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JULY, 1918)
THE JOGIMARÅ CAVE INSCRIPTION
131
THE JOGIMARA CAVE INSCRIPTION. BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BARAT-LAW ; BANKIPORE. MUCH confusion prevails about the real sense of this inscription. The late Dr. Bloch who published it in the Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India, for 1903-4, 1 thought that it refers to a Devadasi who attracted lovers. Lüders interpreted it as a record of love between the man of Benares' (Balanajeye) and the alleged Devadasi (Tam Kamayitha Balanašeye = the man of Benares loved her.')
These interpretations make the grammatical mistake of leaving Sutanu kd nama Devadasi hanging in the air-without a predicate. The previous readings also are defective. Neither Bloch nor Lüders reads the ti at the end of the second line. Probably they mistook it as being part of the first line and read it as kyi (devadasikyi). The meaning of the expression lupa-dakhe (= rûpadaksha) has been missed. It is a technical, constitutional term which means a city-magistrate or some minister. In this definito meaning it occurs in the Milinda-Patho 8 where it gives a beautiful description of an ideal capital, the capital of Dharmma, based on the model, no doubt, of the Hindu capitals of its time.
The text of the inscription is an official order or decree by the officer Rûpadaksha in favour of the ascetic woman, and not the love-making, Sutanuka. It relates to her worship of Varuna instead of to the man of Benares.' The word Balunaseye has been misread by Lüders as Balanabiye. I give below my reading based on an excellent photograph prepared by Messrs. Jhonston and Hoffman of Calcutta, which is reproduced here for reference.
Transcript. 1. Sutanuka [1] x 2. deva-dabiy [e] 3. Sutanuka nama deva-dası 4. tamkamayi-tha Balunafeye til 5. Deva-dina nama lupa-dakhe
Translation. " In favour of Sutanuka, the devadarbini.
“ (Order) Sutanuka', by name, devadaráini, of austere life, (is) now in the service s of Varuņa".
"Devadina (Deradatta.)
by name.
Rûparlaksha." Devadasi may be either devadari or deva-dasi. In either case, the main interpretation is not affected. That it is in the feminine gender is evident from the case.ending in the super-scription. I prefer the former restoration in view of a datum of the Jataka, (Vol. VI, P. 586). It mentions the Varuni women who used to prophesy under the professed influence (avesa) of god Varuņa. The restoration Devadarsî (the seeress of Varuņa) would probably be nearer the original sense. The objection to Devadasi is that the word is a very late expression. The meaning of tamkamayi (of austere life) is given in accordance with the Dhatu paha: Taki krichchhra-jivane.
It is important to note that the worship of Varuna had not gone out of use in the period denoted by the script of the inscription. It cannot be placed later thân cir. 300 B.O. The forms of letters, e.g. of ya and ma, are invariably of the older type, while Asoka's inscriptions have both earlier and later forms. This shows that the inscription is older in age than records of Asoka.
The existence of the grammarian's Magadhî in that early period, is attested by this inscription. .
The officer Râpadaksha was an officer in a capital according to the Milinda-Patho. This indicates that the site of the inscription must have been near some ancient oppital, It might have been the Chedi capital. 1 Page 128.
List of Brahmi Inscription's, No. 921. See also Bruchstücke Buddhistischer Dramen, p. 41. 3 Bk. V, 23 (344). * Probably two letters--nama
• or, tha 5 or, hero.
See also Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 235-6.