Jain Journal 1986 10

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520084/1

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A QUARTERLY
ON JAINOLOGY
VOL. XXI
OCTOBER 1986
No. 2
Jain JOUrnal
to doo
JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION
Jain Education Intemational

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Contents
A Demographic Analysis on Jains in India 33 M. K. Jain

Mithila The Heart of Jainism 51 Md. Aquique
Kodungallur Bhagavati 57 V. G. Nair
An Unpublished Asta-Mangala Patta at Bhagalpur Ajoy Kumar Sinha

67

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A Demographic Analysis on
Jains in India
M. K. JAIN
Numerically, Jains form a very small segment of the Indian population. Approximately, 3.19 million followers of this religion account for 0.48 percent of the total population as at 1981 and thus ranked sixth religious group after Hindus (82.63), Muslims (11.36), Christians (2.43), Sikhs (1.96) and Buddhists (0.71). It has been amply demonstrated in one of the earlier studies that "the Jains have always constituted a small religious minority of Indian society throughout their historical existence. The two other criteria of language and ethnic background that define a minority do not apply to them for they speak practically every language of India and cannot be isolated ethnically from other Indian people."
If we look at the figures on the population growth of Jains in India we notice that after an initial growth during 1881-91, the number of Jains declined continuously till 1921 and registered very slow growth thereafter during next thirty years period. In the post-independence period, the number of Jains roughly doubled i.e. from 1.62 million to 3.19 million during 1951-81. Thus, the decadal percentage growth among Jains has greatly varied from the lowest i.e., a decline of 6.47 (1901-11) to the highest growth of 28.48 (1961-71). Similarly, the strength of the Jains in total population also fluctuated in the pre-independence period and improved marginally in the latter censuses.
1 Census of India, 1981, Paper No. 3 of 1984, Household Population by Religion
of Head of Household, R. G. Office, New Delhi, 1984, p. vii (figures amended as per Errata issued subsequently by this Office).
? J. P. Sharma, 'Jains as a minority in Indian Society and History', Jain Journal :
A Quarterly on Jainology, Vol. X, April, 1976, Calcutta, pp. 137-148.

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JAIN JOURNAL
Table 1 :
Variations in the number of Jains since, 1891
Number of Jains (in 000s)
Census year
Percentage of
total population
Decadal
percent change in the number of Jains
1881 1891 1901 1911
1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981*
1,222 1,417 1,334 1,248 1,177 1,251 1,440 1,618 2,027 2,605 3,193
0.49 0.51 0.47 0.41 0.39 0.37 0.37 0.45 0.46 0.47 0.48
15.94 --5.83 -6.47 -5.26
6.28 15.81 11.67 25.17 28.48 23.17
* Excluding Assam where, census was not held in 1981 owing to disturbed conditions.
Source : (1) Kingsley Davis, Population of India & Pakistan, Russell & Russell, New
York, 1951, pp. 178-179.
(2) Census of India, 1961, Paper No. 1 of 1963, Religion, R.G. Office, New
Delhi, 1963, pp. ii-vii.
(3) Census of India, 1971, Paper No. 2 of 1972, Religion, R. G. Office,
New Delhi, 1972, pp. 2-5.
(4) Census of India, 1981, Paper No. 4 of 1984, Household Population by
Religion of Head of Household, R. G. Office, New Delhi, 1984, p. 26 (figures amended as per Errata issued subsequently by this office).
The decline in the number of Jains in the earlier decades of the present century and a slower growth in it during 1921-41, according to Davis was due to several factors such as (a) higher incidence of widowhood occupied with a taboo on widow remarriage, (b) low fertility within the marital relations, (c) loss of members of this community due to drift into Hinduism because of misstatement of religion, and (d) no population growth through conversion, because the religion is not of proslyti

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OCTOBER, 1986
zing nature like the Christianity or the Islam.3 The improvement in growth rates of Jain population during 1951-71 period, on the other hand, may be attributed to the heavier reduction in mortality rates due to improved living conditions and improvement in reporting of religion at the successive censuses. Whereas, the reduction in the growth rate in the last decade may partly be due to a decline in the fertility among Jains. For instance, it has been noted that, the total Marital Fertility Rates4 of Jains have come down from 5.1 to 4.2 in rural areas and from 4.3 to 3.5 in urban areas during 1971-81. Moreover, at the national level, TMFR for Jains as per 1981 Census is the lowest (3.7) as compared to Muslims (4.9), Sikhs and Buddhists (having an identical rate of 4.5) followed by Hindus and Christians (which had an identical rate of 4.2).5
Figures on the dispersal of Jains as presented in the Table 2 show that all the states and union territories (except Lakshadweep) are having Jains and their number varied from 939,392 in Maharashtra to merely 11 each in Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Mizoram. Besides Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh also had sizeable Jain population and these four States accounted for more than threefourth of the total Jains. Two other states viz., Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh (having more than 1 lakh population each) accounted for 9 and 4 percent of total Jains respectively. Thus, nine-tenth of the total Jains are enumerated in these six states only. Of the remaining Jains, about 4 percent are enumerated in Delhi, Haryana and Punjab and 3 percent in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. The proportion of Jains in the total population is the highest in Rajasthan (1.82) followed by Maharashtra (1.50), Gujarat (1.37) and Delhi (1.19). Apart from these, in two other states i.e., Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh only, this percentage is above the national average whereas, in the remaining states and union territories, this is quite insignificant.
3 c.f. M. K. Jain, Jains in India : How many and where ? Tirthankar, Vol. I, No. 2,
1975, pp. 8-23.
4 Total Marital Fertility Rate (TMFR) refers to the total number of children that
would have born alive per married woman under the current age specific fertility rates for the entire reproductive period (in the present case for the age groups between 15 to 49).
5 Census of India, 1981, Part-II-Special, Report and Tables based on 5 percent Samples
Data, R. G. Office, New Delhi, 1983, pp. 43 and 45.

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36
JAIN JOURNAL
Table 2 : Number and percentage of Jains in the States and Union
Territories, 1981*
Population
SI. No.
State/Union
Territory
Percentage of Jains w.r.t. All India Total
Population
4
5
100.00 0.58 0.86 14.65 1.11 0.03 0.05 8.91
3,605
0.11
INDIA
3,192,572 1. Andhra Pradesh
18,642 2. Bihar
27,613 3. Gujarat
467,768 4. Haryana
35,482 5. Himachal Pradesh
1,046 6. Jammu & Kashmir
1,576 7. Karnataka
284,508 8. Kerala 9. Madhya Pradesh
444,960 10. Maharashtra
939,392 11. Manipur
975 12. Meghalaya 13. Nagaland
1,153 14. Orissa
6,642 15. Punjab
27,049 16. Rajasthan
624,317 17. Sikkim 18. Tamil Nadu
49,564 19. Tripura
297 20. Uttar Pradesh
141,549 21. West Bengal
38,663 22. Andaman & Nicobar Islands 11 23. Arunachal Pradesh 24. Chandigarh
1,889 25. Dadra & Nagar Haveli
372 26. Delhi
73,917 27. Goa, Daman & Diu
602 28. Mizoram
11 29. Pondicherry
277
542
0.48 0.03 0.04 1.37 0.27 0.02 0.03 0.77 0.02 0.85 1.50 0.07 0.04 0.15 0.03 0.16 1.82 0.03 0.10 0.02 0.13 0.07
13.94 29.42 0.03 0.02 0.04 0.21 0.85 19.56
108
N
1.55 0.01 4.43 1.21
N
N N
42
0.06 0.01 2.32 0.02
N 0.01
0.01 0.42 0.36 1.19 0.06
N
0.05
N-Negligible * Excluding Assam where census was not held and Lakshadweep where no Jains
were enumerated in 1981. Source : Same as for Table 1 (Serial No. 4).

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OCTOBER, 1986
Keeping in view the fact that nine-tenth of the Jains are concentrated in the six states listed above, the patterns of population redistribution of Jains since 1951 among these states only have been discussed here. It is seen from Table 3 that the number of Jains in Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka has more than doubled during the last 30 years period. This growth has remained highest in Maharashtra (178 percent). In Gujarat, on the other hand, it remained very much slow (25 percent) followed by Uttar Pradesh (45 percent). The decadal percent change in the population of Jains, among the states, is noted to be considerably faster in Maharashtra during the earlier two decades of 1951-61 and 1961-71 which however, declined in the last decade (1971-81). A similar trend is also noted in Madhya Pradesh. As opposed to this, in Karnataka, it was comparatively faster in the last decade than the earlier two decades. In Gujarat, growth of Jains as stated earlier, remained quite slow during all the three decades as it varied from 9 percent in 195161 to 10 in 1961-71 and even less than 4 in 1971-81. In the remaining state of Uttar Pradesh, it declined from about 25 percent to just 2 and increased thereafter to approximately 13 during these three decades. As a result of this uneven pace of population growth of Jains, the percentage share of Jains of these states in the total population of Jains in India increased from approximately 21 to 29 in Maharashtra and from 11 to about 14 in Madhya Pradesh. Whereas, in the remaining four states it declined continuously during this period except for Karnataka where after a gradual decline in it during 1951-71, it increased at the 1981 Census. This decline again is more conspicuous in Gujarat where, it declined from 23 in 1951 to 20 in 1961, 17 in 1971 and approximately 15 in 1981. Thus, it may be discerned from the above analysis that, as a result of varying pace of population growth resulting largely from the inter-state migration, the population of Jains is gradually being redistributed among these states. For instance, Gujarat which ranked first with regard to the percentage of Jains in 1951 has lost its position to Maharashtra and Rajasthan in 1981.

377

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38
Table 3: Variations in the number and percentage of Jains and decadal percent population change in six major states, since 1951
Sl. No.
State
(i) Number of Jains
1. Gujarat
2. Karnataka
3. Madhya Pradesh
4. Maharashtra
5. Rajasthan
6. Uttar Pradesh
3. Madhya Pradesh
4. Maharashtra
5. Rajasthan
6. Uttar Pradesh
(ii) Percentage of total number of Jains of India
1. Gujarat
2. Karnataka
1. Gujarat
2. Karnataka
3. Madhya Pradesh
4. Maharashtra
1951
(iii) Percent Population change during
5. Rajasthan
6. Uttar Pradesh
374,882
409,754
139,873 174,366 181,328 247,927 337,578 485,672
359,772 409,417 97,744 122,108

23.16
8.64
11.20
20.86
22.23
6.04
1951-81
1961
24.78
103.40
145.39
178.27
73.53
44.82
20.21
8.60
12.23
23.96
20.20
6.02
1951-61
Source: Same as for Table 1 (Serial Nos. 2 to 4).
9.30
24.66
36.73
43.87
13.80
24.93
JAIN JOURNAL
1971
451,578
467,768
218,862 284,508
345,211 444,960 703,664 939,392 513,548
624,317
124,728
141,549

17.34
8.40
13.25
27.02
19.72
4.79
1961-71
10.21
25.52
39.24
44.88
25.43
2.15
1981
14.65
8.91
13.94
29.42
19.56
4.43
1971-81
3.59
29.99
28.90
33.50
21.57
13.49

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OCTOBER, 1986
A probe into the dispersal and growth of Jains at the districts level, is made here by classifying all the districts according to different categories of population size. Figures presented in Table 4 show that not a single Jain has been enumerated in 7 districts out of 351 in 1971 and 33 districts out of 402 districts (excluding 10 districts of Assam), in 1981. Apart from these, each of the 275 districts in 1971 and 2.89 districts in 1981 comprised less than 10,000 population. This spurt in the number of districts in these two categories may be due to formation of new districts in 1981 out of those existing in 1971. The number of districts falling in the first three categories also increased and this increase is mostly due to the increase in the number of Jains of such districts during the decade. Whereas, a decline in the number of districts in the remaining categories may be due to mobility of a relatively large number of districts from this category associated with a lesser number of districts incoming from the lower eategory as a result of increase in the number of Jains.
Table 4: Number and percentage of total number of Jains living in the
districts according to population size categories 1971 & 1981*
Category
Number of
districts
Population size
Percentage of Jains living
therein
1971
1981
1971
1981
3
4
5
6
3
4 6
38
I 100,000 & above II 50,000-99,999 III 20,000-49,999 IV 10,000-19,999
V Less than 10,000 VI NIL
17.62 13.00 30.08 19.26 20.04
22.25 12.74 35.38 14.06 15.57
32
289
33 402*
Total
351
100.00
100.00
• Excluding 10 districts of Assam.
Source : Same as for Table 1 (Serial Nos. 3 and 4).

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40
If we look at the figures pertaining to the percentage of total number of Jains living in these districts (presented in the same Table) we find that little more than one-fifth are concentrated in four districts only each having more than 1 lakh population. These four districts are: Greater Bombay and Kolhapur (Maharashtra) Belgaum (Karnataka) and Ahmedabad (Gujarat). These were followed by 6 districts falling under second category viz., Kuchchh (Gujarat), Sangli and Pune (Maharashtra), Pali and Udaipur (Rajasthan) and Delhi which accounted for 13 percent of Jains. Of the remaining, 38 districts falling under third category comprised more than one-third of Jains and 32 districts of the fourth category accounted for 14 percent of Jains. Thus, 70 percent of Jains have been enumerated in 48 districts (each having more than 20,000 Jains). Moreover, if we consider all the districts having at least 10,000 Jains, we find that 80 such districts (i.e., one-fifth) of the total number of districts) accounted for more than four-fifth of the total population. (Further details about the name of the districts, number of Jains, decadal percent population change etc., are presented in the Appendix Table). When we compare this position of 1981 with that existed at the earlier census of 1971, we notice that the number of districts having at least 10,000 Jains increased from 69 to 80 whereas, the percentage of Jains living in such districts increased from 80 to 84.
JAIN JOURNAL
In order to analyse, district level changes in the number of Jains, growth rates for all the 327 districts having Jain population both at the 1971 and 1981 censuses are computed for 1971-1981. Subsequently, these have been classified in Table 5 according to growth rate into two broad categories viz., those having at least 10,000 and those having less than 10,000 Jains. It is seen that 41 districts recorded 100 percent and more growth followed by 37 having it varying from 50-99 percent. In 60 districts on the other hand, there is a decline followed by 31 districts having virtual stagnation (i.e., less than 10 percent growth). It is, however, to be noted in this connection that a large number of districts falling under both the categories (i.e., having higher growth and those having a stagnation or decline) have less than 10,000 Jains. For instance, only 1 district out of 41 districts having 100 percent and more growth 6 out of 60 districts having a decline in it respectively had more than 10,000 Jains in 1981.
6 The number of districts considered here does not tally with those reported earlier, as all those districts which have been carved out after 1971 Census are clubbed together (with the districts from where, they were carved out) for the purpose of computation of growth rates as no separate population figures are available in such cases. For instance, Nalanda district of Bihar which has been carved out from Patna district after 1971 is clubbed with Patna for this purpose.

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OCTOBER, 1986
Table 5 Number of districts classified according to different ranges of decadal percent change in the number of Jains, 1971-81
50-99
100 and above
25-49
10-24
0-9
Negative
Range
Total
1
District
Thane
Bangalore
Greater Bombay

Districts having
10,000 and
more
population
2
1
3
35
27
8
6
80
Less than
10,000 population
3
40
34
56
40
23
54
247
Growth Rate
158.75
95.23
52.18
All districts

4
Source: Same as for Table 1 (Serial Nos. 3 and 4).
About the location of districts having at least 10,000 Jains and an abnormal growth, it is seen that most of them are situated in Gujarat, Karnataka and Maharashtra only (Appendix Table I). For instance 3 of the 4 such districts having a relatively faster growth are situated in Karnataka and Maharashtra. These districts are:
41
37
91
67
31
60
327
41

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42
As compared to these, following 5 out of 6 districts having decline in the number of Jains are situated in Gujarat :
Decadal % variation
District
Banskantha
Kheda
Rajkot
Jamnagar
Mehsana
-2.29

-6.28
-9.08
-10.73
-11.42
JAIN JOURNAL
After having analysed the patterns of population dispersal and growth of Jains, it is intended here to present a brief account of a few selected population characteristics. This is being attempted on the basis of limited data available from the 1981 Census on sex composition, ruralurban distribution and number of household by religion of head of the household. It is seen from the figures presented in the Table 6 that the decadal percent population change is slower among Jains than Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs during 1971-81. This slower rate in case of Jains as explained earlier, is largely due to the low fertility level among them. The level of urbanization (the percentage of population living in urban areas), on the other hand, is the highest among Jains (64 percent) as compared to other religious communities. In other words, Jains live mostly in cities and towns thus, confirming the observation made by Sangave in his study on Jain community that "The Jain Community is essentially urban in character." The sex ratio or the number of females per thousand male population among Jains is comparatively higher than Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. Lastly, the average household size or the number of persons per household is higher among Jains as compared to Hindus, Christians and Buddhists and lower than Muslims and Sikhs. When we view this higher household size in the context of the prevailing level of fertility among Jains, we notice that the Total Marital Fertility Rate is lowest among Jains as compared to other religious communities as per 1981 Census as explained in the first section of this study. This fact may be regarded as an indication of the prevalence of joint family system among Jains on a large scale despite its being one of the most urbanized community in India.
7 V. A. Sangave, Jain Community: A Social Survey, Allied, Bombay, 1959, p. 5.

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OCTOBER, 1986
Table 6: Selected population characteristics of Jains and other major Religious Communities of India, 1981
Religious Community
Jains
Hindus
Muslims
Christians
Sikhs
Buddhists
Growth Rate
1971-81

23.17
24.14
30.56
16.83
26.15
22.52
Level of
Urbanization
63.82
21.94
34.03
29.16
21.66
31.99
Sex Ratio
941
933
937
992
880
953
Average Household
Size

43
5.86
5.48
6.20
5.28
6.21
5.19
Source: Same as for Table 1 (Serial No. 4).
Figures on variations in these population characteristics among states and union territories are presented in Table 7. It is seen therefrom that all those four characteristics varied vastly among smaller states and union territories owing to a very meagre number of Jains living in such areas. When we look at the position of six major states namely, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh comprising nine-tenth of the Jain population, we notice that the decadal percent change in the number of Jains was the highest in Maharashtra as opposed to Gujarat, having hardly 4 per cent growth in it. The number of Jains living in urban areas is noted to be the highest in Uttar Pradesh (74 percent) followed by Gujarat (70 percent) and the lowest in Karnataka (42 percent) followed by Rajasthan (approximately 50 percent). As regards the sex ratio, it is seen that the female outnumbered male population in Gujarat. Of the remaining 5 states, in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, the number of females per thousand males is quite low (915 and 916 respectively). The number of persons per household among Jains is the highest in Uttar Pradesh (6.41) and the lowest is noted in Gujarat (5.22). A closer look at the figures on variations in the population characteristics among these states clearly shows that as a result of heavier out-migration of Jains from Gujarat, the ratio of males to female population and the average household size is adversely affected.

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Table 7: Selected population characteristics of Jains in India by States and Union Territories, 1981*
Sl. No.
1
State/Union
Territory
2
INDIA
1. Andhra Pradesh
2. Bihar
3. Gujarat
4. Haryana
5. Himachal Pradesh
6. Jammu & Kashmir
7. Karnataka
8. Kerala
9. Madhya Pradesh
10. Maharashtra
27. Goa, Daman & Diu
28. Mizoram
29. Pondicherry
Decadal Level of
percent
Urba
change
nization
3
4

23.17
15.73
9.64
3.59
13.82
67.09
37.04
29.99
11. Manipur
12. Meghalaya 13. Nagaland
14. Orissa
15. Punjab
16. Rajasthan
17. Sikkim
18. Tamil Nadu
19. Tripura
20. Uttar Pradesh
21. West Bengal
22. Andaman & Nicobar
Islands
-21.43
23. Arunachal Pradesh
7.69
24. Chandigarh
85.93
25. Dadra & Nagar Haveli 22.77
26. Delhi
46.33
8.27
266.67
16.88
8.06
28.90
33.50
-30.75
102.24
83.89
1.86
26.50
21.57
-43.46
20.66
-20.80
13.49
20.06
63.82
94.48
80.29
69.96
78.63
79.73
94.54
41.76
49.38
67.78
66.47
99.18
63.10
98.44
66.91
93.66
49.54
85.19
76.13
65.99
74.18
84.86
100.00
71.43
98.46
30.38
99.41
63.95
100.00
98.19
JAIN JOURNAL

Sex
ratio
5
941
815
856
1,011
914
909
972
920
939
916
924
705
449
669
862
908
990
367
906
597
915
735
1200
556
865
833
893
786
571
787
Average
house
hold size
6
5.86
6.57
7.47
5.22
6.78
5.20
6.79
6.20
5.08
6.30
5.84
9.29
7.23
9.69
6.72
6.78
5.66
5.68
5.94
5.71
6.41
6.52
3.67
3.82
5.57
4.59
6.02
4.70
*Excluding Assam where Census was not conducted in 1981 and Lakshadweep where no Jains were enumerated in 1971 and 1981. Source: Same as for Table 1 (Serial Nos. 3 and 4).
3.67.
6.93

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OCTOBER, 1986
Table 8 gives the average position of 80 districts (which comprised four-fifth of total Jains) with respect to these population characteristics by classifying them into four population-size categories. It is seen that the decadal percent population change and the level of urbanization is the highest in the first category comprising 4 districts having more than 1 lakh population. Whereas, the sex ratio is lower in this category than the second and third category and the average household size is lower than the third and fourth category. In the remaining three categories, the decadal percent population change and average household size increased and the sex ratio declined gradually in the lower categories. The level of urbanization, however, does not reveal any consistent increase or decrease among with population size.
Table 8 :
Selected population characteristics of the Jains living in the
districts with 10,000 and more Jains, 1981
Cate- gory
Population
size
Number Decadal Level of dis- percent of tricts
popu- Urbanilation zation change
Sex Average Ratio House
hold size
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
I *100,000 and more
4
33.46
72.16
933
5.83
II
50,000-99,999
20.84
52.01
995
5.30
III
20,000-49,999
IV
10,000-19,999
21.96 63.50 949 5.88 23.22 57.56
5.99 24.83 63.099495.79
931
Total
80
Source : Same as for Table 1 (Serial No. 4).
A probe into the variations in these characteristics according to decadal percent change in the number of Jains during 1971-81 brings

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JAIN JOURNAL
out that in case of 4 out of 80 districts having 50 percent and higher growth, the average level of urbanization is the highest (Table 9). This level is comparatively higher again in case of districts having very slow growth i.e., less than 10 percent) thus, implying that the in- and outmigration among Jains is higher among the districts having higher level of urbanization. The lowest sex ratio of 867 females per 1000 males as noted in the first category and the highest (1023) noted in the last but one category may be considered as an indication of the fact that due to heavier in-migration, the ratio of females to males is unfavourable among the districts having a faster growth whereas, it tends to be excessively in favour of females among the districts from where, the Jains have moved out as revealed by the very slow pace of population growth. Lastly the higher average household size in the first two categories may be regarded as an indication of relatively higher household congestion in the districts as a result of heavier immigration whereas, the opposite is case of in the last two categories showing a lower household size.
Table 9 : Variations in the population characteristics of Jains in the selected districts according to broad ranges of decadal percent population
change during 1971-81.
Category
Range
Level of Number of Urbanidistrictszation
Sex Ratio
Average household
size
1
2
4
5
6
94.12
867
5.77
III IV
50 percent and above 25-49 10-24 Less than 10 Negative Total
61.47 51.07 63.44 60.07 63.09
942 969 1023 1009
6.13 5.70 5.27 5.30 5.82
80
949
Source : Same as for Table 1 (Serial No. 4).
To sum up, the following salient features may be noted from the forgoing analyses on dispersal, growth and selected population characteristics of Jains :
1. The decadal population growth among Jains has greatly varied during last 100 years. In the post-independence period it improved during

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OCTOBER, 1986
1951-61 and 1961-71 decades largely due to a heavier reduction in mortality rates as a result of improved living conditions. Whereas, the subsequent decline in it during last decade may partly be due to a reduction in the fertility rates among Jains as revealed by a decline in the Total Marital Fertility Rate during 1971-81.
47
2. Three-fourth of the Jains are distributed in Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh followed by another 13 per cent living in Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh. Thus approximately ninetenth of the Jains are enumerated in these six states only.
3. The number of Jains more than doubled in Maharashtra, followed by Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka out of these six states. In Gujarat, on the other hand, it remained quite slow during all the three decades.
4. About fourth-fifth of Jains are enumerated in one-fifth of the districts having at least 10,000 Jains. Out of these 4 districts viz., Greater Bombay, Kolhapur, Belgaum and Ahmedabad accounted for little more than one-fifth of the Jains.
5. The decadal percent population change during 1971-81 is abnormal (i.e., either very fast or quite slow) in a few district having relatively larger number of Jains whereas, a majority of the districts are having a growth varying from 10 to 50 percent only. This is in consonance with the findings of an earlier study (made by this author) about the inter district variations in the growth rates during 1961-71.8
6. As regards variations in the selected population characteristics of Jains, it is noted that the decadal per cent population change among Jains is slower than the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. The level of urbanization is the highest thus, implying that Jains live mostly in cities and towns. The sex ratio is comparatively higher among Jains than the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs whereas, the average household size is higher among Jains than the Hindus, Christians and Buddhists. This higher average household size coupled with the lowest fertility level seems to indicate that the prevalence of joint family system among Jains is still in vogue on a large scale despite its being one of the most urbanised community in India.
7. At the state level, the ratio of males to females and average household size is adversely affected by the heavier out-migration of Jains in case of Gujarat out of the size major states as revealed by a lower growth rate. Whereas, in Karnataka, the highest population growth has resulted into a lower sex ratio and a higher average household size.
8 M. K. Jain, op. cit., p. 14.

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48
8. At the district level, the decadal percent population change and the level of urbanisation is the highest in the first category comprising four districts each having more than one lakh population. Whereas, the sex ratio is lower in this category than the districts falling under second and third category and the average household size is lower than the third and fourth category.
9. Lastly, the higher level of urbanization is noted for both the group of districts having faster and slower growth among Jains. In other words, a higher extent of in- and out-migration among Jains is associated with the higher level of urbanization among Jains as noted in such districts. Similarly, the lowest sex ratio in the group of districts having rapid growth and the highest in the last but one category comprising districts with stagnation in Jain population may be due to in-migration in case of former and out-migration in case of latter categories. The higher average household size in case of first two categories may also be considered as an indication of growing household congestion in the districts having relatively faster growth in the number of Jains owing to in-migrants in such areas.
Appendix Table: Number of persons and selected population characteristics of Jains in the districts having at least 10,000 Jains, 1981
SI. No.
1
District
2
1. Greater Bombay
2. Belgaum
3. Kolhapur
4. Ahmedabad
5. Udaipur
6. Delhi
7. Sangli
8. Pune
9. Kachchh
10. Pali
JAIN JOURNAL

Popula- Growth Level of Sextion rate,
1971-81
4
3
Urbani
sation
5
1. Districts having 100,000 and more
100.00
869
341,980 52.18 127,306 15.59
21.32 946 23.84 1,098
121,722 30.51
119,235 14.60
95.92
955
II. Districts having 50,000-99,999
92,093
17.31
73,917
46.33
67,304 13.20
65,907 41.85
57,454 0.61 50,116 12.38
38.27
99.41
25.92
76.19
22.98
43.87

Ratio hold
size
7
6
Average House
988
893
946
907
1,271
1,080
5.730
5.965
6.307
5.573
5.387
6.017
5.644
6.013
3.987
4.980

Page #19

OCTOBER, 1986
ILL. Districts having 20,000-49,999
On
11. Jaipur 12. Thane 13. Sagar 14. Ajmer 15. Jalore 16. Bhavnagar 17. Indore 18. Ahmednagar 19. Barmer 20. Bhilwara 21. Churu 22. Banskantha 23. Meerut 24. Dharwad 25. Bangalore 26. Chandigarh 27. Jodhpur 28. Rajkot 29. Nasik 30. Mandsaur 31. Surendra Nagar 32. Jabalpur 33. Jamnagar 34. Surat 35. Jalgaon 36. Bikaner 37. Sholapur 38. Ratlam 39. Sirohi 40. Aurangabad 41. Agra 42. Nagpur 43. Bijapur 44. Madras 45. Mahesana 46. Ujjain 47. Calcutta 48. Guna
47,416 45,609 45,144 44,263 41,873 39,802 39,074 33,565 32,627 32,483 31,645 31,028 30,710 30,629 30,108 29,984 29,558 28,973 28,792 28,453 28,358 26,858 26,739 26,312 24,589 24,342 24,141 24,096 23,977 23,323 23,179 23,013 23,011 22,812 21,347 20,950 20,487 20,265
26.69 158.75 21.95 18.82 20.49
1.68 49.40 18.47 28.37 20.71 22.72 -2.29 16.16 37.44 95.23 28.10 19.82 -9.08 34.17 20.92
0.48 38.62 -10.73
29.67 25.64
9.32 14.91 26.88 24.90 33.36
9.05 19.43 28.04
32.91 –11.22 20.54
8.19 27.42
74.32 917 71.91 857 58.11 913 58.43 928 27,44 1,164 94.99 9 17 94.99 917 40.87 936 48.73 989 30.91 973 77.88 1,043 31.20 1,028 64.41 936 41.74 892 97.72 829 46.98 940 72.49 940 93.82 1,009 58.13 931 52.65
940 81.54 1,006 79.15 906 56.46 1,034 71.09892 54.13 941 78.40 1,012 50.35 928 80.10 932 39.48 1,141 47.95 920 70.92
960 51.24 1,037
37.79 100.00 848 61.90 1,008
81.31 924 100.00 726 63.52 903
5.792 5.483 6.203 5.764 5.082 6.236 6.236 5.994 6.077 5.467 6.483 5.207 5.628 6.601 6.777 5.515 6.042 5.403 6.248 6.397 5.413 6.153 5.336 5.516 5.853 6.784 5.659 6.308 4.984 5.927 5.912 6.186 6.717 6.595 5.033 6.224 6.632 6.775

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50
JAIN JOURNAL
IV. Districts having 10,000-19,999
934
830
49. Vadodara 50. Tonk 51. Damoh 52. Dhule 53. Nagpur 54. Akola 55. Kheda 56. Lalitpur 57. Bhind 58. Sawai Madhopur 59. Banswara 60. Muzaffarnagar 61. Sabarkantha 62. Valsad 63. Vidisha 64. South Kannad 65. Kota 66. Dungarpur 67. Jaipur 68. Sitara 69. Gwalior 70. Buldhana 71. Yavatmal 72. Osmanabad 73. Parbhani 74. Tikamgarh 75. Shajapur 76. Durg 77. Bhopal 78. Amravati 79. Dhar 80. Alwar
19,062 19,041 18,639 17,073 16,853 16,720 16,242 16,234 15,778 15,719 14,667 14,138 13,857 13,725 13,683 13,646 13,106 11,972 11,474 11,293 11,248 11,168 11,124 11,113 11,100 11,029 10,973 10,835 10,721 10,447 10,339 10,321
9.59 27.65 23.40 30.97 42.33 10.24 -6.28 30.04* 31.45 59.12 40.48 16.35 14.12 22.62 26.27 14.22 28.88 23.00 43.41 26.07 27.78
8.38 28.84 33.57 -7.37 36.23 17.21 39.727 29.768
4.80 11.89 30.50
84.27 39.79 33.31 48.98 85.53 58.66 64.23 51.56 70.95 34.65 25.36 71.46 49.53 70.12 69.13 15.77 80.39 31.30 84.91 58.79 88.37 48.22 46.15 39.72 51.76 47.07 66.97 73.02 97.17 63.44 56.19 48.78
971 5,314
6,290 929 5,723 908 6,438 940 5,754 937 5,921 994 5,366
9,161 8836,807 932 5,798 937 5,774
936 6,707 1,045 5,261 900 5,492
9216,007 1,027 5,140 891 5,756 954 5,555 906 7,299 934 5,689 930 6,636 957 5,953 924 5,923 9516,073 922 5,701 901 5,729 9406,417 877 6,751 914 5,634 9275,638 943 6,398 932 6,236
* Relates to Lalitpur and Jhansi districts together in 1981 as no separate population
figures are available from 1971 Census. † For Durg and Rajnandgaon together in 1981 as population figures for each of
these are not available from 1971 Census. & Growth rate computed by clubbing Bhopal and Sehore districts of 1981 together
as no separate figures are available for them in 1971.

Page #21

Mithila The Heart of Jainism
MD. AQUIQUE
Mithila, variously known as Videha and Tirabhukti, consisted of the erstwhile districts of Darbhanga, Muzaffarpur, Champaran, Saharsa, Purnea, North Monghyr and North Bhagalpur, as well as the Terai under Nepal lying between the district and lower ranges of the Himalaya. She occupied a very influential and unique position in the body-politic of Aryavarta and her contribution to Indian civilisation is considerably more remarkable than that of other parts of the country. Mithila played a very significant role in the history of Jainism for centuries, because Mahavira, the 24th Tirthankara of the Jainas and commonly spoken of as 'the founder of Jaina Church', was a scion of the noble family of Vaisali where he was born and had spent the early part of his life.1
Vaisali, the ancient seat of the Licchavis and the erstwhile capital of the Republican Videha2 is important not only on its antiquity but also on its association with Jainism. Vardhamana Mahavira, one of the great leaders of Jainism, was born at Kundagrama one of the 3 districts of Vaisali3 and belonged to Jnatrka clan. He, therefore, came to be known as Vesalie or Vaisalika meaning a native of Vaisali. His father, Siddhartha, was the chief of Naya clan (Jnatrka clan) whose wife Trisala was sister of Cetaka, king of Vaisali. She is called Vaidehi or Videhadatta, because she belonged to the ruling family of Videha, and hence Mahavira is also known by various maternal names such as Videha, Videhadatta, Videhajatya, and Videhasukumala.R
It is thus evident from the above accounts that Mahavira was an inhabitant of Vaisali (from his father's side) and a citizen of Videha or Mithila (from his mother's side). According to the Jainas Mithila or Videha was included in the Jaina Aryan countries. These countries were known as Aryan for it is said that the Titthayaras, the Cakkavattis, the
1 U. Thakur, Studies in Jainism and Buddhism in Mithila, pp. 80ff.
2 For historical account of ancient Mithila, see U. Thakur, History of Mithila, p. 2ff. 8 For details of Vaisali, see Ibid., chap III.
Hoernle, Uvasagadasao (Bibliotheca Indica series), pp. 3-6.
5 Sutra Krtanga, I. 3.
• Acaranga Sutra, 389.
7
For details of Mahavira's birth-place, see Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, pt. II (SBE, XXII, Intro x-xiii); Stevension, The Heart of Jainism pp. 21-22, 28; also see U. Thakur, Studies in Jainism and Buddhism in Mithila, pp. 81 ff.

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124
52
Baladevas and the Vasudevas were born here. These great men are said to have attained omniscience in these countries and by attending to their preaching a number of people were enlightened and had taken to ascetic life. In Vaisali Mahavira is said to have had a large number of staunch supporters and followers among the Licchavis and the Videhans." Some of his followers appear to be men of the highest position. We are told in the Buddhist literature that even during the life time of Buddha, Mahavira has a great influence on the life of the people of Vaisali and Videha.10 Besides Mahavira, Vasupujya, the 12th Tirthankara, is said to have attained his nirvāṇa at Campapura (Bhagalpur) and Naminatha, the 21st Tirthankara, was born in Mithila. Mahavira himself is said to have spent twelve rainy seasons in Mithila.11 Mithila or Videha, therefore has much greater claim on Mahavira whose personality and teachings rapidly built up Vaisali as centre of Jainism and of the spiritual discipline and asceticism upon which it was based.
JAIN JOURNAL
Besides the blood-relationship which Mahavira had with the Videhans as shown above, there are certain other indications in the Jaina canonical texts which definitely point to the Videhan taking great interest in the Jaina church. Nimi (or Nami or Nemi), the founder of the Janaka dynasty of Mithila12 is represented in the Jaina Sutras as having embraced Jainism. We are told in the Uttaradhyayana Sutra13 that 'Nami humbled himself and enjoined by Sakra in person, the king of Videha (Mithila) left the house and took upon himself śramaṇa-hood.14 On the basis of these evidences, we can safely say that if not all at least a section among the Videhans were ardent followers of this faith. Apart from the Videhans, the Licchavis along with the Jnatrkas must have come directly under the influence of the teaching of Mahavira. The cases of Trisala, Siddhartha, Cetaka, Cellana and others suggest that the Licchavis had a distinct sympathy and respect for the Jainas. Furthermore, Cellana, one of the seven daughters of king Cetaka, was married to Bimbisara, with the result that both of them became ardent Jainas.15 And the other six daughters of Cetaka who married to different kings are also said to have been strong supporters and followers of Jainism.16
J. C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons, pp. 250-51. B. C. Law, Mahavira, p. 7ff.
10 Vinaya Texts (SBE, XVII), p. 108 ff; also see Thakur, op. cit.
11 Kalpa Sutra (vide B.C. Law, op. cit., p. 32 ff.)
12 For details of Janaka Dynasty, see U. Thakur, History of Mithila, Ch. II.
13 IX, 61; XVIII. 45 (SBE. XLV. pp. 41, 87); also see Meyer, Hindu Tales, pp. 147-69. 14 For different views, see U. Thakur, Studies in Jainism and Buddhism in Mithila, pp. 98 ff.
15 C. J. Shah, Jainism in North India, p. 88 ff.
16 Ibid.

Page #23

OCTOBER, 1986
53
Campa, the capital of Anga (modern Bhagalpur, a part of Videha in ancient times) was yet another important centre of Jaina activities where Mahavira spent three rainy seasons and where Vasupujya the 12th Tirthankara was born and died. There are signs of old and new Jaina temples of both the Digambara and the Svetambara sects built for Vasupujya and other Tirthankaras. 17 We are told in Uvāsagadasão an Antagadadasāo that there was a temple called Punnabhadda at Campa in the time of Sudharman, one of the eleven disciples of Mahavira, who succeeded him as the head of the Jaina sect after his death.18 It is said that the town was visited by Sudharman, at the time of Kunika Ajatasatru who went there barefooted to see the Ganadhara outside the city which was again visited by Sudharman's successors. 19 It may thus be rightly said that it was through the ruling dynasty of Vaisali or the Licchavis that Mahavira got solid support from all directions in his early days, and 'it was through them that the religion of Mahavira had spread over Sauvira, Anga, Vatsa, Avanti, Videha and Magadha, all of which were the most powerful kingdoms of the time.20 The Buddhist works therefore do not mention Cetaka, though they have a lot to tell us about different aspects of Vaisali in general. Jacobi, therefore, rightly suggests that 'the Buddhists took no notice of him as his influence.....was used in the interest of their rivals. But the Jainas cherished the memory of the maternal uncle and patron of their prophet, to whose influence we must attribute the fact that Vaisali used to be a stronghold of Jainism, while being looked upon by the Buidhists as a seminary of heresies and dissent.21
The Jaina sources also tell us that like the Videhas and the Licchavis, the Mallas were also devotedly attached to Mahavira. The Kalpasūtra says that the nine Mallakis or Malla Chiefs, like the Licchavis also observed fast and instituted an illumination to mark the passing away of the great Jina. From the Antagadadasão we further learn that the Mallas, along with the Ugras, Bhogas, the Ksatriyas and the Licchavis went to receive Aritthanemi or Aristanemi, the 22nd Tirthankara, when the latter had been to the city of Baravai.22 And this was also the case with the Ganarajas of Kasi and Kosala.23 Bimbisara, Nandas, Candragupta Maurya, Samprati, Kharavela and other powerful rulers are also represented to have been associated with the Jaina Church of
17 Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, pp. 44-45. 18 Hoernle, ii, p. 2. 19 C. J. Shah, op. cit., pp. 94-95. 20 Ibid., p. 99 ;Dey, Notes on Ancient Anga, p. 322; Buhler, Indian Sects of Jainism, p.27. 31 SBE, Intro. XIII; CJ. Shah, op. cit., pp. 99-108. 12 Barnet, The Antagadadasao and Anuitaravavaiyadasao, p. 36. 23 For details, see C. J. Shah, op. cit., pp. 108-111.

Page #24

JAIN JOURNAL
Mahavira in the successive periods.24 During Gupta period and also later on Jainism flourished to a great extent. But by the 13th and 14th centuries A.D., the influence of the Jainas practically becomes nonexistent in Mithila and adjoining regions.25
Jainas have left a large number of antiquities which are scattered all over northern India. But so far Mithila is concerned a very few remains are available, which do not help us much in presenting a connected history of Jaina art in this part of the country. Archaeologically, the modern site of Vaisali (a part of ancient Mithila) is entirely devoid of any remains belonging to this religious order. We have, however, several references to Jaina antiquities in Vaisali and its suburbs in the Jaina literature. The Uvāsagadasão26 says that Jnatrkas possessed a Jaina temple outside their settlement at Kollaga, bearing the name of Duipalasa. Cetiya is the term used for Jaina temple, which according to Hoernle means 'properly the name of a Jaina temple or sacred shrine, but commonly applied to the whole sacred enclosure containing a garden, grove or park (ujjāna, vana-şanda or vana-khanda), a shrine and attendants' houses.'27 This religious establishment might have been kept up for the accomodation of Mahavira on his periodical visit along with his disciples to Kundapura or Vaisali.28
Like the Buddhist tradition, the Jaina tradition also refers to the
ice of erecting stūpas over the ashes of the Jinas. One such stūpa existed at Vaisali dedicated to the Jina Munisuvrata.29 Stūpa worship in Jainism seems to have been a predominant feature. The Avaśyaka Cūrni30 while referring to the above stūpa at Vaisali gives the story of the 'thubha' in illustration of parināmiki buddhi. The Avaśyaka Niryūkti31 merely gives the catch word 'thubha' "which shows that the author of the Niryūkti knew of the stūpa of Muni Suvrata at Vaisali."32 According to some scholars, it would be a mistake to suppose that cetiya in the Buddhist passages of the Mahāpariņivvāna sutta33 and the Digha Nikāya34
24 Ibid., 112-86 ; 201-16; also cf. Report on Kumrahar Excavations, 1951-55, pp. 10-11. 36 For details see U. Thakur, Studies in Jainism in Mithila. 26 Hoernle, I p. 2. 37 lbid.. II p. 2 sn. 4 ; for different interpretations of this term, see U. P. Shah, Studies
in Jaina Art, pp. 43-55. 28 C. J. Shah, 106. 29 Avasyaka Curni of Jinadasa (c. 676 A. D.), pp. 223-27, 567. 80 See U. Thakur, Studies in Jainism and Buddhism in Mithila, p. 98 ff. 31 Vy. 949-51 ; Haribhadra's Vrtti, 437 ; Avasyaka Curni, p. 567. 32 U.P. Shah, op. cit., p. 62. 38 Chap III, sections 36-37. 34 II. 113 ; also see Law, Geography of Early Buddhism.

Page #25

OCTOBER, 1986
referred to funeral mounds or stūpas of Udena, Sattambaka and others.35 The Bahuputtika cetiyam in the Mahāpariņivvāna sutta may be said to be identical with the caitya of the same name at Visala (Vaisali) and Mithila referred to in the Jaina Bhagavati and Vipāka Sūtras. This Bahuputtika or Bahuputrika caitya was dedicated to a goddess of a name who was a prototype of the later Buddhist Hariti. “Some of these Buddhist cetiyas were, therefore, similar to the Purnabhadra cait ya described in the Aupapātika Sūtra36 called yakşāyatana after the well-known ancient Yaksas Purnabhadra and Manibhadra by Jaina commentators. The description of this Purnabhadra caitya, as given in the Aupapätika Sūtra37 supports more or less the interpretations advanced by Hoernle stated above. It is said that this caityd was in the Udayana park, called Amrasalavana, situated to the north-east of the city of Campa. It was very old in age, recognised by people of ancient times, famous, praised everywhere, and jñāta.38
At Vaisali recently an image of Mahavira in black Basalt stone of the Pala period was discovered, which is now kept in a modern tem situated to the west of Vaisaligarh near a tank. This image is now respectfully worshipped in the name of Jainendra by the Jainas who flock there from all over the country.39 We have reference to another Jaina image discovered in Vaisali in excavation.40 Moreover, innumerable clay sealings and self-impressions of more than 120 varieties, mostly of unbaked clay were found by Dr. Block, Spooner and others in course of excavations at the site. Jainism undoubtedly had a very great influence in the area during the period to which these relics belong. But no definite evidence of Jaina antiquities can be ascertained on the basis of these huge finds.
Besides Vaisali, Jayamangalgarh (north Monghyr and a part of ancient Mithila) is popularly believed to Jain as, 41 though we have no definite corroborative evidences, literary or archaeological, to support or reject this traditional view. The Mauryan ruler, Samprati, is also held by tradition as a great patron of the Jainas
85 U. P. Shah, op. cit., pp. 55 ff. 36 Ibid., 55. 37 Sutras 2-5. 88 U. P. Shah, op. cit., p. 55; for details see U. Thakur, Studies in Jainism and Buddhism
in Mithila, p. 103. 89 See U. Thakur, Ibid. 40 P. C. Roychoudhary, Jainism in Bihar, 99. « For the antiquities, history etc. of Jayamangalagarh, see G.D. College Bulletin Series,
Nos. 1-4.

Page #26

JAIN JOURNAL
and a builder of the numerous Jaina temples, 42 but unfortunately no remains are extant today. 43 In the case of Bhagalpur, the ancient Angadesa (some portions of which definitely formed parts of ancient Mithila) we have a few Jaina antiquities. Mandara Hill is supposed to be one of the sacred places of the Jainas, It was here that Vasupujyanatha, the 12th Tirthankara, attained his nirvana. The top of this hill is a great object of veneration for the Jaina community. The structure is said to have belonged to Sravakas or Jainas and one of the rooms still contain a carana. A few other Jaina relics were also found on the top of the hill. 44 Karnagarh hill near Bhagalpur also contains numerous ancient Jaina relics. We have a reference to a Jaina vihāra to the north of the ancient fort.
Thus in the light of the above stated facts we can say beyond doubt that the torch of Jainism which was lit up in Mithila was kept burning in the state of Bihar as well as in other parts of the country.
13 Brhat Kalpa Bhasya Vol. III, gathas 3285-89 ff, 917-21. " U. P. Shah, op. cit., p. 6. 14 Beglar, Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. III; Qureshi, Ancient Monuments of
Bihar and Orissa (section on Bhagalpur).

Page #27

Kodungallur Bhagavati
V. G. NAIR the previous issue]
[ from
Kannaki, the heroine of Silappadikaram was born in Kaveripoompattanam or Poompukar, the city of flowers on the banks of the Kaveri river in Tamilnadu. Her father was Manickam Chetty, a wealthy trader of Poompukar.
The Chettys or Shettys are traders. According to an inscription of the 3rd century B.C. in Prakrit inscribed in Brahmi discovered in a cave on the Malakuta hill in Nellore, Andhra Pradesh, the cave was dedicated to a Jaina ascetic by a Chetty who hailed from the Aruvala family of the Yadavas and the Shetty professed the Jaina faith. Nachinarkiniyar, a Jaina ascetic, who lived in Tamilnad several centuries ago in his commentary on Tolkapyam composed by Tolkapya Muni which is considered as the earliest and the first literary work in Tamil containing Jaina doctrines has stated that Srikrsna deputed Muni Agasthya to Tamilnadu to preach aram or dharma and civilise the people. Agasthya visited Tamilnad accompanied by a large number of Yadavas. The commentator has further stated that eighteen families of Velirs and Aruvalas from Yadava families came to Tamilnad and settled in Tondaimandalam. Ptolemy, the Greek historian, of the 2nd century B.C. has referred to Aruvanous or Aruvala people who lived in Tondaimandalam, Tamilnadu. Agasthya was a Jaina ascetic. He made the Tamil scripts and composed a literary work called Agasthyam after his own name but this great composition is no more extant today. Agasthya committed samlekhana on the Pothiyamalai, a hill in Tinnevelly District according to Saivaite scriptures. His chief disciple Tolkapya Muni was also a Jain by religion and was an ascetic. Agasthya's image is installed in temples and worshipped by Tamilians. Agasthya Muniis called Agasthisvara by Tamil people.
Kannaki, probably at the age of eighteen was married to Kovalan, the young son of Machottan Chetty, a rich merchant of Poompukar. On the wedding day, Madhavi, the young and ravaging beauty hailing from the Hindu Devdasi community performed classical dances and sang

Page #28

58
JAIN JOURNAL
melodious songs to the accompaniment of instrumental music. Kovalan was captivated by her charms, dances and songs and fell in love with the courtesan Madhavi. After the wedding celebrations, Kovalan forgetting his wife Kannaki accompanied Madhavi to her residence and lived with her for twelve years. A daughter was born to Madhavi and she was named Manimekhalai. During these twelve years Kannaki observed extreme penance and austerities and attained the supreme state of spiritual wisdom and enlightenment besides super-natural powers to perform miracles. Kannaki distributed her wealth among the poor and the needy people. She offered alms daily to Jaina ascetics and others. Kannaki lived the holy life of a Mahatapasvini, a woman hermit like princess Candanabala who was subjected to ill-treatment, slavery and servitude but later released from bondage through the efforts of Bhagavan Mahavira.
Kovalan, who was born with a silver spoon in his mouth lived in the high life of an aristocrat and spent all his wealth for the happiness of his beloved Madhavi. Madhavi realised her lover's financial difficulties even to maintain her and their daughter. She was in great grief by seeing Kovalan's plight and sufferings for want of money. She suggested to Kovalan that he should approach his wife Kannaki who is rich enough to help him. She is not only noble, pious and wise but also a faithful wife. Kovalan saw Kannaki and she received her husband with great respect and affection. Kovalan told her that he was in great financial difficulties to maintain himself, Madhavi and their daughter. Kannaki replied that she had distributed all her wealth among the poor and cannot give him any cash money but assured her husband that she could nonetheless help him. She gave Kovalan one of her gold anklets studded with precious pearls which would fetch considerable amount of money if it was sold. Kovalan decided to sell the anklet at Madhurai and wished to go alone for the purpose. Kannaki replied that she could not part with him any more in her life and wished to accompany Kovalan to Madhurai. Before their departure, the couple visited a Jaina temple and worshipped the images of Tirthankaras. They also circumambulated a Buddhist and a Hindu temple. Afterwards, they called on the renowned Jaina nun Kavunthi Adikal of Madhurai who was staying temporarily in a convent outside the city. Kavunthi Adikal must have been often visiting Poompukar for delivering sermons and to conduct religious ceremonies especially for her women devotees. Kannaki and Kovalan intimately knew the nun and they held her in great veneration because the nun was her spiritual preceptor. The nun had her permanent convent in the suburbs of Madhurai and she also accompanied the couple to Madhurai, Reaching the suburbs of the city, Kavunthi Adikal proceeded to her convent leaving her two devotees near the huts of cowherds. A kind hearted

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cow-herdess looking at Kannaki's tired face after her long journey from Poompukar offered her hospitality to rest for the night at her hut during the absence of her husband. Kovalan left for Madhurai leaving Kannaki with the cow-herdess promising to return in the morning. Hearing that a beautiful young woman was staying with the old cow-herdess a few youths of the nearby huts came to see her. They were wonderstruck to see the frail looking damsel with a radiating face like the full moon. She welcomed the visitors with a smile. The youngsters who were illiterates accustomed to live like vagabonds began to talk in vociferous voices teasing Kannaki for her beauty and attractive physical features. They began to use vulgar words in a jocular way in the belief that Kannaki would be elated to hear their errotic language. But she got up from her seat and with a sign of her hand asked the youngsters to leave the hut. The young boys persisted in their vulgar language dancing and singing songs. Kannaki, who was grief stricken with anxious thoughts of her husband, lost her temper and shouted at the wild youngsters believing that they would not even hesitate to violate her modesty. She cursed them to become foxes and live in the jungle. The cowherdess was terrified to see the young men turning as foxes and fell at the feet of Kannaki praying for mercy on her. Kannaki told the old woman that she has not committed any crime but it was the young men who were the offenders. The unfortunate Kannaki could not sleep the rest of the night because a few evil omens warned her that some catastrophic tragedy would bring agonies and suffering to her husband. It was early dawn and Kovalan had not returned to the hut. She thanked the cowherdess for her generous hospitality and in hurried steps left for Madhurai. Reaching the Jewellers' market, Kannaki enquired whether they had seen a young man the previous night offering a gold anklet for sale. They replied that they met young man with an anklet in his hand offering it for sale. The court jeweller who was also one among them induced the police to arrest him because he believed that the anklet belonged to the queen. The police marched the young man to the palace and produced him before the king of the allegation that he was the thief who had stolen the anklet of the queen which was found missing from her apartments. King Nedumceliyan relying on the evidence of his court jeweller and without making proper enquiries sentenced Kovalan to be beheaded for the offence. The unfortunate youngman was taken to the execution ground on the previous midnight and was beheaded. Kannaki was stunned to hear the tragic death of her husband and shedding tears, her eyes swollen and in dishevelled hair ran to the execution ground to see the dead body of her husband. To her horror she saw Kovalan lying in a pool of blood with a severe cut on his throat. The policemen could not severe his head with their sharp swords and in despair appealed to Kovalan to save them from

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their failure in enforcing the sentence for which they would be sentenced to death by the king. Kovalan took pity on the policemen and taking a sword from one of them cut his throat and fell down dead. It was a miracle of Kannaki that made the swords blunt which could not severe the head of her husband. Kannaki brought to life her dear husband and making him sit on her laps pacified him with words of wisdom. She expounded to him the doctrines of karma of Jain philosophy and said that his present agonies and sufferings were reactions to his sinful deeds committed in his previous life. Because of his vinaipayan, the law of karma--action and reaction, he was beheaded for his sins committed in his previous life and for his benevolent deeds he could marry her. Now that he has reaped the results of both his good and bad karmas, nothing is left for his instant rebirth and therefore, he would ascend to the high heaven and enjoy happiness and peace for thousands of years. Looking at the shining face of his faithful wife, Kovalan breathed his last to be mourned by his parents and Madhavi, his daughter, a large circle of friends and relatives. Kannaki hurried to the palace and saw the king. She told him that the young man who was beheaded last night was her husband and the anklet belonged to her. She asked the king to produce her confiscated anklet and also the anklet of his queen. Both were brought and Kannaki broke her anklet with her hand and several precious pearls fell down from it. She broke the queen's anklet and not a single pearl fell from it. The queen stood nearby and was convinced that the anklet from which pearls fell belonged to the grief stricken young woman and the second without pearls belonged to her. The king was perplexed and lamented for beheading an innocent man. In remorse, he lost his heart and died on the spot. The queen seeing her husband dead wept bitterly and she also fell down and died instantly. King Nedumcelian who died in remorse was a Jaina and a benevolent ruler of the Pandyan kingdom. He would not have died on the spot for beheading an innocent man had it not been for the fact that he was a pious and righteous person. The queen was also a Jaina and she was a chaste and faithful wife. The king was a valiant man held by the people as a hero who protected the freedom of the Pandyan Country. He is acclaimed in the Samgham annals in such glorifying terms of 'Arya Patai Kadanta Nedumcelain' the king who defeated the Aryan army in battle. The three Tamil kingdoms of South India in the early centuries of the Christian era were independent territories from Aryan domination contrarary to the views of historians that Aryans conquered India as early as 2000 to 2500 B.C. But there were Arya Brahmins in South India in the second century A.D. Some historians have disputed Aryan conquest of India, and in their view it is purely a mythological story.
Kannaki ran to the jewellers' market after seeing the sudden death

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61
of the king and the queen from remorse in search of the jeweller who was responsible for getting her innocent husband arrested and taken to the king on the allegation that he was the thief who had stolen the queen's anklet which was of the same make with the one offered by the thief for sale. Shivering from head to foot in an uncontrollable rage to punish the crooked and wicked jeweller, Kannaki stood before the jewellers' shops and enquired about the man who took her husband to the king handcuffed by the police officers but there was no response from the jewellers who were hurridly putting down their shutters terrified by the woman who stood before them. They thought that the woman was mad or a wizard who could kill them. They have also heard of the sudden death of the king and the queen because of the witchcraft of the woman. The tragic death of the king and the queen spread like wild fire among the people and the city turned deserted within a short time. Determined to punish the jeweller and render justice to her dead husband Kannaki plucked her left breast with her right hand and threw it at the jewellers' buildings. Fire broke out instantly and the building was in flames. The adjoining buildings were also enveloped in flames and it spread to the entire market. People ran hither and thither for safety from the danger of being burnt alive. Meanwhile, a divine voice or an aśariri from the high skies was heard by several people appealing to the infuriated Kannaki to subdue her wrath and save the people and the city of Madhurai from further sufferings and damage to properties. The voice was certainly that of Kovalan who has become a celestial of the heavenly world. Further, the divine voice instructed Kannaki to proceed towards the hill of the Cera country where she would meet her husband on the fourteenth day. Kannaki was pacified and traced her steps towards Kerala. The Buddhist poet Chathanar closed his rice shop and climbed on a nearby hillock from where he saw Madhurai burning in fire. He also heard the divine voice from the high skies Chathanar went to the city and saw to his horror several burnt o ings. He saw several wailing men and women for their losses in the conflagration. The poet collected all the available information from eyewitnesses of the tragic events including the death of the king and the queen, the beheading of Kovalan and the miracles of Kannaki culminating in the breakout of fire which partly burnt the city. He left for Kodungallur to make a full report to Senkuttuvan and Ilamko Adikal and reached his destination a day before Kannaki's ascend to the heaven in the company of Kovalan. Kannaki traversed alone from Madhurai to Kodungallur or may be with women pilgrims to the Jain temples in Kerala. She was clad in a robe or sādi covering her body, the upper part like a woman born and brought up in an aristocratic family. Kannaki reached the suburbs of Kodungallur situated near a hillock and sat underneath a sacred tree called Vengai venerated by the hill people and was lost in

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deep meditation. It was about sunset. A few hillmen saw her sitting with closed eyes underneath the tree and thought that she was the goddess of the forest about whom they have heard many legends from their people and hid themselves behind the high bushes and watched her movements. The entire area was illuminated with moon light after sunset as it was full-moon night and they could see the apparition sitting cross legged and erect with closed eyes. It was the fourteenth day of her arrival in the suburbs of Kodungallur. About midnight the hill men saw to their astonishment and terror a chariot hovering over the hill and a young man bedecked in jewellery and a glittering crown on his head getting down from the chariot approaching the woman and carrying her up in close embrace to the chariot. The frail woman whom they saw underneath the tree was not the same woman sitting in the chariot with the young man. Kannaki burnt her worldly physical body in yogic fire and transformed as a most charming damsel, a celestial of heaven. The hillmen understood that they were Devas of the unknown world. The chariot carrying them disappeared in the high skies. It was a divine phenomenon which could not have been seen by ordinary mortals of the world. The hillmen saw them with their mortal eyes because of the divine power of Kannaki, so that they may inform the king and the hermit Ilamko Adikal what they had seen in the jungle near the hillock. The divine phenomenon of the two celestials appearing in the suburbs of Kodungallur was a memorable event in the annals of Jainism in Kerala. It heralded a new era of peace and prosperity to the people. The hillmen went to Kodungallur and informed the king what they saw underneath the tree near the hillock. Senkuttuvan told Ilamko Adikal what he heard from the hillmen. At that time, Chathanar was also present in the monastery. He told the king and his hermit friend that he was an eye witness to the burning of Madhurai and also heard the divine voice. He was certain that the woman underneath the tree was Kannaki, wife of the beheaded Kovalan. The poet gave a full report of the tragic happenings at Madhurai. The king decided to raise a shrine at Kodungallur for the worship of the people. Kannaki is a goddess worthy of our worship and adorations declared Senkuttuvan and Ilamko Adikal. The king proceeded to the Himalayas and brought the sacred stone for making the image of Kannaki. He built a temple and installed the image in the shrine. The consecration ceremony was performed by Ilamko Adikal in the presence of a large gathering of people King Gajabahu of Srilanka was one of the distinguished persons present at the ceremony. A large number of people from Poompukar had arrived at Kodungallur before the conclusion of the consecration of the image in the temple. One among them was Mathari, a Brahmin lady, who was a companion of Kannaki for many years. The group of people also included Madhavi and her teenaged daughter Manimekhalai. Mathari

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informed the king that Poompukar was destroyed by devastating floods and the overflow of Kaveri river, a few weeks ago. Kavunthi Adikal committed samlekhana by fasting to death from unbearable grief at the tragic death of Kovalan, the death of the king and queen of Madhurai, the passing away of Kannaki and the destruction of Poompukar. Mathari further told the king that they are refugees who had escaped from the floods. Senkuttuvan provided them with all facilities to live at Kodungallur for the rest of their life. Mathari, Madhavi and Manimekhalai attended the consecration ceremony. Mathari got possessed with the divine spirit of Kannaki and showered blessings on the king and Ilamko Adikal. She exhorted the people to observe pancasila-the five precepts, in their everyday life. The five precepts are-non-violence, truth, non stealing, celebacy and non-possession. The wealthy householder can spend enough money for his needs and the rest of his wealth should be kept as trust for distribution among poor people suffering from poverty and sickness besides other charitable causes for the alleviation of human sufferings. Mathari in her concluding talks possessed by Kannaki's spirit blessed the people of Kerala for their prosperity and peace. Gajabahu of Srilanka must have been a Jaina by religion and a friend of Senkuttuvan. Jainism was prevalent in Srilanka as early as the 3rd century B.C. According to Pali annals the Mahāvamsa of Srilanka, king Pandukabhayan, who ruled the island country from 307-377 B.C. built Pallis-Patasalas and monasteries at Anuradhapuram for three Nirgrantha or Jaina ascetics, namely, Jyothian, Giri and Kumbhandan. There must have been large numbers of Sravakas and Sadhus in Srilanka at the time. The descendants of those Sravakas must have continued to live in the Island for several centuries. Gajabahu introduced Kannaki or Pathinidevi worship in Srilanka, which proves that he was a Jaina. Temples dedicated to Pathinidevi, the chaste wife and goddess Kannaki exist in Srilanka even today. Madhavi, the second wife of Kovalan and her daughter Manimekhalai embraced Buddhism and became nuns. Manimekhalai continued her studies under the Buddhist Acarya Aravana Adikal not only on Buddhism but also in the scriptures of contemporary religions. The Neelakesi, a Tamil literary work pictures the young nun as a great scholar in all religious literatures. She debated with eminent scholars of non-Buddhist religions and established her superiority in logic and philosophy. Manimekhalai visited Cambodia, Java, Sumatra and other overseas countries and preached the doctrines of the Buddha. She also rendered humanitarian services to the droughtaffected people of those lands. The Manimekhalai composed by poet Chathanar has referred to an island called Manipallavam in the Bay of Bengal where the nun stayed for a long time preaching Buddhism. This island was submerged under the sea in later centuries. Manimekhalai is a poetical composition and it is considered by scholars as a great literary

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work among the classical literature of the Sangham period. It contains philosophical doctrines of the Buddha and also the life and missionary activities of the Buddhist nun. This Buddhist literary work is considered as the second part in continuation of Silappadikaram, the Jaina epic poem composed by Ilamko Adikal.
There are several temples and groves dedicated to Kannaki in many parts of Kerala. The groves are located under Banyan and other sacred trees. The symbol of worship is an anklet and a one-breasted image of Kannaki. Pūjā ceremonies are performed by Kerala Brahmins. But an oracle or Velichapadu is the most important person in all Kannaki temples including the groves or kavus. During the pūjā, the oracle will be possessed by the divine spirit of Kannaki and handling a short sword will cut off his head causing injuries. The oracles are non-Brahmins in all the temples. When possessed, he will bless the assembled devotees predicting their future events in their life. I think the Velichapadu is an innovation made in later centuries after the decline of Jainism in Kerala. It may be in the tradition of the first oracle Mathari at the consecration ceremony of the image of Kannaki performed in the first Kannaki temple at Kodungallur.
Goddess Kannaki is popularly known as Kodungallur Amma and Bhagavati among the people. The other scriptural names are Ottamulachi and Pathinidevi-the one breasted chaste wife and goddess. Mahakavi Ullur Paramesvara Iyer in his History of Kerala Literature has expressed the view that there were no Bhagavati worship and Bhagavati temples in Kerala before the advent of Kannaki at Kodungallur. The first goddess to be worshipped by the people was Kannaki Kodungallur. Bhagavati according to tradition, literary and epigraphical evidences which fact cannot be disputed by historians. Prof. Nilkanta Shastri has admitted that Kannaki is a Jaina goddess. With the decline of Jainism in Kerala and the revival of Saivism, the first target of attack was Kodungallur Bhagavati. When it was publicly known among the non-Jains that Kannaki is a non-Vedic deity, women and men who went on pilgrimage to Kodungallur would jointly sing errotic, vulgar and obscene songs exciting sexual passions with the sole aim of assasinating the unblemished character of the chaste Kannaki and throwing brickbats of several vulgar songs, at the unimpeachable character, chastity and fidelity of Kannaki to her husband. But these songs are not publicly sung by the pilgrims in these days. It was stopped for ever by the British rulers of Kerala on the ground that these errotic songs would seriously affect the morality of the people. But today these errotic songs are sung at Kodungallur temple during the annual festival. It is no wonder that Swami Vivekananda had

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declared Kerala as a lunatic asylum not only for singing obscene songs by men and women who went on pilgrimage to Kodungallur but also for the caste distinctions of untouchability and unapproachability observed by higher castes towards the lower castes of people. The second attack was on Silappadikaram. A number of errotic verses were interpolated in the great epic poem with the ulterior motive of casting aspersions on the saintly character of Ilamko Adikal and prove that inspite of his ascetic life, the hermit hankered after sexual pleasures and had even indulged in sexual enjoyment. Besides these machinations of interested non-Jainas. several Kannaki temples in Kerala were also believed to have been destroyed during the Saivite Revivalist Movement in Tamilnadu and Kerala.
Mathari the Brahmin lady and companion of Kannaki has exhorted the people to observe the five precepts in their every day life according
Silappadikaram. It is certain that although Mathari is a Brahmin lady she professed the Jain religion. The observance of the five precepts originally expounded by Rsabhadeva is the one and the only path to spiritual enlightenment and self-realisation, nirvāṇa or emancipation from births and deaths, the world of sufferings. It is certain that the five precepts observed by any person in his or her life would elevate them to realise the hidden secrets of the Cosmic Order--the oneness of God, the oneness of all religions, the oneness of life, the oneness of the human spirit and the oneness of mankind.
All the present-day calamities both natural and unnatural would cease to torment mankind with the observance of the five precepts in their daily life, is the Cosmic Law. When we violate the five precepts, global wars including nuclear hostilities would annihilate mankind sooner or later is the firm conviction of the writer.
In conclusion, I wish to continue my story on the life of the Jain nun Kavunthi Adikal. Once the nun visited Srirangam near Tiruchirapalli in Tamilnad where she met three Jain hermits known as Caranas who gave her a discourse on Jain philosophy and vanished into the air. The Caranas could float and fly in the air to long distances. They could also disappear in the high skies without any trace whatsoever to the outside world of humanity. The Tirucchanattu-malai or Tirucharana-malai, a hill situated between the highway running from Nagercoil to Trivandrum was a famous retreat of Carana Jaina hermits in Kerala in ancient times. The hill was peopled by Jainas from all parts of India till the 11th century A.D. Today the hill is called Chitral derived from Chitralayam, the temple of pictures or images carved on the rock with inscriptions. One among

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the inscriptions found on an image proves that it was set up by Vikramaditya Varagunan, the Ayi Jaina king of the 9th century who was an independent ruler of Kanyakumari and Jainism flourished in his territories. There were more than six hundred temples in Kanyakumari in his time. The foot print of Siddhas known as Siddha-padam found on the Vivekananda rock proves that it was a hermitage of Jain ascetics according to epigraphists and scholars.
JAIN JOURNAL
Goddess Kannaki enforced the Cosmic Law,-the law of karma-instantly on the spot of the crime and punished the offenders who were responsible for beheading an innocent man to suffer a cruel death. The offender's crime may be direct or indirect but no one can escape from the law of punishment instantly or at a later time. The goddess Kannaki punished the perpetrators of the crime herself not because the victim was her husband but he was an innocent man not liable under the manmade law of beheading for the offence of theft. The ways of God or the law of Kannaki rendering justice to an innocent person condemned to death and who faced death to obey the law of the land are indeed mysterious and cannot be understood by ordinary persons unless they are intellectuals of a high order and also philosophers who can solve the mystery of the law of karma to a certain extent but the saints and sages are fully aware of its implications and the various ways of applying the Cosmic Law of all sentient life. Mahavira has interpreted the law of karma in about eightyfour ways in his karma philosophy. Bharat, that is India is a land of wonders and the wonder of wonders is the Jaina goddess Kannaki, the graceful and mighty Mother or Amma Kodungallur Bhagavati of Kerala.

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An Unpublished AstaMangala
Patta at
Bhagalpur
AJOY KUMAR SINHA
The aṣṭa-mangala-paṭṭa holds an important place in the Jaina pantheon. Small platters of these asta-mangalas, be it in silver or in bronze, are dedicated in the Jain temples and worshipped along with other Jain metal images in the sanctum.1 According to the Jaina philosophy, the bhāva worship2 (mental attitude) has been mentioned as a best way for attainment of emancipation. The idol-worship was, however, introduced later on for the lay-worshippers who could not perform the worship without it. Due to this reason we find references of symbolic worship, such as of trees, rivers, aṣṭa-mangalas, vṛkṣas, nāgas, mukundas etc. in the early Jaina canons. For instance, the famous caitya of Purnabhadra1 situated inside the glorious city of Campa (present Champanagar, a suburb of Bhagalpur), had no structural shrine and here possibly the tree itself with sila-paṭṭa is the yakṣāyatana. The tradition of this symbolic worship is still continued in the Jaina religion, but in the form of asta-mangalas in general.
Before going into description of the Bhagalpur silver aṣṭa-mangala patta, it will be better to know its antiquity and traditions in brief. The Aupapātika-sutra,5 an important and ancient Svetambara canonical text, refers to the asta-mangalas as svastika, śrīvatsa, nandyāvarta, vardhamānaka, pūrṇa-ghata, darpaṇa and matsya. These are often referred to in Jaina texts, including canonical works, as decorating tops of architraves or ramparts, or placed on caitya-trees and platforms or painted on walls and so on. Hemacandra also notes that the eight auspicious symbols were represented on bali-paṭṭas or offering slabs." The Digambara tradi
1 Shah, U. P., Studies in Jaina Art (Benaras-1955), pp. 109-112.
Upadhyaya, A. N. (ed), Brhatkathakosa of Harisena (931A.D.), p. xxxvii
Jain, J. C., Life in Ancient India as depicted in Jain Canons, (Bombay-1964).
Thakur. U., Studies in Jainism and Buddhism in Mithila (Benaras-1964), p. 101. Ghosh, A. (ed), Jaina Art and Architecture, vol. III, (New Delhi-1975), p. 489. • Adi-Purana, Parva 22 verses 143, 185, 219, etc.
5
7 Trisasti Salaka Purusa Caritra I, p. 190 and note 238.
2
3
4

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tion gives the following set of asta-mangalas (1) bhṛngāra, a type of vessal, (2) kalasa, the full vase, (3) darpaṇa, the mirror, (4) camara, the flywhisk, (5) dhvaja, the banner, (6) vyajana, the fan, (7) chatra, the parasol, and (8) supratistha, the auspicious seat. The Acaradinakara, a Svetambara text of the fourteenth century A.D. attempts to explain the conception behind each of these symbols. According to it the kalasa is worshipped because the Jina is verily like a kalasa in his family. The mirror is for seeing one's true self. The bhadrasana is worshipped as it is sanctified by the feet of the blessed Lord, the vardhamanaka is suggestive of increase of wealth, fame, merit etc. It is said that the highest knowledge has manifested itself from the heart of the Jina in the form of the śrivatsa-mark on his chest. Svastika, according to this text, singnifies svasti;śānti or peace. The nandyāvarta diagram with its nine points stands for the nine nidhis (treasure). The pair of fish, the symbol of Cupid's banner, was worshipped as he had come to worship the Jina. The records regarding aṣṭa-mangalas are well corroborated with the archaeological discoveries, too. We find depiction of these auspicious symbols on a red sandstone umbrella of circa second century A.D. from Mathura10 which comprises the nandipada, matsyayugma, svastika, puṣpa-dāma, pūrṇa-ghața, ratna-pātra, śrīvatsa and sankhanidhi. Further, an āyāga-pata belonged to the Kushana period displayed in the Lucknow Museum11 shows aṣṭa-mangala symbol. The aṣṭa-mangalas are also represented in the Jaina miniature paintings preserved in the manuscripts or in the paintings on canvas of different patas, and in scroll-paintings of the vijñapti-patras.12
The aṣṭa-mangala silver platter under discussion has been enshrined in the sanctum of Sri Champapura Jain temple, Champanagar (Bhagalpur).13 It is rectangular in shape which measures 20.5 x 15cms. It is beautifully casted and has an artistic flowery designed border all along. The aṣṭa-mangalas (eight auspicess) have been casted in two panels, each containing four. Each of auspicess symbol is separated by a globular pillar crowned by artistic linear design. Unfortunately, it does not bear any inscription. The dotted lines separated the lower and upper panels. This platter begins with svastika symbol which is treated as highly auspices in the Hindu pantheon also. It seems that the maker of this platter was
8 Tiloya-Pannatti, 4, 738, I, p. 236.
• Acara-Dinakare, pp. 197-198.
10 Agrawala, V. S., 'A new Stone Umbrella from Mathura', Journal of U.P. Historical Society, XX (Lucknow-1947), pp. 65-67.
11 Agrawala, V. S., A Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 2 figure. 5.
12 Jaina Citra Kalpa-druma I, figs. 82, 59.
1 Sinha, A. K., 'Jaina Shrines in Bhagalpur', Jaina Antiquary, vol. 36. No. 2, (Arrah1983); p. 22-23.

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highly influenced by the text prescribed in the Aupapātika-sūtra. A number of flowers with stalk and leaves have been casted around the svastika mark which gives a beautiful look. It is followed by a supratistha, the auspices seat. The beautiful couch has an artistic umbrella over it. Further, depiction of a pūrṇa-ghața (full vase) with leaves gives a natural look. The fourth and last auspices symbol in the upper panel shows a vardhamānaka (a powder flask). The lower panel starts with a puspadāma symbol. The full blossomed flower presents an artistic look. It is encircled by small flowers, having stalk and leaves. The sixth asta-mangala symbol, the matsya-yugma (a pair of fish), is superb among all from the decorative point of view. It looks alive. It is followed by a round mirror with decorative border and artistic handle. The last symbol shows a nandyāvarta; its nine points have beautifully been casted without any fault. The author of this paper thinks that this beautiful silver platter had been manufactured in the ancient city of Campapura. From regular archaeological excavations14 at the Champanagar, stone moulds for making ornaments were unearthed. It refers to a flourishing industry of jewellery at this place. It seems that it belonged to the ancient Jain temple which was demolished during the medieval times. It was preserved by the local Jaina community because of its small and handy size. Often Jaina ladies pare in the hall of worship such eight symbols on platters with uncooked husked rice.
pre
14 Sinha, B. P., 'Some rare Antiquities from Recent Excavations in Bihar', Archaeology and Art in India (New Delhi-1978), pp. 46-47.
Our Contributors
69
M. K. JAIN, Senior Research Officer, Office of the Registrar General, India, New Delhi.
MD. AQUIQUE, Department of Asian Studies, Magadh University, Bodh Gaya.
V. G. NAIR, Author and Writer.
AJOY KUMAR SINHA, Bihar Education Service, Bhagalpur.

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Autumn 1986 Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers for India under No. R. N. 12121/66. DADHA HEWLETT INDUSTRIES LIMITED 11 HANUMANTHA RAO STREET MADRAS-600014 Phone : 84-2613 Branch 17/1C ALIPORE ROAD Flat No. 603 CALCUTTA-700 027 Phone : 45-2389