Words For Violence In Seniors Of Jaina Canon

Author(s): Colette Caillat
Publisher: Colette Caillat
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269729/1

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Jain Studies in Honour of Jozef Deleu Edited by Rudy Smet and Kenji Watanabe HON-NO-TOMOSHA, Tokyo 1993
Words for violence in the “Seniors” of the Jaina Canon*
Colette Caillat
In the opening sloka of the Dasaveyāliya (one of the "seniors” of the Jaina canon), homage is auspiciously paid to the Law -- which is said to be the best word to begin with — and to three of the fundamental elements of the right conduct, viz. non-violence, self-control, austerity:
dhammo mangalam ukkattham, ahimsä samjamo tavo."
As a matter of fact, while tracing the way to Perfection or total emancipation, Jainism strives to free the individual souls and the world from misery and from cruelty. Violence, therefore, is condemned, and all the more so as it is prone to pervade almost all human activities. It is referred to by means of several recurring expressions or words, some of which, though quasisynonyms, can be shown to be used with slightly different shades of meaning, or to be preferred in specific contexts or phrases.
It is proposed, here, to review some of these expressions, verbs and verbal nouns, especially danda (āya-danda, dandam (sam)ārambhai, etc.), and pāņdivāya (pāne aivāei, aivāya); moreover the verbal and some nominal forms from the roots HAN and HIMS. Concerning the two latter, it will be seen that the two verbs are sometimes exchanged, and that himsai, himsā never have a desiderative meaning 2
It will appear that any (violent) enterprise can more or less be summarized as starting with daņdam (sam)ārambhai and ending with himsā; a chronological order which will be followed here.
The present survey will be limited to the "seniors” of the Svetāmbara canon, i.e. to the Ayāranga, Sūyagada, Uttarajjhāyā, Dasaveyāliya. It is submitted as a tribute to a scholar who made himself known thanks to his “Lexical addenda from Rājasekhara's Prabandhakośa", and who, in his study

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of the Viyāhapannatti inserted many remarks which add much to our knowledge of the Jaina vocabulary.
1. danda
Danda, the compounds danda-samāyāna and āya-danda, and the expression dandam (sambärambhai will be considered first.
1.1. As far as danda is concerned, it is a designation of the "stick", "club" or "staff", in MIA as well as in OIA.3
The danda(ga) even features as one of the items in the Jaina monk's paraphernalia. It is also seen to be an offensive "weapon", and one of the insignia of power. Hence it can mean the "blow", physical, moral or spiritual, and the punishment (fine...). More generally it refers to any act of violence. Further, thanks to the various implications derived from its primary meaning, the word lends itself to puns.
There can be no doubt that in many Jaina contexts, danda, the "stick", is a weapon used to hit or "strike” (HAN). It is associated with arms (sattha, sastra), with fights and matches, with various means and instruments which serve to attack, e.g. Mahāvīra or the Jaina monks during their peregrinations. The word can initiate (more or less standard) lists, as it does in the ballad relating Mahāvīra's life, at the end of Āyār 1:
haya-puvvõ tattha dandeņam adu vā mutthiņā adu phalenam adu lelunā kavālenam,
"he was struck with a stick, the fist, (a lance, hit with) a fruit, a clod, a
potsherd”. 10
Thus, even when danda alone is used, the word can be pregnant with all the kinds of objects and means with which to deal fierce blows. Hence danda, an instrument of violence, will also, more widely, denote "violence" or “cruelty", especially when modifying verbs which mean "to seize, resort to", 11 or, conversely, "to throw away, leave". For the transition is easy from "he has laid down the rod" to "he has foresworn violence", "he abstains from

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cruelty", as can be seen from such compounds or expressions as nikkhittadanda, “having thrown away the d.,12 or again, savvehi pāņehr nihāya dandam,13 nihāya dandam pāņehim,14 “having laid aside (all) weapon (i.e. violence / cruelty) against (all) living beings". 15
As a matter of fact, a series of more or less violent activities, listed in Sūy 2.2.4 ff. (JAS 694 ff.) can be assimilated to the taking up of as many dandas (danda-samāyāna, d.-samādāna). They amount to the blow of “a stick hitting one's own (people) or others" (sva-paropaghāta-rūpam dandam). According to the commentator, "one thrusts the daņda” (dandam 1. I nisirati), 16 throws the blow down like a stick and crushes living being(s)", dandam iva dandam upari pātayati, prāny-upamarda-kärinim kriyām karoti.17
1.2. The five aggressive undertakings, danda-samāyānas, are alleged to be 1) atthā-danda, “prompted by (personal) interest", 2) anatthā-d., not prompted by (personal) interest", 3) himsā-d., "in response to an (alleged) injury, 18 4) akamhā-d., "accidental", 5) ditthi-vipariyāsiya-d., 'prompted by an error of sight". 19 • Whatever the variety of danda-samāyāna, it is clear, in the light of the Sūy sutta and Ț developments, that danda implies grave, sometimes mortal injury.20 Those who are guilty of such aggressions are here and there quoted as: "se hantā chettā bhettă lumpaittā vilumpaittā uddavaittā" (Sūy 2.2.6 = JAS 696), "he knocks down, cuts, pierces, breaks, plunders, puts to death". 21
1.3. Such being the implications of danda, anyone who is said to āya-danda, i.e., according to the Jaina tradition, ātma-danda,22 is to be seen as inflicting fatal blows upon himself. Sūy? explains: "because he punishes / strikes himself, he is ā.: for, in reality, though he hits other people, he hits no other than himself" (ātmānam dandayatîty ātma-dandaḥ sa hi paramarthataḥ parôpaghātenātmānam evôpahanti 105, ad Sūy 1.7.9 = JAS 389).
The above interpretation might seem defendable considering the Amg phonology and the Jaina general doctrinal teachings. For āyā (āyā - atta) is not rarely the Amg counterpart of Sk ātman-23; and the boomerang effect of any aggression is often emphasised, for instance in the Sūy.24 To support this analysis it might also be possible to refer to the parallellism of the two even clausulas in Sūy 1.7.9. (JAS 389): āya-dande (b) "who harms his

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own soul" (cf. Jacobi) / āya-săe (d), "for the sake of their own pleasure” (Jacobi).
But if the immediate context of the āya-danda occurrences is considered, the meaning "self-destructive" is seen to be unsatisfactory (infra). On the contrary, the etymology recently proposed by W.B. Bollée fits perfectly,25 and can be further corroborated.
He notes that the word is restricted to Sūy, where it occurs mostly in tristubhs (6 occurrences); that Jacobi differs in its rendering: sometimes “wicked”, but generally, “who does harm to his own soul" or an equivalent periphrase. The first translation seems to have been suggested by the context, the second is obviously based on the traditional exegesis as handed down by the commentaries, in which the explanations are mostly similar to that of Sūy? 105 (supra); once, nevertheless, the Sk equivalent is quoted as being āyata-d..26
The solution is arrived at thanks to a comparison with Pa atta-danda, evidently the counterpart of the Amg āya-danda. For atta-d., the Pa commentaries record two different etymons (cf. CPD I 976): 1) atta-daņda, mfn. (= gahita-d.) = Sk ātta-d. (cf. Uv infra), “with uplifted staves", 2) atta-d., m./n. (= attano duccarita-) = Sk ātma-d., "(due to) one's own violent acts".
In fact, there can be little doubt that both Pa words reflect the same Sk ātta-d. 27 It will be borne in mind that the phonetic evolution here assumed for Sk ātta- (*āta, āda, āya) is comparable with that of atman (*ā(t)ta(n), ā(t)tă, āyă, Perhaps, even, the wording of Suy 1.7.9 (supra) is the result of a pun based on the existence of these (possible) Amg homonyms. This nicety would have been forgotten later.
As far as the Amg material is concerned, Bollée concludes his survey by stating that an interpretation āya-(d.) = ātma-(d.) “though nowhere semantically impossible is not cogent anywhere and therefore not completely satisfactory".
As a matter of fact, from a detailed analysis of the Sūy occurrences it results that, in more than one passage, the meaning "self-destructive" is not in line with the context whereas "brutal, violent" tallies perfectly. To wit, the three following stanzas (from Sūy):

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je iha ārambha-nissiyā āya-dăndā eganta-lūsagā gantā te pāva-logayam (1.2.3.9 = JAS 151).
translated by Jacobi as: “Those who engage in undertakings, who work the perdition of their souls, and who kill (living beings), will go to the world of the wicked": but by Bollée, more convincingly: "rücksichtslos, aggressiv und grobschädigend". The three adjectives, though not strictly synonyms evidently consider similar behaviours, in a sort of ascending progression: 1) being immersed in activities, 2) having an aggressive, a brutal demeanour, 3) utterly destroying the environment.28
Sūy 1.7.9 (JAS 389) will be examined next:
... viņāsayante bīyāi, assamjaya āya-dandeahahu: se loe anajja-dhamme bīyāi je himsai āya-sāe,
thus translated by Jacobi: “By destroying seeds ... a careless man does harm to his own soul. (The prophet) says: 'People are wicked who destroy seeds for the sake of their own pleasure"".
But, given the structure of the stanza, it is obvious that the statement is aimed not at the personal (future) fate of the culprit, but at his present violent conduct and lack of self-control which cause damage to the surroundings: "destroying the seeds (vināśayan bijāni), unrestrained (a-samyataḥ), violent (ātta-d.), -". The three qualifications assamjaya, āya-danda, anajja-dhamma translate into other terms the actions definitely expressed by the present participle viņāsayante and the finite verbal form himsai. In such a context, the meaning "self-destructive" for āya-danda would disrupt the semantic chain, and make the general meaning clumsy, whereas “violent, cruel” fits perfectly in the context.
Finally, the triştubh 2.6.25 (JAS 811), notes how absurd it would be to bring together or equal two opposite characters, on the one hand (25a-b), him who is "innocuous" (ahiņsaka), "compassionate towards all creatures" (sarvaprajânukampin), "well grounded in the Law" (dharma-sthita), on the other (25c) the āya-dandas. Here again the stanza evidently requires that the

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alleged behaviours can be parallelled: just as the first part refers to the attitude shown towards living beings, in the same way aya-d. will mean "who has seized the weapon (against), attacked, (others)"; the sense then appears to rejoin that of himsaya:
ahimsayam savva-payaņukampi dhamme thiyam... tam āya-dandehi samāyarantā abohie te padirūvam eyam, "Him who kills no (living beings), who has compassion on all creatures, who is well grounded in the Law ..., him you would equal to these wicked men! This is the outcome of your folly" (Jacobi).29
1.4. The expression dandam (sam)ārambhai, "to undertake, to engage into, acts of violence", will now be considered. The inherited verbal noun ārambha, “undertaking, exertion", occurs frequently in the Amg texts. In Sūy it is often coupled with pariggaha (parigraha, "property"), and the pair refers to the activity or enterprise on the one hand, and its result, acquisition(s), on the other.30 As far as ārambha is concerned, it is almost from necessity bad.31 For it is directed towards the objects of the senses and satisfaction of desires,32 it diverts from self-control and from the Law.33 In fact, ārambha as well as parig gaha characterize the householder's unrestrained way of life.34
When danda is the object of the verbs ārambhai, samārambhai, the phrase amounts to "to set in motion, to hurl, a danda in the form of strokes, torture, etc.", dandam' samghattana-paritāpanādi-laksanam 'samārabheta' pravartayet,35 i.e. "to engage into, to busy oneself with, acts of violence". The aggressive activities thus implied are to be viewed as damageable for both the patient and the agent: knowing this, a wise man (mehāvi), "fearing violence, will not undertake acts of violence",
no danda-bhi dandam samārabhejjāsi.36
The phrase no daņdam samāra(m)bhe(jjā) occurs especially when it comes to the solemn renunciation of violence against the six classes of jīva-nikāyas and in similar contexts. The renunciation is currently said to be threefold, ti-danda-virao, 37 in that the speaker pledges not to engage into

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aggressive actions himself, not to cause others to do so, nor to let them do so: n'eva sayam eehim kāehim dandam samārabhejjā, n'ev' annehim eehim käehim dandam samārambhāvejjā, n'ev' anne eehim kāehim dandam samārabhante vi samanujānejjā.38 It is also threefold in that it involves thought, speech and deed:
no tesim ārabhe dandam manasā vayasa kāyasā c'eva.39
2. (-)atipāta
In Dasav IV the aforesaid pledge is presented, on the one hand, as the consequence of the teachings concerning the (six classes of) jīva-nikāyas,40 on the other, as the general introduction to the extant text of the five "great vows". More precisely, though n'eva ... dandam samārambheijā can have a general bearing, the phrase seems to introduce more specifically the first mahāvrata, viz. "the abstention from injuring any (living) being", padhame, bhante, mahavvae: pāņaivāyāo veramanam.41 In Dasav, the vow further runs thus: “O my master, I renounce all injury against any being 1.7. I (shall myself] not injure any living being, nor cause it to be injured by others, nor allow others who injure it, to do so".42 Whatever the expanded formula, the initial sentence of the Jaina mahavvaya is very similar to the wording of the first "training precept" taught in the Buddhist Pa canon:
pāņâtipātā veramaņi-sikkhāpadam samādiyāmi (Khp II 1),
"I undertake the training precept of abstinence" from "killing breathing things":43
The Pa - Amg parallellism would tend to show that the association of MIA pāna, "a breathing, living being", with the action noun Pa atipāta, Amg aivāya is usual, and probably old, although in Sk prāņâtipāta appears not to be frequent.44
The corresponding verbal phrase is not rare in Amg. It occurs, for instance, in the prohibition expressed in Utt 8.9 = JAS 217,

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pāṇe ya näiväejjā,
which (curiously) does not precede, but follows the recommendation not to permit the killing of living beings,
na hu pāṇa-vaham anujāne (ib. 8.8 JAS 216).
In Suy the phrase is clearly recognizable (in spite of the apocope affecting the preverb), e.g. in 1.1.1.3a (JAS 3a), where it refers to the first part of the threefold mahavvaya, whereas forms of HAN (or of a cognate word), "to strike", are used for the complementary second and third parts of the prohibition:
sayam tivāyae pane aduva annehi ghayae
haṇantam vâṇujāṇāi...
"if a man kills living beings, or causes other men to kill them, or consents to their killing them..." (Jacobi).
It is seldom that the verb occurs without the modifier pane. According to the JAS reading, it is so used in Suy 1.5.1.22d (JAS 321d):
...tikkhāhi sülähi tivāyayanti,
"they destroy with sharp pikes 45; but the usual reading 'bhitavayanti would here seem preferable (= 1.5.2.10a= JAS 336).
Because of the apocope the commentators are prompted to propose two etymologies: they admit that ti- can be the MIA counterpart either of OIA tri-, "three", or of the OIA preverb ati-.46 In fact, in spite of this ambivalent gloss, and even though the preverb ati- is of limited and comparatively archaic use in OIA,47 they certainly equate Amg (a)tivaei with the Sk causative atipatayati (cf. PW 4.396, s.v. PAT [ati-, caus. 3 "hinraffen"]). But perhaps they were taking it in a more or less specialized (technical ?) sense, "to make fall beyond (recovery)", "to utterly destroy, kill".48 On the other hand, perhaps at one stage, it was felt desirable to disjoin the two meanings: 1) "to let fly beyond", "to shoot (an arrow) through", and 2) "to destroy, injure"; hence the canonical Pa tendency to specialize atipateti in the first

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sense, while preferring (pānam) atimāpeti for the second.49 Even then, atipāteti is a common Pa v.l., as it is naturally supported by the corresponding nominal compound pāņâtipāta.So
As for Amg aivāya, Pa atipāta (“injury"), it is seldom encountered outside the above compound; and the nominal construction is exceptional. Only a few clear instances can be quoted, mostly from Sūy 1:
sattham ege susikkhanti aivāyāya pāņiņam (1.8.4 = JAS 414),
"some learn the teachings thoroughly, up to the destruction of living beings".
As for the absolute use of the noun, when it occurs, it is soon followed by the compound:
(alivāyao kirai pävakammam pāņdiväyä virae thiy'appa (10.5c-6d = JAS 4778.),
"killing generates bad karman /./ (one should have) ceased killing living beings, (should be) of settled mind”.
Again, in 1.16 (JAS 635), pāņa is easily supplied in the list of the catchwords referring to the mahavvayas, and in any case the compound occurs soon afterwards:
ādānam ca aivāyam ca mūsā-vāyam cal. I virae pāņaivāyāo.52
Further, in Sūy 1.5.1.5a (JAS 304) = 1.7.8d (JAS 388), the adjective aivās also appears to have the verbal construction, as it is accompanied by the plur. acc.:
pāgabbhi pāņe bahu nam tivāī,53
"the impudent sinner, who injures many beings" (Jacobi).
Concerning the meaning of pāņdivāya there is no special discussion. Having accepted atipātayet prāṇān as the Sk rendering of Amg (a)ivāyae pāne, ? adds that the prānas have been taught to be ten; that to suppress them amounts to himsā.54 Another equivalent would be vyāpādayati, "to cause to perish, destroy".55 Yet another gloss is given ad Sūy 1.10.5 (supra):

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prāņa-vyaparopana, "to tear breath, life, out"56; and there is every reason to regard as a synonym pāņa-vaha, used in Sūy 2.6.26(d) f. (JAS 812 f.). Moreover, it will be remembered how, in the third stanza of Sūy (a)ivāyae pāņe is seen to be in complementary distribution with various forms of HAN. Thus both the verbal phrase and nominal compound denote the utter destruction of beings, and emphasise the violent process which results in the final suppression of breath and lives.
3. HAN
Turning to HAN, attention will be called 1) to the vitality of this root, and 2) to some stereotyped phrases showing the meaning of the verb.
3.1. Several verbal forms of this root have already been met with. More can be added (whether without, or with, preverbs). The present stem has been remoulded generally following the normal MIA pattern. Most forms are listed in Pi 499, are comparatively common and easily accounted for. Only a few will need some comment. In Ayār, Sūy, Uut, Dasav, the following occur.
In the ind. pr., the 3 pl. is currently of the "thematic" type: hananti. The tradition also hands down vi-ni-hanti (mandā), Sūy 1.7.16 (JAS 396), which is accepted in all editions and Pi 499 (im Verse"!), without explanation; ? renders it as 'vinighnanti' vyāpadayanti (107); only the Cu apparently had some misgiving, as it writes vihedhantil; this vinihanti probably results from a blend of the old (Sk) 3 sg. hanti with the usual MIA 3 pl. ending. 58 In the 3 sg. hanāi (Utt 20.44 = JAS 747) is influenced by the “9th" present class, in the same way as bhaņāi is seen to be (Pi 514), whether in Amg or in Pa.59
Further, in a somewhat confused passage of Āyār, hammai appears to be taken as an active 3 sg. 60:
na hammai kamcanam savva-loe.
The imper.2 sg. / pl. hana, hanaha are frequent.
So are, in the optative, hane, hanejjā (passim). According to the cit, in Utt 18.49 (JAS 599), pahane is to be understood as a preterite (= prāhan, prahatavān).61 One instance of the old "athematic" type (Sk hanyät) is

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quoted from Ayār p. 15.10* (= 1.3.2.4, cf. Pi 464): haniyā. A third type (a blend of the "thematic" and the "athematic" opt.) appears to have been in use: in Uut 2.27b (JAS 77) most editions (Ee JAS Gurgaon) write:
samaņam ... hanejjā koi ..., "should any one hit a samaņa";
.
but the ĀgS ed. (168) has haņņijjā, quoted as pātha in JAS. Though not very frequent, this “double optative suffix" did certainly exist in (early) MIA. Several examples occur. As a matter of fact, several, whether in Pa or in BHS and in the Asokan Pk., are from HAN. CPDI (s.v. asnāti) quotes haññe (A IV 254.17*, v.1. hāne [both--); cf. vi-hāne, Sn 348). The Subaši Uv 5.18 (ed H. Nakatani) also seems to write (han)ny(e). Further there is little doubt that in Asoka's Major Rock Edict XIII (N) Erragudi na hamnesu, Shahbazgarhi na hamñeyasu are to be taken as opt. active, “let them not kill”. 62
For the present participle the base hana-nta is generalized (despite the nom. sg. han-am, Sūy 2.1.24 = JAS 657, or the acc. pl. han-ao (Ayār p. 31.3 = 1.6.4.2).
* Also in the active, Āyār has the 3. pl. "aorist” nihaạimsu, in the series lūsim.su ... kandimsu... luncimsu... uvakarimsu... nihanimsu ... khalaimsu ..., "they attacked... howled at ... struck..." (p.43.12* ff. = 1.8.3.9.; cf. Pi 516).
The passive is not rare, with many instances of the present indic. and participle, normally hamma(nt); 63: uva-hammai (Dasav VII. 13), vinihammanti (Utt 3.6 = 102), and hammamāņa (cf. Pi 540). For Utt 22.19 (JAS 806), the pātha hammihinti (future 3 pl., cf. Pi 549) is recorded in one ms. and the ctt. On the other hand Sūy 1.11.37 (JAS 533) has the opt. vinihannejjā, 64 possibly from a rival passive stem.
Though perhaps comparatively late, a passive hanna- base, albeit ignored by Hc 4.244, seems to be generally accepted.65 It can be compared with khanna- (Erz; quoted Pi 420) and could be a reflex of the OIA passive. If these forms have any authenticity, then the pattern taught by Hc (cf. n. 63) will have to be supplemented: hammai hanijjai hannai, khammai khanijjai khannai.
The caus. is also well exemplified, whether in verbal forms, ghāyae, Sūy

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1.1.1.3 (JAS 3),66 or in nominal forms, pres. participle or absolutive: ghāyamīne (Āyār p. 31.3 1.6.4.2), ghāyaitṭā (Sūy 2.1.24 =
ghāyamāņe
JAS 657).
Verbal nouns are derived from the root: ahantum (Āyār p. 43.2* = 1.8.3.4); moreover the frequent kṛtya (na) hantavva, the agent noun hantā.
Whatever its original derivation67 the action noun ghāya (ghata) is also common, especially in such phrases as ghayam enti (Sūy 1.1.3.3 = JAS 62), or ghayam uvei (1.5.1.5 = JAS 304), further vinighāyam ei (1.7.3 = JAS 383); the word is generally glossed vināśa.
~
To the above list can be added various more or less technical terms, e.g. the name of the "destructive" ("ghai) categories of karman, (Utt 29.7 = JAS 1109), or words denoting the final "destruction", desintegration of the body at the hour of death, sammugghāya, sometimes aghāya (Utt 5.32 = JAS 161),68 etc., which need not be examined here.
As for *ghannu (used in the instr. sg., Utt 18.7d=JAS 557) and (a-vi-)hannu (used in the nom. sg. -hannu, Suy 1.2.2.5d = JAS 115), they will be examined elsewhere.69
3.2. Several of the above forms occur in stock-phrases built with verbs endowed with closely related meanings: the ctt try to define the different shades separating them. According to their explanations, the specific meaning of HAN is "to strike" (with a club, a whip, etc.), "to hit violently".70
The verb is more than once mentioned at the start or towards the beginning of a chain of words expressing acts of violence which end in killing. Several of the clichés are met with in prose developments, in Ayar 1, and in Suy 2. E.g.:
savve pāṇā savve bhūya savve jīvā savve saltā na hantavva na ajjāveyavvā na parighettavva na pariyāveyavvā na uddaveyavvā,71
"all breathing, existing, living, sentient beings should not be struck, nor be commanded, nor crushed, nor tormented, nor slain".72
Slight lexicographical variations, and amplifications can be introduced:
mama I. I dandeņa vā 1. I audijjamāṇassa vā hammamānassa va tajjijjāmaṇassa

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vā tādijjamāṇassavā paritāvijjamānassa vā kilāmijjamānassa vā uddavijjamāṇassa vā l.I evam I. I savve pāņā 1.1āudijjamāņā ...," "as is my pain when I am) knocked or struck with a stick, I. / or menaced, beaten, burned, tormented ..." (Jacobi).
Elsewhere, HAN is associated with several other roots, especially CHID, BHID, DAH, e.g., in the stanza Sūy 1.5.1.6 (JAS 305):
"hana chindana bhindana nam dahaha'.74
"beat, cut, split, burn him" (Jacobi).75
Blending two formulas, Āyār 1 writes (p. 15.29*-16.1* = 1.3.3.2):
se na chijjai na bhijjai na dajjhai na hammai kamcaņam savva-loe,
"one is not cut, nor slit, nor burnt, world". 76
one does not strike any one in the whole
Again, with the verbal nouns, Āyār p. 7.1 (= 1.2.1.3; cf. 11.19 = 1.2.5.6) writes:
se hantā chetlā bhettă lumpittā vilumpitta uddavetlā uttāsaittā."
In spite of the various distinctions alleged by the commentators the root HAN appears to have had a general meaning: it is liable to express any form of aggression, of violence, torture (as in the Naraga-chapter, Sūy 1.5), etc., including those which result in death. In fact the above lists could probably be further developed, for they only detail the possible implications of HAN - which, so to say, is the key-word for this semantic field. As a matter of fact, when HAN occurs outside stock-phrases, the ctt do not hesitate to define it as meaning “to harass, destroy ...".
One of the most frequent synonyms is the caus. of vyāPAD, e.g., when explaining Sūy 1.2.1.12c (JAS 100):
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Ț (38) writes: 'na ghnanti' na vyāpādayanti; cf. 'hanyante' vyāpādyante, 135 ad 1.11.18 (JAS 514); similarly hantā (Sūy 2.1.17 = 651) is glossed vyāpādako bhavati (T 186).
It is also noteworthy that, in the gloss of 1.2.3.21a (JAS 163):
tivihena vi pāņi (v.l. a) mā hane,
Ț refers to the first mahavvaya, prohibiting "pāndivāya", († 51).78
For the passive, equivalents in SūyȚ are pīdyante, "are oppressed, harassed" (93 ad 1.5.2.17 = 343; pīdyamānāḥ, 110 ad 1.7.30 = 410); or tādyamānāḥ, naștāḥ, "wounded, destroyed, perished" (88 ad 5.1.20 = 319).
Further it will be remembered how parallel Jaina and Buddhist canonical passages seem to waver between HAN and HIMS.79 Süy? admits the synonymy, e.g. in the gloss of 2.1.24 (= 657): according to the canonical text the năstikas maintain that there is nothing reprehensible if one "buys and causes to buy, kills and causes to kill, cooks and causes to cook" (Jacobi), se kiņam kiņāvemāņe, hanam ghāyamāņe, payam payāvemāņe--for which Ţ (189) adduces the following equivalents: 'ghnan' himsan, 'ghātayan' vyāpādayan.80
Such glosses actually confirm the wide semantic extension of HAN.
4. HIMS
4.1. It has just been seen how, in the cit, various forms of HAN have sometimes been glossed by the corresponding forms from HIMS81; moreover, how, in several canonical pādas, HIMS and HAN have been exchanged.82 Further the Cu also replaces HAN by HIMS when quoting Utt 6.6c (= 167), the vulgate text of which is
na hane pāņiņo pāņe,
"do not strike (out) the breaths of the breathing", i.e. "do not deprive the living being(s) of life", "do not kill".
The related Cu changes to the (unmetrical)

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no himsejja pāņinam pāņe,83
though the mula text was probably well established, to judge from the later rendering by Bhāvavijaya,
na hanyāt prāņinaḥ prāņān(= indriyadin) (p. 118).
Conversely, the adjective himsa (himsrá), 84 is explained as sva-bhāvata eva prānighātaka, "destroying living beings, due to precisely one's own disposition".
Further the ctt do not hesitate to gloss himsai, etc., with the same vyāpādayati, which they give as a synonym of 'hanti'85; or with paritāpayati, "to torment", which occurs in one of the clichés headed by forms of HAN. 86
But himsā is also regarded as one of the possible equivalents of pāņaivāya: commenting upon Sūy 1.1.1.3 (= 3) sayam tivāyae pāņe, Ţ states that to deprive of the ten breaths, i.e. life, is hiņsā: prāņā daśaîte bhagavadbhir ukatās, teşām viyojī-karanam tu himsā.87
Canonical pādas already admit this equivalence, which is clear in various enumerations of Utt, e.g. 35.3 (= 1434):
tah'eva 1) himsam 2) aliyam 3) cojjam 4) abbambha-sevanam, 5) iccha-kāmam... samjao parivajjae,
"a restrained monk should abstain from killing, lying, stealing, carnal intercourse, from desire..." (Jacobi);
or again, 21.12 (= 775):
1+2) ahimsă saccam ca 3) atenayam ca lallo ya 4) bambham 5) apariggaham ca.88
The corresponding adjective Amg himsa (himsra) also can imply a reference to the initial mahavvaya, as in Utt 5.9a (= 138) = 7.5a (= 183):
himse bāle musā-vai... ...... 'seyam eyam' ti mannai,
"killing, lying, an ignoramus /. / considers this the best thing to do)".

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Evidently musā-väi refers to the second great vow (not to lie), and hisse (himsrah) to the first.
4.2. Can the above lexical choices be accounted for?
As far as aivāya is concerned, it has been seen to be of limited use: it occurs mostly in the compound pāņdivāya, is certainly felt to be archaic and technical; moreover it does not seem to be possessed of a regular privative counterpart, whereas the pairs himsā: ahimsā, or vihiņsā: a-vihiņsā are well established.
As for HAN, though the nominal derivation does not seem to have been extremely productive in the seniors of the Jaina canon, the verbal forms are conspicuous for their great number and variety. By contrast the paradigm of HIMS is relatively poor, as the following examples show.
Apart from the usual pr. ind. 3 sg. (vi)himsař - (-himsae) (Āyār, Sūy, Utt, Dasav), the opt. (vi)himsejjā is commonly met with (ib.); Ayār 1 also has three occurrences of the 3. aor. himsi(m)su. Moreover, Dasav uses the part. pr. vihimsanto, and Āyār 1 the (exceptional) ahimsamänð (p. 44.13* =1.8.4.13).
Leaving apart these forms, a noteworthy sequence associates, in the 3. person (sg. / pl.), the aor., pres., and future. Similar phrases, whether positive or negative recur:
app-ege "himsimsu me iti vā vahanti, app-ege 'himsanti me' tti vā vahanti, app-ege 'himsissanti me' tti vā vahanti (Ayār p.5.16 = 1.1.6.5),89 "some people kill (animals) thinking 'they have injured me, injure me, will injure me'".
The negative counterpart occurs Sūy 2.2.6 (= 696.1):
'no himsimsu me' tti, 'no himsanti me' tti, 'no himsissanti me' ti.
Is it because HIMS is associated with the first of the great vows prohibiting all injury? It is remarkable that the verbal forms of this root are often used in negative sentences, as can be seen in the pādas where HAN and HIMS are exchangedoo; similarly the nominal forms derived from the same root are

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commonly privative compounds a characteristic underlined, consciously or not, in the above sophisticated sequence ahimsa saccam... just quoted from Uttarajjhāyā.
The parallelism between the nominal and verbal expressions is particularly clear in such phrases as
na himsai kimcanam (Sūy 1.1.4.10 [= 85] = 1.11.10 (= 506 kamcanam ] -
na himsae kamcana savva-loe, (1.5.2.24 [= 350])
and
savve ahimsiya (Suy 1.1.4.984; v.l. -aya; Cu ‘-agā' = ahimsaniyāni, quoted JAS p.15 n.4)
savve na-himsaya. (1.11.9 505 Cu ahimsaga)
To some extent the presence of the negative or privative particle underlines the definite aspect of HIMS 91; therefore emphasises the total exclusion of injury, and the actual positive bearing of the above pādas.92 The negative predicate also enhances the definition of the true brāhmaṇa proposed in Utt 25.23 (=974):
...(-)pāne viyāṇittā...
93
jo na himsai tivihenam tam vayam būma 'māhaṇam',
"he who thoroughly knows living beings /./ and does not injure them in any of the three ways, him we call a Brāhmaṇa" (Jacobi).
The positive implications of such grammatically negative expressions are all the more conspicuous as the negative sentence is often preceded or followed by some corresponding affirmative counterpart. Exactly as
ahimsā (+) samjamo tavo,94
"non-injury - self-control, asceticism" are extolled in Dasav I.1 (supra), attention is called, in Ayar p. 31.11 (= 1.6.4.3) on those "who abstain from injury - are true to the vows, calm",
avihimse (+) suvvae dante.95

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A perfect complement or periphrase is provided by Sūy 2.6.5 (=811), where ahimsaya is expanded by savva-payāṇukampī (sarva-prajánukampin), “who has compassion on all", followed by dhamme thiya (dharme sthita), "wellgrounded in the Law", and contrasted with āya-danda “brutal”, “violent"%. undoubtedly the positive aspect of ahiņsā is already emphasised in the old canonical scriptures, so clearly that the later authors will quote them when teaching dayā, "compassion”.97
In the above passages it can be seen how grammar, vocabulary, style combine to impress upon the Jaina mind the necessity to respect and spare all life, "not to injure" (na HIMS) the living: there is little doubt that the seniors of the canon insist on "non-injury" (ahimsā) so consistently that from the start Jainism can be termed a doctrine of non-violence, ahimsā-samaya.98 There is no denying that ahimsā is an old concept in the Indian traditions: H.-P. Schmidt has shown how it has originated, has evolved, has been transformed, enriched, and has become essential in India.'' But it is no less certain that from the beginning it was central in the Jaina system, which has explored it indefatigably. As far as the seniors of the canon are concerned, it is clear that the vocabulary relating to (non-)violence is particularly rich. Some terms appear to be archaic, technical and of limited use, thus pāņaivāya, which seems to refer to the destructive process itself. Others have a comparatively wide semantic range, thus HAN, which moreover, is abundantly used also because of its grammatical vitality. As for the aggressive process, its beginning is expressed by such phrases as dandam (sam)ārambhai, while the verbal and nominal forms of HIMS point to its final result.
In a way these two last expressions refer to the two essential moments characterizing brutal and cruel undertakings, which they summarize, as they do in Asoka's fourth Major Rock-Edict when the emperor contrasts his own benevolence with his predecessors' brutal behaviour. Girnar writes: (A) vaļhito eva prāņārambho vihiņsā ca bhūtānam; (C) aja vadhite (sic) 1./ anārambho prāņāņam avihīsā bhūtāṇam, "killing of animals and injury of livings beings were only made to grow; now on the contrary ...". In this antithetic statement, prāņārambho and anārambho prāņānam mark the initial phase of the conduct which had previously ended in vihimsā, but now culminates in perfect benevolence, a-vihisā. Thus the Jaina phraseology

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could help to penetrate the implications of the imperial message100 and of the old Indian statements concerning violence.
ABBREVIATIONS:
LANGUAGES: Amg = ArdhaMāgadhī; BHS = Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit; Gdh = Gāndhārī, JM = Jaina Mahārāştri; MIA = Middle Indo-Aryan; OIA = Old IndoAryan; Pa = Pali; Sk = Sanskrit. TEXTS, etc.: Abbreviations for Pa texts as in CPD. - Ācār = Ācārânga-sūtra. Erster Śrutaskandha. Text, Analyse und Glossar von Walther Schubring, Leipzig, 1910 (AKM 12.4). - Āgs = Āgamodaya- Samiti. - ĀgŚK = Ācārya Tulasi - Yuvācārya Mahāprajna, Āgamaśabda-Kośa, Ladnun 1980 (JVBh). - AIG = J. Wackernagel - A. Debrunner, Altindische Grammatik. - AKM = Abh, für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Leipzig. - Āyar = Āyāranga-sutta (PTS ed. by Jacobi, London 1882. AKM ed. of Āyār 1 by Schubring, cf. Ācār, JAS ed. by Muni Jambūvijaya, Bombay 1977 (JAS 2.1). - For Ayār 1, references successively to AKM (page and line) and to PTS; for Āyār 2, references to PTS (the case being also to JAS). - BSS = W.B. Bollée, Studien zum Sūyagada, Wiesbaden, I, 1977; II, 1988 (Schriftenreihe des Südasien-Instituts der Univ. Heidelberg, 24; 31). - CDIAL =R.L. Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages. - CPD = A Critical Pali Dictionary. -ct(t) = commentaries. - Cu = cunni (cūmi). · Dasav = Dasaveyāliyasutta, ed. by E. Leumann, ZDMG 46 (1892), ref. to chapter (I-XII) and verse number, for prose to page and line; by Punyavijaya and A.M. Bhojak, Bombay 1977 (JAS 15); Engl. trsl., with intr. and notes, by W. Schubring, Ahmedabad 1932 (cf. KI. Schr, ed. K. Bruhn, Wiesbaden, 1977 (Glasenapp-Stift. 13), 111-248). - Ee = European edition. - Erz= Ausgewählte Erzählungen in Maharashtri, herausg. von H. Jacobi, Leipzig 1886 (repr. Darmstadt, 1967). - GDhp = The Gāndhārī Dharmapada, ed. J. Brough, London, 1962 (London Oriental Series, 7). - Hc = Hemacandra's Grammatik der Prakritsprachen (Siddhahemacandram adhyāya VIII), mit kritischen und erläuternden Anmerkungen hrsg. von R. Pischel, 1877.1880 (repr. 1969) - JAS = Jaina-Agama-Series, Bombay (Shri Mahāvīra Vidyā laya). - JVBh = Jain Viśva Bhāratī, Ladnun. - KEWAI = M. Mayrhofer, Kurzgefasstes Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen. - LSJA = Lālā Sunderlāl Jain Āgamagranthamālā, Delhi (re-ed. with app. etc., by Muni Jambūvijaya, of Āyār and Sūy, (with Nijjutti and sikā] of the text originally ed. by Sāgārānandasūri). - Lehre = W. Schubring, Die Lehre der Jainas, Berlin-Leipzig, 1935 (GrAPHA 3.7). - PED = The Pali Text Society Pali-English Dictionary. - Pi = R. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen (ref. to $$). - PSM = PāiaSadda Mahannavo. - PrTS = Prakrit Text Series. - PTS = Pali Text Society. - SBE = Sacred Books of the

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East (Jaina Sūtras translated from Prākrit by Hermann Jacobi: 22, London, 1884 (Ayır); 45, 1895 (Utt; Sūy); repr. Delhi, 1964. - Sūy = Sūyagadanga-sutta, ed. Jambūvijaya, JAS 2.2, 1978 (ref. successively 1) as in Jacobi's SBE tsl., 2) as in JAS). - T - Tikā. - Überblick = O. von Hinüber, Das ältere Mittelindisch im Überblick, Wien 1986 (Österreichische Ak. der Wiss., Philosophisch-Hist. Kl. Sitzungsberichte, 467) (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Sprachen und Kultur Südasiens 20). - Utt = Uttarajjhāyā, ed. by J. Charpentier, Lund, 1921-22 (Archives d'Etudes Orientales, 18.1-2), ref. to chapter and verse; by Punyavijaya and A.M. Bhojak, Bombay, 1977 (JAS 15); ed. with Bhāvavijaya's vịtti, by Bhuvanabhānu, Bombay, 1982. - Uv = Udānavarga, hrsg. von F. Bernhard, Göttingen, PhilologischHistorische Kl. 3.54, (Sanskrittexte aus den Turfanfunden X). - Udanavarga de Subaši (Bibl. Nationale de Paris. Fonds Pelliot), par H. Nakatani, Paris, 1987 (Pub. Institut de Civilisation Indienne 53). - Worte = Worte Mahāvīras. Kritische Übersetzungen aus dem Kanon der Jaina, von W. Schubring, Göttingen-Leipzig, 1926 (Quellen der Rel.-Gesch. 14.7) (German trsl. of Āyār 1; Sūy 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.12, 2.1, 2.7).
NOTES
1. Dasav I.1: "The best word to begin with, is Dharma. (Dharma consists in)
non-violence, self-control and asceticism" (Schubring). 2. On the etymology of HIMS, and the related discussions, H.-P. Schmidt, “The
origin of ahimsa" (in Mélanges d'indianisme à la mémoire de Louis Renou, Paris 1958, 625-655), ubi alia; KEWAI, s.v. hinasti, ubi alia. Also see (for Pali) Saddanīti (ed. H. Smith, Lund 1928-66), p. 398.6: hana hiņsā-gatisu.
For the general context, see the recent publications of The International Institute for Buddhist Studies, Tokyo, 1991: Buddhism and Nature. Proceedings of an International Symposium on the occasion of EXPO 1990. Further, Lambert Schmithausen, Buddhism and Nature. The lecture delivered on the occasion of the EXPO 1990. An enlarged Version with notes (Studia Philologica Buddhica. Occasional Paper Series VII). Id., The problem of the sentience of plants in
Earliest Buddhism (Studia Philologica Buddhica. Monograph Series VI). 3. On the tridanda of the Brahmanic ascetics and on the Buddhist Vinaya prescrip
tions and / or prohibitions concerning staffs, see O. v. Hinüber, Sprachentwicklung und Kulturgeschichte. Ein Beitrag zur materiellen Kultur des buddhistischen Klosterlebens, Stuttgart 1992 (Ak. der Wiss. u. der Literatur. Abhandl. der Geistes-und Sozialwiss. Kl., 1992 Nr. 6), ubi alia.

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4. Cf. Lehre 145; Dasav ch. IV, Ee 617.15 = JAS 54; Āyār 2.2.3.2. 5. Cf. H.-P. Schmidt, op. cit. 637. 6. Ācār 1, gloss., s.v.: "Strafe und Gewalttar". 7. Dasav IV.2.8:
danda-sattha-parijunnā,
"ill-treated with sticks and sharp instruments" (Schubring). - Compare, in
Pa, PED, s.v. danda 4. 8. Ayār p. 40.27* = 1.8.1.8:
danda-jujjhāim muthi-jujjhāim.
“fights at quarter-staff and boxing-matches" (Jacobi). 9. Āyār p.43.13* = 1.8.3.10. Compare Sūy 1.3.1.16 = JAS 180: dandeņa samvie mutthiņā adu phaleņa vā;
or, in Āyār 2.1.3.4 = JAS 342: dandena vā atthina vā mutthina vā... abhihaya-puvve bhavai;
further Ut 12.18 = JAS 377: eyam khu dandeņa phal(a)eņa hantā
(referred to in Ācār gl., s.v.d.; for the text, v. Alsdorf, ILJ 6 (1962), 131. 10. Cf. Āyār p. 40.25* = 1.8.1.7:
haya-puvvõ tattha dandehim lūsiya-puvvo appa-punnehim,
"he was beaten with sticks, and struck by sinful people” (Jacobi). 11. Compare PED, s.v. danda. 12. Āyār p. 19.11 = 1.4.3.1; p. 27.5 = 1.6.1. Cf. SBE 22, 39 and n. 1; 53.
Compare nikkhitta-saltha, and similar bahuvrihis in Pa, PED, s.v. danda 4. 13. Sūy 1.13.23b = JAS 579. 14. Āyār p. 35.9 = 1.7.3.1; p. 43.7* = 1.8.3.7.
Compare Pa nidhāya dandam bhūtesu, Sn 629 = Dhp 405, cf. PED, s.v. danda 4. 15. For a similar evolution, v. salla (salya), “dart”, “piercing sting (of evil)", etc., Utt 19.916 (JAS 696): danda-salla-bhaesu ya niyatto,
"he turned away from injurious, hurtful, and dangerous actions" (Jacobi). Compare PED, s.v. salla. 16. Ţ equates nisirati with nisrjati (!) = niksipati. 17. SūyȚ 205.3 f., ad Sūy 2.2.5 (JAS 695).
In this passage Jacobi renders danda-samāyāna with “sinning", "committing sins": a somewhat loose translation; but in Āyār p. 7.29 = 1.2.2.3, with "violence is done" ("wird Gewalttat gehandhabt", Worte 74).

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18. "Sinning by slaying", Jacobi. But this translation does not tally with the develop
ment of Sūy, mamam va ... hiņsimsu vā himsai vā himsissai vā, tam dandam ... sayam eva nisirai, 2.2.9 (JAS 697), cf. Sūys, ghātayişdsyatîty evam matvā
... vyāpādayişyatîti matvā, 206.7 ff. 19. Cf. Jacobi's translation in SBE. 20. Compare 'himsimsu' vā 'himsai' vā 'himsissai' vā, tam dandam ... nisirai ...,
Sūy 2.2.9 (JAS 697), and app'ege 'himsiņsu me' iti vā vahanti, app'ege "himsanti me' tti vā vahanti, app'egge 'himsissanti me' tti vā vahanti, Ayär p. 5.16 f. = 1.1.6.5, where "to slay" (VADH) is the counterpart of dandam...
nisirai (supra, n. 18). 21. On these formations, Pi 582; Ācār 98 (gloss. s.v. lumpaittar- opittar., ubi alia). 22. “Who is a d. to himself", or "who does harm to his own soul" (Jacobi, infra),
"self-destructive": an etymology accepted in the ĀgśK, s.v. -Compare n.36. 23. Pi 169; 277; 401; cf. 87; PSM, s.v.; ĀgśK s.v.; compare R.L. Turner,
"Geminates after long vowel in Indo-aryan", BSOAS 30 (1967) 73-82 (= Col
lected Papers 1912–1973, London 1975, 405-415). 24. Cf. Sūy 1.7.2 (= JAS 382), etc. 25. JOIB 31.3 (1982) 247-9; BSS [ 74 ff. ad Sūy 1.2.3.9 (JAS 151). - Also see C.
Caillat "Ardhamagadhi āyadanda 'autodestructeur' ou 'armé, agressif,
violent'?", Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes 7–8 (1989–90), 17-45. 26. Cf. the quotations from Sūy CuȚ in BSS II ib.-Prof. S. Insler calls my attention
to the existence of Vedic compounds like udyata-danda, udyatayudha,
udyatâstra (in a personal letter, 30.7.1991). 27. Pa 1. atta-d. (glossed gahita-d.) occurs in an old floating sloka (Dhp, Sn, S);
Pa 2. atta-d. is isolated (Sn 935).
From Sk Bollée quotes only ātta-sastra and āttayudha, but älta-d. also occurs (cf. PW 3.571, s.v. DĀ, ā-DĀ 4, quoting Sakuntalā 105; glossed grhīta-d.). Moreover, it is used in Uv 33.39:
aviruddho (sic) viruddheșu tv ätta-dandeșu nirvrtaḥ, the BHS counterpart of Dhp 406:
aviruddham viruddhesu atta-dandesu nibbutam, "peaceful among those with uplifted staves" (Radhakrishnan), "who have embraced violence" (K. R. Norman), "among the violent" (1. B. Horner-Rahula) for Sn 630.
The interpretation by ātta-d. is warranted by GDhp 29b: ata-daneșu nivudu; for in Gdh ata can only continue Sk ātta, whereas ātman is represented by atva

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(cf. Brough, index and $53). Thus, in Buddhism, the linguistic etymology
appears to have survived. 28. Cf. KEWAI s.v. lúșati and 3.111, on Amg lūs-, "brechen", finally "verletzen". -
Compare the proximity of ā. and lüsanti in Süy 1.3.1.14 (JAS 178). 29. Again, in 2.6.23 (JAS 809), āya-d. appears as so to say summarizing the preced
ing statement, in which an aggressive behaviour is described:
ārambhayam c'eva pariggaham ca aviussiyā nissiya, āya-dandā,
'arambham'... ca tathā parigraham ca 'avyutsrjya' aparityajya ... lasminn evårambhe ... parigrahe ca... avabaddhāḥ niņśritāḥ (? 264), "not having abandoned activities and properties, being entangled ..., being ā." For further details (on 1.3.1.14, 1.7.2), cf. my article in Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes 7 (supra n. 25).
For JAS 827b (= 2.6.41) ihấya-d. read ni(d)hāya dandam (cf.? 266–7). 30. Cf. Sūy 2.6.23 (supra n. 29); 1.9.2 f. (JAS 438 f.). Similarly, sârambha sa-parig
gaha, Sūy 2.1.43 f. (JAS 677 f.); or the privative apparambha + appa-pariggaha, 2.7.21 (JAS 860). Further, the secondary adjectives ārambhi(n), pariggahi(n), 1.9.9 (JAS 445: narambhi na pariggahi). For the possible pejorative meaning of ārambha, compare CPD s.v. c): «initial effort», energy, perseveranced; «evil act, offence, injury»; further 1. ārabhati, «to begin», and 2. ārabhati, «to take hold of, seize, grasp; to attack (in the sense of 'to kill, sacrifice'» – referring to Sadd . 409.6 ff. 'himsā). - Cf., in the Brāhmana prose, ā labhate, H.-P. Schmidt, op.
cit. 646. 31. pāvôvagā ya ārambhā, Sūy 1.8.7 = JAS 417; compare the sequence in Sūy 1.2.3.9 = JAS 151:
je iha ārambha-nissiyā āya-danda eganta-lüsagā, "those who engage in undertakings, ... and who kill (living beings)” (Jacobi). 32. Cf. Sūy 1.9.35 = JAS 471 (concerning, in the privative, men):
agiddhe sadda-phāsesu ārambhesu anissie,
"not longing for sensual pleasures, not engaged in works”. Sūy 1.10.16 = JAS 488: ārambha-sattā gadhiyā ya loe, ...dhammam na yānanti,
"those occupied with works and held in worldly bondage ... do not know
the Law"., 34. Cf. Sūy 2.1.43 f. (= JAS 677.1-2): iha khalu gāratthā sarambhā sa-pariggaha,
sanr' egaiyā samaņa-māhaņā sarambhā sa-pariggahā, je ime lasa-thāvarā pāņā te sayam samārambhanti, anneņa vi samārambhāventi, annam pi samārambhantam samaņujāņanti. -iha khalu gāratthā s. s., sant' egaiyā s.-m. vi

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s. s., je ime kāma-bhogā sa-cittā vā a-cittā vā te sayam c'eva pariginhanti, anneņa vi ..., "Here, indeed, householders are killers (of beings) and acquirers of property, and so are even some śramanas and brāhmaṇas. They themselves kill movable and immovable living beings, have them killed by another. 1./ They
themselves acquire sentient or senseless objects of pleasure ..." (Jacobi). 35. Haribhadra's Dasavs ad Dasav IV Ee 615 = JAS 341 (ed. Jambuvijaya,
Pindavada, 1980, p. 96). 36. Ayār p. 34.5 (= 1.7.1.5). 37. Uu 20.60 (JAS 763). 38. Ayār 1.33.28–34.2(= 1.7.1.5). Cf. Dasav IV Ee 615.13 ff. = JAS 41 ff.:
icc esim chanham jīva-nikāyāņam n'eva sayam dandam samārambhejjā, ... jāvajjīvāe tiviham tivihenam manenam vāyāe kāenam na karemi na kāravemi karentam pi annam na samanujāņāmi,
"Towards these six groups of souls he should not perform any act of violence himself ... As long as I live I (shall) not perform (an act of violence]
in (one of the three ways, viz. with mind, ..." (Schubring's translation, 84). 39. Utt 8.10 (= JAS 218), cf. K. R. Norman, in Mahāvīra and his teachings, ed. A. N.
Upadhye et al., Bombay (1977), 10. 40. Benevolence is an obligation as soon as it has been recognized that "earth
bodies" etc. are sentient beings, which suffer and dislike pain, etc. 41. Ayār 2.15 I (p. 132.34) = Dasav IV p.615.20 (JAS 42).
savvam bhante pāņâivāyam paccakkhāmill: n'eva sayam pāņe aivāejjā, n'ev' annehim pāņe aivāyāvejjā, pāņe aivāyante vi anne na samanujānejjā, jāvajjīvāe tiviham tivihenam... - Cf. paccakkhāmi savvam pāņaivāyam // n'eva sayam
pānâivāyam karejijā 3 ..., Āyār 2 p. 131.32 ff. 43. Nānamoli's trsl., 19 f. 44. Cf. PW, s.v.-With Pa pāņâtipāta compare Asoka IV (A), infra. 45. Cf. 'nipātayanti' tri vindhanti (Cu, quoted JAS p. 57 n. 15); cf. (ib.) the v.l.
nivāyatanti, further atitāpayanti apanayanti (stānka, quoted ib.). - Most ed. prefer the reading 'bhitāvayanti (LSJA, Gurgaon, Jain Vishva Bharati), cf. not only 1.5.2.10a (JAS 336; compare the v.1. JAS p. 59 n. 19); but also (a)bhitaventi and (a)bhitappamāņā in 1.5.1.13: the root TAP is certainly expected in a Naraga
chapter. Jacobi translates: "torment". 46. 'Tribhyo' mano-vāk-kāyebhya āyur-bala-sarirebhyo vā 'pātayer' cyāvayet
'prāņān' prāņinaḥ; a-kāra-lopād vā 'atipātayet' prāņān iti, cf. Sūy? 9, "should one deprive beings of their three (constituents, viz. manas, ..., or span of life, ...); or (rather) given the disappearance of a-, should one knock the breaths

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out", cf. Cu p. 22. 47. Renou, Grammaire sanscrite, 139 $111. 48. In PW and DCD the references for this meaning are to Suśruta and Caraka.
Further, Prof. C. B. Tripathi calls my attention to atipāta, denoting an incurable
disease (cf. DCD, s.v. E ii; I). 49. CPD I s.v. atipāteti, atimāpeti. 50. Which survives in Sinhalese, panivă (CDIAL 8931). 51. The treatises (sāstra), or / and the (practice of) arms (sastra), cf. Jacobi, SBE 45,
298 n. 1. 52. Possibly aivāya occurs also in two or three difficult or uncertain passages of
Āyār 1 (cf. Schubring's Glossar). 53. The particle nam seems to have sometimes been taken as the gen. pl. ending. 54. Sūys 9, infra. Cf. the Cu ad Ayār p. 41.13*: aivāijjai jena so aivāo, hims'âi
(cf. Schubring's Glossar, s.v. aivāiya). 55. Sūy? 9. 56. SuyT 127. 57. Quoted ad loc. in JVBh; and in JAS (hedha vibādhane bādhante ity arthah) p. 71
n. 8. Compare pāņa-bhūya-vihedhiņo, Sūy 1.8.4 (JAS 414). 58. For the neutralisation of the opposition 3 sg./3pl., Pi 515; 518; 459; etc. CPD I
s.v. atthi (p. 111). 59., Here in the opening of a trişțubh:
hanāi sattham jaha kuggahiyam (20.44b)
hanāi veyāla... (d), "as a weapon injures if awkwardly handled, as a Vetala injures ...". For hanāti in Pa, cf. PED s.v. hanati, referring to Ja V 461.28* (Burmese v.l. hanati); further VI 210.32* yo hanāti (triştubh cadence), quoted Sadd 398 n.e, q.v.; cf. 1541.38.
For Pa bhaņāti, patibhaņāsi (Ja*), Sadd 1647, s.v. bhanati. On 3 sg. ind. pres. -āti, IF 75 (1970) 302; also infra n. 74. Āyār p. 16.1* = 1.3.3.2 (v.l. hannai); cf. SBE 22 p. 32, n. 3; Wone 84. About hammai, "aktivisch", Schubring, Glossar, refers to HC 4.244 (hammai hanijjai and hammai hantity arthaḥ). In the notes of his edition he compares Sūy 1.5.2.24
60.
(= 350):
na hiņsale kamcana savva-loe. Cf. further, Sn (515):
na so himsati kamci (v.1. kimci) sabba-loke (515); and na ca bhikkhu himseyya kamci (v.1. kimci) loke (368).

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Also see Mvu 3.395.16*:
na ca so hiņsati kamci loke. 61. Quoted JAS p. 175 n. 2.- On this usage, Überblick 445, referring to Pi 466; 515;
Nalini Balbir, in Dialectes dans les littératures indo-aryennes, Paris 1989 (ICI
55). 509 ff., ubi alia. 62. Cf. JAS p. 96 n. 1, and the gloss ‘hanyāt tādayet, Ț (Āgs. p. 168). - Also see
Sūy Ț 138, ad Sūy 1.11.37 (JAS 533), 'vinihannejjā' = vihanyāt (infra n. 64).
On the "double optative suffix" (cf. Pa dajje, *dad-y-e, etc.), Überblick 440, referring to CPD I s.v. asnāti, Epilegomena 29*. Further see s.v. anu-ppadeti. Concerning Asoka XIII (N), see Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes, 9 (1991) 11-13; "The double optative suffix' in Prakrit", ABHORI Amrtamahotsava Vol. (in the press).
Another possibility would be to assume a MIA active present base *hanyahañña-(cf. Pi 487 f. on the present -ya- stems in Pk). But this seems less likely. 63. For the passive of HAN and KHAN, HC 4.244 teaches hammai hanijjai, khammai
khaṇijjai; in the future hammihii haņihii, khammihii khanihii (Pi 540). Consequenuy, in his edition of Utt 2, Charpentier always writes (-)hamm- even "in spite of all the MSS." (sic, Ee p. 287, ad 2.17; 22). As a matter of fact, a passive stem hanna- seems to have spread in the mss. tradition, which is normally. followed by JAS. Compare, e.g. in Utt 2: JAS 67 vinihannijjā (v.1. Vihammejjā, Ee 17 -mm-); 72 vihannejjā (no v.1., but Ee 22 -mm-); 96 vihannejjā (Cu ņihaņejjā (sic), Ee 46 -mm-). But Charpentier has evidently overlooked the existence of a "double optative suffix" and of a possible intransitive value of
vi-ni-HAN (cf. n. 62; 64). 64. For Sūy 1.11.37 the vulgate reads:
aha nam vaya-m-āvannam phāsā uccāvayā phuse
na lesu vinihannejjā – vāeneva Mahāgiri, (LSJA, JAS, Gurgaon); but the Cu (quoted JAS p. 95 n. 2):
na tehim vinihammejjā. In fact, according to the PYTS ed of Sūy I (with Bhadrabāhu's Niryukti and Cūmi by anonymous writer, ed. Punyavijaya, Ahmedabad-Varanasi 1975, PTS 19), the Cu quotesna tehim vinihammejjā', and comments thus: na tehi udinnehi vi nāņa-damsaņa-caritta-samjuttāo maggão vinihannejjā. Sūy is therefore taken as meaning: "should troubles (sparsāḥ' = parişahôpasarga-rūpāh) befall him who has entered the vows (vratāni āpannam, Cu), he will not, because (when) they (have surged up), be struck away (from the Path), no more than the Great Mountain (is) by the wind" (but tesu - tehim probably only mean "on these

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occasions").
But ? appears to take the above -hannejjā as an opt. active (= vihanyāt, cf. supra and n. 62): sa ca sādhus tair abhidrutaḥ 1./ na tair anukūla-pratikūlair vihanyāt, naiva samyamdnuşthānān manāg api vicalet (138), "due to these pleasant or unpleasant (circumstances) he should not ruin, he should not swerve from the practice of self-control". The Sūy sūtra and corresponding I have an exact parallel in Utt 2.17c (JAS 67), warning against the 8th parisaha (women!):
no tāhim vinihannejjā (v.1., Ee-mm-), glossed by śāntisūri as atipātayet, ātmānam iti gamyate (152 f.), "should not utterly destroy (viz. the Self)". Could this 'no vinihannejjā' = naiva vinihanyāt continue an old formula with the active verb used absolutely: "he should not crash, collapse, break down in front of them"; or "he should not strike at them"?
- Other remnants of this usage exist: they are dealt with in a forthcoming paper. 65. For a passive stem hanna-, see PSM, s.v. hana (passive: hammai / hannai); also
the Cūrni reading (-)hanna- for (-) hamma-māne, quoted by Schubring ad Ayār p.
32.22 = 1.6.5.6.- For HC 4.244, see n. 63. 66. 3.sg. opt. - Compare Sūy 1.1.1.3a-6 on which supra):
sayam tivāyae pāne aduvā annehi ghāyae
................ veram vaddhei appano and Dasav VI 10d:
na hane no vi ghāyae; further Ayār p. 15.19 (= 1.3.3.1) = 25.24 (= 1.5.5.4):
tamhā na hantā na vi ghāyae. Cf. Schubring Gl, s.v. ghālay, referring to Sn 705d,
na haneyya na ghātaye. The same pāda recurs in various versions of the Dhp: Pa Dhp 129; cf. "Patna Dhp" (ed.G. Roth) 203:
neva hamyye na ghālaye; Uv Subaši 5.18: • (han)ny(e) n(a) ghātayet, Uv (ed. Bernhard) 5.19:
naiva hanyān na ghātayet, compare Mvu 3.387.13*:
nafva hiņse na ghātaye. In the above passages the opposition between han- and ghātaya- is in evidence, and functions like the usual opposition between the simple and the causative stems. Cf. also Sūy 2.24 (JAS 657): se kinam kināvemāņe, hanam ghāyamāne,

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payam payāvemāņe, "buys and causes to buy, kills and causes to kill, cooks..." (Jacobi). - On the discussions concerning the etymological relationship between
HAN and ghātaya-, KEWAI 3.576 f. 67. "Problematisch bleibt die Auffassung der ghāt-Formen", KEWAI ib. 68. On ghat, Lehre $87.
On the complete “knocking out", annihilation of karman particles and their ejection at the time of death (māran'antiya sammugshāya), ib. -89. - In Utt 5.32b (JAS 161), the verbal construction of āghāya (in the dat. + acc.) will be noted:
aha kālammi sampatte āghāyāya samussayam, (vināšāya I. / kārmaņa-dehasya, Bhāvavijaya), “when the time for quiting the body has come" (Jacobi). The privative an-āghāya is applied to a "smooth"
death which generates no injury, Utt 5.18 (= 147). 69. On (a-)vihannu, BSS II 51; K.R. Norman, WZKS 36 (1992) 32. 70. Cf. Sūy? 92 ad Sūy 1.5.2.9 (JAS 335): hanyante mudgarâdibhiḥ; etc.; Worte 96 and n. 1 (ad Āyār p. 25.20 = 1.5.5.4). Cf. infra n. 72; 73.
Obviously, in the present Jaina contexts, the connotations of HAN differ from those which seem to prevail in the RV and AV, according to Saverio Sani, "Valore semantico e identificazione di funzioni: il verbo hanti nel Rgveda e nell' Atharvaveda" in Studi e saggi linguistici 30, Supplemento alla Rivista “L'Italia dialettale", 53 (N.S. 30), Pisa 1990, 61–77. (Compare L. Renou, JA 1939, 167 n.
1: HAN almost exclusively said of gods who strike, destroy their enemies.] 71. Āyār p. 17.19 (= 1.4.1.1), etc. 72. na hantavyāḥ danda-kaśâdibhiḥ, /. / nâjnāpayitavyāḥ 1.), na parigrāhyāḥ 1.1,
nåpadrāvayitavyāḥ prāna-vyaparopanataḥ, Ayārs 119. 73. Sūy 2.1.48 (JAS 679); "hanyamānasya' kasadibhiḥ, Ț 199. 74. V.l. daheha (metrically correct). Should one read this imper. as dahāha? - Cf.
khamāha (bhante), Uu 12.30 f. (= 389 f.; quoted Pi 471), and dalāha (majjham), 12.12 (= 371), both in a triştubh cadence. - Also supra n. 59. Süy? 86 specifies: 'hata' mudgarådinā, 'chinta' khadgadinā, bhinta' sülâdinā, 'dahata'
murmurâdina. 75. Cf. Sūy 2.1.17(=651) = Āyār p. 34.26 (= 1.7.2.4). 76. With Āyār p. 16.1* compare the pādas quoted supra n. 60. 77. Cf. Schubring G1, s.v. lumpaittar. 78. Ț 51: prathamam idam mahāvratam. Also see supra n. 65. 79. Cf. supra n. 60. 80. Compare n. 66.

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81. SūyȚ 189 (ad Sūy 2.1.24). 82. Cf. n. 60; 66. 83. Quoted JAS p. 109 n. 2. - On HIMS, himsā “injury done to a living being",
Schmithausen, op. cit. 60 and n. 356 (referring to A. Wezler, Adyar Libr. Bull. 50
(1986) 455). 84. On Ved. himsrá- "verwundend", AiG 2.2.851. 85. Cf. supra, and, on the other hand, Süy? 85 (ad Sūy 1.5.1.4 = 303), 104 (ad 1.7.5
= 385), etc.; na kam api prāņinam 'hiņsyāt na vyāpādayet, 94 (ad 1.5.2.24 =
350, na himsae). 86. Sūy 2.1.48 (= 679), supra: hammamānassa /. I paritāvijjamānassa. Or, in the text
of the bhāvanās (Ayār 2 p. 132): abhihanejjā /. / pariyāvejjā. Also 'na hinasti'
na paritāpayati, Sūy? 34 (ad Sữy 1.1.4.10, na himsai). 87. Sūy? 9, cf. supra section 2. 88. "Not to injure, to tell the truth, not to steal, to be chaste, not to hoard property".
Cf. ahimsā satyam astainyam, Baudhāyana DhSū 2.10.18.2 = Manu 10.63,
quoted in Schmidt, op. cit., 637 and n. 1, 628 and n. 1. 89. Cf. Sūy 2.2.9 (= 697), 'himsimsu vā himsai (v.l. -anti) vā himsissai (v.l. -anti)
vā'. Cf. supra; also n. 58. 90. Cf. n. 60, 66; 93. 91. From Sūy? 9 (supra) it follows that HIMS points particularly to the physical
injury resulting from violence; cf. Sūy 1.1.2.25, opposing he who intends (to kill) a living being, but actually does not do it; and he who unknowingly does injure one (merely in consequence of his physical activity):
abuho jam ca himsai (ajānāraḥ kāya-vyāpāra-mătrena yam ca hinasti prāṇinam, Ţ 25).
The definite aspect of HIMS is clear: there can be little doubt that the result (not the intention) is in evidence (cf. Sūy 1.7.5 (= 385); 1.7.9 (= 389]). 92. Cf. L. Renou, BSOAS 10 (1939), especially $826 f.; 31. 93. The Buddhist counterparts use HAN:
yo na hanti na ghāteti tam aham brūmi brāhmanam, Sn 629 = Dhp 405; also GDhp 1.18:
yo na hadi na ghadhedi tam aho bromi bramana; further, in part, Uv 33.36:
yo na hanti hi bhūtāni bravīmi brāhmaṇam hi tam.
Compare mā hane, Sūy 1.2.3.21a (JAS 163), supra. 94. Compare Utt 3.8 (= 104):
... padivajjanti tavam khantim (+) ahimsayam,

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236 Colette Caillat "they practise asceticism, forbearance - non-injury". 95. Cf. Renou, op. cit. In a sense, redundant expressions. Compare Uut 4.1 (= 117) vihinsa ajaya (vihimsra + ayata); 36.256 (= 1709); or the emphatic repetition, Dasav VI 28 ff. (= 290): pudhavi-kayam vihimsanto himsah tu tay-assie. 96. Quoted supra (cf. the discussion on aya-danda). 97. For details and references, R. Williams, Jaina Yoga, London 1963 (London Oriental Series 14), 70 f. 98. For a discussion on the morpho-syntax and meaning of the acc. ahimsa samayam, Suy 1.1.4.10 (=85) = 1.11.10 (= 506), BSS I, 127 f. 99. Cf. Hans-Peter Schmidt, "The origin of ahimsa". - On ahimsa / daya in Gautama Dharma Sutra, 634; 655 (also underlining "the transition of the idea of ahimsa l./ which was mainly concerned with bodily injury, to that of a general fellow feel ing for all living beings"). 100. Compare K.R. Norman, "Notes on Asoka's fifth Pillar edict", JRAS April 1967, 26-32 (studying the animal names in this inscription in the light of the Jaina data). Colette Caillat (URA 1058)