30 ] Thongzengage 35 , Lezege 40 ) > Lezengage Ngazege Ngazengage >> >> 100 Chauksege 60 , 1 100 Chauksengage 65 >> 109 Ko'ui'sege .., 70, 7 100 Ko'ni'sengage . .. >> 76 ) >> 100 Shi'sege .. 80 , 100 Shi'sengage 05 ) Kozege .. , 90 , , Traders' List. The eight kinds of silver used ordinarily in the bazira are, in terms of bo silver, as follows: Tamatke -971 % Ngamuge - 95 % Thongmatk = 92 9%. Tasege 99 % Ngamatke = 871% Senga jatke 85 %. Nasege = 80 %. Tajatko'ni'muge 83 %. The shi'sege, or 80 % alloy, quality is, however, pot uncommonly met with. "Rupee silver" is chaukmuge, i.e., 6 mus alloy in 100 mus, or 94 per cent. of b'o silver. Of this fact we have two very interesting proofs. In Judson's English and Burmese Dictionary, 1849, we have rupee-chau lema: dinga," i.e.; "six-mu coin: "and in Lane's English and Burmese Dictionary, 33 1841, we have precisely the same info mation : while in Judson we have also "tickal-akyat," showing that the rupee was then differentiated from the tickal and reckoned chaukmuge: silver. Yule says, Ava, p. 261, in noticing the low classes of silver above mentioned, that all below 50 per cent. silver were liable to confiscation by the King, and that they were practically confined to the provinces. He says further that before the War of 1824, the currency at Rangoon, which was then a mere provincial seaport, had only 25 per cent. of silver in it, and after the War but 10 per cent.34 32 Which it is not, by the way. See Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 50. >> I cannot help thinking, on a careful comparison of the two books, that Judson is more indebteri to Lane than the absence of acknowledgment would lead one to infer. 34 See also Symes, Ava, p. 387.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1919 In 1786 Flouest says 35 that in Rangoon the best. silver was of ten per cent. alloy, and that silver of 25, 30, 40, and 50 per cent. was current. He gives a letter in full from Basgim" Bassein), dated "le 15 Sbre, 1784" in which the writer says he "had settled an account, which at the present moment has reached 735 ticals, or 'roupis', of 25 per cent." Anderson in Mandalay to Momien, p. 44, has an unconscious and exceedingly interesting note on the manufacture of lezege : silver (40% alloy). He says that at Bamo in 1868, a few persons were employed in melting silver for currency. "To six tichals of puro silver purchased from the Kakhyens [Kachins), one tickal eight annas of copper wire are added, and melted with alloy of as much lead as brings the whole to ten tickals weight." Strettell, Ficus Elastica, p. 76, has an interesting but confused reference to silver standards on information taken from Capt. A. B. Bower's Bhamo Expedition Report, 1868, though he says it corresponds exactly with what he found to be the case himself. He says that the legal amount of alloy allowed in silver is that given below: Nga-yay ( ngazege :), very rough, containing 1 tikal silver, tikal lead, # tikal copper. Ah saik-gnway ( asekke :), rough, contains 1 tikal silver, Atikal lead, tikal copper. Hnit-mat-gnway ( nasege :), 1 tikal silver, tikal lead, } tikal copper. The only value the above information has lies in the fact that it shows how silver was alloyed for currency. The standards above referred to would be 50 %, 25% and 80% silver respectively: the last being apparently what he understood to be standard silver, a long way below ywetni or real standard silver. The specimens figured in Plate I are :-sengajatke: , 15 per cent, alloy, fig. 10; asekke, 36 25 per cent. alloy, fig. 11, which is the oyster-shell silver" of Ridgeway (p. 22); lezege : 40 per cent. alloy, figs. 9 and 13. The quality of the sengajatkeand asekke specimens could be judged by their appearance, but I had to get the lezege: specimen tested by the usual assay process before an opinion was passed on it. Fig. 12, Plate I, represents a class of silver sometimes met with and called ngwema "mother of silver." It has a fictitious value, as it is valued as a charm, because it contains within the bulge (visible in the figure) some grains of sand or grit, probably by an accident in the process of smelting, which make & sound when it is shaken.37 I have already remarked that value is estimated by reference to silver stendards, and hence fineness or touch is itself reckoned in terms of tickals, mus and pos, or more conveniently nowadays in terms of rupees, annas 8 and pies. All the names of standards in the lists above given are terms directly indicating touch on this principle. 35 Toung Pao, Vol. II, p. 41. Hunter, who was in Pegu the year before Flouest, says much the same thing in his Pegu, P. 85:- The purity of the silver, of which there are three degree established hy law or by custom : the 25 per cent., the 80 per cent. and the 75 per cent. The first has one fouth part; the second one half; the third three-fourths of alloy." 36 The word really means "one quarter alloy." The specimen give, in the Plate has three small AtAmne on it. no doubt the mark of fineness, and so this particular piece should be referred to the clasa of stamped lumps. The specimen shown, however, was chosen for its remarkable freshness 22 an illustre tion, and it is not usual to find asdkk silver stamped in any way. See later on. It is the ngwdz'd, the "moderately alloyed" silver of Stevenson's Dict. He also gives it the name ngwamwd 8 (hairy silver from tho "hairy or feathery appearance (mwangwd daung) on the surface of silver moderately alloyed." 37 With this may be compared the term shudma, "mother of gold," which, however, Stevenson. Dict., says is "pure gold ore," meaning thereby (1) nuggets or gold-dust. 3A The confusion between mis and annas is nothing now, for Bayfield writing in 1836, says (Hill Tracta between Assam and Burmah, p. 229):-"Each Burman, Shan, or. Singpho labourer pays six Burman annas (about half a rupee) for permission to dig." Here he meant six mds of yusinf or standard silver.

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MAY, 1919] NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE A comparison of Prinsep's tables and statements 39 with those above given by myself will be found a useful contribution towards this phase of the present subject. I therefore record below what he has said word for word in his Useful Tables, merely changing the spelling of the Burmese words so as to conform with that above used. In explanation of the terms used, he says, p. 36, that the following will serve as examples of the mode of evaluating bullion: Dain, komudet is dain 9 per cent. better (than ywetni). Dain, ngamudet is dain 5 per cent. better. Ywetni is standard (85 touch). Ywetni kyatke or tasege, is 1 tikal or 1/10 alloy (meaning 1/10 weight of alloy added to standard). Ywetni, chaukseng jatke, is 6 tena 5 tikal alloy (meaning 65 per cent. alloy added). Ywetnijo:, hali is ywetni (and half alloy). At p. 50 he gives the following valuable table of assay, in which the reader will find no difficulty in referring his transliterations to mine. ASSAY OF AVA SILVER. Burmese denomination. Ban (supposed to be pure) Kharoobat (shell circled) Dain, ta Kyat det Do. Ko moo det Do. Sheet moo det pure silver.. 5 % 10 9 8 7 5 Meaning of Ava Assay Report. 20 30 40 50 .. 60 70 80 90 33 11 Do. Kwon, neet moo det Do. nga moo det Modain, (alloyed dain) 2 Yowetnee (red flowered or star).. Ava standard Do. Kua 10 % Do. tshay nga Kyat ge 15 Do. nheet tshay ge Do. thoun tshay e Do. le tsbay ge Do. Do. Do. nga tshay ge Kyouk tshay.. Khwonnheet tsay ge sheet tahay ge.. Do. Ko tshay ge Yowetnee gyan .. Rangoon Yowetnee Do. " 33 31 "1 33 under silver above standard 11 do. do. do. do. alloy do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. ::::: yowetace, alloy 5 per cent. better than Ava standard. Touch. Calcutta Assay Report. 55 Br. 16.5 100 95 Br. 6.5 93.5 Br. 2 92.6 Standard. 91.8 Wo. 4 90.9 Wo. 3 89.7 Wo. 5 Wo. 42 85.0 Wo. 4 77.3 Wo. 14 73.9 Wo. 38.5 70.8 Wo 34 65.4 Wo. 72 60.7 Wo. 77 56.7 Wo. 88 53.1 Wo. 109 50.0 Wo. 107 4.72 Wo. 112 44.7 Wo 116 42.9 Wo. 131 90.0 Wo. 4 Touch. Value of 100 tikal in Fd. Rs. 98.6 151.57 94.3 145.16 92.5 142.28 91.7 141.00 90.0 138.44 90.4 139.08 87.6 137.79 74,1 114.08 90.0 138.44 85.8 132.03 75.6 116.32 77.5 119.21? 61.6 94.85 59.6 91.65 55.0 84.60 50.4 71.14 51.3 72.42 49.3 69.22 43.5 66.65 37.0 57.04 90.0 138.44 "A deduction of 1 per cent. should be expected from the produce of Ava Bullion on account of the vitreous coat of litharge which adheres to the lumps. 39 Some of the silver given to Prinsep to examine is probably still in existence in the Indian/ Museura, Calcutta Mint Collection: see Nos. 982, 983, 984, 991, 992.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY "This table is abstracted from the examination of 35 specimens of silver specially prepared in Ava, in presence of the Resident, purposely for the comparison of the Burmese with the English assay." The lowest class of silver above noted is that containing 80 per cent. alloy, but Yule, Ava, p. 345, beats even this low rate by stating that, among the Shans, silver often contained fully 100 per cent. alloy. This would, however, mean strictly that there was no silver left, and what he really means, I take it, is a reference to the ngazege or half silver standard, which of course contained only 50 per cent. alloy. 56 The great number of qualities of silver above noted is thus accounted for by Alexander Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II, p. 43:-" Silver of any Sort is welcome to them (Peguers). It pays the King eight and an Half per cent. Custom, but in lieu of that high Duty, he indulges the Merchants to melt it down, and put what Alloy they please in it, and then pass it off in Payments as high as they can. Rupee Silver which has no Alloy in it, will bear twenty-eight per cent. of Copper-alloy, and keep the Pegu Touch, which, they call flower'd Silver, and if it flowers, it passes current." The above statement refers to dealings at about A.D. 1700 and proves that the standard silver of the Peguan Kingdom was of a most inferior quality, for assuming rupee silver to have always been about 94 per cent of b'o, or modern Burmese pure silver, the standard of old Peguan flower'd silver must have been about 66 per cent. of b'. 40 I regret that I have been unable to find anywhere a table of Shan silver standards to compare with the Burmese, because it is pretty evident that the two nationalities have in reality much the same customs as to currency. A search through Cushing's Shan Dictionary would unearth a good many of the terms used by the Shans for silver and gold in their various forms, but unfortunately he never gives any definite renderings of the words he records. However, for future research it is something to have an idea as to what the terms are, and so I give here such as I have come across in my many wanderings through this valuable work. K'am is gold, and we find, p. 79, k'amkik, pinchbeck (mojo); k'amyongpin, very fine soft gold. Ngun is silver, and we have, p. 122, ngunkiu, very ure silver; ngunteng, dain 1 silver; ngunmuu, alloyed silver in cakes. Kid is described as very pure silver, at p. 29, of two kinds, kiumais'e and kidpantang. T'onk'o is given at p. 268 as very pure silver, and is (?) thakwa silver. And at p. 479 we have long-ngun, flowered silver. At p. 375 are given pir "silver from the crucible, Shan silver, pure, "the Burmese b'o: and at p. 265 we have t' iu, "pure silver:" p. 459, lang, "very pure silver. " Then there is at p. 284 narant and harani, a good variety of gold, evidently the nayanishwe and nayaka-shwe of Stevenson's Burmese Dict.; but what standard of gold these words represent I do not know. My own efforts in this direction are hardly more satisfactory, and I merely give the terms for what they may be worth, thus: Burmese. b'o (but ? should be dain). chaubinbauk (but I think ywetni is meant). chaubaukngwe (chaubinbauk). ng welon. majo (bad quality gold, half gold, billon). (lowest quality silver). [MAY, 1919 Shan. ngundai. nak'onbat. nguinmal. muwain. taungna. 12 ngunpadi, papa. (To be continued.) 40 On this point see my remarks later on under the head of "lump lead," when comparing lead, copper and silver standards in modern bazars. Given as daing to me by a Shan from the Thaton (Satung) State. For (?) taungnam, copper quality or "copper fine."

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MAY, 1919) NEW LIGHT FROM PREHISTORIC INDIA - 57 NEW LIGHT FROM PRE HISTORIC INDIA. BY PROF. PANCHANAN MITRA, M.A.; CALCUTTA. 1.-Scripts and Signs from Indian Neoliths. In the course of my studies of the prehistoric artifacts of India deposited in the Indian Museum (as arranged and catalogued recently by Mr. Coggin Brown), I began to come across distinct marks os etchings on some neolithic specimens. A list of these marks is given here and they are of special interest; not so much as giving us "marks": sometimes similar to those found by Mr. Yazdani from the prehistoric pottery of the Madras Museum (vide the Journal of the Hyderabad Archeological Society, 1917, pp. 56---79), as being almost identical with some signs and scripts of prehistoric Egypt. Already the systematic search in Southern and Western Europe has brought to light marks belonging to prehistoric ages from various parts of the Iberian peninsula. Thus Estacio la Viega! found them from Fonte Velha near Bensafrim, from Portella, the harbourside of Bartholomew de Messines, from Monte de Boi, from the environments of Martin Longo and other places of the provinces of Algarve and Almetjo and also in Minho and Traz09-Montes. So also Delgado 2 reports similar marks' from Alcala del Rio, northward of Seville and Gongora Y Martinez, 3 from Fuencaliente, the cave of the Letreros, cavern of Cero del Sol and other places of Andalusia. And the seven signs from Pouca d'Aguiar in the province of Traz-os-Montes in Portugal have been ascertained to be of alphabetic value and even to indicate a prayer to the Sun-god by Severo. These belong to the early Neolithic period there, which is reckoned roughly as belonging at least to 5000 B.C. 5 Similarly when dealing with the later brilliant Bronze Age of the AEgean culture area in the Histoire Ancienne dans l'Antiquite, in 1894, Monsieur Perrot had felt justified in summing up as follows:-"The first characteristic which attracts the historian's notice when he tries to define pre-Homeric civilisation is that it is a stranger to the use of writing. It knows neither the ideographic signs possessed by Egypt and Chaldaea, nor the alphabet properly so called, which Greece was afterwards to borrow." Yet in 1893-4 seal-stones began to be discovered in Greece by Greville Chester 7 and Crete by Evans, and by the year 1895 it was possible to conclude, not only that the engravings of certain soalstones showed all the characteristics of a system of writing, but even that the script was of the nature of a syHabary. If such was the state of affairs in Europe, no wonder that the reviewer of the Megalithic monuments of the Deccan would pass on with a hasty mention of some cup-markings, 8 and Breeks in his classic Primitive Tribes of the Neilgheries, while giving us a plate photographing a prehistoric cromlech at Melur with some evident inscriptions, did not care to describe what it was. But the pity is even Antiguidades Monumentales de Algarve, Vol. 4, pp. 275, 285, 286-8. * Nuove metodo de classificacion de las medallas autonomes de Espana, Book I, p. 132. 3 Ant. preist. de Andalausia (Madrid, 1868), pp. 65, 67, 73, 131. 4 As necropoles dolmenicas de Traz-os-Montes (1903), Vol. I, pp. 757. 3 Vide Sudwest Europaische Megalith kultur und ihre Beziehungen zum Orient, by Dr. G. Wilke, (1912), p. 46. 6 English Translation, p. vi. 1 Vide Man, 1903, Art. No. 28. 8 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1870, p 58.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1919 Bruce Foote, while pointing out that some of the prehistoric potteries contained "ownership-marks", and giving us in one of his plates (No. 47) of his second volume of Prehistoric and Proto-historic Antiquities some interesting pottery "marks", did not think they were worth a passing thought. It was only in 1917 that Mr. Yazdani, while conducting some excavations in Hyderabad cairns, being struck with the notable similarity of some prehistoric pottery marks with the Brahmi script, his memory being still fresh with the inscriptions of the Maski edict, which he had to copy down, undertook a list of these marks which he published in a table as already mentioned. But so much were the Indian antiquarians prepossessed by the idea of the, lateness of Indian script that the thought of its occurring in prehistoric artifacts in India got no place in their minds.and so Mr. Coggin Brown naturally failed to notice that there were not only isolated marks on several but also continuous signs on two which bore his catalogue number. As soon as it was clear to me that definite continuous marks occurred on two Indian Neoliths I at once realised the immense value of these finds on the question of the origin of Indian script, and I lost no time to hasten upstairs to subject these specimens to the sound epigraphic knowledge of the officer in charge, Professor D. R. Bhandarkar. The eminent professor has already been kind enough to refer to these finds and now he deciphered one satisfactorily by finding out that: the signs looked like primitive Brahmi characters reversed and holding the thing before a mirror gave a reading which we would see has been corroborated by other evidence. The two Neoliths bearing continuous signs come from almost contiguous parts of NorthEastern India, the one from Assam and the other from Bihar. The first one is a well-polished celt, sharpened at the edge and narrowed near the top in the characteristic manner of specimens from Assam though not formed into well defined shoulders like some other beautiful artifacts of the locality. It bore the Catalogue No. 998 and apparently could not be traced after having been catalogued What was remarkable about the script was a continuous line at the bottom which evidently had run into a perpendicular at the left extreme. This no doubt indicated that the script ran from right to left. It is hardly worth the while to point out that such writing has been considered to be the most ancient form in historical India and also that such specimens of Brahmi and Kharoshti have been reported from Eran and North-Western India and none from the North-East. Moreover, the continuous line at the bottom naturally reminded me of the plate number XXXIV of Estacio da Viega's Antiguidades monumentales de Algarve figuring an inscription from Fonte Velha near Bensafrim in Bezirk-Lago, Portugal, which our Neolithic signs resemble most in the bold linear type of character measuring alike in both the cases nearly one mm. in length and ending also in a perpendicular at the left side of the line. It did not seem to have become independent of the bottom line or to have developed into the well-marked art of the linear script from Crete, tables of which have been given by Mr. Solomon Reinach in L'Anthropologie. 10 Besides the bottom line and the perpendicular at the left extreme, four distinct signs lying clearly apart from each other may be easily differentiated from each other. It is rather fortunate that within the last ten or twelve years prehistoric palaeography is being placed more and more on a very sound footing by a comparative study of the numerous signs unearthed from the Iberian peninsula, the Mediterranean culture area and prehistoric Asia Minor and Egypt. A systematic table of the signs have been given long ago, by Horne in nis Natur-und 10 1902, p. 4 Fig. 2. 9 Vol. IV, p. 273.

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MAY, 1919 ) NEW LIGHT FROM PREHISTORIC INDIA 59 Urgeschicte des Menschen and the latest can be found in the Scientia 11 from the learned pen of Doctor W. M. Flinders Petrie. If we take for granted that similar signs have similar acrophonic value and alphabetic character (which is not much donbtful) then we can read with the help of the last table at least three signs. The sign on the extreme left "4" is set down without any difficulty as identical with the Egyptian "Y" and also Carian sign for "Y" and "he third from the left similarly to the sign for "I"in both these places. We should have been surprised if some of the signs from Assam had not presented some difficulty when being judged by a key which holds good of things from faroff Egypt. The second sign from the left resembles more a reversed Asokan "ga" with the two lines more at right angles than the prehistoric Egyptian sign for "g" which can be said to be a reversed Asokan "ga" with a short line joining the lower end at an acute angle. The fourth sign from the left appears to be even much more primitive. It harks back to the flag-like sign from the dolmens of Alvao in Portugal, but with this difference that the loop at the right hand top is not closed in the Assam specimen. It possibly represented the "A" vowel-stroke. The final perpendicular may be taken as a repetition of the "I" sign only joined at the bottom and lengthened a little or it might mark the end of the script in the same manner as the parichchheda mark at the end of a sentence in later days in India. Thus putting things together we get roughly a reading like " Y.G.I.A." Now the surest test of the correctness of a reading is when it admits of a rational explanation and bears a meaning. In India alone probably of all countries of the world the hard setting of different cultures at different stages can be definitely ascertained, and thus to the wonder of the prehistoric archaeologist he can actually hear the language spoken which was perhaps the dominant tongue of a pushing race long before the Semitisation or Aryanisation of the world. Our hopes have not been belied and turning to the primitive tribes of Assam whence came our Neolith, we had little difficulty in tracing the meaning. A Khasi vocabulary and grammar would at once point out that "I". is the diminutive article of both genders as "U" is the masculine and "Ka" the feminine article and "gyo" in Burma and "khiw" in Khasi means a hoe, primitive in shape but still in use locally. Now, why a spanle should be written a spade or a hoe, is clearly realised when we find from the following extract how the word is connected with the thunderweapon in folk-lore especially in the neighbouring districts (vide Coggin Brown's article in Journal of the Asiatic Sociely of Bengal, New Series, Vol. V, No. 8. 1909). Thus Mr. Gurdon writes in his celebrated book The Khasis 13 : "Now the peculiarly shaped Khasi hoe or mo-khiw 13, with its far-projecting shoulders, is merely an enlarged edition of the Naga hoe desoribed by Peal and may therefore be regarded as a modern representative in iron, although on an enlarged scale, of the shoulder-headed celts." Another interesting point. is that according to Forbes, the Burmese name for these stone-celts is mo-gyo. Now the Khasi name for the hoe is mo-khiu. The similarity between the two words seems very great. Forbes says the name "mo-gyo" in Burmese means "Cloud or sky-chain" which he interprets" thunderbolt ", the popular belief there as in other countries being that these implements fell from heaven. ..... When it is remembered that these stone-celts are of a different shape from that of the stone-implements which have been found in India (with 11 1918, I-XII. . 13 Sesond edition (Macmillan), 1914, p. 12-13. 13 Mo' in Khasi means large, as "I"small.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1919 the exception of Chota Nagpur) there would seem to be some ground for believing that the Khasis are connected with people who inhabited the Malay Peninsula and Chota Nagpur at the time of the Stone Age. That these peoples were, what Logan calls, the Mon-Andam may possibly be the case. Mr. Peal goes on to state " the discovery'is interesting for other reasons, as it possibly amounts to a demonstration that Logar (who it is believed was the first to draw attention to languages of the Mon-Annam or MonKhanver and those of the Mundas and the Khasis) was correct in assuming that at one time the Mon-Annam races and influence extended from the Vindhyas all over the Ganges Basin, even over Assam, the northern border of the Ultra Indian Peninsula." So if we were disposed to think that a chance coincidence merely made the prehistoric palau graphic Egyptian'key fit in to an Assam Neolith, the probability of correctness becomes more when the meaning is made clear and patent by a systematic anthropo-philological enquiry. What is rather more important and an interesting link in our arguments is convincing proofs have already been trought forward by a learned savant, Mr. H. Frey, in 1905 in Egyptiens prehistoriques identifies avec les Annamites mainly on linguistic grounds, that the prehistoric Egyptians and the present Annamites, are identical. Thus he wrote in page 6: "We mean to state finally and principally and we hope to be able to impart the conviction to those who are interested by these studies, that the language spoken in Egypt in prehistoric epochs, that is to say, 6000 years and more before Christ, was none other than what is but spoken to day by the Annamites and which in the monosyllabic form, as it then was, in some sort crystallised, (as much as time allowed has maintained) much of its primitive purity." We have already seen that the Khasi language bears marked affinities with the languages of the Annamite group. It is rather remarkable that the Khasis as they are, do not possess the art of writing and in fact they have adopted the English alphabet lately for their new growing literature. But still tradition is sirong among them that they possessed the art of writing in some antediluvian age and they lost their book and arts while swimming for life during the flood. Lastly, the following quotation gives us a clue that this Neolith inscribed in some ancient Khasi tongue was probably used as a token of submission 15 :-"The Rev. H. Roberts in his introduction to his Khasi Grammar states that traditivn, such as it is, connects them politically with the Burmese to whose king they were up to a comparatively recent date rendering homage, by sending him an annual tribute in the shape of an axe, as an emblem of submission." To prehistorie archaeology, which saw its birth to make some Mullerian myths melt in air and unearthed the cup of Priam and the seals of Idomeneus' treasury, which has broughi forth sure proofs of very ancient connections between such widely scattered tracts as Scandinavia or Spain and Crete or Egypt, and which is well nigh inclined to assign to a single race the thousands of megaliths spread almost all over the world, the connection between Neolithic Assam and predynastic Egypt is not much surprising. Some very interesting intermediate stages and missing links' will be adduced in the next two papers, which will go well nigh to demonstrate a great prehistorio Indian race, whom 'I should like to call Indo-Erythraean, was possibly responsible for some highly finished cultures, which almost simultaneously (or rather the more Eastern, the more ancient the culture) had its rise in prehistoric India, predynastic Egypt and proto-Sumer and Accad. And as botanists would call that land the place of origin where certain plants are still 14 Gurdon, The Khasis (2nd edition), p. 10. 15 Ibid

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MAY, 1919] NEW LIGHT FROM PRE ISTORIC INDIA 61 tound wild, so anthropologists would tend strongly in favour of the land as the primitive and original home where the earliest wild stages are still as unmistakably found as the later higher developments clearly missed. Lastly, it must be remembered that if Petrie's arguments that proto-Egypt is the ultimate source of all prehistoric signs in Europe and Africa, as it possesses the largest number, is sound, prehistoric India is in a much more vantage ground, as Mr. Yazdani's already published signs, together with the signs found later by himself and me, far outweigh in number those from Egypt. With these words I pass on to the other remarkable artifact, the piece of red earthy haematite whose very make suggests to Egyptian hieroglyph for representing roughly a t o sound joined to the symbol for aah' a . Its immediate deciphering speaks volumes of the soundness of the Indian palaeography as well as the epigraphic abilities of Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, whose reading has been more than amply justified by the hieroglyphic indication of the value of the artifact itself as well as independent evidence from another quarter. I may mention here that another small beautifully shaped Neolith (Catalogue No. 20991) is identical in shape with the Egyptian hieroglyphic sign for "R'd" or "R'j." Coming now to the script itself, we start with the clue of the hieroglyphic determinative which gives us the idea that the word is an "aah-ta" ending word, so if any doubt remain that the word was to be read from the left to the right is at once done away with and we also get the value of the large symbol as "TA" and we have already stated that Prof. Bhandarkar's reading from the purely Indian palaeographic standpoint gave us the identical value when it was taken for granted that it was a reverse Brahmi " Ta", whose existence has always been pre-supposed from the older manner of writing of the Brahmi script notably in Eran. Similarly the first symbol on the extreme right was once for all settled for "Ma" though the right hand horn on the loop forming a straight line with the right hand side of the loop itself showed that it was of considerable antiquity-much more anterior to the Eran form. For though historic palaeography has a tendency to pre-suppose a later date, the straighter the lines, prehistoric palaeography has given once for all the lie direct to it, for the more we go back for at least in the history of the prehistoric script in S.-W. Europe we do not often get the preceding picture-writing but definite bold stroke. It seems that to the earliest man ay to the young child it was easier to give indiscriminate dots and d&shes rather than faithful artistic representations of objects round them not to speak of attaching a pbilosophic or rationalistic symbolical meaning to them, which pre-supposes a considerable development of the intellect taking thousands of years in the history of human culture. Tt is for this reason perhaps that the Hieratic has been definitely disproved to be merely a cursive development of the Hieroglyphic, as archaeological excavations have given us a long series of its fora-runners at a time when probably the latter was unknown. That is why also, perhaps, pre-Columbian Mexico whose civilisation left little to be desired or at least was not at all rude and primitive, gloated in the possession of probably the best form of picture-writing the world has ever known. In short we are even tempted to say that the palaeographist's occupation is gone in the face of Piette's epoch-making discoveries of the painted symbols from Masd'Azil of which the modest date would be more than 6000 B.C. and which give us the capital letters "E' "1" or "L" in a form which leaves little to be desired in the twentieth century A.D. At least now no one should enter into the question of the origin of the alphabet

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1919 in any part of the old world without full note of their long tale in the prehistoric dawn. These digressions apart, which were entered into merely to show that probably the laudable attempts of the great Cunningham to pre-suppose and evolve a fore-running Hieroglyph or Pictograph from the existing Brahini type were but love's labours lost, I pass on to the script in question which was deciphered as "Maata." We have already referred to the Acrophonic value of the artifact and now we would point out that " Maata " as an euphonym is very common amongst Egyptian sovereigns (witness name "Ra-maat" of queen Hatashu or Hatshepshet). "The word mat, mat, mat, meaning eye' also runs through several of the Mon-Annam languages to which the Munda of Chota Nagpur bears remarkable affinities, e.g., Mon, mat; Stieng, mat : Bahnar, mat; Annam, mat; Khasi, Khmat (dialectic mat); ( vide Gurdon, p. 206). Before passing on to other questions it is well to consider the probability of the knowledge of writing in Neolithic India. Bruce Foote in his masterly second volume on the Prehistorio and Proto-historic Antiquities (Notes on the Ages, etc., p. 15) points out: "That the Indian people of Palaolithic times did occasionally make drawings and engravements for special purposes, seem, however, more than probable, because implements suitable for the preparation of such drawings have been found, notably the 'chert-burin' from Jubbulpur resembling one from Les Eyzies." Thus what Masd'Azil has established in Europe, the Jubbulpur "chert-burin' would lead us to in far-off India, namely, that alpha betiform signs (Alphabetarlige Zeichen) first arose in the transitional period between the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic ages. Moreover, graffiti etchings remarkably resembling those from the "Rein-deer" period of prehistoric Europe have been reported from Neolithic Kapgallu hills of the Bellary District. Similarly Mr, c. W. Anderson has reported of the Rock-paintings of Singapore in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society for September 1918, of which plate 8, depicting the folded palm of a hand, makes a near approach to the shape of our piece of Haematite. Now not much doubt should remain as to the antiquity of our finds, which was collected by competent savants of the Geological Survey and catalogued as a genuine artifact of Neolithic India by the unassa ilable Indian geological and anthropological knowledge of Mr. Coggin Brown, as these Egyptian similarities unmistakably point to the same mysterious prehistoric connections to whicn I have referred already. At least the mere fact that Indian archaeology, which takes us back to Naks-i-Rustam and Behistun tablets of the sixth century B.c., has not a word to say on this shows how far anterior to that period would have been the time of the contact of the Egyptian and Indian cultures as there can be proved to have been some, by these and subsequent evidence. Here we have two Neoliths, one of which we have read with a key supplied by prehistoric Egypt and the other harking back to some characteristics which are unmistakably Egyptian, so can we not say that they belong to a time when either prehistoric India was being influenced by predynastic Egypt (for the key which we have usert belongs to prehieroglyphic and proto-hieratic period) or vice versa, or a common culture was swaying both the lands? Though the prehistoric data from India have not yet been exhausted, five catalogues have already enabled me sufficiently to enter into the same interesting problem in a second paper on the vestiges of a prehistoric race of India and a third paper on the chronology of the Indian early Iron Age and it would be seen that the conclusions. which prehistoric palaeography clearly hints at, would be rendered highly probable by a comparative study of some ancient skulls and would almost settle into a valid scientific induction by the tests of prehistoric archaeology and metallurgy of India

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MAY, 1919) NEW LIGHT FROM PREHISTORIC INDIA 63 One word more,-my friend Mr. S. Kumar who has piloted me often by giving me timely warnings of the pitfalls ahead suggested that these might be talismans or tribal sept-marks. It does justice to his strong commonsense and clear insight, for on turning over the pages of the Anthropological Journal, Man (1903, Article 28), at his suggestion I found that exactly the same doubts were thrown on Cretan stones when they were being unearthed in the late Nineties of the last century. But it is now held by a comparative study of talismans all over the world, that these are invariably bored for being used as pendants and both our Neoliths betrayed no trace of any boring. As to their being sept-marks, the mere fact that we have been able to decipher them by a key which reads alphabets and also that the reading has been rendered correct by the probable meanings which we have found quite suitable renders improbable the idea that they were mere uncouth symbols looked upon with reverential or superstitious awe. Lastly, the "Maata" of our Neolith, written undoubtedly with reverse. Brahmb characters according to Prof. Bhandarkar (who was kind enough to point out also that the reverse form could not have been due to its being used as a seal for the signs were inscribed or rather etched in very narrow lines on a very uneven part and thus could not have been meant for impression elsewhere), means a headman or chieftain. We have seen it forming a part of Egyptian royal names. It survives to-day curiously enough, guch is the degradation of words brought about probably by social circumstances in the lowest degraded class in India, the cleaners of reftise--the "mehtar" and the "mehtua." Russell and, if I remember right, also Risley, have long ago pointed out that the word "mehtar" means a prince or head-man. The very depth of the social scale to which these peoples have sunk, shows the vast lapse of ages which must have gone by since the time these very people were actually princes and chieftains, from which position they sank. and sank till the last of Indian primitive conquerors who gave it its dominant culture, the Sindhu-bank dwellers--the Hindus--came from the direction of "Ariane" and evolved a rigid social system which has shown little signs of any great modification since those ancient times, except it be in these days of mass education and British enlightenment. So these words, as it were, gives a side-light to those remote Neolithic pre-Aryan times, when a piece of red earthy haematite much.prized by prehistoric Indiaus, shaped in a beautiful symbolical manner and inscribed with a word meaning a leader, might have been part of the paraphernalia of some pre-Aryan patriarchal ruler. Now is well known that village government has often been shown by others to be of South Indian pre-Aryan (Dravidian or pre-Dravidian) origin. And as village government in India was seldom touched by the imperial ruler of India and has gone on in much the same way for thousands of years, I am inclined to think that we can still trace the rule of a Maata in the modern village headman "Mahto", which word should not be connected by false philology with the much later Sanskrit word "Mahat" 'as Prof. Bhandarkar pointed out that in Sanskrit the word for a chief is " Mahattara" and "Mahattama", the comparative and superlative forms and not simply "Mahat." It seems very probable that the non-Aryan word "Mehetar" was identified with Sanskrit "Mahattara" and by false analogy the superlative "Mahattama " alo caline into being. About the modern "Mahto" rule I woukl refer to Russell's Tribes and Castes, etc., Vul I, p. 386, and Risley's Tribes and Castes oj

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (May, 1919 Bengal, Vol. II, pp. 43-44, and also give the following excerpt from the Census of India, 1911, Vol. V, Part I, p. 466: "Ih Shahabad every goala village has a head-man called 'Mahto'for a group of villages, and in the case of towns for the whole of the town, there is a superior caste official who is called 'Barka-Mahto,' i.e. a 'Mahto' of 12 villages. When a breach of caste rule takes place the village. Mahto 'is first informed about it. In petty cases he gives judgment in consultation with the castemen of the village. In serious cases the Barko-Mahto' is referred to, and general panchayet of all the castemen in the villages under him is convoked. Among other sub-castes (except the Goria), the panchayet's jurisdiction is restricted to a group of villages, the head of which is called a "Mahto, Russell and Risley make it clear (vide references ante) that this term is very cominon amongst the goalas. However much these may have a tendency recently to group themselves under the third Aryan caste group, the Vaishyas, the following extract from Captain Mackintosh's Account of the Mhadgo Kolies 16 would make it clear that they clutched quite a different tradition about their origin, when modern education had not yet percolated to them, on the strength of which they may be with a fair degree of probability ascribed to be remnants of a pre-Aryan Megalith-rearing race of the Deccan : "There is a popular tradition among the people in that part of the country, that the Goursees were the original inhabitants of the Dukhan, and that they were displaced from the hilly tracts of the country by the race of Goullies or cowherds. These Goullies, it is said, subsequently rabelled aguinst their lawful prince, who detached an army that continued unceasing in their exertion until they exterminated the entire race of Goullies. It is a common practice with such of the inhabitants of the plains as bury their dead as well as the hill-tribes to erect thurgahs (tombs commonly of a single stone) near the graves of their parents. In the vicinity of some of the Koly villages and near the site of deserted ones, beveral of those thurgahs are occasionally to be seen, especially near the source of the Bhaum river. The people say they belong to the Goursees and Goulties of former times. The stones, with many figures in relief roughly carved upon and one of them holding a drum in his hand and in the act of beating tune on it, are considered to have belonged to the Goursees who are musicians by profession. The other thargahs with a saloonka (one of the emblems of Mhadeo) and a band of women forming a circle round it with large pots on their heads, are said to be Goully monuments. This may be reckoned partly confirmatory of the tradition." I append below a list of the signs heretofore discovered by me Neolithic scripts of and signs Catalogue number of the pieces on Locality, which they occur. found by me. IK .. No. 3177; C. B. P. 124 .. Chota Nagpur. II G174.. C. B. P. 131 ; Neolith No. 998 .. Assam. C. B. P. 131 ; Neolith No. 866.. Assam. .. C. B. P. 74; Neolith No. 2626 .. Bellary, C. B. P. 126; Neolith No. 3294 .. Behar, OTE C. B. Z XOTE C. B-Catalogue raisonnd of the Prehistoric Antiquities in the Indian M om at Caloutta. By J. Coggia Brown, M.Sc., F.G.S., edited by Sir John Marshall, Kr., C.L.E., M. A., Litt. D., F.S.A. (To be continued.) 10 Madros Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. V (1837), p. 251-252.

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May, 1919 ] THE HUN PROBLEM IN INDIAN HISTORY THE HUN PROBLEM IN INDIAN HISTORY. By Pror, 8. KRISHNASWAMI AY ANGAR, M.A.; MADRAS. The Huns were an Asiatic people who, according to accepted history, dominated the world during the 4th and 6th centuries of the Christian era. Gibbon says of them: "The Western world was oppressed by the Goths and Vandals who fled before the Huns; but the achievements of the Huns themselves were not adequate to their power and prosperity. Their victorious hordes had spread from the Volga to the Danube, but the public force was exhausted by the discord of independent chieftains; their valour was idly consumed inobscure and predatory exoursions; and they often degraded their national dignity by condescending, for the hope of spoil, to enlist under the banners of their fugitive enemies. In the reign of Attila, the Huns again became the terror of the world, and I shall now describe the character and actions of that formidable Barbarian, who alternately insulted and invaded the East and the West, and urged the rapid downfall of the Roman Empire. "In the tide of emigration which impetuously rolled from the confines of China to those of Germany, the most powerful and populous tribes may commonly be found on the verge of the Roman provinces. Their accumulated weight was sustained for a while by artificial barriers; and the only condescension of the emperors invited, without satisfying, the insolent demands of the Barbarians who had acquired an eager appetite for the luxuries of civilized life. "Attila, the son of Mundzuk, deduoed his noble, perhaps his regal, descent from the ancient Huns, who had formerly contended with the monarchs of China. His features, accord ing to the observation of a Gothic historian, bore the stamp of his national origin; and the portrait of Attila exhibits the genuine deformity of a modern Calmuck: a large head, a swarthy complexion, small, deep-seated eyes, a flat nose, a few hairs in the place of a beard, broad shoulders, and a short square body, of nervous strength, though of a disproportioned form. The haughty step and demeanour of the king of the Huns expressed the consciousness of his superiority above the rest of mankind; and he had a custom of fiercely rolling his eyes, as if he wished to enjoy the terror which he inspired." The Huns in the East. At the other extremity of their influence at about the same period, a more recent historian has the following: -"Reference has already been made to the Yueh-Chi as having in 163 B.C. dispossessed the Sakas from their habitat in the Tarim Basin. In 120 B.C. the Yush-Chi drove the Sakas put of Bactria, which they occupied and which remained their centre for many generations. In 30 B.O. one of their tribes, the Kwei-Shang. subdued the others, and the nation became known to the Romans as the Kushan. Antony sent ambassadors to this people and Kushan chiefs appeared in Rome during the reign of Augustus. Their power gradually waned, and they were finally supplanted by & race known to the Chinese as the Yetha, to the classical writers as the Ephthalites or White Huns, and to the Persians as the Haythal: the new-oomors, though of a similar stock, were entirely distinot from the Yueh-Chi whom they drove out. This powerful tribe crossed the Oxos about A.D. 425, and according to the Persian chroniclers the news of their invasion caused a widespread panic." The Inaugural Leoture before the Madras Christian College Amociated Societies. + Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Mothua'Popular odition, Vol. III, pp. 416-19. * History of Persia, by Lieut.-Col. Sir P. M. Sykes, Vol. I, pp. 468-9.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (May, 1919 These Huns seem to have made their appearance first on the eastern frontier of Persia about the year 350 in the reign of the Persian King, Shapur the Great, and, according to Persian historians, Shapur defeated them and made them enter into a treaty with him so far successfully that, when he had to go to war against Rome a few years after, he was supported by an army of these Huns; but soon after the year A.D. 425, when they crossed the Oxus, Bahram Gur defeated them completely and made them cross the Oxus back again for the time being. Though defeated for the while, the White Huns hung like a cload on the eastern frontier of Persia and constituted the principal pre-oocupation of the Persian monarchs that succeded him. After a prolonged series of operations, Shah Firuz of Persia suffered in A.D. 483 a crushing defeat from the "Khush-Nowaz", the Highminded, and he himself fell in the battle. What was worse for Persia, the White Hun monarch imposed a tribute on the Great King who succeeded Firuz, which was paid for two years. It was left to a son of this valiant Firuz, Kobad by name, to destroy the power of these Huns. After a war which lasted from A.D. 503, to 513 he defeated them, and the White Hun peril which had threatened Iran for so long had passed away. The Huns in India. . It is these Ephthalites or the White Huns that figure prominently in the History of India of the same period. Their first appearance so far as is known to us at present was in the reign of the early Gupta En peror, Kumaragupta, whose death took place in A.D. 455. He suffered a defeat at the hands of the Huns, serious enough to shake the foundations of the empire; but the disaster was averted by the energy of his son Skandagupta, who inflicted a crushing defeat on the Barbarians and averted the danger for the time, about the year A.D. 455. The Huns appeared again barely ten years after, about A.D. 465, occupying Gand hara, the North-Western Punjab. Five years after this they advanced further into the interior and Skandagupta's exertions to stem the tide of the invasion were not uniformiy successful. Onder his weaker succ038ors, they continued their advance till they ware completely defeated some years before A.D. 533, either by a combination of Narasimha Gupta Baladitya, the Gupta ruler, and Yasodharman of Malva (either as a subordinato, or more likely as an independent ruler); or each of these inflicted a separate defeat upout these Huns. We have records of two Hun rulers in India, father and son, by namo Toramana and Mihiragala. Mihiragula, the Gollas of Cosmos Indikoploustes. is described by Hiuen-Tsang as "a bold intrepid man of great ability and all the neighbouring states were his vassals." He wished to study Buddhism and the Buddhists put up a talkative servant to discuss the Buddha's teachings with the king. Enraged at the insult he ordered the utter extermination of the Buddhist Church in his dominions. When he recovered from the defeat at the hands of Baladitya, he found that his place was not available to him. His younger brother having taken poesession of the throne, he took refuge in Kashmir, and here he repaid hospitality by treachery and having murdered the king he made himself ruler. Then he renowed his project of exterminating Buddhism, and with this view he caused the demolition of 1600 topes and monasteries, and put to death nine lotis of lay adherents of Buddhism. His career R&B out short by his sudden death, and the air was darkened, and the earth quciod, and fierce winds rushed forth as he went down to the Hell of unceasing torment. What the Hindu and Jain sources have to say of him is no lons gruesome, and he was taken away to the relief of suffering humanity. * Watters, Yuan Chuang, Vol. , pp. 288-9.

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May, 1919] THE HUN PROBLEM IN INDIAN HISTORY 67 The Huns in Indian Literature-Kalidasa. It is the invasion of the Huns and the particular period of active migration of this nomadic people that scholars have laid hold of in connection with all references that may be found to the Huns in Indian literature. One of these latter references is contained in the Raghuvainsa of Kalidasa. Among the many achievements of the hero has to figure, according to accepted Canons of literary criticism, a description of his conquest of the four quarters. This forms Book IV of the work. Slokas 60-80 of this book give the details of the western conquests of Raghu and his progress northwards till he crossed the Himalayas back into the Madhyadesa of the ancients. The geography of this progress is worth careful study. Raghu is brought in victorious career along the west coast to Trikuta, which is west Avanti on the farther side of the Vindhyas. Then he started for the conquest of the Parasika by the land way. He left the field of the battle with the army of cavalry of the westerners covered with the bearded heads, cut off by the crescent darts of his bowman. He magnanimously pardoned the survivors who surrendered to him with their turbans removed. The victors rid themselves of the fatigues of the battle by draughts of wine in the surrounding vineyards in which sheets of leather were spread for seats. Then he set forward northwards as if he were bent upon uprooting the northern monarchs. By rolling on the banks of the Sindhu (Vanksu) the horses of Raghu's army not only got rid of the fatigues of the journey but also shook off the pollen of the saffron flowers svicking in their manes. The display of his valour on their husbands exhibited itself by the red colour in the cheeke of the Huna Woman.. The Kambojas unable to resist his valour bent down before him as did their Walnut (Akaoda) trees broken by his elephants tied to them. They sent in their tributes in heaps of gold and herds of horses repeatedly, pride never entering the mind of Raghu all the same. Then he ascended the Himalayas, the mountain-father of Gauri, the mineral dust raised by his cavalry appearing to be intended to enhance the heights of its peaks. The breeze rustling among the birch-leaves, and whistling musicallyamong the bamboos, carried the spray droplets of Ganges water which refreshed him on the way. The Kiratas who reached his abandoned camps learned the height of his elephants from the marks on the deodars left by the neck-ropes of these elephants. Raghu fought a fierce battle with the Parvatiyas (the seven ganas of Utsavasaike tas). Having made them lose the taste for war, he got his pean of victory sung by the Kinnaras. Having raised his pile of un assailable glory on the Himalayas as if to put to shame the Ravana-shaken Kaildsa of Siva, Raghu descended the Himalayas. * Critieism of the Reference. The substance of the twenty stanzas of the book given above, gives a sufficiently correct indication of the point of view of the author though three points of view seem possible. In such connections an author may simply follow a conventional method in which states and parties are alike figments of the imagination; le may equip himself with such historical information as may be available to him and try to project the political condition of the age of his hero; or he may just project anachronistically the political condition of his own age. Which exactly is the actual point of view of the author in any particular case has to be settled upon its own merits in each case, and the decision will depend upon the pictual knowledge of the age it is possible for us to bring to bear upon the question. Profoundly well-read in the Epics and the Puranas, as Kalidasa apparently was, he does not appear 5 This is a product of Yuan-Chwang's Kapisa. 8. Beal's Si-Yu-Ki, I, 54 and notee, 190 & 191.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1919 mint but the situenay Fre to follow the Pauramic convention in this case. It is well on the surface that he does not quite attempt the historical surroundings of the age of Raghu, as a comparison of this progress with the corresponding section of the Ramayana or the Mahabharata will abundantly show. It is in all probability, the third course that he has adopted in this case, and has tried to depict the political surroundings of his own age. On this assumption it is that those scholars who have investigated the question have ascribed to Kalidasa the particular historical periods to which they ascribe him, rejecting as untenable the traditional age of Vikrameditya of Ujjain. It will appear in the course of our study of the history of the Huns, that this settlement so far, at any rate, as it rests upon Kalidasa's reference to the Hunas, is anything but the crucial test that it is but too readily taken to be. The Geographical Data of Kalidasa. * Let us examine the test a little more closely. Kalidasa leads Raghu from Trikata by the landway to Parasika which must be Fars (ancient Persia) from which the name has descended to the whole country. The specific mention of the landway suggests that the usual way was the waterway. If Raghu came from Aparanta, (the Bombay Coast) he must have crossed the Vindhyas near the west end through his own Anupa, and Trikata must be located in the Western parts of Central India, the roadway must then go across the margin of the desert to Sukkur, and thenee by way of the Bolan Pass to the Kojak Amran mountains, winding round them to Girishk, and thence across to South Persia along the Helmand, that is, the region of Persia hallowed by the early activity of Zoroaster and his patron Darius Hystapes. Then follow some points of detail which indicate accurate knowledge of the characteristics of the Persians and the Parthians before them. They were both of them essentially horsemen, and. the Parasikas are described in the poem. When they were defeated, and they resolved to surrender, the usual custom among them was to take off their turbans, throw them round their necks and appear as supplicants. Whether the term " Apa nita Sirastrana" conveys all this it would be hard to say, but it seems unmistakably to indicate this peculiarity of the Persians. Both Persians and Parthians were alike bearded men, as the poem says. Having conquered these, Raghu starts northwards as if to uproot the kings of the northern people--among whom figure only two, the Hanag and Kambojas. As a clear indication of what this north means we are given the specific hint (in sloka 67) that the banks of the Sindhu were reached. The word Sindhu is more likely to be a misreading, as six manuscripts out of the nine have Vankou instead of Sindhu. The most popular and authoritative commentator among these, Mallinatha, adopting the reading Sindhu, gives the meaning a nada in Kashmere, meaning a westward flowing river, according to his own definition. He has been driven to this by the obvious unsuitability of the ordinary significance of the word Sindhu. It is very likely that the correct mading is Vanksu. If it is so, what is Vanku? This is usually identified with the river Oxus, which is derived from the term Vaksu or Vamkbu. The Oxus is a long river the sources of which lie not far from the Pamirs, and its course then lay across the whole width of Mid-Asia from the Pamirs to the Caspian Sea. The Vanksu is not the Oxus, however, but is the name ofone of the many tributaries which pour their tribute of water into the actually smaller Oxus. to make it the great river. Among four such in the upper reaches of the Oxus, there 6 See Nandargikar's Edition of the Raghuvamba, p. 91. Van ksu as such was known to the Indians of Malva in the age of Phoje. Ep. Ind., II, pp. 189-196.

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MAY, 19191 THE HUN PROBLEM IN INDIAN HISTORY 69 are two. Wakshab and Akshab, between which lay Khuttal, as it is called by Arab geographers, but Haytal by the ancient Persians, from which the name Ephthalites was given to the later Huns. The Wakshab of the Arabs is apparently the Vajksu referred to by Kalidasa, by far the greatest tributary of the Oxus. Immediately to the east of this and enclosed in a huge semi-circular bend of the Oxus is the division known by the name Badakshan, 'a country in wbich rivers carried down gold sands.' To the east of this again and reaching almost to the very source of the Oxus lay Wakh-Khan, which brings us to the very frontiers of Kashmir, but on the farther side of the Karakoram branch of the Himalaya mountains. There is but a narrow strip of country at the foot of the Pamir between the upper course of the Indus, the sources of the Oxus and those of the Yarkhand river, which in medieval times formed the road of communication between Turkistan and Tibet. The junction of the Wakshab is reached from Balkh by & road going into the territory of Khuttal, a little to the east of the junction,' and if Kalidasa had any roadway in this region in his mind, Raghu's march must have taken the road that Alexander took, up to Balkh and then turned north-eastward from Balkh, through Badakshan and Wakh-Khan to the frontier of Kamboja, instend of the slightly north-western road which led into Sugd, the Sogdiana of the Greeks. There is then another point for remark in this connection. This itinerary for Raghu seems to mark the outer boundary in the west and north-west of India from the Achaemenian times onwards almost up to the middle of the 3rd century A.D., if not even up to the time of Yuan Chwang (Hiuen-Tsiang). Raghu marched eastwards from the Vanknu apparently till he reached the frontiers of the Kambojas who submitted without a fight. After this it is that he began his ascent of the Himalayas. There is a well-known route for commerce through Ladak and eastern Kashmere into Tibet, but the region was occupied by the warlike Daradas (Dards). Raghu's route according to Kalidasa, must have lain further east as there is no mention of these Daradas, and as bloka 73 states that his army was refreshed, on its la borious moun. tain journey, by the breezes from the Ganges. There is the further reference (in kloka 80) to the Kailasa being perhaps in view. He then descended the Himalayas probably by the passes of Gangotri and Kedarnath into the Doab between the Ganges and the Jumna. Here ends this part of his victorious progress, Kalidasa transferring him to the banks of tho Lauhitya (Brahmaputra) imiaediately on his eastern conquests. The real question requiring explanation. This detailed investigation makes it clear that at the period of time referred to by Kalidasa in this connection, the Huns were in that particular region on the northern banks of the Oxus, which became characteristically their own in the centuries of their active domination both over Asia and Europe, that is, in the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. When they aotually did come in there, and whether those that were in occupation of that region before them could by any means be known to the Indians of their days by the name Hun or Hana are points on which light would be welcome. The Man in Chinese History. The name Hang can be traced back in Chinese history to the very beginnings of the history of that country. These were a people who occupied the north-wesiern corner 1 Vide The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate by Le Strange, Chap. 'The Oxus.' * For the position of the Dards and Kambojas see Pargiter's Map JRAS., 1908, p. 332.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1919 of China proper and were known to the neighbouring Chinese under three forms of the name, written differently no doubt but pronounced exactly alike. Their earliest name seems to have been Hiun-Yu, the first part being Hun or Kun indifferently ; later they were called Hien Yun, and finally Hiung-Nu, the common sound of all these being Hun. This takes on an affix 'U' in Persian becoming Hunu, Sansk. Huna. These Hiung-Nu were the leaders of the Turkish, Mongolian, and Hunnu peoples, who overran the continent of Eurasia in the centuries above referred to. They referred themselves to the dynasty of Hia, founded by the great Yu, son of the minister Kun in B.c. 2205. The seventeenth ruler of this dynasty was banished in 1766 B.C., because he was a tyrant. His son Shun-wei migrated with 500 members of the family of Hia to the northern borders of the district of China, and these, Chinese tradition referred to as the forefathers of the Hiung.Nu. Dr. F. Hirth says: "Under Huang-Ti, we find the first mention of a nation called Hun-Yu, who occupied the north of his empire and with whom he is represented to have engaged in warfare. The Chinese identified this name with that of the Hiung-Nu, their old hereditary, enemy and the ancestors of Attila's Huns. Even though the details of these legendary accounts may deserve little confidence, there must have been an old tradition that a nation called Hun-Yu, occupying the northern confines of China, were the ancestors of Hiung-Nu tribes, well-known in historical times, a scion of whose great Khans settled in the territory belonging to the king of Sogdiana during the first century B.o., levied tribute from his neighbours, the Alane, and with his small but warlike hordes initiated that era of migrations, which led to the over-running of Europe with central Asiatic Tatars."9 Coming down the centuries, the kingdom of China broke up in the seventh century B.c. into seven feudal kingdoms: Tshu, Chao, Wei, Han, Yen-Chao and Ts'i, and T's'in. Of these the northern kingdoms Yen-Chao and Ts'in were neighbours of the Hiung-Nu. In the year 321 B.C., and again three years after, the first six of these kingdonis under the leadership of the Hiung-Nu attacked the Ts'in dynasty. The allies were, however, entirely conquered by the Ts'in, and Shi-Huang-Ti of the Ts'in dynasty became the first universal emperor about the year 246 B.C. This emperor made Hien Yang (the modern Si-Gan Fu) his capital, He abolished the feudal system and divided the country into provinces over which he set governors directly responsible to himself. He was also the author of roads, canals, and other useful public works, and having assured himself of order in the interior of his kingdom, he proceeded against his enemies, chief among whom were the Hjung-Nu Tatars, whose attack for years had been disconcerting to the Chinese, and the neighbouring principalities. He exterminated those of the Hiung-Nu that were in the neighbourhood of China and drove the rest of them into Mongolia. Overcoming his enemies on the other frontier as well, he extended the empire to make it of the same extent as that of modern China proper. As a protection against the repetition of attacks by the Hiung-Nu, he supplemented the efforts of the three northern states by completing the great wall of China along the northern frontier extending from the sea to the farthest western frontier of the province Kan-Suh. This great work was begun under his immediate supervision in 214 B.C. Finding schoolmen and pedants holding up to the admiration of the people, the feudal system that he overthrew, he ordered the destruction of all books having reference to the past history of his empire. But the result of this piece of vandalism was a great deal undone by his successor Hwei-Ti (194--179 B.c.), the contemporary of our Pushvamitra and Kharavela, and of the Bactro-Indian Greek Menander, the Milinda of the Buddhists. * Engclopadia Britannica (XI Ed.), Vol. 6, p. 102.

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MAY, 1919) THE HUN PROBLEM IN INDIAN HISTORY 71 The Huns and the Yueh-Chi. During the last years of Shi Huang-Ti, the Hiung-Nu Shan-Yu, Teu-Man by name, was driven from the throne and murdered by his son Mao-Tun in the year 209 B.C. Subjugating twenty-six of his neighbouring tribes, Mao-Tun extended his kingdom from the Sea of Japan to the river Volga. At the head of an army of 300,000 men he recovered from the Chinese all the northern territory inside the great wall, which they had seized from his father. The Han ruler Hwei-Ti (194--179 B.C.), when he ascended the throne, started by giving every encouragement to the literature and doing all that was possible for him to undo the destruction brought about by Shi-Huang-Ti. During his reign, the empire enjoyed internal peace, but there was only one enemy on the frontiers and that was the Hiung-Nu people. They suffered many defeats in their attacks upon his empire; and, thwarted in their attacks on China, they spent their fury upon the kingdom of the Yueh-Chi, which had grown up in the western extremity of Kan-Suh. The Yueh-Chi were all dislodged from their place and driven away to the territory beyond the Tianshan mountains between Turkistan and the Caspian Sea. The Chinese emperor attempted to form an alliance with the Yueh-Chi against the Hiung-Nu and ultimately succeeded. Changk'ien, the ambassador sent on this commission, was able to visit Bactria, which was a recent conquest of the Yueh-Chi and when there his attention was first drawn to the existence of India. It was during this visit of his that numerous elements of culture, plants and animals were imported for the first time from the west into China. Under Wu-Ti (140-86 B.o.) the power of the Hiung-Nu was broken and Eastern Turkistan became a Chinese Colony through which caravans could go forward and backward in safety, carrying merchandise and art treasures from Pergia and the Roman market. About the beginning of the Christian era, the Han power was overthrown, and there was civil disorder till a prince of this dynasty was able to make his position secure from about A. D. 58. It was in the reign of his successor that Buddhism was introduced from India into China in A.D. 65 under Ming-Ti. It was about the same time that the celebrated general Pan-Chao went on an embassy to the king of Shen-Shen in Turkistan, and brought under Chinese influence the states of Shen-Shen. Khoten, Kucha, and Kashgar, all on the northern frontiers of Trans-Himalayan India. It was after this period that the northern Hiung-Nu were finally dislodged from their place. They came and settled in the neighbourhood of the Sogdians, "conquered the Alans, called prior to the Christian era Yen-Ts'ai (Massagetae), killed their king, and captured their country whereby, under the name of Huns, they were the cause of the folk migrations, which have recently been proven by the German Sinologist, Dr. Hirth, in numerous dissertations." 10 The southern Hiung-Nu, on the other hand, later acknowledge the supremacy of China after their last Shan-Yu had abdicated in favour of the Chinese emperor in a.d. 215. When the central power of China grew weak in the third century A.D. owing to its division into three independent kingdoms, often quarrelling with one another, the Hiung-Nu renewed their incursions into the empire in the beginning of the 4th century. The weakening of the Chinese empire naturally was the occasion for the Hiung-Nu, who in their now familiar name Hung, spread themselves from the frontiers of the Roman Empire to those of India. The Biung-Nu-Hun theory. In regard to this Hiung-Nu being the Huns, there were three theories that held the field till within recent times. The first is the Hiung-Nu-Hun theory, the second HiungNu-Turk theory, the third Hiung-Nu-Mongol. It is the first, that the Hiung-Nu were 10 The Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review for April 1910, p. 364.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1919 the Huns, that has the best authority at present, and the proof of this rests upon a several facts other than geographical. In the Latin map of St. Hieronymus, preserved in the British Museum in London, there appears the name Huniscite in the neighbourhood of the Chinese Empire. This map was compiled between the years A.D. 376 and 420, when the Huns were already in Europe. The appearance of this name on this map is remarkable, though it is scored out on the map itself as it is at present, and "Seres Oppidum" inserted close to it. Scholars now hold that this correction was made by the geographer Orosius, (a pupil of St. Hieronymus) whose geography was translated into English by King Alfred. In this geography, the compound folk name Huni-Scythae occurs. What is more remarkable is that this name occurs in the neighbourhood of Ottorokorra (Uttarakuru). It is generally believed now that this Orosius introduced the correction on the map of errors copied either from the Latin map, drawn on the Wall of Polla Hall in Rome, under the orders of the emperor Augustus in 7.8.c., or from the work Orbis Pictus of Agrippa, which was in general use. "The Latin writers therefore of the Hiung-Nu age had really heard of the Hun under the Chinese Great Wall, although they did not know their history." 11 Among Strabo's notices of India, we find the statement that "The Greeks who occasioned its (Bactria's) revolt became so powerful by means of its fertility and advantages of the country that they became masters of Ariana and India, according to Apollodoros of Artemita. Their chiefs, particularly Menander, (if he really crossed the Hypanis to the east and reached Isamus), conquered more nations than Alexander. These conquests were achieved partly by Menander, partly by Demetrius, son of Euthydemus,. king of the Bactrians. They got possession not unly of Patalene but of the kingdom of Saraostus, and Sigerdis, which constitute the remainder of the coast. Apollodoros, in short, says that Bactriana is the ornament of all Ariana. They extended their empire even as far as the Seres and Phryni." 12 The Huns the Fauni of Strabo. In this extract where the boundary of Bactria in her best days is referred to as the Seres and Phryni, it is now clearly demonstrated that the second word Phryni is an error for Fauni, which in the sense of forest-folk, finds support in the Gothic tradition concerning the origin of the Hiung-Nu. The following extract from the Gothic historian Cassiodorus, as preserved in other works, shows clearly that the Huns were forest men born of Hun fathers and Maga mothers: "In those days the Hun people, who for a long time had been living enclosed in inaccessible mountain fastnesses, made a violent attack upon the people, the Goths, whom they harassed to the utmost, and finally drove out of their old habitations, which they then took possession of for themselves. This warlike people originated, according to the traditions of boary antiquity, in the following manner: "Filimer, King of the Goths, son of Gadaric the Great, who was the fifth in succession to hold the rule of the Gets after their migration from the island of Scandza, and who, as: we have said, entered the lands of Scythia with his tribe, got to know of the presence among his people of certain Maga women', who in Gothic language are called Alirumna. Suspecting these women he expelled them from the midst of his race, and compelled them to wander in solitary exile far from his army." 13 For this and various other points in this matter, I am indebted to the article "Hiung-Nu-Hun Identity" by Kalman Nemati in the Asiatic Quarterly Review for April 1910. 1 M'Crindle's Ancient India-Strabo, p. 100. 13 Asiatic Quarterly Review, April 1910, pp. 360-1.

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MAY, 1919] THE HUN PROBLEM IN INDIA 73 Menander and the Huns. This idea of forest-spirits is found supported by another designation given to these people, namely, Spiritus Immundis, which means demons, and can be equated with the expression Fauni Ficari on the authority of the Church Father, St. Hieronymus. This idea of the Huns being regarded as forest-spirits is in keeping with the notion Dava (Demon) of the Zend Avesta. That the Hiung-Nu on the Chinese borders, were the people known to the early Latin and Greek writers under the name Fauni, finds historical support from the dating of Strabo's reference to them. According to Strabo's geography Menander extended his borders up to the frontiers of the Chinese empire and the Fauni in the year 190 B.C. The period of Menander would correspond to the reign of Hwei-Ti of the Han dynasty. The Fauni kingdom, of which Apollodorus of Artemita gives an account in his Parthika, could be no other than the Hiung-Nu kingdom, which at the time happened to be ruled over by one of their most powerful Shan-Yue, Mao-Tun, the Attila of the Hiung-Nu people. Beyond this mere synchronism, there is the startling testimony that these Hiung-Nu were also known to the Chinese by another name Kuy-Fang, where the first word means as much as a demon, and this designation for the Hiung-Nu occurs in the Chinese text, which says clearly that the Yin called the people Kwei-fang whom the Han designated Hiung-Nu. It is also noteworthy that it is the Second Dynasty that called them by this name. The second word 'fang' probably meant the district. This notion is confirmed in what the early Chinese historian See-ma-Chang has to say about it. "According to See-ma-Chang, the Hiun-Yu in the time of Yao-Shon were called the mountain Yong or Hiun-Yu; in the time of Hia, Shon-Wei; in the time of In dynasty, their and was Kuy-fang; in the time of the Chao they were called Hiun-Yun, and in the time of the Han, Hiung-Nu." 14 It thus becomes clear that the Hiung-Nu of the Chinese were considered by the Chinese themselves at a particular period of their history as something analogous to demons, and this notion got abroad in the folk-name Fauni of Strabo's geography, and in the Gothic tradition regarding the paternal stock of the Huns. Therefore, it may be taken as satisfactorily proved that the Hiung-Nu and the Huns were in the estimation of their neighbours the same people. The maternal stock of the Huns--the Massagetae. In regard to the maternal stock of the Huns, the Maga women must have belonged to the Getae, who were also in the neighbourhood of China. All the contemporary historians of the Huns knew them only either as originating from the Massagete that came later to be called the Huns, according to the concurrent testimony of the Greek, Roman and Latin historians, who all state "that the Huns lived among the most dreaded of people, the Massageta." There is besides the clear statement of Ammianus Marcellinus, who "records that the Huns in every respect were similar to the Alans, who lived in that stretch of country from the river Don to the Indus, formerly known by the name Massageta." The Chinese called these people before they were conquered by the Hiung-Nu, An-Ts'ai, or according to the present pronunciation Yen-Ts'ai. Therefore then the people, called Massagete by the Latins and Greeks, were known to the Chinese as AnTs'ai. The notion of Maga women as connected with the Huns seems to have had its 14 A. Q. R. quoted above, pp. 366-67. In this connection attention may usefully be drawn to the title Devaputra or Daivaputra on the coins of the Kushana rulers of the Punjab: Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva. The Daivaputras are again under reference in the Allahabad Piller Inscription of Samudragupta. Is then the question established that the Ch. Kuy-fang Ind. Daivaputra Cl. Fauni or Spiritus Immundis? Ind., Ant. XV, p. 249. =

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1919 origin in the general notion that they were associated with Witchcraft and as such being fit mothers for the demon-breed of the Huns. Indian evidence on the question. But coming down to the Indian side of the evidence, we have already noticed that in the geography of Orosius, the characteristic Huni-Scythae name occurs in the neighbourhood of Uttarakuru. The torm Uttarakuru designated according to the Indian authorities a race of people on the other side of the Himalayas. The Pauranic associations of these people give them an unbelievable longevity and ascribe to them other attributes which remove them from the realm of an actual race of people. This notion of their being a legendary people gets only conferred y the early Greek arcounts of them, which describe them as they do the Hyperboreans of the Greeks. The Mahabharata refers to them as quite an earthly people among whom polyandry prevailed in the days of Pandu:15 But if we get back to the earlier literature of the Hindus, we seem to be on more historical ground, and the Uttarakuru would be a race of human people, who lived on the other side of the Himalayas. The Aitareya Brahmana 16 describes them merely as located beyond the Himalayas. Their country is described as the lands of the gods' no doubt, but it is at the same time stated that the disciple of Vasistha Satyahavya, by name Janantapi Atyarati, was anxious to conquer it. It cannot therefore be regarded as mythical. They are generally mentioned in connection with another people, the Uttara-Madras, who themselves get connected with the Kambojas, as a Kamboja Aupamanyava is described as a pupil of Madragara. 17 There is the further interesting detail in the Satapatha Brahmana 18 o a dispute between the Kuru-Panchala Brahmans and of the Northern Brahmans in which the latter got the better of it. These Northern Brahmans are described as having speech similar to that of the Kuru-Panchalas. Their speech was regarded as celebrated for purity, and the Brahmans are described as going to the north for purposes of study. This is confirmed by the Buddhist tradition that Gandhara was famous as a University centre to which even such an exalted personage as Prasen ajit of Kosala, the contemporary of Buddha, went for education as a prince.19 It might also be noted here that the Mahdva na refers to the region of the Uttarakuru as one to which some priests were directed to fetch & stone for working the relio chamber of the Great Stupa. 20 We would not therefore perhaps be far wrong if we located this Uttarakuru somewhere in the Tarim Basin in what is known as Chinese Turkistan, so that they would be on the frontiers of China and India and in touch with the Hiung-Nu. Hluen-Tsiang's reference to the 'Rats' in the City west of Khotan. That this is the identical location of the Hiung-Nu in the earlier periods of their history, as known to the Chinese, is in evidence in the account of Khotan in the Chinese Traveller Hiuen-Tsang's travels. He says there "in old days, a general of the Hiung-Nu came to ravage the borders of this country with several tens of myriads of followers." A body of rats of extraordinary size, who had their habitat not far from Khotan are, according to the story, said to have miraculously overthrown the Hiung-Nu.31 15 Adiparva, Ch. 128. 26 Soo Haug's Translation, VIII, 14 & 23, 17 Vedio Index by Macdonell and Keith, I, 84. 18 XI. 4, 1, \ III, 2, 3, 15, Eggeling's Translation in the Sacred Books of the Eams 1 Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, pp. 8, 28 & 203. 20 Geiger's Trans., F. 203. 21 Beal's Si-Yu-li, II, pp. 314-15.

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MAY, 1919] THE HUN PROBLEM IN INDIA 75 It is also noteworthy that to reach this, the traveller had to cross the river Sita, which must be the Pauranic Sita, one of the seven holy rivers that took their rise round Meru or Sumeru, the Pauranic centre of the earth. It is this river that again seems to be referred to by the classical writers generally by the term 'Silas.' 39 It seems now clear that the land of the Uttarakuru was in the valley of the Tarim in the north-western margin of what is now known to Central Asian travellers as the Takla Makan desert on the eastern slopes of the out-gpurs of the Tianshan Mountains. A mere glance at a map of Asia will show clearly that in the days of the Hiung-Nu-Hun ascendanoy that must have formed the road of oommunication between China and India, from the middle of the first century B.O. onwards. If the Chinese know the Hiung-Nu in this locality, it is just possible that the Indians might have heard of them in the same region, and as such it would be untenable to draw, from the occurrence of any reference to the Huna, the inference that it is necessarily inade to the Ephthalite Huns. ___Conelusion. The Huns may no longer exist, perhaps as a people, but the Hun is not yet dead, and if according to what Professor Maitland said in one of his addresses that history is lengthening both forwards and backwards, Lere is an illustration of the backward extension of the Hun history. In the days of his dominanoe, the Hun was universally regarded as the destroyer of civilization and his activities in this evil work were experienced alike all along the frontiers of civilization beginning from the walls of China along the Tarim basin down to the sources of the river Oxus, and along the river Oxus itself to the Caspian Sea, and across the southern coast of Russia through the whole length of the Roman frontier extending from the mouth of the Danube to the lower Rhine, if not to the mouths of the Rhine. It is to the good fortune of humanity that the principles of civilisation triumphed ultimately all along this frontier. APPENDIX. Raghuvashna Book IV. pArasIkAMstavo jetuM pratasthe sthaladharmanA indrivAravAniva ripUMstatvajJAnena saMbamI // 10 // yavanImakhapamAnA sehe madhumana sH| bAlAtapanivAgjAnAmakAlajalavIravaH // 11 // saMpAmastumulastasva paashcaatyairvsaadhnaiH| zArgakUSitavizevapratibodhe rajasvabhUt // 15 // mallApavarjitasteSAM cirImiH zmabhulairmazam | tastAra sarapAbAsaiH sa saudrapaTaleriva // 5 // apanItazirastrANAH roSAta para bbuH| praSipAtapratIkAraH saMrambho hi mahAtmanAm // 4 // vinavante sma tapodhA mdhuminiym|| AstIrNAjinaratAsudrAkSAvalayabhUmiDa / / 15 // tataH pravasyai kauverI bhAsvAniva rathin / parerivAdIcyAnuvariSyavanasAniva // 7 // vinIvApatramAstasva sindhupIravighaTanaH / . pazuvabhinaH skandhAvanakumasarAna ||. // Rolerted to Sailodam' in the Mahabharata, 41, 42 * The alternative roading given is Vaiku. Even where the reading Sindhu is adopted the comment is made referring it to that part of the course where it flows westwards.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1919 tatraNAvarodhAnAM bhardaSu vyaktavikamam | kapolapATalAdezi babhUva raghuceSTitam // 18 // kAmbojAH samare sodu sasya viirvmniishvraaH| gamAlAnaparikliSTarakSoTaiH sArdhamAnatA; '69 // teSAM sadazvabhUyiSThAstuMgA draviNarAzayaH / upadA vivizuH zazvanotsekAH kosalezvaram / / 70 // satI gaurIguruM zailamArurohAzvasAdhanaH / vardhayaniva taskUTAnuvRtAnureSubhiH // 1 // zazaMsa tulbasasthAnAM saindhaghope'pyasaMbhramam / guhAzayAnAM simAnAM pariztyAvalokitam / / 72 // bhUjeSu marmarIbhUtAH kiickdhvnihtNvH| gaMgAzIkariNo mArge marutastaM sivire !!3 // vizazramurnameruNAM chAyAsvabhyAstha sainikaaH|----- hapadI vAsitArasaMgA niSaNNamRganAbhibhiH // 4 // srlaasktmaatNgvevsphuritsvissH| AsanoSadhayo neturnatamasnehadIpikAH // 75 // sasthotsaSTanivAseSu knntthrggukssttvcH| gajavarma kirAtebhyaH shshNsdevdaarvH|| 7 // saba janya ropaoNraM parvatIyagarabhUt / - nArAcakSepaNIvAzmaniSpeSotpatitAnalam / / 70 // zarairutsavasaMketAnsa kRtvA viratotsavAn / jabozAharaNaM bAhvorgApayAmAsa kiMnarAn / / 78 // paraspareNa vijJAtasteSUpAyanapANiSu / rAjJA himavataH sArI rAjJaH sAro himAdriNA / / 79 // tabAmAbhyaM yazogA inivezyAvaruroha sH| polastyatulitasyAdrarAvadhAna iva hiyam / / 80 // NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. wards the Bridge &ca. Buildings now in hand 13. The Pillory as a Punishment. and that He be sent to Fort St. David with the 29 November 1716. Consultation at Fort St. Deputy Governour with order to make him stand George. Mr. Hastings reports that one poinde before the Pillory with a labell about his neck Kistna [1Pavinda Krishna) formerly Cheif Dubash containing an Account of his crimes, that others of Fort St. David has been fully convicted before may be deterr'd from the same vile practices, and the Choultry Justice for having practie'd with especially such as owe all they have in the world Pandarum [pandlram, Hindu savetio mendioant) to the Honble. Companys Service. to bowitch Kittoo China Narrain (Kittho Chinns 24 December 1716. Kitty Narrain for Poinde Narayan) his Kinsman the Present Cheif Dubash. Kistns pays into Cash Pagodas five hundred for Also that the said Kistaa has lately taken an the fine laid upon said Kistna in Consultation the unwarrantable liberty to make several scandalous 29th ultimo Andkyimbly petitions that the punish. ana groundles reflections upon the Government. ment of the Pillory may be remitted for his sake. The board taking into consideration the ill oftet Agreed that in consideration of the said Narraina it may have upon our Settlements if such evil good services to the Honblo. Company and this, preotions are not severely punish'd, That this That the Deputy Govemour and Councill of Fort Kistas has always been a turbulent, Sancy, and 8t. David be order'd to exouno Kistna the disgrace abusive follow over since He was tum'd out of of standing before the Pillory but that He be not his employ, That He was the main instrument permitted to reside longer in that settlomont under Mr Raworth Deputy Governor of Port St. where he has always caux'd great mischief and George ) for opproacing the Merchants and inbabi- disturbance. (Madras Public Consultations, vol. tanta till He turn'd him oft :-Agreed that the said 87). Poindo Kistp bo find five hundred Pagodas to B.C.T. Soren Gass or clans of Utaeva sanktos are stated to have been chfested by Arjuns in the MahabharatsII,IVIII, 16.

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JUNE, 1919) DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD. BY PROF. DR. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; CALCUTTA. ( Continued from Vol. XLVII, p. 156.) Religious, Social and Economic History. IN the preceding chapter I have given the political history of the Dekkan during the Sata vahana period. The inscriptions, which throw light on this history, throw light also on the religious, social, and economic, condition of Maharashtra. Let us first see what they tell us about the religious condition. Of course, Buddhism was in an exceedingly flourishing state. Almost all the early caves so far found in the Dekkan are dedicated to Buddhism, and, what is strange, were excavated during the Satavahana period. They were of two kinds, one called Chaitya-glihas or temples, and the other Layanas or residential quarters for Bikshus or Buddhist mendicante. The first are with vaulted roofs and horse-shoe shaped windows over the entrance, and have interiors consisting of a nave and side aisles with a small slupa at the inner circular end.. They are thus remarkably similar to Christian basilicas, and were most probably their prototypes. The second class consists of a hall surrounded by a number of cells, each cell containing as a rule a stone bench for the monk to sleep upon. Each Layana cave had one or two rock-cut cisterns attached to it. Different parts of all these caves, whether Chaitya-glihas or Layanas, were caused to be excavated, i.e. the expense of cutting them in solid rock was borne, by all sorts and conditions of men, showing what hold Buddhism had over the popular mind. They not only incurred the cost of excavating these caves or any parts thereof but made ample provisions for their repairs and for the maintenance of the Bhikshus who resided there. For repairs villages were generally granted. For feeding the Bhikshus pieces of land and sometimes villages also were given. It was also a custom in the Dekkan at any rate to supply them with new robes (chivara) and a coin to boot. Provision for these items was generally made by investing large sums of money in a neighbouring guild, the annual interest on which was used for that purpose. The Bhikshus occupied the caves during the rainy season only, the remainder of the year being spent by them on religious tours just as Jaina sadhus do to the present day. It appears that certain caves were reserved for certain sects of the Buddhist monks. Thus Cave No. 3 at Nasik, as we have seen, was assigned to the Bhadrayaniyas by Gautamiputra Satakarvi's mother. The cave at Karle belonged to the Mahasanghikas, and at least one cave at Junnar to the Dharmottariya sect. The caves at Karle and Junnar are situated in the passes leading from the Konkan to the Ghats. It appears that the Buddhist mendicants were travelling freely from the Konkan to the Ghats and from the Chats to the Konkan. Nay, they seem to have travelled by sed also. This explains why we have caves at Chiplun, Mahid and Kuda situated on the crdeks. Brahmanism also was in an equally flourishing condition. We have seen that Satakarni I. and his queen performed a number of sacrifioes the description of which has been partly preserved in the mutilated inscription at Nanaghar.1 They seem to have celebrated no less than twenty sacrifices. Asvamedha was twice performed: so also -Gavamayana. Some of the other sacrifices were Agnyadheya, Rajasuya. Aptoryama and so forth. The dakshind or sacrificial fee consisted of villages, karshapapas, ordinary and milch cows, elephants and horses, horse-chariots, silver pots, silver ornaments, dresses ASWI., V, 60-1.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1919 and so on. The highest number of cows given is 11,000 and of karshapanas 24,400. This was certainly Brahmanism of a most vigorous type. The same Nanaghat inscription that gives an account of these sacrifices begins with adoration to Dharma, Indra. Samkarshana and Vasudeva, the sun and the moon, and the four guardians of the quarters-Yama, Varuna, Kubera and Vasava. The names of Sankarshana and Vasudeva prove the early prevalence of the worship of Krishna and his family in the Dekkan. The obeisance to Indra also suggests that worship of that god survived almost to the beginning of the first century A.D. This is also corroborated by the fact that according to the practice of borrowing names of gods we find Indradeva to be the name of a private individual in a Nasik cave inscription. We similarly meet with the name Dharmadeva, agreeing with the Nanaghat inscription in showing that there was at the time a god of the name Dharma who was worshipped. Who this god exactly was is, however, not clear. Other names of lay-donors specified in cave inscriptions which bear witness to the, survival of the worship of some of the Vedic gods up to this late period are, besides Indradeva referred to above, (1) Mitradeva, (2) Agnimitra and (3) Indragnidatta. The names Gopala, Vishoudatta and Vishoupalita furnish evidence for the development of Vaishnavism, and confirm the inference already drawn from the Nanaghat record. Worship of Siva appears, however, to be far more prevalent in the Dekkan if we may take names as our evidence. Names such as Bhatapala, Mahadevanaka, Sivadatta, Sivaghosha, Sivapalita, Sivabhuti, Sivadata, Bhavagopa and so forth clearly show that this god was popularly worshipped under four names, viz., Siva, Mahadeva, Bhava and Bhutapala. That his vehicle, the bull, was also adored may be seen from the names, Nandin, Rishabhanaka and Rishabhadatta. The names Skandapalita, Sivaskandila and Sivaskandagupta show that the god Skanda was worshipped both separately and conjointly with Siva. Such names again as Naga, Sarpa and Sarpila point to the prevalence of serpent worship. What is perhaps the most important feature of the religious condition of this period is that we find many foreigners embracing either Buddhism or Brahmanism. I have already told you that during this period India was infested with such alien tribes as the Yavanas, Sakas, Palhavas and Abhiras. We have incontestable epigraphic evidence to show that they not only embraced either Buddhism or Brahmanism but also adopted Hindu names. In cave inscriptions we find Yavanas frequently mentioned as making gifts in connection with Chaityag ihas or monastic residences. Thus at Karle we have two Yavanas, one named Sihad haya (Simhadhvaja) and the other Dharma. At Junnar we find mention of three called Irila, Chita (Chitra), and Chandra. At Nasik the name of only one Yavana is specified, viz., Indragnidatta, son of Dharmadeva. It will be seen that these Yavanas had turned Buddhist lay-men and that all of them exoept perhaps one had assumed Hindu names. The same was the case with the Sakas. I have in one of my previous lectures spoken to you about Ushavadata. This name is only a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit Rishabhadatta or Vrishabhadatta. His wife's name, we have seen, is Samghamita, i.e., Sanghamitra. Both these are indisputably Hindu names. But in an inscription at Nasik we ara distinc ly told that he was a Saka. His foreign origin is also indicated by the names of his father and father-in-law. The former is called Dinika and the latter Nahapana, both decidedly un-Indian names. Nahapana, again, is styled a Kshatrapa, and is said to be of the Kshaharata family. Kshahara ta is a non-Hindu name, and

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JUNE, 1919] DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD 79 Kshatrapa, we know, is the Indian abbreviated form of the old Persian title Kshatrapavan, corresponding to the Greek Satrap. All these things unmistakably point to the alien. origin of Ushavadata, and, in particular, to his having been a Saka, though his and his wife's names are distinctly Hindu. Now let us see what the inscriptions, above all Nasik inscription No. 10, tell us about him. Ushavadata is called tri-go-sata-sahasrada or the giver of three hundred thousand kine. He is further spoken of as having granted sixteen villages to the gods and Brahmaus. He is also stated to have furnished eight Brahmans with the means of marriage at the holy place Prabhasa, i.e. Somnath-Pattan in Kathiawar; in other words, he incurred the merit of accomplishing eight Brahman marriages. And, to crown the whole, he is said to have annually fed one hundred thousand Brahmans. This reminds us, as Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar has aptly said, of the grand feast given, not many years ago, to Brahmans by the father of the present Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior., These charities undoubtedly stamp Ushavadata as a very staunch adherent of the Brahmanical religion. Yet in origin he was a Saka, and, therefore, a foreigner. There are many other instances of Sakas and Abhiras having turned either Buddhists or adopted Hindu names.2 Another feature of the period is the catholic spirit of religion. We have seen what a firm follower of Brahmanism Ushavadata was. But he was by no means a bigot, and we find him excavating a cave for Buddhist monks at Nasik and granting a village for the maintenance of the Bhikshus settled in the monastic establishment at Karle. Such was also the case with the Satavahana king Satakarni, his mother Gautami, and his son Pulumavi. We know they were Brahmanists, and yet their, charities were not confined to their faith but extended freely also to Buddhism. I have mentioned above that Gautami caused one cave to be cut near Nasik, and presented it to the Bhadrayaniyas. For the maintenance of the monks and repairs to the cave, Satakarni and Pulumavi granted a piece of land and a village respectively They similarly gave a village to the Buddhist establishment at Karle. A third noteworthy feature of the religious condition of this period is that the espousal of a different religion did not entail the loss of caste. Perhaps the most typical case is that of a Brah man called Ayitilu, whose wife Bhayila makes the benefaction of a Chaitya-griha to the Buddhist community settled in the Kuda caves.3 That her husband Ayitilu was a Buddhist is certain, because he has actually been called an upasaka. And though he was thus a Buddhist, he had not lost his caste, because he still called himself a Brahman. The truth of the matter is that Buddhism was a revolt not so much against caste distinction as against the sacrificial system and the authority of the Vedas to dictate the path of salvation. Buddhism left its followers to perform their domes' ic ceremonies entirely according to the Vedic ritual, just as Jainism did up till twenty-five years ago. A glimpse into the constitution of the Hindu society in the Dekkan at this period is afforded by the status or caste names not unfrequently specified of the donors mentioned in Cave inscriptions. Those of the highest rank among these were of course the Maharathis 3 Luders' List, No. 1950. 2 Above, 1911, 15 & ff.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUXE, 1919 (Maharashtrikas), Mahabhojas and Mahasen & patis. They scem to have occupied the posi. tion of the feudatory chieftains. The Mahabhojas seem to have held the present Thana and Kolaba districts of the Bombay Presidency as is clearly seen from the Kuda and Kapheri cave inscriptions, and the Ma harathis the Poona and neighbouring districts as is attested by the Bhaja, Berlsa, and Karle epigraphs. One dynastic name from among the Mahabhojas was Mamdava. Of the Maharathis two families are known-one called Okhalakiya and the other Augiya. Next in rank come the officers such as Amatya or Rajamatya, Maham atras, Bhandagarikas. The former two correspond to the modern Subahs or district collectors and the third to the treasurer. Of the same social status are Naigama, Sarthavaha and Sresh thin. Naigama apparently is an ordinary merchant, and Sarthavaha the leader of a caravan of traders. Sresh thin, of course, denotes the head of a guild or of the Board of trade. The latter two, again, correspond to the aldermen, and took an important part in the administration of the town corporate. Descending lower in the sooial scale we have Lekhaka (scribe), Vaidya (physician), Halakiya (cultivator), Suvarnakara or Hairanyika (goldsmith), and Gandhika (druggist). To the lowest class have to be assigned Vardhaki (carpenter), Malakara (gardener), Lohavanija (blacksmith) and Dasaka (fisherman). One curious social feature of this period is represented by the terms Grihapati or Kutumbin which as a rule are found applied to the mercantile and cultivating classes. Sometimes they are used alone and without the specification of any caste name. It seems that the middle class, which consisted chiefly of cultivators and mercantile people, was split up into a number of grihas, i.e. homesteads, or kutumbas or kulas, i.e. families, the head of each one of which was considered to be so important a personage as to require to be designated Grihapati or Kutumbin. In later times, however, the first term was entirely forgotten, and the second was employed exclusively to denote the cultivators, 8 and is no doubt traceable in the Marathi word kulmbi and the Gujarati kanbt. One 1 If we separate the honorific suffix maha, Rathi and Bhojs can easily be recognised to be the same as Rietika and Bhoja of the Aboka Rock Edicts V and XIII respectively. But what is the meaning of the term pelenika which is associated with them both in the Asoka inscriptions ? I should like in this connection to draw the attention of the scholars to passage from the AngutaraNikaya (III, 76 & 300 ), which runs as follows : Yassa kasvachi Mahina ma kulaputtassa paficha dhamma saihvijjanti, ....yadi od rathikassa petanikassa yadi ra sendya sendpatikassa, etc., etc. We have berg a list of rulers from the king downwards. The ruler of the second rank is peltanika Ratthika. What is worthy of noto is that Rat thilas is here called pellanika, and it seems that even in Aloka's Rock Edict V, Rastikas are meant to be styled pelenikas and that the two terms in that Ediet ought not to be separated as has been done by scholars. Now, petlanika of the AngutaraNikaya passage has been explained by the commentator once as pilard caltam ad paleyash bhuijati (=one who enjoys property given by father) and in another place as bhumanubhullath bhull jati. It appears that these Ratthikas (=Rashtrikas) were originally governors of Rashtras or provinces who afterwards made themselves more or less independent and became their hereditary rulers. Similar Wae the case with Bhojas, who too are called pilimikas in Rock Ediet XIII. A Nasik cave inscription (EI., VIII, 94) speaks of a Mahdson&pati and his wife Mabisenapatins exactly as other cave inscriptions speak of Maharathi and Maharabini or Mahaboja and Mahabhojt. As senapati is mentioned as a class of rulers in the passage of the Angultara-Nikaya quoted above, the MahigenApati of the Nasik inscription also must be taken to donote & ruler like MahArathi or Mahabhoja. Son&patis were originally generals who afterwards made themselves independent or semi-independent rulers. 5 Luders' List, Nos. 1037, 1045, 1049, 1052, 1068 and 1111. Tbid, Nos. 1100 and 1112. 7 Thus in one inscriptions Halakiya or cultivator is spoken of as Kucubiks (Kutunbika ) and his son Gahapati (Gribapati) (Luders' List, No. 1121). We also hear of Gahapati Negama (ibid, Nos. 1001, 1127, and 1153), Gahapati-Sethi ( ibid, Nos. 1056, 1073, 1075) or Gahapati-Sathavaba (ibid, No. 1062). * EI, v, 120, 18/19; VI, 342, 83, and 365, 62; above, XX, 416, 17.

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JUNE, 1919) DEKK AN OF THE BATAVAHANA PERIOD noteworthy custom of this period is for a male individual of the Kshatriya class to specify his metronymic along with his proper name. In North India the practice was to form the metronymio from the name of the country over which his mother's father ruled. Thus Ajatakatru of Rajagriha, who was a contemporary of Buddha, styles himself Vaidehiputra, i.e. son of the daughter of the Videha prince or Chief. But curiously enough, in South India the custom seems to be to adopt the metronymio not from the name of a country but from that of a Brahman gotra. Accordingly we have got such metronymics as Gautami, V&sish thi, Madhari, Kautsi, Kausiki, etc., all derived from Brahman gotras. It is not reasonable to argue from these that these rulers were Brahmans. It is not possible that they all could be Brahmans, because in an inscription on the Jaggayyapeta Stupa in the Kistna district we read of a prince Virapurushadatta who styles himself Madhariputra, but he belonged to the Ikshvaku family, and was, therefore, & Kshatriya and not a Brahman. Buhler, therefore, seems to be right in supposing that these metronymics were framed from the name of the gotra of the spiritual preceptor of the Kshatriya family to which the mother originally belonged. One other curious fact may also be noticed. We know how Gautamiputra Satakarni and MahAkshatrapa Rudradaman were related to each other. A son of the former was son-in-law of the latter. Rudrada man was & Saka and was of foreign extraction. The matrimonial alliance between his and the Satavahana family is, therefore, all the more curious and reminds us of the marriage of Chandragupta, founder of the Maurya dynasty, with the daughter of the Greek king Antiochus Niostor. I shall now touch on the economic condition of Maharashtra prevalent during the Andhrabhsitya period. Let us first turn our attention to the currency of the province. We have already seen that at the end of Nasik Inscription 12, Ushavadata speaks of his having given away 70,000 karshapanas to gods and Brahmans. There we have been distinctly told that these 70,000 karshapanas were in value equivalent to 2,000 suvamas, thirty-five of the former class of money making one of the latter. Karshapana was a type of. coinage indigenous to India, and we had both copper and silver korshapanas. Here, of course, silver karshapanas are intended. Again, the reference to the Suvarna coins, as Prof. Rapeon rightly says, must surely be to the contemporary gold currency of the Kushanas. We have already seen that Ushavadata's father-in-law, Nahapana, was a Kshatrapa not only of Kujula Kadphises but also of Wema Kadphises, who was the first Kushana sovereign to introduce gold coinage. No foreign ruler, either the Indo-Bactrian, or the Indo-Scythian, seems to have struck it before him. Wema Kadpbises' gold coinage must therefore be supposed to have been current in Nahapana's kingdom. The rate of exchange between the indigenous silver karshapanas and the new foreign gold Suvarnas was thus 35: 1. But there was also another class of silver money, I mean that introduced by Nahapana himself and called Kucana. In the last chapter I have mentioned that on mount Trirasmi near Nasik Ushavadata excavated a cave which accommodated twenty monks, and that each was to be given a Kusana for every one of the four months of the rainy season. Evidently, therefore, eighty Knanas were needed every year. These were to accrue from the annual interest on the sum of 1,000 karshapanas deposited by Ushavadata in a neighbouring guild. And this annual interest, we have been told, amounted to 90 karshapanas. We thus see that 80 Kubanas were equivalent to 80 karshapanas, or in other words, the rate of exchange between these two classes of coins was 9: 8, . CIC.-AMK., Intro. dxxxv.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JONE, 1919 A unique feature of the economic condition of this period is the institution of Sreni or craft-guild. At Govardhana near the Nasik or Trirasmi caves there were no less than four different descriptions of guilds, viz., tilapishaka or oil-millers' guild, odayantrika or guilds of artisans fabricating hydraulic engines, kularika or potters' (?) guild, and kolika-nikaya or weavers' guild of which there were two. In the town near the Junnar caves there were at least three guilds, one of dhansikas or corn-dealers, the second of vainsakaras of bamboo-workers and the third of kasakaras or braziers. There must have been many more guilds not only in Govardhana or near Junnar but also at other district towns about which no mention has been made. The Jatakas or Birth-Stories of Buddha, which portray sosial life of the sixth century B.C., make mention of several such guilds. The conclusion is plain that both North and South India was studded with guilds from the sixth century B.C. to the third century A.D. Now the prevalence of these crafth-guilds shows that institutions of self-government were by no means uncommon in India. Secondly, in Europe a craft-guild comprised all the artisans in a single branch of industry in a particular town. This does not seem to be the case with those in India, at any rate in tbe Dekkan. We have seen that at Govardhana there were not one but two guilds of weavers. Thirdly, Srenis of India were not simply trade guilds but were also something like modern banks, because anybody could invest any sums here and receive interest on them. Fourthly, any sum deposited in such guilds Fas called akshaya nivi or perpetual endowment. We have seen that Ushavadata made two such permanent endowments-one for providing for new robes to the monks residing in his cave and the other for making money payments to them. We have also seen that Ushavadata was a personage of high rank. He was the son-in-law of the Kshatrapa Naha pana ruling over Rajputana, Central India. Kathiawar, Gujarat and the Dekkan. If he occupied such a high status could he not have arranged for the robing and money payment of his monks from the local district treasury? Why, then, had he to make two investments in two different guilds? The reply most probably is that empires were looked upon as of short duration, but guilds as lasting institutions. An empire may be established and destroyed in no time, but a guild lived from age to age. This must have been the experience of the people, and this alone can explain why Ushavadata deposited sums in the two guilds. Fifthly, we have geen what the rate of interest was. One guild paid at the rate of 12 per cent. per annum and the other 9 per cont. Sixthly, it is worthy of note that money was deposited in these guilds in indigenous coin, i.e. in karshapana, and nct in Kusana or Suvarna which were both moneys introduced by foreign dynasties. Seventhly, it was not enough to deposit a sum in a guild, if it was to be a permanent endowment. The procedure did not end there, for what guarantee was there that interest on that sum would be paid by the guild from generation to generation after the death of the depositor? We know from Nasik Inscription No. 12 that Ushavadata after investing his sums in the two guilds of Govar dhana, had his charities proclaimed in the town assembly (nigama-sabha) and regis tered at the record office. It appears in ancient times each such town had its local self. government which was like a trade-guild looked upon as a permanent institution, and could insist upon the latter carrying out from generation to generation the original intention of a donor provided the exact nature of his benefaction was recorded in the town archives. Again, there seems to have been frequent and pretty smooth communication between the different parts not only of the Dekkan but of India. Thus we have the benefaction of persons residing at Sopara recorded in the caves at Karle, of those of Kalyan at Kayheri

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JUNE, 1919) DEKKAN OF THE STAVAHANA PERIOD 83 or Junnar, of Nasik at Bedsa, and so forth. This clearly shows that the communications were perfect all over the Dekkan. But this is not all. We have got gifts of the natives of Bharukach ha or Broach mentioned in caves at Junnar, of Vaijayanti or Banavasi (?) at Karle, of Dattamitri in Lower Sind at Nasik, and of Karahakada or Karhad and Nasik at the Bharaut Stupa between Jubbulpore and Allahabad. Unless the roads were at least tolerably good and not infested by robbers and thieves, it is not possible that inhabitants of one part of the country could go to distant one and make benefactions. Foreign commerce and trade were flourishing, and Dekkan took no insignificant part in the commercial relations of India with the West. An account of it is contained in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, which describes the Egyptian trade with East Africa and India. Ships from the Western countries sailed down the Red Sea and followed the Arabian Coast as far as Kane, from where the route to India diverted, some ships sailing to the Indus and on to Barygaza (Broach) and others direct to the ports of Limyrike (Malabar Coast). In these voyages, the ships made use of the monsoon, starting from Egypt in July. From Barygaza the coast immediately adjoining stretched from the north directly to the south, and the country is, therefore, called Dakhinabades (Dakshinapatha). Among the marts in the inland part of this South Country, there were two of particular importance-Paithana, which lay south from Barygaza, a distance of twenty days, and Tagara, ten days east of Paithana, the greatest city in the country.10 Paithana is, of course, the modern Paithan, and Tagara has been identified with Ter in the Naldrug District, Nizam's Dominions, 11 From Paithan was carried down to Barygaza a great quantity of onyx-stone, and from Tagara ordinary cottons in abundance, many sorts of muslins, mollow-coloured cottons, and other articles of local production brought into it from the east coast. The harbours along the coast south of Barygaza were Souppara (Sopara) and Kalliena (Kalyan near Bombay). In regard to the last port we are informed that it was raised to the rank of a regular mart in the time of the elder Sarganes, but after Sandanes became its master its trado was put under the severest restrictions ; for if Greek Vessels, even by accident, entered its port, a guard was put on board and they were taken to Barug iza. The elder Sarganes is most likely Satakarni, the third king of the Satavahana dynasty, and he seems to have made Kalyan a commercial centre connected with the inland emporia Paitha" and Tayara. When the Sakas, however, seized 'he north part of the Dekkan, every endeavour was made to divert the trade through their dominions from Broach direct to Paithan and Tagara, with the result that Kalyan speedily lost all its importance and is not mentioned at all by Ptolemy who wrote only six decades after the author of the Periplus. As the cominunication from Broach to Paithan and Tagara was of recent origin, it is no wonder that the commodities were carried "along roads of extreme difficulty" as we no doubt learn from the Periplus. . Who Sandanes was is not clear, but it is not unlikely that he was the officer of the Sopara District under Nahapana. The other sea-ports of commercial importance farther gonth were Semulla, Mandagora, Palaipat moi, Melizeigara and Buzantion. Semulla has rightly been recognised to be Chail of the Kolaba distriot and 23 miles south of Bombay. Mandagora is taken to bo Mandangad to the south of the Baykot Creek and Palaipatmai with Palnear Mah. Personally I think Palaipatmai corresponds to Va(Ba)lipattana mentioned as a sea-port in the Silahira inscriptions." Melizeigara, according to some, is Jaygad, and, according to others, Janjira. Buzantion no doubt corresponds to Vaijayanti,, but with what plase the latter is to be identified is far from clear. Some place it near Chiplun, and some near Banavasi. The last identification is less probable, because it is far too south. Banavasi, again, is in the interior and not on the 888-00ast. (To be continued.) 10 Above, VIII, 143 & ff. 11 JRAS., 1901, 657 & ff. 19 Above. IX, 38 & n., 47.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1919 ANCIENT HINDU CORONATION AND ALLIED CEREMONIALS. BY NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A., B.L., P.R.S. SECTION I. Rajyabhisheka. THE Vedic work from which the rites of coronation derived their sanction is not the Atharva-Voda alone, as will be apparent from the statement of the Nitimayikha, which gives details of the ceremony, "according to the Gopatha-Brahmana of the Atharra-Veda, as also those not dependent on its authority." The existence of the coronation can be traced much earlier than the Ciopatha-Brahmana. The Taittiriya-Brahmana. gives its details as an independent performance in three sections which are separate from those deroted co the rajasiya. Wilson and Goldstucker observe that "the rites of the Abhisheka which is not part of a rajasitya sacrifice, but a ceremony performed at a king's accession to the throne, are: similar to, but not identical with, those of the Fundrabhisheka; they are founded on the proceedings which took place when Indra was consecrated by the gods as their supreme ruler, and which forms the subject of the 38th chapter of the Aitareya-Brahmana," If the Taittiriya-Brahmana be older than the Aitareya, as Prof. Macdonell suggests, then the similarity between the abhisheka and the punarubhisheka cannot be taken as indicative of the derivation of the one from the other. Abhisheka appears therefore to have been an independent ceremony existing side by side with the rajasiya. The abhishe ka as detailed in the Taittiriya-Brahmana begins with seven mantras to be uttered by the priest for performing a homa before the ritual of sprinkling takes place. The first mantra speaks of the prince's rebirth as the son of the qitviks (sacrificial prests). with his vigour immensely increased by his symbolic entrance into the homa fire and exit therefrom, and wishes him capability to keep his subjects from sinful ways. The second wishes him an extended kingdom, a stout physique for its efficient administration, and a good supply of cattle for the performance of the sacrifices. The third wishes him to be the guide of men, and wants him to solemnly say that he would protect the good and punish the wicked. The fourth and fifth inroke blessing on him for prosperity, while the sixth and seventh for the glorification of the castes by his power, the prosperity of his subjects, and the extension of Prajapati's protection to him. In these mantras, two points are note-worthy: (1) The belief of the prince's rebirth us the son of the sacrificial priests; which appears akin to the rebirth of the twice-born by the upanayana sacrament for their initiation into the study of the Vedas. The prince, as it were, becomes a totally different being with his faculties and physical vigour renewed and increased for the discharge of the new duties that the assumption of kingly office will devolve upon him. Such a belief perhaps made the performance of the coronation ceremony 1 Nitimayakha by Nilakha Bhatta (MS. in ASB. No. II, A. 25), p.3. The discourse on coronation in the Bharata-rahasya (in Bengali) by Ramadasa Sena cites a short passage from the Gopatha. Brahmana without any reference to its location in the Brahmana. I could not trace it either in the Bibliotheca Indica, or the Bombay edition of the work. I do not understand why, unless the Daser go bas eluded my search, it should be omitted in the editions. ? Taittiriya, Brah mana, II, 7, 15-17. Rig Veda, X, 173-174, refer to rituals for steadying the king in his office by the propitiation of certain deities. It is not clear whether they have any connection with the coronation, if any, prevailing at that time. 3 Goldstucker's Dictionary, p. 277, under "Abhisheka." 4 Prof. A. Macdonell's History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 203.

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JUNE, 1919) ANCIENT HINDU CORONATION AND ALLIED CEREMONIALS 85 an imperative necessity to every prince; for, otherwise, in the estimation of the people, the prince will stand bare of the "kingly fitness" which he omits to formally bestow upon him. self by the ceremonial, and for which no natural capabilities of the prince, however great, could perhaps be an adequate substitute. After the death of a king or after his retirement, some time must have elapsed before the coronation rituals could be performed by his successor; and hence, the question naturally suggests itself whether the latter could exercise the rights and duties of a full-fledged king immediately after the end of the previous regime without formally going through the ceremony. In the case of the initiation sacrament, the uninitiated boy had no right to the acquisition of sacred lore before he went through the necessary rite; but not so perhaps in the case of the coronation ceremony, as will appear from evidences later on. (2) The solemn assertion by the prince, which looks very much like the coronation oath, to protect the good and punish the wicked, that is to say, the paramount duties of the protection of life and property of his subjects and an impartial administration of justice. After the performance of the homa, a tiger-skin is spread with the mantra "Thou art the sky, thou art the earth," and the prince is seated thereon. The priests bless him saying, " May you be unconquerable, may the various quarters protect you, may your subjects be loyal, and may the kingdom never slip away from your rule," and sprinkle him with water in which barley and durva grass have been steeped, the ritual being accompanied with blessings. The prince is then asked to repair to and ascend a chariot standing before the ahavaniva fire of the sacrificial ground where the ceremony is taking place, appropriate benedictory formulas (some of which are repetitions of those used in the sprinkling ceremony ) being uttered during the time. The object of this ascension of the car appears from the last formula addressed to the chariot to be a symbolic expression of the desire that the prince might achieve success in his rule. The king next prays the royal priest to help him by a faithful discharge of his duties that serve to keep the realm free from danger, and contribute to its well-being. He then asks the charioteer to sit on the car and hold the reins. The king then recites to the effect, "May I never hear within my dominion the sound of bows of my enemies coveting my kingdom, may that harsh sound change into a sweet one by making the hostile army friendly." The brahmanas as well as the king's friends and relations embrace him, after which his body is smeared with unguents. At this time, the king has to look towards the sun, and the royal priest addresses him thus : "May this king be lustrous like the noon-day sun; may my blessings be likewise powerful in their effects; may you (king),-glorious sun, attain prosperity by my blessings; may my words be in a special degree discriminatory of right and wrong; may my blessings be firm in their efficacy; may the rivers (in the kingdom) be full, clouds rain in time, and crops fructify; may the king be the lord of a rich country veritably flowing with milk and honey." After oblations to the fire intended for the kefins, i.e., Agni, Vayu and Suryya, the king is asked to sit on a throne of udumbara wood, when the purohiia says, "O king, subdue your enemies completely. Now that I have finished the consecration beating the two names of Varini 5 and Ugra 6 pay fees to the purohita. May you attain long life and 5 Called Vasins, because the ceremony is believed to bring the subjects under the king's control, . Called Ugra, because it effects the subjugation of onomies.

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& THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JONE, 1919 be freed from Vuruna's snares." Then the priest shaves the king's head with a mantra, which indicates that it is an imitation of what Prajapati had done for Soma and Varuna. The hair is collected on a tuft of kusa grass, serving thereby to preserve the king's strength.? The king is then anointed with a mixture of milk and ghi with the same object in view with a formula which asks the Asvins to have the king's beauty devoted entirely to the queens. The Ramayala and the Mahabhareta speak of a few coronations of princes, the former those of (1) Sugriva, (2) Vibhishana,' (3) Rama,10 (4) Kusa and Lava, 11 (5) Angada and Chandraketu,! (6) Satrughna's song Subahu and Setrughati,13 and the latter those of (1) Janamejaya, (2) Vichitra-virgya,15 (3) Puru, 16 (4) Yudhish thira, 7 (5) Sarabha, son of Sisupala,'' and (6) Parikshit.19 Full ritualistic details are given nowhere in the epics. The common features of the rituals, so far as we can gather them from their fragmentary descriptions in the first named.epic, are collection of waters from seas and rivers in gold pitchers, sprinkling of game on the prince seated on a throne, crowning and prince's gifts to brahmanas, while their distinguishing features are (1) the performance of a homa (in Sugriva's coronation), (2) presents offered by the subjects to the prince (e.g., in Vibhishana's coronation), (3) presents offered by the prince (as in Rama's coronation), (4) difference as to persons who sprinkle water, and (5) difference as to those who put the crown on his head. The Mahabharata furnishes some details of the ceremony of only one prince, Yudhishthira, who sat on a throne made of gold surrounded by others seated likewise. To begin with, he touched white flowers, auspicious symbols (svastikas), unhusked barley-corns, earth, gold, silver, and jewels. Auspicious articles, such as earth, gold, gems, and other things necessary for the coronation were brought by the subjects, who came there headed by the priest. Jars made of gold, udumbara wood, silver and earth, and full of water as well as flowers, fried rice, kuca grass, cow's milk, sami, pippal, and paldsa wood, honey, ghi, ladles of udumbara wood and conches decked with gold, were there for the ceremony. The royal priest, Dhaumya, made an altar sloping north and east and marked with the necessary signs. The prince with his consort Draupadi was then seated upon a firm and effulgent stool called sarvatobhadra 20 covered with tiger-skin, and Dhaumya poured libations of ghi upon fire with appropriate mantras. Krishna poured water from a sanctified conch upon the prince's head, as algo Dhritarashtra and the subjects. The presents brought by the people were formally accepted by Yudhishthira, who in turn honoured them with presents in profusion and gave a thousand nishkas to the brahmanas who uttered benedictions for his welfare. Most of the features of the coronation as found in the epics have been reproduced in the Auni-Purana 21 which, as usual with the Puranas, adds to them new rituals making 1 Similar belief is noticed in connection with the keiavapaniya ritual of the Rajasiya. Ramdyana, Kislkindha-kunda, sarga 26. Ibid, Yuddha-kunda, sarga 112. 10 Ibid, Yuddha-kanda, sarga 128, and Uttara-kanda, sarga 62. 11 Ramayana, Utara-kdnda, sarga 107. 13 Ibid. 13 Ibid, Uttara-kanca, sarga 108. 1 Mahabharata, Adi-Parra, ch. 44. 15 Ibid, Adi-Parua, ch. 101. 16 Ibid, Adi-Parva, ch. 85. 17 Ibid, Sinti-Parva, ch. 40. 13 Ibid, Sabha - Parta, ch. 45. 19 Ibid, Mahd prast)dnika-Parra, ch. 1. so C. Yukti-kalpa-tcru, (edited by Papdit Ivarchandra Sastri); Samdny dsanoddera, p. 66, Alk. 402. :1 Agn:Purawa, chs. 218-219.

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JUNE, 1919 ) ANCIENT HINDU CORONATION AND ALLIED CEREMONIALS 87 the whole coremony much more elaborate. The main divisions of the ceremony may be marked out into (1) Aind/-Santi on a day previous to that of abhisheka, (2) (On the abhisheka day). (a) Performance of Homa. (6) Symbolic bathing (i.e., touching the prince's body with earth brought from various places-mriltila-anana). (c) Sprinkling of water on the prince by ministers. (d) Sprinkling of liquids by Rig Vedic and Sama-Vedic brahmanas, and the royal priest. (e) Sprinkling of water through a pitcher perforated with a bun treil holes) by the royal priest. (1) Rites by the Yajur Vedic and Atharva-Vedic brahmanas. (g) Seeing auspicious things. (h) Crowning. (1) Presentation of officials to the prince. (j) Payment of fees to brdh mantas and coronation feast. (k) Royal procession through the metropolis, (1) Return of the procession to the royal palace and gifts to the people. If the reigning king instals his successor on the throne just before his retirement, he may have the abhisheka performed under his auspices on a clay prescribed as appropriate for the purpose. If, however, he dies without performing this ceremony for his successor, the Agni-Purana 21 allows for the latter & provisional abhisheka which can be celebrated irrespective of the auspicious or inauspicious nature of the day on which it is held. The reason for such a provision is obvious: the formal vesting of regal powers in the prince in order to enable him to discharge kingly duties cannot be long postponed ; for such postponement may lead to difficulties. The rituals of the ceremony are succinctly mentioned as symbolic bathing of the prince with sesamum and white mustard at which the royal priest and the astrologer officiate, the hailing of the prince with the cry of victory after which he sits on a bhadrasana, proclaims safety for his subjects and issues order to his officers for releasing prisoners. The coronation whether performed under the supervision of the retiring king, or in the case of his death, after the provisional coronation, has to be held on an auspicious day which is fixed in accordance with recommendations of the texts 23 on the subject. Details of the aforesaid main divisions are :-Ro. (1). The Agni-Purana does not furnish its rituals, which, however, are given in later works like the Niti-mayakha. " which may be summarised thus: After the formal declaration of the king's intention to perform the Aindri-Santi, the officiating priests are formally entrusted with these duties:-A vedi (altar) is constructed and upon it a Mahavedi (great altar) on which three lines are drawn on sand, - The Agni-Purdna, ch. 218, devotes 6lks, 5 and to this provisional abhisheka and the real meaning of the passage can easily elude the reader unless light be focused on it from other works such as the Vishnu-dharmottara, pt. II, ch. 18. See, for instance, Vishnu-dharmottara, pt. II, ch. 18, alks. 6-14; Goldstucker's Dictionary refers to Jyotisha-ratna-mala and Muhairla-chintamani on this point. * Nus-maynkha (Ms. in ASB.), pp. 4-10. Minor details and mantras have been omitted in the above summary

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1919 a cerity made and refilled with sand, Earth bowed to, and fire ignited. A gold, silver or copper. pitcher full of water is covered with a piece of cloth and an image of Indra made of gold is placed on two eight-leaved lotuses drawn on the cloth. This is followed by offerings to Indra, fi ye oblations to fire and the seating of the Brahman priest, who with the Hotri next engages in the offering of the following oblations, viz., eight to the four cardinal points, and seventeen to Agni and other deities followed by samriddhi, sannati, upastiryya, svishtarit, Prayaschittatm aka, sanisthiti, samana and samyrava-bhaga homas. Then follow offerings to the ten presiding deities of the ten quarters of heavens, and to demons of vario 18 descriptions. The Parnahuti comes next and then the throwing of the remnants of homa-fire into holy water. In the concluding rite of santi for averting evil, the king with his consort, relatives and ministers, is sprinkled by the hotri with water from the sdnti pitcher'. Then both the king and the queen take bath in water mixed with herbs, wear white dresses and garlands, and smear their bodies with the paste of white sandal. Gifts are made to the priests, and the gold image of Indra after symbolic relinquishment is given to Acharyya. The whole ceremony is then brought to a close by the feasting of brahmanas. The object of this ritual is no doubt the welfare of the king implying that of his relatives, officials, and subjects but the central idea in it is the coronation of Indra, the king of the gods. We have seen in connection with the Rajasuya that the mantras for the Punarabhisheka, are uttered in unison with those of the Aindra-mahabhisheka, which goes upon the supposition that the king of the gods was installed on his throne in remote antiquity with the self-same mantras which appear in the Aitareya-Brahmana in connection with the Aindra-mahabhisheka, and which, when uttered at the Punarabhisheka, bring on special well-being of the subject of the Punarabhisheka. In the coronation ceremony with which we are now dealing, much more prominence is given to the idea by devoting a special day with its special rituals to Indra, who is worshipped to make the coronation of the mortal king as much fraught with potentialities for good as his own coronation was in the remote past Re. (2). On an auspicious day fixed for abhisheka, the king has to formally declare his intention ( sankalpa ) to perform the abhisheka. (a) After the ignition of fire 25 and the offering of seventeen oblations as previously mentioned in connection with Aindri-santi, the purohita has to perform homa with five sets of Atharva-Vedic mantras, viz. farma-varma, svastyayana, dyushya, abhaya, and a parajita, which are intended to secure for the king welfare for himself personally and his kingdom. On the southern side of the homa-fire is kept a gold pitcher (sampatavan kalasa) in which are deposited the residues of offerings. Brahmanas learned in the Vedas as well as brahmana, Kshattriya, Vaisya and Sadra ministers are honoured with presents and seated at the place where the ceremony is to take place. The royal priest, who has to fast on that day, puts on garland and turban and enters into the bathing-house where he has to put nine gold pitchers with waters from various places of pilgrimage as well as an earthon pitcher with water, a gold pitcher with ghi, a silver pitcher with milk. copper pitcher with curd, and an earthen pitcher with water in which kusa grass has been soaked. A gold pitcher with a hundred perforations as also an earthen pitcher filled with water from well and the four seas are also to be there. 25 Certain characteristios of the flame of this fire, such as brightness like melted gold, resemblance to svastika mark, &o., wer regarded as portente for good or evil.

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JUNE, 1919] ANCIENT HINDU CORONATION AND ALLIED CEREMONIALS 89 (6) The prince is then bathed symbolically with various descriptions of soil. This bathing consists in touching his head with soil from the top of a hill, ears with that from the top of an anthill, face with that from a temple of Vishnu, neck with that from * temple of Indra, chest with that from a royal palace, right arm with that dug up by an elephant by its tusks, left arm with that dug up by a bull by its horns, back with that from a lake, belly with that from a confluence of rivers, sides with that from the banks of a river, waist with that from the door of a brothel, 26 thighs with that from a sacrificial ground, knees with that from a cowshed, shanks with that from a horse-stable, and feet with that from the whoel of a chariot. This ceremony is concluded by the final ablution of his head with panchagavya (a mixture of milk, curd, clarified butter, and cow's urine and dung). (c) Four vessels made of gold, silver, copper and earth are filled respectively with clarified butter, milk, curd and water. The Brahmara, Kshattriya, Vaibya and Sudra ministers take the gold, silver, copper and earthen vessels in succession and sprinkle their contents on the prince's head from the east, south, west and north respectively. (d) After the ministers, a Rig Vedic brahmana sprinkles honey and a Sama Vedic Urdhmana water (in which kusa grass has been immersed) upon the prince's head. The royal priest commits the sacrificial fire to the care of the sadasyas (assistants) and sprinkles from the aforesaid sampatavan pitcher with the mantras >> that were uttered in connection with anointment forming part of the abhishechaniya of the Rajasuya. (e). The prince is then taken to the base of the altar and seated upon a bhadrasana. The roval priest sprinkles water on his head through a gold jar perforated with a hundred holes, uttering ya oshadhih, &c.,"38 as also perfumed liquids, and water in which flowers, seeds, gems and kusa grass have been dipped, with the recitation of other formulas,89 The Yajur and Atharva-Vedic brah manas touch with Rochana (yellow pigment) the prince's head and throat with the mantra "Gandhadvara, &c." 30 This rite is brought to a close by the assembled brahmanas sprinkling on the prince's head water brought from Various sacred places,31 (9) Auspicious things such as jar filled with water, cho wry, fan, mirror, clarified butter, and jar filled with water and herbs are brought before the prince, music is played, (eulogistic songs are sung by the bards, and Vedic psalms chanted by the brahmanas ).32 * It was porhaps believed that people before entering it parted with their religious morita at the vefy ontrance, and hence, the sanctity of the soil from the placo. 27 Sloka 22 of ch. 218 of the Agni-Purdna speaks of these mantras. That they are borrowed from the Rajasdya coromony is not oloar from this aloka, but appears to be so from works like the Natimaykha. Had the first verse of the couplet commenced with the words, rajas dydbhisheke cha instead of with rijafriyabhisheke cha, the meaning would have been clearer. See Rig Veda, X, 97. 29 Some explanatory details have been taken from tho Nilimayukha. The formulas referred to have been borrowed as follows (0- Onhadhayah pratigribhnits pushpavatil, &c." Vajasanayi Samhita, XI, 48, (ii) Asuh sikino, &c." Rig Veda, x, 103, 1. 50 Rig Veda, Khile, V, 87, 9. 31 According to the Nttimayikha (MS. pp. 2 & 11) not only the brahmanae but also the assembled Kahattriyas, Valbyas, 6Qdras and persons of mixed castes sprinkle water as above. 32 Natimaynkha (MS. pp. 2 & 11). The work puts after the above rite the sprinkling of propitiatory water (gantijala) from the Sampataran pitoher by the astrologer. This rite is scoompanied by the utterance of a long mantra " surastvam abhishinchantu," etc., of about 180 Slokas addremed to the kods. heavenly bodies, clouds, continents, hills and mountains, places of pilgrimage, sacred rivers, birde, horses. - elephants, universal monarche of yore, ascetics, Vedas, fourteen branchee of learning, weapone, superna tural beings, in short, to quite a string of divine, natural, or supumatural forces with power for good or rder that they might all be propitiated to the prince about to be coronated. The location of the mantra in the ceremony is not manifest in the Agni-Purana but has been indicated by works like the Nitimaydkha.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1919 (1) The royal priest, in the meantime, makes offerings of milk and honey to the divi. nities and sits on a chair covered with a tiger's skin. So seated he binds the prince's head with a fillet and puts on it the crown with the formulas "Dhruvadyaih, &c.," an English-rendering of which is given below : "Firm is the heaven, firm is the earth, firm are these mountains, firm is this entire world, so may this king of men be firm." "May the royal Varuna, the divine Brihaspati, may Indra and Agni ever give stability to thy kingdom." "With a constant oblation we handle the constant Soma; therefore may Indra render thy subject people payers of (their) taxes." 33 The throne-seat, on which the prince is next seated, is covered with the skins of five animals, bull, eat, wolf, lion and tiger. A symbolic meaning, not given in the texts, was no doubt attached to the spreading of these skins one over another. The tiger skin, as has been seen in connection with a previous ritual, indicated kingly power. (0) The Agni-Purana next speaks of the Pratihara presenting officials to the king. It is added by the Nitimayukha that distinguished townsmen, merchants and other subjects are also admitted to this honour. 1 6, k & I) The king now presents the royal priest and the astrologer with cows, goats, sheep, horses, &c., and honours the other brahmanas with similar gifts and a sumptuous feast. After going round the sacrificial fire and saluting the Guru and one or two minor rituals, he sits on a sanctified horse but gets down the next moment to sit on the state elephant similarly sanctified and rides through the principal thoroughfares of the metropolis amid a gorgeous procession. After return to his palace, be accepts the presents made by his subjects, whom he receives with honour and entertains to a feast. Presents in return are also made by the king to his subjects. It will not be out of place to recount succinctly the principal features of the English coronation of the past in order to show the degree of parallelism between it and that of the Hindus. The early English coronation had many features found in those of other European countries in the past, and may, for this reason, be taken for our purposes as a type of the early European Coronations generally.36 1. The prince attended by a largu number of nobles and government officers made a stately progress to the Tower of London where he resided a day or two to dub as Knights of the Bath a number of candidates who had to perform vigil and other rites preparatory to this honour. 2. Amid & su lemn and gorgeous procession in which the new Knights of the Bath, nobles, government officers, and clergymen occupied the particular positions allotted to them, the prince under various marks of honour displayed by the citizens rode to Westminster Hall on the day previous to the day of coronation. 33 Rig Veda, X, 173, 4-6 (translation by Prof. H. H, Wilson). The Manasara, as quoted in Goldstucker's Sanskrit-English Dictionary (p. 284, under abhisheka) namos two officers athapati and sthapaka taking part in a function not detailed in the texts used above. The qupon is also mentioned as sitting on a throne along with the king. *5 For the following information on the European coronation, 86 Chapters on Coronations, muthor not mentioned ; Glory of Regality by Arthur Taylor, and Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th edition, der "Coronation."

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Jux 1919 ) ANCIENT HINDU CORONATION AND ALLIED CEREMONIALS 91 3. Next morning, the nobles and others, marshalled according to their respective ranks, accompanied the prince to the adjacent Westminster Abbey, some of the regalia 36 being carried by certain persons having title to this honour. 4. The first rite performed within the Hall was Recognition in which the Archbishop declared to the people assembled there the prince's rightful claim to the throne and asked them, whether they were ready to give their assent thereto. In this rite were laid the traces of development of coronation from an earlier form of election. 5. Next came the First Oblation, the essence of which was the rite in which a "pall of cloth of gold, and an ingot of gold of a pound weight"received by the prince from the Lord High Chamberlain were made over to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who placed them on the altar. 6. In the Proper Service of the Day, prayers were said for blessings upon the prince. 7. At the conclusion of the sermon forming part of the previous rite, the Coronation Oath was administered by the Archbishop. The prince swore to govern the kingdom according to the established laws and usages, administer justice tempered with mercy, and uphold the religion of the land, and the rights and privileges of the members of the church. 8. The Dean of Westminster anointed with oil from the Ampulla, the palms of the prince's hands, his chest, shoulders, arms, and the crown of his head. 9. The next rite consists in investing the prince with vestments, girdle, buskins, sandals, spurs, sword, &c., which were made over to him on this occasion. Two noteworthy features of this function are that the Archbishop (a) while passing the sword to the prince requested him to protect the church, people, widows, orphans, restore things gone to decay and maintain those that were restored ; and (b) while delivering to him the Orb with the Cross he uttered the formula "Receive this Orb, and remember that the whole world is subject to the power and empire of God, and that no one can happily reign upon earth, who hath not received his authority from heaven." At the time of Augustus, the Roman emperor, the Orb was regarded as the symbol of universal dominion. The Cross was affixed to it by Constantine the Great, signifying that universal dominion was but possible by faith.37 10. The Archbishop assisted by other clergymen put the crown on the head of the prince seated on St. Edward's Chair, saying, "God crown thee with a crown of glory and righteousness, with the honour and virtue of fortitude that (thou) by (our ministry having) a right faith and manifold fruits of good works, thou mayest obtain the crown of an everlasting kingdom, by the gift of Him whose kingdom endureth for ever. Amen." 11. The Sovereign was invested with the Ring of faith, held the Sceptre of kingly power, the Rod of virtue and equity, and the Bible. He then received the Archbishop's Benediction in appropriate words. 12. The Sovereign was conducted to the throne by the Archbishop who was followed by the bishops and great officers of state. After he was seated on the throne, the Archbishop delivered an exhortation and took the Oath of Fealty. This Oath was also taken by the bishops and the premier Duke, Marquis, Earl, Viscount, and Baron, each of them 3The principal Regalis are :-St. Edward's Chair, St. Edward's Crown, Crowns and Circlets, Orb with the Cross, Sceptre with the Cruss, Bt. Edward's Staff, Ampulls (or Golden Eagle), Ivory Rod, Chalice, Paton, Swords, Ring, Spurs, Curtana (or pointless Sword of Moroy), and the Bible. 27 Chapters on Coronations, pp. 27, 118.

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1919 representing himself and the rest of his rank. During the performance of the Homage, medals of gold and silver struck for the occasion were thrown among the people, and if there were any general pardon, it was read publicly by the Lord Chancellor.3s 13. In the Holy Communion, the Sovereign advanced towards the altar after the commencement of the Communion Service and made an offering of bread and wine. Then a wedge of gold, called a mark, weighing eight ounces, was received by the Archbishop from the Sovereign and laid upon the altar. This constituted the second oblation. The Sovereign then returned to Westminster Hall attended by the clergy and others marshalled as before. 14. A noticeable feature of the Coronation Feast held in the Westminster Hall was the proclamation of a challenge to the effect that if anyone dared deny the rightful claim of the present Sovereign to the throne, he was a liar and false traitor, and the Champion was there to fight a duel with him to prove the falsity of his assertion. The Champion threw down his gauntlet, which after a short time was taken up by the Herald. Until the completion of the arrangements for the feast, the Sovereign reposed in the Court of Wards. Several tables were placed in the Hall, the royal table being set on a raised platform. Special duties in connection with this feast were allotted to special officers ur noblemen: the royal table, for instance, was covered by the sergeant and gentleman of the ewery; the first course of hot meat was served up with the combined assistance of the sergeant of the silver scullery, and two gentlemen-at-arms or two Knights of the Bath, and other dishes were brought with a procession composed of several officers. A full delineation of this coronation being outside the scope of this section, details of this as well as other functions, which may have value for other purposes, have been omitted. In the evening were held a general illumination, a display of fire-works in Hyde Park, the principal theatres being opened free to the public. The features, common to the two systems of coronation of India and Europa may now be summed up. The commonnees is due in some instances to the very nature of the ceremony, and in others, to other causes. Both the systems are endued with a religious character, difference lying cnly in the degree. In the one, God, His Son, and the Holy Ghost were solicited by prayers and offerings to bless the Sovereign and secure the welfare of his kingdom, while in the other, the divinities together with various natural and supernatural forces credited with powers for good or evil, were for the same purpose entreated or propitiated through a multiplicity of prayers, offerings and other religious rites. The coronation of the Hindus, in its later form, lost all traces of its connection with the elective principle pointed out elsewhere 39 to have boen operative in the epic period, in which it could be traced in the recognition forming part of the installation ceremony. In the European form of coronation, it was traceable in the formulary of election expunged in later times, 26 algo in particular functions incorporated in the coronations of various European countries pointing to some form of election as their origin, e.g., the practice of elevating a sovereign on a shield among the later Romans, and the custom of having stone circles to serve as seats for electors and a large stone in the centre for the Sovereign.co 3 The rites in which the Quoon Consort took part have been omitted. 31 See the Modern Review, 1916 (Sept.), p. 307. 40 See Chapters on Coronatione, chy. I & IX, p. 99.

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JUNE, 1919] ANCIENT HINDU CORONATION AND ALLIED CEREMONIALS 93 The practice of taking an Oath to protect the people and perform other regal duties existed in the Hindu coronation, as evidenced by the Taittiriya Brahmana, but it disappeared later on. Therefore the similarity of the European and the Indian systems in this respect is not found all along their respective lines of development. Smearing with unguents in the Indian type may be taken to correspond with anointing in the Western, sprinkling of liquids obtaining greator prominence in the former. Crowning, blessing for universal dominion, presentation of nobles and officials, jail delivery, stately progress through the metropolis, feast and the devotion of a day or two to a ceremony preliminary to the coronation proper, may also be regarded as points of similarity between the two types. SECTION II. Yauvara jyabhisheka. It is in the epic period that we find the first mention of the ceremony for the inauguration of the crown prince. Prof. Goldsticker is doubtful as to whether this ceremony is hinted at in the passage of the 'Aitareya-Brahmana 11 relating to the 'king-makers' (rajakarttarah) in the chapter on the mahabhisheka. These king-makers' refer, in the AtharvaVeda 13 and the Sata patha-Brahmana+3 to "those who, not themselves kings, aided in the consecration of the king." According to Sayana's commentary on the aforesaid passage of the Aitareya-Brahmana, the king's father is one of the king-makers, and this was a ground for Prof. Goldstucker's doubt whether the ceremony in which the father took part might be that for the installation of a crown-prince. A closer examination would. however, make it clear that such a doubt is baseless for the following reasons : (1) The mahabhisheka is not an independent ceremony, and the chapter devoted to it is meant to bring out that in days of yore, the abhisheka of Indra (called Mahabhisheka) took place on certain lines with certain mantras followed later on by several emperors of antiquity on the occasion of the celehration of the Ra jusuya, and if these rituals and mantras are woven into the Prinarabhisheka (i.e., the second abhisheka, the first having Leen performed at the time of installation to a simple kinyship) of the celebrant of a rajasiya of later times, they will be of great efficacy. (2) The inclusion of the king's father in the list of king-makers by Sayana, is not borne out by the Vedic texts themselves. (3) The presence of the father in any installation ceremony cannot of itself raise the presumption that the son performing the ceremony must needs be a crown-piince, for. first, the father might not at all have been a king, and possessing therefose no kingdom to which he could choose his son as successor; and secondly, he might be retiring from his regal position, making his son a full-fledged king by the ceremony. (4) The question of installation to crown-princechip cannot at all rise in view of the setting, in which the king-makers are mentioned, namely, the delineation of the rites and formulas of Indra's mahabhisheka intended to be woven into the junarabhisheka of the rajasuya. 41 Aitareya-Brahmana, VIII, 17, 5. 42 Atharva Veda, III, 5, 7. 13 Satapa:ha-Brahmana, III, 4, 1, 7, and XIII, 2, 2, 18. See Profs. Macdonoll and Keith's Vedic Inder, II, p. 210. * Seu Goldstucker's Sanskrit - English Dictionary, under "Abhisheka", p. 282.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JONE, 1919 Hence, there are at present no evidences by which the ceremony of the installation of the crown-prince can be traced to the Vedic period. References are found in the Epics to the yauvarajyabhisheka of Rama, 45 Angada, 6 Bharata,7 Yudhishthira, 48 Bhish ma,"9 Bhima, 50 and Satyavana. 61 Details of the ceremony are not forthcoming from any of the works consulted by me. The Ramayana furnishes a short account of the preparations made for Rama's yauvarrijyabhisheka, but as they are not perhape exhaustive, we cannot draw from them any correct inference as to either the things needed for the ceremony or the rituals and functions in which they were used. The short account is, however, striking in that it does not include water or soil brought from various places, forming a prominent feature of the coronation ceremony and as such receiving the first attention in the preparations for Rama's coronation.52 There was no restriction as to the age at which a successor to a sovereign was installed as the crown-prince. Rama was twenty-five 53 years old at the time of his proposed installation to crown-princeship and Bharata about forty, when he was so installed; both Yudhishthira and Satyavana were young 55 when they went through the ceremony, but Bhima was far more advanced in years when he became a crown-prince. There was, therefore, no hard and fast age-limit for this ceremony, though it seems to have been the usual practice for the king to choose his successor as soon as the latter completed the prescribed period of studies and was ready to share as crown-prince the responsibilities of a ruler. No instances are forthcoming to show whether yauvdrajyabhisheka was a bar to the subsequent celebration of the coronation ceremony when the crown-prince became the king. Yudhishthira's coronation after the recovery of his kingdom and subsequent to his y tuvirajyabhisheka cannot be taken as a case in point in view of its merger in that of restoration to a lost kingdom.56 That-the recovery of a lost kingdom was an occasion for a fresh coronation stands clear from the case of Dyumutsena.57 Prof. Goldstucker inclines to the view that the performance of the yauvardjyabhisheka "held good for the inauguration of the prince at his accession to the throne, after the father's death, since no mention is made, in the epic poems, of a repetition of the ceremony. The object of the inauguration of a prince as yuvaraja is to secure to him the right of succession, and, besides the advantages supposed to arise from the religious ceremony, as mentioned before, a share in the government, or perhaps all the privileges of a reigning king. For when Dasaratha intends to make his son Rama & yuvardja, he addresses him with these words (in the Ayodhya-kanda, 58): "Rama, I am old; .... To-day, all my subjects want thee tor their king: therefore, my son, I shall inaugurate thee as junior king." 59 In the above argument, stress is laid on the words spoken by Dasaratha to the effect that the subjects wanted Rama as their king (naradhipa) but the force of the very next words uttered by him, viz., "therefore, my son, I shall inaugurate thee as junior king" is 'ignored. What 45 Ramayana, Ayodhya-kanda, ch. 3. 46 Ibid, Kishkindha-kanda, ch. 26, elk. 13. 17 Ibid, Yuddha-kanda, ch. 128, blk. 93. 48 Mbh. (Mahabharata), Adi-parva, ch. 139, 6lk. 1. 49 loid, ch. 100, slk. 43. 50 Ibid, Santi-parva, ch. 41, elk. 9. 51 Ibid, Vana-parva, ch. 298, lk. 11. 52 Ramdyana, Yuddha-kanda, ch. 128, 6lke, 18.67. 53 Ibid, Aranya-kanda, ch. 47, Slk. 10. 154 Ibid, BAla-kanda, ch. 18. 55 Joh., Adi-kanda, ch. 141, lk, 27; Vana-parva, ch. 293, slk. 25. 5 Mh., Santi-parva, ch. 40. Ibid, Vana-parva, ch. 298, alk. 11. ! Ramayana, Ayodhya-kanda, ch. 40. . 55 Goldstucker's Sanskrit-English Dictionary under " Abhisheka", p. 282,

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* JUNE, 1919] THE LUNAR ZODIAC IN THE BRAHMANAS ever Dasaratha might have said on the occasion, the ceremony was nothing else than yuuvarajyabhisheka and should be viewed as such. References to the inauguration of the commander-in-chief are found in the Mahabharata in connection with the inaugurations of Bhishma,co Drona, Kara,62 Salya, 6 and Asvatthama 64 as the military heads of the Kaurava army. This inauguration ceremony is modelled on that of Karttikeya,65 the commander-in-chief of the gods, whose irauguration again followed in some respects the still earlier rajyabhisheka of Varuna, to the watergod. Details of the ceremony aggregated from the several descriptions are scanty. Those, that are expressly mentioned, are oblation to the Home-fire, seating of the Commander on an appropriate seat, sprinkling of water 67 on his head from a vessel. the utterance of the big formula "surastvam abhisinchantu," &c.,68 which happens to be the same as uscd in the coronation ceremony just before crowning and gifts of coins, bullion, cows, cloths, &c., to Brahmanas. It is superfluous to mention that the rituals were eocompanied with inusic, eulogies sung by bards, and joyous and benedictory ejaculations. The inauguration of the several commanders-in-chief mentioned above was performed in the battlefield. In times of peace the same ceremony is likely to have been oelebrated on the occasion of the assumption of his office by the commander-in-chief. It is probable that in the forn.er case, the exigencies of the situation compelled a curta ilment or abridgement of the rituals which could be allowed to be in their full form in times of peace, THE LUNAR ZODIAC IN THE BRAHMANAS. BY B. V. KAMESVARA AIYAR, M.A. In the Preface to the fourth volume of the first edition of the Rigveda, the late Professor Maxmuller wrote: "In conclusion, I have to say a few words on an hypothesis according to which the discovery of the twenty-seven nakshatras was originally made at Babylon and from thence communicated at a very early time-the date is not given to the Indians in the South, the Chinese in the East and sundry Semitic nations in the West. Such an hypothesis seems almost beyond the reach of scientific criticism, though with the progress of the deciphering of the Babylonian inscriptions, some facts may come to light either to confirm or to refute it. At present, however, all that can be brought forward in proof of such a theory is vague and uncertain and could not stand the test of the most forbearing criticism ....." This was writtea in 1862. Twanty years later, he again examined this theory in his lectures on "India-What Can It Teach Us?" (pp. 123-133, first edition) and concluded, With due respect for the astronomical knowledge of those who hold this view, all I can say is that this is a novel, and nothing but a novel, without any facts to support it...." This theory of the Babylonian origin of the Indian nakshalras was started by Weber and supported by Whitney, and apparently ceased to be advocated after Maxmuller'e vigorous refutation. I was therefore surprised to find Professor A. B. Keith reviving the theory in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (January 1917, pp. 135, 60 Mbl., Udyoga-parva, ch. 155, slks. 26-32. 1 Ibid, Drona-parva, ch. 5, alks. 39.43. e Ibid, Karna-parva, ch. 1, elks. 11-12. 63 Ibid, Salya-parva, ch. 1, elks. 6-7. 61 Ibid, ch. 35, biks. 36-43. 66 Ilid, ch. 45. 66 Ibid, ch. 45, alk. 22. 67 In the legend, the water of the Sarasvati was sprinkled on Karttikeya from a golden jar. 68 In the legend of Karttikeya's inauguration to genera Iship the above formula was not recited at all; deities named in the formuls personally appeared before him to take part in the sprinkling. Whitney, however, maintained his view to the last. He wrote in 1891, "Weber and I, on whatever other points we may have been discordant, agreed entirely, some thirty-five years ago, that it must have been introduced into India, probably cut of Mesopotamia; nor, I believe, has either of us seen any rasson for changing his conviction since." Vide The Indian An:iquary, Vol. XXIV, p. 365.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JONE, 1919 136). He writes" .... in the absence of any evidence as to the real origin of the nakshatras, the priority of Kritikas has been insoluble. But the Babylonian hypothesis of their origin still remains the most plausible and for an ingenious argument I would refer to a comparatively recent article by Lehmann Haupt. If so, then the effort to prove the origin of the position of Kittikas by Indian literature must he unsuccessful." I have not been able to get a copy of ZDMG. (L.xvi) containing this ingenious argument. But from the way in which Prof. Keith writes I am inclined to think that he does not attach much value to it. Now that Prof. Keith has chosen to revive a theory long given up, he should, in fairness, bring together all the fresh evidence that Babylonian researches might have brought to light since 1882 and discuss their evidentiary value and at least show that the theory is not so baseless as Mexmuller had pronomced it to be. It is an important question involving wide issues and deserves more than a digressive hit that the Professor has chosen to give it. To a Jay mind it would appear that there is nothing in common betwen the Indian, eeliptic of the twenty-seven nakshatras and the Babylonian zodiac. (1) The former is lunar; the latter, by all accounts, was solar. (2) In the earliest Indian literature where it is found, taat is, the Brahmanas, there is no attempt to divide the 27 nakshatras into 12 sections and allot two or three to each section and there is no reference to the planets. "The Chaldaeans chose three stars in each sign to be the Councillor gods' of the planets." (3) The first sign (whether Aries, so far as records go, or Taurus, as later traditions indicate, coincided with the vernal equinox. There is no evidence in Indian literature to show that the Indians began their year with the vernal equinox before the introduction of the Alexandrian School of astronomy into India about the fourth or the fifth century A.D. (4) There is not the slightest evidence in the Brahmana literature to show that the Brahmavadins of the Brdhmana period were aware of the twelve signs of the Babylonian or the later Indian solar zodiac or any pictorial representations of these signs, such as the Ram, the Bull, etc., or that the words mesha, Vrishabha, etc., were used technically to denote the signs of a solar zodiac. (5) In Babylonia 'we find a week of seven and another of fire days' (Ency. Brit., 11th ed., Vol. 3, p. 167). The Brahmanas know neither, but have instead a period of 6 days (Skaraha), five of which made a month. (6) In Babylonia, the 12 months were named after the 12 zodiacal signs. In the Brahmaras, the 12 months are named after the 12 nakshatras at or near which the moon successively became full. (7) The Brahmanic asterismal system,commenced with the Pleiades. There is nothing to show that the first sign in Babylonia was headed by this asterism. Maxmuller wrote in 1882: "Now the Babylonian zodiac was solar, and, in spite of repeated researches, no trace of a lunar zodiac has been found, where so many things have been found, in the Cuneiform inscriptions. But supposing even that a Junar zodiac had been discovered in Babylon, no one acquainted with Vedic literature and with the ancient Vedic ceremonial would easily allow himself to be persuaded that the Hindus had borrowed that simple division of the sky from the Babylonians . . . . Surely it would be a senseless hypothesis to imagine that the Vedic shepherds or priests went to Babylonia in search of a knowledge which every shepherd might have acquired on the banks of the Indus ......" And after thirty years' further Balylonian research and exploraljon, the * Encyclopaedia Britannica (edition of 1911, art: "Zodiao"). Vide, for instance, the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, July 1917, p. 499, footnote :".... Only the Roman Calendar and the year of Nabonidus rockon from the spring. Dr. Fleet thought that BrAbmans Inust have visited Rome. Perhaps so; but it is more probable, rthink, that they took the spring equinox for their starting point from the year of Nabonidus. When the Alexandrian astronomers reformed their Calendar in the reign of Diocletian, they based their reform upon the Nabonidus era; and these astronomers were the teachers of the Indians." India-What Can It Teach Us? (first edition, pp. 126, ete.)

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JUNE, 19191 THE LUXAR ZODIAC IN THE BRAHMAVAS 97 latest eclition of the Encyclopaedia Britannicu (art: "Zodiac') could only write: "The alternative view, advocated by Weber, that the lunar zodiac was primitively Chaldaean, rests on a very shadlowy foundation. Eupbratean exploration has so far brought to light no traces of ecliptical partition by the moon's diurnal motion, unless, indeed, zodiacal associations be claimed for a set of twenty-eight deprecatory formulae against evil spirits inscribed on a Ninevite tablet." In the Brahmana literature, including the Taittiriya and other later Sanhitas, we find only the lunar ecliptio, with the twenty-seven 5 nakshatras with the Kritlikas heading the list and no mention of mesha, Vrishabha, etc., as the signs or representations of a zodiac. On the other hand, no reference has been found in Babylonian inscriptions to the division of the zodiac based on the diurnal revolution of the moon among these asterisms. There is not a single point in common between the Babylonian zodiac, so far as it is known and the Indian ecliptic, as it is found in the Bralomanas. The Brahmana literature (Vaj: Sam. XXX. 10: Taitt: Br. III. 4-4-1) refers to observers of stars (nakshatra-darias) as a profession; and yet it is assumed that the Brahmavadins must have borrowed the elementary scheme from some country which shows no traces of such a scheme. Professor A. A. Macdonell, in his review of my dissertation on the age of the Brahmanas, which was intended for the Oriental Congress which was to have assembled at Oxford in 1915, wrote to me, "The origin of the Nakshatras is an unsolved mystery and so long as this is the case conjectures based on their original signification must remain without value as pruof of any theory." We find the lunar ecliptic of 27 nakshatras referred to in several places in the later Sanhitas and the Brahmanas. We find a knowledge of this lunar ecliptic in the marriage hymn of the Rigveda (X. 85-13) where the expressions aghasu and arjunyoh mean "on the days when the moon is in conjunction with these asterisms." As the Encyclopaedia Brilannica (art: "Zodiac", 11th edition) says of the Indian Zodiac:""We find nowhere else a well authenticated zodiacal sequence corresponding to so early a date." Why then should ono seek for the origin of the nakshatras in any other ancient country, where no traces of the same have been found after yaars of research. You find it there in ancient Indian literature and you do not find the like of it in any other conntry at so early a period. It is again it scheme which could have been easily worked out in the land of the Indus, by a people with as much knowledge of civilised life as is exhibited in the Rigveda. Would it be fair or competent criticism, then, to say that the ancient Indians must have borrowed the simple scheme from some country not definitely known (from Babylonia or China), at some unknown or indeterminable period, simply because a Biot, a Weber, or a Whitney had started theories which half a century of further research has left where they stood when they were started ? Scientific criticism is concerned with evidence and so long as no evidence is forthcoming. if not to prove, at least to lend some amount of probability to the foreign origin of the Nakshatra ecliptic, it will not be fair to reject as valueless any legitimate inference that may be drawn from the statements about the nakshatras that we may find in the Brahmanas; leaving aside the conjeetures based on the etymological significance of the names of the naicshatras, such as those indulged in by Bentley for instance, which have of course little value as evidence. 5 Only 27 are given in the earlier list in Tritt. San. IV, 9, 10, 1-3 and in Thitt: Br. I. 5-1. Taitt. Br. I. 5-2 adds that in addition to the 27 nakshatra, mentioned in the previous anuvaka, there is another called abhijit (a Lyrae) which should be looked for in the sky between the uttara) ashadhas an rond and that the Deves conquered the Asuras under this nakshatra and therefore expeditions should set out under it. This nakshaira is accordingly included in the nakshatreshti in Taitt. Br. III. 2-1-6, notwithstanding its remoteness from the coliptio.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1919 CHANDRA'S CONQUEST OF BENGAL BY RADHAGOVINDA BASAK, M.A.; CALCUTTA. In the early part of the fourth century A.D., there was a great defeat of the people of Bengal (Vaiga) hy a king named Chandra. This event is mentioned in an inscription incised in early Gupta characters on a pillar of cast iron known to historians as the "Meharauli Posthumous Iron Pillar Inscription of Chandra." There has not yet been an end of discussion as to the identity of this Chandra. The late Dr. Fleet thought that the characters of this inscription "approximate in many respects very closoly vo those of the Allahabad posthumous inscription of Samudragupta" and remarks that he should not be surprised to find at any time that it is proved to belong to him," i.e., Chandragupta I, the first maharajadhiraja of the Gupta family, of whose time we have as yet no inscriptions. Dr. Hoernle assigns the inscription to the beginning of the fifth century A.D.; and Mr. Vincent Smith, in the second edition of his "Early History of India", expressed, his conviction that the Chandra of the inscription was Chandragupta II, who, he thought, had to quella rebellion of the people of Benga! when they offered him an united resistance in battle. If the inscription could be ascribed to the time of Chandragupta II and the king Chandra be identified with the latter-it may be well said with Mr. Allan 5 that "the enemies who had united against him in the Vauga country were probably people who had taken the opportunity of his absence in the west to cast of the yoke under which his father had inid them." But Mr. Vincent Smith has since changed his opinion and has accepted the view of Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri, that the Chandra of the Iron Pillar Inscription was not at all a Gapta ruler and that he should be identified with Chandra varman mentioned in the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta's time. This Chandravarman, it should be remembered, was one of the nine kings of Aryyavarta who were violently extirpated, during his campaign of conquests in Northern India, by Samudragupta, who thus increased his majestic power in the North. Pendit Sastri while proving this identity of Chandra of the Iron Pillar inscription and Chandravarman (king of Pushkaiana, Pokharan or Pokuna of Rajaputana) based his arguments on two inscriptions, viz., (1) the Mandasor stone-inscription of Naravarman of the Malava era 461, and (2) the Susunia Hill inscription of Chandravarman, king of Pushkarana. From the first of these inscriptions, we have the following historical information -"This Vaishnavite inscription: was incised in 461 of the era of the Malavagara, i.e., in A.D. 404, when king parthiva) Naravarman (using the title mahdraja), son of king Simhavarman and grandson of king JavaVarman, was ruling that part of the country, i.e. Malaya." We know from epigraphic records that in A.D. 404 Chandragupta II was on the imperial Gupta throne. Hence we may safely suppose that Maharaja Naravarman was Chandragupta Il's feudatory in the Western region, probably having his head-quarters in the town of Dasapura (modern Fleet, C.1.1., Vol. III, No. 32. Ibid, p. 140, foot-note 1. . 3 Ante, Vol. XXI, pp. 43-44. 4 Early History of India, 2nd edition, p. 275. 5 Indian Coins-Gupta Dynasties, Introduction, p. xxxvi. C. Rudradda-Matila-Nagadatta-Chandravima-Ganapatinaja-Nayasan - Achyuta-Nandi-Balavarman = ady-anek-aryydvartta-raja-prasabh = oddharaA = Odvritta-prabhava-mahata!"-1.21.-Fleet, C.I.1. Vol. III, No. 1. Epi. Ind., Vol. XII, No. 35, p. 315ff. 6 Ibid, Vol. XIII, No. 9, p. 133; and Proc. of the ASB., 1895, p. 180.

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JUNE, 1919] CHANDRA'S CONQUEST OF BENGAL Mandasor), just as we gather from other records that his son Visvavarman and his son Bandhuvarman were feudatories of Kumaragupta I. The second inscription which is inscribed in early Gupta characters of the Northern variety records the dedication of a wheel in honour of a god (evidently Vishnu) named Chakrasvamin and it only states in its two lines 10 of writing that this dedication is a pious deed (kritik) of maharaja Chandravarman, son of maharaja Simhavarman, king of Pushkarana. The use of the subordinate title of maharaja with the names of these kings shows that Pushkarana was one of the many small states that were being ruled independently before their subjugation by Samudragupta. In the first inscription we have. maharaja Naravarman as the son of Simhavarman and in the second maharaja Chandravarman as the son of the same king. This fact led Pandit Sastri to suggest, rightly enough, that Naravarman and Chandravarman were brothers. " It has been said before that Naravarman was a contemporary of Chandragupta II, son of Samudragupta, whereas Chandravarman was Samudragupta's contemporary. Hence it may be rightly supposed that Chandravarman was Naravarman's elder brother. The identity of Chandravarman of Samudragupta's inscription and Chandravarman, king of Pushkarana, of the Susunia Hill inscription, as established by Pandit Sastri seems to be quite right. But there is much difficulty in proving undoubtedly that this Chandravarman and the Chandra of the Iron Pillar inscription are identical. Samudragupta probably destroyed the independence only of the nine kings of Northern India amongst whom Chandravarman was one, and allowed them after their utter defeat to rule in their respective states as Gupta feudatories. Chandra varman, his father Simhavarman, and his grandfather Jayavarman' may have had mastery over a greater part of Malava and had their capital at Pushkarana; and they had thus ruled independently before Samudragupta advanced in his campaign of conquests and reduced the power of the Varman family of Pushkarana by defeating its king Chandravarman and probably placing his younger brother Naravarman to the position of a feudatory chief ruling from Dasapura. It may also be supposed that Naravarman succeeded to the rulership after the death of his elder brother Chandravarman. We have said before that Naravarman's son, Visvavarman and his son Bandhuvarman were feudatory kings under Kumaragupta I ruling in Malava from their capital Dasapura. From the Gangdhar Stone inscription (Fleet, No. 17) we find that Visvavarman, son of Naravarman, was a very powerful ruler (tasmin praidsati mahin-nyipati-pravire 11. 17-18) in the year 480, evidently of the Malava era, and from the Mandasor stone inscription (Fleet, No. 18) we know that Bandhu varman, son of the ruler (gopta) Visvavarman was governing the city of Dasapura (kshitipati-vrishe Bandhuvarmmani........Dasapuram = 9 Fleet, CII, Vol. III, Nos. 17 and 18. 1 Cf. "(L 1.) Pushkaranadhipater maharaja-Simhavarmmanah putrasya (L. 2) maharaja-bri Chandravarmmanah kritik."-These lines, it should be noted, are inscribed just below the wheel on the backwall of a cave now in ruins on the hill. We may illustrate the genealogy of the Varman family thus: Jayavarman T Simhavarman 1 99 Chandravarman Naravarman (461 M.E.) I Visvavarman (480 M.E.) 1 Bandhuvarman (493 M.E.)

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1919 idaw palayali, l. 16), while Kumaragupta I was ruling the earth in 493 M.E. (Kumdragupta prithivira praxasati, 1. 13). Hence, Pandit Sastri's statement 19_"Mr. Smith is wrong. ( believe, in including Mandasor in the map of Samudragupta's conquest. For Naravarman and his son Visva varman do not seem to have acknowledged any obligation to the Guptas" - is not vouchsafel by epigraphic evidence which seems rather to lead to a contrary conclusion. To prove completely that the Chandravarman of Pushkarana and the Chandra of the Iron Pillar inscription are identical, one has to establish, first of all, that Chandravarman came to Bengal on a campaign of conquests. But the Susunia Hill insoription has not the slightest reference to any conquest by the king of Pushkarana (Pushkaranadhipati). It simply states, as already pointed out, that the dedication of the wheel is a pious "deed of maharaja Chandravarman, son of maharaja Sixhavarman, king of Push karana." It does not at all say "that Chandra of Pokarna did conquer that part of the country" as boldly asserted by Pandit Sastri. Chandravarman seems to have gone there on a pilgrimage to the hill-cave to do honour to the god Chakrasvamin, and it was probably & very famous place of pilgrimage in old days also. It may be advanced as an argument that as the wheel in the Susunia Hill cave and the flag-staff (dvaja) of the Iron Pillar are both sacred to the god Vishnu, it favours the identity of Chandravar man and Chandra. But we know that the Gupta rulers too were themselves devotees of Vishnu (paramabhagavata). Let us now consider the historical data that can be obtained from the Meharauli Iron Pillar inscription : (i) King Chandra destroyed his enemies in Bengal (Vangeshu) who offered an united resistance against him. (ii) He, in course of war, crossed the seven mouths of the Indus (Sindhu) and overcame the Vahlikas. (iii) The Southern Ocean was to-day (even after his death) being perfumed by on the breezes of his prowess, i.e., who probably proceeded towards the South for making conquests. (iv) His majestic glory still lingered on earth in the shape of fame even after his ** * death." (v) He enjoyed for a very long time lord-paramountey (oikadhirdjyani) on earth earned by the strength of his own arms ( svabhuj - arijitai), i.e., he was a maharajadhiraja, a title which he himself earned by his own prowess. (vi) He was a Vaishnava and established this pillar as a flag-staff of the god Vishnu on the Vishnupada hill. From these data we find that Chandra was a mighty monarch and had the title of maharajadhiraja (stated for metrical exigencies as aikadhirajyani praplena, l. 5), whereas Chandravarman is simply mentioned in the Susunia inscription with the title maharaja, which, in early times especially during the Gupta period, was used by kings of smaller states and by feudatory rulers. The datum (v) above is most significant. The statement that Chandra earned supreme sovereignty in the world by means of his own arms (svabhuj-drijitai aikadhirajya) and enjoyed it for a long time (chiral) and that he led his arms of conquest to the distant countries of Vanga in the east and to the country washed by the mouths of the Indus on the west, and also towards the south, applies more 12 Ante, 1913, p. 218.

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JUNE, 1919 1 CHANDRA'S CONQUEST OF BENGAL 101 to an early Gupta ruler of the fourth century than to any local king of any of the small states then ruling independently in Northern India. There is no Pauranic or epigraphic evidence to show that any other family of kings made any attempt in the fourth century A.D. to assume imperial dignity by conquering distant lands. So it is very likely that Samudragupta's father, Chandragupta I, whom we know to have been the first maharajadhiraja of the Gupta line, began to establish the empire by going out for making conquests in Bengal, in part of the Panjab and also in the South, and perhaps succeeded in incorporating portions at least of these provinces into his own kingdom, which, after his death, passed into Samudragupta's hands. It is perhaps for this reason that we find in Samudragupta's Allahabad Pillar inscription no mention of Bengal being conquered by that monarch who inherited his father's self-made empire which had already comprised Bengal. Where is the evidence that Bengal had ever been in the possession of Chandravarman? Had it been so, we would have to seek for evidence to prove that Bengal was afterwards recovered from the hands of the Varman rulers of Malava by the Gupta rulers. But we have as yet got no such historical evidence, nor can we expect to get it in future. On the contrary, we know from the newly discovered Damodarpur plates of the Gupta period that Bengal was under the direct political jurisdiction of Kumaragupta I and his successors. It seems plausible that Samudragupta ordered this posthumous inscription to be inscribed on this costly pillar of iron which his late father mahurajadhiraja Chandragupta I caused to be erected as a flag-staff in honour of Vishnu; and as the ancestors of his father were local chiefs having the use of the title maharaja only, Samudragupta did not perhaps ask the court-poet to refer to any genealogy in the inscription. Hence we are inclined to believe with the late Dr. Fleet that the Chandra of the Iron Pillar is the first Gupta maharajadhiraja Chandragupta I, and this accounts for the striking paleographical similarity of this inscription with the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta's time. In discussing the age of the compilation of the dynastic account in the Puranas Mr. Pargiter 13 writes:-"The Guptas are mentioned as reigning over the country comprised within Prayaga, Saketa (Ayodhya), and Magadha, that is exactly the territory which was possessed at his death by Chandragupta I, who founded the Gupta dynasty in A.D. 319-20 and reigned till 326 or 330 (or even till 335 perhaps), before it was extended by the conquests of his son and successor Samudragupta ;" and he holds the view that as the Pauranic account does not take any notice of Samudragupta's conquests nor of the Gupta empire, the narrative was closed during the interval which elapsed between the time when Chandragupta 1 established his kingdom from Magadha over Tirhut, Bihar and Oudh as far as Allahabad, and the beginning of Samudragupta's reign. But it may also be presumed that this Pauranic account of the extent of the Gupta empire had been compiled before Chandragupta I defeated the people of Bengal and the Valhikas, which even probably took place towards the end of the reign of Chandragupta I. Or, it may be supposed that the Magadha of the Puranas probably included the portions of Bengal conquered. Had the conquest of Bengal fallen to the lot of Samudragupta the event would have very likely found mention in his Allahabad Pillar inscription. Moreover, the discovery, in parts of Bengal, of coins of various types belonging to Samudragupta and his successors, may be cited as an evidence, though somewhat insufficient, of Gupta supremacy in Bengal during the early period of Cupta rule in India. 23 Dynasties of the Kili Age-Introduction, p. xii, SS 20.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MISCELLANEA. TIPU SULTAN'S LETTERS AT SRINGERI. | The gabours of Mr. R. Narasimhachar, Officer in charge of Archaeological Researches in Mysore, have recently been rewarded with the discovery of some letters of Tipu Sultan, in the Sringeri Matha of Sri-3akaracharya, that shed a new light upon the character of the last Sultan of Mysore (ante, 1917, p. 136). Their purport, however, is apparent. ly so incredible and contrary to all accepted views that we would certainly hesitate to accept them as genuine, had not other materials from quite an unexpected quarter been available, for their confirmation. The Svami of Sringeri was generally styled as the Peshwa's guru; religious and social questions were often referred to him for decision by the Peshwas; to them the lineal successor of Bri-Sankaracharya was almost a semi-divinity--a Pope, an exponent of divine will. Yet these letters tell us that a Mahratta army, under the command cf a Brahman general, Pareuram Bhau Patwardhan, had ruthlessly plundered the temple and village and carried their sacrilege so far as to break and defile the image of the goddess Sarada. All these details, however, are confirmed by two letters written from the Mahratta Camp. Both of these have been published in the 9th volume of Mr. V. V. Khare's Aitinasik Lekha-Sangraha, but an English translation may here be added, for those who are not acquainted with Marathi. The first of these was dated the 23rd of April, 1791, and was addressod to Bala Saheb at Miraj. Nilkanth Appaji, the correspondent of Bala Saheb, writes: "The Lamans and the Pondharis went from the army of Rajeri Dada Saheb, plundered the temple of Sringerlkar Svami and took elephants and other property worth about a lac of rupees. They brought these things, yesterday, to a place, about a kos from this camp, and some of our people went there and saw them. Thereupon, a letter has been addressed to Dada Saheb, about their confiscation." This letter, written just after the incident, omits all its horrible details: but the second correspon. dent, who wrote about a month later (the 14th of May), gives a more minute description. Trimbak Rav Ballal wrote to Balasaheb: "Before the army crossed the Tuigabhadra the Lamans and the Pendharia had gone towards sivamoghe. They plundered the Svami's village of Sringeri. They looted the Svami's belongings, including his Danda and Kamandalu and left nothing. Women were violated and acme of them committed suicide. The Devalinga and other images belonging to the [JUNE, 1910 Svant were plundered. The Lamans took away all his elephants. The Svami fasted for five days and died. "When the Elder (f = Parsuram Khau Patwardhan) learnt this news, he sent some horsemen, arrested the Lamaps and recovered the elephants. Besides this, not a Rupee worth of thing was found." Whether these elephants were restored to the Svari, we do not know; but the Svami proceeded to the Peshwa's Court at Poona, with a petition for the recovery of nis lost property. Mr. Khare, to whom we are indebted for the publication of the above letters, however, argues that Partyram Bhau Patwardhan should not be blamed for the deeds of professional plunderers, over whom In fact, he could exercise but a feebie control. the Dadasaheb, to whose army these offenders. were attached, claimed sole jurisdiction over them, and the miscreants were suffered to escape unpunished. Though I am well aware of the great weight that Mr. Khare's name will always lend to the view he supports, I think we cannot so easily absolve Parsuram Bhau from the crime of sacrilege and plunder. For these Pendharis were not independent free-booters, but they formed an integral part of the Mahratta army. Moreover, their deeds were legalised by the tacit sanction of the State, for they were granted license in consi. deration of a tax called Pal Patil or tent dues This tax was rated at 25 per cent. of their plunder, and the State therefore directly participated in their misdeeds, by sharing with them their illearned income. We should also remember that Dada Saheb (Raghunath Rav Kurundwalkar), the officer directly responsible for protecting the offenders, was not a rival of Pariuram. On the contrary, he was a friend, to whom the command of the Patwardhan forces had been entrusted, after the withdrawal of Parsuram Bhau to his Jagir during the late war against Tipu. Perhaps the Pendharis were on this occasion allowed unbridled license, and the reason will be found in the following remark made by Moore,-in his narrative of Captain Little's Detachment: The mutual acts of plunder and devastations now committed by the Mysoreans and the Mahrattas, proceed solely from a personal hatred and detestation between Purseram Bhow and the Sultan, and perhaps there are no two men existing who more mortally hated each other. Tippoo, it is said, either by his own hand or direction was the immediate cause of the *

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JUNE 1919] BOOK-NOTICE death of Bhow's brother. Hurry Pant's army, which left Seringapatam at the same time,.. was not at all molested." In all probability, the Svami of Sringeri fell a victim to Bhau's hatred, because he happened to be the Sultan's subject. Another point that may surprise the reader of these letters is, that Tipu should help the Svamf substantially in reinstalling the image. Tipu is generally represented as a bigoted follower of the prophet of Mecca, and we learn from the evidence of Hushein Aly-a contemporary and by no means a hostile historian-that Tipu was not at all favour. ably disposed towards the Hindus. Yet both Moore, an English writer and an enemy of Tipu, and Michaud, a French historian, testify to the happiness and contentment that ordinarily prevailed in Mysore, during Tipu's reign. According to Michaud, "the Sultan was very popular, very affable, and very well informed." Moore says: "It has fallen tarry sometime in Tippoo's dominions and to travel through them as much. as, if not more than, any officer in the field during the war, and we have reason to suppose his sub. jects to be as happy as those of any other sovereign; or we do not recollect to have heard any complaints to Our lot to BOOK-NOTICE. 103 or murmurings among them, although had causes existed, no time could have been more favourable for their utterance, because the enemies of Tippoo were in power, and would have been gratified by any aspersion of his character. The inhabitants of the conquered countries submitted with apparent resignation to the direction of their conquerors, but by no means as if relieved from an oppressive yoke in their former Government. On the contrary no sooner did an opportunity offer, than they scouted their new masters, and gladly returned to their loyalty again." About the intolerant doctrines of Muhammadanism, Michaud remarks that "the sweetness of peace removed all that is fierce in the doc. trine of Mahomet." This appears to be inconsistent with Hushein Aly's evidence, who says that the Sultan conferred on the Hindu population of Nargooad and Kittur, the good fortune of circumcision and conversion. The apparent contradiction is not however difficult to explain: Tipu tolerated the practice of Hindu religion within his own territories, and became popular with all his subjects, but the same toleration was not extended to the population of the enemy countries by the zealous Muhammadan ruler of Mysore. Rajputana, like Nepal, possesses the unique distinction of never having been under Muhammadan rule, and here we see the gradual transformation of the medieval period of Indian History into the modern. Elsewhere in India, the medieval period of Indian History closes with a snap as soon as the native sovereign is overthrown by the Muhammadans. History becomes an imperfect ohronicle of the wars of Muhammadan princes and their subordinates on their neighbours or on S. N. SEN. SANGA, 1918, BY HAR BILAS SARDA, F.R.S.L., Scottish Mission Industries Company, Ltd., Ajmer. The publication of these two memoirs marks the beginning of a new epoch in the study of the history of Rajputana. The author himself is well known to students of Indian History as tho author of Hindu Superiority. Those two monographs are the precursors of a series, as the author himself explains in his preface to Maharana Kumbha. Colonel Tod's celebrated work is now being amplified. corroborated by epigraphic and other literary evidence and checked by counterreference to the chronicles of Musalman historians on the subject. This, in fact, is the application of modern critical methods of historical research to the history of Rajputana. MAHARANA KUMBHA, 1917, AND MAHARANA scattered Hindu principalities which had succeeded in maintaining a precarious existence in impregnable, out-of-the-way places. In Rajputana the situation is entirely different. Here old dynasties continued to rule and to defy the attempts of successive dynasties of Muhammadan kings to subdue the last strongholds of the infidels. Sovereigns of Northern India and their descendants sought refuge in this country when ousted from their ancestral territories by Muhammadans. In this respect the history of Rajputana is as valuable and as interesting to the student of Indian History as that of Nepal or of distant Tibet. In the monographs under review Mr. Sarda has presented the history of the premier kingdom of Rajputana, i.e. Mewar, from A.D. 1364 to 1526. Incidentally he informs his readers of the major events of other States, such as Marwar, Sirohi, etc., as they are inseparably linked with the history of Mewar in this period. The first monograph opens with the period of the reign of Rana Kshetra Simha, the song of the celebrated Rana Hammira Deva and the great. grandfather of Maharana Kumbha (chapter II). It gives a concise and very lucid suromary of the reigns of Kshetra Simha, Lakha and Mokal, and describes the days of Rathor influence in the court of Mewar. The next chapter deals with the short

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY war with the Gujarat Sultanat and the beginning of the struggle with the Sultans of Malwa. The fifth chapter is of engrossing interest as it deals with the end of Rathor influence in Mewar and with the conquest of Marwar by the Maharanas. The next chapter deals with the struggles of Rao Jodha, the founder of Jodhpur, for independence and the creation of the State of Jodhpur. Of much greater importance is the chapter on the long wars of Kumbha with the Sultans of Malwa and Gujarat. Here, for the first time, we find the chronicles of the Muhammadan historians checked and refuted by contempoiary Hindu evidence. From the raids of the freebooters of Samana on the Hindu inhabitants of Kabul and Balkh in the 10th century A.D. to the death of Aurangzeb, the chronicles of Musalman historians appear to be an unbroken list of victories for Islam. Checks and defeats have been carefully censored and erased from historical works in Persian. The estimation of the proper value of a history or chronicle written by a Musalman dealing with wars between the true believer and the infidel has been a long and difficult process. The absence of contemporary Hindu evidence and the rarity of corroborative evidence has made the process a very tedious one. But in the long run a true estimate of the value of Muhammadan historical works has been formed in Northern India. In Rajputana the process is much easier. Mr. Sarda, with the true critical spirit, declares the battle of Mandalgarh to be indecisive (p. 48), and refutes Ferishta's claim for a victory for Mahmud Shah II of Malwa by producing contemporary evidence which proves the contrary. Similarly Ferishta's claim for a victory in 1446 has been ably refuted by Mr. Sarda in a long footnote, where Muhammad Kasim's favourite lies have been very neatly exposed (p. 49). So far as my knowledge goes, this is the first time that the lies, inaccuracies, and deliberate mis-statements of this bigoted chronicler, who is relied on by the majority of European historians, are being exposed. Ferishta's claim for a victory for the Sultan of Gujarat and a war indemnity of fourteen maunds of gold received by him has been very ably dealt with on pp. 60-61. So much so that the next historian of Gujarat will be obliged to change certain well-known features of the history of that State. The eighth chapter deals with Kumbha's murder by the patricide Uda, and contains a summary of his exploits based upon epigraphical evidence. The next chapter gives a lucid account of Rajput Architecture of the period and of monuments erected by Kumbha; the tenth and last chapter gives a summary of Kumbha's literary attainments and describes the works composed by him. [JUNE, 1919 The second memoir of the series, Maharana Sanga, is a larger work and deals with a shorter period. The opening chapter gives a short sketch of Sanga's character, while the following three chapters contain an excellent summary of the period intervening between the death of Maharapa Kumbha and the accession of Sanga. Here the author has shown how the weak rule of Sanga's predecessors led to the dismemberment of the vast dominions of Kumbha and how dissensions among members of the ruling clan led to the weakening of the power of the Maharanas of Mewar. In the end of the fifth chapter the author deals with Sanga's first war with the powerful Muhammadan kingdom of Gujarat, and in the succeeding one his first war with the Sultans of Delhi when Ibrahim, the weale successor of Sikandar Lodi, was defeated and forced to fly. A second expedition led by the foremost Afghan leaders met with no better result and the frontiers of Mewar reached those of the Afghan Kingdom of Delhi, incidentally paving the way for the final struggle at Khanua. The seventh chapter deals with the strugglo between the Hindu and Musalman vassals of the kingdom of Malwa which led to its extinction by its powerful neighbours, and Sanga's victory over and the capture of the person of Sultan Mahmud Khilji II. The conquest of Malwa brought about a war with the Sultans of Gujarat, which is described in the eighth chapter. The struggle bet woon Mewar and Gujarat is continued in the next two chapters, where the futile count er-expeditions from Gujarat are described. The most important chapters of the work are those which describe the struggle of Mewar with the incoming foreigner, the Mongols or, as they are called in India, Mughals. The eleventh chapter gives a short description of the earlier adventures of Zahiruddin Muhammad Babar Padshah, and the twelfth gives a succinct summary of the various stages which brought the two important figures of Indian History, Babar and Sanga, face to face. The author's detailed description of the events preceding the battle of Khanua and that of the battle itself shows that the Indian method of warfare (dharma-yuddha) was not the proper method in a war with foreigners, and confirms ole of the most prominent conclusions of Indian History, that the fall of Indian Empires has always been due to defection and treachery rather than to weakness and defeat. The thirteenth chapter of the work gives us the first chapter of the history of the struggle between the Sisodiya and the Chaghatai from a new standpoint, the Rajput or Indian standpoint, which has more or less been systematically ignored by European historiographers. R. D. BANERJI.

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JULY, 1919] NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 105 NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from p. 56.) 90% 75% Gold PURE raw gold is called k'ayabatke. Shoddy commercial gold is called mojo. It contains 50 % of valueless alloy. Gold, being so much more valuable a material than silver, the alloy is reckoned in mus only, in naming these standards, thus : Komupe 45 - 9 mys out of 10 mus of pure gold 16 = 95% Komu Shi'mupe - 87 85% Shi'mu 80% Ko'ni'mupe Ko'pi'mu 70% Chaukmupe 65% Chaukmu 617 - 60% Cho. = half gold - 50% I have met with in the bazars another known standard, viz., kojatchaukma, or Rs. 9 mis 6 out of Rs. 10 of pure gold (k'ayabat), = 96%.48 Prinsep adds, Useful Tables, p. 32, that the Burmese called gold mohars 81 mus standard, i.e., shi'mupe, and I may add that English jewellers' gold they insist on calling brass. 49 It will be observed that, in reckoning the touch of silver and gold respectively, the sense of the terms is reversed. In reckoning silver touch the amount of alloy in the piece is mentioned whereas in reckoning gold the amount of gold in the piece is mentioned, Indian fashion. Many standards of gold between k'ayabat and mojo (spelt properly mogh: kroo, but I have also seen moky) are, however, known to jewellers, and I give below a representation, two-thirils full size, of a set of touch needles or standards, which I procured from a bankrupt jeweller in Mandalay in 1889, showing nine standards, viz., 95%, 90%, 85%, 80%. I have a note of this term, where it is spelt k'ayab'atkos. Stevenson, Dict., gives shwegaung; and shwini as the post kind of gold." But these terms inerely mean "good gold," and "red gold." The Burmeze are found of red bold," but gold can only be "red" whou doyed with copper. "Red guld" cannot therefore he really the best kud of old." According to Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 398, the Siamese recognised six gold standards as a very ancient custom. Each standard had a name, which he gives in his curious spelling. He says, on some local information apparently, that the standards date back to A.1). 1347. i See Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 31. 15 Prinsep's merchants' gold, which he calls kundtabe (p. 32). 16 1.c., of kajal alke gold. Informants, however, are ofton puzzling, and I have boen given in the bazaara ywemaju (hulf gold leaf) for the highest and cho-roju as the lowest standard. 17 In 1889 Sir Frank Gates sont mo from Katha a specimen of gold which he was told we called shred chauke. Unfortunately it never rouched me, but it probably represented the standard of 60%. 15 This is probably Prinsep's king's gold," which was komd-taba-leywe, i.e., 9 mas, lpe, 4 ywa, or 9 mus (p 31). The "Rock-gold" of Achin in 1711 ran to 92, 93, 96, 99, and 100 touch. Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 731. 49 British jewellers gold, at 18 carats fine=the Burmese shi me standard, or 80%, 80 the ordinary carat gold would only be 10% or 20 % worse than mjo.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 75%, 70%, 65%. 60% and 50% respectively of pure gold, the last being called mojo. These are shown in the figure from left to right, the smallest pieces being of the highest and the longest of the lowest intrinsio value.in SCALE: ACTUAL BIZE. In reference to touch needle for gold, the observant Lockyer is worth quoting here. At p. 132 ff. T'rade in India, 1711, he writes as to Canton especially :- * "Gold is a Metal of such Value. that a small Mistake in its Fineness may be two or three per Cent Loss to the Buyer. The Chinese reckon by Touches, 100 is full fine, and equal to 24 Carracts English; wherefore a Set of Touches with Silver Allay, from 50 to 100 touch, rising gradually as you are able to discern the Difference of Colours on a Touch Stone, would be & great Helptho' it must be a nice Judgment to distinguish a Touch (or 100th part) ...... Sometimes they make it not above 50 or 60 Touch, and guild it four or five times over; so that relying on your smooth Stones, you are liable to be imposed on: Therefore I look on the rougher ones that are used by the Banians of Indostan, with a Balj of Black Wax, to be the best : But for want of these raise the Sides with a Graver, or cut it half through with a Chizel, and break the rest ; whence you may see the Colour and Grain, and easily detect their Fraud; should you cut it quite thro', the Chizel will so draw the Gold over the Allay, that you can learn nothing hy it." Again, after explaining that copper alloy will mako gold appear to be of better quality than pure silver alloy, or mixed silver and copper alloy, Lockyer goes on to quote the advice (p. 137) of one Mr. Hynmers as to the use of touchstones:-- * You only want a little Practice to confirm you in this; and if you have Touches made with the three different Allays I mention'd (Copper, Copper and Silver, and Silver) you cannot he easily deceiv'd with the Copper Allay. Now the use of your Touch-stone: You should during the Term of your Voyage, especially a Month or two before you arrive at China, often practice your Touches, rubbing them on your Stone one by another, till you can know the Difference, which your constantly doing will confirm you in. When your Touch-stone is fillid, vou may clear it hy rubbing it with a Piece of fine Charcole and Oyl, or fine Emery Powder and Ovl, or Scuttle-fish Bone; but remember the smoother you rub the Stone the better will your Tonches appear on it, and to wash off the Oyl well after cleaning : For the Touches will not take well, the Stone being Oily. And after you have at any time rubb'd your Touch, and Gold on it, lick it over with your Tongue, and it makes it appear better to know the Difference. If you continually practice and mind these Directions; it will not be 50 The Malaya waod 20 to 24 needles in a sot. JASB., May 1836, in Appx. to Moor's Indian Archipelago. p. 71. See also Crawfurd, Am. p. 434. For Indian touch-needles (banwari), aee Ain-Akbari, Gladwin's Trans., Vol. I, p. 6f. ; Blochmann's Trans., Vol. I, p. 19ff.

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JULY, 1910) NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 107 50% an easy matter to deceive you in that Commodity, or put a false Piece upon you: Tho' I must confess ther's no way so sure, certain, and so much to be confided in as an Essay by Fire, both for Gold and for Silver, &c." From Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 393n., we get a set of six Siamese gold standards, 61 said by him to date so far back as A.D. 1347 : 1. Nopakun-kow-nam .. .. .. 90% 2. Nua-peat .. 80% 3. Nua-chet.. . .., .. 70% 4. Nua-hok .. 60% 5 Nua-ha .. 6. Nua-Sve .. .. 40% At least, the above is what I gather Bock's informant inealit to convey, because *nopalcuttkow-nam" would mean in Shan nine fine in a hundred," or something like it : and pit, set, hok, ha and si mean eight, seven, six, five and four respectively. By way of comparison with the above remarks on Burmese gold standards, the following information, culled from Stevens, New and Complete Guide to the East India T'rade, ed. 1760. is of much interest. At Pp. 126-127 he gives a series of Chinese characters Whereby you may form some Judgment on the Value of their Gold." From this can be extracted the following recognised standards, taking "sycee " as pure or 100 touch.68 1. Twanghan: in bars wrapped in stamped paper.. .941 to 95 2. Seong Kutt or Soang Catt.. .. . .. 90 to 92 3. Tungzee .. .. .. .. 96 4. Tungzee, Yeungzee or Tingwan .. .. . 95 5. Toozeo or Toujee .. .. .. .. . 92 6. Cheauzee or Swajzee .. .. 92 7. Seong Pou or Soang Pau.. 8. Yeukxzee, Seongyeukx or Song Yeux to 95 9. Pouzee or Seong Po 10. Chuzee or Chuja : in bars .. 11. Chauzee or Swarhzy: in shoes .. .. 93 12. Ongee to 93 13. Toozee .. .. 92 14. Pouzee or Seong Po: in bars .. .. .. 93 . 15. Cutzee or Songcatt: in shoes 90 16. Yeu kzee : in shoes wrapped in paper, stamped "the double-ring chop" .. .. .. .. .. 95 to 96 Lockyer is equally interesting on the subject of Chinese gold standards, p. 132ff. :"Gold-makers (as they are commonly call'd) cast all the Gold, that comes thro'their Hands, into Shoos of about 10 Talo weight, 12oz. 2dut. 4gr. of an equal Fineness : As one makes them 93 Touch, another is famous for 94, &c. A private Mark is stamped in the sides, and a 51 In some parts of the Eastern Shan States gold in lump is the curroney. Colquhoun, Amongst the Shans, p. 2. See also Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 35, for "gold in rods" in 13th century, and Oathays, Vol. I, p. ccxix, for "gold in rods" in the 16th century. On p. 125 he has the following remarks "China Weights .... The finest gold among the 100 touch, called syoso, that is pure gold without any allay in it.... gold bought touch for touch ia when ten tale weight of syose silver is paid for one tale weight of gold . . . . the syose gold ...."

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY: [JULY, 1919 Piece of printed Paper is pasted to the middle of them, by which every one's Make is known as our Cutlers, and other Mechanicks do in their Trades. Both Ends of the Shoos are alike and bigger than in the middle, and thin Brims rising above the rest, whence the upper Side somewhat resembles a Boat; From the middle, which in cooling sinks into a small Pit, arise Circles one within another, like the Rings in the Balls of a Man's Fingers, 53 but bigger : The smaller and closer these are the finer the Gold is. When Silver, Copper or other Metal is inclosed in casting, as sometimes you may meet with it in small Bits, the sides will be uneven, knobby, and a rising instead of a Sinking in the Middle.... They are oall'd after the Makers Names, or from the Places whence they come; but I think the former, for, there is a great deal made at Pekin; but none of that Name. Chuja and Chuckja are 93 Touch. Tingza, Shing and Guanza 94. Of these the former turn to the best Account Sinchupoa and Chuchepoa are reckon'd 96 and 95 Touch... Gold in Bars or Ingots comes chiefly from Cochinchina and Tonqueen, and differs in Fineness from 75 to 100 Touch. "Tis of several sizes, and easier much than the Shoos to be counterfeited... Bargains for Gold are always so many Tale weight of Currant Silver, 94 Touch, which is really 93.".' This last remark gives us a valuablo hint that travellers and commercial writers, when talking of the "touch" of gold, may not be referring to a percentage of pure gold, but merely to a ratio between gold and some local standard of silver. Lockyer further lets us into the secret of how the wily European merchant of the early days made a profit for himself out of the inveterate habit of the dealers of the Far East of adulterating their gold. At p. 136, he says "All the Eastern people allay their Gold with Silver ... The coursest, or Gold of the lowest Touch is most advisable : For, in a parting Essay you get all the Silver that is mix'd with it for nothing, viz, 80 Tale weight Touch 58, is 58 Tale of pure Gold, and 22 Tale of Silver Allay, which you pay not a farthing for." 56 This then was the reason why merchants of A.D. 1700 made themselves familiar with the various sorts of inferior gold, and the next quotation goes to show that the same desire existed a century later. In that curious book, Comparative Vocabulary of the Burma, Malayu and T'hai Languages, 1810, p. 53, we find mojo (there spelt moukerov) in Burmese equals in Malay xuasa, and in Siamese (T'hai) nak. It is translated "sudsa, 56 a mixture of gold and copper," showing that this quality of gold was then best known to Europeans by its Malay name. 56 A correspondent of the Singapore Chronicle in 1827 57 gives an account of the Residency of the North-West Coast of Borneo, and says that "Gold is found in almost every part of the Residency," and that " The price at the principal ports may be taken at about two dollars and ninety cents per touch, or say 26 Spanish dollars of Sintang gold of nine touch," meaning by a "touch" one-tenth pure ur standard in the Indian fashion. He also says that gold "takes many names, being invariably designated by the name of the place. 3 See figs. 7 and 8. Plate I; but the specimens there shown are thd kwa silver, supposed to be a Chinese production. 51 Compare a merchant's advice as to Siam in 1833 in Moor's Indian Archipelago, p. 230. 55 Crawford, Malay Grammar, Vol. , p. clxxxv, gives this word all stowana, and says that neither copper nor silver is found in the Malay Archipelago. In Vol. II, p. 178, he says that "newasa is an alloy of gold and copper in about equal parts" and that the word is common to Malay and Javanese, 56 In Sumatra, in a.d. 1416, the Chinese found a gold dtnar current of 30% alloy. Indo-China 2nd Ser., Vol. I, p. 210. In Moor's Indian Archipelago, 1837, p. 8.

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JULY, 1919] NOTES ON CURRENOY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 109 75 where it is procured." Now from his statements we can make out a table of gold standards for Borneo in 1827 of a precisely similar nature to those prepared already for China and Burma thus :Sintang about .. Sangao about Landak Muntuhari , .. 85 Mandor . .. .. .. 78 Sambas . .. 90 Sapan . . . . . . 80 Larak . .. 85 Siminis .. .. .. .. 80 Salakao to . .. .. 76 In a Report on Borneo 68 submitted to Sir Stamford Raffles in 1812, it is said that "The standard of Slakow gold at Pontiana is fixed at 23 Spanish dollars the bunkal of two dollars weight. The Songo and Laurat is 25 dollars the said bunkal." But the price obviously depended really on the touch. In yet another Report, 56 dated c. 1836, on Johole in the Malay Peninsula, the writer gives first & most interesting, for the present purpose, sooount of the "bunkal" and then of some contemporary gold standards in those parts. He says "The gold dust is again carefully washed and ... dried by means of a red-hot piece of charcoal being repeatedly passed over its surface. After the adherent finer partioles of sand have been removed, it is weighed into quantities, generally of one tael each, which are carefully folded up in small pieces of cloth. These packets constitute the Bunkals of Commerce. In Sumatra, accord ing to Marsden, the paroels or Bulses, in which the gold is packed up, are formed of the integument that covers the heart of the buffalo. The Bunkals are, as in Sumatra, troquently used as currenoy Instead of coln." 60 After explaining that the Malayan mutu is the same as the Indian touch, the writer gives the following quaint, but withal useful, table of standards : Gold of Roocan (Arakan) .. 95 Mount Ophir 61 .. .. 921 Chimendros and Taon.. .. 95 Pahang and Jellye .. .. 92 Tringanu .. .. 92 Calantan .. .. .. 927 From Calantan gold of 10-mutu (100 'touch') is sometimes obtained. . . As a curious instance of gold being used purely as a monoy of socount I may quote from the Chinese Tung Hsi Yang K'ar, c. 1618, in Indo-China, 2nd. Ser., Vol. I, p. 199 :-"When the men of Jambi (in Sumatra) bargain for goods, the prioe is agreed upon in gold, but they pay only with pepper : e.g., if something costs two taels of gold, they pay a hundred picols of pepper, or thereabout. They like to buy outside women, and girls from other countries are often brought here and sold for pepper." 8. Lead Lump lead curroney, well known also in Lower Burma, is called simply k'oge, or lump ead. Fig. 14, Plate I, shows a piece which has been chipped off a large one, and used, I believe, for genuine currency. I procured it from an old woman in 1888 at Mandalay, who told me that she had kept it by her for forty years, sinoe the days of Shwebo Min: Now Shwebo Min, the King Tharrawaddy of most Earopean writers, reigned 1837-1846,6% so her 5 > Moor's Indian Archipelago, Appendix, p. 19. JASB., May, 1836, in Moor's Indian Archipelago, Appx., p. 70. Compare Aytnonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I, p. 136. In the Malay Peninsula. Ses op. cit., p. 68. See ante, Vol. XXII, pp. 289, 291. .

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 statement was sufficiently accurate. A large lump, partly chipped, with hammer and chisel, just as procured from a village stall in the Mandalay district, is now in the British Museum.93 Yule says, Ava, p. 259, that in 1855, baskets of lead for exchange were prominent objects in markets.64 And so does Maloolm, Travels, Vol. I, p. 269, when writing of Lower Burma in 1835. Flouest, writing of Pegu and Rangoon in 1786, says (Toung Pao, Vol. II, p. 41) the same thing -"La monnoye courante dans les bazards ou marches est du plomb coupe par morcoaux de differentes grosseurs : ils ont des balanoes dans lesquelles ils mettent d'un cote ce qu'on achete, et de l'autre le plomb. La viande et le poisson se vendent quelquefois a poid egaux. C'est a dire que pour vingt cinque livres de viande on donne 25 livres de plomb. Les legumes et autres articles de peu de valeur se vendent a proportion. On se sert rarement de ce metal pour des fortes sommes." The expression used by Hunter, Pegu, p. 86, writing in 1785, is "for the payment of smaller sums, they use money of lead, which is weighed in the same manner as the former " (i.e., as silver).65 At p. 256 of his Embassy to Ava, Yule further shows how some of the many variations In the statements of writers as to exchange between silver and lead have come about.66 "Lead is brought from the country about Thein-ni, in the Shan States, some 70 or 80 miles East of Amarapoora. The mines, it is believed, are worked for the silver that is contained in the lead, which pays the expense of smelting and gives a profit. The king (Mindon Min] last year (1854) purchased 800,000 viss of lead at five tikals for a hundred viss and sold it at twenty tikals." This means that he bought at an exchange of 2,000 to 1 and sold at an exchange of 500 to 1, making a profit of 400 per cent, i.e., if he dealt fairly in the quality of the silver paid out and in, which is doubtful. Yule in calculating his profits (same page) at 120,000 tickals on the transaction seems to assume that he did. But the inference of importance for our present purpose from the above quotation is that, in a statement of the relative values between silver and lead by a traveller, a great deal would depend on whether he got his information before or after the lead referred to reached the Royal Treasury, or whether he was writing as to places in or out of the reach of the Royal Monopoly. Thus, for 1786, we get quite a different ratio between lead and silver from any of those above given, out of a statement by Flouest (Toung Pao, Vol. II, p. 41, n. 1), who is writing of Pegu and Rangoon, and says :-"Le plomb veut 6 bizes (viss) ou 6 bizes et demie pour un tioal," i.e., the ratio is from 600 to 650 to l. In Stevens' Guide to the East India Trade, ed. 1766, we read, p. 115, of Achoon, that ** their Money is in Mace and Cash; the Mace is a gold Coin, about the size of a Two-penny Piece, but thinner, weighing about nine Grains; the Cash is a small Plese of Lead, 2500 of which usually pass for a Mace." On the same page we read "8 Mace Acheen make 1 Pagoda Madras." So one mace must have been nearly half a tickal. This gives us a ratio roughly of 1,000 to 1 between silver and lead, or pretty nearly that of Burma. The trouble & Or Oxford Museum, for I forget to which of the two I gave it. 64 See also Symes, pp. 326, 469; Alexander, Travels, p. 21; Phayre, Int. Num. Or., Vol. III, p. 381. 65 As to what commercial writers of Hunter's time meant by "bullion, coin and money," we have a very instructive note in Stevens, Guide to East India Trade, ed. 1775, p. 93, where he quotes Sir James Steuart's Principles of Money, 1772, to the following effect "By bullion, we understand silver or gold, the mass or weight of which is not determined, though the fineness may be known by a particular stamp .... By coin we understand piecus of gold or silver of determinate weights and fineness.... By money we understand nothing more than the denomination which determines a proportion of value," # For general remarks on exchange between silver and lead, see ante, Vol. XXVL, 310.

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JULY, 1919 ] NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 111 in the calculation, and no doubt also the reason for the great variation in the relative values above stated, is, as Stevens says, that "the Achineers do so adulterate the Coin." 67 In 1889 I procured some bazar ratios between silver, copper and lead, as current in Mandalay, and, though I do not place complete faith in them, they are interesting and instructive in the present connection. My informant called all the silver ywenige, but divided it into eight qualities from ywetni to "ywetni-50-geo": the lead he called simply kyi. and the oopper pains dmbydo, i.e., copper coins, pice. Of the first standard, ywetni, he says that "it was current in the time of Pagan Min, 1206," i.e., B.E.=A.D. 1844: and of the second, yweini-10-geo, that "it was current in the time of Mindon Min, 1214," B.E., i.e., A.D. 1852. The third standard is ywetni-15-ge, i.e., 85% of ywetni, say, 70% of bo, and is, from his statement, the current silver of the bazars, which cannot, therefore, be much better than that of Pegu in Hamilton's time. 68 BAZAR STATEMENT. 10% w 30% 40% 50% Number of Silver. Weight. Lead in bulk : Copper coins : standard viss tickals. tic.mi ywe ywetni 27 mu 2 50 15 6 0 " 2 25 7 0 " 4 15% 2 0 4 1 8 20% 2 0 3 1 3 25% 1 60 2 0 0 1 50 1 5 0 150 1 1 1 1 50 0 8 0 RATIOS. Standard. Silver. Copper. Lead. 62. 4 1,000 28.13 900 16.6 800 12.5 800 8 640 600 4.53 600 3. 2 600 69 The above figures indicate considerable laxity in estimating ratios in so gross a form of currency as lead, and the following example as to how bazar dealers work out "change" in lead, given me by the same informant, shows it further Ex: A man goes to the bazar to buy oil: he has I mi weight of silver: 12 vwes = 1 md. He buys 8 yres worth of oil. The bazar dealer has no change in silver for the 4 ywes due to him. Two vise 50 tickals of lead -l mati = 21 md tiokal), The bazar dealer must therefore give in exchange 31 tickals, 4 pes of lead, which is the equivalent of 4 yres of silver. The sum is however worked out wrongly. Thus (a) 4 ywe = 1/3 mg 1/3 x 1/10 tiokal-1-30 tickal. (6) 1 tickal silver 250 X 4 =1,000 tiokals lead. (c) Therefore, 4 ywe silver =1,000 by 30 tickals lead == 33 tickals, 3 mo, 4 ywe lead. 67 Compare Lookyer's remarks, Trade in India, p. 396. Sos ants, p. 49. $ These figures argue that these people do not know much about copper, which is the fact. The ancient ratio in India seems to have been 84 to 1 and it was the same in the days of Akbar. Colebrooke Essays, Vol. II, p. 533, note, and Thomas, Ohronicles, pp. 407 ff. ; 70 to 1, however, in Akbar's time acoord ing to Thomas, note to p. 22 of Prinsep's Unful Tablos 0 JOOT ON 6

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1919 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA. BY A. V. VENKATARAMA AYYAR, M.A., L.T., KUMBAKONAM. PART 1- INTRODUCTORY : VIKRAMADITYA'S ANCESTRY. The name Chankya' and its variants. The Chalukyas are variously known in inscriptions as Chaulukyas', 'Chaulukyas', Chalukyas', 'Chalukyas', 'Chalikyas', 'Chalikyas', 'Chalkyas', 'Chalkyas', and Bilhana 1 calls them in addition Chulukyas' or Chulukyas'. In Guzerat they are more commonly known as the Solankis or Solakis'. Movie The Chalukyas and their modern representatives. They are at present represented by the Salabkis in Rajputana, by the Chalkes and the Saluokes, in the Marathi-speaking districts and by the Chalhuks in Bihar. The mythical origin of the Chalakyas. The legendary origin of the Chalukyas, according to Bilhana," is as follows - Brahma was once engaged in his Sandhya devotions when Indra came to him to complain of the growing godlessness on earth and requested him to create a hero that would be a terror to the wrong-doers. He then direoted his eyes to the 'chuluka', i.e., the hand hollowed for the reception of water in the course of devotional exercise, and from it sprang a mighty warrior whose descendants were known as the Chalukyas. A somewhat similar account is also to be found in the Handarki insoription of about the same date as that of Bilhana's work. Another version, slightly different in its details, is that the Chalukyas were the descendants of one sprung from the 'chuluka' of Drona when he was once ready to ourse Drupada of Panohala for having insulted him. Elsewhere they are said to have sprung from the chuluka of the northern sage Hariti Panchasika. These accounts represent merely the tradition that was current about the origin of the Chalukyas and clearly betray by their variance an effort on the part of their authors to trace the origin to a mythical ancestor born of 'chuluka'- an origin suggested by the name itself. Their original stock, In Prithvirajardsa? of Chand Bardai we are told that the Chalukyas were the descendante of the Agnikulas, but as there is not a single epigraphic record in which their origin from the fire-altar is even hinted at and as the statement stands almost alone unsupported by any other literary work, it cannot be taken seriously. + Vikraman kad&va charita, V, 55. Risley's Oastes and Tribes of Bengal, 176; Ind. Ant., XL. 2 Vik. charita, I, 31-56. JRAS., IV, 8. Epi. Ifed., I, 257. Inscription of Yuvaraja II of the Haihaya or Kalachuri family. f und. Int., VII, 74; Bom. Gaz., IV, 339. + Tod's A als of Rajasthan; Ojha's Hist. of the Solan kts. Ind. Ant., XL, 9 Pandit M aghavayyangar has included the Chalukyas among the Velir kings (vide infra 118). In Puraniniru, verse 201, Irungove is mentioned as one of the forty-nine Vesir kings sprung from the * Taqavu' or Lay' of the northern sage. The stanza runs as follows - 'yu Costiere tttvinnnutt ttoonnnrri . . . . . . naarrpt tonnnptu vllli murrai vnt veellirull veellee." The leaned commentator of the Puranan su interprets the word ' Slay''as homa kunda or fire pot. If the above meaning be accepted the Agnikua theory of the origin of the Chalukyas would upnear to derive some support from the Puraninaru. But Pandit M. Raghavayyanger has taken it to mean the sacrificial pot to suit the traditional origin of the ChAlukyas (Voirvaraliru, 12). May not the word itself be takon as the Tamil equivalent of Sanskrit (chufuka') (hollow palm) so as to best flt in with the soverai aetiological stories regarding the origin of the Chalukyas ! Tollappia outra ISLOH Qara GameLOP @FW ' (e. fo@frolu 28) would appear to lend support to the above interpretation put on the word.

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JULY, 1919) THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 113 Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar 10 is of opinion that the Chalukyas constitute a foreign element in the Hindu population and that they are a second Rajput tribe of Gujar origin. There is no doubt, he says, that Gujarat (a corrupt form of Gurjaratra but not of Gurjara-rashtra) of the Bombay Presidency known for a long time as LALA 11 bore the new name only after the Chalukyas had conquered and occupied it. But as he himself admits that there is no epigraphic evidence in support of his assertion, it is too much to infer for certain the race of # peoplo merely from the name of the province they occupied Mr. M. Raghavayyangar 13 has classed the Chalukyas under the Vedir community which would appear to have once held large sway in the Dekkan. He has based his conclusion on certain Tamil classics 13 and later Chola inscriptions. He would also point in support of his statement to several towns in India beginning with Vel or its corrupted forms, such as Belhuti, Bela, Belgaum, Velapur, eto. The Chalukyas themselves, as is seen in records, both literary and inscriptional, 1* (a) claim to belong to the lunar race, Manavya gotra and callthemselves the descendants of Hariti and the ornaments of the race of Satyasraya. Perhaps historically it is not possible at this distance of time to state more definitely who they were and to what stock they belonged. Their original abode and early migrations. Nor is it possible to trace step by step, except in broad outline, when and whence they came to the Dekkan. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar 15 has shown that their original habitat in India was Ahichchatra, the capital of the old Sapadalaksha country in the Sawalakh (Siwalik) mountains in the north. Bilhana 16 states that they first ruled at Ayodhya and that desirous of further oonquest, they went south. The Miraj 17 and Kauthem 18 grants and the Yavur 19 tablet oonfirm the same with some greater detail:-"One less than sixty ruled at Ayodhya; after that, sixteen kings born in that lineage ruled the country that includes the region of the south"-evidently not the Dekkan but the Gangetic valley south of Ayodhya Hence all that can be said with some oertainty about their migrations is that they came from the north. The early Chalukyas. The first historically famous prince of the early Chalukyas was Satyasraya Sri Pulakes i Vallabha Mabaraja, who crossed the Narmada and made Vat&pipura (modern Badami in the Kale lgi district of the Nizam's dominions) their capital. The fortunes of the family reached their zenith in the days of his grandson Pulakesi II (A.D. 609 to A.D. 642). Ho orushed the power of the Pallevas in the south and was undoubtedly the greatest king of the early Chalukyas. He performed an aswamedha or horse-sacrifice and became the paramount 10 Ind. Ant., XL. 11 The name 'Lata would appear to signify only the southern portion of Gujarat and it is used oven after the name Gujarat came into use. 13 V alirvaraldru, 8, 9, 14. " taarkaariyum cllukkiyr veentnnnum veennnilaallnnnum veellennnlaakum'- pingklntai 'veellpulvrcr cllukku veentr' ' keellll veell pulvrcr cotivaakrm * Cerer geisti Haltech, 811., III, 28, 73. veell kuvccllukyer " 1. Hemachandra's Doyatroyal's; Jina barobana's Vaskepalackarita; Gadag inseriztion : Ind.. Ans., XXI: 167; Korumolli plate : Ind. Ant., XIV, 50-65. 16 Ind. Anb., XL. * Vik. charita, 1, 63, 64, 66. 11 Ind. An., VIII, 18. $ Ibid, XVI, 22. 19 Ibid, VIII, 15.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 sovereign of the Dekkan as far as the Narmada, beyond which lay the dominions of Siladitya or Harshavardhana of Kanya-kubja (modern Kanauj), the lord-paramount of all Northern India. It was about this time that Yuan Chwang, the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, visited India and stayed long in Harsha's court. He too testifies to the valour of the Chalukyas and records that they alone did not submit to Siladitya but beat back his invasion and effectually prevented him from extending his dominions to the south. It was during the same reign that Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, a brother of Pulaki II, led an expedition to Veigi between the Godavart and the Krishna and became the founder of another branch of the Chalukyas, now known as the Eastern. More than a century later, the fortunes of the family were impeded in the time of Kirtivarman II about A.D. 757, when Dantidurga of the Rashtrakata race vanquished him and wrested the sovereignty from him. The Rashtrakatas. The Rashtrakutas continued to be the sovereign rulers of the country for nearly two centuries and a quarter from A.D. 748 to A.D. 973. All this time the Chalukyas undoubtedly, held a subordinate position under them as their feudatories 30 and were divided into many branches. The later Chalukyas. During the time of Khotika, the thirteenth of the Rashtrakatas, Sri Harsha aliae Siyaka, the Paramara king of Malava, invaded his dominions, looted his capital Manyakheta (Malkhod in the Nizam's dominions) in A.D. 972 41 and thus weakened the power of the Rashtrakutas. Immediately after, Khotika died and was suoceeded by his nephew Karkara or Kakkala. It was then that the feudatory Chalukyas, headed by Tailapa, whose father seems to have remained near Mysore, seized the opportunity and restored the glory of the house by overcoming "1 Kakkala and Ranastambha * in battle some time after 24th June, A.D. 973. Relation between the early and later Chalukyas. Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar - is of opinion that the main branch of the early Chalukyas became extinot after Kirtivarman II, but that several minor offshoots continued as feudatories of the Rashtraktas and that one of these in the person of Tailapa restored the fortunes of the Chalukyas. He also asserts that the later Chalukyas were not a continuation of the earlier and that Tailapa belonged to quite & collateral and unimportant branch. His reasons are (1) "the princes of the earlier dynasty always traced their descent to Hariti and spoke of themselves as belonging to the Manavya gotra, while theee later Chalukyas traced their pedigree to Satyasraya only and those two names do not oceur in their inscriptions except in the Miraj grant and its copies where an effort is made to begin at the beginning"; (2) "the titles Jagadokamalla, Tribhuvanamalla, etc., which the later Chalukyas assumed mark them off distinctively from the princes of the earlier dynasty which had none like them." 20 Ind. Ant., XII, 11 ; XL, 41. Epi. Cam., XI, cl. 16. Epi. Rep., 1904. Epi. Ind., I, 235. Udepur inscription. Ind. Ant., XXI, 167-8. JRAS., IV, 12. Ind. Ant., XII, 270, 271. Gadag and Kajige inscriptions Inscription of Kakka at Gundur. Ind. Ant., VIII, 18. Yovur tablet. Here 'Ranastambha 'must be the name of a person, son or relative of Karkars and cannot be 'a pillar of war or the name of a place, as has been construed by Messrs. Fleet and Filliot respectively. Mr. Fleet's translation of the verse in the Kauthem grant needs modification. The correct rendering would be "Easily chopped off on the field of battle Karkars and Ranastambha, the two sprouts of tho oreoper of Rashtrakata Rajyalakshmi, who were as it were the wo feet of Kali triumphantly roaming about in person-Wicked, strong of body and the sprouts of the tree of disroepootfulness to older. Vido Xpi. Ind. IV, add. p. v. 4 Early History of Dokkan, 44, 58.

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JULY, 1919) THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 115 With reference to the first argument it may be observed that every one of the early Ch&jukya kings had the biruda Satyasraya or 'refuge of truth' from Pulakesi I down to Kirtivarman II with the only exceptions of Kirtivaiman I and Maugalisa.26 From the Chalukyan genealogy of the Kannada poet Ranpa le it is evident that the early Chalukyas had a progenitor in Satyasraya who was the first to rule at Ayodhya. The Ittagi inscription 2 informs us in addition that the family was therefore known as Satydorayakula and states definitely that this Satyasraya was himself in turn descended from the sons of Harit. As regards the second argument of Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar it must be pointed out that, besides some birudas common to the later as well as the earlier branches, such as Maharajadhiraja, Parameswara, Bhattaraka, Paramabhattaraka and Pithvivallabha, we find some later kings of the early dynasty such as Vikramaditya I and Vinayaditya had even the birudas Rajamalla and Yuddhamalla, 38 thus indicating a leaning to 'malla' title, so familiar among the later Chalukyas. Albeit, one is inclined to think that to argue continuity or otherwice from biru las, which so much depend on the caprice and desire for novelty among individual monarchs, seems to be treading on doubtful and even dangerous grounds.29 Thus it will be seen that Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's reasons for the assertion that the later C# alukyas were not a continuation of the earlier are not conclusive enough and that there is nothing to discredit tho continuity of the two lines mentioned in the Mirej, Kauthem and Yevar records where the Chalukya genealogy is given in full. The political outlook of the Dekkan at tha, close of the tenth century. The last quarter of the tenth century witnessed a revolution in the mutual relations of powers contending for supremacy in the Dekkan. Everywhere the old combatants receded to the background and their places were slowly and steadily taken up by new cruce. The old order changed, yielding place to the new. In the Dekkan the Rashtra kuras disappeared from history. Tho way for their declire was paved, as was seen above, by Erf Harsha, the Paramara king of Malava, and the feudatory Chalukyas, urder the leaderslip of Tailapa, seized the opportunity, extinguished their power and stepped in much to tlo chagrin of the Paramarag. In the further south the Pallavas of Kanchi had been throwo out of their foremost place and the Cholas were already rising rapidly on their ruins. The latter also interfered successfully in the affairs of the Eastern Ch&fukya dominions of Vergi which was then broken by internal dissensions and a long period of anarchy and interreg. qum 30 and would appear to have wrested a part of their dominions from oven the Gaigas of Talaka in Mysore. This revolution contained in itself the germs of future hostility between the rising powers and it must have been clear to keen-sighted politiciane that in the place of the old rivalries between the Rashtrakajas, Masavas and Pallavas in the ninth-and terth conturies, the later Cha]akyas would have to contend long and hard with the Cholas in the south and the Paramaras in the north. Tallapa (A.D. 978-997). Tsila pa calls himself 31 as the truly valorous king, terrifier of the Karahala and Koika, kings, poison to the Rashtrakafas, fover to the Garjaras, and a consuming fire to the Mala var. 25 Bom. Caz., IL * Ind. Ant., XI, 48, 44. 27 Kpi. Ind., XII, No. 4, v. 21. The 'Satyadaya referred to here is the early maler at Ayodhya but not Palak. i II as understood by Dr. Barnett. # Bon. Gas., I, Part II, Ch, IT, 368. * Vide Mr. Rios's erroneous inforonoa notioed in Part II, ira. # SpiInt., VI, NJ. 36. Rapastipaadi graat of Villings Ind. ant., XI U 44

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 As for his relations with the Paramaras of Malava it is claimed for Vakpati Munja, the uncle of the celebrated Bhoja, that he defeated Tajlapa six times.33 This indicates prolonged hostility between them, at the end of which it would appear that Munja crossed the Goddvari, marched aggressively against Tailapa, was taken captive and executed 33 by the latter after a vain attempt at escape sometime between A.D. 993 and 997.34 That even as eerly as Tailapa's rule hostility between the Cholas and the Chalukyas showed itself is hinted at in some inscriptions,35 though details are not forthcoming. It is somewhat difficult to determine exactly the extent of Tailapa's dominions. Some records 36 of his time mention definitely the Ratas of Saundatti and the rulers of Bana vase, Santalige and Kisukad territories as his feudatories. It is just possible that the Silaharas of Koikan and the Yadavas of Sounadega also accepted him as their overlord. His kingdom certainly included the whole of the southern part of the Rashtrakata dominions and might have extended into the northern part as well. Lata (southern Gujarat) was also under his control, for its lord Barappa was sent by him against Malaraja, the founder of the Anahilwid dynasty in Gujarat. 37 He is also spoken of as the lord of Thilinga and Karnata 38 and his kingdom included the whole of the Karsata country. Nothing is definitely known about the capital of his vast possessions. Vatapipura was made the capital of the early Chajukyas by Pula keki I. During the Rashtrakata sovereignty Manyakheta (Malkhed 39 in the Nizam's dominions) became the capital in the time of Sarva or Amoya varsha I. Hence there need be no surprise if the same continued 41 28 capital even under Tailapa who was so much the political heir of the Rashtrakatas, as is shown by his marriage of Jakavva, the daughter of the Rashtrakuta king Brahma. Satyapraya (A.D. 997-1008). Tailapa was succeeded by his son Satyaeraya who is said to have ruled over the whole of Rattapadi. 43 In his time the danger from the neighbouring Cholas became thicker, as can be inferred from the two invasions 44 of Rattapadi seven and a half lakh country by Rajaraja the Great, in one of which he conquered Gairgapadi and Nolambaparli, the bulk of modern Mysore. * Ind. Ant., XXXVI, 169. Epi. Ind., I, 223. Bom. Gaz., IV, 432. V.A. Smith's Ano. Ind., 308..n'.1 ** JRAS., IV, 12. Ep. Ind., IL,918. Ind. Ant., XXI, 168. Bhojacharita. 31 In Subhashitaratma Bandona, written in A.D. 993 by the Jaina Sadhu Amitagati, it is stated that Nusja was the then ruler of Malava. Tailapa ceased to reign in A.D. 997. Hence the reverses, capture and exeoution of Munja must be placed between the years A.D. 993 and A.D. 997. 35 Ind. Ant., V, 17. Kanarose record of Jayasinha. Epi. Carn., VII, Sk. 125. * Bom. Gar., IV, 430. 3* Raamala and Kirtikaumudi referred to by Prof. Bhandarkar. 38 Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani. 39 For the identification of Manyakheta with Malkha], see Epi. Ind., XIII, No. 16. 10 Ind. Ant., XII, 268; VI, 64; Kard& grant. Epi. Ind., X, 193 ; IV, 287. 11 Epi. Ind., XIII, No. 16. It is also just possible that there were several minor capitale. 4 Ind. Ant., XVI, 23. * Bom. Gax., IV, 431. Kharepatan eopperplate grant. 44 81., II, 18. 45 The Chola oooupation of Gangapali, which is borne out by a considerable number of rooorde in the Mysore State, was no idle boast. Epi. Rep., 1910, 88. It would, however, appear that the Chalukyus did not quietly acquience in such a conquest for any longth of time.

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JULY, 1919] THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 117 Vikramaditya V (A.D. 1009-1014) 45 and Ayyana II (A. D. 1014). Satyaaraya, dying childless, was succeeded by his nephews Vikramaditya, Ayyana and Jayasimha. The first two seem to have ruled but for a few years and nothing historical is known of them. Jayasimha (A.D. 1015-1042). 48 Jayasimha calls himself in the Balagamve inscription of A.D. 101946 a lion to the elephant Rajendrachola' and he is said to have ' again and again immersed the Chera and the Chola in the ocean.' The Chola inscriptions 47 inform us that Rajendrachola, the son and successor of Rajaraja the Great, conquered from Jayasimha, Edatore, Banavase and Koippak and a few other towns in Rattapadi. As both Jayasimha and Rajendrachola boast of having conquered each other, the success was probably en both sides alternately or neither of them obtained any lasting advantage.' As for Paramara relations it is narrated in Bhojacharita that, after Bhoja had come of age and begun to administer the affairs of his kingdom, on one occasion a play representing the fate of Munja was acted before him and he thereupon resolved to avenge his uncle's death. He invaded the Dekkan with a large army, captured Tailapa, subjected him to the same indignities to which Munja had been subjected by him and finally executed him. But Bhoja who was certainly dead in or before A.D. 1055 49 and who ruled over Malava for a long period of 55 years according to Bhojacharita must have ascended over the throne only about A.D. 1000 and so could not have wreaked his vengeance on Tailapa as recorded in Bhojacharita. 50 The tradition recorded there, however, might have some kernel of truth in it. The brutal murder of the uncle Munja by Tailara etween A.D. 995 to A.D. 997 would have sunk deep in the mind of his nephew Bhoja who was then a mere boy. As soon as he took the reins of Government in his own hands his first thought was to right the wrong inflicted and to retrieve the honour of the family. So he formed a confederacy, invaded the Chalukya dominions, vanquished the Karnatas 51 and might have killed, not Tailapa, but some one of his immediate successors. Who then was the Chaukya king that became the victim of Bhoja's revenge? An inscription of A.D. 1019 of Jayasimha calls him 'the moon to the lotus king Bhoja '52 (ie, the one that humbled Bhoja as the moon causes the lotus to close its eyes) and details that Jayasimha 'searched out, beset, pursued, ground down and put toflightthe confederacy of Malava.' The vindictive tone of the inscription leads one to infer that Bhoja must have inflicted some crushing XLVII, 285-290 and XLVII-I 1-7. Ind. Ant., VIII, 18. 45A For the revised chronology vide above, 49 Ind. Ant., V, 15. Ept. Carn., VII, Sk. 125. 47 SII., I, 96, 99. Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani. 48 Bhandarkar's Early Hist. of Dekkan, 60. 49 Epi. Ind., III, 46, 48; Mandhata plate. Vide infra Part II. 50 This is not the only historical inaccuracy in Bhojacharita. The work is not a safe or trustworthy guide in historical matters as it is founded exclusively on the traditions of bards. Even the order of succession to the Malava kingdom has been totally mistaken by its author. Munja was the elder brother and the predecessor of Sindhuraja on the Majava throne but not his younger brother and successor, vide the land grants of Munja and Bhoja (Ind. Ant., VI and XIV), Nagpur prasasti (Epi. Ind., II) and Padmagupta's Navasahasankacharita in honour of Sindhuraja (Ind. Ant., XXXVI). The legend of the wicked uncle Mufija who is said to have thwarted the succession of the kingdom from the innocent nephew Bhoja must also be given up as baseless. 51 Epi. Ind., 1, 223, 230: Udepur prasash, Ind. Ant., XLI, 201: Banswara plates. 53 Ind. Ant., V, 17. The inscription reads as follows-a-Jayasinga-nripajam Bhoja-nripam-bnoja. rajam. The translation of Mr. Fleet in the Bombay Gazetteer and that of Mr. Rice in the Epigraphia Carnatica are incorrect. Ambhoja lotus, not water-lily as Dr. Fleet takes it, and rajam moon, not king as Mr. Rice does.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 defeat such as the conquest of the Konkan on Vikramaditya or Ayyana, Jayasimha's predecessors. Perhaps, as Dr. R. G Bhandarkar 53 shrewdly guesses, Bhoja even captured and slow one of them. 5 That was probably the reason why Jayasiu ha tattered to pieces the confederney of Malava. Someswara I or Ahavamalla (A.D. 1042-1068). Jayasimha ceased to reign about A.D. 1042 and his son Someewara who is better known as Ahavamalla55 (the wrestler in war) succeeded him. It was during his reign that Kalyan (about 100 miles west by north of Hyderabad in the Nizam's dominions) was made the capital of the Chalukya dominions, perhaps because of its central position and strategic impertance. The first epigraphic mention of it is in an inscription of the year A.D. 1053 wherein it is called the nelevidu' 57 (= cantonment or a fixed, permanent or standing camp). As has been pointed out by Mr. Fleet 58 the town is not mentioned in any of the numerous grants of the early Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas cr the later Chaluky as till the time of Ahavamalla. The question naturally arises whether it owed its very existence and foundation to Ahavamalla or whether he merely developed it into a capital. Bilhara nctices it in a verse which lends 53 Early Hist. of the Dekkan, 61. 54 Pandit. Ojha thinks that it was Jayasimha but not Vikramaditya V who was slain by Bhoja (Hist of the Solankis). He bases his conclusion on some verses (canto I, verses 86 and 91-6) in Bilhana's Vikramaikade vacharita, one of which (v. 86) when translated runs thuz:-"Filling the whole of Swarga with the fame of his victories Jayasinha received a garland of flowers culled from the Parijata tree from Indra's own hands." Then follow the verses about Jayasimha's son and successor Ahavamalla, who in one of his early exploits is said to have sacked Dhara from which Bhoja had to flee and this event is made much of by Bilhana who celebrates it in some five or six verses. Inferring from the verse translated above that Jayasinha died 'on the field of battle' Pandit Ojha construes the early exploit of Ahavamalla to have been undertaken to avenge the death of his father on the battlefield. But the verse referred to does nct lend support to the Pandit's inference that Jayasimha died 'on the field of battle. According to the Hindu mythology it is usually the Apsaras and not Indra that are said to garland those who die on the battle-field. Indra's garlanding Jayasimha was but an act of recognition on his part of the meritorious deeds of Jaya. simha. Such a recognition is met with elsewhere in Sanskrit and Tamil literature, e.g., Ka idasa's Sakun. tala (VII, 2), Puranandru, 241. Moreover it is usual with oriental poets to use such periphrastic and euphe mistic expressions as went to the world of Indra,' 'messengers of Indra were sent to call one to the skies, etc., whenever they wish to say that a man died (Bilha:a's Vik. charita, IV, VI; Epi. Ind., II, 29; Nagpur stone inscription, Epi. Ind., II. v. 32). Hence all that can be inferred from the verse is that Jayasimha diedbut not necessarily on the battlefield-and was duly honoured by Indra for his valorous deeds. The sack of Dhara by Ahavamalla was due, as in the parallel case of Ahavamalla's going against the Cholas, to the traditional hostility between the Cha ukyas and the Paramaras and Bilhana celebrates it as the greatest achievement of Ahavamalla, as Bhoja was an illustrious and powerful ruler of the north and Dhara was an impregnable fortress. Thus Bilhana's verses on which Pandit Ojha relies do not warrant his conclusion. Morel over the murder of Vikramaditya Vor Ayyana II as early as A.D.1014 or thereabouts rather than of Jayasimba sc late as A.D. 1042 would better accord with the impatience of Bhoja recorded in Bhojacharita, considering that Bhoja should certainly have come of age in A.D. 1014 and begun to administer the affairs of the Kingdom himself. 55 Bilhana always calls him as 'Ahavamalla and never as ' Some wara-not because, as Dr. Euhler insinuates, that he did not like to call the father to whom Vikrama was much attached by the same. name as that of Vikrama's hated brother and predecessor, but because he was pre-eminently the Ahava vamalla or 'wrestler in war' of the times and is known only as such in almost all the Choja records an most of the Chalukya inscriptions. 5 Kembhavi inscription. Bom. Gaz., IV, 440. Epi. Car. VII, Hl. 1. p. 275. For the meaning of nelevidu. soe Dr. Fleet's note in JRAS., 1917, and Ind. Ant., XII, 110. Bom. Gaz., IV, 427, n. 3. Ibid., II, 335, n. 1, 59.Vik, charita, II, 1.

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JULY, 1919) THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 119 support either 60 way. It is probable that it existed as an insignificant town from very remote times and that Ahavamalla beautified and enlarged it to make it the capital of his vast dominions. Bilhana 61 tells us that, as usual with the Chalukya princes, he first marched against the king of the Cholas and defeated him; stormed Dhara, the capital of the Malava king Bhoja who was forced to abandon the same ; destroyed the kingdom of Dahala (Chedi) and atterly vanquished 6% its ruler Karna; planted a triumphal column on the sea-shore ; defeated the king of the Dravidas who had run to encounter him; stormed Kanchi, the capital of the Cholas and drove its ruler into the jungles. The inscriptions 63 generally confirm Bilhana's statements and occasionally supplement them with further details. The Chola contemporaries of Chalukki Ahavamalla were Rajadhiraja (A.D. 1018 to 1053), Rajendradeva (A.D. 1052 to 1063) and Virarejendra (A.D. 1063 to 1070, circa), the three illustrious successors of Rajendrachola, the opponent of Jayasinha. The 29th year inscription 64 of Rajadhiraja dated A.D. 1047 records a victorious war against Ahavamalla. The Cholas followed up this success, set fire to Kollippak (42 miles from Seounderabad in the Nizam's dominions) one of the capitals of Jayasimha, destroyed the gardens and the palace of the Chalukki at Kampli (a minor capital of the Chalukyas and a town in Hospet Taluk, Bellary district), planted a pillar of victory there and vanquished the Kalyans.65 Not content with inflicting these disasters on the frontier of the Chalukya dominions, the Chola brothers, Rajadhiraja, the elder and reigning sovereign, and Rajendradeva, the younger and his 8880oiate, conjointly penetrated aggressively far into the interior of Rattama dalam (Rattapadi), seized Kalyan 66 and planted a pillar of victory at Kolhapur (in the Nizam's dominions) The chivalrous Ahavamalla, righteously indignant at these inroads, invited them to battle at holy Koppa on the bank of the great river-the Krishna.67 There in A.D. 1053-4 68 was Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar takes the word TT Sta most excellent' attributively rather than predicatively, but the arrangement of the words in the line favours the latter construction, which enhances its elegance. The line when translated would run thus He (the king) made the city named Kaly&most excellent. 61 Vik. charita, I. The word for means literally 'withered'. Karna's predecessor died in A.D. 1040 BenAres oopperplato inscription of Karnadova is dated in A.D. 1042 (Epi. Ind., II, 303). So Karna must bavo ascended the throne about A.D. 1040, more or less contemporaneous with Ahavamalla. An inscription of Karna's son is dated 81 years later in A.D. 1121. Kirtivarman tho Chandella (A.D. 109) claims to have defeated Karna; Hemachandra eulogises Bhimadeve 1 of Gujarat (A.D. 1021-1063) for having defeated him. So it is probable that Karne reigned for a long time and waged many wars and that his power was neverely felt by his neighbours. The word must therefore be taken to mean that he was 'utterly vanquished or defeated,' rather than as translated by Dr. R. G. Bhandarker that he was sl zin or depose.' JRAS., IV, 13. Inscription at Nagavi. Above, VIII, Miraj grant. 6 SII., II, 66. Kalingattu-parani, VIII, 26 : 'kmpilic cyttmp ntttt tung, kttiyrnnkoll klyaannr kttttrrk, kimpurippnnaikkiri yukaittvnnn.' a Vik. Solan-uld, 19: ' mummtti pooyk kliyaanni cerrrrt tnnniyaannmaic ceevknnnum,' Koppa on the bank of the great river' must be identified with Koppa on the Krishna rather than with Kuppam on the Palar or Kopal on the Tungabhadra. Epi. Ind., XII, 297. In the Manaman galam insoription (SII., II, 68, No. 30) Vijayavijai (i..., modern Bezwada) is spoken of as the town next to the great river thereby implying the Krish. That Koppa was a great pilgrim centre is also evidonced by Yovar inscription (Epi. Ind., xn, 279) SI1., III, 60-3 and Epi. Carn., IX, Bn. 108. * The latest yorified inscription of Rajadhirdja is in his 35th year corresponding to May 23rd .D. 1059 (Epi. Ind., VI). Epi. Oam., 8k, 118, which records the death of the Chola king on the battlo. held is dated Baka 976, Jaya, Vai Akha s May, A.D. 1034. 80 Koppa must have been fought between May, A.D. 1063 and May, A.D. 1054.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 fought one of the most fierce and sanguinary 69 battles that ever took place. Ahavamalla riding on a mast elephant pierced the head of Rajadhiraja with the shower of his straight arrows and slew him.70 Elated with his success Ahava malla, not yery many years later, undertook a successful expedition to the south against Rajendradeva. If the latter is identified with Vijayarajendradeva 11 who fell asleep on the back of the elephant,'72 he would appear to have died 7 in a battle probably with Ahavamalla. Thus it is clear that Ahavamalla prosecuted with great energy the war with the Cholas bequeathed to him by his predecessors and beat back the advancing tide of the Cholas who had the audacity to carry fire and sword into the very heart of his dominione. (To be continued.) NUMISMATIC NOTES. BY K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A.; BANKIPORE Tax coins which have been here described are of exceedingly rare types and were kindly placed at my disposal for the purpose of this article by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar. M.A., University Professor, Calcutta. Indo-Greek. (1) Oval-shaped copper coin of Andragoras : Size:.85 x .7; wt. 62 grains. Oby: Head of Alexander the Great r. (as on the coins of Ptolemy I of Egypt). Rev: Horseman r. with hand extended. Between horse's feet, monogram SK Below, Greek legend: ANAP (ATOP..) This is a unique coin of one of the first Indo-Greek rulers. Only two coins of an Andragoras, one gold and one silver, are known from the British Museum catalogue Kalingattu-paraxi, VIII, 27: * koppaiyirr porukllttilee muttikvittvnnn' Vikrama Solar-ula, 27 'veppt tttukllttu veelllkkllaayirmum koppt torukllirrrraarr konnttoolum,' TO Epi. Carn., VII, Sk. 118, dated A.D. 1054. Epi. Carn., VIII, Sk. 325. SII., III, 39. No. 87 of 1895, Epi Rep.; Tirumalavati inscription. Bom. Gaz., IV, 43; Angigore inscription. 71 Tho lato Rao Bahndur V. Venkayya was inclined to identify the Vijayarajendradeva above refer. red to with Rajadhiraja (A.D. 1018..63) on the strength of an inscription in the Nagwara temple at Kumla. konam (vide Epi. Rep., 1908). But there are two insurmountable difficulties in the way of accepting this identification, one of which is admitted by Mr. Venkayya himself. VijayarajAndrolis known in all inscrip. tions as Paraktari but Rajadhinaja is called Rajakesari. Moreover the Tippa-Samudram inscription of Vijayardjandradeva (034 of 1906, Epi. Rep.) is dated Saka 981 HOmalambe corresponding to A.D. 1057-8. We know that Rajadhirkja died at Koppa battle in A.D. 1053.4. So it is more probable that the Vijayo. rajendra referred to in identical with Rajendradeva (A.D. 1052--1062) who, in conjunction with his elder brother Rajadhiraja, captured Kalyan and Kolhapur and anointed himgolf as Vijayarajendradova after the death of RAjAdhiraja at Koppa. 11 SII., III, 191. No. of 1899; Epi. Rep., Alangudi inscription 'kliyaannpurmung kollaapurmum konnttrulli yaannnai meerr tunyci yrulliy perumaall vijyraajeentirteevnnn.' 13 That Tunjiya' or 'fell asleep'is euphemistic for 'died' is clear from the note of Mr. V. Kana kasabha Pillai appended to Mabamahopadhyaya Swaminatha Ayyar's excellent edition of Purananatu.

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JULY, 1919] NUMISMATIC NOTES 121 Now on the authority of Justin, it is known that there were two kings of that name (1) a Persian noble appointed as Satrap of Parthia by Alexander the Great and (2) a Satrap of Parthia overthrown eighty years later by the first Arsaces. Prof. Gardner thought it probable that the two coins in the British Museum belonged to the second of these rulers. The present coin, in my opinion, may safely be assigned to the first, as the occurrence of Alexander the Great's head on the obverso suggests that Andragoras must have at first held the dominions in his charge, as Governor, for the great Macedonian conqueror; exactly in the same way as Ptoleny, holding Egypt in Alexander's name, struck money with the same device as on this coin. The shape of the coin is rather unusual, and perhaps furnistes another proof of its great antiquity. This coin was originally collected in the Punjab, and is now in the cabinet of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. Western Kshatrapa. (2) Rectangular copper coin of Jayadaman: Size :.jx.4. Obv: Humped bull to r. facing combined trident and battleaxe, within circular border of dots; Greek (?) legend above: SLTON (perhaps a corruption of SAHPOS). Below: 1. A. Rev: Chaily of 10 arches; to l. crescent; to r. dise of the sun: border of dots; Brahmi legend, rejur kshatrapa(sa Svami Ja)yadamusa. This coin, together with Nos. 4 and 5, was found by Mr. Bhandarkar at Hathab, the ancient Ashtavapra, in the Bhavnagar State, Kathiawar. The type is different from the one described by Prof. Rapson A. & W. R. Cat. coins No. 265 to 268). The legend on the obverse is different, though equally unintelligible. The obverse die in the present coin has been impressed parallel to the sides, while in the other coins, it was impressed diagonally. The chaitya of 10 arches on the reverse is not known from any other Kshatrapa coins, and must have toen imitated from Andhra coinage. (3) Rectangular copper coin of Rudradaman I: Size: .5 x .45. Obv: Elephant standing I. within circular dotted border, only partially preserved. Rov: Chaitya of 3 arches, with crescent above; to I. disc of the sun, to r. crescent; Brahmi legend around ma [halkshatrapasa sunt .,. . This coin, lately acquired for the Watson Museum of Antiquities, Rajkot, can be attri. buted almost with certainty to Rodrada man I as it was only this Kshatrapa that called bimself Mahakshatrapa' and 'Svami' on his coins. Together with the next two coins, it brings to light, for the first time, the copper currency of the mighty Satrap Rudracaman I. It is just probable that the copper coinage of this Satrap was issued only in small quantities in the earlier part of his reign and was soon discontinued altogether. (4) Rectangular copper coin of Rudradaman I: Size: .5 .45; wt. 20 grs. Obv: Elephant standing. Rev: Chaitya of three arches with crescent above; rayed sun to r, and crescent to l., wavy line below. Brahmi legend within dotted border: Rajno Mahakshatrapasa [S]ulami) (Rudradama]s.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 This coin is somewhat similar to coin (3) but is much lighter, has on the reverse the positions of the sun and moon reversed, and shows later forms of some letters in the Brahmi legend, e.: 8a. The form of the sun is also distinctly 'rayed here, while in coin (3) it is a simple disc. This shows that coin (3) was issued at an earlier date. (5) Square copper coin of Rudrad&man I: Size: .5; wt. 29 grs. Obv: Humped bull facing, within circular border of dates; Brahmi legend : Su(a)m(i) Rudraddmasya. Rev: Traces of Chaitya of three arshes, with 'rayed sun' to I. and wavy line below, as usual. Illegible legend ; 11 A . The legend on the reverse might possibly be Brahmi, but nothing can be definitely said about it. Two coins of the 'facing bull' type, but containing no legend, were rightly coniectured by Prof. Rapson to belong to the period Saka 70 to Saka 125. (A. de W. K. Cat., Pl. XII ; coins 326-7.) They appear to be heavier and more regular in shape than the present coin, and must be slightly later in date (circa 70 to 90 Saka). There are certain features common to all these coins of Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman. They are all rectangular, almost square in shape, with the devices diagonally impressed upon them. They all give the title Svami, which is not found on the silver coins of Rudradaman. They all come from Kathiawar. The decayed condition of the specimens makes it difficult to determine their metrology. Muhammadan (Gujarat Sultans). (6) Circular silver coin of Muzaffar II, Sultan of Gujarat (A.D. 1511-1625). Size: .75; Wt. 109 grains. Mint: Mustafabad; date (932 A.H. ]=[A.D. 1525-6). Obv : within peaked square : lslTn mZfr shr khd lmr mlkh Outside square, near circular border Below: Right: Above : Left : Rev: within circular border webes 34 shmsh lmwyd bty'yd lrHmn ldny wldyn bwlnSr []r[] (7) Same as (6), but date (926 A...) = (A.D. 1519-20) which is reversed through mistake. The coins (6) and (7) belong to a treasure trove found in the Jambughoda State, Rewakantha Agency, Bombay Presidency, which was sent to Mr. Bhandarkar for examination. They represent a hitherto unpublished type, and clearly show that the Mustafabad or Girnar mint did not cease after the reign of Mahmud Begara, but continued at least till the end of the reign of his son and successor, Muzuffar II. There are four more updated coins of this type in the above-mentioned hoard, and I have since seen one more in the Possession of the late Mr. Framji J. Thanewala, of Bombay.

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JULY, 1919) IS KALKIRAJA AN HISTOBICAL PERSONAGE? 123 IS KALKIRAJA AN HISTORICAL PERSONAGE? BY PROF. H. B. BHIDE, M.A., LL.B.; BHAVNAGAR. JAIN authors have referred to a Kalkiraja who according to some of them flourished about 1000 years after the Nirvana of Mahavira, and during whose reign Jain saints suffered persecution at his hands. Mr. Jayaswal and Mr. Pathak have called in aid this tradition while formulating their respective theories which are now known to the readers of this Journal. Their theories are quite different and I am not directly concerned with them at present. My immediate purpose is to show that the Jain tradition is not trustworthy from the point of view of history and that oonsequently their theories are weakened in so far as they are based upon it. I first deal with Mr. Jayaswal's argument. He relies mainly upon Jinasena, the author of the Hari-va viia. He says that Jinasena's date for Kalkiraja is presumably correct as he was removed from Kalkiraja by less than 300 years. Now if Jinasena's statements are to be taken as correct, we shall find on scrutinising them that they do not substantiate the conclusion at which Mr. Jayaswal arrives. The chronology as given by Jinasena is this: Palaka .. .. 60 years. Vijaya Kings .. 155 >> The Puradhas Pushpamitra Vasumitra and Agnimitra Rasabha Kings .. Naravahana The Bana Kings .. The Gupta Kings .. Kalkiraja .. .. .. .. .. 12 , Total .. 1000 years. 231 This shows that the 42 years of the reign of Kalkiraja were the concluding years of the 1000-year period which elapsed after the Nirvana of Mahavira ; that is, we must suppose Kalkiraja to have died in A.D. 473 or A.D. 455 according as we nagign the date 527 B.C. or 545 B.o. to Mahavira's Nirudna. In either case the date is too early for Yabodharman of Malava with whom Mr. Jayaswal wants Kalkiraja to be identified. If we are to rely on Jinasena, we cannot then assert that Kalkiraja began to reign in A.D. 473 as Mr. Jayaswal seems to do. As a fact, however, I hope to show that the Jain traditions regarding Kalkiraja are conflicting and therefore possess no historical importance. Mr. Pathak attempts to determine the initial date of the Gupta era with the help uf Jain authors only. He proposes to identify Mihirakula with Kalkira ja, mentioned by Jinasena, Gunabhadra and Nemichandra, and then to prove that the Gupta era commenced in the year 242 of the Saka era. I have no quarrel with him as regards the conclusion which can be proved on other grounds; I only wish to point out that the authorities he has put forward are not only in thomselves insufficient to prove his case, but are of an extremely doubtful character. I should like to bring to the notice of scholars, (1) that some of Mr. Pathak's arguments are vitiated by serious flaws in

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1919 reasoning; (2) that the three Jain authors from whose works he quotes give us conflicting and therefore untrustworthy accounts; and (3) that there are certain other Jain writers who give for Kalkiraja a date which is removed by centuries from the one given by Jinaseng, Gurabhadra and Nemichandra. Before considering the question of the starting point of the Gupta era, Mr. Pathak incidentally tries to justify the identification of the Malava era with the Vikrama era. The identification may or may not be right; but Mr. Pathak's mode of its justification is wrong. He says that according to Jinasena Kalkiraja was born in 394 of Saka era expired. (As I have shown above, Jinasena does not say so; but for the sake of argument I allow the statement.) The year 394 of the Saka ero roughly corresponds to the year 529 of the Vikrama era. The date of the Mandasor inscription of Bandhuvarman is 529 of the Malava era. Hence Mr. Pathak concludes that the Malava era is the same as the Vikrama era of 57 B.C. This is strange reasoning. There is no earthly connection between the birth of Kalkiraja and the inscription of Bandhuvarman. Mere identity of, two dates will not mean that they are to be referred to one and the same era. One illustration will make my point clear. The Indian Mutiny occurred in A.D. 1857, which date corresponds to 1914 of the Vikrama era. The present great European war broke out in A.D. 1914. Now suppose a historian 2000 years hence comes across two statements, one to the effect that the Indian Mutiny broke out in 1914 of the Vikrama era, and the other to the effect that a great European war commenced in A.D. 1914, will he be justified in saying that the Vikrama era is the same as the Christian era ? Similarly in the prosent instance we find Kalkiraja said to have been born in 529 of the Vikrama era and a temple repaired in 529 of the Malava era ; surely this is no ground for saying that the two eras are identical. A similar line of questionable reasoning is adopted in proving that the Saka year 394 expired was the Gupta year 153.expired. Mr. Pathak found in the Khoh grant of Parivrajaka Maharaja Hastin that the Gupta year 156 expired I was the Maha-Vaisakha year of the Jovian cycle. Calculating backwards we get the Gupta year 153 to be tho Maha-Magha year of the same cycle. Now according to Jinasena and Gunabhadra (as he says) Kalkiraja was born in Saka 394 expired ; and sunabhadra further adds that it was the Maha-Magha year. Combining these two results Mr. Pathak says that the Saka year 394 corresponds to the Gupta year 153. This is not quite logical. Two years cannot be supposed to be identical merely because they happen to be the Maha-Magha years. The Gupta year 165 was also the Maha-Magha year; so also the Gupta year 141. If the grant of Hastin had been dated 12 years later or earlier the same result would have followed. The grant has nothing to do with the birth of Kalkiraja. The grant might well have been made three years after one Maha-Magha year, while the birth of Kalkirkja might have occurred in quite another Maha-Magha year, removed perhaps by several decades or centuries from the first. When we thus see the unsoundness of the argument, there exists then no room for his conclusion that the Gupta era commenced in Saka 241 expired. Now let us turn to the Jain authors on whom Mr. Pathak relies for his theory. The authors are three-Jinasena, author of the Hari-vaina, Gunabhadra of the Uttarapurana, and Nemichandra of the Trilokasdra. Of these Gunabhadra and Nemichandra say 1 Whether the year is to be taken as expired or current is immaterial here. For the present we may Assume with Mr. Pathak that it is expired.

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JULY, 1910) IS KALKIRAJA AN HISTORICAL PERSONAGE : 125 that Kalkiraja was born 1000 years after the Nirvana of Mahavira. What Jinasena has to say on the point is not quite clear from quotations as adduced by Mr. Pathak. Verse 552 quoted by him says that the Saka king there will arise (presumably, will commence to reign) when 605 years and 5 months expire after Vira-Nirvana. Verses 487 and 488 quoted by him give us 231 years as the period of the Gupta kings, and 42 years of Kalkiraja. Mr. Pathak quotes no other verse from Jinasena. There seems to be no clear connection between v. 552 and vv. 487 and 488. As they stand here they do not explain whether the 42 years of the reign of Kalkiraja are to be taken as the ending years of the 1000-year period or whether they are to be excluded from it and we are to suppose that Kalkiraja was born after the expiry of that period. Jinasena's verses are given mutilated and without context. Mr. Pathak combines the mutilated statement of Jinasena with that of Gunabhadra and concludes that according to Jinasena and Guabhadra Kalkireja was born when 394 years and 7 months had passed away from the birth of the Saka nikg.' There are two mistakes in this assertion. First Jinasena does not say, as I have shown above, that Kaldiraja was born when 1000 years passed after Vira-Nirvana: according to him Kalkiraja's years complete that traditional period among the Jains. M. rPathak may have overlooked the four verses just preceding v. 487 and consequently fallen intothe error. Otherwise he would not have said that Jinasena's date for Kalkiraja agrees with that of Gunabhadra and Nemichandra. According to Jinasena Kalkiraja died in 1000 of the Vira-Nirvana era while according to the other two authors, Kalkiraja was born in 1001 of the same era. This means a difference of 70 years in dates-if we suppose that according to all the three writers Kalkiraja lived for 70 years. Secondly, TETATSYT does not mean 'The Saka king was born' but the Saka king began to reign.' It is not known that the Saka era was inaugurated in celebration of the birth of a Saka king. But this is a minor point. It will thus be seen that of the three authorities of Mr. Pathak, one who is the oldest of the three contradicts the other two. Therefore, their statements are deprived of much of their value and must be utitised with caution. The three authors referred to by Mr. Pathak bolong to the Digambara sect of the Jains. There are certain other Digartibara writers who have a slightly different account to give of Kalkiraja. Gunabhadra says that Kalkiraja was the son of Sibupala and Prithvisundari; but Trilokya-prajnapli, a Digambara work written about A.D. 1200, says that he was the son of Indra.' The Trilokya-prajnapti notes two somewhat varying chronologies covering the 1000-year period after the Nirvdna of Mahavira. There is a slight difference between the two: but the important point to be noted is that neither of them states that Kalkirkja was born in 1001 after Nirvdna. I may quote the verses here : FATTO A 759 Rerg vrei jAdoca saganariMdI rajja vassassa dusaba vAdAlA || boNisadA paNaraNNA guttANaM camuhassa vAdAlaM / vassa hodi sahassaM keI evaM pararAnti // For what follows from here I am indebted to the several articles which appeared in the Deoomber number of the Jaina-Hilarah (1917) on this question. tattI kakkI jAdo sado sassa caumuho jaamo| sattari varisA AkaviguNiva-gavIsa rjjtii|| STT: tataH kalkijAta indrasatastasva caturmukho nAma / samatirvANi bhAbudiguNita-ekaviMzatiH rAjya !

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 chAyA: nirvANagate vIre catu:zata-ekaSaSTivarSavicchede / jAtaH zakanarendo rAjyaM varSastha (rSANAM?) vizatacatvAriMzat // hai zate paJca pazcAzat guptAnAM caturmukhasya vicalvAriSat / varSe bhavati sahavaM kecidevaM prarUpayanti / jaM kAle vIra jiNI missayasasaMpavaM smaavnnnnaa| sakAle abhisitto pAlayaNAmo bhavantisudo // pAlakaranaM saragisaba paNaraNNa vijysbhvaa| cAlaM murudayavaMsA tIsaM sAsa pussamimi // vasumittabhanimittA sahI gaMdhadhvayA vi sayamekaM / paravAhaNo va cAlaM tatto bhacchahaNA jAtA / / bhacchavaNANa kAlo doNi sayArahavanti vaadaalaa| satto guttAtANaM rajja doSiyamavAbhi igitIsA / / tatso kakkI etc. (noted above). chAyA:- yaskAle vIrajinI niHzreyasasampada smaapnH| tatkAle'bhiSiktaH pAlakanAmA avntiisutH| pAlaka rAjyaM pahimekazataM pazcAzat vijysmbhvaaH| casvAriMzat murutya (?) vazvAH zitU vaMzyAH supuSpAbho // vasumitra-amimitrI paSTiH gandharvakA api zasamekam / naravAhanadha catvAriMzat tato bhasvAndhAH (1) jaataa| bhRtyAndhrANAM (?) kAlo he zate bhavati casvAriMzat / tato guptAsteSAM rAjye he zate bhAbhi ekatriMzat // tata kalkirjAtaH etc. It is also very interesting to note the various dates of the Nirvana of Mahavira record ed as traditionally current in this work. According to one account, the Nirvana occurred 461 years before the saka era; a second account places it 605 years before the same era%3B a third has 9,785 years and 5 months while the fourth has 14,793 years. Is it that even at the time when the work was written the date of the Nirvana was unsettled ? I may be allowed to quote one more verse as it is likely to throw some light on the present question : evvaM vassasahasse puhakakkI havei ikkekko / paJcasayavaccharesuM ekeko sahaya uvakakkI / chAyA:- evaM varSasahale pRthaka kalkirbhavati ekaikH|| paJcazatavatsareSu ekekastathAca upakalkiH // This means that every 1000 years a new Kalki arises and every 500 years a new Upakalki. This should lead us to suspect the authenticity of Kalkirkja as referred to by the Digambara writers. Without condemning wholesale Jinasena's chronology, we still can say that his statement about Kalkirkja merely echoes this tradition, and that therefore it is not based on historical facts. He might have inserted it in accordance with the tradition current in his time. If such be the case, we shall have to discard the tradition as historically valueless. The same conclusion is arrived at if we refer to the Svetambara writers who have also preserved the Kalki tradition. According to Muni Jinavijayaji the oldest Svetumbara work which refers to Kalkiraja is the Mahavirachariyam written in 11413 (Vikrama ora) by Nemi , aNahilavAnapurammI sirikananarAhivammi vijabante / dohahi kAriAe vasahIe saM ThieNNaM ca // vAsasayANaM egArasaNDa vikamanivasta vigavANaM | bhagayAlIse saMvaccharammi evaM nibaddhaM ti|| vv. 2384. 6.

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JOLY, 1919) 18 KALKIRAJA AN HISTORICAL PERSONAGE : 127 chandra, a disciple of Ambadeva. The date of Kalkiraja is given in the following lines : chahiM vAsANa saehi paJcahiM vAsahi pnycmaashi| A FUTTITUUT J ET au war || 2169 || terasavAsasahiehi navuttahiM sagAU kusumapure / steft *** * (v. I. 3 ** 599 || 2170 11 * There will arise the Saka king 605 years and 5 months after my Nirvana. After the expiry of 1309 years of the Saka era there will arise at Kusumapura the wicked-souled Kalki in the Prant-race (?)'. This means that the date of Kalkiraja is. 1915 years after the Nirvana of Mahavira. Thus there is a difference of more than 900 years between the dates given by the Digambara and Svetambara traditions. Nemichandra further says that Kalki will be king at the age of 18 and will reign for 68 years. Thus his death will occur in 2000 of the Vira era- a difference of exactly 1000 years from the date given by Jinasena! Again according to Gunabhadra, Kalki was reigning at Indrapura while according to Nerrichandra his capital is Kusumapura. According to the Digambara tradition, Kalki died at the age of 70; according to the Svetambara tradition, at the age of 86. According to the former the name of Kalki's son and successor is Ajitanjaya, while according to the latter it is Datta.5 These differences in details should make us cautious in accepting the truth of the traditions. Homachandra's Mahaviracharita gives us an exactly similar account. The whole of this account is given further on in Appendix. Another Svetambara writer called Jinaprabha Sari has written a work entitled Vividha-Tirthakalpa (about A.D. 1444). His account of Kalkiraja runs on similar lines. He gives the additional information that the year of Kalkiraja's birth would be 1442 Vikrama era. (We may note that the corresponding year of the Nirvana era is 1912 and not 1914.) The names of Kalkiraja's parents are given as Jasadevi (Yabodevi) and Magahasena (Magadhasena). Jinaprabha montions three successors of Kalkiraja-his son Datta who would role for 72 years; Datta's son Jitasatru and the latter's son Moghaghosha. We thus observe a great divergence between the Digambara and the Svetam bara traditions, about Kalkiraja. The latter put him down 1000 years later than the former. What is this discrepancy due to ? There is one obvious explanation. It appears that the Digambara tradition is older ; but when the Svetambara writers saw that there was no such king 38 Kalkiraja at the period given by the Digambara tradition they, reluctant to discard the tradition altogether, brought down the date by a thousand years, the reign of Kalkiraja was made to end in 2000 of the Nirvana era instead of in 1000 as the older tradition recorded. That this is the most probable explanation is capable of some proof. When even the Svetambara tradition did not come true, another attempt was made to bring still lower the date of Kalkiraja. Muni Jinavijayaji states that he has seen a work in which the date of Kalkiraja's birth is brought down so low as 1914 of the Vikrama era instead of 1914 of the Nirvdya era ! This gives us A.D. 18571 A future historian may find in still another work the date given as 2914 of the Vikrama era. bhadvArasa ya kumAro vAsA tattiyaM ca saamribho|' we go oraret 77940i || 2173 11 kAhI chAruruDa. chAsIvAsANi bhAuyaM bholu| TRY TTTSTERT Tay Tamill 2207 || tassaya dattaM putaM isa saMgAvipa viSadhamme / try s Taf Ti 11 22081'

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1900 This is sufficient to prove the utter worthlessness of the Jain tradition about Kalkirkja. It contains no grain of truth. We shall not, therefore, be wrong in concluding that there is absolutely no evidence for identifying this Kalkirkja either with Mihirakula or Yasodharman. APPENDIX. Hemachandra's account of Kalkiraja. Nemichandra and Hemachandra give the same account of Kalkiraja ; the former in Prakrit and the latter in Sanskrit. We give Hemachandra's Sanskrit version. It is given in Sarga XIII of his Mahaviracharita. When the first Ganadhara Gautama asks Mahavira as to what will happen in future Mabavira saya : maanirvaanngtepdrtenekonviNshtii| caturdazAbyAM ca mlemchakule caivASTamIdine // 8 // viSTau bhAvI nRpaH kalkI sa rudro'tha cturmkhH|| nAmatrayeNa visvAvaH pATalIputrapattane / / 09 // sadA ca mthuraapurvaamksmaadraamkRssnnyoH| nipatiSyatvAyatanaM vAtAhatajarabat // 8 // kodhamAnamAyAlomAH sahA kASThe puNA iva / naisargikA bhaviSyanti tasminkarasarAye / / / / caurarAjavirodhI rAbhayaM gndhrskssyH| durbhikSamIsvadRSTI ca bhaviSyanti tavA khalu // 2 // kumAro'STAdazAbyAni tAvansyeva ca ddaamrii| (DAmarI-Cholera) tataH paraM pracaNDAtmA rAjA kalkI bhaviSyati / / 83 // nagare paryastatra pastUpAnirIkSya saH / pariprakSyati pArzvasthAnkainate kAritA iti || kathayiSyanti te'pyevaM purAsIdincAvizrutaH / nando nAma kSitipasidhanardhanavasannibhaH // 5 // hiraNyamasti stUpeSu teneha nihitaM bahu / nAdAtuM tatkSamaH ko'pi babhUva pRthivIpatiH / / 86 // kalkirAjastAkarNya bharilobhI nisrgtH| khanayiSyati tAnstUpAn hiraNyaM ca gRhISyati / / 87 // sarvasA'pi puraM taca so'rthArthI khAnaviSyati / bhakhilA~ca mahipAlastRiNavaraNaviSyAta / / 88 // kalkinA khAnyamAnAyAstA ca svpuraavneH| nAnA lavaNadevI gaurutthAsthati zilAmathI / / 89 // catuSpathe'vasthitA sA bhikSArthamaTa to munIn / tayAtihAryAchajAmabhAgenAghahaviSyati / 90 // sthavirAzca vadiSyanti bhAI sUcayatyaso / / jalopasargamasvantaM tatkyApi jatAnyataH // 11 // bhuvA taske'pi yAsvanti vihAreNa mhrssyH| anye tu bhaktavavAdilubdhA vasvantyadaH khalu // 12 // . kAlAtkarmavazAkhAvibhavA badi vA'zubham / kastaniSedhayitumalabhUSNarjipurapi svayam // 13 // tataHpAkhaNDinaH sarvAnkalkI bAciyate karam / saMca tasmai prasAsvanti te sArambhapariSahAH // 94 // bhanyaiH pAkhaNDinihattaH karo yUyaM na itya kim /

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JULY, 1919] IS KALKIRAJA AN HISTORICAL PERSONAGE ? iti bruvANo lubdhAtmA sa sAdhUnApi rosyate // 95 // sAdhanastaM vadiSyanti rAjanvayamakindanAH / nizA mAna pinA ki isa saca || 95 // purAne ktamatyevaM nistapodhanAt / rastatpuNyaSaSThAMzabhAgbhavedavanIpatiH || 10 | asmAduSkarmanastasmAdviramApanizvAsana | pasAvo'zubhAyAyaM pure rAdhe ca sarvathA // 98 // evaM munivacaH zrutvA kalkI kopiSyati dhruvam / kuTi: karAlAsyaH kRtAnta iva bhISaNaH // 99 // kimare martukAmo'si madhana sunInApi / yAcase'rthe vakSyatIti tatastaM puradevatA // 100 // devatA vacasA tena siMhanAdena dantivat | bhItaH kalkI matipUrva tAnsAdhUnsaMmaviSyati // 101 // bhaviSyanti na bhUvAMsastado sAtA bhayaGkarAH // anvahaM kalkirAjasya nagarakSavasUcakAH || 102 // ahorAtrAnsaptadaza varSibhvatyatha vAridaH / manavAhotvavatpuraM dvAyAyedhyati // 103 / / tatrAcAryaH prAtipadaH ko'pi sahajano'pi ca / pUrlokaH ko'pi kalkI ca sthAsvanti sthalamUrdhani // 104 // gaGgApravAhapavasA pArito'pi prasAriNA / bAsvanti nidhanaM sadyo bahavaH puravAsinaH // 105 // alopari manyatena tu / kalkirAjaH punarapi karibhyAte navaM puram // 106 // bhaviSyantyAyatanAni vihariSyanti sAdhavaH / vardhiyati ca kAle'bdaH sasvaniSpattikAraNam // 107 // imena kumlAne'pi svaM na te janaH | pacAzadakadImevaM ca subhikSaM bhAvi kalkini // 108 // ArANabhRtyabhUmI'pi kankI pAkhaNDino'khilAn // bhaviSyati niGgAni poSyati cacake / 109 / / sasaddhaM ca prAtipadaM mbasva govATake tadA / -yAviSyate sa bhikSAyAH SaSThaM bhAgaM durAzayaH // 110 // sahuH zakrArAdhanAya kAyotsarge kariSyati // zAsanadebhyo vakSyanti kalkinkSemAva na hyaH // 111 // sahasya kAyasthAMnAnaMsinaH / vRddhadvijavapurbhUtvA zakrastatrAgamiSyati // 112 // mahAsiMhAsanAsInaM karma paristhitam / zakro vakSyati kiM nyete niruddhAH sAdhavastvayA // 113 // kalkI bhASiSyate zakraM matpure nivasantyamI // na me karaM tu vacchanna bhikSASaSThAMzamapyahI // 114 // pAkhaNDAH karadAH sarve mamAbhUvanamI na ta / 129

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULT, 1919 durgavIva balAdogdhaM nirudAstena vArake / / 115 // saMbalpibati dho'pi veSAmasti kimvana / misAMdhamapi dAsvantimakasvApi karAvamI / / 114 // mibhumyo bAcamAnastvaM nisAMcaM lajase na kim / tanmuccAmUmanbayA se bhAmbanaryo mahAnkhalu // 19 // kupyaniti girA kalkI variSvatvare bhttaaH| kaNThe dhRtvA dinamamumapasAravata dutam // 114 // balkhuke kalkina kalkaparvataM paakcaasnH| capeTAtADanAtsayo bhasmarAdhIkAraNyAti // 119 // paracI ivatsarANAMmAH sampUrva kalkirAT / nArako narakAvanyA durantAvA bhaviSyati // 120 // bhavAdhiSvAItaM dharmaratAramba kalkinaH sutam / rAjye nivazva vanditvA sazako gamiSyati // 121 / / pituH pApaphalaM poraM zakazizAM ca saMsmaran / hattaH kArasvAti mahImahatyAvibhUSitAm // 122 // pacamArakaparvantaM bAvadevamataH param | pravRttimidharmasva bhaviSyati nirantarA // 12 // I may as well point out here that Hemachandra fumishes a good instance of the practice often resorted to by ancient writers of explaining current events as prophesied by some great man. Homachandra was the religious teacher of Kumarapala, the king of Gujarat, under whom Jainism seems to have made great progress. In his Mahaviracharita Hemachandra makes the Tirthankara Mahavira utter & prophesy to that effect. Nemichandra's Mahaviracharita which precedes Hemachandra's by many years has, of course, nothing to say about Kumarapala and Hemachandra. His eulogy of Kumarapala and his deeds takes 60 verses. I give below a few of them; they are in Sarga XIII : svAmbAsvavi sa saugalAgurjarasImAni / kramaNa nagaraMbhAvi bhAnApahilapATanam // 30 // mArvabhUcirIralaM kalbAlAnAM niketanam / ekAvaramAIDane varatIce bhaviSyati // 30 // bhasmanirvApatI varSayatAnbamava poDaca / navapaTiza bAsvanti bhaavaapurtsh||5|| kumArapAlo bhuupaalcaalukkulcndrmaaH| bhavivAti mahAbAhuH pracaNDakhaNDavAsanaH // // parAkrameNa dhanazAnena svvaajnyvaa| bhandha puruSaguNaiH so'divIvo bhaviSyati // 51 // bhandA vanacAkhAvAM municandrakalodbhavam / bhAcA hemacandraM sabasthati kSivinAyakaH // 15 // sa zrulA vanmukhAyItvA vizuddha dharmadecanAm / manubratAni samyaktvapUrvakANi prapatsyate // 20 // sapAdhavodho bhASA zrAvakAcArapAragaH / bhAsthAne'pi sthivI dharmagoDavA svaM ramavivati // 5 //

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JULY, 1918) THE JOGIMARA CAVE INSCRIPTION 131 THE JOGIMARA CAVE INSCRIPTION. BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BARAT-LAW ; BANKIPORE. MUCH confusion prevails about the real sense of this inscription. The late Dr. Bloch who published it in the Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India, for 1903-4, 1 thought that it refers to a Devadasi who attracted lovers. Luders interpreted it as a record of love between the man of Benares' (Balanajeye) and the alleged Devadasi (Tam Kamayitha Balanaseye = the man of Benares loved her.') These interpretations make the grammatical mistake of leaving Sutanu kd nama Devadasi hanging in the air-without a predicate. The previous readings also are defective. Neither Bloch nor Luders reads the ti at the end of the second line. Probably they mistook it as being part of the first line and read it as kyi (devadasikyi). The meaning of the expression lupa-dakhe (= rupadaksha) has been missed. It is a technical, constitutional term which means a city-magistrate or some minister. In this definito meaning it occurs in the Milinda-Patho 8 where it gives a beautiful description of an ideal capital, the capital of Dharmma, based on the model, no doubt, of the Hindu capitals of its time. The text of the inscription is an official order or decree by the officer Rupadaksha in favour of the ascetic woman, and not the love-making, Sutanuka. It relates to her worship of Varuna instead of to the man of Benares.' The word Balunaseye has been misread by Luders as Balanabiye. I give below my reading based on an excellent photograph prepared by Messrs. Jhonston and Hoffman of Calcutta, which is reproduced here for reference. Transcript. 1. Sutanuka [1] x 2. deva-dabiy [e] 3. Sutanuka nama deva-dasi 4. tamkamayi-tha Balunafeye til 5. Deva-dina nama lupa-dakhe Translation. " In favour of Sutanuka, the devadarbini. " (Order) Sutanuka', by name, devadaraini, of austere life, (is) now in the service s of Varuna". "Devadina (Deradatta.) by name. Ruparlaksha." Devadasi may be either devadari or deva-dasi. In either case, the main interpretation is not affected. That it is in the feminine gender is evident from the case.ending in the super-scription. I prefer the former restoration in view of a datum of the Jataka, (Vol. VI, P. 586). It mentions the Varuni women who used to prophesy under the professed influence (avesa) of god Varuna. The restoration Devadarsi (the seeress of Varuna) would probably be nearer the original sense. The objection to Devadasi is that the word is a very late expression. The meaning of tamkamayi (of austere life) is given in accordance with the Dhatu paha: Taki krichchhra-jivane. It is important to note that the worship of Varuna had not gone out of use in the period denoted by the script of the inscription. It cannot be placed later than cir. 300 B.O. The forms of letters, e.g. of ya and ma, are invariably of the older type, while Asoka's inscriptions have both earlier and later forms. This shows that the inscription is older in age than records of Asoka. The existence of the grammarian's Magadhi in that early period, is attested by this inscription. . The officer Rapadaksha was an officer in a capital according to the Milinda-Patho. This indicates that the site of the inscription must have been near some ancient oppital, It might have been the Chedi capital. 1 Page 128. List of Brahmi Inscription's, No. 921. See also Bruchstucke Buddhistischer Dramen, p. 41. 3 Bk. V, 23 (344). * Probably two letters--nama * or, tha 5 or, hero. See also Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 235-6.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1919 MISCELLANEA. PRATIHARAS IN SOUTHERN INDIA from that the Pratiharas must have come to, and The Pratih Aras were a clan of people that formed settled in, the Konkan before that time, part of the tribe of Gujars or Gurjaras, a non-Aryan | Regarding the Pratihara Dhora, nothing is known people that tame to India from the north-west and of him except what has been given above. It is, settled there in about the 5th century A.D. Their however, not unlikely that he may have been in name Pratihara is also written as Pratshara, Pari. some way related to the Pratih&ras of Konkan. hara, Padihara, Padiyar, and Padiar; and they have been, hitherto, met with in Northern India only, In dealing with the above inscription, Mr. Rice where, in the 8th century and later, there were has fallen into some mistakes from his not having Pratihara kings that were ruling at Mahodaya (Ka. correctly read it. In p. 9 of his Introduotion (op. nauj) and in Bundelkhand. It is therefore some- cit.), he makes out that Dorapayya, the hugband what interesting to find from inscriptional and lite- of Pambabbe, was also known as Immadi-Dhors; rary sources that there were two Pratih ras who and in the Translation, p.1, ho further makes out lived in Southern India in the 10th century A.D. that this Dorapayya was a "sheath-bearer" and that "her (scil. Pambabbe's) king was giving her 1deg In a pillar inscription at Kador (Epigraphia priceless treasures." These mistakes are due to Carnatica, Vol. VI. Kd. 1), there is mentioned a the fact that he read line 1 of the stanza given in Paqiara Dorapayya who had Pambabbe, the elder the inscription as parase maha -prasadado) orevakan Immadi-Dhoran sister of the Western Ganga king Batuga II as his oldu tann. instead of senior queen (piriy-arasi). He is, later, oalled Dhora correctly as paroise mahd-prasadadolu Revaka-nimin a stanza which follows and is identified by Mr. l.madi Dhoranoldu tann. Rioe (ibid., Introd. p. 9) with the Dhorappe who is The correct translation of the stanza, therefore, is : mentioned in the Sangamner plates of the year Saka "Whilo Revaka-nimmadi held her in great favour 922 (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 215) and whom Kielhorn and while Dhora, her lord, was giving her priceless proposed to identify with the Rashtrakta prince things with affection... Nirupama, son of Am@ghavargha III. " This identification seems to me to be wrong; for, Revaka-nimmadi, mentioned herein, was the Padiara, the word used in the inscription, is, as I daughter of the RAshrakata Amoghavars...-Bad dega III and was given in marriage by him to the have said above, but another form of Pratihara and shows unmistakably that this Dhora belonged to Ganga Batuga I (Epi. Ind.. Vol. IV, p. 351). She is also mentioned in the Epigraphia Carnatica, the Pratibara family or clan. This Pratihara Dhora must have been a chief of VOL VJI, Nr. 36. A. VENKATABUBBIAH. some importance, for, Pambabbe, the Ganga princene, was given to him in marriage and was called SURVIVAL OF THE TERM KARORI. his senior queen. He had three sons of her, all of Akbar in 1575-8 divided a large part of his the Jain faith, and living, apparently, in the Ganga empire into purely artificial areas, each-yielding vadi province; and he seems to have died in A.D. crore' or ten millions of tankas or dama, equiva. 942, predeceasing his wife by thirty years. lent to a quarter of million of rupees. The 2deg There is a commentary, known as the La officer appointed to make the collections in such ghuv ritti, on Udbbata's Kdvydlankdrasangraha, an area was called a Karorf, or sometimes an which, we learn from the colophon and from the Amil. After a short time the new artificial areas opening stanzas, was written by Prathar riduraja fell, into dist.se and arrangements were again or (se he is elsewhere styled) Pratiharenduraja. The based upon the traditional pargana areas. The concluding stanza, however,of the commentary gives designation Amil for a revenue collector was famithe name of the author as Induraja; and it informs lior almost up to our own times, but the term liar almost us in addition, that he was a Kaun kana, i.e., en Karort was supposed to have been disused very Kardri wa m posed to have inhabitant of the Konkapa country on the west soon after its introduction. coast of India). Here also, the prefix Pratihdra I have been surprised to find that it was in use attached to the name of Induraja indicates clearly in Bengal as late as A.D. 1770. Mr. C. Stuart, to us that he belonged to the Pratihara clan. Supervisor of Birbham, eto., in letter dated We do not know when the PratihArms came and June 8, 1770, from Burdwan, reports the result settled in the Korkan, nor do we know in what of his enquiry into the conduct of the kerori, who way they were related to the Pratih&ras of Maho- has been confined by his agent, etc. days and of Bundelkhand. But, as Indurdja's (Press List; Bengal Sectvtariat, 1769-741 section Laghioritti is believed (100 tho praat vand of the ii, vol. ii, p. 20 ; Caloutta, Bengal Becretariat Press edition) to have been composed at some time in Depot, 1918). the tenth century A.D., We can easily infer thore. VINCENT A. Smere.

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ACQUAT, 1919) THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 133 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA. BY A. V. VENKATARAMA AYYAR, M.A.; KUMBAKONAM. (Continued from p. 120.) PART II.-BIRTH AND PARENTAGE OF VIKRAMADITYA : HIS TRAINING UNDER, AND EXPLOITS DURING, THE LIFE-TIME OF HIS FATHER. Birth of Vikramaditya and his brothers. Bilhana 74 tells us that amidst all his victories and prosperity Ahavamalla was tormente by a profound sorrow as he had not the good fortune to be blessed with & son. The Lakshmi of the Chalukya dominions which had come to nim in unbroken succession from his ancestors was often Anttering, like the bird on the top of the mast of a ship in the mid-ocean, for wart of one ander whom she could take shelter after him. He at last resolved to lay aside all regal pomp, made over the kingdom to the care of his ministers and, accompanied by his wife, retired to a temple of Siva to do severe penance and obtain a son through the favour of his kulad Avata. The royal pair at once exchanged the pomp and plenty for a life of stern simplicity, privation and austerity. Pleased with their penance, their guardian-deity made his appearance and predicted " O King I this your wife shall give birth to three sons. The first and the last will be born to thee by virtue of the merit acquired by thy works, but the second will come to thee by my favour alone and he shall surpass in valour and virtues all the princes of ancient times." In due course the queen bore him a beautiful son who was named 88 mebvara. A second time she became pregnant and then she had wonderful cravings which pregaged the future greatness of the child sho was carrying, and in a most a uspicious hour and under & most favourable conjunction of planets the wished-for son was born. Flowers fell from the sky and the gods rejoiced and he was named Vikramaditya. Not long after, the third son was born and he was called Jayasinha. Buhler 76 has observed that "the king's performing penance for the sake of a son is in harmony with the Hindu customs and in itself not in the least incredible." Are we then to acoept as a historical truth what Bilhana wishes us to infer that the three sons were born to Ahavamalla long after his accession in A.D. 1042 ? No. A slight reflection and close scrutiny of the inscriptions make this impossible. We learn from these 76 that as early as A.D. 1053 Somesvara, the eldest son, was in charge of Beluvola and Puligere districts and only two years later in A.D. 1055 the second son Vikramaditya was governing Gaigapa li, Banavase, Santalige and Nolamba paoi. They would not have been entrusted by their father with these important viceroyalties, some of them on the Chola frontier, unless they had already come of age to administer them efficiently. Knowing as we do that Ahavamalla came to the throne about A.D. 1042, we first begin to suspect from the above facts the authenticity of the penance story brought forward by Bilhana and our suspicions are confirmed and doubts set at rest by the Chola records. In the 29th year inscription of Rajadhiraja of A.D. 1047. Vikki who is certainly identical with Vikramaditya.78 the second son of Ahavamalla, 74 Vik. Oharita, IL, 25-91. T5 Bubik'edition of Vik. Charita. Introduction, 29; n. 1. N Bom. Gas., IV, 440, Mulgund Inscription. Ind. Ant., IV, 203. Epi. Oarn., VII, Sk. 11, 83, 152. 37 SII., TIL, No. 28; p. 56 ir 14. pa v si Je@' Vikki is but a shortened form of Vikkalan, #0 common in later Chola records, and both are Prakritiood forms of Vikramaditya'. . Kakka, Kuckalan, Karkara.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1919 is mentioned as a warrior of great courage. Therefore Vikramaditya must have been of fighting age in A.D. 1047 and even a warrior distinguished enough to have been specially made mention of by the Chola enemies. He must then have been at least 16 years of age and therefore born at the latest in A.D. 1031. Be it remembered that Vikramaditya was but the second son and had an elder brother in Somesvara who must have been born a year or two earlier still in A.D. 1030 or 1029. Therefore it is certain that Someavara and Vikramaditya, the first two sons of Ahavamalla, must have been born at least a dozen years prior to Ahavamalla's accession in A.D. 1042. The third son Jayasimha,ctherwise known as Singapan and Siugi in the Chola and Chalukya records respectively, is first made mention of only in the 2nd year inseription 79 of Virarajendra of A.D. 1063-4 and so it may be that he was born a few years after Ahavamalla's accession to the throne. What, then, was the motive of Bilhana in bringing forward a penanoe story that is historically untenable ! There can be no other explanation but this, viz., that occasionally as in this instance, the poet in him prevailed over the historian and he was carried away with a desire, so natural among bards, especially oriental, to cast a halo of divinity around his patron and hero so much gifted with head and heart. Closely connected with the birth of the brothers there is another question, viz., whether they were uterine brothers or not. Rice80 infers from their Ganga birudas that Somebvara and Vikramaditya were the sons of a Ganga princess and Jayasimba of a Pallava one, and calls them always half-brothers. But this inference is neither necessary nor correct. The attribution of special birudas in each case can be explained as belonging to the ancient rulers of the provinces which they happened to be in charge of. Such investitures were not uncommon even among their Chola contemporaries. 81 Moreover, Bilhana's Vikra maikad evacharita8 [0 King this your wife (mark the singular)] is decisive on the point and warrants us to infer that all the three were the sons of the same mother. Fleet has placed before us an inscription,83 which while confirming the fact that the three were uterine brothers, gives us in addition the name of the common mother as Bachaladevi, who would appear to be Ahavamalla's first wife. To what family did Bachaladhvi belong? Was she a Ganga or Pallava princess? In Deur inscription84 Jayasimha is given not only Pallava birudas but is described as Maha-Pallav-Anvayu, i.e., belonging to the great Pallava lineage, and this. would suggest that Bachaladevi came of Pallava stock. Vikramaditya's magnanimous refusal of the Yuvaraja-ship and the appointment of Somebyara as heir-apparent. When Vikramaditya had come of age and become well-versed in all sciences, especially in military and administrative state-craft, Ahavamalla thought of making one of his sons yuvardja and thereby designating his successor as was the custom among Hindu rdjas-partly to be relieved of the burden of bearing the toil and turmoil of the kingdom all alone in old age and partly to initiate the would be successor in all the mysteries of state-craft, 80 as to enable him to maintain the prestige and continue the traditions of the family. Bilhana 85 T9 111A of 1896, Epi. Rep. SII., III, No. 20. Karuvar insoription. 80 Epi. Carn., VII, Sk. 136, Dg. 133, C1. 12. * SII., III, part I. See also Prof. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar's Anciens India, 114. # Vik. Charita, II, 51. 88 Bom. Gaz., IV, 438, n. 1. Ind. Ant., II, 297. Gadag insoription. # Bom. Gar., IV, 440, n. 6. Carnata. Deja Inscriptions, I, 173. # Vik. Charita, III, 26-59.

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AUGUST, 1919] THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 135 tells us that his eyes turned naturally to the more talented and therefore better-fitted, both by his physique and daring, but unfortunately the younger and hence less entitled of his two sons, and that he thought of making him yuvardja in preference to his elder brother Somesvara. Ahavamalla soon found himself on the horns of a dilemma and unable to come to a decision, became somewhat troubled in mind. His own inclination and considerations of fitness and state-welfare would point to Vikramaditya, but custom and justice were on the side of Somesvara. In a most vivid and charming dialogue, Bilhana informs us that Vikramaditya, as soon as he came to know the perplexed state of his father's mind vacillating between right and inclination, respectfully but firmly declined the offer, alleging that the dignity of yuvardja belonged more naturally to the elder and that the appointment of the younger as such would not only be a deviation from the time-honoured custom but a blot on himself and the noble father and a stain on the fair name of the Chalukya family. He steadfastly persisted in this magnanimous refusal even when his father represented to him that both Siva's word and the decree of the stars pronounced him destined for the succession, but consoled him with the assurance that he would serve him as well as Someevara and toil for the kingdom under both without the high-sounding title of yuvardja Finding Vikramaditya not moved by all his exhortations Ahavamalla reluctantly raised Somesvara to the dignity of yuvaraja. Buhler 86 has remarked "This part of the narrative of Vikrama's life which strongly puts forward his fitness for the throne and his generosity to the less able Someevara looks as if it had been touched up in order to whitewash Vikrama's character and to blacken that of his brother." But even the most impartial historian must admit that there is much substratum of truth in the picture drawn us by Bilhana, as will amply be evident from their later career as rulers. Even the slight touching-up that one might come across was due more to the poetic temperament of Bilhana rather than to any wanton perversion of historic truth. The question more relevant to our purpose, and really more difficult of decision than this, would be whether Ahavamalla eve: really and actually proposed the name of Vikramaditya for yuvaraja-ship or whether it was merely a poetic fancy of Bilhana to give himself an opportunity to depict Vikramaditya and explain his later accession to the throne. There is nothing inherently impossible, for reasons suggested in what has been narrated above, in such a proposal having ever emanated from the father. Far-sighted as he was, Ahavamalla might naturally have preferred the consolidation and expansion of his state-a state for which he had worked so laboriously and so lcng-under his more talented son to its probable wreckage under another who, though more entitled to, was far less deserving of, the honour. After some vacillation the statesman in him might have prevailed and he might have made up his mind to brush aside a custom which stood in the way of his arrangements pregnant with such great consequences. If it can be allowed that the offer was actually made by Ahavamalla, we may be fairly certain that Vikramaditya declined it magnanimously, as Bilhana has it, for Someevara continued as yuvaraja during all his father's life-time 87 and on the demise of the latter at once succeeded to the throne peaceably without any obstruction on the part of Vikramaditya who, as we shall see later on,88 not at all ambitious of the throne, was then far away from the capital, looking after Vengi affairs. As Buhler's edition of Vik. Charita, Introduction, 31, n. 1. SII., III, 201, No. 83. Tindivanam inscription. Vide infra, p. 145.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( AUGUST, 1919 instances 89 of touching affection between brothers, even royal, in the Hindu household are not altogether wanting, the above may not appear so unlikely as it may seem at first sight. Vikramaditya's explolts under Ahavamalla. Though somesvars was designated yuvaraja the real burden of the state rested on Vikramaditya, who was invariably employed by his father to fight all his battles. Vikramaditya set out on a series of military exploits. In a brief compass, Bilhara 90 gives us a rhapsodio but none the less succinct and more or losa historical account of all his doings during the life-time of his father. He is said to have repeatedly defeated the Cholas; penetrated into the south as far as the ocean; entered the Malaya hills abounding in sandal. wood treos; reinstated the king of Malava who sought his proteotion; carried his arms as far north as Gauda (Bengal), Kamarupa (Assam); passed through the Eastern Ghats; came to Kanchi and plundered the same; destroyed the Malaya forests; defeated the lord of Kerala; took the city of Gangaikunda, the capital of the Cholas | plundered KAEchi once again ; thence directed his arms to Vaigi and Chakrak8ta ; and while returning to the , banks of the Krishna, heard the sad news of the death of his father at Tungabhadra. It is not impossible, though Buhler 91 gives it up as hopeless, in the face of the now available Chola records which throw light on this portion of history, to determine somewhat the chronological order of these wars embracing a period of nearly a quarter of a century. The most convenient method would be to discuss them serivium. Vikramaditya's first descent on the south. Vikramaditya's first intervention in Chd]n cond Malaya affairs was in A.D. 1047 circa,81 when Vikki is mentioned as a warrior of great courage. Who was the king of Malava that sought the protection of the ChAlukya sovereign and when and under what circumstances did he do it ! In the Mandhata plate of A.D. 1055-6 Jayasinha is mentioned as the ruler of Dh&ra, meditating on the illustrious Apart from the exemplary Bharata of the Ramayana, mention may be made of the Chera prince Ilaako adigal who, to avoid the chagrin of his elder brother and the stain of usurpation, is said to have instantly renounced the pleasures of the mundane world and become a sanydain (to attain eho immortal throne of the gods), when a tactless but unerring astrologer predicted in the open court that he was destined for the succession after the impending death of his father in preference to his elder brother Chiran Shon kuttuvan. The original is worth quoting : "kunnvaayirr koottttttaacu turrntirunt kuttk kooc ceerl illngkoo vttikttttu" ptikm 1-2 vri "vnyci puucr mnnimnnttpttittai nuntai taannilll liructooy! ninnnnnnai arcu viirrrrirukkuc tirupporri yunnttennnrru urai ceytvnnn meeluruntu cookkik kongkvilllaarruntaark kottit teerttaannnaic cengkutt vennn rrnnn celll niikkp pkl ceyvaayirr pttiyoor tmmunnn aklittp paarm akl ceec cintai cellaac ceennor crttu artmi linnnpt trcaall vertu' ennn ennn tirr muraitt imaiyoo rirkotti.'' --Silappadikaram, 30, vaartrukaatai 174-84. For other camples 200 also Todd's Rajasthan. * Vik. Charita, III and IV. 1 Bahlar's edition of Vik. Charita, Introduction, 31, . R SII., puu, No. 28, p. 56. SEpi. Ind., II, 46 8.

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AUGUST, 1919] THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 6 feet of Bhojadeva and this furnishes us, says Prof. Kielhorn, a sure and fairly definite limit beyond which the reign of Bhojadeva could not have extended.'95 Bhoja must therefore have died in A.D. 1055 at the latest and it is probable that he died only shortly before. The death of Bhoja without issue after a long and illustrious reign of about 50 years (A.D. 1005 to 1055) involved Malava in difficulties and furnished a golden cpportunity to his neighbour and hereditary enemy Karna of Chedi-one of the greatest warriors of the age-who had formed a confederacy with Bhimadeva I of Gujarat with a view to attack Malava from two sides and sacked Dhara soon after Bhoja's death. 97 Even the Karnatas would appear to have joined this confederacy for some time. 98 The country was thus invested by enemies on all sides and Jayasimha, Bhoja's relative, unable to maintain himself against this powerful combination, requested Ahavamalla not only to secede from the confederacy but also to assist him. Keen diplomat as he was, Ahavamalla began to reconsider his decision and thought that a weak Malava would swell the strength of Chedi and Gujarat and might prove a source of anxiety to the Chalukya frontier on the north. but a strong and friendly one would not only be a check on the southern aggressions of these neighbours but might go a long way towards healing the old hostile memories of the Paramara and the Chalukya which would be of no small value, especially against the troublous Cholas in the south. He therefore changed sides and at once marched against Chedi in person to draw off Karna from Malava and defeated him in battle. At the same time Ahavamalla directed his son Vikramaditya, who was then in the southern end of his dominions, to go to Malava and settle its internal affairs. Accordingly the son proceeded to Malava, successfully interfered in its chaotic domestic affairs, befriended Udayaditya, another relative of Bhoja, who in the meanwhile was defending himself as best he could against Karpa and succeeded in reinstating Jayasimha on the throne of Dhara.99 Not long after Jayasimha died and he was succeeded by Udayaditya. This conjoint and timely help of both the father and the son for forlorn Jayasimha and their timely intervention in the affairs of Malava "It seems customary among the Paramaras to meditate on the feet of their illustrious predecessors on the throne. 95 The discovery of the Mandhata plate settles beyond doubt the duration of Bhoja's rule over Malava. In the face of this record .Buhler (Vik. Charita, Introduction, 23, n. 1) must give up his contention that "it is not impossible that Bhoja was alive in A.D. 1063-5' and that Bhoja of Dhara was a contemporary of Bilhana whom he did not visit though he might have done so.' Vik. Charita, XIII, 96, on which Buhler relies for his conclusion does not bear him out. Even according to his own transla tion it runs thus: "Dhard is said to have cried to Bilhana in pitiful tones- Bhoje is my king; he forsooth is none of the vulgar pringes; woe is to me ! why did'st thou not come into his presence" (while he was alive ?)" Bahler misinterprets the above stanza to mean that Bhoja was merely out in amp without minding the significance of the italicised expressions (which are our own) which would be too strong language to refer to the temporary absence of the king and which certainly suggest the death of the king as a woe which had befallen Dhara. Rajatarangini (VII, 935-7) states that Bilhana left Kashmir during the reign (probably nominal) of Kalasa (A.D. 1062-80). He next stayed for some years in the court of Karna of Dahala and then only came to Dhara. So it must have been at least a decade after Bhoja's death when he could have visited Dhara. Moreover Bilhana, who according to Kalhana's Rajatarangin, felt even the splen. dour of a poet-laureate in Karnata a deception (VII, 935-7), would not have gone to the Dekkan if such a liberal patron of letters as Bhoja were out in camp, without waiting for him, which was not unusual with -oriental poets. Lassen places Bhoja's reign between A.D. 997-1053 which is very near the truth. Udepur prasasti. Merutanga's Prabandhachintamani. Epi. Ind., I. Epi. Ind., II, 99 Bilhana's Vik. 137 292. Nagpur stone inscription, v. 32. Ibid. II, 308; Benares copperplate. Charita, III.

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138 THE 1: DIAX ANTIQUARY AUGUST 1919. was a great stroke of diplomaoy and conciliation and it speaks volumes for their statecraft and enlightened generosity that, in glaring contrast to Karpa's cupidity, neither the father por the son tried to utilise the opportunity to rend or to annex the inimical kingdom for himself Invasion of Gauda and Kamarapa. The invasion of Gauda and Kamardpa might have taken place on Vikramaditya's return journey from Malava. Their conquest is not probable, but it is just possible that he made a cavalry raid on them. Vikramaditya's second descent on the south. Kadalsangamam. As has already been pointed out 100 even the well-contested day of Koppa (A.D. 1063-4) did not pronounce finally between the Cholas and the Chalukya8. Evidently the Chola aggression began to ebb slowly ever since the death of Rajadhiraja at Koppa and Rajendra his associate does not seem to have done anything during his independent reign of about 10 years till A.D. 1062. Rajendradeva was succeeded by his son Rajamahendra, of whom nothing more is known than that he administered justice three or four times better than even the proverbial Manu, and that he made a free-gift of a sarpa-sayana (serpent-bed) to the god in he teraple at Srirangam. After him the Chola dominions passed away to his uncle Virarajendra, who ascended the throne in A.D. 1062-3, according to Prof. Kielhorn's astronomical calculations. Virarajendra was far more active and energetic than his immediate predecessor and wanted, if possible, to avenge the death of Rajadhiraja. To keep back the tide of Chola aggression, Ahava malla had already appointed his most talented son Vikramaditya to be the governor of Banavase, Gangapadi, Santalige, and Nolamba padi-all on the Chela frontierfrom A.D. 1065 to 1062. An inscription of Virarejendra as early as the second year of his reign UD 1063-4) records that he drove from the battlefield at Ganga padi into the Tuugabhadra the Mah&sa mantas, whose strong hands wielded cruel bows, along with Vikkalan who fought under a banner that inspired strength. This was the first encounter of Virarajendradeva with the Chalukki Ahavamalla. In his second exploit he defeated the army which Vikra. maditya had despatched into Vengin&du in the same year and cut off the head of Vikrama. ditya's dandandyaka (general) Chevundaraya. Meanwhile when the eyes of both Vikramditya and Virarajendra were thus momentarily cast on Veugi, the never-ending struggle between the Cholas and the Chalukyas on the Tungabhadra assumed greater proportions. A fleroe battle at Kulalbaigamam at the junotion of the Krishoa and the Pafchaga GAT 30 Vide Part I. 1 "pnnnuvlukku mutlaay veet naannnkirr pnntturaitt nerriputukkip plllaiyr tngknn mnnnuvinnnukku mummtti naannnmttiyaany coolllnnn 10COOL y pri sefii uu aeries on DU."-Kalingattupparami, VIII, 28. "paattaavt tennnnnnrngk meeyaarrkup pnnnmnniyaa laattrvp paay lmait toolluk." - Vibramacijan-u14, 21. Zei. Ind., IX, 207. A.D. 1068-4 may possibly be his first year see Epl. Rep. 1904, p. 11.. Ind. Ant., IV, 203. Epi. Oam., VII, SK, 83, 162, 11. Epi. Rep., 1898, 113A. 811., III, No. 20 ; Karuvar insoription. 811., III, No. 20; Karuvar Insoription. 1 Bee Epi. Ind., XIT, 298, for this identification.

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ICCUET, ] THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 139 was fought in the second year of Virarajendra (A.D. 1063-4) wherein Ahavamalla is said to have retreated with his great army along with his two sons Vikkalan and Singanan. The Chola claims this to be his third successful encounter with Ahavamalla, but if we exclude the minor attacks at Ganga padi and Vengi this was his first and the only really great exploit against the Chalukyas and deservedly do the Kalingattupparani 8 and Vikramaceolan-uld 8. refer to him as the renowned victor at Kadalsangamam. Thus the death of Rajadhiraja at Koppa in A.D. 1053-4 was thus avenged in a way at Kadalsangamam in A.D. 1063, nearly a decade later. Virarajendra followed up his victory at Kudal and claims to have defeated before his fifth year (A.D. 1066-7), on the banks of the winding river-probably the Tungabhadra, -some chiefs, among whcm figure the Gangas and the Nolambas, who were undoubtedly the feudatories of the Western Chalukyas. The fifth year inscription of Virarajendra at Mapimanga lam informs us that Ahavamalla, desirous of wiping out the disgraceful defeat at Kadal, preferring death to a life of dishonour, at once wrote an autograph letter to the Chola king challenging him to meet him once mcre on an appointed day at the same Kudal, saying that he that evaded the appointment through fear was no king but a liar. Virarajendra duly proceeded to Karandai (Injal-Karasji 10 near Kada]) and though he waited there for more than a month after the appointed day, Ahavamalla did not turn up. Virarajendra too readily Assumed that his absence was due to cowardice and called him a liar as he did not keep his appointment and made much of the good situation in which he found himself. He claims to have planted a pillar of victory on the Tungabhadra; not content with this he made an image of the Vallabha king (Ahavamalla), tied round its neck the royal neoklace, wrote unmistakably on a bcard how the person signified by the image had escaped the trunk of an elephant (by his cowardly evasion of the appointment as the Chola fancied), suspended the board as well as a closed quiver of arrows to the flowery (because Arrow-stricken) chest of the image and thus ridiculed the Chalukki Ahavamalla. 11 The latter's failure to appear at Kadal on the appointed day was not at all due to cowardice as the Chola king fondly imagined, but was the result of circumstances far beyond his control. He was suddenly seized with " "kur tllraik kuuttrr cngkmttu vennnrr koonnnpynnn." | -Kalingattupparani, VIII, 29. * cngkmttuk kollllur tnnnipprnnik kennnnirrnt tungk mtyaannnai tunnittoollum," -Vikramaclan-uld, 22 SII., III, 68, No. 30.-One of the longest but at the same time the most interesting and Instructive inscriptions. 10 Ragarding the identification of Karandai with Injal-Karafiji, co wpi, Inde, XIT, 298. . The original of the Manimangalam inscription relating to the text roads as follows pllliyottu vaalllvtirr caavtu caalaannnrrennn rreevmurrrrinnn cintai ynnnaaci munnnnnnm putlvruntaalum mutukittaiettnt pttlngkllmennnk kurritt kttlil vaaraatnycinnnr mnnnnnnvrllr poorpperum plllip purttttraavr

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- 140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1919 a strong fever which owing to unbearable pain culminated in his tragic death the very next year 11 (A.D. 1068). Under these ciroumstances was it not an unmerited slur on the fair name of Ahavamyatla, the wrestler in war, that he should thus have been ridiculed and too readily assumed to be a liar and a coward by the Chola on the eve of a truly great career? Let us, then, examine why Vikramaditya went to Vengi and Chakrakota as Bilhana has it. Here again the inscriptions oonfirming Bilhara's statement give us fuller details. It vas pointed out already 13 how Virarajendra in his second year (A.D. 1063-4) defeated the army which Vikramaditya had despatched into Vongin&du and out off the head of his general Chivundaraya. What was the cause of the despatch of armies by Vikramaditya and the defeat of the same by Virarajendra ? A brief survey of the affairs at Vengi is but necessary before we can shrewdly hit at the right reasons that led to their intervention. It was noticed already how the long period of anarchy and interregnum at Vengi had been broken by the cintaiyumukmun tiruppuymirnnttum - eentelllilu vkaiyoo ttirumttkku poliyp poontp poorkkllm pukuntu kaantaiyil vllvr koonnnai vrvukaannaatu colliy naallinnnmeelu moor tingkll paarttirunt pinnnnnnaip poyttvnnn kaalkettvootti meel kttlollittlum . . . . . . . . . . tungkpttiraikkrai jypttirt tuunn naanilm prcnaatttti, meenaallvnt purttttnnnai vllvnnnaakkic cuntrknnttikai ktttti purcaiyaannnai pulllaikkaiyirr pilllaittiv vulkmrriy voottiy pricoru plkaiyirr plllutrr velllutiy pinnnnnnaicaarttinnn vurraiyunycllukki ptm perrrr puuttinnn maarvoottum puutttti Dr. Hultzsch understands the expresssion 'mooaallv rt purtttt nnn ' as * the liar who came one rubonguen day:' But ' mooaall' hero cannot mean the subsequent day but only the previous day. That this is the corroot meaning is very well emphasizodin Puranindru, 279 and Kambavamlyana. Noto also the use of the won'munnnnnn m' in the same inscription. The term 'purtttt nnn ' can only apply to thavamalla who failed to keep his appointment at Kadal, as is evident from another reference to him as 'poytt vnnn , in the same inscription. Dr. Hultzsch has, owing to the wrong understanding of the single phrase " meetaall, totally mistaken the drift of the inscription. He mistakes the epression 'meetaall vnt purtttt nnn' to .refer to Vikramaditya. Vikramaditya cannot by mere stretch of imagination be stigmatised as a liar simply because he was the son of Ahavamalla, who did not keep his appointment. Thus the reference can only be to Ahavamalla who fought on a previous or former occasion though. in vain at Kajal, but who, in spite of his autograph letter, failed to meet Virarajendra on the second oocasion there and was therefore called the liar. The details of the latter part of the inscription are nothing but a piece of mockery or farce (not uncommon in ancient and even in modern times) and do not allude to any historical events with reference to Vikramaditya, as Dr. Hultaach has supposed, such as that he came on a subsequerst day, negotiated with Virardjandra to make him Vallabha or Chafukya king in spite of his elder brother, and was focognised by him as such. Vide infra Pyirt III. In the light of the above criticism the inscription stands in need of rovinod editing. -- 13 Epi. Corn., VIL, C. 136. Vids infra, p. 145. ' 1 Vids wpra, p. 138. 1 Vids rupra, PartL

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August, 1919) THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUK YA VIKRAMADITYA 141 intervention of the illustrious Rajaraja I (the Great) who succeeded in making it a vassal of the Chola kingdom and compelled Vimaladitya, the first vassalking to marry Kundayvai, his daughter. Vimaladitya was succeeded by his son Rajaraja of the Eastern Chalukya family who ruled for 40 or 41 years 15 from A.D. 1020 to A.D. 1060 or 1061. The Jatter married Ammangadevi, the daughter of the Chola king Rajendrachola I or Gangaikonachola. He died leaving behind him a brother Vijayaditya and an only son Rajendrachola II.16 The latter in turn married Madhurantaka, the daughter of Rajendradeva. Thus for 15 Epi. Inl., IV, 33, V. 21; PithApuram inscription of Mallapadeva gives him 40 years, Epi. Ind., V. 10, V. 4; Ind. Ant., XIV, 33. Copperplate grants of Rajaraja give him 41 years. 1. SII, I, 59, No. 30. Chellar grant. "kngkaikonntt coolllnnnteevi kulmkttnnn kulmknnnai'' -Kalinga tupparuni, x, 5. "irull mulllutu mkrrrrum vitu kulttoonnn rreevi - yikl villngku tpnnn kult tiraacraac nnnruttiruvinnn rriru vyirrrril vntu toonnnrri -Kalingattupparari, x, 3. Scholars have experienced great difficulty in rightly understanding the meaning of the latter stanza and it has remained almost a puzzle till now. Some have naturally understood the phrase que G A UTFIT to refer to Chola Rajaraja the Great (I) of the solar race. Thit this interpretation contradicts the nccepted genealogy of Kulottunga I or Rajendrachola II as given in inscriptions (vide genealogical table below). So they consider the mention of Rajaraja to be a mistake for Rajendracho!a I or Gangaikondachola due to the ignorance of Jayankondan the author of Kaliagattupparani. But it is wrong to associate such palpable ignorance with a great contemporary from whose admirable and orderly account of the Choa kings with their characteristic features, the later Chola genealogy itself can be reconstructed, in the absence of inscriptions even (vide Kanakasabhai Pillai's Commentary on Kalingattupparani in Ind. Ant., XIX). Moreover the above gratuitous assumption of ignorance would conflict with the author's own specific statement in canto X, 5, in which Kulottunga is rightly represented to be *STAL - coolllnnnrreevi kulmkttnnn kulmknnn'. To avoid this dilloully Rao Bahadur Venkayya has attempted though in vain, to come to the roscue of the author and has understood Rajaraja to mean the Eastern Chalukya king. His translation of the verse would run as follows Vishnu appeared again in the royal womb of the queen of him of the tale of the moon which dispels all darkness-Rajaraja's gracious 'Lakshmi who was of the rival race of the sun.' He would point out that both the queen and Lakshmi refer to the same Ammang dovi whose husband was the Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja. (Vide Epi. Rep., 1901.) But this translation is ingenious and cannot be accepted by Tamil scholars as it runs counter to Tamil diction and grammar. 0' here can only mean daughter born' but not * gracious Lakshmi' and the phrase sua cos ' must qualify 'Rajaraja'but ont " as Mr. Venkayya would have us construe. Moreover the 2 or 3 lines would then referto the same fact twice over which is considered a defect with great' poets ( t wo p o pu) such as Jayai kondine, who is famed as the greatest expert in the composition of Parani, a special kind of Tamil classic. To avoid both the above difficulties--the Soylla and the Charybdis--the word Rajaraja is not to be understood h@re as a proper noun referring either to the Chola or Chalukya king. It is to be taken as a common noun meaning king of kings' similar to cei weiterer Kalingattupparari X, 25), a designation as much applicable to Rajendrachda I or Gangaikoplachola. This is also in consonance with the author's quality of not using proper names but specifying kings only by their deeds. The above interpretation would avoid all the difficulties caused above and would save the author from the charge of ignorance. The correct translation of the verse would then bau Vishnu appeared again in the royal wom) of the queen of him of the lunar rase, the daughter cf the king of kings of the .solar rase."

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1919 three successive generations 1' there was a series of important political inter marriages between the Cholas and the Eastern Chalukyas of Veigi and the latter were more and more leaning towards the Cholas. The adoption of their maternal grandfather's name by Rajaraja and Rajendra is itself an indication of this. Rajendrachola II had become by extraction both on the father and mother's side a Chola at heart. Consequently the influence of the Western Chalukyas over their brethren in the east was waning day by day. Vikramaditya probably wanted to regain tho ancient Chalukya influence at Veigi and to supplant the growing ascendancy of the Chola there and it was probably with a view to accomplish this object that, soon after the death of Rajaraja in A.D. 1061-2, he sent Chavundaraya to Veigi with a smalt army. To counteract it and to see that the vassal kingdom of Veigi did not slip out of his hands Virarajendra should have sent an army of his own which defeated hin and prevented him from gaining a hold there. Neither Vikramaditya nor Virarajerdra was now directly interested in Vergi, but each saw in it a lever of influence for the furtherance, of his own interests and so keenly desired to exercise his influence on the 'buffer' state. With a friendly Veigi each could hope to terminate the border struggle on the Tungabhadra in his own favour. Immediately after the disastrous Kadal day (A.D. 1063-4) Vikramaditya seems to have directed his march to the north towards Veigi and Chakrakota,'8 as Bilhana has it, perhaps to undo the victory of the Cholas on the Tuigabhadra by creating for himself an effective sphere of influence there. This time he did not content himself with despatching his deputies thither as he did on the previous occasion but went in person. There though Rajendrachola II was duly anointed to the Veigi throne 10 on the death of his father Rajaraja In A.D. 1061-2, yet his ambition was not and could not be confined and cribbed within the narrow limits of Vengi. So, desirous of a tour of conquest or of the Chola kingdom he bestowed his patrimony Veigi on his uncle Vijayaditya.in the very year of his accession to the Veigi throne (i.e., A.D. 1063) 20 and appointed Vijayaditya his deputy ard viceroy. 17 A short genealogical table will make this clear. Chola (Solar) Rajaraja the Great (I). E. Chalukya (Lunar) VimalAditya = Kand-avvai Rajendrachola I or Gangaikondachdla. Rajardja Ammangadevi. Rajendrachola II or Kulottunga 1 13 Chakrakottam has been correctly identified by Rao Bahadur Hira Lal with Chakrakotya in the modern Bastar Stato-Epi. Ind., IX, 178. Epi. Rep., 1909. 1 SH., L. 59. Chellor grant of Viracha At first occupied the throne of Vengr, the cause of the ping of splendour.' Epi Ind., IV, 227. No. 4, v. 27; No. 33, v. 18 & 22-- Rajendrachola ruled over dhravishaya (the Telugu Country) together with the five Dravidas.' Inscription at Tiruvottiyar. SII., III. Ho ruled over the region of the rising Sun.' This refers to Veigi and not Burmah as Prof. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar takes it; vide South Indian Association Journal, Vol. 1, 64. Epi, Ind., V, 78. SII., I, 60. Chellar grant. Introduction.

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August, 1910) THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA 143 Disappointed in his expectations of Ahavamalla at Kadal on the appointed day, Virarejendra declared "certain it is that we shall not return without regaining the country of Vengi which had fallen into our possession on a former occasion. Defend it if you are a Vallabha" 31 (strong king). This statement coupled with its tone of determination indicates plainly that Vikramaditya who had been tarrying in the north ever since the Kadal day from A.D. 1063-7 had nearly succeeded in establishing his influence in Veigi and that it was with a view to check this ere it was firmly rooted that Virarajendra not content with mere vassalage or allianoe, now resolved to conquer and annex Vengi to the Chola crown. The same insoription continues-- he defeated the great army which was sent to resist him at Vijayavadai. near the bank of the great river (modern Bezwada on the Krishna); his elephants drank the waters of the Godavari; he crossed over to Kalingam ; dispatched his armies as far as the further end of Chakrakottam, reconquered Vengi and bestowed it on Vijayaditya who took refuge under his feet, triumphantly returned to Gangapuri (=Gangaikoacabolapuram 23 in the Trichinopoly district), the then capital of the Cholas, with the goddess of victory who had meanwhile become resplendent."23 The army that Virarajendra defeated at Vijayavadai could have been no other than the advance-guard of Chalukki Vikramaditya which was sent to resist the march of Virarejendra. From the statement that Virarajendra bestowed Vengi on Vijayaditya who had bowed before his feet it has been suggested by Dr. Hultzsch 34 and emphatically affirmed by Prof. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar 35 that Virarajendra supported the uncle Vijayaditya against his nephew Rajendracha II whose cause, it is alleged, was taken up by Vikramaditya and that it was the disputed succession between the uncle and the nephew for the throne of Veugi after the death of Eastern Chalukya Raiaraia in A.D. 1062 that furnished the immediate opportunity for the intervention of both Vikramaditya and Virarajendra in Vaugi. This inference, plausible at first sight, cannot stand the test of sound historio oriticism. The specific statement in the Chellar grant 88 that Rajendrachola was duly anointed to the Veigi throne on the death of his father Rajaraja in A.D. 1063 and that, desirous of the Chola kingdom or a tour of conquest, he bestowed Vergi on his uncle Vijayaditya, the faot that Vijayaditya continued to be in possession of Veigi till his death in A.D. 1077, undisturbed by Rajendrachola II (Kulottuiga I) even after he became Chola emperor and that after his death Rajendrachola II peaceably appointed his sons as viceroys of Vangi, the high terms *7 in which Vijayaditya is referred to in the Chellar grant of Virachola, the omission of the name of Vijayaditya-a deputy rather than an indepen ? SII., III, 68, No. 30. Manimangalam inscription, 22 The original runs as follows: " vicaikottu miinnttuvittttrulli iklittaippuunntt jyttiruvoottu kngkaapulli pukuntrulli 7, Dr. Hultzoh has wrongly translated it thus : "Returned speedily to Gangapurt with the Goddess of Victory who showed hostility in the interval" and has added in a footnote: This is an admission of the fact that the Chodas experienced reverses. But the translation would not suit the context. . ' here means splendour', not hostility' > Vido Kalingattuppanani, XIII, 92; also Dandialankdram. 24 SII., III, 128. It looks as if the rightful heir, Rajendracha II alias Kulottunga Iha i been ousted by Vijayaditya with the assistance of Virardjendra. The italios is our 3. 25 Paper on the Cholas. South Indian Association Journal, I, 56.- The Veil country, passes into the possession of Vijayaditya, an uncle of Kulottunga I through the good offices of Virarajendra. This disputed succession ought to have brought Vikramaditya on the 80018.' The italioj is again our3. 2 SII., L. 58. * SII., I, 60.-Having ruled over the country for 18 years this godlike prince who resembled the lion in power has gone to heaven.'

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1919 dent ruler-from all Eastern Chalukya genealogies, the notice of Rajiga (a shortened form of Rajendrachola in Bilhana's Vikramaokadevacharita 28 as the lord of Veugi' just before his accession to the Chola throne and more than all the enigma "of Rajendrachola II's position # the disputod succession were allowed, all these taken together go to discredit entirely the story of the disputed succession and prove that the uncle and the nephew were on the best terms possible without any ill-will between them. If Viranajendra really conquered Veigi as the inscription affirms, then it passes one's understanding why he should have contented himself merely with the status quo of an allegiance and why he should not have annexed in accordance with his former resolve-a country so valuable from a diplomatic standpoint and anticipated the work of Rajendrachola II or Kulottuiga I by a few years by bringing the two crowns, Vongi and Chola under one rule, embracing the whole eastern Eeaboard. Matters do not seem to have been so entirely favourable to Virarajendra as the inscription boasts and the alleged conquest and bestowal of Veigf on Vijayaditya must betaken cum grano salis.30 Our suspicions are only increased by the Ganga grant published by Fleet wherein Rajaraja of Kalinganagara (A.D. 1068 1076), the son-in-laws of Rajendrachola II, is said to have come to the relief of the said Vijayaditya "the waning lord of Veigi when beginning to grow old, he left Veigi, as if he were a sun leaving the western sky and was about to sink in the great ocean of the Chodas." This Choja danger. oould not have been from Rajendrachola II (Kulottuuga), as Dr. Hultzsch33takes it, but could have been only from Virarajendra. Virarajendra, far from being a protector of Vijayaditya, as would appear from the Manima galam inscription, must have been the very person that threatened his kingdom with annexation for his desertion of the Chola allegiance and change of sides. The truth was when VijayAditya, the deputy of Vengi, was hard pressed by Virarajendra with annexation about A.D. 1067 and could not defend himself singly, Vikramaditya, who for years was working in the north against his enemy Virarajendra and who was perhaps the root cause of Viia. yaditya's desertion, came to his rescue, went to Chakrakoita and Kaligaragara ard easily formed a triple alliance with the kings of those countries who saw a merace to their own state in the annihilation or annexation of Vengi by Virarajendra. Virarajendra tried though * VI, 26. 29 Rajendrachola Il could not have remained in Vengt if Vijayaditya his enemy had been rein. stated on its throne, nor could he have remained in the Choa dominions for Virarajendra, the ally of Vijayaditya, would keep him out. Where, then, was Rajendra Il down to his socession to the Chola throne? Vide my forthcoming article on "The Life and Times of Kulottunga" wherein this question will be more fully threshed out. * Vide part III, infra. * Ind. Ant., XVIII, No. 178. Vizag, copper-plate "grant of Anantavarman Chodagangadava Rajaraja's agramahishi was Rajasundarf, the daughter of Rajendrachola, Ind. Ans., XVIII, No. 179; Vizag, oopper plate grant of Anantavarman Chodagangadeva" Rajaraja of Kalinganagan wedded Rajasundart, the daughter of the Choda king.' * Ind. An., XVID, Nos. 178 and 179.-The Vijayaditya here referred to cannot be, as sugreeted by the late Mr. BhattanAtha Svemin (Ind. Ant, XLI, 217), the half-brother of Vikramaditya who was young, but can only be the uncle of Rajendrachla IT, who was old. Vanapati's inscription (Epi. Ind., IV. 314, 311) and Anantavarman's grant (Ind. Ant, XVIII), which apparently contradict each other need not necessarily refer to the same fact as has been assumed. SII., III. Dr. Hultaach's opinion is from the standpoint of the disputed succession between Vijayaditya'the uncle and Rajendrachla II (Kulottunga) the nephew which was proved to be non-existent. Vido supra. So it is untenable. Vide also Ind. Ant. XLI, 218.

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AUGUST, 1919] MISCELLANEA in vain to break up this combination and that was the reason why he had to send his armies to the Godavari, Kalingam and even as far as the further end of Chakrakottam as the inscription has it. The triple alliance was eminently successful in its main object of frustrating the absorption of Vengi in the Chola empire though Vijayaditya had to return to the status quo and acknowledge Chola sovereignty over him as of old. Thus Vikramaditya averted an impending catastrophe in the north and maintained the balance of power by eminently transforming the situation in Veigi, Kalinganagara and Chakrakojta by means of timely alliances with their rulers. While he was thus returning from his arduous exploits in the north he heard that his father, who had been suddenly seized with a strong fever, finding the pain unbearable and the end inevitable, had gone to the Tungabhadra and after performing the rites of the supreme yoga at Kuruvartti, had drowned himself amidst the din of waves and musical instruments on the 29th or 30th March, A.D. 1068,34 Resume of Vikramaditya's work under Ahavamalla. Thus for nearly a quarter of a century, Vikramaditya, the worthy son of a noble father associated himself with the latter in almost all his great undertakings and shared all his burdens. In his two descents on the south, in his successful intervention in the internal affairs of Malava and in his diplomatic transformation of the situation in Vengi and the north eminently favorable to the Chalukya interests, he gave tokens of rare strategic capacity, originality of conception, boldness of resolution and rapidity of action which would have won immortal historic fame for any general. Nay, more, in these brilliant campaigns were laid the foundations of Vikramaditya's future greatness as an administrator, for, talented beyond measure as he was by nature, he had the good fortune to be thus trained under and associated with Ahavamalla, who was without doubt one of the greatest warriors and statesmen of the times. MISCELLANEA. 145 RASHTRIYA. According to Rudradaman's inscription on the great edict rock at Girnar in Kathiavada, a lake called Sudarsana near the edict rock was originally made by Pushyagupta,the Vaisys, who is described as a rashtriya of the Maurya Emperor Chandragupta. In the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, p. 13, the word 'rashtriya' was taken to mean a brother-in-law. Kielhorn, however, in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, p. 46, took the term to mean a provincial governor. Neither the Arthafastra nor the edicts of Piyadasi mention any class of officials oalled rashtriyas. The Kumaras' are mentioned as, the provincial governors in Aioka's edicts. We have, however, excellent testimony to the employ. ment of rashirapala to designate certain officers Vik. Oharita, IV, 44-68; Epi. Carn., VII, death a falzsamadhi. whose salary was equal to that of aj Kumara (Kautilya's Arthasastra Book V, chap. III). If, as is probable, rashtrapala and rashtriya are synonymous terms, it is reasonable to suggest that the Maurya governors were divided into two classes: 1. The princely viceroys who were called Kumaras. 2 Viceroys not belonging to the royal family who were called rashtrapalas or rashtriyas. TUSHASPHA, THE YAVANARAJA. The Sudarsana lake originally made by Pushyagupta was afterwards adorned with conduits for Ahoka Maurya by the Yavanaraja Tashaspha Dr. Vincent Smith says that the form of the name shows that the Yavanaraja must have been a Sk. 136. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar calls this mode of

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Persian (Early History of India, 3rd edition, p. 133n.). According to this interpretation the Yavana Dhammadeva, the Saka Ushavadata and the Kushap Vasudeva must have been all native Hindus of India. If Greeks and other foreigners adopted Hindu names there is no wonder that some of them assumed Iranic ones. There is, then, no good ground for thinking that Tushaspha was not a Greek but a Persian. Tushispha is called 'Yavanaraja' and not rashtriya'. This probably indicates that he was not a salaried official, but a vassal king under the Mauryas. We learn from several edicts of Asoka (Rock edicts V and XIII) that there was actually BOOK-NOTICE. BHASHAVRITTI: published by BIMALACHARAN MAITRA, B.L., Asst. Secretary, The Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi, Bengal. 1918. Pg. ii+21614+ii. Price Rs. 6 The Bhashav ritti is a commentary on Panini's grammatical aphorisms excepting those that are exclusively Vedic. The book has been edited for the first time by Professor Srishchandra Chakravartti, B.A., of the Rajshahi College. We cull out a few observations about the author Purushottamadeva from the Introduction. According to Srishtidhara Chakravartti who wrote a commentary on the Bhashav itti about A.D. 1650, Purushottama "prepared the Bhashavritti at the bidding of the king Lakshman Sen" of Bengal. Thus the Bhashavritti seems to have been written in the 12th century of he Christian era. "Purushottamadeva was most ikely a Bengali... In his exposition of the pratyahara sairas, he says punarba. Now and vaz baz are different in meanng and sound.... It is only with the Bengalis that and are identical in form and pronunciation.... Unless Purushottama was a Bengali why should he remark " Again such passages in the Bhashdvritti as qu nayAM matup (6 / 3 / 110) and lekhako nAstidoSakaH RIRIRY)" may support this hypothesis of his being a Bengali, for qurt is apparently the eat stream Padda (written in Bengali Padma) on which the Sara bridge stands, and "t mitan: was a very familiar apology with the [AUGUST, 1919 a Yona or Yavana principality subject to the suzerainty of the Maurya Emperor. The exact situation of this principality has not yet been determined. But it is constantly associated with Kamboja and Gandhara in inscriptions as well as in literature, and the Mahavansa (Maharasa, p. 229, Turnour's translation, p. 110) says that it contained the city of Alasanda or Alexandria. Both these requirements, viz., association with Kamboja and Gandhara, and the possession of the city of Alexandria, are satisfied by the country of Poclais or Pushkalavati (the modem Charsada on the Suwat River) "in which is Bucephalus Alexandria" (Schoff's Periplus, pp. 41, 183-4). HEMCHANDRA RAYCHAUDHURI. cld Bengali copyists of MSS." His example may also be cited in support. The Bhashavritti explains the aphorisms of Panini in their original natural order,like the Katika. It does not tear away the aphorisms from their context, like the later works, Frakriyakaumudi, Siddhantakaumudi, Madhyakaumudi and Laghulmudt. So it is easily understandable. It is short. It is a work of undoubted authority, as is evidenced by the fact that it was quoted by Sripatidatta, Saranadeva (these two in their turn are quoted by Bhattoji Dikshita), Bhattoji and Gopinatha. The book has been carefully edited and excellently printed. References to other sutras of Panini occurring in the gloss on any particular sutra have been inserted, which will greatly simplify the work of the reader. The editor's notes are accurate and well-chosen. They show a minute and extensive acquaintance with the literature on the subject. Is it too much to expect that such a book would find a place in the curriculam of the Indian Universities? It has been said that the text has been carefully. edited. I give only two examples below. The aphorism T: (3-2-139) appears as glAjisthazca gmuH (.., g instead of kU) in most printed books, e.g. in the SiddhantaBhanuji's and Kshiraav&min's commentary on the kaumudi with Tattvabodhini, Bombay, 1915; in Amarakosa; in the commentary of Mallinatha on Bhatti, I, 25, II, 32, 47, Bombay Sanskrit Series; in Principal S. Ray's, J. N. Kaviratna's and Durgaprasad Sivadatta's editions of Situpalavadha; in Professor Devendrakumar Banerji's and M. R

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AUGUST, 19191 BOOK-NOTICE Kale's editions of Bhatti. The correct form E appears in the Mahabhashya, Benares edition and Kielhorn's edition; in the Kasika, Benares edition; in the Siddhantakaumudi of the Tattva viveka Press of Bombay, 1893; in the Siddhantakaumudi of Taranath Tarkavachaspati of Calcutta 1863, and in the Panini of Professor Devendrakumar Banerji of Dacca. It is interesting to enquire how so many learned editors could commit the same error. The suffix is (anu). The is according to Katyayana who wrote a varttika in verse on this matter, and also according to Patanjali who explained that rarttika in his Mahabhashya, Jayaditya, the author of on part of the Kasika, held the same view. According to Vamana (joint author of the Kasika), however, the seems to be k. Now the Siddhantakaumudi and such other books say " gidaya ga 85 it "the pratyaya has na tu kit " and not "[as might be supposed from the occurs in the aphorism]. Unless occurred in the aphorism this remark would be meaningless. A reference to these commentators and especially to Kaiyata will make this apparent. I am glad that Professor Chakravartti has printed the aphorism correctly both in the Bhashavritti and the Nyasa as glAjisthazca ksnuH fact that Take another example: quafifa fa(III, 3. 111). The two Bombay editions of the Siddhantakaumudi already referred to print it with off instead of off (thrice in each book). The explanatory word ar in the Siddhantakaumudi might have led to this error. The present edition of the Bhashavritti, the Siddhantakaumudi of the late Taranath Tarkavachaspati, as well as the Panini of Professor Devendrakumar Banerji print it correctly. The Bhashav illi is so called because it confines itself to those aphorisms that are required in the Bhisho, i.e., the so-called classical, as opposed to Vodic, Sanskrit. It excludes the Vedic sutras as well as VIII, 3. 82-86 on pluta-svara; these latter are hardly required for the bhasha, and a Buddhist commentator might reasonably exclude them. Some aphorisms that are explained by Bhattoji as exclusively applicable to Vedic Sanskrit are, however, included in the Bhashauriti, with a view to justify the use of Vedic formations in non-Vedic literature. Take, for example, the aphorism (III, 2. 138) according to which is formed. Purushottama, following apparently 147 the Katantra, makes it a general sutra, which would justify such passages as Pro A Flicy (Kumara, VI, 62); ay mag rocate. (Sakuntala, 2); jagat prabhora prabhaviSNu vaiSNavaM (Sisupalavadha, 1, 54). Bhattoji could not help placing this satra in the chapter on general krit affixes, though he took care to remark grefer and condemned Magha with the observation :, which he borrowed from Haradatta. Mallinatha avoided the difficulty by reading amasahiSNu for aprabhaviSNu. Amarasimha allow |such usage, for he gives bhUSNu bhaviSNu and bhavitA as synonyms. Some other Vedic words found in non-Vedic literature are sagargya, adhya, amIya, abhiva, abhiya vUlya, nabhasya, sahasya, tapastra which are all found in the Amarakosa. For accounting for these and others like these (e.g. ftant), Purushottama has explained nine (or rather eleven) Vedic sutras occurring at the end of chapter 4, Book IV in his Bhishavritti. He concludes this section with the remark: "These words are Vedic, still they are sometimes used in non-Vedic language. Such use is in every way correct, for Bhaguri has included them in his Trikanda (lexicon) or because these are underivable names (abhyutpannasaMjJAzakatvAt vA ). This fiction of name as regarding & historically derivative underivable would seem strange to a modern an inevitable philologist; but it follows as consequence of regarding the grammatical writings of Panini, Katyayana and Patanjali as Smriti works composed by all-knowing, infallible sears (rishis). The later compilers and annotators of Panini regard his system as a Smriti which has repealed earlier grammatical works, such as those of Chakravarman, Galaya, Kasakritsna, etc. According to them, everything in Sanskrit must be justified by this threefold grammar of Panini, Katyayana and Patanjali. Archaic forms (i.e. strictly Vedic forms) found in non-Vedic Sanskrit are undoubtedly due to the influence of Vedic studies. One who in everyday life uses the prayer fr yajAmahe might certainly write triyambakaM saMyaminaM without any explicit consciousness that Lo was using a Vedic, and therefore, in ordinary Sanskrit, an incorrect form. Purushottama had justified this by the rule ikAM yabhirvyavadhAnaM vyADaTecifta my (6.1.77). This would also justify the form which occurs in Panini I, 3. 1. But it is said that this is not in the

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY trimuni grammir: hence such explanations are wrong. We need not multiply examples. It ia almost commonplace of the Paninean system that everything must be forced into it or Condemned. Now such forms of sagarbhya, abhya, and arzana are, according to the Paninean system, not allowable in non-Vedic literature. Still they do occur in non-Vedic literature. What are we to do? The Paninean, if he is not propared to condemn them ltogether, has to give some such reply:"They are underivable, meaningless or proper names. This is the reductio ad absurdum of the hypothesis of the Paninean system of grammar being a Smriti work of all-comprehensive scope. No modern philologist would reject the drivation of the un-Vedic word saga from sa (mAna) + garbha + ya because Pain does not record its use in non-Vedic literature. The Bhashavrilti rightly explains many Vedic satras, as shown above. There are some cases, however, in which it has maintained as Vedic forms and aphorisms which Bhatoji does not deen as confined solely to the Vedas. Thus (1,119) is applicable to chhandas only according to our author, though Bhattoji makes it general. Similarly, the word. sadRkSa, which occurs in the Amarakosa, and which Bhattoji and Haradatta permit in classical Sanskrit, is said to be chhindasa in the Bhashav illi. The text of Panini as presented in the Bhishavritti agrees with what is found in the Kasiku: thus (i) some varttikas have been given as Paning sutras, (ii) some sutras have been NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 14. Dealings with Native Officials. 1 November 1716. Consultation at Fort St. George. The President acquaints the Board that Yesterday a Mussoola [ masala, boat] laden with Salt Petre for the Dartmouth was by violence of wind and Currant drove down to Leeward of St. Thoma [San Thome] and fore'd a Shoar. That Aga Mogheen [Agha Muhiu'ddin] Phousdar [faujdar, military governor] of that place seiz'd on the boat and Her loading, and upon sending to demand them in a civil manner returnd answer that He could not deliver them up before He receiv'd orders for [1 from] the Nabob, which being such a peice of insolence as cannot be suffer'd exposing our selves and the Honble. Companys Estate to frequent [AUGUST, 1919 lengthened out, including in them matter supplied by the varttika, or the Bhashya, and (iii) some sitras have been split up into two. As examples of (i) we may mention satras IV, 1. 166: IV, 1. 167; IV, 3. 132; IV, 3. 133; V, 1. 36; VI, 1. 62; VI 1. 100; VI. 3. 6. These are not Panini's, according to Kaiyata or Haradatta or Nagcsa. The two gana sitraa eti saMjJAthAmagAt and nakSatrAvA (under VI, 3. 98) are generally shown as independent sairas of Panini (VI, 3, 99-100) in the printed text of the Kasika and the Siddhantakaumud. The editor of the Bhashavritti has also printed them as independent satras. This seems to be due to an oversight on the pirt of the editors (and not of the authors of these works). For the, authors of Kasika, Bhashivritti and Siddhanta kaumudi all mention that suSAmAdi is an Ahota gaNa after nakSatrAvRnA which shows that they regard those two as gana satras, (ii) As examples of Panini's satras lengthened out, we may mention I, 3, 29; III, 1. 95; III, 1. 118; III, 1. 126; IV, 2. 2; IV, 2. 21; IV, 2 43; IV, 4. 17; V, 4. 5; VI, 1. 137; VI, 3. 40; VI, 3. 83; VIII, 1. 74; VIII, 1. 73 (1st word of next sutra included). (iii) As examples of single sutras of Panini, which have been broken up into two, we may mention I, 1. 17-18; I, 4, 58-59; II, 1. 11-12; IV, 3. 117-118: VI, 1. 32-33. NOTES AND QUERIES. The bisection of these s ras was recommended by Patanjali and accepted by the Kusiki. For this, at any rate, we cannot blame the heretical authors of the Kasiku solely. Bhattoji also accepted this bisection. VANAMALI VEDANTATIRTHA. insults of the like nature, this morning the Chief Dubash [dobashi, interpreter] was order'd with the Pedda Naique [chief of the police] and two hundred Peons to go to St. Thoma and make a demand once more of the Salt Petre and the Mussoola in form. At the same time Lieut. Fullerton with forty good soldiers were lodg'd in Trevlicane [Triplicane] ready to assist them in case of a refusal to bring away the boat, and her Lading by force. The Board agrees to, and approve of what has been done in this affair well foreseeing that if we should set down tamely under such usage from so inconsiderable a porson as the Phousdar of St. Thoma. We shall feel the effects thereof both in our trade and transactions with the Country Government. (Madras Public Consultations, vol. 87.) R. C. T.

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SEPT., 1919) NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 149 NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, BT. (Continued from p. 111.) 4. SPELTER AND TIN. Closely connected with the lump-lead currency there was in use, in Pegu at any rate, a similar currency in the alloys which may usefully be given the generic term of spelter. They have gone under many names and expressions among the old travellers and writers, ar.d have been used as currency, side by side with tin and lead themselves, in many perts of the East and Far East. Spelter is properly zinc, but it has often been used loosely to express alloys 70 of lead and tin, lead and copper, lead and brass, copper and zinc and so on, almost precisely in the same way as have its philologically most interesting, though mongrel Europeo-Oriental equivalents, tutnag, ganza, and calin in all their keleidoscopic forms. English trade equivalents have been white copper, white lead, Queen's-metal and bellmetal,71 Oddly enough, the first of all the accounts I have seen, outside the Portuguese accounts, of the currencies of these parts, itself full of Portuguese expressions, is the only one that calls these mixed metals by their proper name of pewter. In the English Trenslation of the Collection of Voyages of the Dutch East India Company, 1703, we read in the diary of the First Voyage, 1595-7, p. 246, of Malacca, "Achem,!' etc., that "The little Baher contains also 200 Cates, but each of these Cates contains but 22 Tayels, or 32 ounces and an eighth part, for the Tayel of the little Beher weighs an Ounce and en half good weight. They weigh with that weight Quick-silver, Copper, Tin, Pewter, Leed, Ivory and so on." At p. 247 we read, "The Basaruco's [coins) are the worst Allay, being made of the worst Pewter." In the second voyage, 1598-9, we find again of Bantam :-"As soon as the five Ships cast Anchor, several Pirogues (prows] came on board, and brought all sorts of Refreshments, which they exchanged for Household Pewter, and gave for one Spoon as much Victuals as a Man can eat in two days." It was under the name of Ganza that the lump lead or lump spelter currency of Pegu was known to travellers. In 1354 Nunes found that in Pegu there was no coined money, but that pieces of a broken utensil of "a metal like frosylegra (? spelter)" were used for coins, and that this was called gamca (in Portuguese), and writing in the same year Caesar Frederick calls the metal ganza (in Italian) and says it formed the money of the country. The English version of this last writer, dated about 1567, gives the passage thus "The current money that is in this Citie [i.e., Pegu] and throughout all the kingdom, is called Gassa or Ganza, which is made of copper and lead. It is not the money of the King, but every man may stamp it that will." 73 La Loubere (Siam, E. T., p. 14) writing in 1688. 83y8:-Vincent le Blanc 7 relates that the Peguans have a mixture of Lead and Copper 70 That is, pewter. "Billon," a rather confused term, I have avoided, taking the debased amalgams it is used to represent to contain always an admixture of silver and gold. 71 Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. vv. Tootnague, Ganza and Calay. 73 Just as the Nicobarese will do at the present day, and, as the same book notes (pp. 107. 109, 115) that the Malagasy did in the 16th century. 18 This, and similar quotations that will be given later on, accounts for the mysterious Tenasgerim Medals, unat have hitherto been such a puzzle, and turns them into traders' tokens. He was "the physician retained by the King of Siam to work in his mines." Marginal note to La Loubere, loo. cit.

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3150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPT., 1919 which he calls sometimes Ganze, and sometimes Ganza, and of which he reports that they make Statues and a small Money, which is not stampt with the King's Coin, but which every one has a right to make. In 1726 Valentijn called it "Peguan Gans (a brass mixed with lead." and in 1727 Alexander Hamilton talks of "plenty of Ganse or Lead, whicb passeth all over the Pegu Dominions for Money."75 Lockyer, in his exceedingly intelligent book, Trade in India, 1711, uses an expression which might easily be taken to be a form of ganza. At p. 130 he says "Tin from Pegu, Jahore, etc., in Gants, or small pieces of two or three Pounds, bears the best price. There is another sort in Slabs of 50 to 60.1 each, but that is of less value : 76 We sold one with another for about 91 Tale per Pecull." Again at p. 150 he talks about "Tin in Pigs and Gants." Tempting as it is to make the connection, I feel sure it must be abandoned, and that Lockyer's Gants were the "bundles of block tin " referred to by Terrien de la Couperie at p. xxi, No. 23, of bis Catalogue of Chinese Coins : 77 the derivation of the word being quite separate from that of Ganza. Gants must, I think, be referred to the Malay Gantang and the Indian Ganda on the faith of the following quotations : GANT. 1554. Also a Candy of Goa, answers to 140 gamtas, equivalent to 15 paraas, 30 medidas it 42 medidas to the paraa. A. Nunes, p. 39 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Ganton).78 C. 1596. In going to the Market (at Bantam) you find women sitting by the Palissadoes of the Mesquite or Great Church [Mosque), with Sacks of Pepper, and a Measure called Gantam, which contains about three pounds' weight. Collection of the Voyages of the Dutch E. I. Coy., 1703, p. 187. c. 1596. They bring [to Bantam] from the Islands of Macassar and Sombaia, a sort of Rice called Brass, and give two hundred Caxas (cash) for the Gantam or Measure, which is three Pounds weight, Holland Weight, Dutch Voyages, p. 196. c. 1596. A great deal of big Salt of which they buy 800 Gantams for 150,000 Caxas, and sell three Gantams at Bantam for a thousand Caxas. Dutch Voyages, p. 197. 6. 1596. There is another Measure in Java and in the neighbouring Countries, called Gantan, which contains about three pounds of Pepper. ... They have also another Measure called Gedeng," and measure all sorts of grains with it, it contains about 4 pounds. Dutch Voyages, p. 247. 15 See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Ganza. Of. Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soc. ed., vol. I, p. 236; vol. II, p. 68, where the word used is calin or callin: 76 Stevens, Guide to E. I. Trade, ed. 1775, says, p. 113, exactly the reverse. TT Compare the following quotation from the Ying-yai Shing-lan, A.D. 1416 in Indo-China, 2nd Ser., vol. I, p. 244:-"Tin is found in two places in the mountains (of Malacca) and the King has appointed officers to control the mines. People are sent to wash it and after it has been molted, it is cast into small blocks weighing one catti eight taels, or one catti four taels official (Chinese) weight : ten pieces are bound together with rattan and form a small bundle whilst forty pieces make a large bundle. In all their trading transactions they use these pieces of tin instead of money." 78 Yule says (Hobson-Jobson, a.v. Ganton) that this word is "mentioned by some old voyagere as a weight or measure by which pepper was sold in the Malay Archipelago : it is presumably gantang." He is right as to its derivation through gantang, but, as will be seen in the text, it was used for many purposes. 19 This is not the same word as gantam, but is a loose measure for the rice in a double sheaf of straw. Crawford, Indian Archipelago, 1820, I, p. 271; Raffles, Java, 1814, vol. II, Appx. p. clxvf. ; &t p. 336 of vol. I. Raffles writes it geding.

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Sarti, 1919) NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 151 1616. I sent to borrow 4 or 5 Fantas of oyle of Yasemon Dodo... But he retorned answer that he had non, when I know to the contrary, he bought a parcell out of my handes the other day. Cooks, vol. I, p. 6 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Ganton). 1689. They fetch Rice (in Java), which there they buy for one Sata de Caxa (string of 100 cash] the Gantan "..." They fetch Salt at a 150,000 Caxaes (Cash] the 800 Gantang; and at Bantam, three Gantans are worth a thousand Caxdeb. Mendelslo, Travels into the Indies, E.T., p. 117. 1699. That the Shabundar shall deliver' to the Cheif of the Factory a Ganton &ca. Tyall weight, which shall be marked with the Kings marke, and with the Compas. marke and be the standard measure and weight that all People whatsoever shall be obliged to use in Trade with the English, and that for great Weights the China Pecule (Malay pikul, showing how the word was pronounced ) shall be used. General Letter to Borneo. Letter Book, vol. X, p. 63. 1704. Price Courant, Canton, with the Emperour's Customs, December, 1704 .... Tin in Pigs and Gants. Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 150. 1711. Tin from Pegu, Jahore, &c. in Gants, or small pieces of two or three pounds, bears the best price. Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 130. 1789. Gantam being a certain wooden Measure that contains about 4 lb. 5 Ou. Avoirdupois. A. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. II, Appx. p. 9. 1775. At Malacca, a Ganton is 6 lb. Amsterdam ; & Least is 500 Gantons : 10 Gantons are 1 Measure; 50 Measures are & Least of 30080 lbs.; 800 Gantons are a Quoyane or 1 3/5 Laast. Stevens, Guide to E.I. Trade, p. 87. 1775. 1 Last of Rice is 3,066 2/3 lbs., or 46 Measures; 1 Measure is 8 Gantons : 230 Gantons is 1 Last.81 Stevens, Guide to E.I. Trade, p. 88. 1775. 25 Gantas of Sooloo are 1 Pecul of Rice of 100 Catties. Stevens, Guide, p. 125. 1811. Ganta, from the Malay gantang, a measure of rice, salt, and other dry goods, equal to kulak. Marsden, Malay Dictionary, 8.v. 1814. [In the Sulu Archipelago ] half & Cocoanut shell is one panchang; 8 panchange 1 gantong equal to 4 catties; 10 gantonge 1 raga; 21 ragas 1 picul of 1331 avoirdupois. 1 cabban (Manilla measure for paddi) 1 picul, Hunt, in Moor's Indian Archipelago, Appx., p. 45. 1820. For dry and liquid measures they may naturally have recourse to the shell of cocoaput and the joint of the bamboo which are constantly at hand. The first called by the Malays chupa is estimated at two and half pounds avoirdupois. The second is called by some tribes Kutch and is equal to a gallon, but the most common bamboo measure is the gantung, which is twice this amount. Craufurd, Indian Archipelago, vol. I, p. 271. 1828. Their dry measure [ at Manila ] is as follows 8 chupas 1 gantan; 26 Gantas, 1 Caban. I could not procure a sight of the standard. A mean measurement of several Dew Gantas and Cabans (for they are all clumsily made, though sold at a Government office) gave as follow The Caban 4,633 cub. in. Eng.; the Ganta 186,878 ditto. Remarks on the Philippines in Moor's Indian Archipelago, p. 82. 1880. The weights and measures are nearly the same [in Bali) as those in Jaya: the picul containing 100 catties; the coyang 30 plouls; the gantang, however, is large, containing about 19 catties. Singapore Chronicle, June, 1830, in Moor's Indian Archipelago, p. 94. BD Misprint for 3,000 lbs. 81 This makos the panion, as a rice memure, over 17 lbs. ; No aleo in the text mer on.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPT., 1919 c. 1833. Banjar Massin in Borneo I... Last, grain mee sure 230 ganton 3,066 lbs., 10 or., 10 drs.83... Bantam, Java, Coyang of rice - 200 gantams - 8,681 lbs.85 ... Malacca, Malay, ganton, measure, 6 lbs., 8 OL.... Gantang, measure: - 4 chupahs. Prinsep, Useful Tables, ed. Thomas, pp. 115, 119f. e. 1833. British India. 4 Kauris make 1 Ganda ; 20 Gandas make 1 Pax; 6 Pans make 1 And. Prinsep, Useful Tables, ed. Thomas, p. 2. 1833. 4 chupahs 1 Gantang, 16 Gantangs 1 Nalih....sooording to Col. Low Note to p. 19, Indo-China, 2nd Series, vol. I. 1834. It bas been stated that Nening produces annually 300 plouls of tin, 16,000 gantams of paddy, and a quantity of cofr rope. Newbold in Moor's Indian Archipelago p. 248. 1844, Dumree is commonly known as a nominal coin equal to 33 or 3f Dams, or between 2 and 3 Gundas. 84 " ...." Like the Dam, the Gunda of account and the Gunda of practice do not coincide ... The Gunda known to the common people is not of stable amount; sometimes four, and sometimes five, and even slx, go to a pucka Dumrec. . .Notwithstanding this variable amount, as a Gunda is equivalent to four Cowrees, to "count by Gundas " signifies to count by fours, or by the quaternary scale, to which the natives are very partial. Elliot, Glossary, quoted by Thomas, Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 93. 1852. Gantang, name of a dry monsure, equal to about # gallon. Crawfurd, Malay Dict., 8.0. 1855. Ganda Gunda, 84 Hind.; Ganda, Beng. To count by Gandas is to count by fours. Wilson, Glossary, 8.0. 1869. Ganda.84 This word is given under Gandal in the Printed Glossary. Beamos, Memoirs of the N. W. P., which is an ed. of Elliot's Glossary, vol. II, p. 315. 1870. Nalih, a measure of 16 gantangs, is probably the Tamil nali, a oorn measure of 8 marcals. Niemann, (Bloemlezing Maleische geschriften, p. 58 in Indo-China, 2nd Ser., vol. II, p. 1780. 1883. Measures of capacity. Pau, 1 Chupak: 4 Chupak, 1 Gantang : 10 Gantang, 1 Para. Singapore Directory, 1883. So also Swettenham, Malay Vocabulary, 1881, vol. I. Appendix on Ourrency, etc. and Maxwell, Malay Manual, 1882, p. 141. 1886. The bazar ser is named as containing so many ganda,84 a ganda consisting of four tola, or sometimes four pice, and being a constant quantity. Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p. 430. In Tremenheere's Report of a Visit to the Palchan River, and of some tin localities in the Southern Portion of the Tenasgerim Provinces, in 1848,85 we find that at Ranaung the collectors of tin ore were "paid a nominal price of two (Spanish) dollars for 18 viss of (tin) ore, but as the payment is made by small ingots of tin, the only currenoy in use, the actual value received by workmen, according to the present selling price of the metal, is Rs. 8 per 100 viss of ore, the same quantity being at Mergui worth Rs. 40." The following quotation, important in this connection, shows how tin was procured and purchased by the old East Indian merchants. Stevens, Guide to Kast India Trade, 1775, p. 113, says :-"Tin is to be bought at New Queda, in the Straits of Malacca by a Bahar, Therefore a ganton is 17 lbs. odd. 86 Therefore this ganion is 43 lbs. odd. M I have given these quotations from India, bat ganda, a bundle of four, is not necesarily the same word as the Malay panta, a measure or even bundle. 15 In JASB., vol. XII, pp. 523-534, and Indo-China, lot Series, vol. I, p. 282.

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Berr., 1919] NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 163 . equal to 419 16. English. The advantage is considerable if you pay for it in Dollars... The Country Ships generally meet ours, and will sell their Tin for Rupees, instead of Dollars But observe to get large Slabs, if possible. If you cannot get all large, you may take every thing but their Chain-Stuff, like Jack-Cbains, and thin Stuft of Birds, etc... . If you buy of a Country-Ship, know whether they sell by the Queda or Selengare Bar ( bahar): The first is equel to 419 lb., the other not so much." Now their "thin Stuff of Birds" is, I take it, the tin tokens which are now known to numismatists'as Pegu and Tonasserlm medals vide Plate III. Fig. 6, and Supplement Plate III, figs. 1, 5 and 6; and Phayre, Int. Num. Or., vol. III, p. 38 and Plates III and IV.86 Stevens on the same page says "If you are obliged to take the small Stuf," and by this small Stuff" he to doubt meant lumps used as eurrenoy. As to Siam, we find the factors of Ayuthia writing in 1675 to the East India Company 87 that "this King was pleased to give as credit for 40 cattees of silver 300 Bahr of Tinn, 1000 pecull of Sappar wood," and then that " This King proffers that if your Honours will supply him with silver, whereof bee finds & decay, he will repay them in Tinn at a cheaper rate than he offer[6] to any." For the Malay Archipelago, Groeneveldt, quoting the authority of the Hai-yu (Chinese). 1637,88 says of Malacca :-"In trading they use tin as their currency: three caties of this metal are about equal to one mace of silver." That this referred to a lump currency is shown by a paper on the Dutch in Perak (Journal of the Straite Branch, R. A. S., vol. 10.) in which Sir W. Maxwell says, p. 268, "The old Perak currency-lumps of tin, weighing 23 kati each, called bidor, have altogether disappeared ": a statement which throws light on expressions quoted by him (pp. 246-24T) from certain old Dutch treaties as well as on the Chinese record above quoted. Thus - 1650. Contract with the Chiefs of Perak Dependent on Acheen stipulating that the exclusive Tin Trade granted to the Dutch East India ] Company by the Ratoo of Acheen will likewise embrace the state of Perak... The Company to pay the same duty as at Acheen for the Tin it shall export and the value of the 7in Coinage to remain as it is at present, namely, 1 Bidore for Spanish Dollar and 1 bahr of 2 peculs for 125 bidore or 31 } Spanish Dollars.89 1655./ Treaty of peace between the Company and Sultana Todine, Raja Muda Forca and the Chief of Perak, tributary to the Crown of Acheen.-The Chiefs of Perak will pay to the Company a sum of 50,000 reals, pertly in Tin (100 bahrs) within a few days. 1680. Treaty of peace between the Company and the Ratoo of Acheen.-The remainder of the Company's claim amounting to 44,000 reals will be settled by diminishing the price of Tin from 317 to 30 reals per bar until the debt shall be extinguished. For the same period we have the evidence of Pyrard de Laval, collected about 1608, as to Malacca (Hak. Soc. ed., vol. II, p. 176), who says that, like gold and silver, the people cut "calin," i.e. tin, "Into pieces to make purchases of goods." * Bubeequent en quiries have since shown that by "thin stuff of birds" was meant the tin " cock" ingots used in the Malay Peninsula as currency. These ingots are called gambar or models of animale elephant, cock, tortoise, etc. Soe The Obsolete Tin Currency and Money of the Federated Malaw States, ante, vol. XLII, pp. 87, 92-94. 8 Anderson, Siam, p. 123. # Indo-China, 2nd Series, vol. I, p. 246. * This explains an enigmatical statement in Stevens, Guide to E. 1. Trade, p. 87:-"1 Bahar is 3 Peoul (at Malacca the Pecul contains 100 Catty) or 375 lb. or 125 Bid." Here "Bid" is clearly "bidor."

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Sept., 1919 For a century later we have the evidence of Stevens' Guide to East India Trade, 1775, p. 128f. "Tocopa. Tin is the only produce of this Port; about 100 Bahars of which may be had, if there has not been any Ship at the Port for some Time before. The only Coin of this place is Tin, which is distinguished as follows 3 Pingas are one Puta, 4 Putas are 1 Viss, 10 Viss are 1 Capin, 8 Capins are 1 Bahar equal to 6 Factory Maunds 15 seers Bengal. You must be very careful not to sell upon Trust here, and must always go on Shore armed." Maxwell refers to all this at p. 142 of his Malay Manual, 1882, where he says :-" In Porak lumps of tin were formerly current as coin ;9 in addition then, Dutch and Spanish silver coins were also employed. The following are some of the old mcdes of reckoning - Tin colnago : 2 boya are 1 tampang (value the 10th part of a dollar) : 5 boya are l bidor (value the 4th part of a dollar). The weight of the tampang in Perak was one kati. It was a small gubical lump of tin with a pattern stamped on it. The bidor weighed 21 kati or the 40th part of a pikul." As already noted, lead, spelter erd tin have been mixed up by travellers, who have ned the same expressions representing vernacular words to express all three. The following passages, quoted under the heads of Tutnag, Calin and Ganza will both give the ordinery equivalents used and show the extent to which the terms and the metels they represent have been mixed up. TUTNAG. 1605. 4500 Pikels of Tintenaga ( misprint for tutenaga ) or Spelter. Valentijn, vol. V. p. 329 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Tootpague). 1644. That which they export (from Cochin to Orisee) is pepper, although it is prohibited, and all the drugs of the South, with Celleym, Tutanaga, wares of Chira erd Fortugal; jewelled ornaments; but much less now edeys, for the reasons already stated..... Bocarro, MS. f. 316 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Tootnague). 1668. The product of the Country thereabouts besides Rice erd other eatables is Tutaneg, a sort of Tin : I think coerser than ours.... For this Tutaneg or Tin is a valuable Commodity in the Bay of Bengal and here (Dinding) purchased reasonably by giving other Commodities in exchange: neither is the Commodity peculiarly found hereabouts, but further Northerly also on the Coast; and perticularly in the Kingdom of Quede there is. much of it. Dampier, Voyages, Vol. II, p. 171 (quoted in Maxwell, Lutch in Perak, p. 256f). 1875. From thence with Dollers to China for Sugar, Tea, Porcelane, Laccered Ware Quicksilver, Tuthinag, and Copper ... Fryer, p. PS6 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobecn, 8.0. Tootdague). 1879. Letter from Decca reporting... that Decca is not a good market for Gold, Copper, Leed, Tin or Tutenague. Fort St. George Consultations, Oct. 31, in Notes and Extracis (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Tootnague). 1688. Wednesday the 7 (February). Att & Consultation Extraordinary. Ordered that a sloop be sent to Conimero with Europe Gocds Vizt. Lead Tutenague and Cloth. . Friday 9 (March). Att & Consultation Extraordinary Afternoon ... The particular and prises are as followeth Vizt. ... Tutenagao ps. 20311 att P. 31+ per Cattee. Pringle, Madras Consultations, 1st Series, vol. II, pp. 14, 24. # Seo Obsoleto Malay Tin Currency, anto, vol. XLII, pp. 88 ff.

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SEPT., 1919] NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 155 1684. Munday 3 (February). Att a Consultation. .. Goods to pay Godown Rent... One fanam per Candee for all dead goods, as Copper, Tynn, Tutanagg, etc. Pringle, Madras Consultations, 1st Series, vol. III, p. 22. 1688. And 'tis this White Tin which they (Siameses) call Toutinague. La Loubere, Siam, Eng. Trans., p. 14. 1689. (Tea) is so delicate and tender that it is injur'd by the very Breath of only the common ambient Air. For preventing which it is inclos'd in Pots of Totaneg, or in strong large Tubs of Wood, and in them is safely sent abroad. Ovington, Voyage, 1696, p. 309. 1708. "Told me that the Springs in China had pernicious Qualities because the subterraneous Grounds were stored with Minerals, such as Copper, Quick-silver, Allom, Toothenague, etc. A. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. II, p. 223. 1704. I received what goods they were pleased to bring me, but I found wanting 80 Chests of Japan Copper, and some Toothenague that I had weighed off at Canton, and put the Stocks Mark on them... Among which was my 80 Chests of Copper, and 200 Peculs of Toothenague, with my own Mark on them. A. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. II, p. 233f. 1711. Tutanague 91 is a kind of course Tin in oblong Pieces five or six to a Pecull. I never knew but one sort and that generally betwixt 3 and 4 Tale a Pecull. Queddah and Jahore on the Coast of Mallacca afford plenty of it... Having mentioned Quedah and Jahore to afford plenty of Tutenague, I would not be understood as if it was the proper Produce of these Countrys, only that large Quantitys may be Bought there imported by the Chinese, who make Returns in Ivory, Wax, Tin, etc. Lockyer, Trade in India, pp. 129, 246. 1750. A sort of Cash made of Toothenague is the only currency of the Country. Some Account of Cochin China, by Mr. Robert Kirsop, in Dalrymple, I, 245 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Tootnague). 1774. Price Current of Goods at Bombay November 10th 1774... China GoodsTin, per Sur (att) Md. of 40 Srs. Rs. 10: Tutanag, per Sur (att) Md of 40 Srs. Rs. 5.. Tin is the Product of most of the Malay Countries, and is used also in China, to mix with their Tutanag... Tutanag is a metal like Tin, but much better and softer. Stevens, Guide to East India Trade, pp. 109, 118. 1780. You find the Port of Quedah: there is a trade for calin or toutenague. Dunn, Directory, p. 338. 1782. Je suis surpris que les Nations europeennes qui vont en Chine, n'aient point entrepris d'y porter de l'etain, puisque le calin s'y vend tres-bien; peutetre aussi que le prejuge a fait negliger cette branche de commerce; car on a toujours cru que le calin etoit un metal different de l'etain. On a cru aussi qu'il etoit la toutenague des Chinois; mais ce dernier metal n'est pas naturel, et est forme par un melange de calin et de culvre. Sonnerat, Voyage, vol. II, p. 101n.. 1797. Tu-te-nag 93 is, properly speaking, zinc, extracted from a rich ore or calamine; the ore is powdered and mixed with charcoal dust, and placed in earthen jars over a slow fire, by means of which the metal rises in form of vapour, in a common distilling apparatus and afterwards is condensed in water.. Staunton's Account of Lord Macartney's Embassy (4to ed.), vol. II, p. 540 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tootnague). 91 See also pp. 71, 111, 150, 229, 245, 263. It is sometimes misprinted in this book tutanaque. Compare Lockyer's statement, p. 123, "Copper in Bars like Sticks of Sealing Wax." 2 Although I cannot trace the passage above given in my copy of Staunton's Embassy, I must endorge Sir H. Yule's remarks, loc. cit., that tutanague is not a word of Chinese origin.

Page #160
156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPT., 1919 c. 1804. The white copper (tutonague) has been tenderd to us at sixteen tehils per pikul, but has not been accepted, the prices being too high. Raffles, Java, 2nd ed., vol. II, App. p. xxiv. 1818. The only currency of the country (Cochin-China) is a sort of cash, called sappica, composed chiefly of tute nague. Milburn, Oriental Commerce, pp. 444-5 of ed. 1825 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Sapeca). 1854. Tutinagamu - Tutenague, pewter. Brown, Dict. of Mixed Telugu, 8.v. 1886. Tootnague. Port. tutenaga. This word appears to have two different applications; (a) a Chinese alloy of copper, zinc, and nickel, sometimes called "white copper" (i.e., peh-tung of the Chinese) ; (b) it is used in Indian trade in the same loose way that spelter is used, for either zinc and pewter (peh-yuen, or "white lead" of the Chinese). The base of the word is no doubt the Pers. tatia, 98 an oxide of zinc. Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. 1888. This coin (bousuruque, basaruco, budgrook) was minted all through the Portuguese time, generally of copper, sometimes of tin and tutenay [? misprint for tutanag ). Gray, footnote to Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soc. ed., vol. II, p. 68. 1893. Tootpaug (naga, San; tuttinaga, Mahr.; 94 jast, Hind.; jas, Dec.; tambagaputih, Malay : sattu. Can.; tuttinagamu, Tel.; nagam, Mal.; tuttinagam, Tam.). Title from Tamul. San. from naga, San., mountain. Mahr. from tutt'ha, San., blue vitriol+naga, .San.. lead. Malay from tambaga, Malay, copper-putih, Malay, lead. Tel. from tutt'ha, San. blue vitriol+ naga, San., lead. Mal, from Sanscrit. Tam. from tutt'ha, San., blue vitriol+naga, San., lead. from its bluish-grey colour. San. also yashada, meaning bright. Zino. Zincum of chemists. Bluisb-white metal wbich slowly tarnishes in the air... malleable, and when run bed with the fingers emits a peculiar smell. Zinc, oxidised with the ore, is called calumine (madal toottam): its constituent parts are varying proportions of oxide of zinc and carbonic acid (kary poolipp). Zinc has been discovered in the Southern districts combined with sulphur (gandhac) and iron (auhan), forming what is called blende; the greater part, however, is brought from Cochin-China, or China, where both calamine and blende are common. It is from the last, or the sulphuret, that this metal is usually obtained for commerce and it is then called spelter. Madras Manual of Administration, vol. III, p. 914.95 CALIN. 6. 920. Kalah is the focus of the trade in aloes-wood, in camphor, in sandal-wood, in ivory, in the lead wbich is called al-Kala'l. Relation des Voyages, vol. I, p. 94 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v., Calay). 1154. Thence to the Isles of Lankialius is reckoned two days, and from the letter to the Island of Kalah five ... There is in this last island an abundant mine of tin (al-Kala'l). The metal is very pure and brilliant. Edrisi by Jaubert, vol. I, p. 80 (quoted in Yule, op. cit., loc. cit.). * This has enabled me to light on a delightful Anglo-Indianism--1862. Tutiya, tutty. Tutiydi akbar, shell whence they make tutty, and so on. Johnson's Pers. Dict., 8. 6. But Steingass, 1884, Ar. Dict., says 8.0., that taniyd is zinc. However, I think modern compound derivatives of Skr, tuttha, blue vitriol, and naga Skr., tin or lead, are more likely to be the real sourco of the word. See algo Yule, Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 188f. M. Not in Molesworth's Marathi Dict. * By far the finest work of reference on the general Indian subjecte ; at the same time the most perverse and irritating, for it has deliberately adopted a spelling of its own for Oriental worde, irregular and unique. Were it not for the Index at the end, which is very good, it would be unusable.

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SxPr., 1919) NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 157 1421. He gave Sultan Shah eight balish of silver, thirty dresses of royal maegnificence, & mule, twenty-four pieces of kalal'l. Embassy of Shah Rukh to China, in Yule, Cathay, vol. I, p. ccviii. Yule's note on this is :-"Ta ? Quatre-mere does not translate it. Astly hes under petticoats '!" 1552. Tin, which the people of the country call Calom, Castenheda, vol. III, p. 213. It is mentioned as a staple of Malacca at p. 186 of vol. II (Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Calay). 1606. That all the chalices that were neither of gold, por silver, por of tin, por of walaim, should be broken up and destroyed. Gouvea, Synodo, f. 29b (quoted in Yule, op. cit., loc. cit.). 1608. Another metal called Calin, which is white like tin, but harder, purer, and finer, and much used in the Indies.... In these galiots they have a number of drinking vessels like glass water-bottles, 'but made of cally, a white metal like tin, but much harder. .. (Malacca ) plenty of the metal called salin, which is much esteemed all over the Indies, and even in Persia and elsewhere. It is as hard as silver and es white as tin, and it gets whiter with use. Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soc. ed., vol. I, pp. 235, 441 ; vol. II, p. 176 (quoted in Yule, op. cit., loc.cit.). 1808. Some of this money (at Goa) is of iron, the rest of callin, a metal of China. Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soc. ed., vol. II, p. 68. 1010. They carry (to Hormuz), clove, cinnamon, pepper, cardamom, ginger, mace, nutmeg, sugar, calayn, or tin. Relacones de P. Texeira, p. 382 (quoted in Yule, HobsonJobson, 8.v. Calay). 1613. And he also reconnoitred all the sites of mines of gold, silver, mercury, tin or calem, and iron and other metals. Godinho de Eredia, f. 58 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 3.v. Calay). 1844. All the drugs of the South, with Callaym, Tutunaga, wares of China and Portugal. Bocarro, MS. f. 316 (quoted in Yule, op. cit., loc. cit.). 1646. Il y a i.e., in Sism) plusieurs minieres de salaim quiest vn metal metoyen, entre de plomb et l'estain. Cardim, Rel. de la Proy. de Japon, p. 163 (quoted in Yule, op. cit., loc. cit.). 1688. This Tin or Calin (of Siam), as the Portuguese report, is sold through all India. The Calin or Tin. All the Calin is his (the King's), and he sells it as well to Strangers as to his own Subjects, exoepting that which is dug out of the Mines of Jonsalam [Junkceylon) on the Golph of Bengal. La Loubere, Eng. Trans., pp. 14, 94. 1726. The goods exported hither (from Pegu) are . Kalin (a metal coming very near silver). Valentijn, vol. V, p. 128 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Calay). 1770. They send only one vessel (viz., the Dutch to Siam) which transports Javanese horses, and is freighted with sugar, spice and linen : for which they receive in return calin, at 70 livres 100 weight. Raynal, Eng. Trans. 1777, vol. I, p. 208 (quoted in Yule, op. cit., Loc. cit.). 1780. You find the port of Quedah: there is a trade for calin or tutenague. Dunn, Directory, p. 388. 1782. On y (Pegu) trouve des mines d'or, d'argent, de cuivre et de calin, mais on ne les exploite pas... (Malacoa) on trouve de salla a la superficie de la terre, espece d'etain que l'on porte en Chine ... M. Daubenton. & analyse quelques morceaux de

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPT., 1919 cette mine que je lui avois remis a mon arrivee; il a trouve que le calin etoit de l'etain ordinaire. Sonnerat, Voyage, vol. II, pp. 53, 101 and note. 1835. The discovery of tin in the Peninsula cannot be traced, but it is assuredly of ancient date. Part of Perak is said to be the Temala, or land of tin of Ptolemy, and Calang (a name signifying tin in Malay), 96 to be the Malaion Colon of the same author and the Malaya Culam of the Hindus. Newbold, JASB., Sept. 1835, in Moor's Indian Archipelago, Appx. p. 83. 1887. (Calin). This was in fact Malayan tin. The word is originally Malay (kalang)9 it appears in Arabic kala'i, and in the Portuguese writers as calaim 98... the form calin seems to have been adopted by French writers from Pyrard, Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Socy. ed., Gray, vol. I, p. 225, notes. 1893. Calye. Kala'i, Ar., from Kala, Ar., (i.e., ? Queda) 99 where produced. Tin, Mad. Man. Adm., vol. III; p. 120. GANZA. 1554. In this Kingdom of Pegu there is no coined money, and what they use commonly consists of dishes, pans and other vessels of service, made of a metal like frosleyra (? spelter) broken in pieces; and this is called gamca. Nunes, p. 38 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Ganza). 1554. Vn altra statua cosi fatta di Ganza; che e vn metallo di che fanno le lor monete, fatte di rame e di plombo mescolati insieme. Cesari Federici, in Ramusio, vol. III, p. 394 (quoted in Yule, op. cit., loc. cit.). 96 This is not, I believe, the case. 97 Crawfurd's Malay Dict. has no such word: the false derivation is no doubt due to the quotation above given under date 1835. 98 This is an abstract of Yule's remarks (Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Calay). 99 Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Calay, suggests the port known as Kalah to the Arab geographers as the origin of kala'i, and notes that kwala in Malay (kwala and kuwala in Crawfurd's Malay Dict.), "the mouth or estuary of a river" in Malacca, is meant by Kalah. As to this Lockyer, writing of Achin, says, Trade in India, p. 36: On the arrival of a Ship the Shabunder must be applied to for Liberty to trade. At the great Quala or River's Mouth, those that go first a Shore are examined by the Gards." In Moor's Indian Archipelago, Appx. p. 56, we read of Sulo:" Extensive forests of the finest teak, about one mile up from the qualla, of a very large river." In an early XVIth century map, torn out of some book in Latin by some by-gone collector, and entitled India extra Gangem, quae Europeis propinquior est; Cap. CX, being obviously based on the "Ptolemies" of the period, I find alongside Pego and Tanasari a city Queda, and further South in Malacha another city Queda beside Tacola, where, by the way, Tacola should not be. To carry on the evidence from the maps in my possession, the following show "Queda et Vieu Queda" : Carte des Indes et de la Chine, 1705, by Guillaume de l'Isle ; re-issue in colours by Covens and Mortier, c. 1740; re-issue by Dezauche, 1781. L'Inde de la le Gange [sic], by Vander Aa, c. 1720, founded apparently on de l' Isle, does the same. Le Royaume de Siam by Ottens, c. 1710, shows "Roy. de Queda, Queda, et Petite Queda." Regni d'Aracan, etc. by Antonio Zatta, Venezia, 1785, shows "Queda e N. Queda." All this goes to confirm the opinion that the earliest navigators knew of more than one place by the name of Queda. In the Times Atlas, I find, Sheet 82, Old Kedah and Kwala, and on the coast of the Malay Peninsula no less than nine entrances to rivers with the prefix Kwala, and three on the coast of Sumatra. Besides these there are, inland on the Peninsula, as many as six towns and villages shown with the same prefix. Lastly, in Indo-China, 2nd Series, vol. I, 1887, Dr. Rost inserts a map at p. 262 showing "Kora or Kala," based on his identification of the Chinese Kora of A.D. 650-656, with Kala, p. 241ff., and in a note to p. 243 he says:-"Professor van der Lith, in his dissertation on Kalah has clearly established what Walckenaer and Yule had conjectured, viz., that Kalah is identical with Kadah (Kedah, Queddah). See Yule, Cathay, vol. I, p. exci. For the identification of Takola, see JRAS., 1897, p. 571, in Gerini's ingenious paper on the Early Geography of Indo-China.

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SEPT., 1019 ] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 159 e. 1567. The current money that is in this Citie (Pegu), and throughout all this kingdom, is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of copper and lead. It is not the money of the King, but every man may stampe that will, because it hath his just partition and value ; but they make many of them false by putting overmuch lead in them and those will not pass, neither will they take any of thein. With this money Ganza you may buy gold and silver, rubies, muske, and other things. For there is no other money current among them. And gold and silver and other merchandise are at one time dearer than another as all other things are. Caesar Frederick, in Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. III, pp. 1717-18. 1568. This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze (viss)... and commonly a Byza (viss) of Ganza is worth (after our accompt) halfe a ducat. (ae sar Frederick, in Hakluyt, vol. II, p. 367 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Viss). 1711. Tin from Pegu, Jahore, etc., in Gants 100 .. Tin in Pigs and Gants. Lockyer, Trade in India, pp. 130, 150. 1726. Rough Peguan Gans (a brass mixt with lead). Valentijn, Chor., p. 34 (quoted in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Ganza). 1852. Gangsa, bronze, bell-metal ... gongsa, bronze, bell-metal. Crawford, Malay Dict. 8.v. 1855. The old travellers of the Sixteenth Century talk often of Gansa, as a mixture of copper and lead, apparently stamped, which was the carrent money of Pegu in that age. Yule, Ava, p. 259. 1886. Ganza..the word is evidently Skr. kansa, bell-metal," whence Malay gansa (the same), which last is probably the word which travellers picked up. Yule, HobsonJobson, 8.v. 1893. Gangsa, sec cunts, Cunts. Kamsya, San.; pachras, Hind. and Dec.; gangsa Malay; kanchu, Can.; kanchi, Tooloo; kantsu, Tel.; ou, Mal.; title from Teloogoo (cunsam) ... Mixture of several metals, strictly a metallic alloy of copper, brass, tin, lead, and iron... Mixed metal, Queen's metal; any amalgam of zinc (tootnaug) and copper (laumram). Mad. Man. Adm., vol. III, p. 254. (To be Continued.) EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851. By S. CHARLES HILL. - Introductory Note by the Editor. [Mr. Hill, who has been engaged for some years past in an exhaustive enquiry into the History of Piracy, ancient and modern, has been good enough to send to this Journal an account of some thirty episodes of piracy in the Eastern Seas. Mr. Hill has further been so kind as to promise a full history of Eastern Piracy later on.-R. C. T.] INTRODUCTION. Piracy is illegal violence committed at sea or in any such place (ports, harbours or the mouths of rivers) as in a modern, civilized State would be considered to be under Admiralty Jurisdiction. The u39 of the word illsg al however is coafasing, for it implies the existence of Law, and there is no , nor ever has b331, any universally accepted Law of the Sou. In trials for Piracy therefore it has been assumed that the accused are subject to the laws of their 190 I have included this quotation in the list, because of the Italian form of the word we are discuss.. ing, and because of the forms to be found in the quotations under date 1893. But, as I have shown in the text, this form gant used by Lockyer has no connection whatever with the various forms of ganza.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPT., 1919 own State or of those of their victims, and, by a kind of legal fiction, their acts have been held to have been committed within such jurisdiction. That it is a legal fiction is, I think, proved by the fact that in many cases States, on the capture of foreign pirates, have requested the consent of the States to which they belonged to their punishment. But there is a whole class of actions held to be piratical which comes under a different category, viz., instances of violence committed underthesanction of the States to which the pirates belonged: such States as the ancient Illyrians, the Barbary States, the petty States of the Malabar Coast in India and of the Malayan or Indian Archipelago, all of which looked upon Piracy as a national or tribal custom and an honourable means of livelihood. Such also, one must confess, are numerous acts of violence committed under the sanction of religion, e.g., the Crusades, the continual warfare between Muhammadans and Christians in the Mediterranean, the Portuguese attacks on Indian and Arab traders, and the attacks on ships belonging to any Muhammadan or Pagan nation by the early European Adventurers in the Eastern Seas, all sanctioned by the laws of the States to which the pirates belonged, though they loudly proclaimed similar acts to be piratical when their own subjects were the victims. Lastly, and for the same reason, certain acts of inhumanity, such as the cruel treatment bestowed upon Protestant seamen by properly commissioned officers of the Spaniards, are considered piratical, for it is held, and rightly, that no commission can cover actions which shock all our feelings of humanity. In these two categories, it is not the illegality of the action but the inhuman nature of it which makes it piratical, and under them, I think, would come the German submarine warfare and the bombardment of undefended coast towns by German warships. Instances of piracy under all these categories will be found in the record of Piracy in the Eastern Seas. It remains to point out that Piracy was indigenous to the whole coast of Arabia, Western India, the Bay of Bengal, the Malayan or Indian Archipelago and the Chinese and Japanese Seas, but though, according to the Koran, there was a piratical king in Oman as early as the time of Moses, i.e., about 1550 B.C., it is not until some three thousand years later that we can get anything like detailed accounts of particular instances of piracy. In the following pages I propose to present to the reader a number of extracts, principally descriptions of sea-fights, taken either from old books compiled, if not published, soon after the events described, or from contemporary newspapers or from letters and depositions of eye-witnesses. From these he will be able to gather a correct view of the ways and manners of the pirates in the Eastern Seas, whether they were natives of Asiatic countries or adventurers from Europe or America. I have found only two instances of the use of the Black Flag in this part of the world, viz., by the pirate Seager (or England) in 1720 and by a Malay prahu (prow) in 1820. The flag used by the pirates was usually the Red or Bloody Flag. This was the flag long recognised by all European seamen as signifying No Quarter' and No Surrender. I have met with no instances of prisoners being made to walk the plank. This particular form of cruelty was apparently limited to European and American pirates. I. AN INDIAN PIRATE KILLED BY THE PORTUGUESE NEAR CEUTA, 1519. The first of these extracts describes a fight which took place, not in the Eastern Seas, but in the Straits of Gibraltar, and is included as showing that natives of India were not wholly destitute of enterprise at a time when the Portuguese were introducing European

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SEPT.. 1919 j EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 161 Adventurers to the rich plunder offered by Eastern Trade. The fight was a fairly equal one, though the pirates were the more strongly manned. This will be found to be the case in almost all cases of fights with pirates, because it was necessary for them to make up by superiority of numbers what they lacked in discipline, seamanship and gunnery. "This year [i.e., 1519] there was performed an exploit near Ceuta, inconsiderable with regard to the number of men, but great and illustrious because of the intrepidity with which it was executed. There were two pirates, inhabitants of India and brothers, who with a couple of large ships had for four years greatly infested the streights of Gibraltar and the neighbouring coasts of Africa. Gomez Sylvio Vasconcelo was at this time Governor of Ceuta. One of the pirates lay in ambush amongst the opposite islands, whilst the other kept out at sea, and gave notice to his brother, when there was occasion for his assistance. Vasconcelo, having received intelligence of this, immediately fitted out two small brigantines. One he gave to Andrew Vasconcelo and the other to Michael Sylvio, his two sons. Ceuta stards on a narrow ridge of land which runs out into the sea, so that the city has two harbours, one on the eastern and the other on the western side. The brigantines being fitted out in the western haven, the Governor ordered his sons to doable the point and try to surprize the enemy. Michael, the youngest, according to his instructions, was the first to make the attack. Both were fired with the utmost zeal to execute their father's orders, yet both deviated from his council. The younger sailed on in the utmost hurry and did not choose to wait till his brother came up; the elder, on the other hand, was far from making that expedition which the occasion required. Michael in the most undaunted manner set upon the enemy. They, being more numerous, their ship large, their commanders of no less experience than boldness, and all their men well skilled in sea-affairs, looked with contempt on the brigantine. There ensued a desperate engagement, but our people being at last filled with the utmost consternation, hid themselves in the hold. The Governor at this time rode along the coast with a party of horse to observe the fight, and when he saw Michael in such distress he called aloud and maue signals to his other son to make all haste to the assistance of his brother. But before Andrew could come up, Michael had driven the enemy from his vessel and disengaged her from the pirate. Having roused his men from their lurking holes, he reproached them for their cowardice, and at length inspired them with courage. He then made another attack on the enemy, and, the two ships having grappled each other, the fight was renewed with redoubled fury. The pilot of the brigantine was killed, and his son, together with another relation, suffered also the same fate. Pedro Vieira was likewise desperately wounded. Four of the enemy jumped upon the forecastle of the Portuguese vessel. Michael, however, catching hold of a spear, threw it amongst them with great force. Luckily it struck one of the pirate brothers in the throat and killed him instantly. The other three still remained, but Michael, taking up another spear, attacked and drove them overboard, and again disentangled himself from the enemy's ship. Then, running towards the stern to consult the pilot what was proper to be done, he found him and several others dead, and when he looked about for Vieira, a most horrible spectacle presented itself to his eyes. This unhappy man was lying in the utmost agony with his entrails hanging out of his belly. As he was a man of age and experience, Michael asked his advice in the present juncture. Go,' answered Vieira, 'drive those cowards from their holes who have 1 At this time ships carried Pilots into strange seas, either as having been there before, or as expert advisers to the Commander. 2 Probably the Master or Michael's Lieutenant.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPT., 1919 again hid themselves, and, since you are left alone,ply your oars with the utmost vigour, and make off from impending destruction. He accordingly again brought forth those shameful poltroons from their retreats. But the pirates, seeing several of our people killed some disabled with wounds, and others behaving in such a dastardly manner, renewed th attack on the brigentine. Meanwhile Andrew Vasconcelo appeared. The sight of hin greatly discouraged the enemy, who being likewise tired of fighting and disheartened wit! the loss of their commander, sheered off. Michael Sylvio now consulted Vieira whether he should pursue the enemy. Vieira advised him to make towards the land, and by this means to endeavour to drive the pirates on the shelves. He accordingly followed his advice. The enemy, being not a little frightened, with all their seils and oars made towards the opposite shore. Many of them jumped overboard, the greatest part of whom were drownell. Eight swam ashore and were male prisoners by the Governor of Ceuta. Thus, before Andrew Vasconcelo came up, his brother had finished the whole affair. This youth is certainly worthy of the highest encomiums, nor do I know which to praise most, his bravery, which was so gront that he alone, or with the assistance of a few, and these weakened with wounds, did so nobly withstand such fierce and desperate enemies, or his modesty wbich would allow him to do nothing without consulting those whom he thought superior to himself in age and experience." [Jerome Osorio. History of the Portuguese, II. 290.] II. ANTONIO DE FARIA, BY SEA-FORTUNE A KING, BEGGAR, LORD HOLY HOLY THEEFE. circa. 1541. The Portuguese came to India not merely to trade but to introduce the Christian religion in pegan countries which had been given to them by the Pope. However piratical their actions may have been, they could always throw over them the cloak of religion. On the coasts of Africa and Asia they found, not merely the indigenous pagan, but also the Arab trader with his Muhammadan converts. None of these wished for either the Portuguese trade or the Portuguese religion. When they were strong enough they resisted by force; when too weak by treachery. The Portuguese retaliated with cruel reprisels, and the Portuguese traders took the infliction of these reprisels into their own herds. Thus, wher ile Faria found himself ruined by a Gujarati Muhammadan named by the Portuguese Coja Acem, i.e., Khwaja Hasan, he armed a vessel and set out in quest of his enemy. plundering ll infidels on the way. The extracts which I have taken from Purchas, tells how he fought and killed him. His success and the booty he acquired inflamed his evarice and that of his companions, and finally caused him to make a raid upon the tombs of the Chinese Emperor's. an act of impiety which was punished by his ship sinking with all hands in a storm. It will be noticed that both hc and Coja Acem considered themselves as fighting under the protection of the Deity. It may also be supposed that the pots of powder with which de Faria provided himself for the fight were probably the stink-pots--a kind of combination of hand-grenade, and poison-gas-which were early used in sea-fights on the Indian and Chinese coasts. Faria and Quiay Panian [ Kwai-ping ] 5, who hed kindred at Lailoo, provided themselves there of powder, lead, victuals and other necessaries for money by leave of the Mandarin * Most small ships used to carry large oars or sweepe. I.e., rocky banks or shoals. 5 A Chinese pirate who was friendly to the Portuguese and had thirty of them in his pay. 6 This and the other place-names in the narrative appear to be corruptions of the Chinese names of ports aud places in the Canton District.-ED.

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SEPT., 1919) EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 163 (no country in the world being like China for all kind of provisions) and there got two greater junks in truck of the other, and two Lanteas? and one hundred and sixty mariners, so that they were in all five hundred persons, of which ninety-five were Portugals. They had one hundred and sixty harquebuses, forty bras9 pieces and sixty quintals of powder, nine hundred pots of powder, four thousand darts headed with iron, arrows and many fire-works with other weapons. Thus provided, they set forth in pursuit of Coia Acem Khwaja Hasan), and by a fisher-boat learned that he was in the river Tinlan, there to fit and furnish the junk lately taken from the Portugals, to go with it and two others from Siam, where he was born, about two days thence. Faria sent Vincente Morosa in the fisher-boat with some of his Company 8 to inform himself more fully, which, making a show of fishing with the rest, he easily did and brought word aboard of the easiness of the attempt. In the night they anchored, and went up the river in the morning, the enemy knowing nothing till they came in sight and Faria crying out 'Hey, my Masters, in the name of Christ, to them, to them, Santiago!' Off went the ordnance, the small shot succeeded, that none now in the junk durst appear. His small vessels (Lorobe) coming from the shore with succour were so entertained with great shot that they could not help themselves, and by our small vessels were fired with the fire-pote, in three of them two hundred persons were slain. Out of the fourth they leaped into the water and were most of them slain by Panian's men. "Coia Acem, which before was not known, seeing his Moors ready to try the water's courtesy to escape their fiery enemies, armed in buff with plates fringed with gold, cried out aloud that he might be heard, 'La Ilah illalah-Muhamed rocolab 1.10 What, shall you Muslemang 11 and just men of the Law of Mubamed suffer yourselves to be conquered of so feeble a nation as these dogs, which have no more heart than white hens and bearded women? To them to them I the book of Flowers hath given promise from our Prophet to you and me to bathe ourselves in the blood of these Cafres [kafir, unbeliever, heathen) 12 without LAW. With these cursed words the Devil so animated them that it was fearful to see how they ran on our swords. Faria on the other side heartened his (men) in the name of Christ crucified, and with a sealous fervour reached Coia Acem such a blow with a twohand sword on his head-piece of mail that he sunk to the ground, and with another blow cut off his loge. Whereupon his men with such fury assailed Faria, not caring for thirty Portugals which stood about him, that they gave him two wounds, which put such spirit into our men that in a little space eight and forty of the enemies lay dead upon Coia Acem, and the rest they slew all but five, whom they took and bound, the boyes cutting the others in quarters and throwing them into the water with Coia Acem and the King of Bintan's 13 1 A sailing cargo boat. Seo a note on this term in Travels of Peter Mundy, Vol. III, Pt. I, ed. Temple (Hek. Soc.), p. 172.-ED. II.e., ship's company or crew. The lorcha of the Chinese coast is a launch (Port. lancha) fighting or other. Yule, Hobson-Jobson, ed. Orooko, ... Lorcha, suggests low-chuen as -Chinese form for a small boat. - In Cantonese this form would be lau-shin, but according to Eitel, Chinese-English Dict., the word for lorcha is wd-shen. ED. 30 The Muhammadan Creed: LA ilaha ill'illahu Muhammadi'r-Rasulu'llahu : (There) is no God except the God; Muhammad is the Prophet of the God.-ED. 11 Interesting falar plural of Musalman, a Muhammadan.-ED. 11 According to Pinto (Cap. XX, p. 72) the promise is one of atemal delights provided the faithful bathe themselves in the blood of in fidels. u Bintang (Bontan), island on the south side of the Straits of Singapore.-Ep. .

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPT., 1919 chief Caciz [kazi] or Priest, the shedder er drinker of Portugal blood as he styled himself in the beginning of his writings, for which he was of that cursed sect much honoured. "Of the enemies were slain three hundred and eighty, of ours forty-two (eight of which were Portugals). Faria searched the islands and found a village therein of forty or fifty houses, which Coie. Acem had sacked, slaying some of the inhabitants. Not far off was a great house, seeming a Temple, full of sicke and wounded men, ninety-six in number, which the Pirate had there in cure, whom he [i.e., Faria] burned, setting the house on fire in divers places, those that sought to escape being received on pikes and lances. The junk, which they had taken from the Portugals six and twenty days before, Faria gave to Mem Taborda and Antonio Anriquez 14 in almes for remission of his sins, taking their oath to take no more but their own. He took special care of the wounded and caused the slaves to be set free. After all this there remained of clear gains one hundred and thirty thoueerd taels in silver of Japan and other goods which that Pirate hed taken along that coast from Sumbor to Fuchea." [Purchas his Pilgrimes, "II, 2, paras 1-4.] III. JAPANESE PIRATES IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES AS DESCRIBED IN THE HAI-KWOH TU CHI,15 This and the next two extracts refer to Japanese pirates. The piracies they committed on the Chinese coasts were primarily due to the treacherous dealings of the Chinese merchants, who took their goods and refused or delayed payment. The Japanese, afraid to return empty-handed to their country, as their goods had been provided by their Government, recouped themselves by seizing Chinese vessels and plundering the coastal villages. Gradually acquiring confidence from their military superiority over the unwarlike Chinese, they extended their raids into the interior and attacked even large and fortified towns. In later times they were assisted by Chinese who had been driven to desperation by Government corruption, or who, refusing to submit to their Tartar conquerors, betook themselves to the sea-and to a life of piracy. P. 138. The Japanese were naturally cunning: they would always put on board some of the produce of their own country, and at the same time weapons of war; with these they would stand off and on until an opportunity offered, when they would display their arms and make a wild inroad on the coast; should none occur, they would parade their produce, styling it 'tribute to the crown'. The south-east coast [of China] was much afflicted by them. Their envoys too often put people to death and otherwise transgressed the laws : the object of all of them in coming with tribute was to benefit by trade, and to connect themselves with the more daring and crafty of the inhabitants of the coast: thus they were either bearers of tribute or freeebooters as it suited them. P. 139. In the time of Shi-tsung (1522-65)...... the cunning inhabitants of the coast possessed themselves of the profit of the trade, which continued in the hands of mercantile people, until communication with foreigners was strictly prohibited: it then passed into those of persons of birth or station, who repudiated their debts to the Japanese to a worse degree than the others had done. When they were pressing in their demands for money, these men so scared the officials by their alarming language, that the latter would , 14 Two of his friends who had been plundered by Coja Acem. Ferdinand Mendez Pinto (Cap. IV) mentions one Jorge Fernandez Taborda owning a ship which carried horses from Ormuz to Goa in 1538. 15 Or Notices of Foreign Countries. The translator (Sir Thomas F. Wade) says this work is by Commissioner Sin.

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Supr., 1919) EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 165 have exterminated the Japanese; but as soon as the troops were about to take the field, they wheedled them into moving off, telling them. We do not mean not to pay you the full amount some time or other.' The Japanese lost the produce of their own country, and being unable to return home, were very indignant. Meanwhile the leading bad characters (of China) such as Wang Chih, Su Hai, Chin Tung and Mayeh, who had always been lying perdu amongst them, discontented with the Inner Land, escaped to the islands and became the chief advisers of the Japanese whom they induced to make descents upon China, which was accordingly ravaged by large bodies of pirates in separate squadrons, who wore the dress and counterfeited the flags and signals of Japan......... In 1552 Wang Chih and the Japanese made a descent with a large force : their united ships, some hundreds in number, covered the sea. P. 141. There were on an average three native Japanese in every ten, the remaining seven (were Chinese who) followed the others. In action they used to drive their prisoners on in front, and their discipline was such that all these fought till they died. P. 142. Dressed in red with yellow caps, they attempted the great gate of (Nanking) ....... At Hu-yo they were surrounded by the troops and pursued to Yanglin Bridge, where they were entirely cut to pieces. In this affair (in 1554) the robbers were never above 60 or 70 in number and yet they marched several tens of li, massacred and wounded perhaps 4000 people, and this during some eighty days before they were exterminated. P. 151. Extract from the Wu Pi Chi or Annals of the Art of War.16 It was the custom of the barbarians of Japan to draw up their troops in the form of a butterfly. When they went into action the signal was given by the flourishing of a fan. One of them did this, and the body then rose (or sprang) up brandishing their swords. As they tossed the points of their weapons toward the sky, our soldiers threw their heads back in astonishment and the enemy thereupon cut at them below. Another of their formations was a long, snake-like column, in which they advanced waving a hundred-tailed banner, and marching one after the other like fish in a file. The van was composed of their stoutest men and the rearguard of the like ; in the centre the brave and cowardly were mingled together. They rose every morning at cock-crowing and ate their meal squatting on the ground. When this was ended their chief would take a seat in a high place (or above them), the rest listening to his orders (or in obedience to his commands), brought each one his book, upon opening which it was seen what place was to be foraged on such and such a day, who were to command the parties and who to serve in the ranks of the companies. These did not consist of more than thirty men, and moved independently each at a distance of one or two li from each other. At the blast of a conch, which is their call, the company immediately closed up to support that which it had heard give the signal. Sections of two or three also skirmished about irregularly, brandishing their swords. Towards evening they returned, and every one gave in whatever booty he may have seized, keeping nothing back. The chief made a partition of the spoil in proportion to the amount contributed by each. Whenever they captured women, they were sure to pass the night in drinking and wantonness, until at last they feel asleep intoxicated. When they had nearly completed the pillage of a place they set it on fire; the smoke and the fire filled and illumined the skies, and while the population were in & state of alarm at its fierceness, the pirates decamped. They practised this ruse upon 16 Sir Thomas Wade supposes this work to be by a contemporary historian.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPT., 1919 our people for the especial purpose of diverting them from lying in wait to attack them. When these pirates came upon wine or food amongst the inhabitants, they made them taste before they ate or drank themselves for fear that they should contain poieon. In their marches they kept to the thoroughfares and highways, never entering the lanes or byways lest they should fall into (an) ambuscade ; neither did they move under the walls of a city lest bricks or stones should be thrown at them by the people thereon. When they marched, it was always ir, a single file of great length, at a slow pace and in good order; hy which means they occupied some miles of ground, and there was no approaching them. They could move rapidly for several tens of days together, and by opening out their body into four or five divisions they would manage to surround their enemy. When their forces were encamped opposite ours, they used to send one or two men who by alternately leaping up and crouching down contrived to exhaust our fire of stones and arrows. In an action with artillery they waited until their antagonists had fired; then they broke in on them impetuousiy and following up their advantage would drive them to & distance. In the heat of an engagement they would suddenly come forth from ambush on all sides and surround their enemy's flanks, by which mancuvre they forced our army to disperse in great consternation. They constantly resorted to strange stratagems, such as tying sheep together, or driving women on in front so as to perplex the beholder; the eyes of our people were dazzled by this, and the arms of the Japanese were thus enabled to take effect. They used the double sword exercise ; with one sword they made feints above and struck with the other below, which rendered defence difficult. They hid the shafts or butt ends of their halberds and lances, and then, all of a sudden they would hurl them forth so that it was Impossible to anticipate (the blow); their bows were long, their arrows large, and as they discharged them close, their shot was deadly. If they lay perdu, they had & marauding expedition in contemplation ; if they spread a report abroad (80 as to keep people on the alert) they were moving off. Thus they drew up their injured vessels across the stream to make a show of lying by, and straightway they sailed forth and invested Kinshan. At Shingshan they made ladders of bamboo to signify that they were about to storm it, and then they raised the siege. When they were going to take to the country, they pressed upon a city; if they had a march to make by land, they would provide themselves with oars. Sometimes they dug holes as pitfalls for their enemy; sometimes they plaited stubble to entangle him as he fled, or they stuck slips of bamboo in the ground to run into the feet of the fugitives. They used too to make a decoy of precious stones, cloth, gold, silver or women, by which they were enabled to inveigle our troops into ambuscades, and they were pleased when these lay in wait for them or pursued them. They gashed the faces of their prisoners of war, and tied their tongues to prevent it being detected by their answers that they were not Japanese ; thus their return home was cut off. They showed great kindness to the people in the vicinity of their resorts, and were thus kept fully informed of the truth and falsehood of every report .... They made handsome presents to such artisans as fell into their hands, and they were in consequence easily provided with arms. As they employed our people as spies, it is difficult on our side to ascertain (whence they got their information), and by using them as their guides, they became perfectly familiar with all the paths by which to advance or retreat. For their eating or sleeping they would stay in some place where they could break open the wall, and which was high enough for them to keep a look-out, 80 that there was no chance of taking them by surprise. Should they be closely beleaguered, they would leave some heads as a pretence and retire ; some of them wrapping themselves in cloaks of the bamboo leaf and putting on bamboo hats would play the part of labourers

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Sept., 1919) EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 167 in the fields ; some in flowered silk handkerchiefs and shoes of cloth would swagger through the public places of the cities, thus placing our officials in the dilemma of killing the (wrong) robbers by mistake or honest men on suspicion. Although fighting on the water was not at first their forte, they had the ingenuity to fasten empty vessels together, and to spread light screens over them by which the fire or assault of) our forces advancing on them was expended ; and they would abandon the women and leave money in the way to check us in the pursuit. The bulwarks and spars of their ships were all covered with cloths, quilts and cushions, which they damped to render them proof against fire. In an action, as soon as they came to close quarters, they boarded with rapidity: (their onset was) terrible as the thunder and those on board) were scattered like the wind. These pirates kidnapped our people to show them the road and to procure water for them, and as the latter went out in the morning and came home at night they called the roll of their names. At (or for) every place a register was kept in which they inserted their names and surnames, and they divided them into classes, according to which they told them off and inspeoted them. There were but few native Japanese amongst them; not above some tons, of whom they formed the van. When the pirates returned to the island to which they belonged, they used to give out that they had come home from trading, and they never divulged aught concerning their comrades whom our troops had captured, or slain, so that their neighbours knew nothing of it, but, on the contrary, offered them their congratulations. P. 155. Extract from the Art of War. The Japanese do not construct their vessels in the same manner as the Chinese. They require beams of a large size and square, in fitting the seams of which they use no nails but band them together with iron plates. Neither do they make use of hempen rope or wood oil in closing their crevices but stop the leaks with sedge grass. Their ships cost much pains and money, and without a large capital it is not easy to build them. The pirates who attacked China were every one of them poor people from the islands, and what has been said in times past about the hundreds and thousands of ships built in Japan is an idle tradition. Their largest craft may carry three hundred men; the middle class one or two hundred, and the smaleest from fifty to eighty. They are of a low and narrow build, and find it difficult to hold their own with such large vessels as they fall in with, and they are poorly off when they ground in the mud. For this cause our vessels from Kwangtun and Fuhkien are much feared by them, and particularly those of the former province as their sides are perpendicular like a wall.17 Their ship's bottoms are flat and cannot easily cut the waves. Their canvas sails are set with the mast right in the middle and not one side of it as in China, and both their masts and sails shift about and are not made fast like those of the Chinese ; hence they can only carry on with a fair breeze, and if they meet with a calm or a contrary wind they unship the mast and work the long stern soull; they cannot handle the oar. Their vessels could not (formerly) cross from Japan in less than a month, and if they now perform the voyage with greater ease it is because of the treachery of certain of the inhabitants of the coast of Fuhkien who bought ships in the outer waters, and when they had added a false bottom to them, brought over the Japanese in them. They had a sharp keel and were able to beat against the sea ; in these they feared Deither a bead wind nor one on the quarter, and their sailing was so much improved that they could now make the passage in a few days. 1 Bee opisode No. XXV, infra, for similar remark.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPT., 1910 P. 211. Extract from Chin Lunkiang. Collection of Particulars of Foreign States.18 The pirates of the period Kiatsing (c. 1540) were from Satungma.When Japan first sent trading vessels to Yungkis eighteen Japanese fishermen were driven by the winds to China end induced by certain bad characters to commiu acts of disorder. The latter trimmed their beards and shaved their heads (in Japanese fashion), mixed up in their speech the local dialect of some distant place, and thus confederated they robbed and plundered. Their gang was called the Wo Nu, Jape nese slaves, but when they were at length taken there were but these eighteen men of Japan amongst them. The vessels of that country were thereupon prohibited from trading to China, but permission was given to ours (the Chinese) to go to Japan, and up to the present time (1730) po ship from it has ventured hither. P. 215. Extract from the Hwang-tsing Tung-kau Sz'--mun or Book of the Four Barbarian Races. From the time of Shunchi (1644) there has been commercial intercourse with the Japanese, but they bring no tribute; the trade too is in Chinese vessels only, which went to Japan, none of her ships coming to China. The commerce with China is carried on at Chang ki. Chinese Repository, Vol. XIX. ] IV. CAPTAIN JOHN DAVIS KILLED BY JAPANESE PIRATES, 1605. In this extract from Purchas, it would be difficult, according to modern ideas, to decide which were the most piratical--the English or the Japanese. The former indeed held & regular commission and, according to the ideas of the day, it was not piratical to attack foreigners who had no treaty of peace or alliance with one's own country. Thus, Sir Edward Mitcbelbourne narrates quite calmly how he plundered Chinese chips. The Japanese, at this period, judging by the absence of any distinction of rank amongst them, were probably pirates pure and simple, Superior force compelled them to allow the English to rummage their ship, which would certainly have been plundered if it had contained anything worth taking. Their policy was to lie low and to retaliate when they had put the English off their guard. They fought with the courage and resolution which has always characterized the Japanese and the surrender of the solitary survivor with the request to put him to death was in strict accordance with the Japanese code of honour. In all probability he expected to be tortured. 27th December 1605. "Here as I stood for Patane (East Coast, Malay Peninsula) about the twenty seven of December I met with a juncke of the Japons, which had been pyrating along the coast of China and Camboia (Cambodia). Their Pilote being dead, with ignorance And foule weather they had cast away their shippe on the sholds of the great island of Borneo; and to enter into the country of Borneo they durst not: for the Japons are not suffered to land in any port in India with weapons : being accounted a people so desperate and daring that they are feared in all places where they come. These people, their shippe. being splitted, with their shalops entred (i.e., boarded and captured) this juncke, wherein I met them, which was of Patane, and killed all the people save one old Pilote. This juncke was laden with rice, which when they had possessed and furnished with such furniture Decessaries and armes as they saved out of their sunken shippe, they shaped their course for Japan : but the badnesse of their juncke, contrarie winds and unseasonablenesse of the 18 Hdi-kwoh Wan-brien Luh, published 1730.

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SEPT.,-1019 ] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 169 yeare forced them to leeward, which was the cause of mine unluckie meeting them. After I had haled them and made them come to leewerd, sending my boet aboord them, I found. them, by their men and furniture, very unproportionable for such & shippe as they were in ; which was a juncke not above seventie tunnes in burthen, and they were ninetie men, and most of them in too gallant a habit for Saylers, and such an equalitie of behaviour among them, that they seemed all fellowes [i.e., equals); yet one among them there was that they called Capitaine, but gave him little respect. I caused them to come to an anchor and, upon further examination, I found their lading to be only rice: and for the most part spilt fi.e., spoiled) with wet : for their shippe was leakie both under and above water. Upon questioning them, I understood them to be men of warre, that hed pilleged on the coast of China and Camboia, and, as I said before, bad cast away their shippe on the sholds of Borneo. Here wee road at anchor two dayes, enterteyning them with good usege, not taking anything from them, thinking to have gathered by their knowledge, the place and passege of certaine shippes on the coast of China to have made my voyage.19 But these Rogues, 20 beiog desperate in winds and fortunes, being hopelesse in that paltrie juncke ever to returne to their countrey, resolved with themselves either to gaine my shippe or to lose their lives. And upon mutuall courtesies with gifts and feastings betweene us, sometimes five and twentie or sixe and twentie of their chiefest came aboord ; whereof I would not suffer above size to bave weapons. There was never the like number of our men aboord their juncke. I willed Captaine John Davis in the morning to possesse himselfe of their weapons, and to put the Japanese) Companie before mast and to leave some guerd on their weapons, while they i.e., the English), searched in the rice, doubting that they by searching and by finding that which would dislike them [i.e., the Japanese), they might suddenly set upon my men and put them to the sword, as the sequell proved. Captaine Davis being beguiled with their humble semblance, would not possesse himself of their weapons, though I sent twice of purpose from my shippe to will him to doe it. They passed all the day, my men searching in the rice and they looking on : at the Sonne-setting, after long search and nothing found save a little Storax and some Benjamin,they, seeing opportunitie and talking to the rost of their Companie which were in my shippe, being neere to their juncke, they revolved at a watch-word betweene them, to set upon us resolutely in both shippes. This being concluded, they suddenly killed and drove over-boord all my men that were in their shippe, and those which were ahoord my shippe sellied out of my Cabbin, where they were put, with such weapons as they had, finding certaine targets in my Cabbin and other things that they used as weapons. My selfe, being aloft on the decke, knowing what was likely to follow, leapt into the waste, where with the Boate Swaines, carpenter and some few more, wee kept them under the halfe-decke. At their first comming forth of the Cabbin, they met Captaine Davis comming out of the gun-roome, whom they pulled into the Cabbin, and giving him six or seven mortall wounds, they thrust him out of the Cabbin before them. His wounds were so mortall that he dyed as soon as he came into the waste. They pressed 80 fiercely to come to us, 48 wee, receiving them on our pikes, they would gether on our pikes (.e., drag themselves along the pikes) with their hands to reach us with their swords. It was neere halfe an houre before wee could stone [sic] them backe into the Cablin: in which time wee had killed three or foure of their leaders. After they were driven into 19 To make voyage" meant to make a successful and profitable voyage," just as "to make Do yoyage" oant to make an unsuccessful and un profitable Vuyage." * As late Dofoe, Rogwe was equivalent to Pirate. 21 Styrax and Bentoin, balsamic resins.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPT., 1919 the Cabbin, they fought with us at the least foure houres before wee could suppresse them, often fyring the Cabbin, burning the bedding and much other stuffe that was there. And had wee not with two demy-culverings from under the half-deoke beaten down the bulke head and the pumpe [?] of the shippe, wee could not have suppressed them from burning the shippe. This ordnance, being charged with crosse-barres, bullets and case-shot, and bent close to the bulke-head, so violently marred therewith boords and splinters, that it left but one of them standing of two and twentie. Their legs, armes and bodies were so torne as it was strange to see how the shot bad massacred them. In all this oonflict they never would desire their lives, though they were hopelesse to escape : such was the desperatenesse of these Japonians. Only one le&pt over-boord, which afterward swamme to our shippe again and asked for grace. Wee took him in and asked him what was their purpose ? He told us that they meant to take our shippe and to cut all our throates. He would say no more but desired that he might be cut in pieces. "The next day, to wit, the eight and twentieth of December, wee went to a little island to the leeward of us. And when wee were about five miles from the land the Generall [Sir Edward Mitchelbourne) commanded his people to hang this Japonian: but he brake tho rope and fell into the sea. I cannot tell whether he swamme to the land or not." (Purchas his Pilgrimes, II, 361. Second Voyage of John Davis with Sir Edward Mitchelbourne, Knight, in the Tigre and Tigres Whelpe. ) V. JAPANESE DESTROY A SPANISH SHIP, 1640. In 1636-7 the Japanese, incensed at the insolent and violent behaviour of the Portuguese and their Christian converts, having massacred the latter, closed their ports to Portuguese ship, and forbade all trade. Portuguese ambassadors sent to Japan in 1640 were executed, Spain, being then under the same crown & Portugal, Spanish vessels were included in this prohibition ; in spite of which and of their own infamous behaviour to the Japanese, ope of their ships ventured into Nagasaki, with the result so vividly described by Kaempfer. The action of the Japanese may be looked upon as a proper assertion of national rights or as 8 justifiable reprisal, but on the other hand it may be regarded as contrary to international law-then much more vague than now and therefore, from the place where it was committed, as an instance of official piracy. The Castilians, for so the Japanese call all Spaniards, took a Japanese junk near Manilla, and sunk it with all on board, thinking that by this means they would extinguish the memory of so barbarous an action. However the Japanese Government obtained word of it. About a year after a Spanish three-decked ship, which had been fitted out in the Philippines for Japan, cast anchor in the harbour of Nagasaki, of which the authorities informed the Court. Thereupon the Prince of Arima received the Emperor's orders to burn the ship with its goods and crew. The Spaniards were warned by some of their friends and by persons who did not wish them to perish that the thunderbolt was about to fall on their heads and that they should hasten to avoid the danger by a spoody Aight. But at first thoir avarice end then contrary winds prevented their following this salutary counsel. All they could do was to work day and night londing their ship with silver and gold and the valuable merohandise of Japan, filling their vessel as full as it could hold, and then they prepared them. selves to depart or to defend themsolves against anyone who should attack them. However, the Prince of Arima, appointed to put the Emperor's orders into oxecution, arrived in the

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SEPT., 1919) THE LAKSHMANASENA ERA 171 harbour with a great number of boats full of soldiers. The Spenish ship was immediately surrounded and, the wind being still contrary, it was impossible to open a passage by which to escape the enemy. The Spaniards finding themselves in this extremity, took the unanimous resolution to sell their lives dearly and thet the Japanese should find that it was r.ot as easy as they thought to take and burn their ship. The Prince of Arima, on his side did all he could, encouraging the soldiers by his presence and by promises of reward if they attacked the ship bravely, but seeing that no one was willing to take the first risk, was himself the first to leap on board the ship and was immediately followed by so large a number of his soldiers that the deck was covered by them. Thereupon the Spaniards withdrew below the deck and closed the hatchways after them. The Prince, suspecting some design in this and fearing some nasty trick, leapt back into his boat as if to call up more soldiers, and, & moment after, the Spaniards set fire to some barrels of powder which they had placed under the deck, blowing into the air all the Japanese who were upon it. The first attack having failed, the Prince ordered up fresh troops to board a second time, and the Spaniards retiring under the second deck blew it up in the same manner. So also they did with the third deck when the Japanese attacked the third time, the Spaniards having retired to the bottom of the hold. By these repeated explosions the harbour was covered with the bruised, wounded and dead bodies of Japanese soldiers, before the rest could actually attack the Spaniards, who defended themselves with the greatest bravery for some hours, refusing to surrender, until they were killed to the last man. This combat, in which more than 3000 Japanese were killed, lasted six hours. Later on an incredible amount of treasure was found where the ship sank, and it is said that more than 3000 boxes of silver were fisbed up. This is the story given by my Japanese author, who says that only a few years ago (written 1690) divers brought up some silver from this place. [Engelbert Kaempfer. Histoire du Japon, II, 59.] (To be continued.) THE LAKSHMANASENA ERA. BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, B.A. ; CALCUTTA. In this paper I do not propose to discuss all the points concerning this era. I shall here confine my attention chiefly to the question whether the era used in some Bodh Gaya inscriptions is the same as the Lakshmana-samvat of A.D. 1119, and whether there is any ground for supposing that this era did not originate in the reign of Lakshmanasena. The Bodh-Gaya inscriptions in question are the three records dated in the posl-regnal years of king Lakshmanasena, i.e. years counted from the initial point of his reign, even when it had passed away : they are the two well-known epigraphs of the time of Asokachalla, and one of Jayasena? which has recently been discovered at a place close to BodhGaya. The dates of these three inscriptions are expressed as follows: I. Srimal-Lakhuana(kshmana)-senasy-dita-rajye Sam 51. II. Srimal- Lakshmanasenadevapadanam - atita-rajye Sain 74. III. Lakshmanasenasy-drita-rdjye San 83. From the above it will be seen that the three dates are expressed in a uniform manner so far as their wording is concerned. Regarding I and II Kielborn came to the conclusion 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 274. * Seo J BORS., Vol. IV, p. 373ff and of. my edition, ante, 1919, p. 43f

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPT., 1919 that the years 51 and 74 which they contain, should be referred to the era of Lakshmanasena or Lakshmana-samvat, in which are dated numbers of MSS. discovered in this country, and which according to the calculation of that learned savant, was started from October 7, A.D. 1119. His inference, it is necessary to point out, was drawn from the astronomical calculations based upon the data supplied by the colophons of MSS. dated in the aforesaid era. Kielhorn clearly pointed out that if the dates of the MSS. be referred to an era the initial point of which lay before A.D. 1119, all the dates, including even that of inscription II, referred to above, could not be properly worked out; but, if they be referred to the era of A.D. 1119, they all would work out most satisfactorily. This itself should have been considered sufficient for the identification of the era Associated with the name of Lakshmanasena in these inscriptions (two of which have long since been known to us), with the era known as the Lakshmana-samvat, or in an abbreviated form, as La-sain. But some scholars, the most prominent among whom are Messrs. Ramaprasad Chanda and Nagendra Nath Vagu, have rejected Kielhorn's theory and maintained that not one but two eras were associated with the name of this Sena king. It has, therefore, become necessary to reopen the question here, and offer my own views on the subject for what they are worth. The views of Messrs. Chanda and Vasu, which are almost identical, are embodied in their works, the Gauda-rajamala' (Rajshahi, 1319 B.S.), pp. 64-5,- and Banger Jaliya Itihasa (Calcutta, 1321 B.S.), pp. 347-52. According to both of them, the years specified in epigraphs I and II, though associated with an era bearing the name of Lakshmarasena, should not be referred to the Lakshmana-samvat of A.D. 1119; in other words, they contend that we should suppose the existence of two different eras started at two different periods and bearing the name of Lakshmanasena. By the clause Lakshmanasenasy-aita-rajye Sain is meant the year of an era started from the termination of the reign of the king, and according to them this is to be put down about A.D. 1200. Thus the year 74 of inscription II, for instance, would correspond to A.D. 1274 and not A.D. 1193 as Kielhorn calculated. From inscription I. Mr. R. D. Banerji concluded with Kielhorn that the reign of Lakshmanasena came to an end before A.D. 1170.5 apparently because the inscription refers to the rajya as atita or passed away. He accepted the identity of the era of this and the cognate inscription (No.II), where also the word atita occurs, with the era of A.D. 1119. But, according to Messrs. Chanda and Vasu, Lakshmanasena lived up to the time of the Muhammadan invasion (circa A.D. 1200) when he lost his kingdom. From A.D. 1200 was counted the atita-rajya era of Lakshmanasena. According to Mr. Chanda the other era, viz. the La-sam of A.D. 1119 though counted from that year (by a process of backward calculation ?), was a much later invention. In other words, according to that scholar, it was not originated as a matter of fact in the year 1119. When did it then actually come into vogue -and the same scholar replies, this was so when the atita-rajya era started from A.D. 1200 fell into disuse, and there was necessity for a fresh era to fill up its place. The main evidence 6 that has led him to postulate this theory is the so-called palaeographic consideration according to which he finds it difficult, nay even impossible, to refer inscriptions I and II to the twelfth or the first part of the thirteenth century A.D. The same palaeographic consideration also compels him to assume that the Gayu stone inscription of 1232 v... - A.D. 1175, which was * Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 2; Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 308, n. 3; and List of North Ind. Insors., No. 577. * Regarding the era Mr. Chanda briefly expressed his views aleo in this Journal, 1913, pp. 286-7. 5 JASB. (N. S.), 1913, p. 277. 6 The other evidences on which this theory is based have been already examined by Meere. Banerji and Kumar ASB (N. S.), 1913, p. 274ff; anto, 1913, p. 1867 and 1916, p. 215ff.

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SEPT., 1919] THE LAKSHMANASENA ERA 173 executed in the fourteenth year of Govindapala, is much earlier in date than inscription I of the year 51. Before proceeding to discuss the very possibility of this theory I must examine the evidence of the palaeography of the inscriptions, as Mr. Chanda lays much stress on it, and declares it to be of a very highly convincing character. The palaeographic consideration of Mr. Chanda is chiefly based on the examination of the two test letters d and p occurring in the following six inscriptions: the Bodh-Gaya inscriptions I and II of the time of Asokachalla; the Gaya stone inscription, dated 1232 V.E.-A.D. 1175; the Edilpur grant of Vievarupasena; a Chittagong grant, dated A.D. 1243; and the Assam grant of Vallabhadeva, dated A.D. 1184-5. Now, for a comparative study of letters which may be of any practical use for determining dates, it is not desirable that we should mix up inscriptions incised on different materials, e.g., stone, copper, etc., or inscriptions though on the same material, yet connected with different localities far removed from one another by long distances. This procedure, I may say, is certainly, what may be called scientific' and that it is so, is clearly borne out by such an expert epigraphist as the late Dr. Fleet, who has made similar remarks in another connection (JRAS., 1913, pp. 975-6). In view of this general principle of paleography I am compelled to reject the last three inscriptions of the above list, for, they are, in the first instance, all copper-plates and therefore, not calculated to furnish any reliable data with regard to the palaeography of stone inscriptions; and secondly, inscriptions discovered in Dacca, Chittagong or Assam cannot be brought in a line with inscriptions discovered in Bihar. The real comparison of letters that might be safely instituted therefore, is virtually confined to the first three records which are all on stone and belong to one and the same locality. Now, according to Mr. Chanda, the lettere p and d in the Gaya stone inscription represent the old Nagari type and those in epigraphs I and II almost resemble the modern Bengali specimens of the same letters. I quite agree with this observation, but cannot endorse the opinion, that the aforesaid appearances of letters only would justify us to fix in any way the age of the inscriptions, viz., that Nos. I and II are later in date than the Gaya stone inscription. One characteristic of the palaeography of North-East India inscriptions from circa A.D. 1050 onwards is that they contain a mixture of Nagari and later Bengali forms. Curiously enough, we find the Nagari and the later Bengali forms of some letters used side by side not only at one and the same period but also at one and the same locality. Let us take, for instance, the case of letters v, land 8. The v of the Bodh-Gaya inscription of the year 51 has practically no difference with a Bengali v of our own period. But strange to say, in the inscriptions of the years 74 and 83, the letter clearly represents its Nagari prototype. Exactly similar is the case of the letter I which is proto-Bengali in the first, and Nagari in the second and third, inscriptions. Again in inscription I we have a Nagari 8, in inseription II it is of proto-Bengali type, but in inscription III which is ex hypothesi later than II the old Nagari type is again met with. The case of the two letters d and p is also not different. In inscription I, d represents an advanced type of the letter, and there is a close resemblance between this and modern Bengali d. In the Gaya stone inscription referred to above, the d is doubtless of the Nagart type; but then, this type we also notice in inscriptions II and III. With regard to the letter p, it must be admitted that the proto-Bengali type alone occurs in the three Bodh-Gaya inscriptions of the years 51, 74 and 83. But, from this if we infer that the Nagari p was not in general use in the locality during this period, we shall commit a serious mistake, because, in a Gaya inscription, which like inscriptions I 8 7 Banerji, Mem. ASB., Vol. V, No. 3, p. 109 and Plate XXVIII. 8 Ante, Vol. X, p. 342 and Plate.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPT., 1919 and II, refers itself to the reign of Abokachalla and is likewise on stone, there is to be found the Nagari p throughout. The above considerations are, in my opinion, instructive, and enough to prove the futility of such a procedure as the one followed by Mr. Chanda. It will thus be agreed that there remain no reasonable palaeographic grounds for saying that the Bodh-Gaya inscription of the year 51 is later than the Gaye stone inscription of Govindapala. Let us now proceed to discuss the possibilities of there being two different eras bearing the name of the same king. The resume of the views of Mr. Chanda, which has been given above, will show that he has committed himself to one important assumption, viz., that the two eras were never current side by side-one was succeeded by the other. According to his theory, the three dates 51, 74 and 83 of inscriptions I, II and III would correspond to the years A.D. 1251, 1274 and 1283 respectively. Therefore, if the La-san came into vogue after the atita-rajya era had ceased to exist, it must necessarily have been so after A.D. 1283; it cannot be said to have flourished before this date. But is it really a fact that there is no date earlier then A.D. 1283 which is expressed in the Lakehmana-samvat? Now, in the colophon of a MS. belonging to the Durbar Library, Nepal, noticed by M. M. Haraprasad Sastri, its date has been expressed as follows: La-8a 91 Chaitra. Vadi Gurau. The date which is herein expressed is the year 91 of La-sam corresponding to A.D. 1210. This year, therefore, which is expressed in La-sam, precedes all the three dates, viz., 1251, 1274 and 1283. Thus, the theory that the La-se came into vogue after the so-called Mrityu-8asivat had eeased to exist, at once falls to the ground. Again, if we take the two eras as separace we are driven to the conclusion that they were flourishing side by side from at least about A.D. 1210 to 1283. Thus two eras started from different years but going under the name of the same king, were being employed by the people at one and the same perioda view which is prima facie untenable, and as such will, I am afraid, commend itself to very few scholars. But this is not all. There is also evidence of a definite character which goes straight against the theory that the era of the inscriptions was started from A.D. 1200. Now, the most important data that can finally settle the question at issue are, of course, those that are furnished by astronomical calculation. In inscription II, dated 74, there are fortunately enough the following details of a date: Thursday, the 12th lithi, Vaisakha vadi. According to the calculation of Kielhorn, who referred the date to the era of A.D. 1119, it corresponded to Thursday, the 19th May, A.D. 1194. The question that now arises therefore, is : whether the above details tally in the case of the year A.D. 1274 which correspords tu the year 74, according to Messrs. Chanda and Vasu, i.e., whether the 12th tithi of Vaisakha vadi falling in the year A.D. 1274, was a Thursday? As a matter of fact, however, it was not so, and according to the calculation of Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikarnu Pillai, this detail does not tally with any year between A.D. 1272 and 1277.10 In this period there is no year whose 12th tithi of Vaisakha vadi is a Thursday. It is clear, therefore, that the year 74, and, consequently, the years 51 and 83, cannot be referred, on pure estronomical grounds, to an era having for its initial year A.D. 1200 (or even one or two years earlier). Let us now consider the exact meaning and force of the expression Lakshmanasenasy = atita-rajye Saill, and see whether it in any way supports the theory of Messrs. Chanda and Vasu. The quertion that arises here is : whether a regnal and a post-regnal year of a king can be expressed in identical language if we want to express them in extenso. The full Cat. of Palm leaf and Selected priper MSS., pt. I, p. 16, No. 400. 30 As I was not personally acquainted with Dewan Bahadur Pillai, Prof. D. R. Bhanderkar was kind enough to request him to calculate the above thing for me.

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SEPT., 1919 ) THE LAKSHMANASENA ERA 175 expression of a regnal date in words would be, e.g., as follows: Lakshmanasenasya rajye. or pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajye San. But if we are asked to express fully a post-regnal year of the king, what have we to do? Surely, the above expression will not serve our purpose. There must undoubtedly be alteration of the wording of the date. Of course. pravarddhamana or some such phrase cannot be tolerated ; but, even if we score it out and retain only rajye it will also lead to a confusion. For, this might give rise to the idea that in both the years, regnal and post-regnal, the king was actually ruling! To avoid such a confusion it will be necessary to clearly indicate that the reign of the king had passed away, but that the era started from the date of his accession, was being continued. And we have already indicated that our intention is to express it in extenso. Hence the word rajya by itself will not do and we must use some other additional word to show that this rajya or reign had already passed away. The only appropriate phrase that can be employed in the circumstances is some such as atita-rajye. 11 It can only mean, in the past reign, i.e., in the reign (now) passed as Kielhorn suggested. It can never mean, as some scholars no doubt suppose, so many years elapsed since the atita-rajya which word being in the locative cannot give rise to the sense of ablative (since '):12 As regards the propriety of this expression the following words of Kielhorn may be well quoted: "During the reign of Lakshamarasena the years of his Lakshmanasena's) reign would be described as Srimal-Lakshmanasena-devapadanam rdjye (or pravardhamana-vijaya-rajye) samat : after his death the phrase would be retained, but atita prefixed to the word rajye, to show that, although the years were stil continued from the commencement of the reign of Lakshmanagena, that reign itself was a thing of the past. In the course of time atita-rdjye is apt to become a meaningless phrase, As may be seen from the Srimad Vikra-maditya-derapadanam atita-rajye Sam 18 1503 in Mr. Bendall's Catalogue of Buddh. Skr. M$8., p. 70"-ante, Vol. XIX, p. 2, note 3. I shall now examine another theory, viz., that according to which the initial point of the era, though it is counted from A.D. 1119, does not fall in his reign, but in thet of his predecessor. According to some scholars it originated with the reign of Samantasena, 11 according to others with that of Hemantasena ;15 while there is yet a third view according to which we should look upon Vijayasena as the founder of the era 16 Mr. R. D. Banerji has already made a very relevant remark, that the era which was all along associated with his name, cannot be reasonably ascribed to the reign of any one of his predecessors,17 Hitherto, the earliest testimony of the origin of the era was believed to have been the Akbar-namah of Abul-Fazl which was compiled about the middle of the 16th century A.D. It records & current tradition that the era was started from the year of Lakshmanasena's accession. It may here be contended that the Dacca 11 In some seven manuscripts and one inscription we have similar phrases, e.g.. Govindapaladevana. mgata-rajye chaturlasa-samvalsare, to express the dates in which they were written, Mr. Banerji and others contend that these expressions should not be interpreted like the date-wordings of the Bodh Gaya inscriptions referred to above. I, however, cannot subscribe to it. My own views regarding them will be published in a subsequent instie of this Journal. 12 In the Sonpur plates of Kumara Somesvaradeva, Ep. Ind. Vol XII. p. 240, which were executed in his first regnal year, we have Abhimanyude (de)vasy=tita-rdjye by which it is evidently meant that they were issued in the passed reign of his predecessor Abhimanyudeva. This certainly lends support to Kielhorn's interpretation of atitardjye. ja Cf. also (Vikramaditya devanam=atta-rajye varsha=$atatrayodasabda-satrin fatatamadhikam, etc. occurring in a copper plate noticed by Mr. Banerji. See JASB. (N. 8.), Vol. VII, p. 308. 14 JASB. (N.8.), Vol. I, p. 45. 15 R. G. Bhandarkar's Report on the Search for Sk. MSS., 1897, p. LXXXVII. 16 Smith's Early History of India, 3rd Ed., p. 418. 17 Banglar Itihasa, Vol. I, p. 300.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY image inscription18 discovered by Mr. Banerji furnishes earlier testimony, because it mentions the Saivat 3 of Lakshmanasena, which shows that the first year of the era falls within the reign of that king.. But, I am afraid, it is by no means the only conclusion It can also mean deducible from the expression Srimal-Lakshmanasenasya saivat 3. simply "in the third regnal year of the king" without necessarily having any reference to the era started by him. Therefore, we do not get any definite clue as to the origin of the era from this inscription. Let us turn, therefore, our attention to the colophons of MSS. dated in this era. Now, in one of them we find the expression: abde Lakshmanasena-bhupati-mate, 19 which can only mean, "in the era which was approved (mata), -A.D. 1412. i.e., started by king Lakshmanasena." 20 The date of this MS. is La-san 293It is thus a century and a half earlier than Abul Fazl and is therefore, the earliest known evidence about the origin of the era. And, according to this also, Lakshmanasena is regarded as its founder. I have shown before that the theory that the era was started after the reign of Lakshmanasena he: no ground to stand upon. Likewise, as we now see, it could not have originated in any reign previous to his own. Thus, what I have set forth in this paper will all go to support Kielhorn and those scholars who share in his opinion. I have shown(1) that there is absolutely no need of assuming two Lakshmanasena eras; (2) that the era of A.D. 1119 was not a later innovation having nothing to do with Lakshmanasena; (3) that it was not started to fill up the place of an imaginary 'death-ere' of the king; (4) that the expression atita-rajye Sam which has been incorrectly taken to yield the sense of a death-era is but the only natural form of fully expressing a post-regnal date; (5) that even if we imagine the existence of such an era it cannot, at any rate, be counted from A.D. 1200, because this cannot be supported on astronomical grounds; and (6) that the earliest tradition about the origin of the era, handed down to us through manuscripts, points to Lakshmanasena as its founder, and there is no evidence for fathering it on any one of his predecessors. [SEPT., 1919 BOOK-NOTICE. THE DREAM QUEEN, a translation of the Svapna-specimen we quote the following soliloquy of Vidushaka (the original of which is in prose) :vasa vadatta of Bhasa, by A. G. SHIRREFF AND PANNA LALL. The Indian Press, Allahabad, 1918. I thank my lucky stars that I have seen This rare old time of mirth and merry-making For the long-wished for wedding of my lord, The Vatsa king. Why, bless me ! who'd have thought it? When we had been soused over head and ears In such a whirlpool of calamity, Who would have thought we ever should emerge? And now, I bask on palace balconies, Loll by the fountains in the ladies' court, Eat the most toothsome and delicious dainties,In short, I live in an elysium, With nothing missing but the heavenly nymphs But there's one drawback, and a dreadful one : . This diet plays the deuce with my digestion. I cannot sleep upon a bed of down For these distempered humours in my vitals, Ugh! 'Tis no joke, I tell you, to endure These griping pains. I can't enjoy my breakfast. (Act IV, pp. 21-2). As a S. SASTRI.. 18 JASB. (N. S.), Vol. IV, p. 290. 19 Cat. of Palm-leaf and Selected paper MSS., Pt I, p. 22 20 Cf. expressions like Saka-nripati-mate, ibid, Pt. II, p. 66. This is a metrical translation of one of Bhasa's best plays, the discovery of which has made famous the name of M. M. Pandit Ganapati Sastri of Trivandrum. The short introduction of the translators gives a summary of the discoverer's arguments as to the date of the author and touches briefly or the plot, and compares it with the earliest romantic drama of the West, the Alcestis of Euripides. Though the translation is a metrical one, it is generally faithful. But the translators have followed an English model and not that of the original in so far as they omitted the Prastavana and rendered even the prose portions of the original in verse. Thus they have presented this old Sanskrit play in a modern English garb; and credit must be given to them for their success.

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OCTOBER, 1919] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851. Br S. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from p. 171.) VI. 177 THE COMFORT'S FIGHT WITH MALABAR PIRATES, 1638. The Malabar pirates infested the Indian coast from Mangalore to Cape Comorin. They comprised Hindus, Muhammadans and Christians, the last mentioned including European renegades, Portuguese and European half-castes. They were the subjects of petty princes or chiefs, nominally subordinate to the Mughal or, later, to the Marathas. To these chiefs the pirates paid a fixed share of their booty in return for ships, arms and provisions, though, in some cases they received a regular wage for the voyage and a monthly stipend in the off season instead of booty. Their sole object was plunder and their prisoners were almost invariably reserved for ransom, such ill-treatment as they received being due to the necessity of guarding against escape or to cellous indifference to suffering rather than to intentional cruelty. In Europe every little Prince or State owning a mile of sea-coast claimed the right to issue commissions to privateers, whom it was impossible to distinguish from pirates, and the petty Indian chiefs claimed an immemorial right to issue passes to all ships which sailed by their shores and to punish, by forfeiture of goods and cargo, refusal or neglect to purchase these passes, for which indeed they demanded but a paltry price. The-enforcement of this claim, and the further claim to seize the cargoes of all wrecks, European traders considered to be piracy, and resisted whenever they were able, whilst the local Governments of the English, French, Dutch and Portuguese tried to force native Indian vessels to carry passes which they themselves issued. It was a pretty game but not one to be commended. A letter from John Mountney, dated 27th November 1638 (India Office Records, O. C. 1651) says that at this time there were twenty Malabar pirate vessels at sea, and that they approached their intended victims under the white flag (the use of which was well known in Asia as early as we have any record) and then suddenly attacked. This was the case in the attack on the Comfort. "November the 16th being in the latitude of 11d. 20m, and in 13 fathom wee were chased by nine sayle of Friggotts from six in the morning untill eight before they came within shott of us, after which time they kept theyr distance untill twelve at noone, then falling flat calme; in so much they perceived our shippe could not work any way with her sayles they handed theyr sayles and immediately rew [rowed] all together on board us and lashed fast notwithstanding wee placed every shott into them and spoyled [hurt] many of theyr people. "Being lashed on board, they entred theyr men in abundance, the which wee used all meanes possible to cleare, but, finding them so resolutely bent and still encreasing so abundantly, I resolved to blow up our upper deck, and effected it with the losse of not one of our people, yet some hurt, and divers of theyrs, namely the Mallabars, slayne and maimed. "This seemed little or nothing to diminish or quell theyr courage but wee still continued to defend the opposing enemy by murthering and wounding each other, they being so resolute that they would not step aside from the muzzell of our ordnance when wee fired upon them, but immediately being fired heaved in whole bucketts of water, in so much that in the conclusion wee were forced to betake ourselves to the Gun-Deck, upon which wee had but two pieces of ordnance. They then cutting with axes the deck over our heads,

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1919 and hearing the hideous noyse and cry of such a multitude, thought how to contrive away to send them all to theyr greate adorer Belzebub, which was by firing all our powder at one blast,"! as many of us as were left alive leaping into the sea, yet intercepted some ) by those divelish helhounds. "Wee were at that present English 23, being all wounded foure excepted, blacks 4 an Javaes 4 : slayne English 5, Javaes 3 and blacks 13: all which were then living they tooke into theyr Friggotts and carried us on shoare about 24 houres after, where wee, the English, wanted all thinges whatsoever, irons, hunger and cold only excepted; the manner of our then present estate would be but prolix to write and therefore omitted. "During all this time of our encounter, which was from 8 in the morning untill 4 in the afternoone, there was not more than three leagues distance from us a Dutch shippe, which could not by any meanes assist us, in regard of its being calme, yet at 6 or 7 in the evening in our lce came fayre by the shippe burning, and so she continued, the enemy not gaining. ought that belonged to the Honble. Company, but was enforced to leave her with the losse of more than 1400 men."93 (Letter from Walter Clark, Commander of the Company's ship Comfort, to the Council of Bantam, dated 1st April 1639. India Office Records, O. C. 1651 and 1671.) VII. THE PIRATE COXINGA TAKES FORMOSA FROM THE DUTCH, 1661. In 1624 the Dutch gave up their settlement in the Pescadores and, with the permission of the Japanese, settled at Taywan (Tai-ouan],"t in the Island of Formosa. Here in 1634 they built a fort which they named Fort Zeelandia. The Japanese soon found it advisable to retire and the Dutch made themselves masters of the whole island. In this position they found it necessary to take action against the Chinese pirates. In 1626 the leader of these was one Chin-chi-lung who collected a large fleet and made himself master of the seas. When trapped and killed by the Chinese authorities in 1646, he was succeeded hy one Chin-ching-kung, known to the Europeans by the Portuguese version of his name viz. Coxinga. He had been a tailor at Taywan in Dutch employ and had been baptized under the name of Nicholas Gaspard, but dissatisfied with his treatment by the Dutch, he turned pirate. Finding that he could not establish himself in China itself and full of animosity against the Dutch, he formed the project of seizing the Island of Formosa. This he sncceeded in doing in the year 1661. How he did so is told by Gautier van Schouten, who was in the Dutch East Indies at the time. Coxinga behaved with especial cruelty to the native converts and to the Dutch pastors, but such cruelty was characteristic of the Chinese pirates. It was exhibited as fiercely against their own countrymen as against foreigners; and, it is only fair to say, met with equally cruel reprisals. During and after the Tartar invasion, pillaging and piracy, disorders on land and sea continued incessantly throughout China, as there were always two factions at war with each other. At last the remainder of the party which had been defeated on land betook itself to sea under the command of a famous pirate named Chinchilung or Yquion. He soon found himself master of a great fleet, and at the head of several valiant corsairs, that is, if corsairs deserve that the quality of valour should be ascribed to them. 2 Mandelslo (p. 87) says that some 1,200 of the enemy were blown into the air. 23 The prisoners were ultimately released on payment of rangom and arrived safely at Surat. 24 This was the port of exchange between Japan and China owing to the prohibition of direct intercourse. Mandelslo, p. 165.

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OCTOBER, 1919] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 179 This fleet having engaged sometimes in piracy, sometimes in trade or private affairs, all together or in parts as occasion required, the forces of Chinchilung increased to such an extent that he quickly got together 3000 vessels. This formidable power filling him with audacity he formed the design of seizing the Empire, but the Tartars, more cunning than he, having enticed him ashore with the greater part of his men, defeated and took him prisoner and sent him to Pekin, where they put him to death by poison. Coxinga, who had been his lieutenant and second in command, took his place, though he came originally from the very dregs of the people, having been a tailor at Taiovan [ an Island on the S.E. coast of Formosa] where the Sieur Putman [Hans Putmans] had employed him as such. Later he turned pirate and, having pulled off some considerable coups, acquired a high reputation which placed him in the position which he now occupied. He hated our nation, which had often interfered with his piratical undertakings and given him some sufficiently important checks, for which he was looking out for an opportunity of revenge. Accordingly he equipped some hundreds of junks, some of which mounted forty guns and all were well manned and carried a number of soldiers. With this force he left the coast of China in order to land at Taiovan. In Formosa there had occurred several portents of this misfortune. In the month of January, 1661 there took place a furious earthquake which caused all the mountains in the island to crumble and threw down thirty-one houses at Taiovan. The thick walls of Fort Zeelandia were cracked in several places and in others had fallen down. Three vessels in the harbour were tossed about in an extraordinary manner. The waves of the sea were raised to such a height that they looked like mountains and it appeared as if they would overwhelm the island. These tremors could be felt six weeks later though always diminishing in force. It is true that they had often occurred before in Formosa, but never before had! they lasted so long or been so violent. On the 15th April, 1661 at midnight terrible noises were heard on one of the bastions of Fort Zeelandia, named Middelburg, which waked up all of the soldiers who were asleep. Every one rushed to his arms and then towards the place from which the noises came; but look as they might, nothing could be seen. This incident caused extraordinary surprise. There were three vessels at anchor in the Roads of Baxamboi, which, an hour before daylight, were seen from the land to be on fire and in flames which burst out again and again as if a cannon were being fired, but no reports were heard. On the other hand those who were on board saw the same take place in Fort Zeelandia. At daylight all these phenomena disappeared. On the 29th April about mid-day there was seen, in front of the new works, a man who rose up three times out of the water and for the third time disappearing was seen no more. About mid-day beneath the Holland bastion there was seen a Siren with long blond locks of hair, who also showed himself three times. There were also several other portents which are thought to have been messengers of the approaching misfortune. On the morning of the 30th April, as a great fog, which hid the horizon, began to clear, one saw from Fort Zeelandia that the sea was covered with vessels, a forest of masts. This great force was divided into three squadrons. The first, passing in front of Fort Zeelandia, cast anchor three leagues to the south. The second went north to the pass of Lagimoi which lies between Formosa and the long and narrow bank of Baxamboi. The third remained in the same place in which the whole fleet had been first seen, about a cannon-shot from the Dutch vessels in the Roads.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1919 Soon after, the troops being landed spread on all sides, committing all sorts of hostilities. as well against the Chinese themselves and the Islanders as against the Dutch, and putting everything to fire and sword. Four hundred men, who had been sent to reinforce the garrison of Zijkam [Sakkam], being overtaken and defeated by the enemy, some of those who were not killed got into the Fort and others by swimming got back to Fort Zeelandia. The enemy, laying siege to Fort Zijkam, cut off the water supply and battered the Fort, which at first was valiantly defended, but the besieged, soon losing courage on account of the smallness of their forces and the want of provisions and water, surrendered at discretion on the 4th of May. The treatment given them was what might be expected from brutal and inhuman people who made them suffer all that one can in the most cruel captivity. However as soon as the fleet was seen, Captain Thomas Pedel, sallying from Fort Zeelandia with some men, erected three batteries in the outskirts to command the shore. The next morning his son was brought to him with one of his arms cut off, the enemy having caught him with his tutor whom they had murdered. This gallant gentleman," wild with grief, begged of the Governor Sieur Coyet [Frederik Coyett] for permission to take two companies to look for the assassins. Having obtained it he marched along the shore supported by some little vessels which hugged the coast and had small guns. The Chinese, seeing him coming, sent against him a whole army in order of battle, and after a short cannonade an engagement took place. The enemy came from all sides, the ground being covered by them, uttering furious cries and flashing their daggers and long swords. Pedel defended himself valiantly and made a great slaughter, but at last, overwhelmed by the prodigious number of his assailants, he and most of his people were killed. The remainder of the two hundred men whom he had commanded and who were not more than eighty, threw themselves into the water, and by the help of the little vessels or by swimming got back into the fort. During this fight on land the three ships Hector, Gravelande and Marie were, according to the orders they had received, fighting at sea. But the powder on the Hector catching fire and blowing her up with more than 100 men, of whom not one escaped, the two others found themselves too weak to continue the fight and withdrew under the cannon of the Fort. Moreover our people obtained no assistance from either the Islanders or the Chinese who had settled on the island, most of them having taken fright and fled and the remainder, unable to resist so great a force, submitted. The enemy meeting with no resistance in the island penetrated everywhere and took all the little forts in it, putting to the sword everyone they found in arms, and even free women, slaves and children. They spared no one, neither priests nor officers, neither old people nor people of rank. Next Coxinga laid siege to Zeelandia and, having closely surrounded it, sent in a pastor, named Antoine Hambroek or Hambrouc, who had been made prisoner, to tell the Governor that if he would surrender he should have good quarter, but that in case of refusal he would not spare even the infants at the breast nor the prisoners he had taken or should take in the future. Neither the Governor nor any other person amongst the besieged was inclined to listen to the deceitful offers of the enemy, and Pastor Hambrouc, who had left his wife and some of his children in their hands, could not make up his mind to abandon them. He made a last farewell to two of his daughters who were in the Fort, one of them being married to an officer. One can easily imagine how cruel and pathetic was such a parting. It was in fact a last adieu, for the Pastor and his son and the other prisoners were soon afterwards

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OCTOBER, 1919] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 181 decapitated, as well as Pierre Mus[ ? Mazins], Pastor of Favorlang[?Kelang], and Winshemius, Pastor of Zijkam. Some of them saw their wives violated before their eyes and then cut in pieces with swords. Other women after being violated were given to the Islanders as slaves. In short there was no barbsrity or infamy which was not exercised on this occasion. Governor Coyet, fearing that the two vessels which were left would be taken, sent the Gravelande to Kielang and the Marie to Batavia, where on its arrival the squadron mentioned above was fitted out [i.e., ten ships under Jacob Cacuw). The enemy having pressed our people so closely that they were forced to abandon the town, they retired in all haste into the Fort with their cannon and set on fire the houses which were rearest to it. But the Chinese, who followed them up closely, extinguished the fire and saved and plundered all they could, and immediately filled with earth and sand the sugar boxes which they found, using them to entrench the streets. They raised cavaliers with batteries upon them : threw a quantity of fireworks; battered the Fort from several sides, after the return of Pastor Hambrouc, and hoped to make a breach, but in this they were disappointed. On the contrary the besieged made a sortie and spiked the guns of the besiegers. They also made play with their mortars, and the Chinese, who had never before seen anything like them, ran to the places where the grenades were felling and were wounded by them. One of their Mandarins or Colonels, having been accused of cowardice, had his head cut off. Herman Clenck [who had been sent to Taiovan as President and Commandant] having arrived at Taiovan and having unloaded a part of what he had with him was forced to go op to Japan. The enemy, continuing their attacks, made two new batteries at Baxamboi, whither up till then the besieged had been able to go to bury their dead, and in this way the Fort was battered on all sides. On the 9th August twelve Dutch vessels appeared and this great reinforcement made our people hope that the Chinese would raise the siege. They were the ships which General Caeuw brought from Batavia. But it is in vain that men count upon their own forces if it does not please God to bless their designs. Scarcely had this agreeable sight struck the eyes of the besieged ; scarcely had the twelve ships cast anchor when there arose a terrible tempest, which obliged them to cut their cables and run out to sea, where the ships were carried to such a distance that the besieged lost all hope of anything like speedy succour, besides which a flyboat named the Urck having grounded, fell into the hands of the Chinese, who by this means got full information of the condition and forces of the squadron. At length the other vessels returned and disembarked men and provisions. Five of them posted themselves in the harbour behind the town, in order to enfilade the streets. But the entrenchments had been so well made that instead of annoying the enemy, our vessels were so troubled by their batteries that they were forced to retire. In carrying out this manoeuvre the Kouwkerke also grounded and immediately afterwards was set on fire by the fireworks of the Chinese. The whole poop blew up. Some of the crew were cut to pieces and others, still living, were thrown into the flames which burst from the vessel. Others were drowned and very few indeed were saved. Next a small flyboat named the Koertehoef ran aground, but the greatest part of the crew were so fortunate as to escape by swimming. Only the Master and a few of his men, who had jumped into a boat, were drowned by its capsizing.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1919 However the Commandant of our squadron having armed some sloops and supplied them with a quantity of fireworks, they were sent against the Chinese junks to try to burn them. But the number of the junks was so great and they were so well handled that they surrounded the sloops, took one of them and also two boats and made their crews prisoners. Further the Chinese, holding in their hands great pieces of sailoloth, in which they caught the grenades, immediately threw them back into our ships where they fell wounding our people, who were forced to retire with the loss of three hundred and eighty men, not counting the wounded. The enemy out off the noses, the ears and the privy parts of the dead who remained in their hands and threw them into the sea with shouts of derision. After so many disgraces it is not surprising that the besieged lost courage. Heaven, the Elements, the Air, the Winds, the Currents, the Earth, all declared against them, all favoured their enemies. Up to this time the besieged had been able to communicato freely with the ships. The enemy now tried to prevent this. To frustrate their design the Governor caused a small wooden redoubt to be erected, which by its fire caused great annoyance to those of them who wished to establish themselves between the Fort and the ships. Besides this the besieged turned one of their vessels into a fireship without anything appearing outside to show what they had done. The Chinese advancing to fight and take it, the Dutch abandoned it and fled in a pretended panic. When the enemy had carried it off it blew up in the middle of their junks and destroyed a great number of their people. On the other hand their canron pierced througb and broke down the redoubt in several places. The besieged might still have maintained themselves and forced the Chinese to raise the siege, if a treacberous sergeant, named Hens Jurgen, Radis) with some others whom he had debauched, bad pot deserted and reported to the enemy the condition of the place. Three Dutch ships which had gone to the Pescadores to try to get cattle and fish for the sick, were out off by the enemy and the greater part of their crews killod. Ten of them, whom they caught in the water or on the shore, had their noses and ears and right hands out off and fastened round their necks, in which condition they were seat back as a final insult to our Nation. Whilst these things were happening, the yacht Gravelande went to Quelang and took up the Factor Nicolas Loopius, Maro Masius Pastor and three married Dutch ladies, fifteen inhabitants of that place, sixteen children, twenty eight slaves, &c., in all 170 persons, as the place was defenceless and exposed to the insults of the Chinese. All these people were carried to Japan and landed in the little island of Diana (Deshima). The Dutch ladies were regarded by the Japanese with extreme curiosity for they had never seen any before, and they treated them very civilly. In the end they were brought to Batavia, whence the widow of the Sieur N. Laenius, who had married again, had returned to Holland. Admiral Caeuw, with five of bis ships, went to China, to obtain help from the Tartars. But a fresh tempest having again dispersed his little squadron, he, with three of his vessels, was thrown on the coast of Siam, whence he sent them back to Batavia. The two others returned to Taiovan without having been able to get any help. The Chinese having continuously battered the redoubt and fired more than seventeen hundred shots at it, the besieged were forced to abandon it. The enemy, taking possession of it, one hundred of them were blown into the air in consequence of a lighted match which had been left close to the powder. But the Chinese immediately raised a cavalier in the

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OCTOBER, 1919 EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 183 same place, put some thirty-six pounder guns in it, and having made a breach prepared to give an assault. The Fort was by no means in condition to stand an assault successfully. Dropsy, dysentery and scurvy were rife and had carried off a large number of people. The churches were full of sick as also the warehouses; since the beginning of the siege we had lost more than sixteen hundred men, and in fact the only choice was to perish or capitulate. Thomas van Yperen and David Harthouwer went to the enemy's camp, who sent two hostages into the place, and an agreement was come to on the following conditions, viz., That all prisoners should be returned on both sides. That Fort Zeelandia should be surrendered to the Chinese with all the goods and silver in it, which amounted to some tons of gold [1] and also the cannon of which there were forty pieces. That the besieged, to the number of about nine hundred men, well and sick, should march out with arms in their hands and colours flying. On these conditions the Fort was surrendered after a general discharge of the cannon, which the Chinese insisted upon to assure themselves that they had not been tampered with. The Dutch then embarked and were transported to Batavia. The arms used by the Chinese are great swords with long handles which they can use either as spears or scythes. They have bows, arrows and long javelins with white streamers. They carry large ensigns, both pendants and standards, on which are painted monsters, heads of devils and the figures of dragons. They have armour covering them from the head to the knee and a helmet on the head reaching down to the shoulders, with no openings in it except for the mouth and the eyes. On the top of the helmet is a sharp spike which they use very skilfully for wounding their enemy and throwing him down. Their armour is composed of an infinity of plates like scales, and they wear two or three of them, one over the other, which hang down and flap against their thighs and will resist musquet shots. Thus clad they look more like devils than human beings, and indeed many people think them no better than devils. They keep good order in war and in all military operations, and a thousand musquet shots will not make them give ground. At the head of each company there is generally an officer on horseback. two others on the flanks and one in the rear, well armed and carrying their swords drawn with which they cut down any one whom they see giving way." [Voyage de Gautier van Schouten aux Indes Orientales, 1658-1665, Vol. I, p. 270.) . VIII. DEATH OF JOHN PETTIT, 1684. The coasts of Cutch (Kachh) and Gujarat, or, speaking roughly, the north-western coast of India from Karachi to Surat, were inhabited from time immemorial by pirates, each new wave of settlers, including recruits from the local Rajpats, taking up the local tradition, and continuing their operations until finally suppressed by the British in the beginning of the nineteenth century. Various names were applied to different sections of these pirates, but, in general, they were referred to by Europeans as Sanganians or Sangadians. On my reference to Sir Richard Temple as to the origin of this term he writes "The Sanganian pirates of the coasts of Sindh, Kachh and Kathiawar, especially of Kachh, were so famous among Europeans in the 17th century that Ogilby's Atlas (1670) refers to Kachh as Sanga

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184 TAE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1919 "From your quotations regarding them, they were known as Sanganians, Sangadians, Singaneys, Singanias, representing vernacular forms, such as Sangani, Sangadi, Singani, Singanis. All these forms are descriptive adjectives and clearly relate to the name of a tribe inhabiting places in Sindh, Kachh and Kathf&war. Other European spellings of the name are Sanghanians and Sangaries. "Sanghar, Sangar, Singhar (Changar in the Panjab) is the name of a tribe widely spread in places over Upper India from Sindh to Bengal. There are also Sanghar or Sengar Rajpate. The tribe has been settled in India for a very long time, and was found in Sindh as Sangamera (Tangamera) by the Arabs in the 8th century A.D., and by Alexander's Greeks (4th century B.c.) about the Indus delta of the period as Sangada, Sangara (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII, Pt. II (Thana), pp. 713-14, footnote). "They came into Kachh from Sindh with the Samas, splitting into four divisions of Rajpats, and were joined by other Rajputs (Ch Avara, Chahuran). Some became Muhammadans, or perhaps emigrated as such (Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, pp. 167-174 ; Sberring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, Vol. II, p. 246). "It may be assumed therefore that the Sanganians were originally very early emigrants into India tbrougb Sindh, settling down eventually as Rajputs in numerous places, and in some instances as 'low castes ', like many other tribes. Those on the coasts took to piracy, doubtless a long time ago, and attracted recruits from adventurous men of Rajpat origin. Their stronghold originally was at Kachhigad, five miles above Dwarka, and subsequently at Bet (Shankhodar) in Kachh : the Beyt of the Maps and of the Imperial Gazetteer, and the Bate of the older spelling, formerly known to Europeans as Sanganiat, Singania, from its association with the Sanganians (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. V, (Cutch), pp. 95, 96)." Of these people Alexander Hamilton (A New Account of the East Indies, I, 132-33) way! -" Their seaport is called Baet, very commodious and secure. They admit of no trade but practise piracy. They give protection to all criminals who deserve punishment from the hand of justice ... They, being confident of their numbers, strive to board all ships they can come at by sailing. Before they engage in fight they drink Bang, which is made of a seed like hempseed that has an intoxicating quality and whilst it affects the head they are furious. They wear long hair and when they let that hang loose they'll give no quarter."26 Such were the pirates into whose bands fell Mr. John Pettit, a Member of the Bombay Council, who, having quarrelled with Sir John Child, the President, bought a ship, the George, in which he went trading to the Persian Gulf. It will be seen that, in spite of the defence, which caused the pirates serious losses, these Sangapians preferred ransom to revenge, and then, having landed their prisoners, were so callous to their sufferings and careless of their own interests that they allowed the ransom to slip out of their hands, whilst they haggled about its amount, for the want of a little attention. The use of bhang (Cannabis indica) to infuriate soldiers before attack was a common practice in the East and is referred to by Orme and other writers in their accounts of fighting in all parts of India. I Ben Oxborough being put on board the shipp called the George, which belonged to Mr. John Pettit, himself being on board also, wee sett saile from the Island Bombay upon the 26 So tho Spartans at Thermopyin combed out their long hair before they made their last stand, against the Pers ans.

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OCTOBER, 1919 ] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 185 20th day of October (1684) designed for Suratt. Upon the 28th day wee were sett upon by two Sanganyan pyratts, the one a shipp, the other a very large grabb, 36 which wee engaged for about foure houres, but at length, wee having destroyed many of them, they left our shipp. wee sustaining noe damage but the loss of one Englishman.27 But it pleased God that a very sad accident happened, for our powder took fyre and the Quarter-Deck was blown up, which falling downe, part of it broake Mr. Pettit's head and bruised his right shoulder very much and had undoubtedly prest him to death, but that the timber was supported by a great gunn, by which Mr. Pettit stood, as also he was most lamentably burnt with the powder on the left side of his face and neck and left legg and foot, which was a great torment to him, but with much adoo bee gott out with seaven more Englishmen, myself being one. Butt the shipp falling on fyre and having noe hopes to quench itt, wee betook ourselves to our boates. But the Mate, one Mr. Samuel Harris, gott into the Pinnis with three more Englishmen and most unworthily rann away with her and left us, by reason of which wee were forst to gett into the long boate, which had neither saile nor oares, by reason of which wee became a prey to the Enemye, who, seeing our distress, turned head upon us and took us prisoners; and as soone as wee came aboard of them they stript Mr. Pettit of his uper garment onely, which was a great favour, none else experiencing the same, after which hee was put asterne of their grabb in our boate, where wee continued about three houres, at the end of which time they took Mr. Pettit and myself aboard, leaving the other two in the boate, towing astearne all night with nothing for their covering but their shirts and those almost burnt off their backes, by means of which, it being very could in the night and their burnes almost intollerable, the one dyed the next day, the other two dayes after. For Mr. Pettit's entertainment, it was as followeth : As soone as wee entered wee were put downe into their cookroome where wee were forst to sett almost one upon another, there being seaven lassoarrs with us, and could take noe rest. In the morning wee understood the pyratts held a consultation what to do with us, and at length itt was determined that Mr. Pettit, myself and two Christian lasscarrs should bee put into the pro [? prow or native boat so called) and there to have our throats cutt and so heaved overboard. Accordingly wee were put there. Over the head the sea which came washing us (sic), which was much troublesome to Mr. Pettit's legg. Here wee continued about three houres, but Mr. Pettit, being very uneasy, sent for one of the officers and desired a better place and hee would reward him with five rupees, which as soone as they found there was money coming they granted, which I believe was one cause of our preservation, for after that wee understood they examined the Moore lasscarre very strictly what itt was, and by two Banyans who was with us they understood the certainty of what hee (Mr. Pettit ] was; 80 from thence wee were removed into their Kernoe [ 1 canoe or boat] upon dack among their sailes, where wee bad not continued but & very short time when the soulders upon deck began to bee outrageous and were about to cut us in pieces, but the officers stopt them, upon which Mr. Pettit proffered five rupees more for another place to lye in, which they granted likewise and removed us to the Quarter-Deck, where we had a Topgallant saile allowed us for a bed and covering ; but the next morning the Pylate of the shipp would not suffer us to continue there any longer, upon which Mr. Pettit promised him fifty rupees more for & good lodging where hee might be settled, which they granted also, but did not perform to expectacon, for wee were put down into their hold upon the rock stones which was all * Mahr. gurab, from Ar. ghorab, a galley. See Yule, Habeon-Jobson, ..v. Grab.-ED. of He does not include those killed when the ship was blown up after the pirates had been ropulsed.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1919 their Ballis (ballast) and there wee were forst to lye all the terme of the voyage, itt being tenn dayes (which was very hard), in all which time Mr. Pettit never went to stool, which did much disorder him and putt him into a feaver and could gett neither Doctor por Cururgion to give him help but a poor silly Barber, who brought a little white oyntment, which I cannot tell whether itt did him good or hurt. At length wee were carryed ashore, Mr. Pettit being soe unwildy hee was foret to be carryed out in the Topgallant Baile by forse of men, and when on shore was carryed up to their towne in a cart. The place being called Ramra, 8 as soone as wee came to their towne wee were called before their Roger (Raja] or King and examined where hee was, very sivilly treated, and they bid him (Mr. Pettit] feare nothing, for hee should sustaine noe damage but should have what hee desired. But all hee could gett was a little rise and butter, save a great deel of Cow-milk and butter-milk, and the which I believe did him harme, but hee could not be disswaded from itt; alsoe hee was brought to soe low & condicon by reason of his burnes as hee could not turne his legg up on his body but as I turned itt for bim, neither could hee make water or goe to stoole but as I turned him and held a peace of potsherds to him to ease himselfe, yet notwithstanding, hee had noe feare nor apprehencon of any danger but seemed to bee very chearly, I endeavoring to promote Itt what I could. At length the Roger sent to him about his ransume and demaunded a lack of rupees, but at last fell to ten thousand which bee granted, but the next day they went back of their words and would have five thousand more, which too much troubled him, hee telling me hee would willingly give itt but was afraid if hee should condescend they would stand off againe, and soe hee should never know when hee had done. The night after, wee having been ash oare seaven dayes, I heard him talke idly [deliriously). In the morning hee was pretty well but I was afraid of him, askt him if hee had any words to send to Suratt. Hee answered Noe. Then I askt him if bee bad made his will. Hee told mee Is (Yes), soe I would trouble him noe more at that time, hee being inclinable to sleepe, Lut at last I, seeing him grow worse and worse, sent to the Roger to acquaint him that bee was in a very bad condicon and if hee had noe Doctor to afford bim present helpe I thought hee could not continue to live ) and soe they would lose their ransume, upon which came a great many of the Cheife men and felt of his pulse, some saying hee was not so ill, others shaking their heads at him. But noe helpe, and in the afternoone, I lyeing by bim, bee fell into a very could sweat and in an houres time departed, which as soone as itt was knowne there was order given for a grave to bee made and myselfe and three of the blacks were commanded to carry him to his grave, wbich we did. Myselfe was one of the two which put him in. This as near as I can remember is the whole of this sad Axydent concerning Mr. Pettit, which I affirme to be the truth. Witnesse my hand.a9 Jany. the 20tb. 1684-5. BEN OXBOROUGH, (India Office Records, 0.c. No. 5304.] The account given by the Mate, Samuel Harris, is as follows: October the 29th, 1684. At eleven in the forenoon engaged with the Singaneye, where they boarded us with four or five hundred men, continuing till three in the afternoon, then * Aramra, opposite the inland of Beyt, on the Gujarat Coast. According to this account, Hamilton's statement (1. 198. 202) that Pettit died after six months captivity, owing to Sir John Child's refusal to allow him to be rausonid, is quite inaccurate.

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Oct., 1919 ) SECOND NOTE ON HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA 187 they finding us to be too bot for them, put off and fell astern, then we firing off musketts out of the Great Cabin windows, the powder room souttle being open, blew our ship up and killed our commander Thomas Matthews and [the] gunner, four Englishmen more, five lascars and two Portuguese women outright. Then the fire being so fierce we was foroed to take to our boats. Mr. John Pettit, Mr. Oxenbon (or Oxborough), six lascars, one Banyan in the longboat, Samuel Harris and the Boatswaine, two Englishmen more, one Portuguese morchant, fifteen wounded lascars, took to the Pinnace, leaving some twonty or twenty-five souls on board the ship alive. The longboat having no oars in her was taken up by the Singaneys, but we got ashore the next morning at Tarrapore (Tarapur, Cambay) where one Englishman dyed of his wounds and five lascars. Damages received by him [i.e., from the enemy], lost our head [fore-part, bows) and bowspritt, one man killed. His damage was unknown, but upon our deck we had forty or fifty of his men dead and as many more swam by the board crying for help. This from me SAMUEL HARRIS. [India Office Records, O. O. No. 5233.] (To be continued.) SECOND NOTE ON THE HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA. BY R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D.; CALCUTTA. In my previous note 1 on the edition of the above inscription by Messrs. K. P. Jayaswal and R. D. Banerji, I discussed mainly the passage alleged to have contained the date of the inscription. Since then a new impression of the inscription has been taken by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, and his revised readings and notes have been published in J BORS.. December 1918. It is gratifying to note that the learned scholar has now given up the reading panahtariya-sa thivasasate which was looked upon as the key-stone of the date of the inscription, but which, as I contended in my note, was altogether untenable. Unfortunately, however, the new reading proposed is equally, or rather still more, unsatisfactory. It runs as follows:-"panatariya-sata-sahasehi Muriya kalaw". As no facsimile is given along with the revised reading, we can only take help of that which was first published. Now, unless this is looked upon as an absolute forgery, we fail to understand how the new reading can be evolved at all. Any one who looks at the estampage can easily satisfy himself that the letters can by no means be construed as satasahasehi. The editor remarks -"I examined the passage for several successive days, and so did Mr. Panday along with me. We both came to the definite conclusion that the text is as given above. ... We had three fresh impressions taken and they all confirmed the above readings.... I can with absolute confidence say that the former readings were wrong." It is indeed unfortunate that the editor did not see his way to publish this new impression, but until that is done, it is legitimate to hold that the new reading proposed by him is sufficiently doubtful. The reader is indeed puzzled, when he finds that the same letters are read, with equally absolute confidence, once as sa phivasasate raja and at another time as sata sahasehi. While first editing the inscription, Mr. Jayaswal rejected the theory that the expression beginning with choya tha aga satika, in line 16, denoted any date, even then 1 Ind. An., 1918, p. 223. To be denoted henceforth by Roman numeral II, the Journal for December 1917 in which the Pret article was published being denoted by Roman numera I. 3 II, p. 394.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1919 taken along with the preceding words which were interpreted as year 165 of the time of king Muriya. He now takes the very expression as the principal phrase recording the date by itself, and translates the whole sentence as follows:-"He (the king) completes the Mariya time (era), counted, and being of an interval of sixtyfour with a century." It is a very unusual way of expressing dates, to say the least of it, even if we hold that the expression is rightly read and the translation correctly made. There are, however, grounds of doubt in both these respects. With the facsimile before us it is difficult to read kala in place of kale and vochhimnem instead of vochhine, while the proposed interpretation of vochhimmen and upadayati is certainly not such as carries immediate conviction. We need not pursue the subject further till the new impressions of this very important portion of the record are made accessible to the public. In the meantime we are bound to maintain that no case has as yet been made for those who look upon line 16 of this inscription as containing any reference to a date.6 Much has been made of the expression tatiye kalimga-rajavase purisa-yuge in ll. 2-3. Mr. Jayaswal has taken this to refer to the "third dynasty of Kalimga" and proceeded to discuss the two dynasties that preceded the one to which Kharavela belonged. In his opinion the first dynasty occupied the throne of Kalinga from the time of Mahabharata war to its conquest by Nandivardhana, and the second, during the interval between the fall of the Nandas and the conquest of the country by the emperor Asoka; the Cheta dynasty to which Kharavela belonged and which reasserted the independence of Kalinga being of course the third. According to Mr. Jayaswal" the inscription thus indirectly confirms the Puranas, which indicate that the Aryan rule in Kalinga had come down for some 1300 years." s I am not prepared to concede that the expression certainly means "third dynasty of Kalinga." The simple meaning seems to be "the third generation (yuga) of the Kalinga kings in the male line." This seems very suitable when taken along with the context. For Kharavela who would thus belong to the third generation of Kalinga kings, was a young contemporary of king Satakarni, who has been generally identified with the first Andhra king of the name and who was the third king of that royal family. It may be assumed that when the disruption of the Maurya empire began, both the Kalingas and the Andhras seized the opportunity and declared their independence, and the one event followed closely upon the other. Although Satakarni did not probably belong to the third generation, his long reign must be presumed to have covered the period for the third generation. But, even assuming that the expression really means "the third dynasty of Kalinga," there is no reason to connect the first dynasty with that described in Mahabharata. The Nandas and the Mauryas had conquered Kalinga and they might be looked upon respectively as the first and second dynasties. The objection that they were conquerors from the north does not carry any weight in view of the presumption made by Mr. Jayaswal that the Cheta dynasty too came from the north. It may be pointed out in this connection that it is 4 I, p. 450. 5 II, pp. 394-95. 6 Mr. R. Chanda also arrives at the same conclusion after a prolonged discussion. Memoirs of the Arch. Sur. of India, Vol. I, p. 8ff. 7 Mr. Jayaswal now reads it as vai se (II, p. 373) but there is no trace of any anusvara in the published facsimile. s I, p. 436. 9 Mr. Jayaswal himself offers this meaning of yuga (I, p. 437).

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Oor., 1919 ) SECOND NOTE ON HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA 189 extremely unusual for a king to refer to, far less to number, the dynasties that preceded his own and I do not believe there is another instance in Indian Epigraphy. The interpretation assigned by Mr. Jayaswal to the expression is therefore less probable even on general grounds, whereas it is extremely unsafe to look upon it even as an indirect confirmation of the Pauranic statement that the Aryan rule in Kalinga had come down for some 1300 years. From some expression in line 4, Mr. Jayaswal has come to the conclusion that, according to the official estimate, the population of Kalinga numbered thirty-five hundred thousand. 10 He has read the expression as panatisahi sata-sahasehi pakatiyo cha ranjayati. 11 Now any one who looks at the estampage can satisfy himself that the third letter cannot be ti and that the fifth and the sixth letters cannot be respectively ha and sa. Besides, the second letter has a distinct e mark on the left and most likely represents no. If the published facsimile is a faithful one, I have not the slightest doubt that the reading adopted by Mr. Jayaswal cannot be maintained. Mr. Jayaswal has traced the name of the contemporary king of Magadha in line 12. He first read the expression as " Ma(ga)dha cha Rajana() Bahapati-mitrail pade vanda payati" and sought to identify king Bahapatimitra with the well-known king Btihaspati-mitra whose name appears in coins and inscriptions as Bahasati-mita 11 In his revised reading he has given the name as Bahasatimita, thus removing the discrepancy between the two forms. He remarks :-" The rock decided that the name is spelt as Bahasati not Bahapati" and further informs us that a cast was taken of the letters on Plaster of Paris.13 It is difficult to understand, why, in this case as well as in the all-important expression containing the date, the editor did not think it necessary to give the benefit of his personal examination of the rock to the public in the shape of improved facsimiles, He ought to have considered that expressions containing such important historical information must be placed above all doubts and cannot be accepted merely on the authority of any scholar, however great. I do not mean any disrespect to Mr. Jayaswal or cast any doubt upon his scholarship, but I am bound, in all fairness, to confess, that the facsimile which was published with his original article does not seem to me to lend any weight to his view. After a close and careful inspection of the letters I am of opinion that the reading adopted by Mr. Jayaswal is mostly conjectural. The first two letters are hopelessly indistinct, and the portion that remains of the third letter does not make it likely that it represents dha, As regards the six letters which have been read as Bahasatimitram, the second letter seems to have a clear u sign attached to it, and the third and fourth letters look like pa and sa. I would propose the tentative reading bahu pasdsitan which gives good sense. I do not of course deny that the reading Bahasatimitam might, after all, be proved to be correct but so long as it is not supported by a clear impression of the inscription, all conjectures about the relation of king Kharavela and Bahasatimitra must be altogether given up. The arguments by which Mr. Jayaswal has sought to identify Brihaspatimitra and Pushyamitra 15 seem to me more ingenious than convincing. But after what has been said above the topic need not be discussed in this connection. An expression in line 11 has led Mr. Jayaswal to conclude that Khara vela led out in procession the wooden statue of Ketubhadra, the Kalinga hero, who died in the great war, described in Mahabharata, thirteen hundred years ago. He further observes in this 10. I, p. 439ff. 11 II, p. 374. 13 I, pp. 457, 473ff. 13 II, p. 385. 14 I, 473ff

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1919 connection that " a careful chronicle had been kept in Orissa.... Their record could go back 1300 years." 15 He reads the expression as "nekasayati janapadabhavana cha terasavasa-sata-Ketubhada-titamara-deha-saghatam." But the letter which has been read as va in terase-vas-sate has a distinct hook on its upper left, and although the lower loop is a little larger than usual, it should more properly be read as kha. I therefore propose the reading "nekasayati janapadabhavanam cha terasa-Khasa-satam katabhadata (...)-deha-samghatash". It may be translated as follows:-"Expels the thirteen hundred Khasas 16 who were a cause of anxiety to the whole community and who injured the body of the ascetics..." But even if Mr. Jayaswal's reading be accepted, his conclusions about Ketubhadra and the chronicle of Orissa reaching back thirteen hundred years seem to rest on too slender a hypothesis to be taken seriously. Regarding the expression terasa-vasa sata Mr. Jayaswal remarks:-" It may be said that terasa-vasasata may mean 113 years also. But we have another such expression in the inscription ti-vasa-sata which, as has been shown, can only mean 300 and not 103 years... That being so we must take the similar" expression terasa-vasa-sata in the same way, i.e., to mean 1300 and not 113." 17 Mr. Jayaswal evidently forgets that a few pages later he explained another similar expression viz. sathicasa-sate as 160 and not 6,000. Then, as regards Ketubhadra or "His Highness Ketu "Mr. Jayaswal remarks that "the age given for him in the inscription-thirteen centuries before Kharavela's time (1300-160-1460 B.C.)-takes us to men who lived about the date of Mahabharata war as given by the Puranas (1424 B.C.)". This naturally led him to look into Mahabharata and there he found, to his agreeable surprise, that "Ketuman commanded the army of Kalinga in the great war as Commander-in-chief of the Kalinga forces. He was the eldest son of the king of Kalinga. He fought a great battle against Bhima and had a heroic end on the battlefield." 18 This is a serious error on the part of Mr. Jayaswal. The chapter 54 of Bhishma parvan, to which he gives reference, clearly shows that the king of Kalinga named Srutayu actually commanded his forces in the battlefield and was killed by Bhima, that his son "who fought a great battle against Bhima and had a heroic end" was named Sakradeva, and that Ketuman was the name of a Nishada chief who fought on the side of Duryodhana along with the Kalinga chief and met his end on the same day. The following verses, among others, from chapter 54 of Bhishmaparvan leave no doubt on the above points:"Tatah Srutayuh samkruddho rajna Ketumata saha Asasada rane Bhimam vyudhanikeshu Chedishu (6) Kalingas tu maheshvasa putras-ch-asya maharathal || (18) Sakradeva iti khyato jaghnatuh Pandavam saraih" | (19) (Cf. also verses 24, 72, 75, 77). Thus Ketuman was not only not a king or even a prince of Kalinga but was a Nishada by caste (vs. 5 and 7) and his forces are clearly distinguished from the Kalinga army. It is a matter of surprise how, inspite of all these detailed descriptions, Mr. Jayaswal could have made Ketuman a Kalinga hero and the son of a Kalinga king!! After all I do not find that much real progress has been made in the elucidation of the record beyond what was done by former scholars with the help of Pandit Bhagawanlal's 15 I, p. 436ff. 16 The Khasas are mentioned along with the Dravidas in the Manu-Samhita (Ch. X, v. 22). The Khasus may therefore be supposed to have lived in the southin Kharavela's time. 17 I, p. 438. 18 I. D. 437.

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OCTODER, 1919) THE INTERVOCALIC CONSONANTS IN TAMIL 191 eye-copy, although two reputed scholars, with adequate equipments, have since visited the cave in order to make a scientifio study of the inscription. Reliable historical information which they have been able to glean out of the record does not make any substantial addition to what we already knew about it, and this is a great disappointment to those who, like myself, built high hopes on a scientific study of the inscription. The result is no doubt to be sincerely deplored, but one cannot help thinking that it is mainly due to the decaying state of the cave which no longer admits of a sure interpretation of the record, but gives wide scope to guesses and conjectures. It is difficult to give any other explanation of the serious differences which pervade the two separate editions of the text, although both are based upon facsimiles prepared by approved scientifio process, and aided by the personal experience of two distinguished scholars. The difficulty is, that we are asked to take on trust many things which do not appear clearly upon the estampage ; but, in view of the differences between the two editions we may be excused if we refuse to concede this demand. Whether this state of things will ever be improved admits of doubt, but, in the meanwhile, we should rather confess that we know little than accept conclusions which do not clearly follow from the impression which we actually possess. In the July-October number of JRAS., 1918, Dr. V. A. Smith contributed a short note on the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, in order, as he says, to give wide publicity to the learned paper on the above subject written by Mr. K. P. Jayagwal in JBORS., Vol. III, p. 425. Dr. V. A. Smith practically endorsed all the views put forward by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal and did not even hesitate to give out as his opinion that the results achieved by Mr. Jayagwal were almost final. 19 A great deal of importance naturally attaches to what Dr. V. A. Smith says on a matter relating to the history of ancient India and this makes it incumbent upon those who hold different views about Mr. Jayaswal's conclusions to test and analyse them a little more closely than would otherwise have been necessary. The second edition of the inscription with radical changes in the reading and the interpretation of the record is the most emphatic retort to Dr. V. A. Smith's views about the finality of the results achieved by Mr. Jayaswal. The above discussion is intended to demonstrate that the second edition of the inscription has as much or as little claim to be regarded as final as the first. THE INTERVOCALIO CONSONANTS IN TAMIL. BY JULES BLOCH, 1 So long ago es 1872, at p. 309ff. of Vol. I. of the Indian Antiquary, Burnell called the attention of scholars to a passage in Kum&rila Bhagya's Tantravdrttika, a work composed towards the end of the VIIth oentury A.D., a passage notable inasmuch as it quotes sundry Dravidian words. In Vol. XLII of the Indian Antiquary (pp. 200, 201) Mr. P. T. Srinivas Iyengar has given a new and corrected reading of this interesting passage, of which it may be convenient to repeat the meaning here : "So in Dravidian eto. language, in the case of words ending in consonants, we find that by inserted alterations, such as the addition of vowel terminations or feminine suffixes, we obtain words which bear a meaning in our own speech. For example, from cor, 'boiled rice', we get cora, 'thief'. From atar, 'road', we make atara, by saying: "True, as it is difficult to traverne [dustara], the road is atara or impassable!." 80, again, the word pdp, ending in 19 "The crucial question of date has been determined finally, and all the principal facts stated in and the inferences deducible from the inscription are placed beyond reasonable doubt." JRAS., 1918, .P. 644. i Extracted, with additions, from Memoires de la Sooided do Linguistique de Paris, Vol. XIX, fasc. (1914, p. 86 ff.), translated by Mr. J. D. Anderson.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1919 the consonant p, signifies a serpent'; but by adding the vowel a, we can assert: " True, it is indeed maleficent' or papa." Similarly the word mal, which means 'woman' can be made into mala, 'a garland'. "And that is true," we remark. So also the word vair, when itsends with r, signifies the belly'. But pronounce it as vairi and reason as follows : Yes, in impelling all famished mortels to crime, the belly in fact acts as an enemy, a vairi." But though in the case of the Dravidian etc. language, we can accommodate the words at will [to make sense), yet when it is a question of the Persian, barbarian, Greek, Roman and other such languages, we know not how to arrange them so as to arrive at any meaning whatever." From what speech, then, are taken the words cited by Kumarila ? The opinion generally held is that we have here to do with Tamil, or rather chiefly with Tamil, as is sufficiently indicated by the use of the group-word Dravidadi before the singular bhasiydm. The implicitly accepted ground for that opinion, which may be taken to be as valid now as ever it was, is that all the words cited by Kumarila are known to us in Tamil. If we must admit' that the word mal in the sense of woman' does not occur anywhere, it can nevertheless be interpreted, as Mr. Srinivas Iyengar has explained in his article, as being clumsily extracted from an authentic compound Tamil phrase. Strongest argument of all, two of these words atar and cor, are at present unknown anywhere except in Tamil. Finally, we have Caldwell's identification of the nouns Dravida and Tamil, at pp. 8 to 10 of his Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Languages (3rd ed.), a matter to which I shall presently revert. Subject to the result of possible further investigation of the use of the words in question, and especially atar and cor, in other Dravidian speeches, we can, I think, already deduce some significant indications as to the probable development of the Tamil language from this passage of Kumarila. In the first place, Mr. Srinivas Iyenger (herein following Burnell) potes that three of the examples quoted by the Sanskrit writer are defective, inasmuch as the words soru, pambu and variru have not the consonantal termination postulated by Kumarila. But, with all due deference to Sir G. A. Grierson and Dr. Sten Konow (Vol. IV, Mupda-Dravidian, p. 287 of the Linguistic Survey; cf. also Burnell's South Indian Palaeography, p. 126, n. 2), who think the assumption a rash one, I venture to think that there is no reason to suppose that the existing vowel-endings are not quite modern. Indeed, the terminal vowel is often absent in colloquial Tamil at the present day, and normally disappears in compound words and in oblique cases of the noun. It should also be noted that, in passing from one Dravidian language to another, we find instances of this change. Take, for instance, the affix of the plural, which in Tamil is-ga! (colloquial-ga), in Canarese-galu (colloquial-gol), in Tulu -kulu and in Telugu -Iu. Take, again, the classical Tamil il, 'house', expanded into -ile as the ending of the locative case, which becomes in Telugu illu, and in Kuj idu. So the Tamil tannir (colloquial tanni) 'water', becomes in Telugu nil?u. But the most interesting inferences to be deduced from the form of the words quoted by Kumarila relate to the law, characteristic of Tamil, by which the intervocalic occlusive consonants become sonants. This law is well known (see, for example, Caldwell, p. 138ff.) and may be stated thus. As initials, the occlusive k, t and p remain surds, as also when they are doubled between vowels. But they become sonants (and often even spirants) when they occur singly between vowels, and are also sonants after nasals. Similarly, as an initial is often pronounced as c, and always when it is doubled ; after n it always becomes j. (Note here the significant difference between Tamil vayin and Canarese basir, 'belly'; cf. Caldwell,

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OCTOBER, 1919 ] THE INTERVOCALIC CONSONANTS IN TAMIL 193 p. 153, and Vinson, Manuel de la langue Tamoule, pp. 44, 4.5). The same rule applies to and r (both included in the category of 'strong letters as distinguished from 'middle'. letters, i.e. liquids, and 'soft' letters, i.e. nasals), save only that they do not occur as initials; hence, between vowels, we may get either tt and tt ord and r. It is a consequence of this law that such Sanskrit words as katha, danta!, pa pam, are transliterated in Tamil as kadei (there are no aspirated consonants in Tamil), landam, pdbam, and even pavam. This rule, which is clearly illustrated in Tamil by the system of script, in which the surd and the sonant are undistinguishable from one another, may possibly have operated also in other dialects of the same family. No doubt it is a result of it that in Canarese, no less than in Tamil, we get in compound numerals the form padu- as compared with pattu, ten'. But I need not elaborate a chapter in phonetic history whose existence we all suspect, but of which none of us has yet any direct proof. Be that as it may, the forms pap and, above all, atar, prove (as Grierson and Sten Konow have already pointed out, op. cit., p. 288) that this law of the voicing of intermediate surds bas operated in Tamil subsequently to the time when Kumarila Bhata wrote. In fact, the word atar survives in Tamil and in Tamil only, as aforesaid) in the compound for adarkcko!, 'highway robbery.' That the d in this word was once pronounced as a surd by Kumarila's contemporaries is proved unmistakably by the fact that he identifies the word with the Sanskrit root tar. As for his word pap, it is evidently the common stein from which we get Tamil pambu, Canarese pavu, and Telugu pamu, to which we must add the muljectival form quoted by Caldwell (p. 202), which gives pappu-kkodi, serpent banner'. Note the same consonantal changes in the various Dravidian names for the Melia tree, which are in Tamil vembu, in Canarese bevu, and in Telugu vema ; compare again, Tamil kambu with Canarese kavu, meaning 'stalk', 'handle'. We may, then, legitimately infer that nasalisation after a long vowel in all these Tamil words is recent, and that the word for 'serpent', in particular, originally ended in a surd p. It is evident. then, that intervocalic surds existed in old Tamil. We may even legitimately ask whether there was not a time when that language contained only surd consonants to the exclusion of sonants. This assumption alone would explain why, when they adopted the northern alphabet, the Tamils came to exclude the symbols representing sonants, just as, owing to the absence of aspirates in their own language, they rejected the symbols of aspirated consonants. So both from the testimony of Kumarila Bhatta and from the orthographical facts of the language we are led to infer that the present sonority of intervocalis consonants is a secondary and modern development. But an even more interesting conclusion is now open to us. If we examine the phonetic state of the Indo-Aryan languages towards the beginning of the Christian era, we shall find that in these languages the occlusives oocur in the following fashion (see J. Bloch, Formation de la langue marathe, $$ 14, 81) : Final occlusives have disappeared. Initial occlusives survive, whether surds or sonants. Between vowels, we find, firstly, that doubled letters (surds and sonants) have taken the place of the old compound consonants; and, secondly, that single intertocalic consonants are now sonants exclusively, whether they were originally surd or sonant. If we omit the consideration of aspirated consonants (and these are lacking to all languages of Southern India, including the Indo-Aryan Singhalese), we cannot but be struck

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OOBER, 1919 by the remarkable similarity of the phonetic changes undergone by the two families of languages. But we can carry the parallel even further. In the subsequent middle-Indian Aryan speeches, intervocalic sonants, we shall find, become spirant or disappear; on the other hand, the doubled consonants which took the place of the classical compound consonants are simplified in the modern Indo-Aryan languages. Exactly in the same way, the intervocalic sonants of modern Tamil tend to become spirants, and double letters as in Northern India, to become single. Nay, the very change of surds into sonants after nasals has a singular parallel, and that at a distant date in the Indo-Aryan dialects of the North West (see Journal Asiatique, 1913, I, p. 331ff). But if we have established, in medieval and modern times, a singularly close parallel development in the two groups of languages, may, we not conjecture a similar parallelism in a more distant past? Suppose, as we easily may, that the Sanskritic languages of Hindustan had only become known to us at that stage of development at which we first make acquaintance with the earliest dated documents of Dravidian speech, and that we were still, unaware of their affinities with Indo-European languages. It would obviously be impossible to adduce documentary proof of the earliest stage of these tongues, when they possessed not only intervocalic surds, but compound consonants. For example, there would be nothing to justify us in assuming the existence of a primitive tr., either, say, es en initial in the name of the number three', which would only be known to us in Prakrit as tinni, in Hindi and in Marathi as tin, in Singhalese as tun, etc., nor, again, could we prove its existence in the midst of the word signifying leaf', since it would only be kpown to us as surviving in Prakrit patta-, in Marathi and Bengali pdt, in Singbalese pat, eto. Nor would it be possible for us to recognize the primitive existence of en initiel dr- in a word only known to us through its descendants, the Pali doni-, Marathi don, Bengali duni, and Singhalese dena, ell signifying trough' or 'boat'. Equally impossible would it be for us to surmise the existence of the same compound 28 a medial in the word meaning turmeric,' which we should only know as Prakrit halidda, haladda, Marathi and Gujarati halad, Hindi haldi, Singhalese haladu, end so forth. Now, in regard to the Dravidian speeches, we possess only these secondary survivals. But there is no reason to prevent us from assuming that these languages, like those of Northern India, once possessed compound consonants such as, in Sanskrit, have been preserved in written records as tri-, pattra-, dronf- and haridra. Indeed we may find in Tamil itself modern examples of assimilations similar to those which our theory of Tamil origins postulates. We have, for example, kt, t'k 7 kk, !d 7 dd, etc. (see Vinson, pp. 48, 49). It is probable that in such transformations we may find the explanation of changes which are used to express grammatical changes of meaning, such as in the oblique stem of nouns, or in the past tenses of verbs (cf. Vinson, p. 111; Grierson, Ling. Survey. IV. p. 291). But above and beyond these vague indications, there survives to us one word which supplies direct proof of the existence of a parent compound consonant, and that is the word Tamil itself. If its modern form is tamil, it was adopted into Sanskrit in early times as dravida-, which occurs, for example, in the Mahabharata, in the Atharvaveda parisista, and in the Code of Manu. Not only has the word thus transliterated survived to us in Sanskrit literature, but it even imposed itself on Tamil men of letters, who retransliterated it into their own characters as tiramida. On the other hand, it has made its way into European scripts. We find it in Peutinger's Table as Damirice, in the Periplus and in Ptolemy as Aurpen, which may well be a copyist's error for * Awppuan

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OCTOBER, 1919] MISCELLANEA (see Burnell, South Indian Pal., p. 51, n. 1; Caldwell, p. 10); the cosmographer of Ravenna. records the name as Dimirica. Now, as Dr. Caldwell has justly observed, the transmutation of dr-into d- is Prakritic (cf. also the Pali Damilo in the Mahavamso). How great is the probability that a parallel transformation has occurred in Tamil itself! In any case, it is ineonceivable that, when the word Dravida made its appearance in Sanskrit, it was not a transliteration of an authentic indigenous word. Whereas it is impossible to suggest any previously existing Sanskrit model on which an indigenous word more closely resembling the surviving Tamil could have been moulded into Dravida. If we now come to consider the chronology of the processes considered above, we may first state that the simplification of the old grouped consonants must have occurred at about the same date in Tamil as in Indo-Aryan languages; at least, if the testimony of the geographers' records authenticate local usage and not forms belonging exclusively to the Indo-Aryan dialects which borrowed Dravidian place names. 195 As for the surding of sonant consonants, we have seen it proved for the initial by the modern pronunciation tamil, and confirmed for intervocalic consonants by the testimony of Kumarila, and, above all, generally by the absence of sonant symbols in the alpbabet of a language which possesses voiced sounds now and which no doubt had them in prehistoric times also. So we may conclude that this loss of sonority must be sought for somewhere between the beginning of the Christian era and the time of Kumarila. At what date, then, did the surds thus obtained again become sonants, as they now are, between vowels? We do not know. But we may infer that the change is comparatively recent. The Nangal, written about A.D. 1200, (see Barnett, Cat. of Tamil Books in the British Museum, preface, p. III) still inculcates (III, 20) that in the transcription of Sanskrit words, the first letter of each varga represents the three following letters (for example the letter k does duty for k, kh, g and gh, not only without distinguishing sonants from surds, but also without indicating any difference of sound due to the place of the letter in a word). Besides, the existence of doubled consonants is expressly recognized (II, 55), but without the faintest allusion to any difference in articulation. Finally, the doubling of the initial letter of the second members of compound-words (IV, 15ff.), although it may seem to indicate a difference in pronunciation between the initial and the intervocalic consonant, is by no means conclusive, even on that point. Its occurrence may depend on various conditions, among them the nature of the preceding sound (compare Ko-pparakesarivraman as opposed to madirai-konda in the inscription of Nandivarman the Pallava, VIIIth century; see Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, II, p. 370); and it is easy to conceive a stage in the history of the language, (whatever be the future alterations), when the initial consonants may have been uttered with a special stress; this would not imply that the intervocalic consonants were necessarily weaker. So we may admit that in A.D. 1200 there is not yet any clear trace to be found of the change in question. MISCELLANEA. PALESIMUNDU. The Periplus applies the name 'Palasimundu' to the island which was called by the ancients' Tapro. bane' (Ceylon). Pliny knows the name (VI, 24). Ptolemy too notes that the ancient name of the island was Simundu. According to Lassen the word Palasimundu' is the Sanskrit Pali-stmanta, "abode of the law of piety"; i.e., the Dharma of Gautama Buddha. (See Schoff's Periplus, p. 249 1 This view though ingenious is far from satisfactory. *

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1919 The Arthasastra of Kautilya throws some ligtand Parasamudraka is of variegated colour and on the matter. In Book II, Chapter XI, we have smells like chacus or like Navamalika." the following passages :- Kauta, that which is obtained in the Kata ; According to the commentator 'Parasamudraka' Mauleyaka, that which is found in the Maleya; and means that which is available in the island of Parasamudraka, that which is found beyond the Sinhala (Ceylon). From this it is clear that ocean, are several varieties of gems." Parasamudrais Ceylon. Have we not in the "(As to) Agaru: terin the Sanskrit original of Palaesimundu' ? Jongaka is black or variegated black and is HEMORANDRA RAYCHAUDHURI. possessed of variegated spots; Dongaka is black; BOOK-NOTICE. THE HARSHACHARITA OF BANABHATTA (Uchchhaisas still clings to the old theory without even alluding to Pandit Krishnamachariar's researches. He I-VIII), edited with an Introduction and Notes still identifies, notwithstanding Prof. Pathak's and by P. V. Kane, M.A., LL.M. Bombay, 1918. Dr. Vincent Smith's important contributions to The Harshacharita is one of the most difficult the Vakataka chronology, Devagupta of Magadha Sanskrit prose kavyas causing much perplexity to (A.D. 680-700) with the maternal grandfather of the University students; but Mr. Kane's annotations VAkataka king, Pravarasena II. He has not a word will enable even private students to understand to elucidate the history of Kumara alias Bhaskar difficult passages full of puns. Mr. Kane has taken varman of Pragjyotisha from the latter's Nidhanpur great pains to elucidate the language with exple- inscription (BI., XII, p. 65). He has no note to nations, references to various Sanskrit texts and offer on the passage (p. 60). Sierra M ... parallel passages and has not passed over really Vanemaur... FIESTATTFT ark..., difficult passages with the remark spashtam. Rather, he has clearly marked out the hard ones. nor on (p. 51) a t Tamanter. atat. As for his hard verse I, 18, I like to take it and VYKU# 9frhrer. On Padmavati, the the next ono to mean that our poet says that capital of the Nagas (long ago identified by although his tongue, as if drawn inwards (for it is Cunningham with Narwar ), he writes, "What rashness on his part to write a biography of Harsha), particular city is meant we cannot say." He does not set about to write & poem even when he quotes the Rdjatanangini (1, 172-3) to state that remembers the great encouragement shown to him Nagarjuna was, according to it, a king (who lived by the rich king (Harshavardhana who made rich 150 years after Buddha)-a statement not fully presents to our poet), yet his devotion to the king correct for Kalhana says that Bhumisvara (and make him ma to atramnt it, though he is not not king) Bodhisatva NAgarjuna dwelt in the forest equal to the task. of Six Arhate' and flourished during the reigns But the Harshacharita is not simply a kavya of Kanishka, Hush ka and Jushka-but not requiring the knowledge of kora, eyakarana and those passages of it (II, 148: III, 54) which alan kana only to explain it. It is a historical poem refer to Varuna's parasol in possession of the full of obscure historical allusions and Mr. Kane is king of Assam and which ought to be quoted to not so very successful in his historical notes as he is explain the present of Varuna's parasol made by Bhaskaravarman to Harshavardhans as described in his explanatory ones. In spite of Dr. Schmidt's in Uchoholsa VII. Assent (Ind. Ant., 1906, p. 215) to Pandit Krishnama. His geographical notes are rather vague : is it correct to state that Gandhara chariar's theory (stated in the Introduction of his edition of Parvati-parinaya Vantvilasa, Skr. is Kandahar or that Anga is North Bengal? Serice, Srirangam, 1906) that the Parvatf-parinaya W point out these shortcomings not in the was composed, not by the author of Kadambart but I spirit of fault-finding but in order to find the by Vamans Bhatta-Bana (of the Vdisya-gotra), the future publications of Mr. Kane to be free from author of Sabda ratna karanighandu and Virandra similar defects. yanacharita (a biography of the Redi king V m alias Vfrankrilyans of the 15th century), Mr. K to SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI

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NOVEMBER, 1919] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 197 EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851. BY 8. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from p. 187.) IX. FIGHT BETWEEN H.M.S. PHOENIX AND A SANGANIAN PIRATE. In the year 1685 Captain John Tyrrel of H.M.S. Phoenix of 42 guns, was cruising between Bombay and the Persian Gulf to protect trade, and ran across a Sanganian vessel of 150 tons, 120 men and 8 guns off Versova on the west of Salsette Island. The general account is that she attacked the Phoenix mistaking her for a merchantman, but in the first version of the engagement (by an eyewitness) it is stated that the Phoenix summoned her to submit to examination which she refused to do. Probably the real truth is that she.accepted the fight under the illusion stated and, having accepted it, her crew fought it out with the courage which is characteristic of the Indian Rajputs, for the Sanganians were of Rajput descent and their traditions forbade them to surrender. The Lieutenant [George] Byng whose gallantry secured victory to the English was the father of Admiral John Byng who was shot in 1757 for his conduct in the Mediterranean. The Admiral and the great-grandfather of Sir Julian (now Lord) Byng, who has so greatly distinguished himself in the recent war, were brothers. It is a curious fact that shortly after this date, when European pirates appe. in these waters, the native pirates seem to have taken a rest. One would have thought that they would have resisted any poaching on their preserves, and it is certain that if the Indian merchantmen had fought with anything like the same courage as these Sanganians, the European pirates would have left them alone. "We set sail [from Bombay] the 11th [September 1685] in the morning with the wind at north-west a small gale and the 13th at 8 in the morning we, being off Cosseer 30 espied a ship in the offing at an anchor, having her main topmast and main yards down. We takt and stood toward her, haveing the wind at north-north-west, a fresh gale. At past I she got under saile. We did perseve that she was a country ship by her proe. 31 We fired a gun and shot, but the shot did not come near her, we keeping of our Luf to get up with her, fireing guns to make her bear down to us [in order that we might examine her]. At length she fired at us. Her shot grazed on our bowe near us. Then we kept fireing, and at 11 her boat broak lose from her starne, haveing 2 men in her, and at 12 we was neare unto ler. We past a broadside into her. They fired several times at us with their guns and small arms. Our Captain was loth to board her, we passing several broadsides into her and vollies of small shot, in so much that we did judge that we had done them great damedges. They killed but one of our men, which was a passenger as I was. 33 At past 30 it will be seen that the dates given in the two accounts of the engagement do not agree. By Cosseer must be meart Agashe, through Gasht, Kaaf, on the coast just above b. ssein.-ED. 31 The native craft were built with long-beaked prows. 33 No doubt because of the large number of her crew, which would make such an attempt very costly as well as dangerous. 33 See, however, the Captain's Log, infra, which gives 3 killed and one died of wounds-ED.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVIBER, 1919 one we boarded her but dast not enter * & man, for they was very stout and bould in thayr assalts with bowes and arrows, lances, sords and targats and abundance of stones. We boarded her five times and could not keep her fast. The sixth time of boarding we had a fire grapline 35 and chaine at our maine yard and fore yard arms, wbich we did let drop into her when she was alongst our side, and one of the Sanganians with his Simmeter with 3 or 4 blowes cutt the chaine and she fell astarne without our entering a man. At 6 in the evening we boarded her the seventh time, being in a readiness to board and to enter in him. She was alongst our side. Our gunner raised the mouth of a gun in the West 36 and fired into her, being loden with double head and round [shot). Leftenant Bings with 9 more entered and had a hard dispute, but they was concorers. The ship drove astarne, and before we could send the longboat to them, she sunke and we saved all our men, only Mr. Christopher Mason which has the King's letter and one man More which had reseved mortall wounds being disabled of strength and drowned. Leftenant Binge reseved two gangarous [? dangerous] cutts on the small of his back. At 8 we came to anchor in sight of the ship, for the head of her mast was above watter. No sooner was our anchor down, but we did perseve & great many blacks hanging on our ships ties and wales. 31 We got candles in lanthorns and brought them all into the ship to the number of 40 men and boys, plasing them fore and aft on the deck a both sides, thon seized (tied) their legs and arms one unto another, keeping a good watch over them at night, we haveing fair weather and a small gale." Log of H.M.S. Phonix, Captain John Tyrrell, by one John Beavan. Sloane M8. No. 854.] "Fryday the 18th [ September 1685 ), at noone we had the North poynt of Salitaett 38 EbS/So. 5 or 6 Leagues of. Saturday the 19th. This 24 howers the winds from NNWt. to No. and NbEt.Small gails. We keepeing on After A Saile that wayed and stod of, at t past 2 After noone came up with him, and After two Broadsids with our uper gunds Boarded him. He Broak away 3 times, but Just before sunn sett boarded him Againe and Entered him. He then broak Away and Sunk. We Sent our boats, took up our men and Camo to an Anchor in 8 and 1 fathom. They killed us 3 men and one passenger and two drounded. We took up 41 of them : they had 107, the rest killed. He belonged to Singania, to or 3 Islands Lying in A Gulf by the River Indus. We rid till 10 this morning, then wayed and bore Away for Bombay. At past five wo Anchored in 7 fathom, the Somost tree on Old womana Island NW WT., the Sunken Rock NWt.B No., the fort N Et., and moored with our Stream, Anchor. Killed : Bartholomew Hill, Hugh Mathews, David Dennis. Drounded : Christopher Masson, John Chipp. Wounded : Fower. Thomas Burroughs dyed." (Log of H.M.8. Phoenix by John Baphior. Admiralty Caplains' Logs (Public Record Office) No. 3938.) 34 At this times distinction was made between boarding (i.e., coming alongside or board to board) and entering (i.c., sending an attacking party on board). * Fire-grapling, & gra pling iron with which to captare fireshipe.-ED. 36 That part of the ship which lies between the Forecastle and the Quarterdeck. . 97 By . ties' (properly, cross-beams) here is meant the lower ends of the shroudo. The wale or bende running horizontally and projecting slightly from the sides of the ship would afford some hold for the hand. Saleotte Inland, immediately north of Bombay.-Ko.

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NOVEMBER, 1919] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 199 X. A FIGHT AT CLOSE QUARTERS,' 1686. Every man on board a ship in the old days, whether a sailor or not, was expected to give his assistance in time of danger, the sailors themselves being regularly exercised at the guns and the whole crew in the use of the small arms (i.e. fire-arms) and the cutlass. In a merchant ship of the 17th century the Supercargo was a very important person. He represented the owners, and in many matters even the captain was subject to his authority. Often he was an old sea-captain himself. 39 It is not therefore very strange that in the following instance Mr. Richard Salvey (or Salwey), when the Captain and Chief Mate had been killed, should have taken command during the rest of the fight. What is most worthy of remark is that, though dangerously wounded comparatively early in the day, he refused to have his wound dressed and kept the deck until the enemy sheered off. Again, in these times ships were not merely floating batteries. They were actual fortresses with, as it were, citadels to which the defenders could retire when the enemy had forced the outer works. These citadels were known technically as close quarters' and were formed by strong barriers running across the breadth of the ship and separating the Forecastle and the Quarterdeck from the Waist or middle part, which in a frigate-built ship was some feet lower. These barriers were provided with loopholes from which the defenders could fire upon the enemy who had entered the ship. So a fight under these conditions was what was properly called a fight at close quarters. If the defenders were absolutely determined not to surrender, they could continue the fight ever after the citadels were taken, since they could, e in the case of the Spanish ship at Nagaseki (see No. V), beteke themselves to the dec!: below and then blow up with powder the enemy above them. In the case of the Bauden, the Roundhouse or Captain's cabin appears to have been at the after end of and above the Quarterdeck, beneath which on the level of the Waist were the Steerage and the Great Cabin, with a Companion leading from the Roundhouse to the Great Cabin. The Waist was commanded by the loopholes in the Forecastle and the Quarterdeck. Thus when the crew had retired to the Forecastle and 'Quarterdeck and the Captain and some picked men to the Roundhouse, they were all under cover in their Close Quarters, in which also were situated all the guns which they bad mounted for use. These guns were only part of the armament of the Bauden, other guns having been sent down into the hold as soon as she had come sufficiently far south to be free from any danger of attack by the Barbary pirates, for up to this date the pirates from the West Indies and New England had hardly begun to make the Cape Verde Islands a field for fresh operations. The fight narrated below is remarkable as one between single ships, pirates not much relishing single combats. Possibly Mr. Salvey was right in supposing that they had intended to get water and refreshments at Santiago. Once to leeward of these Islands it was not easy, at certain times of the year, to get back again. If this were so, they were probably desperate and thought they might risk an attack upon a small ship. From the Sloane MS. 3672 it appears that the Bauden was only of 170 tons and 16 guns and was carrying 29 men and 39 soldiers (probably recruits for the Company's garrisons in India). As we shall see, 30 However, from many expressions in this narrative, it would appear tha Mr. Salvey had ne ver been a sailor but was very much of a landsman.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( NOVEMBER, 1919 the Caesar (No. XI), Captain Edward Wright, was attacked by five pirate ships at once, but she was of 535 tons and 40 guns with 120 men and 116 soldiers. Mr. Salvey supposed that he was attacked by the French pirate Trampoos, meaning presumably La Trompeuse, Captain Jean Hamlyn, but the Trompeuse had been destroyed by Captain Carlisle of H.M.S. Francis in August 1683. It may be mentioned that the account of this fight, (Sloane MS. 3672), was left (on the 22nd October 1687) at Johanna, an island in the Comoros to the north of Madagascar, at which Indiamen often called, and a copy was there taken by one Nathaniel Warren who was on board of the Charles, Captain John Preston, which called at Johanna on the 17th August 1689. "We set sail from St. Jago on board the Bauden Frigatt, John Cribbs Commander, on October the 20th/86 with 36 of the Company's soldiers, being bound for Bombay in India. Upon the 20th [? 26th] October in North Latitude eight degrees about 6 in the inorning we descried a saile to the westward upon our starpoard quarter, about three leagues distant, standing 88 we stood, which our Commander and all of us concluded to be the same Dutch built ship that was plyeing into St. Jago when we were there, and that she was a Dutchman bound our wey, in great want (as we conceived) of water and other refreshments, hexe irg bin putt by the Port, but we still kept our course with an easy gale, till at the last we had a small squall. We goeing right before it, brought him right astern of us about three leagues, and a small breeze comeing sooner to him than to us, he seemed to fetch upon us, and about 8 of the clock we perceived his boate rowing after us it being stark calme) which we concluded was to make known his wants; at which time we were not quite idle, but employed in handing up and loadeing our small arms. About 9 a clock their boate being come within hale of us, they lay upon their oers and haled us in English, we answered of London bound for East India. We asking from whence they came, they answering from Rochill (Rochelle) bound for Brazill. They still kept without musquett shott of us and lay upon their oars, viewing us about half a quarter of an hour, after which wishing us a good voyage they made the best of their way to their ship, their boate being half between both ships. We made use of our Prospective Glass to discoter what she was, with which at last we perceived their ship to row with 12 oars10 on a side or more. We then being confirmed in our opinion that he was a Rogue [i.e., a Pirate ] made ready to receive him as such. We run out our guns double loaded with double and round shott, knocked down our cabbins 11 and all impediments, cleered our decks, slung our yards and fixed our powder chests, two of which we placed on the forecastle and one upon our Poop, where we had powered melted butter and strowed Pease to make it slippery. We had allso two dale boards struck full of ten-penny Nails with their points upward to prevent their boarding us. We had 4 great guns on our Quarterdeck, one of which we carried into the Roundhouse and levelled out of the Port in the doore to cleere [cover] our Quarterdeck, the others we spiked up, by reason the enemy should not turn them upon us. After which our Commander spoke some words to encourage the men, and every one went to his station. 40 The use of oars or sweeps was, I believe, confined to fighting ships. 41 These were placed on both sides of the Steerage, and, in some cases, of the Great Cabin also. (John Smith. The Seaman's Grammar, 1692). 12 These were intended to be fired like a kind of mine, when the decks were crowded by the enemy.

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NOVEMBER, 1919) EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 201 About 12 of the clock their ship had gott the weather guge of us and came rangeing up our starboard quarter with French coloure flying. The enemy being within musquett shott of us, upon our Boatswaines windeing his Call, we beate our Drum and gave them three cheers. They being come nigher abroadside of us, our Master called to him to bear under our stern or else be would fire upon him, upon which one from their boltspritt end in 8 commanding manner called to us to hoist out our boate and come aboard of them. Our Commander replyed he should not do that, but if tLey had any business with us, their boate being out, they might come aboard. Afier which one from aboard of them in broken English said, 'We'r Lound aboard of you. Our Master replyed Wellcome, win her and ware ber.' No sooner were these words spoken but they sent a volley of small shott into us, which did little harme, upon which our Master and Mr. Salvey fired twice apiece from the Quarterdeck and went to their close quarters in the Roundhouse, and our men giveing them a volley from the Waste, retired half of them into the Stearidge (according to order) and the other 18lf into the Forecastle, excepting one, being a soldier, who was shott dead entring the Fore. Jastle doore, which was all the enemy see fall of our men. We being in close quarters, they, in the Forecastle brought their aftermost great gun to bear upon the enemys bow, which they fired and see doe execution. Whereupon they run us aboard with their boltspritt in our main shrowds, at which time wee discharged both our Stearidge gurs, being loaded with double round and Partridges shett, which made ter salley, 45 upon which the enemy made a great outcry and veered so far astern that they brought their boltspritt into our mizen shrowds and lashed fast to our chain plates, 46 by reason of which we could not bring our Forecastle guns to beer upon them. All this time they continued fireing upon us with their great and small guns, as we upon them. After wbich the enemy commanded his men to enter us, wbich they seemed eager to doe, by comeing on their boltsprit and others creeping up our side, where they made a halt. which gave us oppertunity as well from our loopholes as otherwise to coe great execution. Some of their men run up our shrowds, endesrourirg to cutt down our y rds, but findeing them slung with chains, they were discouraged. They that wert up were either shott down and fell in the sea or else went down on the other side and swam round to their ship, they not dareing to enter upon our Quarterdeck, seeing us traverse our great guns upon them out of the Roundhouse doore. Neither did they dare to board us on our Poop by reason of our powder chest and other provision made there. Their Commander from on board earnestly pressed them to enter us, but they found our ship too hot for them. They still continued fireing upon us, their cheif aime being att our Roundhouse, Great Cabbin and Stearidge through which they fired three great shott, endeavouring to kill our Captain and sett fire to A powder chest, which att the last they accomplished. Upon its blowing up, the enemy made a great shout and, reasuming courage, entered upon our Poop and with their Poleaxes [ endeavoured ) to cutt down the Antient Staff. 43 To do this was considered a confession of inferiority or submission. So also it was the duty of the inferior to send his boat to the ship of his superior. When pirates could induce a merchant captain to send boat aboard, they generally detained the crew and sent the boat back crowded with their own men who, especially if the merchant captain had come with the boat, usually met with no resistance. 44 Partridge was some kind of small shot, possibly what is now known as Swan or Duck sho 46 Query, Jump, shiver or shake. The Oxford English Dict. has burst or leap forth' as one of the meanings of sally'.-ED. Le Plates bolted to the side of the ship, to which the thronds are fastenedl.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1919 but our men from our Forecastle and loopholes upon the Quarterdeck fired thickupon them, soe that they obleidged them to desist, and their liveing [i.e., those left alive ) instead of cutting into us were employed to dispatch their dead out of our sight, but they left one aboard us thus armed (besides severall guns, pistolls, catutch '7 boxes &c. which we took up, the enemy haveing lett them fell when wounded). He had a long Fuzee, 7 foot in the Barrell, 2 Pistolls, one scimetar, one poleaxe, one stinkpott, a catutch box with 23 charges of powder and Bullett for his Fuzee, with lines (ropes ] to bind us back to back, 48 which some of our men heard their Commander from aboard bid them take wish them. Our Master comeing out the Roundhouse into the Great Cabbin to encourage the men received : mortall wound in his groine, and so soune es he returned, which was about two a clock, he received another mortall shott in his right Papp, which came through his back, he dyeing within half an hour efterwards. After which Mr. Salvey, tho' very dangerously wounded, encouraged the inen to stard to it, and went not downe to be drest till the enemy putt off, tho' he had received his wound before one of the clock. --- , About this time [2 o'clock) the enemy struck his ensigne, us we all beleived his Captain was then killed and they had received a shott from us between wind and water. They still continued to fire upon us till about 4 a clock, when we brought one of our guns to bear upon them double loaded with double round and Partridge (the other being dismounted), upon the fireing of which there was another outcry heard in their ship, att which time they cutt loose from us, their ship being fallen astern. Our Cheif Mate going into the Cabbin to fire att them received his mortall wound ( in his head ] by a small thott" from the enemy. We haveing thus cleered ourselves of them, our men gott upon the Poop and becteing our Drum bravely, gave them a what cheer ho.50 Att which time it began to blor fresh and rain hard, the enemy makeing all the saile they could, when we employed ourselves in mending our rigging, &c., which were much damnified, the enemy haveing shott ebore a thousand small and greet shott into us. 1 hey being out of thott of us brought their ship upon the Carine31 to stop her leek. . All the night we busied ourselves in refitting, outrigging end krocking out our gunroom ports, which were calked up, that if it should prove calme the next day we might be able to run out those guns, by the help of which we did not dout but in a little time to make him yeild or sink, but the next morning, so soon as day broke, we looking out for him (it being calme) found by the help of his oers he was gott so far off thet we could but just discerne him from Topmast head, but if it hed proved a gale we should have bin able to have given a better account of him, though we had struck down into our holds severall of our great guns, He was usuall in those Latitudes, and he boarded us so advantageously that we could never bring but 3 guns to bear upon him, which with our small arms did much execution. We judge this Rogue to be Trampoos the French Pirate, in a ship of about 300 tons and might carry 30 guns, but she played from her larboard side with not above 12 guns upon us. being so nigh that most of their small shott came through us. Tis judged by all that there were above 250 of those rogues aboard tbis Pirate, and ly computation we killed at least sixty of them; to the number of 20 we see fall and might 47 Cartouche or cartridge. 48It was a custom of the pirates to biud men in this way and then to throw them alive into the rea. 4 1.6, a musket bullet. 80 This is probably an earlier form, if not the original, of cheerio,' so often 'heard nowadays. 81 1.o., leaning over on one side to expose the hole made by the shot which struck her between wind and water

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NOVEMBAR, 1919) EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 203 have seen more had they not bin to windward of us, which caused the smoke of the guns to hinder our sight. We lost in this engagement our Commander, Cheife Mate and 6 more with 16 wounded, their names as followeth, John Cribb Commander, John Allen Cheife Mate, John Bristow, John Beneto Sergeant, John Adamson, Moses Jones, William Jones, Tim Rymer (or Trimer) killed, Mr. Richard Salvey, Mr. Benjamin Henry, Mr. Robert Bathurst, Nath. Branguin Purser, Adam Bushell Gunner, Swan Swanson Boatswaine, James Farlee Quartermaster, Thomas Bodey, Has. Fabeen, Janies James, Richard Booth, Philip Cockram, Henry Godfrey, William Smith, Richard Dragger, Albert Nasbett wounded, of all which Mr. Salvey is most dangerous. The enemy by tbe belp of the oars being out of sight of us, we reofficered our ship. makeing Mr. Baker Master who was Second Mate, with severall other officers according to their course[seniority) and desert. So God send us to our desired Port in safety. Amen!" [Note by Mr. Salvey himself. ] . "I the writer of this, haveing received besides bruises one shott which went a little below my small ribs and struck downwards towards the neck of my bladder above 5 inches and still [ 22 October 1687 ) remains in my body but (blessed be God) I feel little paine except upon change of weather." [Journal of the Charles, Captain John Preston, by Nat. Warren, 8.d. 17 August 1689. Sloane MS. 3672 ). XI. SUCCESSFUL DEFENCE OF THE CAESAR, 3187 OCTOBER 1686. Towards the end of the 17th century the Buocaneers, who bad previously practised their profession in the West Indies and the South Sea, began to find a great diminution in the number and value of their captures. Accordingly they turned their attention to the East. Some sailed across the Pacific to the Pbilippines and thence through the Straits to the Bay of Bengal, as we shall see in the next Episode (No. XII). Others gailed to the west coast of Africa, where they could obtain rich cargoes of slaves, gold-dust and ivory from the ships of the Royal African Company or, perchance, pick up a fine haul of treasure from an outward bound vessel of the East India Company or an equally valuable prize of India goods from one or its return voyage. It is true that these ships were well found, armed and mapped, but the pirates sailed in small fleets and had the advartage of oumbers. In the attack on the Casar it will be seen that the pirates hoisted red or bloody colours and with a little more courage and persistence would probably have been successful. "True and enact account of an engagement maintained by the ship Caesar, Captain Edward Wright Commander, against five ships (pirales) in sight of the Island 81. Jago 5 on Sunday the last day of Oclober 1686. "We presume your Honours were advised of our safe tho' late arrival at St. Jago the 28th Ootober, where boving refreshed our men as usually, on Sunday following being the last day of the month by suprising we were got under sail and bad scarce opered the * One of the Cape Verde Islande.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1919 weathermost of the Roed when we had sigt of five ships lying by under their seile, waiting our coming, as we found afterwards, for they no sooner espied us but gave chase, crowding all the sail they could possible make after us. We were upon imag[in]eing the worst, and like wise made sail for the gaining time to put ourselves in the best posture we could for defence, which we did by staving down and heaving overboard everything we imagined might be the least hindrance to us. We lined our Quarters with our men's bedding, slung our yerds. and discributed all our small arms to the shouldiers, sending some in our tops. We then visited each several ports [ post] to see all things fitted and contrived for our utmost advantage, omitting nothing we could imagine in the least requisite op so pressing an occasion, and now, perceiving they gained on us apace and that we had already done all that men in our condition could possibly do both for defending ourselves and offending the enemy, our Captain, by the advice and consent of us all, commarded our small seiles to be handed, and our maine Baile and mizell (sic) to be furled, putting the ship right afore the wind (concluding it absolutely the best manner so to engage) and then exhorting our men to be of good courage, telling them what an eternall credit wee should gaine to ourselves and nation by baffling the designs and attempts of soe many and such subtile enemys and on the contrary what a miserable life would be the consequence of falling into the hands of such desperate, pyraticall villains. With such like exhortation all were dismissed to their severall quarters. "And by this time beirg about 10 in the morning two of the nimblest were come up with us, haveing (as the rest had) French colours. The headmost fireing three or four shott at us and finding wee slighted him, changed bis French to bloody colours, 53 and then stretobing to windward, they lay peckeing at us whilest biscompanion was doing the same asterne, whom our chase gunns, from the great cabbin, soon brought upon the cairne It careen), which wee had scarce done, when the other three ships had got our length (having changed their French to bloody colours) fireing on us amsine. These were ships of burthen and could not bave lesse than between 20 and 30 gunns each and full of men. The Admirall and Vice-Admire 11 54 on the larboard side designing to lay us on board, which the frmer did on our quarter, but we plyed him so warmly with our smell shott, which we showered on him like haile from our tops, poop and other poste, that wee heard indeed a voice crying to us in the French tongue to surrender, but say ( 1 saw) none bold enough to try for possession, but were glad to gett cleare of us againe, and falling asterne sunk and cutt away all our boats, which he paid for by the losse of his bolteplite [bowsprit) and abundance of his mon. His hull at the same time not being impenitrable to our great shott wee plaid in and thro him.' The Vice-Admirall on the bowe had a shortt entertainment and noe better successe, for we spoake some [? soe) much terrour to him from our forecastle and other quarters (he haveing likewise our frequent cheers and hurahs) bore away in affright, and by that means had the luck to receive both our Broadsides, which carried away his foreyards and mizin masts, whileet our stern chase (for now we had got our gunroome ganns out) soe gave the rest asterne that after five hours sharpe ingagement they began to beare away to amend and repaier the damage received from us. " Which questionless was very considerable, there men, at first comeing up, being bold and daring, lay open to our small shott which continued fireing for three hours together without . ' In token that they would give no quarter. # Theme high titles were in common use even by merchant shipe (will armed for defence) when throo or more were sailing in company, as they often did for mutual protection.

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NOVELL, 1919] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 205 thest intermission, and there men loading there great guns without board (as is the custome of these West India gunner pyrates) were cut of as fast as they appeared to doe there duty, and this was the reason they fired but few great gunns when they bore down upon us, for which we are beholden unto our small fire armes, and indeed all our men in general behaived themselves like Englishmen and shewed much courage and bravery. But ou small armes (we mean your Honours' disciplined shouldiers and there officers, whose example they soe well imitated, we cannot forbeare to mention in particular), who fired soe nimbley and with soe much skill and caution of placeing there shott to purpose that wee must acknowledge as there due and meritt a large share of the glory and honour of this days action. "Wee now brought too to see if wee could save our Barge which wee toed asterne full of water, but finding it not worth our while sent her adrift after the rest of the boats, and then continued our course with an easie saile imag[in]eing nothing else but they would have the other bout with us, but they were all bussie upon the Carine, likeing [? licking] them whole 55 as well as they could. Finding wee were to have noe more of it, wee now began to examine into the damage already sustained by [from] them and found, as hath already been hinted, all our boats lost, 3006 cwt. of bread hove overboard to cleare our gunroome gunns (and wee had been happy and they unfortunate could wee have plaied our whole guan deck tyre, but being soe deep wee dartent open never a port between lock save our sterne-chase, which however did us no small kindness) a great sbott through our boltsprit, four of our main shrowes cut and much of our running rigging, our sailes full of holes, a shott or two throughour hull and many sticking in our sides. They were eager to strike our ancient [ensign] with there gunns seeing they could not otherwayes, and made severall shott for that purpose, but wee, knowing there customs, had ordered it to be seized. [fastened] 56 to the head of the staffe, mistrusting [suspecting] should they by any meanes strike our colours it might by encourageing them add to there advantage. Wee found but one man killed by name Jno. Stiffe, a shouldier, and eight wounded, a wonderfull deliverance. Wee conclude the day with offerings of thanks and prays to Him who had so miraculously preserved us in the midst of soe great danger. This being a moderate account of the days actions, wee have nothing else worth your Honours notice save assurances of our continuall care and circumspection for the discharge of that great trust reposed in us, and wee hope this plaine account will be a lasting testimony and demonstration of the fidelity of Your Honours Most faithfull and obedient Servants. "This is a copy of what wee have sent home to the Company the 3rd day of the following December by a Dutch vessell, &o., &c." [India Office Records, O. C. 5537. (To be continued.) 55 Like a wounded wild beast licking its hurts. 58 A little later we find determined commanders nailing the colours to the staff or mast. See below No. XIII.

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206 THE INDIAN NTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1919 EPIGRAPHIC NOTES. BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, B.A.; CALCUTTA, 1.-Manchapuri Cave Inseription of the time of Kharavela. This inscription was first edited by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji as early as 1885 (Actes Six. Congr. Or. a Leide, Part III, Sect. II, p. 177f, No. 2 and Plate). In 1912 it was noticed by Prof. Luders in his List of Brdhmi Inscriptions (EI., Vol. X, App., No. 1346). Its latest edition and interpretation are by Mr. R. D. Banerji in El., Vol. XIII, pp. 159-60 and Plate. Recently however, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. IV, p. 366, has proposed certain improvements upon Mr. Banerji's reading and has attempted to interpret it also differently. It is to be noted that Mr. Banerji appears to have generally followed Prof. Luders, in his edition of the record. Mr. Jayaswal's total disagreement with both these scholars therefore, makes it highly desirable that we should examine the question again and see how far we can agree in his conclusions. The text as given by Mr. Banerji is quoted here below - (1) Arahanta pasdddya[in] Kalinga[na juh (sama)nanaih Tenam kdritain rajino L[a] laka[ sa] (2) Hathisahasa-papotasal dhu(tu]na Kalinga-cha[karatino siri-Kha] ravelasa (3) agamahisi [n] karistan). The object of it is to record (according to Prof. Luders and Mr. Banerji) the establishment of a cave (lena) for the Kaliga (Kalinga) monks (samana) in honour of the Arahamta (Arhats) by the chief queen (aga-mahisi) of [Siri-Khara}vela, emperor of Kaliga (Kalinga) and daughter of rajan Lalaka, great-grandson of Hathisinha (Hastisiin ha), or Hastisaha or Hastiskhasa (according to Mr. Banerji).-Mr. Jayaswal contends that the queen referred to, has her name mentioned also in the inscription and he claims to have discovered it. On P. 369, foot-note, of J BORS., Vol. IV, he says: "It is considered that she is unnamed in the inscription. What epigraphists have read as dhutund, seems to me to be Dhut[i]nd which would be another Prakrit form of Dhrishli. She was daughter of Lalaka (LAlarka), who was son of Hastin, who again was son of Hamsa. This last has been missed by the editors of the inscription (EI., Vol. XIII, p. 159). It has been erroneously read with the preceding Hathisa, from which it is really separated by space. The anusvara on Ha is very, very clearly incised. The supposed name Hathisdhasa would be absurd, meaning a 'coward'. The words are to be read (and I read them on the spot) : L[a] lakasa Hathisa Havlisa pa potasa." To make the above statement clear it must be said that the word Dhoishti to which Mr. Jayaswal refers, as the name of the queen of Kharavela, and which is transformed to Dhuii in the Manchapuri inscription, has been again found by him in l. 7 of the large inscription of Kharavela incised on the Hathigumph a cave. And there, the form is not Dhuti but Dhisi which would be, according to him, another Prakrit form of the original word Dhoishti. The possibility of reading the queen's name will be taken up later. First, let us see, whether we could be absolutely certain in regard to the proposed readings. In the place of Hathishasa-papotasa Mr. Jayaswal reads Hathisa Hansa-papotasa. Now, on reference to the plate published by Mr. Banerji, it appears that Mr. Jayaswal's reading is 1 I incline to read Hathisahasa papotasa and look upon Hathisha as the name. 2 The Sanskrit equivalent may probably be Lolarka, meaning sun', which ocours, for instance, in the Bangavan plate of Govindachandra, El., Vol. V, p. 118, 1. 18. 8 J BORS., Vol. IV, p. 377.

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NOVEMBER, 1919] quite inadmissible. The 4-stroke on the sa of Ha thi sa is very carefully incised, and perhaps too clear to be set aside by any stretch of imagination. But unfortunately, the aforesaid scholar has overlooked even such a bold stroke as this and read the word as. Hathisa, taking it to be the genitive singular form of Hastin. Then again, the anusvara on the ha of ha sa is according to Mr. Jayaswal very, very clearly incised,' but as a matter of fact, however, it is a mere mark, and to hastily read it as anusvara seems to me to be rather hazardous. Mr. Jayaswal reads dhuti instead of dhutu, thinking apparently, that it would be to his advantage in equating it with Dhrishti, the alleged name of Kharavela's queen. But in the first place, the reading of the medial vowel i instead of u is doubtful, as the letter ta itself is a blurred one. And secondly, even admitting Mr. Jayaswal's emendation, both the forms dhuti and dhutu would be, in the Prakrit phonetics, easily derivable from duhitri. There are also serious philological difficulties in the way of our accepting that the form Dhrishti could have been transformed to dhuti, to judge from the Prakrit of the Hathigumpha inscription. Nowhere in this record does a conjunct sha change itself to ta. In every place it becomes tha, e.g., Rathika (Rdshirika) in 1. 6, and athame (ashtame) in 1. 7. On the analogy of these and similar other instances I do not think it cogent to hold that dhuti or dhutu is equivalent to Dhrishti. But even if we accept for the sake of argument the readings of Mr. Jayaswal, the inscription would scarcely give any sense." EPIGRAPHIC NOTES 207 " Turning to the question of interpretation, we find that Mr. Banerji takes Lalakasa dhutund in the sense of '(by) the daughter (of) Lalaka. Dhutund according to him stands in apposition to agamahisind in 1. 3; and the latter he takes along with Kharavelasa in 1. 2 which is in the genitive case. The meaning, provided Mr. Banerji's reading is correct, should stand therefore thus: by Lalaka's daughter, queen of Kharavela. Lalaka is again qualified by the expression Hathisahasa-papotasa, i.e., great-grandson of Hathisahasa. Mr. Jayaswal takes dhutuna as instrumental of the word denoting the name of the queen and separates Hathisa (sic.) from Hansa-papotasa. The most curious thing to notice here is, that the scholar who does so, pari passu holds that, "She was daughter of Lalaka (Lalarka) who was son of Hastin, who again was son of Hamsa "a procedure which I fail to understand. Where is the word for 'daughter' we may rightly ask, when once the word dhutu is taken in a different sense, and what is the evidence for taking Hathisa in the serse of son of Hestin', and what purpose again does the genitive case of Lalake serve? The interpretation as well as the reading of Mr. Jayaswal appears therefore to be purely conjectural." 2. A Passage in the Inscriptions of the Maitrakas of Valabhi. The following passage which occurs at the beginning of almost every inscription of the Valabhi dynasty in reference to their first ruler Senapati Bhatakka,has not yet been adequately explained Maula-bhrita-mitra-ireni-bul-dvapta-rajyairih. Fleet in his Gupta Inscriptions (pp. 167-8) translated it as follows: who acquired the goddess of royalty through the strength of the array of (his) hereditary servants and friends.' 4 Ci. dhitu (EI., Vol. II, p. 205, No. 23), dhiti (Ibid, Vol. X, p. 121, No. 19) and dhutu (Notes on Amaravati, p. 35) occurring in early Prakrit inscriptions. Both Messrs. Banerji and Jawal agree in reading papotasa. But I do not find the o-stroke on the plate published by Mr. Baner The reading as it stands, is therefore, open to some doubt. * Perhaps one of the reasons why he has attempted to read and interpret the passage differently is the fact, that the name of Lalaka's great-grandfather only, and not that of his grandfather, or of his father, appears in the record. This seems strange no doubt, but every inscription is so he interpreted as it is, without doing any violence to grammar.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Novnom, !219 The translation of Kielhorn is: 'who had acquired the splendour of royalty by Lis devoted army (which consisted) of hereditary servants, hired soldiers and men eapicyd in posts'." Dr. Kultzsch, in his paper on the Ganesgad plater of Dhruvanena I, has translated it A followr: who acquired the glory of royalty by the strength of a devoted "lody of borerlitary servants, hired soldiers &nd friendo'.' Dr. Sten Konow has again offered the following ranglation of it in editing the l'alitans plates of Dhruvasena I: 'who obtained the glory of royalty by the strength of the array of devoted hereditary servante and friendo'.? None of the above translations, bowever, appears to be satisfactory. The real meaning of the words Maula, Bkrita, Mitra, Sreni and Bale is quite diffcrent from what echolare have hitherto supposed. The passage in question has now to be interpreted in the light of the Mahabadrata ano the Arthaldstra of Kautilya. The words mentioned above are all technical terms in Hundu Polity. Accoriling to it, Bala means 'army' which consisted of four kinds of troops, viz. Maula 10 i.e. bereditary). Bhita (i.e. hired) Mitra (i.e. allied) and Srexi lie, guild. This is exactly what we get in the Mahabharala : Adadita balash raja maulani mitrabalar tatha alavi-baliw bhyita i cheziva talha iren-balai prabho. "The passage in Kautilya also runs to the same effect--" Sa maula-bhita-treni-mitrGaite-davi-balankan saraphalgutai vidyal," p. 140 (cf. also p. 342). The expression quoted at the bead of this note had therefore been better translated thus who (king) acquired the goddess of royalty (i.e. the kingdom) through the army (consisting on hereditary, meroenary, allied and guild soldiers'. It has reference, as has been already said, to Bhatakka, a Send pati, i.e., general, wbofounded the Valabbidynasty. The passage abows that be raised himself to the throne by the army, and it further throws light on the part played by guilds in Ancient India, which have thus an exact parallel to the Italian guilds who also maintained armies. 3.-Sravasti and TarBkarl of the Silimpur Inscription. This important record has been recently edited in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIII, p. 283 &. and Plate by Mr. Radhagovinda Basak. But before it was published in that Journal its contents wete already familiar to scholars of Bengal, it being published by him in a Bengali monthly, and discussed by Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda, in his book called The Indo-Aryan Races (1916, pp. 170-71). The passage of the inscription which was the main basis of his discussion runs as follows "Yesham tasya Hiraq yagarv(b) bha-vapushah-svanga-prasdt-Angiro vambe-janma samana-gotra-vachan-otkarsh6eBharadvajatah 1 * El., Vol. I, p. 89. Ibid., Vol III, p. 322. * Ibid, Vol. XI, p. 108. 10 This word occurs sluo in Mau stone inscription of Madana varman (BI., Vol. I, p. 201, 1. 23). There, Maula Prithvtvarman who is appointed the king's minister, is described to have been an expert in mounting olophants, horses and chariots, and skilled in archery 11 This pesonge has been quoted by Dr. R. C. Majumdar in his Corporate Life in Ancient india, p. 13, n. 19. .

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NOVUMBER, 1919 ) EPIGRAPHIC NOTE 3 teshamarya-jan-abhipujita-kulam Tarkkarlsity Akhyaya Sravasti-prativa(bs)ddham =asti viditam sthansip punarjjanmanam Yasmin-veda-erriti-parichay-odbhinna vaitana-garhyaprajy-avitt-&hutishu charatam kirttibhiruv yomni fabhre vyabhrajant=@pari-parisarad-dhoma-dhoma dvijanam dugdh-ambhodhi-prassita-vile sach-chhaival-als-chay-abhah ! Tat-prasutascha Pundreshu Sakati-vyavadh&navan Varendri-man'anam gramo Va(Ba)la-grama iti brutah " --1, 2-4. The description embodied in the above verses, is of the place where the donee lived. 'This is a village called Balagrama which was sitvated in Varendri, in the Pun('ra country. It further appears that this village must have had some connection with a place called Tarkkari which is described as Srdvasti-prativaddha, i.e., situated within the limitof Srivasti. It should be noted that Tarkkari is mentioned in the record first, and next comes Balagrama, the latter being qualified by the phrase tat-prasata, i.e., 'bora of that' wzich can only mean offshoot of, or a young colony from, Tarkkari. The full significance of it becomes clear when we find it described as & well-known (viditai) centre of Brahmane who were ever devoted to Vedic rites. The inference seems natural therefore, that the nucleus of the Brahmanic community of Balagrama was a settlement of Brahmans who had emigrated from Tarkkari. Now this Tarkkari, as has been stated above, was in Srevesti. But where was thin Sravasti? Is it the same as the $rvasti of tae Gonde district, now known as Saheth-Maketh, or different one altogether? The very fact that there is here recorded a Brahman emigration from' Sravasti, which we find in other inscriptions too, would seem to indicate that it is identical with the Sravast of the Madhyadesa. But Messrs. Chanda and Basak hold a quite different opinion. They contend that it is to be identified with a Srevast of the Gaudadisa, i e. Bengal, which, according to them, is mentioned in the Mataya and the Kurma Puranas. Thus the former writes in his Indo-Aryan Races, pp. 170-71: "In this record it is said that a place called Tarkkari, forming a part of Sravast!, way the original home of the Brabmons of the Bharadvaja gotra. In the Punctra country there was a village colled Balagrama which was 'the ornament of Varendri'. Between Balagrama and Tarkkdri lay Saka 8.13 Mr. Radha Govinda Basak ..... regards Sakati as the name of a river and places Sravasti of the record within Pupra (Varendri). In the early Sanskrit literature we meet with two cities called Sravasti-one founded by LAVA, aon of Rama (Ramayana, VII) and another by Srevasta in Gauradeia (Matsya Purana, XI. 30). Cwningbam regarded both the Sravastis as identical and identified Gaucadeba with the Gonda District of Oudh. But in all other texts and records Gauda is applied to Ysrendra in Bengal or to Bengal as a whole. So it seems more repsonable to identify the Gau's of the Purana with Varendra or Bongal, and recognise in the Srevasti of Sravasta an ancient city in Bengal which was separated from Balagrama of this record by Sakati." 1 The reference to the paseage in the Karma is given by Mr. Bogak, EI., Vol. XIII, p. 286. cf. JRAS. 1908. p. 442. With regard to the meaning of the term Gauda see slo Pro! Bh ndarkar. Ante. 1911. p, 22, a. 75 and Grierson, Ibid., p.-161. 13 The italice are mine.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1919 But let us examine whether the location of Srevasti within the Varendra-bh mi is deducible froin the construction of the verses quoted above. Me'egre Basak And Chanda say that between Balagrama and Tarkkari lay the river Sakati. This is how they understand the expression Saka di- vyavadhanavdn which quelifies Balagrama. But in accepting this there are certain grave difficulties. In the first place, if the two villages had been situated side by side (the distance between them being only a river), and if it be true that some Brahman families, who had formerly been living on one bank of the stream, now came to settle on the other, it would have been quite out of place to describe their former home in the terms in which Tarkkari has been described. Were the two places topographically so closely connected, no sensible writer would have ever thought of specifying their sepa ate topographical details, viz., that one of them -- Tarkkari is Sravasti-prativaddha, i.e., in Sravasti, and the other-Balagrama is in Pundra and Varendri. Secondly, the expression Sakativyavadhanavan is an adjective of Bilagrama. Therefore, it cannot bave anything to do with Tarkkari, which word is at a long distance, and the expression cannot be taken to mean that Sakati was the vyavaihdna between Balagrama and Tarkkari. The very nature of the compound shows that the vyavudhana is in reference to Balagrama alone. I therefore suggest that the natural meaning would be, the village of Balagrama wbich had for its boundary, or was bounded by, the river Sakati.'li It follows therefore, that there is scarcely any roul ground for thinking that Tarkkari was in Bengal. On the other hand, a mass of evidence goes to show that a place called Tarkkarika or Tarkari did exist in Upper India. We learn from epigraphic records that it was a well-known centre of Brahmanio culture and many Brahman families, formerly living there, emigrated to other parts of India. Among these records, the number of which is by no means small, may be mentioned, (1) the Katak copper-plate of the 31st year of Mahabharagupta I. EI., Vol. III, p. 348, (2) the Katak copper-plate of the 9th year of Mahasivagupta, Ibid., p. 353, (3) the Kalas-Badrukh copper-plate of Bhillama III (A.D. 1025), Ante, Vol. XVII, p. 118, (4) a copper-plate of the Chandella Madanavarman, Ante, Vol. XVI. 208. (5) a copper-plate of the Chandella Dhangadeva, Ibid. p. 204 and (6) the Mandh Ath copper-plates of Devapala and Jayavarman II, EI., Vol. IX, p. 103 ff. Now to determine whether the Tarkkari mentioned in these inscriptions was in or outside Bengal, one has to turn attention to Nos. 2 and 3. In the former we have the following adjective-clause appended to the name of a Brahman donee : Madhyadebiya-Srivallagramavelvi)nirggatdya Odra-debe Sr-silabhas japati-vastavydya ?'akkara purva-Bharadvajagotrdya. It is clear from this that he came out of a village in the Madhyadesa and belonged to a family of Bharadvajagotra Brahmaps which was formerly in Takkara. This Takkara, as As vyavad hana means 'separation or division (360 Monier Willians, ..) Sabati-vyavadhanavdn might as well mean having Sakati as vyavadhana ' i.e.. separated or divided' by Sakati.

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NOVEMBER, 1919 ] PAIGACHI PRAKRIT 211 Fleet has shown, is but another form of the original word Tarkarika (EI. Vol. III, p. 350, n. 13 and p. 354). The natural conclusion is therefore, that Tarkkara or Takkara was in the Madhyadesa. This is strongly confirmed by No. 3 which distinctly and unmistakably says that Takkarika (Tarkkarika), a bhatta village, was situated in the Madhyadeba-. Madhyades-antah pdti-T alekdrikd-bhattagrama-vinirggata. Now as Madhyadesa did never include Bengal, it naturally follows that Tarkkari (which was in Madhyadesa) was outside Bengal:15 We may therefore, summarise our results as follows (1) There was a famous place called Tarkkarika, in the Madhyadeba. (2) It was a well-known centre of holy Brahmans. (3) And thence many Brahinan families emigrated to the East and South. I therefore see po objeotion to identifying this Tarkkarika with the one mentioned in the Silimpur inscription which places it within Sravasti, which certainly formed a part of the Madhyadesa. PAISACHT PRAKRIT. BY THE LATE S. P. V. RANGANATHASWAMI ARYAVARAGUN; VIZAGAPATAM. In his Prakrita-kalpataru, Ra natarkava ziba-bhattacharya mentions the following eleven Paisachis:-- darf THT #1 samAgadhanAcaDasUkSmabhedaM bhASAvizuddhaM matamardhazuddham | tathA catuSpAdavizuddhamanyavazuddhamekAdazadhA tadityam / ' What strikes us at first as peculiar is that the author of Kalpataru included the mixture of dialects under the Paisachi. He arrives at the eleven languages given in the above verses in the following way: He at first divides the Paisachi into two great olasses, pure (suddha) and mixed (sarkiria). Unler the first had he included the following sevon dialects : Kekayu Pafchala Mdyadha Sakshmabheda Sdrasena Gauda Vrachada The mixed dialects he divides into two classes again, viz., pure (suddha) and impure (asuddha), the former of which he again divides into two classes bhasha-suddha and padasuddha, which latter he once more divides into two classes, viz., ardha-suddha and chatushpada-buddha, thus making the mixed dialects four in all The mixture of dialects in a stanza may take any of the forms given below. The stanza may assume the same form for each of the dialects or one-half of it may be in one language and the other half in another, or again each pada may be in a different language or opce more the words in the verses may be of different languages and mixed after the fashion of tilatailula as Ramatarkavagisa says. These four classes he respectively designates by the above four names. As an example of the first class may be given the following stanza of 15 The evidence of the Bel&vo copper-plate of Bhojavarman, I. 43, shows that the province of Radha was outside Madhyadesa. See EI., Vol. XII, p. 41. 1 These verses are found on folio 1 of the MS. of Prakrita-kalpataru found in the India Omice Library, London. No. 1106 of the Catalogue).

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ziz THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, ias Ramatarka vaga himself, which he says can be construed as a verge in Sanskrit or any one of the fifty-five dialeats troated of in his work (setting aside Panchala Paisacha). kamalAkamalola kmklaakaalmilaaliikaa!| kalikAla kAlakalilaM muJcAmo mohakalolam / / This stanza is given here as it is found in the MS. of the work found in the India Office Library, but is very corrupt. A similar stanza, quoted in Sahitya-darpana may also be cited and it is said to be identical in form for Sanskrit, Sauraseni, Prachya, Avanti and Nagarapabhramsa: manjulamaNimantrIre kalagaMbhIre vihaarsrsiitiire| . virasAsi kelikIre kimAli dhIre ca gndhsaarsmiire|| ...... The following etanzas illustrate the second class. The first two are taken from RamatarkavAg ika's work, the first of which is his own while the second is quoted by him as belonging to another. The third, on the other hand, is quoted from Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthahharana : bhAreNa virahasihiNo maNIsu sabhaNesu phuDiapaDies / kaNThe kevalasa virahiNyAH kaNThapAsaiva / / jayati janasAbhivAmichalaphalamakSaH kalpapAdapI girizaH / / jaha maDamAruhantI giritaNayA pnnhkpplaa|| bhISmaproktAni pAkyAni vihAdhu zerate / gose tirimihari cholI ' tallatUhe vivaliyA / / There seems to be a slip in the MS, of Kalpataru belonging to the India Office since there are no verses to exemplify the third and fourth classes. The following verge from Sarasvati kan thabharana may be quoted in illustration of the fourth class - bhakaTa gumaTI candrajyotsnAkalaM kila kohlii| lavaha amuhuryAmyo vAyurnivAraya vAibha / avi sakhi alA raktAzokastavApi mano mude / nakaja nakajaM mAnenAdyapriyaM pratijAhudA / / In the above classification Ramatarka vagisa-Bhattacharya designates the mixture of the dialects to Paibachi and we may for our purposes leave them out of account without examining the appropriateness or otherwise of the title and say that he recognised only seven dialects under PaikAchi. Markandeya, on the other hand, excludes these mixed dialects but his scruples not permitting him, he could not abandon the traditional number eleven and so gives a list of another eleven (differing from the list of Kalpataru), including some of the South Indian dialects, to make up that number. But he adds that of these only three viz., Kekaya, Saurasena and Panchala were civilised, the rest being of no importance. He considers Sankirna (or mixed) dialects as an independent class and says that if those and Sanskrit are taken into account, the number of Praksit dialects will be altogether eighteen. 3 P. 456, Nirpaya Sagara Prens edition. * This line is missing in the MS. of Kalpataru. It is supplied from Sarawatikanthabharana of Bhoja. Saraswatikanthabharana renda tamalI tamsI . Should be afraistet. Cf. Hemachandra's Dekinamamala. V, 12. .. saMskRtasaGkIrNAbhyAM sAditA assttaadshesyaahuH| Prakrita-sarvaava, ledited in the Grantha-Pradarsani of Vizagapatam), XX, 16.

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NOVER, 1919 ] PAISACH PRAKRIT 213 Sir George Grierson in his paper on The Home of Literary Pali says, "Ramatarkavagt sa 17th century) knows two Paibachikas, one Kaikeya and the other (4) Chaska. He adde that if other Prakrit dialecta, e.g. Magadht, are used incorrectly, they become ajuddla Paitachika" From the above exposition of R&matarkavagisa's classification of Paibachi dialecte, wo confess we cannot accedo to what Sir George Bays in his paper referred to abovo. There is only one copy of Prikrita-kalpataru (that in the India Office Library that I know of, and it is in Bengal characters and is very corrupt, so much so, that it is impossiblo to make out the meaning of the passages in certain places. The Verso about tho classification of Paihachi languages, as it stands in the MS., is : paizAcikAni vividhAni zuddhasaGkIrNabhedena purohitAni / samAvi saptamakamaca zuddhaM samanvantu cskmaahH|| The second line of which is evidently very corrupt. As it stands it makes no sense and thore is violation of metre too. Here chasla is a mistake for chatushka, the tu being lost. The line should run sapArimaM sabakamatra zuddhaM saMkIrNamanvatu ctusskmaarH| which is quite in accord with the stanza quoted at the beginning of the paper, and the motre of which works out alright. So there is no question thore of Chaska Paibacht. It was not possiblo for me to trace the origin of Sir George Grierson's other romark: "He adds that if other Prakrit dialecte, eg. Magadhi, are used incorrectly they become asuddha Paisachika." Probably he derives the information from the following: - tilataNDalavacanAtu bhASAH pravizantIha bhkaarmuktaaH| sarAI" but this means what I said above. There is another short treatise on the Paisacbf dialects (which, however, it calls bhutabhdshah) in the Doooan College Library, Poona. It is named Shadbhashd-vdrtika, is in old Kashmiri oharacters and is Nos. 295-6 of the collection of 1875-76. In this work too the Paisacht Pruksit is divided into two classes, pure (suddha) and mixed (sailarna) in the following verse prAkRtAjAvate bhUnabhASA sA ca viSA yathA / zukhA caiva hi sakInoM kicivasamAnvitA / / And ho defines the two classes as under : ... -ajJAnAM bhUtabhASAyAM bhASA srvrjitaa| and sair diyar Taraf 11 And here too we do not find any class termed Chaska. Hemachandra, in his grammar treats of six Prakrits, viz., Prakrita, Sauraseni, Magadht, Paiakoht, Chulika-paisacht and Apabhramua, and hence he has only two Paisachi dialects. Lakshmidhara also knows only two Paisachis: Ferraratai dar fara a Sir George Grierson remarks in the same paper 10 that Hemachandra knew three Pikachis. He says " Hemaclfandra knew three but does not say where they were spoken." could verify this statement neither in Hemachandra's grammar nor in his Kdvydnuddsana.. Bhandarkar Oommemoration Volume, 1917, p. 191. Foto 40m of Prakrita-kalpatart . Tolio 472a, ibid. 20 Bhandarbar commemoration Volume, 1917, p. 123.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1919 MISCELLANEA. DATE OF KHARAVELA. translates : vachhine cha choyatha a (or 1 am) In connection with the date of Siri-Satakani gasatikatariya chupadayati. Vochhind (oyavanamed in an inscription on the South Gate of Stops chchhinnani) choyat hami anga-satdik-anitariyan No. I at Sanchi, Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda of the ch suppadayati: "and he produces, causes to como Culoutta University writes as follows in his recently forth (i.e., revives), the sixty-fourth chapter (or published Memoir on the "Dates of the Votive other division of the collection of soven Angas." Inscriptions on the Stupas at Sarichi" (Hcmoir Mr. R. D. Banerji practically follows BhagaA. S, I., No. 1, pp. 8-12) : vanlal in his roading and rendering of the sentence. The date of this Siri-Satakaroi, and consequently Ho rejects Fleet's interpretation for two reasons : that of the south gateway of stapa I at Sanchi, (1) "The original has agasatikuturiyars and not may be approximated by working out the date agasalikatariya" as supposed by Dr. Fleet.... of the Udayagiri (Hathigumpha) inscription of The u mark is very distinct at the right lower Kheravel in which a Satakarni is also mentioned. extremity of ta. This mark is not so very distinct Bhagavanlal Indraji, who has published what may at the end of the vertical line of ka but the chisel be called the editio princeps of the Hathigumpha mark is plain enough." But in PL. IV, attached, inscription, read and interpreted & sentence in its to Mr. Jayaswal's article, the u mark after t is not 16th line to mean that the 13th year of Khara veld's at all distinct, but looks more like a detached dot, reign corresponds to the year 165 current and 164 and the u mark of the ku of Kumara in line 14 is expired of the time of the Maurya Kings. Bhaga- longer than the w mark of Mr. Banerji's luturiya. vanlal was inclined to believe that the era begins The u mark of ka and ta is not recognised by with the eighth year of Asoka, the year in which Mr. Banerji's colleague, Mr. Jayaswal, who roads A'oka conquered Kalinga, and taking 263 B. O, as kamtariyar, (2) Fleet objects to Bhagavanlal's ren the year of Asoka's accession, placed the accession dering of vochhind as vichchhinnd (vichchhinnayam) of Khara vela in 103 B.C. While acoepting And recognises it as the Jain technical term voch Bhagavanlal's reading and interpretation of the chhinnevyavachchhinnans applied to the sacred sentenco, Buhler pushed back the initial year of texta which have been "cut off, interruptod," or, the Maurya era to the year of Chandragupta's in other terms, which have been neglected and lost accession. This theory held the field till Fleet sight of. Mr. Banerji writes, "The word vochchhind questioned the reading and interpretation of nood not be taken in that technical senso in which Bhagavanlal and declared, heroin followed by it is used in modern Jain literature," and that we Luders, that "there is no date in the insoription." raja-Muriya-kal "shows that a date has been But recently Messrs. Jayaswal and R. D. Banerji expressed in the same line," "the only possible have published a revised version of the Hathi translation of the word (uschchhind) is "expired," gumpa inscription with facsimiles and revived the & meaning derived secondarily from its primary theory of the Maurya era. As the sentence has meaning "severed" or "cut " (p. 602). The given rise to so much controversy I shall reproduce correct Sanskrit rendering of the Prakrit vochina the different versions : (vochchhinna) is vyavachohhinna, the dictionary BHAGAVANLAL -- meanings of which are, " (1) cut off, rent asundor, Prakrit text.-Panamtariya sathi-vasa-satt raja tom off ; () separated, divided ; (3) particularised, muriya-kall vochhind cha choyatha agasalikufariyaria specified; (4)marked, distinguished ; (6) interruptchupadayati. ed (Apte)." In & Jain text, the Kalpasitra of Sanskrit.-PaichottarashashthivarshafatMaurya Bhadrabahu, the word is thus used :rajyakald ichchhinne cha chatu haha-ahhyagrasa. (1) Nayad pifjabandhand vachchhinne (Jinacharitra, takottart chotpadayati. English." (Ho) does (this) in the one hundred 127). Sanskrit commentary fataja | Mahaand sixty-fifth year of the time of Maurya kings viravishayd premabandhandria vyavachchhinnd trufit, after one hundred and sixty-four years had passed having cut asunder the tio of friendship which away." he had for the scion of the Jxatri clan." Fleet reads sacha for salhi and takes pana (2) Vachchhinna-ddhala (Jinacharitra, 98) "A tariyasucha in the sense of pannatt-ariyasachcha, pregnant woman whose desires have been fulfilled." Sanskrit prajfiapraryasatya, and referring to texts (3) Avastad ganahara miravachohh odchchhinnd propounding some Jain ariyasachchani, "sublime (Sthavirdvali, ). "The rest of the Gapadharas Iruths." After raja-Muriya-kald Floot roads and died leaving no descendanta." 1 Actes du Sixidmo Congres International des Orientalistes, III, pp. 147, 177. Soe Lders' List, No. 1345. JBORS., Vol. III, pp. 126-605, Plates I, II and IV. + JRAS., 1910, pp. 826-27. 5 JBORS., Vol. II, pp. 492-93. 6 Jacobi's edition, Leipzig, 1879 (Abhandlungen fr die Kunde du Morgenlandes, VII, Band, No. 1). 7 Ibid., p. 113.

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NOVEMBER, 1919) MISCELLANEA 215 Such examples of the use of vochchhinna as these. The reading of the first part of the sentence is do not warrant us in holding that vachhina (vyava. even more uncertain. The word between pana. chchhinna) may also be used in the sense of a year tariya and raja.Muriya-kiile is enigmatical. In being ended. In Indian epigraphic records gata tho facsimile the letter after sa looks ratho. like or alita is used to denote the expired year, but cha or chi and the next letter is evidently ta and vyavachchhinna is nowhere else used in this sense. not va, for the lower part of it consists of a semi. In the early Brahmi and Kharoshthi inscriptions circle opening below instead of a circle. The three of Northern India the date is expressed by san- letters that follow ta look like satato. But whatvatsard or sabatoare, or briefly by san or ea, and in ever may be the correct reading or meaning of the Brahmt inscriptions of Western and Southern sachi (cha) ta sa ta to, no date can be denoted by India by vast, varsha, sathwachchhard or its variante. I this group of letters. but never by any terms like rajamuriya-kaus. The Mr. V. A. Smith works out the date of Khara vela mention again of both the expired and the current in a different way. In line 6 of the Hathigumpha years of the same era side by side is both unique inscription occurs this sentence - and superfluous. Evidently to avoid this diffi- Parichama cha dani vase Nam)da-raja-tivasasata. culty and to provide the verb upadayati (utpadayati) (ghitam Tanasuliyavata panalim nagaram ? with an object, Mr. Jayaswal proposes to read and pavesa ....... translate the second part of the 'sentence as Dr. Luders translates this sentence thus -"In follows: the fifth year he had an aqueduct (panadi) that had chhe-yashi Argasi ti kartariyar upadayati not been used for 103 years since king (rajan) "The cave (kantari, kandara), of six poles, called Nanda (or since the Narda Kings ?) conducted the arkasi (Skt. arkasika) is made." into the city." Mr. V. A. Smith writes, "If we assume 322 B.C. as the end of the Namda dynasty, But Plate IV attached to Mr. Jayaswal's article the fifth year of Kharavela would be 103 years later, shows that the reading chhe-yathi for choyatha in namely 219 B.C. and his accession should be impossible. As regards the next word argasi, in placed, about 223 B.O." But the wide difference & Prakrit inscription the language of which is so in form between the alphabet cf the edicte of Asoka much akin to Pali, conjunct rga is phonetically on the one hand and that of the Hathigumph& impossible, and the mark on the left side of ga in inscription on the cther, already noted by BhagaMr. Jayagwal's Plate cannot be mistaken for the vanlal, renders this estimate of Khara vela's date superscript r. The i-mark of sg also is not visible quite untenable. The most notable characteristics un the facsimile, and Bhagavanlal and Banerji failed of the Hathigumph& alphabet are :-(1) A con. to notice it on the rock. siderable number of letters with thick-headed Since the above was in type Mr. Jayaswal has published in JBORS., Vol. IV, Part IV, & second article entitled Hathigumpha Inscription revised from the Rook (pp. 364-403), wherein in place of tham bhe patit ha payali C) Pan-an tariya-sathi-vasa sate Raja Muriya-Kale vochhine chheyath Argasi di Kamtariyaupadiyati in line 16, he now proposes to read, thambhe patit ha payati () panatariya sata-sahashi (J Muriya Kalamt vochhinam (nem?) cha choyat hi-agasatilam tariyam upadayati [1] (p. 402). (a) The substitution of sata-sahasehi for eat hi-vase-sate-Raja shows that the old reading is very doubtful. But it is algo difficult to accept Mr. Jayaswal's new reading, particularly he instead of raja, as Against the impressions published by himself with his first article and against the reading of Bhagavanlal and Mr. R. D. Banerji both of whom examined the rock. The elimination of the term raia rendere the acceptance of this solitary instance of Muriya-Kala as a royal era still more difficult. (6) Mr. Jayaswal's rendering of the expression beginning with Muriya-Kala is also cpen to objection. Ho translates it, "He (the king) completes the Muriya time (ers), counted, and being of an interval of sixty-four with a century" (p. 395). The rendering of vochhine as "counted " is even more far-fetched than expired'. The particle cha after vochhine makes it difficult to read it as vochhinam qualifying the substentive Muriya-Kalam. Even if we overlook vochhine, the passage appears to be a very unusual way of stating a date. Still more unusual is the statement of a date asan independent achievement in a prasasti, for this is how Mr. Jayaswal takes it to be by treating Muriya Kalam as accusative to upadayati. The root di from which Mr. Jayaswal proposes to derive upadayati means to perish, die, waste, decay, diminish (Apte).' So the rendering of upadayati 86 'completes' is also very far-fetched. What, again, is the significance of, "He (Kharavela) completes the Muriya time (era)" 1 Kharavela was not a Muriya (Maurya) but a Cheta (a name not unknown to literature, as Cheta princes are mentioned in the Vessantara Jataka), and it is not clear how a king of one line could complete the era of another. * Vincent Smith, Early History of India, p. 2, note 2 (3rd Ed.).

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1919 Vertical or veril; (2) ka with the lower part of the tion that may be made to such a construction is vertical prolonged ; (3) invariably rounded ga; that tivasisata and og hafitah are not combined (4) chha of the butterfly type with two loope; (5) according to the rule of Sandhi. But this is not ta's having in most cises rounded lower part. These the only instance in which the writer of this characteristics that the Hathigumpha inscription epigraph has ignored the rules of Sandhi in writing shares, to a considerable extent, with the inscrip & compound word. In the first line we have tions on the Sancht gateways, indicate that this chaturaihtala-fhuna-guna-up(a)tena. Bhagavanlal opigraph is later in date not only than Aboka's and Jayaswal read gun-opagatena. But in the odiots and tho Bosnagar Garuda pillar inscriptions, facsimile the letter after gu looks more like na than but also later than the Bharhut torana inscription, no, and the two letters after na are upa and not and the NanAghat inscriptions of the time of the paga. So here na and u have not been combined. Andhra King Siri Sata kapi I. Therefore Batakani The non-eligion of a of guna and sata may be due to montioned in the Hathigumphd inscription, without the fact that in both cases it is followed by verbe taking heed of whom-Khara vela sent a large army beginning with a vowel, Tivasasata 88 & part of to the west in the second year of his reign, should tho compound may mean either 300 or 103 years. also be identified with Satakarni II whose reign If we take it in the sense of " 300 years," the whole may be tentatively dated between 75-20 B.C. compound denoting, "made by king Narda 300 The rise of Satakarpi II and Kharavela probably years before," the historical evidence contained synchronised with the fall of the Sunga dynasty herein agrees well with the indications of palaeogra. and the consequent weakening of the power of phy. Mr. Banerji proposes to identify this Nandardja Magadha. Satakarni II evidently claimed some with Nandivardhana, the ninth king of the Bifu. sort of suzera inty over the states that lay to the naga dynasty. There is nothing in the Puranas, wost of Kalinga and consequently Khara vela's our only sources of information for Nandivardhana, expeditions to the west involved defiance of the that he ever had anything to do with Kalinga, Andhra power. Khara vela probably never again On the contrary we are distinctly told in the did 80 after the second year of his reign. His later Puranas that when the kings of the Sisunaga expeditions were led to the north. In the eighth dynasty and their predecessors were reigning in your Khara vela raided Magadha and compelled Magadha, 32 Kalingas, that is to say, 32 kings, the king of Rajagaha (Rajagriha) to retire to reigned in Kalinga in succession synchronously. Mathura. In the twelfth year he again invaded It is not Nandivardhana but Mahapadma Nanda, Magadha and made the Magadha king bow at his son of Nandivardhana's son Mahanandin by a feet. Badra woman, who is said to have brought "all One grave objection to this calculation of the ander his sole sway "and uprooted all Kshatriyas' date of Khara vela based on palaeographic con or the old reigning families. So we should identify siderations is ti-vasa-sata in the clause Nardaraja Nardaraja of the Hathigumpha inscription who tivasasala 0.fitam, Bhagavanlal reads it as divasa- held possession of Kalinga either with the allquiari and Mr. Jayaswal as ti-rasa-sata (!) and conquering Mahapadma Nanda or one of his sons. evidently Dr. Luders also does the same and According to the Puranas Mahapadma Nanda lived translates it as "103 years". Stems sata (hundred) or reigned for 88 years and his 8 sons in all reigned and sahasa (1,000) take plural suffixes in the edicts 12 years.10 A total reign of 12 years for eight song of Aloks as well as in the Hathigumphe inscription indicates confusion. So it appears more reasonable when denoting plurality of hundreds or thousands. to identify the Nandaraja of the HAthigumpha In the Rock Edict I we have vahuni panasatasaha. inscription with Mahapadma Nanda than with any sani, "many hundred thousand'animals"; in of his sons. The last Nanda was overthrown by the Rock Edict IV, vahuni vasasatani, "many Chandragupta the Maurya in about 321 B.C.As. hundreds of years". suming that Mahapadma Nanda reigned for 50 Hathigumph inscription : years not an inordinately long period for a L. 4. panatisahi satasahasthi, by 3,500,000." monarch who reduced all the ancient kingdoms of L. 7. andkani satasahasani, "many hundreds of Northern India to subjection, we have 321+12 thousands." +50=383 B.C. as the year of his accession; and, L 10. afhatisa satasahaathi, "by 3,800,000." further, assuming that the author of the Hathi. If the reading is ti-vasa-satarl, it must denote 103 gumphe inscription, in putting down" 300 years and not 300. But, as the facsimile shows, there as the interval between Nanda's rule in is no anusvara sign either above or beside the final Kalinga and the fifth year of Khara vela has used ta of tivaaasata. The absence of vibhakti (nuffix) & round number, we may put down the accession of after tioasasata is due to the fact that it forma part | Khara vela to about 70 3.0, and that of Satakarni of a compound word, Namdaraja-tivasasala-o (ghar) | II a few years earlier. Juanh qualifying panaderh (aqueduct). An objec. RAMAPRASAD CHANDA. 10 Pargiter's Purana Texts, p. 69.

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DECEMBER, 1919) EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 217 EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS, 1519 TO 1851. By S. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from p. 205.) XII. CRUISE OF THE PIRATE GOOD HOPE, 1687. Amongst the Buccaneers who sailed for the Philippines was one John Eaton. According to James Burney (Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Seas) he behaved very cruelly to the inhabitants of the Ladrone Islands and took much plunder on the Chinese Coast, but what became of him afterwards I do not know. Probably he died in those parts, for some of his crew managed to get to the Bay of Bengal without him, and arrived at the mouth of the Hugli. There they found the East India Company's ketch Good Hope and, persuading the Mate, Duncan Mackintosh, and some of the crew to join them, carried her off, Mackintosh being elected Captain. Apparently they made good booty after putting the narrator of the cruise ashore, for, from India Office Records, O.C, 5690,67 it appears that the Good Hope arrived at St. Augustine's in Madagascar with a good store of gold and diamonds but very few men, in May 1689. The cowardice displayed by this gang of pirates in their affrays with the Malays and Japanese was probably due to the smallness of their crew, for it was a maxim of the pirates never to take any unnecessary risks. "The Right Honble. Company's Ketch Good Hope arrived in Ballasore Road, Samuell Herron Commander, brought two Pylotts to carry up the Rochester and the Rebecka to Hugily [Hugli ): and May the 2nd was by Sunrising surpriz'd and taken by some of Captain Eaton's men having first bound the Master and myself in the Great Cabbin, and the rest of the men readily assenting to goe and seek their fortunes with them, one George Robinson only excepted. They then cutt the Cable in the hause, made saile for the Nincombarrs (Nicobars), before which it was put to the vote whether they should putt the Master and myself on shoare upon the Andimans Islands inhabitted by man-Eaters. At the Nincombarrs they wooded and water'd their Ketch, then proceeding on their Pyratting designe for the Straights of Mallacca. Of[f] Acheen they took a small Prow bound to the Port, wherein they put the Master, but would not lett me goe with him. One George Robinson aforesaid went into the boat, thinking to leave them, but was hal'd in by the hair of his head and threattned to be murder'd. "In the sight of - Mallacca, they came up with a China Junk who had two Portuguese Pylotts on board, one of which with a China Merchant came on board to shew a Dutch pass he had. They detsin'd them, mann'd the Junk's boat with their own Rogues, went on board, took her without fireing gunn, great or small, plunder'd her, found noe money in ber, shee being laden with Sandalla wood and not answering their expectations, tooke out a chest of silke, some cloaths, then cutt hole in her and sunk her. The two aforesaid Portugueze Pylotts inform'd them that there was a Portugueze shipp gon before, and that if they made the best of their way they might come up with her, which fell out accordingly, for ia BT Mackintosh when he turned pirate took the name of Thompson # This statement is an old error, for the Andamanese have never been cannibals though loog reputed to be so.-ED.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY the Straights of Pincomporas [? Sincompora, Singapore ] they took her under the King of England's Colours, fireing at her three gunns. At the first they struck their topgallant sailes, the next their topsailes, and the third and last halled up all, and the Commander with some merchants or gentlemen came on board, who were detain'd as the Chinees had bin before; manning the boat with themselves went on board the shipp, turn'd the major part of the people into the boat, sent her on board the Ketch. As soon as she came, the rest with the Chinees prisoners were put into the boat and turn'd away, first giveing them a bag of rice, some pieces of beef with a Totch59 to boyle it in, carried the shipp to Pulo Ladure [? Pulo da Ore-Pulo Awar], where, after they had taken out the plate and jewells and sufficiently plunder'd her, they burn'd her and ran away by the light, from whence they went to. Pulu Condore to waite the comming of the shipps from the Moneilas [Manils], also two great Junks that yearly goe to Japan, where they remain'd untill the time of the year serv'd for the comming of shipping from China, Japan and Moneilas, then went out a-cruizing to windward, having first made the Ketch a Pink by putting another mast into her. 218 [DECEMBER, 1919 "Riding at the southermost part of the Island they see a shipp, gave her chase, came up with her, fir'd at her without hailing her, who fought them stoutly, killing them one man. The sea was so great they could not board, was forst to lett her goe: after that, below Pulu Ubi they saw a Malaia Prow, mann'd their boat in order to take her. When they came under her sterne commanded them on board the Ketch The Malaiss answer'd the Sun was setting. In the morning they would come, which occasion'd one Richard Webb to fire his Fuzee into the Prow, who return'd a volly that kill'd two men and wounded three, so the Piratts turn'd taile. As soon as the Malaias saw it, they nimbly stepd into their owne boate and persued them untill they were within gunn shott of the Ketch. "Some time after, to the windward of the Island they gave chase to a Japan Junk, who finding they could not get clear of the Rogues, boare downe upon them and had run them under water had they not imediatly lett flie the maine sheet. Nere a Rogue of them dare to thro' a Granada into her, but follow'd her from the Island Pulu Condore to Pulu [? Tanjang], where they left her, and while anchor'd there saw another Japan Junk, as was by them suppos'd, gave her chase, could not come up with her, fearing they should fall so deep into the Bay of Syam that they could not turne it up again, left of their chase, turn'd up to Pulu [ Tanjang] and Condore againe, of[f] where they oruiz'd a considerable time. "Provisions growing scarce, they went to some Islands near the Coast of Borneo, at last came to an Island colled Tymbolan,o which is a dayes saile of Suckadana,1 where Eaton had bin before. There I laid a designe to cutt them off, perswaded seven or eight soldiers &c. to assent to the conspiracy. That night it was to be put in execution the Carpenter, a Dutchman, one as deeply engaged by oath as anyone in that enterprize, discover'd it; therefore they putt me on shoare, and as many as was willing to goe with me upon an uninhabited Island, four miles distant. About Sunsett it prov'd much thunder, lightning and rain. Wee had nothing to shelter us but the heavenly Canope, from which droped much moisture. In the morning they sent their canoe to fetch us or board again with whom wee would not goe. Therefore they weighed their anchors Totch, for totchy dagcht, a saucepan.-ED. Pulo Timbalan (Balance or Requital Island), a small group of islands lying nearly midway between the E. end of the Straits of Malacca and Borne.-ED. 61 Sukadana, W. Coast of Borneo.-ED.

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DECEMBER, 1919] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 219 and away they went. Wee made it our business to gett np to Tymbolan by wading upon the corally Books, sometimes up to the knees, then at once to the neck in water, bare foot and bare legged. At last by Divine Providence came a Fishing boat that call'd unto us and took us in, carried us unto the said Island, where wee continued six weeks, was kindly used by the inhabitants before wee could get to Roe [? Rhio) in the Straights of Mallaoca, where we continued six months before wee could find an opportunity of goeing thither [? further], by reason they were embroyled in wart with the Dutch and all their neighbouring Princes, from whence they fled to Johore and wee with them.. "A Cessation of Armes hapening, a Dutch sloop came there, upon whom three of us embark'd for Mallacca, where at Johore was left three of our Company whome wee suspected would turn Mallains or Mussullmen, viz., Thomas Steele, Matthew Curtis, Antony Budart. Ourselves arriv'd safe at Mallacca, viz., H. Watson, George Robinson, Francis Cooke, where found the Pearle Friggatt, Captain (James) Peryman Commander, and Mr. (John) Hill,61 who had bin Ambassadore to Syam, with whome we went to Fort St. George, where wee, the three last nam'd, gave in our Narrative upon onth to tho Honble. Governour (Elihu Yale) and Sir John Bigs &o."63 N.B.Here follows a lis; of those of Captain Eaton's men who took the Good Hope. " Eaton's men. Walter Beard, hanged in Guinea. Antony Budert. Nicholas Burton. Thos. Steele. Richard Web. Job Linch, died at Johore. Richard Potter. Matthew Curtis. Jobp Dunkston. Francis Cook. Job Parnell. Lawrence France, whose wife was banged Mercus, killed by Malayers, Carpenter. at Bombay, killed by Malayers. George Robertson, an honest man. Cornelius Patterson, a Dutchman. Dunkin Maokindes (Captain Herop's mate Henryk, a Dutchman. i turned rogue) Langed in Guinea. James Williamson. Thos killed by the Portuguese." (Narrative by Charles Hopkins, dated 30 April 1687. India Office Records, O.C. 5582 . and narrative by John Watson, ibid., 0. 0. 5583.1 XIII. PIRATE BASE AT ST. MARY'S, MADAGASCAR, 1690-1898. It has been mentioned that Mackintosh took his ship to St. Augustine's in Madagascar. That island had already become a base for European interlopers and pirates who intended to cruise in the Red Sea or Indian Ocean. Madagascar and the islands round its shores were admirably suited for this purpose, but the ports which were chiefly frequented by the pirates were Port St. Augustine (St. Augustine's Bay), Port or Fort Dolphin (Dauphin) and the Island of St. Mary. As these pirates were chiefly equipped in Now Seo Madras Public Consultations, 22 August 1687. . Sir John Bige, lately Recorder of Portamouth," was appointed Judge-Advocato at Fort St. George in 1687 and arrived at Madras 22 July 1687. (Love's Vestiges of Old Madras, I, 493.)

Page #224
220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1919 England and the West Indies, some of the merchants who sent them out hit upon the idea of sending ships to Madagascar with provisions, stores, arms and wine, which they sold to the pirates, who, fresh from their raids, were ready to pay any prioe that might be asked. One of these merchants was Frederick Phillips of New York, who employed as his Agent a retired pirate Adam Baldridge. The latter, haring killed a man in Jamaica, found it convenient to absent himself from home until the recollection of his misdeed had somewhat faded. After an absence of nearly ten years he returned to New York and was persuaded by Lord Bellamont to make the following deposition. Interesting as it is, giving us many dates which, without it, would be difficult to ascertain, it seems a pity that he was not in & position to speak more freely. It is noticeable that be calls the pirates privateers, a name which they preferred, and in fact, many of the pirate ships sailed under commissions granted them by different Colonial Governors. It was a slight matter that these commissions were intended to serve against the French. If the Captains who held them were too particular, their crews deposed them. Amongst the articles for sale to pirates, are mentioned both Bibles and Prayer Books. One might imagine that pirates had no use for such things, but it is a fact that a considerable number amongst them were pressed men, or men, often officers, who, having lost their all when their ships were taken by pirates, had in desperation become pirates themselves. At times such men, horrified at the villainous acts to which they found themselves committed, were stricken with remorse and, remembering the teachings of pious parents, were eager for the consolations of religion. One does not know whether to be disgusted at or to admire the business acumen which made Phillips and his like remember to cater for the requirements of these poor wretches. Deposition of. Captain Adam Baldridge. (1) July 17th 1690.-1 Adam Baldridge arrived at the Island of St. Mary's in the ship Fortune, Richard Conyers Commander, on the 7th of January 1690/91. I left the ship, being minded to settle among the negroes at St. Mary's with two men more, but the ship went to Port Dolphin and was cast away April 15th 1691, and half the men drowned and half saved their lives and got ashore, but I continued with the negroes at St. Mary's and went to war with [i.e., in alliance with] them. Before my going to war, one of the men died that went ashore with me and the other being discouraged, went on board again, and none continued with me but my prentice George King. March the 9th they sailed for Bonnovolo on Madagascar sixteen leagues from St. Mary's, where they stopt to take on rice. After I went to war six men more left the ship, whereof two of them died about three weeks after they went ashore and the rest died since. In May 1691 I returned from war and brought seventy head of cattle and some slaves. Then I had a house built and settled upon St. Mary's, where great stores of negroes resorted to me from the Island Madagasoar and settled the Island St. Mary's, where I lived quietly with them, helping them to redeem their wives and children that were taken, before my coming to St. Mary's, by other pegroes to the north of ns about sixty leagues. (2) October 13th 1691.- Arrived the Bachelor's Delight, Capt. George Raynor Commander, burden 180 tons or thereabouts, 14 guns, 70 or 80 men, that had made a voyage into the Red Sea and taken a ship belonging to the Moors, as the men did report, where they took as much money as made the whole share of the) men about 1,100 lbs. A man. They

Page #225
DECEMBER, 1919] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 221 careened at St. Mary's, and while they careened I supplied them with cattle for their present spending and they gave me for my cattle a quantity of beads, five great guns for a fortification, some powder and shot and six barrels of flour, about seventy bars of iron. The ship belonged to Jamaica and set sail from St. Mary's November 4th 1691, bound for Port Dolphin on Madagascar to take in their provision, and December 1691 they set sail from Port Dolphin bound for America, where I have heard since they arrived at Carolina and complied [compounded] with the owners, giving them for ruin of their ship three thousand pounds as I have heard since. (3) October 14th 1692.-Arrived the Nassau, Capt. Edward Coats Commander, burden 170 tons or thereabouts, 6 guns, 70 men, whereof about 30 of the men stayed at Madagascar, being most of them concerned in taking the Hackboat at the Isle of May [Maio, Cape de Verde Is.] Coll. Thrympton owner. The said Hackboat was lost at St. Augustin. Capt. Coats careened at St. Mary's, and whilst careening I supplied them with cattle for their present spending, and the negroes with fowls, rice and yams, and for the cattle I had two chests and one jar of powder, six great guns and a quantity of great shot, some spikes and nails, five bolts of Duck [rolls of linen cloth] and some twine, a hogshead of flour. The ship most of her belonged to the Company as they [i.e., the crew] said. Capt. Coats set sail from St. Mary's in November 1692 bound for Port Dolphin on Madagascar and victualled there and in December set sail for New York. Capt. Coats made about 500 lb. a man in the Red Sea. (4) August 7th 1693-Arrived the ship Charles, John Churcher Master, from New York. Mr. Frederick Phillips, owner, sent to bring me several sorts of goods. She had two cargoes in her, one consigned to said Master to dispose of and one to me containing as follows:4 pairs of shoes and pumps, 6 dozen of worsted and thread stockings, 3 dozen of speckled shirts and breeches, 12 hats, some carpenter's tools, 5 barrels of rum, 4 quarter casks of Madeira wine, 10 cases of spirits, 2 old stills full of holes, one worm, 2 grindstones, 2 crosssaws and 1 whipsaw, 3 jars of oil, 2 small iron pots, 3 barrels of cannon powder, some books, catechisms, primers and hornbooks, 2 Bibles and some garden seeds, 3 dozen of hens [?]: and I returned for the said goods [1100 pieces of eight and dollars, 34 slaves, 15 head of cattle, 57 bars of iron. October the 5th he set sail from St. Mary's after having sold part of his cargo to the Whitemen upon Madagascar to Manratan 6 to take in slaves. (5) October 19th 1693.-Arrived the ship Amity, Capt. Thos. Tew Commander, burden 70 tons, 8 guns, 60 men. having taken a ship in the Red Sea that did belong to the Moors [Muhammadans] as the men did report. They took much money in her and made the whole share men [about] 1200 lb. a man. They careened at St. Mary's and had some cattle from me, but for their victuals and sea-stores they bought from the negroes. I sold Capt. Tew and his Company some of the goods brought in the Charles from New York. The ship, belonged most of her to Bermuda. Capt. Tew set sail from St Mary's December 23rd 1693 bound for America. (6) August 9th 1695.-Arrived the Charming Mary from Barbadoes, Capt. Richard Glover Commander, Mr. John Beckford Merchant and part owner. The most of the ship belonged to Barbadoes, Colonel Russell, Judge Coats and the Nigames [?]. She was burden about 200 tons, 16 guns, 80 men. She had several sorts of goods on board. I bought most 64 Manratan, for Mandratan the Madratan (Mandritsara) of No. 7, infra.-ED.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1919 or them. She careened at St. Mary's and in October she set sail from St. Mary's for Madagascar to take in rice and slaves. (7) August 1695.- Arrived the ship Katherine from New York, Capt. Thos. Mostyn Commander and Supercargo, Mr. Fred. Phillips owner, the ship burden about 160 tons, no guns, near 80 [? 20) men. She had several sorts of goods in her. She sold the most to the Whitemen upon Madagascar where she had careened. He set sail from St. Mary's for Madratan [? Mandritsara] on Madagascar to take in his rice and slaves. (8) December 7th 1695.- Arrived the ship Susanna, Capt. Thos. Week Commander, burden about 100 tons, 10 guns, 70 men. They fitted out from Boston and Rhode Island and had been in the Red Seas, but made no voyage, by reason they missed the Moors fleet. They creened at St. Mary's and I sold them part of the goods bought of Mr. John Beckford out of the Charming Mary and spared them some cattle, but for the most part they were supplied by the negroes. They stayed at St. Mary's till the middle of April, where the Captain and Master and most of the men died. The rest of the men that were left after the sickness carried the ship to St. Augustin, where they left her and went in Capt. Hore's for the Red Sea. (9) December 11th 1695.---Arrived the ship Amity having no Captain, her former Captain, Thomas Tew, being killed by a great shot from a Moors ship, John Yarland Master, burden 70 tons, 8 guns as before described, and about 60 men. They stayed but few days at St. Mary's and set sail to seek the Charming Mary and they met her at Mauratan on Madagascar and took her, giving Capt. Glover the sloop to carry him and his men home and all that he had, keeping nothing but the ship. They made a new Commander after they had taken the ship, one Captain Bobbington. After they had made the ship they went into St. Augustin's Bay and fitted the ship and went into the Indies to make a voyage and I have heard since that they were trepanned and taken by the Moors. (10) December 29th 1695.--Arrived a Moors ship taken by the Resolution and given to Capt. Robert Glover and 24 of his men that was not willing to go a-privateering upon the coasts of India, to carry him away. The Company turned Captain Glover and these 24 men out of the ship, Captain Glover being part owner and Commander of the same and confined prisoner by her Company upon the Coast of Guinea by reason he would not consent to go about the Cape of Good Hope into the Red Sea, the ship very old and would hardly swim with them to St. Mary's. When they arrived there they applied themselves to me and I maintained them in my house with provision till June that shipping arrived for to carry them home. (11) January 17th 1696-7.-Arrived the brigantine Amity that was. Captain Tew's sloop. from Barbadoes and fitted into a brigantine by the owners of the Charming Mary at Barbadoes, Captain Richard Glover Commander and Supercargo. The brigantine described when [? as) a sloop. She was laden with several sorts of goods, part whereof I bought and part sold to the Whitemen upon Madagascar and part to Captain Hore and his Company. The brigantine taken afterwards by the Resolution at St. Mary's. (12) February 13th 1696-7.- Arrived Captain John Hore's prize from the Gulf of Persia and three or four days after arrived Captain John Hore in the John and Rebecca, burden about 180 tons, 20 guns, 100 men in ship and prize. The prize about 300 tons,

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DECEMBER, 1919 ] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 223 laden with calicos. I sold some of the goods bought of Glover to Captain Hore and his Company as likewise (to] the Whitemen that lived upon Madagascar and Captain Richard Glover. . (13) June 9th 1697.-Arrived the Resolution Captain Chivers Commander, burden near 200 tons, 90 men, 20 guns. Formerly the ship belonged to Captain Robert Glover, but the Company took her from him and turned him and 24 men of his men out of her by reason they were not willing to go a-privateering into the East Indies. They met with a Mosounes at sea and lost all their masts and put into Madagascar about ten leagues to the northward of St. Mary's, and there masted and fitted their ship; and while they lay there, they took the brigantine Amity for her water-casks, sails and rigging and masts, and turned the hull a drift upon a reef. Captain Glover promised to forgive them what was past if they would let him bave his ship again and go home to America, but they would not except he would go into the East Indies with them. September 25 they set sail to the Indies. (14) June 14th 1697.- Arrived the ship Fortune from New York, Captain Thomas Mostyn Commander and Robert Allison Supercargo, the ship burden 150 tons or thereabouts, 8 guns, near 20 men, having several sorts of goods aboard and sold to Captain Hore and Company and to the Whitemen upon Madagascar. (15) June 1st 1697.- Arrived a ship from New York, Captain Cornelius Jacobs Commander and Supercargo, Mr. Fred. Phillips owner, burden about 150 tons, 2 guns, near 20 men, having several sorts of goods aboard and sold to Captain Hore and his Company and to the Whitemen upon Madagascar and 4 barrels of tar to me. (16) July 186 1697.- Arrived the brigantine Swift from Boston, Mr. Andrew Knott Master and John Johnson Merchant and part owner, burden about 40 tons, 2 guns, 10 men, having several sorts of goods aboard, some sold to Captain Hore and Company: the rest put ashore at St. Mary's and left there. A small time after his arrival I bought three quarters of her and careened and went out to seek a trade and to settle a foreign commerce and trade in several places on Madagascar. About eight or ten days after I went from St. Mary's the negroes killed about 30 Whitemed upon Madagascar and St. Mary's and took all they or I had. Captain Mostyn and Captain Jacobs and Captain Hore's ship and Company being all there at the same time and set sail from St. Mary's October 1697 for Madagascar to take in their slaves and rice having made a firm commerce with the negroeB on Madagascar. At my return I met with Captain Mostyn at sea sixty leagues of St. Mary's. He acquainted me with the negroes' rising and killing the Whitemen. He persuaded me to return back with him and not proceed any further for there was no safe going to St. Mary's, all my men being sick. After good consideration we agreed to return ard go for America. The above mentioned men that were killed by the natives were most of them privateers that had been in the Red Sea and took several ships there. They were chiefly the reason of the natives rising, by their abusing of the natives end taking their The South-West Monsoon, which brings in very heavy weather when it bursts" in Juna -ED.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DBORXDBR, 1919 cattle from them, and were most of them to the best of my knowledge men that came in several ships as Captain Raynor, Captain Coats, Captain Tew, Captain Hore and the Resolution and Captain Chivers. ADAN BALDRIDGE. Sworn before me in New York 5 May 1699. True Copy. BELLAMONT. (Colonial Office Records, 5/1942, No. 30, i.) XIV. THE CRUISE OF HENRY EVERY, 1693-6. Henry Every (Avery or Avory) alias Bridgman, was the most famous pirate of bis day. Mate of the ship Charles (Captain Gibson) which had been hired with other ships by the Spanish Government, through Sir James Houblon, to assist in the protection of the Spanish American colonies, ho persuaded a part of the crew to mutiny at Corunna 66 in May 1691 and took possession of the ship. Renaming her the Fancy, he carried her first to the West Indies, where he completed his crew, and then via Madagascar to the Red Sea. He attempted to fix a base at Perim, but, finding no water, proceeded to St. Mary's in Madagascar, where he built a kind of fort and established friendly relations with the natives, though the stories of his ruling like a king amongst them are probably wild exaggerations, for his total stay in the Indian Reas cannot have been longer than some eighteen months. In 1695 he captured the Gunsway, a rich pilgrim ship, on board of wbich there were many Indian ladies of distinction, who appear to have been very shamefully treated. He is said to have married one of them, a royal Princess, and to have had by her a son who was living in Madagascar in 1720, though the poor Jady herself speedily died. The booty taken on this occasion was enormous-it is said to have been more than PS200,0001 At any rate Every And his crew were now satisfied to go out of business. In April 1696 they arrived at the Island of Providence, in the Bahamas, where they were well received by the Governor, Nicholas Trott. Having divided their booty, they scattered, and a number of them made for England. There some were identified, tried and executed, but Every escaped detection and having been cheated of his booty by the men wbom he employed to turn it into cash, died in great poverty at Bideford in the year 1727. As Every impudently claimed the right to use Captain Gibson's commission, he flew St. George's flag, using the red flag only when his victims persisted in resistance. Apparently he never, in the Indian Scas, attacked Lis own countrymen or, in fact, any but Indian vessels. He is said to have carried the Mughal flag taken on the Gunsway to America, where it was flown by the pirate Captain John James of the Providence Galley in 1899. Probably * James was a former member of his crew. # Called by English sailors the Groyno.

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DECEBER, 1919 ] EPISODES OF PIRACY IN THE EASTERN SEAS 225 The damage done to trade by Every and other pirates with whom he associated was so great that it caused a serious quarrel between the Agents of the East India Company and the Mughal Government, tho latter holding them responsible for the misdeeds of their countrymen. This made it nooossary for the English Government to come to the assistance of the Company, which was unable by itself to free the sous from these dangerous pests. Narrative of Philip Middleton, a youth belonging to the ship "Charles," alias " Fancy," which was delivered to the Lords Justices, the 4th August 1696. "The ship Charles, Henry. Every (Commander), first plundered three English vessels at the Isle of May of provisions only, and nine of their men went on board the said Charles, most West Countrymon, vict. James Gray, Thomas Summerton, Edward Kerwood, William Downe, John Redy, &o. "Thence to the Coast of Guinea, where took two Danes, 7 out of which they had & quantity of elephants teeth and divided about eight.or pine ounces of gold a man. Fourteen of the Danish crew came aboard them. . Thence they sailed to Madagascar and to Johanna, where twelve French pirates came aboard them and afterwards took a French pirating junk with about forty men, who had good booty with them. They also joined them, being in all about 170 men, with 14 Danes, 52 French and 104 English. From Johanna they sailed into the Red Seas and got intelligence of two rich ships that were at Mooha bound for Surat, but they passed them in the night, of which they had notice by a small junk they took the next day and made after them. They came up with the smaller first, who inade little or no resistance. The same day they took the great ship who fought for about two hours and many of their men were killed, being about 1,300 persons aboard and on the other ship about 700. They kept both ships in their possession two days and all the Charles's men, except Every, boarded them by turns, taking out of the said ships only provisions and other necessaries besides treasure, which was very great, though little in comparison to what was on board, for, though they put several to the torture, they would not confess where the rest of their treasure lay. They took great quantities of jewels anal a suddle and bridle sat with rubies, designed for a present for the Great Mogul. The men lay with the Indian women aboard those ships, and there were several of them. by their habits and riches in jewels appeared of better quality than the rest. The great ship was called the Gonnay. " After they had taken these prizes they went to Rajapore to water and so to John Dan, in his ovidence at the trial of certain of Every's crow at the Old Bailey, says they took the two Danes after a fight at the Isle of Princes. One whey took with them and one they burned. (Star Trials, Vol. 13, p. 451). * Whers, according to Dan, they burnt the town of Moat, because the people would not trade. Later they were joined by two English privateers and later still by three from Amerion. Middleton iu his ovidange givor the namus of the Captains a May, Farrel and Wako.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1919 Mascarenas, [Bourbon) where set on shore all the French and Danes, having first made a division of their booty, which amounted in gold, silver and jewels to 970 lbs. a man.69 "Thence they sailed to Ascension, where they turned fifty turtle and found letters of two English ships having been there. This was in March last, and the latter end of April they arrived at Providence, having but two days provisions left. "They made a present to the Governor there, whose name is (Nicholas) Trott, of twenty pieces of eight a man, besides two chequins 10 of gold, upon which he permitted them to come ashore, and gave them a treat at his house, at which one of the men breaking a drinking glass, he made him pay for it eight chequins. "The men presented the Governor also with the ship and all on board her, being some quantity of elephants teeth left in her. Colonel Richard Talliaferro, Deputy Governor, was a sharer with Trott in the booty. "Every had changed his name to Bridgman, went on shore at Providence and about eighty men, which dispersed themselves to several ports and bought sloops there. "One called the Seaflower, Captain Ferro, bought of Crosskeys and Flavell, in which embarkt Every and nineteen other men, vizt. Jno. Down, John- Nat. Pike, Peter Soames, Hen. Adams, Francis Thos. Johnson, Joseph Dawson, Samuel Dawson, James Lewis, James Hammond and Roy, John Sparks, Joseph Goss, Charles Faulkner, Thomas Somerton, James Murrey, "These landed about a month since at Dunfanahan, twenty miles northward of Lough Swilly, by Londonderry, and thence by land to Dublin. Every took shipping for England at Carrickfergus. Captain Ferro remained at Londonderry with his sloop, which the seamen gave him for a present. "Another sloop, which one Hollingsworth commanded, was chased into Dublin by a French privateer, on board of which were sixteen more of the Charles's men, vizt. Robert Richy. John Miller, John King, Edward Savill, William Phillips, Thomas Joye. These were most Scotchmen and bound thither. "William May went to Pensilvania. "Several went to New England. "Two of the men bad been at Jamaice and returned back to Providence. "Joseph Morris left mad at Providence, losing all his jewels upon a wager. "Edward Short killed by a sbirk (sbark). << Thomas Bolitha met at Dublin, but be came over in some other sloop, for he was not on board either of the two before mentioned. "Trott took several guns out of the ship, which had 48 mounted, to plant on a platform to secure the Island from the French." . [India Office Records. Home Series, Miscellaneous, Vol. 36, p. 189.] (To be continued.) Probably the Supposing all shared alike this, for 170 men, would make a total of PS164,900. booty amounted to over PS200,000., To Soquins, a coin worth about shillings and three penee.

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DECEMBER, 1919) A BRIEF SKETCH OF MALAYAN HISTORY 227 A BRIEF SKETCH OF MALAYAN HISTORY. BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE. TI have had reason on several occasions lately to examine the history of the Malays and have found myself hampered in my studies by the want of any short abstract thereof in English, which could keep a general view of the whole subjeot' before my mind, and serve to help me to conceive its many and necessarily confusing details in something like a practical sequence and in a true proportion to each other. I therefore compiled for my own use a brief sketch of the history of the Archipelago and Peninsula, for which combination the best general name I have yet come across in the literature of the subject is Malaysia. As it may be of use to others, I now print it, without laying any claim to having made it an authoritative or complete document.] South of Indo-China lies the Malay Archipelago, the most important collection of islands in the world. They are sharply divided geographically between those rising out of deep and shallow water by what is usually called Wallace's Line, being thus in two divisions: the Western or Asiatic in the shallow sea which impinges on the great spit of land jutting out southwards from Indo-China, known as the Malay Peninsula, and the Eastern and Melanesian, which approaches Australia. As in the case of Ir.do-China itelf, the aborigines of the whole area of Malaysia were Negritos, wlo at some remote fericd were overlain by a kindred race, the Melanesians, ar.d in much later times, in part, by the Malaye, the people with whom we now have to do. The Malays have been generally (and to my mind correctly) looked upon as one of the Indo-Chinese races, but of late they have been by some recognised as a people apart, allied to the Polyresians of the Pacific Ocean further to the East, their immigration into the Archipelago being northwards towards the Asiatic Continent and not southwards away from it. The term "Malay" for the race is from the native name Malayu, which is traceable as far back as A.D. 671, when the Chinese traveller I Tsing reported on them as the Moloyu, though he actually meant by the expression the people of the Hindu Menangkabau kingdom of Sumatra. The recorded history of the islands is quite recent, except where ancient Indian, Arabian and European trade penetrated. That is to say, except in Java, Sumatra and allied islands, and in the Malay Peninsula, history may be said to commence with the advent of modern European traders in search of spices, just as their ancient forerunners had gone there for pepper and cloves. In Java and. Sumatra, ancient Indian Hir.du and Buddhist kingdoms were set up, leaving some splendid monuments behind them, to become by the fourteenth century converts to Islam, owing to the proselytising tendencies of Arab and other Muhammadan traders. Nowadays the whole lard of the Malays, where not still occupied by primitive animists, may be said to be Muhammadan : that is, the people profess Islam, while they are at heart animists. The quality of the spices that these regions produce in great abundance has throughout historical times been an irresistible attraction to all maritime nations, and has led the Portuguese, the Spaniards, the Dutch and the English to battle for the trade. Indeed, it was the high price of pepper in England, created by a Dutch "corner" in that artiole of commerce at the end of the sixteenth century, that led to the formation of the first English East India Company in 1600, and thus indirectly to the foundation of the British Empire in India.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1919 Except through tradition, as recorded in the native chronicles of Java and Sumatra and to a less extent elsewhere, and through some inscriptions, the only general knowledge that exists regarding the Malays before the advent of the Portuguese in 1508 is that contained in the notes of travellers and geographical writers. Thus, Megasthenes (Greek) writing in India (306-298 B.O.), Pomponius Mela (Roman A.D. 43) and Josephus (Jew, c. 85) knew of the existence of the spice regions, and roughly, their position. About 79. Hippalus, the navigator, demonstrated the use of the trade winds, now known as the " Monsoons," which materially altered the capacity for Western discovery. So by the days of Ptolemy, the Alexandrian astronomer-geographer (127-151), knowledge of the Archipelago came to be recorded at first hand, and exploration became possible, bringing about the voyage of the envoys of Marcus Aurelius to Tongking in 166, and later the journeys and records of Cosmas Indicopleustes of Alexandria (c. 530-548). Chinese monkish (Buddhist) travellers also appeared on the scene : Fa Hian in Java (412-414), who found Hinduism flourishing and Buddhism commencing to have influence, and I Tsing in Sumatra in 671 and 688, who first noted the Malays by name. Thereafter the great medieval travellers, Marco Polo (Venetian), Odoric of Pordenone (Italian), and Ibn Batuta of Tangier, are found in Java and Sumatra, respectively in 1293, 1325 and 1345. Others, such as Nicolo de' Cont (Venetian, 1419-1444), produced personal accounts more or less accurate, chiefly less. All this while, there had been from very early times (1000-400 B.C.) an ever-increasing coasting trade from Southern India (Dravidian), and afterwards from Greece, Rome, Persia, Arabia, and India generally, which on the decline of Roman power passed into Arab and Persian hands in the seventh century, leading eventually by the fourteenth century to the establishment of Islam in the whole of Tanah Malayu, as the Malays call their own country. So by the time the Portuguese and other Europeans, beginning with Affonso d'Albuquerque in 1511, appeared among the Malays as conquerors in search of the spice trade, a great deal of information as to commercial possibilities had been accumulated in Europe. After the arrival of the Portuguese the story of the Malayan regions takes on a new aspect. The many recorded traditions of the Malays previous to the advent of the Muhammadans and Europeans, especially in Java and Sumatra, though backed by an immense number of insoriptions and monuments-some of them magnificent-are all disappointing as historical documents. In fact, the most remarkable thing about them is that with so much evidence there should be so little acceptable history. There are points in the early traditions, however, that come out with some certainty. Malay rulers and ruling families have long delighted in tracing their descent from Sikandar Zu'lkargain (Alexander the Great), which may fairly be taken to mean that just as Megasthenes, the ambassador of Seleucus Nicator at the Court of Chandragupta (306-298 B.O.), the Mauryan Emperor of India, soon after Alexander's date (356-323), knew of the Malayan spioe trade, so had the fame of Alexander reached the Malays at the same timo. Next, the Malays have adopted the distinctive Saka era of India, starting from A.D. 78, and by the time that Fa Hian is found, as above stated, dwelling for a while in Java (412-414), Hinduism was established and Buddhism commencing to make its way The Hinduism was of the Saiva (old animistio) form, and the Buddhism of the Mahayana (Hinduised ritualistio) school. These last two facts support the trend of the traditions, which is that the Hinduism came through Sumatra into Java in the first century, A.D., from South India (Dravidian), and the Buddhism from further North a couple of centuries later.

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DECEMBER, 1919) A BRIEF SKETCH OP MALAYAN HISTORY 229 There are traces of ancient Hinduism in Borneo up to the fifth century, which should perhaps be connected with Champa (Cochin-China) or Kambaja (Cambodia). Chronicles in Java exhibit for what they may be worth a continuous series of dates, which still require collating to settle their real value, onwards from their year one (A.D. 74), when there arrived their first hero, Aji Saka from India. They then record the gradual spread of Hinduism over the whole country till 269, and the building of the first temple (Chandi Maling) in 285. The process of settlement continued till 417, by which time, in 384, a dynasty had been established at Astina, which in its alternative form of Astina Para is closely reminiscent of Hastinapura, the Delhi of legend. This line of Astina lasted till 662. During this time Hinduism had given place to Buddhism, and the splendid monument of Boro Budur was raised before 656 by the Maharajadhiraja Adityavarma, probably Parikisit (617-649) or Udiana (649-662) of Astina. It entirely covers a hillock one furlong square and 100 ft. high, and is an object lesson by means of sculpture in MahAyani Buddhism. The Astina Dynasty was succeeded by the Malawa Pati (662-872) after which came that of Mendang Kamulan or Brambanan (Parambanan, 732-892), the builders of the wonderful groups of temples of a greatly Hinduised Mahayani type (Parambanan and Chandi Sewu). This Dynasty, a member of which was Aji Jaya Baya (774-830), who wrote a Chronicle and attacked Cochin-China (Champa) in 774 and 787, was followed by the better remembered lines of Jangala (892-1158), which produced Panji (c. 1130-1158), the great hero of Javan story, and Pajajaran (with Koripan, 1158-1295). The country now tended to revert to Saiva Hinduism of a distinctly South Indian (Dravidian) type : so that in speaking of a "Hindu " dynasty in Java at this period a highly Hinduised form of Buddhism is indicated. Of the line of Pajajaran, Munding Sari (1184-1195) is, as Hail Purwa, said to have been the first royal convert to Islam in 1193. In 1295, two years after Kublai Khan's invasion (1293), the Pajajaran Kings were followed by the great line of Majapahit (1295-1477), grown out of a local dynasty at Tumapel (1232-1275). They were Hindus and extended the power of the Javanese Malays, grown by dogress more and more powerful since the time of Haji Purwa, who set up a kingdom at Demak and Pajang (1477-1806), which ruled all Java. In their time two notable events happened. Firstly, in 1508 the Portuguese appoared in Sumatra, and in 1511 took Malacca, starting at once explorations into the Archipelago generally. Secondly, in 1661 the Matarem family came to the front and afterwards produced Panambahan Senapati (1614-1624), the last independent native ruler in Java. He set up his throne at Matarom and was succeeded by Sultan Soda Krapiab (1624-1036), in whose days the Dutch and English appeared as conquerors. Hinduism did not of course die easily and the Portuguese found Hindu communities in Bantam on their arrival there in 1611. While the Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms had been developing in Java, & similar process had been going on in Sumatra at Menangkabau in the hills of the modern Padang, of which unfortunately hardly any record had survived, though it attained such fame among the Malays as to make many of them consider it to be the cradle of the race. Hindu' and Buddhist temples are numerous, and there is notable inpoription of A.D. 806; but it is said that it was not till 1160 that the kingdom was suficiently consotidated to be able to create colonies and spread abroad boyond tho Island. Like the Javan

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 2019 - Hinduised Buddhists, the Menangkabaus succumbed to Islam in the fourteenth century. There is nothing of prominent historical note in pre-Islamic days elsewhere in the land of the Malays. Malay history now enters on its last phase, the struggle between the maritime nations of Western Europe for the spice trade and the power necessary to secure it. The Portuguese came first into Sumatra in 1508, when Malacca, on the Peninsula hard by, was the chief port for pepper. In 1511 Affonso d'Albuquerque occupied Malacca, and sent out a party of explorers into the Archipelago. This led to the discovery of the Philippines by one of them, Francisco Serrao, who after being wrecked, accidentally made his way to Mindanao in 1514. In the same year the Portuguese established themselves in Ternate. In 1519 the Spaniards sent an expedition under Ferdinand Magellan to claim the Moluccas and thus discovered Borneo. By 1529 the spheres of the rival powers were settled, the Spaniards getting the Philippines and the Portuguese governing the Moluccas from Ternate. In 1546 Francisco de Xavier, the Spanish missionary (1506-1552), appeared on the scene, and the subsequent attempts to forcibly Christianise the people led to a bitter animosity against the Portuguese, who thus contributed to their own ultimate downfall. Finally, from 1530 to 1640 Portugal and Spain were united under the latter. Meanwhile, the French pirates from Dieppe between 1527-1539 and English competitors under Drake (1579), Lancaster (1591), and Middleton (1604) began to dispute the trade with Portugal and Spain, and in 1595 the Dutch arrived, partly to revenge themselves on the Spanish for their misdeeds in the Netherlands, and partly to break the Spanish-Portuguese monopoly in the spice trade and to "corner" pepper. In 1602 the Dutch East India Company was formed, and by 1604 it was already stronger than the Portuguese on the seas, enabling its representatives to force the Portuguese to an armistioe in 1808. In 1609 Pieter Both was the first Governor-General with his capital at Jakatra (1611), which was named Batavia in 1619. In 1600 the English East India Company arose, and the acute rivalry thus created with the Dutch purported to end in the Treaty of Defence (1620) by which the Dutoh and English Companies atranged to co-operate. This arrangement'was never properly kept, and the Dutch" massacred " the English at Amboyna in 1623, an act which roused ill-feeling for a long while and was not redressed till 1654 under Oliver Cromwell. The Treaty lapsed in 1637, and thereafter for various reasons Dutch power steadily increased, until the English retired from all points, except Benkulen in Sumatra, in 1684. The Dutch East India Company was now completely in the ascendant, and ruled the country solely in its own interests. Individual Dutch families became enormously rich at the cost of the Malay population, but in spite of rebellions, which their conduct caused, the Dutch became supreme rulers in the Archipelago by 1740. The gravest abuses, however, continued, until, because of them and of English competition in the spice trade from India, the Company was brought down in 1798, and superseded by a Council of the (Dutch) Asiatic Poseessions. The Napoleonic wars induced the English in 1810 to conquer Java and much of the Archipelago, and Sir Stamford Raffles became administrator of the Dutoh Malay Possessions under the British East India Company (1811-1816), carrying out many much-needed reforms. In 1816 they were ceded back under the Treaty of Vienna (1814). This led to the formation of the British Settlements in the Straits : Singapore in 1819, Malacoa finally in 1824, and

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PANAMALAI ROCK-TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA 231 Penang, which, however, had been established as early as 1786. By 1824 the English were recognised as supreme in the Malay Peninsula. The Straits Settlements were ruled by the East India Company till 1867, when they became a Crown Colony. In 1874 and subsequent years, Perak and a number of other native states were added by "Protection," and are now known as the Federated Malay States. In 1909 yet others were added by the treaty with Siam, those still remaining in the Peninsula being under Siamese suzerainty. All British possessions in the Peninsula are governed from Singapore.. (To be continued.) DECEMBER, 1919] THE PANAMALAI ROCK-TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA BY K. G. SANKARA AIYAR, B.A., B.L.; TRIVANDRUM, THIS small paper is substantially the reproduction of a letter dated 8th September, 1918. written by me to Dr. Jouveau-Dubreuil, who discovered the Panamalai inscription, regarding its correct reading and interpretation. Panamalai is a village in the Villuppuram Taluk of the South Arcot District in the Madras Presidency. Round the base of the rock-temple in that village, there is engraved in a single line an inscription in Grantha-Pallava alphabet, which Dr. Dubreuil has edited and translated in his Pallava Antiquities (1. 11-23). Concerning the condition of the inscription, he writes, "The beginning and the end of the inscription are concealed by a structure of bricks built in front of the temple. So a portion of the first sentence, and the whole of the last part of the inscription are missing. The letters have been preserved excellently well except towards the middle wherefrom a stone which contained some letters has been removed. " He adds that he published in July 1915 a tentative translation of the inscription. As this seemed to be insufficient, Mr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, the author of Ancient India, gave him a more correct translation from his reproduction of the inscription in Plate I, which we add below for comparison and reference :-"Droni, famed for the might of his arm, was born a (minor) incarnation of 'Siva. From him of the name Droni, pure by the performance of great penance, there appeared, as the sciences of the Vedange from the Veda, the ruler of the earth named Pallava. From whom (did descend), as the floods of the Ganges from the moon, the great family of the Pallavas, sanctified by treading in the path (of righteousness), holy and so worthy of great esteem. A dynasty of paramount sovereigns, made pure by the frequent baths at the conclusion of the (numerous) horse sacrifices performed by them. The chief of this family, the like of which did not exist before, and which belonged to the most holy tribe (gotra) of Bharadvaja; whose fame had spread over the circle of the world which was taken forcible possession of (conquered) by the undiminished prowess of his arm; who, (born) from him (who bore) the title Ekamalla, as Guha (Subrahmanya) from God Paramesvara, shone with the prowess of his arm; who was known by the name Rajasimha of sanctified reputation, radiant in warlike pride made firm by his own strength; who was king of lions by the destruction of the elephants, the enemy kings; who was destroyer of the crowd of hostile kings and maker of all things auspicious; His mind purified by the unremitting hold of devotion (to God), having given always... To whom Siva of the deer-spotted (moon) crest . . . " It seems to me that both the published text and translation of this inscription are capable of improvement. Neither Dr. Dubreuil, nor Mr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar seem to have

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY noticed that the inscription is in verses. Dr. Dubreuil's reference to the first sentence confirms this inference. I found that the inscription was made up of the major part of the fourth quarter of a Sragdhara verse, almost the whole of two other Sragdhara verses, the first three quarters of a Vasantatilaka verse, an Indravajrd verse, and the major part of the first two quarters of a fouth Sragdhard verse. The first three quarters and the first three syllables of the fourth quarter of the first Sragdhard verse, syllables 17 to 19 of the second quarter and 5 to 7 of the third quarter of the second Sragdhara verse, the fourth quarter of the Vasantatilaka verse, and the first six syllables of the first, the fourteenth and fifteenth syllables of the second, and the whole of the third and fourth quarters of the fourth Sragdhara verse are missing. I give below my reading of the inscription rearranged as verses, and omissions supplied enclosed in small, and doubtful readings in big, brackets. Text. [na] bAda prati niraM purAre // [tyA] notasya nimmajAdAvirAsIt AmnAyAdaGgavidyAvisara hava mahIvala (bhaHpakSa ) vAkhyaH / yasmAda (sadArtha ) pathivihitapadAta pAvane mAnanIyoM maMdAkinyAH pravAhaH zazina iva mahAnanvayaH pallavAnAM / / [[saMpAcAmazvame [dhA]SabhUtavirajAM padmavAnAM aspRSTApaDavAnAM vimalasara bharadvAjavaMzIddhavAnAM / kelorI [na] bAicinahamIca kaviyayAsakI meM ca devAnAha iva parabhU [][ vI] nAvabhAsI // [[]samara [-] mahAmanA [] yo rAjasiMha iti vizrutapuNyakIrttiH / kuJjarasiMha [[[[[]] itIpadAnAM kartA ca kalyAnaparaMparA cisA [kipU ne [pa]basya [[[]] kamI [ja] // [[]] kumA [DECEMBER, 1919 * sAMbhaniyekairtuma iva sa [ Ta )... taptesidharmyaM / -1 -11. I may state here that Dr. Dubreuil, and the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao were in substantial agreement with me as regards the reading of the text. I will now give my rendering of this inscription, and then discuss the proper reading and interpretation of individual words and phrases. Translation. Farfamed for the strength of his arm, was born (Asvatthaman), the son of Drona (the preceptor of the Kauravas and the Pandawas), an embodiment of (Siva), the destroyer of the (three) cities (of the Asuras, i.e., daemons; Siva is aptly the original of Asvatthaman who destroyed the embryos of the Pandavas in revenge for his father's death caused by a false report of his own death by Yudhishthira in the Bharata war).....

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PANAMALAI ROCK TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA 233 Then from that pure Aevatthaman, there came out into men's view, the lover of the spacious earth, named Pallava, who had accumulated great penance, as from the Vedic collection (sprang forth) the auxiliary sciences (of the Veda). DECEMBER, 1919] From whom this great family of the Pallavas which is worthy of honour, because of its (constant) treading in the (ancient) holy path (of righteousness), (spread continuously out), as, from the haremarked (moon), the continuous flow of the celestial Ganges (Mandaking is a distinctive term for the celestial course of the Ganges before it falls on earth). From Ekamalla Deva (the sole strong-lit. combatant-lord) whose fame was published throughout the circle of the spacious earth won by the undiminished prowess of his arm, and who was the banner of the Pallava (race) of universal sovereigns and enjoyers of the earth who were purified of their sins (of conquest) by the closing baths of the horse-sacrifice (which can be performed only after letting loose the sacrificial horse to wander freely for a year and conquering all kings who seek to restrain its movements), who were untouched by the least particle of danger, and who were sprung from the most pure family of Bharadvaja (a Vedic seer). From him (was born), like Guha (Subrahmanya, so called because of his secret birth. among the reedscf. ; as God of war, he is compared with Rajasi mha), he, who shone by routing (?) other (rulers of earth); Who was mighty in his strength; who (was endowed with) great valour (proud with victory in-seen in?) battle; who (lived in) well-known and auspicious fame as Rajasimha; who was (verily) a Rajasimha (lion of kings) by his having uprooted the elephants, i.e. the enemy kings;.... He took away the elevations (in power and fame) of the tribe of hostile (kings). He was also the doer of an (unbroken) succession of auspicious deeds; and, in his mind, purified by constantly-fostered devotion, (Siva), who wears on his crest the deermarked (moon), holds (his foot). (The moonspot is variously imaged as the hare, the deer, etc). (The remaining lines, as they stand, are obscure.) We will now note and discuss the differences in reading and interpretation between ourselves and Mr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. His in is not supported by the plate. The metre, moreover, requires here a long vowel like in our . His droNi na is wrong for droNinI, for the metre requires a long vowel or a short vowel followed by a conjunct consonant after , the name is not fr but, and the plate distinctly reads I, and the Sanskrit for - 'name' is nAma, Plate I reads tasmAni and not tasmAni and tasmAn + nei= tasmAnna. The Sanskrit for ' Veda' is AmnAya and its ablative is AmnAyAta and not bhagnavat, and metre also requires both these vowels to be long. The plate also reads them as long. T is wrong for a and is an obvious omission. And the plate as also the Sanskrit for named 'requires : for Mr. Krishnaswami suggests emendation of qr to q wrongly construing it with : instead of with pArtha. The genitive of samrAT is samAjAM and not sacArja, and the plate also reads as I . pallavAnA before vimanatara is obviously a mistake for the genitive padmavAnAM Metre requires six long vowels infeffer. So we should read g, ft, and r. The plate is clear as to ar at the end. I take a to qualify, and add a final visarga. But Mr. Krishnaswami The s between :.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER: 1919 takes it to qualify of implied in which is impossible, for W yr means, not warlike pride', but proud with battle'. In any case he should at least have read a final an tsvara. and, if the reading is really , his construction is clearly impossible. TTT should obviously be her as the metre requires and, except for the final visarga, as the plate clearly reads. The final visarga is required by sense, syntax, and metre. Mr. Krishnaswami emends are into , thereby making the passage meaningless. Metre requires an initial long vowel or short vowel followed by a conjunct consonant in 37, and so does the meaning. So I read utta. samuccayANAM is wrong for the plate reading samucchravANAM which the meaning also requires. kalyAnaparaMparANAM is an obvious mistake for kalyANaparaMparANAM. samata and try are both meaningless mistakes for ten as the sense and metre require, though we have to add an anusvara to the plate reading. The plate reads a visarga between aand , and Arci not hai, as the metre also requires. Metre requires flat for r. The plate distinctly reads sattAbho and not sattApe, also taptesidharma and not tamosidharma. , gira means not merely famed', but farfamed'. By translating was born a minor incarnation of Siva', Mr. Krishnaswami has taken stu: with affare, though a term like Ti' is wanting, instead of with slit. He has failed to bring out the comparison implied. in yorHe omits to translate stur. fara means * accumulated', not performed'. He has wrongly taken iraureat with the ablative f or instead of the nominative T :. He has tra slated for by sciences of the Vedanga' instead of the Vedanga sciences'. He has failed to bring out the force of the purposeful use of free and TITE. He omits v. He has failed to note the distinctive use of Harfenft for the celestial course of the Ganges (cf. Apifanft fra Amara). The Pitris, i.e., the spirits of the dead are said to bathe in its waters, to be purified of their sins, and, since they abide in the moon, the staat was perhaps imagined to flow from the moon. The repeated use of rai is not explained by Mr. Krishnaswami. He, unauthorised, makes the Asvamedhas numerous, and the baths at their conclusion frequent. He omits :. He takes at TET with war, and as identical with it, whereas the one means 'invincible, and the other 'unseen'. And bhadaSTA is feminine, while anvayaH is masculine. So I read it as aspaSTa + ApallavAnAM. He has paraphrased at: into 'chief' instead of rendering it as "banner'. f means 'pure' and not holy'. Te means neither gotra', nor tribe', but 'family'. T ri means sprung from', not belonged to'. The passage dhair: : he applies to Rajasimha, instead of Ekamalla Deva, as the ablative indicates. The metre does not allow the reading of any syllable between 9 and , and so, this inscription, at any rate, does not permit. any reference to the name of the father of Rajasimha or Guha as Mr. Krishnaswami suggests. but this inscription clearly proves that Rajasimha was a devotee of Siva, a fact which both Dr. Dubreuil and Mr. Krishnaswami have failed to note, and which Mr. Krishnaswami's translation fails to bring out. He takes car with ..., and not with Taw as the ablative indicates. The knowledge from other sources that the name of Rajasimha's father was Paramesvaravarman I, and that consequently, 'Ekamalla 'must have been only one of the latter's titles, has apparently intluenced Dr. Dubreuilto seek for his name itself in this inscription, and so he suggests that, after gRha we should read prmaariishvraadaaviraasiim||...bhujvissaavbhaasii||. But this reading assumes that nearly the whole of a sloka has to be filled up, and there is no gap in this part of the inscription that would justify us in supplying a whole sloka here. Bo the suggested reading is untenable. Prema means not 'spread', but "published'. The passage who bore the title of the translation has nothing corresponding to it in the

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DECEMBER, 1919] BOOK-NOTICE 235 text. He has rendered V TT: as radiant', and not of great valour.' He take gouraifft: with Rajasimha instead of with and a means not merely destroyed', but uprooted'. He has interpreted of as 'king of lions' instead of lion of kings' King of lions' would mean that he himself was literally a lion, and that he had only literal lions for his subjects. "Lion of kings', on the other hand, would mean that he was a king, but, among kings, what a lion is to the beasts of the forest, i.e., their king. It is a synonym for king of kings'. If the engraver of the inscription had meant 'king of lions', he would have written By. Mr. Krisht.aswami translates egarri era as merely destroyer'. He has rendered 'grap' by crowd ' instead of tribe'. He has rendered Tiger by all'. He has not understood the penultimate sloka properly. He confuses vi='holds' with r ='having given', and erg='fostered' with FT or a which, in themselves, are meaningless, but which he takes to mean "unremittingly holding'. Ez he translates as to whom ' instead of of whom', and ich he takes to mean deerspotted' instead of deermarked'. In conclusion we may note that the only king, among the Palla vas, who had the characteristic surname of Rajasimha, was Narasimhavarman II (A.D. 685-712), that therefore the Panamalai inscription was engraved in his time, and that this inscription proves that, at the time of Rajasimha, different kinds of alphabets were 119ed, and that a difference in the stage of evolution of the letters does not at all indicate a difference in the ages. MISCELLANEA.. SAMAJA. a crowd about them', and samajja manlale as in The demonstration by Mr. N. G. Majumdar the midst of the people.' "Giving a perforin(ante, Aug. 1918, p. 221) that in the Kamastra, ance' and on the stage would render the true Ramayana, and Jalakas the word samuja has the sense. technical meaning of theatre', in the various senses The second passage quoted by Jr. Majumdar of that word, is conclusive. His article throws from Fausboll's text (vi, 277), Passa malle samajwelcome light upon Asoka's Rock-edict I. It may jasmin, otc., is part of Jalaka No. 31.1. And is be useful to supplement it by noting that the Cam. Englished by the Cambridge translators (vol. vi, bridge translators of the Jatakas completely mis- p. 135) See the wrestlers in the crowd striking understood the passagos citod by Mr. Majumdar. their doubled arms.' The words in the ring' or In Jalaka No. 318 (transl., Vol. II, p. 41) they 'on the stage should be substituted for in the render samajjam karontd by the actors gathered crowd'. VINCENT A. STA. BOOK-NOTICE. SOURCES OF VIJAYANAGAR HISTORY : Selected and compiling his pioneer work from such original Edited for the University of Madras by S. KRISHNA. sources as were available to him, and the funda. SWAMI AYYANGAR, M.A., Professor of Indian His. tory and Archeology. University of Madras, 1919. mental nature of his method has already been This is just such a book as the Professor of Indian proved by the number of volumes and tracts on History at an Indian University ought to produce points of detail which have been published since, and both the writer and the University are to be all based or nurporting to be based on ori congratulated on its production. The true way documents, and culminating in this most import. to compile real History is to have the original sources at hand without alteration. Only then ant work. can the historian judge for himself and not It is important because it gives us the ipsissima morely reproduce the story through another's verba of the authorities on which the historian kas spectacles, and it is only historical data collected to rely (final judgment on their individual and rele. in this way that are of intrinsic value. tive value must come later), and because by seeking Mr. Sewell in his Forgotten Empire did in valuable them out and collecting them together, while not cervice to the History of Southern India by pretending to be exhaustive, its author, cannot but

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY fire others qualified for the purpose to do likewise. Prof. S. K. Ayyangar has further benefited the present-day reader by giving him the advantage of his great personal knowledge of the subject in his introduction and his abstracts of the quota tions. A word as to the method adopted in producing the book. A University Research Student, Mr. A. Rangaswami Sarasvati, has been employed to make a "systematic collection of passages in both Telugu and Sanskrit literature bearing upon the History of the Empire of Vijayanagar." This is entirely right. NOTES AND QUERIES. SUNNEE, DATED GOLD MOHAR. Peter Mundy (Travels, Hak. Soc. ed. vol. II, p. 310) makes, in 1633, the following remarks on money in Surat in his day "Coyne is of good gold, silver, Copper, ette. vizt-Of gold there is only Mohores or Sunnees and half ones ditto, the whole one worth about 5 nobles English, sometymes more or lesse." The term "Sunnee" is usually explained as a gold mohar and derived from sond, gold. But if the old writers meant sunt, they would have written "soonee" or something similar, and if "sunnee." was a common term for the gold mohar 300 years ago, it is odd that no form like soni, sohani, suni, sunni, is to be found now. The more reasonable explanation seems to be that sant, sanhi, saniyd, sanhiyd, were vernacular forms meaning a dated mohar (from san, sanh, a year), one which deteriorated in value as the date became old, as in the case of sanat or dated (sonaut) rupees. Hence the importance of rapid sale as is shown by the following quotations : 6 Feb. 1628. Sunneas' are not worth above Rs. 13 each." (Foster, English Factories, 1624-1629, p. 235.) 16 March 1628. "Cannot get rid of the 'sunneas sent up, except at a loss." (Ibid., p. 270.) 4 July 1636. "Have sent 30 'sunnees' for trial." (Ibid., 1634-1636, p. 272.) R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 15. Punishment for Coining. 13 May 1717. Consultation at Fort St. George. The President acquainting the Board that he has got a black fellow nam'd Peremaul [Perumal] in the [DECEMBER, 1919 It shows the rising generation of University men the right path in the first place, and it collects casual references to current political events and stories in the ordinary literature of the day. Such references are more likely to have no partizan or other reason for hiding the truth as known to the writer than are set histories or chronicles. Whether the writer knew the truth is another question which can only be solved by the collection of all such references as are available. In this view the value of the method pursued by Prof. Ayyangar comes clearly before us, and I cannot help hoping that the example he has set will encourage his University to continue the task in every direction open to it. R. C. TEMPLE. Cockhouse, whom he confin'd upon a discovery which the Shroffs [sarraf, money-changer] made of his bringing bad Fanams [small silver coins] to be chang'd, which the said Peremaul upon examination confess'd to him as Follows-That his brother Moorta [? Marti] a Malabar Madrasi [East or West Coast at that time] Goldsmith, Inhabitant of St. Thoma, gave him 18 fa. to bring to Madrass to buy silver with of the Shroffs, which silver he was to carry back to his brother in St. Thoma for coining of more Fanams. The said Peremaul was sent for in, and being re-examin'd confess'd the Fact to the board in manner beforemention'd, which affair being debated, and the discredit our Mint may be brought into (which is at present in the greatest repute of any in the Mogull's [Delhi Emperors and Deccan Sovereigns] dominions) consider'd, the board think it highly necessary that the said Permaul should be made a publick example for being accessary to his brother's knavery (there having at times crept in from St. Thoma several parcels of bad Fanams, but this is the first person that could ever bet discover'd); according[ ly ], the Following resolutions are agreed upon. That the Choultry [Court House] Justices do meet at the Choultry on Fryday next between nine and ten a clock in the morning, to direct the said Permaul to be put in the Pillory where he is to Stand two hours, after which to have both his ears cut off, and be whip'd out of the Hon. Company's bounds, never to set his Foot therein again under penalty of being sent a Slave to the West Coast upon his being discover'd. (Madras Public Consultations, vol. 87). R. C. TEMPLE.

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INDEX S.A.L. stands for the Supplement, Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, pp. 1-84. G.D. stande for the Supplement, Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaval Geography of India, pp. 1, 1-6. .. 85 Abhiras, converta to Buddhism and Brah- Arima, the prince of, destroya a Spanish vessel 171 .... . . .. .. 79 Ariyasaavinaya, the, its identification with abhisheka, coronation rites, described .. 84-95 Aboka's Vinayasamubase discussod .. 11 Abraham, the patriarch, pays by weight of Arrian, historian of Alexander the Great .. 18 silver .. 52 Ar-Saces, designation of the King of Parthis.. 12 abrus, the, a basis of weight .. .. 37, 38 Arthaldatra, the, its use in explaining words in Abu Zaid, Arabian geographer .. ... .. 21! Indian opigrapha .. .. .. 13, 14, 15 Achin, currency in .. .. .. 110 asikka, alloyed ailver .. .. .. .. 54 adenanthera, the, a basis of weight .. 37, 38 Alpka, his Ediote, 8, 11, 13, 14, 15, 24, 80, n., adhivatati, signification of .. .. 48, n. 215; his Upatina-Pasine, 9; his teaching, 10, Agni-Purina, the, coronation ritee described 11; hoepitala founded by, 24 ; adpas at KAn in .. .. .. .. 86-87, 90 chipura built by, 24; two Patna statue of Ahavamalla. See Somesvara I, Chalukya. the time of .. .. 25, 26, 28, 30 Alans, the. See Massagete, the. Asokachalla, inscriptions of, 44, 45, 47 n., 171,173,174 Alberuni, Arabian geographer, 21; his work Ansam, signs on a Neolith from, dinossed.. 58-61 discussed .. .. .. .. .. 21 Ansam Grant, of Vallabhadeva, the .. .. 173 Albuquerque, Affonso d', Portuguese Oriental assay of silver, Burmese, compared with coinage of, 40 ; takes Malacca .. .. .. .. .. 56 Alexander the Great, his contributions to the adamddha, horse-sacrifice .. .. .. 113 geography of India, 18; his hintorians 18-19 | Atharva Veda, tho, not the solo ground of coroAlkaswini, Arabian geographer .. .. 21 nation rites .. .. Allahabad Pillar Inscription, the .. .. 98, foi 98, 101 Attila, personal appearance of .. Allen, John, chief mate of the Bauden, kiled 202, 203 Ava silver, tablo of assay of .. .. Allison, Robert, pirate, supercargo of the Avery Henry. Soe Every, Henry. Fortuna .. .. .. .. .. 223 Ayuthia, E. L Co.'s factory at .. .. 40, n. Amboyna, Massacre of the English at English at .. 230 230 Ayyapa II, Chalukya .. .. ..6, 117, 118 Amil, revenue collector .. .. 132 Amity, tho, pirate ahip, at St. Mary's, 221, mado a brigantino, 222 ; taken 223 Amogavaraha 1, Rashtrakata - 116 ancient, onsign .. .. .. 208 Ancient Geography of India ..... 15-33 Babylonian Zodiao, Solar Bachaladevi, first wife of Sometvara 1, Andaman Language. - 8oo South Andaman Chalukya Language. ... .. .. .. .. 134 Andamanese, the, reputed cannibals, 217, n. ; Bachelor's Delight, the, pirate ship, at St. Mary's .. .. 220-221 bibliography of works on, S.A.L., 1 ; alpha Baker, -, sooond mate of the Baulen, made phabets of, 8.A.L, 2, 3; poetry of, specimen master .. .. .. .. .. 203 of, 8.A.L. .. .. .. .. 17-18 Balagamve inscription, the, of Jayasimha II, 117 Andragoras, copper coin of, 120; two kings Baldridge, Adam, agent for pirates, deposition of the name .. .. .. .. .. 121 .. . .. .. 220-244 Angutara, the, conjectural identification of bamboo, a liquid measuro i .. .. 161 discourse in, with Adoka's Vinayasemubase 11 Bamo, Thak'wa silver used in, 52; melting animism, in the Malay Archipelago . 297, 298 of silver for currenoy in yin .. . .. .. 54 Annamites, their identity with pro-historio banwart, touch-noodlee .. .. .. .. 106 Egyptiana suggested .. .. .. .. 60 barter, the system of, examined.. .. 37, 39 Arabian descriptions of India .. ... .. 21 Barygaza, incorrectly placed in the Periplus, 19 . .. 9

Page #242
238 INDEX .. .108 Mary basuruco, of copper, tin or tutonaga .. .. 156 Borneo, gold standards of Batavia, founded by the Dutch .. .. 239 Boro Budur, monument, the, date of .. .. 229 bau, bare. See b'd. hoya, tin lump currency .. .. .. .. 154 Banden, the, her fight at "close quarters" with Brahmanas, the Lunar Zodiac in the .. . 95-97 a pirate, 199-203; her commander, 200 ; list Brahmaniera, in the Dokkan, 77.78 : foreign of her killed and wounded . . . . . . 203 converts to .. .. . . 78 Beavan, John, member of the Phanir .. 198 Brahmans, embrace Buddhism without loss Beckford. John, part owner of the Charming .. .. .. .. 79 . 221, 222 Brahmi script, the, origin of, 25-26; pottery Bellomont, Lord, Adam Baldridge's deposi. marks similar to .. .. .. 58, 61 tion to .. .. .. .. 220, 224 Bridginan, Henry. See Every, Henry Benares, kings of .. .. .. .. 46 Bronze Age, script of the Bror *.. 57 Bengal, conqueft of, by Chandra .. 98-101 Buddha, his first sermon at Isipatana, 8; disbenzoin (benjamin), balsamic resin .. 169, A c ourses of .. .. . . .. ... 10 Bet, Beyt, a stronghold of Sanganian pirates . .184 Buddhasona, king of Bodh-Gaya, 44; inscription Bhabra Ediet, Aloki's, identification of a dis. of, 44, 45; titles of, 44-45 ; father of Jayaputed passage in, 8-11; the Patimokkha sena, 45, 46, 48; extent of his kingdom, unconnected with .. .. .. .. 9 45; not identical with the Sena dynasty .. 46 bhang, its use to incite to fury .. .. 184 Buddhasena, a Sena king .. .. 46, 47 Bhdshavritti, the, edited by Professor Srih Buddhism, Mihiragula's attack on, 66 ; in the chandra Chakravartti-(book-notice) .. 146-148 Dekkan, 77; foreign converts to, 78 ; in the Bhikslus, Buddhist religious mendioanta, how .. Malay Archipelago .. .. provided for .. .. .. 77 .. .. 228, 229 Buddhist criminal code, the Bhimadeva I, of Gujarat, attacks Malava .. 137 .. .. .. 9 bhoja, the word discussed .. . 80, n. bullion, chipped .. .. .. .. ... 37 Bhoja, MAlava king, tradition regarding. 117, bullion weights .. .. .. 118, n.: length of reign of .. .. .. 137 bunkal, parcel of gold dust, used as currenoy.. Bhojacharita, the, untrustworthiness of .. 117 Burma, bullion currency in, 37; weights used Bhaldkamalla. See Sombavars III, Chalukya. in .. . .. .. .. .. 37 Bhulokamalla II (Bhalokamalladdvarase), Buima, kings of their treasure .. .. 51 Chalukya, identity of, 4 ; inscription of, 4; Burma, Upper. Soo Upper Burma. dates of .. .. .. .. .. .. 6 Burmese, the currency and coinage of, 37-12, Bhuvana-koda, a Hindu account of India .. 21 105-111, 149-159; idoas as to money among bidor, lump tin .. .. .. 153, 154 the .. .. .. .. .. 37 Bihar, signs on a Neolith from, discussed 58, Burmese revenue, notes on the .. .. 51 61-64 Burmese silver, amount of alloy in .. 49-50 Bihar Stono Pillar inscription, the .. .. 13 | Burroughs, Thomas, dies of wounds .. .. 198 Bijjala, Bijjana, Kalachurya, usurpe the power Byng, Lieutenant George, gallantry of.. 197, 198 of Taila III, Chalukya, 5; his successors .. 6 billon, on alloy .. .. .. .. 149, n.. Bintang, king of, his kazi murdered .. .. 164 Black Flag, the. See Colours. . Bloody Flag, the. See Colours. Casar, the, attacked by pirates .. 200, 203-206 B's, Shan, pure Burmese silver, 41, 42, 53, 56; Caouw, Jacob, commands squadron against Prinsep's mistake regarding .. .. .. 41 Coxinga, 181, 182 ; his ships destroyed .. 181 "boerd,"to, distingui shed from " to enter,"198,n. calin (calay), spelter, tin, 149, 163, 164, 165, Bot bington.- pirate, captain of the Charm- 1 156--158 ; derivation of .. .. .. 168 ing Mary .. .. .. .. .. 222 Carlisle, Captain, destroys La Trompeuss .. 200 Bodh Gaya, inscriptions of Asokachalla and casto, loss of, not entailed by embracing Buddhagena at, 43, 44, 45; kings of, 44, 45, Buddhism .. .. .. .. .. 79 46; other name for .. .. ... 47, 1., 43 Cave Inscriptions, relating to the Delikan ..79-83 Bodh Gaya Inscriptions, discussion regarding caves, in the Dekkan, assigned to certain the era used in the .. .. .. .. 171 Buddhist secte .. .. .. .. .. 77 Bodhi-tree, verses in honour of the .. 44, 48 Couta, fight between the Portuguese and an Bodop'aya, Burmese king .. .. .. 42 Indian pirate, near .. .. .. 160-163

Page #243
INDEX 239 Ceylon, identified with the l'alaisimundu of China, the Huns in. . 69--78 the Periplus .. .. .. . 196-196 Chin-chi-lung, Chinese pirate, poisoned 178, 179 chain platen, of a ship, definition of .. .. 200 Chin-chin-kung. See Coxinga. Chaitya-grihay, Buddhist cave temples in the Chinese, the, malcontents of, join Japanese Dekkan .. .. .. .. ... 77 pirates .. .165 Chakrakottam, identification of, 142, n., invaded Chinese geographers, 21-23; value of the work by Vikramaditya VI, Chalukya, 142; Vira. of .. .. .. .. .. 21 rajendra Chola's armies at .. .. .. .145 Chinese gold standards .. .. .. 107-108 Chalukya, variants of the name .. .. 112 Chinese pirates, attack the Dutch at Formosa. Chalukyan Empire, absorption of the. . . 6 6 178 ; arms used by .. .. .. .. 183 Chalukyan Inscriptions. See Inscriptions, Chinese silver ... .. .. .. . 52 Chalukyan Chinese ships, why attacked by Japanese Chalukyan, Eastern, their founder, 114; in pirates .. .. .. .. .. 164 ternal dissensions among .. .. .. 115 Chinese weights and currency .. 37, 38, 39, 49, n. Chalukyas, Western, of KalyApi, the, chrono Chin-Lushai Group, currency of the . .. 38 logy of, continued, 1-7; revised list of Chipp, John, drowned in a fight with pirates 198 sovereigns of, 6; the modern representatives Chittagong Grant, the .. .. .. .. 173 of, 112; mythical origin of, 112; conjectural Chivers, Captain, pirate, commands the Resolu. origin of, 112-113; original habitat of, 113; tion .. .. .. .. .. 223, 224 first famous ruler of, 113; Yuan Chwang teg- Choles, the, hostilities between the Chalukyas tifies to the valour of, 114; conquered by and, 116, 117, 119-120, 136, 138 ; sovereigns the Rashtrakuras, !14; regain their independ of the, 119, 138; intermarry with the Eastence, 114, 115; titles of kings of, 114, 115; ern Chalukyas .. .. .. .. 141, 142 extinction of the main branch of, discussed, chupak, a Malay measure .. .. 151, 152 114-115; genealogy of, 115; hostility be. Churcher, John, pirate, master of the Charles 221 tween the Cholas and, 116, 117, 119-120, 138; Clark, Walter, commander of the Comfort .. 178 capital of .. .. .. .. .. 116 Clenck, Herman, Dutch President of Formosa 181 Chandra, conqueror of Bengal, identification "close quarters," definition of a fight.at .. 199 of . .. .. ... 98-101 Coats, Captain Edward, pirate, commands the Coats. Ca Chandragupta I, his probable invasion of Ben Nassau . .. .. 221, 224_ gal, 101 ; extent of his empire, 101 ; identi Coats, Judge, owner of a pirate ship .. .. 221 fication of, with Chandra of the Iron Pillar COCOA-nut shell, used as a dry measure .. 151. inscription .. .. .. .. .. 101 Coinage and Currency among the Burmese. Chandragupta II, his cognomen, 36 ;, dates of 98 See Currency and Coinage. Chandravarman of Pushkarana, his identity coining, a punishment for . .. . .. 236 with the Chandra of the Iron Pillar inscrip c oins, Indo-Greek, 120-121; W. Kshatrapa, tion discussed, 98-101 ; brother of Naravar. 121-122; Muhammadan .. 122 man, 99; no evidence of his conquest of Colours, restriction as to the use of, 48; St. Bengal .. . ... .. ...101 George's, 48, 224 ; the Black Flag, 160; the Charles, the, E. 1. Co's ship, her commander, "Bloody Flag, 160, 203, 204, 224 ; the White 200; her log ... ... .. .. 203 Flag, 177; French, carried by pirates .. 203 Charles, the pirate ship, at St. Mary's, 221; Comfort, the, her fight with Malabar pirates, her captains, 224, 226; renamed, 224, 177-178 ; her crew wounded .. .. .. 178 925: her crew mutiny .. 224, 225, 226 consonants, intervocalio, in Tamil .. 1914-195 Charming Mary, the, pirate ship, at St. Mary's, Conyers, Richard, commands the Fortune ..226 221, 222 ; taken .. .. .. .. 222 copper, how procured in Upper Burma, 40,n.; chaubin-bauk b'o. See b'o, Shan. ratios between silver, lead and . .. 111 chaukmage, rupee silver .. .. .. .. 53 copper coins, of Andragoras, 120; of Jayschauri, fly-whisk .. .. .. 27, 28 daman, 121 ; of Rudradaman I .. .. 1 *cheerio," an early form of .. 202, n. copper currency, non-existent in the Far East. 40,n. Chellur grant, the .. .. 141, n., 142 n., 143 Copper-plate Inscriptions. See Inscriptions. Cheta dynasty, origin of the .. .. .. 188 coronation rites, ancient Hindu, 84-95; early Chikkoras, rulers of Pithi .. .. .. 46 history of. 84. En history of, 84; English, 90-91; comparison Chhinda dynasty .. 45, 46 between English and Bindu'.. .. 92-93

Page #244
240 INDEX Cosmas, his Christian Topography of the Universe 20 Cosseer, identification of 197, n Coxinga, Chinese pirate, takes Formosa from the Dutch, 178-183; a tailor, 178, 179; his baptismal name, 178; cruelty of.. 178 Coyett, Frederik, Governor of Zeelandia.. 180, 181 Cribbs, John, commands the Bauden, 200; killed 202, 203 currency, peasant, 37; bullion, 37; barter and metallic, 37, 39; the obsolete tin of the Federated Malay States, 39-40; the development of, in the Far East, 38; basis of, in the Far East, 38; the beginnings of, 39; Jump, 40-42; in the Dekkan, 81; rate of exchange in, 81; gold, 105-109; lead 109-111 Currency and Coinage among the Burmese, ..37-42, 105-114, 149-159 Curtius, his hearsay account of India.. Cutch, the coast of, infested by pirates notes on 18 183 dain, a standard of Burmese silver, 41, 42, 50, 53; signification of, 42; 'various standards of Dan, John, kis evidence at the trial of Every's 225, n. crew Dasapura. See Mandasor. Dajavarman, Chalukya.. Davis, Captain John, killed by Japanese pirates 168-170 Dekkan, Megalithic monuments in the, 57; religious, social and economic history of the, in the Satavahana period, 77-83; caves in the, assigned to certain Buddhist sects, 77; Brahmanism in the, 77-78; Hindu society. in the, 79-81; metronymics in the, 80-81; rulers of the, intermarry with foreigners, 81; currency of the, 81; craft-guilds in the, 82: local government of towns in the, 82; roads in the, 82-83; flourishing commercial state of, 83; ports of the, 83; political state of the, at the end of the 10th century.. digchi, saucepan.. Dennis, David, killed by pirates Deshima, island, Dutch fugitives from Formosa landed at 55 115 218, n. 198 182 Divagupta. See Chandragupta II. Dhammacakkapavattanasutta, the, reasons against the identification of the Vinayasamukase with 6 8-9 136, 137 Dhara, Malava capital Dharma, the god, uncertain identity of 78 Dhora, Pratihara, his identity discussed 132 Dhorappa, of the Sangamer plates, suggested identification of Dhruvasena I, Ganeigad and Palitana plates of .. 132 Dictionary, Geographical, of Ancient and Medi-aeval India. See Geographical Dictionary. Dictionary of the South Andaman Language. See South And man Language. Digambara traditions regarding Kalkiraja, 124-128 dinga, history of the term Diodorus, his hearsay account of India Divgavadana, the 208 37 18 10, n. 132 194-195 Dorapayya, Pratihara, identification of Dravida, origin of the term Dream Queen, the, a translation of the Svapnavasavadatta of Bhasa (book-notice) 44 Dutch, the, fail to assist the Comfort, 178: seize the spice islands of the East.. 230 Dutch monetary system in the Malay Peninsula 40 176 East India. Company, rivalry between the Dutch and, 230; settlement of. on Sumatra 230 Eastern Chalukya". See Chalukyas. Eastern. Eaton, John, pirat, cruelty of eclipses, invisible 217 .5, n. Edicts, Asokan, 14, 24: the Maski. 58. See also Bhabra Edict; Rock Edicts: Toleration Ediot. Edilpur grant, of Visvarupasena. the Edrisi, Arabian geographer European pirates, on the West of India Every, Henry, his piratical career, 224; his cruise in the Charles, renamed Fancy, 224-226; fate of his crew exchange, in the Far East, history of 37; rates of, between silver and lead.. 173 2 Egypt, prehistoric signs and scripts of enter a ship," to, distinguished from "to board" 198, n. Ephthalites, origin of the name, 69. See also White Huns, the. 21 37 Eratosthenes, the first scientific geographer 13 Erythraean Sea, the extent covered by, 19; derivation of the term 19 197 228 1.30

Page #245
INDEX 241 FA Hian, his account of India, 22 ; value of his Geography, Ancient, of India .. .. 15-23 work, 22; his distances, how reckoned 22-23 George, the, John Pettit's ship. attacked by Panow. the. Eery's ship, oruise of the, 224, Sanganian pirates, 184; blown up . 185 225-226; her crew .. .. 225 Gibraltar, Straits of, piratical action in the 160-182 Faria Antonio de, his fight with Khweja Gibson, Captain, commands the Charles .. 324 Hasan, 162-164; sacrilege of, 164 ; how Glover, Captain Richard, pirate, commands the punished . . . . . . . . . . 162 Charming Mary, 221, 223 ; his ship taken .. 222 Federated Malay States, the, obsoleto tin cur Glover, Captain Robert, pirate, arrives at St. rency of, 39-40; formation of .. .. 231 Mary's, 222, 223 ; his ship taken .. .. 223 tire-grapling, definition of .. .. 198, n. goalas, origin of the . .. 64 fireships, used by the Dutch against the Chinese 182 gold, Burmese names for, 105; various standards fireworks, used by Chinese pirates .. .. 182 of, 105, 106, 107, 109 ; touch of, how reckon. Firuz Shah of Persia, defeated by the White ed, 105, 106, 107, 108; in shoes, 107 : how Huns . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 alloyed, 108 ; As a money of account .. Flage. See Colours. gold dust, used as currency .. .. .. 109 flowered silver, in Pegu, 56; the Shan term for, gold lump currency 56. See also ywetni: dain. Good Hope, the, piratical cruise of, 217--219 : Fo-Kue-Ki, the work of Fa-Hian .. .. 22 "Thence taken, 217; her captains, 217: Formosa, Dutch settlement on, 178; taken by list of her crew .. .. .. .. 219 Coxinga, 178--183 ; portents of disaster at 179 Govindachandra, king of Benares .. .. 46 Fort Dolphin (Dauphin). See Port Dauphin. grab, a galley .. .. .. .. .. 185 Fort St. George, Madras, restrictions as to Grants. See Inscriptions. religious buildings at, 48; as to hoisting flage Gravelande, the, Dutch ship, engagea Coxinga's at, 48; the pillory as a punishment at, 76, forces, 180; escapes from Ccxinga, 181;. 230 : arbitrary conduct of the faujadr at, 148; rescues Dutch fugitives .. .. .. 182 the Cookhouse at, 236; the Court House at 236 Greek accounts of India . .. 17.18, 21 Fortune, the, pirate ship, at St. Mary's, 223; griha homesteads .. .. .. .. 80 wrecked .. .. 220 guilds, in India 81, 208 France, Lawrence, killed by Malays, 219; hie Gujarat, coast of, infested by pirates, 183; wife hanged. . .. .. .. .. 219 coins of Sultans of .. .. .. .. 122 Francis, the, attacks La Trompeuse.. .. 200 l Gunaway, the captured by Everv . 224. 2 French pirates, 200, 202, 220$ in the Eastern Gupta era, date of commencement of the 123, 124 HOBB .. . .. 230 Gupta period, symbols of the .. .. 32, 33, 34 Gupta sovereigns, copper-platqugrants of, 14; . extent of their dominions, 101 ; evidence of their supremacy in Bengal .. .. ..101 GAhalavAJA kings, of Benares. ... ... 46 Gupta Inscriptions. See Inscriptions, Gupta gambar, tin "cock" ingots .. .. 163, n. ganda, the, variable value of .. .. 150, 152 Rangdhar Stone Inscription, the .. .. 99 gant, ganton, bundles of block. Ain, 150-152; derivation of the term, 150; various spellings .. .. .. .. 150-152 Hackboat, the, taken by pirates, wrecked .. 221 panta, a Malay measure .. .. 152, n. Hambroek, Antoine, Dutoh pastor at Zoolandia, ganton, gantang, a rice measure.. 150, n., 151,162 heroism of, 180; killed heroism of, 180; killed .. . .. 181 ganza, lump spelter, 150, 154, 158-159; various Hamlyn, Captain Jean, commands La Tromspellinge of, 149, 150, 169; derivation of .. 169 Det . . .. .. 200 Gaya, included in the domain of Buddhasena 45 Haritasena, son of Buddhavens Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Me. Herria, Samuel, mate of the George, cowardice diaeval India, G.D., i-ix, 1-6; materials for, of, 185, 187; his account of an attgok by G.D., i : changes of names by affixes, elisions, Sanganians . . . . . . . 186-187 &c., G.D., 1-ix ; system of transliteration in, Harshacharita of Banabhafta, the, edited by G.D., ix: abbreviations used in, G.D., X; P. V. Kane (book-notioe) .. .. .. 196 ancient names .. ... ... .. G.D. 1-8 Harthouwer, omissary to Coxinga .. .. 183 -of . .. 48

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242 INDEX Hasan, Khwaja, attacked and killed by Antonio India, Ancient Geography of, 16-23; biblio de Faria .. .. .. .. 162-164 graphy of, 15-17; sources for the study of 17-23 hasta, measure, different lengths of the .. 22-23 India, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela, the, and Mediaeval. See Geographical Diction. discussion regarding, 187-191; revised ary. version of, 214, 215 n.; alphabet of .. 215-216 India, Southern. See Scuthern India. Hecatous, Greek geographer .. .. .. 17 Hecior, th, Dutch shif, engages Coxinga's Indian Museum, the, a discussion on the inforces, blown up . .. .. .. I scriptions on two steues in the. 25-36: .. 180 Hemachandra, his account of Kalkiraja 128--130 scripts and signs on Neolithic specimens Herodotus, his knowledge of India .. .. 18 in .. .. .. .. .. .. 57 Heron (Herron), Samuel, commande Indian Neoliths, scripts and signs from .. 57- Good Hope, 217; seized by pirates .. Indicopieustes. See Cosmas. Hill, Bartholomew, killed by pirates .. Indo-Erythraean, a pre-historic race .. .. 60 Hill, John, ambassador to Siam .. .. 219 Indo-Greek coins .. ... .. .. 120-12 Hindu coronations, ancient rites of Induraja, Pratihera, discussion regarding the Hinduism, in the Malay Archipelago .. 29 identification of Hindus, origin of the .. .. .. .. 63 .. .. .. .. 132 Hippalus, navigator, hia discovery regarding Inscriptions, Chalukyanmonsoons .. .. .. .. .. 19 of Bhulokamalla II, at Elagalalale, at BelHopkins, Charles, of the Good Hope, taken game by pirates .. .. .. .. 217--219 of Jagadekainalla II, at Manegoli, at Chinna. Hore, John, pirate, captain of the John and Tumbulam, at Kursi, 3; at Uttargi .. 4, n. . .. .. .. 223, 224 of Jagaddkamalla III, at Harihara, at Ban. Hoynala Inscriptions. Soo Inscriptions, nikodu, at Chitaldrug ... Hoysala. of Jayasimha II, et Balagamve .. .. 117 Hoysalas, the, acquire territory of the Cha of Kakka, at Gundur .. lukyas .. 114, n. Huing-Nu, the, identified with the Huns, 70-73; of Satyasraya .. .. .. . . . . 115 habitat of, in early history, 74 ; legend of Someavara III, at Chatratahalli, at Ingleshregarding .. .. .. .. .. war, at Pedda-Tumbulam, at Somade - Huns ,the, in Indian history, 65-76; origin varakoppalu .. .. .. .. 3 of, 65, 70; date of their occupation of the of Someevara IV, in the Banavdee, Haive region of the Oxus, 69; in China, 69-75; and Sindavadi provinces, at Belagutti. Tegendary accounts of, 67-69, 70; Chinese at Malakapuram, at Medakerepura.. ... 5 names for, 70, 73; conquered by Shi Huang of Taila (Tailapa) III, at Chitturu, 4; at Ti, 70; driven into Mongolia, 70; Bairekoppa, at Pattadakal, at Bidare, identified with the Huing-Nu, 70--73; Herekere, Rudradeva, at Stgeb&gi, at recover Chinese territory, 71; rulers of the, Tiptur .. .. .. .. .. 71 ; their power in E. Turkistan broken, 71; attack the Yueh-Chi, 71; the Fauni of of Vikramaditya VI, in Mysore and Madras, Strabo, 72; folk-name of, 73; maternal 3 ; at Dodda-Banageri, 2, n. ; at Gujagastock of, 73-74; how regarded in the East, nur, at Udri, at Yevur .. .. .. 2 73, 75. See also White Huns. at Gadag, Kalige, Udaipur, Yevur .. 114, n. Hwei-Ti, Chinese emperor, attacked by the Huns, 71; allies himself against them . 71 Inscriptions, CholaHwen Tsiang, his account of India, 22 : his of Mallapadeva, at Pithapuram . 141, n. measurements of Rajadhiraja .. .. .. 119, n. Hwi Seng, his account of N. W. India .. of Rajaraja . .. Hyderabad, pre-historic pottery in ... ... 58 of Rajendra, at Tiruvottiyur .. 142, n. Ibn Batutu, Arabian geographer .. .. 21 .. of Vanapati .. 21 .. .. .. .. Ibn Kurdabda, Arabian geographer 144, n. India, early trade between Europe and, between of Virarajendra, in the Nageswara temple Africa and, 19; trade-guilds in, 81, 208 ; at Kumba, 120, n.; at Karavar and Mani. village government in . .. 63-64 mangalam.. .. ..... 143, n., 144 .. 22-23 141, n.

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Inscriptions, Gupta- the Allahabad Pillar, of Chandra, 98, 99, 100, 101 of Chandravarnam, at Susunia Hill 98, 100 . 101 99 on Damodarpur plates the Gangdhar Stone of Kharavela, at Hathigumpha the Kuda Cave the Katak copper-plate of Mahabhavagupta and Mahasivagupta of Samudra Gupta, at Allahabad of Skandagupta, at Allahabad of Naravarman, at Mandasor Inscriptions, Hoysala, at variance with Cha lukyan inscriptions Inscriptions, M&lava of Bandhuvarman, at Mandasor the Mandhata copper-plate.. Inscriptions, Pallava 31, 187, 214 31 of Nandivarman the Panamalai Rock-Temple, of Rajasimha INDEX at Benares, of Karcadova the Garuda Pillar, at Beanagar the Bharat torana the Bihar Stone Pillar copper-plate, of Anantavarman Chodagangadova Asokan Babylonian, no mention of a Lunar Zodiac 124 136, 137, n. 210 30 30 98 231-235 Inscriptions, Valabhi, of the Maitrakas of 207-208 Inscriptions and Grants, miscellaneous Anamkord.. at Bodh Gaya, of Asokachalla and Buddhasena, 43, 44, 45, 47, n.; of Lakshmanas na :::: 7 195 4, n. 144, n. 14 Brahmi the Carpata Desa the copper-plate, of Chandela Mandana var. nam and Dhangadeva 208, n., 210 the copper-plate, at Chittagong, of Visvarupasena of Vallabhadeva 171-176 215 134, n. the Dacca image 173 .. 176 referring to the history of the Dokkan 77-83 copper-plate, at Damodarpur and Dhanaidaha at Gadag at Gunar, of Rudradaman on the Jaggayyapeta Stupa from Janibigha 14 134, n. copper-plate, at Ganeigad and Palitana, of Dhruvasena I 208 26, 32, 145 81 43-48 228 131 in Java and Sumatra.. the Jogimara Cave in 95 the Belavo copper-plate, of Bhojavarnam 211, n. Itakhri, al, Arabian geographer Ittagi inscription, of Satyaaraya Itsing, his account of India 119, 137, n. 216 .. 216 13 the Junagadh Rock at Junnar, 13 78, 83 the Pillar, at Kajur, of Pratihara Dorapayya 132 at Kalas-Badrukh, of Bhillama III, of the Chandela Mandanavarman and Dhanga deva.. .. 208, n., 210 116 215 27 ..27, 29, 30, 36 206-207 copper-plate grants, at Kharepatan Kharosh thi of the Kshatrapas of the Kushan (Kusana) period the Manchapuri Cave.. 243 at Mandhata, of Devapala and Jayavarnam II 210 the Manimangalam of the Maski Edict on Megalithic monument the Nagpur Stone 119, n. 53 57 137, n. 77-78, 216 at Nanaghat, of Satakarni at Nasik 13, 78-79, 80, n., 81, 83 25-36 44, 46 13, 214 208-211 175, n. 78, 83 191-195 ::: on two Patna statues.. at Sarnath, of Kumaradev! at Sanchi the Silimpur at Sonpur, of Kumara Someevaradeva of Yavanas, at Karle.. Intervocalic Consonants in Tamil Irivabedanga-Satryaarya. See Satryaarya. Iron Age, the, chronology of the early Indian.. 62 Iron Pillar Inscription of Chandra, assigned to various dates, 98; evidence adduced from 100 21 115 22 22 Jacobs, Cornelius, pirate captain Jagadekamalla II, Chalukys, dates of, 3, 4, n. 6; feudatories of, 3; inscriptions of, 3; his successor, 3; his brother Jagadokamalla III, Chalukya, dates of, 5, 6; feudatory of, 5; inscriptions of Jagadekamalla. See Jayasimha II. Jain writers, unreliability of, regarding Kalkiraja .. 123-128 Jakatra. See Batavia. Jam.bu, Andamanese letters to,.. 8.A.L. 8-17 James, John, pirate, captain of the Providence galley Janibigha, inscription from, in the Patna Museum, 43-48; situation of Japanese pirates, 164; warlike formation of, 165; mode of attack of, 165-166; pitfalls and decoys used by, 166; cruelty of, 166; spy system of, 166; their vessels, how constructed, 167; their code of honour, 168, 170; Spanish treasure taken by .. 224 48 171

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244 INDEX Java, early travellers in, 228; traditional his k'ayubatke, pure raw gold .. .. .. 105 tory of, 228, 229; dynasties in, 229; taken t'ayubat-ngwe Soe b'd, Shan by the English .. .. .. .. 230 ke'dgd, lump lead .. .. .. .. .. 109 Jayad&man, Kshatrapa, copper coins of .. 121 KhAravela, the Hathigumpha inscription of, Jayaabna, king of Bodh Gaya, titles of, 44, 46, discussed, 31, 187--191, 206 207; relation 48; his father .. .. .. 45, 46, 47 between Bahasatimitra and, 189; his quoen, 206, 207; date of, discussed.. Jayasimha II, Jagadekamalle, Chalukya, 6, .. 214216 Kharoahti script, the, specimens of 117; hostilities 117, 118; inscription of, .. .. 58 between the Choles, the MAlavas and, 117; Khasis, the, their affinity with the Annamite group, 60; their language .. .. .. 60 his successor, 118; his death, 118, n., his Kiang Trung, yweing silver current in .. capitals .. .. .. .. 51 .. .. 119 Kirtivarman 1, Chalukya .. .. .. 115 Jayasitisha, Chalukya, third son of some vara I, 133, 134; his cognomen .. Kirtivarman II, Chalukya, 116; conquered by .. 134 Dantidurga, Rashtrakats .. .. .. 114 Jayasimha, MAlava, ruler of Dhara, 136, 137; Kaott, Andrew, pirate, master of the Swift.. 223 assisted by Vikramaditya VI, Chalukya, 137; his successor .. .. .. Kobad, son of Shah Firuz, defeats the White .. .. 137 Jinantna, Jain author, his date for Kallirkja. Huns .. .. .. .. .. .. 66 questioned, 123 ; his chronology .. .. 123 Koertehoef, the, Dutch boat .. .. .. 181 Jogim Ara Cave Inscription, the, interpretation Kolhapur, pillar of victory at .. .. .. 119 of . .. .. .. .. .. 131 Koppe, battle beween the Cholas and ChaJohanna, Comoro Islanda, port of call .. 200 lukyas at, 119-120, 138, 139; identification of .. John and Rebecca, pirate ship, at St. Mary's.. 422 .. .. .. .. 119, n. Johnson, John, pirate, part owner of the Swift 223 Kotthald, village .. .. . 44, 48 Junagadh Rock Inscription, the .. .. 13 Kouckerke, the, Dutch ship, burnt by the Junnar, cave at, wenigned to Dharmottertyas 77 Chinese .. .. .. .. .. 181 Justinus, his honrasy account of India .. 18 kroda, a measurement of distance .. .. 22 Kshatrapa period, symbols of the .. 33, 34 Kahtrapa, Western. Soe Western Kshtrapa. Ktosias, royal physician of Persia, his untrustKachh. See Cutch. worthy account of India .. .. .. 18 Kachhigad, & stronghold of the Sanganian Kubia-Vishnuvardhana, Chaluky, founds the piratee .. Eastern Chalukyas .. .. .. 38 Kachin-Naga Group, the currency of .. .. 114 Kuda Cave Inscription, the hdfir, unbeliever .. .. .. .. .. 163 .. .. 31 Kaachurya usurpation, of Chalukyan sove. Kadal, Somovara I summoned by Virajendra to appear at .. .. reignty, the .. .. 5 .. .. .. . 139, 142, 143 .. KAlidha, hin Raghuvarsa discussed Kadalsangaman, battle of 67-69 .. .. 138-139 Kalinga, the foundation for the theory of the kulch, a Malay liquid measure .. .. .. 151 throo dynasties of, discussed, 189; con Kulotunga I. See Rajendra Chola joctural population of .. .. .. 189 Kumaon, king of .. Kalkirkja, his identity as an historical person Kumaragupta I, copper-plate grants of, 14; age discussed, 123--130; Jain tradition defeatod by the White Huns, 66; foudatories regarding, untrustworthy, 123; various dates of .. .. .. .. .. .. 99 sesigned for .. .. .. .. 124, 127 Kumarila Bhatta, his Tantraedrilika, 191; Kalyan, capital of the Western Chalukya, ground for the theory of his nee of Tamil in 1-7, 118-119; seized by the Cholas .. .. 119 the, 192; language employed, in the 192.193 Kama See Kumaon. Kumbha Maharana, & memoir (book-notice) Kanchipuram, the capital of Satyaputra .. 24 Karen language, the, a transcription of .. 37 103-104 Karte, cave at, assigned to the Mahfoam Karmavibhaga, the, a Hindu account of India 21 Kushan period, the, symbols ol, 26, 30, 32, Karma, of Chedi, attacks Malava, 137, 138; 33, 34, 36; inscriptions of .. .. 27, 28, 29 defeated by Bomdives I, Chalukya.. .. 137 Kushanas, the, currency of .. .. .. 81 karoni, revenue officer, survival of the term .. 132 Itumbas (bulae), families, application of the Katherine, the, pirate ship, St. at Mary's .. 222 termin Katydyana, what he meant by Parthiva .. 12 Kwai-ping, a Chinese pirate .. .. 162, n.

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INDEX 245 in 22-23 .. 28 Lakshmanasena, evidence of the origin of the Malava era, an attempt to identify with the era so called, in his reign, 171-176; datee of, Vikrama pra .. .. .. .. .. 124 172. See also Sena Dynasty. . MAlavas, the, hostilities between the Chalukyas Lakshmanasena Era, the, discussion regarding and, 116, 117, 118 : assisted by Vikrama its origin and its identity with the ora of ditya VI, Chalukya .. .. .. .. 136 some Bodh Gaya inscriptions, 171-176 : - Malay Archipelago, situation of, 227; inhabit. evidence against the theory of two oras of ants of, 227 ; productions of, 227; sources the name .. .. .. .. 174176 of the history of, 228 ; early travels in, 228; lantea, a sailing cargo-bost . .. . . 183, n. 183. nl trade between India, Arabia and, 228 : the rade between india, Ara Lavasena Il. See Sena Dynasty. Malay name for, 228 ; Portuguese conquesta Layanas, Buddhist cave Church-houses in the .. .. .. .. 228 Dekkan . .. . . .. .. 77 Malay weights and currency .. .. 37, 38, 39 lead currency, 40, 109-111; exchange between Malayan gold standards .. .. .. 109 silver and .. .. .. .. 110, 111 Malayan History, a sketch of .. .. 327-231 Lechchai. See Lichcbhavi ere. Malays, the, definition of, 227 ; origin of the Izege, alloyod silver, manufacture of .. .. 54 term, 227; religion of, 227, 228 ; traditional li, a measure of length.. descent of the rulers of, 228 ; their era . 228 Lichchhavi era, the .. 32, 34 Malkhed. See Manyakheta. lipi, the Brahmi origin of Machapuri Cave Inscription, the, remarks on torcha, a boat, Chinese forms for .. 163, n. various readings of the .. .. 206-207 Lunar Zodiac, the, in the Brahmanas .. 95-97 Mandagor, headquarters of Naravarman .. 98, 99 Mandasor Stone Inscription, the, of Bandhu. varman . . . . . . 98, 99, 124 Mandhata plate, the .. .. .. 136, 137, n. Mangalasvamin, Bhikshu .. . 44, 48 Mangalisa, Chalukya .. .. .. .. 115 Maata, Mahto, the term discussed .. 63-64 Manipuri currency .. .. .. . 38, 40 Mackintosh, Duncan, turns pirate, 217 : mantras, used in coronation rites .. 84, 86, 89 changes his name, 217, n., hanged .. 219 Manyakheta, identical with Malkhod, 116 madain, inferior silver .. .. .. .. 42 capital of the Rashtrakutas.. .. .. 116 Madratan, Manratan, in Madagascar, identifica- Mao-Tun, Hun ruler, murders his father, 71: tion of .. .. .. .. 221, n., 222 221, n., 222 recovers Chinese territory .. .. .. 71 Maga women, origin of .. .. .. .. 73 Marathas, Malabar pirates subordinate to the.. 177 Magadha, suggested identification of, with Marie, the, Dutch ship, engages Coxinga's Pithi, 44 ; rulers of, 46; a king of, contem foroes, 180; sent to Batavia .. .. .. 18 porary with Kharavela, 189 : invaded by Maski Edict, inscriptions of the ... .. 58 Kharavela .. .. .. .. .. 216 Mason, Christopher, drowned in a fight with Mahabharata, the, coronations mentioned in, piratee .. .. .. .. 86; inauguration of military commanders Massagetae, the Huns originate from .. .. mentioned in .. .. .. .. .. 95 Massoudy, Arabian geographer Mahabodhi (Boch-Gaya), verses in honour Matarom family, the, in Java, rise of .. .. of .. .. .. .. .. 44, 48 Mat[t]hews, Hugh, killed by pirates .. .. 198 Maha Magha year, a false deduction regard- Matthews, Thomas, commande the George, ing the .. .. .. .. .. 124 killed .. .. .. .. .. 187 Maharashtra, remarks on the social, religious Maurys Era, theory regarding the .. 214, 215, n. and commercial condition of 77-83 Mazins, Pierre, Dutoh pastor, killed 77483 .. .. 181 Mahmud Begara, Sultan of Gujarat .. .. 122 Megalithio monumente, inscriptions on .. 67 maingyon-ngue, a Shan silver .. .. .. 42 Megasthenes, his fragmentary account of Maio, Cape de Verd Islands, & resort of pirates 221 India.. .. .. .. .. .. 18, 19 Natralas of the Valabhi Dynasty, inscrip. Meharauli Posthumous Iron Pillar Inscription tions of .. .. .. .. .. 207-208 of Chandra .. . .. Majjhime, the, & canonton passage in .. 10, 11, n. mehtar, various meanings of .. .. .. 63 Malabar pirates, region of activity of, 117; Melanesians, early inhabitants of the Malay treatment of prisoners by 12 Archipelago .. .. .. . .. .. Malacce, taken by the Portuguem .. 227 Malur. pro-historio oromlech at .. 229, 230 Melur, pro-historio cromioon as . . . . "

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246 Menander, his knowledge of the Huns.. Middleton, nilip, his narrative of Every's cruise 54, n.; gold alloy reckoned in Mundzuk, father of Attila the Hun INDEX Mihirakule Gupta, an attempt to identify Kalkiraja with Mihiragula, White Hun ruler, his attempts to extirpate Buddhism, 66; his treachery, 66; his death 66 111 Mindon Min, King of Burma, his standard of silver, currency of Mitchelbourne, Sir Edward, plunders Chinese ships, 168, 169; escapes from the Japanese.. 169 gojo (moghskro:), a gold standard, 50; shoddy commercial gold, 105, 106; its Siamese and Burmese equivalent Munigatha, identification of Munisutta. See Munigatha. Munja, Malava. See Vakapati Munja. Musalman, false plural of .. 225-226 mo-khiw, a Khasi hoe Molucca Islands, taken by the Spaniards Mon-Annam races, the, extent of, 60; language 37, 39 of, 62. See also Khasis. money, articles used for.. monsoons, discovery regarding the periodic nature of.. .: moowadzoo. See mojo. Mostyn, Thomas, pirate, captain of the Kathe 19, 228 rine, 22, n. of the Fortune mother of gold. See shwemd. mother of silver. See ngwema. mu, Burmese coin, 53; confused with the anna, 73 Naravarman, Maharaja,supposed feudatory of Chandragupta.. . 98, 99, 100 mutu, touch (Malay) Muzaffar II, Sultan of Gujarat, coin of Myede, revenue extorted from the inhabitants of 123 108 59 230 Narasimhavarman II, Pallava, identified with Rajasimha of the Panamalai Rock Temple Inscription 223 163, n. ..109 122 105 65 10 31 108 Nagasaki, a Spanish ship burnt off.. 170-171 nak, the Siamese mojo nakshatras, Indian, their Babylonian origin discussed and refuted.. 95-97 Nandi Vardhana, Saisunaga king, a statue identified as 25, 29, 34, 35, 36 Nandivarman, Pallava, inscription of.. .. 195 Narasimha Gupta Baladitya, defeats the White Huns .. 66 235 . nasege, alloyed silver Nasik Cave Inscriptions 54 13, 77 221 Nassau, the, pirate ship, at St. Mary's Negritos, aboriginal inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula, 227; of the Andamans, their language .. S.A.L. Neolithic period, early date of the Neoliths, Indian, scripts and signs from ngavez'o, alloyed silver.. ngaaeze, an alloyed silver ngwebwin. See ywetni. ngwegwet, spotted silver ngwelon, inferior silver 1 57 57-64 54, n. 54, 56 ngwem 1, why valued as a charm ngwemwe, an alloyed silver Nicobarese alphabets, the, 42, n. 42 54 54, n. ..S.A.L. 2 Nikayas, conjectural identification of a moral dialogue in, with Asoka's Vinayasamukase.. 11 nivf, use of the term in old inscriptions, discussed, 13-15; signification of.. 13-14, 28 Norm, the numismatic notes 10, 11 120-122 O-Kung, his account of N. W. India Oxborough, Ben, his account of the death of John Pettit, 184-188; taken by the Sanganians 184, 187 69 Oxus, the Huns on the north banks of the oyster-shell silver. See sengajatke. 22 Pagan, king of Burma pagodas, temples, restrictions as to the building of .. 48 211, 212, 213 211-213 Paisachi dialects, divisions of .. Paisachi Prakrit, remarks on Paithan, incorrectly placed in the Periplus. 19 Palaesimundu, of the Periplus, identification of Pali weights Pallava inscription, the, of Rajasimha at Panamalai Panamalai, situation of 231-235 231 Panamalai Rock Temple Inscription, of Rajasimha, interpretation of the.. 231-235 pandaram, Hindu ascetic mendicant Paramaras of Malava, relations between the Chalukyas and, 116, 117, 118, n. See also Malavas. 51 195-196 37 76

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INDEX 247 Parameavaravarman I, Palleva, father of Pithi, uncertain identification of, 44, 45; rulers Rajasimha .. .. .. .. .. 234 of .. .. Parasika, of Kasidesa, identification of .. 68 Pliny, his notices of India .. PArthiva, various meanings ascribed to the Plutarch, his hearsay account of India .. 18 term, 12; what Katykyana meant by .. 12 Port Dauphin, Madagascar, a pirate base 219, partridge shot, definition of .. .. .. 201 220, 221 P&taliputra. See Patna. Portugueso, the, their fight with a pirato, 160Patani, Malay Peninsula, Japanese pirates at.. 168 162; Japanese ports closed to, 170; mas. Patimolakha rules, 9, 10; when coded, 9; sacred by the Japanese, 170 ; in the Malay reasons against connecting the, with Aloka's 1 Archipelago . . . 228, 229, 230 Vinayasamukase .. .. .. .. 9 | Portuguese Oriental coinage .. . .. .. .. 40 Patna, contribution to the history of .. .. 34 pottery, prehistorio, marks on, 57, 58; where Patna Museum, discussion on an inscription found .. .. .. .. .. .. 57 .. .. .. .. 43--48 Prakpit dialects', number of .. .. 212, 213 Patna Statues, in the Indian Museum, a dis- Prakrita-kalapaturu, note on verses in the MS. cussion on the inscriptions on .. .. 25-36 of .. .. .. .. .. 211-213 pe, Burmese coin .. .. 54 pranaya, use of the term in the Junagadh Pedel. Captain Thomas, defends Fort Zeelan. I rock inscription .. .. 13 dia, killed . .. .. 180 Pratapa-chakravartin. See Jagadekamalla II, Pegu, standard silver in ChAlukye. Pegu medals, tin tokens Pratiharse, the, origin of, 132; various forms. Pendharis, the, sacreligious acts of .. .. 102 of their namo, 132; kings of, in N. India, Perak, tin lump currency at .. .. 153, 154 132 ; two chiefs of, in 8. India, 132 ; settlement Periplues of the Wrythraean Sea, the, value of, .. .. .. 132 19; its author, 19; commerce of the Dokkan Preston, Captain John, commands the mentioned in .. .. .. .. .. 83 .. .. .. .. .. 200 Permma-Jagadekmalla. Sue Jagadekmalla II. privatoors, their resemblance to pirates. .177, 220 petenika, pettanika, the term discussed.. 80, n' Providence galley, the, pirate ship .. .. 224 Pettit, John, his death after seizure by pirates, Ptolemy (Ptolemaios Klaudios), geographer, 189--187; member of the Bombay Council, his work described, 19-20, 21; defects of 184 ; his ship' .. .. .. .. .. 184 his system .. . Peutinger Tables, the .. .. .. 20 Pulakeki I. See Satyasraya Sri Pulakebi. pewter currency. See speltor. ChAlukys. Philippine Islands, the, discovered by the Pulakddi II, Chalukya, extent of his power 113-114 Pulakdei II. Chalukva, arta Portuguese .. .. .. .. .. 230 Purushottama, a prince of Bodh Gaya .. 45 Phillips, Frederick, of New York, owns and Putmans, Hans, Dutch official at Formosa .. 179 equips pirate ships .. .. 220, 221, 222, 223 Phoenia, the, her fight with a Sanganian pirate, 197-198, her captain .. .. .. 197 pikal, pronunciation of .. pillory, the, M. punishment at Fort St.. Queda, more than one place of the namo .. 158, n. George .. .. .. .. 76, 236 piracy, definition of, 159:180; various categories of, 160 ; indigenous to the Eastern Seas, 180; episodes of, 159-171, 177-187, 197--205, 217--226. Raghu, Hun loador, his doods of prowoss pirates, treatment of prisoners by, 184 ; regions described by KA_idAss, B7 38; his itinerary infested by, 203; colours used by, 218, 224; discussed .. . .. 68-69 whence equipped, 219-220; their bases at Rahulo oddanitta, the, why recommended by Madagascar, 217, 219-224 ; call themselves Aboka .. .. .. .. .. 10 privateers, 220; articles furnished to, at St. Rajadhiraja, Chola, killed at the battle of Mary's, 220-924 ; list of, in the Seafooper, Koppa . . . . . . 139 226. See also European, French, Japanese, Malabar, Senganian pirates. tion of ..... .. . .. 238 . 151 bin Cathor, 234; identificare

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248 INDEX Rajaraja, used as a title 141, n. Rajaraja I, Chola, attacks the Chalukyas, 116; reduces Vengi to vassalage, 141; death of 142 Rajaraja, E. Chalukya ruler of Vengi, 141; intermarries with the Cholas.. Rajendra II, Chola, hostilities between Jaya. simha II and, 117; assumes the sovereignty of Vengi, 142, 143; bestows Vengi on his 141 uncle .. 143 86 53, 54 feudatories, 114; their power weakened rashtriya, the term discussed.. Rathavanita Sutta, the, identification of Rathi, the word discussed Salvey, Salwey, Richard, supercargo of the Bauden, heroism of.. .. 199, 201 202 samaja, signification of the term 235 Samu dragupta, son of Chandragupta I, 98, 99, 101; probable author of a posthumous inscription to Chandra Sanchi, votive inscriptions at Sanchi Stone Inscription, the Sanga Maharana, a memoir (book-notice).. 103-104 Sanganian pirates, notoriety of, 183; various names for, 184; origin of, 184, 197; strong-holts of, 184; attack the George, 185-187; their treatment of John Pettit, 185-187; their fight with the Phenix 145-146 Sangammer plates, mention of Dhorappa in the Saphier, John, member of.the Phonix Sappurisasutta, the, a discourse in Asoka's Dhamma, 8; aim of the 114 197-198 Saptaghatta Ramayana, the, coronations mentioned in Rangoon, currency at Rashiduddin, his geographical notices of India 21 Rashtrakutas, the, reduce the Chalukyas to 9 80. n. Ratthika. See Rathi. Raynor, Captain George, pirate, commands the Bachelor's Delight religion, in the Dekkan 77-79 Resolution, the, pirate ship, 222, 224; her captains Robinson, George, of the Good Hope, declines to turn pirate.. 217 Rock Edicts, Asoka's.. 11, 13, 14, 15, 24, 80, n., 216 186 "Roger," for Raja rouassee. See ywetsi. rounka. See ywetnige. rounizee. See ywetnizi. rowanee, rouni. See ywetni. Sakkam, Dutch fortress on Formosa saloonka, an emblem of Mahadev 223 .. St. Augustine's Bay, Madagascar, a pirate base 217, 219, 222 St. Jago, Cape Verd Is., engagement with pirates off 203-205 St. Mary's, Madagascar, pirate base at, 219-224; Henry Every at Saisunaga (Saisunaka) kings, reasons against identifying two Patna statues as, 25-28, 29-36 Saka, its meaning in the term Saka-Parthiva Saka era, a false deduction regarding .. 124, 125 Saka-Parthiva, the term discussed 12 12 Sakas, the, cave inscriptions in the Dekkan regarding Rudradaman, I, Kshtrapa, copper coins of 121, 122 rupee, differentiated from the tickal.. rupee silver 53 56 Russell, Colonel, owner of a pirate ship 221 satyavak, signification of 264 Sarnath, inscription, of Kumaradevi Sarva, See Amogavarsha I. Sa (7) rvatanamdi Yaksha Satakani of the Hathigumpha inscription, identification of 11 44, 48 44, 46 Satyaaraya, Sri Pulakesi, Chalukya, progenitor, of the Chalukya kings, 6, 113, 115; his capital 116; son of Tailapa, 116; threatened by the Cholas, 116; successors of 101 214 13 13 198 216 Satakarni II, a contemporary of Kharavela. 216 Satavahana period, religious, social and econ omic history of the Dekkan in the .. 77-83 Satiyaputa (Satyaputra), identification of, 24; correct form of 28 Shan silver, pureness of, 41; various kinds of, 342, 52; standards of, unobtainable 24 117 48, n, 226 61 Seaflower, the, Every embarks in scripts, the Brahmi, 58, 61, 63; origin of the Indian, 58; the Kharoshti, 58; and ancient Khasi, 60; pre-historic Indian, discussed scripts and signs from Indian Neoliths, ..57-64 Sena Dynasty, the, rulers of Bengal, 46; extent of their sway, 46, 47; titles of sengajatke, alloyed silver sept-marks, prehistoric signs as 46 54 6 56 56 Shan terms for gold and silver.. Shan weights and currency Shankhodar. See Bet. Shapur the Great, defeats the White Huns .. 66 Shi-Huang-Ti, Ts'in Dynasty, conquers the ... 70 53 107-108 64 Shwebo Min, King of Burma, currency of.. 109 Huns, 70; completes the Great Wall shi sege, an alloyed silver ..78-79 180 shoes, of gold 37, 38

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INDEX 249 .. . TV Shwedaik, Treasury .. .. .. .. 51 Spaniards, the, attacked by Japanese pirates, shwem , " mother of gold" .. .. 54, n. take reprisals, 170-171; sell their lives dearly 171 85-Yu-Ki, the work of Hwen Tsiang .. .. 20 spelter, an alloyed currency, 149-159; various Siam, standard silver of, 51 ; tin lump currency names for .. .. 149, 150, 154, 156, 158 at, 153; treaty between the English and 231 Sravasti of the Silimpur inscription, identificaSiamese gold standards .. .. .. 105, 106 tion of .. .. .. .. .. 208-211 Siamese weights .. .. .. .. 37 Sri Dharmmarakshita, Bhikshupandita .. 45 Bilimpur Inscription, the identity of two places in, discussed .. .. .. .. 208-211 Sringeri, the Svami of, plundered by the Ma. ratha army .. .. .. .. 102-103 silver, pigs of, 51; payment by weight of .. 52 Bilver, Burmese, quality of, at Rangoon, at Stiffe, John, killed in a fight with pirates .. 205 stink-pots, used by pirates .. .. 162, 163 Amarapura, 19; various standards of, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56; how alloyed for currency, stone implements, pre-historio Indian.. 58, 59 54 ; table of assay of, 55 ; rupee, 66 ; touch styrax, balsamio resin .. .. .. 169, n. of, how reckoned .. 105 Strabo, his value 88 & geographer, 18-19, 21; silver, Chinese .. .. his descriptive geography, 19; his mention .. .. .. 32 silver, flowered. See ywetni ; dain. of the Huns as Fauni .. .. .. 72, 76 silver coins, of Sultarta of Gujarat .. .. 122 Straits Settlemente, formation of the, 230-231; aliver lump currency . .. .. 40-42 mado a Crown Colony .. .. .. 231 Simhavarman, King of Pushkarena, father of suded, the Malay mojo .. .. .. .. 108 Chandravarman .. .. .. 98, 99, 100 Sugatavinaya, the, ita identification with Simundu. See Ceylon. Asoka's Vinayasamukase discussed .. .. 11 Sina, king of .. .. .. . 44 Sulaiman, Arabian geographer .. .. .. 21 Sindhu, of Kasidasa, what place intended by 68 Sumatra, early travellers in, 228; traditional Singanap. See Jayasiruha. history of .. .. .. .. .. Sita, river, identitied .. .. 76 Sunga dynasty, the, founder of .. .. 35 Skandagupta, copper-plate of, 30; defeats the sung Yun, his account of N.W. India .. .. 21 White Huns .. .. .. .. 66 Sunnee, dated gold mohar, derivation of the Solar Zodiac, the Babylonian .. .. 96, 97 term .. .. .. .. .. .. 236 Some vara 1, Chalukya, dates of, 6. bis cogno. supercargo of a ship, his position in the 17th men, 118: his capital, 118; his hostile rela- century .. .. .. .. .. 199 tions with the Cholas and Maavas, 118, n., Susanna, the, pirate ship, at St. Mary's'. .. 222 119-120; legend of the birth of the sons of," Susunia Hill Inscription, of Chandravarman 98, 100 133-13+; his first wiie, 134 ; defeats Karna outtas, recommended by Asoka .. 10, 11 of Chedi, 137; summoned by Virarajendra 1 Svapnaudaavadatta, the, of Bhisa, translaChola to appear at Kulal, 139, 142, 143 ; hisi tion of book-notice) .. .. .. 177 successor, 135; iliness and death of, 136, 140, 146 sveta W, 140 Svetambara traditions, regarding Kelkirkja 126-127 8omesvara 11, Chalukya, dates of, 2,6 ; birth of, Swift, the, pirate ship, at St. Mary's .. .. 223. 133; appointed beir-apparent, 135, 136; * sycee "gold .. .. .. .. accession of, 135 ; his encounter with the .. 107 .. "sycee " silver .. ... .. 107, n. Cholas . .. . 138-439 bombavara 111, Bhulokamalla, Chalukya, son of Vikramaditya VI, 2, dates of, 2-3, 6; cognomens ot, 2, n., 7; feudatories of, 3; his successor .. .. .. .. .. 3 Tabrobane. Soe Caylon. Somdivara IV, Tribhuvanamalla, Chalukya, Tai-ouan (Taywan) See Formosa dates of, 0,6; titles of, 5, capitals of, 5, 6; Taila, Tailapa II, Chalukya, dates of, 6; inscriptions of, 5-6 ; feudatories of, 8; extent overthrows the Rashtrakufaa, 114, 115, bis of the dominion of, 6; cognomens of .. 8,7 connection with the main branch of the bouth Andaman Language, the, remarks on Chalukyas discussed, 114,-115 ; his vic the structure of, S.A.L. 66; prefixen of, toricus rule, 115-116; murders Mutija, S.A.L. 6-7; letters written in, 8.A.L. 8-17; MAlava, 116, 117; entent of dominio of, a Dictionary of .. ... 8.A.L. 20-84 116, feudatories of, 116, capital of, 116: Southern India, weights of .. .. .. 37! his wife, 116; his successor .. .. .. 116

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250 INDEX of Taila, Tailapa III, Chalukya, dated of, 3-4, 8; 'Troy scales, of India, the, a basis for neigh feudatories of, 4; cognomens of, 3, 4, 7; bouring countries. .. .. .. 38, 39 his brother, 4; inscriptions of, 4 ; his king. Tushaspha, Yavanaraja, nationality of, disdom usurped, o; his death, 4, n., 5; his cussed .. . . .. .. 146 .. .. .. .. .. totenaga, spelter, 149, 151-156 ; derivation of Talaing currency the term .. .. .. .. .. 156 talismans, pro-historio markings as .. 63 Tyrrel, Captain John, commands the Phoenix, Tamil, intervocalia consonanta in, history of his fight with pirates .. .. .. 197.198 .. .. .. .. .. 191-195 tampang, tin lump currency ... .. .. 154 Tantravarttika, tho, corrected reading of a Udaipur, Chalukyan inscription at .... 114, n. passage in, 191-192; language of a passage Udayaditya, Malava, succeeds Jayasinha .. 137 in . .. .. .. .. .. 192 | Udayin, Saifunaga king. statue identified Tarkkari, of the Selimpur Inscription, identi as . . i 25, 29, 34, 35 fication of .. .. .. .. 208-211 Upatisa-Pasine, Asoka's identification of .. 9 Tenasgerim medals, tin tokens. . . . . . . 163 Upatissa, questions of .. .. .. .. 10 Tew, Thomas, pirate, commands the Amity, Upper Burma, lump currency of .. 40-42 killed .. .. .. .. 221, 222, 224 Urok, the, Dutch flyboat, taken by Coxinga's Thak'wd silver, used in Burma forces .. .. 61, 109 .. .. Thardwadi (Shwebo Min), of Burma'. .. 181. Ushavadata, Dekkan ruler, inscription of. 81, 82 Thibo, king of Burma, alloyed standards of silver of his reign .. .. .. 52-53 Uttarakuru, the, suggested location of .. 74-76 Thomson, Duncan. See Mackintosh, Duncan. Thrympton, Colonel, owner of the Hackboat .. 221 thurgaho, tombs in the Dekkan : .. .. 84 tickal, history of the term, 37; of silver, value .. . 49, 81, 53 vachabhamika, as used in the Abokan Edicts. ties, of a ship, definition of .. .. 198, n. explained .. .. .. .. .. 13 tin, ingots of, m currency, 152-164; tokens of 153 Vairavana, King of the Yakshas .. .. 28 tin currency, obsolete, of the Federated Malay Vajji era, the .. .. .. .. .. 34 States .. .. .. 39-40 ; 149-159 Vajrasana, the, gifts made to .. . 44, 48 Tipu Sultan, letters of, at 8pingeri, evidence VAkapati Munija, MAlava, taken captive and V kapati Munis. MAIAVA. taken of the genuineness of, 102 ; his toleration of executed by Tailapa III executed by Tailapa III .. .. 116, 117 Hinduism, 103 : charlater of . .. 103 Valabhi dynasty, inscriptions of the .. 207-208 tootnague. See tutenaga. Varman family, genealogy of .. .. 99, n. Toramana, White Hun ruler, in India .. 66 Vasconcelo, Andrew, fights an Indian pirate totch, totohy. See degohi. ship .. .. .. .. .. 161-162 touch, how reckoned, 49, 54, 105, 106, 107, Vasconcelo Gomez Sylvio, governor of Ceuta 161-162 108; in Pegu ... .. .. 56 Vasconcelo, Michael Sylvio, fights an Indian touch needles, for gold .. .. 105, 106-107 pirate ship .. .. .. .. 161-162 trade-guilds, in India . .. ... 81, 208 Vengi (Venginadu), the Cholas defeat the Trailokyamalla. See Sombbvara III, Chalukya; Chalukyas at, 138, 140, a dependency of Taila III, Chalukya. the Cholas, 141 ; annexed by the Cholas, Trampoos, the. See Trompeuse, La. 143, rensons for the invasion of, by VikraTraz-os-Montes, valuable pre-historio signs maditya VI, Chalukya, 141-142; viceroy found in .. .. .. .. .. 57 .. .. .. .. .. 142, 145 treasure trove, from Jambughods State ..122 Vieira, Pedro, killed in a fight with a pirato 161 Treaties, between the Engliah and Dutoh .. 230 Vijayaditye, uncle of Rajendra Chola, made Tribhuvanamalla." See Som svara IV; Tails ruler of Vengi .. .. .. .. 142, 143 Vijayanagar History, sources of, by S. Krish.III ; Vikramaditya VI. Trikata of KAPidAsa, identification of .. .. 18 naswami Ayyanagar (book-notice).. 235-236 . Trompeuse, La, French pirato ship 200. 202 I Vikramaditya I, Chalukya .. .. .. 115 Trott, Nicholas, governor of the Bahamas, Vikramaditya IV, Tribhuvanamalla, Chalukya 6 encourague piracy .. .. .. 294, 986 Vikramaditya V, Chalukya, 6, 117; death of, 118, n. .. Bold .. "

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INDEX 251 Vikramaditya VI, Chalukya, dates of, 2,6; his. Wright, Captain Edward, commands the tory of, 112-120,133--145; birth and parent- Cesar .. .. .. .. .. 200, 203 age of, 133-134 ; declines to supersede his Wo Nu, Japanese piratical gang .. .. 168 brother, 134, 135; feudatories of: 1-2; his wun-b'o (woombo), pure silver .. .. .. 50 military exploits, 136-145; governor of the Chola frontier ; his strategic capaeity, 145; inscriptions of, 1-2; his successors 2, 3, n. Vinaya, significations of .. .. .. 10, 14-18 ... Vinay aditya, Chalukya .. Xavier, Francisco de, in the Malay Arobi. ..118 Vinayasamukase, in Aboka's Bhabra Edict, pelago . .. .. .. .. 230 identification of ... .. .. 8-11 vinita, an explanation of its use in old inscrip tions disounod, 13, 14-15; significations of 14-18 Vira-Sombavara. See Somosvara IV. Yadavas, the, acquire territory of the Chalu. Virardiondra, Chola, his encounters with the kya .. .. . .. . Chalukya, 138-144 ; his annexation of Yakshas, the, 27; king of, 28; images of 28, 34 Vengi discredited .. .. .. .. 144 Yarland, John, pirate, master of the Amity .. 222 vraicha, as used in the Asokan Edicta, explained 13 Yahodharman, MAlave, defeats the White Vrijji, tribal group Huns, 66; an attempt to identify Kalkirkja rii, & donation .. .. .. .. 45 with .. .. .. .. .. .. 123 Yakovarman. See Dasavarman, Yavanas, cavo-inscriptions in the Dekkan regarding .. .. .. .. .. 78 Yevur tablet, the, inscription on .. 114, n. yojana, the, different measurements of ..22-23 waist, of a ship .. .. . 198, n. Yperen, Thomas van, emissary to Coxinga.. 183 Wang Chih, Chinese maloontent, joina Japanese Ypion. Soo Coxinga. pirates .. .. .. .. 165 Yuan-chwang See Hwen Tsiang. Warren, Nathaniel, member of the Charles 200, 203 yw. See abrus, Watson, John, of the Good Hope, taken by yweji, ywegyt. See adenanthera. pirates .. . .. .. 217-219 ywetni, standard silver, 41, 42, 49-50, 51, 52, 53, Week, Thomas, pirate, captain of the Susanna, 54; why so called, 49 ; other names for, 49; death of .. .. . various qualities of, 42, 49, 56; revenue paid wen, cash .. .. .. .. 49, n.! in, 51; allied to thak'wd, 52; ration between Western Chalukyas. See Chalukyas, Western. ag. See Chalukyas, Western. copper, lead, and .. . .. .. .. 111 Western Kahtrapa, coins of .. .. .. 121 yweinigt, a lump of ywein White copper. See tutenaga. yweinizi, a piece of ywetni White Huns, the, origin of, 65; defeated by ywelel, a piece of leaf silver .. Shapur, 66 ; defeat Shah Firuz, 66 ; destroyed by Kobad, 66; their invasion of India, 66, 67-68 ; defeated by the Guptas, 66 ; rulers of the, in India, 66; their endeavours to extirpate Buddhism .. .. . .. .. 66 Zealandia, Dutch fort at Formosa, 178: boWhite tin. See tutenaga. sieged by Coxinga, 180 ; reduced by treachery, Winshomius, Dutoh Pastor, killed by pirates. 181 183 ; capitulates to Coxinga, 183) oon. Witchcraft, & punishment for, at Fort St. ditions of surrender of .. .. .. 183 George .. .. .. . .. 76 Zijkem. See Sakkan. - .. 22

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GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL INDIA. BY NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L. Preface to the Second Edition. IN the present edition, considerable additions have been made to the names and accounts of places in the light of later researches, and blemishes of the previous edition removed as far as possible. The arrangement of names of places has been made strictly alphabetical in view of its greater convenience for reference, and authorities supplied for statements that were in want of such support. The materials for the work have been, I need hardly add, compiled from a variety of sources-Sanskrit, Pali, etc., including, of course, works of many European writers interested in Indian antiquities. Ancient Geography is an essential adjunct to history, and the usefulness of a compendium of such geographical information for a full and just appreciation of the latter hardly needs any mention, specially when time has mutilated or obscured the ancient names of places that usually figure in the historical narratives. Indian history, ancient or medieval, and the documents upon which it is principally based, are full of these names; and unless they are elucidated in a systematic way as far as possible, the path of the historian and, for the matter of that, of the ordinary readers of history, will continue uneasy for this difficulty alone. A study of the words in this Dictionary will show that time has mutilated many original names almost out of recognition. The restoration of the altered derivatives to their genuine originals is not, however, an impossibility in view of the fact that most of the changes are found not to have taken place haphazardly. Barring names displaced by new ones by some cause or other, they appear in most cases to be governed by the rules of Prakrit grammars, except where the peculiar brogue of a particular place has checked or modified the application of the rules. I give below some of the principal rules illustrating them by words from the toponomy of this Dictionary : - AFFIXES. Adri is changed into ar, as Gopadri, Goaliar (Gwaliar); Charanadri, Chunar. Bhukta is changed into hut, as Tirabhukta, Tirhut. Bhukti is changed in to huti, as Jejakabhukti, Jejahuti. Dhatugarbha is changed into (a) Dhapa, as Sila-dhatagarbha, 'Sila-dhipa. (6) Dipa, as Sila-dhips, Sila-dipa. (c) Dia, as Vetha-dhatugarbha (-Vethadhapa Vothadipa), Betha-dia. (d) 18 Bethia. Dvipa (pronounced Dipa) is changed into (1) dia, as Navadvipa, Nadia. (2) wa, as Katadvipa, Katwa. Girl is changed into (a) ger, as Mudgagiri, Munger." (b) gu, as Kolagiri, Kodagu (Koorg).

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ii Grama is changed into gaon, as Suvarnagrama, Son argaon; Kalahagrama, Kahalgaon. Griha is changed into (a) gir, as Rajagriha, Rajgir. (b) ghira, as Kubjagriha, Kajugbira; Jahnugriha, Jahnghira. Hatta is changed into het, as Srihatta, Silhet (Sylhet). Kshetra is changed into (a) chhatra, as Ahikshetra, Ahichhatra (b) chehhatra, as Ahikshetra, Ahichchhatra. Nagara is changed into (a) nar, as Kusinagara, Kusinar; Girinagara, Girnar. (b) ner, as Jirnanagara, Jooner. Palli is changed into THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (a) bal, Asapalli, Yessabal. (b) poll, as Trisirapalli (-Triahp&palli), Trichinopoli. (c) oll, as Ahalyapalli, Ahiroli (also Ahiari). Pattana is changed into (a) pattana. (b) patam, as Srirangapattana (-Srirangapattana), Seringspatam. Prastha is changed into pat, as Paniprastha, Panipat; Sopa prastha, Sonpat; Bhagapraatha, Bigpat. Pura, where it does not retain the original form pur, is changed into (a) war, as Purushapura, Peshawar; Nalapura, Narwar; Matipura, Madwar ; Salwapura, Alwar; Chandrapura, Chandwar (b) ura or ur, as Mayapura, Mayura; Simhapura, Singur; Jushkapura, Zukur. (c) or, as Traipura, Teor; Chandradityapura, Chaindor. (d) ora, as Ilbalapura, Ellora. (e) ore, as Lavapura, Lahore. ola, as Aryapura, Aibola. (g) ar, as Kusumapura, Kumrar. (A) aur, as Siddhapura, Siddhaur. (i) oun, as Hiranyapura, Hindoun or Herdoun. Purt is changed into (a) oll, as Madhupuri, Maholi. (b) auri, as Rajapurt, Rajauri. Rash ra is changed into (a) ratha, as Maharashtra, Maratha. (b) rat, as Mayarashtra (-Mayaris), Mirk Sthana is changed into (a) than, as Pratishthana, Paithan. (b) tan, as Puranadhishthana, Pandrentan. Sthala is changed into thal, as Kapisthala, Kaithal. Sthalt is changed into thali, as Vamanasthalt, Banthali; Parvasthali. Parthalis (of the Greeks).

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PREFACE iii Sthana is changed into (a) than, as Sri-sthanaka, Than; Sthanviswara, Thaneswar. (6) stan, as Darada-sthana, Dardistan. (c) tan, as Malasthina, Multin ; Sakasthana, Sistan. Vana is changed into (a) muna, as Lodhravana, Lodhmuna. 6) un, as Kumaravana, Kumaun. (c) ain, as Buddha vana, Budhain, (d) An, as Yashtivana, Jethian. Vat is changed into (a) auti, as Lakshmanavati, Lakhnauti ; Champavati, Champauti. (b) bal, as Charmanvati, Chambal, (c) ol, as Darbhavati, Dabhoi. (d) oti, as Amaravati, Amroti. (e) wa, as Vetravati, Betwa. L-ELISIONS. Many of the aforesaid changes, which are formed by a process of contration, may be accounted for by the application of the well-known rule of elision of the Praksita grammars: the consonants k, g, ch, j, t, d, P, y and u when non-initial and not compounded are elided. I give only a few illustrations : Elision of k, as Kausiki, Kusi; Surparaka, Supara; Aparantaka, Aparanta ; Sakam bhari, Sambhur. ,, ,, 8, a Bhrigu-kachchha, Bharu-kachchiha, Beroach ; affix nagara, nar; Trigartta, Tahora. , ,,ch, as Chakshu, Akshu, Oxus; Achiravati, Airavati; Chakshusmati, Ikshumati. . j. as Bhojapala, Bhopal (Bhupal); Ajiravati, Airavati ; Tuljabhavini, Tulabhavani-nagar.. ,,t, as Kuluta, Kulu; Jyotiratha, Johita; Yayatipura, Jajpur. ,,d, as Meghanada, Megna; Arbuda, Abu ; Achchhoda-sarovara, Achchhivat. ,,P, as the affix pura, ur; Purushapura, Peshawir; Gopakavana, Goa ; Gopadri (Gopaladri), Goalior (Gwalior); Maya pura, Mayura ..y, ag. Ayodhya, Audh; Narayanasara, Naringar; Ujjayini, Ujjaini; Safijayanti, Sanjan. 1,88 Yavananagara, Junagar; Yavanapura, Jaunpur ; Karna-juvarna, Kensone. Besides the above, the following letters are often elided :(1) Final &, as the affixes Purs, Pur; Nagara, Nagar; Grema, Gram ; sometimes initial e, as Apapa-puri, Papa. (2) i, as Irana, Ran or Runn of Cutch ; Iravati, Ravi ; Talikata, Talkada. (3) u, as Udandapura, Dagdapura. (4) th, as Mithila, Miyul. (5) n, as Pratishthana, Pratishtha; Kuntalapars, Kauttalakapura; Kundagrima, Kotigam ; Kantakadvfpa, Katwa; Baruna, Bar&; Anama, Aumi. * Ayrktasyanddau kapachajatadapayaudio prdyalopah (Veraruchi's Prakira-prabaka, II, 1,..

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iv THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (6) Non-initial m, as Aramanagara, Ara; Kumari, Kuari, (7) Compoundr, including ri, as the affix Grama, Gama; Gayasirsha, Gayasisa; Varendra, Barenda; Lodhravana (Kanana), Lodhmuna; Trikalinga, Tilinga; Prithudaka, Pihoa, Pehoa. (8) 1, as Mudgala-giri, Mudga-giri; Chatttala, Chatta-grama; Kolahala, Kalhua. (9) The sibilants e, sh, s, especially when compounded with another consonant, as Salwapura, Alwar: Sakarakshetra, Ukhalakshetra; Pesh thapura, Pithapur: Kashthamandapa, Katmandu; Pushkara, Pokhra; Manasa-sarovara, Mansarovara; the affixes Shthana, Sthala, Sthana becoming Thana, Thala, Thana, respectively; Skhalatika-parvata, Khalatika-parvat; the affix Rashtra, Rat; Hastisoma, Hatsu; Paraskara, Thala Parakara. In some cases of elision of the compound sibilants the preceding vowel is lengthened. (10) h, as Varaha-kshetra, Baramula; Hushkapura, Uskur; Hastakavapra, Astakavapra; Hrishikesa, Rishikes; Hunadesa, Undes; Pranahita, Pranita. IL CHANGE OF CONSONANTS. (a) (1) Tenues change into corresponding media : k-g, as Sakala, Sagala; Kilkili, Kilgila. chj, as Achiravati, Ajiravati; Achinta, Ajanta. t=d, or d, as Lata, Lada (Larike of the Greeks). t=d, as Tamlipta, Damalipta; Natika, Nadika; Batapi-pura, Badami; Timingila, Dindigala; Airavati, Iravadi. pb (v), as Goparashtra, Govarashtra ; Parnasa, Barnasa; Papa, Pavapuri; Rantipura, Rintambur. (2) Media change into corresponding tenues : g-k, as Nava-Gandhara, Kandahar. j-ch, as Nilajan, Nilachan (nasalized). d-t, as Kundagrama, Kotigama. d=t, as Poudanya, Potana; Sameda-giri (Samadhi-giri), Samet-sekhara; Tripadi, Tirupati. b (v or w)=p, as Pavi, Pappaur; Varusha, Polusha. (3) Unaspirated surds are aspirated : kkh, as Kustana, Khotan; ukarakshetra, Ukhalakshetra; Pushkara Pokhra. ch chh, as Vichhigrama in its Sanskritised form is evidently Brischika-gram t-th, as Ashta (Vinayaka), Ath (eight); Yashtivana, Jethian. t=th, as Stambha-tirtha, Thamba-nagara (Cambay); Sravasti, Savatthi; Patharghata from Prastaraghata; Hastakavapra, Hathab. p ph, as Surpara, Sophir, Ophir of the Bible. (4) Aspirated surds are unaspirated : kh-k, as Khamba (Stambha-tirtha), Cambay; Khetaka, Kaira. chhch, as Kachh, Kach (Cutch); Bhrigukachchha, Broach. tht, as Bhurisreshthika, Bhursut; Pitha, Pita-sthana; Kashthamandapa, Katmandu: Parinidhishthina, Pandritan, th=t, as Sakasthana, Sistan; affix Prastha, Pat by elision of s; Milasthanaj Multan. phn, as Phena, Pain-Ganga. 2 Sarvatra lavaram (Prakrita-Prakasa, III, 3).

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PREFACE jabhukti, san, Seringham, ja griba, Kaju bir (5) Unaspirated sonants are aspirated8=gh, as Sringagiri, Singheri; Kubja griba, Kajughira; Jahnugriha. Janghira ; Srirangam, Seringham; Nagarahara, Nanghenhara. j=jh, as Jejabhukti, Jajhoti. d - dh, as Pundarskapura, Pandharpur. d-dh, as Varad 4, Wardha ; Nish ada, NishAdha-bhomi. b (v or w)=bh, as Vidisa, Bhilse; Bagmati, Bhagvati; Avagana, Abhagana (Afghanistan). (6) Aspirated sonants are unaspirated : gh-, as Meghanada, Megna; Gharghard, Gagra. h=d, as Vasidhya, Besad. dh =d, as Sudhapura, Sunda; Samadhigiri, Samedagiri ; Sairindha, Sarhind. bh b (v or w). as Bhushkara, Bokhara : Bhalansab. Bolan; Sabhramati. Sabarmati; Surabhi, Sorab; Bhadra, Wardha ; Alambhika, Alavi; Bh&gaprastha, Bagpat ; Kubha, Kabul. (7) Dentals change into corresponding cerebrals : t=t, as the affix Pattana, Pattana ; Kustana, Khotan ; Rohitaswa, Rotas. th = th, as Kapisthala, Kapishthala. d-d, as Tilodaka, Tilda. dh-dh, as Viradhaka, Viradhaka. 1-9, as Mahanadi, Mahanai. CHANGE OP NASALS. (6) i=m, as Spingagiri, Simhari. n-(1) , as Gana-muktesvara, Gada-mukte vara. (2) !, as Krishnapura, Krishgapura. (3) t, as Trish na, Tista. ne (1) t, as Maulisnana, Multan. (2) , as Mahanadi, Mahinai.. (3) d, as Gonanda, Gonardda. (4) r, as Niranjana, Nirafijard, m (1) b or v, as Manjula, Banjula ; Yamuna, Jabuna ; Narmada, Narbuda. (2) n, as Tamasa, Tonse. (3) P, as Sumha, Suppa(-devi). CHANGE OF SEMI-VOWELS. (c) y=(1) i, as Rishikulya, Rishikullis; Subrahmanya, Subrahmania. (2) u, as Pandya, Pandu. (3) P, as Pariyatra, P&ripatra. (4) bh, as Sarayu, Sarabhu. (5) 1, as Yashtivana, Lathivana. (6) j,' as Yayatipura, Jajpur ; Yavanapura, Jaunpur ; Yavad vipa, Java. r=1,* (see Interchangeables). Ralay (Panini) * Yarya jar (Prile rida-praldta, II, 31).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 1= (1) n, as Kulinda, Kuninda. (2) T, (see Interchangeables). (3) d., as Kolagiri, Kodagiri. v is changed into its cognate vowels (1) u, as Lavana, Luni ; affix vana, un : Kumaravana, Kumaun. (2) o, as Vakshu, Oxus; Deva, Deo ;) Valabhi, Olla ; affix vati, oti. (3) au, as Yavanapura, Jaunpur ; Navade vakula, Naual (Nawal). (4) b, (see Interchangeables). (5) , as MAlava, Malla-desa ; Malabar, Mallara. (1) oh, as Srikankali, Chikakole; Trikirapalli, Trichinopoli; Sitambara, "Chidambara, (2) k, as Syeni, Ken. (3) kah, as Sipra, Kshipra; Sadraka, Kshudraka; Oxydrakai.. (4) kh, as Khasa, Khakha. (5) 8, as Sipra, Sipra; Sukarakshetra, Soron. sh=(1) k, as Vpishabhanapura, Bsikabhanupura (Varshin). (2) kh, as Naimisharanya, Nimkharavana; Tushara, Tukhara. (3) 8, as Naimishara ya, Nimsar. s h, as Sapta Sindhu, Hapta Hendu ; Rasa, Ranha (in the Zend and in the dialect of Eastern Bengal). h (1) bh, as Sumha, Sumbha; Vaihara-giri, Baibh ara-giri. (2) gh, as Balu-bahini, Baghin (Bagin). (3) dh, as Ahichhatra. Adhichhatra. 11.--OTHER CHANGES OF CONSONANTS. (a) k (1) gh, as Kumbhakona, Kumbhaghona. (2) 1, as Kutika, Kutila. (3) ch, as Kerala, Chera. g=(1) ch, as Bagmati, Bachmati (perhaps through its intermediate form Bakmati). (2) y, 28 Uragapura, Uraiyur ; Apaga, Apaya; Tagara, Tayer (Ter) Srigali (Srikali), Siyali ; Sagala (=Sakala), Siyalkot (Sialkot). (3) s, as Uraga, Urasi. (4) h, as Vegavati, Vaihayasi: gh , as Bitraghni, Vatrak; Vyaghrasara, Baksar (Buxar). j (1) y, as Vanijagrama, Vaniyagama. (2) T, as Ujen (=Ujjayini), Urain. 1-(1) d, as Tulikata, Talkad; Medapata, Mewad. (2) th, as Surfshtika, Sulathika. (3) r, as Khetaka, Kaira ; Karnita, Kanara ; Ketalaputra, Kerala ; Lata, Lara. -d, as Udra, Udisya (Orissa). d r, as Udisya, Orissa ; (Khetaka) Khedaka, Kaira; Kodangalura, Granganore; Kodagu, Coorg. dh=(1) $, as R.dha, Lata. (2) ?, as Ridha, Rad ; Ladha, Lad.

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PREFACE t-(1) kh, as Stambha-tfrtha, Khambhat (Kambay). (2) ch, as Santi, Safichi. (3) th, as Petenika, Potana, Paithan. (4) d, as Revavanti, Revadanda ; Matipura, Mawar. (5) m, as Vatsya, Vamsa ; Vitasta, Vitamsa. th (1) , as Prasthala, Patial & (Pattiala). (2) d, as Partha, Parada. (1) d, as Tllodaka, Tilada. (2) K, as Udakhandla, Ohind. v m, as Lodhravana, Lodhmuna. CHANGE OF ASPIRATES. (b) The following aspirates are changed into h:-5 gh, as Videgha, Videha; Baghelkand, Bahela. dh, As Madhupuri, Maholi; Madhumati, Mohwar. bh, as Kubha, Kuhu; Tirabhukti, Tirhat. CHANGE OF COMPOUND LETTERS, (o) chohh chh, as Kachchha, Kachh ; Machchheri, Mach heri. kt tth, as Suktimati, Sotthivati. ksh (1) kh, as Kshiragrama, Khiragrama ; Lakshmagkvati, Lakhnauti. (2) kkh, as Dakshina, Dakkhina (Dekkan). (3) ch, as Baloksha, Beluchistan. (4) chchh, as the affix Kshetra, Chohhatra; Ahikshetra, Ahichohhatra. (5) chh, as the affix Kshetra, Chhatra; Ahikshetra, Ahichhatra. ttt, as Marttanda, Matan. ts or tsy (1) chchh) (2) abh a s Matayadesa, Machohheri, Machheri. dy = (1) j, as Vidyanagara, Bijanagar. (2) jj, as Udyanaka, Ujjanaka. dhy-jjh, as Madhyadesa, Majjhimadesa. st = (1) $, as Suvistu, Swat (see II, (7); 1, (9) ). (2) tth, as Sravasti, Savatthi. ym = sv, as Asmaka, Asvaka. sv=.98 (by agsimilation), as Asvaka, Assaka. THE INTERCHANGEABLES. ---(d) n and I, as Nilajana, Lilajana; (Lavana - Luni, Nun-nadi; Kulinda, Kuninda; Potana, Potali; Kundinapura, Kundilyapura; Lichobhavi, Nichohhavi; Pataliputra, Patna. n and n, as Mah Anadt, Mahanai; Suvarnagrama, Sonargaon. r and I, as Korkai, Kolkai; Muohalinda, Muchirim; Chera, Chela; Nalapura, Narwar ; Chola, Chora. v and b, as Vardhamana, Pundrabardhana ; Vethadwipa, Bethia; Parvati. Parba ; VAlhika, Balkh, 6 and s, as Sipra, Sipr&; Sarparaka, Sarparaka. Khaghathadh avarh hah (Prakrita-prakasa, II, 27).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY IV.-CHANGE OF VOWELS. & -(1) A, as Arbuda, Abu; Yayatipura, Jajpur. (2) i, as Loha, Rohi; Rantipura, Rintambur, (3) u, as Karatoy, Kurati; the affix vana, un (by assimilation): Kuramu, Krumu. (4) al, as Achiravati, Airavati; Uragapura, Uraiyer. (5) 0, as Karura, Korura; Saravati, Solomatis of the Greeks; Madhumatt, Modh war. & (1) 4, as Tamralipta, Tamalipta. (2).i, as Karatoya, Kurati. (3) u, as Tamalika, Tamluk; Kaira-mali, Kaimur. i=(1) u, as Trimalla, Tirumalla; Tripadi, Tirupadi; Kulinda, Kulu; Tamalika, Tamluk. (2) e, as Ptithadaka, Pehoa; Pinakini, Penar; Trikalinga, Telinga. (3) ai, as Tripura, Traipura. 1-(1) A, as Tripura, Tipara; Parvasthali, Parthalis of the Greeks; Purali, Paralia of the Greeks ; Pundarika-kshetra, Pandupura; Gebamura, Gahmar. (2) i, as Udupa, Uoipa ; Manjula, Masjira (Manjera). (3) o, as Suvarnagrama, Sonargaon; Suktimati, Sotthavati; Chitrakuta, Chitrakos; Udakhanda, Ohind; Udra, Odra. (4) e, as (Pundarikapura=) Pandupura, Panderpur; Purushapura, Peshawar. (5) au, as Udumvara, Audumvara ; Sukara-kshetra, Saukara-kshetra. (6) V, as Utpalavati, Vypar; Suvastu, Svat (Swat). oi (1) i, as Rishipattana, Isipattana; Rishigiri, Isigili; Psithadaka, Pihoa (Pehoa). (2) ar, as Bhrigukachchha, Bharukachchha. (3) er, as Mrittikavati, Marttikavata. (1) u, as Erandi, Uri. (2) ai, as Telingana, Tailanga ; Vegavati, Vaiga; Vena, Wainganga. (3) o, as Erandi, Or. ai (1) i, as Airavati, Iravadi; Sairindhra, Sarhind ; Sairishaka, Sirsa. (2) , 88 Vaisal, Vesali (Begar). ou, as Damodara, Damude; Gomati, Gumti. au-(1) 0,8 as Sauvira, Sovir ; Paudanya, Potana; Kausambi, Kosam. (2) u, as Kausiki, Kusi. .-DISSEVERANCE OF COMPOUND LETTERS. Compound letters are frequently dissevered : dm-dam, as Padmapura, Padampur; Pampur, d being olided. tntan, as Ratnapur, Ratanpur. bhrbhar, as Sabhramatt, Sabh armatt, Sabarmati. TV rav. as Parvasthall, Puravsthali, Parthalis by synoopation of vand 8. * Autot (Prakrita pratasa, 1, 41).

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PREFACE VI.-TRANSPOSITION OF LETTERS. Sometimes letters are transposed, as Dehalt, Delhi; Baranasi, Benares ;, Tamra, Tamor ; (Maharashtra - Mebrafta, Marhatfa ; Matanga-linga, Maltanga. VII. SYNONYMS. Synonyms are frequently used for names of places, as Hastinapura, Gajasahvyayanagara, NAgapura; Kumfrasva mi, Karttikasvami, Subrahmaya; Gandaki, Gallakt; Uragapura, Nagapura; Goratha Parvata or Godhana-giri, Bathani-ka-pahar; Mrigadava, Saranganatha (SArnath); Kusumapura (Kumrar), Pushpapura ; MatangaAsrama, Gandha-hasti stupa ; Pradyumnanagara, Marapura. VIIL-ABBREVIATIONS. Sometimes names are formed by the clipping of a member of a compound word, as Karttika-swami, Svami-tirtha; Bhima-ratha, Bhima ; Tulja-bhavani, Tuljapur or Bhavaninagar; Balu-bahini, Bagin; Krishna-venwa, Krishaa or Vonwa; Ahichhatra, Chhatravatt : Dhanushkoti Tirtha, Dhanu-Tirtha or Koti Tirtha; Rishya-epingagiri, Sringari; Tamrachuda-krora, Karura ; Paichapsara Tirtha, Pancha Tirtha ; Bikramailk-sangharama, Silk-sangam. IX-COMPOUNDING OF LETTERS. Disconnected letters, especially, are compounded by the elision of the middle vowel, as Parali-grema (or pura), Parli-geon, Palu-geon ; Parasya, Parsia (Persia). The rules of phonetic changes given above cannot but remain tentative so long as they are not confirmed by a fuller induction ; but they may be of some help in tracing the history of a word from its ancient form to its present structure through the several mutations or transformations it has undergone in its passage from place to place, climate to climate, or one zone of influencos to another. A complete set of esta lished rules considered along with the testimony of authoritative records, traditions, events, and superstitions, is calculated to be the criterion of both past and future identifications of names of places, and the labour devoted to this subject can never be labour. pent in vain. , My cordial thanks are due to my nephew, Mr. Narendra Nath Law, M.A., B.L, Premchand Roychand Scholar and author of Studies in Ancient Hindu Poli'y, Promotion of Learning in India, etc., for the help I have received from him. The system of transliteration followed in this work is the same as that of Sir Monier Monier-Williams' Sanskrit English Dictionary with only this difference that b. v, and w have been used as interchangeables. The map appended hereto is the same as that used in the first edition. Though the ancient names of places added in this edition have not been shown on the map, yet it may help the reader to make a rough idea of their locations with reference to those that do appear. NUNDOLAL DEY. Chua, 1918.

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c. ABBREVIATIONS Anc. Geo. .. ..Ancient Geography of India, by Sir Alexander Cunningham. App. .. .. .. Appendix. Arch. Rep. .. .. Archaeological Survey Report. . Arch. S. Rep... .. Arch. Surv. Rep. Asia. Res. .. .. Asiatic Researches. Ava. Kalp. .. .. Kshemendra's Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpalata. Avadana Kalpalata .. Ayodh... .. Ayodhya. Bk. . .. .. Book. Bom. Br. .. Bombay Branch. Bomb. Gaz. ... .. Bombay Gazette. .. Canto. Ch. .. .. .. Chapter. . Class. Dic. .. .. Garrett's Classical Dictionary of India. Corp. Ins. Ind. .. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. CR. .. .. .. Calcutta Review. Drav. Comp. Gram. .. Dravidian Comparative Grammar, by Dr. Caldwell. Ed. .. . .. Edition. Ep. Ind. ... Epigraphia Indica. Geo. .. .. Geography. HV. .. .. Harivamga. Hist. .. .. History. Ind. Alt. .. Indische Alterthumskunde, by Prof. Lassen. Ind. Ant. .. Indian Antiquary, Jat. .. .. Jataka. JASB... .. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. JBTS... .. Journal of the Buddhist Text Society. JRAS... .. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. K. . .. .. Kanda. K. Ch... .. Kavikankana Chandt, by Mukundaram Chakravarttt. Kh. .. .. Khanda. Mack, Col. .. Prof. Wilson's Mackenzie Collection. MAI. .. .. Fuhrer's Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions. Mahabh. .. Mahabharata. Mbh. .. .. MAhat. ... .. Mahatmya. Markand P. .. Markandeya Purana. MB. .. Manual of Buddhism, by Spence Hardy. MIB. .. ... Manual of India Buddhism, by Dr. Kern. .. In connection with the MahAbharata it means Parva. with the name of a Purana, it means Purana. Pra. Pra. .. Vararuchi's Pr&krita-Prakasa. Pt. .. Part. Q. V. .. Quod Vide. RWC... .. Beal's Records of Western Countries. Ram. .. .. Ramayana. SBE. .. . Sacred Books of the East. South Indian Palaeography, by Dr. Burnell. U: P. .. .. .. United Provinces. V. .. .. .. Verse. Other abbreviations, being easily intelligible, have been omitted in this list. ::::::::::::::::::::::: In connection :::::::

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ABH PART I. ANCIENT NAMES. ADH A Abhira-The south-eastern portion of Gujarat about the mouths of the Nerbudda was called Abhira, the Aberia of the Greeks. McCrindle states that the country of the Abhiras lay to the east of the Indus where it bifurcates to form the delta (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 140; Vishnu P., ch. 5). The Brahmanda Purana (ch. 6) also says that the Indus flowed through the country of Abhira. According to the Mahabharata (Sabha Parva, ch. 31), the bhiras lived near the seashore and on the bank of the Sarasvati, a river near Somnath in Gujarat. Sir Henry Elliot says that the country on the western coast of India from the Tapti to Devagadh is called Abhira (Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, vol. 1, pp. 2, 3). Mr. W. H. Schoff is of opinion that it is the southern part of Gujarat, which contains Surat (Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, pp. 39, 175). According to Lassen, Abhira is the Ophir of the Bible. The Tard Tantra says that the country of Abhira extended from Konkana southwards to the western bank of the river Tapi (see Ward's History, Literature and Religion of the Hindus, Vol. 1, p. 559). Abhisara Same as Abhisari (Padma Purana, Adikhanda, ch. 6). Abhisari-Hazara (country), the Abisares of the Greeks: it forms the north-western district of the Peshawar division. It was conquered by Arjuna [(Mahabharata), Sabha-Parva, ch. 27; JASB. (1852) p. 234]. But Dr. Stein identifies the kingdem of Abhisara with the tract of the lower and middle hills between the Vitasta (Jhelum) and Chandrabhaga (Chenab) including the state of Rajapuri (Rajauri) in Kasmira. Abimukta-Benares (Siva-Purana, Sanatkumarasam hita, ch. 41; Matsya Purana, chs. 182-184). Acesines The river Chenab in the Panjab: it is the corruption of Asikni of the Rig-Veda (x, 75). Achchhoda-Sarovara-Achchavat in Kasmira, described by Barabhatta in his Kadambari (see also Bilhana's Vikramanka-devacharita, xviii, 53). It is six miles from Marttanda. The Siddhasrama was situated on the bank of this lake (Brihat-Naradiya Purana, ch. 1). Achinta Ajanta, about fifty-five miles to the north-east of Ellora in Central India. In the Achinta monastery resided Arya Sauga (perhaps Asaiga), the founder of the Yogacharya school of the Buddhists (S. C. Das's Indian Pundits in the Land of Snow). It is celebrated for its caves and viharas, which belong to the fifth and sixth centuries of the Christian era. An inscription there shows that the caves were caused to be excavated by a Sthavira named Achala. Achiravati-The river Rapti in Oudh, on which the town of Sravasti was situated (Vardha P., ch. 214; Tevijja-sutta in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XI). It was also called Ajiravati and its shortened form is Airavati. It is a tributary of the Sarayu. Adarsavali-The Aravali Mountains (Kunte's Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilization, p. 380): see Aryavartia Adhichhatra-Same as Ahichchhatra (Epigraphia Indica, II. p. 243 note).

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ADH ARI Adhiraja-Same as Karusha: the country of Rewa. It was the kingdom of Dantavakra who was killed by Krishna in Mathura (Padma P., Patala, ch. 36). It was conquered by Sabadova, one of the five Pandavas (Mahabharata, Sabha P., ch. 30). Adikota-Another name for Anichehhatra. Agalassia.--See Angalaukika. Agastya-Asrama-1. Twenty-four miles to the south-east of Nasik, now called Agasti: puri: it was the hermitage of Risbi Agastya. 2. Akolha, to the east of Nasik, was also the hermitage of Agastya (Ramayana, Aranyakanda, ch. 11). 3. Kolhapur in the provioce of Bombay. 4. Sarai-Aghat, forty miles south-west of Itah and about a mile to the north-west of Sankis& in the United Provinces (Fuhrer's Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions). 5. Agastya Rishi is still said to reside, as he is believed to be alive, at the Agastya-kata mountain in Tinnevilly, from which the river Tamrapargi takes its rise (Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar, Introduction, p. 118, Bhasa's Avimdraka, Act iv). Se: Tamraparut Malaya-giri and Kara. 6. About twelve miles from Rudra-prayaga in Garwal is a villago called Agastyamuni which is said to have been the hermitage of the Rishi. 7. On the Vaidurya-Parvata or Satpura Hill (Mahabh., Vana, ch. 88). 8. See Vodaranya. Agastya introduced Aryan civilisation into Southern India. He was the author of the Agastya-Samhita, Agastya-Gita, Sakaladhikara, &c., (Ram Raja's Architecture of the Hindus ; 0. C. Gangoly's South Indian Bronzes, p. 4). Aggalava chetiya-It is about 350 miles to the north of Sankasya in Sugana somewhere near Khalsi where Buddha passed his sixteenth va88a. Alavaka Yakkha resided at this place. Fa Hian's Travels, xvii; JRAS., 1891, pp. 338, 339). See Alavi. Agnipura-Same as Mahishmati : the town was protected by Agni, the god of fire (Mahabh., Anusasana, ch. 25; Jaimini-Bhdrata, ch.15). Agravana-Agra, one of the vanas of Vraja-mandala. It is called Agravana, as the first starting point for a pilgrim on his circumambulation of Vraja, -the holy scene of Krishna's adventures. According to Vaishnava authorities, it was covered by forests for many centuries, before Rapa and Sanatana, the celebrated followers of Chaitanya, came here for the purpose of starting on the exploration of Vrindavana. Buhlol Lodi founded the new city of Agra and towards the close of the fifteenth century, his son Secunder Lodi removed the seat of government from Delhi to Agra, and fixed his residence on the opposite side of the present city on the bank of the river Jamuna, where also resided Ibrahim Lodi and Baber, the founder of the Mughal dynasty (CR., vol. 79, p. 71,--Keone's Medieval India). Baber died in 1530 and was interred at the garden called Charbagh which was afterwards called Rambagh by Akbar's courtiers : his remains were subsequently removed to Kabul. The fort built by Akbar contains one of the most beautiful palaces in India, especially that portion of it called the Saman-Buruj (Jasmine Tower) which was constructed by Shah Jahan. Ahichchhatra-Ramnagar, twenty miles west of Bareli, in Rohilkhand. The name of Ahiohohhatra is at present confined to the great fortress in the lands of Alampur Kot and Nasratganj. It was the capital of North Parchala or Rohilkhand (Dr. Fuhrer, MAI., and Cunningham, Anc. Geo., p. 359). It was also called Chhatravati (Mahabharata, Adiparva, ch. 168). It is Adhichhatra of the inscriptions (Epigraphia Indica, vol. II, p. 432,

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ARI ILA note by Dr. Fuhrer). It is also called Ahikshetra (Mahabharata, Vana P., ch. 252).. In Jaina works, Ahiohhatra is said to be the principal town of the oquntry oalled Jangala which therefore was another name for North Panchala (see Weber's Indische Studien, xvi, p. 398). Abichhatra-Same as Ahlehehhatra. Abiksbetra Same as Ahichohhatra. Ahobala-Nrisimba- A celebrated place of pilgrimage at a short distance to the east of Cuddapah in Sirvel Taluk in the district of Karmul in the province of Madras: the image of Nrisimha is in the cavern of a hill called Gaduradri. It was visited by Sankaracharyya and Chaitanya. Three temples stand on the hill--one at the foot, one halfway up, and one at the top; they are considered to be very sacred (Sankara-vijaya; Chaitanya charitamrita, Madhya, ch. 9; Epigraphia Indica, I, 368; III, 240). Aireyati-1. The river Ravi. 2. The Rapti and Irawadi also are contractions of this name. The Rapti is a river in Oudh, on the south bank of which Sahet-mahet (ancient Sravasti) is situated. It is a contraction of Achiravati (see Achiravati). Ajamati-The river Ajaya in Bengal: the Amystis of Megasthenes. It falls into the Ganges near Katwa. It is mentioned by Arrian. The Galava Tantra mentions it as Ajaya. The great poet Jayadeva was born on the bank of the Ajaya near Kenduli in the district of Birbhum in Bengal. Ajiravati-Same as Achiravati (Avadana-Kalpalata, ch. 76). Ajitavati-The little Gandak river on the north of Kusinagara (Kasia) where Buddha died. The river is also called Hirayyavati. A karavanti-Malwa, Akara being East Malwa and Avanti West Malwa (Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, Pt. I, p. 36 note; see Ind. Ant., vii., 259; Ram., Kish, ch. 41). It is mentioned as Akaravenavantika in the Brihatsamhitd, ch. xiv.. Akhanda--Dildarnagar, twelve miles south of Ghazipur. Akshalinagara-See Anumakandapura. Alaks--Same as Asmaka. Alaka panda-A tributary of the Ganges-the united stream of the Vishnuganga (called Dhavala-Gaiga or Dhauli) and Sarasvati-Ganga; it is also called Bishenganga above ita confluence. The river has been traced by Captain Raper (Asia. Res., xi) a little way beyond Badrinath, having for its source & water-fall called Vasu-dhara (Skanda P., Vishnu kh., III, 6). Srinagar, the capital of Ga !hwal, is situated on the bank of this river. Alambhlka-See Alavi. Alasanda-Alexandria, see Alexandria and Haplan. It is said to be the capital of Yona country (JA8B., 1838, p. 166). Alavi-Airwa, an ancient Buddhist town, the A-le of Fa Hian who travelled in India from A.D. 399 to 413, twenty-seven miles north-east of Itwah. Alavi has been identified by General Cunningham and Dr. Hoernle with Newal or. Nawal-the Navadevakula of

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ALE AMA Hiuen Tsiang, 19 miles south-east of Kanouj (Arch. S. Rep., I, 293; XI, 49; Uvdsagadasdo spp., p. 53). It was situated on the Ganges. According to Dr. Kern it was situated between Kosala and Magadha; it contained & monastery called Aggalava-chetiya (MIB., p. 37 n.). It is the Alabhi of the Jainas, from which Mahavira made his missionary peregrinations (Rhys Davids' Vinaya Texts, Chullavagga, Vangisa or Nigrodha Kappa Sutta, Pt. vi, ch. 17; Sutta Nipata, Alavaka Sutta in the Sacred Books of the East, vol. X). It is the Alambhika of the Kalpasutra (Stevenson's Kalpasitra, p. 91). Buddha passed his sixteenth vassa (Varsha) at this place. For the places where Buddha passed his assas in different years after attaining Buddahhood , see JASB., 1838, p. 720. Alexandria-1. Uchch, a town built by Alexander the Great near the confluence of the five rivers of the Punjab. 2. Hupian (see Hupian). 3. An island in the Indus, where, in a village called Kalasi, Menander, the Greek king, was born (SBE., XXXV, p. 127-the Questions of King Milinda). It was 200 yojanas from Sakala. 4. According to some authoritios, Alexandria ad Caucasum of the Greeks is Beghram, 25 miles north of Kabul, which contains the extensive ruins of an ancient town; and according to others it is Bamian (Gazetteer of the Countries adjacent to India under Beghram). Ali-madra-The district of Mardan (Hoti-Mardan) or in other words, the Yusufrai country to the north-east of Peshawar, containing many Buddhist and Graeco-Bactrian remains (Brahmanda P., ch. 49). Imalakagrama-See Amalita]A. Amalitala-On the north bank of the river Tamraparni in Tinnevilly, visited by Chaitanya. It is montioned in the Brahmanda Purana. It appears to be the same as Amalakagrama of the Nrisimha Purana, which has been highly extolled in Chapter EUR6; it is also called Sahya-Amalakagrama, being situated on the Western Ghata. Amarakantaka-It is a part of the Mikul (Mekala) bills in Gondwana in the territory of Nagpur, in which the river Nerbuda and Sone have got their source (Padma Purana, Svargakhanla (Adi),ch 6; Wilson's Meghduta or the Cloud Messenger); hence the Nerbuda is called in the Amarakosha, the daughter of the Mekala mountain. It is the Amrakata of Kalidasa's Meghaduta (1,17). Its sanctity is described in the Skanda Purang (Reva Khanda ch. 21). The first fall of the Nerbuda from the Amarakantaka mountain is called Kapiladhara in the Skanda Purana. Kapila is said to be an affluent of the Nerbudda (ch. 21). The Vishnu-savihita (ch. 75) recommends Amarakantaka and a few other places as being very efficacious for the performance of the Sradh ceremony. Amaranatha-A celebrated shrine of siva in a grotto in the Bhairavaghati range of the Himalaya, about sixty miles from Islamabad, the ancient capital of Kasmira. The cave is situated at a considerable altitude on the west side of a snowy peak, 17,307 feet in height, locally called by the name of Kailasa. A little stream known as Amarganga, a tributary of the Indus, flows by the left side of the cave over a white soil with which the pilgrims besmear their body to cleanse a way their sins, though no doubt it serves to keep off cold. The path to the cave lies along the side of the Amarganga stream. The cave is naturally arched, 50 feet in breadth at the base and 25 feet in height. The Linga or phallic image is about 20 or 25 feet from the entrance and is at the inner extremity of the

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AMA AMB cave. Thegrotto is rightly said to be full of wonderful congelations"(Bernier's Travels, p. 418 note), and according to Dr. Stein, the Linga which is an embodiment of Siva Amaresvara is "a large block of transparent ice formed by the freezing of the water which oozes from the rock"(Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, vol II, p. 409), which is evidently a dolomite rock. There is something very wonderful and curious about the formation of the Linga. The pedestal of the Linga is 7 or 8 feet in diameter and 2 feet in height. The Linga, which is 3 feet in height, rises from the centre of the pedestal with the figure of a serpent entwining it. The peculiarity of the entire formation is that it has got some connection with the moon, as it is gradually formed from day to day commencing after the day of the New Moon till it attains its full height on the day of the Full Moon: the process of forming and dissolving goes on every day, and on the day of the New Moon no sign of the image exists at all. On both sides of the Linga there are two columns of ice formation which are called Derfs. Every year in the month of Sravana, the pilgrims start from Marttawa (Martan or Bhavan) for Amarnath escorted by the officers of the Maharaja of Kasmira (JASB., 1866, p. 219). On the last day of the visit, one or two or sometimes four pigeons are said to appear, gyrating and fluttering over the temple, to the amazed gaze of the pilgrims who regard them as Hara and Parvati. Amaravatt-1. Nagarhara, about two miles to the west of Jallalabad: a village close to it is still called Nagarak,--the Na-kie of Fa Hian. 2. The Amaravati stupa is about 18 miles to the west of Bezwada and south of Dharanikota, on the south or right bank of the Krishna river about sixty miles from its mouth in the Krishna district, Madras Presidency. The Amaravati Chaitya is the Parvasaila Saigharama of Hiuen Tsiang (Dr. Burgess' Buddhist Stu pus of Amaravati, p. 101). Amaravati is the Diamond Sands (Dipal dinne) of the Dalada Vamia: it was situated in the kingdom of the Naga Raja (see Turnour's translation in JASB., vi., p. 856). The Amaravati tope was built about A.D. 370 or 380, by the Andhras or the Andhra-bhritya kings who were Buddhists (Sewell's Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, p. 1; for its description see JRAS., III, 132). Amarebvara-On the opposite side of Omkarnath, on the southern bank of the river Nerbuda (Siva Purana, Pt. 1, ch.38; Skanda Purana-Revakhanda), thirty-two miles northwest of Khandwa and eleven miles east of Martoka Railway station (Caine's Picturesque India, p. 397). In the Brihat-Siva P.(Pt. II, chs. 3 and 4) Amaresvara is placed in Omkara or Omkara-kshetra. The twelve great Lingas of Mahadeva are:-Somanatha in Saurashtra, Mallikarjuna in Srisaila, Maha-kala in Ujjayini, Omkara in Amaresvara, Kedara in the Himalayas, Bhimasaikara in Pakini, Visvesvara in Benares, Tryambaka in Gomati (near Nasik), Vaidyanatha in Chitabhami, Nagesa in Dwaraka, Rameswara in Setubandha, and Ghusrinesa in Sivalaya (Siva Purdna; Pt. 1, ch. 38). Ambalatthik-1. A park half way between Rajagriha and Nalanda (Digha Nikaya : Brahmajala Sutta). 2. A park situated in the village of Khanumata in Magadha (Kufadanta Sutta). Ambaligrama-Arail, a village on the opposite side of Allahabad, across the Yamuna (Chaitanya-charitamrita, Pt. II; Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, vol. V, p. 65). Ambara-The country of Jaipur, so called from its ancient capital of that nams now called Amer, which is said to have been founded by Ambarisha, son of Mandh&t& (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. 2), and hence Amer is a corruption of Ambarishanagara. During the reign

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AAV ANA of Akbar, Man Singh made the Dilaram garden on the bank of the Tai Kautara Lake at the foot of the Amer palace or fort. Within the latter is the temple of the goddess called Jasareswari Kali taken away by Man Singh from Jessore after subjugating Pratapaditya. A no - , Ambasanda-This village was evidently situated on the present site of Giriyek. See Indranila-Guha and Giriyek (MB., p. 298). Ambashtha --The country of the tribe of Ambutai of Ptolemy: they lived on the northern part of Sindh at the time of Alexander and also on the lower Akesinos (McCrindle's Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 155). Ami-Eleven miles east of Chhapra containing the temple of Bhavani, which is one of the 52 Plhas, where a fragment from the body of Sati is said to have fallen. According to the Tantra-Chud amani, the Pithas where the dissevered limbs of Sati are said to have fallen. are 52 According to the Sivacharitra, they are 51; according to the Devt. Bhagavata there are altogether 108 Pithas (Pt. vii, ch. 30). The Upa-Pithas or minor Plthas are 26 (Kalika-Purana, chs. 18, 50, 61). mrakuta-Parvata-It has been identified with Amarakantaka (Meghaduta and Maha mahopadhyaya Hara prasad Sastri's Meghaduta-Vyakhyd, p. 3). Anahila-Pattana-Virawal-Pattana or Pattana, called also Anihilwar in Northern Baroda in Gujarat, founded in Samvat 802 or A.D. 746, after the destruction of Valabhi by Banaraja or Vamgaraja. The town was called Anahilapattana after the name of a cowherd who pointed out the site (Merutunga Acharyya's Prabandhachintamani, ch. 1; Merutunga's Therdvalt, ed. by Dr. Bhau Daji). Hemchandra, the celebrated Jaina grammarian and lexicographer, flourished in the Court of Kumara pala, king of Anahilapattana (A.D. 1142 1173), and was his spiritual guide: he died at the age of 84 in A. D. 1172, in which year Kumarapala became a convert to Jainaism (Bhau Daji's Brief Notes on Hemachandra) but according to other authorities, the conversion took place in A.D. 1159 (Tawney's Intro., Prabandhachintamani, p. iii). After the overthrow of Valabhs in the eighth century, Apahilapattana became the chief city of Gujarat or Western India till the fifteenth century. For the kings of Arabilapattana, see R. C. Ghosh's Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, pp. 138 to 140; JRAS., XIII, p. 158. It was also called Anahilla pura. Anamala-Same as Anoma. Anandapura--Vadnagar in northern Gujarat, seventy miles south-east of Sidhpur (St. Martin, as oited in McCrindle's Ptolemy), but there is still a place called Anandpur, fifty miles north-west of Valabhi. It was anciently called Anarttapura (see the two copperplate inscriptions of Alina of A.D. 149 and 651). It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang (Burgess' Antiquities of Kathiawad-Kachh, p. 84). Anandapura or Vadnagar is also called Nagara which is the original homo of the Nagara Brahmans of Gujarat. Kumarapala surrounded it with a rampart (Dr. Buhler, Ep. Indica, vol. 1, p. 296). Bhadrabahu Svami, the author of the Kalpasutra, composed in A.D. 411, flourished at the court of Dhruva Bena II. king of Gujarat, whose capital was at this place (see Dr. Stevenson's Kalpasutra: Preface). Ananta-Naga-Islamabad, the ancient capital of Karmira on the right bank of the * Jhelam,

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ANA ANG , Ananta-Padmanabha-Anantapur, in Trivandrum, the capital of Travancore, containing the celebrated temple of Padmanabha, which was visited by Chaitanya and Nityananda (Chaitanya-Bhagavata). It is also called Padmanabhapur (Prof. H. H. Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 129). See Ananta-Bayana. Danta-bayana-Padmanabhapur, in Travancore, containing the celebrated temple of Vishnu sleeping on the serpent (Padma P., Uttara, ch, 74; Prof. H. H. Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 129). See Ananta-Padmanabha. narita--1. Gujarat and part of Malwa: its capital was Kusasthali or modern Dwarka (Bhagavata P., ch. X., p. 67). 2. Northern Gujarat: its capital was Anarttapura (Skanda P. Nagara Kh., ch. 65), afterwards called Anandapura, the modern Vadnagar (Bom. Gaz., vol. I., Pt. I, p. 6, note 2). Anarttapura-Same as Anandapura. See Anartta. Anavatapta-Same as Anotatta. Andha-The river Andhila or Chandan, -the Andomatis of Arrian: see Chandravati (Devi Bhagavata, Bk. 8, ch. 11). Andhanada-The river Brahmaputra (Bhagavata P., ch. 5, slk. 9). Andhra-1. The country between the Goda pari and the Krishna including the district of Kistna. Its capital was Dhanakataka or Amaravati at the mouth of the Krishna. Vengi, five miles to the north of Ellur, was according to Hiuen Tsiang, its ancient Capital (Garuda Purana, ch. 55). 2. Telingana, south of Hyderabad. According to the Anargharaghava (Act vii, 103), the Sapta Godavari passes through the country of Andhra, and its principal deity is the Mahadeva Bhimesvara. The Pallava kings of Veigi were overthrown by the Chalukya kings of Kalyanapura, and succeeded by the Chole kings who, in their turn, were conquered by the Jaina kings of Dharanikota. The Andhra dynasty was also called Satavahana or Satakarni dynasty; their ancient capital was at Sri Kakulum now diluviated by the Krishna. Anga--The country about Bhagalpur including Mongyr. It was one of the sixteen political divisions of India (Anguttara I., 4; Vinaya Texts, ii, 146; Govinda Sutta in Digha-nikaya, xix, 36). Its capital was Champe or Champa puri. The western limit of its , northern boundary at one time was the junction of the Ganges and the Saraju. It was the kingdom of Roma pa da of the Ramayana and Karna of the Mahabharata. It is said in the Ramayana that Madana, the god of love, was burnt to ashes by Mahadeva at this place, and hence the country is called Anga, Madana being thenceforth called Anauga (Balakanda, Canto 23, vs. 13, 14). See Kama-Asrama. According to Sir George Birdwood, Anga included also the districts of Birbhum and Murshidabad. According to some authorities, it also included the Santal Parganas. It was annexed to Magadha by BimbigAra in the sixth century B.c. (Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, p. 166). His son Kunika or Ajatasatru became its viceroy, his head-quarters being at Champa. Mahana, the maternal grand-father of Kumaradevi, wife of king Govindachandra of Kanouj (1114-1161), was king Ramapala's viceroy in Anga (Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1908), the country having come under the sway of Gopala, the founder of the Pala dynasty, in the eighth century A.D. The celebrated places of antiquity and interest in the province of ancient Anga are :-Rishyassinga-Asrama at Rishikund. font

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ANG ANU miles to the south-west of Bariarpur, one of the stations of the East India Railway; the Karnagad or the fort of Karna, four miles from Bhagalpur; Cham pa cr Champ&puri, the ancient capital of Anga and the birth-place of Vasupujya, the twelfth Tirthaikara of the Jainas; Jahnu-asrama at Sultanganj; Modagiri or Mongyr: the Buddhist caves at. Patharghata (ancient Sila-saigama or Vikramasilk-sangharama) in the Kahalgaon sub-division, referred to by Hiuen Tsiang and by Chora Kavi in the Chora-panchasika: and the Mandara Hill at Bansi, thirty-two mileg to the south of Bhagalpur (see Champspurl and Sumha). The name of Aiga first appears in the Atharva-samhita (Kanda V, Anuvaka 14). For the history of Aiga, see my "Notes on Ancient Aiga or the District of Bhagalpur" in JASB., 1914, p. 317. Angalaukika-The country of the Angalaukikas who were most probably the Agalassians of Alexander's historians (see MoCrindle's Invasion of India, p. 285) and neighbours of the Sivis, was situated below the junction of the Hydaspes and Akegines (Brahmanda, P.149)., Anjana-Girl--The Suleiman range in the Panjab (Pardha P., ch. 80). Anom-The river Aumi, in the district of Gorakhpur (Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 423). It was crossed by Buddha after he left his father's palace at a place now called Chandauli on the eastern bank of the river, whence Chhandaka returned with Buddha's horse Kanthaka to Kapilavastu (Asvaghosha's Buddha-Charita, Bk. V). But Carlleyle identifies the river Anoma with the Kudawa Nadi in the Basti district of Oudh (Arch. S. Rep., vol. XXII, p. 224 and Fuhrer's MAI.). Carlleyle identifies the stupa of Chhandaka's return with the Maha-than Dih, four miles to the north-east of Tameswar or Maneya, and the Cut-Hair Stape with the Sirasarao mound on the east bank of the Anoma river in the Gorakhpur district (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. XXII, pp. 11, 15). Anotatta-It is generally supposed that Anotatta or Anavatapta lake is the same as Rawan-hrad or Langa. But Spence Hardy considers it to be an imaginary lake (Beal's Legend and Theories of the Buddhists, p. 129). Antaragiri--The Rajmahal bills in the district of Santal Pargana in the province of Bengal (Matsya P., ch. 113, V. 44; Pargiter's Markandeya P., p. 325, note). Antaraveda-The Doab between the Ganges and the Yamuna (Hema kosha; Bhavishya Purana, Pt. III, ch. 2; Ep. Ind., p. 197). Anumakundapattana-Same as Anu makundapura. Anumakundapura-Warrangal, the ancient capital of Telingana (Rudradeva inscription in JASB., 1838, p. 903, but see Prof. Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 76). It was the capital of Raja Rudradeva identified with Churang or Choraganga. The town was also called Anumakundapattana (JASB., 1838, p. 901). The Kakatiyas reigned here from A.D. 1110 to 1323. According to General Cunningham, Warrangal is the Korunkola of Ptolemy's Geography. Another name of Warrangal, according to the same authority, is Akshalinagara, which in the opinion of Mr. Cousens is the same as Yeksilanagara (List of the Antiquarian Remains in the Nizam's Territories). See Benakataka. Anupadesa-South Malwa. The country on the Nerbuda about Nimar. Same as Haibaya, Mahisha and Mahishaka (Siva Purana, Dharma-samphita, ch. 56; Hariramsa, chg. 5, 33, 112, 114). Its capital wag Mahishmati (Raghuramia, canto VT, v. 43).

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ANU APA Anuradhapura-The ancient capital of Ceylon. The branch of the celebrated Bo-tree (Pipal-tree) of Buddha-Gaya was brought and planted here by Mahinda and his sister Sanghamitta, who were sent by their father Asoka to introduce Buddhism into Ceylon. The tree still exists in the Maha-vihara. The left canine tooth of Buddha which was removed ftum Dantapura (Puri) in the fourth century to Anuradhapura, existed in a building erected on one of the angles of Thuparamaye (Thuparama) Dagoba (a corruption of Dhatugarbha), which was built by Devanampiyatissa about 250 B.C., as a relic shrino of either the right jaw-bone or the right collar-bone of Buddha. See Dantapura. The town contains also the " Loya Maha Paya" or Great Brazen Monastery and the "Ruanwelli" Dagoba described in the Mahavamsa. The latter was built by the king Duthaga mini in the second century of the Christian era. The Isibhumanganan was the site of Mahinda's funeral pile, and in the Ghanta kara-vihara the Altha-katha (the commentary of the Tripijaka) was translated from Singhalese into Pali by Buddhaghosha (A.D. 410-432), a Brahmin who came from a village named Ghosha in the neighbourhood of Buddha-Gaya, during the reign of Mahanama or Mahamuni (Gray's Buddhaghosuppatti): he was converted into Buddhism by Revata (Turnour's Mahavamsa, ch. 37). Aornos-Ranigat, sixteen miles north-west of Ohind in the Peshawar district of the Panjab (Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, P. 58), but according to Captain James Abbot, Shah Kote on Mount Mahaban, situated on the western bank of the Indus, about 70 miles to the north-east of Peshawar: modern researches have proved the correctness of Abbot's identification (Smith's Early History of India, p. 68). It is perhaps a corruption of Varana of Panini : there is still a town called Barana (9.v.) on the western bank of the Indus opposite to Attok (Ind. Ant., I, 22). Apaga-Afghanistan (Brahmanda P., ch. 49). Apage-1. The Ayuk-nadi to the west of the Ravi in the Panjab. 2. A river in Kuruk shetra (Vamana P., ch. 36, Padma P., Svarga ; ch. 12). See, however, Oghavati. It still bears its ancient name. It is evidently the Apaya of the Rig Veda (III, 23. 4) frequently mentioned with the Sarasvati and the Drishadvati. Apapapurt-Same as Papa [ Sabda kalpadruma- 8.v. Tirthankara ; Prof. Wilson's Hindu Religion (Life of Mahavira)). See Pa pa. Aparananda-Same as Alakananda : see Nande (Mahabh., Vana, ch. 109; Branmanda P., ch. 43). Aparanta-Same as Aparantaka. Aparantaka-Konkan and Malabar (Markandeya Purana, ch. 58): it is the Ariake of Ptolemy, according to whom it extended southward from the Nerbuda. In the Raghuvamia (IV, v. 53) Aparanta is said to be on the south of the Murala. According to the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Ariake extended southwards from the gulf of Cambay to the north of Abhira. Ptolemy's Ariake is the contraction of Aparantaka. but that of the Periplus is the contraction of Aranyaka. Acoording to Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, Aparanta was the northern Koukan, the capital of which was Surparaka (modern Supara). near Bassein. Asoka sent here a Buddhist missionary named Yona-Dhammarakkhita in 245 B.C. According to Bhagvanlal Indraji , the western seaboard of India was called Aparantika or Aparantaka (Ind. Ant., vol. VII, pp. 259, 263). Bhatja Svami in his commentary on Kautilya's Arthasastra (Koshadhyaksha, Bk. ii) identifies it with Konkana.

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APA ARD See also Brahma Purana (ch. 27, vol. 58) which includes Surparaka in Aparanta-desa. According to Kalidasa, it was situated between the Sahya (Western Ghats) and the sea (Raghuvamsa). It extended from the river Mahi to Goa (Bomb. Gaz., vol. I, Pt. I, p. 36, note 8). Apara-Videha-Rungpur and Dinajpur (Lalita-vistara, Dr. R. L. Mitra's trans., p. 52, note) Apaya-Same as Apaga (q.v.) Aptanetrayana-It has been identified with the ruing near Ikanna in the Bahraich district in Oudh (Fuhrer's MAI.). It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. Araba-Arabia. See Banayu. Arama nagara-Arrah in the district of Shahabad. Dr. Hoey, however, supposes that the ancient name of Arrah was Arada ; and Arada Kalama, the teacher of Buddha, wag a native of this place (JASB., vol. LXIX, p. 77), but see Arch., S. Rep., vol. III, p. 70. . Aranya-1. The nine sacred Aranyas or forests are :-Saindhava, Dandakaranya, Naimisha, Kurujangala, Upalavsita ( Utpalaranya ?), Aranya, Jambumarga, Pushkara, and Himalaya (Devi Purana, ch. 74). 2. See Aranyaka. 3. Same as Bana. Aranyaka-A kingdom situated on the south of Ujjain and Vidarbha (Mahabharata, Sabha, ch. 31). It is called Aranya in the Devi Purana, ch. 46. It is the Aria ka of the Periplus. According to DaCunha, Ariaka (Arya-kshetra) comprised a great part of Aurangabad and southern Konkana. Its capital was Tagara, modern Doulatabad (Da Cunha's History of Chaul and Bassein, p. 127). Aratta--The Panjab, which is watered by the five rivers (Mahabharata, Drona Parva, hs. 40-45; Karna P., ch. 45; Kautilya's Arthasastra, Pt. ii, ch. 30). It was celebrated for its fine breed of horses. Its Sanskritized form is Arashtra. Aravalo-The Wulur or Volur lake in Kasmira (Turnour's Mahavamsa, p. 72). The Naga king of Aravalo was converted into Buddhism by Majjhantika (Madhyantika), the inissionary, who was sent by Asoka to Kasmira and Gandhara. It is the largest lake in the valley of Kasmira, and produces water-nuts (singadd) in abundance, supporting considerable portion of the population, the nute being the roots of the plant trapa bispinosa (Thornton's Gazetteer). Arbuda_Mount Abu in the Aravali range in the Siroh State of Rajputana. It was the hermitage of Rishi Vasishtha (Mbh., Vana, ch. 82; Padma P., Svarga, ch. 11). The Rishi is said to have created out of his fire-pit in the mountain a hero named Paramara to oppose Visvamitra while he was carrying away his celebrated cow Kama-dhenu. Paramara became the progenitor of the Paramara clan of Rajputs (Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 224). Mount Abu contains the celebrated shrine of Amba Bhavani. It contains the celebrated Jaina temples dedicated to Rishabha Deva and Neminatha : it is one of the five sacred hills of the Jainas, which are Satrunjaya, Samet Sikbar, Arbuda, Girnar, Chandragiri (Ind. Ant., II, 354). For the names of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, see Sravasti. Arddbaganga-The river Kaver (Hemakosha: Harivamia, I, ch 27).

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ARI ARU Ariana-That portion of Central Asia (mentioned by Strabo) which was the original abodo of the Aryan race and which is called Airyan-Vejo (Arya-vija) in the Avusla. From its description as a very cold country and its situation on the north of India as it appears from the Vedas, it is considered to have been situated to the west of Belurtagh and Mustagh (or Snowy Mountain) and near the source of the Amu and Syhun, including the Pamir. Sections of the Aryan race migrated to the west and settled themselves in Europe at different periods. Those that remained behind inigrated subsequently to the south and settled themselves in Iran and the Punjab. Differences of opinion about agricultural and religious reforms, especially the introduction of the worship of Indra as a principal god to the lowering of Varuna, who always held the highest position in the hierarchy of the gods even from the time when they all resided in Central Asia, split up the early Aryan settlers of the Punjab into two parties, and led to the dissension which brought about a permanent separation between them. The party which opposed this innovation migrated to the north-west, and after residing for some time at Balkh and other places, finally settled themselves in Iran: they were the followers of Zarathasthura and were called Zoroastrians, the ancestors of the modern Parsis. The other party, the ancestors of the Hindus, gradually spread their dominion from the Punjab and the bank of the Sarasvati to the east and south by their conquest of the aboriginal races (Max Muller's Science of Language). Arishthapura-The Sanskritized form of Aritthapura, the capital of the country of bivi (9.v.). It has not yet been identified : perhaps it is the same as Aristobathra of Ptolemy on the north of the Punjab. Aristhala--Same as Kubasthala: see Paniprastha. Arjikiya--The river Bias (Vipasa) [Rig-Veda). Arjun-The river Bahuda or Dhabala (Hemakosha). Arkakshetra-Same as Padmakshetra: Konarak, or Black Pagoda, 19 miles north-west of Puri in Orissa, containing the temple of the Sun called Konaditya. It is also called Surya-kshetra (Brahma Purana, oh. 27). See Konarka. Aruna-One of the Seven Kosis (Wahabharata, Vana, ch. 84). See Mahakaubika. Arun --A branch of the Sarasvati in Kurukshetra (Mahabharata, Salya, ch. 44): it has been identified by General Cunningham with the Markanda. Its junction with the Sarasvati three miles to the north-east of Pehoa (Prithadaka) is called the Aruna-sangama (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XIV; p. 102). Arunachala--. Same as Arunagirl. See Chidambaram : it contains the tej or fire image of Mahadeva. 2. A mountain on the west of the Kailas range (Brahmanda P., ch. 51). Arunagiri-Tiruvannamalai or Trinomali in the South Arcot district in the province of Madras (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 240). It is called Arunachala in the Skanda P. (Aruna. Mahat., Uttara, ch. 4). It contains the temples of Arunachalesvara and Arddha-narfovara Mahadeva (Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 191). Arunoda-Garwal, the country through which the Alakananda flows (Skanda P., Avanti Kh., Chaturasitilinga, ch. 42). Its capital is Srinagar.

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ARY 12 ASM Aryaka-Aria ke of Ptolemy who wrote his Geography about A.D. 150 (Brihat Samhita ch. 14). See Aparantaka and Aranyaka. Aryapuri-Ahiole, the western capital of the Chalukyas in the seventh and eighth centuries A.D., in the Badami Taluka of the Bijapur district. It is the Ayya bole of the old inscriptions (Arch. S. Rep., 1907-8, p. 189). Aryavartta-The northern part of India which lies between the Himalayas and the Vindhya range (Manu-Samhita, ch. 2, v. 22). At the time of Patanjali, Arya vartta was bounded on the north by the Himalayas, on the south by the Pariyatraka, on the west by Adarsavali (Vinasana according to the Vasistha Samhita, I, 8), and on the east by Kalakavana (Rajmahal hills). See Kalakavana: According to Rajasekhara, the river Nerbude was the boundary between Aryavartta and Dakshinapatha (Balaramdyana, Act VI; Apte's Rajasekhara : his Life and Writings, p. 21). -- - A hapalli-Ahmedabad; same as Yessabal or Asawal (Alberuni's India, p. 102). A ser-Asirgarh, eleven miles north of Burhanpur in the Central Provinces (Prithviraj Raso). Aser is a contraction of Asvatthama-giri (Arch. S. Rep., vol. IX). Ashtavakra-Asrama-Rahugrama (now called Raila), about four miles from Hardwar, near which flows the Ashtavakranadi, a small river, perhaps the ancient Samauga. The hermitage of Rishi Ashtavakra is also pointed out at Pauri near Srinagar in Garwal, the mountain near which is called Ashta vakra-parvata. Ashtapada--See Kailasa. Ashta-Vinayaka-The eight Vinayaka (Ganapati) temples are situated at Ranjangaon at the junction of the Bhima and Mutha-mula, Margaon, Theur, Lenadri and Ojhar in the Poona district, at Pali in the Pant Sachiy's territory, at Madh in the Thana district and at Siddhatek in the Ahmednagar district in the Bombay Presidency Antiquarian Remins in the Bombay Presidency, vol. 3). See Vinayaka-tarthas. Ashtigrama-Raval in the district of Mathura, where Radhika was born at the house of her maternal grandfather Surbhanu and passed the first year of her infancy before her father Brishabhanu who dwelt at this place removed to Varshana (Adi Purana, oh. 12 and Growse's "Country of Braja" in J ASB., 1871 and 1874, p. 352). See Barshana. AS-A river in Benares. See Baradasi (Mahabharata, Bhishma, ch. 9). Asikni-The river Chenab (Chandrabhaga) (Rig Veda, x, 75). Asiladurga-Junagar (Tod's Rajasthan). Aumaka--According to the Brahmanda Purana (Purva, ch. 48) Asmaka is one of the countries of Southern India (Dakshinatya), but the Kurma Purana mentions it in connection with the countries of the Punjab; the Brihat-Samhita (ch, 14) also places it in the north-west of India. Auxoamis which has been identified by Saint Martin with Sumi (MoCrindle's Ptolemy) lying a little to the east of the Sarasvati and at a distanoe of about 25 miles from the sea, was considered to be the ancient Asmaka. According to Prof. Rhys Davids, Asmaka was the Assaka of the Buddhist period, and was situated immediately to the north-west of Avanti. The Assakas had a settlement on the banks of the Godavar at the time of Buddha, and their capital was Potana (Govinda Satta in Digha

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ASM 13 AVA Nikdya, xix, 36). It appears, however, from the "History of Bawari" in Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, Suttanipata, and Parayanavagga (SBE., X, 188) that Assaka (Asmaka) was situated between the Godavari and Mahissati (Mahishmati) on the Nerbuda. It was also called Alaka or Malaka and its capital was Pratishthana (Paudanya (q.v.) of the Mahabharata) on the north bank of the Godavari (see Pratishthana,) called Potali and Potana by the Buddhists (Jatakas, Cam. Ed., vol. III, p. 2). It became a part of the Mahir&shtra country at the time of Asoka. The Dasakumaracharita written In the sixth century A.D., by Dandin, describes it as a dependant kingdom of Vidarbha. It is also mentioned in the Harshacharita. It should be remarked that in the Puranas, Mulaka is said to be the son of a king of Asmaka. Bhatta Swami, the commentator of Kautilya's Arthasastra, identities Asmaka with Maharashtra. It is the Asvaka of the Mahabharata (Bhishma P.. . 9). Aumanvatt-The river Oxus. It is mentioned in the Rig Veda, x, 53, 8. Assaka-See Asmaka (Digha Nikaya, xix, 36). "Astacampra"--Same as Hastakavapra, but see Stambhapura. Astakapra-Same as "Astaoampra." Abvaka-See Asmaka. Akva-kachchha-Cutch (Rudradaman Inscription). Alva-tirtha-1. The conquence of the Ganges and the Kalinadi in the district of Kanouj (Mbh., Anusasana, ch. 4; Vana P., ch. 114; and Vamana P., ch. 83). 2. The Asva-kranta mountain in Kamakhya near Gauhati in Assam (Yogini Tantra, Uttara Kh.. ch. 3). Attahasa-On the eastern part of Labhapur in the distriot of Birbhum in Bengal. It is one of the Pithas (Kubjika Tantra, ch, 7; Padma P., Srishti Kh., ch. 11). Sati's lips are said to have fallen at this place and the name of the goddess is Phullara. It is seven miles from the Amodpur Station of the E. I. Railway. Atreyi -The river Atrai which flows through the district of Dinajpur (Kamakhya Tantra, ch. VII): it is a branch of the Tista. Audumvara-1. Cutch ; its ancient capital was Kotesvara or Kachchhesvara (Mahabharata, Sabha P., ch. 52 and Cunningham's Arch. S. Rep., v, p. 155): the country of the Odomhere of Ptolemy. 2. The district of Nurpur (or rather Gurudaspur) which was anciently called Dahmeri or Dehmbeori, the capital of which is Pathankot (Pratishthana) on the Ravi in the Punjab, was also called Udumvara (Brihat-Samhita, ch. 14 and Arch. S. Rep., yol xiv, p. 116; Rapson's Ancient India, p. 155). There was another Udumbara to the east of Kanouj (Chullavagga, pt. xii, chs. 1 and 2). Aupaga-Same as Kamboja (Markardeya P., ch. 57). Avagapa-Afganistan (Brihat-Samhita, ch. 16). See Kamboja. Avanti --1 Ujin (Panini, iv, 176 ; Skanda P., Avanti Khanda, ch. 40): it was the capital of MAlava (Brahma P. ch. 43). 2. The country of which Ujin was the capital (Anarghardghava, Act vii, 109). It was the kingdom of Vikramaditya (see Ujjaying). In the Govin la Satta (Digha-Nikaya, xix, 36), its capital is said to be Mahishmati. It is the ancient name of Malwa (Kathisarit-edgara, ch. xix ). Avanti has been called Malava sinoe the seventh or eighth century A.D. (Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 28).

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AVA AYU Avantika-Kshetra-Avani, a sacred place in the district of Kolar in Mysore, where Ramachandra is said to have halted on his way from Laika to Ayodhya. Avanti-Nadi The Sipra. Ujin stands on this river. Ayodhana-Pak-Pattana, five miles west of the Ravi and eight miles from Mamoke Ghat in the Montgomery district of the Panjab (Rennell's Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan (1785), p. 62; Thornton's Gazetteer of the Countries adjacent to India, JASB., vi, 190). It was formerly a renowned city referred to by the historians of Alexander the Great. The town is built on a hillock 40 or 50 feet above the surrounding plain. Its old walls and bastions are now crumbling into ruins. It is celebrated for the tomb of the Mahomedan Saint Farid-ud-din Shaheb Shakar Ganj. Ayodhya-Oudh, the kingdom of Rama. At the time of the Ramayana (I, chs. 49, 50,) the southern boundary of Kosala was the river Syandika or Sai between the Gumti and the Ganges. During the Buddhist period, Ayodhya was divided into Uttara (Northern) Kosala and Dakshina (Southern ) Kosala. The river Sarayu divided the two provinces. The capital of the former was Sravasti on the Rapti, and that of the latter was Ayodhya on the Saraya. At the time of Buddha, the kingdom of Kosala under Prasenajit's father Mahakosala extended from the Himalayas to the Ganges and from the Ramganga to the Gandak. The ancient capital of the kingdom was also called Ayodhya, the birth-place of Ramachandra. At a place in the town called Janmasthana he was born, at Chirodaka, called also Chirasigara, Dasaratha performed the sacrifice for obtaining a son with the help of Rishyas tinga Rishi; at a place called Treta-ki-Thakur, Ramachandra performed the horse-sacrifice by setting up the image of Sita; at Ratnamandapa, he held his council (Muktikopanishad, ch. 1); at Swargadwaram in Fyzabad, his body was burned. At Lakshmana-kunda, Lakshmana disappeared in the river Sarayu. Dasaratha accidentally killed Saravana, the blind Rishi's g., at Majhaura in the district of Fyzabad. Adinatha, a Jaina Tirthaikara, was born at Ayodhya ( Fuhrer's MAI.). Cunningham has identified the Sugriva Parvata with the Kalakarama or Purvarama monastery of the Mahavamoa, the Masi Parvata with Asoka's Stupa mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, the Kubera Parvata with the Stupa containing the hair and nails of Buddha (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. i). The Mani Parvata is said to be a fragment of the Gandhamadana mountain which Hanumana carried on his head on his way to Lenka. The sacred places at Ayodhya were restored by Vikramaditya (evidently a Gupta king), who was an adherent of the Brahmanical faith, in the second century A.D., or according to some, in the fifth century A.D., as the sacred places at Brindaban were restored by Rapa and Sanatana in the sixteenth century A.D. Ayodhya is the Sakota of the Buddhists and Sagada of Ptolemy (see saketa ). Ayudha-The country lying betwon the Vitesta (Jhelum ) and the Sindhu (Jadus). Same as Yaudhoya.

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BC BAH Bachmati -The river Bagmati in Nepal. Eight out of fourteen great Tirthas of Nepal. have been formed by the junction of the Bagmati with other rivers. The names of the eight Tirthas are :-Panya, Santa, Sankara, Raja, Chintamani, Pramada, Satalakshana, and Jaya. The source and exit of the Bagmati are two other Tirthas. Same as Bhagvati. Badari-The O-cha-li of Hiuen Tsiang. It has been identified by Cunningham (Anc. Geo., p. 494 ) with Edar in the province of Gujarat; it was, acoording to him, Sauvira of the Pauranic period. According to the Brihat-iyotisharnava, Edar is a corruption of Ilvadurga. It is situated on a river called Hiranyanadi. The name of Badari is mentioned in the Dhavala inscription at Vasantagad near Mount Abu (JASB., 1841, p. 821). Badari-See Badarikabrama. Badarikabrama-Badrinath in Garwal, United Provinces. It is a peak of the main Himalayan range, about a month's journey to the north of Hardwar and 55 miles north-east of Srinagara. The temple of Nara-Narayana is built on the west bank near the source of the Bishenganga (Alakananda), equidistant from two mountains called Nara and Narayana, over the site of a hot-spring called Tapanakunda, the existence of which, no doubt, led to the original selection of this spot: it is situated on the Gandha. madana mountain (Asiatic Researches, vol. XI, article x; Mahabharata, Santi, ch. 335). The temple is said to have been built by Sankaracharya in the eighth century A.D. It was also oalled Badari and BisAla Badari (Mahabharata, Vana, ch, 144). For a description of the place, see Asiatic Researches, vol. XI, article x. Badava-Same as Jvalamukhi (see Mahabharata, Vana, ch. 82). Baggumuda-Same as Bhagvatt. Bagmati-A sacred river of the Buddhists in Nepal. The river is also called Bac hmati as it was created by the Buddha Krakuchhanda by word of mouth when he visited Nepala with people from Gaud a-desa. Its junctions with the rivers MaradArika, Manisrohini, Rajamanjari, Ratoavall, Charumati, Prabhavati and Triveni, form the Tirthas called Santa, Sankara, Rajamanjari, Pramoda, Sulakshaga, Jaya and Gokarna respectively (Svayambhu Purana, ch.v; Vardha P., ch. 215. See also Wright's Hist. of Nepal, p. 20). Bahela-Baghelkhand in Central India. It has been placed with Karusha (Rewa) at Vindhyamula (Vamana P., ch, 13). Rewa is also called Baghilkhand (Thornton's Gazetteer). BahikaTho country between the Bias' and the Sutlej, north of Kekaya. It is another name for Valhika (See Moh., Sabba, ch. 27, where Valheka is evidently used for Valhika): it was conquered by Arjuna. According to the Mahabharata (Karna P., ch. 44), the Vahikas lived generally betwoon the Sutlej and the Indus, but specially on the west of the rivers Ravi and Apaga (Ayuk Nadi), and their capital was Sakala. They were a non-Aryan race and perhaps came from Balkh, the capital of Baotria. According to Panini and Patanjali, Vahika was another name for the Panjab (IV, 2, 117; V, 3, 114; Ind. Ant. I, 122). See Takka-dela. Bahi and Hika were names of two Asuras of the Bias river after whom the country was called Vahika. (Mh., Karna P., ch.45 and Arch. 8. Rep., vol. V), They lived by robbery. According to the Ramayana (Ayodhya K., ch. 78), Valhika was situated between Ayodhya and Kekaya.

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BAH 16 BAI Bahuda-The river Dhabala now called Dhumela or Burha-Rapti, a feeder of the Rapti in Oudh. The severed arm of Rishi Likhita was restored by bathing in this river; hence the river is called Bahudi (Mahabharata, Santi, ch. 22; Harivamsa, ch. 12). But in the Siva Purana (Pt. VI., ch. 60), it is said that Gauri, the grandmother of Mandhata, was turned into the river Bahuda by the curse of her husband Prasenajit. It has been identified by Mr. Pargiter with the Ramganga which joins the Ganges near Kanauj (see his Markandeya P., ch. 57). See Ikshumati. But this identification does not appear to be correct, as it is a river of Eastern India (Mahabharata, Vana, ch. 87). Bahula-A Sakti Pitha near Kitwa in Bengal (Tantrachudamani). Baibhraja-Sarovara-Same as Manasa-sarovara (Harivansa, ch. 23). Baidisa-See Bidisa (Brahma P., ch. 27). Baidurya-Parvata-1. The island of Mandhata in the Narbada, which contains the celebrated temple of Omkaranath, was anciently called Baidurya-Parvata (Skanda P., Reva-Kh.). 2. It has been identified by Yule (Marco-Polo) with the northern section of the Western Ghats. The Parvata or mountain is situated in Gujarat near the source of the river Visvamitra which flows by the side of Baroda (Varahamihira's Bihat-Samhita, ch. 14; Mahabharata, Vana, chs. 89, 120). 3. The Satpura range: the mountain contained Baidurya or Beryl (cat's eye) mines (Mbh.. Vana, chs. 61. 121). Baidyanatha-1. See Chitabhumi. It is a place of pilgrimage (Padma P., Uttara Kh.. ch. 59). 2. In the district of Kangra in the Panjab. Same as Kiragrama (Matsya P., ch. 122). [Temples of Baidyanatha are:-In Deogadh in the Sonthal Perganas in Bengal (Brihad-Dharma P., pt. I., ch. 14). See Chitabhumi. For the establishment of the god and the name of Baijnath (Vaidyanatha), see Mr. Bradley-Birt's Story of an Indian Upland, ch. xi. 2. In Dabhoi, Gujarat (Ep. Ind., vol. 1, p. 21). 3. In Kiragrama on the east of the Kangra district, 30 miles east of Kot Kangra on the Binuan river (ancient Kanduka-binduka) in the Panjab (Ep. Ind., vol. 1, p. 97)]. Baidyuta-Parvata-A part of the Kailasa range at the foot of which the Manasasarovara lake is situated. It is evidently the Gurla range on the south of lake Manasasarovara; the Saraju is said to rise from this mountain (Brahmarda P., ch. 51). As Manasa-sarovara is situated in the Kailasa mountain (Ramayana, Bala-k., ch. 24), Baidyuta mountain is a part of the Kailasa range. Baihayasi-Same as Begavati (Deri-Bhagavata, VIII, ch. 11; Mack. Col., pp. 142, 211). Baijayanti-Banavasi in North Kanara, the capital of the Kadambas. Same as Kraudchapura. It is mentioned as Vaijayanta in the Ramayana (Ayodhya K., ch. 9). It has also been identified with Bijayadurg by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar (Early History of the Dekkan, p. 33). Baikantha-A place of pilgrimage about 22 miles to the east of Tinnevelly visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-charitampita). It is situated on the river Tamraparni in Tinnevelly. It is also called Srivaikantham. Bairantya-Nagara-Where Bhasa places the scene of his drama Avimaraka. It was the capital of a king named Kunti-Bhoja (Ibid, Act VI). It is mentioned in the Harsha-charita (ch. vi) as the capital of Rantideva. See Kunti-Bhoja and Rantipura.

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BAI 17 BAI Bairata-Pattana-The capital of the old kingdom of Govisana, visited by Hiuen Tsiang in the seventh century. It has been identified with Dhikuli in the district of Kumaun (Fuhrer's MAI., p. 49). Baibali - Besad in the district of Mazaffarpur (Tirhut), eighteen miles north of Hajipur, on the left bank of the Gandak (General Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 443 and Ramayana, Adikanda, ch. 47). The Ramayana places Bisala on the northern bank of the Ganges and the Ava. Kalp. (ch. 39) on the river Balgumati. The Pergana Besara, which is evidently a corruption of Bisala, is situated within the sub-division of Hajipur. Baisali was the name of the country as well as of the capital of the Vrijjis (Vajjis) or Lichchhavis who flourished at the time of Buddha. The southern portion of the district of Muzaffarpur constituted the ancient country of Vaisali. The small kingdom of Vaisali was bounded on the north by Videha and on the south by Magadha (Pargiter's Ancient Countries in Eastern India). It appears from the Lalitavistara that the people of Vaisalf and the Vajjis had a republican form of government (see also Mahd-parinibbana Sutta). Buddha lived in the Mahavana (Great Forest) monastery called Kutagarasala or Kutagara hall, rendered as "Gabled Pavilion" by Rhys Davids (Chullavagga, ch. v, sec. 13 and ch..X, sec. 1; SBE., vol. XI), which was situated on the Markata-hrada or monkey-tank near the present village of Bakhra, about two miles north of Besad, and near it was the tower called Kutagara (double-storeyed) built over half the body of Ananda. About a mile to the south of Besad was the Mango-garden presented to Buddha by the courtesan Amradarika called also Ambapali. Chapala was about a mile to the north-west of Besad, where Buddha hinted to Ananda that he could live in the world as long as Ananda liked, but the latter did not ask him to live. The town of Baisali, which was the capital of Bideha at the time of Buddha and Mahavira, consisted of three districts: Baisali or Besali proper, Kundapura or Kundagama (the birth-place of Mahavira, the twenty-fourth or last Tirthankara of the Jainas), and Baniyagama, Gccupying respectively the south-eastern, north-eastern, and western portions of the city (Dr. Hoernle's Uvasagadasao, p. 4 n.; Acharanga Sutra, and Kalpa Sutra in SBE., vol. XXII, p. 227 f.). The second Buddhist Synod was held at the Balukaramavihara in 443 B.C., but according to Max Muller in 377 B.C., in the reign of Kalasoka, King of Magadha, under the presidentship of Revata who was one of the disciples of Ananda (Turnour's Mahavamsa, ch. iv). Baisali, however, has been identified by Dr. Hoey with Chidand, seven miles to the east of Chapra on the Ganges (see Chidand in Pt. II). At Beluva (modern Belwa, north-east of Chidand), Buddha was seized with serious illness (Maha-parinibbana Sutta, ch. ii). Chapala (Maha-parinibbana Sutta, ch. ii) has been identified by Dr. Hoey with Telpa (or Talpa, a tower) to the east of the town of Chapra, which was built for the Mother of the Thousand Sons. Titaria,west of Sewan, has been identified by him with the forest, the fire of which was extinguished by the Titar or partridge. The name of Satnarnala has been connected with the seven (sapta) princes who were prepared to fight with the Mallas for the relics of Buddha. Bhata-pokhar (Bhakta-Pushkara) is shown to be the place where Drona divided the relics among the seven princes. The country to the east of the river Daha near Sewan was the country of the Mallas. The river Shi-lai-na-fa-ti (Suvarnavati ) of Hiuen Tsiang has been identified with the river Sondi. Dr. Hoey identifies Besad with the town of the Monster Fish, Vasathya (really porpo.se) [JASB.,

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BAI 18 BAL vol. LXIX-" Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali and other places and my article on "Chidan in the district of Saran" in JASB., vol. LXXII. The places where Buddha resided whiled in Vaisali are Udena-Mandira, Gautama-Mandira, Saptambaka-Mandira, Bahuputraka-Mandira, Saranda-Mandira, and Chapala-Mandira (Maha-parinibbana Sutta, ch. 3; Spence Hardy's MB., p. 343). For the names of other places in Baisali where Buddha resided, see Divydvadana (Cowell's ed., chs. xi, xii). Baisikya-Same as Basya (Brahma P., ch. 27). Baitaran-1. The river Baitarani in Orissa: it is mentioned in the Mahabhara!a as being situated in Kalinga (Vana Parva, ch. 113). Jajpur stands on this river. 2. The river Dantura which rises near Nasik and is on the north of Bassein. This sacred river was brought down to the earth by Parasurama (Padma P., Tuugari Mahatmya; Matsya P.. ch. 113; Da Cunha's History of Chaul and Bassein, pp. 117, 122). 3. A river in Kuruk shetra (Mbh., Vana, ch. 83). 4. A river in Garwal on the road between Kedara and Badrinatha, on which the temple of Gopesvara Mahadeva is situated. , Bakataka province between the Bay of Bengal and the Sri-saila hills, Bouth of Hyderabad in the Deccan. The Kailakila Yavanas reigned in this province and Vindhyasakti was the founder of this dynasty (Vishnu P., IV., ch. 24; Dr. Bhau Daji's Brief Survey of Indian Chronology). See, however, Kilkila. Bakresvara-Bakranath, one of the Sakti Pithas in the district of Birbhum in Bengal. It derives its name from Bhairava Bakranath, the name of the goddess being Mahishamarddini. There are seven springs of hot and cold water (Tantra-chudamani). Bakrebvari-The river Baka which flows through the district of Burdwan in Bengal. Bakshu_The river Oxus (Matsya P., ch. 101 ; cf. Chakshu in Brahmanda P.. ch. 51 : see Sabdakalpadruma s.v. Nadi) Wuksh, the archetype of Oxus, is at a short distance from the river (Ibn Hua kul's Account of Khorasan in JASB., XXII, p. 176) . Balabhi-Wala or Wallay, a seaport on the western shore of the gulf of Cambay, in Kathiawad Gujarat), 18 miles north-west of Bhaonagar (Dajakumara charita, ch. vi; JRAS.. vol. XIII (1852), p. 146; and Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 316). It is called Vamilapura by the inhabitants. It became the capital of Saurashtra or Gujarat. It contained 84 Jaina temples (JRAS., XIII, 159), and afterwards became the seat of Buddhist learning in Western India in the seventh century A.D., as Nalanda in Eastern India (Itsing's Record of the Buddhist Religion by Takakusu, p. 177). The Valabh i dynasty from Bhatarka to Siladitya VII reigned from cir. A.D. 465 to 766. For the names of kings of the Valabhi dynasty, see Dr. Bhau Daji's Literary Remains, p. 113; JASB., 1838, p. 966 and Kielhorn, "List of Inscts. of N. India," Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, App. Bhartrihari, the celebrated author of Bhatti-Kavya, flourished in the court of Sridharasena 1. king of Valabhi, in the seventh century. Bhadrabahu, the author of the Kalpastitra. Hourished in the court of Dhruva Sena II (see Dr. Stevenson'sKalpasdtra: Preface). See Anandapura.

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BAL BAL Belhika-1. The country between the Bias and the Sutlej, north of Kekaya (Ramayana Ayodhya, ch, 78). The Trikanda-sesha mentions that Valhika and Trigarta were the names of the same country (see Trigartta). The Mahabharata (Karna Parva, ch, 44) says that the VAlhikas lived on the west of the Ravi and Apaga rivers, i.e. in the district of Jhang (see BAhika). The Madras whose capital was Sakala (Sangala of the Greeks). were also called Vabikas. Bahika is the corrupted form of this name. The inscription on the Delhi Iron Pillar mentions the Valhikas of Sindhu (JASB., 1838, p. 630). See Bahika. 2. Balkh-the Bactriana of the Greeks-situated in Turkestan [Brihat sanhita, ch. 18 and JASB., (1838) p. 630 ) About 250 B.C. Theodotus, or Diodotus, as he was called, the governor of Bactria, revolted against the Seleucid sovereign Antiochus Theos and declared himself king. The Graeco-Bactrian dominion was overwhelmed entirely about 126 B.C. by the Yue-chi, & tribe of the Tartars (see sakadvipa). Badkh was the capital of Bactria comprising modern Kabul, Khurasan, and Bukhara (James Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, vol. 1). The palaces of Bactria were celebrated for their magnificence. Zoroaster lived at Bactria in the reign of Vitasa or Gustasp, & king of the Bactrian dynasty of Kavja, between the sixth and tenth centuries B.C. According to Mr. Kunte, Zarathasthura (Zoroaster) is a corruption of Zarat Tvastri or "Praiser of Tvastri," Tvastri being the chiseller and architect of the gods (Kunte's Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilization in India, p. 55). From the Brahma Purana (chs. 89 and 132), Tvashta and Visvakarma (the architect of the gods) appear to be identical, as well as their daughters Usha and Samjna, the wife of the Sun. A few heaps of earth are pointed to as the site of ancient Bactria. It is called Um-ul-Bilad or the mother of cities and also Kubbet-ul-Islam (i.e. dome of Islam). It contained a celebrated fire-templo. For the history of the Bactrian kings, and the Greco-Bactrian alphabet. see JASB., IX (1840), pp. 449, 627, 733; for Bactrian coins, see JASB., X, (1842), p. 130. Ballalapurt-The capital of Adigura and Ballkla Sena, kings of Bengal, now called Ram pila or BallAlabadi, about four miles to the west of Munshiganj at Bikramapura (g.v. in the district of Dacca. The Sena Rajas, according to General Cunningham (Arch. 8. Rep.) retired to this place after the occupation of Gaur by the Mahomedans (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. III, p. 163). The remains of Ballala Sena's fort still exist at this place. It is said to have been founded by Raja Rama Pala of the Pala dynasty, and a large tank in front of the fort still bears his name. He was the son of Vigrahapala III and father of Madana-pala. The five Brahmans who came to Bengal from Kanauj at the request of Adisara, are said to have vivified a dead post by the side of the gateway of the fort into a Gajaria tree, which still exists, by placing upon it the flowers with which they had' intended to bless the king. It should be here observed that Adigura Jayanta or Adisura, who ascended the throne of Gour in A.D. 732, caused the five Brahmans to be brought from Kanauj for performing a Putreshti sacrifice, and he gave them five villages to live in, namely, Paichakoti, Harikoti, Kamakoti, Kankagrama and Batagema, now perhaps collectively called Panichasara, about a mile from Rampala. Ballala's father Vijayasena conquered Bengal and ascended the throne of Gaur in A.D. 1072. Ballala Suna, who ascended the throne in A.D. 1119, is said to have been the last king of this

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BAL BAL place. His queens and other members of his family died on the funeral pyre (the spot is still pointed out in the fort,) by the accidental flying of a pair of pigeons carrying the news of his defeat at the moment of his victory over the Yavana chief Bayadumba of Manipur, the Baba Adam of local tradition, who had invaded the town of Bikramapura or as it was called Ballalapuri, at the instigation of Dharma Giri, the mahanta of the celebrated Mahadeva called Ugramadhava of Mahasthana, whom the king had insulted and banished from his kingdom (Ananda Bhatta's Ballala-Charita, chs. 26 and 27). Bayadumba or Baba Adam's tomb is half a mile to the north of Ballala-badi. Vikramapura was the birth-place of Dipaikara Sri Jia na, the great reformer of Lamaism in Tibet, where he went in A.D. 1038, and was known by the name Atisa. Rampala was also the capital of the Chandra and Varma lines of kings. BAlmiki-Asrama--Bithur, fourteen miles from Cawnpur, which was the hermitage of Rishi Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana. Sita, the wife of Ramachandra, lived at the hermitage during her exile, where she gave birth to the twin sons, Lava and Kusa. The temple erected in honour of Valmiki at the hermitage is situated on the bank of the Ganges (Ramdyana, Uttara, ch. 58). Sita is said to have been landed by Lakshma a, while conveying her to the hermitage, at the Sati-ghat in Cawnpur. A large heavy metallic spear or arrow-head of a greenish colour is shown in a neighbouring temple close to the Brahmavartta-gh at at Bithur, also situated on the bank of the Ganges, as the identical an uw with which Lava wounded his father, Ramachandra, in a fight for the Asvamedha horse; this arrow-head is said to have been discovered a few years ago in the bed of the river Ganges in front of the hermitage. Baloksha-Beluchistan. The name occurs only in the 57th chapter of the Aradang Kalpalata. From the names of other places and that of Milindra, perhaps the Greek king Menander, mentioned in that chapter, Baloksha appears to be the country of the "Balokshias" or Beluchis. It is called Balokshi in the Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpasutra (Dr. R. Mitra's Sans. Buddh. Literature of Nepal, p. 60). Beluchistan was formerly a Hindu kingdom and its capital Kelat or Kalat (which means fort) was originally the abode of a Hindu ruler named Sewamal, after whom the fort there was called Kalat-i-Sewa, now known by the name of Kalat-wa-Neecharah. One of the most ancient places in Beluchistan is the island called Sata-dvipa (popularly known as Sunga-dvipa) or the island of Sata or Astola (Astula or Kali), the Asthala of Ptolemy and Sutalishefalo of Hiuen Tsiang (Astulesvara). just opposite the port of Pasanee (Pashani) which is evidently the Pashan of Bodhisattvavadana-Kalpasutra.. According to tradition, it was once inhabited, but the inhabitants were expelled by the presiding goddess Kali in her wrath at an incest that was committed there. Sata-dvipa is the Karmine of Nearchus, which is a corruption of Kalyana or the abode of Kali: There is still a Hindu temple at Kalat, which is dedicated to Kali or Durga, and which is believed to have been in existence long before the time of Sewa. Another place of Hindu antiquity in Beluchistan is the temple of Hingulaj (see Hingula). Mustang also contains a temple of Mahadeva (JASB., 1843, p. 473--"Brief History of Kalat" by Major Robert Leech).

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BAL BAN Balubahini -The river Bagin in Bundelkhand, & tributary of the Jamuna (Skanda P., Avantya Kh. (Reva Kh., ch. 4)). Balu kebyara -The Malabar Hill nenr Bombay, where Parasurama established a Linga called Valukeavara Mahadeva (Skanda P., Sahya Kh., Pt. 2, ch. I; Ind. Ant., TII, (1874), p. 248). BAmanasthali-Banthali near Junagad. Bamri-Same as Baveru. Bamba-Same as Batsya : (Jatakas, VI, 120). Bam badhara -The river Ba vedhara in Ganjam, on which Kalingapatani is situated (Pargiter's Markand. P., ch. 57, p. 305 ; Imperial Gazetteer of India, s.v Ganjam and Vamsadhara). Bamsagulma-A sacred reservoir (kuqda) on the tableland of Amara kantaka, which is situated on the east (at a distance of about four miles and a half) of the source or first fall of the Narbada (Mahabharata, Vana, ch, 85). Bana-1. The twelve Vanas of Mathura-mandala or Braja-mandala are Madhuvana, Tala vana, Kumudavana, Vrindavana, Khadiravana, Kamyaka vana, Bahula-vana on the western side of the Jamuna ; Mahayana, Vilva-vana, Loha-vana, Bhandira-vana, and Bhadravana on the eastern side of the Jamuna (Lochana Das's Chaitanya-mangala, III, p. 192 ; Growse's Mathura, p. 54). The Varaha P. (ch. 153) has Vishmusthana instead of Talavana, Kunda-vana instead of Kumuda-vana, and Bakula-vana instead of Bahulavana. 2. Same as Aranya (sabdakal padruma). 3. The seven Vanas of Kurukshetra are :--Kamy. aka, Aditi, Vyasa, Phalaki Surya, Madhu, and Sita (Vamana P., ch. 34). 4. For the Himalayan vanas or forests as Nandana, Chaitranatha, etc., see Matsya P., ch. 120. BAnapura-1. Mahabalipura or Mahabalesvara or the Seven Pagodas, on the Coromandel coast, Chingleput district, 30 miles south of Madras. It was the metropolis of the ancient kings of the race of Pandion. Its rooks are carved out into porticoes, templer and bas-reliefs, some of them being very beautifully executed. The ruins are connected with the Pauranic story of Bali and Vamana. The monolithic "Rathas" were constructed by the Pallavas of Conjeveram, who flourished in the fifth century A.D. For descriptions of the temples and remains at MahAbalipura, see JASB., 1853, p. 656. 2. Same as Sonitapura. Banavast1. North Kanara was called by this name during the Buddhist period (Hari vamia, ch. 94). According to Dr. Buhler, it was situated between the Ghats, the Tungabhadra and the BaradA (Introduction to the Vikramankadevacharita, p. 34, note). 2. Same as Kraunehapura in North Kanara, A town called Banaouasei (Banavasi) on the left bank of the Varada river, & tributary of the Tuigabhadra, in North Kanara mentioned by Ptolemy (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 176) still exists (Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, vol. VIII, p. 188). Vanavasi was the capital of the Kadamba dynasty (founded by Mayaravarman) up to the sixth century when it was overthrown by the Chalukyas. Asoka sent here a Buddhist missionary named Rakkhita in 245 B.C. Same as Jayanti and Vaijayanti. In the Vanavasi-Mahatmya of the Skanda Purana, Kanavasi is said to have been the abode of the two Daityas, Madhu and Kaitabba, who were killed here by Vishnu. The temple of Madhukesvara Mahadeva at this place was built by the elder brother Madhu (Da Cunha's History of Chaul and Bassein.

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BAN 22 BAN Banayu-Arabia (T. N. Tarakavachaspati's Sabdastomamahanidhi: Ramayana, Adi, ch. vi). It was celebrated for its breed of horses (Arthasastra of Kautilya, Bk. II, Aevadhyaksha). But the ancient name of Arabia as mentioned in the Behistun inscription (JRAS. vol. XV) was Arbaya. It appears from Ragozin's Assyria that the ancient name of Armenia was van before it was called Urartu by the Assyrians. But Armenia was never celebrated for its horses. The identification of Vanayu with Arabia appears to be conjectural (see Griffith's Ramayana, Vol. I, p. 42 note). Araba (Arabia) has been mentioned by Varahamihira who lived in the sixth century A.D., (Brihat-sa hita, XIV, 17). The Padma P. (Svarga, Adi, ch. iii) mentions the Vanayavas (people of Vaneyu) among the tribes of the north-western frontier of India. Banga-Bengal. "In Hindu geography," says Dr. Francis Buchanan, " Ba ga, from which Bengal is a corruption, is applied to only the eastern portion of the delta of the Ganges as Upabanga is to the centre of this territory, and Aiga to its western limits" (Beveridge's Buchanan Records" in the Calcuttu Review, 1894, p. 2). According to Dr. Bhau Daji, Banga was the country between the Brahmaputra and the Padma (Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji). It was a country separated from Pundra, Sumha and TamraHipta at the time of the Mahabharata (Sabhi P., ch. 29). Bengal was divided into five provinces : Pundra or North Bengal : Samatata or East Bengal; Karna-suvarna or West Bengal; Tamralipta or South Bengal; Kamarupa or Assam (Hiuen Tsiang). According to General Cunningham, the province of Bengal was divided into four separate districts after the Christian era. This division is attributed to Ballala Sena : Barendra and Baiga to the north of the Ganges, and Rada and Bagdi to the south of the river ut soe JASB., 1873, p. 211); the first two were separated by the Brahmaputra and the other two by the Jalingi branch of the Ganges. Bazendra, between the MahanandA and Karotoya corresponds to Pundra, Banga to East Bengal, Rada (to the west of the Bhagirathi) to Karna-su varna and Bagdi (Samatata of Hiuen Tsiang and Bhati of the Akbarnama) to South Bengal (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XV, p. 145, and see also Gopala Bhalta's Ballala. charitam, Parva-khanda, v8, 6, 7). Mr. Pargiter is of opinion that Baiga must have comprised the modern districts of Murshidabad, Nadia, Jessore, parts of Rajshahi, Pabna and Faridpur ("Ancient Countries in Eastern India" in JASB., 1897, p. 85). At the time of Adisara, according to Devivara Ghataka, Bengal was divided into Ridha, Banga, Barendra and Gauda. At the time of Kebava Sena, Baiga was included in Paundra varddhana (see Edilpur Inscription : JASB., 1838, p. 45). The name of Bauga first occurs in the Aitareya Aranyaka of the Rig Veda. According to Sir George Birdwood, Banga originally included the districts of Burdwan and Nadia. Baiga was called Bangala even in the thirteenth century (Wright's Marco Polo). For further particulars, see Bengal in Part II of this work. Dr. Rajendralala Mitra (Indo-Aryans, vol. II, ch. 13) gives lists of the PAla and Sena kings (see also Ep. Ind., vol. 1, p. 306) (Deopard Inscriptions regarding the Senas); Ibid., vol. 11, p. 160 (Badal Pillar Inscription); Ibid., p. 347 (Vaidyadeva Inscription at Benares); JASB., 1838, p. 40 (Edilpur Inscription of Kesava Sena from Bakarganj). According to the copperplate inscription of Lakshman & Sena found in Sirajganj in the district of Pabna, it appears that the Sena kings were Kshatriyas who came from Karnata. For the ancient trade and commerce of Bengal, see Mr. W. H. Schoff's Periplus ;Bernier's Travels, p. 403 ; Tavernier's Travels, Bk. III; Mr. N. Law's article, Modern Review, 1918. See Saptagrama and Karnasuvarna.

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BAN BAR Banijagr ma-Same as Baniyaga ma. Baniyacam-Vaibalt (or Besad) in the district of Muzaffurpur (Tirhut); in taot, Baniyagama was . portion of the ancient town of Vaibali (Dr. Hoernle's Urdsagadasdo). See Kandagama. Batfi-Same as Karura, the capital of Chera or Kerala, the Southern Konkan or the Malabar Coast (Caldwell's Drav. Comp. Gram., 3rd ed., p. 96). Betfala--The river Manjera, a tributary of the Godavart. Both these rivers rise from the Sahya-pada mountain or Western Ghats (Matsya P., oh. 113). Banjula is mentioned as Manjula in the Mahabharata, Bhishma P., oh 9. Zankoku-Same as Chakshu (Bhagavata P., v. 17). BaraSame as Baruna (Ava. Kalp., 90). Barada-1. The river Wardha in the Central Provinces (Malavikagnimitra, Act V: Agni P., ch. 109; Mok. Vana, ch. 85; Padma P., Adi., ch. 39). 2. A tributary of the Tuigabhadra, on which the town of Vanavasi, the abode of the two Daityas Madhu and Kaitabha, is situated. See Vanavage and Vedavati. Baraha-keshotra1. Baramela in Kasmira on the right bank of the Jhelum, where Vishnu is said to have incarnated as Varaha (boar). There is a temple of Adi-Varaha (see bakara-kshetra). 2. Another place of the same name exists at Nathpur on the Kust in the district of Purnes below the Triveni; see Mahe-Kaunia (JASB., XVII, 638). It is the Kokamukha of the Variha Purana sacred to Varaha, one of the incarnations of Vishiu (Vardha P., ch. 148). See Konsulta arghe-Parvata-A. bill near Baramuls in Kasmira (Vishnu-Samhita, ch. 85; Institutos of Vishnu, SBE., vol. VII, p. 256, note). Barapa-1. Bulandshahr near Delhi in the Punjab (Growse, JASB., 1883). This town is said to have been founded by Janmejaya, son of Parikshit and great-grandson of Arjuna (Bulandshahr by Growse, in the Calcutta Review, 1883, p. 342). At Ahar, 21 miles north-east of Bulandshahr, he performed the snake-sacrifice (JASB., 1883, p. 274). A Jains inscription also shows that it was called Uohchanagara (Dr. Buhler, Ep. Ind., Vol 1, p. 375). 2. Same as Aornos (Ind. Ant, I, 22). Barna-Same as Baruna (Karma P., I, oh. 31). Babae Same as Parnata RarapatBenares situated at the junction of the rivers Barna and Asi, from which the Bame of the town has been derived (Vamana P., oh. III). It was formerly situated at the confluence of the Ganges and the Gumti (Mbh., Anubiana,ch.30). It was the capital of Kai (Ramayana, Uttara, ch. 48). At the time of Buddha, the kingdom of Kasi formed a part of the kingdom of Kosala (see K&M). According to James Prinsep, Benares or Kast was founded by Kaba or Kabirkja, a descendant of the Pururavas, king of Pratishthana (ace Pratishthana). Kasiraja's grandson was Dhanvantari; Dhanvantari's grandson was Divod&ea, in whose

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BAR 24 BAR reign Buddhism superseded Siva-worship at Benares, though it appears that the Buddhist religion was again superseded by Saivaism after a short period. In 1027, Benares became part of Gauda, then governed by Mahipala, and Buddhism was again introduced in his reign or in the reign of his successors Sthirapala and Vasantapala. Benares was wrested from the Pala kings by Chandra Deva (1072-1096) and annexed to the kingdom of Kanauj. Towards the close of the twelfth century, Benares was conquered by Muhammad Ghuri who defeated Jaya Chand of Kanauj (James Prinsep's Benares Illustrated, Introduction, p.8; Vayu P., Uttara, ch. 30). In the seventh century, it was visited by the celebrated Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang. He has thus described the city and its presiding god Visvesvara, one of the twelve Great Lingas of Mahadeva : "In the capital there are twenty Deva temples, the towers and halls of which are of sculptured stone and carved wood. The foliage of trees combines to shade (the sites), whilst pure streams of water encircle them. The statue of Deva Mahesvara, made of teou-shih (brass), is somewhat less than 100 feet high. Its appearance is grave and majestic, and appears as though really living." The Padma P. (Uttara, ch. 67) mentions the names of Visvesvara, Vindumadhava, Manikarnika, and Jnana vapf in Kasi (Benares). The present Visvesvara, which is a mere Linga dates its existence since the original image of the god, described by Hiuen Tsiang, was destroyed by the iconoclast Aurangzebo and thrown into the Jhanavapi, a well situated behind the present temple. There can be no doubt that Benares was again converted into a Buddhist city by the Pala Rajas of Bengal, and Siva-worship was not restored till its annexation in che eleventh century by the kings of Kanauj, who were staunch believers in the Pauranic creed. The shrines of Adi-Visvesvara, Venimadhave, and the Bakarya-kunda were built on the sites of Buddhist temples with materials taken from those temples. The temple of Adi-Kesava is one of the oldest temples in Benares: it is mentioned in the PrabodhaChandrodaya Nayaka (Act IV) written by Krishna Misra in the eleventh century A.D. The names of Mahadeva Tilabhandesvara and Dasasvamedhesvara are also mentioned in the Siva Purana (Pt. 1, ch. 39). The Masikarnika is the most sacred of all cremation ghats in India, and it is associated with the closing scenes of the life of Raja Harischandra of Ayodhya, who became a slave to a Chandala for paying off his promised debt (Kshemesvara's Chanda-kausika; Markandeya P., ch. viii). The old fort of Benares which was used by the Pala Rajas of Bengal and the Rathore kings of Kanauj, was situated above the Raj-ghat at the confluence of the Barna and the Ganges (Bholanath Chunder s Travels of a Hindoo, vol. I). Benares is one of the Pithas where Sati's left hand is said to have fallen, and is now represented by the goddess Annaparna, but the Tantrachudamani mentions the name of the goddess as Visalakshi. There were two Brahmanical Universities in anoient India, one at Benares and the other at Takshasila (Taxila) in the Punjab. For the observatory at Benares and the names of the instruments with sketches, see Hooker's Himalayan Journals, Vol. I, p. 67. Benares is said to be the birth-place of Kasyapa Buddha, but Fa Hian says that he was born at Too-wei, which has been identified by General Cunningham with Tadwa or Tandwa (Legge's Fa Hian, ch. xxi; Arck.

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BAR 25 BAR 8. Rep., XI), nine miles to the west of Sravasti. Kasyapa died at Gurupada hill (see Gurupada-giri). But according to the Atthakatha of Buddhaghosha, Kasyapa (Kagsapa) was born at Benares and died at Mrigadave or modern Sarnath (JASB., 1838, p. 796.) In the Yuvanjaya-Jataka (Jatakas IV, 75), the ancient names of Benares are said to have been Surandhana, Sudarsana, Brahmavarddhana, Pushpavati, and Ramya. Baranast-Kataka Katak in Orissa, at the confluence of the Mahanadi and the Katjuri, founded in A.D. 989 by Nripa Kesari, who reigned between A.D. 941 and 963. He removed his seat of government to the new capital. According to tradition, his capital had been Chaudwar which he abandoned, and constructed the fort at Katak called Badabati. The remains of the fort with the ditch around it still exist. For a description of the fort (Barabati), see Lieut. Kittoe's "Journal of a Trip to Cuttack" in JASB., 1838, p. 203. The former capitals of the Kesari kings were Bhuvanesvara and Jajpur (Hunter's Orissa and Dr. R. L. Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, vol. II, p. 164), Fleet's identification of Vinitapura and Yayatinagara of the inscriptions with Katak appears to be very doubtful. The strong embankment of the Katjuri is said to have been constructed by Markat Kesari in A.D. 1906. The town contains a beautiful image of Krishna known by the name of Sakshi-Gopala (Chaitanya-charitamrita, II, 5). . Baranavata-Barnawa, nineteen miles to the north-west of Mirat where an attempt was made by Duryodhana to burn the Pandavas (Fuhrer's MAI., and Mh., Adi, ch. 148). It was one of the five villages demanded by Krishna from Duryodhana on behalf of Yudhishihira (Mbh., Udyoga, ch. 82). Barddhamans--1. From the 'Katha-sarit-sagara (chs. 24, 25), Barddhamana appears to have been situated between Allahabad and Benares, and north of the Vindhva hills. It is mentioned in the Markandeya Purana and Vedla-parichavimsati. 2. Barddhamana was called Asthikagrama because a Yaksha named Salapaoi had collected there an enormous heap of bones of those killed by him. Mahavira, the last Jaina Tirthaikara, passed the first rainy season at Barddhamana after attaining Kevaliship (Jacobi's Kalpasutra, SBE., vol. XXII, p. 261). From a copper-plate inscription found at Banskhera, 25 miles from Shah-Jahanpur, it appears that Barddhamana is referred to as Barddhamana-koti (see also Markandeya P., ch. 58), where Harshavarddhana had his campin A.D. 638. Barddhamana-koti is the present Bardhankoti in Dinajpur. Hence Barddhamana is the same as Bardhankoti. Barddhamana is mentioned as a separate country from Banga (Devi P.. ch. 46). 3. Barddhamana (Vadhamana) is mentioned in Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, p. 480, as being situated near Danta. 4. The Lalitpur inscription in JASB., 1883, p. 67, speaks of another town of Barddhamana in Malwa. 5. Another Bardhamina or Bardhamanapur was situated in Kathiawad : it is the present Vadvina, where Merutunga, the celebrated Jaina scholar, composed his Prabandha-chintamani in A.D. 1423 : he was also the author of Mahapurushacharita, Shaddarsanavichara, &c. (Meratunga's Theravali by Dr. Bhau Daji; Prabandha-chintamani, Tawney's Trans., p. 134, and his Preface,p. vii).

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BAR 26 BAS Barendra-Barenda (Devi P., ch. 39), in the district of Maldah in .Bengal, comprising the Thanas of Gomastapur, Nawabganj, Gajol and Malda: it formed a part of the ancient kingdom of Pundra. It was bounded by the Ganges, the Mahananda, Kamrup, and the Karatoya. Its principal town was Mahasthana, seven miles north of Bogra, which was also called Barendra (JASB., 1875, p. 183). See Pundra-vardhana. Barnu-Bannu in the Punjab: it is the Falanu of Hiuen Tsiang and Pohna of Fa Hian. It is mentioned by Panini (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 84; Ind. Ant., I, p. 22). Barshana-Barshan, near Bharatpur, on the border of the Chhata Pargana in the district of Mathura, where Radhika was removed by her parents Brishabhanu and Kirat from Raval, her birth-place: Radhika's love for Krishna as incarnation of Narayana has been fully described in the Puranas. See Ashtigrama. Barshan is perhaps a corruption of Brishabhanupura. Barshan, however, was also called Barasanu, a hill on the slope of which Brishabhanupura was situated. Barsha Parvata The six Barsha Parvatas are Nela, Nishadha, Sveta, Hemakata, Himavan, and Sringavan (Varaha P., ch. 75). Bartraghni-Same as Britaghni and Betravali 2. Baruna The river Barna in Benares (Mahabharata, Bhishma, ch. 9). Baruna-tirtha-Same as Salilaraja-tirtha (Mbh., Vana. 82). Barusha The Po-iu-sha of Hiuen Tsiang. It has been identified with Shahbazgarhi in the Yusufzai country, forty miles north-east of Peshawar. A rock edict of Asoka exists at this place. Basantaka-kshetra-Same as Bindubasinf (Brihaddharma P., I, 6, 14). Basati-The country of the Basatia or Besatae, a Tibeto-Burman tribe, living about the modern Gangtok near the eastern border of Tibet (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 51; Mr. W. H. Schoff's Periplus, p. 279). McCrindle, on the authority of Hemachandra's Abhidhana, places it between the Indus and the Jhelam (Invasion of India, p. 156 note, It comprised the district of Rawal.Pindi. Basika Same as Babya (Matsya P., ch. 113). Babishtha-adrama-1. The hermitage of Rishi Vasishtha was situated at Mount Abu (see Arbuda). At a place one mile to the north of the Ayodhy& station of the Oudh and Rohilkhand Railway. 3. On the Sandbyachala mountain near Kamarupa in Aseam (Kalika Purana, ch. 51). Baishthi-1. The river Gumti (Hemakosha). 2. A river in the Ratnagiri district, Bombay Presidency (Bomb. Gaz., X, pp. 6-8; Mbh. Vana, ch. 84). Bastrapatha-kshetra-See Girinagara. Basudhara-tirtha-The place where the Alakananda (q. v.) has got its source, about our miles north of Badrinath, near the village Manal. 1 "

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BAS 27 BAT Baaye-Bassein in the province of Bombay. Basya is mentioned in one of the Kanheri inscriptions. It was included in Baralate (Barar), one of the seven divisions of Parasurama-kshetra. The principal place of pilgrimage in it is the Bimala or Nirmala Tirtha mentioned in the Skanda Purana. The Bimalesvara Mahadeva was destroyed by the Portuguese (Da Cunha's Hist. of Chaul and Bassein). It was the kingdom of the Silaharas from whom it passed into the hands of the Yudavas in the thirteenth century (JRAS., vol. II, p. 380). Batadhan-A country mentioned in the Mahabharata (Sabha, ch. 32) as situated in Northern India : it was conquered by Nakula, one of the Pandavas. It has been supposed to have been the same as Vethadvips of the Buddhist period (see Vethadvipa): Nee JASB., 1902, p. 161. But this identification does not appear to be correct, as in the Mahabharata (Bhishma P., ch.9 ; Sabha P., ch. 130), in the Markandeya Purana, ch.57 and in other Puranas, Batadhana has been named between Balhika and Abhira, and placed on the west of Indraprastha or Delhi; so it appears to be a country inthe Punjab. Hence it may be identified with Bhataair. Batadhana has, however, been identified with the country on the east side of the Sutlej, southwards from Ferozepur (Pargiter's Markandeya P., p. 312, note). Batapatrapura---Baroda, the capital of the Gaikwar, where Kumarapala fled from Cambay (Bhagavanlal Indraji's Early History of Gujarat, p. 183). Batapi-See Batapipura. BAtapipura-Badami near the Malprabha river, & branch of the Krishna, in the Kaladgi district, now called the Bijapur district, in the province of Bombay, three miles from the Badami station of the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway. It was the capital of Pulakebi I, king of Maharashtra (Mo-ho-la-cha of Hiuen Tsiang) in the middle of the sixth century A.D.; he was the grandson of Jaya Simba, the founder of the Chalukya dynasty. He performed the Aevamedha sacrifice. It was Pulakesi II, the grandson of Pulakesi I, who defeated Harshavardhana or Sileditya II of Kananj. There are three caves of Brahmanioal excavation, one of which bears the date A.D. 579, and one Jaina cave temple, A.D. 650, at Badami. One of the caves contains a figure composed of a bull and an elephant in such a way that when the body of one is hid, the other is seen (Burgess's Belgam and Kaladgi Districts, p. 16). Batapi is said to have been destroyed by the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I (Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 277). The name of Bat apipura was evidently derived from Ba tapi, the brother of llvala (of the city of Manimati-soe Ind. Ant., XXV, p. 163, note): Batapi was killed by Rishi Agastya on his way to the south (Mbh., Vana, ch. 96). See Ilvalapura. Batoua-Same as Batesvaranatha (Agni P., ch. 109). Batesvaranatha-Same as silasangan.. The temple of Batasvaranatha is situated four miles to the north of Kakalgaon (Colgong) on the Patharghata Hills called also Kasdi Hill. The Uttara-Purana describes the rook excavations and temple of Batesvarnath a

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BAT 28 BEN at this place (Francklin's Palibothra). The rock excavations and ruins at Patharghata are the remains of the Buddhist monastery named Bikramasila Saighurina (see Bikrama sila Vihara). Batsya-A country to the west of Allahabad. It was the kingdom of Raja Udayana ; its capital was Kaulambi (see Kaubambi). At the time of the Ramayana (1, 52), its northern boundary was the Ganges. Batsyapattana-Kausambi, the capital of Batsya-desa, the kingdom of Baisya Raja Parantapa and Udayana (Katha saril-sagara). See Kaubambi. Bedagarbhapurf---Buxar, in the district of Shahabad in the province of Bengal (Brahmandi P., Purva Kh., chs. 1-5 called Vedagarbha-mahat; and Suanda P., Suta-sa mhita, IV, Yajna Kh., 24). The word Buxar, however, seems to be the contraction of Vyaghrasara. a tank attached to the temple of Gauri-badkara situated in the middle of the town. Same as Visvamitra-asrama, Siddhaerama, Vyaghrasara and Vyaghrapura. Beda-parvata-A hill in Tirukkalukkunram in the Madras Presidency, on which is situated the sacred place called Pakshi-tirtha. See Pakshi-tirtha (Deri P., ch.39;Ind. Ant., X, 198). Bedaranya-A forest in Tanjore, five miles north of Point Calimere: it was the hermitage of Rishi Agastya (Devi-Bhagavata, VII, 38; Gangoly's South Indian Bronzes, p. 16). Bedasmriti-It is the same as Bedaruti, (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 9). Bed&sruti-1. The river Baita in Oudh between the rivers Tonse and Gumti (Ramayana, Ayodhya, ch. 49). 2. The river Besula in Malwa. The name of Bedasruti does not appear in many of the Puranas, only, the river Bedasmriti being mentioned. Bedavati-1. The river Hagari, a tributary of the Tungabhadra in the district of Bellary and Mysore Skanda P., Sahyadri kh.; Ind. Ant., vol. XXX (Fleet)). But see Varaha P., ch. 85. The river Barada or Barda, southern tributary of the Krishna, the Barada of the Agni Purdna, CIX, 22 (Pargiter's Markandeya P., p. 303). See Barada. Bedisa-girl-Same as Bossanagara (Oldenberg's Dipavamsa) and Bidisa or Bhilsa, 26 miles north-east of Bhopal in the Gwalior State. Bega-Same as Begavati (Padma P., Srishti, ch. 11). Begavati-1. The river Baiga or Bygi in the district of Madura (Siva P., Bk. II, ch. 10; Padma P., Uttara, ch. 84; Mackenzie Collection, pp. 142, 211). The town of Madura is situated on the bank of this river. 2. Karchipura or Conjeveram stands on the northern bank of a river called Begavati. Behat-The river Jhelum in the Punjab. Beltura-Berul, Yerula, Elura, or Ellara in the Nizam's Dominion (Ind. Ant., XXII, p. 193; Brihat-samhita, XIV, 14). . Ben-The river Wain-Gaiga in the Central Provinces (Padma P, Adi kh., ch. 3). Same as Benya. It is a tributary of the Godaveri (Mbh., Vana, ch. 85; Padma P Svarga (Adi), ch. 19).

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BEN 29 BES Benakataka-Warangal, the capital of Telingana or Andhra. (Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, p. 107). Bengl The capita' of Andhra, situated north-west of the Elur lake, between the Godavari and the Krishna in the Kistna district. It is now called Begi or Pedda-Begi (Sewell's Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, p. 99). Vishnuvardhana, brother of Pulakesi II, founded here a branch of the Chalukya dynasty in the seventh century AD. (see Andhra). Its name is mentioned in the Vikramankadevacharita, VI p. 26 (see Buhler's note in the Introduction to this work at p. 35). From the capital, the country was also called Bengi-desa which according to Sir W. Elliot, comprised the districts between the Krishna and the Goda vari (JRAS., vol. IV). It is now called the Northern Circars (Dr. Wilson's Indian Caste, vol. II, p. 88). Its original boundaries were, on the west the Eastern Ghats, on the north the Godavari and on the south the Krishna (Bomb. Goz., vol. I, Pt. II, p. 280). Beni-1. A branch of the Krishna (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 74), same as Benva. 2. The Krishna itself. Beni-ganga-The river Wain-Ganga: see Benva (Brihat-Siva P., Uttara, ch. 20). Benkata-giri-The Tirumalai mountain near Tripati or Tirupati in the north Aroot district, about seventy-two miles to the north-west of Madras, where Ramanuja, the founder of the Sri sect of the Vaishnavas, established the worship of Vishnu called Venkatasvami or Balaji Bisvanatha in the place of Siva in the twelfth century of the Christian era: same as Tripadi. See Srirangam. The Padma Purana (Uttara kh., ch. 90) mentions the name of Ramanuja and the Venkata hill. See Tripadi. Beikatadri is also called Seshadri (Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 240; Skanda P., Vishnu kh., chs. 16, 35). For the list of kings of Venkatagiri, see JASB., (1838) p. 516. Benugrama Same as Sugandhavarti. Benuvana vihara-The monastery was built by king Bimbisara in the bamboo-grove situated on the north-western side of Rajgir and presented to Buddha where he resided when he visited the town after attaining Buddhahood. It has been stated in the Mahavagga (1, 22, 17) that Venuvana, which was the pleasure-garden of king Seniya (Srenika) Bimbisara was not too far from the town of Rajagriha nor too near it (see Girivrajapura). It was situated outside the town at a short distance from the northern gate at the foot of the Baibhara hill (Beal's Fo-Kwa-Ki, ch. xxx; Ava. Kalp.,. ch. 39). Benva-1. The Bena, a branch of the Krishna, which rises in the Western Ghats. Same as Beni. 2. The Krishna. 3. The river Wain-Ganga, a tributary of the Godavari, which rises in the Vindhyapada range (Markandeya P., ch. 57). Same as Bena. It is called Beni Ganga (Brihat-Siva P., Uttara, ch. 20). Benya-Same as Bena: the river Wain-Ganga. Bessanagara-Besnagar, close to Sanchi in the kingdom of Bhopal, at the junction of the Besali or Bes river with the Betva, about three miles from Bhilsa. It is also

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VET 30 * DBA called Chetiya, Chetiyanagara, or Chetyagiri (Chaityagiri) in the Mahdvania. It was the ancient capital of Dasarna. Asoka married Devi, the daughter of the chieftain of this place, on his way to Ujjayini, of which place, while a prince, he was nominated governor. By Devi, he had twin sons, Ujjeniya and Mahinda and a daughter Saighamitta. The two last named were sent by their father to introduce Buddhism into Ceylon with a branch of the Bodhi-tree of Buddha-Gaya. Asoka was the grandson of Chandragupta of Pataliputra, and reigned from 273 to 232 B.C. A column was discovered at Besna gar, which from the inscription appears to have been set up by Heliodorous of Taxila who was a devotee of Vishnu, as Garuda-dhvaja, in the reign of Antial kidas, a Bactrian king who reigned about 150 B.C.See Chetiyagiri. Bethadipa-It has not been correctly identified, but it seems to be the modern Bethia to the east of Gorakhpur and south of Nepal. The Brahmins of Bethadipa obtained an eighth part of the relics of Buddha's body after his death (Mahaparinibbana Sutta, ch. vi). See Kusinagara. It seems that the extensive ruins consisting of three rows of eartben ba.rows or huge conical mounds of earth, about a mile to the north-east of Lauriya Navandgad (Lauriya Nandangad) and 15 miles to the north-west of Bethia in the district of Champaran, are the remains of the stupa which had been built over the relics of Buddha by the Brahmins of Bethadipa. At a short distance from these ruins stands the lion pillar of Asoka containing his edicts. Dipa in Bethadipa is evidently a corruption of Dhapa, which again is a corruption of Daga ba or Dhatugarbha or Stapa containing Buddha's relics (cf. Mahasthana, the ancient name of which (Sita-dhapa or Sita-dhatugarbha) was changed into Sita-dipa). The change of Dipa into Dia is an easy step. Hence it is very probable that from Beha-dia comes Bethia. Betrayati-1. The river Betva in the kingdom of Bhopal, an affluent of the Jamuna (Megha. data, Pt. I, 25), on which stands Bhilsa or the ancient Vidisa. 2. The river Vatrak, & branch of the Sabarmati in Gujarat (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 53, on which Kaira (ancient Khetaka) is situated (JASB. (1838) p. 908 ). Same as Britragh ni and Bartraghni. Bhaddiys-It is also called Bhadiya and Bhadiyanagara in the Pali books. It may be identified with Bhadaria, eight miles to the south of Bhagalpore (see my "Notes on Ancient Aiga" in J ASB., X, (1914), p. 337). Mahavira, the last of the Jaina Tirtharkaras' visited this place and spent here two Pajjusanas (rainy season retirement). It was the birthplace of Visakha, the famous female disciple of Buddha (see Bravasti). She was the daughter of Dhananjaya and grand-daughter of Mendaka, both of whom were treasurers to the king of Anga. Buddha visited Bhaddiya (Mahdvagga, V, 8, 3), when Visakhe wat seven years old and resided in the Jatiyayana for three months and converted Bhaddaji, son of a rich merchant (Mahavagga, V, 8; Maha-Panada-J dlaka (No. 264) in the Jatakas (Cam. Ed.), vol. II, p. 229). Visakha's father removed to a place called Saketa, 21 miles to the south of Sravasti, where she was married to Parnavarddbana or Punya vardhana, son of Migara, the treasurer of Prasenajit, king of Sravasti. She caused Migars, who was a follower of Nigrantha-Nathaputtra, to adopt the Buddhist faith, and hence she was called Migaramata (Mahavagga, VIII, 51 ; Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 2nd ed., p. 226). It appears that at the time of Buddha, the kingdom of Auga had been annexed to the Magadha kingdom by Bimbigara, as Bhaddiya is said to have been situated in that kingdom (Mahavagga, VI, 34; Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, p. 166).

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BAA 31 BHA Bhadra- It is evidently the Yarkand river on which the town of Yarkand is situated: It is also called Zarafshan (Vishnu P., Bk. II, ch. 2). It is one of the four rivers into which the Ganges is said to have divided itself (Bhagavata P. V, 17). Bhadrakama-1. Karnapura or Karnfili, on the south bank of the Nerbada. It contains one of the celebrated shrines of Mahadeva (Maha-Siva-Purana, Pt. 1, ch. 15, and Mahabharata, Vana P., ch. 84). See Erandi. 2. A sacred hrada (lake or reservoir) in Trine. tresvara or modern Than in Kathiawad (2.0.) (Kurma P., I, 34 ; Slanda P., Prabhasa KH., Arbuda, oh. 8). Bhadravatt-Bhatala, ten milos north of Warora in the distriot of Chanda, Central Provinoes. Bhandak, in the same district and 18 miles north-west of Chanda town, is also traditionally the ancient Bhadravati. It was the capital of Yuvankava of the Jaimini-Bhdrata. Cunningham has identified Bhadravati with Bhilsa (Bhilsa Topes, p. 364 ; JASB., 1847. p. 745). Buari, an old place near Pind Dadan Khan in the district of Jhelum in the Punjab, algo claims the honour of being the ancient Bhadravati: it contains many ruins (JASB., XIX, p. 537). The Padma-Purdna (Uttara, oh. 30) places Bhadravata on the banks of the Sarasvati. In the Jaimini-Bharata, ch. 6, Bhadravati is said to be 20 Yojans distant from Hastinapura. Ptolemy's Bardaotis has been identified with Bhadravati: he places it to the east of the Vindhya range (MoCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 162), and it has been considered to be identical with Bharhut (Arch. 8. Rep., XXI, p. 92). Bhadrika Same as Bhaddiya (Kalpasutra, ch. vi). Mabh vira spent here two Pajjusanas. Bhaganagara-Hyderabad in the Deocan. Bhagaprastha-Bagpat, thirty miles to the west of Mirat, one of the five Prasthas or villages said to have been demanded by Yudhishthira from Duryodhana (see Paniprastha). It is situated on the bank of the Jamuna in the district of Mirat. Bhagtrathi-Same as Ganga (Hariamsa, I, ch. 15). Bhagvatt-The river Bagmati in Nepal: Baggumuda of the Buddhists (Chullavagga, Pt. XI, ch. I). Bhaktapura-Bhatgaon, the former capital of Nepal. It was also called Bhagatapattana. Narendra Deva, king of this place, is said to have brought Avalokitesvara or SimhanA tha-Lokesvara (Padmapani) from Putalaka-parvata in Assam to the city of Lalitapattan in Nepal to ward off the bad effect of a drought of twelve years. The celebrated Shad-akshari (six-lettered) Mantra "Om Mani padme hum" so commonly used in Tibet is an invocation of Padmapri: it means "The mystic triform Deity is in him of the Jewel and the Lotus," i.e. in Padmapani who bears in either hand a Jewel and 4 Lotus. the Lotus being a favourite type of creative power with the Buddhista. Bhalanasah-Bolan (pass). It is mentiond in the Rigveda (Maodonell and Keith : Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, vol. II, p. 99). Bhallata -A country situated by the side of Sukti mana mountain : it was conquered by Bhima (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 30). It is also mentioned in the Kalki-Purana as being conquered by Kalki. Bhalleta is perhaps a corruption of Bhar-rashtra. The name does not appear in the other Puranas. Bharadvaja-Abrama-In Prayaga or Allahabad, the hermitage of Rishi Bharadvaja was situated (Ramayana, Ayodhya K., ch 54). The image of the Rishi is worshipped in a temple built on the site of his hermitage at Colonelganj. The herritage was visited by Ramachandra on his way to the Danda karagya.

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BHA BHI Bharahut-In the Central Provinces, 120 miles to the south-west of Allahabad and nine miles to the south-east of the Sutna railway station, celebrated for its slupa said to belong to 250 B.C. Bharatavarsha-India. India (Intu of Hiuen Tsiang, who travelled in India from 629 to 645A.D.), is a corruption of Sindha (9.v.j or Sapta Sindhu (Hafta Hendu of the Vendidad, I, 73). It was named after a king called Bharata (Linga P., Parva Bhaga, ch. 47; Brahma P., ch. 13), and before Bharata, it was called Himah va-varsha (Brahmanda P., Parva, ch. 33, sloka 55) and Haimavata-varsha (Linga P., Pt. I, ch. 49). In the Pauranio period, Bharatavarsha was bounded on the north by the Himalayas, on the south by the ocean, on the east by the country of the Kiratas and on the west by the country of the Yavanas (Vishnu P., II, ch. 3: Markandeya P., oh. 57). Bharata varsha represents a political conception of India, being under one king, whereas Jambud vipa represents a geographical conception. Bhargava--Western Assam, the country of the Bhars or Bhors (Brahmanda P., ch. 49). Bhargavi--A small river near Puri in Orissa was called Dandabhanga from the fact that Nityananda broke at Kamalapura on the bank of this river the Danda or ascetic stick of Chaitanya and threw the broken pieces into the stream (Chaitanya-charitamrita, II). It was also called Bhagi. Bharttri-sthana-Same as Svaml-tirtha (Padma P., Svarga, ch. 19). Bharu-The name of a kingdom of which Bharukachchha was a seaport ; see Bharukachehha. Bharukachchha-Baroach, the Barygaza of the Greeks (Vinaya, III, 38). Bali Raja attend ed by his priest Sukracharya performed a sacrifice at this place, when he was deprived of his kingdom by Visbnu in the shape of a dwarf, Vamana, (Matsya P., ch. 114). SarvaVarma Acharya, the author of the Katantra or Kalapa Vydkarang and contemporary of Raja Satavahana of Pratishthana was a resident of Bharukachchha (Katha-saritSagara, Pt. Ich, 6). The Jaina temple of Sakunikavihara was constructed by Amrabhata in the reign of Kumarapala, king of Pattana, in the 12th century. Bharukachchha was also called Bhrigu pura (Tawney : Prabandhachintamani, p. 136). In the Suppdraka Jalaka (Jataka, Cam. ed., iv, p. 86), Bharukachohha is said to be a seaport town in the kingdom of Bharu. Bhasa-Perhaps it is the Bha snath hill, a spur of the Brahmayoni hill in Gaya: see Gaya [Anugita, (SBE.,) vol. VIII, p. 346). Bhaskara-kshetra-Prayaga, see Prayaga (Raghunandana's Prayaechitta-latiram, Garga. Mah&tmya). Bhautika-Lligas-For the five Bhautika or elementary images of Matadeva, see Chidemi baram. Bhavaninagara-Same as Taljabhavani. Bhima-Same as Vidarbha (Devi P., ch. 46). Bhimanagara-Kangra. Bhimapura-1. Vidarbhanagara or Kuodinapura, the capital of Vidarbhs (see Kundinapura). 2. Same as Dakint (Brihat-Siva P., Uttara Kh., ch.3). Bhimarathe-Same as Bhimarathi (Markandeya P., ch. 67).

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BHI 33 BHR Bhimarathi-The river Bhima which joins the Krishna (Garuda P., 1, 55). Bhimasthana-Takht-i-Bhai, 28 miles to the north-east of Peshawar and eight miles to the north-west of Mardan, containing the Yoni-tartha and the celebrated temple of Bhima Devi described by Hiuen Tsiang; the temple was situated on an isolated mountain at the end of the range of hills which separates the Yuenfzai from the Luncoan valley. It was visited by Yudhishthira as a place of pilgrimage, and it is also mentioned in the Padma P., Svarga-Kh., ch. 11; Mahabharata, Vana P., ch. 82). Bhogavardhana-matha-Same as Govarddhana-matha. Bhoja-See Bhojapura (Padma P., Svarga, ch. 3). Bhojakata-pura-The second capital of Vidarbha, founded by Rukmi, the brother of Rukmini who was the consort of Krishna. It was near the Nerbada (Harivamsa, ch. 117). Bhojakatapura, or in its contracted form Bhojapura, may be identified with Bhojapura, which is six miles to the south-east of Bhilsa (Vidish) in the kingdom of Bhopal containing many Buddhist topes called Pipaliya Bijoli Topes. Ancient Vidarbha, according to General Cunningham, included the whole kingdom of Bhopal on the north of the Nerbada (Bhilsa Topes, p. 363). The Bhojas ruled over Vidarbha and are mentioned in one of Asoka's Ediots (see Dr. Bhandarkar's Hist. of the Dekkan, III). In the Chammak Copperplate inscription of Pravarasena II of the Vakataka dynasty, Bhojakata is described as a kingdom which coincides with Berar or ancient Vidarbha, and Chammak, se., the village Charmanka of the inscription, four miles south-west of Elichpur in the Amraoti district, is mentioned as being situated in the Bhojakata kingdom (Corp. Ins. Ind., III, 238; JRAS., 1914, p. 321). For further particulars, see Bhojapur (1) in Part II of this work. Bhojapala-Bhopal in Central India, which is a contraction of Bhojapala or Bhoja's Dam which was constructed during the reign of Raja Bhoja of Dhar to hold up the city lakes (Knowles-Foster's Veiled Princess; Ind. Ant., XVII, 348). Bhojapura-1. Mathura was the capital of the Bhojas (Bhagavata, Pt. 1, ch: 10). 2. Near Dumraon in the district of Shahabad in Bengal (see Bhojapur in Pt. II of this work). 3. Same as Bhojakatapura. It contains the temple of Bhojesvara Mahadeva and & Jaina temple (JA8B., 1839, p. 814). The temple of Bhojesvara was built in the 11th century A.D. For further particulars regarding the temple and dam, see JASB., 1847, p. 740 : Ind. Ant., XXVII, 348. Bhoja is mentioned in the Brahmanda-Purdna as a country in the Vindhya range. It is the Stagabaza (or Tata ka-Bhoja or tank of Bhoja) of Ptolomy. 4. On the right bank of the Ganges, 30 or 35 miles from Kanyakubja or Kanauj (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 189) "Bhota-See Bhotanga. Bhotanga-Bhotan. Bhota woording to Lassen is the modern Tibet (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 124). According to the Tara Tantra, Bhota extends from Kasmir to the west of Kamarapa and to the south of Managa-sarovara. Bhotanta-Same as Bhotanga (JRAS., 1863, p. 71). Bhrigu-Asrama-1. Balia in the United Provinces, said to have been the capital of Raja Bali. Bawan, six miles west of Hardoi in Oudh, also claims the honour of being the capital of Bali Raja, who was deprived of his kingdom by Vishou in h's

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BHR BID Vamana-avatara. Bhrigu Rishi once performed asceticism at Balia: there is a temple dedicated to the Rishi, which is frequented by pilgrims. Balia was once situated on the confluence of the Ganges and the Saraju ; it was called Bagrasan, being a corruption of Bhoigu-&srama. Bhrigu Rishi "is said to have held Dadri or Dardara on the banks of the Ganges, where he performed his ceremonies on the spot called Bhrigu-asrama or Bhadrason (Bagerasgan, Rennell)"-Martin's Eastern India, II, p. 340. It was also called Dadri-kshetra. Hence the fair there held every year is called Dadri-meld. See Dharmaranya 2. 2. Baroach was also the hermitage of this Rishi. Bhrigu-kachchha-Same as Bharukachchha, which is a corruption of Bhrigukshetra, as it was the residence of Bhrigu Rishi. (Bhagavata P., Pt. 2, ch. viii; Skanda P., Reva Kh., ch. 182). Bhrigukshetra-Same as Bharukachchha. Bhrigupatana-A celebrated place of pilgrimage near Kedarnath in Garwal. Bhrigupura-Same as Bharukachchha (Tawney : Prabandhachintamani, p. 136). It contains a temple of the twentieth Jaina Tirthaikara Suvrata. Bhrigu-tirtha-Bheraghat, containing the temple of Chaushat Yoginis, 12 miles to the west of Jabbalpur, on the Nerbada between the Marble Rocks: it is a famous place of pilgrimage (Padma P., Svarga-Kb., ch. 9; Matsya P., ch. 192). Bhrigu-tunga-1. A mountain in Nepal on the eastern bank of the Gandak, which was the hermitage of Bhrigu (Vardha P., ch. 146). 2. According to Nilakantha, the celebrated commentator of the Mahabharata, it is the Tuiganatha mountain (see his commentary on v. 2, ch. 216, Adi Parva, Mahabharata) which is one of the Pancha-Kedaras (see Pancha-Kedara). Bhujaganagara-Same as Uragapura (Pavanaduta, v. 10). Bhiriereshthika-Bhuriut, once an important place of a Pargana in the sub-division of Arimbag in the district of Hooghly in Bengal (Prabodhachandrodaya Nataka ; my "Notes on the District of Hooghly" in JASB., 1910, p. 599). Bhuskhara-Bokhara : it was conquered by Lalitaditya, king of Kasmir, who ascended the throne in 697 A.D., and reigned for about 37 years (Rajatarangini, Bk. IV). The Khanat of Bokhara is bounded on the east by the Khanat of Khokand called Fergana by the ancients and also by the mountain of Badakshan, on the south by the Oxus, on the west and north by the Great Desert (Vambery's Travels in Central Asia). It was called Sogdiana. Bibhandaka-asrama-Same as Rishyasringa-dbrama. Biehhi-Bitha, ten miles south-west of Allahabad, the name being found by Sir John Marshall in a seal-die at the place ; in a sealing, it is called Vichhigrama, JRAS., 1911, p. 127). See Bitabhaya-pattana. Bidarbha-Berar, Khandesh, part of the Nizam's territory and part of the Central - Provinces, the kingdom of Bhishmaka whose daughter Rukmini was married to Krishna. Its principal towns were Kundinanagara and Bhojakatapura. Ku dinanagara (Bidarbhana gara), its capital, was evidently Bidar. Bhojakata pura was Bhojapura, six miles south-east of Bhilsa in the kingdom of Bhopal. The Bhojas of the Puranas lived in Vidarbha. In ancient times, the country of Vidarbha included the kingdom of Bhopal and Bhilsa to the north of the Nerbada (Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, p. 363). See Bhojaka tapura and Kundinapura. bha inolude the Purantesis

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BID 35 Bidarbhanadi-The Pain Ganga. Bidarbhanagara-Same as Kundinapura. Bidas pes-The river Jhelum in the Punjab. Bidegha Same as Bideha (Satapatha-Brahmana I, 4, 1, 14). BID Bideha-Tirhut, the kingdom of Raja Janaka, whose daughter Sita was married to Ramachandra. Mithila was the name of both Videha and its capital. Janakpur in the district of Darbhanga, was the capital of Raja Janaka. Benares afterwards became the capital of Bideha (Sir Monier Monier-Williams' Modern India, p. 131). About a mile to the north of Sitamarhi, there is a tank which is pointed out as the place where the new-born Sita was found by Janaka while he was ploughing the land. Panaura, three miles southwest of Sitamarhi, also claims the honour of being the birth-place of Sita. About six miles from Janakpur is a place called Dhenuka, (now overgrown with jungle) where Ramachandra is said to have broken the bow of Hara. Sita is said to have been married at Sitamarhi. Bide ha was bounded on the east by the river Kausik? (Kusi), on the west by the river Gandaka, on the north by the Himalaya, and on the south by the Ganges. It was the country of the Vajjis at the time of Buddha (see Baisali). Bidisa-1. Bhilsa, in Malwa in the kingdom of Bhopal, on the river Betwa or Vetravati, about 26 miles to the north-east of Bhopal. By partitioning his kingdom, Rama chandra gave Bidisa to Satrughna's son Satrughati (Ramayana, Uttara, ch. 121). It was the capital of ancient Daiarna mentioned in the Meghadata (Pt. I, v. 25) of Kalidasa. It is called Baidisa-desa in the Devi-Purana (ch. 76) and the Ramayana. Agnimitra, the son of Pushyamitra or Pushpamitra, the first king of the Suiga dynasty, who reigned in Magadha in the second and third quarters of the second century B.C., was the viceroy of his father at Bidisa or Bhilsa (Kalidasa's Malavikagnimitra, Act V). Agnimitra, however, has been described as the king, and his father as his general. The topes, known by the name of Bhilsa Topes, consist of five distinct groups, all situated on low sandy hills, viz., (1) Sanchi topes, five and a half miles south-west of Bhilsa; (2) Sonari topes, six miles to the south-west of Sanchi; (3) Satdhara topes, three miles from Sonari; (4) Bhojpur topes, six miles to the south south-east of Bhilsa, and Andher, nine miles to the east south-east of Bhilsa. They belong to a period ranging from 250 B.c. to 78 A.D. (Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, p. 7). 2. The river Bidisa has been identified with the river Bes or Besali which falls into the Betwa at Besnagar or Bhilsa (Wilson's Vishnu P., Vol. II, 150). Bidyanagara-1. Bijayanagar on the river Tungabhadra, 36 miles north-west of Bellari, formerly the metropolis of the Brahmanical kingdom of Bijayanagar called also Karnata. It is locally called Hampi. It was founded by Saigama of the Yadava dynasty about 1320 A.D., According to the Mackenzie Manuscripts (see JASB., 1838, p. 174) it is said to have been founded by Narasingha Rayer, father of Krishna Rayer. Bukka and Harihara were the third and fourth kings from Sangama. For the genealogy of the Yadava dynasty, see Ep. Ind., vol. III, pp. 21, 22, 114 and 223. It contains the celebrated temple of Vithoba (Meadows Taylor's Architecture in Dharwar and Mysore, p. 65) and also of Virupaksha

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36 BIJ BIK Mahadeva. The power of the Bijayanagara kingdom was destroyed at the battle of Talikot on the bank of the Krishoa in 1565. Saya acharya, the celebrated commentator of the Vedas and brother of Madhavacharya, was the minister of Sangamaraja II, the son of Kamparaja, brother of Bukka Rai, king of Bijayanagara (Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 23). 2. Bijayanagara (see Padmavati) at the confluence of the Sindhu and the Para in Malwa. 3. Rajamahendri on the Godavari (Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, vol. V). At this place, Chaitanya met Ramananda Raya, who governed this place under Raja Prataparudra Deva of Orissa (Chaitanya-charitamrita, Madhyama, ch. 8). Bijayanagara-Vizianagram in the Madras Presidency, visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya Bhagavata, Anta-Eh., ch. iii). Bijayapura-It is said to be situated on the Ganges and was the capital of Lakshmana Sena (Pavanaduta, v. 36). Hence Bijayapura was identical with Lakhnauti or Gauda which was also situated on the Ganges (see Lakshmana yati and Gaur in Pt. II). It was perhaps called Bijayapura from Ballala's father Vijaya Sena who conquered Bengal. See Ballalapurt. But Vijayapura has been identified with Bijayanagara on the Ganges near Godagari, in Varendra or Barind, in the district of Malda in the Rajshahi Division of Bengal. The Senas, after subverting the Pala kingdom, are believed to have made Bijayanagara their capital and subsequently removed to Lakshmanavati, which was afterwards called Gaud (JRAS., 1914, p. 101). Bijlavada-Bezvada on the river Krishna. It was the capital of the Eastern Chalukyas. Blkramapura-Same as Balla lapurt. It was situated in Banga in the kingdom of Pund: vardhana (Edilpur Copperplate Inscription of Kesava Sena; Ananda Bhatta's Ballala charitam, Uttara Kh., ch. 1). Bikramabile-vihara-The name of this celebrated monastery is found in many Buddhist works. General Cunningham suggests the identification of Bikramasill with Silao, three miles from Bargaon (ancient Nalanda) in the sub-division Bihar of the district of Patna (Arch, S. Rep., vol. VIII, p. 83) and six miles to the north of Rajgir. The river Pafchana flowed by its side before. It has a very large mound of earth which is being very gradually encroached upon by the cultivators and which is perhaps the remains of a monastery. But it appears from Buddhist works that Bikramabild-vihara was founded by king Dharmapala in the middle of the eighth century A.D., on the top of a hill on the right bank of the Ganges in Bihar: it was a celebrated seat of Buddhist learning : hence Cunningham's identification does not seem to be correct. Its identification with the Jahngira hill at Sultanganj in the district of Bhagalpur by Dr. Satischandra Vidyabhashana [Bharati (Vaibakha) 1315] does not also appear to be correct, as there are no remains of Buddhism on that hill : it is essentially a Hindu place of worship and the place is too small for such & celebrated Buddhist monastery. But the Bikramabild-vihara may be safely identified with Patharghata, four miles to the north of Kahalgaon (Colgong) and 24 miles to the east of Champa near Bhagalpur in the province of Bihar (see my "Notes on Ancient Anga or the District of Bhagalpur,"in JASB., X, 1914, p. 342). It is the Sila-sangama of Chora panchasika by Chora Kavi (Francklin's Site of Ancient Palibothra), which is evidently & corruption of Bikramasila sangharama. The place abounds with Buddhist remains, excavations and rock-cut-caves of the Buddhist period. The statues of Buddha, Maitreya, and Avalokitesvara, some of which were removed to the

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BIN 37 BIN "Hill House of Colgong by Mr. Barnes and whioh may still be found there, were beautifully sculptured and can bear comparison with the beautiful sculptures of the Nalanda monastery. As the monastery was founded in the eighth century it has not been mentioned by Kiuen Tsiang, who visited Champa in the seventh oentury, though he refers to the excavations which had evidently been done by the Hindus. Sribaddha Joanapada was the head of the monastery at the time of Dharmapala. It had six gates, and the six gate-keepers were Pandits of India, and no one could enter the monastery without defeating these Pandits ir argument. Bikramasila was destroyed by Bakhtiyar Khiliji in 1203 (see Kern: Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 133). The Hindu Universities of Mithila and Nadia were established after its destruction. See Durva SA-4 brama (see my " Bikramasila Monastery" in JASB., 1909, p. 1). On the top of the hill is the temple of Batesvaranatha Mahadeva which is celebrated in this part of the country, established perhaps after the destruction of the monastery. Bina-1. The river Krishna, the Tynna of Ptolemy. 2. Almorah in Kumaun. It is also called Benwa. Binasana tirtha-The spot in the great sandy desert in the district of Sirhind (Patiala) where the river Sarasvati loses itself after taking a westerly course from Thaneswar. See Sarasvati. Binabin-The river Banas in Gujarat on which Disa is situated (Brihadjyotisharrara). Binayaka-kshetra-Threo or four miles from Dhanmandal above the Bhuvanosvar railway station on the top of a mountain in Orissa. Binayaka-tirthas-There are eight places sacred to Vinayaka or Ganesa : 1. Moresvara, six miles from Jajuri, a station of the South Marhatta Railway. 2. Ballala, forty-six miles by boat from Bombay; it contains the temple of Vinayaka named Maruda. 3. Lenadri, fifty miles from the Teligaon station of the G. I. P. Railway. 4. Sidhatek. on the river Bhima, ten miles from the Diksal station of the G. I. P. Railway. 5. Ojhar containing the temple of Vinayaka Bigh nesvara. 6. Stbevara called also Theura. 7. Rabjanagrama. 8. Mahada. The last three are on the G. I. P. Railway. See Ashta vinayaka. Bindhyachala--1. The Vindh ya range. The celebrated temple of Vindubasint (Devf Bhagavata, VII, 30) is situated on a part of the hills near Mirzapur. It is one of the stations of the E. 1. Railway. The temple of the eight-armed Yogamaya, which is one of the 52 Pithas, where the toe of Sati's left foot is said to have fallen, is at a short distance from the temple of Vindubiveini (sve Siva P., IV, Pt. I, ch. 21). Yogamaya, after warning Kamsa, king of Mathura, of the birth of his destroyer, camo back to the hills, and took her abode at the site of the temple of Vindubasini (Skanda P., Reva Kh, ch. 55). It was, and is still a celebrated place of pilgrimage mentioned in the Katha-sarit-sagara (I, ch. 2). The town of Bindhyachala was included within the girouit of the ancient city of Pampapura (Fuhrer's M. A. I). The fight between Durga and the two brothers Sumbha and Nisumbha took place at Vindhyachala (V Amana P., ch. 65). See Chandapura. The goddess Vindubasinf was widely worshipped in the seventh century, and her shrine was considered as one of the most sacred places of pilgrimage (Katha-sarit-sagara, chs. 52, 54). 2. Another Bindhyachala has been identified by Mr. Pargiter with the hills and plateau of South Mysore (Ramayana, Kishk, ch. 48; JRAS., 1894, p. 261).

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BIR 38 BIR = Bindhya pada Parvata-The Satpura range from which rise the Tapti and other rivers (Vandha P.. oh. 85). It lies between the Nerbada and the Tapti. It is the Mount Sardonys of Ptolemy containing mines of cornelian, Sardian being a species of cornelian (MoCrthdlo's Ptolemy). On a spur of the Satpura range is a colossal rock-cut Jaina image of the Digambara soot oallod Bawangaj, about 73 foot in height on the Norbada in the district of Burwani, about 100 miles from Indore (JA8B., XVII, p. 918). See Bra vapa-BelgolA. Bindhyantavi-Portions of Khandesh and Aurangabad, which lie on the south of the western extremity of the Vindhya range, including Nasik. Bindubasint-The celebrated place of pilgrimage in the distriot of Mirzapur in the U. P. See Vindhyachala (Vamana P., ch. 45). Bindu-sara-1. A sacred pool situated on the Rudra-Himalaya, two miles south of Gangotri, where Bhagiratha is said to have performed asceticism for bringing down the goddess Gaigs from heaven (Ramdyana, I, 43, and Matsya P., ch. 121). In the Brahmd nda-Purana (ch. 61), this tank is said to be situated at the foot of the Gauda Parvata on the north of the Kailasa range, which is called Mainaka-Parvata in the Mahabharata (Sabha, oh. 3). 2. In Sitpur (Siddhapura in Gujarat) north-west of Ahmedabad: it was the hermitage of Kardama Rishi and birth-place of Kapila (Bhagavata P.. Skanda III). See Siddhapura. 3. A sacred tank called Bindusagara and also Gosagara at Bhuvanesvara in Orissa (Padma P.) Mahadeva caused the water of this tank to rise from Patala by means of his Trisala (trident) in order to quench the thirst of Bhagavati when she was fatigued with her fight with the two demons of Bhuvanesvara, named Kirtti and Basa (Bhuvanesvara-Mahatmya). Bligara-Ahmednagaz, seventy-one miles from Poona, which was founded by Ahmed Nizam Shah in 1494. Binitapura-Katak in Orissa (Ep. Ind., vol. III, pp. 323-359; JASB., 1905, p. 1). BipasaThe Bias, the Hypasis of the Greeks. The origin of the name of this river is related in the Mahabharata (Adi, ch. 179). Rishi Vasishtha, being weary of life on account of the death of his sons killed by Visvamitra, tied his hands and foot with chords, and threw himself into the river, which afraid of killing & Brahmana, burst the bonds (pasa) and came to the shore. The hot springs and village of Vasishtha Muni are situated opposite to Monali (JASB., vol. XVII, p. 209). Biraja-kshetra-A country which stretches for ten miles around Jajpur on the bank of the river Baitarani in Orissa (Mahabharata, Vana P., ch. 85; Brahma P., oh. 42). It is also called Gada-kshetra, sacred to the Saktas (Kapila-samhitd). Birata-The country of Jaipur. The town of Birata or Bairat, 105 miles to the sonth of Delhi and 40 miles to the north of Jaipur (Cunningham, Arch. 8. Rep., II, p. 244) was the ancient capital of Jaipur or Matsyadesa. It was the capital of Virata Raja, king of the Matsya-dosa, where the five Pandavas lived in secrecy for one year. It isa mistake to identify Birata with Dinajpur whereat Kantanagara, Vira ta's Uttara-gogriba (northern cowsbed) is shown, the Dakshinargogriha (southern cow shed) being shown at Mid napur, This identification is not countenanced by the Mahabharata, which relates that Yudhishthira selected a kingdom in the neighbourhood of Hastinapura as his place of concealment, from which he could watch the movements of his enemy Duryodhana, (Mbh., Virata, ch. 1, and Sabha, ch. 30). See Matsyadela. The Pandu hill at Bairata. which has a cave called Bhimagupha, contains an inscription of Aboka (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. 1, p. 22).

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BIS 89 BKS Rimkha-Oudh was called by this name during the Buddhist period. Visakha was the capital of Fa Hian's Sha-chi or Saketa. Dr. Hoey, however, identifies it with Pasha (Pi-80-kia of Hiuen Tsiang) in the district of Gonda in Oudh, near the junction of the Sarajd and the Gogra (JASB., vol. LXIX, p. 74). It has been identified by Dr. Burgess with Lucknow (Cave Temples of India, p. 44). Blakha-pattana-Vizaga patam in the Madras Presidency. BIAI---1. Bosad, in the district of Mozaffarpur in the Bihar Province, the Bais: 11 of the Buddhist period (see Balbal). At the time of the Ramayana (Adi, ch. 46 ), the town was situated on the northern bank of the Ganges and not on the Gaarak; at the time of Kshemendra in the 11th century, it was on the river Balgumati (Ava. Kalp., ch. 39). 2. Ujin, the capital of Avanti (Meghadata I, 31; Hemakosha; Skanda P., Reva kh., ch. 47). 3. An affluent of the Gandak in Baisali (Mbh., Vana, ch. 84). Bimala-badartdee Badarikabrama. BIAIA-cbbatra-Same as Binala. Hajipur was included in tho kingdom of Baikala, Ram chandra, Lakshmana and Visvamitra, on their way to Mithila, are said to have halted at Hajipur. for one night on the site of the present temple called Ramachanda, which contains the image of Ramachandra and the impression of his feet. Haji Shamsuddin, king of Bengal, established his oapital at Hajipur in the middle of the 14th century, and from him the name of Hajipur has been derived. It still contains a stone mosque said to have been built by him close to the Sonepur G! &t. The celebrated Raja Todar Mal lived at Hajipur when he made the settlement of Bengal and Bihar and is said to have resided in the fort (killa), the ruins of which still exist and contain the Nepalese temple. Son pur, situated at the oonfluence of the Gaurak and the Ganges, was also included in Bisala-chhatra. It was at Sonpur (Gajendramoksha-tirtha) that Vishuu is said to have released the elephant from the clutches of the alligator, the fight between whom has been described in the Varaha-Purina (oh. 144) They fought for five thousand years all along the place from a lake called Karkda-Taldo, five miles to tle north-West of Sonpur, to the junction of the Gandak and the Ganges. Vishnu, after releasing the elephant, established the Mahadeva Hariharanatha and worshipped him. Ramachandrae, on his way to Janakapur, is said to have stopped for three nights on the site of the temple at Sonpur; hence in his honour, a celebrated fair is held there every year. Blaye-A branch of the Nerbada (Karma P. oh. 39). Bishnu-giya-Lenar in Berar, not far from Mekhar; it is a celebrated place of religious resort. Bishnu ribs-Tamluk, Same as TA mralipti (Hema-kosha). Blsvamitr 1 The river Bisvamitra in Gujarat on which Baroda is situated (Mahabharata Bhishma, ch. 9). Bluvamitra-Asrama--Buxar, in the district of Shahabad in Bihar. It was the hermitage of Rishi Visvamitra, where Ramachandra is said to have killed the Rakshasi Tadaka. The Charitra-vana at Buxar is said to have been the hermitage of the Rishi (Ramayana, Balakauca, ch. 26), and the western side of Buxar near the river Thora was the ancient Siddh Asrama, the reputed birth-place of Vamana Deva (see Siddha brama). The hermitage of Rishi Visvamitra is also pointed out as Devakunda, 25 miles north-west of Gaya. Same as Bedagarbhapurt. The hermitage of the Rishi was also situated on the western bank of the Sarasvati opposite to Sthanu-tirtha in Kurukshetra (Moh., Salya, oh. 43). It was also situated on the river Kaubikf, modern Kusi.

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BIT 40 ERA Bitabhaya-pattana-Bitha, eleven miles south-west of Allahabad on the right bank of the Jamuna (Vira-charitra of the Jainas quoted by General Cunningham in Arch. S. Rep., vol. 3). But from seals found by Sir John Marshall at Bhita, the ancient name of the place appears to be Vichhi and Vichhi-grama, and not Bitabhaya-pattana (JRAS., 1911, p. 127). Bitansa Same as Bitasta. Bitasta The river Jhelum, the Hydaspes of the Greeks (Rigveda X, 75), and Bitamsa of the Buddhists ("Questions of King Milinda," SBE., p. xxliv). Bodha-The country round Indraprastha (q.v.) which contained the celebrated Tirtha called Nigamod-bodha, perhaps briefly called Bodha (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 9; Padma P., Uttara, ch. 66). Bolor-Baltistan, or little Thibet, a small state north of Kasmir to distinguish it from Middle Thibet or Ladakh and Great Thibet or Southern Tartary. Brahma--A country in Eastern India, perhaps Burma (Ramayana, Kishkindha, ch. 40). Brahmagiri-1. A mountain in the Nasik district, Bombay, near Tryamvaka, in which the Godavart has its source, (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 62). 2. A mountain in Coorg, in which the Kaveri has its source (see Kaveri). Brahmakunda-The Kunda from which the river Brahmaputra issues: it is a place of pilgrimage (see Lohitya). Brahmanada-The river Brahmaputra (Brihat-Dharma-Purana, Madhya kh., ch. 10). Brahmanala-Manikarnika in Benares. Brahmant-The river Bahmni in Orissa (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 9; Padma P., Svarga, ch. 3). Brahmapura-Garwal and Kumaon (Brihat-Samhita, ch. 14). Brahmaputra-Same as Lohitya. See Brahma P., ch. 64. Brahmarshi-The country between Brahmavartta and the river Jamuna: it comprised Kurukshetra, Matsya, Panchala and Surasena (Manu-Samhita, ch. 2, v. 19). Brahmasara-1. Same as Ramahrada (Mbh., Anusasana, 25). 2. In Gaya (Agni P., ch. 115) see Dharmaranya. 3. Same as Brahmatirtha (Padma P., Srishti, ch. 19). Brahma-tirtha-Pushkara lake, near Ajmir in Rajputana (Karma P., Pt. II, 37). Brahmavartta-1. The country between the rivers Sarasvati and Drisadvati, where the Aryans first settled themselves. From this place they occupied the countries known as Brahmarshi-desa (Manu-Samhita, ch. 2). It was afterwards called Kurukshetra. It has been identified generally with Sirhind (Rapson's Ancient India, p. 51). Its capital was Karavirapura on the river Drishadvat? according to the Kalika Purana, chs. 48, 49, and Barhishmati according to the Bhagavata, III, 22. 2. A landing ghat on the Ganges at Bithur in the district of Cawnpur, called the Brahmavartta-tirtha, which is one of the celebrated places of pilgrimage Braja-Purapa Gokul, or Mahavana, a village in the neighbourhood of Mathura across the Jamuna, where Krishna was reared by Nanda during his infancy (Bhagavata P., X., oh. 3). The name of Braja was extended to Brinda vana and the neighbouring villages, the scene of Krishna's early life and love. At Mahavana is shown the lying-in room in which Mahamaya was born and Krishna substituted for her. This room and Nanda's house are situated on two high mounds of earth. Nanda's house contains a large colonnaded hall in

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BRA 41 BRI which are shown the cradle of Krishna and the spots where Putana was killed and where Siva appeared to see the infant god. At a short distance from the house of Nanda are the mortar which was overturned by the infant Krishya, and the place which contained the 'twin Arjuna trees broken by Krishna. Gokul or new Gokul was founded by Ballabhachiryya in imitation of Mahavana or Purana (old) Gokul and contains also the same famous spots that are shown in Mahavana. The shrine of Syam Lala at new Gokula is believed to mark the spot where Yasoda, the wife of Nanda, gave birth to Maya or Yoga-nidra. substituted by Vasudeva for the infant Krishna. Nanda's palace at Gokul (new Gokul) was converted into a mosque at the time of Aurangzeb. Outside the town is Putnam-khar, where Ktishna is said to have killed Putana. Growse identifies Mahavana with Klisoboras. of the Greeks and supposes that the modern Braja was the ancient Anupa-desa (Growse's Mathura); Ashtigrama was the birth-place of Radhika (Adi P., ch. 12). See Goks and Braja-mandala. Braja-mandala-It comprises an area of 84 kos containing many villages and towns and sacred spots associated with the adventures of Krishna and Radhika. The 12 Vanas and 24 Upa-Vanas are specially visited by pilgrims in their perambulation commencing from Mathura in the month of Bhadra. At the village of Maholi is Madhuvana, the stronghold of the Daitya named Madhu; at Tarsiis Tala yana where Balarama defeated the demon Dhenuka; at Radhakusda are two sacred pools called Syamakunda and Ralhakunda, whore Krishna expiated his sin after he had slain the bull Arishta ; at the town of Gobardhan, which contains the celebrated hill of that name on the bank of the tank called Manas Gange, is the ancient temple of Hari Deva; at Paitho, the people of Braja came to take shelter from the storms of Indra under the hill uplifted by Krishia (see Govardhana); at Gantholi, the marriage knot was tied which confirined the union of Radha and Krishna ; at Kambana, the demon Agh Asura was killed by Krishna; at Bargana, Radhika was brought up by her parents Vrishabhanu and Kirat; at Rithora was the home of Chandravali, Radhika's faithful attendant; at Nandagaon was the abode of Nanda and Yasoda ; at Pansarovara, Krishna drove his cattle morning and evening to water; at Charan Paha!, Indra did homage to Krishya ; at Chirghag on the Jamuna, Krishna stole the bathors' clothes ; at Vaka-vana, Vaka sura was slain by Krishna ; at Bha trond, some Brahmanas' wives supplied Ktishna and his companions with food (rice). notwithstanding that their husbands had refused to do so; at Bhandira-vana, Balarama vanquished the demon Pralamba; at Raval, Radhika was born and passed the first years of infanoy before her parents went to live at Barshana ; at Brahmauda Ghit. beyond the village of Hathora, Kfish a showed Yasoda the universe within his mouth; at Mahavana, Krishna passed his infancy and killed Putana ; at Mathura. he killed Kamge and restod at Bigranta Ghat (Bhagavata P., and Growse's "Country of Braj" in J ASB., 1871). See Braja. Briddha-KAMI-A celebrated place of pilgrimage now called Pudubeli-Gopuram in the presidency of Madras. It was visited by Chaitanya, who defeated here the Buddhists in controversy (Syamlal Goswami's Gaura-sundara). Bfikasthala- At a short distance to the south of Hastinapura (Mbh., Udyoga, ch. 86). Brikshakhanda-8ee Chitabhami. Brindavana-Brindaban in the district of Mathura, where Krishga showed to the world examples of transcendental love through the Gopis. The original image of Govindaji was removed to Jaipur and that of Madanamohana to Karauli in anticipation

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BRI BYA of the raid of Aurangzeb. The splendid and magnificent Pyramidal old temple of Govindaji with its elegant carvings and sculptures was built by Man Singh in the thirty-fourth year of Akbar's reign (Growse's Mathurd and Brahmavawarita P., ch. 17 and Bhagarata P., X, ch. i2). The Nidhuvada and Nikunjavana, the celebrated howers of love, Pulina, the place of the risamandala, the Bastraharana-ghe, the Kaliya-daha-ghat-all situated in Brindavana were the scenes of Ktishna's love and adventures. Brindavana appears to have attained celebrity at the time of Kalidasa (Raghuvamsa, VI, 50). Brindavana was visited by the poet Bilhana who composed his Bikramankadeva-charita about A.D. 1085 (see canto XVIII, v. 87). The cenotaph of Harilas is situated in his hermitage, whence Akbar in his visit to Brindabana took away his disciple, the celebrated musician Tanasena to his court. The predominance of the Buldhist religion for several centuries served to efface all traces of the sacred localities of Bsind&vana, but were again restored by the explorations of Rupa and Sanktana, the celebrated followers of Chaitanya. But the identification of modern Brindaban with the Brindavana of the Purauas is extremely doubtful for the following reasons: (1) Modern Brindaban is six miles from Mathuri, whereas it took Akrura the whole day from sunrise to sunset to drive from Brindavana to Mathura in a car drawn by swift horses (Vishnu P.. Pt. V, ch. 18, vs. 12 and 33, and ch. 19, v. 9, Bhagavata P., Pt. X, ch. 39, v. 30, and ch.41, v. 4). (2) Nanda, the foster-father of Krishna, removed from Gokula, which is six miles from Mathura, across the Jamuna to Brindavana to escape molestations from the myrmidons of Kamsa, king of Mathuri (Vishnu P., Pt. V, ch. vi, vs. 23, 25, and Bhagavata P., Pt. X, ch. xi, vs. 10-14). It is therefore not likely that he should select for his sojourn modern Boindavana which is also six miles from Mathura and on the same side of the Jamun a, leaving the natural barrier of a river. (3) Brindavan does not contain any mountain, whereas ancient Brindavana is described as mountainous (Bhagarata P., Pt. X, ch. xi, v. 14). (4) Ancient Brindavana and Mathura scem to have been situated on the opposite sides of the Yamuna (Vishnu P., Part V, ch. 18, v. 33, and Bhagarata P.. Pt. X, ch. 39, v. 34). Brlshabhanupura-Same as Barshana. Britraghnt -The Vatrak, a tributary of the Sabarmati in Gujarat (Padma P., Uttara, oh, 60; Markand P., ch. 57). Same as Betravati (2) and Bartraghni (cf. Padma P., Uttara. chs. 53 and 60). Buddhavana--Budhain, about six miles north of Tapovan in the district of Gaya. Bukephala Jalalpur in the Punjab (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., 176, 177). This was the place where Alexander the Great's favourite horse was interred. For Alexander's ronto to India, see JASB., X (1842), "Note on the Passes to Hindoostan from the West and North-west" by H. T. Prinsep; JASB., XXI (1852), p. 214. By&ghrapura-1. Same as Kcli (MB.. p. 139). 2. Same as Bedagarbhapur (8kanda P.. Sata-Sa'yhita, IV, Yajna kh., ch. 24). Byghrasara-Baxar in the district of Shahabad. See Bodagarbhapuri, ByAsa-abrama-Manal, a village near Badrinath in Garwal in the Himalayas. It was the hermitage of Rishi Vyasa, the author of the Mahabharata, and the reputed author of the Puranas. . Byasa-kasi-Ramnagar, opposite to Benares across the Ganges. The temple dedicated to Vyasa Rishi is situated within the precincts of the palace of the Maharaja of Benares (landa P., Kasi-kh).

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CHA CHA Chaltyagirk-Same as Chotiyagiri. Chakranagara-Keljhar, 17 miles north-east of Wardha in the Central Provinces (Cousen's Arch. S. Rep., "Central Provinces and Berar," p. 10; Siva P., Sanatkumara-Samphita, ch. 17). It is perhaps the Chakrao kanagars of the Padma Purana, Patala khi ch., 13). Chakrapkanagara-See Chakranagara. Chakra-tirtha-1. In Kuruksbetra, same as Rama-hrada. 2. In Prabhasa in Gujarat on the Gomati (Dvarakd-mdhatmya). 3. Six miles from the village called Tryamvaka, which is near the source of the Godavari. 4. In Benares: a kunda or reservoir enclosed by an iron railing in the Manikarnika-ghat. 5. In Ramesvara (8kanda P., Brahma kh., Setu Mahat., ch. 3) Chakshu--The river Oxus or Amu Daria (Matsya P., ch. 120; Asialic Researches, VIII, p. 330). The Brathmanda P. (ch. 51) mentions the names of the countries through wbich it flows. It is mentioned by Bhaskaracharyya as a river which proceeds to Katumala (Siddhanta-firomani, Bhubana-kosha, 37, 38). The Mahabharata, Bhishma P., ch. Jl. says that it flows through Saka dvipa. It rises in the Pamir lake, called also the Sari-kul or yellow lake, at a distance of 300 miles to the south of the Jaxartes (MoCrindle's Plolemy. p. 278). Chakshushmatt-Same as Ikshumati (cf. Varaha P., ch. 85 with Malaya P., ch. 113). Chamatkarapura-Anandapura or Baranagara in the district of Ahmadabad in the province of Gujarat, anciently called Anartta-deka, where Liiga worship was first established and the first Linga or phallic image of Mahadeva was called Achalesvara. But according to other Pure nas, Linga worship was first established at Devadaru-Vana or Diru or Darnka-vana in Garwal (see Devadaruvana). Chamatkarapura was also called Nagara, the original abode of the Nagara Brahmins (Skanda P. Nagara kh., chs. 1-13, 114). See Hataka-kshetra and Anandapura. The Nagara Brahmins are said to have invented the Nagri alphabet ( see my paper on the "Origin of the Bengali Alphabet (Banga-lipir utprili)" in the Suvarnabanik-Samachar, Vol. II.] See Daruvana. Champa -1. Samo as Champapuri. 2. Siam, according to Hiuen Taiang: it was the country of the Yavanas. (Beal's Life of Hiucn Tsiang : Introduction). 3. Tonquin and Cambodia (Col. Yulo's Marco Polo, Vol. 11, p. 255 note). 4. The river Champai was between the countries of Aiga and Magadha (Champeyya Jataka in the Jatakas, Cam. Ed. IV, p. 281). 5. Champa was also the name of the territory now called Chamba which comprised the valleys of the sources of the Ravi between Kangra, the ancient Trigartta, and Kishthavata (Dr. Stein, Ra jatarangini, II, p. 431). Champaka Same as Champarauya: 5 miles to the north of Rajim in Central India. It was the capital of Raja Hair, sadhvaja (Jaimini-bharata, ch, 17). Champakaranya-Champaran : see Champaranya (Padma P., Svarga, ch. 19). Champa-nadi-The river formed the boundary between Anga and Magadha (Champeyya Jataka in the Jatakas, Cam. Ed., IV, No. 506). It was a place of pilgrimage (Padma P., Srishti, ch. 11). Champanakara-1. Chandnia or Chandmaya, after the name of Chand. Sadagar, about 12 miles north of Bogra, and five miles north of Mahasthanagar in the district of Bogra in Bengal. It is said to have been the residence of Chand Sadagar of the famous tale of Manasar-Bhasan, and it is associated with the story of the devotion of Behula to her husband Nakhindhara, the youngest son of Chand Sadagar. There are two marshes called Gori and Sauri, on either side of the village, which are said to be the

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CHA CHA remains of two great rivers. It is now situated on the river Karatoya (Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal, vol. VIII, p. 196). The Kalidaha Sagar, a large lake outside the rampart of Mahisthana fort is the Kalidaha of the story (JASB., 1878, p. 94 (Beveridge)]. But Chand Nadagar's residence is also pointed out at Champanagara near Bhagalpur, where a fair is held every year in honour of Behula and Nakhindhara. See, however, Ujani. 2. Same as Champapuri. Champapuri-Same as Champa. Champanagara, situated at a distance of about four miles to the west of Bhagalpur. It was also called Malini and Champa-malini (Matsya P., ch. 48 : Lemakosha). It was the capital of ancient Aiga, of which the king was Raja Romapida or Loma pada who adopted Dasaratha's daughter Santa (Ramayana, Adi, ch. 10). Lomapada's great-grandson Champa is said to have founded the town of Champanagara which was formerly called Malins, but it is mentioned in the Mahabharata (Vana P., ch. 112) that Champi was the capital of Lomapada. At the time of the Mahabharata it was the capital of Karna, the ally of Duryodhana. It is also described as, a place of pilgrimage in the Mahabharata (Vana P., ch. 85). The Karnagad which is included in Champanagara, contains the remains of a fort which is pointed out as the fort of Karga, who was brought up at this place. But it has been thought by some that Karnagad in Champonagara and Karmachanda in Monghir have been named after Karnasena, king of Karmapuvarna, who had conquered Auga and Baiga. There is a temple of Mahadeva called Manaskamananatha, which is said to have been set up by Raja Karpa, but which appears to have been built on the site of an ancient Buddhist temple. Just outside the temple on the southern side there are many Buddhist statues. The vestiges of the ramparts of the fort on all sides still exist. Champanagara was visited by Hiuen Triang in the seventh century as a Buddhist place of pilgrimage. Champa was the birth-place of "Biraja Jina," the author of the celebrated Buddhist work Lankaratara Sutra (ch. 10), and also that of Palakapya Muni, the author of the Hastyayurveda (a treatise on the disenges of elephante). Sona Kola visa, the author of one of the Theragathis was a resident of Champa (Mahavagga, V., 1). Many Buddhist statues and remains of ancient pulars are still found scattered over the town. The remains of the mound, on which the surrounding wall of the town was situated, as mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, may still be seen close to the Nathnagar Railway Station. Spence Hardy, on the authority of Csoma Korosi, states that a king of Aiga (Brahmadatta), whose capital was Champa, had conquered Magadha before the birth of Buddha, but when Bimbisara, then a princo, grew up, he invaded Anga and caused the king to be slain : after which he resided at Champa till the death of his father Kshatranjas, when he returned to Rajagriha (Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, p. 166, second ed., Duff's Chronicle, p. 5). Since that time, Anga remained subject to Magadha. Champ&puri is also a very sacred place to the Jainas, inasmuch as it was visited by Mahavira, the last Tirthavkara who spent here three Parjjusanas (rainy season retirement) (Kalpasitra, ch. vi), and it is the birth-place and the place of death of Basupujya, the twelfth Tirthaikara, whose symbol is the buffalo. He was the son of Basupujya and Jaya (Buchanan's Observations on the Jainas : Asial. Res., IX, 30). The temple of Basupajya was erected by a Jaipur chief, Sungree Siree Dhata and his wife Sungvin Siree Surjaiee in the Yudhishthira era 2559 (see the Inscription in Major Francklin's Site of Ancient Palibothra, pp. 16. 17: Yudhishthira Era 2559 corresponds to 541 B.c.). At Nathnagar, which is a quarter (mahalla) of Champanagara exists this beautiful temple of the Digambara sect, which is dedicated to Basupujya, who is said to have lived and died at the site of this

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CHA CHA temple. From the inscriptions on some Jaina images exhumed from the neighbourhood of an old Jaina temple at Ajmer, it appears that these images, which were of Basupojya, Mallina tha, Parsvanatha, and Vardhamana were dedicated in the thirteenth century A.D., i.e., ranging from Samvat 1239 to 1247 (JASB., 1838, p. 52). The Uva saga dasao Inentions that a temple called Chaitya Punnabhadda existed at Champa at the time of Budharman, one of the eleven disciples of Mahavira who succeeded as the head of the Jaina sect on his death (Hoernle's Uvdsagadasdo, p. 2, notes, Inatadharma-sutrapalha). The town was visited by Sudharman, the head of the Jaina hierarchy, at the time of Kunika or Ajatasatru who came barefooted to see the Ganadhara outside the city where he had taken up his abode. Sudharman's successor Jambu and Jambu's guccessor Prabhava also visited Champa, and Prabhava's successor Sayambhava lived at this city where he composed the Dasavaik dlika Saira containing in ten lectures all the essence of the sacred doctrines of Jainism (Hemchandra's Sthaviravalt or Parifisha parvam, Cantos IV, V). After the death of Bimbisara, Kupika or Ajatasatru made Champa his capital, but after his death, his son Uda yin transferred the seat of government to Pataliputra (Canto VI). On the northern side of this old temple of Bagupajya, there is another temple dedicated to him, but it has been newly built. At Champanagara proper, there is another temple of the Jainas belonging to the Svetambara sect, containing the images of many Tirthankaras. Champa has been described in the Dabakumara-charita as abounding in rogues. From the Champaka-Sreshthi Katha, a Jaina work, it appears that the town was in a very flourishing condition. In the opening lines, the castes and trades of the town are enumerated. There were perfumers, spice-sellers, sugar-candy sellers, jewellers, leather-tanners, garland-makers, carpenters, goldsmiths weavers, washermen, eto. The name of the king is mentioned as Samanta Pala : his minister was Briddhadatta (Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts by M. M. Haraprasada Sastri, 1892). Champinagara is also traditionally the abode of Chand Sadagar, the story of whose son Lakhindara and his wife Behula is so graphically related in the poem called ManasarBhasdn. The place where he was bitten by the snake and the GhaC/ where his dead body was launched are still pointed out close to the East Indian Railway bridge. It is still called Behula Ghat and is situated at the junction of the Ganges and the Chandan, where Behuld is said to have put the corpse of her deceased husband on a raft and carried it to different places till it was miraculously restored to life. A great fair is held here every year in the month of Bhadra in honour of Behule, the devoted wife of Lakhindars. The Ganges flowed by the side of the town, but, within the course of the last fifty years, it has receded about a mile to the north. Of all the places claimed as the residence of Chand Sadagar, (as Champai in the district of Burdwan near the river Gangur or Behullnadi and Chandnia or Chandmaya in the district of Bogra), this place has the most preferential claim, inasmuch as it is situated on the Ganges, on which the story and the tradition place the Champanagara of Chand Sadagar, and there was, according to the Hindu and Buddhist works, no other Champanagara on the Ganges except the Champanagara near Bhagalpur. At the time of Buddha, Champa was one of the six great oities of India, for Ananda exhorted him to die in one of these great cities : Champa, Rajagriha, Srivagti. Saketa, Kaukambi and Benares, and not in the insignificant town of Kusinara (Mahaparinibbana-suttanta, oh. V). Subhadrangi, the mother of Asoka, was born at Champa. Her father was a poor Brahman, who took her to Pafaliputra and presented her to Bindusara called also Amitraghata, king of Magadha (347 to 319 B.o.), in consequence of a prognostication that she would be a great queen. The jealous queens, however, employed her in menial work, but she attracted the attention of the kingi.who made her his

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CHA CHA , queen. She became the mother of Asoka and Vitasoka. The artificial lake excavated by Queen Gaggard mentioned in Buddhist works, containing groves of Champaka troos on Its banke, where wandering monks (Pabbajikas) used to reside at the time of Buddha (Rhys Davids' Buddhist India ; Mahavagga, IX, 1; Sonadanda Sutta, I, with Ir. Rhye Davids' notes), may be identified with the large silted-up tank yow called Sarovara, from the depth of which Buddhist statues were recovered. Champa was surrounded by groves of Champaka troes even at the time of the Mahabharata (Anubasana P. ch. 42). The king of Champapurf had two beautiful palaces, one called Gardalata, at Kuruchattar, now called Karpat, seven miles east of Bhagalpur at the confluence of the Ganges and the Jamuna near the Gogha-nala, and the other called Kridesthall near Patharghata was situated at the confluence of the Ganges and the Kosi (Francklin's Site of Palibothra, pp. 28. 29. see my "Notes on Ancient Anga" in JASB., X (1914). Ohamparanya.-1. Five miles to the north of Rajim in Central India. It is a place of pilgrimage to the Buddhists and Jainas. Same as Champaka of the Jaimini Bharata. 2. Champaran in the Patna division (Saktisangama Tantra, ch. 7). Champavati-1. Champauti, the ancient capital of Kumaon. It was also called Champa-tirtha and mentioned after Badareka (Mbh., Vana, ch. 85). For the history of the kings of Kumaon, see JASB., 1844, P. 887, 2. SemyHa of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea and Saimur of the Arabs:modern Chaul, 25 miles south of Bombay. It is now also called Revadanda (ancient Revavanti of the inscription, JRAS., Vol. III, p. 386) or Rovatikshetra. It is situated in the Kolaba district in Northern Konkan, and is said to have been the capital of an independent kingdom situated in Parasuramakhestra. Perhaps it is the Champavati of the Skanda P. (Brahmottara kh., ch. xvi). Cuxul was notod place of trade (Da Cunha's History of Chaul and Bassein, pp. 3-11), Chandana -1. The river Sabarmati in Gujarat (Padma P.). 2. The river Chandan in the Santal Porgana in the presidency of Benga!; it falls into the Ganges (Ramayana, Kishkindhi, XL, 20). Oband na-girl-The Malaya-giri -the Malabar Ghats (Trikndasesha). Chandanavati-An ancient name of Baroda in the Gaekwar's territory (Balfour's Cyclopaedia of India, Vol. I, p. 138). Chandanivati.-Bee Chandrapura (Jaimini-Bharata, ch. 54). Chandapura-Chayonpur, five miles to the west of Bhabua in the district of Bababad in Behar. The celebrated battle described in the Chandi between Kal and the two kinga Sumbha and Nikumbha, is said to have been fought at this place. The Markandeya P. (ch. 85), however, places the scene of the battle in the Himalayas; the Vamana P. (ch. 65 ) places it at Bindhyachala. The name of Chaqdapura is derived from the name of one of the two brothers, Chaqda and Munda, who were the gonerals of the kings. The Chaumukhi Mahadeva and Durga in a temple at Muncesvari are said to have been established by the other brother Munda. Mundesverf is seven miles south-west of Bhabul: the temple, according to Dr. Bloch, is very old, the carving being of the Gupta sty! (Bloch's Arch. Rep.. 1902). The temple bears a date which is equivalent to A.D. 635 (Sir John Marshall's Arch. 8. Rep.-Eastern Circle, 1913-14, p. 38). The Vamana P. (ohs. 19 and 56), however, says that they were the generals of Mahishasura and were killed by the goddess BindubAsini on the Vindhya Mountain. Chandelgada-Chunar. The name of Chandelgada has been derived from the Chandels, a tribo of Kshattriyas who had established their sway between Mirzapur and the districts of Shahabad. They originally came from Mahoba (modern Bundelkhand) and took possession of the fort after the PAla Rajas. See Charapadn.

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CHA CHA Chandrabhaga-1. The Chinab---the Acesines of the Greeks, or rather the united streams of the Jhelum and the Chinab. It has its source in a lake called Lohitya Barovara (Kalika P., ch. 89), in Lahoul, south of Ladakh, or Middle Tibet. 2. The river Bhima, a branch of the Krishna. Chandradityapura-Chamdor in the Nasik district; it was the capital of Dridhoprahara, A king of the Yadava dynasty. (Dr. Bhandarkar's Hist. of the Dekkan, Sec. XIV.) Chandragiri-Near Belgola, not far from Seringapatam, sacred to the Jainas. The ancient name of the place was Deya Durga. (JASB., 1838, p. 520.) See Arbuda. Chandrapura-Chanda in the Central Provinces : it was the capital of king Hamsadh vaja (Rico's Mysore Inscriptions: Introd: XXIX), but in the Jaimini-Bharata (ch. 17), Hamadh vaja is said to have been king of Champaka-nagari. Chandrapura or Chandravati or Chandanavati was two Yojanas or two days' journey from Kuntalakapura or Kautalakapura (Jaimini-Bharata, ch. 63). See Kuntalakapura. Chandrapuri-1. Same as Chandwar (Vardha P., ch. 122). 2. Same as Chandrikapuri and Chandripura, the name of Sravast or Sahet-mahet in the Gonda distriot in Oudh. Chandrabokhara-See Chattala. Chandra-tirtha-See Kaveri. Chandravati-Chanderi in the Lalitpur district, Central India, Sandravatis of the Greeks, and Chandbari of the Prithviraj Raso. It was the capital of Sisupala, king of Chedi (P. Mukherji's Lalitpur). Chandravati-1. The river Chandan or Andheld which falls into the Gangos, near Champanagar in the district of Bhagalpur. It is the Andomatis of Arrian. See Andha. 2. Jhalrapattan in Rajputana (Tod's Rajasthan, II, p. 1602). 3. Near Abu (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 185.) Chandrika-The river Chandrabhaga (Chenab). Chandrikapuri-Srivasti or Sahet-mahet in the district of Gonda in Oudh: it the birth-place of Sambhavanatha, the third Tirtha okara, and of Chandraprabhanatha. the eighth Tirthaikara of the Jainas. There is a Jaina temple dedicated to Sobh anktha. which name is & corruption of Sambhavanatha (see Sravasti). Chandripura-Same as Chandrika pu ri. Chandwar-Firozabad, near Agra, where in 1193 A. D. Shahabuddin Ghori defeated Jaya Chandra king of Kanauj (Thornton's Gazetteer). Chandwar is evidently & contraction of Chandrapura (Vardha P, ch. 122). Charanadrt-Chunar in the district of Mirzapur (Saklisargama Tantra. vii). The will fort of Chunar was at one time considered one of the most impregnable forts in India. It was built by the Pala Rajas, who reigned over Bengal and Behar from the middle of the eighth to the twelfth century of the Christian era. According to Buchanan (Martin's Eastern India) some nf the Pala Rajas lived there, which implies that it was a place of much importance at that period. The portion of the fort, which is called Bhartrihari's lace is the place where he performed asceticism. The tradition is that Bhatnihari after inting the immortal fruit travelled to various places and halted at Sehwan, Bhartewar, Chunar, Benares and other places (JASB., 1837, p. 852). Bhartrihari was the author of a celebrated work called Bhartihari-Sastra and of the Vairdgya-sataka. For the story his birth, see Prabandhachintamani (Tawney's trans.) p. 198. He entered seven times a Buddhist monastery as a priest and savea times returned to the laity and became Upasaka. He died in 651-652 A. D. (I-tsing's Record of the Buddhist Religion by Takakusu, p. 180 d General Introduction, P. LVII). The fort is said to have been protected by the

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CHA CBE goddess Gauga Deviall the day, except in the first pahar of the morning, when it was taken by the English. It contains a state-prison where Trimbakji Danglia, the minister of Baji Rao wlio was the adoptive father of Nana Saheb, was kept confined till his death (Heber's Journal, Vol. I). The fort was strengthened by Sultan Mahmud before his descent on Bonares in 1017; in 1575, it held out against the Mughal army for six months and in 1764, it was taken by the English. Charitrapura-Puri in Orissa (Cunningham's Anc. Goo., p. 610; R. W. C., II, 205). Charmanvati-The river Chambal in Rajputana. It has its source in a very elevated point of the Vindhya amongst a cluster of hills called Janapava. It has three 00-equal sources from the same cluster, the Chambal, Chambela and Gambhirk. The river is said to have been formed by the "juice of skin " (blood) of the cows Bacrificed at the Yajna of Rantidova (Mbh. Drona P., ch. 67; Meghaduta, Pt. I, v. 46). Chattala-Chittagong (Tantrachuddmani, ch. 51). The temple of Bhavani on the Chandrasekhara hill near Sitakunda is one of the 52 Pithas, where a portion of Sati's right hand is said to have fallen. The Barahi Tantra (ch. 31) contains some account of the Chandrasekhara hill as a place of pilgrimage. Chatushpitha-parvata-The Assia range, ore mile to the south of Jajpur in the district of Katak in Orissa: Udaya-giri is a spur of this range, five miles from Bhuvanesvara, containing many Buddhist caves and sculptures of ancient dato. The range is also called Khanda-giri and Alti-giri. (JASB., Vol. XXXIX). Chaushath-Jogini-Same as Bhrigu-tirtha. Chaya--Porebunder in Guzerat : * famous port at the commencement of the Christ ian era. Chedi-Bundelkhand and part of the Central Provinces. It was bounded on the weet by the Kali-Sindh and on the east by the Tonse. It is the Cheti of the Buddhists. Tod (Rajasthan, I, 43 note) identifies Chedi with Chanderi (Chandravati or Sandravatis of the Greeks), a town in Bundelkhand, which is said to have been the capital of Sisupala. who was killed by Krishna (see also JASB., Vols, XV and LXXI, p. 101). It is 18 miles west of Lalitpur: the ruins of old Chanderi, however, are 8 miles north-West of the modern town (JASB., 1902, p. 108 note). Chanderi has been described in the AinAlbari as a very large ancient city containing a fort. According to Dr. Fuhrer (M.A.I.), General Cunningham, (Arch. 8. Rep ,IX, 106). and Dr. Bohler (Vikramarka.charita, xviii. 96), however, Dahala Mandala or Bundelkhand was the ancient Chedi, Dahala being on the Narbada. In the Skanda P., Reva-khaqda, ch. 56, Mandala is said to be another name for Chodi. Mandala is the Mandalai of Ptolemy, a territory situated in that upland region where the Sona and the Narmada have their sources (MoCrindle's Plolemy, p. 168). Kalajara was the capital of Chedi under the Gupta kings, and Suktimati its capital at the time of the Mahabharata. Chedi was also called Tripur from its capital now called Tewar, six miles from Jabbalpur (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, pp. 220, 253, and Hemakosha). Towar (Toor) was the capital of Dahala (Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 202 ). The A nargharaghava (Act VII, 115), says that Mahishamatl was the capital of Chedima 3! at the time of the Kalachuris. See Buktimati. Chola-gann-The Kaver (Harivainia, ch. 136). Chora-It comprised the present kingdom of Mysore, Coimbatore, Salem, South Malabar, Travancore and Cochin, Chera is a corruption of Kerala. The period from the third to the seventh century A. D., appears to have been the most flourishing in the his tory of thinking dom. In Asoka's Edicts, it is called Keralaputra. Its ancient ospital was

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CHE CHI Skanilapiira situated at a short distance to the west of Guzzelhati Pass (JRAS., 1848, p. 11 ) in the Coimbatore district. According to Ptolemy, who lived in the second century A. D., its capital was Karoura or Karur, called also Vanji, situated near Cranganore on the left bank of the Amaravati, a tributary of Kaveri; its larger capital was talkad (Dr. Burnell's South Indian Palaeography, p. 33). Talk&d or Dalavanapura is situated on the left or north bank of the Kaveri, 28 miles south-west of Mysore city, and about 30 miles east of Seringapatam: its ruins are even now called Takad. It was the capital of the Ganga Vamsis from the third to the ninth century A. D., and then of the Cholas and Hoysala Ballalas who, however, removed the capital from Talkad to Dvaravati or Doragamudra, now called Halebid, in the Hassan district of Mysore in the 10th century. It was taken by the Raja of Mysore in 1634. For an account of the Chera kings, see Ind. Ant., I, 360; J. R. A.S., 1846, pp. 1-29. Cheta-It is the same as Chetiya or (hetiyagiri. (Vessantara-Jataka in the Jata kas vi, 266; cf. Spence Hardy's M. B., 119). Cheti-Same as Chedi. Its capital was Sotthivati (Jatakas, iii, 272), See Suktimati. Chetlya-giri-Besnagar, three miles to the north of Bhilsa in the kingdom of Bhopal, where Asoka married Devi. By her he had twin sons, Ujjenia and Mahinda, and after wards a daughter Sanghamitta. It was the capital of the country called Dakkhinagiri (Turnour's Mahavamsa, ch. XIII) which is perhaps a corruption of Dasarna. Dr. Rhys Davids identifies it with Sanchi and Bidisa, but these two places are very close to Besnagar. According to General Maisey also, Chetiya-giri is Sanchi " with its numerous Chetiyas or stopas" about 5 miles south-west of Bhilsa (Maisey's Sanchi and its Remains, pp. 3, 6). It was also called Chetiya and Chetiyanagara or Chaitya-giri. It is situated at Triveni or Triple Junction of the rivers Betwa, Bes (or Besali) and Geiga, of which the last is believed to flow underground (Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, p. 364). See Bessanagara. Chhatravati-See Ahichchhatra. Chhutudrl-The river Chukki in the Panjab which joins the Bias: it is not the Satadru or Satlej. Chidambaram-Same as Chittambalam (Derf-Bhagavata; vii, 38). Southern India possesses five Bhautika or elementary images of Mahadeva, namely, the Kshiti or earth image at Kasschipura, Ap or water image at Jam bukesvara, Teja or fire image at Arunat ohala, Marut or wind image at Kalahasti, and Vyoma or sky image at Chidambaram (Dr. Oppert's On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha or India, pp. 379, 380). Siva has eight images of which five are elementary Linga P., Uttara, ch. 12); China-1. China. It is mentioned in the Mahabharata (Sabha P., ch. 51 ) and Manu ( cb. X. elk. 44 ). In the medieval period, it was called Maha china. The great wall of China was built by Che Hwang-te in 214 B. o. During the reign of the Emperor Ming-te, Kabyapamatanga and Dharmaraksha were the first Indian Buddhists who wento China ( 67 A. D.) In the fourth century A.D., the Buddhist religion spread among the Chinese, and the first Buddhist Pagoda was built at Nanking by the Emperor Hiau Twu in 381 A. D. (Edkin's Chinese Buddhism, ch. vi.). 2. Anam (Sahitya-Parishat Patrika, 1321 B. 8., p. 63). Chintapurni- A celebrated place of pilgrimage on a range of bills of the same name, in Hoshiarpur district, Panjab, containing a temple of Chhinnamasta whose picture is placed behind a Pina-marti or conicalimage. The temple is on the summit of hillock.

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CHI 50 CHI Chitabhumi-Baidyanath or Deoghar in the Santal Pargana, containing the temple of Baidyanatha, one of the twelve Great Lingas of Mahadeva (Siva P., Bk. I. chs. 38, 55). The Mahadeva there is said to have been established by Ravana. The place contains also the temple of the goddess Parvati, the consort of the god Baidyanatha It is said to be one of the fifty-two Pithas (Hardapitha), as Sati's heart fell at this place. In the Uttara Purana cited by Francklin in his Site of Ancient Palibothra, p. 21, Baidyanatha is called Pampapuri or Palu-gaon, which is perhaps a corruption of Paralipura or Parali-grama of the Siva Purana. For a description of the temples of Baidyanatha or Deoghar, see JASB., 1883, p. 164--'On the temples of Deoghar' by Dr. R. L. Mitra.' In the Maha-Lingesvara Tantra in the 'Hundred Names of Siva', it is mentioned that Baidyanatha and Vakresvara Mahadevas are situated in Jhara khanda, Siddhina tha and Tarakesvara Mahadevas in Rada, Ghaotesvara Mahadeva on the banks of the river Ratnakara (now called Kang-nadi in the district of Hooghly), and Kapalesvara Mahadeva on the banks of the Bhagirathi. Revana, while he was carrying Mahideva from Kailasa, felt a very uneasy sensation when he came to Haritakiyana, the ancient name of Baidyanatha, as Varuna, the god of the waters had entered his belly. In order to relieve himself, he placed the god in the hand of Vishnu disguised as a Brahman, and retired to the northeastern corner of Deoghar called Harlajudi (a corruption of Haritaki-vana) to relieve himself, and the result was the Karmanasa rivulet flowing by the north of Harlajudi. In the meantime, Vishnu put down Mahadeva at Deoghar and disappeared (Siva P., BaidyanathaMahat., ch. 4). The Trikuta hill, 6 miles to the east of Baidyanatha, contains a spring of water. The Tapovana hill where Ravana performed asceticism (Siva P., Bk. I, ch. 55; Brihat Siva P., II, 20) and which is about the same distance, contains a natural cave. Chitrakata_Kimptanith-giri in Bundelkhand: it is an isolated hill on a river called the Paisuni (Payas vini) or Mandakini, where Rama dwelt for some time during his oxile (Ramayana, Ayodh. K., ch. 55). It is about four miles from the Chitrakut station of the G. I. P. Railway. Chitrakuta-Same as Payasvini ( 2 ): the river Paisuni (Vamana P., ch. 13, v. 26). Chitraratha-The river Chitrarathi, a tributary of the Northern Pennai (Mbl., Bhishma, ch. 9). Chitropala--The river Mahanadi in Orissa below its junction with the Pyri (Mbh. Bhishma, ch, 9 and Asia. Res., Vol. XV; Brahma P., ch. 46). But it appears to be the Chittutola (Chitrot pala), a branch of the Mahanadi (see Hamilton's Gazetteer. 8.0. Mahanuddy). Chitrotpala-Same as Chitropala (Markandeya P., ch. 57; Arch. S. Rep., vii., 155; xvii. 70). The river Mahanadi in Orissa. It was crossed over by Chaitanya after leaving Puri on his way to Bengal ( Chaitanya-charitamrita, Pt. II, ch. 16). Chittambalam--Chidam varam in south Arcot district, about one hundred and fifty miles south of Madras, and seven miles from the coast. It contains the celebrated temple of Kanakasabh&pati, the name of a Mahadeva. The celebrated Sankaracharyya is said to have been born at Chidamvaram (Ananda Giri's Sankaravijaya) and he died at Kanchipura at the age of thirty-two. According to another account, he is said to have been born at a village called Kalati on the Parna in Kanara (see Kerala) and to have died at Kedarnath in Garwal. It is now certain that Sankara was born at Kalati or Kaladi in Kerala during the reign of Rajansekhara (Madhavacharyya's Sankaravijaya).

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CHO 51 DAK Choaspes-The Kunar or Kamah river which joins the Kophen (modern Kabul river) at some distance below Jalalabad. But according to Prof. Lassen, Cnaospes or Euaspla is the Seesha (of Elphinstone's map) which falls into the Kabul river (JASB., IX, 1840, p. 472). Chors--According to Lasson, Choes of Arrian. It is the Kamah river which falls into the Kabl river (JASB., 1840, p. 472). Chola-The Coromandel Coast bounded on the north by the river Pennar or the southern Pinakini river, and on the west by Coorg, including the country of Tanjore, i.e. from Nellore to Pudukottai. Its capitals were Uraiyur on the Kaveri (the Orthoura of Ptolemy --the royal city of Sornagos) near Trichinopoly in the second century A. D., and Kanchipura, Combaconum and Tanjore (Tanjepur) in the eleventh century (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III, p. 283) Chola was also called Dravida (Padma P., Adikhanda, ch.6), and is said to have derived its name from Chola, king of Kanchipura (Ibid., Uttara Kh., ch. 74). The Chola kingdom merged as a marriage-dowry into the Pan lya kingdom and continued so for 570 years (Wilson's Mackenzie Collection ; Intro., p. 51). Chora--Same as Chola. In the Asoka Inscription at Girnar, Chola is mentioned as Chocla (JASB., 1848, p. 169). Chyavana-Abrama-1. Chausa in the district of Shahabad in the province of Bengal : the hermitage of Rishi Chyavana (Skanda P., Avanti Kh., ch. 57). 2. The hermitage of the Rishi was also situated on the Satpura mountains, near the river Payoghni or modern Parna (Padma P., Patala Kh., ch. 8). 3. Dhesi, six miles south of Narnol in the Jaipur territory, where the Rishi's eyes are said to have been pierced by a princess of Anupadega,.whom he afterwards married. 4. Chilanla on the Ganges in the Rai Bareli district: it was the abode of the Rishi who was restored to youth by the twin Asvini-kumaras. Dahala-Same as Chedi (Dr. Buhler's Vikramaaka-charita : Introduction). pakini-Bhima-saukara at the source of the Bhima, north-west of Poona (Dr. Oppert's On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha or India, p. 379; Fergussun's Cave Temples of India, p. 367). The temple of Mahadeva Bhimasankara is a celebrated place of pilgrimage, and the god is one of the twelve Great Liigas of Mahadeva (Siva P., Pt. I., chs. 38, 40; Fergusson's Cave Temples of India, p. 367). In the siva Purana Dakini is said to be situated on the Western Ghats (Sahyadri) See Amaresvara. Dakshina-Gauga--1. The river Godavari (Reva Mahat., ch. 3). 2. In the Nrisimha P., ch. 66, the Kaveri is called the Dakshina-Ganga. 3. The Narbada is called the Dakshina-Gaiga in the Skanda P.(Reve Khanda, ch. 4). 4. The Tungabhadra is called the Dakshina-Gadga in Bilhana's Vikramatkadevacharita. Dakshinagiri-1. Dakkhinagiri of the Mahavamsa (ch. xiii): its capital was Chetiya (see Chetiya-giri): Dasarna of Kalidaga is evidently a corruption of Dakshiya-giri. See Dakaraa. 2. The kingdom of Bhopal. 3. The name of a village in Ekanala in Magadha. not yet identified; in this place Buddha delivered the Kasibharadud ja-Sutta. Dakshina-Kedara-Baligami in Mysore. It contains a celebrated temple dedicated to Kedaranatha. Baligami is also called Ballipura and Balligamve (Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 90, 94, 102). Dakshina-Kobala-See Kokala-Dakshina. Dakshina-Mathura-Madura on the river Kritamala in the province of Madras (Chaitanya Charitamrita, Madhya, ch. 9). It was also called Mathura and Minakshi. It was the

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DAK 52 DAN capital of the ancient kingdom of Pandya or Panlu. It is one of the 52 Pithas where Sati's eyes are said to have fallen (Bhagavata, X. 79 and Mahavamai, ch. 7). It was called Dakshina-Mathura in contradistinotion to Uttara-Mathurd or Mathura of the United Provinces (Upham's Rajardtndkart). Madura was a province of the kingdom of Vijayanagar till the middle of the sixteenth century when Visvanatha, the founder of the Nayak dynasty, became its independent ruler, and Trimula, the most powerful monarch of tho line, reigned from 1623 to 1639. The great temple of Mina kshi with its thousand pillared hall was built by Arya Nayak in 1550.. Dakshin-Patha-The Deocan: the name was applied to that portion of the Indian Peninsula lying to the south of the Narbada. It is the Dakhinabades of the Greeks. (Matsya P. ch. 114 and Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekelcan, Sec. I; Rajasekhara's Balaramayana, Act VI; Apte's Rajasekhara : his Life and Writings, p. 21). The name was originally confined to a remote settlement of the Aryans on the Upper Godavari (Vinaya Pithaka, I, 195, 196; II, 298) Dakshina-Pinakini-Same as pa paghni. Dakshina-Prayaga-Triveni on the north of Hogli in Bengal (Brihat-Dharma Purana Parva Kh., ch. VI; JASB., Vol. VI, 1910, p. 613). Dakshina-Sindhu-The river Kali-Sindh, a tributary of the Chambal (Mbh., Vana P. ch. 82). It is the Sindhu of the Meghaduta (Pt. I, ch. 30). Dakshinatya-The Deccan: that part of India which lies to the south of the Vindhya range (Ramdyana, Bala K., ch. 13). See Maharashtsa. Dakshina-Badarikasrama-Mailkote, twelve miles to the north of Seringapatam in Mysore, where the principal Math of Ramanuja, the founder of the Srt sect of Vaist Javas is situated. It is alco called Yadava-giri (see Yadava-girl). Dalabhya-Asrama-Dalmau on the Ganges in the Rai Bareli District (JA8B., Vol. LXIX, p. 84). Damalipta-Is a corruption of Tamralipta : it was the capital of Sumha (Hema-kosha). See Sumha. Damla-Same as Kerala: the Malabar coast (Akitta-Jataka in the J Atakas. IV. 150). or South Malabar (Burnell's South Indian Pawlography, p. 51). It is the Limurike of Ptolemy which, according to Dr. Caldwell, was a mistake for Damir-ike (see McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 49), "ike" in Tamil meaning a country. It was near Naga-dvipa or Ceylon, and a Damila dynasty reigned there. Dhatusena ( 459-477 A.D.), defeated the foreign usurpers and restored the national dynasty (Mahavamsa, oh. 38; S.B.E., X: Intr. XV). This shows that Damila was close to Ceylon. Damodara-The river Damuda in Bengal (K. Ch.). DandakaSame as Dandakaranya (Brahma P., oh. 27). Dandakaranya-Same as Maharashtra (Ramayana, Aranya, oh. I, and Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, Sec. II) including Nagpur. Ramachandra lived here for a long time. According to the Ramdyana, it was situated between the Vindhya and the Saibala mountains: a part of it was called Janasthana (Uttara K., ch. 81; Uttara-Ramacharita, Act II). According to Mr. Pargiter, DandakAragya comprised all the forests from Bundelkhand to the river Krishna (The Geography of Rama'. Exile in JRAS., 1804, p. 242). Bhavabhati places it to the west of Janasthana (Uttara Ramacharita, Act I). Daapura-Same as Udandapura.

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DAN 53 DAR Dantapura-The ancient capital of Kalinga (Dathadhatuvamsa, Turnour's Account of the Tooth-relic in Ceylon-JASB., 1837, p. 860). According to some writers, it is the same as Puri (Jagannatha) in Orissa, which, they say, was the place where Buddha's tooth was kept and afterwards removed to Ceylon. The left canine tooth of Buddha is said to have been brought and enshrined by Brahmadatta, King of Kaliiga, shortly after the death of the former. According to the Dal havamsa, the tooth was taken from the funeral pile of Buddha by Khema, one of his disciples, who gave it to Brahmadatta, and was kept and worshipped in a temple at Dantapura for many generations. The tooth was taken to Pataliputra in the fourth century A. D., by Guhasiva, king of Kalinga. The tooth is said to have worked many miracles at Pataliputra to confound the Nrigranthis or Jainag at whose instigation it was ordered to be taken there. Raja Panclu got the tooth from Dantapura (JASB., 1837, pp. 868, 1059.) It was brought back to Dantapura by king Guhasiva and placed in its old temple. After the death of Guhasiva in battle with the nephews of Khiradhira, a northern king, who had attacked Dantapura for plundering the tooth, it was removed to Ceylon by his daughter, Hemamala and her husband Dantakumara, a prince of Ujjain and sister's son of Guhasiva, in the reign of Kirttisri MeghaVarpa (A. D. 298-326) who guarded the relic at Anuradhapura: see Anuradhapura (Tennent's Ceylon; Turnour's Tooth-relic of Ceylon; Dathavamsa translated by Mutu Coomara Swami: and Turnour's Dathadhaturamsa in J ASB., 1837, p. 866). It is now kept at Kandy rivardhanapura in the Maligawa temple. For the procession of the tooth-relic at Kandy, see Maha vamaa, ch.85. It has been variously identified with Danton in the district of Midnapore and with Rajmahendri on the Godavari. But it is now settled that the ancient Dantapura is Puri in Orissa and this identification is confirmed by the tradition that after Krishna was killed by Jara, his bones were collected and kept in a box till king Indradyumna was directed by Vishnu" to form the image of Jaganni tha and put into it belly these bones of Krishna" (Garrett's Classical Dictionary of India under Jagannatha Ward's History of the Hindoos, I, 206). Dantura-It is evidently a corruption of Dantapura: see Danta pura. (Brihal-samhita, xiv, 6.) Darada-Dardistan, north of Kasmira on the upper bank of the Indus. Its capital was Daratpuri, which has been identified by Dr. Stein with Gurez (Markandeya P.. ch. 67). It was a part of the ancient country of Udyana (see Monier Williams' Buddhism). Dr. Stein says "Thoir (Daradas') seats, which do not seem to have changed since the time of Herodotus, extend from Chitral and Yasin across the Indus regions of Gilgit, Chilas and Bunji to the Kishangaiga valley in the immediate north of Kasmir" (Dr. Stein's Rajatarasigim, -Vol. I, p. 47). Darbhayati-Dabhoi in Guzerat, thirty-eight miles north-east of Bharoch and twenty miles south-east of Baroda (Burgess's Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, p. 218, and Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 20). Fuhrer (M.A.I) identifies Darbhavati with Dibhai, twenty-six miles south-west of Bulandshahar. Dibhai was the Radoph of the Greeks. Darddura-The Nilgiri hills in the Madras Presidency (Raghuvansa IV; Brihatsamhitu, ch. 14; JRAS., 1894, p. 262). In some editions of the Raghuvamaa it is mentioned As Darddara. Same as Durddura. Darhanapura-Disa on the river Banas in Guzerat (Brihajjyotisharmava). Daru-Vans See Chamatkarapura (Kurma P., II, chs. 37, 38). Same as Dova-daru-vada. Daru or Daruka-vana, which contains the temple of Nagesa, one of the twelve Great Lingas of Mahadeya (Siva P, I, 38) has been identified with Aundha in the Nizam'.

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DAR 54 DEV territory (Arch. S. Lists, Nizam's Territory, xxxi, 21, 79,) but the Siva P., (I, 56) places Daruka-vana close to the Western Ocean. Daruka Vana-See Daru-vana. Darva-The country of the Darvas, a tribe living with the Abhisaras between the Vitasta and the Chandra bhaga (Mahabharata, Vana, ch. 51; Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, Vol. I, p. 32; Vol. II, p. 432). Darvabhisara-The whole tract of the lower and middle hills between the Vitasta and the Chandrabhaga; it included the hill-state of Rajapuri; it was subject to Kasmira (Dr. Stein Rajatarangini, 1, 32). See Darva. Dasanagara-Same as Dasapura. Guzerat (Mbh., Vana P., chs. 12 and 13). Dasapura Mandasor in Malwa (Brihat-Samhita ch. 14; Meghadila, Pt. I, slk. 48) For an explanation how Dasapura was changed into Mandasor, see Dr. Fleet's note in the Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 79. It is called Dasor by the people of the neighbouring villages. Dasarha-Dwarka Dabarna-The name means "ten forts; rina a fort." 1. The Mahabharata mentions two countries by the name of Dasarna, one on the west, conquered by Nakula (Sabha P. Ich. 32) and the other on the east, conquered by Bhima (Sabha P., ch. 30). Eastern Malwa, including the kingdom of Bhopal, was Western Dasarna, the capital of which was Vidisa or Bhilsa (Dr. Bhandarkar's History of the Dekkan, sec. III). It is mentioned in Kalidasa's Meghaduta I, vs, 25, 26). Its capital at the time of Asoka was Chaityagiri or Chetiyagiri. Eastern Dasarna (the Dosarene of the Periplus) formed a part of the Chhattisgadh ("thirty-six forts") district in the Central Provinces (Prof. Wilson's Vishnu P., Hall's ed., Vol. II, p. 160, note 3) including the Native State of Patna (JASB., 1905, pp. 7, 14). 2. The river Dasan which rises in Bhopal and falls into the Betwa (Markandeya P., ch. 57); Garrett identifies the river with "Dhosaun" in Bundelkhand (Garrett's Classical Dictionary). It is the Dosaran of Ptolemy. Daseraka-Malwa (see Trikandasesha). Dehali-See Indraprastha. Devabandara-Diu in Guzerat. In the 7th century A. D., the ancestors of the Parsis of Bombay left Persia on account of oppression and resided for some time in Diu before they finally settled in the island of Sanjan on the Western Coast of India in the early part of the 8th century A. D. (Bomb. Gaz., IX, Pt. II, pp 183 ff; XIV, pp. 506-536; Journal of the Bom. Br. of the R. A. S., I, p. 170). Devadaruvana Same as Daruvana, where Liiga-worship was first established. It was situated on the Ganges near Kedar in Garwal (Kurma P., Pt. II, chs. 37, 38: Siva P., Bk. IV, ch. 13, v. 16; Ramayana, Kishk., ch. 43). Badarikasrama was situated in this Vana (Ananda Bhatta's Ball-charita, II, 7). Devagada Same as Dharagada. Devagiri-1. Dowlatabad in the Nizam's territory. It is mentioned in the Siva P. (Jnana Samhita, ch. 58). See Maharashtra and Sivalaya. 2. Part of the Aravali range. 3. A hill situated near the Chambal between Ujjain and Mandasor (Meghaduta, Pt. I). It has been identified by Prof. Wilson with Devagara situated in the centre of the province of Malwa on the south of the Chambal. Devakata-Sripada: Adam's Peak in Ceylon (Turnour's Mahavamsa). See Sumana-kuta Devala Tatta in Sindh.

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DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE. BY EDWARD HORACE MAN, C.I.E. PREFACE. As the interesting Negrito race inhabiting the Andaman Islands is doomed to early extinction-save possibly the small section occupying Little Andaman,-and as their languages have been studied by but a few persons, I have been invited by my old friend the Editor of the Indian Antiquary to place at his disposal for publication in that Journal the MSS. of my Andaman Dictionary, which represent the results of my study during the thirty-two years of my connection with those Islands, of the words, together with illustrative sentences, phrases, etc., of that one of the languages, viz., the South Andaman, with which I was conversant; and to supplement the same, by means of Appendices, with as much additional matter of interest as can be culled from my notes, many of which date from before 1880. There will even then still remain, in MSS. almost ready for publication, much material of scientific value dealing with the Grammar, Syntax, Songs, etc., of these Islanders, prepared between 1876-1880 by Sir R. C. Temple, who collaborated with me in those far-off days. The published works of writers who have sought to advance our knowledge of the Andamanese, cr of their languages, or both, are the following: 1794. Colebrooke, (R. H.) "Asiatic Researches", Vol. IV., 1807. 1863. Mouat, (Dr. F. J.) "Adventures and Researches among the Andaman Islanders." London. 1877. Man and Temple. "The Lord's Prayer in the South Andaman Language." Calcutta. 1880. Ball, (V.) "Jungle Life in India." London. 1881-2. Man, (E. H.) "Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands." R. Anthrop. Inst. Journ, London. (Re-printed in Book Form in 1885 as "The Andaman Islanders)." 1882. Ellis, (Dr. A. J.) F.R.S. "Report of Researches into the Language of the South Andaman Island," vide Transactions of the Phil. Soc., London London.. 1887. Portman, (M. V.) Andamanese Manual: "Record of the Andamanese." (XI Vol. MS in India 1893-8. Portman, (M. V.) Office, London.) 1898. Portman, (M. V.) "Notes on the Languages of the South Andaman Group of Tribes." Calcutta. 1899. Portman, (M. V.) "History of our Relations with the Andamanese." Calcutta. 1902. Kloss, (C. B.) "In the Andamans and Nicobars." London. 1902. Temple, (Sir R. C.) "A Grammar of the Andamanese and Nicobarese Languages." Port Blair. (A reprint from the Census Report, 1901.) "Report on the Census of the Andaman and Nicobar 1903. Temple, (Sir R. C.) Islands, 1901." Calcutta. 1907. Temple, (Sir R. C.) ages of Savages Applied to the Antiquary; Bombay.) 1908. Temple, (Sir R. C.) "Andamans." (Ency. of Religion and Ethics.) 1909. Temple, (Sir R. C.) "Andaman and Nicobar Islands." (Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series; Calcutta.) "A Plan for the Uniform Scientific Record of the LanguLanguages of the Andamanese and Nicobarese." (Indian

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Soon after the commencement of my studies I was fortunate in obtaining an introduction to the late Dr. A. J. Ellis, at that time President of the Philological Society (London). He kindly took an interest in my work and prepared for me alphabets suitable for committing to paper tho tongues of the Andamanese and Nicobarese hitherto unwritten, except for a little book using the Indian (Jones-Hunter) system of transliteration published by myself and Sir R. C. Temple. For the convenience of the reader I reproduce here, with a mondmouts necossary to suit the typography of this Journal, an abstract of the Andaman alphabet, as found on pp. 49-50 of.Dr. Ellis' Report above-mentioned, which formed part of his Presidential Address to the Philological Society in 1882 (vide Transactions 1882-3-4). The Andamanese have been found to be divided into twelve tribes.speaking languages, which, though more or less distinct, are yet so closely allied as to form a group. The language to which this dictionary refers is the Aka-bea, or language of the South Andaman tribe. Although the map shewing the position of each tribe with their respective tribal names has been already published in this Journal (vide Vol. XXVI, p. 217)-in order to illustrate Sir R. C. Temple's paper of 1907 above-quoted,-- it is thought desirable at this time to re-issue it as an accompaniment to this volume. . EH. MAN. June 27th, 1918.

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ng 7 ALPHABET FOR WRITING THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE. SIGN. ENGLISH, ETC. SOUTH ANDAMAN. SIGN. ENGLISH, ETC. SOUTH ANDAMAN. Oral Vowels and Diphthongs. idea, cut alaba kind of tree li police ya-di turtle, pid hair a cur (with un- ba small, ya ba not 0 indolent *boigoli European trilled r) o * pole job basket o ela ka region pot a poli-ke dwell-does Ital. caga o awful to go wrist, shoulder a father da-ke don't (imperative) u influence bu kura name of a tree al fathom jar awa name of a tribe 1' pool pu d-re burn-dich e ? bed emej name of a tree ai bite dai-ke understand does chaotic pad-re burn-did au house chopau'a narrow e 3 pair e-la pig-arrow au rouge chau body i lid ig-ba dig-re see-did | oi boil boi goli European Consonants. bbed bud hut Fr.gagnerva more ch church chak ability, micralen ng bring ngi ji kinsman, erke'dang-ke why, ruch Ross Island in trees-search-does 6 d dip do ga large nga then s'ar gob bamboo utensil p pap pid hair h hay he ho! a weh (h sounded, r 8 rest rab necklace of netting, see note ) etcetera ra ta wooden arrow judge ja bag bad, e mej name of r 9 torrent ra ta sea-water a tree is sad not found 10 k king ka gal-ke ascend does it ten ti blood i lap ing navigable channel t'i tear ( from the eye 11 ) man mai gu face 2 wet wo lo adze, bal'awa name n nun nau-ke walk-does, ro-pan of a tribe toad y yolk yaba: a little RULE. In the above alphabet the syllable under stress in any word is shown by placing a turned period () after a long vowel, or the consonant following & short vowel, in every word of more than one syllable. ? d accented before a consonant, is the English a in mat, as distinguished from d, which is the short of a or Italian a in anno. - e accented in closed syllables, as in bad ; in open syllables unaccented as in chaotic or Italian padre, smore. * No vanishing sound of ins in English say.. No vanishing sound of u as in English know. 5 X is wounded after a vowel by continuing breath through the position of the mouth, while remitting the voice. 6 When ng is followed by a vowel, it must run on to that vowel only, and not be run on to the preceding vowel either in finger' or in * singer', thus 08-ni-nga-da', good, not be-ring-a-da, 68-ring-ga-da, or be-rin-ga-da. It is only when no vowel follows that ng is run on to the preceding vowel This a palatalinod ng, and bears the same relation to it as # bears to n. To pronounce s attempo bo Bay and y simultaneously : to pronounce ng do the same for ng and y. & This r is soft and gentle, with no sensible ripplo of the tongue, as very frequently in English, but not merely vooal. : This r is strongly trilled, as r in Scotch, or Italian r, or Spanish r. 10 The Andamanege cannot hiss, and hence they substitute ch for a, thus Rach for Ras the Hindt corruption of Rome. This tiss post-aspiratod, like the Indian th, quite different from English th, and hence to prevent confusion the Grook spiritus asper is imitated by a turned comma. The sound t' is common in Irish English, and may often be heard in England.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY INTRODUCTION. I think that I can best introduce the reader to the South Andaman language by freely extracting the remarks made thereon by the late Dr. A. J. Ellis, F.R.S., F.S.A., on his retirement from the Chair of the Philological Society for the second time on 19th May 1882: he then gave a " Presidential Address" by way of a "Report on the Researches into the Language of the South Andaman Island" from the papers of Mr. E. H. Man (O.I.E.) and Lt. R. C. Temple (Lt. Col. Sir R. C. Temple, C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A.). From this Report are taken the following paragraphs verbatim, with such textual alterations as are necessary after so many years. It will be observed that in consequence necessary references to myself and my procedure are by name. The South Andaman language, called by the natives dka-bea-da, consists in the first place of a series of base forms, reducible to roots. These forms may answer to any part of speech, and in particular to what we call substantives, adjectives or verbs. These forms do not vary in construction, and are not subject to inflexion proper. Hence there is nothing resembling the grammatical gender, declension or conjugation of Aryan languages; but the functions of such Aryan forms are discharged by prefixes, postpositions, and suffixes. It is only in the pronouns and pronominal adjectives that there is anything which simulates declension. And it is only by the use of the prefixes that anything like concord can be established. The Andamanese have of course words which imply sex, but they are in general quite unrelated forms; thus : abu lada man a pai'lda woman; akaka dakada boy, aryo ngida giri; aro dingada father, abe tingada mother. Male' and 'female' are represented even for animals by the above words for 'man' and 'woman,' without the affixes, which are usually omitted in composition, 12 as bula, pail, and when the animals are young by the names abwa'rada bachelor, or abjad.ijo gda spinster, rejecting the affixes as wara, jadijog, see below, letter to Jam bu, sentences 15 and 16. Even in the Aryan languages gender', the Latin 'genus', means only a 'kind', and as it so happened that the kind with one termination included males, with another females, and with a third sexless things, the timehonoured names masculine, feminine and neuter arose. But the classification thus formed has, properly speaking, nothing to do with sex, as may be seen at once from sentinel being feminine in French (la sentinelle) and woman neuter in German (das Weib). We may see from the discussions in Grimm's grammar how difficult, or rather impossible, it is to recover the feeling which led to that grouping in German, and the same difficulty is felt in other languages. The Andamanese grouping which takes the place of gender is, on the contrary, clear enough in the main. The Andamanese consider, first, objects generally, including everything thinkable. Then these are divided into animate and inanimate. Of course the vegetable kingdom is included in the latter. The animate objects are again divided into human and non-human. Of the human objects there is a sevenfold division as to the part of the body referred to, and this division is curiously extended to the inanimate objects which affect or are considered in relation to certain parts of the body. These group distinctions are pointed out by prefixes, and by the form assumed by the pronominal adjectives. So natural and rooted are these distinctions in the minds of the Andamanese that any use of a wrong prefix or wrong possessive form * This expression includes both prefix and suffix. The suffix-da is occasionally retained at the end of clauses.

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INTRODUCTION 6 occasions unintelligibility or surprise or raises a laugh, just as when we use false concords in European languages. These prefixes are added to what in our translations become substantives, adjectives, and verbs, and which for purposes of general intelligibiity to an Aryan audience had better be so designated. But we require new terms and an entirely new set of grammatical conceptions which shall not bend an agglutinative language to our inflexional translation. With this warning, that they are radically incorrect, I shall freely use inflexional terms, meaning merejy that the language uses such and such forms to express what in other languages are distinguished by the corresponding inflexional terms, which really do not apply to this. Substantives, adjectives, and adverbs, generally end in-da, which is usually dropped before postpositions and in construction; hence when I write a hyphen at the end of a word, I shall mean that in its full form it has -da. Subs, and adj. also occasionally end in -re for human objects, and this -re is not dropped before postpositions. This same suffix -re is also extensively used in verbs, for our past tense active, or past participle passive. A common termination is also-la, which as well as -re implies human, and -ola, which is also honorific. What answers to our verbal substantives denoting either actor or action, is expressed by the suffix - nga added to verbal bases, both active and passive. What corresponds to the Aryan declension is carried out entirely by postpositions, as in fact it might be in English by prepositions, if we had a preposition to point out the accusative as in Spanjsh. In Anda nanese these postpositions are generally ia of, or more usually lia of (where the l, as very frequently, is merely & euphonic prefix to vowels); len, to, in (but len also frequently marks out the object); lat to, towards ; tek from and by; la by means of (instrument). The plural is expressed by the addition of lo ng-ka lak 13 to the singular, when the distinction is considered necessary, which is cot often, as the plural is left to be implied by the context, or is indicated by a prefix. Abstract subst. are formed from adj. by adding yo'ma-quality, or property, as la pangada long, la panga-yo mada length. Negative subst. are formed by adding ba, an abbreviation for ya-ba, as abligada child, abli gaba not a child, but a boy or girl. Active verbs use the suffixes -ke for our gerundial form of infinitive," for our pres. part., pres. ind., and occasionally future ;-re for past time,-ka imperfect, -ngabo for future, -nga for Verbal subst., actor and action; with numerous auxiliaries answering to our' may, might, shall, should, will, would.' Passive Verbs use - nga for the gerundial 13 Here lo ng is probably their', 4th person, ka-lak is apparently no longer found separately. 1 In his glossary Mr. Man uses the form in-ke (just as we say gerundially to exist') to shew that he means & verbal form. He says that if you ask an Andamanese the name of any action which you shew him, he will give you the form in -ke. But it remains to be established that this corresponds to our gerundial infinitive, at least I have not detected it in any example which Mr. Man has furnished, nor could he recall one. In Latin diotionaries audio, amo, are Englished to hear, to love', whioh they certainly do not mean. But as it is usual to give Latin verbe in this form, so it may be usual to give Andamanese verbs in the form in -ke, which would be like using audit, amat in Latin. Our gerundial or supino infinitive answers to the Latin ad audiendum, auditum. Dr. Morris prefers calling it the "dative infinitive" (Hin. Outlines of Engl. Accidence, 1872, p. 177). It is frequently used for the pure infinitive in English. The pure infinitive is properly only a verbal subst., and most nearly corresponde to one of the senses of the Andamaneee form with the suffix -nya, but in point of fact there is nothing in Andamanose identical with the Aryan infinitive.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY infinitive, the future, and verbal substantive, -ngaba for pres. and imperf. indic., -ngata for perf. and entoba-ngata pluperf., and -re for past participle.16 Certain verbs distinguish the subject and others the object, as human and non-human, by change of prefix, but no rule can be given as to when & verb does one or the other, so that this is a mere matter of practice. There are also reflective verbs formed by pronouns. The greatest peculiarity of the language is the treatment of the personal and possessive pronoun. All the pronouns are sexless, but the forms used for the so-called dative seem to vary with the group. The normal form is that for the third person, 'he, she, it,' for which I will use it' only for brevity, and 'they' for the plural. We have then sing. 61 it (subjeot), la of it, en, ul, at, ik, eb to it, in different forms, en it (object), and in it: pl. a l'bichik they, o'nta of them, et, d'lat, atat. Ontat, illet, eb et to them, in different forms, el them, 6-llet in them. These relations may also be expressed by the postpositions answering to case. Then for the first person sing. and m- plur., and for the second ng- sing. and plur., are prefixed to these forms; as ol it, dol I, ngol, thou, moloichik we, ngoloichik you. There is also what has been called a "fourth person," obtained by prefixing 1 to those forms of the third person, which are not the subject of the sentence, and those give common postpositional forms, as li'a of a or the (or English possessive '8), len to or in a or the, and also the object of a verb, lat, leb to & or the. These preliminary explanations will serve to make intelligible the following examples, and will shew the structure of the language better than a long series of grammatical explanations. Observe that in all these examples a hyphen at the end of a word means that the suffix -da (applied to all things) may be added, but that it is omitted in construction, and heard only in isolated words or at the end of a clause. The hyphens between parts of a word separate the prefix, the suffix, the postposition and the parts of which the word is compounded, and are used merely for the purpose of assisting the unaccustomed reader, generally they should all be written together in one word without hyphens, just as in German ereifern and not er-eifer-n, though the latter shews the approximate composition. PREFIXES ILLUSTRATED. Cited hereafter as No. 1, 2, etc. No. I. beri-nga good (animate but non-human, or inanimate). No. 2. ja bag- bad (ditto). No. 3. a-beri-nga-good (human). No. 4. ab-ja-bag- bad (ditto). No. 5. ad-be-ri-nga- well, that is, not sick (animate). 15 Mr. Man. conjugates' a verb thus, twing the inflexional names. I translate the suffixes -ke do. doen, ka -ing -was, he did, eto., as the nearest inflexional representatives, but they do not give the true feeling of the original, to which we have nothing which corresponds in English. ACTIVE. Inf. mamike sleep-to. Pres. dsl md mi-ke I sleep-do. Imperf. d6l ma'mi-ka I sleep-iny. war, Perl, dsl ma'mi-re I sleep-did (I slept), Pluperf. dol ent8-ba ma mire I already sloep.did. Fut. d61 mdmi-ngabo I sleep-will. Imperative do md mi-ke me sleep-let, md mi sleep!,8 ma mi-ke him sleep-lot, mo'cho ma'mi-ke us sleep-lot. Optative dal ma mi-nga to guk I sleep-(verbal subs.) might. Con. tinuative participle, mdmi-nga ba-dig sleep (verbal subs.) while = while sleeping. PASSIVE. Inf. ko'p-nga sooo plod)-to-be. Pres. kdrama da*l-la ko'p-ngaba bow me-by sooo ped-isbeing. Imperf. ka rama d8*2-la achfbaiya kip-ngaba bow me by then scooped-was-being. Perf. ka-rama 3-2-la ko-p-ngata bow mo-by scooped-has-been. Pluperf. kdrama do-l-la ento-ba kap ngata bow me-by already scooped had boon. Put. kdorama d&-z-la kop-nga bow me by scooped-will-bo.

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INTRODUCTION No. 6. ad-ja-bag-ill, that is, not well (ditto). No. 7. An-bari-nga- clever (that is hand-good, an referring to ong-its, applied to ko'ro- hand. No. 8. un-ja bag- stupid (that is, hand-bad, ditto). No. 9. ig-be-ri-nga-sharp-sighted (that is, eye-good, ig-its, being applied to dal-eye. No. 10. ig-jabag- dull-sighted (that is, eye-bad, ditto). No. 11. Aika-beri-nga- nioe-tasted (that is, mouth-good, a ka- its, applied to bangmouth, de*li-ya- palate. No. 12. un-tig-beri-nga- good, "all round" (that is, un- hand and ig- eye, good, t being euphonic). No. 13. un-tig-ja bag- & "datter" (that is, hand and eye bad). No. 14. ot-be-ri-nga- virtuous (that is, head and heart good, at its, applied to che ta-head and kug-heart. No. 15. ot-ja-bag-vioo, evil, vicious (that is, head and heart bad). No. 1-15. EXAMPLE: a'rtam do-rd ab-jabag l'edd re, dona a chitik a-beri-nga (or a-- be-ri-nga-ke). Free translation: Dora was formerly a bad man, but now he is a good man. [ Analytical translation ; artam formerly, dora name of man, ab-ja bag (human)-bad, *l'edd're exist-did, do na but, d'chitik now, a-beri-nga- (human)-good [ord-be-ri-nga-ke (human)-good-is). ] The is generally unexpressed; in t'edd're the l' is the common euphonic prefix, eda: v. exist,' - past time; which may be expressed as exist-did,' the verb being always put in the infinitive (properly unlimited, undefined) form, and the suffix -re being expressed by did ' as-ke may be by does', etc., as the simplest way of expressing present and past time; the simple copula is never expressed, but in the second form abe-ringa is treated as a verb, and ke being added makes it present, so that there is an apparent expression of the copula. The termination -da as applied to anything which exists, to be derived from the partially obsoleto v. edd. exist. No. 16. un-la-ma- one who misses striking an object with hand or foot, see Nos. 7 and 8 above. No. 17. ig-la-ma- one who fails to see or find an object such as honey, a lost article, etc., see Nos. 9 and 10 above. No. 18. ol-Lama- one who is wanting in head, that is, sense, see Nos. 14 and 15 above. No. 19. ab-lama. one who is a " duffer" at getting turtles after they are speared, that is, by diving and seizing them, where ab his, refers to chau body. No. 20. o-ko-lamaapplied to & weapon which fails to penetrate the object struck through the fault of the striker. No. 21. a kd-la-ma- who won a wrong word to express his meaning (a'ra, its, being applied to bang-mouth, and tegili. voice). This will suffice to show the curious action of the South Andaman prefixes, which it will be seen presently refer especially to the different forms of the posuessive pronoun. when applied to different parts of the human body.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY I looked about for some genuine native utterances, not translations, which might illustrate the natural speech of the country. Fortunately, Mr. Man was able to furnish me with becisely what I wanted. When he was sent officially to the Nicobar Islands, ho took with him several young native Andamanese, 16 and in order to keep up their connection with their friends, and especially with their head-man, jam.bu (as he was always called, though that was not his real name), Mr. Man wrote letters for them at their dictation. He had to treat them quite like children for whom one writes letters, suggesting subjects, asking what they would say if they saw jam bu, and so on. It was laborious work, which, however, Mr. Man did not regret, as it often furnished him with new words or phrases. These letters were then sent to the British officer in charge of the Homes at Port Blair, who did not know the language, but, from an explanation furnished, read the phonetic writing to jam bu, sufficiently well to be understood, but to assist this officer Mr. Man furnished a free and an interlinear translation. I give two of these letters. which certainly, if any exist, are genuine specimens of South Andaman literature, but to make them as instructive as possible in showing the nature of the language. I divide them into numbered sentences, putting the text first, the free translation next, and afterwards, in square brackets, an analytically literal translation in the order of the original, in which, with the help of Mr. Man's translation, vocabulary and personal assistance, I indeavour to shew or explain the meaning and composition of each word and its parts, and its grammatical connection, occasionally adding other notes. FIRST LETTER TO JAM.BU. Cited by the simple numbers of the sentences. 1. mam jam.bu. Worshipful.jambu. [mam is a term of respect by which chiefs or head men are addressed, perhaps 'honourable or your honor' would be a nearer translation. jam bu was only a nickname, but as he was always so called, Mr. Man cannot recollect any other.] 2. Med' ardu ru adbe'ringa. We are all in good health. (med' we, a contraction or med a, the final -a being lost before the following a of 'ardu ru all. The full form for 'we' is mo*l-oichik. For ad-beri-nga well, see No. 5.] 3. birma-che*lewa laro*lo tek miji' at yed ya ba. Since last steamer no one has been ill. [birma funnel, che lewa ship, not one of their own boats; the Andamanese prefer if possible making a new word to adopting a foreign one, the present compound is more original than the modern Greek 'atmoploion, which is a mere translation of 'steam vessel'. taro lo last, lek from, since, postp. mij'i'at a contracted form of mij ia at, properly 16 Their names and nicknames (in parenthesis) were .t'ra (koto. hand), of elal.-dat- eye, as he had large saucer eyes), .lora (Henry, his name when at the Ross orphanage), 100*i (Tom, the name Mr. Man gave him when he first came to Viper Island), tra (jo do. entrails, so called trom his protuberant belly when a child). These names may be preserved as those of the unwitting originators ui Andaman literature. One other name of a native should be added, although he was not taken with Mr. Man to the Nicobars, on account of illness, and indeed he died shortly after Mr. Man left. This was .bfa-(.pa g. foot, so called from his large feet). He was the elder brother of the above-named .187a (Henry). All the time that Mr. Man was in charge of the Andaman Homes, apout four years, .bia worked with him. He was the most intelligent and helpful native Mr. Man met, and was his principal informant throughout. Mr. Man often told him that he would bring his name to notice, and thus redeems his promise.

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY. To face p. 8 The five joint authors of the letters to Jambu with Mr. Man, 1879. 1. biala-idal; 2. ira-jodo; 3. ira-koro; 4. lora ("Henry"); 5. woi (Tom")

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INTRODUCTION a plural possessive interrogative, whose?' but used idiomatically in negative sentences, for an indefinite personal pronoun, corresponding to English 'any.' yed sick or ill. ya banot, always placed at end of a sentence.] 4. mar lo ra a'chitikigba digngalen da kar-bodia nai kan. Master lora is now like a tub in appearance (so fat is he). [.mar applied to a young unmarried man, or a man who remains childless for the first 4 or 5 years after marriage, after which time, he is called maia, the ordinary name for a married man who has children, of which the honorific form maiola is applied to chiefs only. lora (Henry) the name of the youth. a'chitik now, achi baiya then, ig bidig-nga-len appearance-in, see Nos. 9 and 10. (This is one of the verbs which change the final letter of the base according to the suffix, but the law of change is not yet fully ascertained. In this case g is apparently inserted before -re and nga, but on the other hand it may be simply omitted before-ke.) dakar a tub or bucket. bo dia big. da kar-bodia, big as a tub. (There are five words for big, 1. bo diawhich when 'human' becomes abo dia-, but here has no prefix on account of being in composition, 2. do ga-, 3. cha nag-, and 4. ta ba- nga-, which are 'humanised' by ab, 5. ro chobo- 'humanised' by a. Without the prefixes bo dia-, do-ga-, and cha nag- are applied to any non-human objects, and ro'chobo- ta'banga-, to animals only.) nai kan like.] 5. nga ka o'llen ed a did dirya yaba. He as yet has had no fever. [nga ka as yet, nga simply meaning 'then.' ol-len him-to, the 3rd pers. pron. with postpos., len to. ed a ever. did'dirya fever, that is, ague, trembling. yaba not, see 3.] 6. mar.wo.i in-wot-tai jnga ta'paya. Master .wo i is a great flying-fox shot. [.mar see, 4. woi the name of a youth (about 16 years old), of the tribe that the South Andamanese call aka-jawai-da, who came in a canoe from Middle Andaman to Port Blair, where he made an important statement concerning the manners and customs of his tribe, which was reduced to writing by Mr. Man, and is published, chiefly in English, in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, vol. xi, pp. 280-2. When he arrived at Port Blair, his language was unintelligible to the natives there, but he quickly learned their language, and as he was a very nice fellow, he was induced to remain by marrying him to a pretty girl (named in 20), who was still very young. As they had at that time no family, he was still called mar. un refers to skill, see Nos. 7, 8, 16. wod- or wot in construction, , flying-fox. taij shoot with an arrow. nga sign of verbal subst. The whole word is, therefore, skilled shooter of flying foxes. ta paya excellent (human only), marks superlative degree.] 7. arat dilu dilaya a kararnga be;dig, ol ijila bad long-palen wot leb erke dangk. While the others are finishing their evening meal with dainty morsels, he goes alone and searches among the trees for flying foxes near the hut. [ar at their, dilu rest or remainder. dila-ya evening-at. a'ka referring to palate, see No. 11. rar-nga tasty things, which conclude a meal, from rar, v. taste, determine flavour of. be dig while or during, as a postposition to the whole preceding clause, so that it means: the rest of-them in-the evening tasty-bits-finishing while. ol 3rd pers., hence he' in this case. ijila alone, unaccompanied. bud- an occupied hut, er- an unoccupied hut, (tardod- hut belonging to a married couple; kato go- bachelor's hut; chang hut, or roof, for the huts are almost all roof, chang te pinga- best kind of hut, with well plaited roof, to last 2 or 3 years; chang-to rnga- next best hut, formed of leaves bound together with cane, lasting a few weeks or months; chang-dar anga- a temporary shed, roof of loose leaves, to last a few days. The

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY species of palm leaf ordinarily used for these roofs is called chang'ta-). long-pd-len near an inanimate object. Other terms are a ka-pa-len or 6l-pai'cha-len near to an animato object; eher-teg-ilen near a tree or post; ya pa len near as one place to another, ya giving indefiniteness of object, compare ba and ya ba little.) wit flying fex. lb for, postp. ir. kedang-ke search in-trees-does, (erem jungle), a ta v. search on the ground for an inanimate object, ab-a-ta- v. for an animate object.] 8. en lu nga be dig al la kachi-ke ya bada. On seeing one he does not miss it. [en it. lu -nga see (verbal subst.)=seeing. be dig while, consequent on, see 7. ol he, la kachi-ke (euphonic l), miss-does. ja bada not, see 5, where final da is not added to yaba.] 9. ka rin cho wai ro choboda. There are enormous clams here. [ka rin here. chowai clam, the plural is not indicated. ro choboda big, applied to animals, see bodia in 4. This shell-fish in the Nicobars is the Tridacna gigantea, and measures 3 or 4 feet in length; in the Andamans, they have only the small species Tridacna crocea and T. squamosa.) 10. ubado galen vat ata-babaleb du'rumada. There is sufficient food in one for a great number of persons. [uba-doga-one, u'ba-tu-l is also used, but uba-do-ga- is the emphatic form like our 'a single one'. len in, postp. yat in construction, yad-final, food. at--baba countless numbers. leb for, postp. durumada sufficient.) 11. mo da ngol mel atted'inga lu'ake, pa dri chab ruch-ya pol'i ya te bu dlen lamga be dig, a ka-ta igba di-ke. If you don't believe us, go to the Padre Sahib's house at Ross, and see the shell (we are sending). [mo-da if, ngol you, met us, objo pl. atted-i-nga (human)lie-telling-(verbal subst.). at is plural ab. lu-a-ke consider do (present time), la v. look or see. padri Italian padre, father, but applied as "Rev." to all clergymen, here the chaplain was meant. chab Andamanese attempt at pronouncing the Hindi sahib. ruch Andamanese attempt to say Rus, the Hindi corruption of Ross, an island at the entrance of the inlet of Port Blair. -ya at, postp. poli dwell. ya te that, the relative. bud hut. noe 7, but here meant for house. len postp. to. lfor-nga go, verbal subst. bedig while. or consequent upon, see 7. The phrase means: upon going to the house of the chaplain who dwells at Ross. aka see No. 11, in relation to taste or mouth, ta bone, that is, taken together, a kata bone covering food, i'e. shell. ig-ba-di-ke see-will, see 4, pres. for fut.] 12. ngol billen igba 'di ya te wai kan ngab-ped'inga kichikan-nai kan tar-chi-ke; badi A'cha a-kata da! Op seeing it we are sure you will slap your side and exclaim: what a whopping big shell! (ngol you. o'l-len it, obj. igba di see, see 4. ya te who, sto 11; that is, you who-see it. wai kan certainly. ngab your, see Om. 4 for the omission d of chaubody, or some guch word. ped-i-gna slap (verbal subs.) slapping. kichikan and nai kan both mean 'like' and together, just like.' tarchi.-ke say-will. bad i exclamation of surprise. Acha this. a kd-la shell, see 11. ] 13. med' ardarupalo-pildu el-dr-jana bud lo-yaba ya te len a kangaire. We all went to .pu lo-pilau', which is a village a long way off to the north. (med' ardure we all, see 2. .pulo-pilau. name of a place in the, Nicobar Islands. el-arjana north, el-igla-south (district), el-armu gu- (appearing-face) east (in these words el stands for eny country), idr.mugu-(disappearing face) west. bud hut, village. 16 yaba distant. ya te which len to, postp., affecting the whole phrase, which means: to P. P. which is a distant village to the north. d kan gai go a short journey by water, o-to-ju-ww is used for a long journey. -re past time.

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INTRODUCTION 14. ka to a'rla ji baba pol'ire. We stayed several days there. [ka to there. d'rla days, plural indicated by the following word. ji baba several, very many pot'i re dwell-did, see 11.) 15. charka'r leb rogo jad ijog ardu ru- igal re dona mo-to-kilklire ya buda. We bar. gained for a lot of young female pigs for Government, but did not forget ourselves. scharkar Andamanese attempt to pronounce the Hindi Sarkar government. leb for, postp.rogo pigs, plural indicated by the following ardu ru, rogo- is a female pig, regeither male or female. jadi-jog spinster, implying a full-grown sow-pig which has not ittered, ardu ru several or all, as in 2. igal-re barter did. do na but. moto ourselves. kukri re forget-did. oto-kakli-ke oneself forget-does (moto is only the form of the first person plural), was one of the new words disoovered by Mr. Man from the dictation of these letters to jam bu. The common verb for forgetting is ol-kuklike, which is reflective, do d' ot-kukli-re, I forgot, where do d' or dold answers to French je me (in je m'en souviens) and similarly ngo ng'or ngol ng'ot-kukli re you forgot. The relation of o-to-k. and ot-k. is similar to that in otrajke defend-does, o-tora jke oneself defend does. 'Selves is also expressed by e-kin. See examples in 40. ya bada not, soe 7.] 16. kiancha reg-wa'ra go'i ji baba mo yut-te mar leb o more. We accordingly fetched several prime young male pigs for our own use. [kiancha therefore. reg pigs, either male or female. wa ra bachelor, young but full grown. go i fresh, and hence in good condition. ji-baba several, properly 'very many,'but as there were really only five or six, Mr. Man translated the word 'several' at the time; he supposed that the young men wished to surprise their friends at Viper by leading them to suppose by this term that they had got many more pigs than was actually the case. mo'yut-te: mar ourselves, the meaning of the separate words is not known, but we have do yun-t. myself, ngo'yun-t. thyself and o'yun-t. himself, oyut t, themselves, ngo yut-t. yourselves.leb for, postp. 6-mo-re fetch-did.) 17. med'a nga ka mak'nga ba yate len chilyuke. Those we have not eaten yet we are fattening. (med a we. Aga ka as yet, see 5. mak-nga eat- (passive participle, p. 55, n. 2) = eaten. ba not. ya'te which len postp. pointing out object, meaning: we are fattening those which have not been eaten as yet. The construction, though common, is somewhat involved, and would be, in English order, as boys "construe" Latin : med'a we. chiyuke are fattening, len (mark of accusative relation), yd.te (those) which, nga ka as yet, makinga-ba (are or have been) eaten-not.) 18. a kalo dongalen media a-ka-jai-ngke taro-lolen otra ba ro-go 18-inga be-dig .bai" par lat mit-ik-4kke. These we will slaughter one by one, and afterwards get some more pige to take with us to Viper. [a ka-18.do-nga one by ono, idiomatic expression, origin unknown. len postp. marks the object. med'a we. a ka jai ng-ke slaughter-do, this expression is used for pigs only. taro-lo.len last-to, afterwards. ot-tia ba other in addition to the former, this prefix also occurs in 6l-pag'i once more. To go pig, see 15. lo-i-nga get-(verbal subs.) = getting. be-dig while, or consequent upon : meaning: afterwards on getting additional pigs. .bai par Andamanese mispronunciation of Viper, an island within the inlet of Port Blair.clat to, postp. mitik in company with us, m- us, itik in company with, f'k-ke take away-will see 20.] 19. mar b'ra- jo do mar .100'i lat pij len ja bag td-la-tim-re. Master i ra..jo.do bas. tonsured Master .wo'i very badly. (.mar. see 4, ira-ja.do is the subject of the verb. .sons

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY lot pij is the object, as .wo'i's hair. lot his (head understood), see om. 1. pij hair, the usual form of pid in construotion, thus et-pij-yaba-his (head)-hair-not-bald. len postp. obj. ja bag badly. ta-la-tim're tonsure-did. This shaving of the crown of the head is the business of the women and especially of the wife, but in this case the women were left behind. The razors used are extremely fine chippings of glass.] 20. moda ora-bt'ela abi'l-ya'te a'chitik igbddikenga wai kan tje rngalen ig pedike ol be dig abto'goke. If (.wo-i's wife) .a ra-bi-ela were now to see him, she would certainly box the barber's ears and abuse him. (morda if. ab-fik (female)-take away, yd te who, that is, who is wife. For ik see end of 18, where, but for the mitik, there would have been the prefix ab as bikke take-away-does (present), an animate object. But en'i is to take, as ablt'ga la ka-bang tek paip en'ike child its-mouth from pipe take-do=take the pipe from the child's mouth, -ke being also used for the imperative. Now in marrying, the chief who unites the couple tet-ya p-ke their (persons)-speak-does, the man ad-en-i-ke animate,) -take-does, the woman ab-e-k-ke (human, No. 4) -take-away-does. The husband is spoken of as ad-ik-ya-te-, and the wife as ab-ik-yd te-, as here. For the first few weeks the young couple are called ong-tag-goi- their-bed-of-leaves-fresh, and after that for the first year un-jd ti-go in, where an refers to the hands, No. 7, and g8-i is fresh, but ja ti is not known. d'chitik now, see 4. ig-ba di ke see-does, see 4, pres. time, though in English it becomes past subjunctive, after ma da if. Nga then, see 5.wai akan certainly. 6t-jer-nga his (head understood, see Om. 1) -shave-(verbalsubst.), that is, his head's shaver, len postp. marking object. ig-ped'i-ke face (see Nos. 9, 10 and 17). (in anger) slap (see 12) will, ar ped'i-ke would be, 'leg-slap-will,' as women do when delighted. ol-be dig it-while or it-after, used for 'and.' or 'as well as.' ab-to-go-ke (human prefix No. 4) -abuse-will.] 21. mar .wai Ottek-iknga be dig pij-goi len entje-rke ya:ba. Master .wn'i is so ashamed of his appearance, that he is letting the new hair grow. [at-tek'ik-nga for-his-head ashamed-(verbal subst.), tek'ik be -ashamed, but t'ektk weep. bedig consequent on, see 11. pij-goi hair-fresh. len postp. marking object. en-et-jer-ke cause-head-shawe-does, en prefixed gives a causal signification to the verb-causes bis head to be shaven. ya ba not. ] 22.med'a yut ba ngol ititan yate len o rokre. We dyly obtained the few presents you ment. [media we.yat properly fish, food, see 10, here presents. ba few, little, a father or mother having one or more little ones is called unba da. ngol you. ititan send away ang animate or inanimate thing, entitdin send away a human object, en'itan shew (v. refl.), itan permit. ya-te which len postp. marking the whole phrase as an object. orok-re obtaindid.] 23. ngot pai chalen min ardu ru otjeg nga l'edd re nd ititannga ya -balen med'a mot tkukja bagire. As you have so much in the "go-down." (store), we were much disappointed at your not sending more. [ngot your. pai'cha-len lap-to, that is, in your poesession. min thing, plural only indicated by following word. ardd ru several, see 15. ol-jeg-na, collection of shell-fish, meat, jack-fruit seeds, iron, flint, or anything in a heap, but fil-pu j-nga is used for honey, fruit, yams, fibre, and ar-ngai'j-nga for bows, arrows, and other implements or ornaments, and also animate objects. l'eda re because of, i.e., because of your having many things collected in your possession. Ha more (see 51). itita nnga sending, see 22. yaba-len not-to, without. media we. mo tot-kuk-ja-bag-i-te our heart bad-was, we were disappointed, i seems to be a euphonic insertion to separate g and r.)

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INTRODUCTION 13 24. til'ik birma-che-lewa ka gal ya te na min met a kawerke. Perhaps the incoming steamer is bringing more things for us. [tilik perhaps. birma-che lewa steamer, see 3. ka'gal arriving, this and yo boli are said of the arrival of a boat or ship only, or of going to an elevated spot. yate which. na more, see 23. min thing, see 23. met to us, one of the forms answering to the dative of pers. pron. a ka. a ka-we'r and un-lar-teg i are said of conveying any animal or inanimate objects by boat only ; ik is used for conveying either by land or water, and for human objects becomes abiok, see 20.-ke future time, not distinguished from present. ] 25.med.atartit idaire ana a chitik ngol barai-jbo-lo lita oty a burda. We have learnt that you are now the head." boss" at the Brigade Creek home. ( media we. tarti't news. idaire hear-did. aia that, conjunction. a'chitik now. ngol you. barai j old-established encampment, whether occupied or not, otherwise er., er-arld'a- are unoccupied, and bud-, bud-lardu ru- occupied encampments. o-bo-lo is a human orphan, omitting the prefix barai-j-bolo- is an orphan encampment, or one of which the old chief is dead and the new chief not yet appointed. This was the case with the Brigade Creek Andaman Home, which is the one here meant. lita of, postp. 6t-ya-bur-da head-chief, from yu bur govern. ) 26. ka to ngong jo bo ol-be-dig ka'r-apta cha pikok? May no snakes or centipedes bite you there. [kato there. ngong your, one of the words in that class being understood. jo bo snake, plural unindicated. ol-be dig and, see 20. kd rapta centipedes, from ka rap bite as a stinging insect. chd pi bite in any way. kok would-that-they-may-not, da ke and ngo ke are used as the imperative don't! ka*to ngoiyo li'r-kok there permission go-I hope may not=I hope they won't let you go there; ngo pa-kok I hope you won't fall. As to the wish expressed see the farewell in 29. ] 27. di-raptek ni ya bnga ya:ba. There's nothing more to say at present. [dirap lately, tek from, postp., the whole meaning at present'. ni more, see 23. ya bunga say, verbal subst.=saying. ya ba not. ) 28. med a ardu ru len ij'imigu en'inga ilita nke. We send salaam to all. [med a we. ardu ru all. len to, postp. ij'i a common prefix, implying apparently separation', but its signification in compounds is tost, it is frequently omitted in this word, mi gu face, en i-nga take-(verbal subst.). The natives mean by the word to bend the head and touch the forehead, that is, to salaam, as they were taught to do by the Rev. Mr. Corbyn, the first person who had charge of_them; it is a case, then, of a new word, which may be advantageously compared with the Greek porkuveiv, to play the dog to; sometimes chilldim, a mispronunciation of salaam, is used. itita n-ke send-do, see 22. ] 29. kam wai mol-qichik ! Good-bye? [kam here. wai indeed. moloichik we, full form. The ceremony of taking leave by word of mouth is rather long. The host accompanies his visitor to the landing-place, or at least to a considerable distance. On parting, the visitor takes his host's hand and blows upon it ; after the compliment is returned, the following dialogue ensues. DEPARTING VISITOR: kam wai dol, here indeed I. Host: 2 aye (a contraction for o'no yes), u'chik wai on, hence indeed com, tain td-lik kach on yate? when again hither come who ?=very well, go, when will you come again ? DEP. VIs.: nga tek do ngat min kach ikke, then-from (presently) I for-you thing take-away-will-I will bring away some thing for you one of these days. Host: jo bo la ngong cha pikok ? snake (euphonic la) you bite-may not-I hope no snake will bite you, compare 26. DEP. Vis.: wai do erge lepke, indeed I on-the-land (er), -watchful-b3-will. They then repeat the ceremony of blo ving on

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY each other's hands, and part shouting invitations and promises for a future date until beyond earshot. There are no Andaman words of greeting. Relatives on meeting throw their arms round each other and weep for joy. When any other persons meet, they simply stand looking at each other in silence for a long time, sometimes as much as half an hour, before one of them ventures to speak.] SECOND LETTER TO JAM BU The sentences are numbered in continuation of the former. 30. mam jambu. Worshipful Jumbo [see 1]. 31. med' arduru adbe ringa. We are all in good health [see 2]. 32. nga ka mar' duru tek o'gun.mar lo'ra abyed're ya ba. Up to the present Master .lo'ra is the only one of us who has not been ill. [nga'ka as yet, see 5. ma'r' daru contraction for mar at-ardiru our-all the whole of us. tek from, postp. o'gun only. .mar .lora see 4. abyed-re human (No. 4) -sick-was. yaba not.] 33. ol kichikacha otola laire meda tidai nga-ba, til ik yat mak nga do ga l'eda're. We don't know how he has escaped (being ill), perhaps it is because he eats so much. [ol he. kichikacha how, in what manner. oto-la-lai-re escape-did. med a we. idai-nga-ba know-(verbal subst.)-not-we are knowers not; ba at the end is a contraction for yaba, and. never becomes ba (meaning 'small '), but is kept short and unaccented. til ik perhaps, see 24. yat food, see 10. mak-nga eat (verbal subst.)-eating, see 17. do ga much. l'eda're by reason of, 23.] 34. mar at dil u abyed'ya-te a'chitik o'tola naikan apa tada. The rest of us who have been ill, are now in as good condition as before. [mar at our, dil'u remainder, see 7. abyed human (No. 4)-sick. ya'te who. a'chitik now. o'tola first. nai kan like. apa'ta-da animate (No. 3) -fat-(thing generally). The natives grow rapidly thin when ill, hence to grow fat is to regain health. ] 35. 6gar l'aitar ire med a kat chu len yobolire. Last month we visited Katchall Island [o'gar moon, o'gar-de-reka-yaba-moon-baby-small, or new moon, ab-de reka- human baby ogar-derka- the moon two or three days old, o'gar-cha'nag- moon-big, first quarter, o'g.. chau- moon-body, full moon, (so bo-do-chau-sun-body, is noon, and gu rug-chau- night-body, is midnight), o'gar-ki nab- moon-thin last quarter, la-wai'aga-nga-waxing, lar-odowa-nga waning. l'a-human, No. 3, with euphonic 1, because apparently they regard the moon as a male, .mai. a.ogar-, Mr. Moon, and seem to look upon it as more like a man than any other inanimate object. The sun is regarded as female, and is hence called .chan-a-bodo-, Mrs. Sun. So also in German and Anglo-Saxon, the moon is masculine and the sun feminine. itar'i-re extinguished-was, like any other light. media we. kat.chu Katchall Island, one of the Nicobar group. len to or at. yo'boli-re disembark-did, see 24.] 36. karto d'rla ikpor len pol'inga be dig reg l'arduru leb igalre murgi be dig. During the few days we stayed there, we bartered for a lot of pigs and towls. [kd to there, see 26. drla day, pl. indicated only by the following word. ikpor really two, but often used for a few, especially with d'rla. len to or for, postp. poli-nga dwelling, see 11. be dig consequent on, see 11. reg pigs, male or female, see 15 and 16. l'arduru several. leb for, postp. igat-re barter-did, see 15, the subject is med'a we, in preceding sentence. murgi fowls, an adopted Hindustani word. be'dig also, when placed last, see ol-be dig in 20.1

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INTRODUCTION 15 37. kato igbu dwa-longka lak be-ringa-l'igla ardu ru unranda. The people of that part are the best of all, they are all liberal. [ka to there. ig- Nos. 9, 10, 17. budwa dweller in a hut or village, fellow-countryman, see 7. long-kalak sign of plural, used because there is nothing else in the sentence to indicate plurality. be'ringa good. l'igla (l'euphonic) used alone means 'distinct', but when joined to a word of quality it shews the highest degree, superlative, most good, best, mai a igla- head chief. ardu ru all. unran-da (Nos. 7, 8, 12, 13, 16) liberal.] 38. mar .wii, ira- jodo be dig ka to reg pata igba dignga be dig mu-gum len poichatnga l'eda're reg-gu mul le re. While there, Masters .wo'i and -fra- .jado, seeing the fat pigs for which their stomachs craved, broke their pig-fast. [be dig also, see 36. reg pa'ta pig fat, that is, fat pig, not pig's fat, see 34. ig-ba'dig-nga seeing-(verbal subst.), see 11. be dig consequent on. mugum inside or belly, tarmugum beneath. len to, postp. poi chat-nga fond of (any kind of food)-(verbal subst.). l'eda're because of (see 23), i.e., feeling fond of food to their inside, reg-gu mul pig-ceremony. We have no corresponding word to gu'mul, it belongs to the peculiar institutions of the Andamanese. Mr. Man says: "Although .wo'i had been recently induced to marry, he was only a youth of about 16, and had not yet gone through the ceremony of young man making' known as gu'mul le ke (gu mul devourdoes), when the young neophyte who has for some time past evinced his powers of self-denial, and thereby, in a measure, his fitness to enter upon the cares and trials of married life, is enabled after a course of three ceremonies (known as yadi-gu'mul- turtle ceremony, a jaga mul-honey ceremony, and reg-jiri- or simply, as here, reg-gumul- pig's kidney-fat or simply pig ceremony), which take place at intervals with a degree of external ceremony, to resume the use of these favourite articles of food. le-re devour-did. These ceremonies apply to the young of both sexes before reaching puberty. After this period the individual is said to be botiga-, which implies that he or she may indulge in any kind of food at pleasure. During the period (lasting sometimes 2 or 3 years) of their abstention they are called a ka-ya b-, or a'ka-ya ba- and the fasting period is termed a ka-yap-"] 39. tarololen atyed're yabada. They have suffered no ill consequences thereby. [tarolo-len last-to, that is, afterwards, see 18. at-yed-re, at is the plural form of the human prefix ab (see 11), yed be sick, re past time, that is, men were sick. yaba-da not. They fancy that to break the gumul (see 38) will entail serious consequences, the fact being 'that they then generally gorge themselves with these rich articles of diet, and hence make themselves ill.] 40. med a a'chitik e'kan leb rogo ikpp'r moto-pai chalen chi lyuke. We are rearing a few pigs for ourselves. [med a we. a'chitik now. e kan selves. leb for. rogo pig, ikpor two, that is, a few; as two is the largest number for which they have a name, they use it indefinitely, see 36. moto our own, pascha lap, len to, that is, in our midst. doto s. moto pl. ngoto and oto s. and pl. are the reflective forms of dot s. mo tot pl., ngot and it, etc., as ol dot jerke he my-head shave-does, but dol doto jerke I my-own-head shavedo. chilyu ke fattening-are, see 17.] 41. tardi lea mar'duru otpagi katchu len yau'gare. The day before yesterday we all went again to Katchall. [tar probably beyond', dilea yesterday. mar'da 'ru we all, see 32. st-pag'i again, ig-pagi is also used, see ot, ig, in Nos. 14, 15, and 9, 10, paq'i repeat. kat.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY chu Katchall. len to, postp. yau'ga-re go-did, used for going to a particular place, otherwise lir is used.] 42. kato ogun a'rla u batul bar mire, (but) spent only one day there. [ka to there. agun only. a'rla day. uba-tul one, see also 10 and 43. bar mi-re spend-did, passing the night there, as on a visit.] 43. me kan leo ro go u bado ga murgi jibaba be dig o'more. We fetched a pig and very many fowls for our own consumption. [me kan ourselves, see ekan in 40. leb for, postp. rogo pig. u-ba-do'ga one, or rather only one, an emphatic form of uba-tul, see 10. murgi fowl, see 36. ji baba very many. be'dig also. omo-re fetch-did, see 16, toyu-re bring-did.] 44. jurulen ya di cho ag arduru be dig igba digre do'na dutre ya bada. On the way we saw several turtles and porpoises, but speared none. [juru sea. len to or in, postp. yd di turtle. cho'ag porpoise, both rendered plural by the following word. ardu ru several. be dig also. ig-bd'dig-re see-did. dona but. du tre spear-did. ya bada not. The usual way to catch turtles is to harpoon them with a spear called kowai'a lo ko dut-nga-, consisting of the tog-, or a long bamboo haft, at one end of which a socket is provided for the kowai'a-, which is a short pointed and notched iron harpoon; these are connected by a long line, betma-. The thick end of the tog- is called ar-b5rod-, and the socket end a ka-chang-.] 45. meda dilea e'remlen mai i l'a'katang id*lia - go'iya igba digre: kanchao a chitik karin to ug partke. Yesterday for the first time we saw a mai'i tree in the jungle; we can therefore make torches here. [med a we. dilea yesterday. erem jungle. len in, postp. mai'i name of a kind of Sterculia tree. l'a ka-tang, l' euphonic, a ka No. 11, tang topmost part, this is any kind of tree, a fruit tree is d'ka-ta-la-, which may be froin the same root. id lia-go iya, possibly a contraction of ed'a-lia-go'iya ever-of fresh, quite the first. igba dig-re see-did. kiancha therefore. a'chitik now. karin here. toug torch, consisting of the resin of the mai'i tree wrapped in leaves and principally used when fishing and turtling at night, full name toug- pa't-nga-. pat make, only said of this torch. ke future time. The word for 'making' varies with different things made, thus, wal-igma-chag make an oar, butan'i make a house or hut. kop make a canoe, bow, etc., te'pi make anything with cane, bamboo, etc., as in thatching, weaving, said also of a bee constructing its comb, tan i make a pail, lat make a cooking-pot, mar make waistbelts, wristlets, or garters with pandanus leaves and string, tai make arrow heads by hammering out pieces of iron, see 46, mai a make string by twisting the strands with the fingers.] 46. mamjo la artam a.rlalen chiti yitike, to batek med a ela do gaya tarike. The former mamjo la is always writing, meanwhile we are making lots of pig-arrows. [mam-jola homes-chief, a word coined since the Andaman 'Homes' were established, and used in addressing the officer placed in charge of them. The first syllable appears to be a form of mam (see 1), and the whole word is an abbreviation for mam-maiola worshipful chief, of which some persons suppose it was first an English corruption, afterwards adopted by the natives. In this letter Mr. Man himself is referred to, as he ceased to be in charge of the 'Homes' when he was transferred to the Nicobars. a'rtam old, applied to animate or inanimate objects, but here it only means former', for Mr. Man was not aged. a'rla-len day-to, always. chit i letter, a Hindustani word. yiti-ke tattoo-does. They have applied the word tattoo' to writing, as it were, scratching, scribbling. to ba-tek meanwhile, compare ento ba already, before, to laba wait a little, aento bare elder brother. med a we. e'la pig-arrows, pl. indicated by next word. do gaya many. tai-ke make-do.]

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INTRODUCTION 17 47. mo tot pai chalen a chitik del ta o'to-cho-nga ji baba. We have now got very many bundles of arrows in our possession. [mo tot our. pai cha-len lap-to, in our possession, see 23. a'chitik now. del'ta arrows, generic name for all arrow except the cham-, which is more of an ornament or toy. The several kinds are: ra ta- with blunt wooden point for play, or before conversion into a tt'rled sharp wooden-pointed, for shooting fish; to'lbodwith iron point, with or without barb, for shooting fish and small animals, etc., e la with movable iron blade-head, for shooting pigs and other animals, etc.; e la la ka lu pa with fixed iron blad e-head, for the same purposes. O'to-cho-nga bundle of arrows or bows, cho bind, as a parcel with string. ji baba very many.] 48. malai: la cha'rigma ot-lo-binga len jubagda ; ot-murgu kinab l'eda re al tog len tuklake. The Nicobar outrigger canoe is ill-suited for turtling; the narrowness of the bows prevents one from making full use of the spear. [malai. Malay, meaning Nicobarese, who are probably remotely Malays, and are quite different from the Andamanege. li'a of. charigma outrigger canoe, the generic name for all canoes is ro*ko-, those in the neighbourhood of Port Blair are generally without outrigger, and much larger than the cha rigma- t-lobi-nga (No: 14) hunt for turtles along the shore by poling.(verbal subst.). len for, postp. ja bagda bad. ot-murgu (No. 14) bow of boat, ig-mu gu face. kiinab thin, that is, narrow. l'eda're because of, that is, because of the bow being narrow. & it. tog turtle-spear, see 44. len for. tak*la-ke inconvenience.does.] 49. kiancha lo binga be dig met en-to`lat-ke. The consequence is that in poling the canoe we (frequently) fall. [kiancha: therefore. lobi-nga hunting the turtle by poling(verbal subst.). be dig wbile. met us. en-to - lat-ke cause-fall-does; to'lat is to drop, and is here made causative by prefixing en, Emakes us fall, see en-et-jerke in 21.] 50. mo da ngol birma-che-lewa len min ardu ru nga na ya te itita nke ya'ba, meda kuk-ja-bagi-ke. If you don't send us by the incoming) steamer all the things we asked for, we shall be very disappointed. [mo'da if. ngol you. birma-chelewa steamer, see 3. len in, postp. min things, see 23.-ardu ru all. ngd na v. beg, ask for, ya te which we asked for, but there is no indication of person or time. itita nke send, see 24. ya'ba not. meda we. kuk-ja:bagi-ke heart-bad-are, see 23, euphonically inserted i before ke.] 51. ka rin na tartet ya.ba. There is no more news to tell you. [karin here, ma more. tartit news. ya ba not.) 52. med-a ngol l'ardiru tek tartit be-ringa iga rike. Wo are longing to have good accounts of you all. [med'a we. ngol you (pl.) ardi-ru all. tek from, postp. tarti't news. i-gari-ke long-for-do, i prefix, an abbreviation of ig, Nos. 9 and 10.] . 53. Aga ka yum ba lapare. But little rain has fallen up to the present time. [ngakd As yet, see 5. yum rain. ba little. la-pa-re (euphonic la, frequently prefixed to verbs), falldid.) 54. kam wai moloichik. Good-bye. [See 29.] The above examples show the mode of thought of the natives, and what most occupies their attention. Thoy are some of the very few expressions of genuine untutored barbarians which we possess. The analytical translation given shews the meaning of the parts of the words and the method of construction. The Andamanene have poetry, and that of a most remarkable kind. Their only musical instrument is a stamping-board to keep time, and to this rhythm everything seems

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18 TRE INDIAN ANTIQUARY to be sacrificed. The words, their order, the prefixes, the suffixes, the postpositions, are all more or less changed, the order of the words suffers: in short the poetical language requires a special study, which is the more difficult to give, as songs are always impromptu, and not, as a rule, sung again after the one occasion for which they were composed, and then only by the composer. The following specimen of a song composed by the gam-bu, to whom the above letters were addressed, after his liberation from a six months' imprisonment, about 1865, for having shot down & sailor whom he found taking liberties with his wife, was given to Mr. Man by the author. I. As IT WAS SUNG. SOLO. ngo do k@k arta"lag ka, moro el ma ka igba dala moro elimo le aden yara po-tot lah. CHORUS. adenyara po-tot lah. II. LITERAL TRANSLATION OF THE POETRY. thou heart sad sky surface there look-at sky surface of ripple bamboo spear. III. PROSE ANDAMANESE VERSION BY MR. MAN. ngol kuk l'arta lagike moro el ma len ka to igba dignga bedig, moro el ma la en'yar len igba dignga bedig po-tog len tag imike, IV. LITERAL TRANSLATION OF PROSE VERSION. thou heart-sed-art sky-surface to there looking while, sky-surface of ripple to looking while, bamboo spear on lean-dost. V. FREE TRANSLATION OF PROSE VERSION. thou art sad at heart, gazing there at the sky's surface, gazing at the ripple on the sky's surface, leaning on the bamboo spear. The rhythm Was : --1--|--|-- -- |-|| - 1 - - The syllables marked were of medial length. There were two short syllables at the end of the second and third lines. The three long syllables in the fourth line were very long and slow, each filling up a whole measure. Strange as some of the changes and omissions were, this is one of the least altered of the songs. We must suppose the man to be standing before his companions after liberation from prison, gazing sadly at the sky again and resting on his bamboo spear, and then the action would maks the words intelligible.

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LIST OF APPENDICES i. Philological Harp. u. Various forms of the personal and possessive pronouns in relation to general and specific objecte. ii. List of terms indicating cardinal and ordinal numbers. iv. List of interjections, exclamations and phrases. v. Specimen of the South Andaman Language." vi. Comparative list of words in certain Andaman dialects as recorded between 1876 and 1879. vii. Terms applied to males and females from birth to old age, in order to indicate their age, condition, etc. viji. Terms indicative of various degrees of relationship. ix. List of proper names, and of the various seasons. X. Terms indicating certain periods of the day and night; the phases of each lunation, various tides, winds, clouds, etc. xi. List of the principal trees and plants in the Andaman jungles. xu. List of molluscs commonly known to the Andamanese. XIP. List of objects made and used by the Andamanege.

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ABANDON ACCEPT DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE. tang-len. When we die our souls depart Abandon, (v.t.) 1. desert, leave .... to the regions above: marat-durutugot-mani (ke). Let us abandon the en dapinga-bedig ot-yolo tang-len jinke. campment to-day on acoount of the putre Hang the dead crow above the hut: batka fying arca shells: kdrada-ta l'a-jaba-yate okoli-yate bid tang-len igngotolke. See below l'edare mocho kawai bud l'Otmanike. 2. leave and free. behind, forsake ....iji (ke). On running abreast, (adv.) side by side . . . . akanaway from there we abandoned all our things: tornga (da). kdto tek ad-wetinga-bedig med ydt t'arduru fjire. abscess, (s.) .... umu (da). Prefix, abdomen, (8.) .... ar-maga (da). See ot, ab, etc., according to the part of the body belly. affected. See App. ii.. abdominal walls, (s.) .... ab-upta (da). abscond, (v.i.) .... oto-nuyu (ke)., abet, (v.t.) 1. in an act of violence .... After stealing my well-polished bow Punga ong-jig (ke). Did he abet you it, the abeoonded : dia karama geligma tapnga-bedig assault ? an wai 6l ng ong jigre? 2. in pung'oto-nayure. giving offenoe . . . . ar-yene (ke). absent, (adj.) not present .... ababetment, (8.) in giving offence.... yaba (da). Why are you shouting his ar-yenami (da.) name? he is absent : michalen ngol ot-ting abottor, (.) 1. in assault ..., ong: lat erewdke? ol abyaba (da). jignga (da). 2. in abuse or affront.... absorb, (v.t.) .... 0t-er (ke). See dry. ar-yenenga (da). abstain, (v.i.) 1. from food . . . . yapi abhor, (v.t.) See dislike, hate, loathe. (ke). It is our custom when mourning to able, (v.i.) See can. abstain from certain kinds of food : met-kara able, (adj.) See clever, expert, superior, aka-og len min yapike. See fast and forst. sharp-sighted. 2. to refrain from any act .... eb-ot-kukabode, (s.) See hut and home. l'arlo (ke). See forbear and refrain. aboriginal, (s.) .... aka-bira-bud-ya abstemlous, (adj.) . . . . Ot-redeba (da); (da). ig-galawar (da). Why are you so ababorigines, (s.pl) .... akat-bira-bud-ya stemious ? we are going to gorge ourselves: (da). We call the aborigines of Little michalen ng'ot-redeba? meda mat-jodoke. Andaman, Onge: patang lakat-bina-bad-ya abundant, (adj.) plentiful, of inanimate len med' onge marat-taikke. objects .... ababa (da). See many and abortion, (s.) miscarriage ..... ab-de- plenty. reka-ya-panga (da). See fall and infant. abuse, (s.) .... ab-togo (da); witi about, (postp). 1. near to .... badinga- (da). I dislike abuse: wai dol abtogo len ba. His bow is about so long : ia karamajabag-Make. kichilan badinga-ba lapanga. We shall abuse, (v.t.) .... ab-togo (ke). Why go turtling about midnight: med gang. did you abuse him ? michalen ngat ad abchau badinga-ba 16bike. 2. See exactly oon- togore? See him. oerning .... eb. He is talking about you: abuse, receive (v.i.) .... aka-ret (ke); at ng'eb ijenke. } I received abuse from him this morning : abovo, (adv.) 1. Higher in place, on ol tek dilma len d'Aka-retre. the top of ..... tot-era-len See on abusive, (adj.) .... ab-togonga (da). Place the bow above the mat: kdrama acoont, (8.) See pronunciation. parepa tot-eralen tegike. 2. overhead .... accept, (v.t.) .... eni (ke). &. idea, out: a, OWE Caea : a, father : a, fathom : si, bite : au, house : au, rowe.

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ACCESSIBLE accessible, (adj.) by climbing or other means.... ngatlinga (da). accident, (s.) casualty.. ig-nhong (da). By an accident the infant fell from the baby-sling and was killed (lit. died): ig-chag tek ab-dereka chip tek panga-bedig okolire. tar accidentally, (adv.) by chance... jiau; antemar-len. I found it accidentally on the road: wai d'en (abbrev. for dol ollen) tar-jiau tinga len orokre. accompany, (v.t.) ik(ke); iglori (ke); ot-yar (ke). Accompany me, not them: dikke itikke dake. kadli accompliee, (s.) . . . . ong-jig (da). accomplish, (v.t.) complete.. (ke); diyo (ke). I accomplished that work this morning: wai do kat'onyom len dilmaya kadlire. See somehow. accomplished, (adj.) See clever, expert, etc. accord, of one's own (adv.)...akaumu-tek. accordance with, in, (postp.) 1.... naikan; See like. 2. with ref. to custom or practice.... ekara; kianwai. In accordance with our ancient practices: chaugatabanga l'ekara. accouchement, (s.). ... ad-ginnga (da). account of, on (adv.) 1. By reason of ... edare. He is standing there on account of the rain: ol yum l'edare kato kapike. 2. on behalf of, for the sake of. See for. 3. on one's own account. . . . a; ik. See give and hunt. 21 accumulate, (v.t.) collect ot-jeg (ke). See collect. accurate, (adj.) uba-wai (da). aeeuse, (v.t.)....ong-titan (ke). Why do you accuse Punga? michalen ngo ping'nglinke ADOPTED ab-jodo-li-cham (da). 6. of the tooth. .ig-tug cham (da). acid, (adj.)... ig-makanga (da). See sour. ar-wal acidity, (s.)... ig-maka (da). acknowledge, (v.t.) admit (ke). He acknowledged in my presence that he beat Punga: ol d'arloglen arwaire anya punga l'otparekre. acquaint, (v.t.). ... badali (ke). See inform. acquaintance, (s.) the individual.... ig-jlu-gam (dn); ig-ngolinga (da). across, (adv.) 1. athwart teta; iji-charawali. 2. across country... kadabali; balakati. active, (adj.) 1. in running, climbing, etc... ar-watanga (da.) 2. in swimming, etc. .... a-nemtonga (da). 3. energetic, zealous ... fratnga (da). adapt, (v.t.)... git (ke). We adapt the boar's tusk for planing purposes: meda pornga-l'eb pilicha gitke. adaptable, (adj.) suitable ... noma (da). add, (v.t.) 1 join to.... tar-odo (ke). 2. increase. See increase. .... tar -jeg (ke); admit, (v.t.) 1. grant entrance lotok (ke); en-loti (ke). See extract, where aba-beringa (da); the "i" is short. 2. acknowledge ar-wai (ke). admonish, (v.t.) reprove ig ral (ke). adopt, (v.t.) 1. a person.... ot-chat ache, (v.i.).... ig-cham (ke); ig-yed (ke). 2. one child.... oko-jeng-e (ke); (ke); teteka (ke). See pain. ar-ba-gor (ke). 3. more than one child ig-puku-cham.... ba-l'ar-ngaij. (ke). ache, (s.) 1. of the ear (da). 2. of the head.... ot-yed (da). St-cheta-l'ot-yed(da). 8. on the brow ...i-tala-yab (da). 4. on crown of head... ig-bon-gi (da). 5. of the stomach adopted, (8.) 1. a person....Ot-chatre; Ot-chat-yate (da). 2. a child.... okojengere; ar-ba-gorre; oko-jenge-yate (da); ar-ba-gor-yate (da). o, indolent: 6, pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil. adept, (s.) in handicraft ong. tapa (da) See accomplished, expert, and excellent. adhere, (v.i.) stick to.... oy un-temar-" mali (ke). adjacent, adjoining. See near.

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ALL-DAY ADORN adorn. See decorate. aged. See old; also App. vi. - adrift, (adv.) .... ad-maunga (da). agitate, (v.t.) See shake. adult, (s.) male and female. See App. vii. agony, (8.) .... nu (da). Prefix ot, ad ultery, (v.i.) commit.... ar-wag (ke). ab, etc. according to the part of the body advance, (v.i.) go forward . .. tar- affected. See App. ii. iki (ke); ar-chorowa (ke). See go. agree, (v.i.) consent ....wai (ke). advance, (adv.) In....oto-la (da); aground, (adv.) .... ad-yoboli; adOng-arolo (da). My father is going changa-linga. forward in advance of us: dab maiola ague, (s.)... did-dirya (da). He is suffermet otold arch orowake. ing from ague: wai en did-dirya l'abomoke. advantage, (s.). gain . . . . ar-polok (da). ah, (interj.) .... ah !; ai !; widi! Ah! There is no advantage in going there: kato they are falling: ah! onta pake. yauganga-len arpolok yaba. ahead, (adv.) .....kato-de; oto-la(da). adverse, (adj.) See contrary. See App. iii. advise, (v.t.) .... ab-cheali (ke). aid, (v.t.) 1. . . . 1-ta (ke.) 2. another adze, (s.) .... wolo (da); ik-er-kopnga in scooping as with an adze .... itd-kop (da). I made the entire bow by means (ke). 3. another in carrying on the shoulder of your adze: wai do ngia wblo tam-tek 1.... ita-katami (ke). See assist and karama arduru kopre. help. affectionate, (adj.) .... ik-polnga (da); aim, (v.t.) 1. with bow and arrow.... oko-jolowanga (da). idal-l'oko-nu (ke). 2. with spear .... affront, (s.) insult.... witi (da); ab ab-we (ke). togo (da). aimlessly, (adv.) at random. ...ig-changafloat, (adv.) ... Odatnga. tek. Why do you shoot your arrows ainafraid, (adj.) ... ad-latnga (da). We lessly? michalen ng'igchagtek taijke ? were afraid when the Indian Settlement air, (.) ....yela (da). was first established in this harbour : ucha airing, take an (v.i.).... -ul (ke); elarila len chauga-lelot walnga goiya meda ad-yauga (ke); ulnga-mag (ke). I have got m'atlatnga. a headache (so) I will take an airing: wai after, (postp.) 1. in time, in coming, going, dot cheta l'otyedke d'a-ulke. etc. ...ig-nilya (da). 2. in order or alas!, (interj.) .... Wada! ; kualen ! See position . . . . ar-lo (da). 3. last in order, App. iy. hindermost.... tar-lo (da). albumen, (s.) of egg.... molo-l'otafternoon, ( 8.) .... bodo-la-loringa (da). elepaij (da). See App. X. alike, (adj.) .... aka-para (da); ar. afterwards, (adv.). ... tarolo-len; tarolo- lornga (da); ar-te-log (da). See exactly. lik; nga-tek. alive, (adj.) 1..... ig-ate (da); 2. of again, (adv.). ...ot-pagi; ig-pagi; talik ; fire.. . fig&-idal (da). See thon and ong-tali. Make it again: talik vigo. against, (postp.) in opposition to.... all, (s.) of any number or quantity ... akd-nigrnga. Why are you pulling against er-duru (da); ara-duru (da). ting-ubai. See me ? michalem ngo doakanjarga taple ? | whole. we all: mol-l'arduru (da), or m'arat. age, (s.) ... ad-lagri (da). My father duru (da). you all: ngol-l'Arduru (da), or is of great age : d'ab-maiola l'ad-lagri chanag ng'aratduru (da). they all: dl-l'Arduru (da). (da). or arat-duru (da). all these: Ucha-duru we. (v.i.) of animate objects .... (da). See friend. ab-choroga (ke); ab-janggi (ke). all-day, (adv.) .... bodo-doga (da). a, idea, cut: ,, cur: d, casa : &, father: &, fathom: ai, bite: au, house : au, rouse. fire.

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AMONG ANDAMAN all night, (adv.) .... garng-doga (da). inanimate objects ....ig-log len ; ongWe danced all night: meda garug-doga koire. palen. See near and search. Whom do you all right, (interj.) ... Ono! See App. iv. consider the best among those men ? kat'ad allow, (v.t.) 1. permit.... titan (ke). bila tek ngo mij'ab-beringa luake? I will See let and permit. 2. to go... ep-tig- distribute the food amongst you: do ng'diot lai (ke). udt walke. It is not the custom amongst almost, (adv.) nearly.... lagi-tek; I us: m'diot kianwai yaba. Tura is now living almost struck (with arrow) the centre of the among the aborigines at Little Andaman: coconut: wai dojedir loktar-len lagitek paitire. mina achitik pdtang-len onge l'olpaichalen alone, (adj.) 1. lonely.... jiba (da). buduke. The child is seater among the 2. solitary, single .... ab-aba-tol (da). women: abliga chan l'akatloglen akadoike. 8. apart, separate ... iji-la (da). See ! there is a centipede among those arrows: along, (postp.) . . . . loringa ; ya. Search ig-bddig! kato delta l'igloglen kdrapta (da). along the shore: igora loringa-len diake. among, selves, ... Oyut-bad-bedig. Why alongside, (postp.). .., pebadi. are you quarrelling among yourselves ? aload, (adv.) .... Skan-gary. michalen ng'oyut-bad-bedig dna-langmobce? amorous, (adj.) ....ig-nima (da). already, (adv.) .... entoba; I have already seen it: wai do l'entoba ldre. Compare amuse, (v.t.) .... i-jaja (ke). See game and play. He is amusing his own children: &entobare (elder brother), toba-tek (meanwhile), tolaba (wait a little !) ol ekan Agala-len ijdjake. anoestor, (s.) 1. ...ot-maia. Thy Ancesalso, (conj.) .... bedig; 81-bedig; tors, ng'ot-maiaga; our ancestors, m'totBate. Give me a bow, algo some arrows, beads, maiaga. 2. early, remote ... chauga-tabantwine and tobacco : den kdrama man, edte ga (da); tomola. A long time ago in the lelta, edte chalem, este mola, edte chaka. See days of our remote ancestors: artam chaugaLeast. 2. (adv.) See moreover. ta-banga l'idal-len. alter, (v.t.) .... golai (ke). anchor, (s.) ... kana (da), lit. that which although, (conj.) ..... @dais. Although forbids the canoe to drift. See forbid. the Chief was angry with me still he spared anchor-rope, (s.) .... yoto (da). my canoe : edaia maiola d'eb ijirelre drek dia anchor, (v.t.). .. kana-l'en tolpi (ke). roko-len ot-tid-dubure. kana-l'entolpi (ke). altogether, (adv.) wholly . . . . rea-tek. See anebor, (v.i.) be at .... a-tati (ke). entirely and quite. . . anchorage, (8.) 1. for boats ..... ong (da). always, (adv.) 1. constantly, incessantly There is a good anchorage near our landing.... ong-tam ; ong-tam-tk; ar-tam-tek. place ; metal pala-len lagiba ong beringa (da). See excellent, 2. throughout all time./.. 2. well-sheltered , , ,, tong-mugu-la kian-wai. 3. daily :... arla-len; ar lalen (da); Anchor your canoe in the well-sheltered Irialen. See write. 4. from time immemorial anchorage; ngia robo tong-migu-lia-len kana....arla-dilureatek. 5. continually, l'entolpi (ke). See bay and calm. habitually....ig-loinga ; Oko-jaranga. ancient, (adj.) -.Ar-tam (da). ambush, (v.t.) shoot from an .... and, (conj.) .... bedig; ol-bedig; eate. ik-chopat (ke). See also and feast. amiablo, (adj.) .... oko-dubunga (da). Andaman Islands, (s.) .... erema (da). See ambidexter, (adj.) ....ig-kori (da). world. The prefix d in the following place among, amongst, (postp.) 1. with ref. to names is used euphonically for er (place) in animate objects .... tek; diot; ot-paicha- construction. 1. Islands of N. and N. W len; akut-loglen; diot-loglen. 2. with ref. to 1 of N. Andaman .... el-Akd-charior (da). o, indolent: 0, polo : d, pot : o awful: di, boil

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ANDAMANESE 24 ANOTHER 2. Coast of the northern half of N. Andamanother characteristics, distinguish them from ..... el-akd-kora (da). 3. Interior of N. the five northernmost tribes (Aka-yere) Andamard .... el-Aka-tabo (da). 4. Coast of and the two jarawa tribes. 1. in the southern half of N. Andaman and N.E. district of kapa-tong (da). . . . aka-juwai corner of Middle Andaman .... el-aka-yere (da). This term means " designs-cut-on(da); also, el-Akd-jaro (da.) 5. Northern bow." In the map this name has been half of Middle Andaman and S.W. corner inadvertently shown as "Oko-juwai (da)," of N. Andaman with Interview Island .... which is its designation in that tribe's el Akd-kede (da). 6. Coast and interior dialect. 2. in el-aka-ko] (da). . . . akd-kol of central portion of Middle Andaman .... (da). 3. in el-aka-bojig-yab (da). . . . akakapa-tong (da), lit. leaf of the Licuala peltata, bojig- yab (da) 4. in el-ar-juru (da). . . akewhich is abundant there. 7. Central portion balawa (da), lit." opposite coast people." of E. coast of Middle Andaman .... el-aka 5. in el-aka-bea (da). . . . aka-bea (da). ' kol (da). Kal means " flower." 8. S.E. corner Andamanese of the following two tribes of Middle Andaman including part of Bard- or septe, onge-jarawa (da). 1. occupying tang and adjacent islets .... el-akd-bojig- el-aka-jarawa (da). ... aka-jarawa (da). This yab (da). - Baratang means bdra-tree; is an off-short of the Little Andaman tribe. this island being reckoned part of the 2. in Little Andaman. ...inge. The name Middle Andaman. The full name means of this tribe for itself, till friendly relations locality of our type (or kind) of speech. were established between 1885-90) both See our and speech. 9. The Archipelago were designated "Akd-jarawa (da)." with Button Islands .... el-ar-juru (da), lit. angel, (s.) celestial spirit. ...moro-win the land across the sea. 10. Coasts of (da), lit. "sky-creature." The morowin S. Andaman and Rutland Island, the Laby- are regarded as the children of Puluga (the rinth Islands, and S.W. corner of Middle Creator). The eldest of these spirits is Andaman .. .. el-akd-bea (da), lit. the land named pij-chor, whose duty it is to convey of spring water. 11. Part of interior of Puluga's orders to the others. S. Andaman, Rutland, and Baratang Islands, anger, (v.t.). ... en-tig-rel (ke). He analso N. Sentinel.... el-akd-jarawa (da). 12. gered Punga yesterday : a dilea punga-ya Little Andaman .. .. patang (da), wilima- l'entigrelre. tara (da). Patang is the Semecorpus angry, (adj). 1. ... iji-relnga (da); tigtree which flourishes there, and wilima- relnga (da). He is often angry: ol arlatara means " Caguarina trees on the sand." reatek ijirelnga (da). 2. with another... Andamanese of the following five tribes eb-iji-relnga (da). Why are you angry with or septs . . . . aka-yerewa (da). 1. in the me? michalen ngo d'eb ijirelnga (da)? 3. district of el-aka-chariar (da). . .aka-chariar with one's wife, or husband. ...ig-raknga (da). 2. in el-aka-kora (da)... Akdkora (da). See avold. (da). 3. in el-aka-tabo (da). .. . aka-tabo animal, (s.). .. tot-ndu (da). (da). 4. in el-akd-yere (da). . . . Aka yere animosity, (8.). . . . yodi (da). See enmity (ca). 5. in el-aka-kede (da). . . akd-kede ankle, (8.)... Ong-togur (da). (da). annoy, (v.t.) molest... ig-joli (ke); Andamanese of the following five tribes ong-tali (ke). annually, (adv.)...talik-talik. The fruitor septs. ...bojig-ngiji (da). This term tree bears (fruit) only once annually : dka-idla denotes "our (or, fellow.) kinsmen." ogun aba-doga tdlik-tdlik arbatke. The bows, arrows, and other articles another, (adj). 1. not the same... akemade and used by these five tribes, besides tedi-bolya (da); Akd-toro-buya (da). Go A, idea, cut: i, our: a, casa: a, father: a, fathom: ai, bito: au, house, au, rouse,

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ANOTHER in another canoe: roko l'akatedibolya len ng'akangaike. 2. one more... na (da); tun (da); talik-uba-tul (da). See! here comes another Jarawa: igbadig! jarawa talik-ubatul kach onke. See again and one. another time, later on, (adv.).... nga tek. another's, (pron.) property... ig-eba (da). It is not my property, it is another's: dia ramoko yabada wai igebada. ant, (s.) 1. ordinary, small. . . . ema (da). 2. large, black, stinging.... burya (da). 3. large, red, tiger.... kangira (da). 4. white (termite)..... bedara (da). The winged whiteant.: which appear shortly before the rains are called oropa-l'aka-ya (da) or oropa l'aka-char (da). ant-hill, (s.).... kot (da). When he sat on the ant-hill the ants stung him: 61 kot len akadoinga-bedig barya l'en karabre. antediluvian, period, (8.) . . . . tomo-l'idal, (da), (lit. "in the days of Tomo," who lived before the Deluge). See period, time. anticipation of, in (postp.). . . . oko-telim. Cook some food in anticipation of Bira's arrival: bira l'okotelim yot joike. 25 apart, (adv.)... ijila (da). The man who answer, (v.t.) reply, respond.... aka-tegi- is standing apart (from the rest) is my father: gol (ke). Why don't you answer me? micha-wai ol ijila kapi yate d'arodinga (da). len ngo d'aka-tegigolke yabada? apart from, (postp). See beside. aperture, (s.) opening.... aka-jag (da). apparition, (8.) spectre. ... chauga (da). appear, (v.i.) 1. be in sight.... ar-bangwejeri (ke). 2. show one's self.... ar-diya (ke). 3. as the sun or moon. ... a-i-doati (ke); oko-doati (ke). The full moon always appears (rises) in the evening: garchau arla-dilureatek dilaya l'aidoati (ke). any, (adj.) whatever.... michima... bedig. Before I embark give me any food (you have): d'akanwernga l'entoka michima yat bedig man (ke). any one, (s.) any body....uchin-ol. You must not tell lies to any one: ngol uba-waik uchin-ollen atedike yabada. Bring me any one's bow: uchin-ia karama dat-toyuke. See he and his. About any one, uchin eb. See about and lie. AREA anything, (8.).... michima-min. Is there anything in the bucket? an michima-min dakar len? appetite, (s.). . . . un-weral (da). applaud, (v.t.).... ot-ali (ke). apply, (v.t.) 1. pigment to an object or one's person ... lefie (ke); past tense is lenek (re). See paint. 2 resinous wax.... lene (ke); leat (ke); as in caulking a cance or in protecting the twine lashings of arrows. 3. bees'-wax to bowstring, etc.... .lunu (ke). appoint, (v.t.) (name) a time.... oko-tigrau (ke). approach, (v.t.) 1.... at (ke); chegal' (ke). Hush! two pigs are approaching us: wai mila! reg ikpor met atke. See see. 2. by stealth, in order to surprise.... ar-flaiji (ke). 8. as in stalking or attacking an enemy. . . . ig-goroba (ke). See stalk, approach nearer! kaich-tun! antidote, (s.).. tar-wurul (da). For ague the application of (lit. to rub) the leaves of the gugma tree (Trigonostemon longifolius) is a good antidote: diddirya l'eb gugma-tang rarnga-bedig tarwurul beringada. antifebrile, (8.). ... tar-warta (da). anus, (8.) .ar-tomur (da). anvil, (s.) rarap (da). apron (leaf-), (8.) . . . . obunga (da). This refers to the leaf or leaves-generally of the Mimusops indica ("mowa tree")-worn from anxiety, (s.).... ar-tariki (da); a-dami (da). Owing to anxiety my wife will not eat (lit. is abstaining from food): artariki l'edare dai ik-yate yapike. anxious, (adj.) uneasy.... ar-tarikinga motives of modesty by women and girls (da); A-daminga (da). of the Great Andaman tribes. See App. xiii. arca granosa, (8.) ark-shell.... karada (da). area sp., (s.) ark-shell. . . . porma (da); paidek (da); wangata (da). See App. xii. o, indolent: o, pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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ARCH arch, (s.)... go-bonga (da). archer, (s.). oko-karama-cham (da). The deceased Biala was a good archer: lachi biala oko-karama-cham beringa l'edare. area, (s.) space, tract. . . . er (da). ardour, (s.) zeal. irat (da). areca catechu, (8.) abad (da). areca triandra, (s.). . . . apara (da). areca laxa . . . . cham(da). See App. xi. areca-nut, (s.). . . . aka-ban (da); abadban (da); apara-ban (da). armed, (adj.).... chachnga (da). to (the vicinity of) the Jarawas we all (go) armed when travelling in that jungle: kat' erem jalanga bedig jarawa l'edare m'arduru chachnga (da). arrow, (s.) 1..... delta (da). Generic name for all arrows except the cham-paligma (da). See No. 7 below, and bundle. 2. . . . . with plain blunt wooden point, for play, or before conversion into a tirled. (See No. 3..... rata (da). 3. with sharp wooden point, for shooting fish... tirled (da). 4. with iron point, with or without barb, for shooting fish, pigs, etc. . . . . tol bod (da). 5. with moveable iron-blade-head and barbs, for shooting pigs, fish, etc..... ela (da). 6. with fixed iron-blade-head and barbs, arid, (adj). See parched. arise, (v.t.) from sleep or rest. . . . oyu-boi for shooting pigs, fish, etc. . . . ela-l'aka(ke). See awake and beforehand. ark-shell, (s.) See arca. lupa (da). 7. plain wooden, shaped somewhat like an oar, made for ornament or play and in order to show the skill of the maker .... cham-paligma (da). arm, (s.) the limb. . . . ig-gud (da). arm-pit, (s.)... ab-awa (da). arm, fore-, (s.) . . . . ig-kopa (da). arm, upper, (8.). ig-kurupi (da). armlet, (s.)... gud-chonga (da); ijichonga (da). arrow, nock of, (8.).... ar-paitoko (da). artocarpus chaplasha (s.) Jack fruit tree ... kai-ita (da). as, (conj.). 1. because....edare. 2. (adv.) Owing.... ignarum. See App. i. As he taught me so am I teaching you: ignurum o d'enstaire cha do ng'en-itaike. as much, (adv.)....kichikan. See muchand App. i. as well, (adv.) together with....ol-bedig. as well as, (adv.) not less than....arta-log-lik. I can climb as well as you: wai do ng'artaloglik gutuke chak-beringa (da). as yet, (adv.) still, hitherto.... nigaka. See ascend. arms, (s.) weapons.... chach (da). around, (adv.), el-lot-gowadinga (da). arouse, (v.t.) especially from sleep.... geinta (ke); genta (ke). It is getting late! arouse him or we shall not arrive in time: ting-gujuba! en gein-take, kinig m'ijit-yddawanga-ba. 26 arrange, (v.t.) 1. put in proper order... igla-l'ot-chilyu (ke). See rear. 2. put straight... kadli (ke). See straight. 3. make arrangements for one's return on a certain day . . . . Oko-tig-rau (ke). arrive, (v.i.) 1.... aka-ti-doi (ke). See beforehand. 2. at one's home by canoe kagal (ke). See bring by water, reach, and start. 3. at an appointed time. . . . ijiyadawa (ke). 4. (or return) late....i-tarjudu (ke). 5. late in the evening.... elarit (ke): eba-rit (ke). See lead and App. x. 6. of news.... ik-on (ke). Good news has arrived: tarlit beringa ik-onre. ASHORE ascend, (v.t.) 1. a hill. ... kagal (ke); tot-gutu (ke). None of us have as yet ascended that hill: med'arduru kato boroin ngaka kagalre yaba (da). 2. climb a tree or creeper. See climb. 3. a creek.... ot. lot (ke). ascend, (v.i.) 1. of the sun or moon .... kag (ke). 2. of a soaring bird..... wata (ke). ashamed, (adj.). . . . tek-iknga (da). ashes, (8.) .ig-bong (da); chapa-l'ig-pid (da). ashore, (adv.).... tot-gora-len; kewa-len. When we get ashore I shall be glad meda tolgoralen kagalnga-bedig d'ot-kuk-beringa (da). a, idea, out: i, cur: a, casa: &, father: a, tatnom: ai, bite: au, house: au, rouse.

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ASIATIC 27 AWRIT Asiatic, (s.) .... chaugala. See also native astride, (adv.) .... ara-yobolinga (da). and oriental. astringent, (adj.) . . . .ere-paich (da). aside, (v.i.) step. See step. at, (post p.) .... len ; lat; ya. He lives ask, (v.t.) 1. cnquire.... chiura (ke); at Little Andaman : il patang len buduke. 1 chiura (ke). 2. beg, request... aka-pele at last! (interj.) .... &-we (ke). at once, (adv.) .... ka-poi. Be off at ask earnestly (v.t.) See beg. once ! kagoi uchik wai on ! asleep, (adv.). ... maninga (da). at present, (adv.) .... dirap-tek. There asplenium nidus, (8.) . patla (da). See is nothing more to say at present: dirap tek fern. ad tarchinga yaba (da). assault, (v.t.) See attack. attack, (v.t.) 1. assault .. .. jeti (ke). 2. assemblage, (s.) ....jeg-chau (da), this plan an.... aka-tig-jeti (ke). 3. suddenly, word is applied to the meetings of members of by surpriso . . . . ar-bang-doati (ke). If the various encampments when they feast, dance object be an animal the prefix akd would. and sing: these entertainments are styled jeg be used. (da). See body. idal-ardurnga (da); Ardaru attempt, (v.t.). See try. akakoranga (da). attend, (v.t.) wait on. See nurse. assemble, (v.i.) 1..... totai (ke). 2. attend, (v.i.) give heed to .... iji-warta for dancing .... ara-jeg (ke). (ke). Attend to what your parents are assemble, (v.t.). ... &r-ngaij (ke). The telling you : ngab maiol-chanol l'aka-legi len Chief is assembling all the bachelore: maiola iji wdrlake. atwar'arduru drngaijke. audible, (adj.). ... aka-tegi-loyu. Theassent, (v.i.) .... wai (ke). thunder is still audible: gorowanga ngaka assist, (v.t.) .... f-to (ke). As Biala is akategi-loyu. weak to-day you must assist him in carrying it : kawai biala l'abmdlainga l'edare ng'en augur, (s.) See seer. aunt, (s.).... chanola. See App. viii. ubawaik ita-kata mike. authority, (8.) power, influence. ..ig-garu associate with, (v.t.). ..ig-mutli (ke). (da). See influence and chief. See enmity, assume, a form or part, (v.t.) porsonate autumn, (s.) .... rap-wab (da), lit. "season .... ab-chau-eni (ke). When Tomo died of abundance ", (viz., between the middle of (lil. "his-soul-departed ") he assumed the February and the middle of May, when the form of a whale: tomo l'otyolo jinnga-bedig principal fruit trees are in bearing and honey kara-duku l'ab-chau-enire also is in season). In the autumn large assure, (v.t.). botig (ke). quantities of leaves fall from the trees : astern, (adv.) .... ar-tit-len, rapb lem long dogagaaka-tang tek tolate. astern, (v.i.) go .... i-tar-tapa (ke). See avaricious, (adj.). ...iti-romad (da). Avongo, (v.t.).... on-ti-len (ke). See blood. asthma, (s.) .... ona-jabag (da). See aversion, (8.) to food .... &ka-warnga. breath and bad. yoma (da). astonish, (v.t.). ...ig-likati (ke). I ag- avold, (v.t.) shun . . . .ZAk (ke); tar-pejili tonished Woi with this: wai dol ucha tek (ke). On seeing the cane-leaf (funereal) 20oi l'iglikatire. wreaths round the encampment we avoided astonished, (adj.)....ig-Ng@klinga (da). the place : ard roni-ydte igbddignga-bedig astray, (adv.) .... chataknga (da). I med'er len rdkre. found my dog astray in the jungle: wai do await, (v.t.) .... tami (ke); ab-nadba dia bibi erem len chatalonga orolore. (ke). Await the Hood Chief's arrival before o, indolent: 0, pole: pot : oi aufu': di, bci.. paddle.

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VAKB 28 BANK commencing to dance : koinga l'entoka bag, (s.) of net-work.... chapanga (da). mai'igla l'Aka-ti-doingalen tamike. See App. xiii. Awake, (v..). ... boi (ke); 4-boi (ke).. baggage, (s.). ...ramoko (da). awakon, (v. t.). ...genta (ke); geinta bake, (v.t.). ... See cook. (ke). See arouse. balance. See remainder. awake, keep, (v.i.) keep a look out....ito- bald, (adj.) 1. by nature . . . . Ot-lata Jalai (ke). See look out. (da); Ot-tala-tim (da); ot-pij-yaba (da). 2. aware, (adj.) possessing knowledge. See by shaving ....ot-litomo (da); ot-pij-yaba know. (da). See bare. away, (adv.) absent . . . . ab-yaba (da). bale, (v.t.). ...rais (or raij)-ela (ke). away with you! (interj.) Be off!... See slop and hiss. Ochik wai-on ! ik-ana ! See threaten. ball, (s.). ...motawa (da). I hammered awhile, (adv.) for some time. ... mat- the iron with a ball-like stone (lit. "stoneaiyaba tek ball") : wai dol elata taili-motawa tek taire. awkward, (adj.) . . . . ab-dolopa (da); ig. bamboo, (s.) Bambusa andamanica guru (da). 1. male sp... ...pua (da) ; 2. female sp... awl! (s.) .... tolbod (da). po (da). [This word is also applied to speciay! ay! (interj.)...ol wai! mens of B. gigantea which have drifted to their coasts].-3. B. nana ....pua-l'ar-ba (da); ridi (da). From this variety the shafts Baby, (s.) . . . .ab-dereka (da). See App. of their fish-arrows are made. See App. xi and xiii. vii. bamboo, joints of the (s.) .... topebaby lsh, (adj.). ... ab-dereka-naikan. baby-sling, (s.)....chip (da). This is made taninga (da). bamboo receptacle, (s.) 1. small water-holder from the bark of the Melochia relutina and vorn like a sash from the right shoulder . .. gob(da). This is made from a to the left hip, usually by women, but variety of bamboo of the ordinary size (B. andamanica) and is also frequently used occasionally by men when carrying infants. on a journey, or (when hunting or foraging) for The woman is carrying her own infant in the baby-sling: chana ekan abdereka chip holding food which has already been partially cooked in it. When resting for a len abnorake. See App. xiii. meal this improvised pot is re-placed over a bachelor, (s.).... ab-wara (da). See App fire till its contents are sufficiently cooked. vii. See App. xiii. 2. large water-holder.... baek, (.). . . . ab-gudur (da); ab-lan (da). charata (da). (This consists of & section back-bite, (v.t.) .... ep-tong-it (ke). back-bona. 5 or 6 feet long of the B. gigantea : when See spine. reduced in length in order to serve as a back-water, (v.i.) See go-astern. bucket it is styled kopot (da). ] See App. xiii. backwards, (adv.)....tar-tapaya. bandage, (s.). . . . ab-ram (da). bad, (adj.) 1. with ref. to human beings bandicoot, (rat), (s.) .... id (da). We :..ab-jabag (da). 2. with ref. to animals even now-a-days sometimes eat bandicoots : and inanimate objects .... jabag (da). marddru dirap-tek bedig nigdtek-ngalek id Formerly Woi was a bad character, but now makat-wetke. he is a good fellow : drtam woi ab-jabag bandy-legged, (adj.)....ta-ler-teka (da) l'edare dona achitik aberingada. See bone and crooked. bad-looking, (adj.).... f-ta-jabag (da); bank, (s.) of a creek or stream ....igig-jabag (da); ig-magu-jabag (da). pai (da); ig-pe (da). He is sitting on the &, idea, cut: &, cur : a, casa: A, father : &, fat' on: ai, bite : au, house: du, rouse.

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DAR 29 BRAT bank of the creek: ol jig l'ig-pai len bathe, (v.t.). . . . chat (ke). (v.i.) 1. in akadoike. shallow water or on the shore. ...ad-chat bar, (8.) See sandbank. (ke). 2. in deep water.... ladga (ke): barb, (8.) of arrow (single)...ar-cbaga bay, (8.) .... tong-mugu (da). See face (da). and leaf. 2. deep .... elaka-ala (da); barbs (8.) pair of .... ot-chatmi (da). elar-ala (da). as in the ela arrow). See arrow. . be, (v i.). ... eda (ke). It will be hard barber, (s.) .... Ot-jernga (da). by this evening : el dila len chlba l'edangabo. bare, (adj.) 1. cleared, of land .... er- Let it be! . . . . lobatuk dake! (lit. in the Alimare. 2. naked. See naked. 8. hair- | meantimne don't). Be off! (go away!) loss. See bald. 4. untattooed ..... abiata ....uchik-wai-on! ik ana! See henee (da). and threaten. bargain, (v.t.) See barter. beach, (8.) 1. gandy.... tara-l'oko-pai bark, (8.) 1. of a dog.... kanawa (da). (da). 2. rocky . . . . boroga (da). 3. .... 2. of a tree.... 80-8d (da); Ot-ej (da); foreshore. ... kewa (da). 4. landing-place Ot-aich (da); Ot-aij (da). .... pala (da). bark, (v.i.) as a dog.... kanawa (ke). beach, (v.t.) a cance. ... Ot-yoboli (ke); barnacle, (8.) .... rekil (da). diyo-kag (ke). See haul. barrel. (.) cask .. .. dakar-bodia (da). bead, (8.) ... chelem (da). (lit. large bucket). boak, (8.) 1. straight. ... Oko-naichama barrel, (n.) of gun..... birma (da). See (da). See point and tip. 2. curved .... funnel. oko-ngotdichma (da). That parrot's beak barren, (adj.) 1. of a woman ....abis red: War' even l'oko-ngotoichma wai cherama Brnga (da). See dry. 2. of a sow.... (da). rozo-laga (da); rogo-ernga (da). 8. of a beam, (v.i.) shine....chal (ke). tree past bearing .... ernga (da); luga beam, (8.) 1. of sun-light.... bodo-l'ar(da). That fruit tree is barren: bat'aka-lala chal (da). 2. of moon-light.... Ogar-l'arwai ernga (da). cbal (da). See sun and moon. 3. of a but barter, (v.t.). ... i-gal (ke). We barter. .... barma (da). ed for several young pigs for Punga, for bear, (v.t.) 1. See carry and suffer. 2. fattening purposes, but at the same time bear fruit. . . .bat (ke); ar-bat (ke). See did not forget ourselves: punga l'oyu chil annually. 3. give birth to....ab-eti (ke). yunga l'ed meda reg-udra jibaba igalre dona past bearing, (adj.) ....A-ernga (da). See tobatek moto-kuklire yaba (da). See day. dry. base of hill, (s.). . . ,borgin-l'ar-dama (da). beard, (s.) .... aka-dal-pij (da). See See buttock. chin. bashful, (adj.) modest, shy . . . . Ot-tek bearded, (adj.). . . . adal-l'aka-pij (da). (da). bask, (v.i.)....oto-choi (ke). While the beardless, (adj.) . . . . adal-pij-yaba (da); iguana was basking in the gun) I shot him : adal-pfj-la-pitaingata. duku oto-choinga-bedig dol en taijre. beat, (v.t.) 1. vanquish. ... otola-omo basket, (8.).... job (da). See App. xiii. (ke). See Arst, fetch and win. 2. beat basket-work, covering for cooking-pot... an inanimate object . . . . pare (ke) rali ramata (da). See App. xiii. (ke). 3. beat an animal. ... Ot-pare (ke). bat, (s.) 1. (Pteropus) .... wod (da). 4. beat a person. ... ab-pare (ke) ; &-pare 2. Cynopterus marginatus .... puruki (da); (ke). prefix according to part of the body cha pila (da). referred to. See App. ii. 5. with the fist ... o, indoleat: 6, pole: d, pot : o, awful: di, boil.

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BEAT beat, (v.i.) 1. one's self... ad-pare (ke). 2. one's own head.... oto-pare (ke); 8. one's own face... iji-pare (ke). 4. one's hand or foot... oyun-pare (ke). 5. one's mouth.... akan-pare (ke). See hit and strike. ab-taia (ke); ab-tulra (ke); ab-tachurpi | stood before (facing) us: ol makat-elma(ke). prefix as at App. ii. 6. iron on an anvil len kapire. See App. ii. for inflexions taj: (ke). 3. in respect of time. . . . entoba; entoka. He came here before me: ol karin d'entoba onre. See already. 4. before long, later on....nga-tek. 5. as before (in respect of time).... otola-naikan. See rest, (the) and like. beaten, (adj.) 1. in a fight...a-degranga (da). 2. in a race. ... ab-ijinga (da); tarlanga (da). 3. struck.... ralinga (da); pareknga (da). By the prefix (See App. ii.) the part of the person referred to is indicated. beautiful, (adj.) 1. of human beings ab-ino (da); ig-mugu-beringa (da). 2. of birds, animals, and inanimate objects. . . . ino(da). because, (adv.).... edare. We are not hunting because of the rain: yum l'edare meda deleke (or detenga) yabada. beche-de-mer, (s.) Holothuria edulis purud (da). 30 beekon, (v.t.).....ig-ngepi (ke). become, (v.i.).... mok (ke). As it became so hot I was unable to hold it: ol kian uya mokniga l'edare do puchunga chakjabagire. If you continue scooping the canoe (then) it will become too thin: moda ngo roko len na kopke (nga) otag redeba mokngabo. bed, (s.) 1. of leaves. . . . tag(da). 2. sleeping-mat with or without leaves. parepa (da). See App. xiii. The bedding used by natives of India is styled tot-ram (da). See cover and wrap. bee, (s.)....ratag (da.) bee-bread, (s.).... aja-baj (da), i.e., the pollen and honey on which young bees feed. bees'-wax, (8.) 1. white.... aja-pij (da). 2. black.... tobul-pij (da); lere (da). beetle, (8.) 1. common species.... peti (da). 2. Great Capricornis (Cerabyx heros)....igwod (da). 3. larva of ditto. ... .oiyum (da). before; (postp.) 1. not behind. . . . abelma-len. 2. facing....aka-elma-len. He BELLY before-hand, (adv.) in advance, before the, time....oko-telim (da). My wife got up beforehand and cooked food for her parents: dai ikyte l'oko-telim Syu-boinga bedig ab maiol-chanol l'at yat-joire. See for. befriend, (v.t.) be kind to, of a Chief... ot-raj (ke); ot-yubur (ke). See protect. beg, (v.t.) 1. entreat....ngana (ke). He is begging for beads: ol chelem nganake. tar-tupa (ke). This word refers to food only. The exclamation used by one begging is je! followed by den'a! or d'ena (I want). 2. request.... aka-pele (ke). See exclaim. beget, (v.t.).... ar-odi (ke). begin, (v.t.) ot-mau (ke); goi . . . or... nga-goiya; I am beginning to eat: wai do goi-magke (or maknga-goiya). I will begin making the bow in the morning: wai do wainga-len karama goi-kopngabo. begone, (interj.) be off!... uchik-wai on! katik-lir! behalf of, on (postp.)....oyu; en; at; ik; ul. On behalf of Wologa: wologia. l'oyu. See for. behead, (v.t.).... ot-tikilpi (ke). behind, (postp.)....ar-ete-len. See loin. He is seated behind us: ol marat-ete-len aka-doike. See App. ii. for inflexion. behind-hand, (adv.)....nilya. behold, (v.t.).... ig-badi (ke); lu (ke). See look and see. Behold!...ig-badi (g)!; wai-gelib! belch, (v.t.).... aka-dubul (ke). (v.i.). .. agi (ke). believe, (v.t.)....lua (ke). I believe he is at home: wai do luake anya el ekanbud-len. belly, (8.) abdomen ar-muga (da). To be stabbed in the belly with a hogspear a, idea, cut: a, cur: a, casa: &, father: a, fathom: ai, bite: au, house: au, rouse.

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BELLY-ACHE BIRDS - (da). is fatal: ar-muga-len erdutnga tam-tek jera-1 best, (adj.) .... beringa-l'igla (da). The linga wai blobaijinga (da). bow which he has just made (that same) belly-ache, (s.) .... See stomach. is the best ; kdrama ol goi kop-yate 6l-bedig below, (adv.) beneath, under . . . . tar- beringa-l'iglada. mugum-len. The sky is above and the bestow, (v.t.).... man (ke); a (ke). earth below: moro tanglen, erema tarmu- bestride, (v.t.) .... ar-yoboli (ke). gumlen. betel-nut tree, (s.) Areca catechu ..... belt, waist, (8.) 1. . . . ar-etainga (da). abad (da). fruit or seed of.... Abad(Generic term for all varieties; see App. ban (da). See areca. xiii). 2. made of Pandanus leaves with tail- betel-pepper, (s.) Piper, or Chavica betle like appendages of same .... bod (da). See .... yeme (da). leaf of... .yeme-l'arApp. xiii. 25. 3. plain, made of young tong (da). Pandanus leaves without appendage .... betroth, (v.t.) .... akd-yat-mag (ke). rogun (da). This is worn by all maidens betrothed, child (8.).... ong-vat-maknga and adult women. 4. ornamented, worn better, (adj.) superior, preferable.... by both sexes and consisting of a fringe tar-buinga (da). of shells of the Dentalium octogonum strung between, (postp.) 1. .... mugu-ch Al-len; together.... garen-peta (da). 5. ornament aka-log-len. He is seated between them; ed with fine net-work . ...garen-rab (da). ol ontat maguchal-len aka-dai (ke). 2..... bend, (v.t.) . . . . didali (ke); gomoli (ke). tek .... mat. Between this place and that bend, (v.i.) .... ad (or. Oto)-didali (ke); (lit. from here as far as there): karin tek ad (or oto)-gomoli (ke); ad (or oto)-bil (ke). kato mat. See stoop. beware, (v.t.) regard with caution.. . beneath, (adv.) See below. (postp.) under er-gora (ke). Beware! (take care !).... sh ade or cover . . . eb-er-tegi-len. See eludo. 4-Ucha! Beware! (keep a look-out !).... bonefit, (s.) . . . . ar-polok (da). Ot-lalai! benighted, (p.a.).... eb-ritnga (da). See beyond, (adv.) on the further side.... awa. labadi; timar-tek. boqueath, (v.t.) .... jiriba (ke). biceps, (s.) ....ig-gora (da). See App. ii. berry, (8.) .... Ot-rdkomo (da). big, (adj.).... bodia (da); doga (da); boside, (postp.) 1. an animate object ...! chanag (da); tabanga (da); rochobo (da). akd-pa-len; t-paicha-len; ia-paicha-len. When applied to human beings, a is prefixed The child is sitting beside me: abliga d'6t to the first and ab to the remainder. See paicha-len aka-doike. 2. an inanimate object large and immense. How big it is! ai, pibi! ... -d8d-len; ong-pa-len. 8. apart from Females cry, 01 (prolonged). What & . . . iji-ya. Beside Lipa there is no other big .. badi....! What a big canoe this blind man in that village: lipa Vijiya ka is 1 badi ucha roko! baraij-len itapa l'ardilu-ba. See omit, other bind, (v.t.) 1. fasten together....cho and not. (ke); 1-cho (ke); bat (ke). See tasten. besides, (adv.) See moreover. 2. enwrap. . . .roni (ke); ot-cho (ke). bomoar, (v.t.) .... guj (ke). bird, (s.)....chala (da). besponk, (v.t.) .... rada (ke). bird's-est, (.) 1... . . ar-ram (da); arbespokon, (v.i.) .... radanga (da). This barata (da). 8. edible.... bily A-l'ar-barashoulder of pork is not mine, it is bespolcenta (da). by Bie: Aaha megfel-chag dia yaba (da) * 1 Word's-Heat-fern (8.) Asplenium nidus... lia rddanga (du). patla (da). o, indolent: 0. dole : o, put: , awful : di, boil.

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BIRTH 32 BLUE birth, (8.). ...ad-wejinga (da); ad-etinga blaze, (s.) of fire or torch .... ar-chal (da). The infant died at its birth : abdereka (da). owing to the blaze of the bonfire : ad-elinga-len okolire. udama l'ar-chal l'eddre. birth, give (v.t.) See bear. bleed, (v.t.) .... tup (ke). birth-name, (s.) See name. bleed, (v.i.) .... ti-l'arwojeri (ke). bit, (s.) 1. piece, portion of wood, etc. ... blind, (adj.) 1. . . . . f-tapa (da). 2. of ot-jodama (da); idugap (da); See fragment. one eye.... dal-l'ar-tarak (da). You're 2. of food, in order to taste....aka- boka as blind as a bat!: ng'idal-kube! (da). 3. of some brittle substance .... blind-man's-buft, (9.)... iji-tapa-lirnga aka-paj (da); aka-paich (da). A bit of (da). a broken pot (pot-sherd). ... buj-l'aka-paj blink, (v.t.). ? (da). .. ig-be-bingik (ke). blister, (s.) 1. raised by friction ..?. bite, (v.t.) 1. as in eating. ... chapi (ke); 4-on-tabuli (da). 2. caused by fire ,... also as a snake or centipede. See may. a-on-udul (da). 3. caused by boiling water, 2. as a dog or insect.... karap (ke). See etc. . . . . raich-l'oto-motnga (da). sand-fly. 3. as a spake . . . . kop (ke); chapi (ke). bloated, (adj.). .. lapinga (da); durnga (da). See swell and large. bite oft, (v.t.) ....t-chapi (ke). blockhead, (s.). ...mugu-tig-picha (da); bitter, (adj.) . . . . ere-paich (da). pichanga (da); ab-kalenga (da).. bittern, (s.).... chokab (da). blood, (s.) .... ti (da); tei (da). prefix ot, bivalve, (s.) the shell .... akd-ta (da). Ong, ab, etc., according to the part of the the flesh of . . . . akd-paicha (da); that . body referred to. See App. ii. of the Tridacna and Pinna is styled aka. dama (da). See flesh. For distinctive names bloody, (adj.) 1... ..ot-ti (da); ong-ti of molluscs. See App. xii. (da); ar-ti (da); etc., according to the part of the body referred to. 2. bloody.... ti-lablack, (adj.). . . . putunga (da); black michlanga (da). (iit. blood-stained). skin . . . . putung'-ej (da). bloom, (s.) blossom.... Akd-da (da). blacken, (v.t.) by means of smoke or The blossom of the Chickrassia tabularis paint.... patai (ke). is beautiful: oro l'aka-da wai ino (da). blacksmith, (s.) .... tit-tainga (da). (lit. blow, (8.) 1. with fist .... talra (da). one who hammers metal). with prefix ab, ig, ot, ar, etc., according to bladder, (s.). ... ar-ulu-lia-er (da). (lit. part of the boy referred to See App. ii. urine-its-place); ar-ula (da). 2. with hand (slap) . . . . podi (da). with blade of steel, (8.).... ar-kuna (da). prefix as foregoing. blade, cutting edge of . .. ig.yod (da). blow. (v.t.) with the breath .... topuk The blade of my knife is broad and its edge (ke). 2. in kindling afire.... puwu (ke). is very sharp: dia kono l'arkina pekoto (da), blow, (v.i.) 1. as the wind. ... al (ke); ig yod bedig rinima doga (da). wul (ke). 2. pant, breathe hard ... akanblade of paddle, (8.) ..... Ong-ta (da). chaiati (ke). blame, (v.t.). ...ig-ral (ke); pareja (ke). blow one's nose, (v.i.) ....Okan-18 (ke). blaze, (v.t.) 1. mark trees to indicate as blubber, (8.) of whale or dugong .... course through jungle. ...aka-ta-kar (ke). | 0t-jiri (da). 2. bend twigs in reverse direction for the blubber, (v.i.) .... Onaba (ke). same purpose. ...elaka-kdjuri (ke). (v...) blue, (adj.).... ele-paich (da); moro Aame . . . . dal (ke); pud (ke). | naikan (skylike). , idea, cut: i, cur : &, casa: A, father : &, fathom: ai, bite: wu, hoube: du, rouse.

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BLUNT blunt, (adj.) 1. not sharp. . . . ig-letewa (da); ig-latawa (da). 2. of an adze ig-yob (da). boar, (s.).... ot-yeregnga (da). Tell me what occurred at the boar-hunt: ot-yeregnga delenga bedig michibare den itai. See what. board, (s.) plank.... patema (da). 2. sounding-board used as an accompaniment in dancing.... pukuta (l'ot)-yemnga (da). See App. xiii. boast, (v.i.). ara-gali (ke). boat, (s.) 1. of any description ... . . . . roko (da). 2. barge, lighter, etc... chelewa (da). 3. steamer... birma-chelewa (da); chelewa-birma (da); aka-birma (da). cutwater of, . . . . roko-l'ot-ya (da). See canoe, occiput, and App. ii. ... body, (s.). ... ab-chau (da). (in constr.) ta (da); tala; t'. See clay and jump over. boil, (s.)... amu (da). prefix according to part of body affected. See App. xiii. boil, (v.t.) 1. food. . . . wer (ke). 2. water . . . . ar-joi(ke). (vi.) . . . . boa (ke); bong (ke). Go and boil some water quickly: uchik ng'aryere utan-drek ina ng'ar-joi. bold, (adj.) daring.... i-tar-mil (da). See brave. Bombax malabaricum, (s.).... gereng (da). See App. xi. bondar, (s.) (Paradoxurus andamanensis) ...baian (da). bone, (s.).... ta (da); prefix ong, ot, ar, etc., according to the part referred to. I broke my thigh-bone yesterday: dilea d'ab (picha) kajurire. bon-fire, (s.).... adama (da). See blaze. bore, (v.t.). make a hole... reunga (ke).. born, (p.p.) brought into life. ...aradoatire; ad-etire. My son was born this morning: dia ota dilmaya ad-etire. See App. viii. First-born, (s.). . . &-entoha-yate (da). borrow, (v.i.)....maia-fk (ke). bosom, (s.)....ot-kug (da); ot-kuk (da). See App. ii. 33 BOW, STRING both, (adj.)....ik-por (da). Both the pigs that were shot yesterday died during the night: reg ikpor dilea taij-ydte gurug-ya oko-lire. bottle, (s.).... bijma (da). bottom, (s.) 1. of a pot, bucket, etc. . . . ar-ono (da). 2. of a boat or canoc (inside) ar-odam (da). 3. keel, submerged surface of a boat or canoe....ar-ete (da). 4. of the sea, well, etc.. ... paketo (da). bough, (s.) branch. . . .aka-chati (da); ig-gud (da). boundary, (s.) limit. . . . ig-raklik (da). bow, (s.) of a ship or boat. . . .ot- mugu (da); oko-magu (da); ig-mogu (da). The Nicobar out-rigger canoe is unsuitable for turtling, the narrowness of the bow preventing one from making full use of the harpoonmodes the long bamboo shaft of the harpoon): (2 I lit. because the bow is narrow it incommalai lia charigma ot-lobinga len yoma-ba, t-mugu kinab l'edare ol tog-len taklake. See bow of canoe. bow, (s.) 1: for shooting arrows.... karama (da); karama (da). (This description is used by the tribes in the southern half of Great Andaman, excepting the Jarawas). See map. 2. chokio (da), the bow made and used by the Northern tribes. 3. taijnga (da). Fetch me my bow: dia taijnga (or karama) omo. See shoot. bow, parts of (s.) 1. nock of....karamal'ot-chama (da). 2. lower end of....karamal'ar-chama (da). 3. nocking-point of (s.). . . tane-tamlin (da), i.e., where the arrow is adjusted. 4. "whipping" round the nocking point (s.). . . . tat-chonga (da). 5. handle of bow (s.). . . .un-togo (da); 6. bowstring (s.). . karama-tat (da); karamal'aka-tat (da). 7. "eye" of bow-string (8.) .. ar-jag (da). bow, (9.) no longer serviceable : taijnga-raka (da). bow, string a (v.t.)... ot-ngoktoli (ke); 2. unstring a bow....&-tori. (ke). 3. draw a bow-string....tar-jalagi (ke). o, indolent: 0, pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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BOWELS BRING bowels, (8.).... ab-jodo (da). breakfast, (s.) .... aka-nA (da). box-on-the-ear, (s.) See blow, slap. breakfast, (v.t.) . . . . aka-na (ke). boy, (s.) 1. small.... ab-liga (da). 2. big breast, (s.) 1. bogom .....Ot-kug (da); .... Aka-kadaka (da); ab-liga-ba (da) Ot-kuk (da), 2. mamma ....ig-k&m (da); (lit. not a small boy.) We big boys are nipple of .... kam-l'ot-cheta (da); kamgoing to hunt pigs to-day : malat-kadaka l'ako-pat (da). ka-wai reg-dele (ke). See App. vii. breath, (s.). . . . aka-ona (da). He exboyish, (adj.). ...abliga-naikan. tinguished it with his breath: ol aka ona-lek bracelet, (s.).... togo-chonga (da). See l'igtupukre. App. xiii. breathe, (v.i.) 1. .... Ona (ke) ; &kabrackish water, (8-) .. .rogodi (da). ona (ke). 2, breathe heavily .... kong-aj brag. See boast. (ke). 3. quickly, be breathless . . . . akanbraid, (v.t.). . . . tepi (ke). chaiati (ke); akan-chaiat-l'ar-talagi (ke) brain. (8.). ...ot-mun (da). See App. ii. (the latter in an excessive degree). branch. See bough. breeze, (s.). . . . ulnga-ba (da); wulngabrand, (s.) firebrand. ...chapa-l'idal (da.) ba (da). See firewood, fire and eye. bride, (s.) 1. about to be married .... brass, (8.) .... flera (da). See Iron, metal ab-derebil-pail (da). 2, for a few days after and Dendrobium. marriage . .. ong-t@g-goi-pail (da). brave, (adj.).: .. f-tar-mil (da); On-tar bridegroom, (s.) 1. before the marriage.... mil (da); ad-latnga-ba. ab-derebil (da). 2. after the ceremony, bravo ! (interj.) . . . .. kaka-tek ! ; tat! for a few days.... ong-tig-goi (da). See break, (v.t.) 1. fracture . . . . kajuri (ke); App. vii. Ot-kujuri (ke); if more than one ir kujra (ke). 2. a bone by a blow or fall bridge, (s.) 1..... tang-len-tinga (da). ....-td-kajuri (ke). 8. brittle objects ..... (lit." overhead-road.") See above. 2. inpachi (ke); patemi (ke). 4. (or cut) twine visible (mythological) cane-bridge supposed or rope.... top fte); topoti (ke). to connect this world with Hades .... break, (v.i.) 1. become fractured ... Oto pidga-l'archuuga (da). 3. of nose .... kajuri (ke); oyun-temar-kujuri (ke); 2. ... ig-choronga-lanta (da). brittle substances . . . . Oto-patemi (ke); briefly, (adv.).... ar-ala-len. Tell me okan-pachi (ke). 3. . . . . of all one's pots briefly : den drulalen tarchi. ... Aka-para-pate (ke). See same. 4. rope, bright, (adj.) 1. of a blade . . . . karnga twine, etc..... Oyun-temar-topati (ke). (da); 2. of the sun, or a flame .... See blase. i-karnga (da). break off, (v.t.) . . . .top (ke); topati (ke). brim, (s.) rim, edge...Akd-pai (da); break off, (v.i.) oyun-temar-top (ke). See aka-pe (da). snap. brimful, (adj.)....oto-tepere ; tar-batre. break to pieces, (v.t.). . . . &-tora (ke). brimming over, (adj.)....oto-elanga (da). break to pieces, (v.i.) .... okan-pechi (e). bring, (v.t.) 1. of an inanimate object .... break up, (vit.). ...0t-to (ke). toyu (ke); kach-ik (ke); kach-omo (ke). See fetch and hither; korot (ke). I will break up, (v.i.)....oto-to (ke). bring something for you one of these days: breakers, (8.). . . patara-la-yeng-eknga(da) gatek do ngat min toyu (kce). See for. We (lit. laughing-waves, in allusion to the have brought all the things: meda min sound when breaking on the shore). See drduru korotre. Bring it here: kach byu. laugh. Bring it here quickly: kach ek reo. a, idea, cut: 2, cur : &, casa : &, fathar : &, fathom: ai, bite : aa, house : au, lous).

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BRINISH 35 BUNDLE 2. of an animate object . . . . ab-toyu (ke). 1....mama. 8. (if one's junior). ... aka 8. bring forth. See bear. 4. bring away, ba-bala (da). of an inanimate object. ...ik (ke). 5. bring | brother-in-law, 1. elder sister's- husband away, of an animate object.... ab-ik ....maiola. 2. younger sister's husband (ke). 6. bring up. See adopt and rear. .... Otoniya. For all relationships. See 7. bring one's arm to one's side . . . . ad- App. viii. memati (ke). See shut. 8. by water.... brow, (8.) forehead .... Ot-mugu (da). &ke-werke); un-tar-tegi (ke). Perhaps Eye-brow (8.) ..,.ig-punyur (da); ig-puinthe incoming steamer is bringing things Dur (da). brow-ache, (s.) .... -tala-yab (da). for us: tilik birma-chelewa kagal-ate id min brown, (adj.). . . . taremia (da). met aka-werke. Brugulera gymnorhiza, (s.) . . . . jamu brinish, (adj.) briny . . . . tolainga (da). (da). B. sp..., ngatya (da). Fruit of brink, (8.) edge. ...ig-pai (da); ig-pe(da). both of these is eaten. bristle, (s.) stiff hair of swine . . . . chara bruise, (s.) contusion. ...chariga (da) ; pid (da) : chara-pej (da). with prefix ab, ot, etc., according to part brittle, (adj.) ... kota (da). referred to. See App. ii. broad, (adj.) . . . . pan (da); peketo brush oft, (v.t.) .... wil (ke). (da). See blade. . brushwood, (8.) .... el-ot-rukuma (da). broaden, (v.t.) .... bengali (ke). bubble, (s.) . . . . boag (da). broll, (v.t.) .... pagat (ke). See cook. bucket, (s.) 1. made by scooping a block broken, (adj.) 1. of a mat, net, thatch, of wood . . . . dakar (da). 2. made from a or leaf-screen . . . . rachatnga (da). 2. of joint of Bambusa gigantea .... kopot (da) a pot, canoe, bucket, shell, sounding-board, See bamboo and App. xiii. eto.....oko-paj (da). 3. of a bow, knife. bud, (s.) . . . . ar-mol (da). etc. . . . . iji-paj (da). 4. of an adze, arrow, bug, (s.) .... kila (da). spear, etc..... Okan-tea (da). build, (v.t.) .... bud-eni (ke); butani brood, (8.) litter. . . . oto-peladonga (da). (ke). brook, (s.) .... jig-ba (dat. bullet, (s.) .... ar-bo-ba (da). broom, (8.) . . . . er-bujnga (da). bump, (8.) swelling . . . . i-gudal (da); ig. broth, (s.) ....ab(dama)-raij (da). butuk (da). brother, (s.) elder . . . . a-entobanga (da); bump, (v.t.) .... Ot-tachurpi (ke). i-entobare; a-entokanga (da); -entokare. bunch, (s.) of plantains, etc... . . ugul Wologa's elder brother died yesterday : (da). molog'd-entrobanga dilea okolire. See App. viii. bund, (s.) embankment .... yukur (da). brother, younger, or half. 1. (consanguine). This word was originally employed to des. .. ar-doatinga (da). ... ar-wejinga (da); cribe the ridge made round a hut in rainy ar-wejeringa (da). 2. (uterine). .. . Aka- weather to keep out the wet. Bund is not kam (da). Bira's younger brother has an English word but is so much used in fallen: biri auejinga pare. 3. elder or half British India that it is here introduced as (uterine or consanguine). . . . ar-chabil-en- such. tobare; ar-chabil-entokare. See App. viii. bundle, (8.) 1. of food . ... 0-deknga (da). brother-in-law, (8.) 1. wife's brother (if 2. small bundles of food ....oko-baga (la); one's senior). ...meme la. 2. (if of samei-korotnga (da). What food have you in that age). ...mama. 3. (if junior his name (small) bundle ? : michiba kang'oko-baga (da) ? would be used). Husband's brother 1.. (if | 8. miscellaneous bundles, when moving from senior)....maiola. 2. (if of same age). one encampment to another.... er-toyunga o, indolent : 0, pole : o, pot : o, awful: di, boil.

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BUNG CAN (da). 4. of firewood . ... chorognga (da). : brother is tall: ol abjodama dona adentobare 5. of bows and arrows .... oto-chonga (da). ablapanga (da). The Chief called you but R. tightly-fastened. . . . . Oto-nilibnga (da). you did not come: maiola ng'arngerere, dona We have now very many bundles of arrows ngo onre yaba (da). 2. in addition to that with us (in our possession): motot-paichalen .... . I will not only beat you but both achitik delta olo-chonga jibaba. See with. of you: dol ogun ng'otparekinga-ba ne ng'ikbung, (v.t.) .... nat-ke. porlen. 3. (postp.) with the exception of bungle, (v.t.) .... Ot-nuram (ke). ...ljiya. All but my younger brother are buoyant, (adj.) .... odatnga (da); lator- singing: d'aka-kam isiya arduru ramid-toyuke, nga (da). 4. (adv.) only, no more than. See only. burden, (s.) See load. butterfly, (s.).... pamila (da). burial, (s.) 1. interment.... ot-buguknga buttock, (3.) 1. human .... ar-dama (da); (da). 2. disposal (of corpse) on tree platform ar-ono. See App. ii. 2. animal .... ar.... ab-teginga (da). The platform itself to (da). is styled i-taga (da). 3. Mock-burial in by, (postp.) 1. denoting the agent .... sand .... ab-natnga (da). (a children's la. Let (permit) the bow be made by Lipa : game). lipa la karama kopnga l'itan. 2. over (a burn, (s.) .... joi (da). (with prefix, ar, course) .... len. by land : tinga-len. See ong, ig, etc. See App. ii, when reference path. by canoe (if inland): fig-len. See is made to some part of a living body.) creek. by sea : juru-len. burn, (v.t.) 1. any animate object .... by-and-by, (adv.) .... a-reringa (-len); ab-joi (ke); pugat (ke). 2. an inanimate tar-6lo (-len); nga-tek. object . . . . Oko-joi (ke); Oko-pugat (ke). See by chance, (adv.) . . . . Ot-badali. fire. (v.i.) 1. take fire, kindle ....dal (ke); pud (ke). 2. one's self . . . . ad-joi (ke). 3, one's hand .... ong-joi (ke). See seoreh. Cachelot, (s.) .... biriga-ta (da). 4. of itself .... okan-joi (ke); bada-kini | calamus, S., (s.).... am (da); chang (ke). See fire. 5. a light .... choi (ke). (da); chob (da); bol (da). See App. xi. burrow, (v.t.).... karaij (ke). See detach calf of leg, (s.) .... ab-chalta-dama and scoop. (da); ta-l'ar-dama (da). See shin. burst, (v.t.) .... tucau (ke); a-dada (ke) call, (v.t.) 1. summon, send for i... ar(as a bamboo, etc., on fire). ngere (ke). 2. name, style .... ar-taik bury, (v.t.) 1. inter .... buguk (ke); (ke); ting-l'ar-eni (ke). Yesterday you called us all knaves: dilea ngo maratOt-buguk (ke). 2. on tree-platform . . . . ab duru len at-jabag ng'artaikre. 3. Call tegi (ke). 3. bury seeds of the Artocarpus haplasha for future food use .. jura (ke). to ... pek-ik (ke). See shout. (v.i.) bush, (s.) . . . . ig-rungemo (da). 1. cry aloud . . . . erewa (ke). 2. call, of | business, (8.).... on-gom (da); tap (da). a bird .. .. ngudri (ke). The first word refers to making huts, canoes, calm, (s.) 1. sea .. . lia (da). One likes nets, etc., the second to hunting, fruit and a calm sea for turtle-hunting: yadi lobinga honey gathering, etc. l'edare lia len baringa-luake. 2. (adj.) busy, (adj.) engaged in work .... on of the sea....lia-la-chenga (da). yomnga (da); ar-gujunga; tepnga (da). 3. weather (s.) .... lil (da). 4. (adj) of Don't interrupt me, I am busy: den tar the weather . . . : lilnga (da). chiurake dake, do don-yomnga (da). can, (v. aux.) be able. 1. with reference but, (conj.) 1. on the other hand, neverthe- to skill or strength of limb.... ar-chakless....doa. He is short but his elder 'beringa (ke); ar-paicha-beringa (key. Can , idea, out: a, cur: dcasa : 4, father: a fathom: ai, bite : au, houve au, rouse.

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CANE you climb that tree?: an ngo kat'aka-tang len ngalaunga (ar) chak-beringa (ke)? Yes, I can: uba (da). See leg, thigh and yes. 2. with reference to the senses. . . . oko-beringa (ke). I can see d'idal oko-beringa (ke). I can hear the man's voice (lit. "my ear is able"): dig puku abula l'aka-tegi l'oko-beringake. 3. be permitted. See may. cane, (s.) Calamus. 1. slender variety, for making baskets, etc..... pidga (da). 2. thick ground rattan. bol (da). See App. xi cannibal, (s.). . . . chauga-tiropo (da). cannon, (s.) birma-bodia (da) cannon-ball, (s.). . . . ar-bo (da). cannot, (v. aux.) be unable, 1. physically ar-chak-jabagi (le); ar-paicha-jabagi (ke). 2. with reference to the senses. . . oko-jabagi (ke); oko-war (ke). I cannot sleep dig-arla l'oko-warke (or l'oko-jabagike). We cannot see: mitig dal m'okot-warke. 3. may not. See may. 37 canoe, (s.) 1. with or without outrigger . . ..roko (da). 2. large and without outrigger ... ot. 5. gilyanga (da). 3. outrigged.... charigma (da). Andamanese canoes are frequently named from the description of the tree from which they are made; e. g., maii (da); baja (da); yere (da); kokan (da). See App. xi. 4. bow of canoe..... mugu (da). See forehead and fall. stern..... ar-tit (da). 6. gunwale....aka7. bottom. pai (da). See lip. (inside) . ar-odam (da). He is sitting in the bottom of the canoe: ol charigma l'ar-odam len aka-doike. 8. keel and submerged surface.... ar-ete (da). See loin and behind. 9. sides of.... ab-parita (da). See rib. toko-chorong a cape, (s.) headland.. (da). See nose. capsize, (v.t.) on water.... ot-pf-(ke); ot-rogi (ke). (v.i.)....oto-pi (ke); otorogi (ke). 2. (v.t.) on land.... ot-wedai (ke). (v.i.) oto-wedai (ke). captor, (s.)... ot-chatnga (da). capture, (v.t.).... ot-chat (ke). See adopt and prisoner. CASH carcass, (s.). . . . a-pil (da). care, take, (v.i.) be watchful... gelep (ke). er careful, (adj.)....ong-rewa (da). careless, (adj.) . . . . ong-welabnga (da). He was careless and burnt the hut and then said it was my fault (lit. excused himself at my expense) ol ong-welabnga-bedig chang pugatre, nga d'endurare. : care for, (v.t.) take care of. .gora (ke); ab-gora (ke); i-gora (ke). See protect. caress, (v.t.) fondle. . . . luraicha (ke); with prefix. Sec App. ii. 2. fondle an infant... i-gor (ke); ar-umla (ke); igpete (ke); ik-iji-pate (ke). cargo, (s.)... jarabnga (da). carry, (v.t.) 1. on one's back.... tabi (ke). I carried my wife and children on my back from the hut to the boat: wai do dab-pail ol-bedig balag len roko lat labire. When I was carrying the bundle Wologa tried to make me carry the pig as well, so I left it: wai dol odiknga tabinga-bedig wologa rogo bedig d'endurare ga do l'en jire; ngoro (ke); ab-ngoro (ke). 2. on one's head... ar-yoboli (ke). 3. on one's shoulder... katami (ke). 4. in one's arms. ... ar-odi (ke). 5. an infant in the sling. . . . ab nora (ke); ar-ngotoli (ke). See distinguish. 6. in the hand. . . . lodapi (ke). 7. a heavy weight on the shoulder. ... akantebi-katamike. 8. a heavy weight with the assistance of others....kurudai (ke). 9. on one's back by means of a cord across the shoulders.... tat-wi (ke); tat-pi (ke). carry away, (v.t.).... ik (ke). carried away by current, (p.p.).... lolokare. o, indolent: o, pole: a, pot: o, awful: di, boil. carve, (v.t.) 1. wood, make or shape.. biyo (ke). 2. meat.... chol (ke); otkop-(ke); ot-kobat (ke); kajili (ke). Caryota sobolifera, (s.)... barata (da). See App. xi. The core of the stem is eaten. cascade, (s.). . . . ina-l'ar-char (da). cash, (s.) See coin.

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CASK CHASE cask, (s.) . . . . dakar-bodia (da). (ht. ceaselessly, (adv.) .... oko-jaranga. "large bucket".) censure, (v.t.). ...ig-ral (ke), castaway, (v.t.).... kor (ke). See centipede, (Scolopendra morsitans), (s.) ... throw and throw away. karapta (da). May no centipede bite you! casuarina, (s.) . . . . wilima (da). See (lit. your hand or your foot): karapta la App. xi. ngong chapikok ! cat, jungle-. See Paradoxurus. The centre, (s.) .... koktar (da). See inside domestic cat is called puchi from the and middle. English word " puss.". certain, (adj.). . . . el-6t-taknga (da). cat's-cradle, (8.) .... jibra (da). certainly, (adv.) 1. without doubt.... catarrh, (8.) .... oko-oroij-ja (da). et-lumu-tek. He will certainly die from that catch, (v.t.) 1. an inanimate object .... wound: kato chum l'edare 6l et-Tamu-tek eni (ke); oro (ke). 2. an animate object ... oko-lingabo. 2. without fail..... wai-kan; ab-eni (ke); ab-oro (ke). 3. an animal alive uba-yaba (ba). See of course and yes. .... ch ula (ke). 4. more than one animate certainly !, (interj.).. .keta-o! object . . . . armal (ke). 5. fish with a chate, (v.t.) .... rir (ke). net. . . . . yat-pane (ke). See just as. 6. chaft, (v.t.). ... aka-noyada (ke). fish with the hands .... yat-chogo (ke). chair, (s.) seat . .. toknga (da). 7. by shooting with bow and arrow .... chalk, (s.). . . . tala-og (da). See App. xiii. yat-taij (ke). 8. turtles by harpooning chance, by (adv.)....tarjiau. ....yadi-dut (ke). 9. one turtle by change, (v.t.) 1. alter .... golai (ke); harpooning .... yadi-jerali (ke). Ot-golai (ke). 2. exchange.... gol (ke); cateh fire, (v.i.)....okan-joi (ke); bada. i.gal (ke). kini (ke). See fre. channel, (s.) 1. navigable by boats .... caterpillar, (s.) . . . . gurug (da). A com log (da). 2. between islands ....jig-chanmon variety chau (da). See strait. cattle, (3.) .... gari (da). This is one chaplet, (s.) ....go (da); iji-gonga (da). of many words adopted since the British See charm. occupation. ehar, (v.t.). . . . lorom (ke). caudal fin, (s.) ....yat-l'ar-picham (da). charcoal, (s.).... bug (da); chapa-ligcaulk, (v.t.) close up, seal . . . natbug (da). (ke); ne (ke); -oko-mali (ke.) I caulked your charm, (s.) against pain, sickness or canoe this morning with black (honey) misfortune .... tar-wurul (da). See mediwax: wai do dilmaya ngia roko len lere tek cine and necklace. 1. Human bone cincture natre. ....chauga-ta (da). 2. when worn on cause to, (aux. verbal prefix denoting) the head .... iji-roninga (da). 3. worn ...en; e.g., cause to be angry (anger, v.t.). See anger, anchor (v.t.) and make. on the arm. ...iji-chonga (da). 4. worn causelessly, (adv.) without cause.... on the thigh .... ab-chonga (da). 5. worn ot-kalya. round the waist .... oto-chonga (da). caution, (v.t.). . . . yabnga-l'itai (ke). 6. worn round the chest ..... ot-chonga cautious, (adj.).... kedangnga (da). (da). See App. ii. For the various similar cave, (s.) ....ig-jag (da); ig-bang (da). charms made of animal bones, shell, coral, cease, (v.i.) 1. ...tar-la (ke). 2. from cane, wood, etc., see App. xii. work ....ep-tot-mani (ke); An-dart (ke) chase, (v.t.) 1. pursue .... i-gej (ke). 8. from grieving .... kuk-l'ar-la (ke.) 4. 2. hunt. See hunt. from walking . . . . kapari (ke). Cease! chase, (s.) bunting, the hunt.... ut Be quiet I mila! (da). See hunting. a, idea, cut: a, cur: &, casa; a, father : &, fathom: ai, bite : an, house: du, rowse.

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CHASTE chaste, (adj.).... oyun-temar-barminga (da). chastise, (v.t.) 1.... . . ab-pare (ke). 2. two or more... . tar-mali (ke). chatter, (v.i.). . . . ed-wi (ke); yabngacham (ke). chatterbox, (s.). . . . ed-winga-tapa (da). cheat, (v.t.). . . . ar-itai-chi (ke). cheek, (s.). .ig-ab (da). See App. ii. cheer, (v.t.) comfort, encourage... leje (ke). (v.i.) applaud. . . . oto-ali (ke); oto-yela (ke). cherish, (v.t.). . . . oko-jeng'e (ke); okojeng'ge (ke). C cheroot, (s.).... motnga (da). (A modern word. See roll.) chest, (s.) 1. thorax. . . . ot-chalma (da); ot-kug (da). 2. deep-chested... ot-kuk-doga (da). 3. narrow-chested....ot-kuk-kinab (da). 39 child, (s.).... ab-liga (da). See App. vii. children, (s.) 1..... ligala; balag. 2. having one or more (said of either parent) ....un-ba (da). 3. (with reference to the father) (a) whether male or of both sexes ..arat-odila; (b) whether female or of both sexes. . . . ong-ba; (da). 4. (with reference to the mother) (a) whether male or of both sexes. . . . at-etila; at-wejila; (b) whether female or of both sexes.. ar-ba (da). I saw your children here yesterday (addressing a mother): wai do dilla ng'at-wejila karin igbadigre. child-birth, (8.).... ad-ginnga (da). Woi's wife died in child-birth: woi l'ab-pail adginnga len okolire. childhood, (s.). . . . ab-liga-l'idal (da); abliga-y oma (da). (signifying respectively the time and state of being a child). childish, (adj.). . . . . abliga-naikan. See like. childless, (adj.) 1. never having had a child. . . . ab-luga (da); unba-yaba (da); 2. having no living child... ligala-garatloglik; (lit. "children-ground-present", i.e. buried.) See ground and presence. chilly, (adj.). . . . gurba (da). chin, (s.).... Aka-adal (da). chink, (s.). jag (da). chip of quartz, (s.). .. . tolma-l'oko-tug (da). chew, (v.t.).... gannga (ke). chief, (8.) 1. head of a small community ...mai-ola. [His wife .... chan-ola]. Did you see the chief? an ngo mai (ola) l'igbadigre? 2. head of a large community . . . . mai'igla (da). [His wife . . . . chan. igla (da)]. These two chiefs are head-...ig-wod-l'ot-dereka (da). chiefs: kat'maiag' ikpor maiag' itikla (da). 3. one possessing most authority in a tribe ...ot-yubur (da). CLAIM chips, (8.).... See bit and fragment (of wood). choke, (v.t.) 1. throttle... aka-petemi (ke). 2. block up, stop up. . . . . ar-nat (ke). 3. (vi.) in swallowing food... akan-toai (ke). choose, (v.t.)..,.ot-nan (ke); ot-gene (ke); ar-lap (ke). chop, (v.t.)....ot-hop (ke). chorus, (s.) singing together; ramidchau (da). chrysalis (or nymph) of Cerambyx heros. churlish, (adj.).... oko-dubunga-ba. cicada beetle, (s.)... rengiti (da). cicatrix, (s.) 1. if raised.... borta (da). 2. if not raised. . . . gada (da). The prefixes ong, ar, ab, ot, etc., according to location. See App. ii. cigarette. See cheroot. cincture, (8.) round the waist...Aretainga (da). See charm and ornaments, (personal). einders, (s.).... ar-pid (da); ar-pij (da). eircle, (s.). kor (da). circular, (adj.) as a ring.... kornga (da). See round. * o, indolent; ; pole; d, pot; a, awful; di, boil. civilized, (p.a.)... chaugala-walagare. (lit. "grown up as a native of India. ") See grow and native. elaim, (v.t.).... 8t-titan (ke).

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CLAN CLOSE clam, (s.) 1. Cyrena, .... u (da). 2. ar-wak (ke). 6. of a turtle . . . . Oyu-tolat Tridacna crocea .... chowai (da). In (ke). order to specify the shell ta(da) is clear, (adj.) 1. of a cloudless night.... added, e.g., chowai-ta (da). 3. Tridacna a-talimare. One can see the Milky Way squamosa .... konop (da). only on a cloudless night: ogun gurug l'ataliclang, (v..).... tai (ke). mare toya-l'Aka-parag igbadignga. 2. of the elap. (v.t.) 1.... pedi (ke); ab-pedi day.... moro-beringa (da). (lit. sky-good). (ke) 2. one's hands. . . toku (ke). See 3. of water ... olowia (da); ig-nalama (da). slap. See clean. 4. open jungle, no undergrowth clasp, (v.t.) 1. ... rea (ke); yua (ke); ..... er-walak (da); er-walag (da). 5. sightwith prefix. See App. ii. When the boat ed....ig-beringa (da). 6. -voiced.... capsized he clasped me (round the waist): | akd-tegi-walak (da). roko oto-pnga bedig ol d'oto-reare. clear, (v.t.) 1. jungle.... el-ot-wal (ke);, 2. another person's hand .... Oyun-re erem-kop (ke); erem-l'arlikati (ke); erem(ke). 3. one's own hand .... Oyun-tela l'artalima (ke). 3. the way....tinga-l'ot(ke). 4. another person or animal un wal (ke); tinga-buj (ke) (lit. path-sweep). consciously ... Ot-pagla (ke). 3. one's throat.... diar(ke). claw, (g.) 1. of an animal.... ong-bodoh clearing, (8.)- in junglo .... elot-walnga (da). 2. of a crab or lobster . . . . Ong- (da); er-talimare. koro (da); ig-wat (da). 3. of a bird .... cleared and level, piece of land, (s.).... ong-pag (da). yau (da). claw, (v.t.) .... ngotowa (ke). cleave, (v.t.).... chalat (ke). See split. clay, (s.) 1. earth.....gara (da). 2. elench, (v.t.) the fist....motri (ke); that of which their pots are made.... Oyun-tela (ke). buj-pu (da). 3. light grey used for smearing clever, (adj.) 1. intelligent.... muguthe body.... og (da). 4. white des- tig-dai (da). See face and know. 2. in cription used for ornamental painting of handiwork .... un (or ong,) beringa (da). the person or of bows, buckets, etc..... 3. sharp-sighted. ...ig-beringa (da). 4. good tala-og (da). 5. olive-coloured ..... "all round".... An-tig-beringa (da). 5. chulnga (da). 6. ochreous, containing oxide | in climbing, jumping, etc. . . . . ar-chakof iron.... koiob-chulnga (da). When this beringa (da); ar-paich a-beringa (da). Sce is dried and baked to a powder preparatory thigh and leg. 6. at sport ....o-choringa to use it is called upla (da) which, when it is (da). mixed with animal-fat for application to the eliff, (s.) white . . . . parag (da). The person or to weapong, utensils, etc.orna ship avoided the white cliff: cheleuamentally or otherwise- is called koiob (da). 7. 'aka-dadi pdrag l'ig-rdkre. clay-lump as worn on the head by mourners climb, (v.t.) 1. up & rope or hanging ... dela (da). creeper . . . .gutu(ke). (The past tense is clean, (adj.) .... nalama (da). gutukre). He climbed there without any clean, cleanse, (v.t.) 1. by washing .... trouble: 6l ongwelab yabalen kdto gutukchat (ke). 2. by wiping .... rar (ke). re. 3. up a small tree.... ngalau (ke). 3. by scraping .... por (ke) ; porowa) (ke). 3." swarm "up a big tree....chogra (ke). Clean the nautilus shell which I found on clip, (v.t.) cut short. . . . kajili (ke). the foreshore this morning : dilmaya clod, (s.) of earth .... gara-dela (da). boroga len dol odo orok-yate wai porowake. close, (adj.) oppressive....elaka-uya (da). 4. out entrails of an animal before cooking elose, (adj.) near, at close quarters.... .... Ar-tabuli(ke). 5. of & fish .... lagiba; lagya. I shoot pigs at close quarters, s, idea, cut: a, cur: a, casa: a, father: x, fathom: ai, bite; au, house; du, rouse.

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CLOSE COLOUR but he is afraid of that sort of thing: wai 5. one-fond-of-sea-water... aka-rata-cham dol lagya reg taijke dona oldralat-tagke (da). This is a term of ridicule applied by (lit. "afraid-sort-of.") See near. inland dwellers. Of the foregoing ar-yoto close, (v.t.) See shut. is usually applied to all coast-dwellers elot, (v.i.) of blood, coagulate . . . . murudi in contra-distinction to erem-tega (jungle(ke). dwellers). . clothe, (v.t.) cover the person with a coast-wise, (adv.) 1. by land... f-goragarment . . . . ab-lotok(ke). See admit, len. 2. by water . . . . 16binga-len (by enter. poling canoe). clothes, (s.).... yolo (da)(prefix .ia.) coax, (v.t.) 1. a sick person to eat.... See sail. ig-nora (ke). 2. another to grant a favor . . . . .ogete (ke). cloud, (s.) nimbus . . . . yum-li-diya (da). cob-web, (s.). .. ngonga-kud (da). 2. cumulus .... towia (da). 8. stratus cockle, (s.) shell-fish. ...pakara (da). .... Aramuga-barnga (da). Nimbre, cumu cockroach, (s.). ...piti (da). lus and stratus clouds are now all visible coconut tree, (s.)... jeder (da). together: yum-li-diya towia dra-muga cohabit (v.i.) of a married couple... barnga bedig achitiker-ubalik arwalak (da). cloud, (v.i.) become overcast with clouds ik-ad-bar (ke). coll, (s.) of cord or rope.... kodo (da). .... yam-la-kag (ke); ela-dil (ke). coil, (v.t.). . . .ot-kodo (ke); Ot-kot (ke). cloudless, (adj.) .... moro-beringa (da). coin, (s.) of any description . . . . ik-puku (lit. sky-good.) (da). See slice. . clumsy, (adj.).... gigaunga (da); on cold, (adj.). .. . ritipa (da). dereka (da). See infant. 2. in walking cold (s.), absence of heat. ...chauki (da) ; ....i-naunga-jabag (da). choki (da). He is shivering with (by reason cluster, (s.) bunch .... ugul (da). of being) cold : ol chauki l'edare beredike. clutch, (v.t.). . . . ar-kota-orok (ke). cold, (s.) catarrh. See catarrh. coal, (s.). . . .taili-chapa (da);((lit. stone cold, be (v.i.)....chauki (ke); choki (ke). fuel); taili-big-bug (da). (lit. stone-char colic, (s.). . . .jodo-l'i-cham (da). coal.) collar-bone, (s.). ...aka-godla (da). See coast, (8.) 1. shore . . . . ton-mugu (da); App. ii.. tot (or i)-gora (da). See walk. 2. foreshore colleet, (v.t.) 1. honey, fruit, yams, fibre, .... kewa (da). 3. above high-water mark etc. . . . . Ot-paj (ke). 2. shell-fish, jack. . . . i-gora (da); tet-gora (da). 4. rocky fruit seeds, meat, iron, stones, etc., in a heap .... boroga (da). 5. having little or no .. .jeg (ke); Ot-jeg (ke). He collected foreshore .... parag-boroga (da). While jack-fruit seeds for (consumption in) the going there in the steamer I saw several | rains: 61 gumul leb kaita-ban jegre. See of my own tribe turtling along the (rocky) disappointed. 3. bows, arrows, or other coast: kato birma-chelewa-len oto-juru-leginga- implements and ornaments, also animate bedig d'igbidwa jibaba borogaya lobi-yate objecte . . . . . ar-ngaij (ke.) Thehead-chief igbadigre. collected his neighbours for a hunt: maicoast-mau, (s.) . . . . 1. one (living)-on-the- l'igla ekan erya ug leb dr-ngaijre. See gather. coast. . . .ar-kewa (da). 2. one (who uses). | collection, ($:) of bows, arrows, etc., harpoon-lines-and-nets... er-yoto (da). in a bundle .... Oto-ch on ga (da). 3. an-outside (jungle)-man .... tar-wAlak colour, (8.) 1. hue, tint. ...t-paicha (da). 4. &-sea-man.... Aka-jaru (da)." (da). The colour of this Cyproon shell o, indolent : 0, pole: d, pot : awful: di, boil.

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COMB 42 CONTRARY is beautiful: ucha elim-ta l'ot-paicha accomplish and finish, vai ino (da). 2. paint. See clay, pigment. completed, (adj.) finished. : . . .ar-lore. 3. of complexion. See complexion. completely, (adv.) See altogether, quite. comb, honey, (s.). ...kanga (da). Wax complexion,(s.) colour of ..... Buropean cells of... ..kanga-ta (da). . . . i-terem-ya (da). 2. Asiatic .... come, (v.i.) 1.... .on (ke). See another. i-tarawa (da). Come here ! (ka)-min (-i)-kaich ! ; kaich; comply, (v.i.). ...iji-warta (ke). kaich-e!. See here and hither. Come here comprehend, (v.t.) .... dai (ke). quickly! kaich (-ng'ig)-reo ! Come away comrade, (s.). ...ig-mutlinga (da). from there ! kaich-on!; kaich-wai-ka-on ! conceal, (v.t.). . . mare (ke). 2. come across .(or over) (as from oppo- conceal one's self .... (v.i.) .... ijisite bank). . . . .ig-bala (ke). 8. come later mare (ke). on (delay in coining). . . . ig-ilya (ke). 4. conceited, (adj.) vain ..... u bala (da). come back. See return. 5. come inside (of conceive, (v.i.) become pregnant.... hut, etc.) See enter. 6. come outside (of Oto-rang'a (ke). hut, etc.). . . . .walakini (ke). 7. come out conch, queen-, (s.) .... til (da). 2. kingof a hole, etc. . . . . doati (ke). See appear (s.). . . . . Qyo (da). and emerge. conciliate, (v.t.). . . . aka-leje (ke). comfort, (v.t.). .. leje (ke); ot-leje (ke). conflagration, ts.). ... bada-kininga (da). confusion, (s.) See disorder. comic, (adj.) laughable.... akan-ye congratulate, (v.t.)... ngagi (ke). ngatnga (da). conquer, (v.t.)...otola-omo (ke). command, (v.i.) order, direct. . . . .kanik. consent, (v.i.) .... wai (ke). yap (ke). consequence of, in (adv.).... edare. commence, (v.t.). . . .ot-ma (ke). (v.i.) consequently, (conj.) See therefore. .....ig-rau (ke). While I was staying at consider, (v.t.) 1. regard, estimate.... Kyd Island the honey-season commenoed : lua (ke). 2. observe closely .... kuk-l?ardo duratang poli-yate rap-wab igrare. er-gad (ke). (v.t.) reflect. ponder..... commencement of, at the adv.), on mula (ke); gob-joi (ke). commencing to .... nga-goiya. See begin. console, (v.t.) .... kuk-l'ar-leje (ke). On commencing to scoop this canoe I cut off conspire, (v.t.) plot . . . . ab-chi (ke). a piece of my finger: ucha roko (elot) kopnga constantly, (adv.).... ong-tam. goiya do doyun koro l'ep-topatire. constipation, (s.) ... ar-metennga (da); commend, (v.t.) praise... yomai (ke). ar-bo-cheba (da). common, (adj.) not scarce. . . . .ubaba ; contented, (adj.) satisfied . . . . . Ot-kak ot-ababa ; ar-tang (da). l'ar-beringa (da). companion, (s.). .. ik-yate (da). (plur.) continually, (adv.) habitually.... oko itik-yate (da). jaranga ; ig-loinga. This stream continues company with, in, (postp.) 1.. ...ik; to flow. (lit. flows continually) like (plur.) itik. They walked in company with this even in the dry season: ucha jig-ba 119 : ol m'itik naure. 2. .. . Ot-paicha-len. yere-bodo len bedig kichikan oko-jaranga la See with. yalke. compatriot, (s.). ...ig-budwa (da). continue, (v.aux.) persist.... na (ke). compel, (v.t.) See make and cause. See become. compensation, (s.). .. ..igal (da). contradict, (v.i.). .. akan-tegi-gol (ke). complain, (v.i.). .. .ara-chi-(ke). contrary, (adj.) 1. adverse, as wind or complete, (v.t.).... ar-la (ke). See I tide . . . . . aka-tannga (da). 2. to custom s, idea, cut: a, cur: d, casa; 4, father: , fathom: si, bite : au, house : au, rouse.

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CONTUSION COVER .... ad-eranga-ba. See practice. 3. to .... oro (da); oro-toto (da); rail-ta (da). orders..... tar-porowanga. Contrary to 4. coral-reef.... jowio (da). the chief's ordere he remained idle all dar cord, (8./ slender rope, or thick fine.... in his hut: maiola tarporowanga ol ekan betmo (da). See harpoon and App. xii. bud ya bodo-doga argeringa polire. corner, (s.) .... kunu (da). contusion, (s.) See bruise. corpse, (s.) .... A-pil (da). convalescent, (adj.) .... tig-boinga (da). corpulent, (adj.) .... ab-rochobo (da). converse, (v.i.) 1-jen (ke); iji-yap (ke). correct, (adj.) . . . . uba-wai (da); u batconvcy, (v.t.) 1. with reference to animals beringa (da) or things .... ik (ke). 2. with reference corrupt, (adj.) rotten.... choru-re; chi to a person .... ab-ik (ke). 3. referring to runga (da). removing persons, or things, by water only costive, (adj.) .... bo-cheba (da); ar..... un-tar-tegi (ke); akd-wer (ke). metennga (da). convulsions, (s.) . . . . . picha (da). cotton, silk- (s.) of the Bombax malabaricook, (vt.) 1. .... oi (ke); i-joi (ke). cum ..... gereng-l'aka-kopya (da). 2. broil . . . . pugat (ke). 3. roast ..... cough, (s.) ... -dag (la). tari (ke). 4. roast in leaves . . . . Ot-joi cough, (v..).... -dag (ke). See hawk (ke). 5. boil meat .... wer (ke). 6. boil (v.i.). water, fruit, seeds, etc. . . . . ar-joi (ke). 7. cough, cure a (v.t.). ... O-dag-la-porowa by means of heated stones. . . . guruda (ke) (ke). count, (v.t..) .... ar-lap (ke). cook, (v.i.) roch (ke); oto-joi (ke). country, (s.) . . . . erema (da). That cooked, (adj.) 1. partially . . . . chilika (da). European soldier is going in this steamer 2. ready-cooked . . . . yat-rocha (da). We to his own country: kato boigoli ekun must keep some food ready-cooked for our erema lat acha birma-chelewa l'oto-juru-tegike. friends as they will soon be returning from country-man, (s.).... ig-budwa (da). the hunt: mitig jiugam l'en uba-wail yat Why are your country-men taller than ours rocha motol paichalen tegike eda u! tek iji michalen ngitig-bud wa m'ardur tek at tdekal pinga l'edlare. banga (da)? cooking-pot, (s.) earthen... ...buj (da). See make and App. xiii. couple. See pair. cooking-pot cover, (s.) of wicker-work courage, (s.) .... I-tar-mil-y oma (da, court, (v.t.) See woo. . ..buj-ramata (da). cousin, (s.) m. and f. (elder and younger) cooking-stones, (s.) .... la (da). See See App. viii. cook and App. xiii. cover, (v.t.) 1. the head, hands, etc..... cool, (adj.) . . . . . gurba (da). ram (ke) with prefix according to the part cool-season," (s.) .... papar (da). See referred to. See App. ii. 2. food or any App. ix. inanimate object . . . . Ot-ram (ke). 3. a copper. See metal. sore, or wound, with leaves as a plaster... . copper-coloured, (adj.) .... i-tarawa ig-ram (ke). 4. the eyes with one's hands, (da). This is said of natives of India. as when weeping .... iji-muju (ke). Burma and the Nicobars. 5. coral, (s.). ...taili (da) (lit. " stone"). the mouth and nostrils, when astonished, Generic name for all coral, though for certain or laughing, or because of an offensive Sdour varieties they have distinctive names : e....... Okan-maju (ke). 6. put on a cover 1. Gorgonidae .. .. bewa (da). 2. Poriti- ...aka-rogi (ke). 7. one's nakedness ... daei ... dorogi (da). 3. other varieties l ar-michla (ko). O, indolent : 0, pole: d, pot : 3, awful: di, boil.

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COVER 44 CROOKED cover, (s.) lid . . . . Ot-ramnga (da); aka- crank, (adj.) 1, liable to upset... gigauroginga (da). nga (da). My canoe is no longer crank : covering of leaves, (s.) wrapped round a dia roko achilik gigkunga yaba (da). bundle tircha (da). 2. top-heavy . . . . gidatnga (da). covet, (v.t.).... poichati (ke); kuk crave, (v.t.) beg with importunity. . . l'ar-uju (ke); iji-dal-tek-chike). Do not ot-ngar (ke). (v.i.) 1. long for, yearn.... covet another's property: 6tbaia ramoko i-gari (ke). 2. with reference to food .... poichatike dake. mugum-len-poichat (ke). See long. . crawl, (v.i.) as an infant or insect ..., covetous, (adj.). ... poichatinga (da). coward, (s.) .... ar-lat-ohanag (da). laia (ke); iji-chak-tegi (ke). The centipede cowry. See Cypraea. is crawling towards you: karetpta la ng'eb iji-chak-tegike. crab, (s.) small edible variety . . . . kata (da). 2. large edible variety .. .. bad (da). cray-fish, (s.).... Waka (da); ter (da). 3. hermit . . . . Ola-lig-wod (da). 4. land The latter word is applied to young cray. fish. .... kilag (da). There are other varieties create, (v.t.) ... mot (ke). Puluga named, kurum (da), goro (da), koti (da), gab (da), elewadi (da), all of which are eaten created the world : puluga erema motre. except the hermit-crab. creator, (s.). ...mot-yate (da). crab-hole, (s.) . . . . (l')ar-bang (da). See creek, (.) 1. . . . jig (da). 2.mainhole. creek. .. . jig-chan-chau (da). 3. branch creek . . . . jig-ba (da). crab-hook, (s.) . . . . kata-ngatanga (da). creep, (v.i.) See crawl. Used for picking up live crabs among the creeper, (s.) plant....yoto (da); tat rocks. See App. xiii. (da). The former refers to large and the crack, (s.) in wood, glass, etc.... latter to small varieties. yilitnga (da). crest of wave, (s.) .... aka-elri (da). crack, (v.t.) 1. a bow, paddle, etc. ... crevice, (s.). . . . aka-jag (da). ig (also ot )-tarali (ke). 2. as by driving crew, (s.) of canoe or ship.... baraicha a nail into a thin plank . . . .achalpi ke). (da); ot-rala-jatnga (da). 3. any brittle object, as a pot.... dali (ke); crime, (s.) See ottence, siu. petemi (ke); pachi (ke). 4. as a nut, with crinum lorifolium, (s.).... baga (da). the teeth or in a vice. ... koroma (ke). The fronds are used in making torches. crack, (v.i.) 1..... Oyun-temar-tarali (ke). cripple, (s.). ...ar-te (da). Now that 2. owing to heat .... tachu (ke). Woi is a cripple no one is afraid of him : crackle, (v.i.) of burning leaves .... woi kawai arte yate mija arlat yaba (da). koroti (ke). (lit. "who afraid not?'') crackling, (s.) of pork....tagam (da). cripple (v..).... on-god (ke). He cut off some crackling and gave it to me: croak, (v.i.).... rotia (ke). ol ot-agam kajilinga-badig den dre. crocodile, (8.) . . . . kara-duku (da). See cramp, (s.) muscular contraction .... iguana. malainga (da). crook, (s.) hooked stick for gathering fruit cramp, suffer from (v.i.). ... i-dola (ke). . . . . tog-ngatanga (da). See App. xiii. cramped for space, (p.p.). . . . ad-nilibnga crooked, (adj.).... teka (da). (da). crooked, become, (v.i.) as a spear or arrow eramped (confined) space (s.) .... er-cho- after hitting some hard obiect. : .. gom paus (da); er-nslibnga (da). s, idea, cut: i, cur a, casa : 8, father: ii, fathom: a. bite : au, house : au, rouse. (ke).

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CROSS CUT cross, (adj.) ill-tempered . . . . tig-rel-tapa cure, (v.t.) 1 . ...iti-gor (ke). 2. a cough (da). . . . . odag-la-porowa (ke). cross, (adj.) transverse. . . . ar-chati (da). curl, (v.t.).... Ot-ketik (ke). cross-paths, (n.). . . . tinga-l'ar-chati (da). curl, (n.) 1. of a coil or any spiral.... cross, (v.i.) pass over. . . . tedi-ya (ke); tar- Ot-ketiknga (da). 2. of hair. ..:: teta (ke); roko-arwaichari (ke). Ot-kitnga (da). cross-legged, sit (v.i.) 1. like a tailor .... curlew, (s.) . . . . korakate (da). a-rodi (ke). 2. when crossed at the knees current, (s.) 1. tidal . . . . charat (da). . .. ara-tela (ke). 3. when legs are extend- 2. running stream . . . . Op (da). ed and ankles are croesed.... mor (ke). curse, (v.t.) .... aka-bang-tek-pareja (ke). crow, (s.) Corvus culminatus . . . . batka When it rains heavily while we are hunting (da). we are in the habit of cursing (the rain) crowd, (s.) See assemblage. in this way, "May the hamadryad bite crown, of head (s.) See head. you!": meda delenga-bedig yum doga la crowded, (adj.). .... ad-nilibnga (da). pa-ydte met'ekara kichikan akabangtekcruel, (adj.) .... kuk-l'eb-toponga (da); parejanga " wai udrabo chapikok!" tar-toknga (da). curve, (s.) . . . . ete (da). cruelty, (s.) .... kuk-l'eb-toponga-yoma curve, (v.t.) ....ngochowa (ke). (da); tar-toknga-y oma (da). curved, (p.p.). ...ngochowanga (da). cruneh, (v.t.) .... kuruma (ke); ot custom, (s.) ; customary, (adj.).... kiankuram (ke) ; ig-karap (ke). wai (da); ekara (da); ad-eranga (da). It crush, (v.t.) 1.... petemi (ke). 2. an is not our custom (customary) to hunt pigs insect by treading on it .... duruga (ke). while it is raining: yum la panga-bedig 3. as a tree or other heavy object in falling kianwai reg-delenga yaba (da). See practice. .... mapa (ke). The tree which fell cut, (s.) 1. gash. ... Oto-polo (da). yesterday while crushing his hut spared 2. scratch, as from a thorn .... ngali (da). mine: akatang dilea pa yate ia bud len mapanga 3. scratch from claw or nail . . . . ngotowa bedig dia bud l'ot-tid-dubure. (da), with prefix according to part of person crushed, (p.p.) 1. of an animate object ... referred to. See App. ii. &-ta-kajuringa (da). 2. of an inanimate cut,(v.t.) 1. another .... ab-ngali (ke). 2. object.... pekalnga (da). cry, (v.i.) 1. weep.... -kik (ke); with Cyrena shell ... poin (ke). 3. a stick, ti-tolat (ke). (lit. " drop_tears".) 2. cry us when making foreshaft of arrow .... ka-tai (ke). or more on meeting 4. "cut" together, as two another socially (a custom after lengthy absence) .... .... i-ten (ke). 5. cut down with adze.... i-ta-tekik (ke); akan-para-tekik (ke). 3. as a kop (ke). He cut down this post for his child for something it wants . . . . iti-romad hut: ol ia bud l'at ucha dagama kopre. (ke). 4. loudly. See shout. 6. cut off (with a knife) . . . . kajili (ke). cuft, (e.) See blow, slap. See crackling. 7. cut off (lop) ... top cultivate, (v.t.) . . . . yat-buguk (ke). See (ke); (ot.) topati (ke) 8. cut off (sever).... food and bury. ep-topati (ke). Sec commencement. 9. cut cunning, (adj.) sly.... mugu-tig-dai (da). out a piece of wood . ... kat (ke) as in cup, (s.) . . . . odo (da). (lit. nautilus order to make a paddle, bow, etc. 10eut shell). See App. xiii. up food, e.g., turtle, pork, yams, etc. ... curable, (adj.) 1. of a wound .... yelenga- chol (ke). 11. cut up food into small pieces loyu. 2. of a disease.... tig-boinga- for distribution... oko-topati (ke). 12 loou. | cut up, dismember, disjoint a carcase or O, indolent: 0, pole : o, pot: , awful : di, boil.

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CUT-WATER DAWN large fish . . . . warat (ke). 13. cut to pieces dandle, (v.t.) .... a-roro (ke). .... ot-degeri (ke). cut one's self (v.i.).... danger, (s.) .... ar-adami (da). ad-ngali (ke). See wound. dangerous, (adj.) .. ar-adaminga (da). cut-water, (s.) of boat ... roko-l'ot-va dangle, (v.t.) . . . . ar-lela (ke). (da). See occiput and App. ii. dappled, (adj.) .... baratnga (da); i-tona cuticle, (s.) scurf-skin . . . . waina (da). urf-skin.... waina (da). taninga (da). (prefix. ar, ot, ong, etc., according to Part 1 of the body referred to. ) See App. ii. dare, (v.t.) venture . . . . intar-mil (ke); cuttle-fish, (s.). . . . ludu (da). (v.i.) Oyun-tepe-gori (ke). cycas rumphii, (s.) . . . . ngeber (da). daring, (p.a.) .... i-tar-mil (da); itar. cyclone, (s.). ...ulnga (or wulnga)-doga mtinga (da). (da). dark, (adj.) 1. as a moonless night .... cypraea, sp. (s) 1. the molluso .... telim jechar (da), pewoi (da), this with re(da). 2. the shell.. . telim-ta (da). ference to fishing and turtling. 2. of a cave, cyrena, sp. (..) 1. the mollusc.... u (da); room. ctc..... el-aka-gurug (da); eljirka (da), rokta (da). 2. the shell .... aka-rajaba; el-aka-patunga (da); mer (da); u-ta (da); jirka-ta (da); rokta-ta (da). See clam. The first of these words is exceptional putainga (da). dart, (v.t.) with an arrow . . . . i-tegin expressing the shell by "ta" and not jerali (ke). dash, (v.t.) ..... ik-ele-paidli (ke). (v.i.) 1. against a reef .... iji-tem (ke). Daily, (adv.) .... arlalen-arlalen. 1 2. against a rock .... ad-mau (ke). dam, (s.) bund . . . . yukur (da). daub, (v.t.) 1. og on another's face damage, (v.t.) .... jabagi (ke); eche ....ig-leat (ke). 2. on one's own face (ke). .... iji-leat (ke). 3. og on another's body damp, (adj.) .... Ot-ina (da). . damsel, (s.) .... ab-jadi-jog (da). . . . . ah-leat (ke). 4. on one's own body See .... ad-leat (ke). 5. koicbon another's App. vii. dance, (s.) .... ar-koi (da). face....ig-eap (ke). 6. on one's own dance, (v.t.) 1. in generic sense . . . . ar face . . . . iji-eap (ke). 7. koiob on another's koi (ke). 2. some specific dance .... tik body.... ab-eap (ke). 8. on one's own pa (ke). 3. with others . . . . itik-ta-koi body .... ad-eap (ke). See paint and (ke). 4. complimentary, "by request".. App. xiii. ... en (orul)-koi (ke). Dance to oblige daughter, (s.) under three years of age us ! ( (lit." for our sakes"): met (or mulat) .... kata (da). See App. vii. She koi. 5. as performed by the hosts ... ar- gave birth to a daughter this morning : waia (ke). This takes place after the guests ol dilmaya kat'abetirc. 2. over three years (or visitors) have executed their dance. '6. of age . . . . ba (da). Whose daughter on termination of the mourning-period ... (is this)?: mijia ba? Whose daughters are i-tolat (ke). (lit. "tears-drop "). On this those ?: mijia kaba-long-kalak ? occasion the symbols of mourning are daughter-in-law, (s.) .... otin (da). removed. 7. Wantonly, in order to give See App. viii. offence, or amorously.... ar-yena (ke). dancer, (s.) ... ar-koinga (da). dawdle, (v.t.) . . . . ting-guju (ke). You're dawdling! ting-gujuba ! (lit. "dawdle dancing-board, (8.) .... pukuta-yemnga (da). See App. xiii. not.)" dancing-ground, (s.) .... bulum (da). dawn, (8.) ... wanga (da). He must This is situated on a cleared site in the leave this at dawn or he will be benighted : midst of the encampment. ol wangalen uba-waik puto-kinike kinig idea, cut: i, eur: 4, casa : , father : a, fathom: ai, bite : au, house : du, rouge.

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DAWN DELIGHTED (61) ebritnga (da). Let us start at dawn : decont, (adj.), modest ..... Ot-teknga mocho ela-rodngaya tot-mikarike. See App. x. (da); wilibanga (da). dawn, (v.t.) begin to grow light....1 decline, (v.t.) See refuse. chal (ke). See light. decompose, (v.i.) of flesh or vegetation day, (s.) 1. of 24 hours . . . . arla (da). .... choro (ke). During the few days we stayed there, we decorate, (v.t.) any inanimate object .... bartered for a lot of sucking-pigs : kato |er-yam (ke.) See paint. arla ikpor len med pilinga bedig reg-ba decrease, (v.i.). diminish ... ara-likati (ke). l'Arduru leb igalre. 2. from sunrise to decrepit, (adj.) . . . . ar-ta (da); arsunset .... bodo (da). See App. x te (da). 3. period, time .... idal (da). A long deep, (adj.) 1. of the sea.... juru-doga time ago in the days of our remote (da). 2. of a pit or well.... loyaba. ancestors : drtam chauga-tabanga l'idal len. See distant. 4. all day ... bodo-doga (da). 5. by day defeat, (v.t.) in a fight .... Ot-degra .... bodo-len. 6. to-day .... ka-wai (ke); otola-omo (ke); (lit. "first fetch".) (da); in constr. ka-wai; ka-wai-bodolen. defeat, (s.) in a fight .... Ot-degra (da).. day-light, (s.) .... bodo-la-choinga (da). detecate, (vi).... che (ke); chel day after tomorrow, (s.) .... tar-wainga (ke); ri-che (ke.) See Issue. da). defend. See protect. day-break. See dawn. defer, (v.t.) postpone . . . . agetebla (ke). day before yesterday, (s.) .... tar-di- deflant, (adj.) .... tar-ngerenga (da). lea defle, (v.t.) 1. by dust, dirty wrapping dazzle, (v.t.) .... ig-war (ke); id: 31- or leaves . . . . ig-bera (ke). Why have . l'ot-war (ke). (v.i.) .... -karang (ke). you defiled my food ?: michalen nga dla dazzled, (p.p.) .... f-karang-re. yai l'ig-berare? 2. by dirt or mud .... dead. p.p.)....oko-lire. lada (ke). deadly. See fatal. deformed, (adj.) .... ku (da); gigaudeaf, (adj.) ....ig-malwa (da); choma nga (da); teka (da). Prefix according to (da). the part of the body to which reference is dear, (adj.) precious . . . . ar-inga (da). made. See App. ii. defraud. See oheat. See refuse (to give). dety, (v..).... ik-ong-reli (ke); igdeath, (s.) .... chauga-l'apil (da). reo (ko). There were two deaths in that encampment delty, the (9.).... Palaga (da); Mot this morning: kato baraij len dilma-ya cha uja-l'Apil ikpor l'eddre. yate (da). See creator.. decamp, (v.i.).... iji-kaj (ke); dejected, (p.a.) .. .. bulabnga (da). otonuyu (ke). delay, (v.t.) .... ab-nedba (ke). (v.i.) decapitato, (v.t.) .... See behead. ..... che-bang (ke); go (ke). They must be delaying on account of the squall : decay, (v.i.) .... choro (ke.) dinga-togori l'edare edaba waik golike. deceased, the, (adj.) .... lachi. (Pre delicious, (adj.) .... aka-yamalinga (da). fixed to the name of the person referred delicious! (exclam). . . . fam ! to, and is equivalent to the English expres- delight. (A).... kuk-l'ar-walakini (da). sion "the late".), delighted, (p.a.). ... kak-beringa (g); deceitful, (adj.) .... Aki-yengatnga (da). kuk-l'ar-walakininga (da). (latter in exdecelve, (v.t.). .. Aka-yengat (ke). cessive degree). o, indolent : 0, pole :d, got to, awful: di, boil.

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DELIRIOUS DIFFICULT (da). delirious, (adj.) .... pichanga (da). .... i-gari (ke). See long. 2. feel desire. deluge, the (s.) . . . . el-6t-otpinga (da). .... lat (ke). See wish. demandy (v.t.) claim.... Ot-titan (ke). desirous, (adj). anxious to obtain .... demon, (s.) 1. of the jungles . . . . erem garinga (da). prefix, i, aka, or on. chanyala; nila (da). 2. of the sea ..... juru-win (da). 3. of the sky.... chol despise, (v.t.) . . . . ig-pokiba (ke). (da). destroy, (v.t.) 1. by breaking .... kuDendrobium secundum, (s.) 1.... ra juri (ke). 2. by burning .... pugat (ke). 3. by other means .... tedi-jabagi (kc). (da). See App. xi and xiii. The yellow skip is much used for ornamental purposes. detach, (v.t.) a honey-comb from a branch 2. d. umbellatum (s.) .... 1.... Aka-karaij (ke). julaij (da). The seeds are eaten. detest, (v.t.). See dislike, hate and loathe. dense, (adj.) close, impenetrable... tobo (da); dense jungle .... erem-tobo devil, (s.). See demon. devour, (v.t.) of an animal .... ropok Dentalium octogonum, (s.) .... garen (ke). (da). See App. xiii. These are much used dew, (8.) .... yotma (da). in the manufacture of personal ornaments. dexterity, (s.) - akill in handiwork .... deny. (v.t.) .... 0t-tig-puluga (ke). ong-goma (da). (v.i.) .... akat-ye (ke). dexterous, (adj.) .... on (or ong)depart, (v.i.) 1. leave .... ad-lomta (ke). beringa (da). See leave. 2. go away... Oto-lu. dhani-leaf palm (Nipa fruticans), s..... pati (ke). 3. of the soul at death ...: puta (da). The seed is eaten. See App. jin (ke). When I die my soul will depart: xi. dol okolinga-bedig d'otyolo la jinngabo. dialect, (s.) .... akd-tegili-l'igla (da). deposit, (s.) mineral ....oto-jegnga (da). In the South Andaman dialect this kind depressed, (p.a.) dejected .... malanga of stone is called tolmada : aka-bea l'aka(da); bulabnga (da). As Wologa is depress tegili-(l'igla) len ucha naikan tali l'ot-ting ed he is eating nothing: mulanga l'edare tolma (da). wologa magke yabada. See sad. diarrhea, (s.) .... ar-belanga (da); ardescend, (v.i.) 1. from a higher position bo-pulatma (da). . . . . tol (ke); tolpi (ke). 2. from a tree die, (v.i.) 1..... oko-li (ke). 2. about .... ar-ot (ke). 3. a creek .... ar-do- to die ..... akan-tug-dapi (ke). (lit. ati (ke). throw one's teeth.) See disinter. descendants, (s.) .... Ot-borta-wichi (da). different, (adj.) 1. distinct ....ig-la (lit. "tattooed seedling.") Perhaps our (da). 2. another, some other .... akadescendants will be wiser than we: tiliktedi-bolya, aka-toro-buya. See another, motot borta-wichi mar-drduru tek mugutig. some other. 8. In different directions daingabo. .... i-kanga (da). describe, (vit.) .... i-tai (ke). See differently, (adv.) See otherwise. explain, relate. difficult, (adj.) 1. of any physical task description. See sort. .... ong-velabnga (da). 2. of 8 language . desert, (v.t.). See abandon. . . . . t-kutunga (da); Ot-charam (da). design, (8.). See pattern. The language of the white people is very desire, (v.t.) feel need of ... en-&- difficult: taplola l'Akd-tegili Otcharam (ke); reflex. See want. (v.i.) 1. long, yearn dogaya.. a, idea, cut: 1, our: a, casa: 4, father': 1, fathom: ai, bito: au, house : du, rowe,

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DIG DISORDER dig, (v.t.) .... er-kop (ke). 2. Dig up, discomfort, (s.) .... aka-welah (da). by one person.... ar-bang (ke). See This word is used in connection with the yam. 3. by two or more persons i... painting with koiob and og (see daub,) by ar-banga (ke). those unaccustomed to its use, especially digest, (v.t.) .... ab-dut (ke). in respect to the" dela" or lump of og worn digestible, (adj.) .... lulianga (da for weeks on their heads by newly-made widows. ab-dutnga-loyu. dilatory, (adj.) . . . . ar-golinga (da). discontented, (adj.) .... kuk-l'ar-jabag dim, (adj.). ...ig-nalama-ba. (da). dim-sighted, (adj.). ...ig-karangnga (da). discover, (v.t.). 1. find (after search) .... ig-jabag (da). ot-bam (ke). 2. casually .... oro (ke). diminish, (v.t.) .... ar-katai (ke). (v.i.) See find. ara-cher (ke); oyun-eche (ke); ara-likati disease, (s.) .... rum (da). (ke). disembark, (v.i.).,.. tol (ke); tolpi (ke); dinner. See supper. yoboli (ke). direct, (v.t.) order, command .... kanik disentangle, (v.t.) .... welep (ke). yan (ke). disguise, (v.t.) . . . ar-jili (ke).. . direction?, in which (adv.) interrog. .. disgust, (s.) .... aversion, to food only tekarik? 2. from which direction? tekari-tek? .... aka-war-yoma (da). 3. in different directions .i.. i-kanga (da). dish, (s.) wooden food-tray .... pu ku dirt, (s.) .... guj (da) ; lada (da). See ta-yat-maknga (da). See App. xiii. mud. dishonest, (adj.) . . . . Oko-tapnga (da). dirty, (adj.) 1..... gujnga (da); ladanga disinter, (v.t.) exhume .... Oi (ke); er-oi (da); i-tara (da). 2. from cating or (ke). While Wologa was dying he said distributing honey . . . . Ot-la bunga (da). to me " when my skull is disinterred and disagree, (v.i.) of food .... ab-koktar- cleaned I wish you to be the first to carry war (ke). Does it disagree with you? (lit. it": wologa tilg-dapinga-bedig den tarchi doc "inside dislike"): an ng'ab-koktar warke? chota karaij-yate 61-badig oi-yate chalnga disagreeable, (adj.) 1. with ref. to any bedig ngo l'entoba tabike do kichikan latke. object.... tar-rernga (da). 2. with ref. disjoint, (v.t.) dismember . . . . warat to persons . . . . un-welab (da). (ke). disappear, (v.i.).... ara-lamya (ke); dislike, (v.t.) 1. any person or object, ara-lotok (ke); elot-nuyu (ke)." except food . . . . jabag-lua (ke); i-tardisappointed, (p.a.) 1. . . . . ot-kuk-jaba er (ke). I dislike pig-hunting on stony ground: ginga (da). As you have so much in stock wai dol elal-ta len reg-delenga jabay ltake. I (lit: 60 many things collected in your dislike Punga's younger brother: wai do possession) we were disappointed at your punga l'aka-kam len itar-erke. 2. certain food, not sending us more: ngot-paichalen min ... aki-war (ke). He dislikes the flesh of ardaru 6t-je nga l'edare met ititannga the Paradoxurus: 61 baian dama len aka warke. yabalen meda molot-kek-jabaginga l'edare. dislocate, (v.t.) .... godoli (ke). 2. at missing a shot....ig-bujyanga (da). dismiss, (v.t.) .... aka-tar-toai (ke). disapprove, (v.i.)..., iji-kula (ke). . disobedient, (adj.) ... tegi-korng (da); disarm, (v.t.) .... on-luru-baiji (ke). akan-letainga (da); tegi-l'ot-malinnga-ba. disbelieve, (v.t.) . . . . ig-nge (ke). . disobey, (v.t.) .... tegi-kor (ke). (v.i.) discharge, (v.t.) an arrow .... tigpai- akan-letai (ke). ti (ke). ! disorder, (s.) .... gojarnga (da). o, indolent: 0, pole : o, pot : o, awful: di, boil.

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DISPERSE DRAG disperse, (v.t.) ...... otot-wal (ke). (v.i.) dizziness, (8.) giddiness . . . . ig-leleka ... charadami (ke). (da). display (v.t.) exhibit . . . . pe (ke). dizzy, (adj.) giddy .... ig-lelekanga (da). displease, (v.t.)....eb-ot-kukjabagi (ke). do, (v.t.) accomplish, perform .... Did Wologa displease you ? : an wologa ng'eb diyo-(ke); kadli (ke). See ex. at somehow. 6-kuk-jabagire ? Done, (finished) .... ar-lure. Don't .... displeased, (p.a.). .... Ot-kuk-jabaginga dake; ng'oke ; the latter is abbr. for "ngo' dake." Don't do so: uchin dake! Don't (da). dispute, (v.i.) .... ad-guin (ke). See move!: lelekake dake ! (or ng'oke) quarrel. doff, (v.t.) .... lupuji (ke). dissatisfied. See discontented. dog, (s.) 1, .... bibi (da). This word, dissimilar. See different. apparently of onomatopoetio origin-has been dissolute. See lewd. adopted since they became acquainted with dissolve, (v.t.) ....ig-palaiji (ke); ot. dogs, about 1858. 2. Dog, good at hunting pulaiji (ke). (v.i.) .... iji-pulja (ke); oto- pigs, etc. . . . . bibi-lig-yab-nga (da). 3. pulaiji (ke). dog, not good at hunting pigs, etc..... dissuade, (v.t.) .... On-tar-tek-ik (ke). bibi-l'ig-lama (da). distant, (adj.) far .... el-ar-pala (da); dog-fish, (8.) ... lekia (da). loyaba. doll, (s.) See plaything. distasteful, (adj.) with ref. to food .... domesticate, (v.t.) .... i-dubu (ke). aka-welabnga (da), as owing to long-con domesticated, (p.a.) tame . . . . 1-dubunga (da). A domesticated pig: reg-'i-dubunga tinued lack of variety, or absence of flavour. distinct, 1. different . . . . ig-la (da). (da). 2. separate . . . . iji-la (da). 3. clear, well door, (s.) .... oko-komlanga (da). See wall. defined .. .. lia-beringa (da). distinguish, (v.t.) discern. .. id-ig-noli dorsal fin, (s.).... yat-l'ot-payu (da). double, (adj.) .... ponga (da). (ke). I can distinguish two men and one doubt, (v.i.) 1. . . . . Ara-ral-iji (ke). I woman carrying an infant in her sling: doubt whether Woi will come: wai do woi wai do bila ikpor apuil ubatil nord-yate l'id onnga len ara-raltjike. 2. be undecided ig-noli ke. .... tar-iki (ke). distribute, (v.t.)....wal (ke); ot-wal (ke). doubtless, (adv.) .... et-lumu-tek. He district, (s.) . . . . erema-l'eate (da). will doubtless come to morrow morning : distrust, (v.t.) ig-mireba (ke). ol liltinga et-lumu-tek onke. disturb, (v.t.) interrupt .... tar-chiura down, (s.) fine soft air . . . . Ot-(pid-) (ke). dereka (da). ditch, (s.) .... elaka-panama (da). down, (adv.) 1. on the ground. ... garadive, (v.i.) 1. from a height . . . . tollen. 2. from higher to lower position .... (ke). The Andamanese always dive feet tolpi. 3. along a descent .... mugum-len. foremost into the water. 2. when in the down-hill, (adj.) .... tik-pau (da). water .... tik-patemi (ke). 3. under a From here to the beach it is all down-hill : canoe, etc...... ludgi (ke). karin tek pala len tikpauda. dive, (s.) .... Akan-tol (da). doze, (v.i.) sleep lightly .... ig-ngum diver, (.) .... tolnga (da). tik-patemi- (ke). nga (da). drag, (v.t.) 1. (launch) a canoe .... dok divide, (v.t.) See cut and part. (ke). 2. (beach) a canoe.... diyo-kag (ke). diviper, (s.) seer . . . . Oko-paiad (da). 3. a heavy object . . . . ar-dokori (ke). a, idea, cut:a, cur : a, casa : &, father : &, fathom : si, bite : au, house : au, rouse.

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DRAW DULL . draw, (v.t.) 1. pull a bowstring or cord to drizzle, (v.i.) . . . . ara-yil (ke). test its strength .... teni (ke); tinap (ke); droop, (v.i.) as a branch from weight of tenip (ke). 2. the bowstring when shoot- fruit or flower .... dolap (ke). ing.... tar-jalagi (ke). 3. water at a | drop, (v.t.) 1. let fall . . . . en-pa (ke); stream ....ik-odli (ke). 4. (sketch) en-tolat (ko); en-tolpi (ke). 2drop anchor a pattern, etc. . . . . ig-ngata (ke). 5. .... kana-l'entolpike. (v.i.) 1. of any object make a picture or portrait . . . . Ot-yolo- . . . . tolat (ke); pa (ke). 2. of any liquid... yiti (ke). See reflection and tattoo. 6. tok (ke). 3. as fruit from a tree. ... lap Draw out. See oxtract. (v.i.), Draw breath (ke); akan-godoli (ke); lit. dislocate itself. . . . . Ona (ke). drop, (s.) . . . . of any liquid .... tok drawing, (s.) picture ....ig-ngatanga (da). (da). dread, (v.t.) .... ar-tagi (ke). I don't drown, (v.t.) ....ot-noti (ke). (v.i.) hunt in those parts of the jungle from dread 1.... tob (ke). of (meeting) Jarawas: kat erem-l'edte jarawa drowsy, (adj.). ...ig-arlanga (da). l'artaginga l'edare wai do deleke yabada. drum, (s.) sounding-board .... pukuta dream, (s.) 1. .... ab-taraba (da). In (l'ot)-yemnga (da). See App. xiii. my dream I saw two freshly-harpooned drunk, (adj.) intoxicated. ...ig-leleturtles: dab-taraba len yadi ikporgoi- kanga (da). This word is also applied to dulnga d'ig-badigre. 2. of a seer . . . . ara- one who from fasting or other cause is not muga-taraba (da). in his right mind. Intoxicating drinks dream, (v.t.) 1..... ab-taraba (ke). 2. were unknown to the Andamanese prior of a seer . . . . Ot-paiad (ke). (v.i.) of a seer to 1858. .... ara-muga-tAraba (ke). See soer. drupe of Pandanus or Nipa fruit, (s.). ... dregs, (8.) .... ar-murudi (da); ar- ot-ta (da). muruwin (da). dry, (v.t.) 1, before a fire or in the sun dreneb, (v.t.) .... Ot-pi (ke); Otina (ke). ....0t-er (ke); tari (ke). 2. by wiping off drenched, (.p.) 1. by rain. . . . Ot-pulure. moisture . . . . rar (ke); dry one's self by 2. in water-logged canoe . . . Ot-dunure. wiping . . . . ad-rar (ke). Wipe yourself 3. by other means ....ot-inare ; ot-pire. dry: ng'ad-rar. (v.i.) 1. keep dry by taking See wet. shelter....oto-kola (ke). 2. become dry dress, (v.t.) 1. clothe.... Ot-ram (ke); ....er (ke); noro (ke). The latter word michla (ke); ab-lotok (ke). 2. dress a wound has reference to vegetation only. ... ch un-lig-ram (ke). (vi) .... oto- dry, (adj.) 1. that has not been wet.... ram (ke). . .. -- - - i-kola (da). 2. no longer wet . . . . a-erre; drift, (v.i.) 1. with the tide ... : tar. Oyu-erre. kaj (ke) ; lulka (ke). loloka (ke). 2. by force. dry monsoon, (8.).... yere-bodo (da). of the wind .... ar-al (ke); lalka (ke). This comprises about 13 weeks, viz., from, drift-wood, (s.) . . . . putu-maunga (da). say, mid-February till mid-May. drill, (v.t.) bore a hole .... reu (ke); duck, (s.) teal .... kala (da); kulal (da). reunga (ke). due, (adj.) 1. that ought to be given or drink, (v.t. & i.).... welej (ke). done.... tolaba (da). 2. ought to arrive drinkable, (adj.) .... welejnga-loyu. .... ar-talpinga (da); Arla l'aryahainga drip, (v.i.) .... tok (ke). (da). dripping, (s.) ....moiwo (da). dugong, (r.) Halicore indicus . . . . tegbal drive, (v.t.) 1. in hunting .... oko-aluma (da). (ke). 2. drive away....ig-ewa (ke). ar- dull, (adj.) 1. stupid....ig-pichanga (da); yadi (ke). | mugu-tig-picha (da). 2. of hearing .... o, indolent : 0, pole : o, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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DUMB i-choma (da). 3. cheerless.... ig-welabnga (da). 4. weather (overcast). . . .ela-dilnga (da). 'dumb, (adj.). yabnga-ula (da). See aranga (da). mute, silent. dung, (s.)... . ar-bo (da). durable, (adj.) 52 * (da). during, (postp.).... nga-bedig len. During the night: gurug len. During your absence: ng'ab-yaba len. He was often unconscious during his illness: ol abyedngabedig arla-reatek letaringa (da). dusk, (s.)....er-loko-ritnga-goi (da); ela-ritnga (da). dusk, (v.i.) become. . . . ela-rit (ke). See late and App. x. dust, (s.). er-l'ot-pupya (da); er-l'otbubut (da); bubra (da). duty, (s.).. tig-yam (da). It is our duty to obey orders: maratduru lia tigyam kanik tegi-l'otmalin (ke). ar-cheba (da); gora 3. -wax dwarf, (s.).... ar-dedeba (da). dwell, (v.t.). 1. for an indefinite time. . . . budu (ke). 2. temporarily.... poli (ke); pali (ke). 3. permanently in same locality. . . ar-titegi (ke). This is said of certain of the inland-tribes who live in permanent villages, while the coast-tribes more or less frequently move from one encampment to another. 18247 dwelling, (s.) bud (da). See hut. dysentery, (s.). . . . ar-bo-cherama (da); ar-ti-la-wejeringa (da); ar-ti-la-chelnga (da). See blood and issue. E each, 1. (adj.) every one, separately considered...uba-ijila (da). Before distributing the food Wologa called each man by name: yat walnga l'entoka wologa bula abaijila ting-l'ar-enire. 2. (pron.) each one... ubatul-tul (da). Each of those women will feturn to her home to-day carrying her infant all the way in her (chip) sling: ka-wai kat' apail l'ong-kalak len ubatul-tul ab-nord-yate ping-dru jk. EATING eager, (adj.). . . i-ratnga (da). eagle, fish- (8.) 1. (Blagrus leucogaster) ... badgi (da). 2. a small variety. . . . ear, (s.) 1.... ig-puku (da). 2. lobe of ear fice of ig-puku-l'ar-dereka (da). aka-ya-muruwin (da). 4. oriig-paku-l'aka-bang (da). 5. ear-ache . . .ig-poku-cham (da);ig-pukuyed (da). 6. ear-less.... ig-puku-lupa (da). 7. ears, shut one's (v.i.)...... akan (or aiyan)-muju (ke). early, (adv.). jalwa-lingi. early today..... ka-wai jalwa-lingi. early morn ing. See dawn. earth, (s.) 1. the world. . . . erema (da). See world. 2. soil gara (da). See clay. earthquake, (s.) 1.... .er-yuanga (da). We were all frightened yesterday when (lit. in) the earthquake (occurred): dilia eryuanga len m'arduru mat-latre. 2. (diminutive) er-yuyukanga (da). earth-worm, (s.). . . . wilidim (da). ease, (adj.) rest from work.... polingayoma (da). easily, (adv.). . . . . .un-ojomaich-tek. east, (s.). el-ar-mugu (da). N.E. wind, and N.E. monsoon. See north. easy, (adj.) to make or do. . . . unojomaich (da). eat, (v.t.) with reference to one person.... mag (ke); meg (ke); mak (ke). 2. with reference to two or more. . . . aka-wed (ke); aka-wet (ke). 3. one kind of food. . . . le (ke). Don't eat any more of that, there will be none left for the others: ngo lat leka dake! wai arat-dilu lat aka-kichal yaba (da). What has been eaten of yours?: ngia: michiba lengata? taking food with lips, not hands ... pai (ke). See lip. 5. greedily.... ig-noma (ke). 6. eat up, devour. ar-lereka-mag(ke). See devour. ... eating, (p.a.) engaged in... . aka-kad (ke). We parents are now busy eating: moiot-ba achitik makat-kad (da). Don't call a, idea, out: a, cur: a, casa: a, father: a, fathom: ai, bite: au, house: au, rouse.

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EATABLE the dog, he is at his food (engaged in eating): bibi len arngereke dake, ol aka-kad (da). 53 eatable, (adj.) See edible. eaves, (s.). ... .ar-to (da). Rain is falling from the eaves of your hut: ngia chang l'ar to tek yum la pake. ebb, (v.i.) of the tide..... ela-er (ke). ebb-tide, (s.) ela-ernga (da). ebony, (8.). toti (da). echo, (s.) aka-tegi-l'adwetinga (da). See voice and escape. kolwot (da). See note at hiccough. bodo-laeclipse, (s.) 1. of the sun. jabaginga (da). 2. of the moon..... ogar la-jabaginga (da). eddy, (s.) 1... iji-keti (da); 2. caused by the propeller of a steamer....argoloin (da). edge, (s.) 1. of a precipice.. ig-pai (da); ig-pe (da). 2. of a blade or paddle ig-yod (da). edible, (adj.) maknga-loyu. e. bird's nest (s.). . . . . bilya-l'ar-ram (da).a See nest. ed. roots. (s.) See yam.. Falak (da). eel, (s.).. egg, (8.) .... mol-o (da). 2. yolk of molo-l'ot-cherama (da) 3. white of... molo-l'ot-elepaij (da). either, 1. (pron.). . . . uchin-uba-tul (da). Give me either (one) of those bows: kato karama tek uchin-ubatul den a: 2. (conj.) ... uchin-uba. He is either dead or dying: ol uchin-uba oko-lire an akan-tag-dapinga (da). elbow, (s.)...... ig-kopa-l'ar-naichama (da). (lit." point of fore-arm."). elder, (adj.), senior. . . . . ab-doga (da).. Elder brother (or sister) (s). See App. viii. elderly, (adj.) . . . . ab-choroga (da). See | old. eldest child, (s.) first-born. . . . abligaPentoba-yate (da). elephant, (s.). uchu (da). elephantiasis, (s.). . . . ar-lapi (da). This word has been adopted since becoming acquainted with the disease among the Nicobarese. else, (adv.) 1. instead of, in place of . . . . ong-teka. Why did Bia give you something else?: michalen bia ngen min l'ongteka manre? 2. in addition to, besides... na. Woi gave me nothing else (lit. more): woi den min na manre yaba (da). 3. otherwise .... kinig. Go away (or) else I'll be angry: uchik wai on, kinig do tigrelke. elsewhere, (adv.) .... er-Potbaia-lom (da); kato-men (da). ENCAMPMENT elude, (v.t.) 1. by superior speed . . . tu-laina (ke). 2. by strategem... tar-pejili (ke); ig-polokini (ke). While we were all hiding under the shade of the tree the boar eluded us mol'arduru akatang l'ebertegi len marenga bidig styregnga tar-pejilire. emaciate, (v.i.). . . . ab-maina (ke). emaciated, (p.a.) ... ab-maina (da) embankment, (s.). ... yukur (da). embark, (v.i.). akan-wer (ke). embers, (s.). ... ar-pij-l'ig-uya (da). embrace, (v.t.) 1. as when meeting after long separation.... ot-panu (ke). 2. as foreigners.... akan-tebi-gol (ke).. This word has been adopted to indicate the custom among Indians after long absence. See! two natives of India are embracing: wai gelib! chaugala l'ikpor akan-tebi-golke. emerge, (v.i.) come out from concealment ... teg-wejeri (ke). The Jarawas obtain iron by emerging from the jungle (i.e. from wrecks on the coast) or in some such way: jarawa la teg-ws jeri-tag-nga-bedig tolbot-ta oroke. See sort. 2. as an insect out of a hole. See issue. empty, (adj.) of a building or bucket. . ar-lua (da). 2. empty-handed. . . . after a hunt or search .... ong-tarlua (da); ong. kalaka (da). (lit. "hands-bare.") eneampment, (s.) 1. occupied baraij (da); bud-l'arduru (da). 2. unoccupied... er-arlua (da). 3. old-established. . . . baraij (da). An encampment without a Chief is called, "baraij-boloda." (lit. "an orphan encampment.") 4, ancient (abandoned)... See kitchen-midden. o, indolent: 8, pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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ENCEINTE ESCAPE enceinte, (adj.) See pregnant. enquire. See ask. enelose, (v.t.) . . . . i-turko (ke). See enrage, (v.t.) .... en-tigrel (ke). surround ensnare, (v.t.) entrap.... yoto-pai (ke); encounter, (v.t.) meet as an adversary .... korla (ke). jeti (ke). We big boys being fully-armed Entada pursoetha, (s.) .... chakan (da). are not afraid to encounter Jarawas: mat- The seeds of this tree are eaten during the ligaba chachnga bedig jarawa jelinga leb marat rains. See App. xi. latke yaba (da) (v.i.) meet casually or un entangle, '(v.t.) ....ot-cho (ke). expectedly. See meet. enter; (v.t.) .... loti (ke) ; lotok (ke). encourage, (v.t.) 1. urge on . . . . ab-nge entertainment, (s.) .... yat-durnga (da); (ke). 2. instigate . . . . kuk-l'ar-loda (ke); yat l'ot-jegnga (da). ong-jig (ke). 3. give comfort or cheer ... kak-l'ar-leje (ke). entire, (adj.) See sound and whole. entirely, (adv.) .... reatek ; ubaya. That end, (s.) 1. extremity . . . . ar-rewa (da); Oko-tap (da). Hold the end of my stick : is entirely bad : kato jabag reatek. dia putu l'ar-rewa puchuke. 2. pointed entrails, (s.) .... ab-jodo (da). end . . . . . naichama (da). See beak and entrance, (s.) 1. to hut.... er-l'akopoint. 3. conclusion of any work or nar kalaka (da). See place and uncovered. rative . . . . ar-lu (da). 2. to creek.... Ot-lotinga (da). 3. to endeavour, (v.t.) See try. cave.... jag-lik-lotinga (da). endure, (v.t.) See suffer. enumerate, (v.t.) . . . . ig-lap (ke). He enumerated all the things in his possession: enemy, (s.) .... yodinga (da). al ot-paichalen min arduru l'iglapre. energetic, (adj.) .... iratnga (da). envious, (adj.) . . . . Ot-lebenga (da). engaged, in work. See busy. envy, (v.t.) .... ot-lebe (ke). English. See European. epilepsy, (s.) .... picha (da). enjoy, (v.t.) . . . . ad-yela (ke). We all equal, (adj.) .... aka-para (da) ; lornga enjoy paying a visit to Calcutta : marduru (da). la kalkata len ertalnga leb adyelake. See air. erase, (v.t.). ... gudu (ke). enlarge, (v.t.). .. . er-doga (ke). erect, (v.t.) .... ar-tig-jerali (ke). erect, (adj.) upright .... tig-jeralinga enmity, (s.). ... yodi (da). Owing to (da); oto-lomnga (da). enmity the Jarawas do not associate with eruption, (s.) rash.... a-rut (da); us: yodi l'edare jarawa maral-ddru l'itigmill a-rutu (da). like yaba (da). escape, (v.i.) 1. flee, run away.... adenormous, (adj.) 1. of an animate object weti (ke). 2. after being shot or harpooned . . . . rochoba (da). 2. of an inanimate .... -jud (ke). 3. from being struck by object.... bodia-doga (da); chanag-doga a missile, (a) by eluding it .... bitra (ke); (ad). There are enormous clams (tridacna) chodo-kini (ke). (6) owing to misdirection here: karin chowni rochoba (da). See big. .... 5to-lalai (ke). 4. from infection, enough, (adj.) sufficient .... duruma (da). . . . . oto-lalai (ke). [i.e. through misdirecOne is enough : abatul dirumada. Enough tion of the demon conveying the disease]. food is as good as (lit. "equal to") a feast : When we suffered from measles last year, yat daruma wai yat doga l'aka-para (da). only those living at Port Mouat escaped anongh (interi.) .... dake!; kian-wai! | infection : talik 'ditari med d-ritnga bedie That's enougb: kanwai dake! gun tdra-chang lat budu-ydte otot-lalaire. idea, out: a, our: d, casa: A, father : a, fathom: ai, bite: au, house : du, rouse.

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ESPECIALLY especially, (adv.). . . . tul (da). I want arrows, especially w ooden-pointed fish ones: wai do delta d'enake, tul tirlej (da). essential, (adj.). . . . arainga (da). etcetera, "and other (or such) things" ... a-weh! See App. v, para 1. tap-lola (.) tap-lola-dalag European, (adj.) 1. race or people. (da). 2. soldier or sailor.... boigoli. 3. official.... kaptan (i.e. "Captain"). complexion (colour of skin). iteremya (da). 4. evaporate, (v.i.). ... oto-nuyai (ke). even, (adj.) See flat, level. even, (adv.) actually....aba. See return. evening, (s.).... dila (da). See App. ix. This evening.. kawai-dilalen; kawaidilaya. Yesterday evening. . . .dilea-dilalen. To-morrow evening. . . . wainga-dilalen. ever, (adv.)....eda; uchik-wai; kichikwai; eba-kachya. Have you ever speared turtles at Kyd Island?: an ngo daratang ya eda yadi dutre? For ever and ever... ong-tam. every, 1. (adj.) (a) all possible. . . .arduru (da). Fetch at once every bow you can find in my hut: dia bad tek karama Tandere ngot bam-gate ke-goi omo (ke). The Chief burnt every hut: maiola bud l'ardaru l'oko-joire, (b) each. See each. 2. (pron.) every one...uba-tul-tul (da). Bia gave honey to every one in the village: bia abatal-tal len baraij lat aja manre.. See each. Every day. . . . arlalen-arlalen. He is up to some mischief every day wai el arlalen-arlalen ot-jabagi (ke). Every month, garlen-garlen. Everywhere, er-dilu-reatek. (lit. "place-throughout ".) evil, (s.).... ot-jabag-yoma (da). evil spirit. See demon. exactly, (adv.) 1. precisely, punctually badinga; ar-golinga-ba. I arrived at o, indolen 55 home exactly at noon: wai da bud len bodochau badinga kagalre. See about, delay and not. 2. quite, just . . . . uba. Our bows are exactly alike: wai meta karama uba l'aka-para (da). exactly so! (interj.) uba (da)!; kichikanuba (da)! exaggerate, (v.t.). . . . ar-chi (ke). Don't exaggerate! yaba, l'archike dake! (Here yaba is prefixed to express disbelief.) examine, (v.t.) 1. an inanimate object .ta (ke). 2. an animate object .. ar-tal (ke). exasperate, (v.t.) EXCLAIM See anger. excavate, (v.t.) kralj (ke). exceedingly, (adv) See excessively. excel, (v.t.).... tig-beringa (ke). excellent, (adj.) . . . . tapa (da); (in construc. tapa-ya). They were always excellent divers: eda arat-tam tek tikpiteminga tapaya. pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil. en-tigrel (ke). except, (postp.) with the exception of .. ijiya. All except my younger brother are dancing: d'aka-kam ijiya arduru koike. excess, (8.) surplus. . . . kichal (da); Aka-kichal (da). (The latter word is used with ref. to food.) See remainder. * er-l'ot-kop (kc); excessive, (adj.) . . . . durnga (da). excessively, (adv.).... dogaya; chanagya; botaba. excessive quantity or number (s.) on-tepe-durai (da). exchange, (v.t.). gol (ke); f-gal (ke); iji-golai (ke). exchangeable, (adj.) 1-galnga-boyu. exclaim, (v.t.).... pele (ke). See beg. He exclaimed that what you say is quite false: vai o pilere anya ngo tan che giate atedinga reatek. *

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EXCREMENT (ke). excrement, (s.) . . . . ar-bo (da). See rust, nifies (" be moribund"). 2. as a light.... bullet. iji-tari (ke). excrete, (v.t.) .....ig-chel (ke); ig-che explain, (v.t.) 1. tell, teach,' narrate, show . . . . .i-tai (ke). He explained to me the excuse, (v.t.) release .... tig-lai (ke); method of stringing the bow : 61 den itaire ar-tidubu (ke). See ex. at remainder. kichikacha ot-ngotolike. 2. with ref. to speech (v.i.) 1. one's self for one's failure .... .... 1-ta-yap, (ke). (e.g., how to pronounce ara-yar (ke). 2. one's self at the expense or translate a word), lit. assist-speak. of another ... en-dura (ke). See ex. at explode, (v.t.). ..ar-tuchu (ke). (v.i.) carry and careless. ..... ara-tuchu (ke). See kiss. execrate, (v.t.) .... aka-bang-tek-pareja explore, (v.t.). : . .er-tal (ke); in search (ke). of honey ..ig-!ap (ke). exhausted, (p.p.).... dama-l'aka-chamre. extend, (v.t.). See enlarge, lengthen, reach' exhausting, (p.pr.) .... dama-lak-cham- and stretch. nga (da). exterior, (8.) outside . . . . walak (da). exhibit, (v.t.) See display. exterminate, (v.t.), 1. with ref. to animals, exhume, (v.t.)....oi (ke). See disinter. etc. ... ti-tau (ke). 2. with ref. to a commu exist, (v.i.) have being .... eda (ke). nity....aka-ti-tau (ke). Crows do not exist at the Nicobars up to extinguish, (v.t.) 1. with water .... ig-ela the present tinc: ngaka nakoba len batka (ke). 2. by blowing.... ig tupu (ke). 3. (edake) yaba (da). by other means . . . . i-tari (ke). expeet, (v.t.) .... aba (ke). extinguished, (p.p.) of a light ..... ijiexpectorate, (v.t.). .. . diar (ke). . tari-re. expedite, (v.t.) .... rewa-karinga (ke); extract, (v.t.) take out.... loti (ke). Bia uchurpi (ke). extracted the pig-arrow from my leg without expedition, (s.) .... ara-tig-barminga inflicting) much pain: bia d'ar chag tek yed doga yabalen ela lotire. expeditious, (adj.).... i-to-kininga (da). extraordinary, (adj.) wonderful .... ig. expel, (v.t.) .... diringla (ke). ngeklinga (da). expend, (v.t.) use up ..... bujautinga extremity, (s.) See end. (ke), as e.g., bees-wax in making (sealing) eye, (s.) 1.....i (or ig)-dal (da); 1-do wax.... (kanga-ta-baj ), which is used in (da). 2. Eyebrow (s.) .... ig-punyur (da). making arrow-heads. See App. xiii. ig-puin-nur (da). See raise. 3. Eye-lash expert, (adj.). 1. in handicraft . . . . un (or ....i (or ig)-dal-It- pij (da). 4. Eyeong)-beringa (da). 2. sharp-sighted .... lid ...; i (or ig)-dal-l'ot-ej (da). 5. Eyeig-beringa (da). 3. in ref. to dexterity and tooth, (8.). ... aka-naichama (da). 6. pupil sight. ...un-tig-beringa (da). 4. as an archer of the eye, (s.) .....1 (orig )-dal....un-zab(da); Oko-karama-cham-beringa l'ot-putung-ej (da). 7. white of the eye, (s.) (da). See can and superior. 1. ...i (or ig)-dal-l'ot-olowia (da). 8. having expire, (v.t.) 1. die .... oko-li (ke); only one eye.... i (orig)-dal-l'ar-tarak (da) (akan-) tug-dapi (ke). The latter word sig. 9. Shut the eye, (v.t.). ...ig-memati (ke), &, idea, cut: a, cur : a, casa : &, father : a, fathom: ai, bite : au, house : au, rouse. (da). Nigel

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FACE - FAST (v.i.) Idal-itari (ke). 10. open the eye, (v.t.) famished, (p.a.) .... akan-weralinga .... 1-dal-l'ot-tewi (ke). (v.i.).... iji-ware (da). (ke). fan, (8.) .... al (da); wal (da). fan, (v.t.) a flame .1... (chapa-lig-) al face, (8.) 1...... ig-magu (da); 1 (or (ke); wal (ke). ig)-ta (da). 2. profile .... aiya-ti mar (da). far, (adj.) .... el-ar-pala (da); loyaba. facing, (postp.) fronting ... Akd-elma (postp.) as far as .... mat. as far as there len; ab-elma-len. My husband is facing 1.... kato-mat. I paddled as far as Kyd us: dab bala makat-elma-len Taland encampment but did not see any fade, (v.i.).... oto-keleto (ke). signs of a dugong (lit. a dugong body): wai do ddratang mat ta pare dona tegbul-chau faded, (adj.) of vegetation .... galpaba (da). d'igbadignga-ba. nut so far (less far)..... faeces, (s.) .... &r-b8 (da). tek-elar pala-yaba (da). His hut is not so faggots, (s.) 1, firewood .. .. ch&pa (da). far from here as mine : kare-tek ta bud dia bad 2. bundle of .... chorognga (da). tek elarpala-yaba (da). fail, (v.i.) 1. through inability ..... farewell, (v.i.) bid- . . . . Oto-goli (ke). okan-maijla (ke). 2. fail to find .... el Farewell ! (interj.) See good-bye. Ot-nayai (ke). 8. fail to comply . . . . iji farther, (adj.) 1, from here .... karin kila (ke). 4. fail to hit, miss.... lakd (or kare)-tek-elarpala (da). 2. from there ... ohi (ke). without fail .... waikan. See kato-min-elarpala (da). 3. a little farther doubtless. .... ka-wai-lagiba (lit. now near). falnt, (adj.) despondent . . . . kuk-la-to- farthest, (adj.) .... elarpala-l'igla (da). latnga (da). Your hut is the farthest of all from here: fall, (v.i.) 1. from any cause .... pa ngia bad karin-tek-elarpdla l'igla (da). (ke). I fell from the tree but fortunately fast, (adj. & adv.) 1. of a runner or swimbroke no bones: dol aka-tang tek pare, mer . . . . Ar-yere (da); ar-rewa (da); ardona 6t-ydb-len fta-kajurire yaba (da). rinima (da). Your son (addressing the 2. drop, of any object . . . . tolat (ke); pa father) is growing fast: ngar-odire yere (ko). 8. owing to a push or jolt..... ara- abdoga (ke). 2. of a ship, canoe, bird, eto. godai (ke). 4. as ripe truit from a tree .... .... rinima (da); yere (da); rewa (da). akan-godoli (ke). 5. of the tide . . . . ela- Fast! (Quickly!) kuro ! Faster, .. teker (ke). 6. overboard .... oto-jamu (ke). aryere (da). Bira runs faster than Woi: Owing to the narrowness of the bow of the woi tek bira dryere kajke. Faster ! tan-ng') Nicobarese out-rigger canoe, when poling for ar-yere ! Go faster 1 tan ng'aryeredo d'ongturtle, it frequently causes us to fall over ngatake , (lit." I am hooking my feet," i.e. board: malai charigma l'etmugu lanab l'edare restraining my pace). Fastesi i. &r-yeremotot-16binga bedig met ong-tdla motot-jumuke. l'igla (da). false, (adj). . . . . A-tedinga (da). fast, (v.i.) 1. when siok, in trouble, or falsehood, (8.) . . . &-tedi (da). during a lad's novitiate. Il yapi (ke); 2. family, (8.) ... bang-aba (da). Wolo- Fasting period of a novice ... 1 aka-yap ga's family is large': olog'ia bang-aba diya (da). Youths of both sexes for two or three (da). years before attaining puberty abstain from t o , indolent: 0, pole: , pots a awful: di, boil.

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FASTEN FEATHER eating turtle, honey, fruits and the kidney- fatigued, (p.p.) 1. of the back only .... fat of the pig. During this period--before mal-laire. 2. of the whole body.... damaand after which the individual is botiga (da) l'akd-chamre. (i.e. free from such restrictions)--he (or she) fatiguing, (p.pr.) ... welabnga (da). is described as Akd-yab (da) or aka-yaba Prefix ong, ab, eto. See App. ii. (da). fatten, (v.t.) for slaughter .... chilyu fasten, (v.t.) 1. tie .... cho (ke); 1. (ke). cho (ke). See bind. 2. to a post . . . . Oko favor, beg a, (v.t.) . . . . Oto-yap (ke). roni (ke). 3. tightly.... nilip (ke). 4. an animal by the neck .... Ot-roni (ke); 'favourable, (adj.). ---.. of wind, tide or loropti (ke). 5. round one's waist .... Ar current .... ar-dadupinga (da); ar-laadetai (ke); oto-cho (ke). inga (da). The tide is favourable: kala wai fastening. See lashing. drldadinga (da). fat, (s.) .... ala-chir (da); again (da). favourite, 1. (8.) popular person .... 0 Prefix ab, ot, etc. See App. ii. re (da). 2. (adj.) of a dog, bow, &c. ..... fat, (adj.) 1. human .. .. &-pata (da). ik-lirnga (da). See with and go. 2. animal .... pata (da). 3. fatter ... fear, (v.t.) regard with fear . . . . ar-lad tek-apata (da). 4. fattest ..... &-pata- (ke); ar-lat (ke). (v.i.) be afraid .... adl'igla (da). lat (ke). fat, become (v.i.) 1. of human beings ... fearless, (adj.) ... ad-latnga-ba ; i-tara-pata (ke). 2. of animals .... pata (ke). mil (da). See "follow tracks." fatal, (adj.) 1. of an injury.... yele feast, (8.) 1..... yat-darnga (da); yatba. See heal. paraij-tinga (da); olo-baijinga l'ot-jegnga (da). 2. mock-feast (a children's (da). 2. of a disease .... teg-boinga-ba. game) . . . . gab-maknga (da). See recover. feast, (v.t.) on the completion of a novice's father, (s.) 1..... ab-maiola ; ar-oding & probationary fast .... gumul-le (ke); gu(da); ab-chabil (da). 2. having one or more mul-mag (ke). While their Masters Woi and children .... un-ba (da). The fathers of Irajodo, seeing the fat pigs for which they those two men are head-chiefs : kalbdla (lit. their bellies) craved, broke their pigl'ilpor l'arat-odinga wai maiag' ilik-la (da). Il fast: mar woi ol-bedig fra-jodo kalo regpdia saw my father's bow in his own hut: wai l'igbadig-yite mugum len poichatnga l'eddre do dab-chabil lialdrama ekan ballen reg-gimul-lere. During the first two or three igbadigre. Is your younger brother a father ? : months the novice is called aka-goi (da), an ng'aki-kam an-ba (da)? 3. Step-father after which-and until he becomes a father or .... ab-chabil (da). 4. Father-in-law ... fairly senior--the term Aka-gumul (da) or mamola, (p.p.) dia, ngia, etc. See App. ii. guma is applied to him. A young woman 5. Fatherless, (adj.)... &-bolo (da); boloka continues to be akagoi (da) till she becomes (da); ab-maia-ab-yaba (da). a mother or has been married some years. fathomless, fadj.) .... jaru-doga (da). I feather, (8.) ....pid (da); (in constr fatigue, (s.) 1. with ref. to hands or feet pij) (lit. hair). The prefix ot, ig, etc. is .... Ong-welab (da). 2. with ref. to the used to denote the part of the bird referred body .... ta l'ar-welab (da). to. See App. ii. A, idea, out: i. Owe: a. casa : 4, father : &, fathom : ai, bito: au, howo : au, rouse.

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59 TEEBLE FINE feeble, (adj.) See woak. few, (adj.) .... ik-por (da) (lit. two); feed, (v.t.)..., aka-bilij (ke). yaba (da); ba (da). See receive and self. feel, (v.t.) 1. any animate object .... fibre, (n.) .... chalim (da). See App. a -pa (ke). 2. any inanimate object .... er xiii for three varieties employed. pa (ke); koto (ke); the latter in the sense of Adget, (v.t.) .... joli (ke); unya (ke). feeling any thing in a net or cover in order to flerce, (adj.) See ferocious. ascertain its nature, size or quantity. fight, (s.) .... ara-tang-mok (da). (v.i.) fell, (v.t.) a tree. ... kop (ke). See clear 1. . . . . ara-tang-mok (ke); reli (ke). 2. jungle. together without interference .... Ong fellow-countryman, (adj.)...ig-badwa tekli (ke). (da). Is he a fellow-countryman of yours?: Afth, (adj.) See App. iii. an ol ng'igbudwa (da)? figure, (8.) form.... ab-dala (da). fle, (s.) rasp . . . . talag-ba (da). (v.t.) fellow-tribesman, (8.) or kinsman .... . .. jit (ke). ab-ngiji (da). I will return here after visiting fu, (v.t.) 1. any vessel with fluid .... my kinsmen (lit. fellow-tribesmen): dal-ngiji Aka dla (ke). 2 a bamboo with food ..... len loinga-bedig-gd-tek) dol kedrin wijke. gob (ke). 3. fill up any receptacle .... felspar, (s.) . . . . toug-lotunga (da). ot-tepe (ke). See fall. (v.i.) fill one's mouth female, 1. (8.) .... d-pail (da). 2. (adj.) .... akan-ela (ke). .... pail (da). filled, (p.p.) ....ot-tepere. fen. See swamp. Alth, (s.) .... lada (da). fence, (s.) .... turkonga (da). filthy, (adj.) .... ladanga (da). forn, (8.) 1. .... ropan-tong (da). (la. fin, (s.) 1. pectoral .... (yat-l') ig-wad "Toad-leaf.") 2. bird's nest, f. (Asplenium (da). 2. ventral .... (yat-I') ake-wad (da). nidus) .... patla (da). When situated near the anal fin " &r " ferocious, (adj.) ....ig-rel-toponga (da). is substituted for "aka." 3. dorsal .... festival, (s.) See assembly and feast. (yat-I') Ot-payu (da). 4. caudal .... (yat-l') feteh, (v.t.) 1. go and bring an animate ar-payu (da). 5. anal .... (yat-l') ar-picham object ... ab-omo (ke). My father fetch (da.) 6. fin's rays .... (yat-l') 6t-chakul ed Woi yesterday from Port Mouat: (da). See thorn. Carodigg dua ra thong tee Moi Pab And, (v.t.) 1. after search :... 0t-bam more. I fetched a fat pig for our own con (ke). 2. by chance .... oro (ke). Wnere the sumption (lit. for ourselves): makan leb reg white honey is found there is also the black pdia iba-tul d'ab-omore. 2. go and bring an kind: minya aja oroke ol-bedig tobul-ya. inanimate object .... Omo (ke). He is See App. i. fetching firewood for me: ol dat chapa ind fault with (v.t.) See blame and scold. omoke. fino, (adj.) 1. excellent .... abe-berifever, (s.) ague .... did-dirys (da). Bia nga (da). 2. beautiful....ino (da). 8. of as yet has never had fever: ngdia bia len eda weather... lilnga (da). (8.) fine did-dirya yaba (da). weather .... 18 (da). See onlm. o, indolent: 0, polo: ,, pot: asofal: di, boil.

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FINGER MO FIT finger, (s.) 1. .... Ong-koro (da). 2. ....ogar-chanag (da). 7. first-time .... middle finger .... Ong-koro-maguchal (da). idlia-goiya. On seeing white soldiers for the 8 little finger .... ong-ti-pil (28). 4. in first time I was afraid : idlia-goiya boigoli ger-nail .... Ong-koro-bodoh (da). 5. d'igbadignga-bedig da d'adidtre. finger-tip . . . . Ong-koro-naichama (da). fish, (8.) 1. generic term for all food .... Anish, (v.t.) 1 .... ar-la (ke); kadli i yauda). (in constr. yat). This large fish (ke). He has now finished thatching the leapt irto the canoe and died there : acha ydt bodia roko koltar len tebalpinga-bedig ololire. hut: 6l kngoi chang tiepinga Madline. 2. any 2..when shot with arrow ... Jat-taijnga manual task ... ong-kadli (ke); fk-ong (da). 3. when netted.... yat-panenga kadli (ke); ig-ngatili (ke). If I were to (da). 4. (fish) fin. See an. 5. (fish) gills .... work all day and night I should finish yat-l'ig-jag (da); Akd-va (da). 6. fish-roe.' (making) this bow : moda del drla uma d'on (spawn) .... Jat-l'ia-ber (da). 7. fish-scales yomkeucha kdrama d'igngatili (ke). .... yat-l'Et-ed" (da). 8. fish-arrow. See fire, (8.) 1. .... f-dal (da). 2. firewlod arrow. 9. fish-hook : ... yat-ngatanga .... ch&pa (da). 3. burning fuel, firebrand (da). 10. dog-fish . ... lekia (da). ... chapa-l'idal (da). My fire has gone out: 11. flying-fish (Exocoetu volitans) ..... dita chapa-I'ldal ftarire. 4. tire-place (a) for bili-chau (da). 12. shell-fish . . . . ola (da). cooking purposes.... ch&pa-l'ig-bug (da); For various species see App. xii. 13. fish-eagle (6) where fires are burnt to drive away See eagle. insects .... el-Ot-chapa (da); (c) as used fish, (v.t.) 1. by shooting with arrow .... by natives of India .... taili-toknga (da). yat-taij (ke). 2. with barpoon ... yat-dat fire-fly .. . bela (da). (v.t.) 1. kindle .... (ke); yat-jerali (ke). 8. with hard-ners .... chapa-l'ig-al (ke); chapa-l'ig-pagat (ke). See yat-pane (ke). blow and burn. 2. set fire. . . . Oko-joi (ke). fishernian, (s.) .... aka-juru (da); dr. 8. make a fire . . . . chapa-I'oko-joi (ke). yoto (da). 4. fire a gun....6t-puguri (ke). See throw. fishing-stakes, (s.) .... turko (da). This (v.i.) 1. catch (take) fire. . . .okan-jdi (ke); word is applied to the bamboo stakes made bada-kini (ke). 2. be on fire . . . . dal (ke); and used by Malay and other alien fishermen. pud (ke). fishing-station, (s.).... yat-l'&ka-au (da); firm, (adj.) as a post . . . . ar-cheba (da). ik-eli-tan (da). enotam (da). Arst, (adj.) 1. in order . . . . otola (da); fissure, (8.)..... jag (da). entoba (da). See win and disinter. He was st, (s.)..., ong-motringe (da). strike the first (as in a race): ol otola (l'eda)-re. 2. of with fist. (v.t.). See strike. a row or line . . . . Oko-tap (da). 8. first turn fit, (s.) (convulsions) . . . . picha (da). (in rotation) .... otold-ka. See ex. at fit, (v.t.) 1. 88 a fore-shaft in the socket steer. 4.. first-rate, prime, of er.cellent quali- of a barpoon or pig-arrow .. . Oko-jerali ty.... goi (da): 5. first-born .... (ke). 2. as in measuring a limb for an Olua. en-toba-yate (da). 6. first quarter of moon ment .... 1-tar-tal (ke). (v.i.) 1. as an , idea, cut: i, our: , aga : &, father : &, fathom : ai, bite : au, house : du, rouse.

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FIT - FLUTT ER arrow-head in its socket .... okan-jerali fea, (8.) .... peta (da). (ke). 2. as an ornament on the arm.... flee, (v.i.) escape, run away . . . . ad-weti iji-tar-tal (ke). (ke). ft. (adj.) 1. suitable ...yoma (da). flesh, (8.) 1. of any kind except that of This canoe is not fit for turtling : acha roko mall shell-fish .... dama (da). 2. of small lobinga l'eb yoma-ba. Toma (da). See ex, shell-fish .... paicha (da). at suitable. 2. ready, in a state of prepara flesh, lose (v.i.) .... ab-main (ke). tion .... t-paiad-beringa (da). 3. proper, flexible, (adj.).... yaragap (da); otoright.... tolata. See ex. at right. 4. meet, yob (da). adapted to .... loyu. That netted fish fing, (v.t.) any missile .... dapi (ke). is fit to eat: ka yat-panenga maknga-loyu. Nip, (v.t.) with the finger .... 1-tolgi fitly, (adv.) suitably.... yoma-tek; (ke); dorap (ke). foma tek. flirt, (v.i.) .... iji-yaima (ke); iji-yomat fix, (v.t.) 1. as into a socket . . . . diyo (ke); iji-paidla (ke). loti (ke). 2. arrange, determine, as a day for float, (v.t.) .... jumu (ke). (v.i.) .... one's return .... oko-tig-rau (ke). odat (ke). See ex. at surface. fake, (s.) 1. of quartz .... tolma-l'oko. dock of birds, (s.) .... ar-porod (da). tug (da). 2. of glass .. .. bijma-l'oko-tag flog, (.t.) . . . . Ar-Rat (ke). (da). flood, (s.) the Deluge .... elot-ot-pinga flame, (s.) .... ar-chal (da). See ex. at (da). A long time ago, in the days of our blaze. early ancestors, after the Flood God gave this flap, (v.i.) as a bird's wing .... iji-papya command, "Thou must not regard any as (ke). God in place of Me": drtam elot-6tpinga tarolo flappers of a turtle, (s.) 1. hind .... ar chauga-tabanga l'idal len puluga kichikanpad (da). 2. fore.... ig-for ong)-pad (da). maikan kamik-gabre, " ngol baoai: dong-teka flash, (v.i.) 1. as sun on rippling water .... ardilu len puluga lake yaba (da)." elemja (ke). 2. of lightning . . . . bela (ke). flood-tide, (s.) .... ela-bonga (da); kala. See lightning. bunga (da). dat, (adj.) 1. of a piece of land l in floor, (s.) of a hut.... tar-dod (da). giriya (da). See land. 2. as a turtle's flap flow, (v.i.) 1. of a river .... chelecha pers . . . . panab (da). -- (ke); char (ke). 2. sluggishly (of a stream) fatten, (v.t.) .... lingiriya (ke). ....yal (ke). 8. with great force (as & flatter, (v.t.) cajole.... See wheedle, coax cascade) .... yala (ke). 4, of the tide ... and billberal. bu (ke). flavour, (adj.) .... Aka-yoma (da). See flow over, (v.i.) ..... oto-ela (ke). relish. flower, (s.) .... aka-kol (da). Flowerflavourless, (adj.) .... gologa (da). name. See name. faw, (8.). ...ig-kdij (da). fluid, (s.) .... raij (da); raich (da). flay, (v.t.).... 6t-ej-kat (ke). futter, (v.i.) . . . . iji-pam (ke). o, indolent: 0, pole : o, pot : e, auful: di, boil.

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FLY fly, (s.) 1. the insect.... bumila (da). The large stinging-fly which frequents creeks is (like the large stinging-ant) called burya (da). 2. sand-fly, (s.) . . . . nipa (da). fly, (v.i.) 1... . . ad-papya (ke); ijiacha-ta (ke). fly upwards. 2. . . . . wata (ke). 3. fly over, (v.t.).... wata-pi (ke) (lit. fly upwards and fall). See jump over. flying-fish, (s.) (Exocoetus volitans)... bilichau (da). flying-fox, (s.) (Pteropus).... wod (da). (in constr. wot). See shot. foam, (s.) 1. from the mouth ... akaboag (da). 2. of the sea.... (patara-l') ar-boag (da). See froth. (v.t.). ... akaboag (ke). ot-kot foetus, (s.).. ot-bodi (da). pulia (da). fog, (s.) mist fold, (v.t.). of a mat, etc. (ke). (v.i.) one's limbs. oyun-tali (ke). foliage, (s.) 1. of one variety.... - tong (da). 2, of several varieties ... ereml'ot-pij (da) (lit. "jungle hair"). .... follow, (v.t.) 1. . . . . ar-olo (ke). I am following you: do ng'aroio (ke). 2. follow after... ep-tid-muda (ke). 3. follow last of all (bring up the rear). . . . ig-ilya (ke). 4. follow tracks. . . . an-pag-ik (ke). I will follow the tracks myself, I am not afraid: dol d'oyun-bat inpagikke d'adidinga-ba 62 fond, (adj.) 1. . . . . ig-yamalinga (da); oko-cham (da); beringa-luanga (da). 2. of any kind of food.... aka-cham (da); oko.... poichatnga (da). Being fond of honey I ate it all: d'oko aja poichatnga-bedig dol arduru lere. fondle. See caress. food, (8.) 1..... yad (da) (in constr. yat). They gave me food of their own accord; ed 'akat-umu-tek den yat manre; maknga-ta (da). 2. bundle of food.... oko.. baga (da). 3. food-tray (wooden).. pukuta-yat-maknga (da). See App. xiii. fool, (8.)..... mugu-tig (or ti)-picha (da). Don't be a fool!: mugu-tig-picha ka dake! FORCE of... foolish, (adj.).... ig-pichanga (da). foot, (s.) 1. . . . . ong-pag (da). 2. sole ong-elma (da). 3. foot-print (a) human ... un-pag (da). (b) animal... aka-koij (da). 4. foot-path.... tinga-ba, (da). 5. foot-mat. .ar-pat (da). 6. surefooted, (adj.). . . . teripa (da). for, (postp.) 1. for the sake of.... ul. See dance, give, make, and App. ii. 2. on account of.... ik. See give. 3. with a view to, for the needs of . . . . at. See bring, cut down and gather. 4. on behalf of... oyu. See ex. at barter. I am making this canoe for the Chief: wus do ucha roko mai l'oyu kopke. 5. ir order to, for the purpose of.... eb. Bira has gone to the jungle for honey: bira erem len ajakaraijnga l'eb katikre. See adapt. 6. in place of.... ong-teka; i-gal. See Instead of. 7. because.... edare. I was angry for he grossly abused you: oda ng'ab-togonga dogaya l'edare da tigrelre. 8. in preparation, or readiness for. . . . oko-telim. I am cooking food for my husband who is turtlehunting: dab-bula yadi-lobi-yate l'obo-telim do yat-joike. for ever, (adv.).... ong-tam. forbear. See refrain. forbid, (v.t.) anchor. .... ab-kana (ke). See force, (s.). ... luchur-yoma (da). Owing to the force of the surf the canoe was broken: a, idea, cut: a, our: a, casa: &, father: a, fathom: ai, bite: au, house: au, rouse.

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FORCE force one's way, (v.i.) through undergrowth.... akan-mal (ke). See part the paiara l'ta luchur-yoma l'edare roko la forgot: meda m'otot-kuklire. (v.i.) forget one's kujuringata. oto-kukli (ke). See ex. at. self barter. hair. forcibly, (adj.) ... gora-tek. ford, (8.)... keleto (da).. fere-arm, (s.).... ig-kopa (da). fore-father, (s.) ot-maia (pl. maiaga). According to our traditions our forefathers were more numerous and larger than we are: mokot-tartaknga l'ekara motot maiaga marduru tek mat-ubaba mat-tabanga bsdig. forehead, (s.). . . . ot-mugu (da). foreign, (adj.) ... ot-baia (da). foreign country, (s.). er-l'otbaia (da). foreigner, (8.) ... ot-bud-l'ig-eba (da); ig-lla (da). forenoon, (8.). bodo-la-kagnga (da); bodo-la-kagainga (da); bodo-chinag (da); bodo-la-ad lajalinga (da). See App. x. fore-shaft of arrow. See head. fore-shore, (s.) 1.. ... kewa (da), 2. rocky.... boroga (da.) A coast having little or no foreshore is called parag-boroga (da). 3. extensive, sandy, and sheltered . . yaula (da). Encampments are invariably found in such places, as being favourable for turtling and fishing. 4. a little beyond .... talawa (da). Fish are shot here at low spring-tides. 63 forget, (v.t.). ot-kakli (ke). So it is! I forgot; ana-keta! meda m'otkaklire. We forgive, (v.t.). ep-tig-lai (ke). See excuse. fork, (s.) for eating. . . . aka-chati (da). obviously of modern adoption. See branch and cross. form, (s.) figure. . . . ab-dala (da); abchau (da). FRAGILE form, (v.t.) construct, fashion, shape. . . See do, make, shape. formerly, (adv.) 1. a short time ago katin-wai. 2, some time ago. . . . mat-aiyaba. 3, a long time ago mat-aiyabaya. 4. a very long time ago.... artam (da). formidable, (adj.) See dangerous. .... forsake, (v.t.). . . iji (ke); ot-mani (ke). See abandon. tir (da). fowl, (s.) 1. jungle 2. Gallinula phoenicura fragile, (adj.) brittle, o, indolent: 0, pole: d, pot: & awful: di, boil. " ot-yabnga (da). * fortunate, (adj.). fortunately, (adv.). . . ot-yab-len. forward, (adj.) in front, in advance oto la (cua) ar-gora-botaba. foster, (v.t.). . . . oko-jeng'e (ke); otchat (ke). (s.) 1. foster-father. . . . abmai-ot-chatnga (da). 2. foster-mother ab-chan-ot-chatnga (da). 3. foster-child.... ot-chatnga (da). Your foster-child is a good shot: ngot-chatnga (vai) ngan (da). foul, (adj.) See dirty. fourth, (s. & adj.).... 1. of five forest, (s.)..... tala-maich (da); erem mugu-chal-tarola (da). 2. of six.... nto(da). See note at jungle. foretell, (v.t.). ... . ig-garma (ke). * (da). bara (da). ... kota (da).

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FRAGMENT FUTUBE fragment, (s.) of wood, etc.:... rub (da). See bit. fragrant, (adj.) .... ot-du-beringa (da). frequently, (adv.).... ong-tale. Y fresh, (adj.) 1. green, of vegetation .... galpa (da). 2. new .. .. goi (da). 3. freshwater .... ina (da). 4. fresh water shell-fish ....ina-ola-ta (da). friend, (s.) . . . . akan-jeng'enga (da) ; Oko-dubu (da); ig-jiugam (da). All these are my friends: ucha-duru makan-jengenga (da). friendless, (adj.) . . . . akan-jengenga-ba. friendly, (adj.) .... Oko-dabunga (da). friendship, (s.) .... Oko-jolowa (da). frighten, (v.t.) 1. alarm ....ig-wa (ke); arat (ke); en-adlat (ke). 2. by night.... ar-yuya (ke), by personating some demon. 3. frighten away, scare . . . . ar-yadi (ke). frightened, (p.p.) .... ad-latnga (da). fringe, (s.) . . . . yamnga (da). frog, (s.) .... ledek (da). Is eaten. from, (postp.) .... tek. I have just come from the heart of the jungle: wai do drem chaw tek goi omre. front, (s.) .... of a hut, etc..... ig-walak (da). The front of my hut: dia brid l'igwalak (da). front-tooth. See tooth. front, in (adv.) in advance, ahead .... otola (da). In front of (postp.) facing .... aka (or, ab) elma-len. froth, (s.) : : : , ar-boag (da). frown, (v.t.) . . ig-panyur-l'ar-mya (ke), or kati (ke). (v.i.) .... iji-punyur (ke). fruit, (s.) .... cheta-tala (da); yad (da); (in constr. yat); yat-batnga (da) the last in contradistinction to the word for fish. See food. fruit-tree, (s.) . . . . aka-tala (da). See tree.. fruit, bear (v.t.) . . . . ar-bat (ke). fruitful, (adj.) .... ar-batnga (da). try, (v.t.) ... pagat (ke). fuel, (s.) esp. firewood.... chapa (da). See fire. full, (adj.) 1. . . . . tepe (da). 2. brimming over . . . . oto-elanga (da). 3. Halffull .... aka-tapi (da). lit. "light" (not heavy). . . . . 4. full-grown . . . . See App. vii. (8.) full face .... ig-magu (da); i-ta (da). full-moon .... ogar-chau (da). fully, (adv.) at full length, the whole story .... akd-lor; ar-lor. See tell. fun, (s.) . . . . i-jaj (da). funereal wreath, (s.) suspended round a burial-place .... ara (da). fungus, (s.) .... paluga-l'Ar-Alang (da). fannel, (s.) (of steamer) . . . . birma (da). Also denotes gun-barrel, both signifying a cylinder emitting smoke. furious, (adj.) very angry ....ij-nanga (da). furnish, (v.t). . . . . man-ak-tang (ke); &tag (ke). See give and sort. fary, (s.) . . . . ijena fida). future, (8.) . . . . iji-lejenga (da). In future (adv.).... ka-wai-tek, (lit. from now, or to-day). a, idea, cut : a, cur : a, casa : &, father : &, fathom : ai, bite : au, house : au, rowe,

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GABBLE GIRD gasp, (v.i.) 1. .... akan-chaiati (ke); gabble, (v.i.) .... ed-wi (ke). ong-ai (be). 2. be at the last gasp., ... galn, (v.t.) win . . . . otola-omo (ke). tog-dapi (ke). (v.i.) be successful .... otola (l'eda) (ke). cather. (v.t.) 1. fruit by climbing on to (lit." be first.") the branches or by knocking down.... gain, (s.) advantage, profit . . . . ar-polak god (ke). 2. by twisting the stem .... (da). godla (ke). 3. ripe fruit which has fallen galt, (s.) . . . . ar-ladya (da). See recog .... git (ke), 4. fruit with a hooked implenize. ment.... ngata (ke). 5. by shaking the tree galo, (s.) .... ulnga-tagori (da). with the hands .... ylla (ke). 6. fruit by Gallinula phonieura, (s.) ..... bara (da). shaking the tree with the feet .... rudla game, (s.) play .... 1-jaj (da). The fol- (ke). 7. the fruit of the Nipa fruticans lowing is a list of the best-known games: ... kop (ke). 8. fruit from bushes or 1. See-saw .. .. ad-yenenga (da). 2. branches within reach, also flowers and blind-man's buff .... iji-tapa-lirnga (da). mushrooms . . . . top (ke). 9. honey .... 8. leap-frog .... koktar-ti-ddatinga (da). aja -puj (ke); aja-karaij (ke). Are you gather4. hide-and-seek.... ab-atanga (da). ing honey for them ?: an ngol et at aja-puj-ke? 5. mock pig-hunting .... ad-regignga (da). See for and App. ii. 6. mock night attack with soft-headed arrows gaze, (v.t.) .... i-tereli (ke). . . . . iti-taijnga (da). 7. searching for jun generous, (adj) 1. in giving food .... gle demon.... erem-chaugala-atepnga On-yat-beringa (da). 2. in giving food or (da). 8. swinging themselves by means of presents . . . . un-ran (da). long pendent tree-creepers. ..ig-lelanga gesticulate, (v.i.).... iji-wewingi (ke). (da). 9. Ainging two pebbles fastened separately at the two ends of a short piece of cord get, (v.t.) procure .... oro (ke); loi into the tree-tops, the highest branch (ke); (@t-)paj (ke). See gather. Get some reached being the prize aimed at .... fuel quickly from the jungle : erem tek yere chapa loike. See obtain. Get whatever you tatomo (da). 10. throwing Cyrena shells horizontally (convex side uppermost).... can. (lit. what is even bad) : ngo michima Aka-keehianga (da). 11. " ducks-and-drakes" jabag vedig pujke. Get out of this. Be off 1: with flat stones along the shore .... uchik wai on! Get out of the way!: ng'adchechekanga (da). 12. Cat's cradle ...: ochai! Get up, (v.i.) (after sleep)..... Oyujibra (da). 13. mock-burials in sand (by boike. See up. Get up (lit."stand")!: kapi! children) .... ab-natnga (da) 14. sham ghost, (s.) .... chauga (da); chaugala. banquet. (by children) ... gab-maknga glant, (s.) . . . . 8-rochobo (da). (da). 15. wrestling : ... ad-lenga (da) giddiness, (s.) . . . . ig-leleka (da). gap, (s.) .... jag (da). giddy, (adj.) ....ig-lelekanga (da); elam. cape, (v.i.) .... apa (ke). janga (da). gar-Ash, (8.) .... chipro (da); toko-danu gift, (s.) 1. present .... er-man (da); (da). ar-lua-man (da). See receive. 2. if received gargle, (v.t.) . . . . akan-adu (ke). garter, (s.) .... ta-chonga from a stranger . . . . yad (da). (in constr. (da). See App. xiii. yat.) gash, (v.t.) .... ab-ngata ke). The gill, (s.) .... of fish .... yat-lig-jag prefix, ab, ar, Ong, eto., depends on the part (da); Akd-ya (da). of the person referred to. See Instead of gird, (v.t.) .... Ar-etai (ke). (v.i.) one's gash, (8.) .... oto-polo (da). self . . . . oto-cho (ke). o, indolent : 8, pole : d, pot : o, awful: di, boil.

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GIRDLE 66 - girdle, (s.) waistbelts in general, whether ngo lirke ? (also, tekaricha ngoke ? lit. plain or ornamented .... ar-etainga (da). whither you ?) See hope. 2. Go to a known 1. plain description, made of young Pandanus or specified place .... katik (ke). When eaves . *. . ar-batnga (da), viz. (a) that are you going to Woi's village l: lain ngo worn by both sexes is provided with a tail woi l'la baraij len kalikke? See thither. (bushy for women) .... bod (da). (b) 3. Go, especially to one's home .... wij without tail (in addition to bod, worn by (ke). Let us go home: mocho wijke. 4. Go for women only).... rogun (da). 2. orna- a walk.... -al (ke); yauga (ke). See mented with Dentalium octogonum shells airing and walk. 5. Go forward, advance. .... garen-peta (da). See App. xiii. See advance. 6. Go forward in advance girl, (s.) See App. vii for terms denoting ...: oto-la (ke). See first. 7. Go approximate age. forward to meet . . . . kaka (ke); f-kaka give, (v.t.) bestow, make a present .... (ke). 8. Go a journey, travel by land man (ke); a (ke). Give him a little for my .... tinga-len nau (ke). 9. Go a long sake!: d'ul en yaba man! I will give you journey .... a-tinga-lumu (ke). 10. Go this canoe : ucha roko wai do ng'en a. direct, without a halt . . . . lapati (ke). Give mel: den a! Give ! (begging) jo! Give Go away, depart .... oto-lapati (ke). Go back. See restore. Cause to give. See away!: uchik wai on! Go and shoot make. Give more .... lat (ke). Give some fish: Ochik wai yat taij (ke). (lit. hence birth. See bear. indeed fish shoot. See hence). 12. Go by, glad, (adj.) .... Ot-kuk-beringa (da). pass ....ig-porowa (ke). 13. go in a Very glad, delighted .... Ot-kuk-l'ar. body, as when hunting or visiting .... walakfninga (da). Are you glad ?: an ng'ot- porod (ke). 14. Go in a body, as when kak-beringa (da)? migrating .... (1) jala (ke). 15. Go gland, (s.) 1. . . . . aka-koro-tim (da). inside, enter . . . . loti (ke). 16. Go outside 2. of the groin . . . . eb-er-koro-tim (da).' .... doati (ke); walya (ke); walakini glare, (s.) of the sun or torch.... (ke). See emerge. 17. Go uphill .... ar-chal (da). kagal (ke). 18. Go downhill .... tol (ke); glare, (v.i.) in anger . . . . i-tereli (ke). tolpi (ke). 19. Go slowly .... dr-gin glass, (s.) 1. of window or mirror ... tig- (ke); ar-dodo (ke). Go slowly!: ng'drdodo(ke)! o&dignga (da). See see. 2. bottle .... bijma 20. Go quickly .... Ar-yere (ke). Go (da). (From bottles flakes are produced for quickly 1: dchik ng'dryere (ke)! (lit. hence shaving, tattooing, and scarifying). go quickly). Go faster! See faster, also glitter, (v.i.) glisten.... kar (ke). App. iv. 21. Go round an obstacle .... globular, (adj.) .... Ot-bana (da); motawa kili (ke). 22. Go round an island .... (da). See ball. tar-kili (ke). 23. Go astray. See wander. glow, (s.) of setting sun .... bara (da). 24. Go together, of two . . . . ik (ke); of glow-worm, (s.) .... bela (da). three or more . . . . itik (ke). See soeom glutton, (s.) .... id-nomanga (da). pany. We all went there together: med drgnash, (v.i.) . . . . tug-l'Oko-chapi (ke). ddru kalo mitikre. 25. Go on shore. See gnat, (s.) .... nipa (da). land. 26. Go on board. See embark. gnaw, (v.t.) a bone .... kuruma (ke). 27. Go along the shore on foot.... toko gnetum edule, (s.) .... pilita (da). (The dele (ke). 28. Go to and fro in a purposefibre of the bark is extensively used). See less manner, as when in grief or pain.... App. xi and xiii. | iji-yaluma (ke) iji-lama (ke). 29. Go out, go, (v.i.) 1. in a general sense .... be extinguished, (of fire, torch, etc.) ijifr (ke). Where are you going? : tekaricha 'tari (ke). 30. Go by water (by canoe) a, idea, cut: a, cur: , casa : &, father : &, fathom: ai, bite : au, house : au, rouse.

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GOAT GRISTLE .... akan-gai (ke). We all went (by grain, (s.) . . . . Ot-ban (da). canoe) to Kyd Island village which is at some gtand-Iather, (8.) (also great-uncle).... distance to the north: medarduru duratang maiols; grand-mother (also great-aunt) baraij eldrjana loyaba yate len makangaire. .... ch Anola; grand-son (also great-nephew) See make, compel. 81. Go a long voyage .... | . . . . balola; grand-daughter (also greatoto-juru-tegi (ke). 82. Go astern, back- niece) .... balola-pail (da). See App. viii. water with paddle .... tar-lo (ke): i-tar- grasp, (v.t.) .... motri (ke). tapa (ke). See paddle. 88. Go across, grass, (s.) .... yakala (da). cross over. See cross. 34. Go in the morning grass-hopper, (s.) .... witaina (da). (after sunrise) . . . . lili (ke). 85. Go to. gratis, (adv.) . . . . ekan-kalya ; arlua. morrow morning ... lilti (ke). grave, (adj.) .... mukuringa (da). goat, (s.) (also sheep).... tatma (da). grave, (8.) 1. place of interment (empty) Derivation not traceable. .... ab-el-ig-bang (da). 2. grave which is gobble, food (v.t.) .... i-chaplat (ke). occupied . . . . bogu (da). God, (s.) .... Paluga (da). God created the world: Puluga erema motre. gravy, (s.) .... Akd-raij (da); Aka-raich gogglo, (v.t.)....ig-elri (ke). (da); Ana (da). This word is used if fatty : also for juice of certain fruits and liquid gold, (8.) See metal. honey. Pork gravy . . . . reg-dama-l'akigood, (adj.) of animals and inanimate raij (da). See honey, Juice, gum, oil. objects .... beringa (da). of human beings .... -beringa (da). See Ex. at bad. groase, (s.) .... Ot-lubu (da). good-looking, (adj.) .... i-td-beringa great, (adj.) 1. in size .... bodia (da); (da); dAla-beringa (da); ab-ino. doga (da); chanag (da); 2. in quantity .... geod-bye, bid, (v.i.). See Farewell. Good u baba. See big and much. bye! (said by one person) ... kam wai groodily, (adv.). ...ig-ral-tek. Owing to dol! (lit. "here indeed I"). Good-bye ! (said his being faint from hunger he ato groedily: by more than one).... kam wai mbloichik ! ot-kuk-la-panga ledare igral-tek magre. good gracious! .... kualeh!. greedlly, eat, (v.t.) without regard to goodness, (adj.) virtue ... Ot-beringa others .... ig-nona (ke). greedy, (adj.) with ref. to food ... yoma (da). gore, (s.) . . . . marudi (da). Prefix ab. rannga (da). groon, (adj.) fresh, of vegetation .... ot, etc. See App. ii. gore, (v.t.) 89 & wild boar . . . . ab-ng&ta nota galpa (da). - . (ke). groen, (adj.) . . . . elo-paij (da). gorge, (v.t.).... ab-jodo (ke); ig-nona groot, (v.t.).... i-kaka (ke). No form (ke). Don't gorge yourself! ng'ab-jodoke dake! of daily salutation is customary among them. gorgomdae, (8.) .... bewa (da). So See go forward. called "rod coral" having jointed and grief, (8.) .... akd-bulab (da); kukramified stalks. The connection with saidae jabag (da). is recognized, also the distinction between griovo, (v.t.) .... en-tekik fke); enthese groups and corals. balap (ke). Govornor, (s.) Head Chief (one possessed of grlovo, (v.i.) .. . balap (ke). supreme authority).... 0t-yubur (da). fria, (v.i.) ... Oko-mukari (ke). gradiont, (8.) . . . . Oko-churma (da). gaind, (v.t.) .... pete (ke); palaifila (ke). gradually, (adv.). ...ig-yogonga-len; find the teeth, (v.i.) .... Akan-rini (ke). Oko-lodonga-len. See one by one. gristio, (8.) .... yilnga (da). o indolont: 0 polo : o, pot : o, awful: di, poil.

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88 HAMADRYAD GROAN groan, (v.i.) .... &-tani (ke); Akd-dun gunwale, (8.) of boat, etc. . . . . (roko(ke); ar-dunuka (ke). I') aka-pai (da). See lip. grog, (8.) .... rog (da). Probably de- gurjon treo, (s.). (Dipterocarpus lavis) rived from the English word. .... drain (da). This is used for torches. groin, (8.) .... peke (da). gut, (s.) .... ab-jodo (da). gropo, (v.i.) ..... elaka-pa (ke). ground, (s.) land .... gara (da). habit, (e.) practice . . . . ekara (da) ground-swell, (n.) .... boroga-l'ot-goloin habitable, (adj.).... budunga-1oyu; (da). polinga-loyu. ground, (v.i.) of canoe, etc ... adyoboli (ke). habitually, (adv.) .... oko-jaranga (da). . hack, (v.t.). See hope, cut and slash. grow, (v.1.) .... walaga (ke); ab-doga Hades, (e.) .... chai-i-tan (da). where (ke). the spirite of the departed and the souls growl, (v.i.).... gorawa (ke). See shore of deceased infants are located pending and thunder. resurrection. grown-up, (8.). See App. vii. haft, (s.). . . . . ar-para (da). grub, (s.) See beetle and larva. hall, (v.t.). See call and greet. grunt, (s.) of a pig....reg-l'Aka-tegi hatr, (6.) 1 . pid (da). (in construc. (da). pij, or pich.) See App. ii. The hair of your grunt, (v.i.) . . . . ad-reg-ij (ke). logs : ngarat pij (da). 1. gray or white guard, (v.t.) See protest. hair .... tol (da). The narrow line of guardian, (s.) .... oko-jeng'enga (da). unshavon, but olipped, hair from the crown guess, (v.i.) .... chumro (ke). of the head to the nape of tho neck is guost, (s.) . . . . bilinga (da); Ot-yduga tormed gor (da), and this necessarily takes (da). the poso. pron. Ot. 8. hairless. See bald. Guettarda spoclosa, (8.) .... domto (da). 4. hairy .... Pijdoga (da). Its leaves are used for flooring of huts. hall, (8.) 1. of any number of objects See App. xi. . . . . tar-to-wainga (da). 2. of any gathering guide, (v.t.) through jungle . . . . el- .... Akan-tar-to-wainga (da). 8. of any l'itan (ke). food . . . . Aka-tar-toinga (da). 4. hallguilty, (adj.) .... 0t-kAlya-ba (da). asloep. (adj.) .... ig-Arlanga (da). 6. halfgull, (8.) sea-bird .... leche (da). brother, half-sister, (..). See App. viii. gullot, (8.) .... Aka-delta (da). See 6. half-cooked. (adj.) ...chilika (da). 7. half-full.... Aka-tapi (da). See light. App. ii. yat-l'Ar-tinga (da) (lit. "food-road"). 8. half-sipo .... (adj.). tiripa (da ). gulp, (v.i.) .... Honti (ke). 9. Half-way. (adj.) . . . . i-tar-judu (da). gum, troo-, (8.) 1. freshly gathered, moist 10. half-witted, (adj.) ... , pichanga (da). .... Ana (da). 2. when dry... lurum Halloore Indieus, (s.). See dugong. (da). balo, (.)... Ar-goadinga (da). gum, (8.) flesh of the jaw..... ig. halt, (v.t.) 1. by day, to rest or feed deriya (da). See App. ii. .... welepa (ke). 2. by night ... barmi gun, (s.) musket, (alao barrel of same).. (ke). 8. Halt! (interj.)...gogli; birma (da). %. gun, cannon (also barrel kapii of same)..... birma-bodia (da). 8. gun, halvo, (v.t.) . . . . Aka-ear-to-wai (ke). muzzle of (lit. mouth).... birma-lake- ham, (6.) .... (reg-1') Ar-to (da). bang (da). 1. gun, fire a, (v.t.).. . hamadryad, (.) (Ophiophagus elape).... (ot-) Puguri (ke). wara-jobo (da). s, idea, cut: a, our : &, casa : A, father : &, fat hom: ai, bite : au, house : du, rouse.

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HAMMER HEAD hammer, stono (.) 1. . . . . taili-bana (da). harm, (8.) See injury. 2. iron-hammer .... wolo-l'ar-bo (da). harm, (v.t.) See damago. hammer, (v.t.) .... tdi (ke); ti-tai (ke). harpoon, (8.) for turtles and large fish band, (8.) ... ong-toao (da). See .... kowaia-l'oko-datnga (da). harpoonApp. ii. (a) left-hand....ig-kori (da) line .... betmo (da). See spear and (b) right-hand ....ig-bida (da). (c) palm | App. xiii. of hand .... ig-elms (da). (d) back of harpoon, (v.t.) 1. more than one .... hand .... ong-koro-lo-ete (d). . dut (ke). 2. only one .... jerali (ke). hand, (v.t.) pase, give with the hand 1 harvest, fruit-, (8.) .... rap-wab (da) .... i-t&r-tak (ke). (lit. " season of plenty"). See App. ix. handful, (s.) .... rongla (da). haston, (v.t.) .... ar-talawa (ke). (v.1.) handicraftsman, (s.) .... 0t-rajt (da). .... Ar-yere (ke). One skilled in making canoes and bows. hastily, (adv.) with haste .... yixadhandle, (8.) 1. of adze .... para (da); tek; reo. wolo-para (da); wolo-l'ar-para (da). 2. of batch eggs, (v.i.) .... molo-la-iji-da (ke); bow.... karama-l'ong-togo (da); un-togo oto-dali (ke). (da). 8. of paddle .... wuligma-l'ong bate, (v.t.) any person or object .... togo (da). jabag-lua (ke). See dislike. handle, (v.t.) See touch. baul, (v.t.) a rope . . . . ig-dokra (ke); handsome, (adj.).... -td-beringa (da); dokori (ke); (beach) a canoe . . . . oiyo-kag dala-beringa (da); ab-ino (da). (ke). See beach. handy, (adj.) dexterous .... un-beringa haungh, (s.) .... ar-dama (da). (da). havo, (v.t.) See own, possoss. hang, (v.t.) 1. suspend....ig-ngotoli hawk, (v.i.) clear the throat .... Akao(ke). 8. by the deck ..... Ak-loropti chira (ke). 'ke). See pinion. (v.i.) . . . . iji-ngotoli (ke); hawk, (falcon). (s.) .... kolo (da). changi (ke). hawk's-bill turtle, (8.) (Caretta imbricata) happon, (v.i.) 1. take place, occur ... .... tau (da). . roko-dati (ke). What happened when the hazo, (s.) . . . . pulia (da). stoomer grounded on the reef?: birma- hasy, (adj.) .... pulianga (da). helewa jowio len adyobolinga bedig michiba ho, (pron.) 1. olla. (in construc. ol; 0; Oko-doatire ? 2. befall ... lab (ke). 2; &; Ona). See App. ii. 2. (honorific) What's happened? (as on seeing someone.... mais. He (the chief or other senior) in pain): michiba labre! What's happened sent his own canoe : maia ekan roko iti-tanre. to your injured) hand 1: michiba ng'ong head, (s.) 1. ....ot-cheta (da). (in conlabre? See Ex. of omissions in App. ii. structa; ti.) See brow-ache and know. bappy, (adj.) .... t-kuk-beringa (da). 2. head-ache .... Ot-obeta-l'ot-yed (da); harbour, (8) .... el-ar-ala (da). (a) on crown of head ....ig-bon-gi. (da); hard, (adj.) not soft .... cheba (da). (b) on brow .... -tala-yab (da). 3. back harden, (v.t.) .... Ot-mot (ke). (v.i.) of (occiput).... Ot-ya (da). 4. Crown of .... Oto-cheta (ke). See! the wax has ... Ot-kAka (da). See App. ii. 5. head again hardened : wai gelib / lednga-td-buj lalik (or foreshaft) of pig-arrow . . . . (a) the 6lo-chetare. wooden portion .... ela-l'ia-totor-ta (da): hare-lip. (8.) ....ig-pai-tor (da). (b) the iron blade . . . . @la-l'Oko-pat (da). hark ! (interj.) .... al; Akan-dail; 6. head of bed or of sleeping mat .... okoByapdai! tap (da). 7. head-dress (chaplet).... g8 0, indoleat : 0 polo : d pot : awful: di, boil.

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HEADY (da); iji-gonga (da). See App xiii. 8. headland.... toko-choronga (da). 9. head-man. See chist. 10. head-quarters.. (da). 11. head-wind....ulnga-l'aka-tannga (da). baraij heady, (adj.) intoxicating. .... 70 height: woi ol-bedig bira l'ab-ldpanga-yoma wai aka-parada. 2. of any hill or dwelling ig-moro-yoma (da). 3. of any tree .ig-laga (da). The areca attains a great height at the Nicobars: malai la & em len tetanga apara l'iglaga botaba. (da). heal, (v.t.)... iti-gor (ke). (v.i.) of a wound . . yele (ke). healthy, (adj.). in good health.... ototig-biringa (da); ad-beringa (da); ab-yedyaba (da). We have been healthy (enjoyed good health) for a long time: arla-ubaba tek meda m'otot-tig-beringa (da). heap, (s.) midden. hear, (v.i.) 1. . . . . i-dai (ke) (lit. understand with the ear); i (or ig)-puku-dai (ke) 2. a voice (or gun-fire). ... Aka-tegi-l'idai (ke). See ear, sound, understand, voice. ... hearken. See listen. heart, (s.) 1. seat of affections and passions.... ot-kug (da). (in construc. kuk.) See App. ii. 2. the organ.... ot-kak-tabana (da). heir, (s).... er-goranga (da). heir, appoint an, (v.t.).. er-diya (ke). By whom was he appointed heir?: ol mija la irdiyangata? help, (v.t.).... i-ta (ke). Help this boy, to bring the bundle (of food) from my hut: ot-jeg (da). See kiteben- uch' aka-kadaka len dia bud-tek odsknga l'itatoyuke. oto-golai (ke). HEREAFTER hell, (8.) See purgatory. helm, (s.)... ar-giuda (da). hearth, (s.).... chapa-l'ig-bug (de). beat, (8.) 1. from sun or fire....ig-ayayoma (da). 2. of sun, when excessive.... rita (da). See sunstroke, 8. of body, as from fever, clothing, exercise or confined sir.... ab-aya-yoma (da). heat, (v.t.) a cooking pot.... Aka-uya (ke). 2. cold food.... ot-uya (ke). heave a weight, (v.t.)....ar-womo (ke). heave up, (v.t.) hoist.... ab-rejai (ke) heaven, (8.) 1. the sky.... moro (da) 3. paradiso. See paradise. heavy, (adj.) 1. of inanimate objects. ... inma (da); woma-ba (lit. not-light). 2. of animate objects (not human) ...ot inma (da); ot-woma-ba. 3. of human beings .. ab-inma (da); ab-woma-ba. heed to, give, (v.i.) See attend to. heel, (s.),.., ong-guchul (da). height, (s.) 1. stature.... ab-la pangayoma (da). Woi and Bira are of the same a, idea, cut, our: a, casa: a, father: a, helpless, (adj.).... ab-likinga (da). Hemicardium unedo, (s.). . . . reketo (da). See App. xii. hence, (adv.) from this place....uchik; karik; karin-tek. Go and (lit. hence) shoot!: ichik wai taij! ka-wai-tek. (lit. henceforth, (adv.) now-from.) her, (pers. pron.) . . . . 1. ollen, (in construc. en; ad; oyu. See App. ii and marry.) 2. (honorific). ... chan (a-)len; chan (a-) len. 3. See him and App. ii. her, (poss. pron.) 1... ia (da). See his and App. ii. 2. (honorific). ... chan (a)l'; or chan(a)l'. See Ex. at son. her own, (pron. adj.)... akan. My mother took away her own basket, not yours: dab-stinga skan job ikre ngakan yabada. herself. See himself. herd, (s.) tig-jalanga (da). here, (adv.).... kare; kamin (da); karin (da); kam (da); ka (da); kam-da-kam. Here it is!: kam-da-kam! Here it is, take it!: Are! .... * hereabout, (adv.).... ar-tang (da). There are plenty of fish hereabout: yat l'artang doga (da). Attendant circumstances make clear whether fish, fruit or other food is referred to. hereafter, (adv.). . . . iji-le jenga-len. thora: ai, bite: su, house: au, souse.

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HRRETOFORE HOARSE heretofore, (adv.) .... ngaka. him, (pron.) .... ollen; ( in construc. Heritiera littoralis, (8.). ...mot (da). en ;) ad; oyu. See nurse and App. ii. hermit-crab, (s.) .... bla (da). claw of, She married him yesterday : 61 dilea ad . . . . Ola-l'ig-wat (da); ola-l'Ong-koro (da). abikre. (honorific) .... mai(a)-len; I See claw. saw him (one's father, chief or other senior) hero, (8.)... i-tarmilnga (da). yesterday : dilda do mai(a)-len igbdargre. heron, (8.) 1. egret.... (Ardeola leucoptera) himself, (pron.). ... Oyun-batam; Oyun. .... chokab (da). 2. Reef-heron (A. temar. See take away. grayii ).... koro-kati (da). hinder, (v.t.) obstruct .... tar tekik hesitate, (v.i.) 1. in saying .... aka-tagi (ke). (ke). 2. in doing.... ar-er-gat (ke). hindmost, (adj.) .... tar-8lo (da). hew, (v.t.) 1. with axe or adze against hip, (n.) .... archorog (da). the grain . . . . oto-kop (ke). 2. with an axe his, (poss. pron.) . . . . ia (da); ot; ar; in direction of grain .... chalat (ke). ab; etc. See App. ii. His cooking pot : hiccough, (s.) .... kolwot (da). Both a ia baj (da). His wife : ai-flydte (da). His hiccough and an echo are attributed to the tooth : ig-tag (da). (honorific)... mai(a)?'. action of a tree-lizard. See ocho and lizard, See Ex. at son. ab-ona (da). (lit. body-breath.) his own, (pron. adj.) .... Okan. He is hlooough, (v.i.).... kolwot-l'ab-loti (ke). returning to his own home: ol ikan bad lat ab-ona (ke). wijke. hido, (8.) .... ab-ed (da). (in construc. hiss,- (v.t.)....chij (ke); sisnga (ke). ab-ej). The latter word has been recently adopted hide, (v.t.) oonceal.... mare (ke). (v.i.) to denote the sound made by Burmese and lie oonoeta led.... iji-mare (ke). others when inciting their dogs while pig hide-and-sook, (s.) the garde .... ab- hunting; it and rais" (sometimes used Atanga (da). for raij. milk, eto.) appear to be the only hideous, (adj.) .... i-ta-jabag (da); words in which the letter "3" is noticeable; dala-jabag (da). in pronouncing such a word as Ross they ble ! (excl.) calling to one at a distance say "Rach." i... he! hiss, (v.i.) as a snake .... wopo (ke). high, (adj.) 1. of a tree or mast .... hit, (v.t.) 1. with an arrow .... paiti lapanga (da). This mast (flag-staff) is (ke). 2. with a stone .... t&-kalpi (ke) higher than that tree : dcha uilima kataka- (prefix, ab, ot, ig, etc.) 8. with one's fist tang tek lapanga (da). ig-moro (da). 2. of .... ab-talra (ke); ab-tachur-pi (ke); ab8. hill.... (boroin.) doga (da). 8. of a tain (ke). 4. with any missile (a) (if intenhouse ....ig-moro (da); ar-moro (da). I tionally) .... Ot-yap (ke); (b) (otherwise) 4. of a cloud or soaring bird. ...ig-pala (da). ..... paidli (ke). 5. with a stick or Compare far (on land). 5. high-tide . . . . dr. weapon . . . . pare (ke); rali (ke). See l'ar-to-tepere; kala-chinag (da). 6.high-water boat and App. ii. .... el-A-bare. 7. high-way .... tinga-chan- hithor, (adv.) here .... kach; kaich. chau (da). See another and somo. bm, (8.) 1. lofty . .,. boroin (da). hitherto, (adv.) as yet, till now .... 2, hillock .... tot-jodama (da). 8. summit ngaka. of.... Ot-latebo (da). 4. hill-sido .... bire, (8.) .... mai (da). It-An (da); Ot-gadur (da). See back hearso, (v.i.) ....ig-elrwi (ke); tegihilly, (adj.) .... pau (da). la-loti (ke). o, indolent : 0, polo : d, pot : 0, awful: di, boil.

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HOBBLE 72 HOT hobble, (v.t.) .... Ot-ladya (ke). is not swallowed is the wax, which is hoe, (s.).... laka (da). utilized in the manufacture of kang ata-buj hoe, (v.t.) ... bang (ke). (da). See App. xiii, 2. black honeycomb hog, fs.) See boar, pig. ....ri (da) from which the tobul (da) is hog-spear, (s.) . . . . or-dutnga (da); Aka- obtained. dutnga (da). honey, gather. See gather.. hoist, (v.t.) See heave up. honey-season, (s.) .... rap-wab (da); hold, (v.t.) 1. .... pachu (ke). Unless lada-chau (da). See App. ix. you hold me I shall fall: moda ngo den hoof, (s.) .... Ong-pag (da). pichuke yaba do pake. 2. Hold the hands hook, (s.) .... ngatanga (da). 2. fishabove the head as when dancing . . . . iji- hook .... yat-l'aka-ngatanga (da). 3. crabyod (ke). 3. Hold back. See restrain. hook. See crab. 4. fruit-gathering-hook. hole, (s.) 1, in the ground .... aka T... tog-nga-tanga (da). See App. xiii. bang (da); ar-bang (da). 2. bored in wood, hook, (v.t.) .... ngata (ke). etc..... aka-tobulinga (da). 3. crab- hop, (v.i.) .... ara-jobo (ke). hole .... See crab. 4. ear-hole .... hope, (v.i.) 1..... idal-oko-gari (ke). puku-l'Aka-bang (da). 5. hole through any. 2. (deprecatory verbal suffix) .... kok ! thing ....aka-kor (da). See may-no (or-not). I hope they won't hole, (v.t.) make 1. in shell, wood, etc. let you go there! (lit. may no permission be .... reu (ke). 2. in the ground.... given you to go there!): kato ng'oiyo lirbang (ke). kok! See let. hollow, (adj.) .... Ar-lua (da). Hopea odorata, (s.) .... chauga-yuanga. Holothuria edulls, (8.) beche de mer .... (da). purud (da). horizon, (s.) .... el-oko-kili (da). See home, (s.) one's own hut.... ekan-bud Ex, at soe. (da). My home is far from here : d'skan horn, (s.) of cattle.... wolo-ta (da) bud karin tek elarpala (da). This is my home: When we first saw cattle we called the horns Acha d'tkan-bad (da). At home (lit. in own (lit. things ) on their heads wolo-ta (da), i.e., hut). ekan-bad-len. Will you be at home | adze-like) bones : idlia-goiya gari tig-badignga Homorrow 3: an dai ngo liua ngocan- bedia mardan lotot chata ra mn len vuolo-ta. bud-len ? marat-taikere. hone, (s.) .... talag (da). hornet, (s.) .... tol-yukur (da). honest, (adj.) .... oko-tapnga-ba (da). hospitable, (adj.) .... Aka-kat-beringa honoy, (s.) 1. the superior golden descrip. (da). tien .... aja (da); aja-ana (da); to-la-kol host, (s.) entertainer ....ig-gaianga (da! da)* 2. the inferior black kind .... hostile, be (v.i.) .... ake-yodi (ke). tobul (da); tobul-ana (da); marin (da).* hostility, (8.) .... yodi (da). See on mity. (* These two terms are employed only by hot, (adj.) 1, from sun's rays or fire.... Ald-yab, See fast when referring to ig-uya (da). 2. from fever, clothing. close hoy). atmosphere or violent exercise .... abneycomb, (8.) 1. golden .... kanga uya (da). 3. of food .... 6t-iya (da). (da). The best portion in which honey is 4, of hot water .... Akd-uya (da). I want stored is called aja-len (da); the portion some hot water at once : wai de kd-goi stan. in which the larvae are found.... aja-toarek ina aka-dya d'enake. 5. pungent, as (da) : and the bee-bread .... aja-baj (da). ginger .... Aka-yaro (da). 6. hot-season le only portion of the entire comb which .... yere-bodo (da). s, idea, cut : a, cur: a, casa : &, father : &, fathom : ai, bite : eu, house : du, rouse.

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HOUGH 73 HUSBAND hough, (8.) baok part of knee-joint, hock hunt, (v.t.) 1. (a) with or without dogs ... ab-apita (da). .... dele (ke). I am pig-hunting on my house, (s.) See hat. own account: do d'a deleke. See App. ii hover, (v.i.) .... iji-papya (ke). and account. (b) ditto. in the jungle .... how ? (adv.) 1. by what means I in what ig-dele (ke); (c) ditto. along the shore manner ?.... kichika-cha (da) ?; bichika?; .... oko-dele (ke). 2. without dogs .... ba-kichika (da)? See App. i. How did pai-lau-jud (ke). 8. in a mangrove swamp you hurt your hand (or foot)?: kichikacha .... bada-loi (ke). The soft mud and ng'ong-re? See Ex, of omissions in App. ii. denseroots of the Rhizophora conjugata serve Here the complete sentence would be to aid the hunting-party by impeding the kichikacha ng'ong-koro (or pag) gerire ? 2. to pig. 4. hunt turtles by poling along the what extent ? .... tan-tun (da)! (lit.. shore . . . . yadi-lobi (ke). 5. in deep water where more ?) 8. how big ? .... tan . . . . yadi-tag (ke); juru-tag (ke). tun-doge (da)? 4. how far .... tan hunter, (s.) 1. of pigs .... ig (or oko) tun-elarpala (da)? 6. how long'! .... delenga (da). (a) of expert . . . . un-reg tan-tun-lapanga (da). 6. how old 1 (of an (da). (b) if inexpert . . . . un-lama (da). aged person).... tan-tun-choroga (da). 2. of turtles . . . . yadi-lobinga (da). (a) if 7. how long (in time)? .... kichikantun-Arla! expert . . . . un-yadi (da); (b) if inexpert, 8. how long ago ! .... kichikantan-Arla .... ab-lama (da). l'eate? 9. how soon ! .... kach-wai-dr-yere? hunting, (s.) . . . . age (da). I am fond of 10. how many ! .... kichik (da) ?; kichi. hunting : wai dol ur len beringa luake. kan-tun (da)? 11. how many more ? kichik-tan (da)? 12. how much more?.... tan-tun. hunting, return from (v.i.) 1. . . . . up tAlik? l'ot-on (ke). 2. after brief absence .... Exclamations :-How big it is! .... ai ! pibil. how small it is!.... ai ! at-tek-iji-ekalpi (ke). hurl, (v.t.) .... kor (ke). chotaih !. how very big he (this person) is! hurrah! (interj.) .... we-el; .... ucha-ta-dogaya l. how very emall he yelo ! Hurrah I thore's the moon at last : yelo ! (this person) is . ... uch a-ta-ketia ! Agar-l'di-doatire d-we-e ! hug, (v.t.) .... ab-nilip (ke). hurry, (v.t.) . . . . ar-talawa (ke); ar-kan huge, (adj.) .... rochobo (da). hullo ! (interj.).... he! (ke). (v.i.) 1. . . . . ar-yere (ke); irat (ke). Kum, (v.i.).... id-tegi (ke). Hurry on (or up) you are keeping me back : humble, (adj.). ...ig-tekinga (da).. ngar-vere! do dong Modake (. "I am humbug, (v.i.) . . . . akan-yada (ke). hooking my feet.") 2. be in a hurry.... humorous, (adj.) amusing, funny .... 6t-naneka (ke). Don't be in such a hurry yengatinga (da). elebe! hump-back, (8.) .... ab-ngo-chawa (da). hurt, (s.) injury .... geri (da). hamp-backed, (adj.).... ab-ngoohainga hurt, (v.t.) .... eb-jabagi (ke); (ab) geri (da). (ke); (Aka-)ch&m (ke); (idiomatically) Ong hanger, (s.) .... Aka-g&ri (da); Akd-weral (ke). See Ex. at how, .... (v.i.) 1. ad(da). Hunger, appease one's, (v.i.) .... geri (ke); 8. hurt one's self . .. ebteg-but (ke). ekan-jabagi (ke). 8. It hurts ! : eyil ! * hungry, (adj.) faint from hunger....1 husband, (8.) 1. newly married .... ik Ot-kuk-la-panga (da); Aka-garinga (da); aka- yate (bula) (da). p. pron ad, ang, a, etc. See weralinga (da). We are hungry : malat App. ii and viii. My (newly married) husgdringa (da). band is absent to-day : ad fl-yate kawai o, indoiaat: 0, pole : d, pot: , awful: di, boil.

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HUSH IMPOSSIBLE abyaba (da). 2. after some months .... ignorant, (adj.) 1. with reference to a ab-bula (da). See App. viii. language .... kalenga (da). 2. unaware hush .... mila !; um!; ah ! .... wianga-ba (da). 8. uninstrpoted, unhusk, (.) as of & cooonut .... Ot-ed skilled .... un-tig-jabag (da). (da) (in construc. Ot-ej). Iguana, (.)....doku (da). husk, (v.t.) . . . . doch (ke); doich (ke).1 111, (adj.) .... ab-yed (da) : ad-jabag hut, (s.) 1. generic name .... bad (da). (da). See rest. No one is ill at my village : The fire spared my hut : idal dia bid lendia baraij lat tichin adjabag yaba (da). ot-tid-dubure. 2. common lean-to, consisting Ill-behaved, (adj.) ill-tempered, surly .... of roof only . : .. chang (da), of which there oko-dabunga-ba (da). are three varieties :-(a) chang-tepinga (da); 1 111-favoured, deformed .... i-ta-jabag (b) chang-tornga (da), which are thatched (da) : dAla-jabag (da). with Calamus leaves (changta da); in the illiberal, (adj.) ... on-yat-jabag (da); case of (a) the leaves are closely plaited ar-mfre-ba (da). Although we coaxed them with a view to their lasting for two or more I very much (still) they were illiberal (would years; while in the case of (b) the leaves are give us next to nothing): ldaia meda dogaya merely tied together and serve for about et ngetere, drek arat-mireba (da). See coax. 8 year; and (c) chang-daranga (da), the roof of which consists merely of Areca leaves 111-treat, (v.t).... oko-tig-jabagi (ke); loosely laid over a rough frame-work in i-tar-juari (ke). order to afford shelter for a brief period. Image, (s.)....ot-yolo (da). 3. Hut of a married couple .... tar-dod Imitate, (v.t.)....ot-tar-tal (ke). 2. any (da). 4. bachelor's hut....katogo (da). word or sound....aka-td-charu. (ke) See 5. large communal hut.... baraij (da); repeat. 3. copy any handiwork .... Ongbaraij (da). ta-choru (ke). immediately, (adv.) .... ka-gdi. See at Once I, (pron.) . . . . dolla: (in construc. do ; da ; d'; meda). See we, remember and immense, (adj.) See big, large. App. ii. I forgot : meda m'&ka klire (or do immodest, (adj.) shameless . . . . Ot-tekd'et-kuklire). [V.B.-We forgot: meda yaba (da). motot-kuklire.) immoral, (adj.) See lewd.. identical. See same. Immortal, (adj.) .... on-okolinga-ba (da). identify, (v.t.) .... id-ig-noli (ke). See immovable, (adj.).... inma-t&paya. distinguish. Impatient, (adj.). .. &ra-kannga (da). Idiot, (s.) . . . . ig-picha (da). impenetrable, (adj.) of jungle .... tobo Idiotic, (adj.) ....ig-piohanga (da). idle, (adj.) indolent .... ar-geringa | Imperial pigeon, (Carpophaga insularis) (8.) (da); Ong-y Oma-ba (da). .... marud (da). idle, (v.i.) .... ara-gin (ke). Impersonate, (v.t.) See assume. idler, (8.) .... ar-ginnga (da). Impertinent, (adj.) . . . . tedyanga (da). 11, (conj.) on the condition or supposition Importunate, (adj.) . . . . Ot-ngarnga (da). that .... moda. If you will make two importune, (v.t.) 1. beg, entreat .... arrows for me (thon) I will give you something good : moda, ngo den ela l'ikpor tdi (ke) ngana (ke). 2. urge persistently....ot(niga) do ngen min beringa manke. figar (ke). Ignite, (v.t.) .... chapa-l'ig (or l'oko) impossible, (adj.) 1. that cannot happen pogat (ke); H'Apa-'oko-joi (ke). . . . . tilik-ba (da). 2. that cannot be done a, idea, cut: A, cur : &, casa: 4, father: a, fathom: ai, bito: au, houso: du, rouse. (da).

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IMPOSTOR INHALE .... Ong-ch&k-yaba (da). Impossible! indeed give it to me: wai ona den dre. See (interj.) (Is it possible ?): ba-ocho ! Ex, at just as and position. 2. . . . . Qba. Impostor, (s.) by obtaining food under false He is indeed dead: 61 uba okolire. 8. indeed? pretences .... Aka-yamalinga (da). .... an-aba? impotent, (adj.). ... Oko-tuyu (da). India, native of (8.) .... chaugala. See impromptu, (adv.) of song or speech.... ghost. Aka-Omu-tek. He sang impromptu a good Indian corn. See maize. song last night: 61 gurug-ya aka-umu-tek Indian-Ale, (s.) .... yolo-doknga (da). beringa rumid-toyure. indigestible, (adj.) .... kuk-tar-warnga improve, (v.t.) .... tolob (ke). (da). to, (adv.).. len; b&dig. In climbing there Indignant, (adj.) .... tig-relnga (da). ho fell down: kato gutunga-len (or badig) ol individual, (8.) . . . . ab-dalag (da). Every individual present is a kinsman of mine : pdre. In, (postp.) len; ya. See Inside. He is sloop ab-dalag aba-iji-la kawaikan-dte d'abngtji ing in the hut: 81 bid ya (or len) mdmike. (da). in order to. See order. Indolent, (adj.) 1. by nature .... abinaccessible, (adj.) by climbing or other welab (da). 2. from fatigue .... abmeans . . . . figatlinga-ba (da). chau-l'ar (or l'ig)-welab (da). See sometimes. Inaccurate. See Incorrect. induos, (v.t.). See cause, compel, make. Inactive. See idle, lazy Industrious, (adj.) .... Ong-yoma (da). inattentive, (adj.) ....ig-leta (da). inexpert, (adj.) 1. in shooting or harYou are very inattentive to-day, what is the pooning .... un-lama (da). 2. dull-sightmatter with you ?(what are you about ?): ed....ig-jabag (da). 8. in any handicraft kawai ng'ig-leta dogaya ngo michimake! .... An-tig-jabag (da). incessantly. See always, oonstantly. Infancy, (8.) .. . ab-dereka-l'idal (da): Incisor. See tooth. You have been troublesome from infanoy : Inelose. See enclose. ng'abderela-l'idal tek ng'abtaklanga (da). incommode, (v.t.) .... takla (ke). The infant, (s.) .... ab-dereka (da). See bow of the Nicobareso canoe incommodes | App. vii. me when (using it for) turtling: meda lobinga infect, (v.t.) with any disease ... (aka-) bedig malai lia roko-l'ot-mugu den taklake. tar-teta (ke). Incomplete, (adj.) unfinished . . . . Ar- inferior, (adj.) See worse. langa-ba (da). -- - Inflrm, (adj.) .... ab-malai (da). Incorrect, (adj.) .... aba-yaba (da). Influenee, (8.) authority, power .... ig. Increase, (v.t.)... . on-tekadarai (ke). guru (da). Punga possesses no influence in Before the rains commence we must increase those parts : kal' @rema-l'edte len punga l'igour stook of jack-fruit seeds : gumul l'okol guru yaba (da). telim med'ubawaik kaita-ban ot-jeg-ydte Inform, (v.t.) acquaint .... badali (ke). l'ontekaduraike. He informed me (of it) yesterday : O den Incurable, (adj.) 1. of a wound ... yele- dilea badalire. ba (da). 2. of a disease .... tegbinga-ba Inhabit, (v.t.) .... budu (ke). Inhabitant, (8.) .... budu-yate (da), . Indocunt, (adj.) immodest .... Ot-tek- inhabitant, original (s.) See aboriginal. yaba (da.) Inhabited, (p.a.) .... budunga (da). Indood, (adv.) 1..... wai (da). (gen- Inhalo, (v.t.) .... aka-lotok (ke); (v.i.) erally at the beginning of a sentence). He did tam (ke). (da). o, indolent: 0, pole: 6, pot : o, awuul : 6i, boil..

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INHERIT IVORY inherit, (v.t.) .... er-gora (ke). Instruet, (v.t.) 1. teach .... f-tai (ke). Inhospitable, (adj.).... Bka-kt-jabag 1 2. in some handicraft.... ong-tam-tek (ke). (da). See teaeh. Inhuman, (adj.) See eruel. insult, (s.) . . . . witi (da); ab-togo (da). injurious, (adj.) .... @chenga (da). insult, (v.t.) .... ab-togo (ke). injury, (s.) See damage, hurt. insufficient, (adj.) .... Ar-wodlinga (da). Inland, (8.) .... erem-chau (da). (lit. intelligent, (adj.) .... mugu-tig (or tt) jungle-body). dai (da). Inmate, (8.) of hut .... bud-poli-yate intend, (v.t.)....ot-kuk (ke). See heart. Ot-naki (ke); min (ke); jod (ke). What do (da). you intend (to do)?: michiba ng'ot-kuk (ke) ? innocent, (adj.) .... Ot-kalya (da). or naki (ke)? We intend to go hunting : meda Innumerable, (adj.) 1. of human beings ut'len jud (ke). What do you intend doing ? : .... at-Ababa (da). 2. of birds and animals ngo michima minke! I intend visiting Kyd .... 6t-Ababa (da). 8. of inanimate objects Island : wai de duratang len nakike. .... Ababa (da). intentionally, (adv.) .... ar-lagap. See insane, (adj.) .... pichanga (da). purposely. insect, (s.) .... wen (da). inter, (v.t.) bury .... (8t) buguk (ke). Insert, (v.t.) 1. a knife in one's girdle, or interfere, (v.i.) intermeddle .... on-tigin thatch of hut.... jalagi (ke). 2. a chupa (ke). stick in & hole .... diyo-loti (ke). See interior, (8.) See inland, inside. accomplish, admit. interpret, (v.t.) .... ita-yap (ke); akaInshore, (adv.) ..... See hunt, turtle, tegi-l'itan (ke). pole, canoe. interrogate, (v.t.) See question. inside, (s.) .... koktar (da). The inside issue, (v.t.) 1. as ochreous mineral from of the bucket : dakar-koktar (da). the earth... chel (ke). See detecate. inside, (postp.) . . . . koktar-len. Inside 2. as smoke, as an insect or animal emerging the bucket : dakar-koktar-len. from a hole .... wejeri (ke). Steam is inside-out, (adv.) .... Ot-kaidlinga. issuing from the steamer's fuppel: birmainsipid, (adj.) .... gologa (da). chelewa l'aka-bang tek wiludanga la wejerike. in situ, (adv.) in original site or position Isthmus, (8.).... toto-kinab (da). .... wai (da). There quartz is in situ: It, (pron, nom.) 8lla ; in construo. 01; ka). kato tolma wai (da). See that (dem, pron.). It fell ..... 61 Insoluble, (adj.) .... On-tar-cheba (da). pare. (obj.) .... en; l'en; ad. See App. ii. inspect, (v.t.) a locality or site .... er- He stole it: ol l'en tdpre. See bow. Bia l'igbadi (ke). See examine. beat it on the head; bia l'ad 6t-parekre. Instead, (adv.) in place or room.... its, (poss. pron.)... fa (da); ot; ar; akd ; ong-teka : i-gal; i (or ot)-golai. Let me huntig; etc. See App. ii; e.g. reg l'fa-ydt (piginstead of Biala : biala l'Ong-teka d'biyo- its-food). karama l'ot (and t'ar)-chama (da). delenga. See exchange, let. Instead of his See bow. roko l'oko (and l'ig)-mdgu. See canoo. catching a pig a boar gashed his leg and mait l'aka-chati (Sterculia-tree-its-branch). escaped : reg eninga l'igal 6t-yeregnga l'arnga- itch, (8.) .... rutung-aij (da). See skin tare blbedig adwetire. (v.i.) .... ratu (ke). Instep, (s.) .... tg-lanta (da). Itehy, (adj.) . . . . ratunga (da). Instigate, (vit.) .... See abet. ivory, (s.) .... piliha-te (da). 4, ida, out: &, our: A, 08 : A, father : &, fathom: ai, bite : au, house: eu, rouse.

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JABBER JUST SO ! is therefore generally employed during the fruit-season only. See App. ix. 2. dense jabber, (v.t.) talk gibberish....ot jungle..erem-tobo (da). S. light (not dunuka (ke). dense) .... erem-beringa (da); erem-tobo-ba jack-tree (Artocarpus chaplasha), (e.) ... (da). 4. open (ie.. little (da). 4. open (i.e., little or no undergrowth) kaita (da); kai-ita (da). The fruit and seed . . . . erem-walak (da). 5. heart of .... are eaten. erem-chau (da); din (da). He lives in the jaw, (8.) . . . . akd-ekib (da). See App. ii. heart of the jungle: ol din len buduke. jaw-bone, (s.) .... aka-ekib-ta (da). Jungle-dweller, (s.) inland inhabitant .... jealous, (adj.).... ik-ara-inganga (da). 1. erem-taga (da). 2. ar-jig (da). 3. gugmaHe is jealous of you: o ng'ik-ara-inganga (da). tong (da). 4. ab-mulwa (da). 1. signifies Jeer, (v.t.) .... 6t-yeng-e (ke). "jungle-platform," apparently in allusion jelly-Ash, (8.) . . . . odag (da). to the tree-burial platform in use. See platJerk, (v.t.) .... Aka-ngali (ke). form. 2. lit. a "creek-man." 3. and 4, are jest, (s.) . . . . akan-yengat (da). terms applied by coast-men in ridicule, the jest, (v.i.) 1.... akan-Oyada (ke); akan former meaning "leaves of the Trigonosyengati (ke). 2. indecently, insultingly .... temon longifolius" which are largely used by witi-l'ot-oro (ke). Don't jest indecently, he the inland-dwellers when suffering from will be angry: witi-l' ol-oro (ke) dake, 61 fever, but only to a small extent by coasttigrelke. men, as its odour is said to keep turtles at jester, (s.) .... akan-yengati-yate (da). a distance ; while the latter term denotes Join, (v.t.) in carpentry only . . . . Oko a "deaf person," as only the practised tar-odo (ke). ear of a coast-man is able to detect the joint, (s.) 1. (anat.) . . . . Ong-kutur (da) approach of a turtle on a dark night, when 2. (bot.), as of bamboo, cane, etc.... ab- these hunts are usually conducted. Apita (da); Ong-guchul (da); ig-Otat (da). jungle-fowl, (s.). See fowl. topa-taning (da). 3. in carpentry ... Oko | Just, (adv.) 1. .. . goi; goila ; ke-goi; tar-odo (da). dala. See see. He has just harpooned a Joke. See jest. dugong : 6l tegbul goila jeralire. 2. exactly, journey, (s.) .... el-ar-kilinga (da). Start precisely .. .. Qba. That's just what I on a journey. (v.i.) . . . . tot-makari (ke). want : kato uba do d'end-ydte (da). joy. See delight. just as, (adv.) 1. just like .... kichijoyful. See glad, very. .. kan-wai. 2. (adv. rel.) .... ignurum. See Juice, (s.) 1. oleaginous ....ig-&na (da), as, so. Just as coast-men have no diffias of a coconut. See sap. 2. watery ..... culty in obtaining food by shooting and ig-raij (da), as of ground rattan. See milk. retting fish, by turtling, by hunting pigs 8. viscous ....ig-mun (da). See sap. along the coast, and various other means, jump, (v.i.) 1. lengthwise .... ad-tang- so those who live in the jungle have plenty 10i (ke). 2. spring up to a higher platform of food in every season: ignurum dryoto.... tebal (ke). 3. jump over.... te- len ydt taijnga-tek, 6l-bedig panenga-tek, 61bal-pi (ke). See body, spring, fall, 4. jump bedig yddi-lobinga-lek, 61-bedig oko-delenga-tek, down, (v.i.) . . . . akan-tolpi (ke). 61-bedig ydt-dilu-tek, eba-kdchya dka-delab Jungle, (8.) .... erem (da); tala-maich yaba (da), chd erem-taga-len bedig wdb-len. (da). The latter word is used with reference wab-len ydt ubaba wzi (da). to the fruit-bearing trees in the jungle and just so ! .... kichikan-iba. o, indolent: 0, pole, d, pot : o, awful: di, boil

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LAND KEEL K kinsman, (s.) (also fellow-tribesman).... kool, (of ship or boat).... ar-ete (da). ab-ngfji (da). See behind, loin. kiss, (s.) :... oko-luchu (da). (v.t.) keen, (adj.) 1. of a blade . . . . rinima oko-luchu (ke). (da). 2. of vision (sharp-sighted) ..... kitchen-midden, (8.) .... bud - l'artam ig-beringa (da). 3. of hearing . . . . i. (da). (lit. "ancient encampment.") dainga-tapa (da); aya-loma (da). knave, (s.) .... ab-jabag (da). keep, (v.t.) 1. retain .. .. Oto-paicha- knee, (8.) .... ab-lo (da). knee-cap len-tegi (ke). I am keeping your younger ... ab-lo-l'oko-kaledim (da). brother's bow : wai do ng'aka-ledm l'ia kneel, (v.i.) .... ab-18-l'oko-godoli (ke). kdrama d'olo-paichalen-tegike. 2. Any animal knife, (8.) .... cho (da); kono (da); As a pet, or a dog for hunting .... latter for cutting meat only. Give me the oto-paich a-len-chilyu (ke). 3. keep for knife which I stuck into inserted in the future use. (reserve).... ar-lugap (ke). thatch (roof) of your hut yesterday : ngia' 4. keep watch, (v.i.) .... oto-la-lai (ke). chang len do dilea cho jalagi-yate den d. keepsake, (s.) .... gatnga-y omnga (da). knit, (v.t.) .... tepi (ke). kernel, (s.) .... ar-mol (da). knob, (s.) .... godla (da). kick, (v.t.) .... ab-duruga (ke). knock, (v.t.) give a blow to .... tai kidney, (s.) 1..... Ong-ch&g (da). (ke) knock down .... ar-godai (ke); ar2. kidney-fat.... ab-jiri (da). See App. wedai (ke). (v.i.) rap . . . . er-dorop (ke); ii. [reg-jiri (da), the kidney-fat of the pig er-torau (ke). is regarded as a great delicacy. See fast.] knot, (s.) 1, in wood .... goba (da). kill, (v.t.) 1. in any way.... toliga 2. in string . . . . nilib (da); roni (da). (ke). How many pigs have you killed ?: ngo (v.t.) tie a knot . . . . Ot-nilib (ke); akekichikantun reg toligare? 2. by shooting with roni (ke). bow and arrow .... (a-)paitika-okoli (ke). know, (v.t.) .... ti-dai (ke). See head, 3. by spearing .... (ab-)jeralika-okoli understand. We don't know how Bia has (ke). 4. by blows with cudgel, etc. .... escaped malarial fever, perhaps because he (ab-)parekati (ke). eats 80 much: bia kichikacha did-dirya 5. by stoning .... (ab-)paidlika-okoli (ke). 6. by shooting l'oto-lalaire med ti-dainga-ba, tilik yat-doga with gun.... (ot-)pugurika-okoli (ke). maknga l'edare. (v.i.) from personal observa7. two or more pigs .... pareja (ke). tion...idal-idai (ke). See eye, car, understand. Who knows!.... Gchin! Were I to go pig-hunting I should be certain to kill some pigs : moda do delenga knuekle, (s.) .... Ong-kutur (da). See App. ii. toguk nga do waikan reg parejake. 8. for food. See slaughter. 9. two or more while hunting pigs, etc..... ar-mal (ke). labour, (8.) .... See work. kind, (adj.). ... Oko-dabunga (da). lad, (s.) .... aka-kadaka (da). See kind, (s.) See sort App vii. kindle, (v.t.) . . . . oko-joi (ke). See lag, (v.i.) .... tot-kutu (ke); el-otset fire to, burn. (v.i.) take fire .... gelema (ke). dal (ke); pud (ke). lame, (adj.) . . . , ar-(ch&k-) te (da). kine-conch. (8.) (helmet-shell) Cassis lament. (v.i.).... balap (ke); ig-rita (ke). glaucus .... lita (da). See App. xii. lamprey, (8.) . . . . pioto (da). king-fisher, (8.). . . . ch altekar (da). land, (s). 1. country .... Brema (da). &, idea, cut: a, cur: &, casa : &, father : , fathom: ai, bite : au, house : eu, rouse.

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LAND LAY 2. es distinguished from sea .... el-ot- and spear-heads, also on adzes ....tgora (da). 8. ground, earth, soil .... changa (da). See need. 2. cord or cane gara (da). 4. flat, freshly-cleared.... yau fastened round a corpse prepared for burial (da). 5. level .... @r-l'@t-jeperya (da). also round a bundle of fruit, etc..... 0 6. hilly . . . .er-pau (da). 7. land-slip .... chonga (da). i-padla (da). 8. land-crab. See crab. last, (adj.) 1. hindmost . . . . tar-olo 9. land-shell. See shell. (da). 2. next before the present .... eate land. (v.i.) .... (okan-)yoboli (ke); (da); i-tari (da); (&)-itari (da). Last month tol (ke); tolpi (ke); kagal (ke). See ascondi (or moon), (e.) . . . . ogar-l'eate (da) or and descond. I'd-itari (da). Last month we landed at landing-place, (s.) .... pala (da). Kyd Island : ogar-l'd-itari meda duratang landsman, (s.) 1. one dwelling in the len yobolire. Last year, (s.) .... talikinterior . . . . erem-taga (da). 2. one living l'A-itari (da) or talik-l'edte (da). At last! on, or near, the coast .... ar-kewa (da). . . . . a-we ! Last night, (s.) .... gurug. See jungle-dweller. l'eate (da). Last quarter of the moon. See language, (8.) .... aka-tegili (da). The moon. 3. Last but one, (adj. or s.) .... Nicoberese language is difficult : malai oto-tir-tarolo (da). l'aka-legili wai Ot-charam (da). In that late, arrive (or return), (v.i.) .... country the language is quite distinct : i-tar-jodu (ke); eba-rit (ke). See lead. kat' erema len wai dkd tegi-l'igla (da). You're very late ! .... ngo-goli ! It is lap, (s.) .... ab-paicha (da). See App. getting late! (You're dawdling !) .... lingii. lap, sit on. (v.i.) .... ab-paicha-len gujuba ! lately, (adv.) in the recent past Akaddi (ke); er-yoboli (ke). The child is . . . . dirap-len; dirap-ya. of late, (adv.) sitting on my uncle's lap : abliga dia mai'ab from a recent date. (lit. from a few days) paicha-len aka-doike; or abliga dia mai'dr .... arla-l'ikpor-tek; dirap-tek. later on, yobolike. (adv.) presently . . . . ig-ilya ; e-reringa; lap, (v.t.) as a dog. ... puluj (ke). tar-lo-len ; 'tar-lo-lik; nga-tek. See afterlard, (s.) .... moiwo (da). wards. Do you wish to eat now, or later largo, (adj.) 1..... bodia (da); doga on?: an ngol achitik maknga latke, an taro(da); chanag (da). See big. 2. of a family Lolen .... diya (da). 3. abnormally (of any late, the (adj.) deceased .... lachi.. part of the body). . . . durnga (da). Bia's The late Punga was very strong : lachi feet are (abnormally large : bia l'ong pag punga abgora-doga l'edare. wai durnga (da). larva of the Great Capricornis beetle laugh, (v.i.) . . . . yeng-e (ke); yeng(Cerambyx heros), (8.) .... diyum (da). ek (ke). These are found in felled trunks of the laughable, (adj.) comic . . . . akanGurjon tree during September and October | yengatnga (da). and are eaten alive. The beetle is called launch, (v.t.) .... 6t-jumu (ke); dok ig-wod (da), and the nymph or chrysalis ig. (ke). See drag. wod-l'ot-dereka (da). The larvae of two lay, (v.t.) set down.... tegi (ke). other species are also commonly eaten; (v.i.) lay eggs .... (a) of birds or reptiles they are known es batu (da) and pirigi (da)..... molo-la-weje (ke); molo-la-wejeri lash together. See bind and fasten, (ke). (b) of turtles, iguanar, or crocodiles lashing, (s.) 1. cord-fastenings on arrow- only .... molo-l'ig-chel (ke). o, indolent: 0, pole: d, pot : 6, awful: di, boil.

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AY OUT LEG lay out, (v.t.) spread (of food or portable skill .... Ong-badi (ke). I am learning property) .... pe (ke). how to tattoo the back: wai d'ongbadignga lazy, fadj.) See Indolent. A lazy character bedig d'ab-yitike. 2. receive. tidings .... (s.) .... ar-teninga (da). tartit-idai (ke). (lit. "hear news". See lead. (s.) the metal. See metal. news). load, (v.t. and v.i.) 1. the way. :.. least, (adj.) 1. in quantity .... yabaOto (or tot)-la (ke); tinga-l'oko (or l'ot)-la l'igla (de). 2. in size .... (ab) ketia-l'igla (ke). See way, and go in advance. 2. a (da). [When a human being is referred to blind person or child .... ab-ik (ke). * ab " is prefixed.] See smallest. 3. lead a chase, of a barpooned turtle .... leather, (s.) .... ab-ed (da) (in conar-ji (ke). We arrived late this evening on struc. ab-oj). See skin. account of a turtle having led us a chase : leave, (v.t.) 1. abandon....ot-mani yddi marat-inga l'edare m'ebat-ritre. 4. lead (ke). 2. leave behind, forsake . . . . iji (ke). astray (v.t.). See misdirect. Where did you leave the bow ? : ngo kdrama leaf, (s.) 1. of any tree .... i (or ong) tan ijire. If you make such a noise, I will tong (da). 2. any large leaf used for wrap leave you (behind) here: moda ngo klan-dri ydlangar-ate do karin ping up food, etc..... chiki (da). The ng'ijike. 8. leave leaves of the patls, kapa, ja, kup, kam-raij, behind, outstrip . .. lukra (ke). 4. leave wanga, kudnga or wip. (see App. xi) are out, omit, suffer to remain unused or uncomgenerally used for this purpose. 3. worn pleted .... en-kichal (ke). See remain. aprop-wise by women.... obunga (da). (v.i.) 1. depart. ... ad-lomta (ke). The leaves of the Mimusops Indica are Leaving there I (then) paid a visit to your generally used for this purpose, as they are Chief: kato tek adlomtanga nga do ngia maiola of suitable size and remain fresh a long time. l'ar-loire. 2. go away, depart .... oto4.-wrapper .... kapa (da) consisting of lopati (ke). 3. after a halt .. .. See proloose leaves of the Licuala peltata. (See App. ceed. 4. set out on a journey .... See xi.) 5. -umbrella .... kapa-jatnga (da). start. 5. at dawn .... puto-kini (ke). (lit. "kapa leaves stitched together"). See 6. take leave. (a) . . . . chelepa (ke), in ref. to the last words exchanged before parting; screen. and (b) ... Oto-chi (ke), the parting leak, (v.i.) 1. of a canoe ....Oluj (ke); itself, which usually takes place soon after ulujka (ke): 2. of a roof.... tok (ke). leaving the encampment. 7. migrate.... 3. of a bucket or pot .... lll-lu (ke). jala (ke). 8. leave off, cease, discontinue. See lean, (v.i.) rest for support ....a cease, stop. Leave off ! (Stop !) .... kichitagimi (ke). 2. lean on one side . . . . &ra katikya! chongoli (ke); ara-bigidi (ke). leavings, (8.) of food .... Aka-kichal lean, (8.) .... ar-dama (da). (da); areia (da). Give him the lecvings: lean, (adj.) See thin. en (yat) l'araia man. leap, (v.i.) See jump. leech, (s.) .... juk (da). leap-frog, (8.) .... koktar-ti-doatinga left, (adj.) sinister .... kori (da). (da). This game is sometimes played in 2. -handed . . . . ab-kori (da). the water, each in turn ducking another leg. (8.) .... ar-chag (da). (a) thigh by pressing down the shoulders from behind. 1.... ab-paicha (da). (b) shin.... ab learn, (v.t.) gain knowledge, as of a chalta (da). (o) calf of .... ab-chaltalanguage . . . . akd-tegi-l'ig-oro (ke); akd. I dama (da); ab-td-l'ar-dama (da). crosstegi-l'ig-yap (ke). (v.i.) 1. acquire manual legged. See cross. . Lea, out :a, cur : 4, ca : A, ia her : ", fathom si, bite : au, howso: du rous.

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LEGEND oko-tar-taknga (da). legend, (s.) See forefather. leisure, be at (v.i.) . . . . tar-uju (ke). leisure, (8.) . . . tar-luku (da). lend, (v.t.)... man-ak-tag (ke) (lit. "give in a sort of way "); tobatek-a (ke); tobatek-man (ke). I lent him two bows: wai dol en karama ikpor manaktagre. lengthen, (v.t.) 1. . . . . lapanga (ke); lapana (ke). 2. as by joining two pieces of cord together. . . . tar-odo (ke). less, (adj.) 1. smaller in size. See smaller. 2. in quantity.... tek yaba (da). Give him less food than Woi: woi tek en yat yaba man (ke). lessen, (v.t. and v.i.). See diminish. let, (verb. aux.) suffer, permit. 1. (a). oiyo (sing.); diyot (plur.) He let me dance : o d'oiyo-koire. The Chief let us wrestle : maiola m'oiyot adleke. (b).... itan (ke); titan (ke). He let me shoot: & den itan do taijke. I will let you all sing: do ng'et arduru len ramid-toyunga titan (ke). 2. (imperat.).... 6 (sing.); ocho (plur.) Let him shoot!: 6 taij! Let us return (home)! m'ocho wijke! Let it be ! (let it remain !) toba-tek dake! (lit." meantime don't" (do anything to it)). let go, (v.t.) cease holding.... eb (or ep)-tot-mani (ke). See tug. Why do you hold me? let go of me: michalen ngo den pichuke? d'eb-totmani (ke)! See aban don. let off, (v.t.) excuse See excuse. letter, (s.) any writing . . yitinga (da). (lit." that which is tattooed "). level, (adj.) of land. . . . lingiriya (da); ot-jeperya (da). See flat, land, plain, smooth. lewd, (adj.) 1. of a man.... tigparinga (da); ot-nar (da). 2. of a woman ar-kichal (da). liar, (s.).... ab-tedinga (da). Iberal, (adj.).... an-ran (da); on yat-beringa (da); ar-mire (da). The people there are the best of all, they are 28.1 LIGHT all liberal: kat'igbudwa-longkalak beringal'igla, arduru unran (da). lick, (v.t.).... poloij (ke); puluj (ke). lid, (s.). . . . ot-ramnga (da); Akaroginga (da). See lie down. lie, (s.) falsehood. . . . &-tedi (de). lie, (v.i.) 1. utter falsehood. . . . a-tedi (ke). You must not lie (tell lies) about any one: ngol uba-waik uchin-eb'atedike dake. You must not lie (tell lies) to any One: ngol uba-waik uchin-ollen atedike dake. See N.B. at not (post). 2. lie down (a) on one's back.... aka-chale.i (ke). (b) on one's side... balagi (ke). (c) on one's stomach .. oto-rogi (ke). (d) in the sun. See bask. (e) in a row, as persons sleeping....ed-bar (ke). (f) together (of married couples) ....ik-ad-bar (ke). 3. lie in wait for . . . . ar-chopo (ke). life, (8.) 1. one's | ..ig-ate-yoma (da). 2. all have life . . . . ong-tam-tek. I been making canoes all my life wai do dong-tam-tek roko hopke. 3. save life . . . . eb (or ep)-tong-eni (ke). 4. life-time . . i-dal (da). Ira married in his father's lifetime tra ekan abmai'idal len adenire. 5. life-less (adj.) just dead. okolire. goi lift, (v.t.) 1. an animal or heavy object laijai (ke). 2. by concerted action.. .. ar-kurudai (ke). 3. a human being... ot-laijai (ke). 4. with one's shoulder ar-katami (ke). 5. a light object with one's hands ar-lodapi (ke). See raise. lift off, (v.t.) take off, as a.pot from a fire . . yuk (ke). light, (adj.) not heavy. 1. of inanimate objects.... tapi (da); woma (da). 2. of animals and birds. ... ot-woma (da); ot-tapi (da). 8. of human beings. ab-tapi (da); ab-woma (da). 4. lightfooted.... ar-rinima (da). 5. lightheaded. See delirious, silly. light, (v.t.) 1. give light, illuminate chal (ke). 2. set light (or fire) to, o, indolent: 8. pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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LIGHTEN 82 LIVER ignite .... (chapa-1')oko-pagat (ke) or likewise, 1. (conj.) also, in addition, Oko-joi (ke). He lit a fire there : 61 kato besides ... 01-b@dig. See also, and. (chapa-)l'Oko-joire. 8. Light a torch .... | 2. (adv.) See moreover. toug-l'oko-puget (ke); or l'oko-joi (ke). limit, (s.) See boundary. (v.i.) 1. burn a light .... choi (ke). limited, (adj.) narrow, confined .... 2. take fire, kindle . . . . dal(ke); pud (ke). er-chopaus (da). (adj.) not dark . . . . elaka-raja (da). See limp, (v.i.) 1. from pain.... gagya clear, transparent. (8.) 1. of a torch (ke). 2. owing to deformity . . . . ar-te .. Gr-choinga (da). 2, day (or sun)-light,:1 (ke); ong-gigku (ke). .. bodo-la-choinga (da). 3. moon-light .... limpet, (s.) .... mech (da) : mareno (da). Ogar-la-choings (da). 4. star-light limpid, (adj.) .... jalama (da). . . . . chato-la-chainga (da). 5. meteor .. line, (s.) 1. string . . . . mol-a (da). 2. .. chaugala-la-choinga (da). See spirit. harpoon- .... betmo (da). Used also in lighten, (v.t.) relieve of weight .... making and mending turtle-nets. See App. Ot-ka (ke). (v.i.) emit lightning. (a) when xiii. 3. a row .... tornga (da). (a) In a widely diffused.... be (ke). (b) in ref row, with ref. to inanimate objects ..... to single flashes . . . . bela (ke). (-)tor-len. (b) with ref. to animate objects lightning, (s.) (a) sheet .... be (da). .... -tor-len (b) chain-(or forked-) .. .. bela (da). linger, (v.i.) lag .... el-6t-gelema (ke). linguist, (8.) .... akd-tegi-welak (da). Mghts, (s.) lungs of animals .... ot lip, (s.) . . . . aka-pai (da); aka-pe (da). &wa (da). liquid, (8.) .... reij (da). llko, (v.t.) 1. enjoy . . . . vamali (ke). liquor, (s.) See grog. We like hunting : meda ut-len yamali (ke). lisp, (v.i.) as a child.... akan-dereka 2. be fond of any person or intercourse (ke). . . . . ig vamali (ke). I like Woi and his listen, (v.i.) 1. hearken..... akan-dai younger brother: wai d6 woi l'akakam (ke); ayan-dai (ke). Listen ! don't you bedig igyamalike. I don't like living in hear the men shouting? : dyan-dai! an ngoyour hut: ngia bud len polinga wai d'igya- (a) bula l'ong-kalak terebla-yate len ng'akamalinga-ba. 3. with ref, to food .... tegilidaike yaba ? See shout. 2. heed, attend Aka-yamali (ke). He likes honey: 6l aja to . . . . iji-warta (ke). See attend. l'Akd-ydmalike. 4. regard favourably ....1 litter, (s.) brood. ... Oto-peladonga boringa-lua (ke). One likes a calm sea for (da). A turtle-hunt: yadi lobinga l'edare lia len little, (adj.) .... ketia (da); ketima beringa-luake. (da). When referring to a human being like, (adj.) 1. similar . . . . aka-para "ab" is prefixed. (adv.) a little, slightly (da); naikan. It tastes like pork : reg. !.... yaba (da); ba(da). Give me a little : dama naikan akan-make. Like this: ucha- vaba den d. A little more (lit. again a little), naikan : kichikan. Like that: ol (or kato) .... talik-yaba (da). Too little ... naikan. 2. in the same style .... ekara. vabalen dake. (lit. "a little-to don't.") See He swims like Woi: ol woi l'ekara pitke. Ex. at rain. Like what ?: kich'i-ka (da)? Like which, live, (v.i.) 1. have life ....ig-ate (ke). (rel.): kd-aba (da). Like the same (correl.): 2. reside . . . . See dwell. 3. live apart uch'dba (da) : kichikan-naikan. See App. 1. .... f-ka (ke). likeness, (s.) See pleture, reflection. liver, (s.) .... ab-mug (da). See App ii. a, idea, cut:a, our : A, oasa : 4, father : a, fathom : ai, bite : au, house du, rouse

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LIVING living, (p.a.) ...ig-atenga (da). lizard, (8.) 1. tatima (da). 2. treelizard... kolwot (da). See note at hiccough; aga (da). The latter word indicates a large species. load, (8.) 1. for an able-bodied adult tabinga (da); ig-noronga (da). ... jarabnga (de). 2. cargo load, (v.t.) a canoe, etc. . . . . jarap (ke). 2. a basket or other receptacle . . . ar-ot (ke). 3. a gun.... loti (ke); lotok (ke). See admit. (da). longing, (s.) 1. as for news of absent friends, etc. i-gari (de). 2. as for possession of some desired article or kind of food.... tot-chi (da). 66 loathe, (v.t.) with ref. to food... aka-war (ke). We loathe the sight of maggots in food meda yat len wen itig-badignga bedig makat-warke. look, (v.i.)..... . lu (ke). When referring to a person "ab" is prefixed and when to an animal ar". He is looking at my new canoe: wai o dia roko goi len luke. We have not looked at him: med'ablunga-ba. I loathsome, (adj.) with ref. to food... have not yet looked at the pig: do ngakd aka-warnga (da). reg-l'arlunga-ba. Look! .... wai luke! ig-puku-l'ar-dereka Look here (lit.."here this ") mina-ucha! See mark, pay. Look sharp!.... (ar-) yere!; ng'ar-yere !; kuro !; kuro-ngo !.look out (watch) 1. . . . . er-gelip (ke); el-akakedang (ke). These words are used when lobe of ear, (s.). . lobster, (s.) .. waka (da). locality, (s.) place. . . . er (da); eremal'eate (da). lock of hair, (s.) .... ot-kitnga (da). travelling; otherwise, the words used would See tuft. lofty, (adj.) 1. of a hill.... ig-moro (da). 2. of a tree. . . . lapanga (da); lapana (da). 3. of a lofty tree having branches only on the crown.... lab (da); lap (da). See high. beiji-dal-tami (ke) or el-aka-badi (ke). Look out! . . . . wai-gelib! Look out! the centipede is creeping towards you waigelib! karapta la ng'eb iji-chak-tegike. 2. keep watch, as in fear of night attack . . . . el-aka (or er-l'ig)-badi (ke). Look after (v.t.) 1. take care of, protect (as a guardian) ab (or f)-gora (ke). 2. nurse. . . . ab-nora (ke). Look for (v.t.) (a) search .... ata (ke). When referring to a human object "ab" is prefixed. (b) overhead, as for fruit, honey, flying-fox, etc.....erkedang (ke). See Ex. at search. H looking-glass, (s.). . . . tig-badignga (da). loop, (s.).... aka-kor (da). loose, (adj.) 1. of a bow-string, cord, etc. .... ig-yaragap (da); i-gora-ba. 2. of a tooth.... ig-oma (da). (v.t.) lose hold. See let go. loosen, (v.t.) let out rope.... See unloose. log, (s.) patu-lot-jodama (da). loln, (s.).... ar-ete (da); ar-chola (da). lolter, (v.i.) .. el-ot-gelema (ke). lonely, (adj.) lonesome.. kelebranga (da). long, (adj.).... lapanga (da); lapana (da). longer (than)... tek-lipanga (da)." longest lapanga-l'igla (da). longsighted.... ig-beringa (da). long-winded aka-chaiat-ba. A long time arla-ubaba. It will be a long time before I return here: dol karin wij yate wai arlaababa. Long ago, how long? and how long ago? See time and how. 83 .... LOOSEN long, (v.i.) have eager desire. 1. as when anxious. . . . i-gari (ke). We are both longing for good news of our absent father: med'ikpor mat maiola ab-yaba yate l'eb tartit beringa igarike. 2. for some coveted article or food. . . . tot-chi (ke). 3. for some favourite food.... .mugum-len-poichat (ke). , indolent: 8, pole d, po to, awful: di, boil. ... lor (ke).

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LOOSBLY MAIN-CREEK tuosely, (v.t.) tie or fasten. See fasten, tie l ow, (adj.) not high .... Ot-jodama lop, (v.t.) .... top (ke); Ot-topati (ke). (da). See short. Low-tide; low-water. lop-stded, (adj.) .... gigaunge (da); See tide. teka (da); iji-chongolinga (da). Ira's canoe lower-jaw, (s.) .... aka-ekib (da). See is lop-sided: ir'la roko wai iji-chongolinga (da). App. ii. lose, (v.t.) by mischance or negligence luok, (s.) .... Ot-yab (da) See there. .... Ot-nuyu (ke); 6t-nuyai (ke). (v.i.) 1. lucky, (adj.) fortunate .... 0t-yabnga fail of success, incur a loss ... Oto-nayu (da). (ke) : oto-nayai (ke). 2. lose a race ... luckily, (adv.).. .. 0t-yab-len. tar-18 (ke). 3. lose one's way.... el-aka ludicrous, (adj.) .... akan-yengatnga chatak (ke). tinga-l'oto-nuyai (ke). It's (da). lost! (I can't find it): akd-idla-ba! lukewarm, (adj.) .... elenga (da); uyaloudly, (adv.) .... akan-guru-tek. ba (da). Tot 1. one of the opposite sex lull, (v.t.) 1. put to sleep with a lullaby ....ig-pol (ke). 2. one's wife . . . . Oko ...., a-roro (ke). 2. put to sleep by rock ing . . . . . ar-lela-tag (ke). See sort and pail-cham (or poichati). (ke). He now sin swing. cerely loves his wife : 61 abaya lca-wai Oko lump of whitish clay, as found, but especipail-pdichatike. 3. one's husband ... Oko ally as worn on the head by mourners bola-cham (or pdichati) (ke). She no longer loves her husband : ol ka-wai-tek oko . . . . dela (da). See clay. lung, (s.) . . . . ot-awa (da). See armpit bula-chamke yaba (da). We all love our and Apr. ii. vives: med'arduru mokot-pail-chamke: 4. have luscious, (adj.) . . . . nam (da). tender regard for an intimate friend .... lustful, (adj.) .... Ot-nar (da). oko-dubu (ke). 5. make love, court .... ig-dorpa (ke). (v.i.) be in love . . . . iji-pol (ke). (8.) 1. towards one's husband (or wife) .... okan-cham (or pdichati)-yoma mad, (adj.) .... (ig-)pichanga (da). (da). 2. towards one's sweetheart .... madam, (s.).... china; chan ; chanola. The last is more honorific. See sir and iji-pol-yoma (da). 3. towards an intimate friend ... okan-dubu (or jolowa)-yoma App. vii. maggot, (s.) . . . . wen (da). See loathe. (da). magio lantern, (8.) .... 0t-yolo-yiti-yate lover, (s.) .... iji-polnga (da). (da). See picture, write, which. lovely, (adj.) 1. of an inanimate object ject maiden, (8.) ... ab-jadi-jog (da). See ....ino (da). 2. of a human being... App. vii. ab-190 (da); 1-td-beringa (da); dala-beringa | mam, (v.t.),... On-go (ke). (da). 3. of an animal, bird, eto.....ot- main-croak, (s.) .... jig-chan-chau (da). Ino (da). main-road . . . . tinga-chan-chau (da). ,'idea, out : , our : &, ona : 4, father : L fathom: ki, bite : au, house : au, roubo.

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MAIZE 85 MANNER maize, (s.) .... buta (da) from bhutta yal (ke); yalangar (ke). 4. m. a way, clear (Hind.) a path.... tinga-l'ot-wal (ke). 5. m. way, step aside .... ad-chai (ke); Achikmake, (v.t.) 1. construct.... diyo (ke). tan (ke). See hence and more. 6. m. a Make it once more: tdlik diyo. 2. m. a hut, voyage . . . . oto-juru-tegi (ke). [Notealso basket-work, matting, netting or thatch "Make," in the sense of "Cause to be or ing; also applied to bees constructing become", "Compel", is expressed by the a comb .... tepi (ke). Punga's and prefix "en": e.g. m. friends (cause to be Meba's mothers made this mat: punga friendly) .... cn-Oko-dabu (ke); m. angry 6l-bedig meba l'at-etinga acha parepa (anger, v.t.) .... en-tigrel (ke). Because tepire. The bees have made a large comb: Punga broke my bow he made me angry : dta ratag kanga doga tepire. 3. m. & canoe, kdrama kujuringa l'edare pinga d'en-tigrelre. how, etc. . . . . kop (ke). See scoop. He The Chief will make you gather honey for is making a canoe for me : 61 den (or dai) them: maiola ngen et at en-aja-pujke. He roko kopke. (N.B.-denoting what is made Tura go there (hy canoe) for me: performed with an adze). 4. m. a bow ol dik tura lat kato en-akangaire. See for, .... (karama-)por (ke). lit. plane with a go. He made Bira give the bow to Woi boar's tusk (i.e. the final work on the bow for my wake: ol bira karama woi lat d'ul after completion of chief work of shaping with adze (kop). 5. m. a bucket .... malformed, (adj.).... itd-jabag (da). tane (ke). 6. m. a cooking-pot.... lat See form. (ke). 7. m. a paddle .... (waligma-) chag (ke). 8. m. a torch ..... (tong-) malarial fever, (s.) .... diddirya (da). pat (ke). 9. m. iron-arrow-heads .... male, (adj.) .... bala (da). tai (ke). (lit. hammer.) We are making malice, harbour (v.i.) . . . . tot-gum (ke). lots of pig-arrow-beads : med' ela dogaya malinger, (v.i.) ... , ar-dolaiji (ke). tdi (ke). 10. m. bowstring or cord .... mama ! (exclam.) .... chana !; chana ! maia (ke) (i.e. by twisting the strands to- man, (8.) 1. .... a-bula (da). 2. mar. gether). 11. m. twine .. . kit (ke). This ried-man.... ab-chabil (da); ab-maia. they do by twisting fibres together on the 8. old man .... ab-jang-gi (da); ahthigh.] See roll. 12. m. personal orna- choroga (da). See App. vii. ments, e.g. waist-belts, garters, etc. of mango, (Mangifera sylvatica) (s.). ... kai Pandanus leaves . . . bat (ke). 18. per- (dal. See App. xi. sonal ornaments, e.g. necklaces of bone, mangrove, (s.) 1. (Rhizophera conjugata) cane, , etc .. .. mar (ke). 14. m. ornamental patterns on bows, buckets, paddles, .... bada (da). 2. (Rhizophera macronata, etc. ....ig-retawa (ke). 15. m. wax, or Bruguiera gymnorhiza).... jumu (da). 3. mangrove-swamp .... jumu-tang (da); used for protecting arrow-head lashings, etc..... i-tegi (ke). 16. m. a fire ...: | bada-tang (da). 4. mangrove-swamp-mud chapa-looko-joi (ke). 17. B. love, court, .... lab (da). See App. xi. ....ig-durpa (ke). 18. m. ready, pre- manly, (adj.) courageous .... i-tarpare .... ar-tami (ke). 19. m. known, mil (da). See brave. acquaint .... badali (ke); yabnga-l'ot-er- manner, (s.) 1. mode, style ... igOmo (ke). See must. (v.i.) 1. m. haste lornga (da). (adv.) in this manner.... kian ... ar-yere (ke). 2. m. a mistake Ari (da). inthat manner . . . . kian-aba (da); .... chali (ke). 3. m. & noise .... ekara (da). See sustom. o, indolent: 0, pole: d, pot : 0, awful: di, boil.

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MANY MEANS OF many, (adj.) with ref. to human beings without any ceremony.... eptid-w& (ke); ... ar-duru (da); at-ababa (da); jibaba tig-we (ke). (da). See Ex. at sufficfent. 2. with ref, to marsh, (s.) See swamp. animals.... Ot-ubaba (da); arduru marvellous, (adj.) ....ig-neklinga (da). (da).-3. with ref. to inanimate objects .... arduru (da); jibaba (da); dbaba (da). mast, (s.) .... wilima (da). So named from its resemblance to the trunk of a 4. this many . . . . . kian-chaia (da). See App. 1. 5. that many .... ka-chaia (da). casuarina tree. 8. how many ? (interrog.). ... kichikan-tun master, (8.) term in addressing, or refer(da); kichik (da). ring to, a bachelor or young married man marble wood, (8.) 1. (Diospyros nigricans) .... mar. See sir and Ex. at feast. .... bukura (da). 2. an inferior variety masticate, (v.i.) .... Ot-kuram (ke). .... picha (da). mat, (s.) sleeping-mat.... parepa (da). mark, (s.) 1. as of a scar. See cicatrix. matter, (s.) 1. (pathol). See pus. 2. diffi2. indentation as caused by a cord .... culty, trouble; in such phrases as : What's ot-rim (da). e.g. on women's heads from the matter? (exclam.) .... michimake ?; carrying on their backs loads suspended by michibake? What has been the matter & cord looped across the head. Look at with you!: ba-nga-michibare? It's no matthe mark of the waist-belt (bod) on your ter: uchin-dake; or kichikan-drek-dake. See body!: ng'ab-chau len bod l'ot-rim ig-badig! what and App. 1. 3. mark of a blow .... ig-polo (da). may, (aux. v.) have permission .... 4.stain .... michla (da). 5. sign, trace ... diyo. We may not sing: moiyot ramidig-lamya (da). See trace. (v.t.) ig-polo (ke). toyunga yabada. You may dance: ngoiot (v.i.) mark time during a dance to recover koike. See let. breath .... ar-tir (ke). Mark my words ! may no, (or not), (verbal suffix denoting (pay attention!): acha! (lit. this !) deprecation) .... kok ! May no snake marksman, (s.) .... An-yab (da), whether or centipede bite you there!: kato ngong with arrow, spear or gun. See archer and jobo an karapta chapikok ! May you not shot. fall! (I hope you won't fall) : ngo pd-kok ! marriageable, (adj.) 1. of a young man may-be, (adv.). See perhaps. .... ad-eninga-loyu. See suitable. 2. of me, (pron.) .... dollen; (in constr. a young woman .... ab-iknga-loyu. den); doyu; dad. See App. ii. married man and married woman. See meal, (s.) See breakfast and supper. App. vii. Married Woman's hut: chan'ia At one's meal . . . . aka-kad (da). They bud (da). are all at their meals: ed'drduru akat-kad marrow, (s.) .... mun (da), with pre- (da). fix ab, ar, etc. according to part of body to mean, (v.i.) .... min (ke). See Intend. which reference is made. What does he mean to do?: o michimarry, (v.t.) .... tot-yap (ke). The ha minke? What do you mean (by such Chief married us yesterday: maiola dilea conduct)?: ngo elar-torngata! (exclam). met tolydbre. (v.i.) 1. of the man .... ad- mean, (adj.) See alliberal. endi (ke). I married her last month : 6gar means of, by (postp.) .... tam-tek. Bia V'datari d'en adenire; ad-oro (ke). 2. of the made (scouped) it by means of an adze: woman ....ab-ik (ke). See him. 8. secretly, bla wolo tdm-lek kopre. a, idea, cut : &, our : i, casa : & father; i, fathom: ai, bite: au, houbu : au, rowse.

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MEASLES 87 MIRROR be measles, to suffer from (v.i.) .... a . metal of all kinds except iron, (8.).... rut (ke). (lit. "to have an eruption on ele-ra (da). the body.") See escape. meteor, (s.) : ... chaugala-la-choinga measure, (v.t.) .... tir-tal(ke). See (da). See spirit and light of toroh, eto. flt, weigh. mew, (v.i.) as a cat ..., ig-nidri (ke). meat, (8.) See flesh. mieturate, (v.i.) .... ar-alu (ke). meddle, (v.i.) See interfere. micturition, (s.) .... Alunga (da). medicine, (s.) See charm. mid-day, (8.).... bodo-chau (da). See meditate, (v.i.) .... iji-mula (ke). App. x. meek, (adj.) humble ....ig-lekinga middle, (adj.) i..... koktar (da); (da). 2. the middle one:... mugu-chal (da). meet, (v.i.) 1. a friend casually ...] 3. -finger .... koro-muguchal (da). 4. in iji-chachabai (ke). 2. go forward to meet the middle of the canoe .... odam-len. another out of respect or affection .... See canoe. iji-kaka (ke). midnight, (8.),... gurug-chau (da). meeting, (s.) interview.... ig-atnga midst, (postp.) among ....Ot-paichalen. (da). See assemblage. More correctly employed with pl. pretix, Meliosma simplicifolia, (s.) patag (da). e.g. In (our, your, their) midst.. See App. xi. for the use of the leaves and (motot, ngotot, Otot)-paichalen. See among, beside, and Ex. at self. seed. Melochia velutina, (s.). .. . alaba (da). midway, (adv.) .... f-tar-judu-ya. The bark is extensively employed. See migrate, (v.t.) .. (-) jala (ke). App. xiii. milk, (s.) .... 0t-raij (da); ig-kammelt, (v.t. & v.i.) See dissolve. raij (da). My wife's milk is best for her Membrum virile, (8.) .... chul (da). own child: ekan abdereka l'eb dai flydte l'ig. memory, (8.) .... gat-yoma (da). kamraij beringa-l'igla (da). . menace, (v.t.) ....ij-Ana (ke). milk, (v.t.) See suok. mond, (v.t.) See repair. milky-way, (8.) ....ig-yolowa (da). Menispormaceae, (8.).,., ad (da). The One can see the Milky-way only on a clear seed is eaten. night: oy un gurug-la-talimare ogyolowa l'ig| menSes, (8.).... Gr-tolatong (da). (H. | badigga (da). tree-leaf.) See apron and flower-name. mimic, (v.t.) ... Aka-te-churu (ke) mention, (v.t.) 1. remark .... ig-yap rirka (ke). (ke). 2. name, refer to .... aka-tar Mimusops indica, (s.) .... dogota (da). ngere-fke). ar-eni (ke). Don't mention The fruit is eaten, the leaves are those its name !: aka-tar-higereke dake! usually utilized for the Obunga (apron). See merely, (adv.) only . . . . @gun; arek. App. xiii ; and old logs are used for fuel. meridian, (s.) See mid-day. mince, (v.t.). chop fine . . . . Ot-kobat mesentery, (s.) .... ar-kolam (da). (ke). mesh, (8.) of net-work .... idal (da). mine, (pron, adj.) my own.... d'ekan. (lit. "eye"). Her son told me (that) it was his own father message, (s.) ....ig-yabnga (da). who was sick, 'not mine : chana Tabetire message, send (v.t.). ...ig-garma (ke). den tarchi ekan abmarola abyed-ydte, dekan Mesua ferroa, (8.) .... monag (da). See yaba (da). App. xi. mirror, (s.) See looking-glass. o, indolent : , pole: d. pot : o, awful: di, boil.

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MISAPPROPRIATE MORE misappropriate, (v.t.).... ig-julya modesty, (8.) .... 0t-tek-yoma (da). (ke); ot-karia (ke). moist, (adj.) .... Ot-ina (da). miscarry, (v.i.) bring forth prematurely molar, (8.) See tooth. .... ab-dereka-ya-pa (ke). molest, (v.t.) See annoy, pester. mischief, commit (v.t.).... (-) money, (s.) See coin, ear, slice. The jabagi (ke); eche (ke). See damage, spoil. European soldier gave me money in ex misdirect, (v.t.) lead astray, mislead ehange) for the bow : boigoli kdrama l'ige .... en-er-luma (ke). ikpuku d'en are. mislay, (v.t.) 1. misplace .... Ar-to- monkey, (8.) .... jako. From the Engjfalpi (ke). 2..lay in place not remembered lish"Jack". There are no monkeys in .... el-ot-nuyai (ke). See fail, lose. the Andaman jungles. mislead, (v.t.) See misdirect. monodonta (1 labeo.), (s.) .... bada-ola misplace, (v.t.) See mislay. (da). See App. xii. miss, (v.t.) 1. feel the absence of .... monsoon, (8.) .... ta (da). (a) N.E.Ot-kuk-latya (ke). 2. fail to hit with any m. (dry-m.) .... yere-bodo-ta (da). (b) missile . . . . lakachf (ke). On seeing a S.W.-m. (wet-m.). .. .. gumul-ta (da). flying-fox he does not miss it: wot l'igbadig- It is rough owing to the change of the S.W. nga-bedig 6 lakachfke yabada. On (or monsoon: gumul-ta golainga l'edare pataraong)-lama (ke). (v.i.) 1. any object in the doga (da). water owing to bad steering . . . . iji- month, (s.) .... Ogar (da). It has maua (ke); kitaifa (ke). 2. one's way.... rained throughout this month : @gar diluer-l'akd-chatak (ke). reatek yum la pare. See moon. mist, (s.) .... palia (da). monthly, (adv.) .... Ogarlen-garlen. mistake, (v.t.) 1..... (1-)chali (ke, moon, (s.) .... Ogar (da). [The moon 2. make a verbal mistake....akd-eche (ke). is regarded as male and the husband (lit. "mouth-spoil.") 3. in doing something of the run.] (a) new moon . . . . Ogar-dereka.... ong-eche (ke). (lat, hand-spoil). | yaba (da); chirko-lero (da). The "yaba " (adv.) in mistake for .... lat-tek. I struck is dropped after the first night or two. (b) the sunken-rock with my harpoon in mis- 1st quarter .... @gar-chanag (da). (c) take for taking it for) a turtle : yadi lat'. full-moon .... Ogar-chau (da). (d) last tek ai do totoi jeralire. quarter .. .. Ogar-kinab (da). ((c)) waxingmistaken, (p.p.) be in error . . . . iji- moon .... Ogar-la-walaganga (da). agenga (da). See grow. (1) waning-moon ....Ogarmisty, (adj.) dim, hazy ....ig-ndlama- l'ar-Odowanga (da). (8) moon-light ... ba (da). Ogar-choinga (da). See light. (b) moonMr. (Mister) (8.) See sir. beam .... Ogar-l'ar-chal (da). I shall mix, (v.t.) 1. solids .... akd-pegi (ke). leave this encampment next new moon (lit. 2. fluids .... paljanga (ke); ig (or id) "on the new moon appearing"): garpulaiji (ke); ig (or id)-ksu (ke). (v.i.) of dereka oko-doatinga-bedig ucha baraij tek fluids ....iji (or Oto)-pulaiji (ke); iji d'adlomtake. gau (ke). moral, (adj.) virtuous .... Ot-beringa mock, (v.t.).... Arirka (ke); Ot-tar- (da). See chaste. tal (ke). more, (adj.) 1. a larger quantity... modest, (adj.) decent .... 6t-teknga tun (da). More of this : tun-ka. 2. of ani(da). See chaste. mate objects .... ar-bang (da). More A, idea, out : a sur: d, casa : A, father fathom: ni, bite : au, house : du, rouse.

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MOREOVER 8D MOUTH Jarawas are coming : jarawa l'ar-bang Onke. I d'ai ikydte anba yaba (da). 3. step-mother 3. additional ....na (da). See bring, .... ab-chanola. 4. mother-in-law .... continue. Is there no more ? : an id-ba? mamola. 5. mothers-in-law, the relationship There is no more news : karin tartit nd-ba. | between married couple's respective (s) 1. much more .... Ot-lat (da). Give me mothers .... Aka-ya-kat (da). 6. (adj.) much more: ot-lat den d. 2. one more, another motherless.... Abolo (da); ab-etinga-ba. ....na (da); talik-batal (da). 3. a little mottled, (adj.) .... baratnga (da). + more ...talik-yaba (da). (adv.) 1. no more mould, (8.) jungle-leaf soil ....pa (da). .... wai-yaba (da). 2. once more (again) See clay. ... talik; ong-tali; 6t-pagi; ig-pagi. mouldy, become (v.i.) .... ar-tolai (ke). moreover, (adv.) . . . . fie. See likewise. The jack-fruit seeds have become mouldy, If you abuse him I will beat you throw them away: beren l'artolaire, wai (and) moreover break your bow : moda korke. ngo ad ab-togoke do ngoapareke me kdrama moult, (v.i.) .... Oto-pij (ke). kujrake. mound, (s.) See heap. moribund, (adj.) . . . . akan-tag-dapinga mountain, (8.) See hull. (da). mount, (v.t.) 1. ... :. kagal (ke). morning, (8.) 1. before sunrise .... See ascend. 2. mount (elevate) a child on wanga (da). 2. after sunrise .... dilma (da); to one's shoulder . . . . akd-yoboli (ke). lili (da). See App. ix. (adv.) 1. this morning (p.p.) mounted, seated or perched on any .... dilmaya; dilma-len; lilinga ; lillya ; ominence . . . . akan (or ara)-yobolinga lili-len. This morning while it was rain. (da). ing I was feeling ill, but now I have recover- mountainous, (adj.) .... el-oto-pau (da). ed: lilinga yum la panga bedig d'abyedka, mourn, (v.i.) .... balap (ke); bdlab dona achitik tig-ebalre. 2. yesterday morn (ke). ing .... diles-wangalen; dilea-lililen. mourner, (8.) .... akd-og (da). See 3. tomorrow morning ..., liltilen. I bathe elay. [When mourning they smear themevery morning . . . . wdngalen-wangalen do selves for several weeks with " Og" and ludgake. See dally, monthly. abstain from dancing and singing, as well morrow, (s.) See to-morrow. as all favourite articles of food. At the morsel, (s.) See bit. expiration of the mourning period the mortal, (adj.) of injury or disease. See bones of the deceased are disinterred (or fatar removed from the burial-platform, as the mosquito, (8.) .... teil (da). case may be) and distributed among the most, (adj.) 1. in quantity .... doga- relatives, after which they weep and dance l'igla (da). 2. in number of persons .... the " t'i-tolatnga (da)" (lit. "tear-shedat-ubaba-l'igla (da). 3. of animals ... ding" dance) and resume their ordinary Ot-ubaba-l'igla (da). 4. of inanimate objects duties.] .... Ababa-l'igla (da). mourning, cease (v.t.).... kok-1'&rld moth, (8.) .... ra-tegi (da). (ke). See finish. mother, (s.) 1..... ab-etinga (da); mouse, (8.) .... it (da); jQyum (da).' ab-wejinga (da); ab-wejeringa (da): ab- moustache, (s.) .... akd-pai-la-pij (da). chanola. See bear and App. viii. 2. having mouth, (s.) .... aka-bang (da). See one or more children .... an-ba (da). App. ii. (v.t.) open the mouth.... AkeMy wife was not then a mother : dchibaiya tewi (ke). shut the mouth .... ake o, indolent: 0, pole: dy pet: 0, awful: di, bosl.

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MOVE 90 NAME memati (ke); aka-mewadi (ke) or Aka- music, (s.) .... Ot-tegi (da). meodi (ke). (v.i.) open (of the mouth)..... musket, (s.) .... birma (da). Akan-tewi (ke). shut of the mouth) Akan mussel, (8.) . . . . mared (da). (also kukan)-memati (ke). mouthful, (s.) must, (v.i.) .... aba-waik. You must .... aka-tig-wer (da). run at once, he is calling you : ngo kd-goi move, (v.t.)....ochai (ke) ; lori (ke). See uba-waik kaj, o ng'ar-ngereke. I must romovo. (v.i.) 1. of an animal or inanimate think it over before I make it known to object.... lele(ke). Why does not the canoe you: ngen yabnga l'ot-er-omonga l'oko-telim move? we are pulling with all our might: dol ubawaik gob-joike. michalen roko leleke yaba? meda gora tek mute, (adj.) 1. dumb.... yabnga-ala tapake. 2. of a person .... leleka (ke). | (da). 2. silent only.... milanga (da); Don't move !: lelekake ng'oke ! 3. move aside. mukuringa (da); Aka (or oko)-malwa (da). make way.... Achik-tan (ke); ad-ochai See deal...... . (ke). 4. away from ... Oto-chak-tegi mutilate, (v.t.) .... ab-chiwat (ke). (ke). The child is moving away from the mutter, (v.i.) .... dunuka (ke). hut : abliga bud tek oto-rhak-tegike. 5. move muzzle of gun, (8.) .... birma-l'Aka-bang towards ..:. eb-iji-chak-tegi (ke). All the (da). See gun. children are moving towards us: ligala my, (poss. pron.) .... dia (da); dot; arduru mebet iji-chak-tegi. 6. move slowly, dar; dab;. etc. See App. ii. my bow : dta of a canoe, etc ....ngalya (ke). 7. move kdrama (da). my husband : ad ikydte (da). swiftly, of a canoe, etc .... pudya (ke). my wife : dai skyate (da). my mouth : daka much, (adj.) great in quantity or amount bang (da). .... doga (da); chanag (da); Ababa (da). my own, (pron. adj.).... dekan. This (adv.) in a great degree .... dogs (ya); is my own hut: dcha dekan bdd (da). chanag (ya); ababa. very much.... myself, (pron.) .... doyun-temar: botaba; deloba; tapaya. On giving him doyup-batam; deh-ekan. See hurt and self. the bow he thanked me very much : en kdrama mdnnga-bedig o den lletre botaba. 80 much, this much ..,, kian-wai; kian; nall, (s.) 1. of finger or toe . . . . Ongkai; ichu-tan. Can you spare me so (this) bo'doh (da). 2. metal .... tolbod (da). much ?: an ngo den kai ng'arlodake ? that This is so named from its resemblance to much.... kd-tan; how much I tin-ton. the iron-pointed head of the arrow bearing too much.... doga-botaba. the same designation. See arrow. (a) head mucus, (s.) (nasal) ...ig-gilib (da). of nail .... tolbot-l'ot-cheta (da). (b) point mud, (8.) 1..... yatara (da). 2. of of nail .... tolbot-l'oko-naichama (da). mangrove swamp . . . . l&b (da). naked, (adj.) unclothed .... (ab-)kalaka muddy, (adj.) .... palur (da). 2. of (da); (ab-)lapa (da). The prefix depends channel or creek.... el-ot-palur (da). on the part of the body referred to. See morder, (v.t.) .... ab-parekati (ke). App. ii. in puris naturalibus .... Ot-kalakamurderer, (s.) .... an-ti (da). reatek. muselo,( s.) .... yilnga (da). See App. ii. namo, (s.) .... Ot-ting (da). What is prefix according to part of the body. your name?: michima ng'ot ting? ting-l'armuscular, (adj.) 1. .... ab-gora (da). eni! (lit, mention name !) 2. birth- and preSee powerful. 2. in the arms .... -gora natal..... ting-l'Ar-ula (da). 8. "Flower(da). name" .... ting-l'aka-kol (da). Of the 18 idea, out: i., our : &, Caba: , father : &, fathom: ai, bito: au, house : au, roubo.

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NAME 91 NEST - prescribed trees which blossom in suc- bud (da). (c) some animate object .... cession throughout the year, the name aka-palen ; ot-paicha-len. (d) to a tree or referring to that which happens to be in post (under the shade of) .... eb-er-tegiseason when the girl attains maturity is len; tek I see the pig which is near that bestowed upon her, and it is prefixed to tree: wai dol kato akdtang l'eber-tegilen yate her own (i.e. personal) name, e.g. ora-mebola ; rogo l'igbadike. The jack tree is near the moda-dora. See App. ix. 4. nick-name. mango tree: koi tek kaita (da). See nick-name. nearly, (adv.) .... lagi-tek. See name, (v.t.) 1. mention by name, style ... almost. nearly full .. .. lagitek tepe (da). ar-taik (ke). On seeing a coin for the first nearly ripe . . . . roicha (da). It's nearly time we named it ik-puku (i.e. a slice): finished ! : kanya! idlia-goiya l'igbadignga-bedig meda ik-puku necessary, (adj.) .... arainga (da). It marat-taikre. See call. 2. call, summon is necessary for us to arrive by noon : meda . . . . ar-ngere (ke); aka-tar-ngere (ke). bodo-chau kagalnga wai drainga (da). 3. mention the name of .... ting-l'ar-eni neek, (s.) .... Ot-longota (da). (ke). 4. invent a name . . . . ekan-tig-oyu neck-lace, (s.) . . . . akan-etai (da); Akan(ke). etainga (da). generic term for all varieties. name-sake, (s.) .... arting-la. Your For description of the several kinds see name-sake gave me food : ng'ar-ting-la den App. xiii. yat manre. need, (v.t.) require . . . . Oyar (ke); Arai nape of neck, (s.) . . . . Ot-borot (da). (ke).. Your pig-arrow lashings need wax: narrate. See tell. ngia ela l'ot-changa kanga-ta-buj oyarke. narrow (limited) space, (8.) . . . . er- noodful, (adj.) See necessary and requisite. chopaua (da). (adj.) 1. limited in regard to neodle, netting- (8.) .... potokla (da). space ... (r-)chopaus (da). 2. cramped, See App. xiii. as the pointed bows of Nicobarese canoes neglect, (v.t.) fail to perform or complete .... kinab (da). See bow, of ship, and . . . . en-kichal (ke). fall. 3. not wide .... loloya (da). neighbour, (s.) . . . . er-ya (da). He is nasty, (adj.) in fla your . . . . ig-maka my neighbour: ol dia er-ya (da). (da); aka-jabag (da). neighbourhood, (8.) .... Ong-pa (da). native, (8.) 1. aboriginal .... Akd-bira- In the neighbourhood of Kyd Island there budya (da). 2. of India . . . . chaugala. are plenty of cowries: dura-tang l'ong-palen naughty, (adj.) See disobedient. telim ubaba, nauseous, (adj.) of food, drink, medicine nelther, 1. (pron.) not the one nor the other .... aka-jabag (da). .... uchin-ubatal... yaba (da). nautilus shell, s.) 1.... odo (da). Neither of those pig-arrows, is mine: kat' ela This is used as a drinking-cup, also for uchin-ubatal dia yaba (da). 2. (conj.) .... baling water from a canoe, bathing a child, achin-aba .... (ya) ba (da). See nor. etc. See App. xiii. nephew, (s.) .... ar-ba (da). See navel, (8.) .... ab-er (da). App. viii. neap-tide, (8.) .... noro (da). nest. (8.) 1. . . . . ar-barata (da); ar-ram near, 1. (adv.) at close quarters .... (da). See cover. 2.edible nest of the Collolagya; lagiba. 2. (postp.) (a) as one place to calia spodiopygia .... bilya-l'ar-rapa (da). another . . . . ya-pa-len. (b) to some spot not used by Andamanese. 3. mason-wasp'sor inanimate object . . . . Ong-pa-len. My nest.... kot-rim (da). This is eaten as a hut is near the creek: jig l'ong-palen dla cure for diarrhoea. o, indolent: 0, pole : d, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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NET, HAND net, hand- (s.) 1. for fishing. . . . kud (da). See App. xiii. 2. large, for trapping turtles, dugongs and large fish. ... yoto-tepinga (da). Seeg App. xiii. 3. small, for holding various articles in common use.... chapanga (da). See App. xiii, (v.t.) make a net.... tepi (ke). netted ornament for personal wear, (s.) aka-beringa (da). ... . rab (da). See App. xiii. hela (da). nettle, (s.) never, (adv.). ... . talik.... yaba (da); eda yaba (da); kichik (or uchik)-waiyaba (da). He will never restore it: o l'en talik ar-dokrake yaba (da). I have never visited Calcutta wai dol eda kalkata len talre yaba (da). He never comes here: ol eda karin onke yaba (da). Never again.... talik-eda yaba (da). Being now old I shall never again hunt pigs: d'abjanggi l'edare do talik-eda reg-deleke yaba (da). Never mind! . . . . uchin-dake!; arek-tobatek dake! Never mind! I will teke it away myself to-night: uchin lake! wai do gurugya d'iji-ikke. nevertheless, (conj.) . . . . . arek; ubaarek. See Ex. at although. 92 . . goila. new, (adj.) . . . . goi (da). newly, (adv.) news, (8.). tartit (da). Good news has come tartit beringa tk-onre. There is nothing more in the way of news here: karin tartit na-ba, or karin nd tartit yaba (da). (v.t.) 1. communicate, impart, make known. yabnga-l'ot-er-omo (ke). tar tit (ke). 2. receive (lit. hear) news. tartit-idai (ke); tartit-ik-on (ke). See hear, come, take away. We have received (lit. heard) news that he is now chief of that district meda tartit-idaire ana ol ka-wai kat' erema-l'eate l'ot-yabur (da). next, (adj.) 1. in ref. to a period of time ....i-doatinga (da); oko-doetinga (da). 2. in order, as in a race. . . . ar-tor (da); Arolo (da). 3. in a row or line of animate or nanimate objects. . . . . tar-jana (da). 1. next turn (in rotation).... ar-olo-ka. NO See Arst-turn. next moon: ogar-l'a-idoatinga (da). next time. nga-tek; ig-pagi ; talik. The next time you come bring some nautilus shells: ngo ngatek on-yate wai odo toyuke. next one! (in distributing food or presents, as on parade) . . . . tun! nice, (adj.) in regard to flavour. . . nick-name, (6.) ar-taiknga (da): ting-l'ot-donga (da). See name (v.t. ). (v.t.)ot-ting-oroke. He first nick-named you Pagda: ol otola ngen pagda ol-ting-orokre. Nicobar Islands, (s.)... malai-lia-erema (da) (lit. Malay-country). See bow of canoe. niece, (8.). ar-ba-pail (da). See App. viii. niggardly, (adj.) mean... on-yat-jabag (da). night, (s.) ... gurug (da). last night gurug-l'eate (da). There was a violent squall last night: gurug-l'eate ulnga-togori l'edare. (adv.) to-night...guruglen; gurug-ya; ka-gurug-len. To-morrow night. liltings-gurug-len. nimbus, (s.) rain-cloud. . . . yum-l'i-diya (da). See cloud. Nipa fruticans, (8.) .. puta (da). The seed is eaten. See App. xi. nipple of breast, (s.) . . . . kam-l'ot-cheta (da); kam-l'oko-pat (da); kam-l'okonaichama (da). no, (adv.) 1. denoting denial, or inability .. yaba (da). 2. refusal or disinclination fuin. Is he a jungle-dweller ?: an ol erem-taga (da)? No (he is not): yaba (da). Give me a bow: den karama man. No (I won't): uin. There is no food here: karin yat yaba (da). (v.i.) say "no", deny. reply in the negative.... i-teta (ke). I asked Bira whether his wife was still sick, he said "no", she is fishing to-day: do bira len chiurare, an ng'ai-ikyate ngaka abyedke, ol itetanga bedig tarchi wai chana ka-wai yal-paneke. See fish (v.t.) and net. No matter! See never mind! a, idea, cut: a, our a, casa: &, father: &, fathom: ai, bite: au, house: au, rouse.

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NOBODY NOT nobody, (8.) no one, no person .... nonsense! (exclam.) .... kaka !; chol; uchin-ol . . . . yaba (da). Nobody now- tot !; petek! (these words are used by men a-days lives on that island : ka tot-boka len only.) geatek! (this word is used only by kawai-arlaya uchin-ol buduke yaba (da). women.) no longer, (adv.) 1. never again, never noon, (8.) .... bodo-chau (da). See foremore.... talik-eda .... yaba (da). noon, afternoon and App. x. (i.e. again-never ..... not). See never noose, (s.) .... aka-kor (da). again. 2. not any more.... kawai-tek nor, (conj.) .... ol-bedig . . . . (ya) ba . . . . yaba (da). (i.e. now-from . . . . not), (da); eate .... (ya) ba (da). Neither my My canoe is no longer serviceable : dia roko turtle (flesh) nor your pork is now fit to eat, kawai-tek medelyaba (da). both are becoming putrid: uchin-uba dia yadino matter! See never mind! dama ol-bedia ngta reg-dama kawai mikaganod, (v.i.) in sleep. 1. forwards ....ig loyu-ba, wai skpor choroke (or a-jabake). ngatya (ke). 2. sideways .... i-dege (ke); north, (8.) .... el-ar-jane (da): N. E. iderega (ke). 3. on meeting an acquaint wind .. .. puluga-ta (da); also papar-ta (da). N. E. monsoon.... yere-bodo-ta ance ....ig-ngode (ke). node, (s.) joint (da). in bamboo, etc ... nose, (s.).....ig-chorong. (da). ig-otat (da). See joint. (a) bridge of .... ig-choronga-lanta (da). noise, (8.) 1..... ar-yalangar (da). 2. (b) tip of . ..ig-choronga-naichama (da). of hammering .... ar-tanga (da). 3. of (c) mucus of . . . . ig-nilib (da). (d) septum a gun. ... Akd-tegi (da). (v.i.) 1. make a l of ....ig-ej-ba (da). (v.t.) blow the nose noise .... ar-yalangar (ke). You must .... ig-nilib-l'oyu-wejeri (ke). not make & noise while turtle-hunting : nostril, (s.) ....igchoronga-l'ar-jag (da). yadi isbinga bedig ngol aba-waik yalangar See chink, crevice, gap. (ke) dake. 2. with ref. to the fall or not, (adv.) .... 1. yaba (da). He has rush of water only....yal (ke): yala (ke). | not yet come : 61 ngaka onre yaba (da). 3. make a noise, of surf . .. yenge (ke). 2. (in construc. only) b&. I don't understand See breakers. 4. make & noise, of bamboo what you say : ngo tarchi-yale do daingacracking in the fire or of a bottle bursting ba. It is our custom not to eat the kidney.... tuchu (ke). Stop that noise ! .... fat of the pig during the probationery fast: tubo! marat-duru lekara aka-ydb-len reg-jirinone, 1. (adj.) not one, not any .... maknga-ba. 8. (imperat.)....dake; ngoke. vaba (da). Have you pone?: an ng'yaba (da)? Do not steal! (ngo) tapke dake! (or tapke None at all.... yaba-bolaba. 2. (pron.) not ngoke!) [N.B.-When the injunction must one, no one... .(a) uchin.... yabe (da); not" is employed "dake"-not "yaba (da)" uchin-ba. None of the boys have yet re- is used. See Ex, at lie.] 4. not again.... turned from the pig-hunt : Higaka uchin talik .... yaba (da). 5. not any more (never aka-kadaka ut'tek vi-knlpire yaba (da); again) .... talik-eda ... yaba (da). 6. (or ngaka achin-ba l'aka-kadaka ut-tek iji- not any more (no longer).... ka-wai-tek ekalpire). (b) mija (or, miji'at).... yaba .... yaba (da). 7. not yet .... ngaka (da). None here is afraid : mija karin adlat .... ba (or yaba). He has not yet reyaba (da) ? (lit. Who here afraid not ?). covered from his sickness : ol ngaka tig None of the children came here yesterday: boinga-ba. 8. not enough! (when not satismiji'at ligala dilea karin onre yaba (da)? fied) .... yabalen-dake! 9. not really! (lit. Whose children yesterday here came (you don't mean that ! you don't say so !) (exnot?) clam.) .... kak! (uttered incredulously). o, indolent: 8, pole : 0, pos: , atoful: di, boil.

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NOTHING OF COURSE nothing, (s.) .... yaba (da). (adv.) for oblige, (v.t.) compel. See make. nothing, 1. gratis. See gratis. 2. without cause. obscure, (adj.) See dim, misty. See causolessly. He abused me for nothing : observe, (v.t.) notice .... id-ngo (ke). ol @t-kalya dad ab-togore. obstinate, (adj.) .... ig-leta (da); abnotice, (v.t.) observe .... id-ngo (ke). kotijwanga (da). novitiate, (8.) novice .... aka-goi (da). obstruct, (v.t.) See hinder, prevent. See feast. obtain, (v.t.) 1. procure ....oro (ke). now, (adv.) 1. immediately, in immediate See get. 2. by shooting or spearing .... future.. ka-gdi. Go now! (at once): Ot-rug (ke). We obtained all this there this uchik ka-goi! 2..of immediate past .... morning (by shooting): med' Ach'ardar gdi; goila ; dals. He has now arrived kato dilmalen otrugre. here: ol karin goil dka-ti-doire. 3, the present occasionally, (adv.). 1, in the future .... time . . . . achitik; ka-wai. It is now | ngatek-ngatek. 2. in the past . . . . achin-ya. raining: achitik yum-la pake. occiput, (s.) . . . . Ot-ya (da) now-a-days, (adv.) in these days .... occupant, (s.) temporary resident .... ka-wai-arlalen; ka-wai-arlaya. er-poli-yate (da). See resident. now and then, (adv.) occasionally, from time to time .... ngatek-ngatek. See oceupy a site, (v.t.) .... er-wal (ke). Tit. clear a site, with a view to occupation. sometimes. no-where, (adv.) er-len-yaba (da). occupied, (p.p.) of a hut .... bod-polinude. See naked. yate (da). numb, (adj.) "pins and needles" in any coeur, (v.i.) take place . . . . oko-doati limb .... it-l'A-Ong-karapnga (da). lit. (ke). See boar, happen, what. A storm "mouse-limbs-biting", the phenomenon ocourred at noon yesterday : dilda bodo being attributed to the action of an invisible chau unga chanag oko-doatire. mouse. ocean, (s.) . . . . juru (da). numerals are not used. See App. iii ochre. (8.) burnt yellow.... Apla (da). far words used as ordinals. When mixed with melted fat of the pig, numerous. See many. turtle, iguana, etc., it is termed koiob (da). nurse, (v.t.) 1. .... ab-nora (ke). When See App. xiii. he was sick my wife nursed him : 61 abyednga octopus, (8.) .... jang (da). bedig dai skydte l'ad abnordre. 2. nurse a child by rocking it .... ar-l@la (ke). Odina wodler, (8.) .... jor (da). See suckle. odour, (8.) .... Ot-au (da). See smell. nut, (8.) .... Ot-cheta (da). of, (postp.) 1. belonging to . . . . Ia (da). nux vomioa, (s.) .... repaid-tat (da). The hut of my father : d'ab-maiol'ia bad (da). 2. from, out from, among .... tek. The tallest of those men is my older brother: keito bila-longkalak tek abiapangaOl or oh! (interj.) .... he! See Oh! ydte wai ad-entobare. oar, (8.) See paddle. of course, (adv.) 1. certainly, naturally.... obedient, (adj.) .... Akd-tegi-gatnga bo-tik; ba-botik; keta; aba-yaba-ba; (lit. (da); (Aika-)tegi-l'ot-mAlinnga (da). See true-not-not.) See assure, certainly, untrue. remember, volon. Who shot the pig ?: mija reg len taire ? oboy, (v.t.) .... Akd-tegi-gat (ke); (Akd-) I, of course : wai keta dal. I shall of course tegi-l'ot-malin (ke). bring my wife : wai do dai-ikydte ba-botike ., idoa, out: , Our: , casa: 4, fathery, tathom: si, bites au, house: au, roue. 0

Page #417
ONE OFT abtoyungabo. 2, of course! to be sure!....! "former". See ante, p. 16 (46). (8.) old ketc-o!; keta-wai-o! See yes. Is it so? person .... ab-jang'gi (da); ab-choroga (is it true ?): .... an-uba ? of (da). (if grey-headed) .... ab-tol (da). corse it is !: keta-wai-o. See true, yes. 3. See App. vii. (v.i.) grow old .... ahof course, so it is .... an-a-keta. See choroga (ke); abjang'gi (ke). true. omentum, (s.) .... ab-jfri (da). see Ex. off, (postp.) not on.... Ot-tora-tek; at not. tek. Take (lit, move) your feet off my mat: omit, (v.t.) leave out. See fall, leave. dia parepa tek ngoiot pdg chai (or dia on, (postp.) 1. upon .... yoboli; arparepa l'ot-tera-tek ngoiot pag chai). yoboli; ya; len. Sit on the grass : yukala 2. start off (v.i.) as in commencing to run len voboli aka-doi (ke). He is standing on a race... ara-porot (ke). 8. off! the beach (landing-place): 6l pdla len (or ya) (interj.) as in starting a race . . . . porot ! kapike. 2. above, on the top of. See above. 4. go off, (v.i.) explode, as a gun.... 3. when, while .... bedig. On seeing ara-tachu (ke). 5. be off! (interj.) go him once more (again) I was delighted : away!. . . . Uchik-wai-on! 6. be off at en talik igbddignga bedig d'Otkel-'drwdlaldnire. once! .... Achik-reo !; katik-reo!. 7. let once, (adv.) 1. a single time....absus be off. (esp. when returning home): mocho doga (de); Aba-tal (da).' He struck me wijke. 8. I'm off now : ka-wai d'Oke. once on the head : 61 aba-doga d'okoftal, (8.) .... kornga (da). ... paretre. See annually. 8. at one time, at oftenoo, (8.) crime .... witi (da). See first, at a former time .... otola (da). sin. 2. of an abusive nature .... ab-togo He was once the best shot amongst us all : (da). See dance. 6l otold marduru tek Anydb-lapaya (l'edare). oftend, (v.t.).... kolemja (ke); entig. 8. Once upon a time . . . . Achinbaiya. Onoe rel (ke). Did I offend you yesterday? upon a time God lighted a fire on Barren (lit. cause you to be angry): an de dilea Island : dchinbaiya mo'la-ldrchona lon ng'entigrelre ? poluga chapa-l'oko-joire. This island offensive, (adj.) 1. causing displeasure (no longer called " Smoke Island" but .... eb-ot-kuk-jabaginga (da). 2. as tailichapa "stone fuel") contains a fine regards odour. See smell. symmetrical volcano, about 1,000 feet offer, (v.t.) .... iti-pani (ke). He high, which has been quiescent since the offered me his own bow : 61 ekan kedrama early years of the 19th century. For 'den iti-panire. situation soe Map. 4. once more, again, often, (adv.) .... iji-ldinga (da). See again, more, and Ex. at on. 5. At onoo oglo, (v.t.) . . . . iji-odo (ke). .... ka-goi. B. once or twice ...: oh interj.) as in sudden pain ....yth! Oyun ponga. He visited me once or twice 2. as when startled.... yi-nono ! during my illness : d'abyednga len olovun oil, (8.) .... Ana (da). turtle-oil ..... ponga den tldkare. yadi-l'ig-Ans (da). ono, (adj.) 1. with ref. to animals and olly, (adj.) .... labu (da). inanimate objects . . . . Aba-tal (da); old, (adj.) 1. of animate objects .... ab- Aba-doga (da). Give me one bow to-day : choroga (da). . of inanimate objects .... karai kdrama aba-doga d'en &. with ya-Arla-Ard Gru (da). 8. ancient, referring ref. to human beings ..... ab-uba-tal to the remoto past .... Ar-tam (da). (da); ab-Aba-doga (da). (d) one-armed See kitchen-midden. This word is some-....ig-gud-ar-aba-doga (da). (b) onetimes loosely employed to signity merely legged.... ar-ch Ak-ar-abadoga (da). o, indolent: 0, pode : d, pot: 0, awlul: bi, boil.

Page #418
ONLY OSPREY (e) oue-eyed... idal-ar-uba-doga (da). wolo an ela d'en 4. See either, and may One more. See another, more. (propo-one's not. 2. otherwise, else ...,kinig. Make self . B1. ekan. See self and hurt. the bow like this (in this manner), or I shall be angry: ngo karama kian-dri kopke, (adv.) one by one, one at a time, (a) of inanimate objects,..oko-lodongaya. kinig do tig-relke. See arouse. (b) of animate objects ... &kd-lodongaya. order, (v.t.) 1. direct .... kanik-yap We will slaughter the pigs one by one : (ke). The Chief ordered it (so): kianreg-longkalak aka-lodongaya med'akat-jainke. | ari maiola kanik-yabre. 2. order another See separately, singly. to make (or do something with the hands only, (adj.) sole . . . . (ab-) Qba-tal (da). ... ong-naima (ke). 3. order another He is now my only son (father speaking): to climb, run, swim, etc .... ig-naima o kawai dar-odire iba-tul (da). (adv.) not (ke). 4. put in order ... See arrange. more, without another, merely ....Ogun; (8.) command . . . . kanik (da). Why did arek. We all speared (between us) only you slaughter the fat pig without orders ? : two turtles last night: gurug-ya medard tru michalen ngo reg-pata ba-kanik dka-jaifire ? ogun yadi l'ikpor dutre. See without. (conj.) in order that .... Ogar-l'idal (da). (lit. ana. See Ex-at provide. (postp.) in order "moon's eye".) Milk-opal is found on to, for the purpose of .... eb. He has Rutland Island. (See Map.) gone to that place in order to procure honey: open, (v.t.) 1. a. bundle, bag, net, &c. o kdt'er len aja-kdraijnga t'eb katikre. We welaiji (ke); Aka-lapuji (ke); Akd-O'chdi have all come here to-day in order to have (ke). 2. the eye . . . . idal-l'ot-tewi (ke).la dance: ka-wai m'arduru koinga l'eb 3. the mouth .... akd-tewi (ke). (v.i.) kdrin onre. 1. of a loosely tied bundle, etc. ... otowelaiji (ke). 2. of the eye.... iji-ware oriental, (s.) esp. native of India... (ke). 3. of the mouth .... akan-tewi (ke); chaugala. akan-w@dai (ke). (8.) open jungle .... Orion's belt, (s.) .... bela (da). eremowalak (da). ornament, (v.t.) 1. the person by means Ophlophagus elaps, (s.) See hamadryad. of pigments. See paint. 2. articles by oppose, (v.t.) resist .... ab-kidawa (ke). means of certain small shells .... yam opposite, (adj.) facing , .. aka-elma- (ke). See App. xiii. len. They are sitting opposite to me: ornaments, personal (8.) .... Akd-yameda d'aka-elma-len akat-doike. (8.) oppo- nga (da). See armlet, chaplet, garter, necksite shore or bank .... tedi-bala (da): lace, wristlet and App. xii. (v.1.) be on the opposite shore or bank orphan, (s.) .... A-bolo (da); boloka .... tedi-bala (ke). See ante, page 24, (da). The term "baraij-bolo" is applied in list of tribes, "aka-balawa (da)," and to an encampment during the period beMe.p showing the Archipelago as opposite tween the death of one chief and the appointthe main island. ment of his successor. or, (conj.) 1..... an. Give me either osprey, (s.) Pandion halilaeus .... dranga an adze or & pig-arrow: uchin-uba (da). a, idea, cut : i, our : &, oasa : , father : &, fathom : ai, bite: su, house : au, rotube.

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OTASR 97 OUTSIDE other, (adj.) 1. not the same ..... ourselves, (pron.) .... moyut-batam igla (da); aka-tedi-bolya (da); aka-toro- moyut-temar; moto. See barter. buya (da). 2. some other . . . . oko-toro our kind (style, make, original type) of, buya (da). 3. additional .. .. tun (da); (adj.) .... bojig. This word is applied, BA (da): talik-Aba-tal (da). (pron.) the as illustrated below, in order to indicate the other, the remaining one, (a) of two distinotion between the five tribes of the persons .... ar-dilu (da); (b) of two central group (bojig-ngiji) and the five animals, birds, etc. . . . . Ot-dilu (da); I ne 7 of the northern group (yerewa) 2.d the (c) of two inanimate objects .... aka two of the southern group (onge-jarawa), loglik. Give me the other bow: karama see ante, p. 24. (a) bojig-ngiji (da) lit. l'ala-loglik den d. (plur.) the others, the "our (or fellow-) kinsmen," and denotes rest. (a) of three or more persons .... the affinity existing between the aka-bea, arat-dilu (da); () animals, birds, etc.....aka-bojig-yab, aka-balawa, aka-kol, and otot-dilu (da). I speared one pig and Bia aka-jawai tribes. (b) bojig-yab (da) lit. shot the others : do reg uba-tal jeralire, bia "our original type of speech ", the name of I'otot-dilu taijre; (c) inanimate objects one of the five tribes in question. It is ..... akat-loglik. See test (8.) the said that tbe dialects spoken by the other other side, opposite bank or shore .... four tribes sprang from that of this tribe. terli-bala (da). See opposite. . (c) bojig karema (da): "our style of bow" otherwise, (conj.) else .... kinig. See The bow of these five tribes is distinct from or. (edv.) differently, in a different manner those of the yerewa and also from those of .... igla (da). the onge-jarewa. Who gave you this bow ought; (v. aux.) 1. should . . . . . to of our make ?: mija ngen ucha bojig kdrama manre? guk. See should: 2. be bound in duty .... tolata. Your mother having re- out, (adv.) 1. not within, not at home out, (adv.) 1. not cently died you ought to fast: ng'abetinga an .... ab-yabaya. 2. of a fire, torch, light, ab arla-l'tkpor-tek okoltnga l'eddre tolata ngo ab etc. See extinguished. (postp.) 3. forth, ydpike. from.... tek. Take the honey-comb out our, (poss. pron.) .... meta (da); me of the bucket: dakar tek kanga oyu-wal (ke.) (Phr.) out of breath .... akantat; motot; mdiot; makat; mebet; amet; chaiatinga (da); out of one's depth .... aretc. See App. ii. Our hut: meta bud (da): Our wodlinga (da). See reach; out of sight women: metat (-) paul (da). Our step P .... iji-marere (da). out of sorts .... Bons : mebet adenire. Our feet: mototod.ihactaonga da). See sort. pdg (da). 2. our own, ours (pron. adj.) .... mekan. 3. in ref. 'to a community out-rigger, (s.) 1. of canoe .... del (da); (pron. adj.).... marat-duru (da). It is charigma (da). 2. out-rigger-canoe . our practice to treat the aged as well charigma (da).. as children with kindness: at-janggi blbedia outside, (8.) 1. exterior .... walak (da). balag len oko-jengenga wai marat-duru 1-2. of a mat, when rolled .... ar-etle (da). aderanga (da). The same word is applied to the undersido 0; indolent: 0, pole : , pot: 0, awfub di, boil.

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OUTSTRIP PAIN when unrolled, as in rolling a mat the own, (v.t.) 1. possess . . . . bejiri (ke). underside becomes the outer side of the roll. 2. admit.... ar-wai (ke). See acknowledge. outstrip, (v.t.) out-run, out-walk.... oyster, (8.) 1. Ostrea cucullata .... tdina lakra (ke). (da). 2. small oyster (Ostrea hyotis)..... ovary, (.) .... ab-fjnga (da). wop (da). over, (adv.) 1. overhead, above .... tanglen. See above, up. 2. finished, past, at an pace, (s.) step .... -tang (da). end.... Ar-lore. (postp.) above, higher in pack, (v.t.) of food - 0-dek (ke ). place.... tot-era-len. See up. See bundle. (v.i.) bestow things for carryoverboard, (v.t). 'throw ... Ot-jura ing or storing - 7. Oto-cho (ke). See (ke). (v.i.) overboard, fall.... Oto-jamu fasten. (ke). package, (s.) See bundle. overcast. (v.i.) of the sky.... ela-dil (ke); paddle, (s.) .... waligma (da). (a) yam-la-kag (ke). handle of ... waligma-t& (da); waligma overcome, (v.t.) got the better of .... l'ong-togo (da). (b) blade of . . . . waligmaotola-omo (ke). long-ta (da). overflow, (v.i.) .... oto-ela (ke). paddle, (v.t.) 1. transport by paddling over head, (adv.) aloft .... tang-len. See.... un-tar-tegi (ke). See row. 2. mid ship .... (-)tapa (ke). 8. at the bowe above, bridge and up. . . . . Ot-tapa (ke). 4. at the stern . . . . ar. overjoyed, (p. a.) kuk-l'ar-wala-kininga tapa (ke). 5. astern, back-water ..., (da). i-tar-tapa (ke). 6. rapidly, as in racing overland, (adv.) .... by land .... tinga .... togori (ke). See propel. len. paddy-bird, (s.) egret (Ardeola leucoptera). overtake, (v.t.) come up with .... ar-cha .... chokab (da). rage-eni (ke). pall, (s.) .... dakar (da). See bucket. owing to, (postp.) 1. on account of, because of .... edare. 2. by the action of ..... pain, (8.) 1. due to a wound or any Ong-jig. See abet. Owing to the rain he is disease.... yed (da), with prefix ig, not pig-hunting to-day: ydm ledare ol kawai0t, ab, etc. according to the part affected. reg-deleke yabada The recovery of Bira's See App. ii. The child is crying because child was owing to you (1.e., your treat- of the wound in his hand : ong chum lia ment): biri'abliga tig-boinga-bedig ng'ong-jig yed l'edare abliga t'e'kik (ke). 2. due to l'edare. blow, sickness or fatigue .... cham (da), owl, (s.) .... koru (da). with prefix (as above). own, (adj.) .... ekan. There's our own | pain, cause (v.t.) See hurt. (v.i.) 1. suffer canoe: wai kalo mekan roko (da). See App. ii. pain from wound or disease.... yed (ke), (8.) own country-man....ig-budwa (da). with prefix according to part affected. own (or fellow-Stribesman .... ab-ngiji(da). See App. ii. 2. suffer pain from blow , idea, cut : i, cur : 00.80 : 4, father : &, fathom: si, bito: au, house : du, rouse.

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PAINFUL 99 PARE - sickness or fatigue .... cham (ke), with pale, (adj.) pallid ....ig-mugu-panab. prefix according to part referred to. See hurt nga (da); ig-pakatnga (da). (v.i.) and App. ii. 3. suffer pains of labour palm, (8.) 1. of hand .... Ong-elma ....ik-ig-nu (ke). (da). I placed it in the palm of your hand : painful, (adj.) .... yebaba (da ). The ] tai do mg ong koro long elma len tegir e. bite of a centipede is painful : karapta 2. palm tree or shrub. For principal chapinga bedig wai yebaba (da). varieties see App. xi. paint, (v.t.) 1. the face, body or limbs palpitate, (v.i.) .... ona (ke). of another with tala-og .... chorocha | pan leaf, (s.) Chavica macrostachya .... (ke), with prefix ig, ab, ar, etc. according yeme-l'ar-tong (da). to part of body referred to. [This work Pandanus Andamanensium, (s.) 1..... is done by women with their finger-nails. ] mang (da). The fruit and seeds are eaten and 2. the face or forehead (esp. of infants) the leaves are used in making articles of with great care and skill . . . . ig-pema attire, e.g. garters and wristlets. See App. (ke). 3. the face, body or limbs of an xiii. 2. Pandanus verus . . . . Udala (da). 3. other roughly with one's fingers with og Pandanus odoratissimus ... itil (da). The .... ngotowa (ke), with prefix ig, ab seed is eaten. See App. xi. or ar as required. 4. face, body or limbs roughly with og with one's palms ... , leat panic, (s.) .... ab-lat-lig-guru (da). (ke), with pretix (as above). See daub. 5. pant,(v.i.) .... akan-chaiati (ke). the face, body or limbs roughly with koiob pap, (s.) .... Ot-yob (da). .... eap (ke), with prefix (as above). papa ! (exclam.) .... maia! 6. the upper lip of another with kdiob ....aka-lemaudi (ke). 7. one's self in paper, (s.) .... chiti (da). From the any of the above methods respectively 1 Hindustani word chitthi. ....iji (or ad)-chorocha (ke); iji-pema paradise, (s.) .... jereg (da). The (ke); iji (or ad)-ngotowa (ke);- iji (or ad). ke). iii (or ad). desirable place of the departed souls of those leat (ke); iji (or ad)-eap (ke); akan-lemaudi who, having led good lives, are accounted (ke). 8. any inanimate object (white) worthy, and whither the wicked may be .... leat (ke). red.... eap (ke). See admitted after expiating their crimes in App. xiii. purgatory. See purgatory. painting, (s.) See picture. Paradoxurus Andamanensis, (8.)... pair, (s.) couple, (a) of animate objects baian (da). ...ar (or ara)-jopinga (da). (b) of parcel, (s.) See bundle. inanimate objects. . . . jopinga (da). parch, (v.t.) ....ig-kiu (ke). (v.i.).... Pajanelia multijuga, (s.) .... kokanaka-mol (ke); el-a-er (ke). (da). This is one of the trees rised for parched, (p.p.) 1. of land . . . . el-a-er-re; making canoes. See App. xi. el-aka-er-re. 2. with thirst . . . . er-nga Palaeornis erythrogenys (s.) .. .. eyep (da); aka-melenonga (da). (da). palate, (s.) . . . aka-deliya (da); aka. pardon, (v.t.) .... ep-tig-lai (ke). (v.i.) laia (da). ask pardon .... eb-yap (ke). palatable, (adj.) .... aka-beringa (da). pare, (v.t.) .... kajili (ke). Pare your See savoury. nails : ng'ong bodoh kajili (ke). o, indolent : 6, pole : 0,ipot: 7, awful: ui, boil.

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PARENT 100 PEOPLE parent, (s.) having one or more children pattern, (8.) 1. in tattooing .... borta ..... un-ba (da). parents . . . . .ab-maiol (da). 2. in painting the person ornamentchanol, All our parents are dead : marat ally.... retawa (da). with prefix ig, ab duru t'at-maiol-chanol okot-linga (da). See or ar, according to part referred to. See beforehand. The relationship between App. ii. and paint. 3. in painting the face married couple's respective parents ... ornamentally....ig-pema (de). 4. on a aka-ya-kat (da). See App. viii. shell . . . . 1-tona-taninga (da). paroquet, (s.) Palaeornis erythrogenys .... paw, (s.) 1. fore-.... Ong-koro (da). eyep (da). 2 hind- .... ong-psg (da). part, (s.) 1. See bit, fragment. 2..region Day attention! (exclami Asha! quarter ... erema-l'eate (da). The lat this Jarawas inhabit that part of the jungle): katerema-t'eate len jarawa buduke. pay a visit, (v.t.) See visit. part, (v.t.) 1. the hair .... ot-mal (ke). pea, (s.) .... aka-ban (da). 2. divide . . . . Ot-kobat (ke); dula (ke). peaceable, (adj.) in disposition ....&D 3. by splitting....aka-tarali (ke). (or ig)-likinga (da). (v.i.) separate as friends .... oto-ka (ke). peal of thunger, (s.) .... gorawa-l'Aka parting, (s.) the act of ..... akan- tegi (da). . tar-toainga (da); puraujinga (da). The lat pebble, (s.) .... reni (da). ter refers to the act of blowing on each other's hands by friends at parting. Before peak, (v.t.) as a bird .... dat (ke) the removal and burial of a corpse the [to peck once only ..... jerali (ke).] mourners blow on its forehead in token of See harpoon, (v.t.). as a woodpecker .... farewell. ertoro (ke).. party, (s.) .... See assemblage, gather pectoral fin, (s.) .... (yat-l')ig-wad (da). Ing. peel, (s.) skin, rind, bark.... Ot-ed pass. (v.t.) 1. go by ..... ig porowa (da) (in constr. 6t-ej.). (v.t.) See skin (v.t.). (ke); ab-fji (ke). 2. cause to move or go strip off skin, rind, etc .... doch rip on skin, rind, (ke); by, hand .... f-tar-tak (ke). (v.i.) 1. spend doich (ke). See skin. (as time).... poli (ke). 2. (a) a night peepul tree, (s.) Ficus laccifera .... rau away from home of one person).... (da). ara-mami (ke). (b) (of more than one) penetrate, (v.t.) 1. pierce .... chegai ....ara-barmi (ke). 3. pass under, by (ke). As you did not shoot with (sufficient) stooping ....teb-er-doati (ke). See stoop: force your arrow only penetrated the pig's passion, (s.) rage....ij-ana (da). skin: ngo dodopinga l'edare ela @gun reg. past, (p.a.) elapsed .... i-tarire; ar-ya. I'&t ej chegaire. See plerce. 2. undergrowth baire. in jungle .... tar-lotok (ke). See enter. past, (s). The .... i-dal-l'Aitarire: peninsula, (8.) .... tanma (da). path, (s.) 1. pathway .... tinga (da); people, (8.) 1. persons collectively... tinga-ba (da). 2. by-path.... tinga-at-dalag (da). Many people were assembled l'aka (or l'ar)-chati (da). at my village yesterday : dilka dia bdraij patient, (adj.) calm, tolerant .... ad lat atdatag arduru to-taire. 2. of a dertain mukur-teginga (da), tribe or community . . . . laga (da). The s, idea, cut: i our: casa: A, father fathom: ai, bite : au, house : au, rouge.

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PERCEIVE 101 PIG Bojig-yab people are coming here to-day: 10t galanga (da). (v.i.) .... gumar-l'arkawai bojig-yab laga karin onke. 8. race (s.) wejeri (je); gumar-l'ar-doati (ke). Se 3. perverse, (adj). See obstinate. sroelve, (v.i.) apprehend .... iji-badi pester, (v.t.) ....ig-ojoli (ke). Don't (ke). See see. pester me! : d'ig-ojolike ng'oke ! perch, (v.i.) . . . . akan (or ara)-yoboli pet, (s.) a favourite animal .... ikke). (8.) for fishing .... taga (da). lirnga (da). See accompany and go. (v.t.) perfeet, (adj.) without defect . . . .ot- See caress, cherish. gorojim (da). See sound, whole. petal, (s.) .... koktar-dala (da). The perforate, (v.t.) .... ar-rum (ke). petal of this flower is beautiful : ucha kol l'la koktar-dala wai ino (da). perform, (v.t.) See acoomplish, complete. phlegm, (s.) mucus . . . . Ot-tulepo (da). perfume, (s.). See smell. phenix sp., (s.) .... rab (da). perhaps, (adv.)....tilik. It will perhaps rain to-day: ka-wai tilik yum la-pake. | phosphorescense of the sea, (s.) .... See Ex. at bring (by water). pewoi (da). period, (8.) time, day .... i-dal (da). pice, (s.) Indian copper coin ....ikSee antediluvian. paku (da). See coin. perish, (v.i.) 1. through accident on water pick, (v.t.) 1. select. See choose. 2. pick .... Orowa (ke). 2. through any disaster bones with the teeth .... ta-tap (ke). on land .... oko-titau (ke). 3. as a plant 8. pick flowers or fruit.... top (ke). .... ruka (ke). 4. as a flower .... See break oft, gather. 4. pick up .... eni maifi (ke). (ke). 5. pick up fallen fruit .... git (ke). peritoneum, (8.).... ong-taga (da). See gather. 6. pick out, as a molluso, from its shell .. .. karepa (ke). (v.i.) pick one's permit, (v.t.) .... i-tan (ke); titan teeth .... akan-karepa (ke). (ke). See let. Permit us to go hunting : met delenga lat titan (ke). See allow. picture, (s.) .... Ot-yolo-yitinga (da). (lit. reflection-tattooing). perpendicular, (adj.) of a post, etc. See plo-bald, (adj.) .... baratnga (da). erect, upright. person, (s.) 1. individual .... ab-dalag plece, (s). See bit, fragment. (da). Many persons came here yesterday: plerce, (v.t.). See penetrate. 2. as in dilda at-dalag,drduru kdringoyre. (b) body of * human being...abahdu (da); ab-dala (da). His wife has just ornamentally) pig, (s.). 1. female .... rogo (da). 2. male or female ....reg (da). 3. suckpainted Woi's persorti: ab-pkydle woi l'ab ing-pig.... reg-ba ckau kagoi chorochare. See well-made. (da). 4. full-grown young male .... reg-wara (da). 5. fullpersonal ornaments, (s). See ornaments grown young female .... regjadi-jog (da). 41 App. xiii. Until we shot that pig yesterday we had personate, (v.t.) .... ab-chau-eni (ke). been without meat for two days : fobatek See assume. dilea meda kato reg len taijre drla "ikpor perspiration, (s.) 1..... gumar (da). motot paichalen dama yaba (da). 6. pig-arrow Takes prefix ot, ab, etc. according to part 1: ...hla (da). 7. pig-spear .... er-dutnga of the person referred to..2. odour of .... (da) ; aka-datnga (da). 8. pig-hunter .... o, indolent: 0, pole : o, pot : 0, awful: di, boil.

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PIGEON 102 PLATFORM ig (or oko)-delenga (da). 9. mock pig-hunt (adv.) in place of ... See instead of. (a game)....and-reg'ignga (de). See game. (v.t.) 1. put.... tegi (ke). 2. place near pigeon, Imperial. Carpophaga insularis one's self .... oto-paichalen-tegi (ke). 3. ... murud (da). put in order or in its proper place .... kadli (ke). Did you put my bow in its proper pigmy, (s.) .... ardedeba (da). place ?: a ngo dia karama lat kidline ? 4. pigment, (s.) .... og (da); tala-og (de); on one side . . . . ep-tot-mani (ke). Place koiob (ca), used for ornamentol, curative, the bow on one side: we are going to dance, or other purposes. See paint and App. Xlll. karama l'ep-tot-mani, meda koi (ke). (v.i.) pile, (s.) See heap. 1. put a hand over the eyes as when orying pilfer, (v.t.) : ... Oko-lodo (ke). ... . iji-muju (ke). 2. put the hand over the mouth as when astonished, laughing or pillow, (s.) .... oto-toknga (de). owing to an offensive smell .. .. okanpilot, (v.t.) .... er-tal (ke). See muju (ke). 3. Take place. See happen. measure, weigh. plain, (adj.). 1. unornamented .... pimple, (s.) . . . . rutnga (da). with prefix, lapa (da). 2. even, flat, level (of land) .... ab, ar, etc. according to part of the body elingiriya (da); ot-jeperya (da). (s.) .... to which reference is made. er-l'ot-j@perya (da). See land. - pincers, (s). See tongs. plait, (v.t.).... tepi (ke). pinch, (v.t.) .... topi (ke). plan, (v. t.) contrive .... mula (ke). pine, screw- Pandanus odoratissimus, (s.) v.i.) ponder, meditate .... iji-mula (ke). ... itil (da). The seed is eaten. See plane, (v.t.) 1. by means of an adze App. xi. .... tolop (ke). 2. by scraping or rubbing pinion, (v.t.) .... loropti (ke). (signi- (a) by means of Cyrena shell or boar's fies also the tying of a line round the flappers tusk . . . . Ot-leje (ke); por (ke). (b) by of a harpooned turtle in order to haul it means of boar's tusk only.... palau into the canoe.) (8.) .... ig-acha-ta (da.) (ke); pulauwa (ke). See wing. pinna, (? squamosa) (8.) .... chej planet, (s.) .... chato-chabil-chau (da). (da). P. sp..... chidi (da). For mode of plank, (s.) board .... patema (da). use see App. xiii. plant, (s.) .... dedeba (da); (if edible), pip, (s.).... ban (da). * , 1 aka-dedeba (da). (v.t.) .... yat-buguk (ke), lit. food-bury. I pit, (s.) .... gara-l'oko-bang (da). plantain, (s.) (Musa simiarum). 1. the plant pitch, (v.t.) throw .. .. dapi (ke); depi ... eng'ara-l'aka-tang (da). 2. The fruit (ke). (v. i.) e a ship or boat at sea ... eng'ara (da). . . . . . oto-kochia (ke). be). . pitiful, (adj). See compassionate, sympa plaster, (v.t.) See daub, paint, smear, and cover. thetic. pitfless, (adj). See cruel. plate, (s.) of shell :... chidi (da). A pity, (v.t.) . . . . ita-balap (ke). What pinna shell is commonly used for food or pity! .... widi ! pigments. See pinna and App. xii. place, (8.) locality, spot ......er (de). platform, food- (s.) 1. in hut.... taga 1 construct. al.) See Andaman Islands. (da). 2. buriel(on tree) .... -taga (da). a, idea, out: , our : , oasu: 4, fathor: #, futhom: ai, bits : au, house: au, Tot480.

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PLATTER 103 POSSESS glad. platter, (of wood), (s.) .... pukuta-yat at the stern ..... tok-l'ar-lobinga (da). maknga (da). See plate and Ap xiii. (b) when used at the bows .... tok-l'otplay, (v.i.) 1. . . . . 1-jaj (ke). 2. some lobinga (da). (c) also used at the bows, sort of game . . . . i-jajag-tag (ke). See but so made as to serve as the shaft of the amuse, sort. harpoon used in spearing turtles, dugongs, plaything, (s.) .... ig-lirnga (da). etc. . . . . tok-l'akd-changa (da). please, (v.t.) give pleesure, gratify .... pole, (v.t.) a canoe when proceeding en-8t-kuk-beringa (ke). - along the shore in search of fish or turtle, or to visit another place .... Ot-lobi (ke). pleased, (p.a.)....oto-yelanga (da). See See bow of canoe and propel. Now pole the canoe from the bow, it will afterwards plentiful, (adj.). See abundant. be your turn at the helm : achitik ng'otplenty, (s.) ..... 6t-ubaba (da). See lobi, tarololen ngia artit (da). many, much. There are plenty of pigs in polish, (v.t.). 1. with fibre . . . . chulu that jungle: kat erem len regol-ubaba (da). (ke). 2. with shell, tusk, etc. . . . . gelig pliable, (adj.) supple ....oto-yob (da); ma (ke). See Ex. at abscond. yaragap (da). polluto, (v.t.) See defile. plot, (v.t.) conspire .... ab-chi (ke). Polyalthia jenkinsii, (s.) ....seg-l'akepluok, (v.t.) frowers, fruit or feathers chal (da). ... top (ke). See gather, pick. pond, (s.) .... ina-l'ig-bang (da). plunder, (v.t.) .... (ramoko-l') ar-licha (ke). pondor, (v.t.) consider thoughtfully .... kuk-l'ar-er-gad (ke). (v.i.) meditate .... plunge, (v.i.) dive..... oto-jamu (ke); iji-mula (ke). tol (ke). See dive, launch. pool, (s.) .... kube (da). deep pool pod, (s.) .... ylli (da). See shell. in bed of stream .... kobunga (da). point, (s.). 1. cape, promontory .... toko-cboronga (da). 2. tip (tapering end) poor, (adj.) indigent ..... Ot-lekinga (da). i... naichama (da). See beak and end. (v.t.) point an arrow .... mok (ke); por- popular, (adj.) See favorite. mok (ke). See make. We make (prepare) pork, (s.) .... reg-dama (da). the wooden point of the rata arrow from the cham arrow : meda cham tek rata por-mok porpoise, (8.) .... choag (da). See Ex. (ke). (lit we point the rata arrow from the at way. cham.) 2. point to .... (ab-) Tau (ke). | port, (8.). 1. harbour ... . el-ar-ola point out, (v.t.) (oko-t') ig-rau (ke); ida). 2. larboard, left side of canoe.... itan (ke). See show. i-tarag (da), pointed, (adj.) .... Aka-naichama (da); portage, (8.) for conveying newly-scoopaka (or oko)-yob (da). ed canoe-hulls to shore . . . . ar-tinga (da). poison, (s.) .... war (da). portion, (s.) See bit, fragment. poke, (v.t.) .... gerau (ke). portrait, ( 8.)..... Ot-yolo-ystinga" da). pole, (6.) of bamboo, employed in tro. See picture. . " pelling & canoe in shallow water.... possess, (v. t. ) own ...... bejiri (ke). tog (da), in construc. tok); (a) when used | See rich. o, indolent: 0, pole: d, pot: , awful: di, boil.

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POSITION 104 PRESENT position, in original, (adv.) in situ .... prattle, (8.) .... yabnga-dereka (da). wai (da). See in situ. (v.i.) .... yabnga-l'ig-lap (ke). possible, (adj.). 1. that may be done .... prawn, (s.) 1, fresh-water .... au (da). (ong-chak-beringa (da). 2. that may happen . sea-water (young) . . . . kaibij (da). (also .... tilik (da). Is it possible! (interj.) applied to shrimps). 8. full-grown .... ba-ocho! kai (da). post, (8.) 1. of but.... dagama (da). .pray, (v.t.) after the manner of Mos2. fishing-post . . . . taga (da). See plat- lems . . . . arla-l'ik-yap (ke). See daily form. These are fixed on the foreshore and mention. and provided with a perch for the fisher- prayer, (s.) . . . . . arla-1'ik-yabnga (da). man on the watch for a shot at a passing See daily and speech. fish. precede, (v.i.)..oto-la (ke). See first. posteriors, (s.). See buttocks. precious, (adj.) valuable .... ar-inga (da). posterity, (s.) .... otot-borta-wichi (da). precipice, (s.) .... tig-pau (da). See descendant and seedling. precipitous, (adj.) .... el-ot-chodma (da). postpone, (v.t.) defer .... ngetebla (ke). predict, (v.t.) foretell....ig-garma (ke). pot, cooking. (8.) . . . . buj (da). See preter, (v.$. i-tar-bui (ke). App. xiii. pregnant, become, (v.i.) conceive .... pot-sherd, (8.) .... buj-l'aka-paj (da). oto-rang'a (ke). (adj.) enceinte, (a) after See bit. a few months .... Ot-bad-ba (da). See dwelling and small. (b) after 6 or 7 months potato, (s.) . . . . godam-l'ar-ota (da). .... ar-bodi (da); Ot-bud-bodia (da). pot-bellied, (adj.) .... ar-bat (da). See big. (6) about to be confined .... potter, (8.) .... baj-latnga (da).. ik-ig-nanga (da). The term pij-jabag (da) pottery, (8.) ....ig-lat-yate (da). (lit. hair-bad) is applied to both husband pound, (v.t.) .... tai (ke). and wife during the latter's pregnancy. pour, (v.t.) cause to flow . . . . Ot-ela prepare, (v.t.) 1. make ready... arke). (v.i.) pour, rain heavily.... yum tami (ke). 2. prepare for a journey .... l'ar-palu (ke); yum-ch anag-la-pa (ke). tot-yar (ke). powder, (8.) .... palaina (da). presence, (8.) .... er-log (da). See Ex. power, (s.). See influence and strength. at trace. powerful, adis.) muscular ..... ab-gora presence of, in the (postp.) . . . . idal-len; (da). aka-elma-len. See before and time (period). practice, (8.) custom .. .. kian-wai (da); present, the (8.) present time.... ekara (da); ad-eranga (da). It is not our practice to burn the dead : oko-linga kawai-arla (da). At present (adv.) (a) now, joinga-len metat aderanga yaba (da). at the present moment .... achitik; kawai. There is nothing more to say at present : practise, (v.t.) rehearse .... ar-tal (ke); kor (ke). They are now practising (re- achitik na tarchinga yaba (da). (b) nowhearsing) the chorus: eda achitik ramid-days .... kawai-arlalen. Presently (adv.) chau kor (ke). See later on. praise, (v.t.) commend.... yomai (ke.) present, (s.) See gift. a, idea, cut : a, cur: a, casa : &, father: , fathom: bi, bite : av, house : au, rouse.

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PRESENT ab present, (adj.) 1. not absent aba (da). ka-waikan. Only my younger brother is present: ogun d'akd-kam kawaikan. See Ex. at individual. 2. on some past occasion. ... edare. When Punga was dying I was present: punga tag-dapinga bedig d'edare. preserve, (v.t.) food by burial for consumption during the rains. . . . aka-lugap (ke). See reserve. press, (v.t.) squeeze crush and squeeze. . panu (ke). See 105 press upon, (v.t.) ab-ninai (ke); ab-tok (ke); aka-ngoich (ke). See crush. pressing, (p.a.) urgent... Ar-tig-gujunga (da). pretend, (v.i.) make believe.... iji-ya. mali (ke); ar-itaichi (ke). See malinger. pretty, (adj.) 1. of inanimate objects ino (da); bereto (da); ig-beringa (da). 2. of animate objects. . . . ab-ino (da); ita-beringa (da); mugu-beringa (da). prevent, (v.t.) 1. . . . . fedba (ke); oyutar-t'ekik (ke). See hinder. The Chief prevented us: maiola moyut-tar-t'ekikre. 2. prevent by seizing hold of another ot-panu (ke). prick, (v. t.) 1.. ... (ab-)dut (ke). Prefix dependent on part of the body referred to. 2. prick the flesh in order to remove pus or any foreign matter... oko-tubuli (ke). prickly, (adj.) chakuinga (da). prime, (adj.) first-rate.... goi (da). See Ex. at self. print, foot- (s.) 1. human.. an-pang (da). 2. animal. . . . aka-koij (da). prior to, (postp.) before. . . . entoba; entoka. Did he strike you prior to my arrival? an ol den onnga l'entoba ng'ad-abparekre ? prisoner, (s.) ot-chatre; ot-chat-yate (da). The adoption of this term was evidently due to their observing that PROTECTOR the convicts in the Penal Settlement were provided with all their requirements. See adopted and capture. proceed, (v.i.) 1. set out, start. . . . totmakari (ke). 2. after a halt tar-chorowa (ke). 3. stealthily, as after game .... ar-i-laijin (ke). 4. proceed abreast, of two or more pipa (ke). 5. direct ara-lom (ke). to any place. procure, (v.t.) See get, obtain. profile, (s.). See face. profit, (s.) ... ar-polok (da). prohibit, (v.t.). . . . ab-kana (ke). prolife, (adj.). 1. producing offspring . . . . un-ba-l'arduru (da). 2. of a tree. . . . ar-batnga (da). promise, (v.i.).... Itya (ke). prong, (8.) of arrow or harpoon.... akachati (da). proper, (adj.) right, fit See Ex. at right. pronunciation, (s.). . . . aka-loma (da). Owing to his faulty pronunciation I don't understand him: akd-loma jabag l'edare d'en daike yaba (da). prop, (v.t.)... ar-tagi (ke). propel, (v.t.) a canoe by poling near shore, (a) at the stern. . . . ar-lobi (ke); (b) amidships ... odam-lobi (ke); (i-)lobi (ke); parita-lobi (ke). (e) at the bows... ot-lobi (ke). ... tolata (da). property, (s.) (gramoko (dn). See cover, wrap. When leaving your place bring all your property with you: ngta er ijinga bedig ng'ig-ramoko l'arduru toyuke. (Any property not in use is usually kept wrapt up in bundles.) '' protect, (v.t.) .. Ot-raj (ke); ab-gora (ke); oko-jeng'e (ke); ot-yuburi (ke). (v.i.) protect one's self.... oto-raj (ke). We are protecting ourselves: meda m'otot-rajke. protector, (s.) guaraian. . . . oko-jeng'enga (da); ot-yuburinge (de). indolent: 6, pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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PROUD 106 PUT proud, (adj.) haughty ..... akan (or pulse, (s.) .... notnga (da). Takes p.p. dyan)-letainga (da). ong, ab, eto. See App. ii. prove, (v.t.) test, try . . . . yogo (ke). punctual, (adj.) .... ar-golinga-ba (da). See Ex. at test. punctually, (adv.) .... ar-golinga-ba provide, (v.t.) supply .... man-ak-tag (ya). (ke); A-tag (ke). The Chief provided us pungent, (adj.) hot as ginger or chili.... with a canoe in order that we might go Akd-yaro (da); ig-rinima (da). fishing: maiola met roko manak-tagre ana punish, (v.t.) .... ab-eche (ke). See motot lobike. damage. provisions, (s.) .... yad (da) (in construc. punkah, (s.). See fan. yat). pupil, (s.) 1. learner ... Ong-badi-yate provoke, (v.t.) excite to anger . . . . en (da). 2. pupil of the eye . . . . i-dal-l'ot, tigrel (ke). patunga (da). See black. prow, (s.) .... oko-mugu (da); Ot-magu puppy, (s.) .... bibi-ba (da). (da). pure, (adj.) See clear, clean. pshaw ! (exclam.) . . . . cho ! purgatory, (.) ... jereg-l'ar-mago (da). Pterocarpus dalbergioides, (s.) .... che This is a bitterly cold place of punishment langa (da). "The sounding-boards used and reformation of souls guilty of heinous when dancing to mark time are made from offences in this life. See paradise. the buttress-like slab roots of this tree. purpose of, for the (postp.) in order See App. xiii. to . . . . eb. See Ex. at for and order Ptychosperma kuhlii, (s.) . . . . ¶ (da). to, in. The pulpy portion of the spathe is eaten purposely, (adv.) intentionally .... ar. and the leaves are used for thatching and lagap (ya). Did you strike Woi purposely?: bedding. an ngo larl gap uoi lab-parekre ? publish, (v.t.). See make known, and pursue, (v.t.) . . . . ig-aj (ke). Ex. at must. pus, (8.) .... man (da). takes prefix puddle, (s.) .... el-aka-kodo (da); kabe ab, ot, etc. according to part of person (da). See pool. referred to. See App. ii. puft, (v.i.) A8 a steamer or tobacco push, (v.t.) forward .... Ot-adauti (ke). smoker . . . . tapu (ke). 2. push down .... ig-adauti (ke); ig. wedai (ke). 3. push from behind .... arpull, (v.t.) 1. draw a cord or bowstring godauti (ke); Ot-Udauti (ke). 4. backwards to test its strength .... tinap (ke); 18 .... aka-adauti (ke). 5. push off a seat .... nip (ke); tini (ke); teni (ke). See draw.ot (or ar)-wedai (ke). 6. push aside .... ab2. haul a rope . . . . dokori (ke); ig-dokra Ochai (ke). 7. push aside branches in jun(ke). 3. draw out, extract. See extract. gle with hands or feet .... aka-mal (ke). 4. tug in opposite directions .... ijoj | put, (v.t.) 1. (a) put down, place, a per(ke). See tug, drag, haul and paddle, (v.t.). son .... ab-tegi (ke). Put him (& child) down here: kamin ab-tegi (ke). (b) p. an pulp, (s.) of fruit (e.g. Pandanus) .... animal or thing .... tegi (ke). 2. p. aside mugu-dala (da). .... jalagi (ke). 8. p. inside . . . . kokpulsate, (v.t.) .... not (ke). I tar-len tegi (ke). 4. p. outside ... a, idea, cut:a, cur: a, casa: &, father : fathom: ai, bite: au, house: eu, rouse.

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PUTREFY 107 RAPT walak-len-tegi (ke). 5. p. on clothes or orna- queen conch, (s.). See conch and App. xii. mente . . . . ob-loti (ke). 6. p. anything quench, (v.1.) 1. allay, appease. on another.... yoboli (ke). 7. p. off, Oyar (ke). He is quenching his thirst: ol aka-molyoma len oyarke. 8. extinguish. take off, ornaments, etc. . . . . (0-) lupuji See extinguish. (ke). 8. p. out one's tongue .... etel question, (v.t.) interrogate .... (ig or Oyu-wejeri (ke). See get up and emerge. Aka)-chiura (ke). See ask. 9. p. fuel on fire . . . . oko-joi (ke). 10. question, particle denoting .... an. Is p. in order. See arrange. 11. P. straight Woi still absent? : an woi ngaka abyaba (da)? .... kadli (ke). quick, (adj.) rapid ... Oko-rinima (da). putrefy, (v.i.) .... choro (ke); A-jaba quickly, (adv.) (a) of canoe, current, (ke). See Ex. at abandon. bird, etc. . . . . yere. (b) of human beings putrid, (adj.) .... chorore ; &-jabare. . . . . ar-yere ; yirad-tek; reo. See bring, come. pygmy, (s.) .... ar-dedeba (da). quickly! be quick ! (imper.) ng'ar-yere !; quake, (v...). See tremble. kuro! quality, (s.) property, characteristic .... quiet, be (v.1.) be silent .... mila (ke); yoma (da). e.g. Ot-beringa-yoma (da), (good oko-mulwi (ke). be quiet !: mila (ke)! (adj.) ness); tar-toknga-yoma (da), (cruelty); ig silent .... oko-mulwinga (da); milanga (da). Qya-yoma (da), (heat); ah-lapanga-yoma (da), (height). quietly, (adv.) softly .... dodo (ke); akan-dodonga; akan-amainga; ar-ti-tag-ya. quantity, (s.) 1. large .... 0t-lat (da); kot-rokoba (da); morota-barawa (da). Give quill, (s.) . . . . ig-acha (da). me a larger quantity: tun ot-lat den d. quit, (v.t.) See abandon, leave. (v.1.) desist 2. small... yaba (da). from. See cease. quarrel, (v i.) 1. dispute .... ad quite, (adv.) completely, entirely .... gdin (ke). They are quarrelling among abaya. See see (v.i.); reatek. See entirely. themselves: edoyut-bud-bedig ad-guinke. 2. It is quite hot now: kd-goi vya ubaya regarding ownership . . . . iji-chali (ke). That's enough!: kian-wail; quite enough! See mistake. We are quarrelling over the kian-wai dake !. lit. that's erovgh, don't ownership of that canoe : ka roko lieb .... (more)! mijit chalike. (8.) fight, affray. See night. race, (s.) 1. division of human species quarrelsome, (rulj.) .... al-guinnga-tapa..i. dalag (-l'igla) (da). lit. "people(da). different." Of what race is that old man?: quarter, (v.t.) 1. divide into parts. See kat'ab-jang-gi tencha dalag (-l'igla) (da)? All cut up, disjoint. 2. give quarter. See these men are of different races: rich'arduru spare. 3. give no quarter . . . . tar-tok bila wai dalag-l'igla (da). 2. competitive (ke). (adv.) at close quarters ... lagya; trial of speed ..... ar-tile (da), (v.) lagiba. ara-tirla (ke). quartz, (s.) . . . . tolma (da) raft, bamboo (s.) .... po-chonga (da). (c), indolent: 0, pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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RAG 108 REAR rag, (s.) .... rachatnga (da); kajili ravenous, (adj).... aka-nabatnga (da). (da). ravine, (s.) .... el-Oko-parag (da). See rage, (s.) passion ..... ij-ana (da). valley. (v.i.) .... fj-ana (ke); iji-rel (ke). 2. fly raw, (adj.) 1. uncooked .... chim'iti into a rage . . . . fj-ana-omo (ke). (da); rocha-ba (da): i.e., cooked-not. 2. unripe. See unripe. rain, (8.) .... yum (da). Up to the rays, sun's- (s.) .... bodo-l'ar-chal (da). present but little raih has fallen : ngdka ray-fish. See skate. yum ba la-pare. (v.i.) .... yum-la-pa ray, sting- ....(s.) nip (da). (a) serrated (ke). 2. rain heavily ... See pour. 3. rain bony spine of . . . . hip-l'ar-chaga (da). (b) bow .. .. pidga (da); moro-elma-pidga tail of .... nip-l'ar-bul (da). (e) ray (spine) (da). 4. rain-cloud .... yUm-l'i-diya of a fin .... vat-l'ot-chu kul (da). See (da). 5. shower. See shower. 6. rainy thorn. season . . . . gumul (da). God has ordered reach, (v.t. or v.i.) 1. arrive at .... us (all) not to eat the jungle-yam during kagal (ke). 2. by water .... okan-yoboli the rainy season : puluga m'arduru len kanik (ke). See Ex. at start. 3. by land only .... yabre ana gimul len ydt-bang makat-wetke dalag (ke). See Ex. at walk. 4. reach by yaba (da). (adj.) rain-proof .... (ar-)kola stretching out one's arm or foot .... tik(da). A rain-proof hut : chang-kola (da). pai-ne (ke). (adv.) out of reach, (a) of ralse. (v.t.) See lift. 2. one's eyebrows one's arm or foot .... aka (or Ong)-wod....ig-ngirau (ke). (v.i.) 1. raise one's self linga (da). (b) of bamboo when poling near .... Oto-laijai (ke); @kan-et-laijai (ke). shore . . . . Ot-wodlinga (da). See out. 2. raise itself .... akan-laijai (ke). read, (v.t.) ....ig-yap (ke). (lit. say or rake a fire, (v.t.) .... ig-ojoli (ke). speak something that is seen). ramble, (v.i.) .... er-luma (ke). readiness for, in (postp.) .... oko-telim. random, at (adv.) .... ad-chak-tek. As Cook some food in readiness for Wologa: it was dark, and being frightened, I aimed wologa l'oko-telim ydt joi (ke). See for. a spear at random: yechar len d'adlatnga ready, (adj.) for use or action .... adbedigo dol ad-chak-tek ab-ware. uyunga (da). make (v.t.) 1. of a canoe ... rap, (v.i.) See knock. ar-chorowa (ke). 2. of a bow .... ngotla (ke). See prepare. rapid, rapidly. See fast and quickly. ready-cooked, (adj.) . . . . yat-rocha (da). raro, (adj.) uncommon, scarce.... ar See Ex, at cooked. tang-ba (da). really, 1. (adv.) .... uba; abs-ya. 2. rascal, (8.) .... ab-jabag (da). (interj.) Really?.... an-aba ; an-wai ? rash, (s.) eruption .... -rut (da) ; & roar, (v.t.) educate, bring up 1. one's ratu (da). own child ... *b-gor (ko). 2 another's rasp, (s.) file . . . . talag (da). child .... oko-jeng'o (ke); 8t-chat (ke). rat, (8.) . . . .rogo-tatma (da). See adopt and proteot. 3. fatten for slaughter rattan, (8). Calamus sp. See cane. .... chilyu (ke). See solt. A, idea, out: , cur: , Casa A, father: , fathom: ai, bite : au, house: Au, rouse

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REAR OF 109 REMAIN rear of, in the (postp.) . . . . ar-ete- reflect, (v.i.) ponder.... iji-mula (ke); len. See Ex. at behind. gob-joi (ke). See Ex. at must. reason of, by (adv.) .... edare. See reflection, (8.) as in a mirror. .. Ot-yolo Ex. at account of, on; and because. (da). (lit. soul.) I see your reflection in the receive. (v.t.) take as offered, sent or pool : wai do ngot-yolo kube len igbadi (ke). gained . . . . eni (ke). We received the refrain, (v.i.) forbear . . . . eb-ot kuk. few presents which you sent: er-man ba l'ar-lo (ke). As he is sick l refrained ngol ititan ydte med'enire. See accept, seize from beating him : ab-yed l'edare wai d'ad and take. ab-pareknga l'eb-ol-kuk-l'arlore. See beat (v.t.) recently, (adv.) .... arla-l'ikpor-tek; and him. arla-l'ot-redeba-len. refresh, (v.i.) one's self when hunting receptacle, (8.) See basket, bamboo, re- .... welepa (ke). . tieule and App. xiii. refuse, (v.t.) 1. reject .... i-t'ila (ke). reckon, (v.t.) count .... ar-lap (ke). 2. refuse to comply with .... ar-inga recognize, (v.t.) ...... id-ig-noli (ke). (ke). (v.i.) 1. not to comply, decline Though I had not seen Woi for many years .... iji-kila (ke). 2. refuse to accompany I recognized himn at once by his gait: edaia another . . . . ik-iji-kila (ke). talik jibaba do woi l'igbadigre yaba (da) do refuse, (s.) .... bera (da) : rucha (da) ka-goi Parladya tek id-iq-moire. regard, (v.t.) consider, bo of opinion... recollect, (v.t.) .... gat (ke); gad (ke). | lua (ke). See abuse and think. rooomponse, (v.t.) . . . . er-golai (ke). region, (8.) locality.... erema.l'eate recompense, (s.) reward. .. Ot-polok (da) ; er (da) (in construc, el). See Andaman Islands, p. 23, and place. (da). reconcile, (v.t.).... Ot-yadia (ke). rehearse, (v.t.) See practise. recount, (v.t.). ... yabnga-l'ar-lor (ke). reject, (v.t.). See refuse, (v.t.). recover, (v.t.) 1. any lost object .... rejoice, (v.i.) . . . . Ot-wela (ke) ; 0t-kuk l'ar-walakini (ke). See Ex. at on. badali (ke). 2. property which has been stolen or seized .... ar-dokari (ke). lit. relate, (v.t.). See tell. drag forcibly. (v.i.) 1. from grief .... relative, (s.). See kinsman, and App. viii kuk-l'ar-la (ke). 2. from sickness . . . . teg release, (v.t.) liberate, set free . . . . eb(or tig)-boi (ke); teg (or tig)-ebal (ke). tot-mani (ke). The released Jarawas stole See a wako and spring. 3. from a wound .... all my pig-arrows : jarawa eb-tot-mani yate dia ela l'arduru tapre. See let go. yele (ke). relent, (v i.) . . . . iji-pa (ke). rod, (adj.) .... cherama (da). relieve one of a burden, (v.t.) .... otu. reduce, (v.t.) diminish in size or quantity golai (ke). ... ar-kinab (ke); ar-katai (ke). relish, (8.) flavour . . . . aka-yoma (da) reed, (8.) . . . . ridi (da); used in making See mouth, palate, quality. the rata, tirled, and tolbod arrows. See remain, (v.i.) tarry, stay .... 1. poli arrow. (ke); pali (ke). In order to nurse her fick roof, (8.) 1..... jowio (da); boroga mother my wife remained at that village a (da); beroga-l'ar-otnga (da). 2. sunken whole month : ab-etinga ad-jabag-yate nopinga reef . . . . tebi-laro (da). 3. reef-heron l'edare dai ik-yate ka baraij len ogar doga.... koro-kati (da). polire. See dwell. 2.....0 (ke). While reel, (v.i.) See stagger Punga was hunting I remained here : punga refer to, (v.t.) See mention, delenga bedig kam wai d'ore. 3. continue, o, indolent: 0, polo : d, pot : o, awful: di, boil.

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MAINDER 110 REQUISITE as in one place .... ar-ti-tegi (ke). During er-bejeringa (da). (v.t. or v.1.) ..... the rainy season we (all) jungle-dwellers bejeri (ke). remain in our own homes : med' eremtaga rent, (s.) tear . . . . jag (da). 1' arduru gumul-ya ekan bad len arat-titegike. repair, (v.t.) 1. a canoe ....ig-jat (ke). See dwell. 4. remain, or stay away... 2. repair a bow. ... maia (ke). 3. repair Oto-ludai (ke). 5. remain over, of any- thatching .... Ot-yobla (ke). [beringa (ke) thing unconsumed, or unfinished.... (make good) could be used in all three cases.] kichal (ke), with prefix aka, ong, etc. See repeat, (v.t). 1. reiterate . . . . aka-tegiApp. ii. There is little remaining to do! choloma (ke). 2. repeat the words of another (exclam.) kanya! See wait a little. .... aka-tar-churu (ke); ar-igom (ke). remainder, (s.) 1. remnant, rest, sur 3. repeat one's own words . . . . talik-yap plus . . . . kichal (da). (a) of food .... (ke). 4. repeat any word or message.... aka-kichal (da). See leavings. (b) of work ig-pagi (ke). Repeat that word : ol yabnga .... Ong-kichal (da). My father exoused l'ig-pagike. 5. repeat a belch of me the remainder of the work : maiola ong. other sound from the mouth ..... kichal d'ar-tidabure. 2. (a) the remainder, aka-pagla (ke), 6. repeat anything done with the others (of persons) ... arat-dilu (da). the hands or feet (as making a net or bow) (b) of animals, etc. . . . . otot-dilu (da). . . . . Ong-pagla (ke). 7. repeat a blow, (c) of inanimate objects ..... akat-log- beating, etc.... ar-pagla (ke). 8. repeat an lik. See Ex. at beside and other. old song, ... ramid-ig-lap (ke). remark, (v.t.) 1. mention, express by repeatedly, (adv.) more than once, over speech. ...ig.yap (ke). 2. notice, and over.... Ong-tali; aka-tali, etc. observe, q.v. repent, (v.i.) .... chumro (ke). remedy, (s.). See charm, medicine. replace, (v.t.) put back in place ..... remember, (v.t.) . . . . gat (ke); gad (ke). ar-log-len-tegi (ke). See suspect. I remember what he said when reply, (v.t.) make reply to . . . . akd-tegi. he was dying: ol tug-dapinga len tarchi yate gol (ke). See answer. (v. i.) say in answer do gatke. .... en-yap (ke). When I asked Punga remind, (v.t.) ...... en-gat (ke). (lit. he replied that he was out of sorts and cause to remember). Remind me in the could not join us in pig-hunting to-day: morning (lit. to-morrow morning): lilta-len do punga l'ig-chiuranga bedig 6 d'en-yabre d'en-gatke. wai d'abyednga-tagke ka-wai at Ten ng'itikenga remnant. See remainder. chak-jabag (da). remove, (v.t.) 1. take away..... ik (ke). report, (v.t.). 1. ....ig-naima (ke); 2. take off .... (a) as a pot from the tartit-man (ke), (lit. news-give). 2. infire , yuk (ke). (b) as foot from mat form against another .... Ot-bam (ke). ... 3tchai (ke). See Ex. at off. (c) as repose, (v.i.) .... balagi (ke). clothing or personal ornaments .... lapuji reprove, (v.t.) ....ig-ral (ke). (ke). 8. .extract, draw out ... loti (ke). request, (v.t.) .... Ake-pele (ke). See Ex, at extract. 4. remove another's require, (v.t.) need . . . . arai (ke); property without permission. ...ig-chat oyar (ke). Woi requires much more food *(ke). 5. remove anything with great care than Punga: woi punga tek yat 6t-lat arai (ke). .... ichubar (ke). (v.i.) migrate, change requisite. (adj.), needful, indispensable ... one's residence . . . . (-)jala (ke). arainga (da). For making kangata-buj the rendezvous, (s.) .... el-Ot-yodinga (da); resin of the rim (Celtis or Gironniera) is A, idea, out: 2, cur : A, CPO : A, father: a, fathom: ai, bite : au, house : au, rouse.

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RESCUE 111 RHIZOPHERA CONJUGATA requisite : kangata-baj i-leginga l'eb rim. restless, (adj.) fidgety . . . . iji-jolinga toug drainga (da). (da). rescue, (v.t.) . . . . ar-kota-eni (ke). restore, (v.t.) return, give back . . . . ar. resemble, (v.t.)..., ig paipda (ke). dokra (ke). See Ex. at never. resembling, (pr.p.). ...ig-paipdanga restrain, (v.t.). hold back....tar. (da). See like. tekik (ke). reservo, (v.t.) 1. retain .. .. d-tegi (ke); retain, (v.t.). See keep. Oto-paichalen-tegi (ke). I have reserved retallate, (v.t.) . . . . Ong-ti-len (ke). some pork for you : wai do reg-dama ng'eb retch, (v...).... ig-ona-pa (ke). d-tegire. 2. r. anything for future use, esp. reticule, (s.), netted bag .... chapanga food, e.g., seeds of the Artocarpus and certain (da). See App. xiii. other trees, which are buried for consump- retire. (v.i.) 1. retreat .... tar-16 tion during the rains . . . . ar-lugap (ke). (ke)2 ar-lugap (ke). (ke). 2. paddle backwards, back-water We always (lit. our custom is to) reserve .... i-tar-tapa (ke). jack-fruit seeds for consumption during return, (v.t.) 1. See restore. 2. requite, the rainy season : marduru kanwai kai'ita as blow for blow ..... See retaliate, I'tdal gumul l'eb arlugapke. See seed. (v.i.). 1. come back .... iji-kadli (ke). reserved, (p.a). See shy 2. return home ..... wij (ke). 8. rereside, (v.i.) See dwell. turn empty-handed from the chase ..i. resident, (s.) 1. permanent .... badu arlda-la-on (ke). 4. return with something, yate (da). 2. temporary ... poli after hunting or after searching for honey, yate (da). He is a resident of Port Mouat : fruit, etc. .... cholo (ke). Until you 61 tara-chang I'ta budu-yate (da). return from the hunt (or search) with resin, (8.). 1. obtained from a species of something (even you all) I will wait here : Sterculia .... (mail-)toug (da). used for toba-tek ngol'drduru cholonga bedig. ng'abat torches. 2. obtained from a species of do karin tami (ke). See oven (adv.) 5. re. Celtis . . . . (rim-)toug (da). used in making turn late . . . . eba-rit (ke); i-tar-judu (ke). sealing-wax. See App. xi. and xiii and Ex. 2.6. return frequently .... Oyun-tali (ke). at requisite. 7. return expeditiously from any mission resist, (v.t.) oppose .... ab-kidawa (ke). ... .. jalwa-lingi (ke); iji-ekalpi (ke); 1-10respect to, pay (v.t.) by advancing to li kini (ke). 8. return from hunting .... another .... i-kaka (ke). See part i at -l'ot-on (ke); dt'-tek-ekalpi (ke). 196 a.d salute. rest, take (v.t.). See cease, refresh, repose revolve, (v.i.) as a top . . . . iji-keti (ke). and stop. reward, (v.t.) .... er-man (ke). The rest, the, (8.) .(a) of three or more per Chief rewarded me for harpooning a fine sons . . . . arat-dilu (da). The rest of you turtle : yadi-peko jeralinga ledare maiola search for honey : ngarat-dilu aja upke. den er manre. (b) of animals, birds, etc. .... otot-dilu reward, (s.) .... 8t-polok (da). (da). The rest of the pigs) that have been sick rheumatism, (s.) .... mol (da). With are now in as good condition (lit. as fat) as necessary prefix (ab, ar, etc.) to indicate the before: otot-dilu ad-jabag-yate achitik otola part affected. naikan pata (da). (c) of inanimate objects. Rhizophora conjugata, (s.) .... bada .... akat-loglik. (See other). (d) etcetera, (da). Children's bows, adze handles, and and so on, or so forth ..... A-weh. See sometimes the foreshafts of arrows are App. v. made of this wood. o, indolent: pole : , pot: d, awful: di, boil.

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RHIZOPHERA MUORONATA 112 ROOT UP Rhizophera mucronata, (s.) . . . . jamu jig-chan-chau (da). 3. rivulet .... jg. (da). The fruit is eaten. ba (da) Tlb. (8.) i ab-pari-ta (da). See App. ii. road, (s.). 1. ....tinga (da). 2. rich, (adj.) possessed of every requisite main road .... ting-chan-chau (da). . ... ar-bejir (da). roam, (v.i.) go astray, wander . . . . erride, (v.i.) .... akan-yoboli (ke). luma (ke). ridiculous, (adj.) .... akan-yeng'atnga foar, (v.i.). 1. .... gorowa (ke). 2. (da). of the surf. . . . (aka-)yeng'e (ke). right, (adj.). 1. dexter .. .. bida (da). roast, (v.t.).... tari (ke). See cook. 2. right-handed ..... ab-bida (da). rob, (v.t.) .... gora-tek-tap (ke). 8. correct, accurate.... Uba-wai (da); rock, (v.t.) lull to sleep .... See lull Gba-beringa (da). 4. proper, fit . .. to. and nurse. (v.it 1. - sway, reel .... lata (da). It is right to obey one's parents. ara-leka (ke). 2. of a boat (or log) in a maiol-chanol aka-teg-igatnga wai tolata (da). rough sea . . . ara-gidi (ke). (v.t.) right a canoe which has capsized .... Akd-chalai (ke). All right!: wai!; nol rock, (8.). 1. large . . . . boroga-ta (da). 2. That's right 1: kd-beringa! small .... taili (da). 8. sunken rock . . . . totol (da), See coast and roof. rigid, (adj.). 1. as a bar .... cheba (da). 2. as a stiff joint or corpse .... rocky bottom, (s.). 1. . . . . . totol-ya 0t-)latawa (da). (da). 2. rocky beach or foreshore .. . rim of a pot or bucket, (s.) ....-aka- boroga (da). pai (da). roe, fish-, (s.) spawn ... (yat-l'ia-) ber rind, (s.) skin of fruit .... ted (da) (da). (in construc. Ot-ej.) rogue, (s.) .... ab-jabag (da). ring, (s.) .... Aka-kor (da). roll, (v.t.). 1. between one's palms or ringlet, (s.) curl, tuft or lock of hair .... fingers . ... mot (ke) 2. roll anything Ot-kitnga (da). as a mat to form a bundle .... (t-)kot ring-worm, (s.) .... dakar (da). This (ke). 8. roll fibres together on the thigh, word also denotes a wooden bucket. as in making twine .... kit (ke). (v.i.) rinse, (v..). 1. .... chat (ke). 2, one's as a bau or child on the ground .... wede mouth .... akan-adu (ke). (ke). 2. as a canoe in a rough sea .... rip, (v.t.) cut open a carcase .... oko ara-gidi (ke). daboli (ke). roof, (s.). 1. of hut.... chang (da). ripe, (adj.) .. . t'alre; tal (da); t'ala See hut. 2. roof of the mouth .... aka(da). 2. nearly ripe .... rocna (da). (v.i.) laia (da). See palate. become ripe, ripen .... (-) t'ul (ke); tala (ke); roicha (ke). room, (s.) .... er-bigadinga (da). ripple, (8.) wavelet .... en yar (da) roomy, (adj.). 1. of a hut.... errise, (v.i.). 1. get up, as from sleepdoga (da). 2. of a boat or canoe .... ..; oto-boi (ke). See Ex. at beforehand | koktor-doga (da). 2. rise to the surface, as a diver, turtle, etc. root, (s.). 1. the portion above ground ... 6do-kini (ke). 8. rise, as the sun or .... ar-chorog (da). 2. the portion moon . . . . &-f-ddati (ke); kag (ke) 4. under ground .... Ar-chag (da). rise, as the tide .. . bu (ke). See ascohd. root up, (v.t.). 1. by digging or hoeing river, (or tidal creek), (8.). 1. .... jig .... bang (ke). 2. tear out, as weeds (da). 2. main river or main creek.. . .. loichra (ke). , idea, cut : &, cur: &, casa: &, father: a, fathom: ai, bite : au, houso: eu, rouge

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ROPE 113 SALTISH ropo, (s.). 1. cord ..... batmo (da). ruler, (8.) See ehief (head or supreme). See App. xiii. 2. coil of rope i... kodo (da). rum, (s.) . . . . rog (da). See grog. rot, (v.i.) 1. of a log of wood .... rumour, (8.) .... tartit-chalinga (da). (a) ruka (ke); (b) choro (ke); (c) budara rump, (8.) See buttock. (ke); stages in decomposition in order noted. run, (v.i.). .... kaj (ke). runner, (s.) 2. of flesh or vegetation .... (a) a. .... kajnga (da); kaj-yate (da). run choro (ke); (b) 8-metei (ke); two stages aground, strand, (v.t.) .... oko-yoboli in order given. (ke). (v.i.) ad-yoboli (ke) run away rotate, (v.i.) .... ad-geri (ke). ..:. ad-weti (ke). run after .... rotten, (adj.). 1. 'of meat ..... a. ar-(or ig-) aj (ke). running over, (p.a.) jabare; chorore; 2. of wood .... ub overflowing .... Oto-elanga (da). run(da); chorore; ar-yob (da). 3. of fruit or away, (s.) . . . . ad-weti yate (da). vegetables .... &-metelre ; chorore. 4. of rupee, (s.) ik-puku (da). See coin. bamboo or cane .... kota (da). rush, (v.t. or v.i.) as in order to capture rough, (adj.). 1.. uneven, as the bark of .... i-lo-kini (ke); ig-mutli (ke). & tree .. . Ot-rofi (da). 2. not planed rust, (v.t.)... bo-l'ab-le (ke). See dung ..... pornga-ba (da). 3. of the sea and eat; (v.i.) ad-che (ke). .... patara-doga (da). rust, (8.) .... ela-ta-l'ar-bo (da); tolbodround, (adj.). 1. globular . . . . Ot-t-l'ar-b8 (da). (lit. "iron-dung". bana (da); motawa (da). 2. circular .... rusty, (adj.) . . . . bo-l'ab-lere ; ad-chere. kornga (da). rustlo, (v.i.) of leaves . . . . kotot (ke). rouse, (v.t.). See awaken. (v.i.).... rustle, (8.) .... kotot (da). See sound. oyu-boi (ke). . ES * row, (8.) line, . . . . tornga (da). In a row, sad, (adj.) sorrowful. 1. out of spirits (a) of animate objects .... A-tor-len; .... kuk-l'ar-jabag (da); kuk-l'ar-talag(b) of inanimate objects ....-tor-len. inga (da); wianga (da). 2. as when mourn row, (v.t.) transport by boat .... un ing, or when punished . . . . dekia (da); tar-tegi (ke). 2. propel with an oar .... balabnga (da). tapa (ke). See paddle. I rowed my wife safe, (adj.) free from danger ....otacross the creek: wai do dai fkyate len jig jiba (da). See alone. l'ig tedibala antarlegire. sall, (8.) foreign, or canvas . . . . akarow, (v.i.) engage in a row or brawl ....dadi (da); yolo (da). The latter is distiniji-chet (kc. guished from the word for "soul " by taking rub, (v.t.) 1. in order to dry or clean the p. pron. dia, ngia, ia, etc. See App. ii. . . . . Car (ke). See clean and dry. 2. as sailing-ship, (8.) ....chelewa-l'Ak... in polishing anything . . . . chalu (ke). See dadi (da). polish. 3. . gently, as & sore . . . . lurai sake of, for the (postp.) . . . . en; al. cha (ke). (v.i.). 1. rub one's eyes, as on see for, dance, give, make and App. i. waking ... iji-luraicha (ke); iji-palaina For your sake I will not beat him wai do (ke). 2. rub one's back .... ad-rir (ke). ng'il ad ab-parake yaba (da). See whot. saliva, (8.) .... Aka-tubal (da), Akdrub 08, (v.t.) .... pul (ke). raij (da) . A rubbish, (s.) .... bera (da). salt, (s.) 1..... erepaij (da). 2. salt. rudo, (adj.) .... Oko-dabungaba (da). water . . . . lata (da). rudder, (s.) .... er-giuda (da). saltish. See brackish.. o, indolent . 8, pole :d, pot : 0, awful: di, boil.

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SALUTE 114 SCORPION salute, (8.). salutation .... ijt-mogu- say, (v.t.) state, affirm, tell .... tareninga (da). chi (ke). What did he say? : 6 michima salute, (v.t. or v.i.).... iji-mogu-eni archire ? (ke). seab, (s)..... waina (da); with prefix, same, (adj.) 1. identical . . . . Achs- ot, ong, ig, ab, etc. according to part of the aba (da). 2. similar, of like kind .... body referred to. See App. ii. aka-para (da); ar-lornga (da); ar-ta-log seald, (v.t.). 1. one's person .. .. ab(da). 3. at the same (or such) time as (rel.) talup (ke). 2. Scald one's throat .... .... kian-er-Aba-lik. at the same time akd-pagat (ke). (correl.) .... kichi-kan. At such (or the scalding-hot, (adj.) of water, gravy, etc. same) time as you strike my hand (at the same . . . . aka-eya (da). See hot time) I will hit you on the head: kian-erubalik scale (of-fish), (8.). ... yat-l'ot-ej (da); ngo dong-parekuga bedig, kichi-kan do go: yat-lot-waima (da). pareke. See App. i. scalp. (8.).... 0t-kaka (da). sand, (s.) .... tara (da). 2. sand sealy, (adj.) .... waina (da); with prebank (bar).... tar-parag (da). 8. Band fix according to part referred to. See also fly.... fiipa (da). Sand-flies bit me dur- scab, scurt and App. ii. ing the night : gurug-ya nipa den karabre. scamp. (.).,.. ab-jabag (da). sandy beach, (s.) ..... tara-l'oko-pai scar, (s.). See cicatrix. (da). seare, (v. t.).... dr.yadi (ke). See sap. (8.) 1. milk-like and viscous, as of frighten. the Ficus Sp., Artocarpus chaplasha, etc. scarce, (adj.) See rare. : ...ig-man (da). 2. watery, as of the scarify, (v.t.) .... tup (ke). Bombax malabaricum .... ig-raij (da). scarlet, (s.) .... cherama (da). 3. oleaginous, as of the Dipterocarpus sp. scatter, (v.t.). 1. with ref. to animate ....ig-ans (da). objects .... ab-wilya (ke). 2. with ref. sardine, (8.) .... to-ena (da). to inanimate objects . . . . kor (ke). (v.i.) satlate, (v.i.) satisfy one's appetite....as after a meeting .... charadami (ke); teg-but (ke). akan-tar-toai (ke). satisfied, (p.a.) 1. contented .... 0t scent, (adj.) of fruit, flowers, etc. See kuk-l'ar-beringa (da). 2. as regards food, smell. satiated.... teg-batre. seold, (v.t.) ....ig-ral (ke); Pareja satisfy, (v.t.) gratify to the full .... en-et-kak-l'ar-beringa (ke). (ke). See blame. saturate, (v.t.) soak .... 6t-pi (ke); Ot scoop, (v.t.) 1. with adzo, as in making ina (ke). a canoe, bow, eto..... kop (ke). 2. as in savage, (adj.). 1. fierce. See ferocions making a bucket .... tane (ke). 8. with and eruel. 2. wild, uncivilized ....f the fingers as when searching for turtle dabunga-bs (da). eggs in the sand .... karaij (ke). See savo, (v.t.) 1. make safe. See resede. burrow, oxcavate and make. (p.p.) soooped 2. save food. See preserve, reservo. evenly . . . . rednga (ds). . savoury, (adj.). 1. with ref. to taste scoreh, (v.t.) .... joi (ko); otini (ke). .... Aka-boringa (da); Akd-rajamaich (da). I have soorched my hand with (by totuching) 2. with ref. to odour .... 0t-au-baringa the cooking pot : was do bej d'ong joire. (da). (v.i.).: .. pad (ke); dal (ke). saw-dust, (s.) .... rub (ds). seorplon, (s.)....patera (da). idea, out: , ONE , ches: , father: 1, fathom: ki, bito: sa, hoto: u, rows

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SCOUNDREL SECRET scoundrel, (8.) .... ab-jabag (da). See 10. sea-shell .... ola-ta (da). 11. (v.i.) scamp. travel by sea, (a) a short trip in a canoo... soowl, (v.t. and v.i.) See frown. .... Akan-gai (ke). (b) a long voyage soragky, (adj.) See lean. . ... Oto-juru-tegi (ke). (adv.) by sea ... serap. (8.) See bit. jaru-len. serape, (v.t.)..... por (ke). seal, (v.t.). See oauik. scratch, (v.t.) 1. with the nails or sealing-wax, (8.) .... kanga-ta-baj (da). claws .... ngotowa (ke); with prefix | See honey-oomb and App. xiii. according to the part of the body re. seam, (8.) .... tanwi (da). ferred to. 2. as animals scratch up search, (v.t.). 1. for a person . . . . &ta soil . . . . er-karaij (ke). (v.i.) 1. as a (ke). See along, and look for. I will thorn .... (ig-)ngali (ke). 2.. one's search for him myself: wai do d'oyun-batam self, (a) with a thorn .... ad-ngeli (ke). ab-atake. 2. Search for honey, fruit, etc. (b) with one's nails .... adngotowa (ke). . . . . up (ke). See Ex, at rest; er-kedang scream, (v.t.) 1. from pain . . . . ara- (ke). While the others are finishing their tani (ke). 2. from fear .... ara-patek ovening meal with choice morsels (lit, enjoy. (ke). ing tit-bits) Bia goes alone and serrches screen, (leaf-hand.) (8.) .... kapa-jatnga among the trees for flying-foxes near our (da). This consists of large palm leaveshut : arat dilu dilaya akat-rarnga bedig bia (of the Licuala peltata) which are stitched ijila meta bud l'ong-palen wot leb er-kedangke. together (jatnga) and then used as a pro- See for, others, look overhead, and tit-bit. tection against sun or rain. See App. xi season, (8.) 1. .... wab (da). See and xiii. App. ix. 2. rainy season. ..gumul (da). serven, leal. (8.). 1. large, encircling hut 3. cool season . . . . papar (da); papar. on wet days .... komla (da). 2. smaller, wab (da). 4. hot season.... yere-bodo on weather side of hut for protection (da); rap-wab (da). 5. stormy season.... against wind or rain.... bigadinga (da). I charap-wab (tla). [The tree charap blossoms sorow pine, (s.) Pandanus Andamanensium about September when storms prevail.] (v.t.) .... mang (da). 1. give relish to . . . . a ka-yaro-leb-kyll seum, (s.) See froth, foam. (ke); Aka-yaro-leb-igau (ke). 2. mature scurt, (8.). scurfy (adj)....ot-waifa .... yalai (ke). (v.i.) bo in season .... (da). See seab, soale. lona (ke). I will come when the jack-fruit souttle, (v.t.) make holes below water-line i is in season : kaita-lonanga bedig wai do onke. of ship or canoe in order to sink her.... (adv.) every season.... wablen-wablen. orete-tabali (ko); wr-ete-reu (ke). | seat, (s.) .... ara-toknga (da). sea, 18.). 1. juru (da). 2. boundless, second, (adj.) in order (a) of two.... ocean ,... juru-chau (da); jaru-chanag | tar-ola (da). (b) of three .... muguchal (da). 3. calm .... lia (da). 4. rough (da). lit. middle. (e) of four to six .... .... lia-ba (da). 5. sea-shore ..... ar-Ola (da). (d) of six or more .... dr. toko-kewa (da). 6. 300-water .... fata toriau (da). (c) of a row or line .... toko(da). 7. sea-archin (with spines).... yolo (da). second-sighted, (adj.) .... morio (da). 8. sea-pen (Virgularia Rumphit) ara-magu-tarabanga (da). See dream and .... jaruwin (da). 9. sea weed..... Ex. at bor. chabya (da); tono-tong (da); paio-tong (da). secret, (s.) .... Ot-tig-palugangs (da). These are the three common varieties; the (v.i.) keep a secret.... paku-len-lott (ke); seed of No. 2 is eaten by the natives. ... poku-len-tegi (ke). o, indolemt: 0, polo: d, pot: awful: di, bosl.

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SECRETLY 116 SERRATED secretly, (adv.) .... mila-ya. (v. i.) talk selt, (s.) .... Oyun-temar; oyun batam secretly. See whisper. (plur. Oyut-t.; Oyut-b.). See break, and App. ii. sooration, (a.) .... raij (da). See milk, Wologa himself made this bow: wolog' byunsap. temar ucha kdrama porre. We ourselves shot sediment, (s.) .... ar-murudi (da) all these pigs : moloyut-batam uch' arduru reg ar-naruwin (da). taijre. We therefore fetched several prime see, (v.t.) 1.....ig-badi (ke) (perf. young pigs for ourselves : kancha reg-udra. .... ig-badigre. See feast, and seer.goi baba mo ut-temar Peo omore. 2. iji, He saw me yesterday : o dilda d'igbadigre. (plur. ijit). See Ex. at never mind! 3. Oto. 2. B. some distant object . . . . el-Ot-raj See break and Ex. at barter, forget and (ke). Just now I saw & sailing ship on the App. i. 4. @kan. We are now rearing in horizon: wai do goi-la el-oko-Kiliya chelewa- our midst a few sucking-pigs for ourselves : l'aka-dadi el-ot-raire. 3. see ! . . . . . ig. med' achitik (m') ekan l'eb reg-ba l'ikpor molotbadig! See another. (v.i.) apprehend .... paichalen chilyuke. See hurt one's self and iji-badi (ke). I now quite see what you App. ii. Among ... selves . . . . Oyutmean: ngo min.yate do achitik ubaya d'iji- bad-bedig. See Ex. at among. badi (ke). see to (spoken threateningly) selfish, (adj.) .... ar-mireba (da). ... eb-ad-beringa (ke). Wait a bit, I'll see Semecarpus anacardium, (8.) .... chaij to you : kanya, do ng'eb-ad-beringake. (da). Fruit and seed are eaten. 800-saw, (8.) (the game).... ad-yenenga (da). See game. Semocarpus sp. (8.) . . . . pa (da). Seed seed, (s.) 1. generic term for all de- is eaten. scriptions .... Ot-ban (da). The seed of sond, (v. t) 1. ... with ref. to human that tree: kdto akitang l'ot-ban (da). 2. of objects .... en-titan (ke); ab-ladai (ke); plantain, pine-apple, and jack-fruit .... ab-lapati (ke). I sent my wife to her mother : i-dal (da). See preserve. wai do dai (kydte ekan abetinga l'ot-paichalat seedling, (8.) . . . . wichi (da). (a) of the en-titanre. 2. with ref. to animals or Semecarpus .... kat (da). (b) of the inanimate objects . . . . i-titan (ke) ; 0tEntada pursoetha .... gana (da). (c) of the ladai (ke); 0t-lapati (ke). See disappointed. jack-fruit tree .... beren (da). I sent my canoe in order that he might come seek, (v.t.). See look for, search. here (or for the purpose of his coming here): soor, (s.) .... Oko-paiad (da). The Ona karin onnga l'eb da dia roko i-litanre. seer told me that in his dream (lit. being See receive. send away, dismiss ..... second-sighted) he had seen my deceased Akd-tar-toai (ke). send for . . . . ar-ngere wife happy in Paradise : oko-paiad den iarche(ke). send word ....ig-garma (ke). wai d'ara-muga-tarabanga bedig ngai ik-yate separate, (v.t.) 1. sort .... 6t-nan jereg-ya kuk-beringa l'igbadigre. (ke). 2. keep apart . . . . Ot-ka (ke). seize, (v.t.). 1. take hold of .... eni (v.i.) as friends after a visit, part .... (ke). 2. as one combatant seizes another oto-ka (ke). See part. (adj.). 1. distinct .... jalu-kini (ke). 3. one or more com-1....ig-la (da). 2. apart .... iji-la (da). batants in order to stop a fight.... 0t-punu See Ex. at apart. Separately, (adv.) not (ke). See prevent, squeeze 4. forcibly .... together .... oto-kangaya. See one by jer-baring'i (ke). one, singly. seldom, (adv.) ..... fotli; tig-lumunga septum of nose, (s.) ....ig-ej-ba (da). (da). serrated bony spine of sting-ray, (s.).... select, (v.t.). See choose, fifp-l'Ar-chaga (da). See ray. ., idea, cut: 4, cur id, casa : &, father : &, fattom: al, bite : au, house : an, rouse.

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SERVICEABLE 117 SHAVE serviceable, (adj.) of a canoe, bow, etc. head, in token of denial or dissent .... after repair.... medel (da). See Ex, iji-gidi (ke). 4. s. the fist .... Oyunat no longer. tela (ke). set, (v.t.). 1. place .... tegi (ke). 2. shall, (v. aux.).... ngabo. See ante, p. 6, 8. free. See release. 3. 8. fire to, s. light footnote 15. to .... oko-joi (ke); Oko-pugat (ke). shallow, (8.) shoal .... keleto (da); 4. . aside . . . . iji-la-l'ot-chilyu (ke). toko-kewa (da); talawa (da). I harpoon5. 8. to rights .... eb-ad-beringa (ke). ed this turtle in the shallow water over there : See see-to. 6. 8. upright...... tig-jerali wai dol icha yadi kato keleto len jeralire. (ke). 7. 8. apart. See separate. (v.i.). 1. See foreshore. sink below the horizon, as sun, moon, sham, (v.i.). See malinger, pretend. eto.... ara-loti (ke). 2. 8. out, proceed. shame, (8.) ..... tek-ik (da); 6t-tekSee start. yoma (da). (adj.) shame-faced, bashful settle, (v.t.) occupy a new site . . . . dr. .... 0t-tek (da). shameful .... tekwal (ke). See area, distribute. botaba (da). shameless, immodest, without settlement, (8.) colony .... el-Ot-walnga shame . . . . Ot-tek-yaba (da); t-tekngaba (da). See Ex. at afraid. (da); tek-ik-yaba (da). (interj.) shameful! seventh, (adj.). See App. ii. for shame! .... tek-botaba ! sever, (v.t.) cut off .... ep-topati (ke). shampoo, (v.t.) .... Bb-ru (ke).' soveral, (adj.) .... jibaba (da); jeg. shape, (v.t.) form, fashion .... diyo (ke). See make. chau (da); arduru (da); at-Ubaba (da). share, (v.t.) divide .... Ot-kobat (ke); See assemblage. We stayed there several dule (ke). (v. i.) 1. have part .... aradays : med kato drla jibaba polire. sow, (v.t.) stitch . . . . jat (ke). jopi (ke). 2. 6. equally . . . . ta-rim (ke). sharer, (8.) partner.... ara-jopinga (da). shade, (v.t.). 1. to shelter from the shark, (8.) 1. . . . . yai (da). 8. hammergun.... ab-diya (ke). 2.8. the eyes headed ....pin (da). with the hand from glare of the sun.... | sharp, (adj.). 1. of a blade . . . . rinima ig-karan (ke). 3. go into (lit. desire, seek) (da). 2. intelligent ..... mugu-tig-dai the shade .... diya-lat (ke). See Shelter (da). 3. sharp-sighted ....ig-beringa (8.) .... diya (da). See family. When (da). finterj.) look sharp! .... ar-yere !; the sun is hidden by clouds the land (or kuro ! sea) affected is spoken of as "el-ar-diya sharpen, (v.t.) a blade ....1 (or ig)(da)" lit. " shaded area." See place. jit (ke); Akd-leje (ke). 2. 8. & pointed shadow, (s.) ....ot-lere (da). implement or weapon .... oko-jft (ke). shaft, (8.). 1. of pig-arrow.... batu sharpening-stone. See hone. ta (da), 2. of fish-arrow .... rata-ta shatter, (v.t.) .... A-tora (ke); pachi (da). 3. of pig-spear .... bol-ta (da). (ke); patemi (ke). See break to places. 4. of turtle-harpoon .... tog (da). We(v.i.) . . . . Okan-pechi (ke); oto-patemi make the shafts of the rata arrow from the (ke). reed: meda nidi tek rata-ta mokke. shave another, (v.t.). 1.... jer (ke). shaft, fore- (8.) See ad of arrow. . with prefix ab, Aka, ot, eto. according to shake, (v.t.) agitate . . . . ab-jula (ke); part of person referred to. 2.8. the crown ab-gidi (ke). (v. i.). 1. tremble, shiver of the head ... tA-la-tim (ke). 8. %. from fright.....yua (ke); yayuka (ke). one's self .... jer (ke). with profix are, See tremble; shiver. 2. shake, owing ad, akan, Oyun, oto, iji according to part of to vibration ..... iji-lele (ke). 8. 8. the person referred to. o, indolent : 0, polo : d, pot : o, awtal : di, boil.

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SHAVING 118 SHOT shaving (of wood), (s.) .... rub (da). I ship-worm, (Teredo navalis,) (s.) .... she, (pers. pron.) .... Olla; 01; (in jaru-win (da). construo, 0, a, a, Ona). See App. ii. (honorific shiver, (v.t.) break into fragments. See break title). . ., chana ; chana. and shatter. (v.i.) 1. from cold ....igshed, (v.i.) 1. cast, as the skin of beredi (ke). 2. from fright... yua (ke); snakes, etc.... waina (ke). 2. moult, yuyuka (ke). See shake, tremble. as feathers, hair, etc. . . . . Oto-pij (ke). shoal, (8.). 1. sandbank ... tar-parag (da). 2. a shallow. See shallow. 3. 8. tears . . . . t'i-tolat (ke). Sec dance. shoot, (v.t.). 1. with bow and arrow shed, (s.) .... baraij (da). .... taij (ke). On looking there I saw sheep, (8.)... tutma (da). The same the same Jarawa who shot my father yester. word is used for "goat "; both animals day : kato lunga bedig da uch'uba jarava were formerly unknown to them. d'abmaiola-len dilea taij-ate l'igbadigre: 2. sheer, (v.i.) sheer off, of a canoe . . . . iji 8. at a terget. . . . er-taij (ke) 3. s. from polokini (ke); mana (ke). ambush . . . . i-chopat (ke). 4. 8. two or shell, (s.) for food.... taga (da). Seo more animals while hunting .... ar-mal platform. (ke). 5. 8. with harmless bows and arrow shell, (v.t.) with ref, to the seed pods of at friends . . . . iti-taij (ke). a village-game the Entadi pursotha, etc.... taia (ke). played after dusk. See game. 6. 8. with shell, (s.). 1. of edible shell-fish (generic a gun... Ot-puguri (ke). See throw, the term).... aka-ta (da). What a big (17" flash from the gun being likened to that of a dacna) shell ! : badi acha dka-ta (da) ! 2. sea-8. brand when used as a missile. (exclam) .... Ola-ta-(da). 8. land-s.... erem. (Now) shoot!.... olo-wai ! ; jeg ! ola-ta (da). 4. fresh-water s. . . . . ina shooting-star, (s.) See star. ola-ta (da). 5. coconut-e..... jedir-l'ot- shore, (8.) 1..... tot (or i)-ginn (da); ta (da). 6. tortoises..... tau-l'ot-ej (da). ton-magu (da). See coast. 2. fore-s..... 7. nut-g...: Ot-ta (da). 8. egg-, ... kewa (da). See foreshore. The shallow Ot-ed-(da) (in construc.ot-ej). 9. 8-fish water beyond the foreshore is called keleto .... ola (da). 10. s-heap. See kitchen (da) or toko-kewa (da). See shallow. (v.i.) go midden. For lists of shells see App. xii. on shore. See land, (v.i.) . shelter, (v.t.) another in one's hut.... short, (adj.). 1, with ref. to braman @t-medali (ke). See also shade. 2. s. from beings .... ab-jodama (da); ab-dedeba sun or rain ..... Ot-ram (ke); bigadi (da); ab-dugab (da). 2. with ref. to anin 's (ke). See note at wall. (v.i.) take shelter ....i (or 8t)-jodama (da); 1 (or 6 . . . . tar-loti (ke). 2. shelter from rain toda todama (da); 6t-dedeba (da); Ot-rokom. only.... yam-l'iji (ke). See shade and (da). 8 inanimate objects ....jodama ide leave. (da); todama (da);rokoms (da); dedeba (da). shimmer, (v.i.) as sun on rippling water short-commons, (s.) insufficient food .... .... elemja (ke). yat-ba (da). shin, (8.) .... ab-chalta (da). See App. ii. short-sighted, (adj.) unable to see far ... shine, (v.i.). 1. of polished metal .... 1. of polished metal .... ig jabag (da). kar (ke); betel (ke). See glitter. 2. beam, short-winded, (adj.) .... akd-chaiat (da). of sun or moon . . . . chal (ke). shorten, (v.t.) ..... poin (ke); (v...) ship, (s.). 1. sailing..... chelewa-l'Akd-.... Oto-poin (ke). dadi (da). See see. 2. steam-8. . . . . birma- shot, (s.) marksman .... An-yab (da); chelewa (da); chelewa-l'Akd-birma (da); An-taijnga (da). Master Woi is an excellent aka-birma (da). 8. ship-wreck .... flying-fox shot : mar woi an-wot taijnga chelewa-l'Oto-kujuri-yate (da). tapaya. See Master. ! m, idea, cut: a, cur: d, cara : &, father : a, fathom: ai, bite : au, house : au, rouse.

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SHOULD erewa (ke). Why do you shout his name? he is absent: michalen ngol ot ting lat erewd (ke) (61) ab-yaba (da). 2. utter a shout... akan-guru (ke). 3. shout with delight (of women only).... romo (ke.) When I brought the two turtles all the women shouted with delight: do yadi l'ikpor toyunga bedig chan ardin romore. ( When men return from a successful hunt, the women on seeing their spoils (pigs, turtles, etc.) usually express their delight by shouting and slapping their thighs; men never do this.] 4. s. to one's friends on nearing home after a successful hunt.... terebla (ke). See Ex. at listen. [When returning from a successful hunt or search for honey, etc. men generally acquaint their friends on nearing home by shouting to them.] should, (v. aux.)... toguk. See ante, p. 6, | l'ig-nau (ke). lit. footnote 15. Before making that voyage blaze, (v.t.). (v.i.). you should eat a good meal: kat'oto-juru- ara-diya (ke). teginga l'entoba wai ngo dogaya maknga toguk. shower, (8.) shoulder, (8.) ... ig-togo (da). (a) yum-ba (da). shoulder-blade .... ab-podikma (da). (b) shred, (8.) flesh adjoining the s.-blade.... ot-chag (da). See rag. (da). (adv.) shoulder to shoulder shriek, (v.i.) ara-pate (ke). at-meteri (da). shrimp, sea-water (s.).... kaibij (da). See prawn. shout, (v.t.) call to... pek-ik (ke). (v.i.). 1. call loudly to attract attention shove, (v.t.). i-gudauwa (ke). 2. 8. off, of a canoe... i-gudauti (ke). show, (v.t.). 1. any small object by holding it up.... i-tarani (ke). 2. 8. any large or heavy object by pointing it out .... itan (ke). I showed the hut to the European sailor wai do boigoli len bud l'itdare; (oko-t') ig-rau (ke). 3, s. the method of doing a certain thing... ..al (ke). Show me how to dance: wai d'ul-koi (ke). [lit. "dance for my sake," i.e. showing by ocular demonstration.] Show us how to string a bow: was met ul-ngotoli (ke). See for and teach. 4. describe, explain... i-tai (ke). See explain and teach. 5. s. the way tinga-chi (ke). See tell; tingal'oko-la (ke). See lead the way; tinga 119 . SIDE 66 way-see-walk." See also s. one's self, appear o, indolent: 8, pole: o, pot: o, awful: di, boil. yam-l'ar-yil (da); kajili (da); rachatnga 2. s. the eyes shrug, (v.i.) one's shoulders owing to cold or sudden emotion....oto-fikil (ke). shudder, (v.i.). See tremble. shun, (v.t.). See avoid. shut, (v.t.) 1. meodi (ke); mewadi (ke). Aka-memati (ke). 3. ig-memati (ke). 4. s. by means of elaka-memati (ke). 5. 8. with lid or cover.... oko-memati (ke). 6. 8. the hand... motri (ke). See ist. (v.i.) 1. s. one's ears. . . . aiyan-muju (ke); akan-muju (ke). 2. s. in ref. to one's mouth... okan-memati (ke). 3. 8. in ref. to one's eyes. . . . idal-iji-tari (ke). screen shy, (adj.). 1. bashful, as a girl ot-tek (da). 2. reserved, as strangers on meeting .. mukuringa (da). 3. suspicious, as wild animals.... adaminga (da). sick, (adj.). 1. ill. . . . ab-yednga (da); ad-jabag (da). Her (lit. the woman's) son told me that his (own) father was sick : chan l'ab-etire den tarcht ana ekan abmaiola wai ab-yednga (da). See her. 2. unwell, out of sorts. See unwell. 8. inclined to vomit.. ad-wenga (da). memati (ke); 8. the mouth sickness, (6.)... ab-yed (da). side, (s.). 1. bank of creek or strait ig-pai (da). (a) this side. . . . ig-bala (da). (b) the other side.... tedi-bala (da). See opposite. 2. of the body.... Akachaga (da). 3. of a canoe rokol'ab-parita (da). (lit. "ribs.") See propel. 4. left side. . . . iji-kori (da). 5. right side iji-bida (da); iji-bojig (da). 6, side-face, profile. See face. (adv.) on this

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SIGH 120 SISTER side .... kare-tek; dig-tar-chagya. on singer, (m.) .... ar-ramit-toyunga (da). that side .... kto-met-tek; timar-tek. singo, (v.t.). See seoroh. The sound of on one side .... ijila (da). Stand on singeing hair, hide, etc. . . . ot-er-echanga one side !: ijila kapi! side by side .... (da). See sound. paipdanga (da), on both sides of .... singing in the ears, (s.). ...aka-nili (da). id-paipdanga (da). sideways ..... loriya. single, (adj.). 1. one only, separate, indi sigh, (v.i).... akd-chaiad (ke). sigh, vidual .... Uba-doga (da). See Ex. at (6.)....ukd-chaiad (da). In construc- sumejent. 2. alone. See alone. 3. unmar. tionchaiat." ried, widow, widower. See App. vii. sight, out of (adj.). See invisible. singly, (adv.) one by one, of inanimate obsighted, (adj.). 1. long (or clear)-8..... jects .... oko-lodongaya. 2. of animate ig-beringa (da). 2. short-l. ....igjabag objects . .. Aka-lodongaya. See ono by (da). 3. dim-s...., ig-karangnga (da). ono and separately. sign, () mark, trace . . . . ig lamya (da). sink, (v.t.) submerge.... 6t-noti (ke). See Ex. at trace. (v.i.). 1. a stone, drowning man, or harpooned turtle ...... ladgi (ke). 2. As signal; (s.) .... ig-wil (da). one's foot in sand or a swamp .... Oyunsilence, (v.t.).... enmila (ke). (exelam.) noti (ke). 3. set, 88 sun, moon, etc..... silence ! ..... ah!; mila (ke)! silent, ara-loti (ke). 4. as a canoe over-laden or (adj.) milanga (da); Aka (or oko)-mulwinga leaky.... ad-tob (ke). (da): sip, (v.t.) .... nuruj (ke); akd-no (ke). silk-cotton-tree (Bombax malabaricum), sir, (s.) term of respectful address... mar, (n.) .... gereng (da). Is rarely used for mak main, maiola, mam. See Master and "Let. ing canoes. ters to Jambu " ante, pp. 8-16. These terms silly, (adj.) ..... ig-pichanga (da); are used as follows mar, in addressing or s-gar'adnga (da). referring to a bachelor or young married silver. See metal 'man; maia, one who is a father or no longer similar. See alike, and Ex. at exactly. young ; maiola, one's own father, or a Chief ; simpleton, (s.) .... mugu-tig-picha (da). mam, & leading Chief. The officer in charge of the Andaman Homes is addressed simultaneously, (adv.) .... er-uba-lik. or referred to as "mam-jola" (euphoni. See together. ally for mam-Ola), indicating head or sin, (s.) offence against the deity .... supreme Chief. yubda (da). (v.i.) yubda (ke). sister, (s.) 1. elder ... d-entobare (or since, (postp.). 1. ever after .. .. tek. entokare)-pail (da); -entobanga (or ento. I have waited here since noon : wai do bodo. kanga)-pail (da). 2. elder half-sister (a) conchau tek karin tamire. 2. during the time sanguine .... ar-obabil-entobare-pail after . . . . ar-tetagdiya. Since your de (da). (b) uterine .... ar-chanol-entobare. parture this morning Bira has been very pail (da). 8. younger . . . . Ar-doatingsabusive to me: dilmaya ng'arteta-goiya bira pail (da); ar-w@jinge (or wejeringa)-pail (da); dogaya d'abtogore. Aka-kam-pail (ds). 4. younger half-sister sincerely, (adv.) .... aba-ya. . (a) consanguino ... ar-coatinga-pail (da); sinew, (s.). See musele. ar-wejinga (or wejeringa)-pail (da).(b) uterine sinful, (adj.) . . . . yubdanga (da). . . . . Akk-kam-pail (da). See brother and sing, (v.t. and v...) .... ramit-toyu (ke). App. viii. A, idea, cut : 1, our : a, casa : 4, father : &, fathom: ai, bito: au, house: du, rouse.

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BISTER-IN-LAW 121 SLEEPLESS sister-in-law, (s.) 1. husband's elder sister, skull, (s.) cranium . . . . Ot-cheta (da). or elder brother's wife. ... chanola. See Ex, at disinter. Bia is carrying two skulls 2. wife's sister, or husband's (or wife's) to-day : bta kawai cheta l'ikpor tabike. brother's wife (a) if one's senior ... sky, (s.). 1. .... moro (da). 2. clear. mamola. (b) if one's junior.... akd-ba- cloudless . . . . moro-beringa (da). 3. overpail (da). [If not a parent these would be cast .... moro-ela-dilnga (da). addressed by their name. ] 3. husband's slaek, (adj.) loose, of a bow-string, etc. younger sister, or husband's (or wife's) younger brother's wife . ... O-tin da). ...ig-yaragap (da). See brother-in-law and App. viii. slacken, (vit.) loosen (let out) of a rope, sit, (v.i.). 1. seat one's self . . . . ake etc. . . . . lor (ke). (v.i.) 1. of a rope, doi (ke). See arrive. The inference being bow-string, etc.... Oyu-tol (ke). 2. of a that on arrival one (that is the body) sits current .... akan-yada-kini (ke). down. 2. sit, leaning on one's arm .... slander, (v.t.) defame .... eb-atedi (ke). ara-chomi (ke); ara-chongali (ke). 3. sit slap, (v.t.) 1. . . . . pedi (ke); prefix, still ....ig-ou (ke). 4. sit up from re ig, ab, etc. according to part of person recumbent position. See rise.. 5. sit in ferred to. Lipa slapped my face : lipa assembly ., ., aka-kora (ke). 6. sit on d'igpedire. 2. slap the hollow between the one's heels. See squat. 7. sit cross-legged. thighs (women seated mark time for dancers See eross-legged. in thig manner to an accompaniment of sing situation, (s). See position, place. ing) .... ab-pur (ke). 3. slap the thigh sixth, (s. and adj.) See App. iii. and shout, as women in token of pleasure. size, (s.) .... retebiba (da). (adj.) of the See shout. 4. slap one's self .... ad-pedi same size, equal .... aka-para (da) (plur. (ke). (s.) cuff ... pedi (da). akat-para (da)]. Our two bows are of the same size: meta kdrama l'ikpor akat-paru (da). slash, (v.t.). gash . . . . Ot-polo (ke); ig reli (ke). skate, (s.) ray-fish .... petema (da); ehir (da); gerengdi (da); gom (da); nip (da); slaughter, (v.t) 1. slay for food .... bedi (da); goldi (da); tolo (da); kowil (da). Akd-chol (ke). See cut up food. 2. s. (a) a pig These are varieties of the Ray family. .... Aka-jain (ke). See Ex. at order. skeleton, (8.) .... ta-ama (da); tala- (b) a turtle..... idal-o-jerali (ke);chorokto (da). See bone, whole. idal-o-dut (ke). Turtles are slaughtered by skoteh, (v.t.) any pattern, etc. ... ig. piercing one of the eyes with a skewer or ngata (ke). (8.) See drawing, pioture. pointed arrow: the first word refers to only skewer, (8.).... cham da). one turtle, the second to more than one. skilful, (adj.) See eipert. sleep, (v.). 1. .... mami (ke) We skill, (8.) in handiwork .... Ong-yoma slept all day : meda bodo doga mamire. (da). 2. sleep soundly . . . . arla-l'igrita (ke). skin, (v.t.) peel .... doch (ke); doich Being sound aeleep (lit. owing to my sleeping (ke). See peel and shed. (s.) ed (da) [in soundly) I did not hear the thunder : Arlaconstruc. ej (da); aij (da)] with p.p. Aka, d'igritanga ledare puluga-la-gorawanga len Ong, etc. according to part of the body re d'aka-legi-l'idainga-ba (da). 3. sleep ferred to. The skin of your hand (or foot), lightly, doze .. .ig-figam (ke). 4. go to ngong ej (da). black skin . . . . patung'aij (da). sleep .... i-dege (ke). See nod. skinny, (adj.) wanting flesh .... ab- slooping-mat, (.) parepa (da). See App. xiii. pakad (da). See thin. sloopless, (adj.).... 8-kaich-nga (da). ., indolent: 0, pole : o, pot: o, awful : di, boil.

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SLEEPY 122 SMITE sleepy, (adj.) drowsy....ig-arlanga (da); small piece .... i-dugap (da). See bit. i-degenga (da). We are sleepy: mitig'dr. (exclam.). How small it is! (a) man speaklanga (da). ing.... ai-chutai!; (b) woman speaking slico, (v.t.) ....ig-puku (ke); kobat (ke) ; . . . . wada-chutai ! ig-waia (ke); ig-rag (ke). (s.) . . . . ik smaller, (adj.). 1. in size . . . . tekpuku (da). See ear and Ex. at name. (ab-)ketia (da). Bira is smaller than Wologa: slide, (v.t.) .... i-galya (ke). (v.i.) glide wologa-tek bir'abketia (da) 2. in quantity. . . . . iji-galat (ke). See less. slight, (v.t.) by declining to notice .... smallest, (adj.). 1. in size .... (tek)ig (or i)-tem (ke). (ab)ketia-l'igla (da). Punga is the smallest slightly, (adv.) in a small degree .... (man) in my village : dia bdraij len pang' yaba (da). abketia-l'igla (da). 2. in quantity. See loast. sling, baby. (s.). See baby-sling and smart, (v.:).7. yaro (ke). From bathApp. xii. ing in sea-water the jungle-dweller (i.e. ode slip, (v.t.). 1. .. .. -en-galat (ke): living in the interior) is smarting all over : 2. give one the slip : . . . talaina (ke). Se rata len ludganga l'edare eremtaga yaroke. elude. (v.i.) 1. slide down, as a landslip smash, (v.t.) See break and shatter. ..: padla (ke). 2. slide off .... iji smoar, (v.t.) the person with any oily subpolokini (ke); ara-pejili (ke). stance or honey.... ab-lene (ke). See slippery, (adj.) .... fot) galdim (da). daub, and paint. See pollsh and smooth. smell, (v.t.) perceive by the nose.... tum (ke); ot-au-l'ig-loti (ke). See smell, (s.) slit, (v.t.) split .... (aka-) tarali (ke). and admit. 2. (v.i.) have odour.... See split. (v.i.) tear. See te ar (v...). oto-au (ke). (s.). 1. odour (generic term) slop, (s.) . . . . raij (da); rais (da). See .... Ot-au (da). 2. S. of fruit. ...ot galaria (da). 3. S. of fruit or flower .... slopo, (s).: . . paleta (da); lechenga (da). ig-gala (da). 4. s. of cooked meat or fish slothful, (adj). See indolent, Idle. .... ot-ngau (da). 5. 8. of yolba fibre, slow, (adj.) in motion or performance from which turtle nets and lines are made .... dodonga (da); a-mainga (da). (excl.) .... un-volba (da). [ It is regarded as useHow slow you are ! : badi-kai'a ! less for one who has just been engaged in slowly, (adv.) .... dodo-len ; dodo-ya. killing a pig, turtle, etc. or in using yolba tardily ...ig-nilya (da). fibre to attempt to hunt or fish, as these slug, (.) .... butu (da). animals, especially turtles, possess a keen scent. 1 6. B. of one's hands after slaughtersluggard, (8.) ..... Ar-ginnga (da); ing a pig or turtle .... ti-galanga (da). ar-teninga (da). 7. 8. of one's person due to perspiration, slumber, (v.i.) doze ....ig-figam(ke). especially when smeared with koiob ....0tsly, (adj.). See oudning. galanga (da). 8. 8. of one's person after smack, (v.t. and s.). See slap. catching a pig, turtle, fish, etc..... Otsmall, (adj.). 1. in size, of animals or chini (da): 9. agreeable smell .... Otinanimate objects ... ketia (da); kotima au-beringa (da). 10. disagreeable smell (da). [When referring to humans "ab" is 1....0t-au-jabag (da). prefixed.] 8. in quantity ..... yaba smilo, (v.i.) .... oko-moichri (ke); oko(da); ba (da). 8. very small, small indeed muchri (ke); kemria (ke). (of any object).... aba-yaba (da). (8.). smito, (v.t.). See striko, kill. hiss. *, idea, outy i, our : a, cha: 4, father : fathom: si, bite : su, house : au, rouge.

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SMOKE 123 SOLEN VAGINA smoke, (v.t.) .... mo'la-l'en-oyu (ke). consequently . . . . kian-cha (da); nga (da). (v.i.) 1. of a fire or volcano .... mo'la- See Ex, at carry. (correl.) cha (da). See oyu (ke); mo'la-tupu (ke). 2.8. tobacco Ex. at as and App. 1. 3. 80 (or this) much .... tapu (ke); Oyu (ke). (8.) 1. mo'la . . . . . kian; kian-wai (da). 80 big (lit. (da). [Compare with words for string, this-much-big), indicating by means of the egg and straight.] 2. column of smoke hand: kian wai-doga (da). 80 small : .... wuludanga (da). (p.p.) blinded by kianwai-ketia (da) 4. 80 (or this ) smoke . . . . iji-mujure. many .. .. kfan-chaia (da). 5. so much smooth, (v.t.). 1. . . . . . lingati (ke). (correl) .... uchu-tun (da) See as 2. s. a planed surface .... pulau (ke). much (rel.) in App. i. As much honey as you (adj.). 1. 8. of a calm sea.... lia (da). give me, so much resin will I give you : kd-tag dia ngo dem mam achu-tan Tim do ng em 2. B. of a plain surface .... lingiriya (da). 3. 8. of a polished surface . . . . geligma man (ke). 6. so many (correl.) .... Achicha tan (da). See as many (rel.) in App. i. (da). See polish. 7. extremely .... botaba. The water is smother, (v.t. and v.i.) See suffocate. 80 cold : ina wai ritipa botaba. See very. 8. smut, (s.) See soot. (Phr.) Just so ! uba (da); kichikan-uba (da)! snall, (s.) .... erem-ola (da). See of course. Is it so ? : an uba (da)? So snake, (e.) .... jobo (da). it is!: an a-keta ! snap, (v.t.) 1. break short . . . . top (ke); topati (ke). 2. snap a bowstring soak, (v.t.) ....ig-yop (ke). (perf. ig. yobre) as wood or jack-fruit seeds to soften against the bow ..... chirana (ke). them. (v.i.)....oto-pi (ke). 3. snatch. See snatch. 4. try to bite, as a dog. ...ig-karap (ke). (v.i.). 1. owing soar, (v.i.) fly aloft . . . . i-taj (ke). See asoend. to strain.... Oyun-temar-top (ke). 2. sob, (v.i.) . . . . Onaba (ke); norot (ke). owing to force applied with the teeth .... sociable, (adj.) .... ig-loringa (da). iji-karap (ke). socket, (s.) of pig-arrow or harpoon .... snatch, (v.t.) .... jur-baring'i (ke). aka-changa (da). See spear. sneer, (v.i.) express contempt by A eneer soft, (adj.) 1. of cotton, sponge, wax, etc. or sniff .... iji-ingri (ke). sneeze, (v.i.) . . . . chiba (ke). (8.) .... .... 0t-yob ida). 2. of flesh .... ab-yob (da), takes prefix of part of body referred to chiba (da). See App. ii. snill, (v.i.) 1. as when smelling .... soften, (v.t.) . . . . yop (ke). ng-ruch (ke). 2. when expressing contempt. softly, (adv.) See quietly. See sneer.' soll, (v.t.) .... gaj (ke).; lada (ke). (8.) salvd, (v.i.) run at the nose . . . . ig. 1. ground, earth., .. gara (da). 2. mould filib-l'Akd-nat (ke). (s.) from the nose ...'. pa (da). 3. stony 8. .... el-6t-ta ....ig-rilib (da). (da). snore, (v.i.) .... gorawa (ke). .. sojourn, (v.i.) .... poli (ke); pali (ke). snout, (..) ....ig-choronga (da). sole, (.) of foot .... Ong-elma (da). See snumo, (v.i.) breathe hard through the App. ii. nose .. * Oko-ordija (ke). sole, (adj.) See alone and only. so. (adv.). 1 thus, in this way... solely, (adv.). See only. kian-ari (da); in that way.... ekara (da); solemn, (adj.) .... ab (or oko)-mukukian-uba (da). I stitch so in this way), ringa (da). but he in that way: do kiandri jatke, donal solon vagina, (.) .... jaruwin-l'Aka61 ekdra (da). 2. on account of this or that, bang (Ca). 0, indolent: 0. pole: d. pot; o, awfu! :di, boil.

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SOLITARY 124 SORRY solitary, (adj.) See alone, lonely, and only. sometimes, (adv.) (a) in the past .... solid, (adj.) not hollow.... ar-Jun-ba (da). achin-ya. (b) in the future .... Big Atek. some, (adj.) of indeterminate quantity ngatek. He was sometimes indolept : 61 . atan-arek (da); arek (da). Give me achinya ab-rollab l'edare. We will sometimes some food : Alan-drek yat den d. visit your encampment : ngatek-ngdtek ngia some, (pron.) certain persons known or bdraij len marat-Loi (Ice). unknown . . . . ed-ikpor (da). Some like somewhero, (adv.) 1..... katin-er-len; hunting pigs, but (some) others prefer har. Ot-era-len. 2. somewhere there, thereabout pooning turtles: ed-ikpor ut-len yamalike,.... Achum (da); Ochumen (de). It is dona okot-lorobaya yddi-lobinga-len f-lar buinot with me; it is somewhere there : d'ot(ke). some of us .... med'ikpor (lit. we two). paichalen yaba (da), uchumen (da). 3. somesome of you ...inged 'ikpor (lit. you two). where or other ... Ochum-arek. He is some of them .... ed-ikpor (lit. they hunting turtles somewhere or other: 61 two). The day before yesterday some of uchum-drek yadi-lobike. 4. somewhere near us jungle-dwellers, squatting ourselves in .....achum-ya-palen. the canoe, went with the coast-men in order son, (.) 1. under three years of age ... to see them harpoon turtles: tdrdilla med ota (da), (lit. testes.) 2. over three years of fkpor eremtaga, odam len arat-Achu-blanga age (*) in relation to the father .... arbedig, dryoto l'olot-paichalen yddi-du-ydte odire; ar-Odi-yate (da). See begot. (b) in l'itig-bddignga l'eb akangaire. Some of them relation to the mother .... ab-etire ; abdied, but the remainder (the others) recover eti-yate (da); a b-wejire; ab-weji-ykto (da). His ed : ed-ikpor oko-lite, dona aral-dilu tigboire. (honorifio) son and her (honorifio) daughter some-body, (B.) some one .... Achin (da). are coming tomorrow morning with my father Seel somebody is coming this way: wai and younger brother : littiya mai (a)-l'arodire gelib / uchin kach onke. chan(a)-l'abeti-ydke-pail d'ab-maiola d'akasomehow, (adv.) in some way or other ... kam stik onke. Whose sons are returning to Achin-arek (da). Do it somehow : ngol their homes today ?: miji'aral-dire lawai uij uchin-arek diyoke. (ke)? See App. vii and viu. some more, (adj.) additional (of anything) Son-in-law, (s.) .... otoniya (da). See .... 06-04 (da). App. viii for terms denoting relationships. some other, (adj.) .... oko-toro-baya song, (s.) .... ramid (da). (in construc. (da). Bia took some other bow : bla kdrama ramit); r&mit-pakita (da). Wologa's song: l'oko-loro buya enire. spolog'la renit (da). something, (8.) .... min (da). He is in soon, (adv.) 1. shortly.... See by the habit of giving me something wben he and by, promontly, later on. 2. As soon as pays me a visit here: karin ar-linga len 61 (whenever, at such time as) rel. . . . . kianoko-jaranga den min manke. erabalik. See Ex, at time and App. 1. some one. See somebody. soot, (8.) .... babut (da). some time or other, at (adv.) (a) in the sore, (edj.). ... chamnga (da); yednga indefinite past .... Achin-balya. (b) in (da). with prefix ab, ig, etc. according to the future .... A-roringa (-len); t&rolo part of the body which is in pain. See pain (-len); Bg&tek. At some time or other God and painful. (8.).... chum (da). lit a fire at Barren leland (there is a volcano | sorrowful. See sad. there): dchin-baiya piluga mola-Idrehona sorry, (adj.) .... kok-l'Ar-tornga (da). len chapa l'oko-joire. The modern name of The child is sorry that you are sick : ng' this ielend is taili-cb&pa (lit. stono-fuel). abyed nga l'edare abliga kukl'artornga (da). idea, out: a, cur : a, 0281: 8, father : &, fathom: ki, bite : &u, house : au, rouse.

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SORT 125 SPAWN sort, (v.t.) separate into lots, assort soundly, sleep. See sleep. .... Ot-nan (ke). (8.) sort, kind, descrip- soup, (8.) .... ab (-dama)-raij (da). tion .... tag (da). What sort ? also turtle-soup . . . . yadi-l'ab-rcij (da). what sort of sport have you had l: michiba sour, make or cause to become (v. t.) tagre ? (Note.-"tag" is frequently inserted . . . . ig-maka (ke). (v.i.) be or become after the base of a verb in order to modify . . . . iji-maka (ke). (adj.) ....ig-makaits meaning. Ex. to paddle: tapa (ke). to nga. (da). of unripe fruit.... tiripa paddle in some sort of way: tapa-tag (ke). (da). See unripe. to play: ijaj (ke). to have some sort of game: ijajag-tag (ke). See also Ex. at sourness, (s.) .... ig-maka-yoma (da). close, emergo, lull, sport and use. (Phr.) See quality. out of sorts .... ad jabag-tugnga (da); souroe, (8.) See spring. ab-yednga-dgnga (da). See Ex. at reply. south, (.) .... el-igla (da). south-west soul, (s.) seat of life . . . . Ot-yolo (da). wind .... deria (da). south-west monSee paradise, purgatory, reflection, and soon . . . . gumul-ta (da). Ex. at assumo. sow, (v.t.) seed .. .. yat-baguk (ke). sound, (v.t.) measure (with bamboo, etc.) lit, food-bury. depth of water . . . . . juru-tal (ke). (8.) sow, (s.) female pig.... rogo (da). See 1. (generic term).... tegi (da). 2. 8. of plg. 2. that has had one or more litters.... voice (human or animal), also of gun-fire rogo-chan-chau (da). 8. of unusual bulk ... akal-tegi (da). 3. 8. of thumping, as .... rogo-l'ong-chuin (da). 4. barren.... of heel on sounding-board during & dance rogo-laga (da). .... Ot-tegi (da). 4. s. of stamping on spano, (8.) 1. area, tract, place .... the ground .... el-6t-tegi (da). 5. rumbl. er (de). in construc, sometimes el, see Andaing s. as of thunder, 8. of & falling rook, man Islands. cramped, nerrow space ... troo, and also of footsteps . . . . ar-tegi er-chopeus (da). (da). 6. s. of surf.....ekd-yeng (de); spacious. See roomy. aka-yenge (de). See breakers. 7, s. of metel spade, (8.) ..... gera-jorlanga (da). when struck, as iron on an anvil or a bell, etc. This term is applied to the "wolo" (see adze, .... ar-tanga (de). 8. o. of rain ...! when used for soooping earth. See App. yar-te-l'i-tegi (da). 9. s. of falling water, xiii. as of a cascade .... Ar-yalangar (a); span, (v.t.) measure with the extended hand ar-chorcharingi (da). 10. 8. of rustling of .... oko-dugep (ke). (8.) space between leaves or that osused by one's movements outstretched thumb and little finger.... ....ig-charboringi (da). with special re- Oko-dugap (da). ference to the wearers of the "bod," "t& spare, (v.t.) 1. bestow, allow .... er-loda obonga" and "togo-chonga." See App. xiii. (ke) (reflex.) See Ex. at much. As you have no 11. B. of a slap or blow .... t-td-chokini yolba fibre I will therefore) spere you all (da). 12, 8. of crunching hard food, as puts, this : ngot-paichalen yolba yaba l'eddre klancha crackling, etc..,,. Ot-kat-walingi (da). do kian arduru d'arlodake. Can you spare 18. 8. caused by singeing hair or feathers, me so much ?:an ngo den kian ng'arlodake? etc. . . . . Ot-er-echanga fda). 14, 8. of 2. spare from injury . . . . Ot-tid-dubu (ke). bamboo cracking in the fire, or any explosive See Ex. at although, crush, hut. (adj.) See sound .... tgohunga (da). (adj.) without thin. defect . . . . Ot-goro-jim (da). spark, (8.) from burning wood .... sounding-board, (ured to mark time in ch&pa-l'ig-bera (da); bubra (da). See dust. dancing) . . . . pukuts-(l'ot-)yemnga (da). sparklo, (v.i.) .... betel (ke); ker (ke). See App. xiii. spawn, (8.) .... (yat-l'ia-) bor (da). o, indolent: 0, pelo : d. pot: d, awful: di, boil.

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SPEAK 126 SPORT speak, (v.t.) declare, address words .... spin, (v.t.) 1. twist fibres into thread yabnga-tarchi (ke). God spake these words .... ar-kit (ke). 2 a yarn, tell a story (lit. this words said): puluga kian-ari yabnga .... yabnga-l' ar-lor (ke). tarckire. (v.i.) utter words, talk .... yap spine, (s.) 1: .... ab-gorob (da). verte(ke). Is my father speaking ?: an d'ab- bra . . . . ar-ete-ta (da). See App. il. chabil yapke? See read. 2. serrated bony spine of the sting-ray. See speaker, (s.) ...yabnga-tarchi-yate (da). ray. spinster, (s.) .... ab-jadi-jog (da). See spear, (v.t.) 1. turtle, skate, etc. (a) only App. vii. one . . . . jerali (ke); (b) more than one .... dut (ke). We speared many turtles, I spirit, (s.) 1. ghost ....ot-chauga-(da) (in construc, chaugala). (For evil spirits killed two and Punga and Bia the others : meda yadi jibaba dutre, do ikpor loligare, of the land, sea and sky. See demon.) punga olbedig bia l'olot-dilu (da). 2. pig.... 2. spirituous liquor .... tog (da). See grog, spit, (v.t.) or (v.i.) . . . . 1, chin er-dut (ke). (s.) 1. turtle-spear (harpoon) (ke). .... koweia-loko-dutnga (da). The thick 2. 8. out food, hair, etc. from the mouth end of the long bamboo haft is called ar .... tubal (ke); tubal-pi (ke). See exborod (da) and the socket-end Akd-changa pectorate. (da). This harpoon consists (a) of the tog spittle. See saliva. splash, (v.t.).... ab-chingi (ke) ; ong(da), Along bamboo heft at the thin end of which & socket is provided for the (b) ela (ke); ab-wej (ke). 1. as by throwing something into water or by rushing into the kowais (da), which is a short iron harpoon -deeply notched or barbed. These two perts water. 2 & 3, as when pleying in the water. (v.i.).... pai-chat (ke). are connected by means of a long line (6) betmo (de). See Ex. at bow of canoe. 2. spleen, (s.). ...ab-pilma (da). See App. ii. pig-spear .... er-dutnga (da): galein (de). splico, (v.t.) . . . . tar-ody (ke). See App. xiii. splinter, (s.) of wood . . . . Achalnga (da). speckled, (adj.) .... 1-tona-taninga (da); split, (v.t.) 1. wood with an adze to obtain baratnga (da). firewood .:.. ch&pe-chalat (ke). 2. by speetator, (s.) ....ig-badig-yate (da); dashing wood on a stone .... ch&pa-tai spectators . . . . idal-ardaru (da); ig-badig- (ke). 3. anything .... (Aka-) tarali (ke). vate-long-kalek (de). 4. s. leaves of palms, pandanus, etc. as in spectre, (s.) ghost. See spirit. proparing waist-belts or in making ara speech, (s.) ....ig-yabnga (da). (see funereal wreaths).. (ke). (v.i.) speed, (8.) in flight, pursuit . . . . yirad ... Akan-tArali (ke); Oyun-temar-tarali (ke). (da). spoil, (v.t.) render useless . . . .eche (ke). speedily, (adv.) by running, flying, etc. id-bera (ke); polaiji (ke); Ot-jabagi (ke). .... yirad-tek. You have spoilt the bow : uai ngo kdrama spend, (v.t.) expend . . . . dutinga (ke). len echere. (v.i.) .... Oto-pulaiji (ke); See uso up. (v.i.) spend time. See stay. byun-temar-jabagi (ke). spow, (v.i.) .... ad-we (ke). spondylus, (8.) .... wal (da). Thorny spherical, (adj.) See globular. oyster cooked and eaten by married persons spidor, (8.) . . . . ngonga (ca). 2. spider's only. web (s.) . . . ngonga-kod (da). See net. spongo, (s.) .... upya (da). spike, (s.) .... chokul (da). See thorn. spoor, (s.):... akd-koij (da). spill,. (v.t.) .... Ot-els (ke). (v.i.) .... sport, (v.i.) frolic .. ..i-jajag-tang (ke). oto-elas (ke).; 1-jadla (ke); oto-pi (ke). See See sort. (8.) 1. hunting .... ut(da). upset. | 2. canoe-fishing .... lobinga (da). a, idea, cut: A, cur a, cega: a, father: a, fathom: ai, bite: au, house : au rouge,

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SPOT 197 START spot, (s.). See mark, place, stagnant, (adj.) ... el-aka-korbanga spotted, (adj.) as a cowrie . . . . i-tona- (da). * taninga (da); baratnga (da). stain, (v.t.).... michla (ke). 2.8. one's sprain, (s.) .... godoli (da). arrows . . . . ela (or tolbot)-1'ot-ti (ke). with spray of the sea, (8.) ..... 6t-ena - ref. to wounding or killing an enemy or in wali (da); patara-la-chinnga (da). shooting game. (A)..... michla (da). See spread, (v.t.) 1. overlay .... Ot-ram mark. (ke). 2. . leaves on the ground . .. er-ram stale, become (v.i.) of food kept too long (ke), as for a bed. 3. 6. wax, etc. over any .... a-maka (ke). (adj.) 1. not fresh .... object ....lefie (ke): miti (ke). 4. 8. & f-tol-re. See old. 2. with ref. to food eaten net .... yoto-bar (ke). 5. lay out freshly-cooked . . . . ritipa (da). lit. cold. .... pe (ke). 3. with ref. to fruit, also to leaves no longer spring, (v.i.) 1. as in leaping .... ake- fit for thatching or other purpose ... Jabva (ke). 2. 8. upwards .... ebal (ke). ruka (da). 4. of food kept too long.... See jump. 3. oraek, os an overstrained bow d-maka-re. or paddle . . . . iji (or oto)-tareli (ke). (s.) stalk game, (v.t.) .... at-bang-ddati (ke) 1, outflow of water . . . . ake-ch&r (da). 2.!; 1ggoroba (ke). See approach by stealth. 8. water. . . . bla (8a). See Andaman Is- stammer, (v.t. & v.i.)..... akdlands 10, p. 24. 8. vernal season.... godigma (ke). Cala tong-dereka (da). See App. ix. 4. 8. 1 stamp, (v.i.) 1. on sounding-board, as an tide. See tide. accompaniment to dancers .... yem (ke). sprinkle, (v.t.) .... yirip (ke); el-ot-wij 2. after the manner of Andamanese when (ke), dancing . . . . tik-pa (ke). 3. stamp uponspy, (v.i.) .... ab-chau-Omo (ke). .... daruga (ke). squall, (6.) violent gust .... alnga-la-)! staneh, (v.t.) stop flow of blood .... togori (da). medali (ke). squander. See wasto. stand, (v 1.) 1. of one person ... kapi square, (adj.). . . . ar-gor (da). (ke). 2. of more than one ... kapari (ke). squat, (v.1.).... ar-dohubla (ke). See 8. 8. still ....ig-nu (ke). 4, s. up akaEx. at somo. tani (ke). 5. s. on tip-toe .... ara-laijai squoak, (v.1.).. . . . Ar-pate (ke). (ke). 6. s. in a row. . . . & (or iji)-tor (ke). squeeze, (v.t.) 1..... petemi (ke). star, (s.) 1.... chato (da); ig-woloij 2 s. honey out of a comb .... panu (ke). (da). 2. s.-light .... chato-la-choinga (da). 3. B. the breast in suokling an infant ...., 3. shooting-star .... chaugala-la-choinga kam-raij-ptonu (ke). (da). (adj.) 3.-less ..... chato-ba (da); squint, (1.1) ... 1g-elri (ke). (adj.) 's- ig-woldij-ba (da). eyed .. .. 1g-elringa (da). 1 starboard, (s.) .... ig-bida (da). squirt, (v.t.) .... Akd-walri (ke). staro, (v.t.),... ig.noma (ke)... stab, (v.t.) a person . . . . ab-jala (ke). I start, (v.1.) 1, set out on a journey ... stab an animal (esp. pig).... jain (ke) tot-makari (ke). In order to arrive there See slaughter. beforehond, get up before us and start at stage. See platform, burial and porch. dawn: kato l'oko-telim ng'aka-tf-doinga l'edare stacoor, (v.1.)... .. 1. from a blow .... met-toba ng oyu-boi, 6ledig wanga-len totdege (ke). 2. s. from physical Infirmity .... makari (ke). 2. as in a race .... ara-porot teta (ke) ; (ig-) leleka (ke). 8. s. from giddi- (ke). 3. with surprise.... iji-fieradla ne88. . , . @lamja (ke). (ko). o, indolent. 0, pole : o, pot : 0, awful: di, boil.

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STARTLE 128 STILL startle, (v.t.).... ig-wata (ke). (v.i.) | step-father, (s.) 1. .... ab-chabil (da). ... iji-wata (ke). 2. step-mother.... ab-chanola. 3. stepstave, (v.i.) .... akan-werali (ke). 6on ... eb-ad-enire. 4. step-daughter state, (v.t.) See say, tell. . .. eb-adenire-pail (da). See App. viii. station, fishing. See Fishing-station. Stephania hernandifolia, (s.) . . . jang stature, (8.) .... ab-lapanga-yoma (da). ma (da). The fruit is eaten. stay, (v.i.) 1. tarry, dwell temporarily . Stercuiia villosa, (8.) .... baja (da). A ..... poli (ke); pali (ke). See day. 2. wait favourite tree for making canoes, buckets, .... tami (ke). 3. remain at ease, take ease take and food dishes, s. sp. maii (da); yere (da); rest ..... bermi (ke). 4. stay away.... kared (da). Of these the first two are used oto-ludai (ke). for canoe-making, the first also provides steady, (adj.) fixed, firm. See arm. resin for torches,while the seed of the sinall steal, (v.t.) .... (ar-) tap (ke). 2. (v.i.) yellow fruit of the third is sucked and .. . ara-tap (ke). See piller. broken in order that the kernel may be steam, (v.i.) boag (ke). (s.) bong (da). See extracted and thrown away and its shell eaten boil. as a dainty. steamer, (8.) .... birma-chelewa (da). 1 . sterile, , (adj.) .... Ar-Odinga-ba (da). (lit. "funnel-ship"); aka-birma (da). See See barren, beget. Ex, at bring (by water). When the steamer stern, (s.) of canoe . . . . ar-tit (da). He is sitting in the stern : 61 dr-lit-len aka-doi (ke). anchored yesterday I was tattooing my son (mother speaking): birma-chelowa dilea stew, (v.t.) ....ig-gaunga-joi (ke). (v.i.) .... iji-gaunga-joi (ke). kana-l'en-lolpinga bedig do-d'ab-eti-yate l'abyi stick, (v.t.) 1. & pig.... jain (ke). 2. 8, tika. a turtle. See slaughter. 3. cause to adhere stoop, (v.t.) See soak. (adj.) precipitous .... Oyu-mali (ke). (v.i.) adhere .... ... , el-et-chadme (da); el-ot (or tot) Oyun-temar-mali (ke). 2. s. in the gullet lanta (da); ig-lechenga (da). See slope and . . . . ne-tai (ke). 8. as an arrow in a tree bridge of nose. or cork in the neck of a bottle....gogai stoepness, (8.) .... tot-lanta-yoma (da). (ke). (s.) 1. patu (da). (lit. wood.) 2. stout, steer, (v.t.) 1. by means of paddle ... pointed s. used as a hoe .... laka (da). Ar-tit (ke). See stern. 2. with a rudder ... See App. xiii, 8. thin, pointed s. used as a .... Ar-giuda (ke). It is my turn first to skewer or for slaughtering a turtle .... steer (with a paddle) (lit. first turn my steer- cham (da). See slaughter. '4. poling-s. ing), you all must paddle for me : utolaka See pole. dia lartit (da), nged drduru den itapake. stickiness, (s.) .... malinga-yoma (da). stem, (8.) 1. prow . . . . oko (or Oc) sticky, (adj.) ....malinga (da); malatmugu (da). 2. stem of plant ..... ab-chau ma (da). stif, (adj.) See rigid. (da) stiften, (v.t.) . . . . oyu-latawa (ke). (v.i.) stoneh, (8.) .... Ot-du-jabag (da). See 1.... Oyun-temar-latawa (ke). odour. What a stench 1: badi-chuhige ! stifte, (v.t. & v.i.). See suffocate. step. (v.i.) 1. make paces.... ara- still, cause to be (v.t.).. .en-nu (ke). tang (ke); 2. walk .. .. Dau (ke). 8. step (v.i.) 8. be or keep ... ad-nu (ke). Keep aside, make way.... ad-ochai (ke).. 4. still I don't fidget l: ng'ad-na i, ng'ijistep backwards .... t&r-18 (ke). 5. stepijoli (ke) dake ! (conj.) yet, nevertheless forwards . . . .. tar-iki (ke). 6. step over .. . Arek (adv.) even yet, as previously .... ar-lebadi (ke). (8.) 1. pace ... .... ng'aka. He is still absent. 6 ngaks A-tang (da). 2. step, foot. See foot-print. abyaba (da). a, idea, cut : &, our : , casa : &, father': &, fathom : si, bite : au, house : au, rouse.

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STILL-BORN 199 STRAND still-born, (adj.) .... okolinga-doatire. ramit-l'iji-tolpi (ke). Because the Chief was sting, (v.t.) 1. as a bee, scorpion, centi. angry they stopped singing : maiola tiyrelnga pede, etc..... taij (ke). 2. &s a nettle l'edare eda rami-l'ui-tulpire. (C) 8. singing .... guruda (ke); choa (ke); yaro (ke). when ordered . . . . akon-mila (ke). Stop ! The sand-flies stung me during the night : (Hush!; be silent !)..... mila ! ; tubo !. gurug-ya nipa den luijre. (8.) (ar-) muruwil Stop ! (Halt!)... gogli ! ; kapi!, Stop (da). sting-ray. See ray. (wait) a little ! ..... tolaba ! stingy, (adj.) .... On-yat-jabag (da). . ] stopper, (s.) of leaves in mouth of bamboo stink, (v.i.) .... chunge (ke). (s.) ... bucket (gob) .... Oko-jeralinga (da). ot-du-jabag (de). store, (v.t.) lay up in store . . . . ar-sia stir, (v.t.) 1. liquids . . . . ig-ketik (ke). (ke); ar-lagap (ke). Stir the gravy !: aka-vaij l'ig-ketik (ke)! stores, (s.) supplies of food and other 2. non-liquid substances ....ig-gerau (ke). articles obtained from foreigners (lit. gifts) 3. stir up, es mud in a pool ....ig-ojoli .... yad (da). (in construc. yat). 2. sup(ke). (v.i.) move .... akan-gidi (ke). Don't plies of articles of home production .... stir ! : ng'akan-gidike dake! See move. ramoko (da). stitch, (v.t.) sew .... jat (ke). stitch storm, (s.) .... lllnga (or wulnga)together leaves of the Licuala peltata .... chaneg (da). See blow, (v.i.). kapa-jat (ke). See sereen and App. xi. story, (s.) 1. a tale .... yabnga-l'ig. stock, (s.) accumulated store . . . . Ot Tab (da). 2. s. of extravagant nature .... jeg-yate (da). See Ex, at increase. ar-chinga (da). See exaggerate. (v.t.) narrate stomach, (s.).... ab-upta (da), stomach ache ..... jodo-l'i-cham (da). (lit. bowels. as, See tell. pain). stout, (adj.) 1, corpulent, (a) in ref. to stone, (s.) 1. also rock .... txili (da). spimols .... pata (da). (b) of human 2. quartz .... tolma (da). 3. fruit-stone beings. . . . A-pata (da). 2. as a trunk of a .... ban (da). 4. sharpening-s., hone iarge tree .... lab (da). The trunk of ..... talag (da). 5. cooking-s.... la (da). that Gurjon tree is very stout : katarain 6. 8. anvil .... rarap (da). 7. s. hammer l'ab-chau lab dogaya. 8. thick as a pot or :... taili-bana (da). See App. xii. canoe .... thlana (da); mogodma' (da). , stony soil, (s.) .... el-6t-ta (da) ; goroin Of all the buckets this is the stoutest : (da). dakar ardaru tek acha talawa-l'igli (da). stoop, (v.i.) 1. in order to pick up some straggle, (v.i.). See wander. thing ... oto-ngoijli (ke). 2. from physical straight, (adj.) 1. not crooked .... ifhrmity . oto-bil (ke). 3.88 when mo'lo (da); nogo (da). 2. upright. See passing under a branch, eto..... eb-er- erect. (v.i.) 1. (direct) proceed .... ara. doati (ke). loma (ke). 2. put straight, arrange in order. stop, (v.t.) 1. hinder, obstruct. See pre See arrange. vent. 2. close up with wax. See caulk. (v.i.) straighten, (v.t.) with ref. to a cane.... 1. B. away from home temporarily, as when nogo (ke). 2. 8. one's limbs . . . . lorai (ke). visiting friends .... poli (ke). See dwell. strait, (s.) narrow sea or passage between 2. B. anywhere for a time for rest and ease islands ....jig-chan-chau (da); teg.... barmi (ke). 3. B. awhile to recover parog (da); tar-wala (da). wind and from fatigue .... akan-chaiat strand, (v.t.) of & vespel .... Oko(ke). 4. cease. See cease. (a) 8. working yoboli (ke). (v.i.) run agreund . . . . ad.... un-dari (ke). (b) s. singing ... yoboli (ke). o, indolent: 0, pole : 0, pot : o, awful: dir boil.

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STRAND 130 STUN strand, (s.) of a rope or line.... ponga mol'(da). See App xiii. 2. bow-string ... (da). kare ma-tat (da); Akd-tat (da). strange, (adj.) marvellous .... ig. strip, (v.t.) 1. make bare.... Ot ngeklinga (do). kalaka (ke). 2. (a) 8. the skin off a fruit stranger, (.) 1. of one's own country i... doch (ke); ddich (ke). (b) 4. the .... ob-goi (da). 2. of another race.... berk of the slaba ....ot-pij (ke). (e) of ig-lia (da). the yolba .... 131 (ke). (1.) of the pilits strangle, (v.t.) 1. throttle, choke .... (da)....por (ke). See App. xi... akd-petemi (ke). 2. by means of crope ... stripe, (8.) 1. wale from stick or Issh.... aka-loropti (ke). tistanga (da). 2. of paint .... tornga (da) stratus. See.cloud. stroke, (v.t.) rub gently . . . . luraicha straw, (s.) .... yukala-rucha (da) (lit. (ke). gra88-withered). stroll, (v.i.) ramble idly, leisurely ..'. stray. See wander. (ad-) yduga (ke). See walk. Stroll hereabout! stream, (s.) .... jig-ba (da). (don't go for !) .... kdrik-yaugake! strength, (8.) 1. of animate object .... strombus (s.) (?pugilis) . . . . Olog (da). ab-gora-y oma (da). 2. of bow or cord ... See App. xii, robaba-yoma (da). 3. of the wind or waves strong, (adj.) 1. muscular .... ab-gora .... lachur-yoms (da). (da). My father is stronger than you, but streteb,(v.t.) make tant, as a rope .... I am the strongest cf you all : ng'iji dabteni (ke). (v.i.) 8. one's self .... chibri (ke); mai'ab-gora, dona ng'ijit d'abgora (da). 2. in chibiris. (ke). 2. one's legs ... lorsi (ke). carrying weights on the shoulder .... 8. reach out in order to touch or take Akan-tebi-gora (de). (This term is applied .... tik-pai-be (ke). 4. 8. out without to Hindu jhampon-bearers.] 8. durable, of reaching .... Ong (or aka)-wodli (ke). hut or canoe.... gora (da). 4. &s a bow See reach. or cord . . . . robaba (da). My Low is strew, (v.t.) scatter loosely .. .. er stronger than yours: dia kdrama ng'ekan ram (ke). See scatter. tek robaba (da). 5. of a wave or the wind strido, (v.i.).... ad-lahda (ke). .... Idchur(da). strike, (v.t.) 1. See boat, hit. 2. 8. out. struggle, (v.1.) 1..... kerits (ke). 2.. right, reducing to submission. ...ig-re for the first place as in racing, serambling. (ke). 8. 8. one for the offence of another ... eto.....-padha-pachi-ke). kat-o-kini (ke); er-katya (ke). 4. 8. gently, StryebDos vomica, (8.) .... @repaidtimidly, or with insufficient force .... tat (da). dodopi (ke). See Ex. at penetrate. 5. 8. with stubborn, (adj.) See obstinate. an arrow. See hit. 6. 8. with a harpoon. See stuff, (v.t.) 1. cram, pack full ....1 harpoon (v.). 7. s. with a pig-spear .... tuns (ke). 2. gorge .... 8b-jodo (ke). er-dat (ke). 8. B. with the fist ..., &b-taia 8. 8. one's mouth .... ropo (ke). (ke); ab-tulra (ke). 9. 8. with a stick stumble, (v.i.) trip in walking. See trip. ...: pare (ke) with appropriate prefix. stump, (s.) 1. of a tree . . . . Ot-kodul See best. 10. with a knife. See stab, slash (de). 2. of a finger, tail, eto.'.... at Why did you strike yourselves on the (de), takes prefix Ong, er, etc. according to head ?: michalen ngeda moto-parekre? member referred to. See App. ii. string, (v.t.) 1. a. bow.... Ot-ngotli s tun, (v.t.) 1. with a blow .i.. aka(ke). See show, teach. 2.'s. beads or shells nili (ke). 2. with a loud noise .... ig. (lit. sew).... jat (ke). (s.) 1. twine....nili (ke). s, idea, cut : , cur : a, casa: a, father : &, fathom: ai, bite : du, house : 10, rouge.

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STUNTED 131 stunted, (adj). . . . . 8t-dagap (da). dacna gigantea) for many persons : chowaj stuplid, (adj). dull-witted .... mugu- uba-dogalen wai yde at-ubaba-l'eb ddruma (da). tig-picha (da); An-jabag (da); On-tig-jabag That's sufficient !: wai dake! lit. don't (da). See Introduction, p. 7. (give more)! or kian-wai! lit "this much." stutter. See stammer. suffocate, (v.t.) .... Aka-maju (ke). stye, (s.) on eye-lid....fdal-l'ar-ola (v.i.) owing to smoke or foul air .... akan muju (ke). (da). style, (8.) mode, manner . . . . ig-lornga sugar-ago, (s.) 1, after being cut .... (da). tedi (da). 2. standing-crop .... tedi-tong In this style: kian-ari (da). In (da). Necessarily a word of modern origin, that style : ekara (da); ktan-uba (da). See manner and App. l. derivation doubtful. suicide, commit (v.i.) .... yun. substitate, (8.) . . . . Ong-teka (da).. temar-toliga (ke). succeed, (v.t.) take the place of another suitable, (adj.) 1. applicable, appropriate .... ar talpi (ke). (v.i.) be successful. ...yoma (da); Roma (da). Is it suitable See gain. - for making a bucket ?: an uai ka dakar successful, (adj.) 1, in ref. to sport. See tanenga l'eb noma (da)? See at. 2. fit .... hunter. 2. in other respects .... otola loyu. (8.) s. (fit) for food ... malnga-loyu l'edanga (da). This big bow is not suitable for that child : successor, (s.) ... ar-talpinga (da). richa kdrama bodia ked talaganga lat loyusuch, (adj.) of like kind .... kichikan ba (da). (da). at such time as (rel.) .... kian suik, (v.i.). ...ig-m Alwi (ke). er ubalik. See App. 1. and Ex. at time.. salky, (adj.) sullen ....ig-malwinga suek, (v.t.) ....ig-no (ke); ab-welej (da). (ke). 2. as in eating sugar-cene, honey, etc. saltry, (adj.) .... elakA-dya (da); ig. .... gang (ke). (v.i.) See suckle. yelata (da). sucking-pig, (s.) .... reg-ba (da). He summit, (s.) top, of a hill .. . 0t-lan gave me a sucking-pig in exchange for my (da); Ot-gadur (da); 6t-latebo (da). . bow : dia karama l'igal-len o reg-ba den dre. summon, (v.t.) send for, call .... dr suckle, (v.t.) .... kam-raij-punu (ke); figere (ke). See call. Akd-punu (ke). See squeeze. (v...) .... sun, (s.) ... bodo (da). [Note-The sun Akan-punu (ke). is regarded as female and the wife of the suddenly, (adv.) unexpectedly ..... moon.] (a) 8.-beam .... bodo-l'ar-chal lilpi (da). See Ex. at tug. He died suddenly : ! (da). (b) s.-burnt .... bodo-la-katainga al Kilpi okolire. (da).(c) glare of 8. . . . . bodo-l'ig-karanga suet, (s.) .... ab-jiri (da). (da).(d) s.-light.... bodo-la-choinga (da). suffer, (v.i.) 1. pain .. .. ig-yed (ke). (e) s.-rise .... bodo-la-kagnga (da). (1) 2. B. from fever and ague .... diddirya- 8.-Bet.... bodo-la-lotinga (da). (6) S.l'abomo (ke). 8. 8. pains of labour .... shine .... bodo-la-karnga (da). There fk-ig-nu (ke). 4. any loss or damage .... has been no sunshine of late: dirap tek bodo eori (ke). la-karngth yaba (da). (h) sunstroke. ..: sunciont, (adj.) . . . . duruma (da). I bodo l'ot-tabulinga (da) ; bodo-l'At-rthave sufficient food in my possession : dot tanga (da). (1) gleam, glow, radiance paichalen ydt duruma (da). It is sufficiently sunset .... bara (da). He is looking at long: ol lapanga duruma (da). There is the sunset: 6l bara len (l') igbadike. (Lit. Bufficient food in a single large clam (Trs. the radiance of the sunset.) o, indolent: a, pole: d, pot : o, awful: di, boil

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SUNKEN-REEF 132 SWIXDLE sunken-reel, (8.) .... tebi-laro (da). swallow, (v.i.).... fonti (ke). What. sunken-rock .... totol (da). ever he swallows (that game) he throws up superior, (adj.) 1. better.... tar. (vomits) again : 61 min. fonti-ydte 6l-bedia bainga (da). 2. superior in skill or speed, eto. ad-weke. ..... ar-chak-beringa-botaba (da) ;ar. swamp, (v.t.) a canoe by overloading paicha-beringa-botaba (da). ....ig-baralti (ke). supper, (s.) .... Akan-golajnga (da). swamp, (s.) 1. fen, marsh .... ili (da). supple, (adj.) pliable, ... Oto-yob (da); 2. mangrove-swamp. See mangrove. yaragap (da). swarm of bees, (s.) ... ratag-mui (da). supply, (v.t.) See provide. sway, (v.i.) as a slender palm in a breeze suppurate, (v.i.) generate pus .... man .... i-gidi (ke). (ke). sweat, (v.1.) See perspire. (8.):.... supreme. (adj.) . . . . ijila (da). We all gumar (da). with prefix, ong, ig, aka, ab, etc.) desire Thee &g our supreme and only chief : according to the part of the person referred mar-arduru ngen motot yubur ijita met-ake to. See App. ii. The sweat on our foreheads: sure, (adj.) See certain. m'itig gumar (da). The sweat on your lip: sure-footed, (adj.) .... teripa (da). ng'aka gumar (da). surely, (adv.) See certainly. sweep, (v.t.) .... er-buj (ke). surf, (s.) .... kubya (da). 2. 8., sound sweepings, (8.) .... bera (da). of .... ake-yeng (da). sweet, (adj.) as honey ....daki (da). sweet-heart (the woman) . . . . ig-pol (da). surface, (8.) 1. of any solid ....0t See love. (exclam.) How sweet! (of scent): elma (da). 2. of any liquid ... Akd-elma pue! (da). The paddle is floating on the surface swell, (v.i.) 1, increase in bulk . . . . lapi of the creek : waligma jig l'aka-elmg len (ke); ar-but (ke). 2. as a boil, bruise, etc. odatke. .... butuk (ke). (s.) 1. swell of the sea. surfelt, (v.t. & v.i.) .... teg-but (ke). .... juru-l'ig-gera (da). 2. ground-swell surfeited, (p.p.) .... teg-batre. .... boroga-l'ot-goloin (da). surly, (adj.) .... oko-dubunga-ba (da). swelling, (e.) 1. tumour .... bata (da). surpass, (v.t.) excel . . . . tig-beringa with prefix, ab, ong, ig, etc., according to (ke). part referred to. See App. ii. 2. s. from a surplus, (s.) See remaindor. blow . . . . i-gudal (da). surprise, (v.t.) 1. strike with astonishment swift, (adj.) fleet, (a) of a runner or swim....ig-likati (ke). 2. take unawares .... mer . . . . ar-rinima (da); ar-rewa (da); oyu ....ig-likati (ke). I surprised Wologa ar.yere (da). (b) of an animal, bird or fish this morning : wi da kawai wangalen oyu .... rinima (da). ; yere (da); rewa (da). wblog'iglikatire. (c) of a canoe ... podya (de) surround, (v.t.).... 0t-goroba (ke); swiftlet. (S.) (Collocalia linchii).... ot-gonga (ke). bilya (da). edible nest of this bird .... suspect, (v.t.).... r-g&t (ke). See bilya-l'ar-ram (da). remember. I suspect you of having stolen swim, (v.i.) 1..... ar-pit (ke). 2. 9. on my adze: dia wolo tap yate was do ngen er one's back .. .. ad-roko (ke). See canoe. gatke. 3. s. under the surface .... tik-patemi suspend, (v.t.). See hang. (ke). See dive. (8.) swimmer .... ar. suspicious, (adj.). See shy. pitnga (da). swallow, (8.) See swiftlet. swindle, (v.t.). See ohoat. A, idea, cut : , cur: d, cak; 4, father: &, fathom: ai, bite: au, house: du, route.

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TARBY 133 SWINE swine, (s.) .... reg (da). protect .... ab (or ig)-gora (ke). 9. t. swing, (v.t.) cause to (or sway) to-and- notice of, observe .... id-ngo (ke). (v.i.) fro ....ar (or ig)-lela (ke). (v.i.) 1. swing 1. t. broath .... chaiatli (ke). 2. t. care, while suspended . . . . ara (or iji)-Ibla-(ke). t. precautions .... er-gelep (ke). See 2. as a hanging creeper .... akan-girima that (conj.). 3. t. leave. See leave. 4. t. (ke). one's ease, rest .... barmi (ke). See stay. swoop, (v.i.) as a bird on its prey.... 5. t. place. See happen, occur. 6. t. a chalya (ke.) stroll. See stroll, walk. sympathetic, (adj.) com pasionate .... tale, (s.) story .... yabnga-l'ig-lab (da). ep-tong-itnga (da); ita-bulabnga (da). See story. sympathise, (v.i.) condole... ita- talk, (v.i.) speak, utter words .... bulap (ke); See assist, mourn; ep-tong-it (ke). yap (ke). What is Wologa talking about?: t micha-l'eb wologa ydpke? Hush ! don't talk : tabooed, (adj.) (a) of food .... tub (da). mila, ydpke dake! 2. t. together, converse (b) place .... el-ot-choa (da). This word ..:. iji-yap (ke); 1-jen (ke). They are is applied to sites regarded as undesirable talking together about us : eda mebet ijitfor habitation on account of much sickness ydpke. 3. t. secretly. See whisper. or unaccountable deaths having occurred talkative, (adj.) .... ed-winga (da); there. yabnga-tapa (da). tadpole, (s.) .... ledek-ba (da); ropan tall; (adj.) 1. of a human being .... ba (da). See frog, toad. ab-lapanga (da); ab tabanga (da) ; ig-gara (da). Why are your country-men taller tail, (s.) .... ar-picham (da). (a) of than ours?: michalen ngitig budua maratsting-ray ... . Hip-l'ar-bal (da). See ray. take, (v.t.) 1. lay hold of . . . . eni (ke). duru tek attabanga (da)! 2. of any animal 1.... tAbanga (da). 3. of an inanimate See feel, hold, touch. 2. t. away (a) any object . . . . lapanga (da). animate object .... ab-ik (ke). (b) any taller, (adj.) of human beings .... nanimate object . . . . fk fke). He took aka-jana (da); iji (or tek)-ab-lapanga (da). it away himself yesterday: wai ol oyun See than. temar dilea(len) kre. Take away thither!: katik tallest, (adj.) of human beings .... ik! 3. t. down from higher position ... arduru-tek-aka-jana (da); ab-lapanga l'igla (a) (8-) rot (ke). (b) t. d. a honey-comb from tree, etc...... (kanga-) Up (ke). 4. t off (a) lift off, as a pot from the fire .... talon, (8.).... ong-koro (da). yukke). The food is cooked, take the pot tamarind, (8.). . . . . pema (da). off the fire : wai yat la rochre, bruj ykk (ke). tame, (v.t.) .... f-dubu (ke). (adj.) (b) of personal ornaments, etc.... lapuii .. i-dubunga (da). (ke); lap (ke). See waistbelt. 6. t. out. tangled, (adj.) of harpoon lines, eto.... (a) extract .... loti (ke). See Ex. at ez oto-chore. tract. (b) pick out ..... karepa (ke): tank, (8.) .... ina-l'ig-bang (da). ((c)) from hole, bag or other receptacle .... tap, (v. t. and v. i.).... tai-chowa (ko). oyu-walya (ke). Take the prawns out of the 2. As a woodpecker .... @r-tore (ke). net: kud tek du toyu-wdlya (ke). See 8. tap the ground with the foot, as in out. 6. t. outside, (a) with ref, to animate their dances. See stamp. object .... walak-l'ab-ik (ke); (b) with tapeworm, (s.) .... bolob (da). ref. to inanimate object .... walak-ik t ardly, (adv.) .... ig.nflya (da). (ke). 7. t. up. See pick up. 8. t. care of, tarry, (v.i.) See linger, stay, stop. o, indolent: 0, pole: 0, pot; o, awful : 6i, boil. (da).

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TASTE 134 TEST taste, (v.t.) 1. test flavour .... Akd- saw and what you did minya ngo katikmaj (ke). 2. partake of .... aka-rar (ke) yale, ng'ig-bddig-ydte, ng'oiyo-ydte bedig, See titbit. (v.i.) have a flavour of .... yanga-l'ar-lorke. 5. t. the gist of akan-maj (ke). See Ex. at like. story.... yabnga-l'Ar-ala (ke). How tasto, (s.) flavour, (a) of simple unmixed tiresome you are I tell us at once the gist of food .... Aka-raja-maich (da). (b) of what occurred : badi durumabal ngo kd-goi mixed food .... Akd-yaro (de). yabnga-l'ar-ula (ke.) 6. t. about, inform tasteless, (adj.).... gologa (da). against .... Ot-bam (ke). tasty, (adj.) of food ....Ski-rarrga (da). tempestuous, (adj.) of weather .... tattoo, (v.t.) prick and mark the skin in koulo (da). koblo some design .... yiti (ke). One who is temple, (8.) of the head....ig-timar (da). tattooed is styled " &-borta (da)," and one who is not tattooed "ab-lata (da)." The tempt, (v.t.).. -ig-aju (ke). prefix ig, ab, ar, etc., is employed to denote | tender, (adj.) 1. of meat .. .. netemo the part of the body to which reference is (de). 2. as an old wound .... ab-geri. made. nga (da). tattoo & pattern, (v.t.) .... oiyo (ke) tendon, (s.) .... yilnga (da) with preSee barve. fix ar, aka, etc. according to part of person toaoh, (v.t.) .... futai (ke). See ex- referred to. 8. tendon Achilles (8.).... plain, instruet. He taught me : 6L den i ab-yilnga (da). 1-laire ; (a) t. how to swim .... ar-pitnga- tepid, (adj.) lukewarm.... tya-ba l'itaike. (b) t. how to dance.... kings- (da); blenga (da). l'itai (ke). (c) t. how to tattoo.... yftinga. Teredo navalis, (s.) .... juru-win (da). l'itai (ke); Al-yiti (ke). (d) t. a language terminalia, (s.) 1. T. bialata .... emej Akd-tegili-l'itaike. (e) t. to pronounce (de). 2. T. citrina .... bibi (da). 3. T. (a word) ... .. f-t&-yap (ke) lit. "Assist procera .... baila (da). 4. T. sp..... speak." chap (da). 5. T. trilate .... talena (da). teal, (s.) .... kala (da); kalal (da). terminato, (v.i.) As & season .. .. ototear, (v.t.) 1. rend ... parata (ke). jonli (ke). The rainy season will terminate 2. t, a bough from a tree .... top (ke); next moon : ogar-la-idoatinga gumul-udb oto(Aka-) topati (ke). 8. t. a piece of cloth, jonlike. leaf, eto.... kajili (ke). (v.i.) 1..... termite, (s.) white ant ... bodera (da). ad-parata (ke); tarali (ke). 2. as a palm leaf torra-Arma, (s.) 1. land as distinguished when pulled or by force of wind .... ad from ses ... yit (ke); oyun-temar (or akan). tarali (ke). el-8-gora (da). 2. the shore .... tot-gora (da). See ooast, shore. (8.) rent .... jag (da) We were glad when we reached land (terratear, (s.) drop from eye .... t'i (da). tease, (v.t.).... ig-fi&da (he). firma): el-gora len lodgalnga bedig meda motot baik-beringare. teat, (8.) .... ig-kam-lot-ch&ta (da). torrify, (v.t.).... ig-wA (ke). teeth, (v.42) pick the .... akan- karepa (ke). See pick. territory, (s.) . . . . &r (da). tell, (v.t.) 1. say, state .... ter-chi. test, (v.t.) prove . . . . yogo (ke). Only (ke). 2. describe, explain ... f-tai (ke). this bow has been tested, the others are as See Ex. st boar. 3. inform, acquaint .... yet untried: "Ogun Acha kdrama yogongata, badali (ke). 4. t. the whole story (relate) akal-loglik Agaka yogonga-ba (da). 2. test vabnga-l'Ar-lor (ke). Tell us the the strength of a cord .... tinap (ke) : whole story, where you went, what you tenip (ke). *, idea, out : &, our: nga : a, father: i, fathom: ai, bite: su, house: du, round.

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TESTES testes, (8.).... ar-ota (da). than, (conj.). . . . iji; tek. He is taller than you: ol ng'ji (or ngol-tek) ablapanga (du). My home is more distant than yours: in bid ngia bud tek elarpala (da). thank, (v.t.). . . . elet (ke). See Ex. at much. (exclam.) Thank goodness!... yelo! 135 that, (adj. and dem. pron.) . . . . olla (in constr. ol); kato (da) (in constr. ka); achu-met. (N.B. The last can apparently be employed only as in the Ex. given below.) That bow has just sprung: kd (or ol) karama goi medalre. See Ex. at until. This or that?: an ka an ka (to) (da)? From which cup (lit. nautilus-shell) will you drink? from this or from that?: tencha odo tek ngo welej (ke) ? an ucha tek, an uchu-met tek? See this, that. (intens.).... kato-ol, lit. there (or that )-that. That is the European (soldier) that shot your pig: kato-ol boigoli ngia reg l'otpuguri-ydte (da). Whose is that bow?: mijia karama kato-ol? (rel pron.) that (or he) who or which.... ate (da); yate (da). (correl.) that same . . . . ol bedig. (See App. i.) That which (whatever) he swallows (that same) he throws up (vomits): ol min nonti-ydte ol-bedig adweke. (adj.) that, lit. opposite or other (not this) side, (a) of a creek, etc. . . . tedi-bala (da). See opposite. (b) of & plank, etc. .. .. kato elma (da). (conj.) so (or in order) that. aua. I am acquainting you (of the fact) that you may know and take immediate precautions: wai do ngen badalike ana ngo tidainga-bedig ka-goi er-gelep (ke). See also Ex. at (receive) news and provide. (postp.) to the end (or purpose) that. . . . eb. See for and Ex. at send. (adv.) like that.. ol (or kato)-naikan. in that way ekara (da); kien-uba (da). in that direction (or by that road). . kat'&t-tinga-lenthat (or so) much. . . . kai (da). that many.... ka-chaic (a). See App. i. thatch, (v.t.).... yobla (ke). (a) prepare thatch.... chang tepi (ke). THERE thee, (pron) . . . . ngol-len (in constr. ngen); ngai; ngad. See App. ii. theft, (s.). ar-tap (da). There was a theft here this morning: kamin ilmaya artap (da or) l'edare. their, (poss. pren.) ...onta (da); ontat; st; itig; a-et, etc. See App. ii. Their mothers: at-elinga (da). See make. Their wives: ontat pail (da). Their bows: onta karama (da). Their teeth: itig tug (da). their, of a community.... aratduru (da). their own, theirs (pron. adj.) ... ekan; oyut. See App. ii. them, (pron.). oloichik-len (in See App. ii. and constr. et); at; ad. barter, gather, make. t. all (a) of three or more... et-ar-duru. (b) of a nity. ber commu arat-duru. (e) of a large numat-ubaba. t. selves.... oyutbatam; oyut-temar; ekan; ijit; oto. See self. t. selves, among. See among and self. then, (adv.) (a) at that time (past) . . . . achibiya. He was then a bachelor: ol achibaiya abwara (da or l'edare). (b) indef. past.... achinbaiya. See Ex. at (c) a specific time in the once upon a time. future... nga (da). When your canoe is finished (made) (then) let me know: ona ngia roko kop-yale, nga den badati (ke). If it rains (then) stay where you are: moda yum la pake nga ngo poli(ke). (d) another time later on (indef. future). . . . nga-tek, (e) next. See next. (f) at the same time (correl.) .... kichikan. See App 1. and Ex. at same. (conj.) as a consequence, therefore .. kismcha (da). thence, (adv.) from that place. . . . katotek; uchu-mek. See App. 1. He escaped thence in his own canoe: ol uchumek ekan roko len adwetire. 2. (correl.) from the same place....ol-bedig-tek. See Ex, at whence. : there, (adv.) in (or at) that place kato (da); itan (da). He is there ol kato (de). See until. 2. (correl.).... ol-bedig.... ya. Wherever he hunts (pigs), there he has good luck minya ol deleke ol-bedig ot-ydb o, indolent: o, polo: d, pot: o, awful: di, boil.

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THEREABOUT 136 THRASH ya. See App. 1. 2. thither .... katik think, (v.t.) be of opinion, consider, (da). (exclam). There! as when pointing to an believe .... 10. (ke). The Chief thinks object on the ground . . . . ka-oleh 1 (also we cre telling lies (lit. thinks us liars): maiola There he contes !) There ! Es when pointing, met at-bedinga luake. (v.i.) meditate :: . to an object pertly hidden or difficult to gob-joi (ke); mules (ke).. distinguish . . . uchumen ! third, (adj.) of four, five or six .... maguthereabout, (adv.) somewhere there .... chal (). See App. iii. 2. of any greater achum (da); uchumen (da). See Ex. at number'.... oto-rala-jatnga (da); oto, somewhere there. 2. in that locality . ...yolo-doknga (da). See App. iii. * kat erema-ledte (da). Quartz is found (lit. | thirst, (s.) . . . . aka-er-yoma (da); akein situ) thereabout : kalerema-leate len tolma mol-yoma (da). See quality. wai (da). thirsty, (adj.) . . . . ake-mol (da); aketherefore, (adv. and conj.) accordingly. Jer (da). consequently . . . . kiencha (da). See Ex this, (adj. and pron.) . . . . Acha (da); &t sell and spare. ka (da). This canoe is not mine : Acha thoso, (cdj. and pron. pl.) . . . . ucho roko dia yaba (da). Which bow do you want ? (da). All these : acha-duru (da). this or that ? : ngo tencha karama ng'enake ? they, (pron. pl.).. . . . oloichik (in constr. an ka an kato (dar? (intens.) .... uchao!'); eda ; ed'. Se. App. u. They all, wai (da). Like this : ucha-naikan. See App. (a) of three or more : ol-l'arduru (da). (b) i. this many . . . . kienchaie (de). this of a community or tribe : ar-arduru (da). much . . . . kian (de); kian-wai (da). this (e) of a large number of persons : at-ubaba side of a creek etc., .... ig-bala (da). this (da). side of any object, as a plank.... acha-elma thick, (adj.) ..... gorodmo (da). thicker (de). See that side and opposite.. of two, or thickest of three or more ..., thither, (adv.) to that place . . . . katik talawa (da). t., dense, (a) of jungle .... :,(da). thither (correl.) . . . . ig. Whither tobo (da). (b) of muddy water . . . . ik | I go, thither he is in the habit of going : pulur (da). (c) t.-headed . . . . cheta-ta min-len do lirke ig ol oko-jaranga (ke). (da). thickon, (v.t.) ..... melatma (ke). thong, (s.) of the pig-arrow, connecting the detachable foreshaft with haft .... (v.i.) .... Oyun-temar-melatma (ke)." peta (da). thief, (s.) . . . . ar-tapnga (de). thiovo, (v.t.) .1 . , ar-tap (ke). (v.i.) ...' thorn, (s.), of any description . . . . chukul ara-tap (ke). See steal. (da). 2. of the Calamus sp. . . . . tata thigh, (8.) . i .. ab-paicha (da). t. charm (da). (known as the " wait-a-bit " thorn.) (i.e., worn round the thigh) .... ab those, (adj. and dem. pron.). . . . Olla (in chonga (da). constr. 6l); kato (da). All those : ol-duru thin, (adj.) 1. of human beings .... (da). All those are sound : ol-duru wai otab-kinab (da). ab-meins (de); ab (or ig). gorojim (da). gorob (da). See skinny. 2. of animals I thou, (pers. pron.) .... ngolla (in ... maina (da). 3. of inanimate objects constr., ngol; ngo; nga ; ng'; ngona). See r... revleba (da). App. ii. (honorific) maia ; mam. See he and thin, become (v.i.) . . . . ab-main (ke). / she. thino, (pron. adj.). ... ng'ekan; ngoyun. | though, (conj.) .... edaia. See Ex. at thing, (8.) .... min (da). See Ex. at rocognize. bring (by water) and disappointed. . thrash, (v.t.) See boat and chastise. a, idoa, cut: a, cur: a, casa: &, father: i, fathom: ai, bite: au, house: du, rouse.