Mahavira his Times and his Philosophy of Life

Author(s): Harilal Jain, A N Upadhye
Publisher: Bharatiya Gyanpith
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/006504/1

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Mahāvīra
His Times and His Philosophy of Life
Dr. Hiralal Jain, Dr. A.N. Upadhye
GIB000
ODBODOC 10

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MAHAVIRA
HIS TIMES AND HIS PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE
Dr. HIRALAL JAIN
Dr. A.N. UPADHYE
BHARATIYA JNANPITH

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First Edition : Second Edition :
1974 1977
Moortidevi Jain Granthamala : English Grantha 2
Mahāvira : His Times and His Philosophy of Life by Dr. Hiralal Jain and Dr. A.N. Upadhye Published by Bharatiya Jnanpith 18, Institutional Area, Lodi Road New Delhi-110 003
Printed at Vikas Computer/Offset Delhi-110 032
Third Paperback Edition : 1998 Price: Rs. 15.00
Bharatiya Jnanpith

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Foreword
On the auspicious occasion of 2500th Nirvāṇa Year of Bhagavān Mahāvīra, it is the privilege of Bhāratiya Jñānapītha to publish this book, Mahāvīra : His Times and His Philosophy of Life, written by the two eminent Indologists and Jainologists of our times, late Dr. Hiralal Jain and Dr. A.N. Upadhye. This is, in fact, an edited collection of two separte pieces; one, the English translation of an essay written in Hindi by Dr. Hiralal Jain, as a preface to Vira-Jiņimda-cariu and the other, a speech by Dr. A.N. Upadhye delivered to a gathering of distinguished persons under the auspices of the Indian Institute of Culture, Bangalore. Though the two pieces were written and conceived differently, they make an excellent unit covering different aspects connoted by the title of the book. A careful eye, however, will not fail to see slight repetition, here and there, which is bound to occur under the circumstances. We have long been wanting to see a book on Mahāvīra which would be comprehensive enough to cover all the essentials, and yet not too technical to tax the understanding of the general reader. This publication seems to be the best answer so far. Its special virtue is that it presents Bhagavān Mahāvīra's biographical particulars without any sectarian overtones; the common human problems of his times in conjunction with those faced by Buddha; and the tenets of Mahāvīra's philosophy as they were and are ever relevant to the past and the present generations. To harmonise authors' intellectual authenticity with a devout reader's acceptability is a work of distinction.

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This publication might not have come into being had not Shri Sahu Shanti Prasad Jain, Founder Trustee of Bharatiya Jñānapitha, felt keenly that since the question of an agreed biography of Bhagavān Mahāvīra proposed to be published under the aegis of Bhagavan Mahavira 2500th Nirvāṇa Mahotsava Mahasamiti continues to elude solution due to diversity and varied interpretation of the basic material, this book in the meantime, is likely to serve the best purpose as the learned and experienced authors have consciously tried to achieve historical objectivity. May it be so.
I have every hope that this book, small as it is, will fill a longfelt need and will serve as a friendly guide to all those who want to know for themselves and to convey to the multitudes the immortal life and message of Mahāvīra.
Delhi
13th November, 1974

Lakshmi Chandra Jain
Secretary, Bharatiya Jnanpith

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General Editorial
At a time, when the human race, despite its scientific and technological achievements, is caught in the grips of want, scarcity, suspicion, misunderstanding, conflicts, terrorism and war, there is being celebrated everywhere the 2500th anniversary of the Nirvana of Bhagavan Mahāvīra, one of the greatest humanists the civilised world has ever produced. The highest value which he set for judging human behaviour is man's reverence for life in all its forms: no violence is to be intended, expressed or inflicted through thought, word or act on any living being. This is known as ahimsā. Similarly, though a prince by birth, Mahāvīra adopted a mode of living with minimum attachment for the world and its ties. He controlled his desires and put limits to his needs; thus he found solutions to various problems of life and death. Not only he preached non-attachment but he lived a life which fully illustrated what it means.
His preachings are meant for one and all who seek guidance from him. Intellectual tolerance, i.e., appreciation of the point of view of others, is the hallmark of his philosophy.
It is necessary that authentic details about Mahavira and his times, and about his outlook on life are presented so that we understand him better and try to put his principles in practical life to the best of our ability. With this objective in view, here is presented a brochure, Mahāvīra : His Times and His Philosophy of Life. It contains two essays which are supplementary to each other with very little common details. The first is by the late Dr. Hiralal Jain. He wrote it in Hindi by way of Introduction to his edition of the Vira-jinimda-cariu

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published by the Bharatiya Jñānapitha. This is rendered into English by his colleague Dr. A.N. Upadhye and presented here. The second essay is by Dr. A.N. Upadhye. It is practically the same as his lecture delivered under the auspices of the Indian Institute of Culture, Bangalore, some years back. Both these essays are serious studies, and it is hoped that they would be welcome to the English knowing public for appreciating and understanding the personality and philosophy of Mahāvīra. On behalf of our colleague, the late Dr. Hiralal Jain, and ourselves, we offer our sincere gratitude to Smt. Rama Jain, the President of Bhāratiya Jñānapitha and to Shriman Sahu Shanti Prasadji, the benign founder of it. We are thankful to Shri L.C. Jain for his speedy arrangements to publish this book.
Mahāvīra Nirvāņa Day November 13, 1974
A.N. Upadhye Kailash Chandra Shastri

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Table of Contents
Mahavira and His Times
1. Background of Mahāvira's Tirthakarahood 8 2. Life of Mahāvira : Birth and Boyhood 10 3. Mahāvīra's Penances 10 4. Mahāvīra's Omniscience 11 5. Mahāvīra : His Religious Sermons. 12 6. Literature based on Mahāvīra's Teachings 13 7. Date of Mahāvīra's Nirvāna 17 8. Mahāvira's Place of Birth 20 9. Place of Penance of Mahāvīra 28 10. Place of Mahāvīra's Omniscience 29 11. Place of Mahāvira's First Sermon 30 12. Place of Mahāvīra's Nirvāna 31 13. Historical Contemporaries of Mahāvīra 33 14. Literature on Mahāvīra's Biography 43
Mahāvīra : His Philosophy of Life 15. The Priest and the Recluse 49 16. Thought-ferment in Eastern India 49 17. Mahāvīra : His Age 51 18. Mahāvīra's Heritage : Jaina Literature 58 19. Mahāvīra : His Philosophy of Life 59 20. To Conclude 65

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MAHĀVĪRA AND HIS TIMES
1. Background of Mahāvīra's Tīrthakarahood Bhagavān Mahāvira is a Tirthakara in Jainism. According to Jaina historical tradition, he is neither the first promulgator of Jainism nor the last for all the time to come. There have been Tirthakaras from beginningless time, and they will be there in future too. There would be specialities of the dharma preached by them to suit the time; and, at the same time, there would be consistent continuity of the same. The first Tīrthakara of the present age is Rşabhanātha. He is mentioned, as a rule, not only in all the Jaina purānas, but also in ancient scriptures of India like the Rgveda etc. in different contexts.
The lives of twentyfour Tīrthakaras, beginning with Rşabha and ending with Mahāvīra, are described in due details in the Jaina purāņas. As though to maintain uniformity and to express common spirit of religious, doctrinal and philosophical ideology, the series of Mahāvira's earlier births are linked with Rşabhadeva. Bharata, son of Rşabha, was the first Cakravartin; and it is from him that our country got the name Bhārata-varsa.
1 Rgveda 10, 102, 6; 10, 136; 10, 166; 2,33. Bhāgavata-purāņa 4, 6. Vişnupurāna 3, 18 etc. The mention of Vrşabha, Keśi and Vāta-raśana Digambara monks deserves special attention. 2 Samavāyānga-sūtra 246 ff. Kalpa-sūtra. Hemacandra's Trisasti-salākāpurusa-carita. Tiloya-pannatti, 'mahādhikāra' 4. Jinasena's Adi-purāna. Gunabhadra's Uttara-purana. Puspadanta's Mahāpurānu (Apabhramsa).

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This is unanimously accepted in all the Vedic purānas.3 This very Bharata had a son, Marici by name. Even this prince Marici represented the soul of a hunter, who, giving up his usual profession of killing animals, had accepted the vow of ahimsā, i.e., abstention from harm unto living beings. He had taken dikşā, i.e., renunciation, from Rşabha-deva; but he could not carry out the severe practices of a monk prescribed to him by the first Tīrthakara, so he ceased to maintain the status of a monk. He possessed, however, the potential seed of religion and consequent incentive for its pursuit. He passed, therefore, through various births of gods and men; and he was born, at last, as the Tirthakara Mahāvīra. Thus it will be easily seen that the spiritual heritage of Mahāvīra, the last Tirthakara, stands firmly linked with Rşabha-deva, the first Tirthakara.4 The succession of Tirthakaras does not come to an end with Mahāvīra. Mahāvīra had a disciple in one of the then kings of India, Sreņika Bimbasāra, in whom he invested the seed of religion. Though Sreņika was destined to go to hell on account of his past sins, still, like Marici, he would, in his next birth, head a new series of Tirthakaras of the future; in fine, he would be born as Mahāpadma, the first of the twentyfour Tirthakaras of the future. Thus, taking an overall view, the fact stands firmly founded in the Jaina tradition that just as Mahāvira, as a historical person, is the last Tirthakara of the pre-purāņic tradition, he is, as well, the first to inaugurate a new succession of Tirthakaras,
3 Bhāgavata-purāna 5, 4, 9; 11, 2. Visnu-purāna 2, 1, 31. Vāyu-purāna 33, 52. Agni-purāna 107, 11-12. Brahmānda-purāna 14, 5, 62. Liriga-puräna 1, 47, 23. Skanda-purāna, Kaumāra-khanda' 37,57. Mārkandeya-purāna 50, 41. In these sources it is clearly mentioned that it is from Bharata, the son of Rsabha, that this country got the name Bhārata-varsa. 4 Mahāpurāņa (Skt.), parvan 74. Mahāpurānu (Apabhramsa); samdhi 95. 5 Mahāpurāna (Sanskrit) 76, 471-77.
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2. Life of Mahāvīra : Birth and Boyhood The biography of Mahāvira found in Jaina literature may be presented thus in short. Mahāvira was born in a royal family of Ksatriyas. His father was Siddhārtha and his mother, Priyakāriņi. Sidhārtha's gotra was Kāśyapa, and the paternal gotra of Trisalā is mentioned as Vašiştha. Trišalā was the eldest daughter (and according to another tradition, sister) of king Cetaka of Vaiśālī.“ Mahāvīra spent his childhood and boyhood in such caresses and taking such education as was common in contemporary royal families. Among his sports of boyhood, there is even a traditional story that he brought under control a terrific serpent. Consequently and symbolic of this feat of bravery, he got the title Mahāvīra and Vira-nātha. This episode reminds one of Krsna overpowering the serpent Kāliya.
3. Mahāvīra's Penances Mahāvīra accepted renunciation at the age of thirty. It means that he left home, retired to the park, Jñātrkhanda-vana, close to Kundapura, and relinquished his ornaments and clothes. He pulled out his hair by his hands, observed fast for three days, and then plunged himself into meditation. After some time, he started touring various parts of the country. He lived in gardens and parks; but, as required by the rules of his vows and fasts, he entered a town or a village once in a day and accepted the food offered to him. In a standing or squatting posture, and with his eyes fixed on the tip of nose, he spent his time in meditation and in reflecting on the ātman and in cultivating the attitude of equanimity towards one and all. His routine involved not even a trace of violence to living beings, not to deprive others of even a blade of grass belonging to them, not to speak lie even remotely, not to
6 Mahāpurāņa (Sanskrit) 74, 288-95. Mahāpurāņu (Apabhramsa) 96, 10, 10-15. Bhagavata-purăna, dasama-skandha.
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entertain any sex appetite, even in mind, and not to have any possession of worldly goods. These were his five Great Vows. Along with the practice of these negative vows or restraints, he got himself habituated to endure with peace and patience all such physical and mental tortures, known as parişaha, like hunger, thirst, cold, heat, mosquito-fly bites etc. which naturally a monk, who has no home, no shelter, no clothes on body and no worldly provisions, has to face.
4. Mahāvīra's Omniscience Mahāvīra spent twelve years as an ascetic, practising these various austerities. One day, while he was seated, plunged in meditation, close to the village, Jsmbhaka by name, on the bank of the river Rju-kūlā, omniscience or all-knowledge (which has no limitations of time and space) dawned on him. In simple terms it means that he got satisfactory solutions for all those problems and questions, connected with the life and the universe, which occur to any inquisitive soul. He fully comprehended the six substances (dravya) and seven principles (tattva) whereby gets explained the nature of all the objects and their activities. The six dravyas are: jīva, pudgala, dharma, adharma, ākāśa and kāla; and the seven tattvas are: jīva, ajīva, āsrava, bandha, samvara, nirjarā and mokşa. The very basic principle of life is jīva or the ātma-tattva which is different from matter; it is characterised by consciousness and is capable of cognising itself and others; and it is immaterial and eternal. But it is found conjoined with matter, accommodated in the body, assuming various forms of life and wandering through different lives (in the transmigratory career). All the concrete objects, perceptible by sense-organs, from the primary atom to the mahā-skandha, are different forms of pudgala. Dharma and adharma (principles of motion and rest) are such subtle, unseen and immaterial principles as serve the mediums of motion and rest for the jīvas and pudgalas.
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Akāśa or space gives location and accommodation to all other substances; while kāla or time marks their present state, their changes, and gives rise to the notions of earlier and later.
This is an exposition of the principles or realities that constitute the universe.
One has to understand the seven tattvas in order to grasp the phases of happiness and misery to which the soul is subjected here and how it can evolve itself to its pristine purity, enlightenment and freedom after removing its foreign shackles. Jiva (life) and ajiva (non-life) are the basic constituents or principles of the universe. Their mutual contact is asrava or karmic influx.
It is this contact which results into such bondage (or karmabandha as it is called) as eclipses the pure nature of ātman and suppresses its inherent qualities of jñāna and darśana (knowledge and perception). The hindrance to and stoppage of karmic bondage of the atman through self-restraint and other virtues is known as samvara. It is through the practice of certain vows and penances that the stock of karmic bondage is worn out and exhausted: this is called nirjară. When this process of exhausting the karmic bondage is completed and the jīva attains its pure nature, it becomes mukta or liberated, and is said to have attained nirvāṇa.
Thus it is seen that this comprehensive exposition of jiva and ajiva covers the field of physics and ontology; āsrava and bandha cover psychological analysis; the discussion about samvara and nirjarā pervades moral and ethical code; and the nature of mokṣa depicts the highest ideal of life and spiritual evolution. Kevala-jñāna includes the subtle and comprehensive nature of the entire field of knowledge.
5. Mahavira: His Religious Sermons
After attaining omniscience, Lord Mahāvīra came to Rājagṛha, the capital of Magadha, and took a worthy seat on the mount Vipulācala. The audience-hall and pendal were constructed;

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and the royalty and the subjects flocked to him to hear his religious sermons. He propounded to the audience the principles noted above and also the anu-vratas for the laity and mahāvratas for the monks whereby the blissful ideal of life can be reached.
6. Literature Based on Mahāvīra's Teachings Lord Mahāvīra had eleven chief disciples such as Indrabhūti Gautama, Sudharman, Jambu etc.; and they were known as Ganadharas. They have incorporated all his teachings in twelve angas, which are as below: (1) Ācārārga : It presents the rules and regulations on the life of a monk. Its place in Jainism is something like the Vinayapitaka in Buddhism. (2) Sūtra-krtāniga : It sets forth Jaina doctrines as well as resume and discussion of the contemporary creeds like kriyāvāda, akriyā-vāda, niyati-vāda etc. (3) Sthānārga : Here certain topics and their subdivisions are enumerated according to their numbers. For instance, darsana, cāritra, samaya, pradeśa, paramāņu etc. are one each. Kriyā is of two kinds: jīva-kriya and ajīva-kriyā. Further jīva-kriyā is of two kinds: samyaktva-kriya and mithyātva-kriyā. Likewise ajivakriyā is of two kinds: īryā-pathika and sāmparāyika, etc. (4) Samavāyānga: Here certain topics are discussed according to the number of their divisions and subdivisions as in the Sthānānga. But here number is not limited to ten only as in the Sthānāniga, but reaches even hundred and thousand. Thus the nature of both these angas resembles the Anguttara-nikāya of the Tri-pitaka. (5) Vyākhyā-prajñapti : This discusses topics of Jaina philosophy and ethics in the forms of questions and answers. (6) Nāvā-dhamma-kahā : Usually this title is rendered into Sanskrit as jñātr-dharma-kathā and it is taken to indicate that this work contains religious tales narrated by Jñātr-putra Mahāvīra. But it is e
ossible that the Sanskrit form of
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this Prakrit title originally stood as Nyaya-dharma-katha. And it possibly contained nyāyas or short maxims of worldly wisdom and morality duly illustrated by tales; such a surmise of its possible contents need not be surprising.
(7) Upasak-ādhyayana: In this work were explained the vratas or vows of the upāsakas or lay followers, the householders or śravakas through the biographies of such of them as followed them. Thus, this arga can be called a supplement to the first ariga, namely, the ācārānga, which expounded the rules for monks.
(8) Antakd-daśā: According to Jaina terminology antakṛt are those monks who attain nirvana after putting an end to this samsara by practising severe penances and patiently bearing various troubles. It appears that such ten monks were described in this arga.
(9) Anuttar-aupapātika-daśā: Anuttara is a name for those higher heavens in which highly merited souls are born. From there they take only one birth as man; and then by observing the necessary religious practices they attain liberation in the same birth. In this ariga were given the biographies of such ten great monks and residents of Anuttara heavens.
(10) Praśna-vyākaraṇa: As indicated by title this arga contained questions and answers on different creeds and doctrines; and thus in a way it was a supplement of the Vyakhyāprajñapti.
(11) Vipäka-sūtra: Vipāka means the fruit of karmans. According to the karman doctrine good karmans give fruits in the form of enjoyment of pleasures and the bad ones, suffering or pains. This was explained in this anga with suitable illustrations.
(12) Dṛṣṭi-vāda This had five divisions: Parikarma, Sutra, Purva-gata, Anuyoga and Culikā. Parikarma contained calculatory science, and the Sūtra included discussions about creeds and doctrines. The Purva-gata contained fourteen subdivisions: (1) Utpāda-pūrva, (2) Agrāyaṇīya, (3) Vīry-ānuvāda, (4) Asti-nasti-pravāda, (5) Jñāna-pravāda, (6) Satya-pravāda, (7) Atma-pravāda, (8) Karma-pravāda, (9) Pratyākhyāna, (10) Vidy

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ānuvāda, (11) Kalyāna-vāda, (12) Prāṇāvāya, (13) Kriyā-viśāla and (14) Loka-bindu-sāra. As indicated by their names, they contained discussions about doctrines and principles. The eighth Pūrva, Karmapravāda, has a special importance, because it appears to have been the source on the basis of which has grown the entire subsequent literature about the karma philosophy which is the vital doctrine of Jainism. The designation Purva-gata signifies that the tradition of their contents belongs to a period earlier than Mahāvira who possibly improved on it in the light of his fundamental doctrines. The fourth division of the Drsti-vāda, namely Anuyoga, too has an important place in Jaina literature. It is also called Pratham-āuyoga; and the entire purāņic narratives, religious biographies as well as illustrative tales etc. are all included under the Pratham-ānuyoga. According to the Dhavalā commentary on the Sat-khand-agama (sūtra 1, 1, 2), Prathamānuyoga contained twelve sections of the purāņa in which were described respectively, Arhats, Cakravartins, Vidyādharas, Vāsudevas, Cāraņas, Prajñā-sramaņas, as well as the families of Kuru, Hari, Ikşvāku, Kāśyapa, Vādi (Cedi?) and Nātha. According to the Digambara tradition, the entire Arga literature, in its original form, was gradually lost into oblivion. After the nirvāṇa of Mahāvira, during the period of 162 years, it is only eight saints that had the full knowledge of Arigas. The last among them is said to have been Sruta-kevalin Bhadrabāhu.
After him the knowledge of all the Angas and Pürvas went on gradually decreasing day-to-day; and during the 7th century after the nirvāṇa of Mahāvira a stage was reached when only some great saints had a partial knowledge of these Angas and Pūrvas. It is on the basis of this that the entire Jaina scriptures and puränas came to be composed independently in a new style in Prakrit and other languages current in different places and at different times. According to the Svetāmbara tradition, during the 10th century after the nirvāṇa of Mahāvīra, a council of monks
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was convened at Valabhi (modern Vala) in Gujarat; and there, under the chairmanship of Devarddhi-gani-Ksamā-śramana, eleven out of the twelve Angas were compiled, and they are available today. This compilation, however, has not been found to have preserved entirely the original form of the work. One can clearly see additions and omissions in the contents. Their language too is not the same Ardha-Māgadhi as was used in the time of Mahāvira : it displays linguistic features which developed in a period one thousand years later than him. Still, broadly speaking, the available texts testify to the antiquity of the contents and method of exposition. They bear close resemblance with the ancient Buddhist literature. Just as the Buddhist canon was Tri-pitaka, the Jaina canon is found to be described as Gani-pitaka. This branch of literature, as a whole, is called Arga-pravista to be distinguished from Anga-bāhya texts, 14 in number, which deal, in details, with the conduct and day-to-day routine of monks. Their names are : (1) Sāmāyika, (2) Caturvimsati-stava, (3) Vandanā, (4) Pratikramana, (5) Vainayika, (6) Křti-karman, (7) Dasa-vaikālika, (8) Uttar-ādhyayana, (9) Kalpavyavahāra, (10) Kalp-ākalpa, (11) Mahā-kalpa, (12) Pundarika, (13) Mahā-pundarika and (14) Nişiddhikā. Their titles themselves indicate that their contents are related with instructions about religious practics, especially the routine of duties of monks. Though these fourteen texts, in their ancient form, are not found independently, still their contents have got mixed up with other texts; and they are being used by monks even to this day. The council of monks which compiled the canon at Valabhi has, besides the first category of 11 Angas: 12 Upārgas (Aupapātika, Rāya-paseniya etc.); 6 Cheda-sūtras (Nisītha, Mahārisītha etc.); 4 Mūla-sūtras (Uttar-ādhyayana, Āvasyaka etc); 10 Prakirnakas (Catuḥsarana ātura-pratyākhyāna, etc.); and 2 Cülikāşūtras (Anuyoga-dvāra and Nandi). Thus the entire ArdhaMāgadhi canon has got 45 texts, and they have a religious sanction or authority for the Svetāmbara sect. This entire
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branch of literature is as much important as the Pāli canon for its language and style and for the philosophical and historical material contained therein.?
7. Date of Mahāvira's Nirvāņa As to the time of the nirvāna of Lord Mahāvīra, a clear-cut record is available that this event took place in the last quarter of the night of the caturdasi of the krsna-paksa of the month of Kārtika, i.e., in the early hours of the amāvāsyā; and both gods and men celebrated this occasion as the Dipāvali festival. Accordingly, the (Mahā)Vira N. samvat era begins from the Kārtika Dipävali. There was no such samvat or era specified either contemporary with Mahāvīra or for a long time after him. References to this era, which are noticed in later works, are often mutually contradictory here and there and also not consistent with the data available in other branches of literature and with other historical events. Consequently there have resulted differences of opinions in this connection among modern scholars. On the one hand, the German scholar Dr. Jacobi puts the date of the nirvana of Mahāvira as 477 (four hundred seventyseven) B.C. His evidence is that the coronation of Maurya Candragupta took place in 322 (three hundred twentytwo) B.C., and this event, according to the Parisista-parvan (VIII. 339) of Hemacandra happened 155 (one hundred fiftyfive) years after the nirvāņa of Mahāvira : thus the date of Mahāvira's nirvāna comes to be 322 + 155 = 477.
But, on the other hand, Dr. Kashi Prasad Jayaswal holds the view that, according to the Buddhist tradition in Ceylon or
? Samavāy-ānga-sutra 211-227. Sat-kland-āgama 1, 1, 2, ţikā, bhāga 1, page 96 ff. Winternitz : A History of Indian Literature, II Jaina Literature. Kapadia : History of the Jaina Canonical Literature. Jagadish Chandra : Prākrta Sahitya kā Itihasa, pp. 33 ff. Hiralal Jaina : Bhāratiya Samskrti-men Jaina-dharma-kā Yoga-däna, pp. 55 ff. Nemichandra Shastri : Prākrta Bhāṣā aura Sahitya-kā Alocanātmaka Itihāsa, pp. 157 ff.
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Srilanka, Buddha's nirvänä is put in 544 B.C. And in the Samagama-sutta of the Majjhima-nikāya and elsewhere in the Tri-pitaka it is stated that Buddha learnt the news from one of his followers that Mahavira's ṇirvāṇa took place in Pāvā. There is also the tradition that Buddha's nirvana occurred two years later: thus it is concluded that Mahāvīra's nirvana be put in 546 B.C. But, on scrutiny, both the views are not valid.
There is a clear-cut ancient Jaina literary and historical tradition that the nirvana of Mahävira took place 470 (four hundred seventy) years before Vikrama samvat and 605 (six hundred and five) years before the Saka era. The succession of the historical events of this tradition stands thus: That very night, when Mahavira attained nirvāṇa, king Palaka of Ujjaina was coronated. Pālaka ruled for 60 years. After him the Nanda kings ruled for 155 years; Mauryas for 108 years; Puşyamitra for 30 years; Balamitra and Bhānumitra for 60 years; Nahapāna (Nahavāna, Naravahana or Nahasena) for 40 years; Gardabhilla for 13 years; another king ruled for 4 years; and, it is after this that the Vikrama era started. Hence the period between the nirvana of Mahāvīra and the beginning of the Vikrama era stands thus: 60 + 155 + 108 +30 +60 + 40 +13+4=470 years.
The authority of Hemacandra on the basis of which Dr. Jacobi accepted the period between the nirvana of Mahāvīra and the coronation of Candraguta Maurya to be 155 years, is really speaking, not at all correct. Dr. Jacobi himself has edited the Parisiṣṭa-parvan; and he has recorded his view that this work contains many lapses, because it was composed in haste.
One of such lapses is that, while calculating the period between the nirvana of Mahāvīra and the coronation of Candragupta, assigning 60 years for Pālaka is skipped over. So by adding 60 years the period becomes 215 instead of 155. That this was a mistake is borne out by the period of time assigned to Kumārapāla by Hemacandra himself in his Triṣaṣṭi-slākā-puruṣa-carita (parvan 10, sarga 12, verses 45-56)

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that this king was coronated 169 years after the nirvāna of Mahāvira. It is evident from other authorities that Kumārapāla's coronation took place in 1142 A.D. Thus Mahāvīra attained nirvāṇa in 1669 - 1142 = 527 B.C. Dr. Jayaswal accepted 544 B.C. for Buddh's nirvāna on the basis of Ceylonese tradition, but it is no more confirmed by other evidences. According to the earlier Ceylonese tradition, the Mauryan emperor Asoka came to the throne 218 years after the nirvana of Buddha. There is plenty of historical evidence to prove that Asoka came to the throne in 269 B.C. or about that. Thus Buddha attained nirvana in 218 +269 = 487 B.C. This is confirmed by a Chinese tradition too. In China in the town of Kaintan (?), attempt was made to record the memory of Buddha's nirvāna by series of points or cyphers. Every year one cypher was added. This addition continued up to A.D. 489, and their total number was 975 - 489 = 486 B.C. Thus there is perfect agreement between the Chinese and Ceylones traditions. So this very date, namely 487 B.C. deserves to be accepted for the nirvăņa of Buddha. In the Pāli Tri-pitaka itself is plenty of evidence that Mahāvīra was senior to Buddha both in age and renunciation and that he attained nirvana during the life time of Buddha. In the Sāmañña-phala-sutta of the Digha-nikāya, in the Dahara-sutta of the Samyutta-nikāya and the Samiya-sutta of the Sutta-nipāta there are enumerated six Tīrtha-karas who flourished before Buddha. Their names are: Purana Kāśyapa, Makkhali Gośāla, Nigantha Nătaputta (Mahāvira), Samjaya Belatthi-putta, Pakuddha Kaccāyana and Ajita Kesa-kambalī. All of them are said to have been honourd by many, experienced, of long ascetic standing and senior in age; but these adjectives are not used in the case of Buddha. On the other hand, as contrasted with them, Buddha is decribed as younger in age and a novice in renunciation. Thus it stands proved that Mahāvīra was senior to Buddha in age and had taken renunciation earlier than him.
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It is mentioned in the Sãmagāma-sutta of the Majjhima-nikāya that while Buddha was sojourning in Sāmagāma, a Sramanic devotee, Cunda by name, came to him and conveyed the message that Nigantha Nātaputta (Mahāvira) just passed away in Pāvā and there has arisen a dispute (kalaha) among his followers. By this message, Ananda, the chief disciple of Buddha, had a doubt in his mind whether such a dispute would not arise in their Sangha after Buddha. He discussed this matter with Buddha as well. This very episode occurs in the Păsădikā-sutta of the Digha-nikāya. According to the Sargiti-pariyāya-sutta of this very nikāya the same report was conveyed to Buddha's Sarigha; and Säri-putta, a pupil of Buddha, called the bhikṣus, reported the news and warned them that such a situation of dispute should not develop after the nirvana of Buddha. In this context, Buddha congratulated Sāriputta on his proper instructions to the bhikṣus. This episode is a clear proof and leaves no doubt that Mahāvīra attained nirvāņa during the life time of Buddha. Further, there was some dispute among the followers of Mahāvira, the report of which caused some anxiety in the Sarigha of Buddha and some remedial suggestion was made in that direction. In this way it is proved beyond doubt that Mahāvīra was senior to and attained nirvāṇa earlier than Bhuddha; and these facts are consistent with the traditional dates of the nirvāna of both of them
8. Mahāvīra's Place of Birth It is stated in the Mahāpurānu of Puşpadanta (samdhi 1, kadavakas. 6-7) that Mahāvira , the 24th Jinendra, would be born to king Siddhārtha and queen Priyakāriņi of Kundapura in the Bharata-kşetra of Jambū-dvīpa. From this it is obvious that Mahāvira was born in Kundapura. There are no other indications about the region etc. here beyond that it was
8. For references and discussions on the date of the nirvana of Mahāvira and Buddha see Winternitz : A History of Indian Literature, (1, Appendix II Nirvana of Buddha, Appendix VI Nirvana of Mahāvira. Muni Nagaraja : Agama aura Tripitaka : Eka Anusilana, pp. 47-128
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located in the Bharata-kşetra. There are, however, other references which make it clear that this Kundapura was located in the territory of Videha, for instance, in the Nirvāņabhakti of Pūjyapāda: सिद्धार्थ-नृपति-तनयो भारत-वास्ये विदेह-कुण्डपुरे।
That is, Mahāvira, the son of king Siddhārtha, was born in Kundapura, in the territory of Videha, in the Bhārata-varșa. Likewise Jinasena states thus in his Hari-varśa-purāņa (sarga 2, verses 1-5): अथ देशोऽस्ति विस्तारी जम्बू-द्वीपस्य भारते, pade sa facan: Foot-605-74: freni तत्राखण्डल-नेत्राली-पद्मिनी-खण्ड-मण्डनम्, सुखाम्भः-कुण्डमाभाति नाम्ना कुण्डपुरं पुरम्। That is, in the Bharata-kşetra of Jambū-dvipa, there is the extensive territory well-known as Videha which, in its glory, is like a portion of heaven. There stands prominently a town, Kundapura by name, which is a pond of the water of happiness and which is decked by a lotus pool in the form of thousand eyes of Indra. It is stated thus in the Uttarapurāņa of Gunabhadra (parvan 74, verses 251-52): भरतेऽस्मिन् विदेहाख्ये विषये भवनाङ्गणे rş: cus-
T RT -ETRT-466-99: 1 That is, a heavy shower of wealth poured down in the veranda or courtyard of the palace of the king of Kunndapura in the territory of Videha, in Bharata-kşetra. In the Ācārārga (2, 15) and Kalpa-sūtra (110) of the ArdhaMāgadhi canon it is thus stated: समणे भगवं महावीरे णाए णाय-पुत्ते णाय-कुल-णिव्वत्ते विदेहे विदेह-दिण्णे विदेह-जच्चे विदेह-सूमाले तीसं वासाइं विदेहसि कटु अगार-मज्झे वसित्ता। Thus Mahāvīra is closely associated with Jñātr-kula of the Videha territory where he lived for thirty years prior to his renunciation. It is obvious from these references that lord Mahāvīra was born in Kundapura which was in the Videha territory. Luckily there is no difference of opinion about the boundaries of Videha.
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From ancient times, the territory north of the Ganges was called Videha and the south of it was well known as Magadha. This very territory of Videha is mentioned by the name Tira-bhukti, and the current form of it, at present, is Tirhut. Purānas mention the boundary of Tīra-bhukti thus: गङ्गा-हिमवतोर्मध्ये नदीपञ्चदशान्तरे, तीरभुक्तिरिति ख्यातो देशः परम-पावनः । कैशिकी तु समारभ्य गण्डकीमधिगम्य वै, योजनानि चतुर्विंशद् व्यायामः परिकीर्तितः। गङ्गा-प्रवाहमारभ्य यावद् हैमवतं वरम्, विस्तारः षोडशं प्रोक्तो देशस्य कुल-नन्दन। Thus the boundaries of Videha or Tīra-bhukti (Tirhut) are definite, it was bounded by the Himālayas on the north, by Ganges on the south, by Kaisiki on the east and by Gandaki on the west. These boundaries cover quite a wide area, and for us the question is where Kundapura is to be located there. To answer this question, our attention is attracted by another fact that Mahāvīra is called Jñātr-kulotpanna, jñātrputra etc. In an ancient Buddhist text, Mahā-vastu, there is some indication as to where the clan of Jñātr-Kșatriyas lived. The context is like this. Lord Buddha crosses Ganges, and is proceeding towards the Vaishali (Vaiśālī) Sangha; and various Ksatriya clans like the Licchavis welcome him in great eclat: स्फीतानि राज्यानि प्रशास्यमाना सम्यग् राज्यानि करोन्ति ज्ञातयः, तथा इमे लेच्छविमध्ये सन्तो देवेहि शास्ता उपमामकासि। Among the Ksatriya clans, which gave an ovation to Buddha, there was that known as jñātrs who ruled their extensive (sphīta = viśāla) terriory in such a worthy manner that Buddha himself compared them (who were respectable and splendid) with gods. This reference proves that the Jñātr-Kșatriyas lived in Vaiśāli, and they had quite a respectable position in the Licchavi-gana. It seems that the prestige of the Jñātr family had increased due to their leader Siddhārtha who was at the head of the Vaishali Gaņa, as its ruler, and who was the son-in-law (or brother-in-law) of king Cetaka. Priyakāriņi (or Trisalā), the daughter (or sister) of Cetaka was married to king Siddhārtha, the prominent ruler of the Jñātr family.
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There is available another strong evidence which links Mahāvīra with Vaisāli. In more than one place Mahāvīra is called Vesāliya (Vaiśālika) in the Ardha-Māgadhi canon (Sūtra-krțāniga 1.2; Uttar-ādhyayana 6; etc.). Some of the commentators have explained variously the term Vaiśālika, one of great personality, the son of Viśālā; but that is hardly satisfactory. The obvious interpretation of Vaiśālika is that he was a citizen of Vaiśālī. The canon refers in many places to the śrāvakas of Vaisāli. The revered Rşabhadeva belonged to the Kosala country or territory, so he is called Arahā Kosaliye, i.e., the Arhat of the Kosala country (Samavāy-ārga-sūtra, 141, 162). It is concluded, therefore, that Mahāvīra was born in Vaiśālī, and Kundapura was possibly a part of this extensive capital. The next question is where was this Vaiśāli located: A satisfactory answer to it is available in the Rāmāyana of Vālmīki (1,45). Rāma and Lakşmaņa accompanied by Vasiştha-muni are proceeding to Mithilā to participate in the Bow Festival arragned by king Janaka. When they reached the bank of the Ganges, Vaśiştha narrated to them the episode of Gang-avatarana. Then they crossed the Ganges and reached its northern bank. Thence they saw the town of Viśālā (Rāmāyana, 45, 9): उत्तरं तीरमासाद्य संपूज्यर्षि-गणं तदा, गङ्गा-कूले निविष्टास्ते विशालां ददृशुः पुरीम् । and soon they reached it which was beautiful, celestial and like heaven (Ibid 1, 45, 10). ततो मुनिवरस्तूर्णं जगाम सह-राघवः, विशाला नगरी रम्यां दिव्यां स्वर्गोपमां तदा। They halted there for the night and thence, next day, they reached Mithilā, the town of Janaka: उष्य तत्र निशामेकां जग्मतुर्मिथिलां ततः। In Buddhist texts, there are many references to Vaisāli; and there too it is stated that Buddha crossed the Ganges, proceeded to the north and reached Vaiśālī. At that time Vaiśāli was ruled over by the Licchavi Sangha; and to the south of Ganges, Sreņika, the king of Magadha, and after him king Kuņika Ajātasatru had their sovereign kingdom.
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There was a basic difference in the governmental set-up of these two kingdoms between which enmity was on the increase.
There is a reference in a Buddhist work (namely, Dīgha-nikāyaMahā-pari-nibbāna-sutta) that Varşakāra, the minister of Ajätasatru, once asked Buddha whether they can conquer the Licchavi Sangha of Vaiśāli. In reply Buddha indicated that nobody can conquer the Sangha as long as the people of the Licchavi-gana remain organized, unanimously support their republican form of government, uphold justice, and do not violate the code of good behaviour. Realizing this the minister Varşakāra took recourse to diplomacy and sowed seeds of dissension among the Licchavis so that they drifted from the path of justice and good behaviour. What happened as a result of this is graphically described in the seventh śataka of the Bhagavati of the Ardha-Māgadhi canon. According to this source the army of Ajātaśatru attacked Vaiśālī; and in this battle weapons like mahā-silā-kanțaka and ratha-musala were used. Ultimately the ramparts of Vaiśālī gave way, and Ajātaśatru proved victorious. In fine, Vaiśālī enjoyed great prestige during the time of Mahāvira; and it was a matter of pride to be a citizen of Vaisāli. That is why Mahāvīra was mentioned as Vaiśālīya. Vaiśālī, like many other ancient towns, remained unknown (or unidentified) to historians; but during the last century, archaeological excavations and researches brought to light dilapidated structures, ancient relics, seals and inscriptions on the basis of which the ancient site of Vaisāli was correctly identified; and it was, without any doubt, the same as Basādha, now situated to the north of Ganges, in the Distt. of Muzaffarpur (now Vaishali itself is the district place), in Bihar. It is learnt from local investigations that the village called Vāsu-kunda, which is close to the present-day Basādha, must be the ancient Kundapura.
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There are some signs of an ancient pond or lake there which might have been called Kṣatriya-kunda. Close to it, there is a piece of land which is looked upon as a-halya, i.e., where the plough has never been used; and there is a belief among the local people that some great person was born there in ancient times. For this reason it is looked upon as a holy spot; and a lamp is lit up in Divālī, i.e., the day of the nirvana of Mahāvira.
Taking into consideration all these points, scholars have accepted that locality as the birth place of Mahāvira; and the Government of Bihar, guided by this very evidence took possession of it and had a compound put for it. A marble tablet is erected there on a lotus-shaped pedestal. Eight gathās in Ardha-Magadhi, along with their translation in Hindi have been inscribed on it. They purport to say that this is the spot where revered Mahavira was born and from where he adopted renunciation after spending his kumāra-kāla of thirty years. It is also specified in the inscription that this monument was inaugurated by Shri Rajendra Prasada, President of India, in person, in the Vikrama samvat 2012, when 2555 years had elapsed after the birth of Mahavira.
Close to this Mahāvira Memorial, on a piece of land, adjecent to the ancient Kṣatriya-kunda, a magnificent building is erected through the donation of Sahu Shanti Prasadji, and there is established the Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology and Ahimsa by the Government of Bihar. This Institute was started in 1956 at Muzaffarpur under the Directorship of Dr. Hiralal Jain. It is through him that the Mahāvīra Memorial was got erected in Vaiśāli and construction of the building was started.
There remians a doubt about our conclusion on the location of Vaiśāli. Some of our coreligionists feel that Vaiśāli was not in Videha but in the Sindhu-deśa. Even in the Mahāpurāņu of Puspadanta (5, 5) it is found stated:
सिंधु-वसइ वइसालि-पुरवरि ।

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and in the Uttarapurāņa in Sanskrit) of Guņabhadra (75, 3) we find like this: सिन्ध्वाख्य-विषये भू-भृद् वैशाली - नगरेऽभवत्, चेटकाख्योऽति-विख्यातो विनीतः परमार्हतः। It is natural that Sindhu-visaya and Sindhv-ākhya-visaya in both the texts is understood to refer to the country of Sindha; but it is equally clear that in the present-day Sindha there is neither mentioned a town named Vaiśāli nor can this be reconciled with the historical evidence and events noted above. Scholars have no doubt now about the location of Vaisāli.
This point was duly considered by me, and I have reached the conclusion that the reading Sindhv-ākhya-visaye in the Uttara-purāna is the result of copyist's lapse. Really the reading should be sindhv-ādhya-vişaye, which means a territory abounding in rivers. This description is perfectly significant for the area of Tirhut. This area is mentioned in the Sarkaradigvijaya, and there it is called Udaka-deśa. Even the name Tira-bhukti has this very significance that the entire area is nearly covered by rivers and their extensive banks. A reference to Tīra-bhukti is noted above; and therein this area is described as nadi-pañcadas-āntare, i.e., the area divided between by fifteen rivers. Even today one hears about many of these rivers and their floods plunging under waters the entire area now and then. Thus from the above two references what is intended is not any other Sindhu-desa but only the territory of Tīra-bhukti or Udaka-desa which is full of rivers.
In this connection, there remains still another question to be considered. Since long, Kundalapura, near Nalanda (Distt. Patna) in Bihar, is looked upon as the birth-place of Mahāvīra. There is a big temple; and it is considered to be a tīrtha, a sacred place of pilgrimage, being the birth-place of Mahāvīra. With this belief thousands of pilgrims visit this place every year. Likewise Svetāmbaras consider Kșatriya-kunda, near Lacchū-vāļa (Distt. Monghyr) as the birth-place of Mahāvīra.
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But both these places are not located in Videha, to the north of Ganges: they are in Magadha, to the south of the Ganges; and thus they contradict the clear references found in the early texts of both the sects. As a matter of fact, Jacobi and other foreign scholars expressed doubt about these places; and they considered the evidence impartially and strictly from the historical point of view. It is their researches that have identified Vaiśāli Kunda-pura.
The antiquity of these two places, which are looked upon at present to be the birth-places of Mahāvira does not go far back in time. It appears that there were Jainas in large numbers in the territories of Videha and Magadha for about twelve hundred years after Mahāvīra.
The Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang came to India in the 7th century during the reign of Harṣa-vardhana, and he tried to visit all the Buddhist holy places. He visited Vaiśālī too; and he observes, in his travel reports, quite clearly that there were more nirgranthas, i.e., Jainas, than Buddhists in Vaiśāli.
But thereafter it seems that the conditions changed to a great extent; and for various reasons the number of Jainas went on decreasing. Then after some centuries the Jainas came to and settled down in this part perhaps during the Mugal period for trade and commerce; and not so much on the archaeological and historical evidence, but just from similarity of names and misled by inauthentic local hearsay, they mistook Kuṇḍalapura and Lacchū-vāḍa as the birthplace of Mahāvīra.
Both the localities have become and will continue to be places of pilgrimage on account of the temples built there, images solemnly set up, pious faith of the people and regularity of the pilgrimage..
But now we have realized that the real birth-place of Mahāvīra is Vaiśāli and Kundala-pura; it is accepted on all hands by Indian and European scholars; even the Government of Bihar have given recognition to them by erecting memorial for Mahāvīra and also by establishing a Research Institute there. Under these circumstances, the Jainas as a community

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should not ignore these places, but by extending full cooperation invest them with full propriety in view of their historical importance.
9. Place of Penance of Mahāvīra Where Mahävira started practising penance is stated thus in the Mahāpurūnu (1, 11) of Puspadanta: चंदप्पह-सिवियहिँ पहु चडिण्णु, तहिँ णाहु संड-वणि णवर दिण्णु। मग्गसिर-कसण-दसमी-दिणंति, संजायइ तियसुच्छवि महंति। वोलीणइ चरियावरण-पंकि, हत्थुत्तर-मज्झासिइ ससंकि। छट्ठोपवासु किउ मलहरेण, तवचरणु लइउ परमेसरेण । Likewise, the Uttara-purāņa (74, 302, 304) describes his taking to penance thus: नाथः (नाथ-)षण्ड-वनं प्राप्य स्व-यानादवरुह्य सः, श्रेष्ठः षष्ठोपवासेन स्वप्रभा- पटलावृते। निविश्योदङ्मुखो वीरो रुन्द्र-रत्न-शिला-तले, दशम्यां मार्गशीर्षस्य कृष्णायां शशिनि श्रिते। हस्तोत्तरर्पयोर्मध्यं भागं चापास्त-लक्ष्मणि, दिवसावसितौ धीरः संयमाभिमुखोऽभवत् । Then the Harivarısa-purāna (2, 50-52) says: सौधर्माद्यैः सुरैरेत्य कृताभिषव-पूजनः, आरुह्य शिविकां दिव्यामुह्यमानां सुरेश्वरैः। उत्तरा-फाल्गुनीष्वेव वर्तमाने निशाकरे, कृष्णस्य मार्गशीर्षस्य दशम्यामगमद् वनम् । अपनीय तनोः सर्वं वस्त्रमाल्य-विभूषणम्, पञ्चमुष्टिभिरुद्धृत्य मूर्धजानभवन्मुनिः। These three sources clearly state that Lord Mahāvīra of the Natha, Naya, or Jnatr family went to the Sanda (Khanda)vana, started penance and became a muni, on the 10th day of the dark half of the month of Mārga-sirşa. According to the texts of the Ardha-māgadhi canon such as Kalpa-sūtra etc., it has been mentioned as Nāya-sarda-vana, i.e., the park belonging to the Jnātr-ksatriyas. One thinks that even in the Uttara-purāņa the original reading
must have been Natha-samda-vana or Naha-sanda-vana in Apabhramsa on which the ignorant copyists have improved
9 Hoernle, Upāsaka-daśā, Introduction and Notes. Cambridge History of India, I, p. 140. Bhāratiya Sanskrti men Jaina Dharma kā Yogadāna,
Pp. 22 ff.
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in their own way. Thus the place where Mahāvīra practised penance is proved to be the park close to Vaiśāli and Kundalapura where the Kṣatriyas of Jñātṛ family resided.
10. Place of Mahāvira's Omniscience
The locality where Mahāvīra attained kevala-jñāna is thus described in the Mahāpurānu of Puspadanta (2, 5-6 ): वारह-संवच्छर-तव-चरणु, किउ सम्मइणा दुक्किय-हरणुः पोसंतु अहिंस खंति ससहि; भयवंतु संतु विहरंतु महि, गउ जिम्हिय-गामहु अइ-णियडि, सुविउलि रिजुकुला - इहि तडि । (घत्ता) मोर - कीर - सारस - सरि उज्जाणम्मि मणोहरि, सालामूलि रिसिराणउ रयण - सिलहि आसीणउ । छट्ठेणुववासें हय- दुरिएँ, परिपालिय-तेरह - विह-चरिएँ; इसाह मासि सिय-दसमि दिणि, अवरण्हइ जायइ हिम-किरणि; हत्थुत्तर- मज्झ-समासियइ, पहु वडिवण्णउ केवलसियइ ।
The same is narrated in the Uttara - purāna (74, 348 ff.) : भगवान् वर्धमानोऽपि नीत्वा द्वादश-वत्सरान्, छाद्मस्थ्येन जगद्बन्धुम्भिकग्रामसंनिधौ । ऋजुकूला नदी - तीरे मनोहर - वनान्तरे, महारत्नशिला-पट्टे प्रतिमा-योगमावसन् । स्थित्वा षष्ठोपवासेन सोऽधस्तात्सालभूरुहः, वैशाखे मासि सज्योत्स्नदशम्यामपराह्नके। हस्तोत्तरान्तरं याते शशिन्यारूढशुद्धिकः, क्षपक- श्रेणिमारुह्य शुक्ल - ध्यानेन सुस्थितः । घाति-कर्माणि निर्मूल्य प्राप्यानन्त चतुष्टयम्, परमात्म- पदं प्रापत्परमेष्ठी स सन्मतिः ॥ This event is thus described in the Hari-vaṁśa-purāņa (2, 5659):
मनःपर्यय-पर्यन्त-चतुर्ज्ञान - महेक्षणः, तपो द्वादश वर्षाणि चकार द्वादशात्मकम् । विहरन्नथ नाथोऽसौ गुण- ग्राम-परिग्रहः, ऋजुकूलापगा- कूले जृम्भिक - ग्राममीयिवान् । तत्रातापन-योगस्थः सालाभ्याश - शिला- तले, वैशाख शुक्ल पक्षस्य दशम्यां षष्ठमाश्रितः । उत्तरा फाल्गुनी-प्राप्ते शुक्ल-ध्यानी निशाकरे, निहत्य घाति संघातं केवल - ज्ञानमाप्तवान् ।
Mahāvīra practised penance for twelve years. He encouragd his sister Candanā in the practice of ahimsā and forbearance, and reached, in his pious tour, the park on the bank of the river Rju-kūlā, near the village Jṛmbhika. He plunged himself in meditation, seated on a slab of stone under a sāla tree; and observing a fast for two days, he obtained omniscience

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in the afternoon of the 10th day of bright half of Vaišākha, when the moon was between Uttar-āşādha and Hasta. These details are confirmed by the Uttara-purāna (74,3,49) and Harivarsa-purāna (2, 56-59). Thus Mahāvira attained omniscience on the bank of Rjukūlā in the vicinity of Jşmbhika-grāma. According to the Ācārānga and Kalpa-sūtra the name of the village is Jambhiya and that of the river Rju-vālukā. Though this village and the river are of conclusively indentified, there seems to be no doubt that this river is the same which, in Bihar, is known as Kuyela or Kuyela-kūlā, and on the bank of it there is a big Railway station of that very name. Close by there is a town Jambui by name. So this very place should be accepted to be the locality where Mahāvīra attained omniscience; and suitable memorial should be erected there.
11. Place of Mahāvīra's First Sermon After attaining kevala-jñāna, Mahāvīra reached Rājagrha; and his samavasarana was organized on the mount Vipul-ācala nearby. There his divya-dhvani, or Voice Divine, flowed out; and that was on the first day of the black half of the month of Srăvaņa. According to the Mahā-puranu of Puşpadanta Mahāvīra gave his first sermon when 66 days had passed after his attainment of kevala-jñāna. This event is described in details in the Harivarsa-purāņa (2, 61, etc.): षट्षष्टि-दिवसान् भूयो मौनेन विहरन् विभुः, आजगाम जगत्ख्यातं जिनो राजगृहं पुरम्। आरुरोह गिरिं तत्र विपुलं विपुल-श्रियम्, प्रबोधार्थं स लोकानां भानुमानुदयं यथा। श्रावणस्यासिते पक्षे नक्षत्रेऽभिजिति प्रभुः, प्रतिपद्यहि पूर्वाह्र शासनार्थमुदाहरत्। Thus the mount Vipul-ācala, near Rājagțha (in Bihar) is the important and sacred place where the divine sermon of lord Mahāvira was first delivered. Even from early times there are some Jaina temples on Vipulācala; and some 25-30 years back a Vira-śāsana Memorial
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was erected there. Since then the Vira-sāsana Jayantī is being celebrated on this 1st day of the black half of Srāvana, Still the Memorial and the Sacred Day have not won universal prestige (and importance) commensurate with their historical significance. Some efforts must be made in this direction. This is the spot where not only the first religious sermon of lord Mahāvīra was given out, but it is here that famous Indra-bhūti Gautama, well-versed in Vedas, came to Mahāvīra and also accepted his leadership and became the first Ganadhara. It is here that Gautama presented Lord's divine Message, classifying it into Arigas and Pūrvas and giving them the shape of texts (granth-ārūdha). It is here that Sreņika Bimbasāra, the king of Magadha, received the instructions of Mahāvīra; and having discussed religious topics with Gautama Ganadhara, he laid the foundation of Jaina purāṇas and tales. It is here that Śreņika incurred that meritorious karmic bondage whereby in his subsequent birth as a man he was destined to be the future Tīrthakara, Mahā-padma by name.
12. Place of Mahāvira's Nirvāņa Having attained omniscience (kevala-jñāna) on the bank of Rju-kūlā and after preaching the principle of Jainism through his divine voice (divya-dhvani), lord Mahāvīra toured over different areas of the country and propounded the religous doctrines. Afterwards he reached Pāvāpura and seated himself on a clean or pure slab of stone in a park studded with many ponds. He did not move out for two days; and plunged in pure meditation (sukla-dhyāna) he quitted the mortal coil and became a Siddha in the last quarter of the night of the 14th day of the black half of the month of Kārtika. This is graphically described in the Mahā-puraņu of Pușpadanta (3, 1-2): अंतित्थ-णाहु वि महि विहरिवि, जण-दुरियाइँ दुलंघइँ पहरिवि; 41914-95 9778 YER; 44-46-4creifa afor TE-H-aft
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संठिउ पविमल-रयण-सिला-यलि, राय-हंसु णावइ पंकय-दलि; दोण्णि दियहँ पविहारु मुएप्पिणु, सुक्क-झाणु तिज्जउ झाएप्पिणु। (घत्ता) णिव्वत्तिइ कत्तिइ तम-कसणि पक्ख-चउद्दसि वासरि, थिइ ससहरि दुहँहरि साइवइ पच्छिम-रयणिहि अवसरि। कय-ति-जोय-सुणिरोहु अणिट्ठउ, किरिया-छिण्णइ झाणि परिठिउ, णिहयाघाइ-चउक्कु अदेहउ, वसु-सम-गुण-सरीरु णिण्णेहउ। रिसि-सहसेण समउ रय-छिंदणु, सिद्धउ जिणु सिद्धत्थहु णंदणु। The Uttara-purāņa too describes this episode (76, 508-12): इहान्त्य-तीर्थ-नाथोऽपि विहृत्य विषयान् बहून्। क्रमात् पावापुरं प्राप्य मनोहर-वनान्तरे, बहूनां सरसां मध्ये महामणि-शिलातले। स्थित्वा दिन-द्वयं वीत-विहारो वृद्ध-निर्जरः, कृष्णकार्तिक-पक्षस्य चतुर्दश्यां निशात्यये। स्वाति-योगे तृतीयेद्ध-शुक्लध्यान-परायणः, कृत-त्रियोग-संरोधः समुच्छिन्न-क्रियं श्रितः। हताघाति-चतुष्कः सन्नशरीरो गुणात्मकः, गन्ता मुनि-सहस्रेण निर्वाणं सर्व-वाञ्छितम्। For these references it is clear that Lord Mahāvīra attained nirvana in a park, near Pāvāpura, round about which there were many ponds or lakes. At present the site of the nirvāņa of Mahāvira is accepted near Bihar-Sherif in Patna district where a magnificent Jaina temple stands in the centre of a big lake. This is accepted as the tīrtha-ksetra on all hands. Both the sects, Digambara and Svetāmbara, have voluntarily accepted this place as the spot of the nirvana of Mahāvīra. But historians have many difficulties in accepting this place as the nirvāṇa-bhūmi of Mahāvīra. According to the Kalpasutra and Parisista-parvan, Pava, where Mahavira attained nirvāṇa, was the capital of a Kșatriya clan, Malla by name. These Mallas belonged to or were a part of the Vajji or Licchavi Sarigha of Vaiśālī; and they were opposed or enemical to the autocratic government in Magadha. Thus there is no likelihood of any of these kingdoms south of the Ganges where the holy place of the present-day Pāvāpuri is located. Besides this, on authority of Buddhist texts like the Digha- and Majjhima-nikāya it is proved that Pāvā was located in Sākya country; and it was to the west
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of Vaiśāli and at a distance of ten to twelve miles from Kuśinagara.
When lord Buddha was residing in Sāma-gāma in the Śākya territory, the message was coveyed to him, just within one day, that lord Mahāvīra attained nirvāņa at Pāvā. On this point there are available many references in Buddhist texts, and they have been duly noted above.
Taking all these facts into account, historians have arrived at the conclusion that Pāvāpura, where lord Mahāvira attained nirvāṇa, is really that village, Pāvā by name, near Kuśi-nagara in Devaria Distt. of U.P., which, at present, is known by the name Sathiyāva Fajilnagar where are available plenty of ancient relics and ruins. So from the historical point of view this place should be accepted as the place of the nirvāṇa of Mahāvira and be given the status of a worthy tirtha-kṣetra10.
13. Historical Contemporaries of Mahāvīra (a) Cetaka: Ruler of Vaiśāli
Details about king Ceṭaka of Vaiśālī are found in the Mahāpurāņu of Puspadanta, canto 5, as well in the Uttarapurāṇa, parvan 75. It is said about him that he was very famous, polite and a Param-ārhata, i.e., a great follower of Jainism. His queen was Subhadra-devi by name. He had ten sons: Dhana-datta, Dhana-bhadra, Upendra, Sudatta, Simhabhadra, Kumbhoja, Akampana, Patangata, Prabhañjana and Prabhāsa. Besides, he had seven daughters as well..
The eldest was Priyakariņi who was married to king Siddhartha of Kundapura, and they had the rare fortune of becoming the parents of Lord Mahāvīra. The second daughter was Mrgavati who was married to king Śatānika of
10 For detailed discussions on the place of nirvāṇa, see Kanhaiyalal, Pāvā-samīkṣā (Aśoka Prakāśana, Katara Bazar, Chhapra, Bihar, 1972). History and Culture of the Indian Peoples, Vol. II, The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 7, 'Malla'.

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Candravamsa, ruling at Kausāmbi, the capital of Vatsa-deśa. The third daughter, Suprabhā, was given in marriage to Dasaratha, king of Hema-kakşa, the capital of Daśārņa (Distt. Vidiśā, M.P.). The fourth daughter, Prabhāvatī, became the queen of Udayana, who ruled at Rorukā, the capital of Kaccha. She became famous as Silavati on account of her outstanding character (sila-vrata). Jyesthā was the fifth daughter of king Cetaka; and Sātyaki, king of Mahīpura, the capital of Gandharva-deśa asked for her hand in wedding. But king Cetaka did not approve of this marital relation for some reason or the other. Sātyaki felt offended; and, getting enraged, he attacked the kingdom of Cetaka; but being defeated in the battle, he felt ashamed and accepted renunciation (muni-dikṣā) at the hands of the saint Dāma-vara. Śreņika, the king of Magadha, was highly enamoured of Jyeșthā and Celanā (the sixth daughter of Cetaka) on seeing their portraits. He requested king Cețaka for their hands in marrige. As Sreņika was much advanced in age at that time, king Cetaka did not accept his proposal. Thereby king Sreņika was awefully pained. His minister discussed this matter with Abhaya-kumāra, the heir apperent. Abhaya-kumāra put on the dress of a merchant and got himself admitted into the palace of Vaiśālī and showed the portrait of Sreņika to both the princesses and got them interested in and enamoured of Sreņika. He tried to lead them both through an underground passage. Celanā sent Jyeșthā back to her apartment with the pretence of fetching her ornaments but herself followed Abhaya-kumāra to Rājagrha; and she was married to king Sreņika. When Jyeșthā realized that her sister treacherously left her behind, she became very much detached (to the world) and turned herself into a Jaina nun under an āryikā. The seventh daughter of Cetaka was Candanā by name. While she was sporting with her companions in a park, a Vidyādhara, Manovega by name, saw her and fell in love
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with her, being captivated by her beauty. Secretly he kindnapped her. But being afraid that his wife Manovegā might get angry with him, he left Candanā in a park, Bhūtaramana, on the right bank of the river Irāvati. There Candanā met a Bhilla, Syāmārika by name. He presented her respectfully to his king Simha by name. The Bhilla chief entrusted her to Mitra-vara who was in the service of Rşabhasena, a rich merchant of Kausāmbi, to whom finally she was led. But Bhadrā, the wife of the merchant became jealous of her and kept her as a slave girl in her service. One day when Mahāvīra came to Kaušāmbi, Candană offered food to him with great devotion. Thereby Candanā became well known in Kausāmbi; and the report about this reached the ears of her elder sister Mrgāvati. Mrgāvati, accompanied by prince Udayana, came to the house of the Sreşthin, i.e., banker-cum-merchant and took Candană with her to the palace. By this time Candanā had developed a temper of detachment from worldly ties. She sought shelter with Mahāvīra and accepted dikşā or renunciation under him. In due course, Candanā became the leader of the Sangha of nuns (āryikā) under Mahāvīra. Such are the details about the family connections and prosperity of king Cetaka of Vaiśāli available in the Jaina purānas. His relations with the contemporary ruling families are obvious. King Cetaka's daughter Priyakāriņi was the mother of Mahāvīra; and his daughters Celanā and Mrgāvati were married respectively to Śreņika, king of Magadha, and Satānika, king of Kausāmbi.
(b) Sreņika Bimbisāra : King of Magadha Sreņika, king of Magadha, had long-standing and thick relations with lord Mahāvița . Much of the traditional account in Jaina purānas begins with the questions of Sreņika and the answers of Mahāvīra or of his chief gañadhara (i.e., leader of the congregation). Major details of it can be found in the Mahāvīra-purāņu of Puşpadanta, samdhis 6-11. There is no doubt about the historicity of this king.
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Besides the Jaina texts, he is mentioned and details about him are available in Buddhist works and in the purāṇas of Vedic tradition. According to the Digambara Jaina tradition, he is mentiond by his name Śreņika only; but (we are also told that) he had a liking for playing on the bhimbhā or bherī, a musical instrument (see Mahāpurānu, 7, 2); and on this account, it seems that he became famous also by the name Bhimbasăra or Bhambhasāra. In Svetāmbara works, he is mentioned mostly by this name. This very word seems to have been changed or corrupted as Bimbisāra or Bimbasāra. In the Buddhist tradition, this name is mentioned by itself or along with the other name Sreņika. According to the Udāna Atth-kathā (104), bimbi is a synonym for gold; and because the complexion of the body of this king was like gold, he came to be called Bimbisāra. There is a Tibetan tradition, according to which the name of his mother was Bimbi, and hence he came to be called Bimbisāra. It seems, however, that these etymologies have been suggested only from his name. Even the name Śreņika is differently explained. According to the Abhidhāna-cintāmaņi of Hemacandra (soft: Chrufa sforch ET207:) Sreņika, king of Magadha, was so called because he established so many guilds. In one of the recensions of the Buddhist text, Vinaya-pitaka, it has been stated that Bimbisāra was put in charge of eighteen guilds, i.e., he was made the head of them; that is why he came to be known by the name Sreņika. In the Jambuddīvapannatti of the Ardha-māgadhi canon, 18 śrenis are mentioned: 9 nāruas and 9 kāruas. Nine năruas are: kumbhāra (potter); pațavā or pattilla (either weaver or patel); suvarņakāra (goldsmith), sūvakāra or sūtakāra (cook or carpenter); gandharva (singer or perfumer); kāsavaga (barber); mālākāra (florist or garlandmaker); kacchakāra (vegetable seller); and tambolia (dealer in betel leaf). The nine kāruas are: carmakāra (leather worker); yantrapīdaka (oilpresser); gamchiya (clothseller?); chimpi (artisan); kaṁsāra (metal worker); sīvaga or sevaka, (a tailor or, attendant); guāra or gvāla (cow-keeper); bhilla (forester); and dhivara (fisherman).
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Some of the above terms are differently spelt. The Prakrit texts mention his name as Seniya which might stand for sainika or senāpati and its wrong Sanskrit back-formation might have been Śrenika." As stated in this work, Cilātaputra or Kirātaputra was born to queen Cilāta- or Kirāta-devi from Praśrenika or Upaśrenika, king of Rajagṛha, in Magadha. He arrested, through treachery, Pradyota, king of Ujjain and presented him before his father. Earlier the king had sent Audāyana against Uddyota, but the latter defeated him and made him a prisoner. The success of Cilātaputra, therefore, pleased his father who announced him as his successor and coronated him as heir apparent.
But Cilataputra was not successful as a ruler and his behaviour was unethical. The ministers and feudatories invited prince Śrenika who was an exile in Kāñcipura. Śreņika came and defeated Kirātaputra and banished him from the kingdom.
Cilātaputra got himself established as the leader of rogues and robbers in the forest, but was defeated a second time by Śrenika. Finally Cilātaputra renounced the world and became a monk; and in that status he became a victim of a female jackal and was born in heaven. Śreņika was the son of Upaśrenika from his second queen Suprabhã-devi. He was endowed with extraordinary intelligence; and, when king Upaśrenika tested the princes about their ability to govern the kingdom, it is Śrenika who proved successful.
Lest there might develop mutual enmity among the princes, Śreņika was banished from the kingdom. First Śrenika reached Nandagrāma, and thereafter he travelled exhibiting his skill and heroism and reached Kāñcipura. Oppressed by the tyranny of Cilātaputra, the ministers invited Śrenika and installed him as the king of Magadha.
One day king Śrenika went out hunting in the forest close to the capital. He saw there a monk engrossed in meditation;
11 Muni Nagaraj, Agama aura Tripitaka, p.324.

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he took him to be a bad omen; and getting angry, he left on the monk his hunting dogs. Through the influence of the monk, even the dogs became quiet; and the arrows hit by the king turned into flowers. Then the king, to satisfy his vengeance, put a dead serpent round the neck of the monk. As a consequence of this dire sin, he became destined for being born in the seventh hell. But he could observe that the great monk, even though harassed so much by him, was not in the least affected or disturbed either. When the monk saw that now the king had the mental peace, he blessed him in sweet words and gave him religious instructions. Well, that is how Sreņika got rid of his mithyātva and developed kṣāyika-samyaktva. He bowed down at the feet of the saint and returned home in a happy mood.
One day king Sreņika received the report that lord Mahāvīra has arrived on the mount Vipulācala. He proceeded there with devotion, bowed down to him, and offered prayers. As a result of this religious bent of mind, his samyaktva was strengthened; his life in the seventh hell was commuted into that of the first hell; and he incurred the bondage of the tirthakara-nāma-karman. On this occasion, king Sreņika inquired of Gautama Ganadhara as to why he (i.e., himself) is not inclined to accept the vows (vrata), even though he has great faith in Jainism. The Ganadhara pointed out to him, in reply, that he had excessive addiction to pleasures and is under the operation of deep mithyātva; and further his conduct has been bad because he has committed preliminary sins (ārambha). The consequent acute sins, the Ganadhara continued, have led him to the bondage of life in hell. The bondage of any other grade of existence (gati) than that of heaven will not allow the soul to accept and practise the vows; but such a soul can, however, possess samyag-darśana or right faith. This is the reason, Gautama explained to Śreņika, why the latter was possessed of samyaktva, but not in a position to
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practise the vows (Uttara-purāņa 74, 433-36): सर्वं निधाय तच्चित्ते श्रद्धाभून्महती मते, जैने कुतस्तथापि स्यान्-न मे व्रत-परिग्रहः । इत्यनु श्रेणिक-प्रश्नादवादीद् गण-नायकः, भोग-संजननाद् गाढ-मिथ्यात्वानुभवोदयात्। दुश्चरित्रान्महारम्भात्संचित्यैनो निकाचितम्, नारकं बद्धवानायुस्त्वं प्रागेवात्र जन्मनि। बद्ध-देवायुषोऽन्यायुरनाङ्गी स्वीकुरुते व्रतम्, श्रद्धानं तु समाधत्ते तस्मात् त्वं नाग्रहीतम् । Sreņika was also informed that he would pass away, after the nirvāṇa of Mahāvīra when just three years, eight months and fifteen days of the caturtha ārā are remaining (after which the pañcama-kāla would begin). Sreņika had such a firm faith in religion (samyaktva) that he recieved praise even from Surendra (i.e., the chief of gods). But a certain god would not believe this, and he came to test Sreņika. As king Śreņika was passing by the road, the god put on the appearance of a monk and started catching fish with a net in his hands. The king approached and saluted him; he submitted to him that he would act as his servant (and catch the fish for him); and he questioned him why he was occupied in this sinful activity. If fish were needed by him, he would collect them for him. The god said 'No, no, I do not need any more fish.' This episode became the talk of the town, and people began to find fault with Jaina religion. The king presented an example or situation (by way of illustration). In his assembly, the king bestowed on the princes a royal grant of maintenance, stamped with the royal signet but all besmeared with dirt. All of them accepted the document with great satisfaction and received it on their head. The king asked them how they could take it on their head when it was all covered with dirt. From them the reply came : “Just as a sentient jīva, though wrapped in filthy body, deserves respect, so too the great document from the king, though besmeared with dirt, deserves respect. The king smiled and pointed out to them that likewise the saints characterised by religious emblem (dharma-mudrā) deserve to be duly respected. Even if they have any flaw in them, they should not be detested, but they sould be made free from it with all due modesty.
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Having personally observed the firm religious faith of the king, that god was very much pleased; and he returned to heaven after resenting the king with a precious necklace. This episode illustrates that since the time Śreņika accepted the Jaina way of life, his religious faith went on increasing and he never wavered in it.
(c) Sreņika's Son : Prince Abhayakumāra During the reign of Cilātaputra, when Śreņika was still a prince and living in exile at Kāñcīpura, he got himself wedded to a high-born girl, Abhayamati by name. From her he had a son, Abhayakumāra, who was endowed with exceptional intelligence. It is he who brought about the marital union of his father, as desired by him, with Celanādevi. Along with Śreņika he too attended the samavasaraņa of lord Mahāvīra. Abhayakumāra had not only firm faith in religion but he was also wel-versed in its doctrines. Even king Sreņika got himself enlightened on certain religious topics from him. At last Abhayakumāra too accepted renunciation and reached mokṣa or liberation (Uttara-purāņa 74, 526-27).
(d) Sreņika's Son : Prince Vārişeņa As noted above, king Śreņika married Celanādevi in his advanced age, and that too through the efforts of his eldest son Abhayakumāra. Celanã gave birth to a son, Vārişeņa by name. Even during his boyhood he developed a religious bent of mind; and as required by the rules of conduct for the best layman (uttam-śrāvaka) he used to practise pratimā-yoga in a cemetery. Once a certain robber, Vidyuc-cara, who was gifted with the use of miraculous eye-paint (añjana-siddha), stole the necklace of Celanā from the palace for the satisfaction of his lovelady, Ganikā-sundari, but he could not reach it to his beloved. Palace guards pursued him seeing on him the flash of the necklace, Candra-hāsa. The robber realized this; and he
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dropped the necklace at the feet of Vāriṣeṇa, who was plungd in meditation in a cemetary, and ran away. The royal guards reported this to the king. The king took Vāriṣeņa to be the theif and, in a fit of anger, ordered him to be beheaded. But due to the spiritual aura (dharma-prabhāva) of Variṣena, the weapons of royal guards proved ineffective.
Seeing his divine powers, the king stopped the guards and tried to bring him to the palace; but he did not come and became a monk observing mahā-vratas. On his begging tour, he went to a village Palasa-kheḍa; there he instructed his erstwhile friend and made him enter the ascetic order. But the friend had still temptation or attachment for his own wife. Vāriṣena took him, however, to the apartment of his mother Celana, and by his exemplary detachment confirmed his friend in the practice of ascetic virtues.
(e) Śrenika's Son : Gaja-kumāra
King Śrenika had a queen Dhana-śri by name. While she was carrying pregnancy, she had, during the fifth month, a longing that she should sport in a park, going there seated with her husband on the back of an elephant and along with her retinue in great pomp, when the sky is cloudy and drizzling lightly. Though it was not the rainy season at that time, Abhayakumāra managed all this with the aid of his Vidyadhara friend and fulfilled the pregnancy longing of his step-mother.
In due course, Dhana-śrī gave birth to a son, Gaja-kumāra. As a youth, he went to lord Mahavira, heard his religious sermons, and accepted renunciation. Sometime Gaja-kumāra went to the Kalinga country, and started practising ātāpanayoga meditation seated on a slab of stone, to the west of the capital town, Danti-pura. The ruling king there had no idea of such a meditation; so he asked his minister why this monk was exposing himself to heat like this. His minister Buddha-dāsa was inimical to Jainism. He told the king that the monk was suffering from the disease of vata-roga, and

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consequently to bring warmth in his body he was doing like this. The king full of sympathy for the monk enquired how his ailment could be removed.
The minister suggested the remedy, namely, when this poor man comes to the town for alms, the slab of stone on which he sits might be fully heated so that the hot stone might remove this prabhañjana-vāyu when he sits on it. The king ordered accordingly, and his order was duly carried out. The result was, when the saint Gaja-kumāra returned from the town after seeking his alms and sat on that stone, he suffered terrible burning. He patiently bore this suffering and attained liberation. Later the god arrived there; and the minister, the king and thousands of other persons accepted the Jaina way of life.
(f) Satānika, king of Kauśāmbi, and Udayana and Candapradyota of Ujjaini
It has been already noted in the biography of Candana that Mrgāvati, one of the seven daughters of Ceṭaka, king of Vaiśāli, was married to Śatānika of the Somavamsa, ruling at Kausāmbi. This Kauśambi is identical with the presentday Kosam, a village, at a distance of 35 miles to the southwest of Allahabad. When Mahāvīra reached Kauśāmbi and Candană offered food to him, Mrgavati came there and felicitated her younger sister on her piety. It is the same Udayana, the son of Śatānīka, that was married to Vasavadattā, the daughter of Canda-pradyota, the king of Ujjaini. According to the Buddhist literary tradition, Udayana and Buddha were born on one and the same day. And there is also a well confirmed Jaina tradition that the very night when Palaka, after the demise of Pradyota, was coronated, Mahāvīra attained nirvana. These references prove that both these great persons, namely, Buddha and Mahāvira were contemporaries and shed useful light on the then political conditions.

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14. Literature on Mahāvīra's Biography (a) Biographies in Prakrit Lord Mahāvīra attained nirvāṇa in 527 B.C., and since then attempts were made to collect details about his biography. As stated by Virasena, the author of Dhavalā, Indrabhūti Gautama, the chief disciple of Mahāvīra , was a Brāhmaṇa of high character and possessed of the knowledge of four Vedas and six arigas. It is but natural that such a learned disciple should attempt a systematic compilation of the biography and teachings of his master. All such material is collected in twelve argas which are also known by the name dvādaśa Gani-pitaka. The twelfth ariga, Drşți-văda, contained a section Pratham-ānuyoga, which covered purāņic details of the genealogies of all the Tirthakaras, Cakravartins and other great men, as well as the history of the Nātha or Jñātr family and of Tirthakara Mahāvīra.
It is a misfortune that the literary material so put together by Indra-bhūti Gautama is no more available. But its details in short, are found scattered in the entire Ardha-Măgadhi canon available today. In the fourth arga, Samavāy-ārga, are intorduced some details about Tīrthakaras, their parents, birth places, locality of renunciation, pupils, the donors of food etc. In the Acārārga, which is the first śrut-ārga, there is available quite a vivid description of the penance of Mahāvira. In the fifth arga, Vyākhyā-prajñapti, there are thousands of questions and answers between Mahāvīra and Gautama, and there are available many glimpses of their lives and contemporary events. At that time, there ware many Pārsv-āpatyas, i.e., the followers of Pārsva-nātha; and Markhali Gośāla, who started the Ajīvika sect, also lived at the same time. During that period there ensued a great battle between the kingdoms of Magadha and Vaiśālī; and heavy missiles and mechanical weapons called mahā-sila-kantaka, ratha-musala etc. were employed in the fight. In the seventh arga, Upāsakādhyayana places connected with the life of Mahāvīra such
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as, Vaiśālī, Jñātr-şaņda-vana, Kollāga-sanniveśa, Karmāragrāma, Vāņiya-gāma are mentioned; and they are helfpul in identifying some of the localities. The Anuttar-aupapātika, the ninth ariga, mentions, how the queens (of king Sreņika who was a contemporary of Mahāvira) like Celanā, Dhāriņi and Nandā, and also twentythree princes entered the ascetic order. In the two mūla-sūtras, Uttar-ādhyayana and Dasa-vaikālika, one gets plenty of material shedding light on the basic ideas of Mahāvīra on philosophy, morality and conduct. The Kalpasūtra gives a well-arranged biography of Mahāvīra. This entire literature is presented through the later Ardha-māgadhi language. In the Avasyaka-cūrni also we get some useful details about Mahāvīra. (Sholapur, 1952). The Tiloya-pannatti (Triloka-prajñapti) of Yati-vrşabha (in Sauraseni Prakrit) is very important, because in its Prakrit gāthās we find the biographies in the form of nāmāvali) of Tīrthakaras and other salākā-puruşas. Here one gets, in brief, almost all the events connected with the life of Mahāvira, in a form very convenient to memorise Based on such material, preserved in strings of names (nāmāvali-baddha) is composed the Pauma-cariya, the earliest known mahākāvya in (Mahārāştrī) Prakrit in which appears a short biography of Mahāvira by way of introduction to the life and activities of Rāma (Bhavnagar, 1914). The Vasudevahindi (Bhavnagar, 1930-31) of Samgha-dāsa and Dharmadāsa-gani (4-5th century A.D.) is an important work in Prākrit narrative literature. Incidentally the lives of many Tirthakaras, including that of Mahavira too, are touched upon here and there. The Cauppanna-mahāpurisa-cariya (V.S. 925; Varanasi, 1961) of Silārika gives in Prakrit prose the biography of Mahāvīra (among those of others). Bhadreśvara's Kahāvali (12th century A.D.) gives in Prākrit prose the lives of 63 salākā-puruṣas. As an independent composition, solely devoted to the life of Mahāvīra, is the Mahāvīra-cariya (Bombay, 1929) of Guna
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candra-sūri (V.S. 1139). It has eight prastāvas, of which the first four are devoted to the details of the earlier births of Mahāvīra. Devendra alias Nemi-candra-sūri, a contemporary of Guņa-candra, has composed the Mahāvīra-cariya (V.S. 1141, Bhavanagar; V.S. 1973) entirely in Prakrit verses, nearly 2400 in number, which describe 26 births (bhava) from that of Marici to the one of Mahāvīra. Just some years later (V.S. 1168) Deva-bhadra-gaņi too composed Mahāvīra-cariya (Ahmedabad 1945).
(b) Biographies of Mahāvira in Sanskrit Leaving the doctrinal text, namely the Tattvārtha-sūtra, the Sanskrit language was used in Jaina literature much later than expected. Of course, there is Siddhasena Divākara who has addressed the first five of his hymns to Mahāvīra. Among the earlier Sanskrit compositions there is the stylistic dharmakathā, namely the Varāniga-carita of Jațila or Jațācārya, and the Padma-carita of Ravişena (676 A.D.); both of them earlier than the Kuvalaya-mālā (A.D. 779). Jinasena and his pupil Guņabhadra had their Mahā-purāņa (in Sanskrit) completed in c. Saka 820. It deals thoroughly and exhaustively with the lives of Tīrthakaras. The first 46 parvans are known by the title ādi-purāṇa which covers the biographies of Rşabha-deva and Bharata, who are respectively the first Tirthakara and first Cakravartin. The parvans 47-76 are called Uttara-purāņa (Varanasi, 1954; now New Delhi). It is composed by Guņa-bhadra; and it covers the lives of remaining 23 Tirthakaras and the rest of Salākā-puruşas. Here the life of Mahāvīra is described in the concluding three parvans (74-76) in nice verses, the total number of which comes to 549 +691 + 578 = 1818. About two hundred seventy-five years later, Hemacandra composed an extensive Trisasti-salākā-puru şa-carita (Bhavnagar, 1913) in ten parvans, the last parvan being devoted to the life of Mahāvira. Meru-tunga has written the Mahāpuruşa-carita with svopajña commentary (c. 1300 A.D.) the five
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cantos of which cover respectively the lives of Rşabha. Šānti, Nami, Pārśva and Mahāvīra. As an elegant kāvya, deserves to be mentioned the Vardhamāna-carita (Saka 913) of Asaga (Sholapur, 1931): here too sixteen cantos are given to the former births of Mahāvīra and only the last two for his present career. Sakala-kirti composed the Vardhamāna-purāna in nineteen cantos in the V.S. 1518. There are references to the Mahāvīra-caritra in Sanskrit attributed to Padma-nandin, Kesava and Vāņivallabha.
(c) Mahāvīra's Biographies in Apabhramsa The Mahāpurāņu (Saka 887) of Puşpadanta in Apabhramsa is a great poem, quite extensive and rich with all the poetic merits; and it deals with the lives of all the Tīrthakaras and other salākā-puruṣas. It has 102 sandhis. The life of Mahāvira is covered there from sandhi 65 onwards up to the end (Bombay, 1914). Sridhara has presented the life of Mahāvīra in an independent work. His other work, Pāsa-ņāha-cariu was completed in V.S. 1189; and some time about this period he might have composed this work too. Śrīdhara's Apabhramsa works hava a special attraction for us, because he has disclosed that he was a resident of Hariyāņā. The term Hariyāņā is the corrupt form of Ābhīrakāņām; so it is the land of the Abhira clan; and, according to Dandin, author of the Kāvy-ādarśa, it is from the speech of Abhiras and others that the Apabhramsa style developed. It can be said, therefore, that the tradition of Apabhramsa composition continued in Hariyāṇā from 5-6th century to 12th century A.D. It is very important from the linguistic and historical point of view that a search is instituted for the works of other poets and, on the basis of them, the local dialects are studied comparatively. During the reign of Tomara rulers of Gwalior, namely, Dūmgara-simha and his son Kirti-simha, the great poet Raidhū (c. V.S. 1500) has enriched Apabhramsa literature by
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many of his works. His Sammai-cariu is complete in ten sandhis. The exact date of the Vaddhamāna-kahā of Narasena is not known; but a Ms. of his another work Siri-vāla-cariu, is dated in V.S. 1512; so it must have been composed some time before this period. A Ms. of the Vaddhamāņa-kavvu of Jayamitra Halla is dated V.S. 1545. At the close of the work Padmanandi-muni is mentioned; perhaps he is the same as the pupil of Prabhācandra Bhattāraka who is mentioned in some records from V.S. 1385 to 1450. The poet calls his composition Holivamma-kann-ābharana, and he looks upon Harīndu or Hariscandra as his Guru. It was a matter of surprise that samdhis 4-5 were wanting in the available Mss.12 But now Pt. Hiralal Shastri (now no more) of Beawar has been able to spot a Ms. which has got these missing samdhis. They are being included in an edition to be brought out by (Dr.) Pt. Nemichandra Shastri.
(d) Mahāvira's Biographies in Kannada Asaga's Vardhamāna-purāna in Sanskrit) has been a source of inspiration to a number of Kannada poets. Asaga is often spelt as Agasa and some time taken to mean a rajaka in Kannada; but the real name appears to have been Asanga of which Asaga can be a popular pronunciation. Very lately has come to light a single Ms. of Vira-Vardhamāna-purāna of Näga-varman (II). It has sixteen cantos and deals with the earlier births and the present career of Mahāvīra. It is a stylistic campū-kāvya, and uses some of the Sanskrit metrical forms quite freely. It was composed in 1042 A.D. Then there is the Vardhamāna-purāņa of Acanna who had a title Vānivallabha. This also has sixteen cantos and presented in the campū style reminding us of Sanskrit kāvyas. It is characterised by many a poetic embellishment. It is assigned to c. 1195. There is also the Vardhamāna-carite in 12 cantos,
12 Harivamśa Kochhar, Apabhramsa Sāhitya. Paramananda Shastri, Jaina Grantha Prasasti Sangraha, bhāga II, 'Apabhramsa Grantha'.
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written in the popular Sāngatya metre. It was composed by Padma-kavi in A.D. 1528.
(e) Mahāvīra in the Tri-pitaka and Pāli Literature There is no specific mention of Buddha in any Jaina canonical texts. But in the Tri-pitaka of Buddhists there are many references to Mahāvīra and his preachings under the name Nigamtha Nātaputta (Nirgrantha Jñātņputra). This has been noted nearly a century back when the Buddhist and Jaina canonical texts were brought to light by the Pali Text Society, London and the Sacred Books of the East Series. When Dr. H. Jacobi translated into English the Ācārānga, Kalpasūtra, Uttar-ādhyayana and Sūtra-krtāniga (S.B.E., 22 & 45), in the Introductions of these two volumes he drew the attention of scholars to those contexts of the Pali literature in which Nigaṁtha Nāta-putta was mentioned. Later such contexts were more exhaustively studied; and lately, Muni Nagaraj has collected some such 42 Pāli passages, short and long, in his Agama aura Tripitaka : Eka Anuśīlana (in three parts; Calcutta, 1969; now its translation into English has also been brought out). From these it is clearly proved that both these great men (Mahāvīra and Buddha) were contemporaries, that Mahāvira was the senior of the two, and that he attained nirvāṇa earlier than Buddha. After a good deal of critical scrutiny it is proved that the date of the nirvāna of Mahāvīra is 527 B.C.
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MAHĀVĪRA HIS PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE
15. The Priest and the Recluse The quest for the Higher on an intellectual or metaphysical plane has been all along, in India, the privilege or province of some outstanding individual or individuals, while the mass of the population, generally steeped in ignorance and poverty, was devoted to crude deification and ancestor-worship. The power of a religious leader lay in his ability to win over to his creed the people around him. In India there have been two types of religious leaders: the priest and the ascetic The priest was a champion of ritualism. He 'vigorously claimed that the welfare and indeed the very existence of the world, including even the gods, depended upon the maintenance of their systems of sacrifice, which grew to immense size and complexity. The cults popularised by him were polytheistic; the deities were very often forces of nature; and man was put at their utter mercy, the priest alone being capable of saving him by seeking the favour of the deities through sacrificial rites. This is the line of thought of the Vedic religion and its coustodians. It came into India from outside, from the NorthWest. And, thanks to the mesmeric power exerted by elaborate ritual, it gradually spread towards the East and the South, catching handfuls of followers here and there.
16. Thought-ferment in Eastern India As distinguished from this, in the East, along the fertile banks of the Ganges and Jumna, there flourished in India a
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succession of ascetic Teachers, who, hailing from rich families, had enough leisure for high thinking and religious meditation.
For them, the spirit in man, and also in all animate beings, was the focus of religious meditation as well as an object of investigation in relation to all that is inanimate in the universe. This brought them face to face with the problem of life here and elsewhere, since both spirit and matter were real for them-real, and therefore essentially eternal, though passing through the flux of change. Life here and hereafter was the result of the beginningless connection between spirit and matter, which was the source of all the misery in this world; and the aim of religion was to separate matter from spirit, so that the latter might achieve a state of liberation in which it would exist in a plenitude of purity, bliss and knowledge. Man is his own master; his thoughts, words and acts have made him, and coutinue to make him, what he is; it is in his hands to make or mar his present or future; the great Teachers of the past are his ideals to inspire him along the path of religion; and he has to struggle, with hope, on the well-trodden path of spiritual progress, following a code of moral and ascetic discipline, till he reaches the goal of spiritual emancipation or perfection. Thus it will be seen that here, in the Eastern stream of religious thought, there is no place either for a Deity who shapes the universe and meddles in its matters, or for a priest invested with mysterious powers to propitiate Him. This line of thought is well represented by Jaina Tirthakaras like Neminātha, Pārsva and Mahāvira, by Ājivika Teachers like Gośāla, by Sārikhya philosophers like Kapila and promulgators of Buddhism like Buddha. · With the political freedom of our land, there is great enthusiasm all over the country, particularly patent and eloquent among the educated classes who have started
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revaluing the ancient Indian heritage in a new perspective. It is in the fitness of things that great personalities like Mahāvīra and Buddha are remembered with reverence in this context. I have often wondered how these great Teachers, whose preachings have such an abiding human appeal, could have been somewhat neglected for some time in the very land which they enriched and elevated in its moral stature. It is, however, a happy augury that their greatness is being appreaciated today all the more. As usual, it is an irony with us, that Western scholarship has to make us aware of the greatness of our men and matters. Very valuable work in the fields of Jaina and Buddhist literatures was done by Western savants; and today, we are in a position to appreciate the greatness of Mahāvīra and Buddha, better than we could do in earlier days.
17. Mahāvīra : His Age The 2500th Parinirvāna Day of Buddha was celebrated some years back; and now (1974-75) that of Mahāvīra is being celebrated all over the country and even outside. And it is but natural that we should study and understand in detail the personality of and principles preached by Mahāvīra. Mahāvīra was a contemporary of Buddha, and he stands as the 24th Tīrthakara whose preaching fully breathe the spirit of what I have called the Eastern stream of thought in India. All that Mahāvīra and his predecessors have preached goes under the name of Jainism today, but that should not come in the way of our appreciating and putting into practice the great principles preached by Mahāvīra which stand today embedded and elaborately interpreted in Jaina literature in different languages. Those of you who have visited Bihar can testify to the fertility of that part of India; but more than that, in the history of Indian thought and culture Bihar has played an important
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role. The great champions of Ātma-philosophy, like Buddha, Janaka and Mahāvira hail from this part. It is Mithilā in Bihar that has made substantial contributions to Mimāṁsā, Nyāya and Vaiseșika systems. Some 2500 years ago, Vaiśālī (modern Basārh, some 45 kms. to the north of Patna) was a prosperous capital. A suburb of it was called Kundalapura or Ksatriyakunda; and here in the palace of king Siddhārtha, of his queen Trisalā or Priyakārini, Mahāvīra was born : to emphasise his various outstanding traits. He was also known as Jñāta-putra, Vaiśāliya, Vardhamāna, Sanmati, etc. His mother belonged to the family of Cetaka, the mighty Licchavi ruler of Videha at whose call Licchavis and Mallas co-operated both for defence and offence. Tradition is not unanimous about his marriage: according to the one, he was a celibate throughout; while according to another, he married Yasodā and had a daughter called Priyadarsanā. As a prince having excellent connections with ruling dynasties of his times, it was expected of him to rule with authority and enjoy the pleasures of a prosperous career after his father. But that was not to be. Just at the age of 30, Mahāvīra decided like a hero to relinquish the comforts of a princely life and undertook the life of an ascetic with a view to attaining spiritual happiness, and thus place before the world the correct values of life and an example of his having solved its problems in a successful manner. Attachment and possessive instincts have been the greatest obstacles in the attainment of spiritual peace and purification; and he gave them up in an ideal manner. Physical comforts are not an end in themselves; and Mahāvīra became a nirgrantha, and went about practising severe penances, even without any clothes on his body. We have graphic description of his hardships given in detail in the Acārārga, etc.: people abused him, boys pelted him with stones, and thus he was subjected to many calamities in the Eastern part of Bengal. After twelve years of rigorous penances, Mahāvīra had a triumph over physical weaknesses
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and limitations; and he attained pure and perfect knowledge which transcended the limits of space and time: he became a kevalin, a sarvajña.
Śrenika Bimbasara was his contemporary and was ruling at Rajagṛha: Mahāvīra delivered his first sermon on the hill Vipul-acala in the vicinity of Rajagṛha. For full thirty years he visited different parts of the country; and it was his vihāra, or religious tour, as well as that of Buddha, that gave Magadhan territory the name of Bihar.
Mahāvira's parents belonged to the school of Pārsva; during his vihara, Mahāvira explained to his society various problems of life and their solutions. He laid maximum stress on the sanctity and dignity of the spirit, and his preachings were meant for one and all who conformed to the religious discipline outlined by him.
The organisation of his followers, including princes as well as poor peasants. conformed to the fourfold pattern consisting of monks (muni), nuns (āryikā), householders (śrāvaka) and houseladies (srāvikā); this nomenclature continues in Jainism even to this day.
The influence of the great principles preached by Mahāvīra is seen in India even outside Jainism. He was a Tirthakara, who prepared a ford for the suffering humanity to achieve peace here and bliss elsewhere. In view of the all-embracing character of Mahāvīra's principles, Samantabhadra, an illustrious ascetic philosopher, as early as c. 2nd century A.D., called the tirtha of Mahavira by the name sarvodaya, which term is so commonly used nowadays after Gandhiji. At the age of 72, Mahāvīra attained nirvāṇa at Pāvā in 527 B.C.; and this day is celebrated with lights all over India as the Divāli day.
A large amount of literature, both ancient and modern, is available on the life and activities of Mahāvīra; and many myths, miracles and legends have grown about his personality, as usual with all religious dignitaries. Scientific and historical scrutiny unaffected by sectarian prejudice and

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religious bias is made difficult by the very nature of the sources from which the information has to be gleaned.
What I have attempted above is a bare outline of Mahavira's biography. If it is difficult, or beyond the means of historical study, to know all about Mahāvīra, in my humble opinion, it is more important to understand and put into practice the principles preached by Mahavira than to discuss this detail or that about his personal life.
In this connection, I would make a little digression on some aspects of Vaiśāli (spelt as Vaishali), the birthplace of Mahāvīra. The town was at its height of prospertiy, and by its association with Mahavira it became far-famed in the religious world of India. Teachers from Vaishali preached great principles for the uplift of humanity and lived an austere life of fasts and penances: and Mahāvīra stood out as the most prominent of his contemporaries.
According to the Mahā-vastu, Buddha sought his first teachers in Alara and Uddaka at Vaishali and 'even started his life as a Jain under their teachings.' After discovering his Middle Path, he became more and more honoured at Vaishali, receiving even royal reception; the city built for him a kūṭāgāra-sālā, a pinnacled rest house, in its suburban park known as the Maha-vana. It is at Vaishali that the Second Buddhist Council was held; and it came to be looked upon as a holy spot where differences in the Sangha could be ironed out. His celebrated disciple Amra-pāli was a resident of Vaishali at which place she bequeathed her park to Buddha and the community.
Vaishali had its political significance too. It had a republican government, and king Ceṭaka, the Licchavi republican president, organized a federation of republics comprising Mallakis, and 18 gana-rājas of Kāśī-kosala, besides the 9 Licchavi republics.' The working of the Vajjian confederation, so vividly described in the Digha-nikāya, is an unique example of its king and essentially contributed to the efficiency and solidarity of the republic. Further, Vaishali was a commercial

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capital where seals were issued by three classes of guilds, namely, Bankers, Traders and Artisans. When Fa-Hien visited India (A.D. 399-414), it was an important religious, political and commercial centre; but its fall began in the next three centuries, and what Hiuen-Tsang (A.D. 635) saw there was more or less in ruins. And today it is a neglected village. The Indian Republic of today has inherited a great deal from the spirit of Vaishali, and the Vajjian concord is the pedestal of our Democracy, apart from the fact that ahimsā with its corollaries, viz., Padñca-śīlas, is the bed-rock on which our policies are built. By eucouraging the state languages, our Central Government is only carrying on the policy of Magadhan Governments which gave more importance to the language of the masses than to that of the classes. The inscriptions of Asoka are all in Prakrit. The late Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru used to say that he can find time to meet the humblest in the country even in preference to his big officials. This reminds us of Asoka, the priya-darsin, who has a similar dictum. Thus it is but natural that Vaishali can no more be neglected. Thanks to the vigilant eye of the Central Government, patronage of the Bihar Goyernment, princely gifts of enlightened industrialists like Shri Shantiprasadji and the active efforts of the Vaishali Sangh with its able workers like Shri J.C. Mathur, Vaishali is rising up again. The Bihar Government has been running a Post-graduate Institute there for Prakrit and Jaina studies. Through the ravages of time and tide, and due to political vicissitudes Vaishali fell into ruins; and we had nearly forgotten its identity. But you will be pleased to hear that Vaishali has not forgotten its worthy sons. Among the Jaina and Buddhist relics, the most important remnant is a plot of fertile land, owned by a local significant family of Simha or Nátha Ksatriyas, which is never cultivated, as far as the family memory goes, because for generations it is believed in the family that on that spot Mahāvira was born and hence it is too sacred to be cultivated. It is a remarkable event in
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the religious history of India that the memory of Mahāvīra is so concretely kept at his birth place by his kinsmen though 2500 years have quietly elapsed.
The period in which Mahavira lived was undoubtedly an age of acute intellectual upheaval ir. the cultural history of India; and among his contemporaries there were such religious teachers as Keśa-kambalin, Makkhali Gosāla, Pakuddha Kaccāyana, Purāṇa Kassapa, Samjaya Belaṭṭhiputta and Tathāgata Buddha. Mahāvira inherited a good deal from earlier Tīrthakaras. He left behind not only a systematic religion and philosophy but also a well-knit social order of ascetics and lay followers who earnestly followed and practised what he and his immediate disciples preached. Buddha and Mahāvīra lived in the same age and moved about in the same area with the same dynasties and rulers in view. They stressed the dignity of man as man, and preached to the masses in their own language high moral ideals which advanced the individual on the spiritual plane and further contributed to social solidarity. To posterity, they are the best representatives of the Eastern or Magadhan religion, of what is generally called the Śramanic culture; the basic literature embodying their utterances, has luckily survived to us.
A comparative study of the early Jaina and Buddhist works presents a remarkable similarity and breathes verily the same religious and moral spirit which has not only stood the test of time for the last two thousand years and more but is also serving today as the master key to the solution of many a human problem. Truth and non-violence as preached and practised by Mahātmā Gandhi can be better appreciated against the background of the moral code preached by Mahavira and Buddha. The references to the nirgrantha tenets in the Pali canon are of great value for assessing the relation of Jainism and Buddhism.
Apparently there was so much in common between Buddha and Mahāvira, that early European scholars mistook them for one individual. But today, with the progress of studies,

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they stand before us as two distinct personalities who have left an abiding influence on the history of Indian thought. Buddha, it has to be noted, experimented with many teachers prior to his enlightenment, and discovered the Middle Path, after rejecting much of the religious thought current round about him. That was not the case with Mahāvīra. The religion preached by Vrşabha, Neminātha and his immediate predecessor Pārsva (who flourished just a couple of centuries before Mahāvira) was already inherited by him and he presented it for contemporary society. Buddha is less compromising with the creeds of his contemporaries, because he started with the conviction that he had personally discovered something new for humanity. But Mahāvīra was more accommodating and compromising and quite willing to understand the point of view of others, primarily because he was preaching an earlier religion, maybe for a slightly different order of monks and laymen. 'It is evident', as Jacobi has remarked, 'that both Mahāvīra and Buddha have made use of the interest and support of their families to propagate their Order. Their prevalence over other rivals was certainly due in some degree to their connection with the chief families of the country'. Buddha had a longer lease of life: he lived for full eighty years, while Mahāvīra lived only 72 years. The middle path of Buddha struck a note of novelty and inspired so much enthusiasm among his new followers that its influence spread far and wide. Mahāvīra, however, had to preach both to old and new followers, and obviously he must have been guided by a spirit of compromise; the question of new recruits was not with him as urgent as it was with Buddha. There is evidence, further confirmed by close similarity between Jaina and Buddhist monastic rules, that Buddha did try the nirgrantha way of living for a while, obviously the one preached long before by Pārsvanātha. As observed by Jacobi 'Nigamthas (nirgranthas), now better known under the name of Jainas or Arhatas, already existed as an important sect at the time
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when the Buddhist church was being founded.' The Pāli canon refers to Mahāvīra as Nigamtha Nātaputta. Both Mahāvīra and Buddha thus started their careers with the same capital of Sramaņic ideology, but differed later on in details, and so also their followers with changing times and places. The subsequent history of Jainism and Buddhism, the former confining itself primarily to India but still surviving as a living institution and the latter spreading with remarkable zeal practically all over the Eastern hemisphere but losing its bearings in the very land of its birth, has its seeds to be sought in their earlier beginnings outlined above. It is absolutely necessary that the doctrines of Buddha and Mahāvīra be studies in more detail than is done ordinarily by the educated man. 18. Mahāvira's Heritage : Jaina Literature The history of the Jaina Church has many a bright spot here and there. After Mahāvīra the Church was led by a series of eminent monks and received patronage from kings like Śreņika Bimbisāra, Chandragupta Maurya, etc. Many religious monks, ruling dynasties, wealthy traders and pious families have contributed to the stability and continuity of the Jaina church with the result that India can feel proud of the Jaina contributions both to its civilization and culture in matters of art, architecture, literature, and moral code. The preachings of Mahāvira are embedded in the canonical texts, and they are interpreted by series of commentaries known as niryuktis, bhāsyas and tīkās. Individual topics are discussed in manuals and further illustrated by extensive narrative literature. The doctrines are logically defended by a number of authors in comparison with and contrast to other Indian systems. Jaina contributions to Indian literature embrace various subjects; and they are spread in different languages like the Prakrits (including Apabhramsa), Sanskrit, Tamil, Kannada,
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Old Hindi, Old Gujarati, etc. Jaina authors have considered language only as means to an end; they never invested any one language with religious sanctity. Thanks to their broad outlook, they could make salient contributions to Sanskrit and Prakrit; and how they have enriched Tamil and Kannada, at least the learned readers here need no further elaboration from me.
Bühler wrote many years back about Jaina literature in this manner: 'In grammar, in astronomy as well as in branches of belles-lettres the achievements of Jainas have been so great that even their opponents have taken notice of them and that some of their works are of importance for European science even today. In the South where they have worked among the Dravidian peoples, they have also promoted the development of these languages. The Kanarese, Tamil and Telugu literary languages rest on the foundations erected by the Jaina monks. Though this activity has led them far away from their own particular aims, yet it has secured for them an important place in the history of Indian literature and civilization'. This prophetic observation of that great German scholar is not only fully borne out, but later finds and researches have also shown that if Bühler had lived today, he would have been more eloquent on the Jaina contributions to Indian literature.
With such meticulous care and perseverance the Jainas have preserved Ms. collections in places like Jaisalmer, Jaipur, Pattan and Moodbidri that these are a part of our national wealth. They built these collections with such an academic and catholic outlook, that there was hardly any place for religious bias. It must be said to the credit of the builders of the great collections at Jaisalmer and Pattan that it is here that we could trace certain original Buddhist works which otherwise were known to us only from Tibetan translations.
19. Mahāvira: His Philosophy of Life
A dispassionate and critical study of Jaina literature enables one to get a fair idea of the Jaina outlook or view of life. By
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the Jaina view of life we mean the view of life sanctioned by Jainism as apparent from an objective and judicious interpretation of the fundamentals of Jaina metaphysics and ethics, and not the outlook on life which the followers of Jainism generally have today.
Metaphysically speaking, all souls, according to their stage of spiritual evolution or progress (in terms of guṇa-sthānas) have a legitimate place on the path of religion; everyone's position is determined by his karmic limitations, and his progress depends on his potentialities.
The Jaina God is neither a creator of the universe nor a dispenser of favours and frowns. He is a spiritual ideal, but also a being who has reached absolute perfection. He is praised and worshipped, it is with a view to remembering his virtues, so that we may cultivate them in ourselves and attain the same status. Every soul must reap the fruits, pleasant or painful, of all it has done; for it is, in the last analysis, the architect of its own fortune. The question of exchanging one's sins or merits with any other soul is irrelevant.
Now, clearly such an attitude does not leave one at the marcy of an outside agency, divine or semi-divine, and enables one to work with confidence and hope. The individual, however criminal under the stress of internal and external forces, need not despair because he is latently divine and a day will come when he will realize himself.
Jainism lays down certain ethical standards, which are duly graded, for the uplift of the individual as a social being. As long as he lives as a member of society, besides what he owes to himself for his spiritual betterment, he owes a good deal to the society in which he is living; but if he relinquishes the world and leads the life of an ascetic, his ties with society and his responsibilities towards it are considerably reduced. In Jainism, the duties of a householder are in miniature those of a monk; and a householder, while duly carrying out his household duties, rises steadily to the status of a monk.

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Ahimsa is the most important principle that permeates the Jaina outlook on life. In simple language it means the greatest possible kindness towards the animate world. Jainism has prepared a graded series of living beings; and a religious person has to strive his best to minimize harm to them.
Every living being has a sanctity and a dignity of its own, and one has to respect it as one expects one's own dignity to be respected. A man of kindly temperament sheds around him an atmosphere of kindness.
Jainism has firmly held that life is sacred irrespective of species, caste, colour, creed or nationality. A resident of Hiroshima or Nagasaki is as sacred as one in New York or London: what his colour is, what he eats, and how he dresses-these are external adjuncts.
Thus the practice of ahimsa is both an individual and a collective virtue; and this kindly attitude, which requires that our hearts be free from baser impulses like anger, pride, hypocrisy, greed, envy and contempt, has a positive force and a universal appeal.
The second virtue which Jaina ethics lays stress on is good neighbourliness; one should speak the truth and respect the right of property. It is thus that one becomes trustworthy in society, and at the same time creates and atmosphere of security for others.
One's thought, words and acts must be consistent with each other; and they must, further, create an atmosphere of confidence and safety round about. It is no use being untrue to one's immediate neighbour and pretending to be highly cosmopolitan and benevolent towards people living beyond
the seas.
Individual kindliness, mutual confidence and a reciprocal sense of security must start with the immediate neighbour and then be gradually diffused in society at large, not only in theory but also in practice.
These virtues can go to constitute coherent social and political groups of worthy citizens who yearn for peaceful coexistence with the well-being of the entire humanity in view.
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The third virtue is a steady and progressive restraint on acquisitiveness which manifests itself either in the from of yearning for sensual or sex pleasure, or for acquisition of property. This virtue is to be practised in different degrees at different stages of one's spiritual or religious progress.
An ideally religious man is entirely free from acquisitiveness in thought, word and deed; his last vestige or property is his body alone, and his wants are the minimum required to sustain it; and this too he voluntarily relinquishes in the end when he finds that it gives him no more aid in the practice of religion.
Pursuit of pleasure is an endless game; individual inclinations and passions must be duly trained and curbed; thus indeed does one get mental poise and spiritual balance. A voluntary limitation of property is a community virtue which results in social justice and fair distribution of utility commodities.
The strong and the rich should not weed out the weak and the poor but put such voluntary restricition on their instincts and possessions that the under-privileged too have a fair chance in life.
Any attempt to enforce these qualities by an external and legal authority, either on the individual or society, will lead to hypocrisy or secret criminal tendencies. It is for sensible individuals to practise these virtues, and thus set an example from which an enlightened society will gradually be developed.
There are many elements which go to constitute the intellectual make-up of an individual: his inheritance, environment, upbringing, studies and experiences. It is this intellectual make up that shapes his convictions and opinions; if he lacks in intellectual honesty and integrity of expression, these latter may get perverted.
All these, moreover, get a different colouring according to the motives and ambitions of individuals, singly or collectively. This is why one finds that unanimity of opinion

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or agreement in views is very scarce. For most of us, even presuming that all of us are sincere, it is easier, nay, almost natural, to differ rather than agree on any given topic.
To meet this situation, Jainism has presented to the world two significant instruments of understanding and expression: one is the Naya-vāda and the other, Syad-vada. The Naya-vāda enables one to analyse the various points of view and appraise their relative validity: it is a remarkable method for the analytical comprehension of a complex question. Naya is a particular approach. It reveals a partial or a particular view of the totality, and it should not be mistaken for the whole.
A synthesis of these different viewpoints is an imperative necessity; therein every viewpoint must retain its relative position; and this need is fulfilled by Syad-väda. One can say 'yes' or say 'no' or even express one's inability to state anything: these three basic statements, when combined, can give rise to seven predications which are qualified by the term syāt or 'maybe', indicating the limits of understanding and expression. Syād-vāda, in course of the process of assertion or denial, curbs down and harmonises the absolute viewpoints of individual nayas.
'Syād-vāda,' says Professor A.B. Dhruva, 'is not a doctrine of speculative interest, one intended to solve a mere ontological problem, but has a bearing upon man's psychological and spiritual life.' It has supplied the philosopher with catholicity of thought, convincing him that Truth is not anybody's monopoly with tariff walls of denominational religion, while furnishing the religious aspirant with the virtue of intellectual toleration which is a part of that ahimsa which is one of the fundamental tenets of Jainism.
Human beings have limited knowledge and inadquate expression. That is why different doctrines are inadequate; at the most they are one-sided views of the Truth which cannot be duly enclosed in words and concepts. Jainism has always held that it is wrong, if not dangerous to presume that one's own creed alone represents the truth.

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Toleration is, therefore, the characteristic of Jaina ideology. Even the Jaina monarchs and generals have a clean and commendable record to their credit in this regard. The political history of India knows no cases of persecution by Jaina kings, even when Jaina monks and laymen have suffered at the hands of other religionists of fanatical temper. Dr. Saletore has rightly observed, “The principle of ahiṁsā was partly responsible for the greatest contribution of the Jainas to Hindu culture that relating to toleration. Whatever may be said concerning the rigidity with which they maintained their religious tenets and the tenacity and skill with which they met and defeated their opponent in religious disputations, yet it cannot be denied that the Jainas fostered the principle of toleration more sincerely and at the time more successfully than any other community in India.'
Time was when man was at the mercy of nature; today, however, he has dived deep into the mysteries of nature and become her slave. There is such rapid progress in the various branches of science; and the scientist's achievements in nuclear physics and atomic weapons are so astounding that, if he so intends, he can destroy the entire human race and change the face of the earth. Thus, today, the human race is standing on the verge of catastrophe; its mind is getting befogged and bewildered; and it is rushing towards the very precipice which it wants to avoid. Obviously, we are required to revalue our values. The progress of science is the corollary of an attempt to achieve greater happiness for man. But, unfortunately, man as man is not properly understood; and there is, too, a great deal of international misuse of language. By the term 'man' many have only the white man' in view; and such an attitude is subversive of all ethical standards. If some parts of the world are apparently more civilized, very often it is at the cost of the other parts. Cooperative and collective amelioration of the entire mankind has to take the place of colonial exploitation. The sanctity and dignity of mankind have to be recognized in preference to our separate
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affluence and supremacy. Scientific skill must be accompained by a saint's wisdom. Thus man has to understand man as man. In this technically unified world, there is very little difference between oneself and others; If I wish well to myself, that is practicable, only if I wish well to others. The doctrine of ahimsā, if rightly understood and sincerely practised, supplies the necessary basis for this humanitarian outlook of a worldcitizen.
..
The organized atrocities of man need not make up despair. The doctrine of karma tells us that we are the architects of our own fortune. It is for us to look into ourselves, analyse our objectives, both individually and collectively, without slavishly prostrating ourselves before any power for fear or favour; and thus work on with confidence and hope that man must progress for his existence and betterment. Every individual has the potentiality of the divine, and it is for him to realise this by following the path of religion. Physical science and technical skill have given us power, and it is for us now to choose whether we want to make forward progress for the betterment of man and his environment or just reduce ourselves to a heap of radioactive ashes. Good neighbourliness and restraint on the acquisitive instinct are a contagious virtue; what is true of an individual is also true of a group, social or political. The man who does not know himself and refuses to know another man as man can never live at peace with himself or, obviously, at peace with others. A clear understanding of oneself and of others can alone remove mutual suspicion and counter-balance the constant threat of war, thus leading us to a true condition of peaceful coexistence.
20. To Conclude Today, liberty of thought and speech is increasingly getting crippled in a subtle manner. Tendentious propaganda not
.
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only conceals but also perverts the apparent facts, and the world is put on a wrong track. This means that the thinking man has to keep himself vigilant, understand the limitations of his knowledge and thus learn to respect the viewpoint of others, as laid down by naya-vāda and syād-vāda. Let us not lose faith in man as man, and let us learn to respect each other as man. We must see that man lives under healthy and progressive conditions as a world-citizen. The basic principles of Jainism (such as ahimsā, anekānta and aparigraha), if correctly understood and earnestly put into practice, can make one a worthy citizen of the world.
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Bharatiya Jnanpith Aims & Objects To conduct researches so as to bring out the extinct, rare and unpublished works of knowledge and to give impetus to the creation of original literature for the benefit of the people. Founder (Late) Sahu Shanti Prasad Jain (Late) Smt. Rama Jain President Shri Ashok Kumar Jain Office : 18, Institutional Area, Lodi Road, New Delhi-110 003 Education Intematona For Private Personal use only www.lainelibra