Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India

Author(s): Pranabananda Jash
Publisher: Munshiram Manoharlal Publisher's Pvt Ltd New Delhi
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/006725/1

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some aspects of
Jainism
in Eastern India
Ava
SA
UTITETI I
kitu
PRANABANANDA JASH
Jain Education Interational

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The present .volume is a detailed study of the history of Some Aspects of the Jainas with an introductory note on the emergence of the Parivrājaka sect in general and the Jaina Parivrājaka in particular in the context of the profound turmoil that has taken place in Indian religious life and thought in the sixthfifth centuries BC. It highlights the emergence of new trends of thought and belief represented by diverse sects and schools which clashed with the orthodox and conservative patterns of behaviour. Adequate attention has been given for obtaining an objective picture of contemporary religious schools and their respective views and tenets: It is a modest effort to identify the dimension of groups organised around religious ideas of both the theists and the atheists. Apart from introducing the tirthankaras with teachings and tenets: nature and characteristic features of the Jaina monastic order-manuals for the Jaina works—Jaina canonical texts and the distribution of this faith in different regions, in the light of historical perspective, the book has been further enriched by the incorporation of an Appendix on the Ajivikas to show that inspite of their having ideological proximity with the Jainas, the general philosophy of the Ājivikas, i.e., the doctrine of niyati (fate), has nothing to do with Jainism. with 28 illustrations
Rs. 120

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SOME ASPECTS OF JAINISM IN EASTERN INDIA

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Some Aspects of Jainism
in Eastern India
Pranabananda Jash
Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Put. Ltd.

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ISBN 81-215-0451-6
First published 1989 © 1989 Jash, Sikba
Published by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Post Box 5715, 54 Rani Jhansi Road, New Delhi-110055 and Printed at Ajay Printing Works, Delhi-110093.

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In memory of my sisters Pratimă and Ābhā

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Contents
PREFACE ix
CHAPTER ONE THE PARIVRĂJAKAS 1
CHAPTER TWO TWENTY-FOUR TIRTHANKARAS AND THEIR
ACTIVITIES AND TEACHINGS 18
CHAPTER THREE
JAINA CONONICAL TEXTS 45 The Sixfold Monastic Orders 60
CHAPTER FOUR JAINISM IN EASTERN INDIA 70
Bihar 70 Bengal 77 Orissa 86
APPENDIX ON THE AJIVIKAS 100
BIBLIOGRAPHY 121
INDEX 129

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Map
Important Jaina centres mainly in Eastern India and other places outside the pale of this region.
facing p.;

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Preface
The present volume is an embodiment of the history of some aspects of the Jainas with an introductory note on the emergence of the Parivrājaka sect in general and the Jaina Parivrājaka in particular. While tracing the reason(s) about the origin of the Parivrājaka sect, it has been shown that the period was of great turmoil in Indian religious life and thought. With the revolutionary changes in the social and economic systems, new trends of thought and belief appeared and clashed with the orthodox and conservative patterns of behaviour. Naturally, a large number of sects and schools representing various attitudes and approaches to the problem of life cropped up in this atmosphere of fermentation of ideas. Adequate attention is being placed for obtaining a viable outline on the history of contemporary religious schools and their respective views and tenets. It is a modest effort to view the social dimensions of groups organised around religious ideas of both the theists and the atheists and supporting a religious identity.
Chapter 2 introduces the tirthańkaras in the light of historical perspective. Teachings and tenets of the last two tirthařkaras, viz., Pārsvanātha and Mahävira, appear to be the pivotal principle of Jainism. The study also includes an analytical outlook about the Jaina organisation and reason(s) behind the great schism in the monastic order. Apart from the contours of the schisms and differences, the present chapter includes a general survey of their respective canonical texts.
Chapter 3 deals primarily with the Jaina Canonicat Texts bearing monastic rules and regulations. It makes an endeavour to sketch a comprehensive account relating to the disciplinary code of the Jaina monks to understand the real nature and the characteristic features of the Jaina monastic order. The sixfold monastic order, an index of different stages of spiritual upliftment, deals with proper clarity and analysis. The philosophical intricacies of the system deliberately

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Preface
avoided, although the essence of the tenets and the diversities of belief and thought among the various Jaina groups have been taken into consideration.
Chapter 4 is a descriptive study on the prevalence of this faith in different regions of eastern India in ancient times. It is worth noting that at the time of Mabāvīra and after him, under his Ganadharas, Jainism encompassed a wide region outside the pale of eastern India and embraced a variety of peoples and communities with diverse trends and thoughts. The reflection of religion of the Jainas in this part of the country is abundantly projected both in the literature as well as in the archaeological objects like inscriptions, icons, etc.
A word is required to explain in this connection the geographical connotation of the term Prücya-desa (eastern India) or Prūcidiś (eastern quarter). The denotation of the term varied concomitantly with the eastward expansion of an alien culture imparted by the Aryan speaking people. According to the Brahmanical text the entire region lying to the east of Benares is designated as eastern country (cf. Värāņus pāh paruluh pūrvadeśuḥ of Rājasekhara's Kavyamimämsä). The region has its common bearings on certain aspects like a specific geographic character, common properties of soil, climate, vegetation, agriculture and technical exploitation. Moreover, as an integrated area of social life, it exhibits a balance of state of dynamic equilibrium between its various parts (OdraMügudhi Pravrtti of Bharata's Națju-süstra). The prchistoric and protohistoric antiquities exhibit practically a uniform development with regard to technology and material culture. The transformation that followed the introduction of Brahmanical culture enveloped the entire region with a short span of time. (For an elaborate discussion, see author's History and L'volution of Vaişnavism in Eastern Indiu, ch. I, Calcutta, 1982.)
It may also be mentioned in this connection that while attempting to locate important and popular Jaina centres in eastern India, almost all the available evidences have been utilised. Still, in some cases the identification remains tentative since no corroborative evidence other than the similarity of names has come into light.
A number of Jina images found from various sites have been described in this chapter. To make the study more fruitful and purposeful some important and selective photographs have been displayed at the end. These representations show that the early

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Preface
medieval period, especially the Pālasena period in eastern India roughly comprising Bengal, Bihar, Assam, northern part of Orissa and Bangladesh, was interesting, varied and complex from the icono-religious point of view.
The Ajivikas who are usually considered as an offshoot of the Jainas is the subject matter of the appendix. In course of study on the Ajīvikas, an attempt has been made to throw light on the reasons behind the emergence and early historical development of the sect and its well perceptible growth in eastern India in the subsequent centuries. Occupying an optimum position in the field of asceticism they did not maintain their separate identity in the longrun, probably due to their ideological proximity with the Jainas. Of course, the general philosophy of Ajivikism, i.e., the doctrine of Niyati (fate), has, however, nothing to do with Jainism; but so far as the particulars are concerned, they have many points in common.
Readers desirous of knowing more about the history of Jainism or its philosophical understanding may find the bibliography useful which has been compiled as comprehensively as possible.
I owe a special debt of gratitude to Dr. G. Subbiah of the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Viśva-Bhārati for his helpful comments and suggestions. I am also thankful to Professor Agehananda Bharati of the Department of Anthropology, Syracuse University, USA for going through the typed manuscript and other valuable suggestions in connection with the publication of the present volume. I am further indebted to my wife Smt. Sikha Jash for her help in connection with the preparation of the press copy of the manuscript,
Pranabananda Jash
Visva-Bharati Santiniketan January, 1989

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Important Jaina centres mainly in Eastern India and other places outside the pale of this region.

PRAGJY
1. Alavi 2, Bhaddiya 3. Barabar and Nāgārjuni Hills 4. Campā 5. Devikota/Koțivarsa 6. Gay, 7. Kajangala 8. Kumāri Parvata 9. Kundagrāma 10. Mithila 11. Nalanda 12. Paresnath Hill (Sommeya) 13. Pāțaliputra 14. Pāvā 15. Rājagrha 16. Sägeya (birth-place of
Rşabhadeva) 17. Särnāth 18. Savatthi 19. Sravanabelgola 20. Tāmralipti 21. Uddandapura 22. Vallabhi 23. Vārānasi 24. Vesali. 25. Mandāra Hill 26. Ujjeni
GUNA
LAUD

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CHAPTER ONE

The Parivrājakas
THE Jaina Parivrājakas rather the Parivrajaka sect in general is undoubtedly one of the most significant and fascinating subjects of research to the scholars of Indological studies. The term Parivrājaka (a wandering religious mendicant)1 is found mention in the Nirukta and is explained in the early Upanisads as one who takes pravrajya (rejection of the household life) with the object of attaining mokşa (Brāhmaṇical concept), nirvāṇa/nibbāna (Buddhist concept) or the Jaina siddhatva or the attainment of liberation. Pravrajya is prescribed as an initiatory ritual though, of course, the details of the ritual differ in various systems of Indian religion and even in various texts of the particular religious school.
The Parivrajakas as a sect, or as an organised community of practice and doctrine, seems to have emerged not before the ascetic-intellectual movements of the sixth-fifth century BC. They, of course, not as a community, but as individuals are frequently mentioned in the pre-Buddhist Brahmanical literatures under different names, such as, Samnyasi, Yati, Tapas, Bhiksu, Muni, Śramaṇa, Vātarasanas, Jațilas, Vaikhānasa, etc. The Parivrājaka sect is organised through the representations of the Brahmaṇical Samnyasi, the Buddhist Bhiksus, the Jaina Yatis, the Ajivika Maskarins, etc. Each system has its own history of growth and development, its schools, sects and sub-sects and their doctrines and tenets, its contribution to the cultural history of the country.
It is, however, to be noted that in the Upanisads the line of demarcation between a Parivrajaka and a Samnyasi or a Yati is not well defined and they are almost identical. The Samnyāsīs like the Parivrājakas are said to have been in the habit of wandering about. Some scholars believed that "the term Samnyasin became denominational in later usage. In the Buddhist and the Jaina legends it is

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usually dropped and the wandering almsman is designated as a Bhikṣu or a Yati. Only the man who, with a Brāhmaṇical background, betakes himself to the wandering almsman's calling is called a Samnyāsin." The pravrajyā ceremony signifies the rejection of not only Grhasthya-life but also of the Vedic religious practices and symbols. He is called Samnyāsi (Sam+ni+as) because he 'casts off everything from himself'; Parivrājaka because he wanders about leaving home and Bhikṣu because without possessions he lives only as a beggar. But the ritual of prayrajyā which is found in the later Upanişads of the post-Buddhistic period may be treated as a subtle attempt to retain within Brāhmaṇical fold who has cast off completely the Brāhmanical religious culture. It may be also due to the influence of the Buddhist practice which solemnises the new life from 'home into homelessness' (agārasmū anagāriyam pabbajati).
Another point to be noted in this connection is that the Parivrăjakas hailed from both the Brāhmaṇical and non-Brāhmaṇical groups of people, but majority belonged to the non-Brāhmaṇical society. Parivrājakas were prevalent in the early and later Brāhmanical societies, there is no doubt about it, but the process was made popular in the Brāhmaṇical society by the great Advaitācārya Sankarācārya by establishing four mathas in four different quarters of the Indian subcontinent-Badri in the north (Jyotih or Josi matha), Sệngeri in the south (Srngeri matha), Dvārakā in the west (Sāradā matha) and Puri in the east (Govardhana mațha).
It needs to be clarified that the growth of wandering bodies of religieux, the Parivrājakas, was the result of an intellectual movement before the rise of Buddhism. It was in a large measure a lay movement, not a priestly movement. An analytical study of the contemporary religious trends and the activities of diffe. rent religious systems hardly substantiate the above conjecture. On the other hand, it may unhesitatingly be said that the move. ment originated neither in Brāhmaṇical reform, nor in Ksatriya revolt, nor in middle class convenience. It was a world renouncing ascetic moveinent, classless and casteless. In its essential idea and spirit it has no special affinity with the attitude and interest of any particular class or caste. They were basically mendicants who had renounced the world and followed certain norms relating to a set of rites, ceremonies, rules of discipline and tapas or asceticism.?

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the Parivrājakas
Identical principles and practices are found available in both the Brāhmaṇical and non-Brāhmaṇical categories of the Parivrājakas and again both of them had their differences too. The leading vows of the Brāhmanical and non-Brāhmaṇical monks had a fundamental resemblance which was the result of a community of practical ideas. Regarding the moral life all the religious teachers bear the identical view on the cultivation of five principal rules, viz., ahimsā (non-violence), satyam (truthfulness), aste yam (non-stealing), brahmacaryam (celibacy) and aparigraha (non-possession), known as pañca-sila. Mahāvīra like Buddha insisted on the life of asceticism, though he differed from Buddha on the question of Ātman which he believed in. In fact, ascetics of both the categories, Brāhmanical and non-Brāhmanical, were reputed for their penances and austerities. As mentioned earlier that the Brāhmanical Samnyāsīs renounced all empirical attachment and attained 'Brahman', the monks and nuns of the heterodox societies like the Buddhist, Jaina and the Ajivika, did the same to attian nibhāna or the blissful state of emancipation. The means or the ways of life might have been different but all laid emphasis on some common issues like the high moral life, meditation, Yoga and renunciation which proved helpful to purify the mind and bring about 'Release'.
The institution of the Rain retreat was also common to the Brāhmaṇas, the Buddhists and the Jainas. The Buddhists call it Vassa, the Jainas Pajjusana, and the Brahmanical Samnyāsins are enjoined to be ‘of fixed residence' (Dhruvažila) during the time. A wanderer of any sect must suspend wandering and remain in retreat during rainy season. Of course, in the beginning the Jaina and the Brāhmaṇical wanderers had no specific regulations prescribing 'living together' during rain-retreat. According to the Jaina canonical texts, 'specially made' lodgings (like the āvāsas of the Buddhists) are allowed and only the ācārya, upadhyāya and their group of pupils (ganavacchedaka) can reside together.
Again, some sort of coherence relating to food and dress is also to be found among the Parivrājakas of different schools. Regarding food all of them welcomed simplicity and moderation in diet for obtaining purity (visuddhi). In fact, the achievement of 'purity' appears to have been one of the most widespread ideas among the Parivrājakas.' The idea that pure food leads to mental purity seems to have had a great fascination for the Indian mind irrespe

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ctive of any sect.
The outfit of the ascetics in general was of simplest and the lowest, but varied among the different sects.1" Of course, these were very slight and minor variances. The Brāhmaṇical monks usually used bark or ochre-coloured garments, though nudity was not unknown to the Dharmasastra and Sutra writers. Originally Buddhist monks used to wear 'cast-off' robes, but subsequently they were allowed to accept robes offered by the laity under some restrictions. The Jainas followed the principles relating to food and garment very rigidly. The Digambaras were known for the nudity of monks, though they allowed nuns to use robes.
Another interesting semblance in practice of these monks belonging to various schools of thought is that the days of the full-moon and newmoon were used for the Darśa-purṇamāsa of the Brahmanical society and for the Patimokkha of the Buddhists and for Posadha or posaha (i.e. temporarily becoming a monk) ceremonies of the Jainas.11
Without analysing minor details further in this respect it is rather prerequisite to make a brief review of the politico-socio-economic and religious conditions of the period just before the rise of the Parivrājaka sect in general and the Jaina Parivrājakas in parti
cular.
Rhys Davids rightly observes that religious and philosophical beliefs were extremely diverse in the age of Buddha which appears to have been an age of thought ferment.12 It cannot be denied that by the side of intellectual and spiritual advance there also occurred important and significant socio-economic and political changes in the sixth and the fifth centuries BC in eastern India. The rise of class society and imperial power in eastern India in the sixth century BC through despotic policy was the culmination of a historical process. The growth of towns and commerce and the organisation of trade and craft into guilds make the social landscape of this age entirely different from that of the preceding period. The emergence of money is noticeable and it must have involved critical changes in social life in its turn.
13
The accumulation of immense economic surplus in the hands of a few merchants in this period as recorded in the Päli Jātakas is to be noted in this connection. It was probably due to either by forcible exploitation of labour or by a revolutionary change in the mode of production. R.S. Sharma suggests that this change was

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due to the introduction of iron implements in the field of production. When this change took place, it also transformed the existing social values and relations, giving rise to the formation of a non-productive privileged class. Thus we hear of a large number of fabulously rich merchants who patronised the new religious movements.
By that time the Janapadas were developing into Mahājanapadas leading to the rise of organised states. Out of sixteen Mahājanapadas as mentioned in the Buddhist Anguttara-nikāya and the Jaina Bhagavati-Sütra's four became distinguished as powerful states, and the forces behind the subsequent emergence of Magadhan imperialism could be seen. A trial of strength was taking place between the monarchies, 6 between the monarchical and nonmonarchical forms of government."? With the growing success of Magadhan imperialism, the decline of the republican states was inevitable.18 It has been suggested that the political troubles of the age provided its more thoughtful and sensitive souls with incentive to withdraw from the world. Thus Toynbee places Buddha in the "Times of Troubles" of the Indic World.?' The Magadhan occupation to the supreme state power required annihilation of many tribal settlements and also caused the tremendous bloodshed and massacre, which have produced a sense of social distress aid awakened the spirit of questioning. The Buddha, bewildered by the stupendous social transformation and immense bloodshed and large-scale massacre of the times causing human misery, said:
I behold the rich in the world, of the goods which they have acquired, in their folly they give nothing to others; they cagerly heap riches together and further they go in their pursuit of enjoyment. The king, although he may have conquered the kingdoms of the earth, although he may be ruler of all land this side the sea, up to the ocean's shore, would still insatiate, covet that which is beyond the sea. The princes, who rule kingdoms, rich in treasure and wealth, turn their greed against one another pondering insatiably to their desires. If these acts thus restlessly swimming in the stream of impermanence carried along by greed and carnal desire, who then can walk on earth in peace.20
It may be said at the outset that the period marked a transi

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tional stage not only in the field of political and socio-economic life but also in the religious thinking and ideas of the people. Brāhmanism which prevailed in the society prior to the rise of the Buddha, had developed into an elaborate ritual, and only learned Brāhmaṇas were competent to perform sacrifices, and even in domestic worship their services became indispensable. The trend of opinion was now growing against the rigidity of the Vedic sacrifices. The intellectual ferment of the age was responsible for this change. The religion of the Vedas, which was primarily and basically a sacrificial one, had lost its appeal with the masses. Again, in the philosophy of the Upanişads we find the quest of true knowledge, and here the mind of the thoughtful people was directed to the attainment of peace and salvation, by the knowledge of Ātman and Paramātman. Yet the ideas of the Upanişads a highly scholastic metaphysical doctrine of the direct realisation of God, could not in any way appease the spiritual needs of the people. The high position which the Brāhmaṇa priests had so far occupied could no longer be maintained.
The Kșatriyas had now gained predominance. Some of them were great philosophers. Even the learned Brāhmaṇas used to approach them for seeking higher learning. Mention may be made in this connection of the royal philosophers like Pravāhaņa Jaibāli, Janaka and Ajātaśatru.22
Moreover, it was not possible for the common folks to perform such a costly and complicated rituals and sacrifices of the VedicUpanişadic ages. Existing Brāhmaṇical religion, thus, gradually had lost all spontaneity, and it, as a rule, was considered the monopoly of the Brāhmaṇas and the affluent people in India at that time.
It is necdless to point out that the Vedic rituals were not totally ignored in this age of reason and higher learning, The theology,
ntained in the late Vedic literature was still current. Mystic significance was attached to the Vedic rituals and sacrifices. An elaborate description of the Vedic rituals can be found in the Srauta Sūtras and the Grhja Sūtras. Contemporary rulers, viz., king Prasenjit of Kośala and Udayana of Kauśāmbi, were believers in the efficacy of Vedic rituals. The two tendencies apparent in most religions, those of philosophical speculation and ritualism, had assumed great complexity. Vedic ritual still persisted, though the outer forms had been adjusted to contemporary needs. The

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sacrifice remained an important part of the ritual, though its practice was restricted to the twice-born castes, the priests and aristocrats and on occasion to the affluent members of the commercial class. The other tendency that of philosophical speculation, which had its roots, in the Rgva da itself, led gradually to the rise of a number of sects each seeking an explanation of the universe by a different method or a combination of different methods. The most important among these sects were the Buddhists, the Ājivikas, and the Nirgranthas or the Jainas.
The common folk used to worship trees in the form of VỊkșa devatās, the Nāgas (the serpent-worship), the Yakşas and the
as. The ancient literature contains abundant references o their worship. The Nägas were worshipped both in the form of serpents and human being. The first is called Sarpavigrala. Generally females desiring children used to worship such images in the form of cobras. The human form, known as Mānavarigraha, had usually the figure of a male or female having the serpent hoods on the back of the head.
From the Buddhists and Jaina literatures we learn that Yakşacult had a wide popularity in northern India. We read about the names of such powerful Yakşas as Umabaradatta, Surambara, Manibhadra, Bhandira, Sūlapāņi Supriya, Ghanţika and Puranabhadra. Similarly we come across such names of the Yakşinis as Kunti, Națā, Bhattā, Revati; Tamasuri, Lokā, Mekhalā, Alikā, Bendā, Maghā, Timisikā, etc.-3 People were afraid of them and used to pay homage to these so called semi-divine figures. Barring these so-called semi-divine figures for the common people i.e. the villagers, the peasants, the craftsman and the tradesman, there was a great variety of popular magic to which they might have resorted for comfort, guidance, peace of mind, protection from evil, and so on.
Another interesting characteristic which was current in this part of India during the period under review was the prevalence of a number of superstitious beliefs. We read about the following kinds of animistic hocuspocus followed by the people of the region especi: lly of Madhyadeśa. A list of these magical practices is given in one of the discourses of the Buddha.4 They are described by the Buddha as 'low arts and are of the kind practised by certain of the Brāhmaṇas and Sramanas. They jncluded such activities as "palmistry, divination of all sorts, auguries drawn

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from the celestial phenomena, prognostications by interpretation of dreams, auguries drawn from marks on cloth gnawed by mice, sacrifices to Agni, it is characteristic to find these in such company -oblations of various sorts to gods, determining lucky sites, repeating charms, laying ghosts, spake charming, using similar arts on other beasts and birds, astrology, the power of prophecy, incantations, oracles, consulting gods through a girl possessed or by means of mirrors, worshipping the Great One invoking Siri (the goddess of luck), vowing vows to gods, muttering charms to cause virility or impotence, consecrating sites, and more of the same kind."25 Buddha vehemently opposed these practices. And that such practices are forbidden to members of his order is emphasized in a number of places. “You are not, O bhikkhus, to learn or to teach the low arts of divination, spells, omens, astrology, sacrifices to gods, witchcraft and quackery, the Buddha is reputed to have charged the members of the Order '26 In another place, while giving answer to the question of how a member of the Buddhist order is to achieve perfection and be entirely unattached to any worldly thing, the Buddha lists the many requirements; one of these is as follows ---"Let him not use Atharva Vedic spells, nor things foretell from dreams or signs or stars; let not my follower predict from cries, cure barrenness, nor practise quackery."27 To the Jaina followers these practices were unacceptable too.
Thus we find that people had faith in magic rituals and mystic utterances. The Vedic gods-Indra, Agni, etc. were still worshipped. But side by side the worship of VỊkșa devatā (tree deity), Yakşas, Nāgas and Asuras was also fairly popular. At that time there was also widespread belief in numerous evil spirits, ogres, goblins and the like. These were thought of as acting capriciously and at random, and mostly in ways that were inimical to human welfare.
Thus from the religious perspective the entire social structure can be identified with the three major areas first, there was the sacrificial cult of the hereditary priestly class, the Brāhmaṇas; secondly, there was the vast range of popular cults and beliefs of the ordinary people, mostly villagers, who constituted the majority of the population; and thirdly, there was the variety of ideas and practices expounded by various eminent religious teachers, both Brāhmaṇical and non-Brāhmaṇical, who were known Sramaņas, the forerunner of the organized Parivrăjaka sects, propagating collectively differ

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ent faiths.
It is against this background that the history of the contemporary religious schools should be read. The experience of social change and sufferings is, as pointed out by Toynbee, 28 connected with the quest of new pathways in religion and philosophy. Among the contemporaries heretical teachers who were also influenced and inspired by the wave of dissatisfaction with the system of orthodox Brāhmaṇism as well as the ruthless political and unhealthy socioeconomic conditions of the period, the following names mentioned in the Pāli canons are worth-noting.
(a) Pūrņa Kassapa, a senior contemporary of the Buddha and Mahāvira, known by the appellation of ahetuvādin, 29 is said to have claimed omniscience.30 Buddhaghoşal speaks of that Kassapa came to be known by his name from the fact that his birth completed (pūrņa) one hundred slaves in a certain household. In the Digha-nikāya,32 the teacher while explaining his philosophy said that there is neither merit nor demerit in any kind of action. The doctrine is based on Akiriyāvāda or the theory of non-action in which the soul does not act and the body alone acts. B.M. Baruaa3 considers it as Adhiccasamuppannikavāda, i.e., things happen fortuitiously without any cause or condition; while Silanka, a Jaina commentator, speaks of its resemblance with that of the Sankhya system.34 But N. Dutta thinks otherwise: “It would be wide of the mark if we say Kassapa's teaching is the same as that of Sankhya, though it holds that Purusa is only an onlooker, an inactive agent, the functioning factor being the praksti."35 In fact, the doctrine of Kassapa is so peculiar that we cannot come across any similarity to the six systems of Indian philosophy.
(b) Makkhali Gośāla was at first a follower of Jainism of the Pārsvanātha tradition. As he was not appointed a gañadhara in Nigantha Nātaputta's order, he left the Jaina Sangha and founded another sect called Ajivika.36 He was a naked ascetic. Pāṇini, the noted grammarian, describes him as Maskarin as he always carries a bamboo staff.37 According to Buddhaghoşa, Makkhali Gośāla was once employed as a servant. One day while carrying an oil pot along a muddy road, he slipped and fell through carelessness although warned thus by his master: må khali (stumble not). Hence he is called Makkhali. He was designated Gośāla because he was born in a cow-shed.38 This school is known by some as ahetukaditthi or akiriyāditthi,39 while the others designate it as

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Ajñānavāda.40 He was, however, a prophet of Niyativāda (fatalism), according to which—“There is neither cause nor basis for the sins of living beings; they become sinful without cause or basis.
here is no deed performed either by oneself or by others (which can affect one's future births), no human action, no strength, no courage, no human endurance or human prowess (which can affect one's destiny in this life). All beings, all that have breath, all that are born, all that have life are without power, strength, or virtue, but are developed by destiny, chance and nature, and experience, joy and sorrow in the six classes of existence. Salvation, in his opinion, can be attained only by death and existence which are unalterably fixed (niyati). Suffering and happiness, therefore, do not depend on any cause or effect."41 An elaborate history of the activities and specific norms of the Ajivika Parivrājaka will be dealt at the end in an appendix.
(c) Another popular heretical school that emerged in the eastern horizon of Indian subcontinent was propagated by Ajita Kesakambalin who, being a materialist, denied the existence of good and bad deeds. His philosophy can be compared with the philosophy of Cārvāka.
In the Brahmajala Sütta it is classified as Ucchedavāda, i.e., the doctrine of annihilation after death. The followers of this school believe 'Tam jivan tam sariram', that is, the doctrine of identity of the soul and body. The Cārvākas also conceived similar views-- "There is no after-life, and no reward of actions, as there is neither virtue nor vice. Life is only for enjoyment. So long as it lasts it is needless to think of anything else, as everything will end with death, for when at death the body is burnt to ashes there cannot be any rebirth.'12
As regards the meaning of the term-Kesakam' ali, it is stated that he wore a blanket of human hair, which is described as being the most miserable garment. It was cold in cold wheather, and hot in the hot, foul smelling and uncouth.13 The advocates of this school conceive-“There is no merit in almsgiving; sacrifice or offering; no result or ripening of good or evil deeds. There is no passing from this world to the next." No benefit accrues from the service of father or mother. There is no after-life, and there are no ascetics or Brāhmaṇas who have reached perfection on the right path, and who, having known and experienced this world and the world beyond, publish (their knowledge). Man is formed of the four elements;

Page #27

The Parivrājakas
when he dies earth returns to the aggregate of earth, water to water, fire to fire, and air to air, while the senses vanish into space. Four men with the bier take up the corpse; they gossip (about the dead man) at the burning ground, (where) his bones turn the colour of a dove's wing, and his sacrifices end in ashes. They are fools who preach almsgiving, and those who maintain the existence (of immaterial categories) speak vain and lying nonsense. When the body dies both fool and wise alike are cut off and perish. They do not survive after death."45 The argument adduced above is a clear expression of materialism, and its author (i.e. Ajita Kesakambalin) must have been considered as the forerunner of the later Cārvākas. It is also called Lokāyatavāda. Tajjiyatacchariravāda held practically the same view with Nästikavāda only with this difference that while latter denies altogether the existence of the soul the former admits it, but the logical end of both the views would be exactly the same. 46
(d) Pakudha Kaccāvana whose theory is classified as both Akiriyavāda and Sässatavāda in the Brahmajala-sutta, was another Lokā. yata teachero7 advocating that good or bad deeds do not affect the elements which are eternal. Buddhaghoṣa states that Pakudha Kaccāyana did not use cold water, using always hot water. Even he did not wash, when hot water was not available. If he crossed a stream he would consider it as a sin, and would make expiation by constructing a mound of earth. According to Pakudha Kaccāyana, the elementary categories, seven in number, are neither made nor ordered, neither caused nor constructed; they are barren, as firm as mountains, as stable as pillars. They neither move nor develop; they do not injure one another, and one has no effect on the joy, or on the sorrow, or on the joy and sorrow of another. "What are the seven? The bodies of earth, of water, of fire, and of air, and joy and sorrow, with life as the seventh.”:49 No man slays or causes to slay, hears or causes to hear, knows or causes to know. Even if a man cleaves another's head with a sharp sword. he does not take life, for the sword-cut merely passes through the seven elements.50
(e) Nigantha Nātaputta: The teaching ascribed to Nigantha Nātaputta is rather vague. On the basis of the Jaina canonical texts Jacobi51 has pointed out that while it is not an accurate description of the Jaina creed it contains nothing alien to it. We may accept the identification of Nigamsha with Vardhamana

Page #28

Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
Mahāvīra, the twenty-fourth Tīrthankara of Jainism. A close scrutiny of the teachings and tenets propounded by Nigantha reveals considerable semblances with the doctrines and tenets of the Jainas. It is described in the text that a Niganțha is surrounded by the barrier of fourfold restraint. How is he surrounded? He practises restraint with regard to waier, he avoids all sin, by avoiding sin, his sins are washed away and he is filled with the sense of all sins avoided. (Sabba-vāri-yuto ti sabbena pāpa-väranena yutto. Sabba-vāri-dhuto ti Sabbena. Pāpa-vāraņona dhuto-pāpo. Sabba. vāri-phuţtho ti Sabbena. Pāpa-vāraṇena Phuttho).62 The text further goes on to state that “... So surrounded by the barrier of fourfold restraint his mind is perfected, controlled and firm (Gatatto ti Kotippatta-citto).63
(f) Sañjaya Belaţthiputta is regarded to be the preacher of Ajñānavāda or agnosticism. He is said to have the preceptor of the elders Sāriputta and Moggallāna before they were converted to Buddhism.54 Sañjaya along with Moggallāna is also mentioned in the Jaina literature as Jaina-muni.55 According to Buddhaghosa a certain wanderer named Supriya was a disciple of Sañjaya Parivrajaka, i.e. Sañjaya the wanderer.56 Regarding his doctrine, he says that if you asked me, "Is there another world? and if I believed that there was, I should tell you so. But that is not what I say. I do not say that is so; I do not say that it is otherwise; I do not say that it is not so; nor do I say that it is not so....”57 A.L. Basham thinks that the passage ascribed to Sañjaya Belaţthiputta is probably satirical, a tilt at agnostic teachers who were unwilling to give a definite answer to any metaphysical question put to them."58 B.M. Barua, on the other hand, believes that "the statement of Sañjaya represents a doctrine which was held in good faith by a school of Pyrrhonists."59 It may, however, be noted in this connection that the Jaina theory of Syādvāda is to some extent influenced by the teaching of Sañjaya.
Each of these teachers has been described as the leader of an order (gamino gaņācariyo), as being well-known (ñāta), famous (yasassino), the founder of a sect (titthakāro), respected as a saint by many people (sūdhiusammato bahu janassa), a homeless wanderer of long standing (cirapabbājito). and advanced in years (vayonupatta). They may be considered as the philosophers or theologians in the modern sense.61 But the doctrines of these schools, as propounded by A.L. Basham, are "to be treated very cautiously; for

Page #29

The Parivrājakas
it is evident that the authors had but a limited knowledge of the teachings of the heretics, and what knowledge they had was warped by odium theologicum."62
Barring these six heretical schools of thought, there were other 'heretic' or 'heterodox' philosophical schools outside the pale of Brāhmaṇism in that period. Besides, the Buddhist and Jaina sources, the Upanişads.63 especially the later Māņduk ya-kārikā, 64 the Pāñcarātra Sanhitā,65 etc., also bear enough materials which refer to, besides the atheists, pseudo-ascetics, Kāpālikas and followers of Bịhaspati, those doctrinaires who proclaim Kalayāda (time), Svabhāvavāda (nature), Niyativāda (fate), Yadịcchāvāda (chance), Bhūtavāda (elements) as also Prāņa (life-force), Guņas (qualities), Diśaḥ (space), Manas (mind), Buddhi (intellect), and so forth as their first principles. The Buddhist texts refer to two main classes of intellectual movements-(i) those that speculate on the first beginnings of things (Pubbanta-Kappika) and (ii) those that speculate about the future goal of creation (Aparānta-Kappika). The former consisted of four kinds of Sāssatavāda (eternalists), four kinds of Ekacca-Sassatavāda (partial eternalists), four kinds of Antānantikā (limitists and unlimitists), four kinds of Amarāvikkhepikā (evasive disputants) and two kinds of Adhiccasamuppanikā (fortuitous originists); while the latter one consisted of sixteen kinds of Saññivāda (upholders of conscious soul after death', eight kinds of Asaññivāda (upholders of unconscious soul after death), eight kinds of Nevasaññināsuññivāda (upholders of neither conscious nor unconscious soul after death), seven kinds of Uchhedavāda (annihilationists and five kinds of Diţghadhammanibbānavāda (believers in the attainment of Nibbāna in this life).€6 All these doctrines have been described by the Buddhists as wrong and misleading (micchādiţthi) and they are refuted by Buddhaghoșa,67 and by Nāgārjuna and Candrakirti. 68
The Jaina texts, on the other hand, speak of 363 philosophical views which were current in that period which was an age of acute intellectual upheaval in the cultural history of India. These views were grouped into four main schools, viz., Kriyāvāda, Akriyāvāda, Ajñinavāda and Vinayarāda. The first two schools are again classified into 180 and 84 varieties, while the last two into 67 and 32 forms. Most of the schools belonging to the Buddhist Publānta and Aparānta Kappikas correspond to the various groups of the Akriyavādins mentioned in the Jaina texts.

Page #30

14
Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
In this connection we may note the account of the Sandaka-Sutta of the Majjhima-nikaya" where the bhikkhu Ananda describes to the wanderer Sandaka the four 'antitheses to the higher life' (abrahmacariyavāsā):
(a) The materialist teacher who denies the existence of an afterlife;
(b) The antinomian-a repetition of Pūraṇa's doctrine; (c) The fatalist-repeating the teachings of Makkhali; and (d) The atomist-repeating the atomic theory of Pakudha.
Ananda then describes the four 'comfortless vocations' (anassāsikāni brahmacariyāni):
(a) The teacher claiming omniscience;
(b) The traditionalist:
(c) The rationalist; and (d) The sceptic.
All these doctrines were, directly or indirectly, concerned with death and annihilation, or with fear, frustration and helplessness. They believed that all human actions and endeavours were fruitless. They found no discrepancy between merit and demerit, between violence and non-violence. Ajita Keśakambalin could not distinguish between the fool and the wise, for both were doomed to death, and Sanjaya kept himself mum since the deeply ingrained faiths behind the ideas were all uprooted; and Gośāla, being a fatalist, professed that human activity could do nothing to change the course of events. In fact, the entire philosophical or religious world in eastern India was in a state of anarchy. No systematic or methodical schools of philosophy and religion emerged due to precarious atmosphere which was not congenial to the creation of any religious school with an organised system of practice and doctrine. It was an age of intellectual restlessness and the consequent craving for a new method of attaining serenity was perceptible. And the mendicant bearing a staff, of whatever class or order wandering from place to place advocates: Mākṛta karmāņi mā kṛta karmāņi śāntirvaḥ śreyasītyāhāto Maskarī Parivrājakaḥ,"
It shows that the wandering class roaming from place to place propounded for peace which was most essential need of the time

Page #31

The Parivrajakaś
and the wandering ascetics filled the need. "In fact, India at the time of the emergence of the heterodox sects seems to have been in a state of theological anarchy, mitigated only by orthodox Brāhmanism which was by no means satisfying to the best minds of the times."72 Similar trend of anarchy and restlessness in the field of religious environment also prevailed in the Roman Empire, when many people had lost their implicit faith in traditional varieties, and were ready to support any new cult which offered a more plausible and attractive system of belief. In Rome the changing spiritual requirements were met in large measure by mystery cults imported from the East.73
Finally, it should be noted that religious doctrines and philosophical beliefs were extremely diverse in the age of the c. sixth-fifth centuries BC which was undoubtedly an age of acute intellectual upheaval in the religious history of India. The history of the Parivrājaka sects, both the Brahmaṇical and the non-Brāhmaṇical Parivrājakas, were taught within the same geographical orbit in its earlier stage during the same historical period, a mutual ideological influence was inevitable. The wandering of the Buddha, or of the Mahāvīra, etc. for years after years in search of enlightenment also would have brought them into contact with each others' dogmas. One's ideal and activities threw immense impact on others. Doctrinal parities and ritualistic semblances are not at all lacking among the different Brāhmaṇical and non-Brāhmaṇical Parivrajaka sects of the period under review.
REFERENCES
'Sir Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit English Dictionary, p. 602. Nirukta, 1.14; II.8.
RV, X.109.4; 154 2; V1 5.4; Br. Up. IV, 4.22; Chan. Up, II.23.1.
'S. Dutt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, hereafter (BMMI), p. 42. G.S. Ghurye, Indian Sadhus, pp. 96ff.
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 159.
"P. Jash, 'Buddhist Parivrajaka: Genesis and Early History', Proceedings of the Fifth World Sanskrit Conference, 1981, Beneras, pp. 535ff. R. Thapar (Ancient Indian Social History, pp. 63f) has tried to show 'that the organized groups of renouncers of the post-Vedic period were neither negating the society to which they belonged nor trying to radically alter it: but rather that they were seeking to establish a parallel society."
'S.B. Deo, History of Jaina Monachism, pp. 159, 249.

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Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
Chan. Up., VII.26.2; N. Dutt, Early Monastic Buddhism, hereafter (EMB), I, pp. 17ff.
1°The rules about the keeping of hair varied among the different sects. The Jațilas as the name signified kept matted hair; the Niganțhas had the hair pluck. ed out, while as the term Mundaka shows, the prevalent practice was to shave the head periodically (Vaśiştha, X-6).
This rule very likely applies to the Parivrājakas in general. is. Dutt, BMMI, pp. 72-73. "Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 159; N. Dutt, EMB, p. 31. 18N.C. Bandopadhyaya, Economic Life and Progress in Ancient India, pp. 254ff; 285; Romila Thapar, 'Ethics, Religion, and Social Protest', op. cit., pp. 43ff.
14R.S. Sharma, Das Kapital Centenary Volume, pp. 63ff. 15H.C. Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, pp. 85ff.
16 Kośala had annexed Käsi, and now Magadha swallowing Anga, captured Kośala, and ultimately hostilities arose between Magadha and Avanti in which Magadha became supreme.
17 Vidūdabha attacked the Sākyas, and Ajātasatru the Licchavis.
18 It is suggested by some scholars that the reason for the decline of the ganarajyas was “The development of private as against tribal property, following conquest over aboriginal populations and the development of the tribal into an oligarchy". JBBRAS, 1951, p. 186.
18 Toynbee, A Study of History, III, pp. 270ff. 20H. Oldenberg, Buddha, p, 64.
*Some of the Ksatriya kings, instead of employing Brāhmaṇa teachers, were now themselves importing education their sons. In the Gamani Canda Jataka (II.257) we are informed about a king wh taught his son the Vedas and the worldly knowledge, "tayo vedo sabbam ca loke kattabbam".
22 Br. Up., VI 1.3; Chån. Up. V.3.1.
33Moti Chandra, 'Some Aspects of the Yaksha Cult', Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, 1954, pp. 43ff; AK. Coomaraswamy, Yakşas.
2'Brahmajala Sütta, 21; Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. 1, pp. 16ff. 25 Rhys Davids, Buddhist India. pp. 143-44. 38 Vinaya-Pitaka, SBE, XX, p. 152. 37 Sutta-nipita, 927. 18 Toynbee, Civilisation on Trial. 20SN, III.60, V.126; AN., III.383. 30 AN, IV.428.
21SV, 1.142.
82DN, 1.52. 38B.M. Barua, Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p. 279. 34 Sü. Kr., I.1.12.15.V, p. 209. 36N. Dutt. EMB, 1, p. 35. 36 Bhāva Sangraha, 175-79. 37 Patanjali, Mahābhäşya, 5.1.154. 38 SV, 1.166ff. 3*MV, I, 513; Milindapanha, 4-5. 40 Sū.Kr , 1.127, Darśanasara, 176.
DN, I, 53ff; A.L. Basham, History and Doctrines of the Ajisikas, hereafter (HDA), pp 13-14.

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The Parivrājakaś
17
U
.
42S.N. Dasgupta, History of Indian Philosophy, hereafter (HIP), vol. I, pp. 78-80.
43 Digha-nikāya Attakathā (Sumangala-Vilasini), I 144; Majjhima nikaya Attakathā (Papañcasudan), 1.42:-23.
"SV, 1.165. 45DN, 1.55; A.L. Basham, HDA, p. 15. 4A.C. Sen, Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature, p. 23.
*?According to S.N. Dasgupta (HIP, vol. I, p. 78, fn. 2) “Lokāyata (liserary, that which is found among the people in general) seems to have been the name by which all Cârvāka doctrines were generally known,"
49 Digha-nikaya- Attakathā (Sumangala-Vilasini), 1.144; it is also stated elsewhere (1.168) of the same text that the Niganțhas do not use cold water as living beings exist therein.
"Katamo satta? Pathavi-kayo apo-kaya toja-kaye vayo-kayo sukho dukkho jivo-sattamo ...." DN, I, p. 56.
50 Ibid., I, p. 56. In the Sū. Kr., II, 1.10, 280ff. (SBE, XLV, II, 1.20-4) a fiveelement theory is outlined in the similar terms. cf. A.L. Basham, HDA, p. 16.
5 Jacobi, Introduction to Jaina Sūtras, pt. II, SBE, XLV, PP. XX-xxi. 52 Buddhaghoşa's Sumangala-vilasini, I, p. 168. 5a1bid. 54 Vinaya-Pitaka, I, 42, 391.
65 Amitagati Sravakacara, 6. HSV, I, p. 35.
5DN, X, p. 58. 68A.L. Basham, HDA, p. 17. 59B.M. Barua, op. cit., pp. 325ff. 6Digha-nikāya, Sāmāññaphala-sutta, I, pp. 47ff. *B.M. Barua, op. cit., pp. 275ff. 62A.L. Basham, HDA, p. 10.
63 Svetäśvatara Up., 1.2; VI.ff; Maitrāyani Up., VI, pp. 14ff; VI.20; XV, pp. 8ff.
64 Mânduk ya-Kārikā, 1.7-9; X.30.28. 45 Ahirbudhnya-samhita, ed F.O. Schroder, Madras, 1916. 66N. Dutt, EMB, p. 37.
67 SV, 1, p. 102. & Madhyamika-Vrtti; N. Dutt, EMB, pp. 37-38. $*A.C. Sen, op. cit., pp. 29ff. 70 MN, 1, pp. 513ff; A.L. Basham, HDA, pp. 18ff. ?! Patañjali (Mahābhāsya) on Pāṇini's Sūtra VI.1.154.
Similar type of concept is also reflected from the writings of Vamana who has stated that 'an ascetic, being habitually inactive, is called maskarin, from his denial of Karma. He says 'don't perform actions, ... iti. Vāmana and Jayāditya, Käśikā, ed. Bālaśästri, 2nd edition, Beneras, 1898, p. 522.
72A.L, Basham, HDA, p. 100. 73Ibid., p. 96.

Page #34

CHAPTÉR TWO
Twenty-Four Tirthankaras and Their
Activities and Teachings
Jainism is one of the few religious systems whose distinctive history can be traced in centuries before the Christian era. According to Jair a belief, it is both eternal and universal. It is open to all beings. Traditionally twenty-four tirthankarasi who are credited with the formation of this faith appear ia every kalpa (cycle). Representing an institution of thought for attaining summum bonum as concomitant of the cessation of rebirth, the twenty-four tirthankaras of the Avasarpiņi-kalpa, i e., the present era, made individual contributions in the field of philosophy and religion.
With the attainment of kevala-jñāra or absolute knowledge, the tirthankaras were also designated as kevalins. Heinrich Zimmer nicely explained the characteristic concept of kevalin:
“The noun kevalin, furthermore, is a term used specially to denote the Jaina saint or tirthankara. Cleansed of karmic matter, and thereby detached from bondage, this perfect one ascends in complete isolation to the summit of the universe. Yet, though isolated, he is all pervading and endowed with omniscience; for since his essence has been relieved of qualifying individualizing features, it is absolutely unlimited. Referring to the tirthankara and his condition, the word kevalin thus expresses the two meanings of 'isolated, exclusive, alone', and 'whole, entire, absolute', both being ideas pertaining to the sphere of beatitude in perfection. This is strongly suggestive of the mystic teaching of Plotinus that the final stage in the mystic way is 'the flight of the Alone to the Alone”."
It is an erroneous impression cherished by some scholars that Mahavira was the founder of Jainism. But this is far from truth, since, according to different Indian traditions recorded in the Jaina, Buddhist and Brāhmaṇical texts, there were twenty-three more

Page #35

Twenty-Four Tírthařkaras and Their Activities and Teachings
19
tīrthankaras, before him, each appearing with a span of few centuries from his predecessors.
Some scholars doubt the historicity of these tirthařkaras, except the last two, i.e. of Pārśva and Mahāvira. Pārsva's predecessor Arişțanemi or Neminātha is said to have connected with the legend of Krşņa as his relative. He is said to have died 84,000 years before Mahāvīra's nirvāņa. Similarly, Pārsva, the son of the ruler of Kāśi, lived and preached his religion about 250 years before Mahavira, i.e. in the (c. eighth century BC) and his teachings were contiguous to the teachers about self-abjugation, known in Bihar during his time.
In spite of its remote antiquity Jainism first flourished as an organised and methodical form of religious creed in eastern India in the sixth century BC. Mahāvīra, like Basava of the Vira-Saivas or the Lingāyats in Karnataka, gave the real shape of a religion. He claims no originality for his doctrine. He reformulated the system which already existed and there were other followers of Pārśva even before Mahāvīra became a 'Jina' and main spokesman for the Nirganthas as the Jainas were known by that term in the sixth century BC. Mahavira, however, more heavily emphasized the ascetic rules for the monks than had Pārsva. Mahāvīra may have noted the moral laxities found in contemporary monks whether Jaina, Buddhist or Ajivika. He set an unusually high standard of ascetic morality which has led to regard him as an originator of this system of philosophy and rel gion.
Again, if we think of them in the historical probability of a 'succession of teachers', we can come to the definite conclusions that outside the pale of Vedic culture and religion especially in eastern India the pre-Vedic and non-Vedic ideas had a long tradition of continuity. We have already pointed out that there were persons believing in different faiths and institutions fighting for the cause of their survival and development and that some of the pre Vedic ideas and practices were revived by the Buddha, Mahāvira and other in the reformistic movements, launched by them. Jacobi's observation in this connection is worth noting --"These particulars about the religion of the Jainas previous to the reform of Mahāvīra are so matter of-fact like, that it is impossible to deny that the may have been handed down by a trustworthy tradition."" These tirthankaras belonging to a community later on known as the Parivrājakas wandered from one place to other along with their

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Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
followers, and propounded their respective views on religion and philosophy.
To the Jainas all the tirthankaras after attaining nirrāņa are treated by them as gods. Jacobi thus points out that “All tirthankaras have reached nirvāņa at their death. Though being released from the world, they neither care for nor have any influence on worldly affairs, they have nevertheless become the object of worship and are regarded as the 'gods' (deva) by the Jainas; temples are erected to them where their idols are worshipped. The favourite tirthinkaras are the first and the three last ones, but temples of the remaining ones are also met with. The worship of the idols of the tīrthankaras is already mentioned in some canonical books, but no rules for their worship are given; it was, however, already in full sway in the first century of our era, as evidenced by the Paumacariya, the oldest Prākļt-kāvju of the Jainas, and by the statues of tīrthankaras found in ancient sites, e.g., in the Kaňkāli mound at Mathura which belongs to this period."
It may be recalled that twenty out of twenty-four tirthankaras from Rsabhanātha to Mahavira attained their nirvana on the crest of the Sameta-śikhara (Samādhi-sekhara) in the Pareśa-nātha hill in the Hazaribagh district, Bihar.' Eastern India, particularly Bihar and Bengal, was the cradle in which the Jaina tīrthařkaras staged the entire drama of their career. The boundary of their activities gradually expanded itself with the progress of time so as to include Orissa, Assam and some portions of upper Gangetic valley. The Jaina canonical texts like the Kalpa-sūtra and the Samavāyānga provide adequate information regarding the religious performance of some of these tirthankaras, viz., Rşabhanātha, Neminātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra. For a proper understanding of the subsequent investigation, a list of the twenty-four tirtharkaras of this age alongwith their parentage, birthplace, lāñchana, Ganadhara, Yakşa and Yakşini, etc., is given in a tabular form on pp. 22-25.
The tabulation shows that each and every one of the tirthankaras has a discriminative symbol or lāñchana for himself, and this is always found on Jaina icons representing them, i.e. the symbol of Pārsva is a hooded snake, and that of Mahāvīra a lion. The Jaina canonical texts are full of eviderces about the name of the twenty-four tiriharikaras in the order in which they appeared and about their life-span, sometimes their activities as well as teachings. Of course, there are certain accounts relating to the longevity of

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Twenty-Four Tirthankaras and Their Activities and Teachings
the tirthankaras but these are in no way acceptable except the last two, as authentic. For example, Rṣabha, the first tirthankara is believed to have lived for 8,400,000 years (one purva year is considered to be equivalent to 70,560,000,000 years); twenty-second tirthankara, Nemi, for 1000 years; the twenty-third, Pärśvanatha, for 100 years and the last one, Mahavira, for 72 years.10
An outline of the biographies of some of the tirthankaras would be presented with adequate consideration from the outlook of history.
21
ṚSABHANATHA
Rṣabhanatha, also known as Adinatha, is said to be the first tirthankara of the present era. In his previous birth he was a god in Sarvärthasiddhi (a celestial world), and was conceived by Merudevi, the wife of Nabhi, the seventh kulakara (the patriarchs).11 This epoch as well as his birth were celebrated by gods with eclat, and equally so were his marriage and coronation. He was married to Sumangalā, his own twin sister and Sunanda whose brother (born as a twin) had died in childhood.12 The Jaina text mentions his hundred sons including Bharata.13 It is believed that he renounced his kingdom in favour of his sons and embraced the life of an ascetic. He is credited to have taught seventy two arts (bavattarim kalao) to men and sixty-four to women. The beginnings of human civilisation are associated with him.14 The Vedas 5 and the Purāṇas also speak of him. Rṣabha, king of Kośala, after deep and prolonged meditation received the highest knowledge called kevala.
He had an excellent community of 84,000 śramaņas, 300,000 nuns and other lay votaries. It is recorded in the Avaśyakaniryukti17, a work written after the first century AD, that Ṛṣabha in course of his wanderings visited countries like Jonaga and Suvanṇabhūmi. He like Mahavira had to suffer a lot in the hands of people,18 while he visited the places like Konka, Venka, Kutaka and south Karṇātaka.19
A reference to a king of Ayodhya named Rṣabha is found in the Rāmāyaṇa.20 It is indeed tempting to identify this Rṣabha with the first Jaina tirthankara since both are connected with Ayodhya. But it will be hazardous to draw any conclusion in this regard depend

Page #38

SI. No.
1
Name
2
1. Rṣabhanatha/ Adinatha
2. Ajitanatha
3. Sambhavanatha
4. Abhinandana
5. Sumatinātha
6. Padmaprabha
7. Supărśvanatha
8. Candraprabha
9. Suvidhinatha/ Puspadanta
10. Šītalanatha
11. Sreyāṁśanatha/ Sreyasa
12. Vāsupūjya

Parents
3
Nābhirāja by Merudevi
Jitaśatru by Vijayamātā
Jitari by Senāmātā
Sambararāja by Siddhartha
Śridhara by Susimā
Mahāsenarāja by Lakṣmaṇā
THE JAINA TIRTHANKARAS
Birthplace! place of dikṣā
Megharaja by Ayodhya Mangala
Sugrivarāja by Rāmārāņi
Dridharatha
rāja by Nanda
4
Vinittanagari Golden
in Kośala and Purimatala
Ayodhyā
Śrävasti
Ayodhya
Kausambi
Comple- Vimana or Vähana
xion
Vişnurāja by Simhapura Viṣṇā
5
Vasupujya by Campapuri Jaya

Golden
Golden
Golden
Golden
6
Pratistharaja Vărăņas! Golden Madhyama
by Prithvi
graiveka
Sarvatha
siddha
Vijaya
vimāna
Uvarimagari
veka
Red (rakta)
Jayanta
vimåna
Candrapura White Vijayanta
(subhra/
dhavala)
Kanaṇḍina- White Anantagari (subhral devaloka dhavala) Bhadrapura Golde Acyuta(Bhadiladevaloka
pura)
Jayantavimāna
Red
Uvarima(rakta) graiveka
Golden Acyuta
devaloka
Pranata devaloka

Page #39

AT A GLANCE
Läuachana (cognizance)
7
Balada Vrşa (the bull)
Hasti/Gaja (the elephant)
Asval (the horse) Ghoḍā
Vānara (the
ape) Kapi/ Plavaga
Krauñca (the
curlew)
Padma/Abja Kamala (a lotus)
Brahmani (the
red-goose, accor
ding to the Digam
baras)
Svastika
Candra/Sasi (moon)
Makara
Śrīvatsa figure Śrī Vrksa, (according to the Digam
baras
Digambaras) Mahişi (female buffalo)
Dikṣā
Vrksa

Prayāla
Bodhi tree Pundarika
vata (ban
yan tree)
Śāla
8
Priyamgu
Śāla
Chatra
Širişa
Någa tree
Śāla
First Gaṇadhara
Priyamgu
Simhasena
Căru
9
Carama
Vidirbha
Dinna
Vajranabha Ajită
Varahaka
Nanda
Ganda (the rhino- Tanduka- Kasyapa
ceros) Garuda ac
tree
cording to the
First Arya
10
Pradyotana Rati
Brahmi Gomukha, Cakreśvari
Phalgu
Mahayakşa, Ajitabalā (Rohini according to the Digambaras)
Syāmā Trimukha, Duritāra (prañjapati, according to the Digambaras)
Attendant Spirits Yakṣa & Yakşini
Kasyapi Tumburu, Mahākāli (Puruşadattă, according to the Digambaras)
Somā
11
Kusuma, Śyāmā (Manovegā or Manogupti according to the Digambaras)
Matanga, Santā (Varanandi, Kali according to the Di, ambaras) Sumana Vijaya, Bhṛkuți, (Śyāma, Jvälāmalini, according to the Digambaras) Ajita, Sutārakā (Mahākāli or Ajita according to the Digambaras) Brahma, Aśokā (Mānavi, according to the Digam. baras)
Vāruņi
Sujasā
Nayaka, Kalikä (Yakşeśvara & Vajraśṛńkhalā according to the Digambaras)
Dharani Yakşet, Manavi, (Iśvara, Gauri according to the Digambaras)

Patala (Bag- Subhuma Dharaṇī Kumāra, Canda (Gandhari, according to the Digambaras)
nonia Sua
veolens)

Page #40

Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
1
2
5
13. Vimalanātha
Kampilyapura Golden
Kstavarmarāja by Syāmā
Mahāsāradeyaloka
Ayodhyā
Golden
14. Anantajit
Anantanātha
Simbasena by Suyasa
Prāņathadevaloka
15. Dharmanātha
Ratnapuri
Golden Vijayavimāna
Bhanurāja by Suvrita
16. śāntinātha
Golden
Visvasena by Acirā
Gajapura) Hastinapuri
Sarvārthasiddha
17. Kunthunātha
Gajapura
Golden
Sūrarăja ty Śrīrāņi Sudarśana by Devirāni
Sarvărthasiddha Sarvārthasiddh
18. Aranātha
Gajapura
Golden
19. Mallinātha
Kumbharāja by Mathură Prabhāvati
Blue (nila)
Jayantadevaloka
20. Munisuvrata/
Muni/Suvrata
Sumitrarāja by Rājagsha Padmāvati
Black Aparājita(śyāmai devaloka asita) Yellow Pränata
devaloka
Mathurā
21. Naminātha)
Nimi/Nimeśvara
Vijayarāja by Viprārāņi
Black
22. Neminátha/
Ariştanemi
Samudravijaya by Sivādevi
Sauripu, a & Ujjinta (Girnar)
Aparājitadevaloka
23. Pārsvanatha
Blue (nila)
Pränatadevaloka
Yellow
24. Mahāvīra/
Vardhamāna
Aśvasenarāja Vārānasi & by Vāmādeyi Sameta
śikhara Siddhārtharāja/ Kundagrāma Śreyāmsa & Rijupālaka Yaśasvin by Trišalā Videhadinna/Priyakāriņi
Pränatadevaloka
*Malli according to Svetāmbaras (Näyādhammakahão, chapter 8) was a woman to which the Digambaras do not agree.

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Twenty-Four Tirthařkaras and Their Activities and Teachings
9
10
11
Varāha/Śūkara Jambu Mandara Dharā Şaņmukha, Viditā, (Vai(a bear) (Eugenia
roti, according to the Jambolana)
Digambaras) Syena (a falcon Aśoka tree Jasa : Padmā Pätāla, Ankusa (AnantaBhallul (a bear (Jonesia
mati, according to the according to the Aśoka)
Digambaras) Digambaras) Vajra (thunder- Dadhiparņa Arista Arthaśiva Kinnara, Kandarpā bolt) tree (Clitoria
(Mānasi, according to ternat?)
the Digambaras) Mļga (an
Nandi Cakrāyu- Suci Garuda, Nirvāni (Kimantelope)
dha
puruşa, Mahāmānasi according to the
Digambaras) Aja/Chāgala Bhilaka Sāmba Dāmini Gandharva, Balā (Vijayā, (a goat) tree
according to Digambaras) Nandyāvarta dia Amra Kuinbha Rakşita Yakşeța, Dhaņā (Kendra gram mīna-the (mango tree)
& Ajitā, according to the Zodiacal pisces
Digambaras) (according to the Digambaras) Kumbham/Kalasal Asoka tree Abhikṣaka Bandhu- Kubera, Dharanapriyā, Ghata (a jar)
mati
Aparājitā (according to
the Digambaras) Kurma (a Campaka Malli Puspavali Varuņa, Naradattā (Bahutortoise) (Michelia
rūpiņi, according to the Champaka)
Digambaras) Nilotpala (blue Bakula Subha Anilă Bhệkuți, Gandhāri or water), Aśoka tree (Mimusupse
Câmundā (according to (according to the lengi)
the Digambaras) Digambaras) Sankha (conch) Vețasa Varadatta Yakşa- Gomedha, Ambikā, (Sar
dinnā vāhana, Kuşmāndini,
according to the
Digambaras) Sarpa (serpent) Dhätaki Aryadinna Puşpa. Parśvayakşa or Dhara(Grislea
cūda
nendra and Padmavati tomentasa) Keśarī, Simha Sāla
Indrabhūti Candra- Mātanga, Siddhayikā (lion).
bala

Page #42

26
Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
ing on such evidence alone. In fact the name Rşabha is found in the Mahābhārata both as king, and as an ascetic. The great epic also refers to a tirtha after the name of Rşabha, which lay in the Ayodhya region, the birth-place of the first tirthankara.23
The Bhāgava ta-purāņa"* gives us a detailed information including the lineage of the first tirthankara of the Jainas, Rşabhanātha. He led a married life for some time and one of his sons was the famous Bharata. A few years later he led an ascetic life having discarded the practice of wearing clothes. Elsewhere the same Purāņa?5 describes that he was initiated into asceticism directly as an Paramaharsa, the highest stage in asceticism. He is also described as an incarnation (avatāra) of Višņu.” It seems that the first Jaina tīrthankara was accepted as an incarnation of Vişnu by the Hindus as early as the time of the composition of this Purāņa,27 if not carlier, probably at the time when the founder of Buddhism, Gautama Buddha, was accepted as an avatāra of the same deity.
It is also to be noted in this connection that the account of the Bhāgavata-purāna about Rsabha's Paramahansa initiation shows the existence of the supreme order of asceticism from the time of inception of this religious order.
Even the antiquity of this tir!hankara, as propounded by some scholars can be surmised from the archaeological evidences too. Thus the kāyotsarga-yoga pose of sitting and standing images engraved on the seals of Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Lothal are identified as Rşabha's images.28 Again if we are to believe the reading of a seal inscription by Pran Nath,29 the prevalence of Jainism at that time is confirmed. However, it is clear that nude images like those of the Digambara Jainas used to be made by the Indus people30 and this goes to establish the greater antiquity of the religious ideas of nudity as held by the Digambara Jainas. Jainism is however, considered as the oldest of non-Aryan group. Zimmer thus opines-“There is truth in the Jaina idea, their religion goe back to the remote antiquity, the antiquity in question being that of the pre-Aryan, so called Dravidian period, which has recently been dramatically disillusioned by the discovery of a series of great Late Stone Age cities in the Indus Valley dating from the third and even perhaps fourth millennium Bc."31
Although Jacobi regarded Pārsvanātha as a historical figure and the founder of Jainism, his further remark relating to this matter is very significant. In his opinion “there is nothing to prove that

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Twenty-Four Tirtharkaras and Their Activities and Teachings
27
Pārsva was the founder of Jainism. Jaina tradition is unanimous in making Rşabha, the first tirthcnkara (its founder)... There may be something historical in the tradition which makes him the first tirthankara."32
As regards the religious activities and historical events in the lives of the tirthankaras right from second to twenty-first our sources of information are conspicuously silent. It is rather unwise to make any assessment on the basis of such meagre and controversial evidences. And so far these evidences are concerned there is, in fact, nothing of importance and significance in their lives, at least, from the historical perspective to be noted.
NEMINĂTHA
The twenty-second tirthankara, Nemi or Aristanemi, is regarded by some scholars as the historical personage, while others treated him as a mythical one. He is referred to in the Pāli literature. The Dhammika-sutta of the Anguttaranikāya speaks of Aranemi as one of the six tirthankaras (sathare tirthankara).33 Nagendranath Vasu in his introduction to the Harivarśa-purāņa argued in favour of the historicity of Lord Nemi.34 He is referred to as a cousin of Lord Kțşņa.35 Nemi, son of Samudravijaya by Sivā was born in Sauripura. Samudravijaya is described as the eldest brother of Vasudeva 3e Neminātha was younger in age than Krsna Vāsudeva, the son of Vasudeva.
The Jaina Harivamsa affords us an interesting episode relating to Nemi's strength, valour and prowess. It is stated that while Krsna was sitting in the council chamber with his relatives and friends, Neminātha appeared there. Krşna rising up from his seat, went forward to welcome him. Neminātha occupied the chair which Krşņa was occupying. Councillors began to discuss among themselves as to who was the strongest person in the world. They mentioned in this connection several names like Bhima, Arjuna, Krşņa, etc., but Baladeva uttered that none was so strong as Neminātha. Hearing this Kļşņa requested the latter to have a trial of strength hrough a wrestling bout with him. Neminātha replied, 'Oh elder brother, if you want to test my strength you try to move my feet from this throne'. Krşņa failed to do so and from that occasion he showed greater regards for him.37 Elsewhere Kļşņa asked his

Page #44

Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
sixteen thousand wives to play with Neminatha in a bower in the forest of Girnar hills.38
28
Neminatha was betrothed to Rajimati, daughter of Ugrasena and sister of Kamsa. It is stated that hearing the piteous cries of a large number of birds and beasts collected for the wedding feast, Nemi refused to marry. He shuddered at this very idea of Rājimati's father and turned back.39 He left the world to perform austerities.40 At the end of a year he took dikṣā and soon attained Omniscience. He founded a tīrtha as is expected of every tirthankara.
PĀRSVANATHA
The twenty-third tirthankara of the Jainas, Pārśvanatha, who flourished 250 years before Mahāvīra or Nigantha Naṭaputta at Benares, the most reputed cultural and religious centre of India from time immemorial, was born to Aśvasena, probably a tribal chief, and queen Vāmā. The Parsvanatha-carita of Bhavadeva Suri (composed in vs 1412) furnishes an exhaustive and vivid description of the history of Parśva. In fact, "the lives of these tirthankaras are found fully worked out both in the Jaina canonical literature and in individual caritras (life sketches) written by various Jaina Gurus."42 He married Prabhāvati13 who was daughter of a king of Ayodhya. At the age of thirty he renounced the world, and within a short period he became omniscient and tirthankara. It is stated in the Jaina texts that "after fasting three and a half days without drinking water, he put on a divine robe and together with 300 men... entered the state of houselessness."44 On the eighty-fourth day of his deep meditation Pärśva reached kevala. Subsequently he had "an excellent community of 16,000 śramaņas with Aryadatta at their head." There were numerous others with separate heads, such as, 38,000 nuns, 164,000 lay-votaries, 327,000 female layvotaries and a few thousands more belonging to the higher grade of religious qualification.45 Keśi is reported to be the famous disciple of Pārsva.40
46
It evidently shows the popularity of the Parivrajaka as well as the Parivrājikā of the Jaina community long before the time of Mahāvira. He is said to have attained nirvana (salvation) in 177 BC on the Sameta-sikhara which is called today the Pareśanatha (Pārsvanatha) hill which lies on the Bengal-Bihar border. His mother and

Page #45

Twenty-Four Tirthankaras and Their Activities and Teachings
wife became his first disciples and gradually he received a large number of followers. He preached his doctrine for nearly seventy years. Some Niganthas like Vappa (the Buddha's uncle),47 Upali,48 Abhaya,49 Aggivessayana, Saccaka, 50 Digha Tapassi.51 Asibandbakaputta Gamini,52 Siha,53 etc. are lay followers, while Sacca, Lola, Avavadika, Patacara, etc. are lay women followers of the Pārśvanātha tradition;54 and later on they had become the followers of the Nigantha Națaputta.56 Moreover, the discussion between the disciples of Pārśva and Mahāyira confirms the historicity of Pārsva and it also demonstrates that the sect of Pārśva came to be amalgamated with the Nigranthas,56 It is interesting to note that at the place of Tungiya five hundred pupils of Pārśva embraced the five mahāvratas" of Mahāvīra, which was essentially the advanced form Catur yamās of Pārsvanātha. Two interesting points which emerge from their discussions may be mentioned in this connection: first, that Pārśva omitted the vow of celibacy because he included it in the vow of possessionlessness. The absence of its specific mention however led to corruption which was set right by Mahāvira's inclusion of celibacy as a distinct vow. Secondly, Pārsva allowed an upper and an under garment to his disciples while Mahāvīra recommended complete nudity, the explanation being that there is really no conflict in this for Pārsva's direction was with the purpose of giving his disciples a characteristic mark to distinguish them from other, while Mahāvira's nudity symbolised that knowledge, faith and right conduct are the true causes of final liberation and not outward marks.59 He had propounded four yāmas instead of the five Mahāvratas. These vows differ only in number; otherwise, in their application and significance, they are equal.60 The Cätuyāma-samvara, which is attributed to the Nigantha Națaputta in the Sāmaññaphala-sutta, is in reality a teaching of Pārsvanātha. 62
The dialogue between Kesi and Goyamal2 distinctly proves that in spite of some minor differences, the doctrines of Mahāvīra were in close agreement with those of Pārsva. To understand this interpretation of Jacobi we have to know beforehand that the original religion of Pārśva had laid down four great vows for the guidance of his followers, and they are as follows: Ahimsā (non-killing), Sunsta (truthful speech), Asteya (not stealing), and Aparigraha (renouncing of all illusory objects). Mahāvīra being a reformer also saw that in the society in which he was moving Brahmacarya

Page #46

Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
chastity--must be made a separate vow, quite distinct from the Aparigraha vow of Pārsvanātha. 63
Referring to this reformation in the Jaina order by Mahāvira Jacobi observes: "The argumentation in the text presupposes a decay of the morals of the monastic order to have occurred between Pārśva and Mahavira, and this is possible only on the assumption of sufficient interval of time having elapsed between the last two tirthankaras, and this perfectly agrees with the common tradition that Mahāvira came 250 years after Pārśva "61
The Kalpa-sūtra65 informs us that Pārśva had organised the Jaina order by bringing all his disciples under eight classes, each headed by a Ganadhara. The mention of nuns and lay women suggests that he did not neglect women. The Nāyā-dhammakahā o 66 speaks of a number of lay women who became followers of Pārsva's religion. It also narrates the story of an old maiden called Kāli who joined the ascetic order of Pārsva.67 Pupphacũlā, the chief lady disciple of Pārsva, converted one Bhūyā, the daughter of a merchant of Rājagrha called Sudarśana, to this religion.68 All these evidences tend us to believe that Pārśva had no hesitation to allow women to embrace the ascetic life.
Pārsva's four vows show that he based his order of monks on solid moral principles and his first vow of aliiinsa suggests that he raised his voice of protest against the animal sacrifices of Vedic Brāhmaṇas. The concept of alirsā is in a distinct manner analysed in an earlier part of the Acūrānga-sütra. "Some slay (animals) for sacrificial purposes, some kill for the sake of their skin, some kill for the sake of their blood, thus for the sake of their heart, their teeth, their tusks, their sinews, their bones; with a purpose or without a purpose. Some kill animals because they have been wounded by them, or are wounded or will be wounded.
“He who injures these (animals) docs not comprehend and renounce the sinful acts; he who does not injure these, comprehends and renounces the sinful acts. Knowing them, a wise man should not act sinfully towards animals, nor cause others to act so, nor allow others to act so. He who knows these causes of sin relating to animals, is called a reward-knowing sage."69
In fact, the Jaina community had spread well even in those early days throughout a large part of northern India. "His Jainism prevailed from Bengal to Gujarat. The districts Maldah and Bogra were great centres of his faith "70

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Twenty-Four Tirthařkaras and Their Activities and Teachings
MAHĀVIRA
Mahāvira, the last tirthankara of the Jainas, appeared in the field of religion in the eastern horizon of India when a few hundred religious teachers professed their respective views. We have already given a cursory account of the contemporary religious teachers with their respective philosophical affiliation in the introductory portion of our study. It is to be noted that different heretical groups that existed contemporaneously gradually came into closer and at the end merged either with the Jainas, or with the Bauddhas, or with the Brāhmaṇical schools of thoughts. In fact, these different Lokāyata, or heretical groups have contributed many basic ideals to both Jainism and Buddhism, which in all essentials had grown on the soil of the ancient intellectual stratum. Mahavira” also styled as Nigantha Națaputta, 12 stands the last tirthankara whose preachings fully breathe the spirit of the 'Eastern stream of thought in India'. Nearly twenty-five hundred years ago, Vaiśāli (modern Basarh in the Muzaffarpur district of Bihar) was a prosperous capital, a suburb of it was called Kundapura or Kundagrāma" or Kșatriyakunda; and here in the palace of king Siddhārtha (Siddhattha) of his Kștriyāni queen Trisalā?4 (also known by Priyakārini and Videhadattā), Mahāvīra was born. According to Jaina legends, while she was pregnant Trišalā had fourteen dreams from which it was understood that the child would be either a Universal monarch (cakravarti) or a tirthankara. But there is also another tradition which gave great importance to Mahavira's Ksatriya ard not Brāhmaṇa descent. It is stated that Mahāvira was originally conceived into the womb of Brāhmana woman, Devanandā, who was the wife of Rșabhadatta, but the god Indra, thinking that the would-be tirthankara should belong to a noble family, got his embryo transferred from the womb of Devanandā to that of Trišalā through his agent Harinegamesi (Naigameśa).78
He was also known by Śreyāmśa (Sijjamasa) ard Yaśasvin (Jasamsi), Vaddhamana (Vardhamāna) 'the promoter' or 'the prospering one', Vaišaliya, Vadehadinna, Jñātriputra, Sanmati, etc. The form ‘Jñātriputra' occurs in Jaina and north Indian Buddhist texts; in Pali, it is Nātaputta and in Jain Prākřt Nayaputta.?? It shows that Mahavira was born in the Jñātri clan of the Vajjis who were undoubtedly powerful rulers at that time at Vaiśāli and was

Page #48

Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
well connected from his parents' side. According to Rhys Davids and Cunningham, the Vajjis to whom the Iñātris belonged were a large confederacy which had within its fold at least eight clans (attha kulas), of which the Videhans, the Licchavis, the Iñātris and the Vajjis proper were the foremost.
The traditional date of Mahāvīra's birth is 599 BC, but scholars generally prefer to fix his date in 539 BC.
Tradition is not unanimous about his marriage; according to the Digambara tradition, he was a celibate throughout; while the Svetāmbara tradition maintained that he married Yaśodā belonging to the Kauņdinya gotra and had a daughter called Priyadarśanā alias Anujā or Anodyā.78 As a prince, having excellent connections with ruling dynasties of his times, it was expected of him to rule with authority and enjoy the pleasures of prosperous career after his father. But that was not to be. When he was twenty-eight years old his parents died. He then wanted to renounce the world; but, owing to the pressure of his elder brother Nandivardhana?! he waited for a couple of years and then started to lead the life of an ideal ascetic. At the age of thirty after taking permission from elder brother, he left for the park of Nāyasamda80 which was situated near his home town. There under an Asoka treel he gave up all his ornaments and finery and then plucked out his hair in five handfuls.82 According to the Kalpa-sūtra83 Mahā. vira retained his cloth for thirteen months and then wandered about naked. During this period Gośāla, ‘an early antinomian', became his disciple; but after six years he separated himself from Mahāvira. After twelve years of severe penance Mahāvíra attained ominiscience (kevala), corresponding to the Bodhi of the Buddhists, under a Sāla tree on the bank of the river Rjupālikā near a village called Jşmbhikagrama and became a tirthankara. The place of Mahāvīra's kevala-darśan is, according to some, at the feet of some Sāla trees on the bank of a river, Rjupālikā at the foot of Parešanātha hill,84 while others think that it was situated in the eastern part of U.P.
Having attained salvation, Vardhamana Mahāvīra first preached sermons to his disciples (ganadharas), viz., Indrabhuti, Agnibhūti, Vāyubhūti, Āryavyuka, Arya Sudharman, Mandiputra, Mauryaputra, Akampita, Acalabhrāts, Metarya and Prabhāsa.85
The Jaina legends mention names the of different rulers Mahāvīra visited and tell how Cetaka, the president of the great tribal

Page #49

1. Bronze Jaina image from Chausa. Bihar, c. early 4th cent. AD Patna Museum, Patna.
2. Bronze image of Mahävira from Palma, Bihar,
c. 12th cent. AD, Patna Museum, Patna.
COUNUB OBDOBJU
20
*
***
in Education International
www.jainenbrary.org

Page #50

3. Bronze image of Mahävira from Palma, Bihar, c. 12th cent. AD, Patna Museum, Patna.
4. Bronze image of Pärsvanatha from Chausa, Bihar, c. early 4th cent. AD, Patna Museum, Patna.

www.iainelibrary.org

Page #51

5. Bronze image of Pārsvanatha with the representation of navagrahas, Palma, Bihar, c. 12th cent. AD, Patna Museum, Patna.
6. Stone image of Pārsvanātha, Bengal, c. 10th-11th cent. AD, Asutosh Museum,
Calcutta.

For Private & Personal use.Qalves
ww.fainelibraryforg

Page #52

9. Stone image of Säntinätha, Charampa, Bhadraka. (Orissa), c.
9th cent. AD.
7. Bronze image of Kunthanätha, Palma, Bihar, c.
12th cent. AD, Patna
Museum, Patna.

8. Image of Candraprabha, Caumukha Jaina shrine, Purulia,
Bengal, c. 11th cent. AD, Asutosh www.jamnelibrary.or Museum, Calcutta.

Page #53

10. Bronze image of Candraprabha, Kakatpur, Orissa, c. 11th AD, Asutosh Museum, Calcutta.
11. Bronze image of Candraprabha, PaIma, Bihar, c. 12th
cent. AD, Patna Museum, Patna.
12. Stone image of Ajitanātha, Charampa, Bhadraka (Orissa), c. 9th
10th cent. AD.

Ja
Education International

Page #54

13. Image of Padmaprabha, Vaisali, Bihar, c. 10th cent. AD.
14. Bronze image of Rṣabhadeva, Chausa, Bihar, c. early 4th cent. AD, Patna Museum, Patna.

For Private & Personale Only
ainelibrary.org

Page #55

15. Bronze image of Rṣabhanatha, Palma, Bihar, c. 12th cent. AD, Patna Museum, Patna.

16. Bronze image of Rṣabhanatha, from Orissa, c. 11th cent. AD, Indian Museum, Calcutta.
9243

Page #56

17. Stone image of Rsabhanātha, from Purulia, Bengal,
c. 11th cent. AD, Asutosh Museum, Calcutta.

Page #57

19. Stele of black basalt carved with seated Rsabhadeva and tirthankaras standing in Käyotsarga mudrä, Sat Deyulia. Burdwan district, Bengal, c. 10th-11th cent. AD, State
Archaeological Gallery, West Bengal.
18. Bronze image of
Rsabhanátha, from Manbhum, Bihar, c. 12th cent. AD, Asutosh Museum,
Calcutta.

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20. Miniature Jaina Caumukha Shrine from Orissa, c. 11th-12th cent. AD.

21. Miniature Jaina shrine with the rep resentations of four tirthankaras in Käyotsarga mudra on the four sides, Badkola, Bankura district, c. 11th cent. AD.

ce

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3. TOMUS
23. Jaina miniature shrine from Purulia, Bengal, representing a tirthankara image on one of the four sides, c. 10th cent. AD, State Archaeological Gallery,
West Bengal
Rsabhanátha, c. 11th 12th ent. AD, Asutosh Museum,
Calcutta.

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sto

24. Semi-circular, Jaina image in centre, Pārsvanātha, Bhuvaneswar, Orissa,

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Twenty-Four Tirthankaras and Their Activities and Teachings
confederacy of the east, became a patron of his order, and Kunika king of Magadha, also a staunch follower of him. He used to wander for eight months of the year and spend four months of the rainy seasons in Campā and Prsticampā. twelve rainy seasons at Vaiśāli and its suburb Vāņijyagrāma, fourteen at Rājagsha, six in Mithilā, two in Bhadrikā and the remaining four of the 42 years of his itinerary respectively, at Alabhikā. Puņitabhūmi, Śrāvasti and Pāvāpuri.86 It is stated in the Jaina text that at first he wandered single, but now he had surrounded himself with many monks and teaches everyone of them the law at length.”87 He had an excellent community of 14,000 śramaņas with Indrabhūti at their head and 36,000 nuns with Candanā at their head and of innumerable lay votaries and hundreds of sages to preach his tenets.88 At the age of seventy-two, Mahāvira passed away in perfect health while delivering his last sermon,89 at Pāvā which, it is widely believed, is to be near Nalanda in Bihar.90 The Kalpa. sūtra states that “The venerable ascetic Mahāvīra lived thirty years as a householder, and then twelve years and six months and a full half month more a sage only in outward guise (Chadmastha, that is, an ascetic, not yet possessed of perfect knowledge); thirty years less six a holy month in the exercise of perfect wisdom, altogether having lived seventy-two years."91
After the demise of Mahāvīra, the leadership of all the four orders of Jaina community, viz. monks. nuns laymen and laywomen, fell on his disciple Indrabhūti who was the head of the Jaina organisation for a period of twelve years. 9. He was succeeded by Sudharman. the fifth of the eleven ganadharas who also held that post for another twelve years. The Kalpa-sūtra gives a list of these ganadharas starting with Sudharman and ends with the thirty-third patriarch Śāndilya or Skandila. In most of the cases their names and gotras are given, but there is also an elaborate list from the sixth, Bhadravāhu, to the fourteenth. Vajrasena, which adds more details, i.e., the disciples of each patriarch and of the sects and branches (gaņa, kula and sākhā) originating with
them.93 In this connection it may by mentioned that we have also · later lists of teachers (Gurvāvali. Pattāvali) of different sects
(Gacchas: etc.) which give a summary account from Mahāvīra down to the founder of the sect in question, and then a more detailed one of the line of descent from the latter downward, and with particulars of subsequent heads of the sect called Sripūjya. So

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Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
far as the later and regional history of Jainism is concerned these lists are of immense value.” Sudharman was succeeded by Jambusvāmi who led community for twenty-four years. Subsequent leaders were Prabbāva, Sayambhava, Yaśobhadra: Sambhūtavijaya and Bhadravāhu.
The Uvāsagadasão95 speaks of the following ten devotees of Mahāvira who led the life of householders: (1) Ananda and his wife, (2) Kāmadeva, (3) Culanipiya, (4) Suradeva, (5) Cullasayaga, (6) Kundakoliya (who met Gośāla but remained unshaken in the faith of Mahāvīra), (7) Saddālaputta, (8) Mahāsayaga (who came out of temptations to sensual enjoyments of the hands of Revai), (9) Nandiņipāyā, and (10) Silihipiya (who led spiritual lives very peacefully).
We have already mentioned that Jainism is not the creation of Mahāvīra, on the other hand, tradition also avers its origin from a hoary antiquity through twenty-four tirthankaras. Before him, Pārsva has preached his own faith and organised the Jaina community. While comparing between the two, Pārśva preached four vows; while Mahāvīra five instead, as already referred to. The fifth vow of celibacy, instead of by Mahāvīra was implied in the fourth vow (a-parigraha) of Pārsva. It shows that Mahāvīra did nothing but mention explicitly what Pārśva implied.
Besides celibacy, nudity was also stressed upon by Mahāvīra who said—“I have laid down the duty of nudity":96 while Pārsva allowed the use of two garments to his disciples. The duty of 'Pratikramaņa' is also ascribed to Mahāvīra who imposed it as an obligatory rule on all his disciples to confess and condemn all transgressions.97 According to Jacobi, Mahāvīra might have borrowed these rigid rules from the Acelakas or the followers of Gośāla.98
An historical analysis will reveal Mahāvīra's contribution for the development and reorganisation of the Jaina faith and its institution. Royal patronage, needless to point out, stimulated the circulation of the faith and its consolidation among the general masses. Under him Jainism became one of the principal religious schools in eastern India. He traversed many places of this region during his missionary tour and converted a large number of followers to his faith. These were all possible due to his winning personality and a wonderful power of organisation, which resulted possibly in the strength of his Sangha wiih the help of not only

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kings and aristocrats but also of ordinary people. His chief disciples, ganadharis were all Brāhmaṇas and this suggests that like the Upanişads which were products of a section of Brāhmaṇas or Kșatriyas who were spiritually awakened to rise against ritualism, Jainism was also supported by a section of the intellectual heads of the society, though it was open to all, irrespective of caste or status. The fact that Mahāvīra did not give up ascetic practices like Buddha, deserves notice. His penances proved helpful to the acquisition of the highest knowledge. He had started proaching Jainism with an excellent staff of eleven gaṇadharas, each of whom had again many assistants. During the life span of Mahāvira, the faith with its well organised Sangha gained adequate momentum in eastern India. but it gradually ceased to continue as one single unit. Inspite of all his endeavour to the cause of unity and consolidation of the organisation Mahāvira failed to achieve that position. According to the Jaina texts99 Mahāvīra had to face at least two schisms during his life-time and the other schisms took place after his demise.
These differences ultimately led to the great schism100 in the Jaina community in about AD 79 or 82—the Śvetāmbaras and Digambaras. The Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras were the two principal subsects in Jainism in the early centuries of the Christian era; but later on various Sarghas emerged from these two main sub-sects. The reason or reasons behind the schism (nihnava) that have occurred in the Jaina organisation cannot be determined definitely at the present state of our knowledge. The Digambaras speak of a legend about the origin of division, which differs from the legend prevalent among the Svetāmbaras.101 Again, the Svetāmbara canonical works, such as, Į'hūna and the Nijjutti, Bhūsa, and Mülabhāsa on Āvassaya and Visesa vassayabhāsa are noted seven schisins, whereas in Hemacandra Suri's commentary on Visesa are noted eight schisms, of which the first was organised by Mahāvira's son-in-law, Jamāli; and eighth gave rise to the Digambara sect.
The names of dharmācāryas associated with the seven schisms, the views they dogmatically asserted and the places where they were first declared, are given below in a tabular from.102
To these seven schisms may be added the eighth known as Botikadrsți. The founder of this drşți was Sivabhūti alias Sahasramall.103 He insisted upon practising jina-kalpa (the other way of

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36
Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
Dharmācārya
View
Place
Date
a. Jamali (Mahāvira's Baburaya
Savatthi 543 BC son-in-law) (Bahurata)
(Śrāvasti) b. Tissagutta Jivapaesiya
Uşabhapura 541 BC (Tișyagupta) (Jivapradesaka) or Rayagaha c. Aşādha Avvattaga
Syetavi 313 BC (Avyaktaka)
(Svetambi) d. Assamitta Samuccheiya
Mithila
307 BC (Aśvamitra) (Samucchedika) c. Ganga Dokiāriya
Ullakatira 299 BC (Dvaikriya) f. Saduluya, Rohagutta, Terasiya Antaranji AD 17
(Rohagupta)(Trirasika) g. Gotthamahilla Abaddhiya
Daśapura AD 57 (Gostamahilla) (Abaddhiku)
life io be led by the Jaina monks is sthāvira-kalpa), though he was dissuaded by Acārya Aryakrsna from doing so. He began to go about stark naked. His sister Uttarā once came to him, and she, too, undressed herself. A gaạika on seeing her naked, covered her body with a piece of cloth, though Uttarā did not like it. Thereupon Uttarā informed Sivabhūti about this. He persuaded her not to give up the cloth; for, he said that firstly it was given by a deity and secondly a naked woman presented a very ugly and indecent sight. In course of time Šivabhūti gave dikşā to Kodiņņa (Sk. Kaundinya) and Kottavira and this resulted in the establishment of a sect known as Digambara. But the Digambaras seem to be ignorant of the earlier schisms. According to them under Bhadravāhu, an inhabitant of northern Bengal, rose the sect of Ardhaphalakas, 104 which in AD 80 developed into the Svetāmbara sect.105 Jacobi thinks that the separation of the sections of the Jaina organisation took place gradually, an individual development going on in both groups living at a great distance from one another, and that they became aware of their mutual difference about the end of the first century AD. But the difference is small in articles of faith.196 But there are some scholars who advocate that even during the life-time of Mahāyira, the Jaina community was divided into two groups, one propounding and imitating the rigid life led by Mahāvīra who remained completely

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Twenty-Four Tirtharkaras and Their Activities and Teachings
37
unclad and the other leaning towards the line chalked out by Pārsvanātha. This difference in the outlook was probably the chief reason for the culmination in the organisation. On the other hand, there is another tradition according to which Bhadravāhu, a contemporary of Candragupta Maurya, during the time of his leadership a samine took place in Magadha, and for that reason a part of the community, numbering twelve thousand, went with him to south India. The remaining twelve thousand lived in Magadha under the leadership of Sthulabhadra,107 who convened a Council at Pāțaliputra for preserving the canonical literature. The Pāțaliputra Council collected the Anga texts; eleven in number. The twelfth Anga, containing fourteen pūrva texts, was found missing, but Sthulabhadra was not able to reconstruct it from memory. The famine over, Bhadravahu returned with his fellow brethren, but he refused to accept the proceedings of the Pāšaliputra Council as valid. Moreover, their brother-monks at Pāšaliputra were not as rigid as themselves in the observance of vows, etc.; and thus schism was inevitable among themselves.
Rapson believes that it was about 300 BC "the great schism originated which has ever since divided the community into two great sects-the Svetāmbaras andthe Digambaras,”108 But the final separation between the two communities is, no doubt: reported not to have taken place before AD 79 or 82; but the list of teachers and schools in the Kalpa-sūtra and the numerous inscriptions from Mathura, which date mostly from the time of the later Kuşāņa kings, i.e. after Ad 78, afford sufficient proof that the Svetāmbara community was not only established but had become sub-divided into smaller sects at an earlier period. This is especially clear from the frequent mention of nuns in the Mathura inscriptions; for it is only the Svetāmbaras who give women admission into the order."169 It is thus clear that the split between the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras was of gradual evolution, spread over a long period and culminating in the post-Kuşāņa or the Gupta period.
However, both the sub-sects of the Jainas have almost all the philosophical doctrines in common, but they differ in subtle matters of doctrine and cult practices and each of these two sub-sects claims precedence over the other. According to the Cigam the omniscient do not take food; monks cannot have any garment;110 women cannot attain salvation in that very existence because of their sex; there can be no place for nuns in the Jaina monastic

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$8
order.
Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
Canonical norms and ritualistic procedures prescribed for the Jaina Parivrājakas are also different. Before attempting to that point in the next chapter we should mention the names of different Jaina canonical texts, viz., the Angas, the Mūlasūtras, the Cheyasuttas which throw a considerable light on the earliest stage of Jaina asceticism and the life of the Parivrājakas. There are twelve Angas, namely, Ayārānga, Sūyagaḍānga. Thāṇānga, Samayāyānga, Vivihapanatti or Bhagavati-sutra. Nāyādhammakahão, Uvāsagadasão, Antagaḍasão, Anuttarovavāiyadasão, Paṇhāvāgaranaim, Vivagasuya and Diṭṭhivaya. Of these twelve Angas, the first twoAcaranga and Sūtrakṛtānga afford us simply the rules of monastic discipline and reveal rarely the rules of expiation and of Samgha hierarchy.
The Sutra-kṛtanga also contains an exposition of the tenets and dogmas of other faith. The Jñatṛdharmakathā gives hints regarding religious preaching as well as stories and anecdotes calculated to carry moral conviction. The Upasakādhyayana, also called Upāsakadaśāka, primarily deals with the religious code for householders. The Antakṛddāśaka contains accounts of the ten saints who attained salvation after immense suffering, while the Anuttarauppātika records the name of ten saints who had gone to the highest heaven after enduring intense persecution. The Praśna-vyākaraṇa makes several accounts and episodes for the refutation of opposite views, establishment of one's own faith, promotion of holy deeds, and prevention of evil. The Vipāka-sūtra explains how virtue * ՈՐ
Jad
1
11

C

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period than the Angas. According to Winternitz112 Dasaveyaliya was written by Sejjambhava, the fourth head of the Jaina Sangha after Mahāvīra, but he believes the first one to be of much antiquity and as 'the oldest nucleus', referring to the ascetic poetry of ancient India'.113 Jacobi also places it later than the Sūtrakrtānga 114 The rest of the Sūtras seem to be of later phase of Jaina asceticism.
of the six Cheyasuttas (Chedagrantha) viz., Daśāśrutaskandha, Kappa or Brhat-kalpa, Vavahāra (Vyavahāra-sūtra), Nisiha (Nišitha), Mahanisiha (Mahānisītha) and Pañcakappa, the authorship of the first three goes to Bhadravāhu who is said to have born of a Brāhmana family at Kotikopra in Pundravardhana.'15 Winternitz116 takes at least the part of Samācāri, dealing with rules of rainretreat to be the work of Bhadravāhu and thinks of the rest to be later additions. He observes many similarities between Nisiha and Ācārānga. The other works are placed in the later period.
Apart from these, there are twelve Upāngas, namely, Uvaväi (Aupapātika), Rāyapaseņi (Rājāpraśnīya), Jivābhigama, Pannavaņā (Prajñāpanā), Jambu-divapannati (Jambūdvīpa-prajñāpti), Surapannati (Sürya-prajñāpti), Canda-pannati (Candra-prajñāpti). Nirayāvali. Kalpāvatarsikā, Puşpikā, Puşpacūlikā and Visnidaśā. These works
enerally placed in the third-fourth centuries AD on the basis of astronomical ground.
The ten Prakīrņakas scattered pieces, namely, Catuḥ-sarana, Ātura-pratyākhyāna, Bhakta-parijñā, Suistāraka, Tandula-vaitalika, Camdāvījjhaya, Devendra-stava, Garividyā, Mahāpratyakhyāna, and Vira-stava, dealing with the duties of monk are also equally placed in the later period like the Upāngas. Besides these, a pair of texts, called Nandi-sütra and Aņuyogadvāra and the works of commentaries called Nijjuti are believed to have been written in a much later period, probably after sixth century AD. It may be mentioned in this connection that the Nandi-sūtra and Anuyogadvāra are considered according to the Sthānakavāsī canon, among the four Müla-granthas.117
Thus, it is interesting to note that with its spread and a shift in its centre of gravity, there also occurred distinct changes in the organisation of its order, and its religious texts. The division of the community into Svetāmbaras and Digambaras had become finally settled, and it effected a separation not only among the monks but also in the ranks of the laity. With the lapse of time

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40
Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
this gap became widen and it makes its reflection even in the literatures. In fact, no attempt had been made for bridging the gap of differences between these two major divisions. On the other hand, these major sects themselves were further subdivided into several smaller groups like the Sainghus and the Gaņas in south, and into Kulas, Sakhās and later on, into Gacchas in the north.
REFERENCES
Tirthankara means a prophet. According to the Brhatsvayambhustotra, 9 of Samantabhadra--"A tirtharikara is he by whom was shown the broad fording-place of virtue, the best of all reaching which men overcome sorrow". Tirtha also means dharma or religious system, one who expounds dharma (Tirtha dharma karoti prakatayati iti tirthakarah, Svatirthânāmādikartārah lirihakarā”. B.C. Bhattacharya, The Jaina Iconography, (p. 11). Another version runs ihus: Tiryate anenai. cf. Tarantiyena samsurasāgaramiti tirtha pravacanam tadavyatirekādeva sanghastirtha tatkaranasilat vātirthakarüh (Bhagavati-sūtra, 1.1.30. B.C. Bhattacharya, op. cit., p. 11). So Tirtham or dharma by which this ocean of Samsora or transmigration can be crossed. According to Svetāmbara view, Tirtham means a Sanghā or an institution and a tirtharikara is the founder of such institution or community which is of four in number-such as, Sadhu (monk), Sadhyi (nun), Sravaka (lay-follower), and Srūvakà (lay-women follower).
According to Bühler (Indian Sects of the Jainas, p. 8) the Brāhmanical ideas (like the successive appearance of fourteen Manus, etc.) may possibly have given rise to the doctrines of the twenty-five Buddhas and twenty-four Jinas, which are later additions in both systems. Jina or conqueror is the other name of the tirthankara from which the religion has been named as Jaina. The term Jina means one who conquers the enemies, such as, lust, anger, ctc. (Jayati nirākaroti rāgadveşādirūpănarātiniti Jinah-B.C. Bhattacharya, op. cit., p. 12).
*There are two great kalpas (cycles)--utsarpiņi (evolution) and Avasarpiņi (in volution). Each of these is divided into six periods:
(a) Sukhama sukhama or the period of great happiness; (b) Sukhama or the period of happiness; (c) Sukhama duhk hama or the age of happiness and some misery; (d) Duhk hama sukhama or the age of misery and some happiness;
(e) Duḥkhama or the age of misery. The present era is the fifth one which is to last twenty-one thousand years. About two thousand and five hundred years have already elapsed by this time.
(f) Duhkhama dulkhama or the age of extreme misery.
---Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, pp. 272-76; H.R. Kapadia, The Jaina Religion and Literature, vol. I, pp. 17-20.
'Heinrich Zimmer, Philosophies of India, ed. J. Campbell, pp. 305ff. "Bihar Through the Ages, p. 125. 'Eliot, Hindu ism and Buddhism, I, p. 111. 'IA, IX, p. 160.
religion has ch as, lust, ang. cit., p. 12)

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Twenty-Four Tirthankaras and Their Activities and Teachings
41
'H. Jacobi, Studies in Jainism, part I, pp. 8-9.
* It is the Mount Maleus of the Greeks (McCri ndle, Megasthenes and Arrian, pp, 63, 139); B.C. Law, HGAI, p. 226.
'Hemacancra's Abhidhānacintamani, ch. I, VV. 26-28. 10 Kalpa-sūtra, 147, 168, 182 & 227.
"The seven Kulakäras are --Vimalavähana, Cakşusmat, Yaśasvin, Abhicandra Prasenajit, Marudeva, Nābhi-H.R. Kapadia, op. cit., pp. 29-30.
1 2 Ibid., fns. 3-4. 13 Āvaśyakaniryukti, 191, 383, 398. 14 Kalpa-sutra, SBE, XXII, pp. 281-85.
15 Rgveda, X.102.6--The Satapatha Brāhmana (13.5.4.15) and the Samkhya Srauta sutra (16.9.8.20) speak of a king named Rşabha who is said to have performed Aívamedha sacrifices. Another name of Rşabha being the son of Viśvāmitra occurs in the Aitareya Brahmana, 7.17.
18 Visnu, 2.1, p 163 (ed. Wilson); Kurma, ch. 41; Agni. ch. 10; Markandeya, ch. 50; Bhagavata, V.3 6.
"? A vas yakaniryukti, 336-37. ** Bhāgavata Purāna, V.5,30. 19Ibid., V.6.7. 20 Rāmāyaṇa, VII.III.10. 21 Mbh., V1.9.7. ?? Ibid., chs. 125ff; also XII-128-24. 23Ibid., II1.85.10-11. 34 Bhāgavata Purăņa, V. 3-6. 26 Ibid., 11.7.10.
28R.G. Bhandarkar, VSMS, p. 42; P. Jash, History and Evolution of Vaisnavism in Eastern India, p 98.
27 Bhagavata Purāna, V.3.18-20; P. Jash, op. cit., pp. 7ff. 28K.P. Jain, Jains Antiquary, I, no. 2, 1935, p. 19. "IHQ, VIII, Supplement, pp. 18-32. 30Chanda, Modern Review, 1932 (August), pp. 158-60.
3'Zimmer, op. cit., p. (0. It may be noted further that Mrs. N.R. Guseva (Jainism, Bombay, 1917, pp. 38ff) thinks that the great antiquity of this sect is also known by studying from the anthropological perspective. “An ethnic group called Thakur lives in western Nepal, whose sect is called Pen-po. Members of this sect believe in God, whom they call 'leading to the heaven' (towards the heaven), compare the designation; Tirtl:arikara - leading or carrying the being across the ocean or the 'joined conqueror' (compare jcena the conqueror). They portray this god fully naked, as the Jainas their tirthaikaras".
a>IA, IX. p. 163.
33AN, III.373; we may note in this connection that the Majjhima-nikaya (Isigili sutta) refers to Arittha as one of the twenty-four Pratyekabuddhas who inhabited on the Sigiri mountain. Again, in the Dīgha-nikaya (Dialogues of the Buddha, III, p. 60) we find the name of Drdhanemi as a Cakkavatri. Elsewhere the same Nikāya (Dialogues of the Buddha, III, p. 291) speaks of the king Aritthanemi who is called a Yakkha.
"N.N. Vasu, Introduction 10 Harivamśa-Purāņa, p. 6.

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Samudravijaya, the father of Nemi and Vasudeva, the father of Kṛṣṇa, were sons of Andhraka-vṛṣṇi, who had eight more sons. Each of these ten persons is known as Dasarha,
42
"Jaina Harivamsa, 18.12, Bharatiya Jñānapīṭha, Kashi, 1962.
*Ibid., 55.1-14.
**Ibid., 55-46.
"We learn from the Jaina cononical texts that Rajamati, the wife of Nemi, who had also renounced the world, was appointed the head of nuns. Rathenemi, brother of Nemi, also attained salvation-A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas, p. 151.
40 Jaina Harivamsa, 55.86-108.
"M. Bloomfield, The Life and Stories of the Jaina Saviour Pārsvanatha, 1919. 42To mention a few individual caritras we have Pārśvanātha-caritam by Hemavijayagani; Santinätha-mahäkävyam by Sri Munibhadrasūri; Mallinatha-caritram by Vinayacandrasuri and also by Haribhadra; Mahāvirasvāmī-caritram by Nemicandra, and so on.
"Kalpasūtra-vṛtti by Samayasundra, pp. 164-65.
"SBE, XXII, p. 273. 45Ibid., p. 274.
Uttara. Sut., XXIII.2.
"AN, II, pp. 196ff. 4MN, I, pp. 371ff. "Ibid., pp. 392ff.
"Ibid., pp. 237ff. "Ibid., pp. 371ff.
"Samyutta-nikaya, IV.312ff.
Ibid.. I, 65ff.
"Jātaka, III.1; The Bhagavati-sutra (5.2) mentions the following four monks, viz., Kaliyaputta, Mehila, Kāsava and Anandarakkhiya, belonging to Pārsva's
school.
ugavati-sutra, pp. 136ff.
Ibid., 5.2.
...ugavati-sūtra, 1.9.76.
miles from Bihar Sariff. Pracina Tirthamālā, part I,
"Uttara-sutra, 23-33.
Pasa's postulation was: not to damage anything living, not to commit anything untrue, and neither to take what has not been given nor to give away.... Pasa's fourth commandment would correspond with Mahavira's both fourth and fi'th (sexual abstention and non-possession). Schubring, The Doctrine of the Jainas, pp. 30-31.
"IA, IX, p. 160.
Schubring, op. cit., XXIII; SBE, vol. 45, pp. 420ff.
"CJ Shah, Jainism in North India, p. 7.
SBE. vol. 45, pp. 122-23. "Nāyādhammakahão, part II, ch. 10. "Ibid., para. 148.II.1.

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"Nirayayalika, an upanga; for translation of Jacobi, SBE, 45, pp. 420ff. "SBE, XXII, pp. 12-13. We have discussed in details later on, see infra. 70C J. Shah, op. cit., p. 83, fn. 5.
?iNotes on Mahāvira's life are to be found especially in the Acaranga-sutra (SBE, XXII. 84-87, 189-202); Kalpa-sūtra (SBE, XXII 217-70). The Acärängasūtra affords us an elaboiate information regarding Mahāvira's life upto his forty-two years, that is, the date of his enlightenment; it does not contain any information about the activities of the last thirty years.
??The teaching ascribed to Nigantha Nātaputta is obscure. It may be said that though it is not an alien to it. And hence we are sharing the view of Jacobi about the identification of Nigantha Națaputta with Vardhamana Mahavira. Jaina-sūtra, part II.
13This place is still called Vasukunda. Proc. of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 1898, p. 40.
7She belongs to the Licchavis. She was the sister of Cetaka who was the head of a tribal confederacy.
76 According to the Kalpa-sutra (SBE, XII) Devanandā saw the following fourteen objects in her dream-an elephant, a bull, a lion, an anointment, a garland, the moon, the sun, a flag, a vase, a lotus lake, the ocean, a celestial abode, a heap of jewels and a flame. TSBE, XXII, XXXI. "JA, VII, p. 143.
"Acāråriga-sútra, p. 193; Kalpa-sútra; W. Schubring, The Doctrines of the Jainas, pp. 32-33.
10 Acăräriga-sútra, p. 193. 1 Ibid., p. 199; Kalpa-sútra, p. 259. 51 Kalpa-sútra, p. 259. " Acåråriga-sútra, p. 199; Kälpa-sutra, p. 259. 88 Kalpa-sútra, pp. 259-60. **Mrs. Stevenson, op. cit., pp. 38-39. Dr. Panchanan Mondal in the Proc. of
Inference, Viram University, 1972, has tried to
vus differ as to ... Dig darśana, p. 44, fn. ..paura village twelve miles away ..un the little Gandak river to the east of the .v. Law, HGAI, p. 251.
little Ganlage twel.ana, p. 44
W, HGA
London, J
-wording
wording to some authorities Gautama Indrabhūti never held office,

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having become a Kevali. Mrs. S. Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, p. 68.
"SBE, XXII, pp. 286.95. "H. Jacobi, History of Jainism, pp. 43ff. "Uvāsagadasão, ed. N.A. Gore, Poona. "Mae acelate dhamme pannatte.--Thánārga (comm. Abhayadeva), p. 460b.
Căujjamao pañcamahavvaiyam.- Bhagavati sutra (commn. Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1921), pp. 99aff.
** Sapadikkanam dhammam padi vijjai.--SBE, XLV, p. xxxii. *Avasyaka-Müla by Bhadraváhu, verses 1251f.
10*Uvāsagadasão (ed. Hoernle), p. ix It is to be noted in this connection that tradition ascribes the compilation of Jaina canon also to a council at Mathura under Arya Skandila in the ninth century after the nirvāņa of Mahāvīra, i.e., c. fourth century AD (Weber, JA, XVII, p. 282) But the final reaction of the Svetāmbara Jain a canon was made in the second council of Valabhi early in the fifth or sixth century Ad under Devardhiganin, probably during the reign of Dhruvasena (Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, pp. 434-35).
10l Glasenapp. Der Jainisinus, pp. 347ff. 102 E. Leuman, Ind. Studen., XVII, 1885, pp. 91ff. 163 Āvaśyaka Malabhâsya, VV. 145ff.
194Those who advocated ardhaphālakas became gradually known as the orthodox group of Svetāmbar's (1A, VII, pp. 37-38). Tradition avers that Bhadraváhu predicted a terrible famine of twelve years in Magadha. So a group of Jaina monks headed by Bhadravāhu left for South India, while others resided in Magadha. After sometimes, however, the leading monks of this community met together at Ujjain where famine still persisted and so they allowed monks to use ardhaphälaka, ie, cloth to hide shame, while on tour for begging.
10% Jacobi, Studies in Jainism, part I, pp. 45-46; 2 DMG, XXXVI, 1884, pp. 1ff.
16SERE, VII, on Digambara. "Sthavirāvai-carita, cant. IX, 55, 59. 10%Rapson, Cambridge History of India, 1, p. 147. 10*Ibid., p. 149. 11® These two views are challenged and criticised by Gunaratna Sūri in h's Tarkarahasya-dipika, a commentary on Saddarśana-Samuccaya of Haribhadra Sūri (pp. 53b-546 and 79b-81a) respectively. The same commentary further states that the Digambaras are divided into four Sanghas, namely, Kastha, Müla, Mathura and Gopya or Yapaniya (Tarkarahasya-dipikā, p. 45a). MIA, XVII, p. 286. 114Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, II, p. 433. 11*Ibid., p. 466. ISBE, IV, Introduction, p. xxxix. 11 Räjavalikathā, IA, XXI, p. 157. 1:#Winternitz, op. cit., pp. 462-64. 117 Mrs. Stevenson. The Heart of Jainism, p. 14.

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CHAPTER THREE
Jaina Canonical Texts
An outline of the disciplinary code of the Jaina monk which he has to practise for the perfection of his very mahāvrata will also be helpful to understand the real nature and the characteristic features of the Parivrājakas belonging to the Jaina order. Except a few unfit persons enlisted in the Jaina texts, every individual irrespective of caste, colour and creed are entitled to be a member of this heretical order by pursuing and following those five celebrated vows which Mahāvīra himself laid down as the only entrance through which man can pass to the ascetic state.
Jainism considers that the true road to deliverance lies in right knowledge (samyag-jñāna), right faith (samyag.darśana) and right conduct (samyag-caritra), i.e., the famous tri-ratna, 'the three jewels' of Jainism. It also stress much emphasis on renunciation.3 It maintains that renunciation is not physical merely, but is primarily mental. Hence the preparation to lead an ultimately spiritual life beings early in life. This is responsible for the two fold classification of duties--the Srāvaka-dharma (the householder's duties) and the Muni-dharma (the duties of the ascetic). Thus the pragmatism of Jainism consists in prescribing separate rules of conduct for a layman and an ascetic.
Our purpose is to indicate that the stage of Muni is considerid to be more advanced than that of the Srāvaka. It is to be noted that concession is allowed to the Srāvaka in the matter of observing the various virtues. In the case of the Muni, the five virtues of satya, ahiṁsā, asteya, brahmacarya and aparigraha are insisted to be followed very strictly. No laxity is permitted in the case of the Muni who played a vital role for the development of the faith in and outside the Jaina organisation.
After completing the practice of five aņuvratas, three guņa

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vratas, four sikṣāvratas and eleven pratimas, a house-holder seeks permission from his relatives to renounce completely mundane affairs and became a Jaina monk. Then after worshipping the pañca parameṣṭhins, viz., arhanta, siddha, ācārya, upādhyāya and sadhu, he requests the Ganin to admit him into his order. Being accepted by the Ganin, he pulls out his hair and becomes a naked ascetic, according to the Digambara traditions. An illuminating definition of Jaina śramana is to be found in the Pravacanasāra of Kundakunda and the Mulācāra of Vaṭṭakera which may be regarded as the practical manual for a novice Digambara-Jaina willing to embrace asceticism. The statement of the Pravacanasāra runs thus-"He is a śramana who has no desires in this world and no attachment for the next whose diet and tourings are proper and who is free from passions. He advises that an ideal śramaṇa, if he desires for release from misery, should always live with an ascetic of merits or possessing more merits."'5
What apparently distinguishes a Jaina monk from a laity is his itinerant living with no abode as his own and his having no possessions or paraphernalia beyond those required for his religious observances. In their outward form and equipment we find different schools among the Jaina monks. The Digambara monk, who goes about naked, has a Kamandalu (a gourd pot) and a bunch of peacock feathers. But if he belongs to the lower stage, he has minimum clothing to cover his shame. A Svetambara monk is clad in white robes; and he is equipped with a staff, a bunch of wool and wooden pots. They differ here and there in the rules of outward behaviour which affect their mode of begging, clothing, touring, eating, residence etc. which we discuss in the subsequent pages. But the inner religious life however, is fundamentally the same. Even in some cases they agree on the qualifications essential for monkhood, and other essential requisites. Their means differ from one another, but their ultimate realisation is identical, i.e., to achieve liberation.
While qualifying a true sage', the Acaranga-sūtra mentions that "He who in the world, comprehends and renounces the causes of sin, relating to earth, water, fire, plants, animals and wind is a true sage." He who sincerely performs all duties by these methods, attains purity and gets of all miseries. The exertion in righteousness consists in seventy-three processes, as preached by Mahāvīra, each helping the succeeding one, beginning with samvega (desire
46

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for liberation), and ending in akarmată (freedom from karman). It is stated in the Bhagavati-sutra" that desire for liberation (samvega), disregard for worldly objects (nirvega), self-analysis and confession of faults done, observance of vows such as: renunciation of anger, etc., vows of renunciation of harmful and violent activities, complete control of mind. speech and body; and attainment of knowledge, intuition and of conduct lead ultimately to perfection.
47
As an ardent follower of Jaina ascetic order, his one aim is to stop the influx of fresh karman and to destroy all that has already bound him. The flow of karmas into the atman (soul) is caused by the activities of body, speech and mind; so it is necessary for him to keep these channels under strict control (gupti). It is just possible that even in performing the duties of a monk the vows might be transgressed due to negligence. As a precautionary measure the monk must be contains in walking, begging, speaking, etc. and in voiding the body (samiti). A monk thus should know the five samitis and three guptis which are helpful for the practice of religious life and for the avoidance of all sins. In fact, the idea behind the prescription of the samitis is that unless bodily control is gained mental control cannot even be thought of. It is mainly due to passions that the soul assimilates karman; so anger, pride. deception and greed must be counteracted by cultivating dasadharma or ten virtues. such as Kṣamā (forgiveness): Mārdava (humility) Arjava (straight-forwardness). Nir!obhata (free from greed or contemplation). Satya (truthfulness), Samyama (restraint), Tapa (austerities), Tyaga (renunciation) or Sauca (purity and cleanliness, according to some sects), Akiñcinată (absolute want of greed) and Brahmacarya (celibacy and chastity).
To cultivate the necessary religious attitude he should constantly reflect on some twelve religious topics (Bhāvanā or Anuprekṣā), namely,
(i) everything is transitory (Anitya bhāvanā),
(ii) men are helpless against disease, old age, death, etc. (Asaraṇa bhāvanā),
(iii) the circuit of existence is full of misery (Samsara bhāvanā), (iv) the soul has to struggle all alone (Ekatva bhāvanā), (v) the relatives and others are quite separate (Anyatva bhāvanā),

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Somo Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
(vi) the body is impure (Aśauca bhāvanā), (vii) the karman is constantly inflowing (Āśrava bhāvanā), (viii) the karman should be stopped by cultivating necessary
virtues (Sarvara bhāvanā), (ix) the karman should be annihilated by penances (Nirjarā
bhāvanā), (x) the nature of the universe (Loka bhāvanā), (xi) the rarity of religious knowledge (Bodhibīja or Bodhidur
labha bhāvanā), and (xii) the true nature of religion (Dharma bhāvanā).
The Jaina ascetic must be always awaking and unmindful of heat and cold and must liberal himself from all miseries. To keep himself steady on the path of liberation and to destroy the karman, a monk has to bear all sorts of troubles (parīşaha) that might cause him distraction or pain. There are twenty-two troubles which a wandering mendicant is expected to face unflinchingly at the time of tour. These are hunger (kşudhā), thirsty (trsā), cold (sīta), heat (uşņa). illness (roga), unpleasant feelings (naişidhiki), trying circumstances arising out of string (dainsana), cloth (vastra), lodging (arati), women (strī) etc. 10
The inflow of karman is also arrested by observing the five rules of conduct or caritra." Monks and nuns should observe this fivefold spiritual discipline or conduct whose pitch ranges from equanimity to ideal and passionless conduct. The karman must be annihilated through practising penances or austerities (tapas). The monk should not be tempted and ceased in the middle by miraculous powers, etc.; his ultimate goal is to attain Nirvāņa or Mokşa, Penance is of twofold-the external penance and the internal penance. Of these two groups, the external consists of 2 (i) Anasana (fasting), (ii) Avamodarikā (abstinence). (iii) Bhik şācaryā (collecting alms), (iv) Rasatyūga (abstention from six kinds of dainty food, such as, ghee, milk, curds, sugar, salt and oil), (v) Käyāklesa (mortification), and (vi) Pratisailinati (restraint of senses, passions, activities and enjoyment of bed and seats). These external penances demonstrate what a rigorous life of self-denial the Jaina monk leads. He just sustains the body with minimum feeding and takes maximum work from it in the attainment of his spiritual ideal. Jainism has evolved an elaborate technique of fasting, and the Jaina monk trains himself all along his career so efficiently that when the hour of

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death comes, he accepts voluntary fasting and gives up easily as one would throw off the old garment.
Internal penance is of six kinds: (i) Prāyaścitta (expiation of sins), (ii) Vinnya (modest behaviour), (iii) Vaiyāvrtya (serving the Guru), (iv) Svādhyāya (study of scriptures),(v) Dhyāna (meditation), and (vi) Utsarga (giving up all attachment for the body). 3 Expiation of sin is meant for purifying one who has committed sins so that he may attain mental peace and spiritual upliftment. These are of ten classes-(a) Alocanā (discussion and confession of one's fault), (b) Pratikramaņa (repentance and retracing from sins), (c) Viveka (abandoning impure food), (d) Tapas (austerity), (e) Vyutsarga (detachment from the body), (f) Cheda (reduction of monastic seniority), (g) Müla (complete re-initiation), (h) Anavasthāpya (a hard expiation for a serious crime which acts as a bar to reinitiation), (i) Pārañcika (suspension of monkhood).
Like other system of Indian philosophy, the Jaina ascetic gives adequate emphasis on dhyūna or meditation. It is an important spiritual exercise for the monks. Through meditation or contemplation the soul progresses on to higher gunasthānas and destroys all the karmas. Attachment for beneficial and aversion from harmful objects have to be given up to attain concentration of mind, which is the pre-requisite of successful meditation. "The Jaina dhyāna consists in concentrating the mind on the syllables of the Jaina prayer phrases. The dhyāna however is only practised as an aid to making the mind steady and perfectly equal and undisturbed towards all things. Emancipation comes only as the result of the final extinction of the Karma materials."14 It is of four types:
(i) Ārtadhyāna (concentration of mind on account of anguish) (ii) Raudradhyāna (concentration consequent upon anger and
wrath) (iii) Dharmadhyāna (meditation on religious thought) (iv) Sukladh yāna (pure meditation)
However, it is Sukladhyāna or pure meditation which ultimately leads the soul to liberation; there is a complete cessation of physical, verbal and mental activities and the ātman or the self is absorbed in himself. With the entire stock of karmans exhausted the soul shoots up to the top of the universe where the liberated souls stay for ever,

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A monk should observe the following sixfoldis essential duties as his daily routine: (i) Sāmāyika (moral and intellectual purity of the soul), (ii) Catur-vimšatistava (adoration of twenty-four Jinas), (iii) Vandana (obeisance to Guru), (iv) Pratikramaņa (expiation of sins), (v) Kāyotsarga (a particular pose of the body), (vi) Pratyd. khyāna (self-denial). The standard of moral discipline and self control was set by Mahāvira who preached five 'great vows' (mahāvratas) to regulate the lives of the ascetics, both monks and nuns. We have already discussed about these five great vows of Mahāvīra, viz., ahimsci (non-violence), sunsta (truthfulness), asteya (non-stealing), brahmacarya (celibacy), and aparigraha (nonpossession).
Of these five great vows ahirisă or non-violence occupies an important position in the Jaina philosophy, and it thus deserves some explanations. S.N. Dasgupta thus observes, “Great stress is laid upon the virtues of ahi inså, sunsta, asteya and brahmacarya, but the root of all these is ahimsā. The virtues of suista, aste ya and brahmacarya are made to follow directly as secondary corrolaries of ahimsā. Ahirrsā may thus be generalised as the fundamental ethical virtue of Jainism; judgement on all actions may be passed in accordance with the standard of ali msā."16 In fact, ahimsā is not something negative but another aspect of dayā (compassion), a counterpart of Buddhist karunā. In Hemacandra's words, ahimsa or dayā is beneficent mother of all beings, the elixir for them who wander in suffering through the ocean of incarnation. The positive ahiṁsā is exhibited through the form of karuņā-dana or abhaya-dāna, the giving protection to all living creatures. 17
The Jaina Parivrājaka must not commit any wrong to any living being showing that non-violence is the most essential weapon of the saints' knowledge. Moreover, recognition of the equality of all living beings is the main feature of a Jaina ascetic. 18 There is no denying the fact that it is Jainism that has been foremost in upholding the doctrine of ahimsă. Of course, Buddhism has a been taken it, but it is, in fact. Jainism that has struck to its ideology more than Buddhism.19 Jaina Parivrājakas have led an exemplary life, and as living embodiments of kindness to living beings they have wandered all over the country professing the doctrine of ahimsä. It is stated in the Jaina texts that the monk should not hurt the feelings of others by his speech or behaviour.20

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The śramaņa knows fully well that nobody likes sufferings and so he takes to non-violence (ahimsa) to all beings. He treats his relatives and enemies alike 21 To avoid injury to living beings, however small they be, he regulates even his walking; and movement at night is also prohibited. 22
An analytical study on ahimstī as reflected in the Jaina texts represents the total involvement and intensive care taken by the Jaina Parivrājakas for the performance of this act both physically and mentally. Ahimsā is generally associated with 'acts' of killing, injuring, violence, etc.; so the act itself has to be avoided but at the same time, the intention must be pure. In other words, coordination between the mind and body is considered necessary for the practice of non-violence. This should be accompanied also by speech emanating from the heart which knows nothing but love. The result is that there is absolutely no thought of injury and no specch of it either, indicating that there is no instigation of somebody else to commit violence.
The Jaina teacher made himsā (violence) into two distinct categories, as mentioned earlier-bhāva-himsă (violence in thought) and dravya-hirsā (violence by physical action). The former has predominated in the discussion of ahirisă (non-violence) by the Jajna thinkers. It is to be noted that even before the definition of ahirisa given by Umāsvati or who in his Tattvarthainigama-sútra developed Jainism into an influential epistemological and metaphysical system, Acārya Kundakunda (Umāsvati's teacher) who flourished probably 'at the beginning of the Christian era,23 had ordained that whether was killed or not, a negligent person certainly committed violence. A vigilant person, on the other hand, who acted with care did not suffer bondage by mere material injury In fact, the Jaina philosophers think over this matter so deeply and intensively that they classify hi jisā or violence into 108 varieties so that the aspirant can detect even the minutest form of violence. According to them violence (hirsū) may broadly be divided into three categories --kặta (to act), kārita (caused to be done) and anum dita (applauding). This threefold violence becomes ninefold as it can be committed either by the instrumentality of mind, speech and body. The ninefold violence again becomes twenty-sevenfold for it can have three stages--särambha (thinking of violent action), samārambha (making preparation for violence) and ärambha (actual committance). The twenty-sevenfold violence becomes

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Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
one hundred and eightfold as it could be inspired by either of the four kāṣāyas (passions), viz., krodha (anger), māna (huff), māyā (deceit) and lobha (greed). The classification thus provides a comprehensive glimpses of non-violence as reflected in the writings of the Jaina ācāryas.25
The principle of ahimsa, as shown earlier, implies purity of thought, word and deed and is an outcome of universal love and sympathy towards all living beings, however tiny and minor they may be in the scale of evolution. Eliot nicely expresses the Jaina view of non-violence in the following:
"The beautiful precept of ahimsa or not injuring living things is not, as Europeans imagine, founded, on the fear of eating one's grandparents but rather on the humane and enlightened feeling that all life is one and that men who devour beasts are not much above the level of the beasts who devour one another.
926
Another point that needs some clarifications is that the practice of ahimsa has often misunderstood and misinterpreted. The doctrine of it was meant not only for the wandering mendicants or ascetics, but to the laymen it is prescribed according to his position and stage of religious progress. This has allowed Jaina kings and laity to fight on the battlefield for their empire and for their safety as well as honour. It may be remembered in this connection that the practical application of the principle by Mahatma Gandhi is only an extension of the traditional value of ahimsa. Gandhi himself has stated that he derived much benefit from the Jaina religious works as from the scriptures of other great faiths of the world. 27 To follow the path of ahimsa is a very tough and rigorous job. Unless one believes it heart and soul; it will not possible to realise its subtle nature of diverse dimensions. As mentioned earlier "ahimsā according to a householder, according to aṇuvrata, would require abstinence from killing any animals but according to mahāvrata it would entail all the rigour and carefulness to prevent oneself from being the cause of any kind of injury to any living being in any way.
128
Without entering further micro studies on the concept and application of ahimsa to the lives of the Parivrajakas it is an imperative task before us immediately to know the ordains of the Jaina ācāryas relating to other essential duties of the Jaina monks, like touring, habitation, food, lodging, etc.

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Touring
One of the most important characteristics of the Parivrājakas is to wander from place to place. They wandered alone, or banded themselves into communities under a spiritual leader-Satthā, Gaņācariyo, etc.29 A monk can stay for a night in a village and five nights in a town;30 but in the later period the monks were allowed to spend a month in summer and winter in a village or a town.31 While walking the monk should follow some principles:
(i) He must have the permission of his guru before undertaking
any tour. (ii) He should keep silent except during the period of preach
ing. (iii) He should walk with all requisites as permissible by the
rules. (iv) He must not allow any heretic or householder to follow
him. (v) He must avoid the places, unfrienldy or full of anarchy,
and the ways, full of living beings, seeds, grass, water or
mud. (vi) He should try to avoid the road through a forest, not
crossable even in five days. (vii) He should look forward for four cubits and seeing animals,
should move by walking on his toes or heels or the sides of his feet.
It is also interesting to note in this connection that the monks wers also asked to confine to the geographical limitations mentioned in the texts. The Brhat-kalp a32 warns that monks and nuns should not wander beyond Anga-Magadha (Bihar) in the east, Kaušāmbi (U.P.) in the south, Sthūņā district in the west and Kuņāla in the north. Another interesting account is that the five rivers, namely, the Gangā, Yamunā, Sarayū, Irävati and Māhi, should not be crossed twice or thrice in a month by a monk, except under special circumstances, like any trouble from the king or famine, inundation or other dangerous situation.33 The Jaina monks or Parivrajakas, were wandering in these regions centring round Bihar, portions of U.P., parts of Punjab and Haryana states. Even a Muni is not permitted, after wandering about four or five leagues, to stay at the place at which he has arrived, but

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must return before night. If unable to do so he must return & certain part of the way and lodge there.34
According to Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, "The object of this custom may have been to avoid levying too great a tax on tho hospitality of the people, and also to prevent the ascetic forming close or undesirable friendships which might tempt him to break either his vow oî non-possession of goods or of chastity. The rule was, however, relaxed during the rainy season, when Mahāvira, like his subsequent followers, made a practice of remaining for four months at the same place."35
Regarding touring, habitation, begging, etc., the Kalpa-sūtra contains a chapter on the 'Rul's for Yatis': “This Institution was ordained by the adorable ascetic Mahāvira at Rājagļha, in the sacred garden (Chitra) of Guņaśila, while surrounded by multitudes of male and female ascetics and lay disciples, as well as gods and g oddesses.":36
Habitation
The Jaina Parivrājakas appear to have been predominantly eremitical. They have to follow certain norms regarding habitation and other day to day activities. A mendicant is expected not to stay in halting places, garden houses, family houses and monasteries where many fellow-ascetics are frequently arriving.37 The Ācārunga sūtra mentions that "A mendicant may exert himself or stand or sit or lje in a burying place, or in an empty house or in a mountain cave or in a potter's workshop."38 All these places are congenial for performing meditation. Mahāvīra also prescribed that the monks should reside in a sylvan and solitary place. He "having given up the town and country of Mithila, his army,... retired from the world and resorted to a lonely place."39 A true monk, according to the Uttarājjhāyaṇa Sutta, 40 should live in company with other monks, upright and free from desire; he should abandon his former connections and not longing for pleasures; he should wander about as an unknown beggar. The monk should rot use a lodging place where house-holder is living or a place containing the eggs of living beings. Even the monks are asked to avoid the places visited by women, beasts and eunuchs. They should not live in a place which is already be set with “many Sramaņas and Brāhmaṇas, guests, paupers and beggars.” The Parivrajakas or the monks, on the other hand, were always advised

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to live with distinguished and learned (gitārtha) elders instead fo remaining alone." Thus, in the Jaina texts of the later period emphasis laid on the life of monks in monasteries (upāíraya) in which they must not allow any outsider (Uvāsaga) to spend even for a night. Monks have to undergo severe punishment, if they spent three nights outside vihāra without proper perinission.
Vassāvāsa or Rain-retreat
An exhaustive account regarding the Vassāväsa of Mahāvīra is found in the Kalpa-sūtra. The text also mentions the places where the great teacher spent the rainy seasons since he had renounced the life of a house-holder.
Eremitical tendencies in course of time gave way to the coenobitic among the Jainas. The institution of the Vassāvāsa appears to have been a contributory factor in this development. To the Jaina Parivrājakas, like that of the Buddhist as well as Brāhmaṇical, rain-retreat is compulsory, for it helps the ascetics to abstain from injury to living beings, even to vegetation lives which grow luxuriantly in this season. “When the rainy season has come and it is raining, many living beings are originated and many seeds just spring up, the roads contain many living beings, seeds etc. ... and should not wander from village to village but remain during the rainy season in one place."43 The Mülācāra" also mentions that a monk should stop touring in the rainy season and abstain from causing injury to vegetable beings which grow profusely during this time. It was so popular and common among the Jainas that the people criticised the Buddhist monks who did not adhere it at the begining: "How can these recluses, Sākyaputtiyas, walk on tour during the cold weather or hot weather and rain trampling down the crops and grasses, injuring life that is one-facultied and bringing many small creatures to destruction? Shall it be that these members of other's sects, whose rules are badly kept, cling to and prepare a rains residence, shall it be that birds having made their nests in the tree-tops, cling to a proper rains residence, which these recluses tiample on walking."45 Of course, Buddha later on prescribed the rules pertaining to the observance of indoor residence in the rainy season.
The Vassavāsa in Jainism,46 like Buddhism,"7 commences on the full moonday of Așādla and ends on the full moonday of Kärttika. The monks arc, of course, permitted to go to another place in

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the rainy season under certain circumstances. 48
(i) to know a religious text, known only to an ācārya who is
on fasting to death (ņāņā-ațţayāe), (ii) to spread the faith (dam saņaţthayāe), (iii) to save one from going astray to a bad place (carittaţtha
yāe),
(iv) to attend the ācārya or the upādhyāya who remains in a
dry-place (āyariya.Uvajjhāyāna vā bahitä veāvaccam Karane
tāte); and (v) if the ācārya or upādhyāya is dead (āyariya-Uvajjhāyā vā
se Visumbheijā).
The institution of rain-retreat (Vassăvăsa) seems to have originated in physical necessity, but later on, it appears to have come to acquire ceremonial significance in the Jaina, Buddha as well as in the Brāhmanical societies.
As regards food, the Jaina Parivrījakas always gave emphasis on the non-injury to life The monk was to avoid "living beings, mildew, seeds, sprouts, flowers, eggs, layers, and moisture.''* Similarly, he was not to accept as alms "flattened grains, grains containing much chaff or half-roasted spikes of wheat etc., or flour of wheat etc., or rice or flour of rice 'recognised as only once worked."?50 The Jaina texts, judging from the stand point of asceticism, refer to two kinds of food-nirdosa (pure) and sadoşa (impure). Impurity stands because of the following cause:51
(a) Udgama (preparation of food) (b) Uppādana (how food is secured) (c) Eşaņā (how it is accepted) (d) Paribhoga (how it is enjoyed)
A Jaina monk is supposed to fill half of his belly with food, onefourth with water, and one-fourth with wind. The maximum quantity of food to be taken ordinarily is thirty-two morsels (kavala! 5. The terins ekālpiko, dvålopiko, sattālopiko used in connection with the consumption of food by the monks distinctly demonstrate the restrictions on the quantity of food taken by the monks. The Cheda-sūtias 3 mention the rules about the quantity of food and the mode of eating. A long list of circumstances under

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which food could not be taken is given in the Mülācāra. If a crow touches the food or if some one vomits or if the monk happens to see blood or flesh or somebody crying or if living beings like flies fall into his food, no food should be received under such circumstances. Again: monks should not take food before sunrise and after sun-set." Food must be procured in broad daylight and never in twilight or night.55 It must not be preserved even for the next half of the day and stale food was forbidden for the use of the monks. 56 Food from donor of loose morals was also rejected.57 There is, however, reason to suppose that even meat cating was not categorically forbidden. As a matter of fact, the monks could accept meat in alms under certain circumstances.58 But this fact goes against the spirit of Jainism which practises ahimsā; hence the terms, like 'nārsena', 'poggalam', 'unimisar' etc. mentioned in the Ācāranga-sútra, have been taken by some commentators in the sense of vegetarian diets.
What is received from the alms is to be distributed among the fellow monks with proper permission from the teachers. It is thus stated that “A single mendicant, having collected alms for many, might, without consulting his fellow ascetics, give them to those whom he list; as this would be sinful, he should not do so. Taking the food, he should go there (where his teacher etc. are) and speak thus: 'O long lived śramaņa! there are near or remote (spiritual) relations of mine: a teacher, a sub-teacher, a religious guide, a sthāvira, a head of a gana, a gañadhara, a founder of a gana; forsooth, I shall give it them'. The other may answer him: “Well now, indeed, O long lived one; give such a portion.' As much as the other commands thus much he should give; if the other commands the whole, he should give the whole.''59 It shows that fellow feeling or feeling for the comrnunity as a whole was widely prevalent among the monks of the Jaina order. Everything was managed democratically by the monks and there was no such thing as individual property within the order.
Another interesting point that should be mentioned in this connection is that the Jaina institution regulated the life of the monks and nuns not only within its order alone but their relations with the public as well as with the king also. The Jaina teachers were very careful about the political influences over this Jaina order. Monks and nuns, therefore, should avoid all political controversics; even they were not allowed to make friendship with the

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kings or persons in authority. They should not make any inti. macy with any householder, although they had to depend on society for maintaining livelihood.
The question of clothes was a controversial one amongst the Jainas. The Digambaras believe that Mahāvira abandoned clothes at the time of his initiation, while the Svetāmbaras hold that he abandoned them after thirteen months. Anyway, Mahāvira was in favour of nakedness. He felt that an ascetic must have completely conquered all his emotions, shame amongst others. A true monk would not feel either heat or cold, and so would not need the protection from the weather offered by cloths, and he would be so indifferent to mere appearances as to be unconscious as to whether he wore raiment or not. In this connection we may mention the following observation: “Jaina monks are naked because Jainism says that as long as one entertains the same idea of nakedness as we do, he cannot obtain salvation. One cannot, according to Jain principles, obtain mokşa, as long as he remembers that he is naked. He can only cross over the ocean of the world after he has forgotten that he is naked .... As long as a man thinks and knows that he is naked, that there is something like good and evil, he cannot obtain mokşa. He must forget it to obtain nirvāņa."
Regarding clothes and other essential requirements of the Parivrājakas of the Jaina order, we have Jaina manuals mentioning rules and regulations in this context. We learn from the Acārangasūtra62 that Mahāvira used his robe 'for a year and a month and then he became 'a naked, world-relinquishing and houseless sage'. Though Mahāvīra himself followed the more rigorous practice of going completely naked, yet he permitted the Niganhas to put on a single robe which justifies the reference to them as "Ekasāțak" by Gośāla.63 But they were also described as ‘a-chela', i.e., complete nakedness.64 The explanation of this discrepancy must be an actual discrepancy of practice in connection with clothing among the early Niganthas. The more ardent followers of Mahāvira, the Jinakalpikas and those Ajivikas who continued to remain within the Nirgrantha foldas seem to have probably followed the principle of entirely nakedness, while the other probably adhered to the less rigid but older practice. C.J. Shah observes, "Taking it historically and literally, we can say that the Svetāmbaras are more akin to Pārsvanātha than to Mahāvīra, and Digamba ras are nearer the latter, because Mahāvīra passed many years of his life as a pro

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59
phet in a naked stage, while both Pārśva and his followers preferred to remain dressed."66 Eliot also holds the same view. But it is not convincing and justified to connect the Svetāmbaras with Pārśva and the Digambaras with Mahāvīra only on the basis of nudity alone, "since it is proved independently that everyone of the tirthankaras, lived as a naked śramaņa."67
The Jaina texts provide us with enough evidence of the Jaina monks used little clothing. “To a mendicant who is little clothed and firm in control, it will not occur: My clothes are torn, I shall beg for new clothes." Elsewhere we have "a mendicant ... should wear the clothes in the same state in which they are given him.... After winter is gone and the hot season has come, one should leave off the used-up (garment of the three), teing clad with an upper and under garment... or with no clothes, aspiring for freedom from bonds.":68 It evidently shows that the rules about dress varied among the Jaina monks according to season. The Acārangasūtra, thus, allows a monk to have in winter from one to three robes, which, however, must be worn unchanged, unwashed etc. With the advent of summer new robes may be begged, but less may be put on, so that even nakedness is permissible. 69 A nun is, however, allowed to use four raiments. As to the kinds of cloth, permissible are cloth made of wool, silk, hemp, palm-leaves, cotton or Arkatüla or such like clothes."1 But they should not accept clothes which the layman for the mendicant's sake has bought, washed, dyed, brushed, rubbed, cleaned as perfumed" and also "very expensive clot! es.':72 Monks received clothes from their elders according to their status (ahārāiņiyãe) and this system of distribution of clothes reminds us of the same practice prevailing in the Buddhist Vihära." Another point which comes out from the above observation is that nudity was not rigidly practised in the early Jains institution. All that was emphasised on was non-attachment to any worldly objects, like clothing and other things, which was believed to the fundamental factor leading to liberation from bonds.
It will not be out of place to mention here that both the schools the Svetāmbara and the Digambara, did not encourage nudity for nuns We have carlier referred to that Sivabhūti, the founder of a sub-sect called Bodiya at Rathavirapura, started nudity among themselves but he did not allow his sister Uttarā to accept it.
According to the Pravacanasära, a Digambara Jaina text by

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Kundakunda, “Women are forbidden from accepting severe types of asce ticism, such as, nakedness because they are constitutionally unfit: there is a growth of subtle living beings in their organ of generation, between their breasts, in their navel and armpits, their mind is fickle and devoid of purity, they have monthly courses and they cannot concentrate undisturbed."'74 The Jaina teacher of this sub-sect, thus, prescribes for nuns some ascetic emblems which were more moderate and less rigorous than that prescribed for monks.75 Women were allowed to be a member of the order but they could not get liberation in that birth." The begging bowl was another article about which ascetic prac
varied; even in case of the Jaina monks we meet several types of bowls for different monks and nuns, Bowls of bottle-gourd, or wood, or clay were permitted." A young, strong and healthy monk might take only one bowl. According to the commentary this rule applied to the Jinakalpikas etc. while ordinary monks could have a drinking vessel besides the alms bowl.78 The Jaina texts? mention the following fourteen requisites, essential and occasional, the number of which was determined by the rank of the monks. In other words, the first twelve are meant for the Jinakalpikas while the entire requisites are allotted to the Sthāvirakalpikas: (1) Pațța (bowl). (2) Pattābandha (thread), (3) Pāyatthavana (base), (4) Pāya-kesari yă (dust-cleaner), (5) Padalāim (Pat-covers), (6) Ravattānam (dust wiper), (7) Gucchão (dust-brush), (8) Paccāgā (three cloths), (9) Rayaharaṇam (broom), (10) Muhapatti (mouthpiece), (11) Mattaga (earthen pot), and (1?) Colapasta (the loin-cloth). The Jaina manual prescribes "clothes, aims-bowls, blankets, brooms, property meaning uvagraha property, e.g., the ground which the house-holder allows the mendicant who stavs in his house and straw-mats80 as the necessaries of a monk.
The Sixfold Monastic Orders
In terms of spiritual evolution, the Jaina ascetics attained diffe. rent stages before they finally attain mokşa. These are the stages of the ācārya, upadhyāya, sādhu, tirthankara or arhanta and the siddha. These five grades together with the primary stage of the Muni, are known as the sixfold monastic order of Jainism. The Jaina scriptures. viz., the Thāṇānga, the Vyavahāru, Avaśyakanir yukri etc., afford us valuable information about the nature and activities of the Jaina hierarchy. An attempt has been

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made in the following to explain the five stages that ‘more developed' than the stage of the Muni who is deemed to be an ordinary ascetic, of course, more advanced than that of the Srāvaka (householder).
Acārya
The acārya is the teacher (guru) in the spiritual sense of the term. He is described as the head of a Gaņa, vastly learned, welldisciplined and master of fivefold ācāra, jñina darśana, caritra, tapa and virya. Hence he is respected by all.81 He enjoys the privilege of initiating pupil known as seha, antevāsī, sāmanera into the spiritual path. We are told that there were four classes of ācārya: One initiating a pupil; onc confirming him; One doing neither of these two; and another doing both of them.89 It is to be noted here that Jainism accepts the Brāhmaṇical view that an ācārya is essential for initiation. The Vyavahüra refers to four more ācārya who were responsible to guide monks and nuns in daily duties. 83 The duty of the incory, accordingly is to guide moral and spiritual conduct of his pupils. The acāryas are also expected to possess a thorough knowledge of the Jaina scriptures as also a knowledge of the various other religions. It is also stated that they should have at least eight years experience of monkhood. 84
Upadhyāya
He is empowered to delivering lectures to a group of monks85 on various spiritual matters. Naturally he is expected to have a sound knowledge of the various scriptures on which he discourses. He is expected to have at least three years' experience as a monk and with good knowledge of the rules of the monastic conduct.86 He was so-called because he was approached by the monks for instruction in sacred texts.87 The Avasvaka-nirukti88 further explains the upadhyāya (ujjha) as one who took to meditation with full consciousness and the term Uvājjhüya as one who destroyed karman by conscious meditation. “All teaching and studying is a kind of austerity; if a man studies intentionally to gain merit, he will get merit (punya); if, however, he studies and teaches to gain and impart knowledge with no thought of acquiring merit, he will destroy certain karma (nirjarā).”88

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Sadhu
According to Mrs. Stevenson, "he is just an ordinary ascetic or sadhu; if he be a Digambara, he will wear no clothes and live in the forest, lost to the world and immersed in meditation, eating only once a day and tearing out his hair as it grows. . . . If he be a Śvetämbara or a Sthanakavāsi, he will move from Apasaro to Apasaro clad in white clothes."'90 He is an ascetic who observes scrupulously the various codes of conduct prescribed for attaining spirituality in life. He will have to practise the various virtues, mentioned in the Jaina canons, in his own individual life showing that before he becomes eligible to deal with spiritual matters, he should himself have undergone the prescribed course of ethical life which offers a real insight into the nature of spiritual life.
Tirthankara or Arhanta
This is undoubtedly an advance stage of spiritual life. In this stage traces of anger, pride, deceit, greed, attachment hatred and ignorance are not perceivable in the monk. "The Being" as observes Mrs. Stevenson has attained perfection of knowledge, perfection of speech, perfection of worship, and absolute security, for no danger or disease can ever come where he is." The mere sight of an arhanta is considered to have the potentiality to convert hundreds of people to the path of spirituality and to destroy scepti cal and perverse attitude towards life. The presence of the arhanta, thus, is always enlightening.
Of the seven categories of arhats, viz., the Pañcakalyāṇadhārī, Tinakalyāṇadhārī, Dokalyāṇadhārī, Šāmānyakevalī, Sātiśayakevalī, Upasargakevali and Antakṛtkevali, the first three are the tirthankara type, while the remaining, the non-tirthankara type. In regard to the spiritual experience. there is no difference at all. The distinction lies on the fact that the former is capable of preaching and professing religious doctrines in order to guide the mundane souls immersed in the life of illusion, (his sermons are properly worded by the ganadharas) while the latter is not permitted to preach religious faith or principles, but enjoys the sublimity of mystical experience."
"A meaning often given to the word tirthankara is that of one who finds a ford (tirtha) through this world (Samsara) to mokṣa, or one who attains a landing on the other side. But many Jainas say it denotes one who forms four communities (tīrtha) of monks

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and nuns, and male and female lay-followers. When a new tirthankara arises, the followers of the preceding one follow him, as the followers of Pārsvanātha followed Mahāyira.”93 We have earlier mentioned that the number of tirthankaras for every age is believed to be only twenty-four. It is to be noted that a spiritual aspirant of the non-tirthankara group can attain the next higher stage of the siddha by dint of his spiritual attainments which can be had only through pure meditation or contemplation." He is an ideal saint, a paranātnian or god whom the Jainas assign an enormous list of attributes.95
Siddha
This is the last stage or the final goal of a Jaina ascetic. In this stage the ascetic is free from karman altogether, he is completely independent of all exterr al objects. "The siddla has the following characteristics: absolute knowledge, faith, insight, righteousness, and prowess. He also has the power of becoming minute and gigantic at will, and of moving anywhere unhindered; he is unaffected by anything, so that neither death, disease, rebirth, nor sorrow can any longer touch him. He is also without a body; and this is the reason why Jaina feel they can never pray to a siddha." He is described as not being the product of anything nor producing anything. 96 Neither arhat ror siddha has on him the responsibility of creating, supporting or destroying the world. The aspirant receives no boons, ro favours and no curses from bim by way of gifts from the divinity. The aspiring souls pray to him, worship him and meditate on him as an example, as a model, as an ideal that they too might reach the same condition.”97
The acquisition of Siddhahood is synonymous with attaining Nirvāņa" where there is no question of his experiencing either pleasure or pain, or any types of karman. His is a state of infinite, pure and boundless bliss.9' It is nicely described in the Jaina text“All sounds recoil thence where speculation has no room, nor does the mind penetrate there. The liberated is without body, without resurrection, without contact of matter; he is not feminine, nor masculine, nor neuter; he perceives, he knows, but there is no analogy; its essence is without form; there is no condition of the unconditioned '100
Thus, the description of the sixfold monastic order of the Jaina ascetic demonstrates the different stages of perfection of the

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ascetic.
A word may not be irrelevant in this connection about the position of Jainism in the evolution of Indian religio-philosophical thought. The fundamental tenets of Jainism can well be epitomised in two distinct nomenclatures, viz., ahiinsū and anekāntavāda, the two important principles, philosophically and socially, through which the followers of the faith express their respect for life (ahisă) and the doctrine of open-mindedness (on kunta).
An exhaustive study has been made earlier, hence a brief note on anekānta is required. In fact, anekāntarādu or syādvāda-the non-absolutism, is an original contribution of the Jainas to the realm of Indian religion and philosophy. It means that no object is absolutely identical; similarly, the differences are not absolutely scattered. According to the Jaina thinkers the identity or permanence exists in the midst of all the varying modes or differences. According to them reality is a synthesis of opposites--identity and difference, permanence and transformation. The philosophy of anekunta, needless to say, represents a scientific and sensible approach of things in a systematised form. The description of a thing is apparently contradictory, but perfectly true and complete knowledge. Its humility is seen reflected in its analysis and in the logic of the seven modes, the sapta-biangi-nara as it is known to the Jaina philosophers: syūdasti (it is), synnasti (it is not), syādastinásti (it is and is not), srādavaktaryam (it is indescribable), syādasti ca avaktavram ca (it is and is indescribable) spannāsti ca avaktavy'aim ca (it is not and is indescribable), syādasti nästi ca avak tvyam ca (it is, is not, and is indescribable).
Thus, in the logic of sapta-bhangi-naya, certain common points have been discovered between Jainism, Samkhya. Vedānta and Buddhism. Similarly, common differences are also to be found with the Vedic religion. Thus syādasti has a reference to the satkār yavāda of the Samkhya, while syāt-nūsti has a reference to the sūnyavāda of the Buddhas. Similarly, syāt-usti ca nāsii ca has a reference to the Vaiseșikas and svät-avaktavyah has a reference to the Vedānta view. Anyway, if the Jaina philosophy ha; some similarities with the other Indian philosophical systems, it has its own peculiarities as well. M. Hiriyana thus observes - "Though independent of Buddhism, Jainism resembles it in several respects, e.g. in its repudiation of the authority of the Veda, its pessimistic outlook on life and its refusal to believe in a supreme

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God. But the differences it exhibits are equally noticeable, such as its recognition of permanent entities like the self and matter. In these it resembles Brahmanism, justifying the description that it is a theological mean between Brahmanism and Buddhism.”101
Jainism, as mentioned earlier, accepts certain principles in common with Brāhmaṇical religion, but this does not make any constraint for its independent origination and free development of the philosophy. In view of some of the peculiar tenets of Jainism the postulate has been advanced10% of a “great Magadhan religion, indigenous in its essential traits, that must have flourished on the banks of the Ganges in Eastern India long before the advent of the Aryans into Central India.” The influence of pre-Aryan religious beliefs and practices on later Vedic thought and on subsequent religious and artistic developments is generally admitted. But it is difficult to make any specific criteria for differentiating Aryan and pre-Aryan elements at this advanced and developed stage. Of course minute analysis will reveal the predominance of the preAryan thinking in Jainism. So far as Jaina thought is concerned, the suggestion of Charpentier still seems to be worth-noting: "It represents, probably, in its fundamental tenets one of the oldest modes of thought known to us, the idea that all nature, even that which seems to be most inanimate, possesses life and the capability of reanimation; and this doctrine the Jainas have, with inflexible conservation, kept until modern times.”103
REFERENCES
According to the Thānănga-sutra (p. 164b), the following persons are stated to be unfit for the Jaina order: Bāla (a child below eight years), vuddha (an aged), panda (an eunuch), vihiä (a sick man), jurgià (a person devoid of limbs), kiva (a timid person), jadda (dull-headed), teņa (a thier), rāyāyagāri (an enemy of the king), Unmatta (a mad man), adamsaņe (a blind), dása (a slave), duttha (a wicked), müdha (a stupid), anatta (one who is in debt), obaddha (an attendant), bhayai (a servant), sehanipphediya (a kidnapped person), guvvini (a pregnant), bālavacchā (a minor girl or a woman having a small child). The list shows that persons having unsound health and crippled structures are not able to follow the rigid rules of the Jaina order; and, they are, thus, exempted for ethical consideration.
'Ib d., p. 10.
*The Jaina texts are full of records relating to the causes for renunciation. The Thänänga (p. 473b) states the following reasons:
(i) chandă (out of free will); (ii) roså (out of anger);

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(iii) parijunna (out of poverty); (iv) suviņa (by dream); (v) padissută (for a vow); (vi) sāranită (due to sudden reminiscence of previous birth); (vii) roginită (for illness); (viii) aņādhită (due to humiliation by somebody); (ix) devasánnati (due to enlightenment by the god); and (x) vacchānubandhitū (renunciation due to affection for one's son who had
become wonk). There are, of course, other reasons for renunciation. In fact, the same sutra (pp. 128b and 276ab) enumerates that one (tuyāvaitta) became monk to avoid troubles, and the other by conversion (puyāvaitta). some by mutual agreement (sangarapavvajjā) or by instruction (akkhātapavvajjā). It is interesting as well as significant to note that some became monks to maintain themselves (ihaloga), or to get good food, or to get rid of debts (moyāvaitta), etc. Similar. ly, the Uttaradhyāyana-sutra (XVI) states that people renounced the world whenever they became tired of this worldly life (Samsāra-bhayodvigna). Sometimes the wife and parent followed the husband and son respectively.
The Bhagavali sutra (25, 7, 803) speaks of two kinds vyutsarga (renunciation): (1) dravyavyut sarga, i.e., renunciation of physical objects and (ii) bhavavyut-sarga i.e. renunciation of mental states. The first one is again sub-divided into four-viz., renunciation of gaña (society), of body, of articles and of food and drink. The second category is of three kinds --viz., renunciation of four passions, of four forms of life and of eight karma-prakstis. "Pravacanasüra, pp. 44ff. 'Ibid., III, 26, 70.
Acaranga-s@tra, I1. Bhagavati-sūtra, 17. 3, 601.
The five samitis are -ia) iryā (going by paths trodden earlier so as not to cause the death of any living beings; (b) brāsā (gentle, sweet and righteous speech); (c) esanā (receiving alms in a manner to avoid forty-two faults); (d) adūna (receiving and keeping of things necessary for religious exercises); (e) ukkära (performing the operations of nature, in an unfrequented place).
"The Guptis, are as follows: (i) Mano-gupti i.e., preventing the mind from wandering in the forest of
sensual pleasures by employing it in contemplation, study, etc.; (ii) Vāg-gupti, i.e., preverting the tongue from saying to ugly things by a vow
of silence; (iii) Käya-gupti, i.e. putting the body in an immovable posture as in the
case of Kāyotsarga. 1° Mrs. S Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism. pp. 154-56. 11 Sāmāyika carita, Chedopasthüpaniya-carita, Parihara-visuddhacarita, Sūkşmasamparāya-carita, and Yathākhyāta carita.
12 Uttara-sūtra, XXX; Tattvārtha-sūtra, 9.19. 13Uttara-sūtra, XXX, 6. 14S.N. Dasgupta, HTP, vol. I, p. 203. 16 Uttara-sutra, XXIX. 8 13. 185.N. Dasgupta, HIP, vol. I. p. 200.

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1'Hemacandra and other Jaina writers define ahimsă in the following verse:
Save jiva vi icchanti jivium na marijjum / tamhii påņivaham ghoram nigganthā vajjayanti mam ||
- Daśavaikälika-sútra, verse 219 cf. also R. Williams, Jaina Yoga, p. 71. 18 Acārārga-sutra, 1.3.3.
1*In Buddhism we find that the very intention (will) of committing an evil action is an act itself. The Anguttara-nikāya (III, p. 415) thus states-Cetana aham, bhikkhave, kamman vedāmi; cetāyitvā kammam karoti, kāyena, vācāya, mansā.
cf. also 'Will in Buddhism is the Chief Element of Causation of Karma'S.Z. Aung and Rhys Davids, Compendium of Philosophy, p. 235. ** Daśavaikālika, ch. VII. 21 Ogha-niryukti, 325. 22 Byhat-kalpa, 1.47. 23A.N. Upadhe, Introduction to Kundakundācārya's Pravacanasāra, p. xxij. 24 Pravacanasara, 3.17; cf. also Dayanand Bhargava's Jaina Ethics, p. 106.
25R. Williams (Jaina Yoga, pp. 69ff) makes an exhaustive study on more complex calculations and divisions of ways in which ahimsā is committed.
26 Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, I, p. lvi. For the opinion of D.D. Kosambi, see, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, pp. 157-58.
27 Modern Review, 1916, October, The Letter from Gandhiji. 28S.N. Dasgupta, HIP, vol. I, p. 200. 20 Thänānga, 439.
30 Ācāränga-sūtra, p. 137. “The monks are, however, permitted to prolong their stay for five or ten days of the winter after the end of the rainy season, if they find the road containing still mud and many living beings.”
31 Brhat-kalpa, I, 6-7. 3 Ibid., 1.51. 38Thānānga, p. 308b. 34Kalpa-sūtra and Nava-tattva, p. 114, J. Stevenson, London, 1848. 35 Mrs. S. Stevenson, op. cit., pp. 36-37. 36 Kalpa-sütra and Nava-tattva, p. 114. 37 Ācārānga-sitra, II, 2, 2, 6, p. 126. 38 Ibid., 1, 7; 2, 1, p. 64. 39Uttara-sutra, IX, 4, p. 36. 40Ibid., XV.1. 41 Nisiha, com., (edited by Schubring, Leipzig, 1918), 16.29. **Ibid., 10.13. 43 Ācārārga-sūtra, p, 136. 4Mülācāra, 3, 35-36. 45 Vinaya-pitaka, 1.137ff; B.C. Jain, Jainism in Buddhist Literature, p. 113. 46 Mülācāra, 10.18. 47 Vinaya-pitaka, I.138. 4Thāņānga, p. 308b. "Jaina-sútras, I, p. 304. 5° Ibid., p. 89. 31 Ācāränga-sútra, Bk. II, Lecture I, pp. 88ff; Bhagavati-sūtra, 7.1, pp. 268-69;

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Daśavelaya-sūtra commentary by Abhayadeva, 5.1, 28.
59 Mūlācāra, 6.72. 5sVyavahāra, ed. Schubring, Leipzig, 1918, 8, 16. **Bhagavati-sūtra, 7.1, pp. 208-69. 65 Brhat-kalpa, 1.43. 86 Ibid., 4, 11, 5, 10. "Nisiha, 15, 79-98. 58 Jaina-sūtras, I, pp. 114-15. 5* SBE, XXII, p. 113. * Nisiha, 16, 16-24. BI Mrs. S. Stevenson, op. cit., p. 35.
62 Acārārga-sútra, p. 79; Elsewhere (p. 56) it states-"Those are called naked, who in this world, never returning to a worldly state) follow my religion according to the commandment."
63ERE, I, p. 265.
"Uttara-sutra, II, p. 9; Elsewhere (Uttar., II. 12-13) it is stated that "My clothes being torn, 'I shall (soon) go naked', or 'I shall get a new suit' such thoughts should not be entertained by a monk. At one time he will have no clothes, at another he will have some; knowing this to be a salutary rule, a wise (monk) should not complain about it."
85 SBE, XXII, p. xxvi. 66C.J. Shah, Jainism in North India, p. 70. 67P.V. Kane Volume, Studies in Indology, pp. 228-37. 88 Ācāranga-sūtra, 1.7, 4.1. 69Ibid., pp. 67-68. 10 Ibid., p. 157. 71 Jaina-sūtras, I, p. 157. 72 Brhat-kalpa, 3, 19-20. 78 Mahāvagga, VII1.99. 74 Pravacanasāra (ed. A.N. Upadhe, Bombay, 1935), Introduction, p. xxx. 75 Ibid., III.25, com., 6-14, pp. 302-5. 78Ibid., III.24, com., 7, p. 302. 77 Jaina sūtras, I, p. 168. 78 Ibid., fn. 2. ** Ogha-niryuktis, vv. 667-69. ** Ācārānga-sútra, p. 23. #1 Ācārārga, com., pp. 4-5; Avašyaka-niryukti, v. 998. $2Thāņārga, pp. 239b, 240a. 88 Vyavahāra, 10, 11-12. **Ibid., 3, 7. 86 A cārārga-sútra, pp. 113, 146. 86V yavahāra, 3, 3-4. 87Țhānănga, com., p. 140a; Āvas yaka-niryukti, v. 1001. 88 Āvaśyaka-niryukti, vv. 1002-3.
8° Mrs. S. Stevenson, op. cit, p 240. In Pāli, the term nirjara or nirjarā is found mentioned primarily to mean-'causing to cease', 'to cause to decay', 'to bring to naught' etc. The Nijjara-sutta of the Aliguttara-nikāya enumerates ten things (dasa vitthani) which are brought to naught by the cultivation of their

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opposites (AN, vol. V, p. 215, PTS. ed.). cf. Samma-diṭṭhikassa micchā-diṭṭhi nijjiņņā; samma-saṁkappassa miccha-samkappo nijjinno; etc., i.e., 'the false vision' is nullified by the 'right vision' and the 'improper intention' by the 'proper intention'.
Ibid., p. 239.
1Ibid., p. 241,
"K.C. Sogani, Ethical Doctrines in Jainism, p. 199.
Mrs. S. Stevenson, op. cit., p. 241; see also, supra, fn. 1.
94K.C. Sogani, op. cit., p. 203.
95Ibid., p. 242.
69
"Pañcāstikāya, 36.
"Ibid.; cited in K.C. Sogani, op. cit., p. 199. Umasvati or Umāsvāmi, a disciple of the great Acarya Kundakunda of the first century AD in his Tativarthadhigama-sutra, 'The fountain-head of Jaina Philosophy' (J.N. Farquhar, ORLI, p. 136) expounded Jaina religious and philosophical thought of the contemporary age. According to his Tattvärtha-sutra, 29, kevala-jñāna is the full perfect knowledge which is the soul's characteristic in its pure and undefiled condition. It characterises the soul when entirely liberated from the bondage of matter. On its upward path, the liberated soul is said to rise upward and upward like a balloon (H. Zimmer, Philosophies of India, ed. J. Campbell, p. 258). It rises and rises and ever rises. The psychic point or the life monad, called the soul, continuously expands in ever widening circles until it reaches infinite knowledge, power and bliss.
98 Niyamasära, 183.
"Ibid., pp. 178-81.
100 Acaranga-sutra, I, 5-6, 3-4.
101 M. Hiriyanna, Outlines of Indian Philosophy, ch. VI, p. 155; Hopkins, The Religions of India, p. 283.
1A.N. Upadhe, 'Introduction of Kundakundācārya', Pravacanasära, p. xiv. 108 Cambridge History of India, I, p. 161; A Comprehensive History of India, ed. K.A.N. Sastri, pp. 412-13; D.A. Pai (Religious Sects in Ancient India, pp. 23-24) observes, "However, it must be said to the credit of Jainism and its followers that the organisation of the community, the inflexible conservatism in holding fast to the original institutions and doctrines, the firm support which the Jain church continued to receive from its followers, the absolute refusal to admit change have contributed immensely to its keeping its own place in the religious systems of India till the present day."

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CHAPTER FOUR
Jainism in Eastern India
Bihar THE flourishing condition of Jainism in the Vaiśāli-Rajgir regions since the time of its inception is an established fact. We have seen earlier that Bihar was the birth-place of the three tirthankaras; Śitalanātha was born on the Kuluha hill in the Chatra sub-division of Hazaribagh district, where a large number of Jaina antiquities can be found. According to Stein, “Inside (the grotto) is a wellpreserved inage of the Jina Pārsvanātha, seated and surmounted by the usual snakehood. Close to the west of this is another small grotto containing a seated Jina in the conventional posture. As the ciñha engraved on the pedestals is effaced, the Jina intended cannot be ascertained.”! The twentieth tirthankara, Munisuvrata born in Rājagļha, modern Rajgir in Bihar, where three great Jaina Munis, viz., Gautama Svāmi, Sudharma Svāmi and Jambu Svāmī, were born and had obtained their nirvūna. The twenty-first tirthankara, Neminātha was born in Mithilā which is identified with the modern Janakapura, a small town on Nepal border, north of which the Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga districts meet. Moreover, twenty-two tirthankıras had attained their hirvāṇa in different places centering round Anga-Magadha regions.
Rulers of these regions since the days of its organisation rendered patronage to the Jaina community, which possibly testifies to the long acquaintance of its population with Jainism. B.C. Law makes the following observation on the prevalence of Jainism in Bjhar-"Anga- Magadha, the territories of the Vrji-Licchavis, and Mallas and the kingdom of Kāśi Kośala are mentioned as the places which became the scene of wanderings of Mahāvīra and activities of his Nirgrantha followers in the Buddha's life-time. The Buddhist texts specifically mention Rājagțha, Nālandā, Vesali

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(Vaiśālı), Pāvā, and Savatthi (Srāvasti) as places where the activities of Mahāvīra and his immediate followers were concentrated. These texts clearly mention Vesali as the place where the religion of Mahāvira found its staunch supporters among the Licchavis.”3 The Anguttara-nikāya speaks of the Licchavi prince Abhaya worshipping Mahāvīra." Representatives of the dynasty of Saiśunāga-Bimbisāra and Ajātaśatru, were, as we noted earlier, related to Mahāvīra and professed Jainism. The Jaina-sútra” records how Bimbisāra had a debate with a Jaina monk as a result of which "the lion of kings ... together with his wives, servants and relations became staunch believer in the Law.” The Aupapātika narrates Ajātaśatru's visit to the place of Mahavira in order to listen sermon from the latter. The next king of this dynasty, Udayi, is also said to have built a Jaina monastery at Pāțaliputra.? Jainism during this time may have spread rapidly in other places. Jaina monks had easy access in his palace, and it was a disguised Jaina monk who assassinated this king. Again, the Nandas who had a considerable command throughout eastern India were Jainas. Candragupta Maurya, founder of the Maurya dynasty, was a staunch follower of Jainism, particularly in his later days when he lived as an ascetic for twelve years and died in Sravaņa Belgola in Mysore.
Asoka, according to some scholars, professed Jainism in his early days and introduced this religion in Kashmir.is Even if we do not agree with this account, we have to believe that Aśoka interested himself not only in Buddhism which he professed in his later period, but he took care of all other religious sects in his dominions. In the fourteenth year of his reign, he appointed some officials (Dhamma mahāmātas) whose duty was to look after the life of the various communities, to settle their quarrels, to control the distribution of their legacies and pious gifts. In the twenty-ninth year of his reign Asoka thus issuing the following orders: "I have also employed the High state-officers called Dhamma-mahāmātas on many objects of favour or kindness, which may affect both ascetics and householders and they are also employed among all sects (or denominations). With regard to the interest of the congregation I have so ordered that they shall remain engaged in their good). I have done this with regard to the Brāhmaṇas and the Ajivikas also, so that they should remain employed (for their good). So also have I done this with regard to the Nirgranthas

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(Jainas), so that they should remain employed (for their good). With regard to various (miscellaneous) sects too I have done this that they should remain employed (for their good)...." This shows that the Jainas as an influential sect enjoyed special favour of Asoka. Had they been without influence and of small numbers Asoka would hardly have known of them, or at least would not have singled them out from the other sects. The successors of Asoka also greatly contributed to the spread of Jainism.
Accordirg to the tradition preserved in Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan12 Asoka's grandson, Samprati, who resided at Ujjayini, dedicated himself to the cause of Jainism and sent missionaries to the Andhra and Dramila countries in south India. He is said to have been converted by Suhastin, the celebrated pupil of Sthulabhadra. He is also credited to have established numerous Jaina temples in different places, 13 but no remains are extant today.
It is interesting to note in this connection that the Kalpa-sūtra mentions the following places where Mahāvīra spent the rainy seasons since he had renounced the life of a house-holder.
(i) Asthigrāma—first rainy season (ii! Campā and Prsthacampā—next three rainy seasons (iii) Vaiśāli and Vānijyagrāma-next twelve rainy seasons (iv) Rājagļha and Nälardā-next fourteen rainy seasons (v) Mithila---next six rainy seasons (vi) Bhadrika-next two rainy seasons (vii) Alabhika--next rainy season (viji) Panitabhūmi--next rainy season (ix) Srāvasti--next rainy season (x) Pāpā-last rainy season
An identification of these places will show that Mahāvīra spent almost all the forty-two rainy seasons in several places of Bihar. Needless to point out that the identification of some places are not certain. Asthigrāma, according to some scholars, was the same place as Hathigama (Hastigrāma) which lay on the highroad from Vaiśāli to Pävā. But in the commentary on the Kalpa-sūtra Asthigrāma was formerly called Vardhamāna. It would perhaps be more correct to say that Asthigrāma was the earlier name of Vardhamāna (modern Burdwan, West Bengal).14
Campā was the capital of Anga and was formerly known as

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Malini. Anga was conquered in Mahāvīra's time by Śrenika Bimbisāra and permanently annexed to Magadha. Pargiter pointed out that the ancient Angadeśa where lived the people of the non-Aryan community that came over sea to eastern India15 comprised the territory corresponding to the district of Bhagalpur and probably including Monghyr.16 Kunika, son of king Śrenika Bimbisāra, left Rajagṛha on the death of his father and made Campa his capital," whose location is marked by two villages of Campanagara and Campapur near Bhagalpur.18 Padmavati, the second daughter of Ceṭaka (Mahavira's uncle of the Licchavi dynasty) was married with Dadhivahana, king of Campa and their daughter Candanā19 headed the big community of thirty-six thousand nuns under Mahavira, Campa turned to a great centre of Jainism. In fact "the family of Dadhivahana had a living interest in the Jaina doctrines." The Uvasagadasão21 mentions that a temple called Caitya Punnabhadra existed at Campă at the time of Suddharman, a disciple of Mahavira. The Jaina Aupapātika-sutra refers to this pompous and well decorated city which was a veritable paradise on earth full of wealth and prosperity, internal joy and happiness.
22
The association of the Mandara hill in the Bhagalpur district and Karnagarh hill near Bhagalpur where several Jaina relics of much antiquity have been found discloses the existence and popularity of this faith in this part. In this connection it may be remembered that Vasu Pujyanatha, the twelfth tirthankara, attained nirvāņa atop the Mandara hill which is an object of veneration for the Jaina community. Again the Brahmagiri hill to the south of Gaya town has a small figure with a horse on the pedestal which Cunningham believed to be a statue of Sambhavanatha, the third tirthankara.23 Yuan Chwang calls this place Chanp'o mentions that there were Sanghārāmas mostly in ruins showing that Jainism lost its hold in these city. Prstha Campã must have been a place not far from Campā.
73
Vaiśāli was the principal seat of government of the Vrji-Licchavis who were a great and powerful people in eastern India in the sixth century BC. It has been identified by Cunningham with the present village of Basarh in the Muzaffarpur district, in Tirhut, as marking the spot where stood Vaiśali in ancient days.24 This place was intimately associated with the early history of Jainism, as we have seen earlier, was known by the designation Vesalie or Vaiśālika, i.e., an inhabitant of Vaisali.25 Vāņijyagrāma, as name implies,

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was a centre of trade in the suburb of Vaiśāli.
Rajagṛha (modern Rajgir) was the ancient capital of Magadha. As it was surrounded by five hills called Isigili, Vebhara, Pandava, Vepulla and Gijjhakuta (according to the Mahabharata, the name of these hills are--Vipula, Vaibhāra, Varaha, Vrsabha and Rṣi), it was also known by the name of Girivraja. According to Jainas, these five hills are-Vipulacala, Ratnagiri, Udayagiri, Svarnagiri and Vaibharagiri. Archaeological excavations have revealed a large number of Jaina antiquities of different periods. The Sonbhāṇḍāra cave at Rajgir containing an inscription of two lines in characters of the early centuries of the Christian era at the right side of the door leading into the cave refers to one Muni Vairadeva, who died in the 584th year Mahavira's demise, as Jewel among the teachers who caused the excavation of two caves for the Jaina ascetics with images of Jinas installed therein. The inscription reads as follows:27
Line 1 Nirvāṇa-lābhāya tapasvi-yogye, Subheguhe-rahat-pra (ti) ma-pratisthe
Line 2 Acaryya-ratnam muni-Vairadevaḥ, Vimuktaye=kārayad= dirgha (?) -teja(ḥ).
In this cave we also find a standing figure of Sambhavanatha, which of course belongs to a later period. The Vaibhāra hill temple also contains a seated figure of Neminatha, head much mutilated, with a fragmentary inscription in Gupta characters and with two small Jinas seated below in Padmasana on the two sides of a standing figure 28 Even the lower half of a small naked male figure, doubtless an image of one of the Jaina tīrthankaras, still can be seen cut out of the rock, close to the inscription." Moniyār matha is also deemed to be a sacred place to the Jainas for the shrine on the top of an artificial brick mound. In 1851-62 General Cunningham, without destroying the matha at the top, went down to the depth of 21 feet in the well and recovered three small figures. One of the figures was a naked standing figure with sevenheaded serpent hood which looks like of Pārsv natha.
Nālandā which is described in the Kalpa-sutra as a suburb (bāhirika) of Rajagṛha was situated on the highroad from Rajagṛha of Vaiśāli, at a distance of one yojana," or half of a yojana.31 It is the present Bargaon, seven miles to the north-west of Rajgir in

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75
the district of Patna.32 A few sculptural specimens of the ninth century Ad have been unearthed from this place. A four-armed goddess (c. nine-tenth century AD) probably represents the Jaina Yakṣī, Padmāvati, a unique iconographic specimen from north India.33
Bhadrika or Bhaddiyanagara, famous city in Mahāvira's time, lay in the kingdom of Anga. Panitabhūmi, Paniyabhūmi in Ardhamāgadhi, was a place in Vajrabhūmi,' a division of the pathless country of Rādha.
Alabhika (Pāli, Alavi) is identified by Cunningham and Hoernle with Newal or Nawal in the Unao district in U.P. and Nandalal Dey with Airviwa, 27 miles north-east of Etawah.35 Srāvasti or Sāvatthi or Sāheth-Māheth lies on the borders of Gonda and Bahraich districts of Oudh in the U.P. The city of Śrāvast situated on the bank of the river Acirāvati (Räpti) was the flourishing capital of the kingdom of Kosala in Mahāvīra's time. It was known to the Jainas as Candrapuri or Candrakāpuri. It was the birth-place of Sambhavanātha and Candraprabhānātha.36
Papā or Pāpāpurï where Mahāvira spent his last rainy season is also known Apāpapuri. It was the place where the great teacher left his mortal existence. Unfortunately, the place has been located in different places. According to some scholars it is the same as Käsiä situated on the little Gandak river to the east of the district of Gorakhpur, U.P.,37 while others believe it to be Pāvāpuri of the present day, near Rajgir in Bihar.38
Besides these places of Vassārāsa of the great teacher, there were several other important sites in Bihar where Jainism flourished to a considerable extent. Pāțaliputra (Patna in Bihar), originally a Magadhan village known as Pāțaligrāma, lay opposite to Kotigrāma on the other side of the Ganges. It figures prominently in the Jaina literature; and during the time of Mahāvīra it was the centre of Jaina religion because Pătaligrama was one of the halting stations on the high road exteriding from Rājagļha (where Mahāvira spent fourteen rainy seasons to Vaiśālī (the birth-place of Mahāvira) and other places. It was also the scene of activities of great Jaina monks like Bhadravahu and Sthulabhadra at the later period. The latter monk summoned here a council nearly two hundred years after the demise of Mabāvira to collect the Jaina canonical texts 39 The temple of Sthulabhadra and other Jaina temples have been discovered by the Archaeological Department of the Government of India on the site of Pataliputra. A few Jaina

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bronzes from Chausa near Buxar in Bihar seem to belong to the first-second centuries of the Christian era. They are characterised by crude workmanship but valuable for showing the continuity and extent of influence of the Mathura school.40 The earliest specimen of Jaina art is supposed to be a highly polished torso of a Jina image from Lohanipur near Patna belonging to the Maurya period."1 Another unpublished later torso of a Jina in the kayotsarga pose has also been found from this place. Evidently these torsos represented some tirthankaras.12 A mutilated head of the Jaina tirthankara discovered by A. Banerji-Sastri from the same site is generally placed during the time of the Mauryas.13
A large number of Jaina antiquities have been discovered from different villages of the Manbhum and Singhbhum districts in the Chotanagpur division, Bihar. Mahīvīra is said to have visited Safa in the Manbhum district when he was on tour for the spread of his faith. It is said that the aboriginal inhabitants of this place were not very keen to listen to or follow Mahāvira and that he was even molested by them." But Mahāvīra with his resolute and firmness succeeded to establish his faith and ultimately his sense of sobriety and saintliness touched the heart of the tribal people and many were converted to Jainism.
The Jainas also known by the name of Srāvakī were once very influential in the district of Singhbhum in Bihar. The Saraks or Sravakas of today are nothing but an extension of the Jaina followers of ancient times. In this connection O'Malley observes: "The rame Sarawak, Serak or Sarak is clearly a corruption of Sravaka, the Sanskrit word for a hearer, which used by the Jainas for the lay brethren, i.e., Jainas engaged in secular pursuit, as distinguished from Yati, i.e., priests or ascetics. It appears probably that the latter remained in Manbhum where several Jaina temples have been found while the Srāvakes or lay Jainas penetrated the jungles, where they were regarded with the discovery of copper, upon the working of which they must have spent all their time and energy."45
Hunter has given an account of the prevalence of this faith in a village named Palma which is situated on the bank of the river Kasai and is, according to Bloch, close to milestone 10 on the Purulia-Manbazar road. Hunter "refers to a large mound of a Jaina temple, covered with stone and brick and with numerous images of the Jaina tirthank aras scattered about. One of the images was larger than life-size and was broken into two parts.

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71
At the feet of each idol are smaller figures with chowris in their hands and looking up at the principal figure. Round about these ruins were other mounds covered with cut-stone and bricks. It is obvious there were here quite a number of Jain Temples indicating the existence of some settlement of that community nearby. In 1902 Bloch could see only a heap of debris with some stone pillars and two colossal statues of tirthankaras lying at the site."46 In his report Beglar has also recorded the findings of several images of the Jaina tirthaikaras, viz., Adinātha, Pārsvanātha, Mahavira and others in the village called Pakbira (Manbhum). The most interesti'g and noteworthy of them was a colossal naked figure about seven and half feet high, representing a Jaina tirthankara, Sreyāṁsanātha, with the lotus symbol on its pedestal.47 Stone images of the Jaina deities have also been found in the districts of Hazaribagh, Dhalbhum, etc., and still there are several old remains 'which probably mark a former settlement of the Srāvaka or lay Jainas.»48
Bengal
The distribution of the Jaina icons and monasteries and the availability of the Jaina inscriptions in situ will reveal a great deal of the spread and influence of this faith in different places of eastern India. Earlier we have mentioned that Mahāvira as a wandering mendicant destined to be the Kevala, experienced great hardship in Bengal. According to the Jaina canonical texts the monks had to lead a wandering life except during the monsoon (like the vassā of the Buddhist nionks), when they stayed in one place. Mahāvīra in his wandering resided one day in a village and five days in a town. But with the introduction of convents (Upāśraya),"' corresponding to the vilāras of the Buddhists, he extended his staying as long as a week in a village, in a town as long as a month. The Acūranga-sūtra while giving a graphic description of Mahavira's hardships in Bengal, refers to various topographical names whose identification is a subject of keen controversy. However, during his twelve years rigorous penances he visited different parts of eastern India including the pathless tracts of the Lādhas (Rādhas in West Bengal), through Vajjabhūmi and Subbabhūmi. An analytical study of these Jaina canonical texts discloses the fact that ihu sojourn of Mahāvíra in Bengal was mainly confined to lonely highlands far away from cities and from lands rich with corn.

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In fact, the Jaina religion was firmly established in the lower Gangetic region in the Maurya period. A tradition recorded in the Brhat Kathūkośa of Harișeņa, composed in AD 931, says that the Jaina preceptor and saint, Bhadravāhu, the reputed spiritual guide of Candragupta Maurya, was born at Devikoța, synonymous with Koțivarşa, i.e., modern Bangarh in West Dinajpur district." After Bhadravāhu his disciple, Godāsa established an order known as Godāsagana. He is said in the Kalpa-sūtra to have classified the Jajnas of eastern India into various branches, four of which were known as Koțivarsiya, Pundravardhaniya, Tāmraliptīya and Karvāļiya after different place-names of ancient Bengal." While Tämralipuika refers to the ancient city-port, Tamralipta, which comprised modern Tamluk on the Rūpnārāyana in the Midnapur district, the oiher two, viz., Kotivarsa and Pundravardhaniya, undoubtedly belonged to North Bengal covering the ancient Kotivarsa and Pundravardhana.
Though the identification of Karvatiya has not yet definitely been determired, it may doubtless be placed somewhere in Bengal.52 Scholars are not consensus with the exact location of this place, but it may be identified with the village Dasikharbota in the Midnapur district. It is stated in the Great Epic53 that Bhima while undertakes a hurricane campaign in this land, he reduced to subjection the lords of Tāmralipta or Tamluk and Karvața apparently a neighbouring place. It is thus probable that this Karvata or Dásikharbota in the Midnapur district, like Tāmralipta, Kotivarsa and Pundravardhana, was also a famous centre of Jainism where a new branch of this faith had cmerged.
It evidently shows that these places of ancient Bengal had already gained fame as noted centres of Jainism, so as to lend their names to important branches of the followers of this faith. Bhandarkar observes that “while Bihar and Kośala were taken by Buddha and his adherents, Bengal was selected by Mahāvīra and his followers for their proselytizing activities."54 Needless to point out that the geographical limitation of Bengal undoubtedly included portions of Bihar, Orissa and Assam. The activities of Mahāvīra as a wandering mendicant, Bhadravāhu and Godāsa's establishment of different sub-sects of this faith, distinctly demonstrate that Bengal had come to be influenced by Jainism since its inception. The imperial Maurya king Asoka was well aware of the popularity of the religion of the Nirgranthas. The Divyavadāna55

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refers to the Nirgranthas of Pundravardhana during the life-time of Asoka. The recent discovery of a terracotta votive plaque from Farakka in the Murshidabad district showing the sacred Wheel and the tri-ratna flanked by what appears to be a goose reminds us the symbolic motifs of the Jaina A yagapattas. On stylistic ground the object is assigned to the Maurya-Sunga period. Such was the state of Jainism in Bengal in the pre-Christian era.
As regards the prevalence of the Nirgranthas in Bengal in the early centuries of the Christian era mention may be made of an inscription from Mathura which in all probability refers to a Jaina monk who was an inhabitant of Rādha in Bengal.56 There are enough evidences to show that Jainism established its stronghold in Bengal during the time of the Guptas. The Paharpur (Rajshahi, Bangladesh) inscription dated in the Gupta era 159 (AD 478-79) records a gift of land by a Brāhmaṇa couple for a Jaina vihāra”? of Vața-gokäli ‘which was presided over by the disciples and the disciples of d sciples of the Nirgrantha-nāthācārya Guhanandin belonging to the pañca-stupa section of Benaras.'58 Vatagohāli is identified with the present viljage Goalbhita where the ruins of a big temple have been unearthed. From the record of this inscription we may unhesitatingly conclude that the Jaina vihāra was founded long before AD 478-79, as there is a reference to three generations of preceptors (ācāryas). And these preceptors were
ted to a Jaina school of Benaras which was undoubtedly a great centre of Jainism at that period. It is also interesting to note further that being a Brāhmaṇa couple the endowment has been
e in favour of a Jaina vihāra. It shows the catholicity and broadmindedness of the people of the land.
The flourishing condition of this faith in Bengal is attested to by the account of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsang who visited this country in the first half of the seventh century AD. According to this Buddhist scholar of China, the Nirgranthas59 firmly established their position in the northern, southern and eastern parts of the country. His narrative also affords us a comparative estimate of the contemporary religious sects in Bengal. While assessing the religious condition of Pundravardhana North Bengal) and Samatata (East Bengal), he observed:
"There were twenty Buddhist Monasteries and above 3000 Brethren by whom the 'Great and Little Vehicles' were followed: the Deva Temples were 100 in number, and the followers of the

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various sects lived pell-mell, the Digambara Nirgranthas being very numerous."60
"It had more than 30 Buddhist Monasteries and above 2000 Brethren, all adherents of the Sthavira School. There were 100 Deva Temples, the various sects live pell-mell and the Digambara Nirgranthas were very numerous."61
It is significant to note in this connection that the above excerption from the narrative of Hiuen-Tsang shows the preponderance of the Digambara Nirgranthas in Bengal during his time. While the Svetāmbara-Jainas were popular in Mathura region, the Digambara sub-sect flourished in Bengal. It is probably due to the merger of the Ājivikas with the Jainas as suggested by P.C. Bagchi.
In the well known perspective of the spread of Jainism in Bengal close to the epicentre of its early development it is obvious that the discovery of relevant iconic representations and relics from different places of this part of the country throws adequate light on the ideals and traditions of the tirthankaras. It also helps to understand the historical process through which Jainism inanifested itself from its inception in eastern India and ultimately acquired a universal character. In fact, if explorations are continued amidst the wooded highlands of West Bengal and also within the terrains of Chota nagpur and its neighbouring regions in eastern India the scope of interest in studying their religious significance would be revealed properly.
In Bengal, a large number of Jaina tirthankara images of the Pāla-Sena period have been discovered from different districts. They represent icons of Adinātha/Rşabhadeva, Neminātha, śāntinātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra. The tirthařkara images found in different parts of Benga! and its adjoining regions are not much perplexing from the icono-religious point of vicw. The Jaina iconographical texts distinctly ordain that a tirthankara should have long arms hanging upto the knee, the śrī-vatsa symbol and nude body flanked on two sides by a Yaksa and Yakşiņi, the presence of a particular tree (Keraluvrkșa) under which he attained the supreme knowledge and one of the aşta-pratiharya consisting of heavenly tree, throne, umbrella, nimbus, drum, showering blossoms. chowris and musical instrument. He should sit in padmasana or paryankāsana or stand in kayotsarga posture. The tīrthankaras and their attendant deities should also have their respective lañchana

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(cognizance) usually placed below the image.
One of the earliest Jaina figures hailing from Surohar in the district of Dinajpur, now preserved in the Varendra Research Society Museum, Rajshahi, Bangladesh, represents Rşabhanātha,63 the first of the twenty-four tīrıhankaras of the Jainas. Seated crosslegged at the centre of the stela on a simhāsana with hands resting on the soles of the feet, he is characterised by his lāñchana, the bull, placed at the lower compartment of the pedestal. Completely nude, he wears the urnā, uşnişu, and the wheel marks, which are the well known Mahāpuruṣa lakşaņas, on his palm and soles of the feet. He is flanked by two male figures with fly-whisks on either side and gandharva pairs on either side of the round prabhāmaņdala which rests under the canopy of a chatra. The importance of this image is enhanced by the fact that it represents the figures of twenty-three other tirth inkuras, seated in diyāna pose within niches of miniature temples arranged in relief on the two sides and top of the main figure. Each tirthankara is marked by his distinctive lañchana shown on the pedestals. - Another Rşabhanātha image is found from Barabhum in the Midnapur district, and is now preserved in the Indian Museum. In this sculpture the miniature figures of the twenty-four Jinas are arranged in four rows of three each on either side of the main image, all standing in kāyotsarga
pose.65
A similar type of mutilated Jaina image which may be assigned to a date not later than the eleventh century AD has been found in a ruined sand stone temple standing at present for the worship of Siva. The linga within the temple is of new installation. Originally it was a Jaina temple, dedicated to Rşabhanātha, whose image (ht. 3'2''; br. 1'6") now lies by the side of the linga. Debala Mitra describes it as such:
“The central figure, remarkable for its beautiful facial expression and jațā mukuta, stands against a throne in the usual karotsarga pose on a double-petalled lotus, below which is his characteristic lúñchana, buil, between two devotees. On either side of his legs is a standing attendant, wearing ornaments and loin-cloth. Over his head is a canopy of succession of gradually diminishing chatras, flanked by a flying couple holding garlands. Over the chatra are two pairs of hands playing on musical instruments. The back-slab is relieved with miniature figures of twenty-four tirthankaras, arranged in twelve rows of two each. Like the main

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image, they also stand in kāyotsarga pose, with their respective cognizances carved below e::ch."66 A few more mutilated Jaina images are also found in this village showing that the village was once a thriving Jaina centre.67
A headless image of Rşabhanātha in kāyotsarga pose hails from Mondoil, Rajshahi district, Bangladesh and is now preserved in the Asutosh Museum of the Calcutta University. The Jina image stands on a lotus placed upon a pañcuratha pedestal, on which is shown the bull, his lāñchana and a number of devotees. There are two fly-whisks bearing figures on two sides of the main figure and the nine grahas with Gañesa are shown in low relief on either side of the stela. Behind the lost head is the decorated prabhā-mandala upon which is a chatra and on both sides of these there are flying gandharvas and celestial hards carrying gariands and other offerings. The extreme elegance of the figure of the Jina and the sensitiveness of its fingers cannot escape admiration.48
A standing Jina image of Santinātha in usual pose between two cauri-bearing attendants is discovered from Ujāni in the Burdwan district ar d is now urder the possession of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad Museum, Calcutta. On the back-slab are carved the nine grahas, five on one side and four on the other, and the lāñchana (an antelope) is shown on the pedestal. This sculpture can be roughly assigned to the twelfth century AD. Another image of Sāntinātha (ht. 1'11'') in kayutsrga pose on a double-petalled lotus with an attendant on either side of his legs is now lying over the scanty remains of the village Chitgiri in the Bankura district. 70 The back-slab is relieved with four more tirthunkaras, in the same pose, and two flying figures at top corners. The cognizance below the pedestal seems to be a deer; and the image may, therefore, be of the sixteenth tirtankara, śāntinātha. Situated in an interior village of Jhargram sub-division of Midnapur district at Rajpura two Jaina tirthankarus were noticed which were being worshipped as the ‘Buddha' and 'Ananta'. The representation of the tirthankara
usual lañchana, an antelope, and flanked by the cauri-bearers and asta-graha-devaius revcals a specimen which can be attributed to c. tenth century AD on stylistic ground. It is now preserved in the State Archaeological Gallery, Calcutta, West Bengal. Another image of the Jaina tirthankara Pārsvanātha standing in käyotsarga pose having a canopy of a seven-hooded serpent over his head, is still lying at the site.?1

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1972
The village Paresnath on the north bank of the river Kumārī in the district of Bankura, West Bengal, is named after the shrine of the twenty-third tirthankara, Parśvanatha. "The temple made of red sand stone, is now reduced to a mere plinth. On the plinth lies the image of Pārśvanatha, now in three fragments. The image (ht. 6'8") stands in kayotsarga pose on a viśva-padma under a sevenhooded canopy of a serpent, the latter's coil carved on the backslab. On other side of his legs is an attendant standing on a lotus with a kneeling devotee in front. On the back-slab are miniature figures, two in each row, of twenty-four tirthankaras, also standing in käyotsarga pose on lotuses placed on pedestals and relieved with their respective cognizances. On the two bottom corner-facets are a naga and nägi by the side of a lion. Over the serpent-hood is his kevala tree with a flying figure holding a gailand at the corners. Another image of Pärśvanatha, standing in kayotsarga pose on a lotus, has been found from the village of Kendua, on the bank of the river Kamsavati, in the district of Bankura. "The upper portion of the image, along with the head, is missing. On each side of the feet is a three hooded nägi, the left one holding a ghota; beyond them is a standing attendant holding a cauri. On either side of the stela are depicted tirthankaras, three in each row." 773 That the Jaina tīrthankara Pärśvanatha was greatly venerated by the followers of Jainism specially of this district is corroborated from the prevalence of stone images of this deity enshrined in the temples at Bahulara and Dharapat situated near Visnupur, and which are being worshipped in the name of Manasa, the snake goddess. The seven hooded serpent canopy manifesting over the head of the tirthankara has been wrongly taken by the local inhabitants as that of the nagacha tra of Manasā.74
A large number of Jaina images and Jaina shrines have been found in the district of Purulia bordering on the state of Bihar. The village Chatra was a centre of religious activitics for the Jainas and is well attested from the numerous findings of Jaina sculptures and architectural pieces including a Caumukhas. It is to be noted in this connection that the worship of Caumukhas or Caturmukhas are prevalent and popular among the Jainas of this part of India It seems probable that the representation of four different Jinas on the four sides is an advancement or development of the original and earlier conception of the Jaina tradition of Samavasarana, square or circular assemblies erected by gods for the

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sermon of the Jina, wherein, on a raised platform in the centre, sits the Jina on one side with the images of the same Jina installed on the three remaining sides to make him visible to the entire audience. The figures of the four tirthankaras are usually represented as the first one, i.e., Rsabhadeva, the sixteenth--Sāntinātha. the twenty-third--Pārsvanātha and the twenty-fourth-Mahāvīra, in four directions. A miniature Jaina shrine (c. eleventh century AD) with the representations of four tirthankaras in kāyotsarga pose on the four sides still lies at the site at Badkola in the Bankura district. Another miniature Jaina shrine carved in sand stone is also on view in the Chatra village of Purulia district, West Bengal. The date of the shrine is tentatively assigned to the eleventh century AD. The four sides representing the images of four tirthankaras are not as usual, but six at a time in kāyotsarga pose along with their respective cognizances (läñchanax) Similar such shrines have been discovered from other places also. The State Archaeological Gallery of West Bengal possesses several other examples of Caumukha images and shrines.
In fact, the sculptural representations scattered all over the district of Purulia tend us to believe its strong association with Jainism According to Bose Jainism was in a flourishing condition in Telkupi, Boram, Chatra, Lauhara, Punca and other villages of this district. But among all these remains portaining to the Jaina religion, as noticed in the Purulia district, the ruins and relics still lying at Pakbira (Punca, P.S.), deserve attention on account of its beautiful sculptural materials. Besides the Jaina temples (now standing in a very dilapidated condition), the colossal figure of a Jaina tirthankara (ht. 73) carved in round on chlorite locally being worshipped as Bhiram, draws the attention of the scholars. The sixth Jaina tirthankara Padmaprabha has been represented in this sculpture. He is standing in kayotsarga pose on a low pedestal on which a lotus symbol (lāñchana) is carved and is flanked by cauri-bearers on his two sides. The towering figure standing straight by dedicating himself for the cause of humanity and keeping its head high above the surrounding ruins symbolizes the spirit of spiritual exaltation amidst trials and tribulations in worldly lise. Among the other sculptural representations of this site and its adjoining villages, some mutilated but beautiful images are lying. Of them an icon representing Pārsvanātha recognised by his lāñchana snake, flanked by two beautiful cauri-bearers emerg

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85
ing from the mouth of snake is worth-noting.76 K.D. Dutta in the Varendra Research Society Monographs mentions different Jaina images found in the Sundarban area of 24 Parganas. The discovery of numerous Jaina stone and bronze images from the dense jungles of Sundarban (Khari and Chatrabag regions), from Nalgora and Kantabenia, conclusively prove that Jainism confined to be a potent force in the once flourishing Janapadas of the Sundarbans, now wild and forlorn. Of these images, the Pārsvanātha image found in Raidighi is worthy of mention. Standing in kizyotsarga pose, this image, which is in a nice state of preservation, has got twenty-three other tirthankaras shown on the stela seated in all yāna pose.
Two mo e images of Pārsvanātha, one hailing from Deulbhira Bankura, now preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, and the other from Kantabenia in the 24 Parganas district are also worthmentioning in this connection. In the first one “the deity is shown seated in the usual yoga posture, with the seven hoods of a snake spread over his head, and his characteristic lāñchana beneath the lotus seat; the cauri-bearing figures on either side are present, but no other Jinas are represented by his side."?? The latter one, dated eleventh century AD, is standing in the kāyotsarga pose with his usual lāñchana and attendants The miniature figures of twentythree other Jinas are also represented in rows of two each, eleven on its right and twelve on its left.78
A colossal Jaina image is to be found in the village Babladihi or Sankarpur under Mangalkot police station of Burdwan district. Though this image is called by the local people as Nyānteśvara Siva-thākura, it was originally an image of the Jaina tirthankara, probably of Mahāvīra.
The existence of some sculptural representations of the Jaina tirthankaras within the enclosure of the brick-temple of Satdeulia in the district of Burdwan almost contemporary with Bahulara in Bankura leads to the inescapable conclusion that it was Jaina too. A small stone tablet found in the Raina village of the same district represents images of two tirthankaras side by side. One of the images represents Candraprabhā as would be evident from the crescent moon upon his pedestal. The other one is in much mutilated form, and thus it can not be identified definitely. Similar stone tablet representing the images of Rşabhanātha and Mahāvīra is to be found in the British Museum.9 Rare metal and stone images of

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the ninth and tenth centuries from Katwa, Ujani, Mangalkota, etc. preserved in the Asutosh Museum, Calcutta, and Vangiya Sahitya Parishad Museum point to wide prevalence of Jainism in the Burdwan district.
Orissa
In Orissa, Jainism was known as far back as the eighth century BC.80 Tradition avers that the eighteenth tirthankara Aranatha is said to have received his first alms in Rayapura which is in all probability the same as Rajapura described in the Mahabhārata81 as the capital of Kalinga.82 The association of Pārsvanatha with Kalinga is alluded to in the Jaina texts, such as, the Kṣetrasamāsa, Kumbhakara Jātaka, Uttaradhyāyana-sutra, the Parsvanatha-carita of Bhavadeva Suri, etc. It is stated in the Kṣetrasamāsa that Pārsvanatha in course of his wandering visited Tamralipta (Tamluk in the Midnapur district of West Bengal) and Kopakataka (Kopari in the Balasore district of Orissa). The Parsvanatha-carita narrates the story of the marriage of Parśvanatha with Prabhavati after her rescue from the clutches of Kalinga Yavana. An abduction scene in the Räni-gumpha is taken to have represented this episode of marriage.
83
The Jaina Karakandu-carita mentions the miraculous enthronement of Karakandu in Kalinga, while the Kumbhakara Jātaka and the Uttaradhyāyana-sutra describe him as ruling over Kalinga contemporaneously with Naggati (Nagnajita) of Ganadhāra, Durmukha (Divimukha) of Pañcala and Nami of Videha.84 The Uttaradhyayana-sutra significantly records that "these bulls of kings have adopted the faith of the Jainas, after having placed their sons on the throne, they exerted themselves as Śromanas." It thus shows that Pärśvanatha wandered over this region and initiated many people to his faith.
According to the legendary account Mahavira came to this state as a Parivrăjaka and propagated his religion to the people. The Jaina Haribhadriya-vṛtti informs us that the ruler of Kalinga was a friend of Mahavira's father; and he invited Mahāvīra to preach his faith.86 K.P. Jayaswal87 believes that Mahāvīra personally propounded his religion in the Kumāri hill of Kalinga. The representations of lion in the sculptures of various caves and on the several column further strengthens his view that the two hills were sacred to the memory of Mahāvīra.

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Kalinga was undoubtedly a part of the Nanda kings of Magadha as is evident from the Hathigumpha inscription.88 The record twice mentions a Nandarāja, but his name is not referred to. The identification of this Nanda king is a matter of controversy among the scholars.89 He was possibly the first Nanda king, the destroyer of all the Ksatriya (Sarva kşat rāntaka), Mahāpadma Nanda who is credited by the Purāņas with the conquest of Kalinga.90 In the Hathigumpha record it is stated that after defeating Kalinga king, the Nanda king took away the image of Kalinga-Jina as a trophy of his victory (Nanda-rajanitam, Kuling i-Jina sainies im).91
Opinion differs regarding the identification of the Kalinga-Jina. While KP. Jayaswal and R.D. Banerji” identify him with Sitalanátha and A.C. Mittal with Mahavira, N.K. Sahu takes him as Rsabhanātha who had great hold in the religions and in the Jaina art tradition of Orissa. We may also assume from this record that the Nandas were the followers of this faith and they, naturally did not destroy the image of Kalinga-Jica as it was preserved till the time of Khåravela (c. second half of the first century BC). The prevalence of the Jainas in Orissa during the time of Asoka is known from his Rock Edict Xill where he specifically mentioned that Kalinga was inhabited by the Brāhmaṇas and Áramaņas and it was for their miseries that Asoka expressed his profound sorrow and deep repentance.
Under the patronage of the illustrious king Khāravela of the Mahāmeghava hana Cedi dynasty, Jainism enjoyed its hey day in Orissa. The Hathigumpha record of this king opens with an appeal to the arhat and siddha, corresponding to the beginning of the five-fold form of homage" still used among the Jainas, and mentions the building of temples in honour of the arhat as well as an image of Jina, which was taken away by the hostile Nanda king. The record tells us that Khiravela invaded Magadha and brought back the image of the Kalinga-Jina and that he provided shelters for Jaina monks on the Kumāri (Udaygiri, Orissa) hill, erected many pillars and repaired old temples. Another inscription of the same place also asserts that Khāravela's wife caused a cave to be prepared for the ascetics of Kalinga who believed on the arhats. It evidently shows that royal patronage of the Cedi dynasty helped the Jaina Munis to spread out their faiths among the common man of the region.
It is interesting to note in this connection a panel of sculpture

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still existing on the Mañchapuri cave in the Udayagiri hill. T.N. Ramachandran describes the panel in the following words:
"The most important scene which arrests our attention in this cave (the Mañchapuri cave) is the central scene on the facade of the verandah. Though unfortunately mutilated, what remains shows a throne with a royal group on the proper left consisting of two men and two women. The first man near the throne is badly mutilated. He is probably the king, by virtue of his proximity to the throne. Behind him stands another royal figure with a tiara resembling the tiara on Mauryan heads found at Sarnath. Let us call him the prince. Behind the prince stand two women of equal status. The first may be taken to be the queen, the next as the princess. Above the king and the prince are two gandharvas hovering in the sky and beating a drum suspended on a pole. ... Above the women adjoining the gandharias there is a representation of a full-blown lotus which has been readily taken by all to represent Sürya. While the attitude of the royal party is to adore whatever was kept on the throne, the flower and the gandlarvas over the party bring out their importance. Shall we take the scene as one in which the king (perhaps Khāravela), the prince (perhaps Kudepasiri) and the queen or princess are doing honour to the image of the Kalinga-Jina which Kháravela recovered from Magadh and restored to his people?''95
If the identification suggested by T.N. Ramachandran is taken for consideration, it would then mean that the royal patronage was extended not only by way of financial assistance, or of excavating caves for the Jaina Mwis alone, but the involvement of the royal personnel actively accelerated and helped the faith to secure a prime and predominate position in the religious history of Orissa just before the closing of the pre-Christian era. The excavation of several rock-cut caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills in Orissa in honour of the Jaina Mini also exhibit adequate reflection of the flourishing condition of this faith.
Fabri's observations on the Jaina caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri are worth quoting -"The first patently obvious fact that emerges is simply this that the sixty odd caves in these two hills must have taken several hundred years to excavate; they show such a development of styles and even if the occupation was not as long as at Ajanta, where we find a thousand years of artistic activity, Khandagiri and Udayagiri must have taken some 350

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years to create. There is evidence of Jaina occupation from the 2nd century BC into the 11th century AD, perhaps with a gap of a few hundred years between the 2nd century AD and the 8th."96 In fact, there had been no significant development of Jainism in Orissa after second century AD till the time of the eighth-ninth centuries AD. There are several reasons behind the decline of this religion during this period. Two principal causes-viz., (i) revival of neoBrāhmaṇical religion and (ii) the collapse of commercial activities of the trading communities who were its chief patrons on the eastern coast, may be considered for a sharp decline of Jainism all alone the eastern coast soon after third century AD.
89
Occasional references to the existence of Jainism in Orissa in the early centuries of the Christian era are not wanting, but these are too scanty to come to any definite conclusion. The discovery of a gold coin of Mahārāja-rājādhirāja Dharmadāmadharasya from the Siśupalagarh excavation leads A.S. Altekar97 to believe that he was probably a Jaina king of the Murunda family who dominated this region in the post-Kharavela period. According to Altekar the Murunda king Dharmadāma flourished in the third century AD and ruled over a part of Bihar and Orissa with his capital at Pataliputra. Even a king of Kalinga, as mentioned in the Dathavamsa, was converted to Buddhism from Jainism and all the Nirgranthas being driven out from Kalinga took shelter in the court of king Pandu of Pataliputia. The introduction of Buddhism in Orissa temporarily checked the growth of Jainism, but the faith was not totally rejected by the people as the narrative of HiuenTsang speaks of the Jainas in Kalinga-"Among the unbelievers the most numerous are the Nirgranthas".98 The Banpur plate of the Sailodbhava king Dharmarāja (c. sixth-seventh century AD) states that his queen Kalyāņa Devi granted a gift of land to a Jaina Muni named Prabuddhacandra for religious purposes. He was a disciple of Arhatācārya Nasicandra." However, the donation from a royal family not only shows the religious toleration of the Sailodbhavas but also demonstrates that the Jaina ācāryas were respected in the then society. Another Jaina inscription100 consisting of four lines in east Indian characters of the seventh century AD found from Ratnagiri hills in the Cuttack district. It refers to the installation of Jaina images and points to the existence of an early Jaina establishment on these hills. A large number of bronze images of different sects, viz., Buddhist, Jainas and Brāhmaṇical

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has been unearthed from Achutranjpur close to the Banpur Police station in the Puri district.101 The representation of at least eight Jaina figures dating tenth-eleventh centuries AD indicates that Jainism continued to be a living faith in this region to an appreciable extent.
A systematic exploration report of the Prachi valley (on the eastern bank of the river Prachi, 37 kilometres from Bhuvaneshwar, Cuttack district) reveals that Jainism along with other religious creeds also flourished here. A number of Jaina images are lying scattered in various parts of the valley; even images are kept inside the Siva temples. Two images of Rşabhadeva of the c. sixthseventh century Ad have been kept inside the ruined temples of Svapaneśvara and Nilakaņıheśvara at Adaspur.102 Several other images of the tirthankaras are also found from various places of the Prachi valley. The Archaeological Survey Report states that:
"A miniature image of Rşabhanātha was noticed in the Viśvāmitra Aśrama near Kakatpur and a similar type of small mutilated image was lying near the Bharadwaja Aśrama (both the Aśramas situated in a horizontal line of the Prachi valley). It creates an impression that Jainism of this area was not in the state of decay when Shaktism predominated the place during the 9th century AD and the goddess Mangala (the temple of Mangala near to the site) was worshipped as the Piştha Devi of the valley from that time.
"A very beautiful image of Pārsvanātha is to be found inside the temple of Grāmeśvara of the Prachi valley, five kilometres from Nayāhat. This image has been disfigured and locally called as the Kāmadeva. Pairs of Yakşa-Yakşiņi images pertaining to Jainism is to be found in several sites of the Prachi valley. An image of Yaksa associated with Neminātha, one of the Jaina tirthařkaras, is to be found in the Antaravedi matha (at the place where the Prachi, Saraswati and Manikarņika meet) near Banamalipur of the Prachi valley."'193
The continuity of this faith among the people and the royal families of this region is shown by the discovery of a large number of epigraphical and iconographical representations from the early medieval period onwards. Mention may be made in this connection two Digambara Jaina inscriptions from Udayagiri-Khandagiri caves in Orissa. These two records were issued during the fifth and eighteenth regnal years of Udyota Keśari (c. AD 1040-65) of the Keśari dynasty of Orissa. The first inscription of Udyota

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Keśarī in the Lalitendu Kesari cave records that "in the year five of the victorious reign of the illustrious Udyota Keśari, on the illustrious Kumāra mountain,104 decayed tanks and decayed temples were caused to shine, (and) at that place the images of the twentyfour tirthankaras were set up. At the time of the dedication... Jasanandi... in the place (temple?) of the illustrious Pāraśyanatha (Pārsvanatha)."105 The second inscription is found in the Navamuni cave refers of Udyota Keśari issuing in his eighteenth year of reign refers to Khalla Subhacandra as the disciple of the lord of the illustrious, the acārya of the Deśigana derived from Grahakula, Kulacandra, belonging to the illustrious Arya Saṁgha.106 The bearing of the inscriptions is very significant showing that Khandagiri again became the centre of the Jaina activities in the eleventh century AD at the time of the Saiva king Udyota Keśari.
107
The discovery of a large number of Jaina icons primarily representing the tirthankaras in the eighth to eleventh centuries AD testifies the revival of Jainism in Orissa. Images of Jaina tīrthankaras are found in Jajpur, Nandanpur, and in BhairavaSinhapura of Koraput district. In the Keonjhar, Mayurbhanj and Puri districts we have the icons of Rṣabhanatha, Pārsvanatha and Mahavira. Of these an image of Ambika and that of Rṣabhanatha and Mahāvīra in one stela are preserved in the British Museum, while another, a standing bronze of Adinatha in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. In the Orissa State Museum there are four beautiful images of the tirthankaras from the village Charampa in the Balasore district and some of them have a number of double concave marks on their bodies. The Jaina temple at Cuttack has many rare specimens of tirthankaras of mediaeval period as objects of devotion. Among them the representation of Rṣabhanatha and Mahāvīra on a single slab and a wonderful slab containing Rṣabhanatha in padmasana pose being attended by Bharata and Bahuvali along with more than a hundred miniature standing figures, are of great iconographic interest.
108
It is, however, to be noted that inspite of the rise of the Saivas, the Jainas continued to have survived without any fear of persecution from the Brahmaṇical religious system. K.C. Panigrahi observes that the Saivas do not seem to have developed an antagonism towards Jainism as is evident from the fact that they have sometimes allowed the Jaina images to be carved on their temples. The Saiva temple of Muktesvara at Bhuvanesvara has thus a number

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of miniature Jaina icons on the outer face of its octagonal compound wall.109
The two miniature Caityas containing tirthankaras in their sides resemble the Caitya described by N.N. Vasu from Boḍasahi in Mayurbhanja district. Jaina images are to be found in the Akhandaleśvara temple and inside the Matṛka group of temples in Jajpur in the Cuttack district. Pārsvanatha is being worshipped as Ananta Vasudeva in a temple at Nārāyaṇa Chowk of the town. The image of Santinatha (32" x 16") of the Mātṛkā temple with trilinear umbrella overhead is in the kayotsarga-pose. The image is flanked by twenty-four miniature tirthankaras on its side and two cauri-bearers, while at the top we find the usual lanchana, two kalasas on one side and another kalasa and a devotee on the other side. Another image of Santinatha (45" x 22") inside the compound of the Akhandaleś vara temple is equally interesting to note. The standing image is surrounded by eight planets carved four each on the two sides, the ninth planet Ketu being absent. The image is attended upon by two cauri-bearers and overhead there are two flying Vidyadharas.
But Jainism did not last long and the subsequent decline of Jainism in Orissa is most probably due to the increasing hold of Vaisnavism in general and of Jagannatha worship in particular. According to some scholars the Jaina influence was so deep rooted in the religious life of this region that even in the composition of the Jagannatha cult its influence is clearly visible. The worship of the trident as a sacred symbol and the 'all pervading conception of three into one', according to scholars, essentially and originally belonged to Jainism. The epithet "Natha" of Jagannatha is a characteristic title of Jainism and the figure of Jagannatha is only a synthesis of the Jaina Baddhamangala and Nandipada. The Jñanasiddhi of Indrabhūti mentions Lord Jagannatha as being worshipped by all the Jainas. In fact, the absorption of Jainism into the Hindu religious fold is one of the reasons that paved the way for its decay. "This Jagannatha cult, . . . is in reality an amalgam of different cults and religions, and even of the practices and faiths followed by the primitive tribes. There was therefore a grand experiment in the field of religion in this eastern coast of India to reduce heterogeneity to a sort of homogeneity. The religious system, thus evolved, still prevails in Orissa without much change."
99110

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Like the Buddhists the Jainas too had their stūpas with the usual architectural decorations; but these architectural specimens are very few in eastern India. The worship of the foot-prints of tīrthankaras and preceptors is quite in vogue with the Jainas; their places of pilgrimage like Paresnath Hill in Bihar are all marked with them. The worship of idols is a part and parcel of Jainism, almost from the beginning. The Jaina temples contain statues of tirthankaras, etc., at times more than one. Digambaras worship nude images; the question of nudity does not arise if the statues are in a seated posture, the idols as such have no dress and decorations, shown in carving; however, the Svetāmbaras, now-adays, decorate them. Both the sects worshipped the tirthařkaras and many other gods and goddesses. The Jaina sculptures belonging to the period from AD 600 to 1000 mostly contain the figures of the tirthankaras with the attendants, Sarasvati, Ambikā, Yaksas, Yaksinis, and the Dikpälas. The introduction of the twenty-four Yaksas and Yakşiņis as attendant of the tirthankaras was a new development to Jaina iconography in the eighth-ninth century AD.
Later on, the nine planets on two sides of a tirthankara came to be figured. The latter practice was first developed in the eastern school of medieval art.111
We have also the figures of the mothers of the twenty-four Jinas each with a child on her lap. All these sculptures are mostly in bronze or stone. On the basis of a study of these Jaina icons U.P. Shah tries to find out the geographical distribution of both the sects;
"In the period, the Jainas, especially the Digambaras, had strongholds in the whole of Central India, while in the west the Svetāmbaras were growing stronger. South of Bhrgukaccha (Broach), the Digambaras had an establishment at Navasari while in the Khandesh, M.P., and the Deccan, the Svetāmbaras were gradually diminishing in number. In the east, in Bihar and Orissa, Digambara Jainism was still popular whereas in Bengal it was already on the decline.":112
Lack of royal patronage in the later part of our period may also be conside: ed as one of the reasons for the decline of Jainism in this part of India. Of course, the discovery of a large number of archaeological remnants of the Jainas in eastern India in the eighth-ninth centuries onwards demonstrates the revival of the faith for the time being but it did not last long. It may not be

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unlikely to assume that this was to a great extent conducted with the influence of the Răstrakūtas who were staunch followers and great patrons of Jainism. From the Sanjan Copperplate of Amoghavarşa 13 we come to know that Govinda III conquered the kingdoms of Kośala, Kalinga, Vanga, Dahala and Odraka. He extended his empire upto the Himalayas. The Nilgund stone inscription of the same king records that Amoghavarşa was worshipped by the rulers of Anga, Vanga and Magadha.114 The Rāstrakūta hegemony continued in this part till the time of Krsna III. In the Deoli Grant of Krsna-III, Krsna-II is said to have been worshipped by the Angas, Magadhas and others.115 On the basis of a copperplate grant at a much later date (AD 1076) it is proved that there was a Rästrakūta principality in Orissa. About the plate D.C. Sircar observes: “The Rāstrakūța copperplate inscription in question was found from a village near Bāngarh in the Sambalpur district. It was issued in the year 56 from Vāgharākotta by a Rāstrakūta ruler of feudatory rank named Parāchakraśalya who was the son of Dha (Dhyamsaka and the grandson of Rāņaka Chāmaravigraha.”:116 It is probable that after their invasion the Rāştrakūtas left some of the adventurers in their army to carve out small principalities in Orissa."17 They followed Jainism as their religion and revived its existence for sometimes.
While mentioning various other reasons for the decline of Jainism in India in general it may be noted that in Jainism, we have also a number of deities assimilated in the pantheon which bear a close similarity with some of the divinities in Brâhmanical faith. These deities are no doubt later absorptions in the sect from orthodox Hinduism with modified attributes and iconography. But they have an important place in the hierarchy of gods in Jainism with definite and important functions assigned to them. Hindu gods are usually portrayed in the Jaina temples in the form of small figures before the portrayals of tirthankaras and siddhas. Thus, while in Jainism the twenty-four tirthankaras, from the highest object of worship with the Sāsana-devatās, showing important and interesting iconography for each one of them with a religious legend mostly forming the background, there are others who partaking of the character of Yakşas and divinities have been accepted as popular deities in Jainism.118 Earlier we have mentioned that every tirthankaras has his own goddess-messenger, connecting him with the world of the mortals. Goddess Padmavati is thus associat.

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9s
ed with Pārsva, Ambikā with Neminátha, etc. These deities are referred to in a number of Jaina texts, but their functions are described elaborately in the texts of the Digambaras, who have secret texts devoted to these deities, wherein their forms, names, symbols, weapons, etc., are described. 119 Even the Jainas agree with the Brähmaņas alone in ascetic self-torture, which Buddhism vehemently opposes. Not only to these, the Jainas even observed, of course, in the later period, festivals and fasts which are distinctly Hindu festivals, viz., Gaņeśa-caturthi, Ananta-caturdasi, Diväli, Rakşābandhana, etc.120 With the fusion of some of these Brāhmaṇical traditions into it, Jainism gradually lost its followers and it became ultimately a religion of few mercantile families of western and southern India. In other states their number is negligible in comparison to other major sects.
REFERENCES
Jaina Journal, April, 1969, pp. 148ff. *Supra, the table of the tirtharkaras, pp. 22-25. BC. Law, Some Jaina Canonical Sūtras. *AN, 3.74. 'Uttaradhyāya-sutta, ch. XX. * Aupapatika-sütra, 30. ?Parisi şta-parvan, VI, 34.
ibid., V, 208. 'V.A. Smith, EHI, p. 154. 1V.A. Sangave, Jaina Community, p. 379. 1R.G. Basak, Aśokan Inscriptions, Pillar Edict VII, pp. 111-12. 1° Parisişsaparvan, XI, pp. 89ff. 18 Brhat-kalpa-bháşya, III, gāthas, 3285-8917, 917-21. 14 All India Oriental Conference, XXVI, 1972. 15JRAS, 1908, p. 852.
16 The Ānava kingdom, the nucleus of which was Anga, became divided into five kingdoms, said to have been named after five sons of king Bali. Pargiter opines that the Anavas held all East Bihar, Bengal proper and Orissa compris. ing the kingdoms of Anga, Vanga, Pundra, Suhma and Kalinga (Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 293). All these people were belonged to the same community. Ethnographically they were connected with the Kalingas and oiher peoples of the plains of Bengal (Cambridge History of india, p. 534).
11B C. Law, Some Jaina Canonical Surras, p. 176. 18 Ibid., HGAI, pp. 205, 214ff. 1.Kalpa-sútra, p. 135. *°C.J. Shah, op. cit., p. 93. 11 Uvāsagadasão (ed., Hoernle), p. 2 fn.

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**Beglar, ASI, vol. III; Qureshi, Ancient Monuments of Bihar and Orissa, see Bhagalpur section.
23 ASI, AR, 1905-6, pp. 25-26. SIASI, I. pp. 55-56; XVI, p. 6; B.C. Law, HAGI, p. 265. 25 Jaina-sutras, part I, Introduction, XI. *8B C. Law, Rajagrha in Ancient Literature, MASI, no. 58. 27 ASI, AR, 1 05-6, p. 98. 28 ASI, AR, 1925-26, pp. 12511. 29Ibid., 1905-6, p. 98, fn. 1; 1925-26, pp. 125ff. 30 Sumangala-vilāsini, 1.35. 31 Mahāvastu, III.56. 32 Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, p. 537. 330.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, pp. 17-18.
3'In the Buddhist Tantric terminology the word Vajra signifies 'holy; so Vajrabhiimi means holyland. Sarat Chandra Das in his Autobiography writes: "I learnt the meaning of the following names: Darjeeling (a purely Tibetan name formed of two words, Dorje, meaning thunder or Vajra; and ling, land or Bhumi) signifying 'the thunder-land' or Vajra-Bhumi." Indian Studies: Past and Present, IX, 1967-68, p. 259, sn. 4.
85N.L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India. 36 Jaina Harivamsa-purāna, p. 717; C.J. Shah, op. cit., p. 26. 37 ASI, p. 74; XVI, p. 118; B.C. Law, HGAI, p. 116.
38P.C. Nahar, Tirthapāvāpuri (1925); ASI, Reports, vols. VIII & XI; B.C. Law, Geographical Essays, p. 210.
39Mrs. S. Stevenson, op. cit., p. 72. 400.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, p. 13.
41J BORS, XXII, pp. 130-32, Pls. I-IV, Stylistically this image is analogous to the mutilated red stone statues from Harappa (J. Marshall, Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization, I, Pl. X, a-d). The Harappan style is also found on a bronze statue of Pārsvanātha belonging to the first century BC which is now in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. The provenance of this statue is unknown. U.P. Shah, op. cit, pp. 8-9.
42N. Kumar, Images of Patna, 1971, pp. 18-19. 43JBORS, XXV.2, pp. 12011.
45/J, 1969, April, pp. 132f. Similar treatment had been made by the people of Rādha in North Bengal.
450' Malies, District Gazetteer of Singhbhum, 1906. 46D.R. Patil, The Antiquarian Remains in Bihar, p. 356. 47 Ibid., pp. 347-49. 48 Bihar and Orissa District Gazatteer, 1917, p. 201; ASI Report, 1920-21, p. 35; DR. Patil (The Antiquarian Remains in Bihar, p. 659) gives a list of places for the Jaina temples.
4The Upaśrayas ‘are separate buildings erected by each sect for their monks and nuns. An upāśraya is a large bare hall without bathrooms and cooking places furnished only with wooden beds'. Stevenson, Modern Jainism, p. 38.
50 According to Bh dravāhi-carita by Ratnanandi, Brhat-Kathākośa by Harişena and Rijavali by Devacandra. Bhadravahu, the author of the Kalpa-sutra, was a man of Pundravardhana in North Bengal; and Jambusyāmi who assisted the

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reading of the Ācārānga-sutra, the first authentic scripture of the rituals, lived the closing days of his life at Devikota in Pundravardhana. K.M. Sen, Cinmaya-Varga, pp. 17-32; P.C. Banerjee, Bangālāra-Purāvrtta, pp. 129-30.
51 Jacobi, Kalpa-sutra, p. 79. 52 Hunter, III, 49, 51; D.R. Bhandarkar, ABORI, XII, 10411. 53Mbh., II, 30; HB (Dacca), pp. 8-9. 54 JASB (NS), XXVIII, p. 125. 56 Divyāvadāna (ed. Cowell and Neil), XXVIII, Vitiisakāvadāna, p. 427. 58R D. Banerji, Pilas of Bengal, p. 72.
570n the site of this Jaina vihāra was later on constructed a Buddhist monument of outstanding plan and design which has been laid bare by excavation at Paharpur (K.N. Dikshit, Paharpur, p. 7). According to Dikshit, the great temple with its terraces and the paved plateform in the centre was inspired by the symbolic construction of a Jaina shrine conforming to the architectonic type of a Caumukha. "In this connection" as pointed out by S.K. Saraswati, "we should also take into account a particular type of temples at Pagan in Burma, which may be described as an adaptation of Caumukha shrines of the Jainas”. HB (Dacca), p. 507.
58 E1, XX, pp. 59ff. The earliest available Jaina image in Bengal possibly hails from the ruins of Candraketugarh. It is a standing headless naked image of the Gupta period.-N.R. Ray, Bangalir Itihasa, p. 966, fig. 31.
50From the description of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsang (St. Julien, p. 224), who calls them Li-hi, it appears that they were still faithful to their principles in the beginning of seventh century AD. 'The Li-hi (Nirgranthas) distinguishes themselves by leaving their bodies naked and pulling out their hair. Their skin is all cracked, their feet are hard and chapped like rotting trees that one sees near rivers'. Bühler, Indian Sects of the Jainas, p. 2, fn. 2.
GO Watters, On Yuan Chwang, II, p. 184. 611bid., p. 187. 62HIB (Dacca), p. 411, fu. 3. "3 VRS Report, 1932-34, pp. 17-19, pl. III.
6' It is to be noted that these Lañchanas do not tally exactly with the list given by Heinacandra in his Abhidhinacintamani in cases of Sumatinātha, Supārsvanātha and Anantanātha (S.K. Saraswati, JASB (NS), XXVIII, p. 193). The lāñchanas as given by Hemachandra are Krauñca (heron), Svastika, and falcon instead of the animal, lotus and boar as shown in the sculpture.
65ASI, 1929-30, p. 195. 66JAS Letters, XXIV, no. 2, 1958, p. 132. 67Ibid., pp. 131-32.
68Several other Rşabhanātha images have been noted from other parts of Bengal of which one was described by K.D. Dutta in the VRS Monographs, no. 3, pp. 9-10.
89VSP Cat., 47-48, pl.X; HB (Dacca), p. 465, pl. XIX, 48. 70 JAS Letters, XXIV, no. 2, 1958, p. 132, pl. III-B. ? JJ, April, 1969, p. 162. 72JAS Letters, XXIV, no. 2, 1958, pp. 133-34. 'Ibid., p. 134, p!. X.

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"ASI Report, 1972-73, vol. VIII; JJ, April, 1969, pp. 163-64. "Nirmal Kumar Bose, Pravāsī, 1340, Bhādra, Bunkurāra Mandira, pp. 68ff. 76 JJ, April, 1969, pp. 164-65. ??HB (Dacca), p. 465. 78 Ibid., p. 465, pl. XIX, 49. ? This was probably collected from Bengal, JJ, April, 1969, p. 165. BOV.A. Sangave, Jaina Community, p. 380. *1 Mbh., XII.4 3. 82H.C. Raychaudhuri, PHAI, p. 79. 88C.J. Shah, op. cit., pp. 154-55. 8'H.C. Raychaudhuri, PHAI, p. 78. 85SBE, XLV. 8R.D. Banerjee, History of Orissa, I, pp. 61.
It may be noted that a somewhat late text (Avasyaka-niryukti, V, 55, 501f) mentions that Mahävira had visited Tosali (in Orissa) more than once and the king of that place had tied Mahāvīra with chords seven times.
B7JBORS, III, pp. 425ff. 88 SI, pp 206ff.
8°H.C. Raychaudhuri, PHAI, pp. 206ff; S. Chattopadhyaya, EHNI, pp. 35ff, 56ff. PHC. Raychaudhuri, PHAI, p. 206.
K.P. Jayaswal, JBORS, III, pp. 425ff; K.P. Jayaswal & R.D. Banerjee, EI, XX, pp. 72ff; B.M. Barua (IHQ, XIV, 1938, pp. 25911) reads it as such-Nandaraja-jitam ca Kalinga-jana-samniveśam. ÞEI, XX, pp. 72ff. 93N. K. Sahu, History of Orissa.
'The venerable Pasca-paramesthin of Jainism are: Arhat or Tirtharkara, Siddha, Acürya, Upādhyāya and Sūdhu.
IHQ, XXVII, 1951, pp. 103-4. 9*Charles Louis Fabri, History of the Art of Orissa, p. 18. 07 Ancient India, no. 5, p. 97.
A close scrutiny of some of the epigraphic records (Lüder's List, nos. 134853) discloses the existence of various Jaina devotees. Inscription no. 1348 speaks of a prince called Vadhuka who was a Jaina votary. Besides, the people of different categories, a servant (padamülika) called Kusuma is also said to have made donation (no. 1344) for the betterment of the faith.
98 Beal, Si-yu-ki, II, p. 208. "EI, XXIX, pp. 38ff. 100 Indian Archaeology - A Review, 1954-55, p. 29. 101D. Mitra, Buddhist Monuments, p. 225. 102 Prácīvalley Arch. Sur. Report, Orissa State Arch., Bhuvaneshwar, 1975,
p. 53.
1031bid., p. 54.
101Kumāraparvata is mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription as Kumäriparvata. This mountain was known to Harişeņa (AD 931) as Kumaragiri of Odravişaya.-Brhat-Kathākoša, 61.67.
105 EI. XIII, p. 167.

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106[bid., p. 166. 107U.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, pp. 17-18. 108JJ, April, 1969, p. 173. 109K.C. Pānigrahi, Archaeological Remains at Bhuvaneśvara, p. 93, fig. 60. 110 Ibid., p. 262.
111 The planets were generally carved on the pedestal of a tirthařkara image in the western school.
112U.P. Shah, op.cit., pp. 17ff. 113 EI, XVIII, p. 253. 114 EI, VI, p. 103. 115 EI, V, p. 193. 116K.C. Pāṇigrahi, op. cit., p. 248, fn. 1. 11?Ibid., p. 248. 1181 HQ, XXIX, pp. 332ff. 118 Prāci-Jyoti, December, 1963, p. 35.
120V A. Sangave, Jaina Community, p. 100; Mention may be made in this connection that in north and west India, merging of Hindu and Jajna communities was especially active. Here in the edifice of many Jaina castes, there are groups, professing Vişnuism, and in the edifice of many Hindu castes, there are components which are registered as Jainas.

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APPENDIX
On the Ājīvikas
The role played by the Ajīvikas in the history of the heterodox religious systems, in general, and Jainism, in particular, is unique as well as significant in many respect. It has already been brought into light that all the avaidika teachers belonged to the same age and the same region and they responded and reacted in their respective ways which were more or less similar to the same stimuli to stupendous socio-political and religious transformation. It is, thus, no wonder that the entire development of religion and philosophy in this period in the Gangelic Vallcy region, from Upanişadic gnosis to complete materialism, was bui a reflection of the non-Aryan reaction to the Aryan sacrificial system and to the rigid Aryan social order of the four varņas." In course of time these two distinct dominant traditions gave rise to innumerable cross-currents, sometimes completely losing their separate identity, and at other times merging in a confluence, only to re-emerge again in a new form and dimension, and flow in opposite directions. The religious history of India is, in fact, the history of the mutual influence of these two great traditions that resulted in the transformation of the Vedic religion of the Indo-Aryans into modern Hinduism.
While writing on the relationship between the Ājīvikas and the Jainas, Jacobi points out that “the greatest influence on the development of Mahāvira's doctrines, I believe, must be ascribed to Gośāla, the son of Makkhali."3 To have a proper understanding of the faith a brief survey on the origin and early history of the school and its organisation has been taken into consideration in the following
The word Ajivika seems to have derived from Ājīviya which means one who follows some rules with regard to one's liveli

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hood. The Buddhist texts speak of Samyagājīva as one of the eight paths to be followed by monks. It leads scholars to presume that a class of mendicants who lived initially by a profession as a means of livelihood was gradually known as Ājiviya.
B.M. Barua suggests a broad connotation of the term. It is used in Indian Literature--
(i) in its widest sense to denote the Parivrājakas or Wanderers
as distinguished from the Tāpasas or hermits; (ii) in its narrower sense to denote the religious orders repre
sented by the five tirthankaras, Pūrana Kassapa, Makkhali Gośāla and the rest, considered heretics by the Buddhists;
and (iii) in its narrowest sense to denote the disciples and followers
of Makkhali or Mankhaliputta Gośāla."95
According to Hoernle the word Ājivika or Ājivaka is derived from the term Ājīva which means “the mode of life, or profession, of any particular class of people, whether they live as householders ... or as religious mendicants."
The history of the Ajīvikas is very much entangled with the contribution and doctrines of Gośāla who is designated by the terin Markhaliputra, i.e., son of Mankhali. His name is spelt variously, Makkhali Gośāla in Pāli, Maskarin in Sanskrit, Markhaliputra Gośāla in Ardha-Magadhi, and Markali in Tamil.
The term 'Mankhalivta', as applicd to Gośāla means the profession of exhibiting pictures for collecting alms.? Hoernle placed much emphasis on the term “Makkhali' in connection with the origin of the Ajivikas. “It describes Gośāla as having originally belonged to the Markhali or Maskarin class of religious mendicants ... The Maskarin, as a rule, led a solitary life and the adoption of this manner of life was open to very grave abuses. Hence some men of commanding personality conceived the task of regulating the tendency (to absuses)... by organizing the mendicants into communities governed by strict rule of conduct."8
Pāṇini refers to Maskarin as a Parivrījaka. The word, as we have already pointed out, means a mendicant bearing a staff, of whatever class or order. This historical significance of the word is well explained in the Mahābhāşya. Patanjali while explains the

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term remarks that this kind of wandering mendicant (Parivrājaka) was called Maskarin not so much because he carried a staff as because he professed to have renounced all activities.”10 The Arthaśāstrall speaks of the sect along with other heretical sects, like the sākyas (the Buddhists); but no mention is made of the Nirgranthas or Jainas showing that the Ajīvikas were more influential and powerful or worthy of support than those of the Jainas, at least, during the time of the Mauryas.
It is not easy to trace the entire course of history and its transformation since the inception of this school of thought with any great certainty. But it is possible to observe the moments of mutual impacts and consequent adjustments among the different heretical schools as reflected in the contemporary literatures, both heretical and Brāhmaṇical, as well as archaeological objects like epigraphy, icons, etc.
The Ājivikas emerged as an independent heretical sect in eastern India as early as the time of Buddha and Mahāvīra. The first Ājivika whom Buddha met and conversed was Upaka.It is stated that Buddha in course of his journey towards Sāranātha (near Benaras, U.P.) for expressing his experience of 'Release vis-a-vis preaching his Dharma to the Pañcavagīya ascctic had come into contact with the noted Ajīvika ascetic apparently near Gaya. Upaka is said to have encountered with the Buddha in connection with latter's enlightenment as well as Buddha's claim of Jinahood.13 "If the legend of U;aka be accepted” as agreed by A.L. Basham, “it must be taken to imply that Ajīvika mendicants roamed the roads of Magadha at least a generation before the commencement of Gośāla's ministry."!!
In fact, all these are in a conjectural stage. The history of the beginning of the Ājivikas like that of the Jainas is shrouded in many confusions and complications. Of course, a viable chronology of the history and development of the sect with considerable amount of certainty can be worked out after Gośāla; but the Pāli texts never depict Gośāla as the founder of the sect.15 Several teachers like Nanda Vaccha,16 Kisa Sankicca!? and Panduputta18 are mentioned in the Pāli canon and it appears that at least the first two were represented as important personalities in the field of contemporary religion and philosophy 19 Púraņa Kassapa, as mentioned earlier,20 had a great difference for these two teachers and also Gośäla, 21 as he includes them in the sixth or the purest type

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(paramasukhá-bhijātas) of men. Elsewhere Buddha” declares that although the Ājivikas had existed for a long time, they had only three reputed teachers, viz., Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca and Makkhali Gośāla. It evidently shows that Ājivikism was an established and well organised school of philosophy at the time of Buddha, and Gośāla was only one of the distinguished teacher of the school. His contribution towards the development of this religious sect and its organisation made him reputed apparently to the extent of its founder.
It is interesting to note in this connection that the Ājivikas, like the tīrthankara conception of the Jainas, believes in a succession of ascetic teachers of the same order of Gośála who is the eighth Ājīvika teacher. The Bhagavuii-surra3 speaks of the following seven "Ajīvika teachers whose spiritual mantle had fallen upon his (Gośāla's) shoulders.":24
(1) Udāi Kundiyāyaṇiya (2) Eņejjaga (Skt. ķņañjaya) (3) Mallarāma (4) Mandiya (5) Roha (6) Bhāraddāi (Skt. Bharadvāja) (7) Ajjuna Goyamaputta
Due to paucity of any positive evidences it is rather hazardous to ascertain the historicity of the entire list of successive teachers of the Ajīvika order prior to Gośāla. A.L. Basham argues that "the immediate predecessor of Gośāla, Ajjuņa Goyamaputta, is distinguished by a gotra name or patronymic, as Udāi Kundiyayaņa, in whose body the migrant soul was originally born: but the other five names are given without patronymics."25 This leads Basham to conclude that the first and the seventh were 'real', while the others seem to have been 'shadowy figures'. 26 It is difficult to share the logic followed by Basham. On the other hand, it may be argued that since the list has been prepared by the staunch enemies of the Ājivikas, there is, no doubt, about its genuineness. Secondly, it is not expected from the Jaina writer who composed Bhagavati-sūtra to have an exhaustive record of the vitae of the personnel of their hostile camp. Thirdly, the account further shows that "in this ... enumeration ... there is preserved a

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genealogical succession of seven Ajivika leaders, together with a list of... successive geographical centres of their activities, "27 including the period of their missionary life. According to the list, Udai Kundiyayaniya, the first of the line, was associated with Rajagṛha and had preached for twenty-two years. This leads the claim of Udai as the founder of Ajivika school in the celebrated Rajagṛha in Bihar. The geographical location surrounded by the natural bulworks was congenial for the naked ascetics to practise their religion undisturbed.
After Udai, Enejjaga who was associated with the town Uddandapura (possibly somewhere in eastern India) had preached for twentyone years The third teachers, Mallarama who spent his missionary life at Campa and taught the principles of the Ajivika religion for twenty years. Mandiya the fourth teacher was connected with Vārāṇasi covering a total period of nineteen years in missionary life. Roha selected the town Alabhiya (Alovi of the Pāli texts), near Śrāvasti, for preaching his religion for eighteen years. The last two were Bharadvaja and his successor Ajjuna Goyamaputta covering seventeen and sixteen years respectively possibly in the region of Śrävasti.
In fact, there are several other Jātaka legends showing evidently the antiquity and prevalence of the Ajivikas before Gośāla.28 Pāņini speaks of the Ajivikas. Of course, the system was not in an organised form in this period. Gośāla moulded it into an organised and metaphysical form and made it popular in the realm of contemporary religious field. And by the time of the Mauryas as we shall see later on it included in the catalogue of the well organised and matured religious systems in India.29
Gośāla is said to have born near Śrāvasti, and left home for some unknown reason and became a homeless wanderer. It appears from the Bhagavati-sutra that Gośāla in his early career accepted the professional life of his father and, at the same time, he developed some sort of repugnance against worldly life. In his first meeting with Mahavira in a weaver's workshop (tantuvayaśālā) at Nālandā, he already attained the third year of asceticism.30 Gośāla was impressed with the power of asceticism of Mahāvīra and requested to allow him to be his pupil; but Mahavira did not at first oblige by initiating Gośāla as his disciple. In his second thought Mahavira accepted Gośala's request at a place called Kollaga near Nālandā.31

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Gośāla's career as a wanderer covers about twenty-four years, of which the first six he spent at Paṇiyabhūmi together with Mahāvira. He parted company with the latter on account of doctrinal differences, and went to Śrāvasti, where he attained Jina-hood and became the leader of the Ajivika sect.32 The reason behind the separation of these two religious personalities represents two schools of ideas, although originally they belonged to the same group. Subsequently a bitter hostility developed between these two schools; but in some cases of their doctrines and tenets they have many points in common. And there is no denying the fact that Jainism owed in many respect to the doctrines propounded by the Ajivika leader. Gośāla.33
The Ajivikas, like the Buddhists and the Jainas, formed an organised sect of religious body, a Samgha, with a corporated and social life. The communal life of the Ajivikas is known from the Ājīviya Sabha at the town of Polasapura. The Uvāsaga Dasão3 states that Gośāla went to this Sabha, attended by the Ajiviya Samgha and surrendered his begging bowl (bhaṇḍaganikkhevam karei). Again, the term Дjīvika-seyya indicates the settlement of the Ajivikas in a monastery or vihara.35 Due to the absence of any literature meant for the Ajivikas exclusively it is not possible to sketch any rules and regulations stipulated to the Ajivika monks during their stay in the vihara. Still some ideas may be gathered from the scattered references to them in the Jaina and Buddhist texts. Regarding the induction into the Ajivika order an indication of the processes of initiation is stated in the Tittira Jataka.36 It speaks of an unfortunate false ascetic who was prosecuted in the lion's court by a tiger and who was described as one having "burnt his hand by grasping a lump."37 It is explained in the commentary: "At the time of his going forth as an Ajivika his hands were burnt by grasping a heated lump" (Ajīvika-pabbajjam-pabbajjita-kāla unha-pinda-patiggalaṇena hatth'āpikir'assa daḍdha).38 An ascetic Guna is described in the Mahānāradakassapa Jātaka39 as "an ignorant, naked, wretched and blindly foolish Ajivika" (Ajänantam nagga-bhoggam nissirīkam andha-bālam Äjīvikam). The term 'naggabhoggam' is interpreted as 'one whose goods are nakedness' in the Pali-English Dictionary, but the word, as aptly suggested by A.L. Basham, would be taken to mean 'one naked and crippled.'" The Ajivikas at the stage of initiation seem to have made themselves eligible to bear out these painful ordeals. One has to bear up all

105

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these intolerable and difficult practices before going to be accommodated in the organisation.
Children were not debarred to get entry into the order provided they showed their forbearance in accepting various kinds and/or degrees of penances. A vivid description of an Ajīvika, named Jambuka while still a child, is to be found in the Dhammapada commentary.41 It is stated that the boy Jambuka was handed by his parents to a group of Ajivika ascetics and requested them for his initiation into their order. The boy was placed in a pit on which planks were set and the Ajivikas, seated on the plants, pulled out his hair with a piece of the rib of a palm-leaf (gala-ppamāṇe avāțe thapotvā, dvinnam jutrūnam upari padarāņi datvā, tesam upari nisīditva, tal'atthi-khandena kesa luñcinisu)."" The custom of practising severe penances, and pulling the hairs from their heads was prevalent among the early Ajivikas is attested by a famous Tamil Saivite text of the thirteenth century AD, Civaññāņa-citt'yär written by Arunandi Sivācārya.43
The Ajivikas were known as the followers of severe penance to the people of the Far East. In the Chinese and Japanese Buddhist literatures the Ashibikas (i.e. Ajīvikas)44 are placed together with the Nikendabtras or Nirgranthas. “They both hold that the penalty for a sinful life must sooner or later be paid and since it is impossible to escape from it, it is better that it be paid as soon as possible so that the life to come may be free for enjoyment. Thus their practices were ascetic-fasting silence immovability and ihe burying of themselves upto the neck were their expressions of penance.45 Of course, there are several other evidences depicting the Ajivikas with a pile of matted locks.96 Even Gośāla is said to have torn out his beard in his last delirium. Upaka and two other Ajivikas are depicted at Borobudur with carefully set hair.47 In fact, the identification cannot be taken as final and conclusive. What is important to note is that "the Ajīvikas were not always tonsured or cleanshaven. The extraction of the hair by the roots, like the grasping of the heated lump, was probably an ordeal intended to render the novice oblivious to physical pain, and to test his resolution, and, as with the Jainas, 48 was not usually repeated after initiation, or was only repeated at distant intervals."49
The inclusion of the female within the organisation of the Ājivikas was permissible. This can easily be deduced from the fact that the Ājīvikas while describing the six-fold classification of

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humanity, according to their psychic colour, ordains the permission of women with equal status to enter into the Ajivika order.50 How far constructive and positive role they played for the organisation cannot be estimated due to lack of evidences.
52
54
The order, like Jainism and Buddhism, was also open to members of all classes of the society, irrespective of any caste, colour and status. The Mahāvamsa commentary refers to one Janasana, a Kulūpaga Ajivika in the court of Bindusara who is said to have been of Brāhmaṇa family. Paṇḍuputta, an well respected member of the order, was the son of a wagon-maker, an occupation of the lower graded people. The Vinaya-piṭaka speaks of one unnamed Mahamatta who was a follower of the Ajivikas. Another rich and earnest disciple from Śrāvasti was Ayampula who visited Gośāla during his last delirium.55 Trading and mercantile communities seem to have joined to this faith profusely. Halāhala the great mentor of Gośala belonged to the potter community. Similarly, Saddalaputta an affluent member of the potter community at Polasapura supported for the organisation of the Ājīvika sect.
The Bhagavati-sutra depicts twelve Ajivika laymen who maintained themselves on the principle of non-violence.57 They regarded Gośāla as god, attended their parents and abstained from taking five fruits, viz., udumbara, vața (banyan), vora (jujube), satara (añjira) and pilankhu and also from onion, garlic and bulbous roots. The Ajivikas" as suggested by A.L. Basham, "like the Buddhists and the Jainas, were believers in ahimsā, and usually vegetarians."58
107
The Ajivikas performed several extremist type of austerities which sometimes lead to put an end of the life. The description of some of the horrible penances would not be irrelevant in this connection. Rigid penances like raising his hands high in the sunshine, rejection of six consecutive meals, living on mere beans or rice-gruel (kulmāṣa) and on one sip of water in the beginning of asceticism, were performed by Gośāla for acquiring the power of fiery energy at the end of six months.59 The severity of asceticism of the Ajivika monks is also exhibited in the process and practices of the following types of penances:60
(i) Ukkuțikappadhana-exerting themselves in a squatting
posture;
(ii) Vagguli-vata-the bat-penance, i.e. swinging in the air like

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bats; (iii) Kanțaka-ppa saya-lying on a bed of thorns; and (iv) Pañca-tapana--the penance of five fires.
The continuity of these acts of self-mortification even today is to be found among the ascetics of other religious systems. These are still in practice in the remote villages of eastern India in connection with the annual worship of Dharma or the worship of Siva in the forms of Caraka, Gājana, Gambhira, etc. These horrible and piercing kinds of penances are basically the customs of the indigenous non-Aryan people having magico-religious attributes. 61
The Ajivika mendicants may, according to their mode of begging and/or performance of penance, be grouped in the following categories: 62
(i) Gharasamudaniyā- those who begged food at every
house; (ii) Dugharantariyā-those who begged food at every third
house; (iii) Tigharantarijā-'hose who begged at every fourth house; (iv) Satta gharantariyū—those who begged at every eighth
house; (v) Uppala-bențiya-who, according to Abhayadeva's com
mentary, under a special vow employed lotus stalks in begging (utpala-vīņtāni niyama-višeșād grāhyatayā
bhaikșatvena yeșām suntite utpalavrnţikāḥ);63 (vi) Vijju-antariya-those who do not accept alms if there is
a flash of lightning; (vii) Uțțiyā-samaņā-those ascetics who entered large earthen
vessels for performing the highest penance (Ustrikā mahāminmayo bhöjana-viseșas. Tatra praviștā ye śrāmyanti tapas vant’iti uştrikāśrumanāḥ).64
It is, in fact, no exaggeration to presume the influence and spread of the Ājivika ascetic in Indian religion in general and monasticism in particular. Their organisational infrastructure was sound and solid. The mention of different categories of ascetics makes it clear the existence of a well knit organisation of the system. Another interesting point emanating from the prevalence of various kinds of ascetics is the gradation of the ascetics. The

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ascetics of the last category undoubtedly held an important and prime position, especially for their adherence to a severe form of penance when they entered large earthen vessels. Evidences are not lacking relating to the variation of different types and gradations of austerities performed, possibly by different ascetics according to their requirements in various stages.
There is no denying the fact that the Ajīvikas stressed much emphasis on the performance of severe austerities and moral discipline. The Sthānānga-sūtra mentions that the Ajīvikas practise four kinds of austerities, viz. severe austerities, fierce austerities, austerities due to abstention from ghee and other delicacies, and indifference to pleasant and unpleasant food. They are also said to perform the following four-fold brahmacarya:
(i) Tapassitā, i.e. asceticism; (ii) Lúkhacariyā, i.e. austerity; (iii) Jeguccitā, i.e. comfort-loathing; and (iv) Pavivittatā, i.e. solitude.
Anyway, these are some of the stray references scattered all over the Buddhist and the Jaina literatures showing different forms and stages of austerities performed by the Ajiyika mendicants. Even stipulations were also made in connection with the acceptance of the four drinks (pāņagäim) and the four substitutes for drink apā. şagãi).66 The followings are the four ‘kinds of liquid suitable to an ascetic':
(i) Gopusthae, i.e. cow's urine; (ii) Hattha-maddiyae, i.e. water soiled by hand; (iii) Āyavatattae, i.e. drink heated by the sunshine; and (iv) Silāpabbhatthae, i.e. water dripping from a rock.
Provisions for the substitutes for drink are also found mention in the texts:
(i)
Thālapāņae (Sthālapāņaka), i.e. water kept in earthen jars,
etc.
(ii) Tayā-pāņue, i.e. holding an unripc mango or other fruit
in the mouth without drinking the juice; (iii) Simbali-pānae, i.e. putting unripe simbali-beans or some

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other raw pulses in the mouth without drinking the juice; and
(iv) Suddha-pāṇae, i.e. the penance of the 'pure drink'.""
In fact, the Ajivikas in course of their ascetic careers very strictly followed austerities in every sphere. These are in sum total the process by which they lead to the ultimate goal. But the most interesting point as known from the Tittira-jātaka,68 is the introduction of secret magical rites of a repulsive tantric type. A vivid description of the practice of mysterious secret rites of the Ajivikas is to be found in the Vayupurāṇa.
69
"Roads, rivers, fords, caitya, trees, highways-piśācas (goblins) have entered all these places. Those unrighteous people the Ajivas, as ordained by the gods, are the confusers of varṇa and asrama, a people of workmen and craftsmen. Goblins are the divinities in their sacrifices, which they perform with wealth (stolen) from beings who resemble the immortals (i.e, Brāhmaṇas) and (gained by acting as) police spies, and with much other ill-gotten wealth, and with honey, meat, broth, ghee, sesamum, powder, wine, spirits, incense, greens, kṛśara (boiled sesamum and rice), oil, fragrant grass (? bhadra), treacle, and porridge. The Lord Brahma likewise appointed black garments, incense, and flowers to be the oblations of the goblins at the quarters of the moon.'
It may not be unlikely to presume that the Ajīvas, i.e. the Ajivikas of the Vayupurāṇa belongs to a later stage, and, of course, not of the Buddhist or the Jaina references. This may have been the plight picture of the Ajivika community in north India during the Gupta period when 'the sect itself continued to decline'.70
Before entering into the doctrinal intricacies of the system we may have a pause just to make a brief survey about the influence and spread of the Ajivikas in eastern India. Its origin on the upper Gangetic valley region centering round Śrāvasti is an established fact. Similarly, its later development and extension towards more easternly regions including the boundaries of lower Gangetic region is also an accepted view. By the time of Gośäla the Ajivikas occupied a unique position in the Gangetic valley regions. Its history thus begins with the early part of the sixth century BC, although B.M. Barua takes it back to the eighth or seventh century BC.71 The sect seems to have received royal patronage from the time of the Nandas whose power and splendour are attested by

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various sources and who were possibly the followers of the Ajīvika sect. Mahāpadma Nanda was a patron of Ajīvikism and "the Ājivika community certainly existed in some strength in Magadha at the time, and received some patronage from the Mauryas, who were the successors of the Nandas .... The reference in the Bhagavati-sūtra suggests that he may have given his special support to the Ajivika Samglia.”73
The continuity of its spread outside the regions of its origin in the subsequent period is known from different sources. 74 The Divyāyadāna75 and the Mahāvarsa commentaryo speak to an Ajivika mendicant (a Parivrājaka) attached to the Maurya king Bindusara. His learning towards the religious system is strikingly attested by a classical reference too.77 It is thus a fact to note that the Ajivikas were patronized by the court of Magadha even before the introduction of Asoka's policy of toleratjon.
The influence of the Ajivikas on the contemporary religious history is also recorded in the inscriptions of the great Maurya king, Aśoka. The Seventh Pillar Edict78 which was issued in the twenty-seventh year of Asoka's consecration, i.e. 237 BC describes the duties of the Dharma-mahimālru. These officers of public morals “were ordered ... to busy themselves with the affairs of the Samgha; likewise others were ordered ... to busy themselves also with the Brāhmanas (and) Ajivikas; others were ordered ... to busy themselves also with the Nigranthas; others were ordered ... to busy themselves also with various (other) sects; (thus) different Mahāmātras (are busying themselves) specially with different (congregations).”70 Various scholars like Bühler, 80 Hoernle 81 D.R. Bhandarkar82 have interpreted 'bāblianosu ā{ i)ivikesu' diffe
might have been the interpretations of the term, one thing is very clear from the above mentioned Pillar Edict as pointed out by A.L. Basham-“The Seventh Pillar Edict also gives some indication of the influence of the Ajivikas at the time. The Ajivika Samgha appears as a fully developed religious community, on an equal footing with the two other non-Brāhmanic systems, and is not relegated to the last category of the various heretics'. It may be suggested that, since Aśoka mentions the Ajivikas before the Nirgranthas, or Jainas, the former sect seemed to the king to be either more influential or more worthy of support than the latter."83
In fact, the heyday of the Ajivikas during the time of preMaurya and the Maurya periods in Magadha and its neighbouring

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regions is known from the testimony of Aśokan inscriptions as well as his successor Dasaratha in the Barabara and Nagarjuni caves inscriptions.85 In the Barabar Hill complex there are in all four caves, viz. Karna Chopar cave, Sudama cave, Viśvāmitra cave and Lomas Rși cave, of which three contain Aśokan inscriptions; while the nearby Nagarjuni Hill contains three similar caves, viz. Vahiyaka cave, Gopika cave and Vadathika cave, for providing shelters to the Ajivika ascetics during the rainy season."
86
The prevalence of the sect in castern India in the Christian era has hardly substantiated by any archaeological remains. It is rather difficult to speculate about the exact time and reasons for the total extinction of this faith from this part of the country. Occasional references to them are not wanting in Sanskrit literature of the later period, but these are hardly any positive bearings on the history and philosophy of the sect.
It is really curious to note that a sect, a leading representative of the heretical orders, that emerged with equal stronghold and wide influence like those of the Buddhists and the Jainas, did not survive or continue as an independent sect for long in the region of its origin. It is, however, not an easy task to ascertain the reason/ reasons behind its oblivion from the stage of Indian religion. But it is certain that by the time of the Vayupuräna the sect seemed to have 'struggling for survival as a sort of secret society'; and during the time of Varahamihira87 the Ajivikas survived only as one of the seven classes of religious mendicants. According to P.C. Bagchi, "the Ajivika sect had, by the time of Hiuen-Tsang, merged into the community of the Nirgranthas who were then numerous in Bengal. In any case, there is no evidence to prove the separate existence of the Äjivikas in Bengal."88 The conjecture put forward by P.C. Bagchi seems to be possible as the emergence of the mystic saints and their religious communities like the Avadhutas, etc. in the mediaeval period bear ample resembles in respect of activities and ritualistic performances with the naked Nirgrantha and the Ajivika ascetics.
Denying the authority of the Vedas, the Ajivikas were also indoctrined as the propounder of heretical philosophy. The Buddhists and the Jainas considered the Ajivikas as amoralists and proceeded to condemn them as immoral in practice. Buddha is said to have branded the system of Gośãia among those four groups of ascetics whom he condemned as 'living in incontinency' abrahmacarya
112

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113
vāsa).99 He vehemently criticised Gośāla on ethical grounds for holding and practising immoral principles and Gośāla even is "stigmatised bad man” (mogha-puruşa). Il is not much difficult to understand why Buddha was much antagonist against the Ājivikaso who were discarded all his ideas and ideals. In spite of repeated scandal mongering against the teaching and doctrine of Gośäla a large number of followers froni all sections of the society during Buddha's own time accepted this religion in preference to the teachings of Buddha and Mahāvīra.9: infact, occasional lapses in the individual level of this community are not unnoticed, but, at the same iime, their rigidity in performing severe types of penances and restrictions of accepting food comparing to other religious systems cannot be minimised. A strong foundation of sincere austerities and of moral discipline undoubtedly facilitated the sect to survive its independent existence for at least a few centuries in the pre and the post Christian era.
It is, however, surprising that the Ājivikas who could Icad such an austere life should hold fatalistic views regarding life and nature. Their teachings as reflected in the Samaññaphala-sutta deny action (Kirivi), endeavour (Viriya) and result of action (Kamma). The essence of the Ajīvika philosophy, i.e., the theory of
ivati (Fate), teaches that destiny controlled even the most insignificant action of each human being and nothing could change this.93
It is to be noted in this connection that the concept of the fatalist teaching of which the doctrine of Niyati emerged and developed, was not unknown before Makkali Gośāla. "A belief in fate, the inevitability of important events, or events with dire consequences, seems to arise at an early stage of religious development in many cultures. Parallel with it arises the belief in the elliciency of magic, spells, sacrifice, and prayer, to circumvent the effects of fate.":94 But it was Gośāla who moulded it into a methodical and systematic doctrinal shape. His views provide a striking illustration of the trammels of saisära and the rejection of individual initiative in the process of liberation from them.95 Denying the action of karma Gośāla believes in an immutable principle which is the determining factor in the universe. To his philosophy karma is uneffected by good conduct, by vows, by penances or by chastity. He practises a rigid path of transmigration when he says that each and every soul must run the same course through a period of 84,00,000 great kalpas before reaching salvation.

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“The are 84,00,000 perjods during which both fools and wise alike wandering in transmigration, shall at last make an end of pain. Though the wise should hope 'by this virtue or this performance of duty, or this penance or this righteousness, will I make the karma (i have inherited) that is not yet mature', and though the fool should hope, by some means, to get gradually rid of karma that has matured- neither of them can do it. Pleasure and pain cannot be altered in the course of transmigration, there can be neither increase nor decrease thereof, neither excess nor deficiency. Just is when a ball of string is cast forth, it will spread out just as far as and no farther them, it can unwind, just so, both the fools and the wise, transmigrating exactly for the allotted term, shall then, and only then, make an end of pain.":96
According to the doctrine propounded by the Ajivikas all beings are developed by Destiny (Niyati), chance (saugari) and nature (bhäva)97 as Buddhaghosa would have it for the term parimata means 'differentiated." The term bhāri implies srabhava, i.e. nature which has been exalted to the rank of Nirati. Jñanavimala thus says-some believe that the universe was produced by syabhāva, and that everything comes about hy svabhara only.999 Hoernle takes samigati to mean 'environment'10"; but the appropriate translation of the term should be 'lot' or 'chance. lol It is stated in the Sütrukrianga that picasure or pain is but the work chance, it is the lot assigned to them hy destiny".!0-G.C. Pande nicely represents it in the following -- "the process of sarısāra is like the unalterable working out of a coiled up necessity. Inasmuch as the process of samsāra is moving towards visuddhi or the end of misery, it may be considered an evolutionary process. As to the nature of the forces behind it we have the statement 'sahbe ...niwatisangati-bhāra-parimata ... Sukhu-luhklium patisan vedenti. According to Buddhaghosa's explanation we have here three co ordinate detern inants of experience, the first being destiny. His own explanatin, however, of the second suggests that it should be considered subordinate to the first. The third was, in all probability, regarded as at least the cause of the differential manifestation of Niyati. But if it was not the solc determinant of Niyati, it is clear that part of the Niyati-as operative must proceed from a source outside bhäva or the nature of things. Thus partly at least the governing necessary a sarisara appears to have a transcendental spring-board The vehement denial of the freedom of will and the non-mention of

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any divine agency suggest that Niyati itself was considered an ultimate principle. The denial of any reason or cause behind the samkilesa or viś:ddhi of men shows that destiny was considered 'blind', i.e. as equivalent to a causeless necessity."103
105
To the Ajivikas, as noted earlier, Niyati is the ultimate cause of this universe and the other two samgati and bhāva are but illusory modifications of the Niyati 101 Hence the theory of Ajīvika salvation has been called sometimes in the Jataka as-samsaraśuddhi," i.e. salvation by transmigration because all being in the process of transmigration get purified. Here is the saying, "There is no short cut (lit. door) to bliss, Bijaka. Wait on Destiny. Whether (a man has) joy or sorrow, it is obtained through Destiny. All beings are purified through transmigration (so) do not be eager for that which is to come."106
In connection with the dealing of the philosophy of this system, it may be noted that the logic and epistemology of this school had much in consonance with that of the Trairāśikasi07 of the Jainas. The distinctive characteristic of the system was the division of propositions into three categories, in contrast with the orthodox Jaina system, which allowed seven (saptabhangi). The "Jainas" observes Jacobi "borrowed the idea (Jaina doctrine of the six lesyas) from the Ajivikas and altered it so as to bring it into harmony with the rest of their doctrines."
108
REFERENCES
1Supra, ch. 1
Cambridge History of India, I, p. 144. As regards the background to the conflict, it is stated-
the unquestioned authority of the Vedas;
the belief in a world-creator;
the quest for purification through ritual bathings;
the arrogant division into castes;
115
the practice of mortification to atone for sin.
These five are the marks of the crass stupidity of the witless men. Pramāṇavārtika-svavṛtti-țikā, ed. R. Samkṛtyäyana, pp. 617-18.
3SBE, XLV, Introduction, xxix-xxx.
Monier-Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, p. 133.

ABORI, VIII, p 183
ERE, 1, p. 259 On the derivation of the term Ajivika, Burnouf (Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, II p 777) believes that it had no derogatory significance, but meant 'one who lives on the charity of others', deriving it from a-jiva, 'the

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absence of livelihood, with the addition of the suffix ka. Similarly, Lassen (Indische Altertumskunde, II, p. 107, fn. 2) also made the etymological explanation that the word meant an ascetic who ate no living or animal food. Another explanation of the term is known from the Digha-nikaya (III, p. 9) where it is stated that the Buddha met at Vesali an ascetic named Kandara-masuka, who maintained seven life-long vows, viz. (1) As long as I live (yávajjivam) I will be naked, and will not put on a garment, (2) perpetual chastity, (3) to beg spirits and meat, and the last four are vows of a Jaina type. Kern (Der Buddhismus und Seine Geschichte in Indien, II, p. 7, fn. 2) suggests that the word Ājivika may be derived from such pharse as ājivat, 'as long as life'.
Bhagavati-sutra, 15.1, 540-41: "Citta-phalagahatthagae marin hattanenam appānam .. gämänugimcm ..." The term "Mankhi' is also used in the Mahābhūrata (Santiparva. 176, V SfT) to denote Gośäla. In the Chinese tradition, the name Maskari Gośāliputra is recorded and it is explained that Maskari is his gofra name and Gośāli is his mother's name, so he was Gośāliputra, son of Gośāli (Chinese Encyclopaedia, VI, pp. 820-21). On the other hand, Charpentier thinks that Gośāla's father Mankhali was a mendicant bearing a picture board displaying a representation of Siva (JRAS, 1913, pp. 671-72). Bāņa in his Harsacarita (Ucchāsa 5, p. 153) mentions a reference to Yamapattika. i.e. one who lives by showing a piece of cloth on which Yama and others are exhibited.
Another legend tells us that Gośāla was born in a cow-shed (go-śālā) of an aflluent Brāhmana called Gobahwa in the village named Saravana (Buddhaghoşa, SV, 1, pp. 1431f; B M. Barua, Ājivikas, pp. 9ff). Buddhaghoşa while explaining the term mak khali says-Tāta, ma khalih (My dear man, take care lest you stumble), assumes that he was a servant of a wealthy person who warns him thus SERE, I, p. 260. Panini, IV.1.154.
1° Mahābhāsya (ed. Kielhorn), 111.96. cf. also supra, ch. 1. It is to be noted in this connection that there were two grades of the Maskarins who were also known as the Eka-dandin in the later period. In the initial stage the ascetic carried an actual staff, in addition to a begging bowl and a sérip of loin-cloth (kari-bandhana), while in the higher grade, like that of Paramahamsa, the ascetic abandoned even these three posse sions, claiming absolute renunciation as his only staff of reliance. For the sign ficance of the terms-Dandin, Eka-dandin and Tri dandin, see author's writing in The Mother, vol. XII, no. 4, December, 1969.
11 Arthaśāstra, I11.20.16, R.P. Kangle's edn., pt II, p. 252.
19 Malalasekara, DPPN, I, pp. 179-80, 3851f; MN, Ariyapariyesana-sutta, vol. 1, pp. 160-75.
1. Jätaka, 1.81; Mahāvagga, trans. I.B. Horner, p. 11. 14HDA, p. 95.
16 In fact, we have no exclusive textual evidence meant for this sect. Buddhist references to Gośāla's doctrine are sometimes confused, e.g., in AN, 111, 383 his classifications are attributed to Purana and in MN, I. 513, part of his doctrines is combined with those of the Pakudha. As we see later on that Purana and Pakudha as well as Gośala had an important part in forming Ajivika doctrine. B.M. Barua (JDL, II, pp. 1-30) provides an exhaustive list of these sources

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and also makes a comparison to these Buddhist references with those found in the Jaina texts in order to form an idea of the fundamentals of Gośālian dogmatics.
1Malalasekara, op. cit., II, p. 14. 17 Ibid., 1, p. 609
Ibid., II, p. 123. *For details, HDA, ch. III, pp. 27ff. **Supra, ch. I. *TAN, III, trans., p. 273. 18 MN, Sandaka-sutta, no. 76; Malalasekara, PPN, II, p. 14 *3 Bhagavati sútra, XV, su. 550, fol. 674. *HDA, p. 31. *Ibid., p. 32. 2&Ibid., p. 33. *71DL, vol. II, p. 5.
28Hoernle on the basis of the Tittira Jataha's acccurt tries to show that a mendicant (Ajivika) carried a bamboo staff (veracăra) The Ajivika Upaka is also described bearing a staff (Larthi-haitho).---Therigäthä, 291.
*' Aşļādhyāyi, IV.J.154. 30 Bhagavati-sútra, XV, su. 541, fol 660-63. 31 This event possibly took place in the second year of Mahāvira's wanderings.
82Ibid., su. 542, fol. 664. An exhaustive description of their wanderings has been recorded by Jinadása Mahattara (Avasyaka-cürni, I pp. 271, 282-84, 287-99) who flourished in the seventh century AD.
According to Jacobi (SBE, XLV, Introduction, pp. xxix-xxx) the Jainas borrowed the idea of leśyā from the Ājivika conception of abhijāti, or six classes of mankind, and 'altered it so as to bring it into harmony with the rest of their own ('octrines. The concept of abhijāti (AN, II. p. 383; SV, p. 162) preached by the Ājivikas has evidently noticeable bearing on the Jaina classification of beings and the Jaina conception of leśyā. The grouping is made on the basis of colours to different classes of beings. The highest or parama-sukha (supremely white) group contains three names only, viz., Gośála and his two predecessors, Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca. Below this is the category of white (sukka) includes Ājivika ascetics of both the sexes. The next one is green (halidda) which contains the acelakas. Below this is red (lohita) to which belong the Niganțhas who wear a single garment. Blue (nila) comes as the next category representing bhikkhus who live as thieves and also believers in the efficiency of works (karma). The lowest category is black (kanha) consisting of thieves, fisher-men, fowlers and others. For a comparative study of these two systems, viz. abhijăti and leśyā, and also for the relationship between Jainism and Ajivikism, see, HDA, pp. 240ff.
*Uvāsaga dasão, ed. Hoernle, 1, pp. 105ff. 35 Vinaya, IV, p. 223. 36Jataka, III, pp. 536-43. *Ibid., p. 541: Hatthā daddhä pindapatig ga-hanena. 381bid., p. 542. * Jåtaka, VI, pp. 219ff. "HDA, pp. 104-5,

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"Dhammapada Commentary, II, p. 52.
"Ibid.; it is to be noted in this connection that Jambuka for his severe asceticism obtains a great reputation for sanctity as a 'wind-eater' (vāta bhakkho), until he is ultimately converted by the Buddha.
43V. Nallaswami Pillai, Šivajñāna Siddhiyār, pp. xlv-xlvi; M.A. Mudaliyar ed., Civañāṇa-cittiyar parapakṣam, Madras, 1911: It is in two parts-parapakṣam and supakşam. The first half mainly deals with the principa' opposing systems of the time including Materialism, Buddhism, Jainism, and the orthodox sects, each of which is refuted; while the latter one is an exposition of Saivite doctrine and philosophy of the far south. The Ajivikas are described in the parapakṣam immediately after the naked Jaina ascetic (Digambara) evidently showing the distinction between the Ajivikas and the Digambara Jainas even at this late date of thirteenth century AD.
44ERE, I, p. 269.
45Sugiura. Hindu Logic as preserved in China and Japan, p. 16, quoting Hyakuron So, I, 22; HDA, p. 112.
46 Janaki-harana, X, 76:
Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
Dambh'-ajivikam uttunga-jaṭā-maṇḍita-mastakam /
Kancin maskariṇam Sītā dadars'āśramam-āgatam ||
47Krom, The Life of the Buddha, pl. 110; also Barabudur, vol. I, pp. 220-21 pl. II.
48Schubring, Die Lehre der Jainas, p. 159.
"HDA, p. 106.
60 Supra, fn. 33.
51 Vamsattha-ppakäsini, I, p. 190.
"MN, I, p. 31.
CHI, 1, p. 207.
Vinaya, II, p. 165.
55 Bhagavati-sutra, XV, su. 554, fols. 680-81.
Ibid., VIII, su. 329, fol. 369.
57 Of course. contradictory evidences alleging the Ajivikas for eating of animal food are not unknown. Thus it is mentioned that "all beings whose enjoyment is unimpaired obtain their food by killing, cutting, cleaving, lopping, amputating, and attacking."-Ibid.
5HDA, p. 123.
5o Bhagavati-sutra, 15.1.543; In the Lomahamsa Jātaka (I, p. 390) the Ajivika asceticism is depicted by way of the description of the practice of severe penances by Bodhisattva born as an Ajivika.
"Nanguttha Jataka, I, p. 493.
"Asutosh Bhattacharya, Dharma Worship in West Bengal (in Census 1951, 'The Tribes and Castes of West Bengal'), p. 359.
63 Aupapātika-sutra, su. 41, fol. 196. In this connection a comparison may be noted with a passage of the Mahasaccaka-sutta of the MN, (I, p. 238) containing a catalogue of the habits of the Ajivika mendicants (B. M. Barua, Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, pp. 167-8; also JDL, II, p. 48). According to Barua "An Ajivika never incurred the guilt of obeying another's command. He refused to accept food which had been specially prepared for him. He did not accept food

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from people when they were eating, lest they should go short or be disturbed. He did not accept food collected in time of drought.... He did not accept food where a dog was standing by or flies were swarming round lest they lose a meal. He did not eat fish or meat, nor use intoxicants." But A.L. Basham finds it difficult to accept it as the habits of the 'members of the organized Ājivika community' (ITD., pp. 118ff). It seems to be the general feature of the art of begging practised by all ascetics irrespective of any particular religious community, and not by the Ajivika alone. "Abhayadeva's commentary on Aupaprika.
bid The continuation of this kind of penance was in practice among the ascetics of the Tamil region in the fourteenth century AD. K.R. Srinivasan on the basis of a fourteenth century work (Naccinarkkiniyar's commentary on the early Tamil grammar, Tolkeppivam) mentions the existence of such category of ascetics who perform penance in tūli, or funerary urns. Ancient India 11, p. 9; IIDA, pp. 111-12.
65 Sthavüriga-sutru. IV.309; A.C. Sen, Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature, p. 11.
68 Bhagarati-stra, XV, SH. 554, fol. 680; also Abhayadeva's commentary.
67While comment ng on this item it is stated that for six months the ascetic elts only pure food (Suddha-khāimaim); for two months he lies on the ground, for two on wood, and for two on darbha grass (i.e., kusa grass). And on the last night of these six months' penance, two powerful gods, Punnabhadda (Purņabhadra) and Manibhadda (Manibhadra) will appear and with their icy-arms will soothe lis fcvered body. But if the dying ascetic rises above the caresses of these gods, he is saved and this is known as the pure drink.
68 Tittira Jutaka, II, pp. 541-42. 69 Väyu-purüņa, 69, 284 88. 70 HDA, pp. 162-63.
71B.M. Barua, ijirikas; G. Bühler is also of the opinion that the founder of the sect may be placed about 750 BC.
H.C. Raychaudhuri, PHIA, pp. 1871f. 78 HDA, p 145.
"The Mahavamsa, X, records that king Pandukābhaya of Ceylon, the grandfather of Asoka's contemporary Devūnampiya Tissa, built 'a house of Ājivikas' (Ājivikanam geham) at Anuradhapura. Similarly, the prevalence of the Ajivikas in Surattha (Surat in Gujarat) two hurdred years after the Buddha's nirvana is known from a passage in the Peļavasthu (IV 3, p. 57).
75 Di vyivadāna, pp. 3701. 78 Vamsattha-ppakasini, I, p. 190. 71CII, I, p. XXXV. 78CII, 1, pp. 13111.
CII, I, p. 136; II, pp. 15-16. 80 El. II, p. 272. 81ERE, I, p. 267, B'IA, XLI. pp. 286-90. 83HDA, pp. 149-50. 8'CHII pp. 18117. "IA, XX, pp. 36111.

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Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
"G. Bühler, IA, XX, 1891, pp. 361.65; HDA, pp. 150-60. 8? Brhajjātaka, XV.1. *HB, Dacca University, p. 411, fn. 3. $9MN, I, pp. 541ff.
SERE, I, p. 261. $? Buddha declared-"like a fish-trap set at river-mouth, Makkhali was born into the world to be a man-trap for the distress and destruction of men." AN, Nalanda edn., p. 267.
"Supra, ch. 1.
93It may be remembered in this connection the well known experiment that was made by Gośāla together with Mabävira taking as specinien a large sesamum plant (tila thambha) which being uprooted and destroyed, reappeared in due time. On the basis of that observation Gośöla came to conclusion that all living beings are subject to reanimation (Paunu Pariharam Parihanii)-B.M. Barua A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p. 301, fv. 1; Rockhill, The Life of the Buddha, rp 250-51. "HDA, p. 6; ERE, p. 772, 'Fate'. "G.C. Pandey, Studies in the Origin of Buddhism, 1. 342.
96N. Aiyaswami Sastri, 'Sramana or Non-Brahmanical Sects', Cultural Heritage of India, 1, p. 396.
97 Niyati-Sangati-bhāva-Parinatā, DN, p. 53. °8 Nāna ppakaratam Partā, SV, I, p. 160.
" Kecir Svabhūva bhävitamy jagad manyante, s cabivenaivu sarv. sampadyate Praśna-Vyakarana, 7, fol. 29. Gunaratna (Tarka-rahasyadipikā to Saddarśanasamuccaya, p. 13) also speaks of the Svabhāra rüdins who agiced with the Niyati-vīdins on the futility of human elforts. 100 ERE, I, p. 261.
101 DAP 226. 102 Su Kr., 1, 1, 2; 2, 3, fol. 30.
3G C Pandey, op cit., pp. 343-44. 10&It may be noted that the Ajivikas was called sometimes a believer in the doctrine of causelessness, i e., ahetukavādin (Jitaka. V, p. 228). Since all human activities were ineffectual he was also an akriyayidin, a disbeliever in the efficiency of works. 105N'atthi dvăram sugatiwä. Niyatim, Kankha, Bijaku.
Sukham va yadi vil duhkham, Niyatiya kira labhati
Samsara-suddhi Söbbesam, mâ turittho anigate Jāraka, VI, p. 229; cf Ime Sarta sarısāra-suddhik i-Jätaka, V, p. 228; cf. also, Uvåsagadasco, ed. P.L. Vaidya p. 201, Samsāra-Visuudhim vyākāsi.
106HDA, P. 228
107 Ibid., pp. 271-75. The commentaries to the Nandisutra (fol. 113) and to the Samavāyānga (fol. 129) also explain the system, more or less, in the same manner:
"The Ajivika heretics founded by Gośāla are likewise called Trairāśikas, since they declare everything to be of triple character, viz., living, not living, and both living and not living; world, not world, and both world and not world; real, unreal, and both real and unreal. In considering standpoints (naya) (they postulate that an entity may be) of the nature of substance, of mode, or of both. Thus, since they maintain three heaps (rūši), they are called Trairāśikas." Quoted, HDA, p. 274.
108SBE, XLV, Introduction, xxix-XXX.

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Calcutta, 1957. Nisilia, ed. by Schubring, Leipzig, 1918. Norman, H.C., Darmapada Commentary, London, 1905-6. Oldenberg, H., Ancient India, Its Language and Religions, Calcutta,
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Delhi, 1981. Pande, G.C. Stu lies in the Origin of Buddhism, Allahabad, 1957. Parisista-parva, ed. Jacobi, Calcutta, 1932. Pathak, K.B., 'The Ijivikas, a Sect of Buddhist Bhikkhus', IA,
XLI, 1912, pp. 88-90. Patil, D R., Cultural History from the Vayu Purāna, Poona, 1946. ----, The Antiquarian Remains in Bihar, Patna, 1963. Paumacari yam, pt. I, ed. H Jacobi, PTS, VI, Varanasi, 1962. Prabandha-cintāmani, trans. C.H. Tawney, Calcutta, 1901. Radhakrishnan, S., Indian Philosophy, 2 vols., London, 1923, 1927. Rampuria, Shree Chand, The Cult of Ahimsa (A Jain viewpoint),
Calcutta. 1947. Rapson, E.J. ed., Cambriilge History of India, I, Cambridge, 1922,
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Sen, A.C., Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature, Santiniketan, 1931. Sen, K.M., Hinduism, London, 1961.
Shah, C.J., Jainism in North India, London, 1932.
Shah, U.P, Studies in Jain Art, Banaras, 1961.
Sharma, Hara Dutt, Contributions to the History of Brahmanical Asceticism (Sannyās). Poona, 1959.
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Sircar, D C., Select Inscriptions, I, Calcutta, 1922.
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Page #157

Index
Abaddhiku 36 Abhaya 29 Abhaya (Licchavi prince) 71 abhijati 117n Abhikṣaka 25 Abhinandana 22 Acalabhräts 32 icāra 61 ācārāiga-satra 30, 38, 39, 40, 54, 57
59, 77,97n ācārya 3, 46, 52, 53, 56, 60-61, 91 Acciakas 34, 38, 117n Acirā 24 Acirāvati 75 Adaspur 90 Adhiccasamuppannikavāda 9. 13 Adinātha, see Rşabhadeva Aggivessayana 29 Agni 8 Agnibhūti 32 ahetuvādin 9, 120n Ahinsi 3, 29, 30, 45, 50-53, 57, 64, 66n,
67n, 107 Ajantā 88 Ajátaśatru 6, 16n, 71 Ajita 23 Ajitā 23, 25 Ajitabalā 23 Ajita Kesakambalin 10, 11, 14 Ajitanātha 22 Ājivika 1, 3, 7, 9, 10, 19, 58, 71, 80n Ajjuna Goyamaputta 103, 104 Ajñanavāda 10, 12, 14 Akampita 32 Akarmata 47 Akhandaleśvara 92
Akiñcinati 47 Akiriyāvāda 9, 11, 14, 120n Ālabhikā 33, 72, 75, 104 Alikā 7 Ālocană 49 Altekar, A.S. 89 Amarāvikkhepikā 13 Ambikā 25, 91, 93, 95 Amoghavarsa 94 Ananda 14, 34 Ananta 82, 92 Ananta-Caturdasi 95 Anantamati 25 Anantajit 24 Anava 95n Anavasthäpya 49 Andhra 72 Andhrakā-Vrsni 4in Anekantavāda 64 Anga 16n. 53, 70-75, 94, 95n Ariga text 37 38 Aiguttara-niküyn 5, 27, 71 Anilā 25 Ankusa 25 Anody a 32 Anuja 32 Aparajitā 25 Aparanta Kappika 13, 14 Aparigraha 3, 29, 30, 34, 45, 50 Apasaro 62 Arahanta/ Arhat 46, 60, 62-63, 87 Arambha, 52 Aranātha 24, 86 Ardhaphalakas 36, 44n Arişță 25 Ariştanemi, see Neminātha

Page #158

130
Index
Bandhumati 25 Banerji, R.D. 87 Bangarh 78 Banpur plate 89 Barabar Hill Caves 112 Barabhum 81 Barua, B.M, 101, 110 Basava 19 Basham, AL. 12, 102, 103, 105, 107,
111
Aritthanami (king) 41n Arjava 47 Arthaśāstra 102 Arthaśiva 25 Āryadatta 28 Āryadinna 25 Ārya Kļşņa 38 Arya Samgha 91 Arya Vyuka 32 Aşādba 36, 56 Asaññivāda 13 Asibandhakaputta Gamini 29 Asoka 23, 71, 72, 78, 79, 87, 111, 119n Assam 20, 78 Assamitta 36 aşta-pratiharya 80 asteyam 3, 29, 45, 50 Asthigrāma 72 Asuras 8 Ašvamedha 41n Asvasenarāja 24, 28 Atharya-Vedic 8 åtman 3, 6, 47, 49, 50 Ātura-praryåkhyāna 39 Aupapātika 39 Avadhūta 112 avagraha 60 Avanti 16n āvāsa 3 Avasarpiņi-kalpa 18, 40n Avaśyakaniryukti 21, 35, 38, 60, 61,
98n avatāra 26 Avavadika 29 Avyaktaka 36 Ayagapattas 79 Ayampula 107 Ayodhyā 21-22, 24, 26, 28
Beglar 77 Benares, see Vārāṇasi Bendā 7 Bengal 20, 28, 30, 7777 Bhadrapurā 22 Bhadravāhu 33-34, 36-37, 39, 44n, 75,
78,96n Bhadrika 33, 72, 75 Bhagavata-purāna 26 Bhagavati-sutra 5, 38, 42n, 47, 103, 104,
107, 111, 116n Bhak ta-parijnă 39 Bhandarkar, D.R. 11 Bhandira 7 Bhanurāja 24 Bharadvāja 103-4 Bharadwaja Aśrama 90 Bharata 21, 26 Bhisa 35 Bhatta 7 Bhavadeva Suri 28, 86 bhava-himsa 51 Bhavani 47 Bhiksu 1, 2, 8, 117n Bhima 27, 78 Bhiram 84 Borkuti 23, 25 Bhutavāda 13 Bhūya 30 Bibar 19, 20, 28, 31, 33, 53, 54, 70ff Bimbisara 71, 73 Bindusāra 107, 111 Bodhisattva 118n Bodhi 32 Bodiya 60 Bogra 30 Boram 84
Badkola 84 Badri 2 Bagchi, P.C. 80, 112 Bahularā 83, 85 Bahurūpini 25 Bala 25 Baladeva 27 Bali (king) 95n Bana 116n

Page #159

Index
Borobudur 106
Botikadṛṣṭi 36 Brahma 23, 110
brahmacaryam 3, 29, 45, 47, 50
Brahmagiri 73
Brahmajala-sutta 10, 11
Brahman 3
Brāhmaṇas 6, 8, 11, 16n, 30, 31, 34, 35, 39, 55, 87, 95, 110, 111, 116n Brahmi 23
Brhaspati 13
Brhat-kalpa 39, 53
Buddha 3-6, 8, 9, 15, 19, 26. 35, 40n, 55, 56, 70, 78, 82, 102, 103, 112, 113, 116n, 118n. 119n, 120n
Buddha Ghoşa 9, 11-13, 114, 116n Buddhism 2, 12, 26, 31, 50, 51, 56, 64, 65, 67n, 71, 89, 95, 107, 118n Buddhist 1-4, 7, 8, 13, 14, 18, 19, 31, 32, 55, 59, 80, 89, 93, 101, 102, 105, 110, 112. 116n
Buxar 76
Caityas 92
Cakravarti 31
Cakrayuddha 25
Cakreśvari 23
Camdavijjhaya 39
Campă 33, 72, 73, 104
Campapuri 22, 73
Cămuṇḍā 25
Candā 23
Candana 33
Candrabala 25
Candragupta Maurya 37, 71, 78
Candraketugarh 97n
Candrakirti 13.
Candraprabha 22, 75, 85
candra-prajñāpati, 35 Candrapura 22, 75
Caraka 108
Carama 25
caritra 48, 61
Căru 23
Cārvāka 10, 11, 17n
Catul-sarana 39 Catur-vimsatistava 50 Caturyamās 29

Caumukhas 83, 84, 97n
Cedi dynasty 87 Ceṭaka 32, 73
Charampur 91 Charpentier 65
Chatra Village 83-84 Chausa 76
Cheda 49
Cheya suttas 38, 39, 57
Chitgiri 82 Civaññāṇa-citt'yar 106 Culanipiya 34
Cülikā 38
Cullasayaga 34 Cunningham, 52
Dadhivahana 73
Dahala 94
Damini 25
Darbhanga 70 darśana 61
Darsa-pūrṇamāsa 4 dasadharma 47
Dasapura 36
Dasaratha (Maurya king) 112
Dasarha 42n
Dasasrutaskandhaka 39
Dasavedaliya 38
Dasgupta, S.N. 50
Dasikharboṭa 78
Davids, Rhys 4, 32 daya 50
Deoli grant 94 Deulbhira 85
Devacandra 96n
Devanampiya Tissa 119n
Deyananda 31, 43n
Devendrastava 39
Devikota 78
Devirāni 24
Dhalbhüm 77
Dhamma mahāmātās 71, 111
Dhammapada 106
Dhana 25
Dhara 25
Dharaṇapriya 25 Dharani 23 Dharanendra 25

131

Page #160

132
Dharapat 33 dharmācāryas 35, 36
Dharmadama (Murunda king) 89
Dharmanatha 24
Dharmaraja (Saibod+hava king) 89
Dharmasastra 4
Dharma-sutra 4
Dhruvasena 44n
Dhruvaśila 3
Dhyana 49, 81, 85
Digambara 4, 23-26, 32, 35-37, 39, 44n,
58-62.80, 90, 93, 95, 118n
Digha 29
Digha-nikāya 9, 41n Dikpālas 95
dikṣā 28, 36 Dinna 23
Ditthadhammanibbānavāda 13
Diṭṭhivaya 38 Divāli 95
Divimukha 86
Divyavadana 78
Dokiariya 36
Dorje 96n
Dramila 72
dr vyahimsa 51
Drdhanami 41n Dridharatharāja 22
Duritāra 23
Dutta, N. 9
Dvārakā 2
Ekacca-Sassatavāda 13
Ekadanḍin 116n
Ekasāṭak 58
Enejjaga 103, 104
Fabri, C.L. 88
Gaccha 33, 40
Gājana 108
Gajapura 24
Gambhira 108
Gana 33, 40, 57, 61
Gaṇācāriyo 53
Gaṇadhara 30-35, 57, 62
Gaṇarajya 16n ganavacchedaka 3

Gandak 43n, 75 Gandhari 23, 25
Gandharvas 7, 25, 81. 82, 88
Gaṇeśa 8?
Ganesa caturthi 95
Gaṇividya 39
Garuda 25 Gauri 23
Gautama Svami 70
Gaya 73, 102 Ghantika 7
Girivraja 74
Girnar 24, 28
Gobahula 116n
Godisa 78 Godāsagana 78
Gomaya 29
Gomedha 25
Gomukha 23
Gorakhpur 75
Gosala 9, 10, 14, 32, 34, 58, 100-7,
110, 112, 113, 116n, 120n
Gotthamahilla 36
Govardhana matha 2
Govinda III 91
grahas 82
Gramesvara temple 90
Grhasthya 2
Grhya-sütra 7 Guhanandin 79
Gujarat 30
Guna (an ascetic) 105
Gunaratna Suri 44n, 120n
Gunasila 54
Gunavrata 45, 46
Gupta 37, 79, 110
gupti 47, 66n
Guravali 33
Guru 49, 50, 53, 61
Halahală 107
Harappa 26, 96n
Haribhadra Suri 44n
Harinegamesi 31
Harişena 78, 96n, 98n Harivamsa-puraṇa 27 Haryana 54 Hastinapuri 24
Index

Page #161

Index
133
Hathigumpha Inscription 87, 98n Hazaribagh 20, 70, 77 Hemacandra Suri 35, 50, 72, 97n hinså 51 Hiriyana, M. 64-65 Hiuen Tsang, see Yuan Chwang Hunter 76
Indra 8, 31 Indrabhuti 25, 32, 33, 43n, 92 Indus Valley 26 Irāvati 53 Isvara 23
Jacobi 19, 20, 34, 36, 39, 115 Jagannatha 92 Jajpur 91, 92 Jamali 35 Jambudvipa Prajñāpati 39 Jambuka (an Ajivika) 106, 118n Jambusvämi 34, 70, 96n Janaka 6 Janakapura 70 Janapada 5 Janásana 107 Jasa 25 Jasanandi 91 Jätaka 5, 16, 104, 115 Jatila 1, 16n Jaya 22 Jayaswal, K.P. 86, 87 Jina 19, 40n, 50, 70, 74, 76, 8185, 87,
93, 102, 105 Jinadasa Mahattara 117n Jina-kalpa 36, 58, 60 Jitari 22 Jitasatru 22 Jivapaesiya 36 Jivābhigama 39 jйüna 61 Jñanavimala 114 Jñātri 31, 32 Jñātridharmakathā 38 Jñātriputra 31 Jonaga 21 Jvālāmalini 23 Jyotih 2
Kālavāda 13 Kāli 23, 30 Kālikā 23 Kalinga 86, 87, 89, 95n Kalinga-Jina 86, 87, 88, 94 kalpa 18. 40n Kalpa-sūtru 20, 30, 32, 33, 37, 430, 54,
55, 72, 74, 78, 96n Kalpăvatamśikā 39 Kalyāna Devi 89 Kāmadeva 31, 90 Kamandalu 46 Kampilyapura 24 Kansa 28 Kanandinagari 22 Kandara-masuka (an ascetic) 116n Kandarpa 25 Karkäli 20 Kapalika 13 Karakandu 86 karma 1711, 47-50, 61-63, 113, 114, 1170 Kainagarh 73 Karnataka 19, 21 Kārttika 6 karunā 50 Karvativa 78 Kasai 73 Kāsāya 52 Kāśi 16n, 19, 70 Kašmira 71 Kastha (Digambara samgha) 44n Käsyapa 23 Kaśyapi 23 Katwa 86 Kaundinya 36 Kaundinya gotra 32 Kaušāmbi 7, 22, 53 käyotsarga 26, 50, 76, 80-85, 92 Kendra 25 Kendua 83 Keonjhar 91 Kesari dynasty 90 Kesi 28, 29 Ketu 92 kevala/kevalin 18, 21, 28, 32, 69r., 77 Kevala vrkșa 80, 83 Khalla Subhacandra 91 Khandagiri 88, 90-91

Page #162

134
Index
Leśyās 115, 117n Licchavis 32, 70, 71, 73 liviga 81 Lingayats 19 Lohanipur 76 Lokā 7 Lolā 29 Lokāyatavāda 11, 17n, 31 Lothal 26
Khāravela 87-89 Kimpuruşa 25 Kinnara 25 Kisa Sankicca 102, 103, 117n Kollaga 104 Konka 21 Kopakataka 86 Koraput 91 Košala 7, 16n, 21, 22, 70, 75, 78, 94 Koțigrāma 75 Koțivarşa 78 Koțivarsiya 78 Kottavīra 36 Kudepasiri 88 Kumāra 23 Kriyāvāda 14 Kršņa 19, 27, 410 Krşņa II 94 Kļşņa III 94 Kịtavarmarāja 24 Kşamā 47 Kşatriya 2. 6, 16, 35 Kșetrasamisa 86 Kubera 25 Kula 33, 40 Kulacandra 91 Kulakara 21, 41n Kumari-hill 86, 87, 91, 98n Kumbha 25 Kumbhakara-Jataka 86 Kumbharaja 24 Kunāla 53 Kundagrāma 24, 31 Kundakoliya 34 Kundakunda 46, 51, 60, 69n Kuņika 32, 73 Kunthunătha 24 Kunti 7 Kuşāņa 37 Kusinara 43n Kusmāndini 25 Kusuma 23 Kuțaka 21
Madhyadesa 8 Ma,adha 5, 16, 33 37, 44n, 53, 73
74, 87, 94, 102, 111 Mägha 7 Mahābhurata 26, 26, 116n Mahābhūşya 101, 116n Mahājanapada 5 Mahākāla 23 Mahākāli 23 Mahāmānasi 25 Mahānāradakassapa Jätaka 105 Mahānisirha 39 Mahāpadmananda 87, 111 Mahậpraf yaikhyāna 39 Mahāpurusa Lakşama 81 Mahāsayaga 34 Mahāsenarāja 22 Mahātma Gandhi 52 Mahävira 3, 4, 12, 15, 18-21, 28-31, 33
37, 38. 42n, 43n, 47, 50, 54, 55, 58, 59, 63, 70 78. 80. 84-87, 91, 98n, 100,
102 104, 105, 113, 117n, 120n mahāvrata 29, 45, 50, 52 Mahāyaksa 23 Mahi 53 Majjhima-nikaya 14, 4in Makkhali Gosāla, see Gosāla Maidah 30 Mălini 73 Mallarānia 103, 104 Mallas 70 Malli 25 Mallinātha 24 Manasā 83 Mānasi 25 Mānavi 23 Mänavavigraha 7 Manbhum 76, 77
Lakşamanā 22 Lalitendu Keśari Cave 91 lāñchano 80-82, 84, 85, 97n Lauhara 84

Page #163

Index
135
Manchapuri cave 88 Mandara 25, 73 Mandipuira 32 Mandiya 103, 104 Mandukya-Kärikā 13 Mangalā 22 Mangalā (goddess) 90 Mangalkot 85, 86 Manibhadra 7, 119n Manovega 23 Mārdava 47 Maskarin 1, 9, 14, 17n, 101, 102, 1161 Matanga 23, 25 matha 2, 74 Mathura 20, 24, 37, 44n, 76. 79, 80 Maurya 71, 76, 78, 79, 88, 102, 104, 111 Mauryaputra 32 Mayurbhanj 91,92 Megharāja 22 Mekhalā 7 Merudevi 21, 22 Metarya 32 Mithila 36, 54, 70, 72 Mitra, D. 81 Mittal, A.C. 87 Mogallana 12 Mohenjodaro 26 mokșa 1, 48, 58, 60, 63 Mondoil 82 Moniyar marha 74 Mukteśvara temple 91 Müla 44n, 49 Mulabhāsa 35 Mulacāra 46, 55, 57 Mula-granthas 39 Mülasutras 38 Mundaka 16n Muni 45, 54, 61, 87-89 Muni-dharma 45 Munisuvrata 24,70 Muzaffarpur 31, 70 Mysore 71
Nagnajita 86 Naigameśa 31 Nālandā 33, 70, 72, 74, 104 Naminātha 24, 86 Nanda 23, 71, 87 Nandā 22 Nandas 110 Nandanpur 91 Nanda Vaccha 102, 103, 117n Nandinipāyā 34 Nandi-slitra 39 Handivardhana 32 Naradatta 25 Násicandra (Arhatācārya) 89 Nastik avāda 11 Natā 7 Nayamuni cave 91 Nāyā-dhammaka"ão 24, 30, 38 Nāyaka 23 Nayaputta 31 Nāyasamda 32 Neminātha 19-21, 24, 27-28, 41n. 4°n,
70, 74, 80, 90, 95 Nepal 41n, 70 Nevasaññincisaññi-vada 13 Nigantha Nataputta 9, 12, 16n, 17, 19,
28, 29, 31, 43n Nijjutti 35, 39 Nilgundi Inscription 94 Nilkantheśvara temple 90 Niraycīvali 39 nirdoşa 56 nirjara 68n Nirlobhatā 47 Nirukta 1, 61 nirvāna/nibbina 1, 3, 13, 19, 20, 28, 44n,
48, 58, 63, 70, 73, 119n Nirvāni 25 nirvega 47 Niśitha 39 Niyativada 10, 13, 113-15, 120n
näbbi 21, 22 näga 83 Nāgārjuna 13 Nāgas 7, 8 nägi 83
Odraka 94 Odravişaya 98 O'Malley 76 Orissa 20, 78, 86ff

Page #164

136
Padma 25 Padmaprabha 22, 84
Padmavati 24, 25, 73, 75, 94 Pagan 97n
Paharpur 97n
Paharpur Inscription 79 Pajjusana 3
Pakbira 77, 84
Pakudha Kaccayana 11, 14, 116n
Palma 76
Pañcakappa 39
pañca-parameṣşthins 46, 98n
pañcaratha 82
Pañcaratra-samhita 13
Pancasila 3
pañca-stūpa 79
Panca vagiya 102
Pande, G.C. 114
Pandu (king) 89
Paṇḍukābhaya (king) 119n Panduputta 102, 107
Paṇhāvāgaranaim 38 Panini 9. 101, 104
Panitabhumi 33, 72, 75, 105 Parachakrasalya 94
Paramahamsa 26, 116n
Paramasukha 117n
Paramātman 6, 63
Parañcika 49
Pareśanatha (hill) 20, 28, 32, 93
Pareśanatha (village) 83
parisaha 48
Parivrājaka 1-4, 9, 10, 12, 15, 19, 28, 37, 45, 50-58, 86, 101, 102, 111 Parivrăjikā 28
Pārsvanatha 9, 19-21, 24, 26-30, 34, 36, 42n, 59, 63, 70, 74, 77, 80, 82-86, 9092, 95, 96n
Parsvanatha-carita 28, 42n, 86
Pārsvayakṣa 25
Patacara 29
Pātāla 25
Pāţaliputra 7i, 75, 89
Pālaliputra Council 37
Patanjali 101
Patimokkha 4
Paṭṭāvali 33 Paumacariya 20

Pavapuri/Papà 33, 43n, 71, 72, 75
Pen-Po 41n
Phalgu 23
piśāca 110
Piştha Devi 50 Polasapura 105, 107 Posadha/Posala 4
Prabhāsa 32
Prabhava 34
Prabhavati 24, 28, 86 Prabuddhacandra 89
Prachi Valley 90
Pradyotana 23
Prakraṇakas 39
prakrti 9
Prañjāpanā 39
Prañjāpati 23
Prasenjit 7
Pratikramana 34, 38, 50
pratimă 46 Pratiṣṭharāja 22
Pratyakhyāna 50 Pratyekabuddha 41n
Pravacanasara 46, 60
Pravahana Jaibāli 6
Pravrajyä 1, 2
Prayaścitta 38, 49
Priyadarśana 32
Priyakariņi 24, 31
Pṛṣticampă 33 Pṛthvi 22
Pubbanta-Kappika 13, 14
Punca 84
Pundarika 23
Pundra 95n
Pundravardhana 39, 78, 79, 96n
Pundravardhaniya 78
punya 61
Pupphacula 30
Purānas 21, 87
Puri 2, 90, 91
Purimatala 22
Purṇabhadra 7, 73, 119n
Pürna Kassapa 9, 14, 101-2, 116,
Purulia 76, 83, 84
Puruşa 9
Puruşadatta 23 pūrva text 37

Index

Page #165

Index
137
Puşpacūdā 25 Puşpacülika 39 Puşpadanta 22 Puşpikā 39 Puşpavati 25
Rādha 75, 77, 79, 96n Rahini 23 Raidighi 85 Raina 85 Rajagrha 24, 30, 33, 54, 70, 72, 74, 75,
104 Räjapraśniya 39 Rūjimati 28 Rajpura 82 Rakşābandhana 95 Rakşita 25 Ramachandran, T.N. 88 Rāmārāṇi 22 Rāmāyaṇa 21 Ränigumpha 86 Rapson 37 Raştrakūțas 94 Rathavirapura 59 Rathcncmi 42n Rati 23 Ratnagiri-hill 89 Ratnapuri 24 Rayapura 86 Revai 34 Revati 7 Rgveda 7 Rijupālaka 24, 32 Roha 103, 104 Rohagutta 36 Roman Empire 14 Rupnārāyaṇa 78 Rşabha (king) 41n Rşabhadatta 31 Rşabhanātha 20-22, 26-27, 77, 80-82,
84-87, 90, 91, 97n Rşi-hill 74
sadoşa 56 Sadulaya 36 Safa 76 Sahasranialla 36 Sahu, N.K. 87 Saišunāga 71 Saivas 91 śākhā 33, 40 Sākyas 16n Silibipiya 34 Samūcāri 39 Samanera 61 Samuññaphala-sutta 29,113 samārambha 51 Samatata 79 Samavasarana 83 Samaviyariga 20, 28 Sāmīyika 50 Samba 25 Sambararāja 22 Sambhavanātha 22, 73-75 Sambhutavijaya 34 Sameta Sikhara 20, 24, 28 Sungha 9, 34 35, 38, 40, 44n, 105, 111 samiti 47, 66n Silkhya 9, 64 Samprati (king) 72 Samsaru 40n, 63, 113, 114, 115 sunstūraka 39 Samucchedika 36 Samudravijaya 24, 27, 41n samvega 47 samyag-caritra 45 samyoga-darśana 45 samyag Jñana 45 Samyama 47 Sandaka 14 Sandaka-sutta 14 Sandilya 33, 44n Sarigharumas 73 Sanjan cp. Inscription 94 Sañjaya Belațțhiputra 12, 14 Sankarācārya 2 Şanamukha 25 Saññivāda 13 Samnyāsi 1-3 Santā 23
Sacca 29 Saccaka 29 Saddălaputta 34, 107 Sūdhu 40n, 46, 60, 62 Sadhvi 40n

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138
Index
Sāntinātha 24, 80, 82, 84, 92 Sapta-bharigi-naya 64, 115 Śāradā-matha 2 Sarambhā 52 Sarasvati 93 Sarayu 53 Sariputta 12 Sarpavigrala 7 Saryāhana 25 Sarvārthasiddhi 21 Sāsana-devatäs 94 Sassata-vāda 11, 13 Satdeulia 85 Satthā 53 satya 3, 45, 47 Sauca 45 Sauripura 24, 27 Sayambhava 34 seha 61 Sejjambhava 39 Senamata 22 Shah, C.J. 58-59 Shah, U.P. 93 siddha 61, 63, 87, 94 Siddhārtha 22 Siddhartharāja 24, 31 Siddhatva 1 Siddhāyikā 25 Siha 29 sikşávrata 46 Silanka 9 Simhapura 22 Simhasena 23, 24 Singhbhum 76 Siri 8 Śiśupālagarh 89 Šītalanātha 22, 70, 87 Śiva 81, 85, 90, 108, 11611 Śivabhūti 36, 59 Śivādevi 24, 27 Sivadşşţi 36 Sonbhāndāra 74 śramana 1, 8, 9, 21, 28, 46, 51, 55, 57,
59, 86-87 Srauta-sutra 7 Srāvaka 40n, 61, 76-77 Srāvakā 40n, 76 Sravaka-dharma 45
Śrāvaki 76 Śravana Belgola 71 Srāvasti 22, 33, 35, 71, 72, 104, 105, 07,
110 Śreyāmía 24, 31 Sreyamsanātha 22, 77 Sridhara 22 Śrīpūjya 33 Śrirāņi 24 Srivatsa 80 Śrngeri 2 Stevenson, Mrs. S. 54, 62 Sthānakavāsi 39, 62 Sthāvira 57, 80 Sthavirakalpika 60 Sthulabhadra 37, 72, 75 Sthūņa 53 Subha 25 Subhama 23 Suci 25 Sudarsana 24, 30 Sudharman 32-34, 70, 73 Sugrivarāja 22 Suhastin 72 Suhma 95n Sujasā 23, 24 Sūlapāņi 7 Sumanā 23 Sumangalā 21 Sumatinātha 22, 97n Sumitrarāja 24 Sunandā 21 Sundarban 85 Sunsta 29, 50 Supārsvanātha 22, 97n Supriyā 7, 12 Suradeva 34 Surambara 7 Surarāja 24 Surohar 81 Sürya 88 Suryapranjapati 39 Susimū 22 Sutārakä 23 Sutrakstānga 38, 39, 114 Suvannabhumi 21, 77 Suvidhinātha 22 Suvrita 24

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Index
139
Svabhāvavāda 13 Svādhyāya 49 Svetāmbaras 24, 32, 35-39, 44n, 46, 58-
60, 62, 80, 93 Svapaneśvara temple 90 Syadvāda 12, 64 Syāmā 23, 24 Syetavi 36
Ujjinta 24 Ullakatira 36 Umabaradatta 7 Umāsvati 51, 97 Upādhyāya 3, 46, 56, 60-61 Upaka 102, 106, 117n Upāli 29 Upanişad 1, 2, 6, 13. 35. 100 Upanga 39 Upāsakadaśaka 38 Upāśraya 77, 96n Uşabhapura 36 Utsarga 49 Utsarpini 40 Uttarā 35-36, 60 Uttarājjhāyana-sutta 54, 86 Uvāsagadasão 34, 38, 44n, 105
Tajjivatacchariravāda 11 Tāli 119n Tamasuri 7 Tāmralipta 78, 86 Tāmraliptiya 78 Tandula-vaitālika 39 tapas 1, 2, 47-49, 61, 101 Tapassi 29 Telkupi 84 Thakur 41n Timisikā 7 tirtha 26, 28, 40n, 63 tirthankara 12, 18ff, 34, 40n, 41n, 59-63,
70, 73-74, 76-77, 80-86, 90-94, 99n,
101, 103 Tissagutta 35 Titiira Jätaka 105, 110 Tosali 98n Toynbee 9 Thānanga 35, 38, 60, 65n Trairāśikas 115, 120n Tridandin 116n Trimukha 23 tri-ratna 45, 79 Trisalā 24, 31 Tumburu 23 Tungiyā 29 Tyiga 47
Vadhuka (Jaina Votary) 98n Vaibhära 74 Vaikhānasa 1 Vairadeva (Muni) 74 Vairoli 25 Vaisāli 31, 33, 70ff, 116n Vaiseșika 64 Vaisnavism 92 Vaiyávrtya 49 Valabhi 44n Vajjis/Vrji 31, 32, 70, 73 Vajra 96 Vajrabhumi 75, 77, 96n Vajranābha 23 Vajrasșnkhala 23 Vámidevi 24, 28 Vāmana 17n Vandana 50 Vanga 94, 95n Vānijyagrāma 33, 73 Vappa 29 Varadatta 25 Varāha hill 74 Varāhaka 23 Varāhamihira 112 Varanandi 23 Vārānasi 22, 24, 28, 79, 104 Vardhamāna, see Mahāvīra Varnas 100, 110 Varuna 25
Ucchedavada 10, 13 Udāi Kundiyāyaniya 103, 104 Udayagiri-hill 88, 90 Udayana 7 Udayi 71 Uddandapura 104 Udyota Keśari 90, 91 Ugrasena 28 Ujani 82, 86 Ujjain 44n, 72

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140
Vāruņi 23
Vassa 3, 77
Vassavāsa 55, 56, 75
Vasudeva 27, 41n
Vasudeva 27
Vasu, N.N. 27, 92 Vasupujya 22 Vāsupujya 22, 27
Vaṭagohali 79
Vatarasanas 1
Vaṭṭakera 46
Vayubhūti 32 Vayu-purāṇa 110, 112
Veda 6, 16n, 21, 112, 115n Vedanta 64
Vedic culture 19
Vedic rituals 6-7, 30, 100
Venka 21
Videhadatta 31
Vidirbha 23
Viditä 25
Vidudabha 16n
Vidyadhara 92
vihāra 55, 59, 77, 79, 97n, 105
Vijaya 25
Vijayamālā 22
Vijayaraja 24
Vijayasena 33
Vimalanatha 24
Vinaya 49
Vinayavada 13 Vinittanagari 22
Vipaka-sutra 38
Viprārāņi 24
Vipula-hill 74
Vira-Saiva 19
Vira-stava 39 Virya 61

Visesa Vassayabhāsa 35
Viṣṇā 22
Vişņu 26
Vişnuism 99n
Vişnupur 83
Vişnurāja 22
Viśuddhi 3
Visvamitra 41n
Visvamitra Asrama 90
Viśvasena 24
Viveka 49 Vivāgasuya 38
Vrkṣa devată 7, 8 Vranidasa 39
Vṛṣabha 74
Vyavahara-sutra 39, 60-61 Vyutsarga 49, 66n
Weber 38
Winternitz 38, 39
Yadrechavada 13
Yakṣa 7, 8, 41n, 80, 90, 93-94
Yakṣadinna 25
Yakşeśvara 23
Yakşet 23, 25
Yakşini 7, 75, 80, 90, 93 Yamapattika 116n
Yapaniya 44n
Yasasvin 24, 31
Yasoda 32
Yasobhadra 34.
Yati 1, 2, 54, 76
Index
Yoga 3, 85
Yuan Chwang 73, 79, 80, 89, 97n, 112
Zimmer 26

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Pranabananda Jash is Professor in the Department of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, Visva-Bharati, Shantiniketan, West Bengal. He has also published History of Saivism (1974), History and Evolution of Vaisnavism in Eastern India (1982). He has also completed a project on the History of Religion in Ancient Bengal, sponsored by UGC.
ISBN 81-215-0451-6 Jacket by Chitali Chatterjee

Page #170
Some Related Titles Bhattacharyya, N.N. Jain Philosophy: Historical Outline Bhagat, M.G. Ancient Indian Asceticism Jain, Jagdishchandra Life in Ancient India as Depicted in Jain Canon and Commentaries Prakrit Narrative Literature: Origin and Growth Reyna, Ruth Dictionary of Oriental Philosophy Stevenson, Sinclair The Heart of Jainism Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.