Indian Antiquary Vol 55

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Stephen Meredyth Edwardes, Krishnaswami Aiyangar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032547/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc., EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BABT., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A. HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND STEPHEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O., FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE AND PROF. RAO SAREv S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) PH.D., VOL. LV.-1926. Swati Publications Delhi 1986

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. . . . . . . 72 . 169 RE" . .. 223 BAKHLE, V. S., M.A., LL.B. | HANNES SKOLDTHE CAPITAL OF NAHAPANA .. THE RELATIVE CHRONOLOGY OF PANINI AND BHATTASALI, N. K. THE PRATI-SAKHYAS . .. .. 181 FORMATION OF A LIBRARY OF MANUSCRIPTS HILL, THE LATE S. CHARLES AT DACCA UNIVERSITY .. .. .. 121 NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS (SUP.), BUTTERWORTH, A., C.S.I., AND KRISH 93, 101, 109, 117 NASWAMI AIYANGAR, Prov. S., M.A., HIRA LAL, RAI BAHADUR, B.A.(HONY.) PH.D. GURUR STONE PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF Two TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI VAGHARAJA .. .. FESTIVAL .. .. . .. 161, 186 .. .. .. HIRIYANNA, M. CROOKE, THE LATE DR. W., C.L.E., D.C.L., A Vedantio Reference to Cheraman Perumal, 19 F.B.A. - MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA, 81,. INDUBHUSAN BANERJEE, M.A., P.R.S. 104, 129, 153, 196 SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAREER OF GURU HAR EDWARDES, S. M., C.S.I., C.V.0. GOVIND .. .. .. 45, 66, 101 A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF THE RULERS OY JOSEPH, T. K., B.A., L.T. - JINJI ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA .. .. .. 221 .. .. .. .. KANNADA POETS .. K. M P. PALOURA-DANTAPURA .. . .. 94 A Dutch Book on Malabar, by K. P. Padma. SIDE-LIGHTS ON DECCAN VILLAGE LIFE IN nabha Menon, B.A., B.L. .. THE EIGHTEENTH CENTUPY . 108 KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, Pror. 8., THE NAME COCHIN-CHINA .. .. .. 134 M.A., (HONY.) PE.D.PIHUNDA, PITHUDA, PITHUNDRA .. .. 145 VYAGERA, THE FEUDATORY OF VAKATAKA THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BOMBAY, PRITHIVISENA. . . . . . 209, 235 NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.Catalogue of the Bengali and Assamese Manu- GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND scripts, etc., by the late James F. Bhum. . MEDIEVAL INDIA, (SUP.) 215, 223, 231, 239, hardt, M.A. . .. .. 247, 255 The Panchatantra Reconstructed, by Frank- RAMANATHA AYYAR, A.S., B.A. lin Edgerton .. .. .. .. .. A NOTE ON BHASKARA RAVIVARMAN'S DATE, 177 The Army of Ranjit Singh, by Sita Ram A NOTE ON QUEEN MINAKSHI OF MADURA .. 195 Kohli .. .. .. .. .. .. RAM RATAN HALDERMemoirs of the Archeological Survey in India, 40 IDAR AND MAHARANA HAMMIRA OY MEWAR, 11 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the RAMSINGH SAKSENA Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, by Ananda MOSLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALION STATE, K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc. .. .. .. 40 RAWLINSON, H. G., M.A.Annual Report, Wataon Museum of Antiqui. THE MUTDTY AT INDORE, 116, 122, 148, 168 ties for 1923-24 .. .. .. .. 179 ROSE, H. A., I.C.S.Asoka Text and Glossary, by Alfred C. Wool THE SEQUEL TO HIR AND RANJHA .. 14, 36 ner, M.A. .. .. .. .. .. 180 ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTEThe Taj and its Environmente, by Maulvi INDIAN SECTION-SESSIONS 1924-25 and Moin-ud-din Ahmad .. .. .. 200 1926--26, (SPL. SUP.) .. .. .. 1 Asoka, by D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A. .. .. 239 R. R.FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA, (SUP.), 41, 49 The Vair at Pakpattan at the Tomb of Baba GUPTE, RAI BAHADUR B.A., F.Z.S. Farid Shakarganj .. .. .. .. 159 SPIRIT WORSHIP IN THE NILGIRIS .. TAVADLA, J. C.NOTRS ON THE REGALIA KEPT AT THE TOSHA Pantacha kyana-Warttika, Vollstandig verKHANA OY THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA .. 21 deutacht von Johannes Hertel .. . NOTES ON INDIAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS .. 41 Nasaketari Katha, an old Rajasthani Tale, GUPTE, Y, R., B.A., M.R.A.S. by Charlotte Kratee .. .. .. 119 Tas KSKAHARATAS, WERE THEY EXTERMINA- TEMPLE, SIR R. C., Br., C.B., C.L.E., F.8.A. TED OR HAVE THEY LEFT ANY TRACES IN N .. .. 25, 60, 61, 89 TEX POPULATION OF THE DECCAN .. .. 178 . VYACHRA THE UCHOHAKALPA .. .. .. 103 . .. 20

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OONTENTS . .. 58 - ... 238 TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT.--contd. TEMPLE, SIR R. C., Bt.--contd. TO THE EAST OF SAMATATA (8. E. BUNGAL), 113 The Speeches and Writings of the late) Vir. GOVERNOR JOSEPH COLLET AT MADRAS, ON chand Raghavji Gandhi, collected by the THE HINDU RELIGION IN 1712 .... .. 141 late) Bhagu F. Karbhi .. .. .. 180 SOMA .. .. .. .. .. .. 176 Swami Dayanand in the Light of Truth .. 180 THE RECOVERY OF THE GREAT BELL OF THE The Subject-Index to Periodicals .. .. 180 SHWE DAGON PAGODA AT RANGOON .. 192 Inquiries into the Popular Religions of Cey. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1924, 40 lon, by Dr. Otakar Pertold .. .. .. 200 Indian Historical Records Commission, Pro The Early History of India, by Vincent A. ceedings of Meetings Smith, revised by S. M. Edwardes . .. 215 The Date of Zoroaster, by Jarl Charpentier. 60 Sevajees .. Bhasa's Works, a Criticism, by A. Krishna .. .. .. .. Pisharoty The Glories of Magadha, by J. N. Samaddar, 79 .. . Pallava Architecture, Part I, by A. H. Long. T. R. C.hurst .. .. .. .. .. .. Dravidian India, by P. R. Sesha Aiyangar The Early History of Bengal, by F. J. Mono M.A., M.R.A.S., F.R.H.S .. .. .. 199 han UMESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARJEE Persian Loan Words in the Ramayana of EXTERNAL EVIDENCE ABOUT THE TEACHERS Tulsidas, by Baburam Saksena .. .. 80 OF THE UPANISHADS .. .. .. 31 The Subject index to Periodicals .. .. 80 VENKATASUBBIAH, A., M.A., PH.D.-. The Kaveri, the Maukharis and the Sangham VEDIC STUDIES .. .. .. .. 201. 228 age, by T. G. Aravamuthan .. The Masoolah Boat in the Early Nineteenth V. R. R.Century .. . .. 119 Books in Sanskrit: 1. Tantrarahasya, by A Sketch of the Life of Sarmad, by Khan Ramanujacharya, edited by Dr. Shama Sahib Maulavi Abdul Wali .. .. .. 160 Sastri ; 2. Parasurama Kalpa Sutram, by Report of the Superintendent, Archaeological A. Mahadeva Sastri ; 3. Catalogue of MSS. Survey, Burma : .. .. .. .. 179 in Jesalmere Bhandars, edited by L. B. The Statues of the Nayaks "of Madura in the Gandhi .. .. . .. 78 Pudu Mantapam, by the Rev. H. Heras, WILLS, C., L.C.S.S.J., M.A. .. .. .. .. .. 1791 "Diwani " .. .. .. .. .. 80 MISCELLANEA. A Vedantic Reference to Cheraman Perumal, by M. Hiriyanna .. .. The Masoolah Boat in the Early Nineteenth century, by Sir R. C. Temple The Fair at Pakpattan at the Tomb of Baba Farid Shakarganj, by R.R. .. .. 19 .. 119 .. 159 ... .. .. BOOK-NOTICES. Catalogue of the Bengali and Assamese Manuscripts, etc., by the late James F. Blumhardt, M.A., 8. M. Edwardee The Panchatantra Reconstructed, by Franklin Edgerton, by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. The Army of Ranjit Singh, by Sita Ram Kohli, by S. M. Edwardes Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India, by S. M. Edwardes.. . i Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc., by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1924, by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. .. Indian Historical Records Commission, Proceedings of Meetings, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. The Date of Zoroaster, by Jarl Charpentier, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. Books in Sanskrit: 1. Tantrarahasya, by Ramanujacharya, edited by Dr. Shama Sastri; 2. Parasu rama Kalpa Sutram, by A. Mahadeva Sastri ; 3. Catalogue of M88. in Jasalmore Bhandars, edited by L. B. Gandhi, by V. R. R. .. . . .. . . .. . .. The Glories of Magadha, by J. N. Samaddar, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. Pallava Architecture, Part I, by A. H. Longhurst, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. The Early History of Bengal, by F. J. Monohan, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Persian Loan Words in the Ramayans of Tulsidas, by Baburam Salsena, by Sir R. C. Tomplo The Subject Index to Periodicals, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. The Kaveri, the Maukharis and the Sangham Age, by T. G. Aravamuthan, by Sir R. C. Temple Pantachakyans-Warttika, vollstandig verdeutscht von Johannes Hertel, by J. C. Tavadis .. Nosaketari Katha, an old Rajasthani Tale, by Charlotte Krause, by J. o. Tavadia .. ..

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OONTENTS BOOK-NOTICES.--conid. A Dutch Book on Malabar, by K. P. Padmanabha Monon, B.A., B.L., by K.M.P. .. .. A Sketch of the Life of Sarmad, by Khan Sahib Maulavi Adbul Wali, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Report of the Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Burma, by Sir R. C. Templo The Statues of the Nayaks of Madura in the Pudu Mantapam, by the Rev. H. Heras, S.J., M.A., Sir R. C. Temple .. Annual Report, Watson Museum of Antiquities for 1923-24, by S. M. Edwardes .. The Speeches and Writings of the late) Virchand Raghavji Gandhi, collected by the late) Bhagu F. Karbhi, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Swami Dayanand in the Light of Truth, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Asoka Text and Glossary, by Alfred C. Woolner, M.A., by 8. M. Edwardee .. .. The Subject Index to Periodicals, by Sir R. C. Temple Dravidian India, by P. R. Sesha Aiyangar.A., M.R.A.S., F.R.H.S., by T.R.C. The Taj and its Environmenta, by Maulvi Moin-ud-din Ahmad, by S. M. Edwardes Inquiries into the Popular Religions of Ceylan, by Dr. Otakar Pertold, by Sir R. C. Temple .. The Early History of India, by Vincent A. Smith, revised by S. M. Edwardes, by Sir R. C. Temple .. 215 Bhara's Works, & criticism, by A. Krishna Pisharoty, by Sir R. O. Templo . . . Asoka, by D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 239 .. .. 199 230 Sevajees, by Sir R. C. Templo "Diwani," by C. Wills, I.C.S. .. .. NOTES AND QUERIES. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 80 .. .. .. " SUPPLEMENTS. Folk-Tales from Northern India, edited by 8. M. Edwardes, C.S.I., C.V.O. Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, by Nundolal Dey. M.A., B.L., 215, 223, 231, 239, 247, 266 Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, by 8. Charles Hill .. .. .. .. .. 93, 101, 109, 117 SPECIAL SUPPLEMENTS. Royal Anthropological Institute--Indian Section .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 PLATES AND A MAP. . .. .. Plates I and II Plate I .. Plates I and II A Map .. .. .. . .. to face p. 4 to face p. 6 to face p. 42 to face p. 114 : :

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH VOLUME LV-1926 A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF THE RULERS OF JINJI. BY 8. M. EDWARDES, O.S.I., O.V.o. I HAD Occasion recently to scrutinize a Manuscript in the India Office Library, bearing the words " Mackenzie Collection, December 3rd, 1833, No. 38." The existing catalogue of that well-known collection, which was prepared many years ago, does not include this particular manuscript, which has hitherto escaped scrutiny and elucidation. The manusoript, which is written on country-made paper in the Modi character and is in several places difficult to decipher, owing to the bad writing of the scribe and the attacks of white ants, bears on its title-page the English words "Account of the Chengy Rajahs." The identity of the scril e or author is unknown, and there is no clue thereto in the manuscript, which pur. ports to be a kaifiyat or record of the rulers of Chandi (Chengy), or in modern spelling, of Ginjee or Jinji in the Arcot district of the Madras Presidenoy. Readers of this Journal may be interested in learning the main facts set forth in the MS., so far as I was able to elucidate them. The narrative oommonoes with the statement that during the reign of Krishna Rayel of Anegondi, a certain Vijayaranga Naik 1 came with a permit to Chandi (Jinji) and there secured a jagir. He cleared the forest, amassed riches, and effected the settlement of Chandi. In Fasli 852 A.D. 1445) a Dhangar named Anandakona, who was searching for some stray flocks belonging to his tribe, met a Maha purusha, who informed him that by his exertions Chandi was destined to become a great place, and that he should straightway go to Vijayaranga Naik. In acoordance with this propheoy, the kingdom of Chandi was established with the help of Anandakona, whose son, Tristapitla, became prime minister of the Chandi kingdom. Before proceeding further with the narrative, there are one or two points in the above abridged extract which require examination. First, by Krishna Rayel of Anegondi the writer is probably referring to the great Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagar (A.D. 1509-29). Professor S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, with whom I have corresponded on the matter, agrees with me regarding this identification, but adds that Jinji had probably possessed a government and a ruling line long before the date of Krishnadevaraya, "almost from the commencement of Vijayanagar." This probability, coupled with the definite statement in the MS. that Anandakona, the Dhangar, received his summons to Jinji in Fasli 852, which should correspond with 1445 A.D., leads to the inference that the scribe is shaky in his chronology and that the founda tion of Jinji as a kingdom must have occurred before the reign of Krishnadevar ya of Vijaya nagar. The fact that several of the dates given in the MS. conflict with those now generally socepted confirms the view that the chronology of this MS. must be received with caution. Professor 8. K. Aiyangar points out that Tiruvannamalai was one of the headquarter stations of the last Hoysala ruler, and that in the time of Kumara-Kampana, who was in power a little later, Jinji must have become a place of some importance, as there was a Brahman governor named Gopana, of Narayanavanam near Chandragiri, ruling over the locality. We may, therefore, assume that the actual establishment of a settled government at Jinji took place at some date anterior to the reign of Krishnadevaraya, possibly in the reign of Devaraya II (A.D. 1494-1446). 1 According to one account, Jinjt was built on an old foundation of the Chola kings in 1443 by Vijayaranga Naik, governor of Tanjore.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1928 The second point of interest is concerned with the tribe of Dhangars or Shepherds, to which Anandakona is declared to have belonged. The Dhangars have played a large, though hitherto undetermined, part in the history of southern and south-western India. In his paper on the Origin of the Pallavas of Kanchi, Professor S. K. Aiyangar has shown that in the earliest times referred to in ancient Tamil literature, an important stratum of cattle-rearing and sheep-owing tribos lived across the northern boundaries of the ancient Tamil land, and were known to the early Tamils by names which clearly indicated their association with those pursuits. We know that the Yadavas of Devgiri are familiarly termed, even in these days, the " Gauli Raj"; and other scattered references seem to indicate that from very early days this part of India oontained a large body of tribesmen, known as Dhangar, Gauli, etc., whose main occupation was the rearing of domestic animals, who were grouped under chieftains of their own, and who from time to time contrived to establish principalities of varying permanence. As regards Jinji, Professor Aiyangar informs me that according to tradition, the place is said to have been ruled by a dynasty of Shepherds before the rise of the Naik dynasties. and inasmuch as kona or konar is the caste-designation of the shepherd, he regards the name Anandakona, mentioned in the MS., as embodying a reminiscence of that rule. The problem of the origin and history of these cattleherd and shepherd tribes, and their connexion with the Marath As of the Deccan and Carnatio, still awaits exhaustive enquiry; and it may be discovered that, as declared by W. H. Tone at the close of the eighteenth century, the Dhangars and Gaulis formed an important element in the congeries of tribes, which were welded by Sivaji into a militant race under the general name of Maratha. To revert to the MS., we are next informed that the families of Vijayaranga Naik and Anandakona enjoyed undisputed possession of Chandi (Jinji) for 225 years, i.e., to Fasli 1077, and that the names of Vijayaranga's successors were as follows: Fasli 883 (A.D. 1476) Mutly Al Naik. Fasli 1012 (A.D. 1805) Venkat Kpishna Naik. , 918 1516) Krishnapa Naik. 1032 ( 1625) Venkat Ram Naik. , 943 1536) Chenam Naik. > 1052 (- 1645) Trimbakmal Krish- 962 1555) Vijayapa Naik.. napa Naik. >> 987 (- 1580) Gangama Naik. I 1062 (- 1655) Vardap& Naik. In Fasli 1077 (A.D. 1670), according to the MS., Chandi (Jinji) was seized under the orders of Alamgir (Aurangzeb) by Abar Khan (Ambar Khan ?) and three other Musalman generals. Then the Marathas came to the rescue under Sivaji and Nilkanth Rao (C), who killed the four Musalman Sardars and took possession of Chandi. There are various lacunae in this account. For example, nothing is said about the capture of the Jinji Fort in 1638 by Bandaullah Khan, the Bijapur general, which arose out of an attempt by Tirumala Naik of Madura to seize it with the assistance of the armies of the Golkonda kingdom. The division of the Bijapur army, which captured the Fort, was commanded by ShAhji, father of Sivaji ; and it is generally understood that from that date (A.D. 1638) Jinjt beoame one of the headquarters of the Marathas under Bijapur. If therefore the MS. account is approximately accurate, the power of the last three Nasks in the above list must have been merely nominal. Whether the Muhammadans under Aurangzeb's orders seized Jinji in 1670 or not, it is unquestionable that in 1677 Sivaji contrived to obtain possession of the Fort. which remained in Marath& hands for the next two decades or more. The MS. gives the names of the four Muhammadan Sardars as "Abar Khan" (Ambar Khin), "Maphukhan," "Govi. khan," and "Murataphakhan " (perhaps Multafat Khan or Mustafa Khan), and mentions that Shahji conquered Chandi in Fasli 1100, i.e., A.D. 1661, which is obviously wrong. It then proceeds to relate that in Fasli 1082 (A.D. 1675 ?), under Sivaji's orders, Raja Ram, son of Sivaji, became ruler of Chandi. Sivaji himself then returned to Poona. Later Alamgir (Aurangzeb) despatched Zilfikar (Zulfikar Khan) against Raja Ram, who was defeated and fled to Poona in Fasli 1108 (A.D. 1701). Zulfikar Khan changed the name of Chandi to Nasratgarh. From that date Chandi remained in the possession of the Muhammadang.

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JANUARY, 1026 A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF THE RULERS OF JINJI. Here again the chronology seems faulty, and the statement that Raja Ram became ruler of Jinji seems to be at variance with the account in Kistnaji Anant Sabhasad's bakhar or life of Sivaji. According to the latter, "Jinji was a metropolitan city like Bijapur and Bhaganagar (Goloonda). The Raje (i.e., Sivaji) ought to have remained there. But there was a vast kingdom on this side also. It was necessary to preserve that. Therefore the Brahman Raghunath Narayan was appointed majumdar of the entire kingdom, and he was posted at Jinji, with that province under his charge. As he needed an army for the time being, Hambir Rao was stationed (there) with his army, and the R&je set out from Jinji with the two generals, Anand Ray and Manajt More." In all probability Raghunath Narayan was in immediate charge of the Fort, under the general orders of Raja Ram, who is declared by Grant Duff (vol. I. 291f, Oxford Univ. Press, 1921) to have defeated an attack by Amir-ul-umra Kasam Khan, some little time prior to Zulfikar Khan's expedition. As regards the date of Raja Ram's defeat and flight to Poona (Kincaid and Parasnis state that he made his way to Vishalgarh, not to Poona), the writer of the MS. seems to err by about three to five years. According to the latest edition of the Imperial Gazetteer, it appears that the armies of the Mughal Emperor under Zulfikar Khan laid siege to Jinji in 1690. The siege lasted for cight years, and the Fort, which was eventually captured in 1698, thenceforward became the headquarters of the Muhammadan standing army in the province of Arcot. The MS. states that Zulfikar Khan was accompanied by Daud Khan on this expedition against Jinji. Although, according to the MS., the Fort and the surrounding country remained in Musalman hands after Raja Ram's defeat, mention is made of a certain Svarup Singh, Rajput, in Fasli 1121 (A.D. 1714), and a successor, Tej Singh, who, so far as can be deciphered, were in charge of Jinji during the early years of the eighteenth century. These Rajputs, father and son, were successively governors of the town and fort of Jinji. It is worth remark, that in the article on Jinji in the Imperial Gazetteer, it is stated that the genius loci is one Desing Raja, who, according to a local ballad, was an independent ruler of Jinji. In consideration of his skill in horsemanship, Aurangzeb is stated to have remitted all tribute and Desing Raja continued in practically unfettered control of Jinji, until he was attacked and glain by the Nawab of the Carnatio. Desing Raja of the ballad is clearly identical with Tej Sing Rajput, son of Svarup Singh, and we know from other sources that he broke allegiance to the Nawab of Arcot and declared his independence. But the dates in the MS. must be wrong; for Aurangzeb, who died in 1707, cannot have shown favour to a Hindu chieftain who, according to the MS., did not appear on the scene till after 1714. The Modi script is far from easy to decipher, and I may possibly be in error on this point as well as the scribe, who is certainly not over-accurate in the matter of dates. The MS. ends abruptly with the capture of Jinji by Tipu Sultan; which is stated to have taken place in Fasli 1199, i.e., A.D. 1792. Prior to that date, as we learn from other sources, it was seized by the French under Bussy in 1750, who held it for eleven years (i.e., until 1761), when the English took possession of it. In 1780 it was surrendered to Haidar Ali. The concluding words of the MS. may be translated as follows: "Thereafter again in Fasli 1199 Tipu Sultan came. He broke the guns, burned the gates and the town also, and utterly destroyed the artillery-parks in the three forta. They lie in ruin below those forts. A list of the contents of Chandi follows." The list, which contains nine items, apparently shows the situation of the various guns in Jinji. Thus abruptly ends the manuscript. It would be interesting to learn whether any other manuscripts or documents, relating to the history of Jinji, corroborate any of the main statements in the Mackenzie MS., so far as I have been able to decipher them. The story of the foundation of Jinji, and of the Ndik dynasty and their Dhangar ministers, seems to me to deserve a closer and more detailed enquiry See article on Jinji by the Revd. H. Heras, ante, pp. 41-43 (March 1926).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1926 MOSLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALIOR STATE. BY RAMSINGH SAKSENA. Introductory Note. ALL those interested in the ancient history of Indis owe a great debt of gratitude to the late Maharaja Sir Madhav Rao Sindia of the Gwalior State for the help and encouragement he gave to archaeology. The state territories, as is well known, extend from the Chambel near Dholpur in the north to the Narbada in the south, a territory of great renown in the ancient past, though the history of the country has been largely lost through constant wars. Now, however, thanks to His late Highness, an archaeological department has been for some time at work, unearthing the missing history. There have been two archaeological surveys, which have between them yielded a rich treasure of information, dating 88 far back as B.O. 200, from architectural remains, such as std pas, monoliths, rook-cut caves with frescoes, etc.; opigraphical records, the most important being the famous inscription on the Heliodorus pillar at Bosnagar; and sites of ancient cities, like Videba, Tumbavana, Ujjayini, Dasapura (Mandsaur) and others, where important numismatic finds have taken place, which have chalked out promising fields for further research. The important Sanskrit Inscriptions, have been properly edited by eminent orientalists, such as Drs. Kielhorn, Fleet and others; but the Persian Inscriptions are of no less value and have unfortunately remained practically untouched so far. In respect to these last, the southern part of the Gwalior State, viz., Ujjain and beyond, better known as MAlwa, on account of its past grandeur and immense riches, has always attracted ambitious rulers from all parts of India. The neighbouring Muhammadan kings of Gujarat and the more distant rulers of Delhi were among those who coveted Malwa and attacked it, succeeding at times in establishing their sway over the territory. It is for this reason that the earlier Persian Inscriptions are mostly found in Malwa rather than in Gwalior. The Persian Inscriptions do not appear to have attracted the attention they deserve. Casual notices here and there are all I have come across, and I now propose to deal with them categorically. I.-Two inseriptions of Muhammad III Ibn Tughlag of Delhl. These two inscriptions were first noticed in the Report of the Archeological Survey of India, vols. VII and X, pp. 68, 69, as early as 1874-76, but to the best of my information have never been properly edited. As is usual in the case of Muhammadan Inscriptions, they consist of raised letters, and are on slabs of red sandstone over two small archways in front of, but detached from, an old mosque, at the back of the great Udayesvara Temple at Udaypur-now a decayed town in the Bhilsa District of the Gwalior State, four miles by road from Bareth Railway Station on the Great Indian Peninsula Railway, and possessing important and interesting archaeological monuments. Each inscription covers a space of 4-11" by 1-29", and consists of three lines of Naskh characters. The first line of each is a quotation from the Mishkdt Sharif, and the remainder, which forms the record proper, is in Persian. Inscription No. 1 records that a mosque (obviously that in front of which the inscribed archway stands) was built during the reign of Muhammad ibn Tughlaq by Ahmad Wajih. Inscription No. 2 records that the mosque was constructed by Ahmad Wajih, officer of the JamdArkhana of the great king, under the supervision of the architect) Fakhr Muhammad of Lahore. Inscription No. 1 has been read as dated A.. 737 (A.C. 1337) and No: 2 as A.H. 739 in CASR., Vol. X, p. 68. The importance of the inscriptions lies in the fact that that they assign different dates to one and the same building. According to Brigg's Farishta, vol. I, pp. 418-19, Mubammad ibn Tughlaq, A.o. 1325--1361, sent an expedition against his nephew, Bah&u'ddin,

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Plate 1 Indian Antiquary INSCRIPTIONS AT THE MOSQUE BEHIND THE UDAYESVARA TEMPLE AT UDAYPUR IN THE GWALIOR STATE DATED AJI. 739 AND 137. RUIS Plate 11 lbshr 4. R. SAKSENA.

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JANUARY, 1926 ) MOSLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALIOR STATE. better known as Koorshasip, who rebelled and attacked some of the chiefs of Malwa about A.1. 735 (A.o. 1335). And it would seem that Muhammad ibn Tughlaq passed through Uday. pur on his way to Malwd and ordered the construction of the mosque, leaving Ahmad Wajih to see to the execution of the project, and thus Ahmad Wajih set up Inscription No. 1 in A.H. 737 to mark the year of the king's visit, as well as that of laying the foundation of the mosque. Inscription No. 2 would naturally have been set up two years later, in A.. 739, marking the completion of the building. The situation of the archways, the almost identical wording of the two inscriptions, and the omission of the king's name in Inscription No. 2, suggest that Inscription No. 2 is only supplementary to Inscription No. 1, and that the composer omitted the kings' namo in No. 2 simply to make room for the architect's name-without disfiguring the general form of the two inscriptions. He made up the omission by describing Ahmad Wajih as the officer of the Jamdarkhana of the great king. Moreover, in the Naksh script, (7) and awi (9) are so very similar that a little Carelessness on the part of the stone-mason could have brought about the writing of the one for the other. On the other hand, the preparation of separate inscriptions for the commencement and completion of a building does not appear to be frequent. Thus it is still possible to read the date of Inscription No. 1 as A.. 739. Of the persons named in these inscriptions, Muhammad ibn Tughlaq is the well-known Muhammad III ibn Tughlaq, A.c. 1325-1351, the second king of the Tughlaq line of the carlier Sultans of Delhi. I have not been able to trace Ahmad Wajih in the books at my disposal. According to Inscription No. 2, he may be taken to be the Tan Jamdarkhana (officer or keeper of the Royal Robes), who used to be an essential member of the king's train. My reading of the inscriptions is as under : Inscription No. 1. (1) ql lnby Sl~ llh `lyh w slm mn bn msjd fy ldny bn llh t`ly qSr@ (2) fy ljn@ - bn yn msjd dr `hd dwlt khlft slTn lslTyn lwalmh hd (3) mHmd bn tGlq sh lslTn khldt khlfth bny yn khbr bndh Hmd rjym Sl` ltmr shnm snh - sb` (ts` ) w thlthyn sb`my@ - * Translation. Hath said the Prophet, may God's peace and blessings rest upon him: "He who builds a masjid in this world, God Almighty builds (for him) a palace in Paradise." (Was built) this mosque during the reign and Khilafat (viceroyalty of) sovereign of kings, Abd'l. Mujahid (Father of Warriors) Muhammad son of Tughlaq, may his rule and kingdom be perpetuated. The builder of this pious work is the humble Ahmad Wajih, (may) God enhance his dignity. (In the) year 737 (739). Inscription No. 2. (1) ql rswl llh Sl~ llh `lyh w slm mn tm ms`d khrj mn dywnh kywm wldth mlh - bn khrd (2) yn msjd bnd w mydwr brHmt prwrdgr Hmd rjym mt`lq `Zm mlkh khbyr m`Zm tn j mdr khnh mknh llh - khr frmy yn khbr bndh qTr mHmd lhwry - sn@ ts` wthlthyn w sb`my@ - (3) Translation. Hath said the Apostle of God, may God's blessings and peace rest upon him: "Whosoever completes a masjid is redeemed of all his debts, as if his mother had (at the very moment, i.e., of completion given him birth." (Caused to build this moedue, the humble and expectant of God's mercy Ahmad Wajih, connected with the generous king (who is) exalted and great, officer of Jamdarkhana : may the Almighty strengthen him (in his station in life). Supervisor (one in immediate charge, as architect of the present day) of this pious (work is) Fakhr Muhammad of LAhor. (In the year. 739. (To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SPIRIT WORSHIP IN THE NILGIRIS. BY RAI BAHADUR B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S. T twenty years ago there existed in a small ravine among the Nilgiri hills a curious family, who were "Pariahs" of an unknown low-class origin, but they claimed that two of the members were spirit-possessed and had as such certain definite spiritual powers : 6 (1) to foretell the future, (2) to cure diseases, (3) to exorcise devils (demons), (4) to give children to barren women, (5) to regulate the sex of unborn children, (6) to grant desires, (7) to ward off impending calamities. [ JANUARY, 1926 It was observed that so great was the influence of the family locally, that even educated Brahmans and their women-kind, who were otherwise too punctilious to touch a Sudra, or water brought by a Sudra, freely mixed with this family of Pariahs, who were "untouchables," and accepted from their hands portions of fruits and leavings for their own use. The family is shown in the accompanying plate. The head of it is wearing a Parsi's coat and a turban on his head. He called himself a pujari (officiating priest at a temple) or worshipper. His eldest son, who is also wearing a turban, was a farmer, and cultivated a piece of land purchased for Rs. 1,500, acquired as fees or cash offerings from the numerous devotees of the family. The younger son and the younger daughter standing beside him in the centre of the Plate, bearing wreaths round their necks, were known as swamis or gods. The second girl, a grand-daughter of the Pujari, was being initiated into the mysteries, so as to become possessed. The Swami son represents, i.e., he was possessed by, Mariamma, the Goddess of Cholera, and the Swami daughter by Kani-amma, the Virgin Goddess. Mariamma was described as a widow, resenting any control, and guiding Kaniamma (kanya a virgin). Kaniamma was described as fair, young, good-looking, well-dressed, attractive, i.e., she has a pleasing countenance and a pleasant smiling face. But Mariamma was known as ferocious, wild, dreadful to look at, indeed terrible in appearance and very active. The family possessed a substantial residence with brick walls and a tiled roof, and also a small hut covered with bamboo matting on supports from branches of trees growing in the vicinity. The hut is shown in the Plate behind the figures. In the middle of this hut stood a low mud wall about 18 inches high and shaped something like a horse-shoe, thus. In the centre of the horse-shoe stood Mariamma-a small stone figure, about nine inches high, wrapped in a skein of country-spun cotton thread, with a little silver trident in her right hand and something unrecognised in her left hand. In front of this figure stood a small table on two legs, about nine inches long and two broad, consisting of a silver plate embossed with seven figures of goddesses. The legs of the table were remarkable, as they were of copper and looked like a pair of long boots with silver anklets. The figures embossed on the table represent Kaniamma and her six companions or playmates. On either side of Mariamma and the Kaniamma group were the offerings of the devotees,-cane sticks with silver mountings, rattles, baskets made of bamboos or palm leaf, and toys. On either side of the horse-shoe enclosure stood a scythe, and there was a sword placed in front of it. Such was the oracle in form. The process of using it, as I saw it, was as follows. The girl seated herself on a mat and began moving her body with a rotating motion from right to left and vice versa, her hair loose and flowing all round her head and face as she moved. Her father, the Pujari, meanwhile beat a drum shaped like an hour-glass, and helped her by interpreting her oracular sayings. Incense was burnt in front of her and pcwdered turmeric

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Plate 1 Indian Antiquary SPIRIT WORSHIP IN THE NILGIRIS (A Spirit-porsessell Family) 1. The father, the Pajari. 2. The mother. 3. The elder son, a farmer. 4. The younger son, possessed by Mariamma, the Goddess of Cholera. 5. The daughter, possessed by Kaniamma, the Maiden Goddess. 6. The grand-daughter, in partial possession. Behind the figures is the hut of wooden supporta covered with a bamboo-mat roof in which the images of Mariamma and Kaniamma aro kept.

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JANUARY, 1926] SPIRIT WORSHIP IN THE NILGIRIS was from time to time thrown over her. After making some curious gestures, depicting anger or pleasure as she glanced slyly from out of the veil formed by her hair, she took up a neat silver-mounted cane which had been placed near her, and holding it upright, she began to move it as if she were grinding corn. Then she shut her eyes and gave out in a sing-song tone her name and the object of the visit, i.e., in her case of the possession by the spirit, with a movement of her arms which was half convulsive, half rotating. Then we listened attentively to the oracle : "I am Kaniamma. I have come to bless my devotees. I am pleased with my visitor-the writer of these notes! He is such a noble soul. He has full faith in me. On his first visit to me! I promised to see him at his residence, and you will see that I work the miracle of appearing to him in a dream with my Mariamma. He is a good man and a sincere devotee. I will grant him his requests. Has he any to make ?" The reply through an interpreter was: "No. He has no request to make, but wishes that a dream be properly interpreted to him. In the dream you appeared to him like a young woman of high degree and made an impossible request. What could be the meaning of this?" Then said the Goddess : "Did I make any other demand?" The reply was: "No". Goddess : "I wish a solid temple to be built in this place and beautiful ornaments to be given to me". Reply : "But this was not what you asked him to grant. Why did you make such an unnatural request? Why did you not ask him direct for such things? What can be the meaning of that request ?" The Goddess was silent. Her representative could not guess what request she was supposed to have made, and the interpreter had been warned not to disclose it to her. She now violently rotated her head in such a way as to be able to throw searching glances at the interpreter and her questioner, but, poor thing, it was beyond her power to read the mind of her pseudodevotee. At last she burst out with : "I will appear to him again this very night in a dream and tell him what I want ". And then she dropped her head to the ground. But the Goddess was wanted, and the old Pajari , the girl's father, requested her not to go, as there was another customer present. This was a native Christian midwife with her daughter, but she came forewarned by me. So the girl resumed her rotating motions and her sing-song oracle. After a while the Goddess told her that she had already helped her once and should do so again. Then she gave the writer a flower, and a pinch of ashes to the Christian devotee. The Pajari, the medium's father was, however, not yet satisfied. He whispered a hint to her that my introducer and interpreter, an old Brahman who accompanied me, had done so much for the family, also deserved recognition from the Goddess. The girl then gave him a lemon and a pinch of ashes, which he accepted with due reverence. Her final words were : "This highest of Hindu mortals, this Bhudev, this God upon the Earth, this educated man who speaks English and is employed in a responsible position let my Goddess bless him". After this our request to be allowed to photograph the family was granted and we returned home. I will now relate the events that led up to the performance above related. They were even more interesting than the oracle as delivered by the poor girl, so easily hocussedeven when helped by a cunning father. One Friday the old Brahman abovementioned, whom I may call Subrahmanyam, came to me and asked me to accompany him to an adjoining hill to mee a fine tamdsha (sic),- viz., a demoniacal performance by a Pariah girl, who, he said, was in spite of her birth as beautiful as a Brahman girl. He said also that his wife and daughters were going, besides many "ladies". As a student of ethnology, I felt of course greatly interested and said I would be ready in five minutes. We proceeded to the hut already mentioned, and there in 1 To be described further on.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1928 front of it I found a motley group of spectators and devotees--half a dozen Brahman women, besides others of apparently high caste, and a similar number of men of the same classes, a band of native musicians and about thirty aboriginal" and low caste men, women and children-all standing in a rough ring. In the centre were three figures under "possession," one man and two girls--the Pajari's younger son and the two girls already mentioned. They were dancing. The man was jumping about in a convulsive, furious, ferocious, wild way: the girls in a slow hesitating manner. I pitied the poor girls, who seemed tired out after a few minutes and moved their bodies very slowly. After a time they stopped, and one of them left the place. She soon returned with five or six other girls, and they began moving round the one girl still " possessed ", singing songs and keeping time with the drum by clapping their hands all bending towards the erected figure. On the other side the possessed man was getting more and more furious. He strained his eyes, distorted his features by making awful grimaces, jumped and limped about, and shouted. The Pajari himself then gave a signal to some of the female spectators, who went to a little spring in the vicinity and brought some water in brass pots. This his son, as the male god, poured over his own head, and then he began to dance 80 violently that those who valued their clothes had to stand back. The ring naturally widened, and the stout gymnastic young fellow got more space for his antics. At last the possessed girl, who was still performing, became quite exhausted and began to lose her balance. The women present supported her, and some of them poured water over her feet, being careful to spare her new eddi, and made her an obeisance. She then moved as an ordinary human being and looked on as a spectator. The man now had the whole field to himself, and presently he began to speak, and we all listened most attentively :-" There is a man here who thinks I am an impostor and that there is no divinity in such dancing. I will convince him. I will show him a miracle." At this point the Paj@ri and his friends brought a blunt scythe from the hut and held it up, edge upwards. The young man, i.e., the God, supported himself on the shoulders of these men and stood on the edge of the soythe. This was the miracle. He came off the scythe and began to move round the ring, ejaculating. : "I will show him. I will show my power. I will convince the sceptic." He then stopped in front of a man who had on a European coat and said: "You think I am an imposter. You said so on your way here. You want to test me. All right. I will show you what I am". The poor fellow beat his cheeks with his fingers in token of confession and submission, and was given a flower and blessed. I did not think he was an accomplice. He was merely lacking in moral courage. The possessed man, as the God, then threw a searching glance at my perfectly blank countenance, moved a little and stopped near the Brahmanis and other high-caste women present and spoke to one of them, who stood forward : "You want a certain thing. I know it. You will soon get what you want ". And then he gave a flower. He went through the same performance with one after another of them. To each he made the same statement in different words, always using guarded language in a vague manner. He never refused the requests. After several journeys round the ring, the 'God' stopped in front of me and had the effrontery to ask me what I wanted. I replied: "Nothing". But the question was repeated in Several forms - "Don't you want something for your property?" "No". "Don't you think of your family that you have left so far away?" "No". "Don't you want something you can't get?" "No"

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JANUARY, 1926 ] SPIRIT WORSHIP IN THE NILGIRIS At last I saw some one whisper to him, and he must have told him something about a watch that I had lost, for he suddenly said very loudly: "Haven't you lost something?" "Yes", I said, "but I am not worrying about it." "Oh! you don't care about it ", and looking at my watch fixedly: "You have got another and will get more." "Yes," I said, "the loss does not worry me." "Will you give me your watch, if I discover the other ?" "Yes. Here it is. Take it.' The 'God' was apparently tired of me, for he passed on and there were more requests, more grants and more blessings. Presently he stopped again in front of me: "Why did you come here?" "My friend asked me to come to see the worship, and, you see, here I am ". At this point I had had enough, and so I slipped a four-anna piece into a plate carried behind the 'God' by the Pajari. The God' passed on, and the Pajari asked me if I wished to worship the images in the hut. I consented, and slipped another four-anna piece into the plate. Meanwhile the 'God' went on dancing in the ring, and when I came out of the hut, he said: "You are a good devotee. You have full faith in me. If you will give the musicians a rupee, I come and perform at your own house." "All right," I said, " do come." And so we parted. Next day was a gala-day in front of my residence. Hindus, Muhammadans and Christians were present, and there was a grand tamasha. I was assured by a friend that the 'God' made forty rupees, besides receiving a head-load of offerings in kind that afternoon. I saw women coming with trays full of fruit and sweets, making requests and receiving promises in Delphic language, bowing to a man whom in ordinary circumstances they would not have touched. Not even would they have touched water polluted by his despised fingers. But when pos. sessed '! he was a 'God', and I saw an old Brahman woman give him half a plantain with her own hands, and retain the other half as prasad (leavings). At the end of the tamdsha my old friend Subrahmanyam demanded three rupees for the musicians instead of one rupee as the God ' had suggested, and I had in the end to pay them two rupees. Such is the morality of the possessed". Next morning Subrahmanyam came to me again with stories as to the requests which had been granted by the possessed' man and other incidents. (1) In the evening an impudent Musalman insulted the 'God', and blood came out of his right eye, and he lost the sight of it. (2) A woman asked for a son and was promised one at her next conception. (3) A woman asked for promotion for her husband, and the 'God'definitely promised to influence the Collector to make him a tahsildar. (4) A woman had a child, whose eyes were closed by some disease. The 'God' told her that the child would open its eyes that night, and it did. (5) The wife of a certain official who was a graduate, said that her husband had beoome impotent and he was at once relieved of his impotence. "But" said old Subrahmanyam, "that man is a fool. He is a reformer, you know, and a sceptic, and actually quarrelled with his wife for going to the tamasha. There are many educated men who have no sense". Old Subrahmanyam was not an accomplice, but I thought him to be one of the dupes. (6) the wife of a tailor was possessed by a demon and went to the 'God' for relief. He called to the demon and commanded him to leave the woman. She was at once cured. Here old Subrahmanyam broke out into raptures : "What a miracle !".

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1926 And then he began to be expansive: "You are a good man, sir. Your high education has not spoilt you. The 'God' is pleased with you, and you are a happy man. You see, he came to your house. God is God, after all." He next began to expound the Sastrds thus : "Our Sastrds tell us the God goes himself to the houses of his real devotees. You know the story of Kabir. I am very glad on your behalf and you have deserved his favour." After this Subrahmanyam became personal: "The 'God' has been very kind to my nephew-in-law. He is a very clever man and no other graduate can write English like him. He will be very useful to you. Haven't you a vacancy in your office, as he is just the man for your learned profession, and as the 'God' has blessed you both, you will get on very well together". The old man was quite equal to combining religion with business. I now thought that I might find a way of learning more details of this style of worship by relating a dream I had had on the previous night. The purport of it was as follows --A young Brahman woman of about twenty years of age, well dressed and wearing valuable ornaments, opened the door of the room in which I was sleeping, followed by a widow dressed in white. I asked her who she was and she said that she was a Goddess. So I asked her why she came to my room. She replied that she wanted a son by me. Thereupon I explained to her the impossibility of a marriage between a Goddess and a married mortal like myself. She smiled and said she would appear again in another form. Then she disappeared with her companion. The dream was clearly the result of my visit to the Pajari on the previous day and of the performances I had witnessed, in the course of which the women devotees had constantly asked for a son. But my old friend Subrahmanyam gave it quite a different meaning, and told every body of the "miracle" of the appearance of the Goddess to me in my dream. So at last I asked him to get it interpreted to me. This brought the Pajari, his possessed' son and daughter, his wife and the elder farmer son, to me again. At my request the women were not told what my dream had been, and the Pajart tried his own hand at explaining and failed. It was then suggested that I should consult Kaniamma, the maiden goddess, but as she would ask the ladies of her devotees in the British Station, I was advised to go to the Pajari's hut again. So making up my mind to write an account of this Spirit-possessed family, I went with a few friends and a photographer, and as a result saw the performance with which this paper commences. Finally, my friend Subrahmanyam attacked me again about his nephew-in-law and told me he would give twenty-five rupees to the goddess Kaniamma, if he got the tahsildarship. Let us hope the supernatural interference of the Goddess of Cholera, for that is what Mariamms was, procured him the appointment. However, I took this statement to be a feeler to a request that I would consider the question of building the stone temple the Pajari wanted and giving valuable ornaments to his daughter, the sable 'maiden of fifteen who represented Kaniamma. In the sequel Subrahmanyam gave out that the "impudent" Muhammadan had died of the bleeding from his eyes, until I showed him quite healthy and very lively. My stolen watch was never recovered, but nevertheless the 'God's' family of the Pariah caste left me quite pleased with themselves. Fruit, sweets and a little bakhshish in the shape of cash and & copy of the photograph did the trick. But it was the prospect of appearing in print in a book some day, which was the really solid reason for being pleased with me. 3 [A prokpect of appearing in a book has great attractions for Orientals in remote situations. During the Afghan War in 1878-1879 I was employed as an "intelligence officer," and I found the simplest way to get at the hoarte of the people was to solemnly take down their pedigrees. This made them at once friends, as I explained I was writing a book on the country. It also incidentally made my notes quite sale and enabled me to go about openly with a note book and writing materials-R.C.T.)

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JANUARY, 1926 ) IDAR AND MAHARANA HAMMIRA OF MEWAR IDAR AND MAHARANA HAMMIRA OF MEWAR. By RAM RATAN HALDER. HAMMIRA was a famous raler of Mewar and was the first to assume the title of Maharana. He succeeded to the throne shortly after s. 1382 (A.D. 1325). That is to say, the exact date of his accession is not settled. In the bardic chronicles and Tod's Rajasthan, the date is given as s. 1357 (A.D. 1301). This seems, however, to be questionable, as from an inscription 1 dated s. 1358 (A.D. 1301), found at Chitor, it is clear that the ruler of Chitor in that year was Rawal Samarasimha. After Samarasimha came Ratnasimba for one year. In s. 1360 (A.D. 1303) 'Alau'ddin Khilji took Chitor from Rawal Ratnasimha, and handed it over to Prince Khigr Khan, who held it for about nine years, from A.D. 1303 to 1312. It was then given by 'Alau'ddin to the Sonagard chief Maladeva, who held it for seven years.3 Ferishta does not mention the name of Maladeva, but simply says: "the King ordered Prince Khirr Khan to evacuate it (Chitor) and to make it over to the nephew of the Raja." 4 It is possible that after the death of Maladeva, Hammira took the fort from the former's son, Jaisa (Jaitsi), while Delhi was ruled by Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq, who ascended the throne in s. 1382 (A.D. 1325). Hence, it may be fairly asserted that Hammira came to his throne of Chitor shortly after that date. Such an assertion is supported by a Persian inscription in Naksh characters, found in the fort at Chitor and described in the Annual Report of the Rajputand Museum, Ajmer, 1921-22, which praises the Tughlaq Shah [Ghiyasu'ddin Tughlag). who ruled from A.D. 1320 to 1325. It, consequently, belongs to that period, and from its text, it appears that Chitor was, directly or indirectly, under the rule of the Pathan rulers of Delhi till about s. 1382 (A.D. 1325). Before he came to the throne of Mewar, Maharana Hammira was Rana of Sesoda, and thus belonged to the Rana (junior) branch of the Sesoda family, the rulers of which were feudatories of the Rawal (senior) branch of Mewar. In s. 1360 (A.D. 1303) his father Arisimha was killed in the disastrous battle of Chitor, fought between 'Alau'ddin Khilji and R&wal Ratnasimha of Chitor. His grandfather, Lakshmanasimha, was also killed in the same battle, together with seven of his sons.6 Ajaisimha, the youngest son of Lakshmanasimha, was the only one who survived and returned home, safe though wounded, and succeeded his father as Rana of Sesodd. After the death of his uncle, Ajaisimha, Hammira became the Rana of the Sesodd'estate, and aimed at conquering the fort of Chitor, his ancestral capital, and the surrounding country. He began by desolating the whole province of Mewar. It is said that Maladeva Chauhan, then ruler of Chitor, in the hope of creating friendly relations with him, married his daughter to him, oeding parts of Mewer as dowry-Mewar with Chitor having, since the time of 'Alau'ddin Khilji, been in the possession of the Chauhans (Sonagaras), who ruled as his tributary. But Hammira was not satisfied and continued his efforts, which, at last, were crowned with success, and he made himself independent master of the throne of Chitor with the title of Maharan. Since then, his descendants have ruled Mewar to the present day. Shortly after he became Maharana, Chitor was attacked by Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq of Delhi. Of this affair Tod, Rajasthan, Vol. I, pp. 318-19, writes as follows: "Maldeo himself carried the accounts of his loss to the Khilji king(r) [Tughlaq ]Mahmud (Muhammad), who had succeeded 'Ala ('Alau'ddin). He [Hammira) marched to meet Mahmud, who was 1 w llar 1446 Ar y fotot ........... PETUST Tier [8 ] UT frared || Rajputand Museum Report, 1920-21. * Briggs, Ferishta, Vol. I., pp. 363, 380. * Muhnot Nansy, pp. 44-45. * Briggs, Ferish ta, Vol. I, p. 363. 6 Supplementary Notes to Tod's Rajasthan, by R. B. Pandit Gourishankar H. Ojha, p. 324. 6 Col. Tod is mistaken here. There was no king named Mahmud in the Khilji dynasty after 'Alau'ddin.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( JANUARY, 1928 advancing to recover his lost possessions. The king had encamped at Singoli, where he was attacked, was defeated and made prisoner by Hammira. The king suffered a confinement of three months in Chitor, nor was liberated till he had surrendered Ajmer, Ranthambhor, Nagor and Sui Sopur, besides paying fifty lakhs of rupees and one hundred elephants." This version of the tale is, however, doubtful. According to that reliable historian of Rajputana, Mubnot Nansy,' MAladeva Chauhan lived for seven years after he was given Chitor by 'Alau'ddin Khilji, and there he died. 'Alau'ddin Khilji himself died in A.D. 1316 (s. 1373), and Muhammad Tughlaq became Sultan of Delhi nine years afterwards, i.e., in A.D. 1325 (s. 1382). So, it is most unlikely that Maladeva was alive at the period of Col. Tod's story. It is probable, however, that Jaisa, his eldest son, went to the Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq for aid, and brought about an invasion of Chitor by the Sultan's ariny. Moreover, the imprisonment of the Sultan by Hammira, besides its inherent impossibility, and the cession of Ajmer and the other towns above mentioned is not authenticated by contem. porary historians. This fact throws further doubt on the accuracy of Tod's account, especially as the towns referred to are known to have been annexed by Maharana Kumbha at a later period. However, from an inscription dated s. 1495 (A.D. 1438), of the time of Mabarana Kumbha (Kumbhakarna) in the temple of Mahavirasvami at Chitor, it appears that Hammira established his fame by killing a large number of Muhammadans.8 It is quite possible that these Muhammadans belonged to the army of Delhi, which was defeated by Maharana Hammira. Regarding other exploits of Hammira, we learn from another inscription, dated s. 1485 (A.D. 1428) of the time of Maharan& Mokal at Spingi Rishi, five miles from Eklingajf in Mewar, that Hammira took by force a place called Chelakhyapura (Jilwara), and put to flight his enemy in a battle and burnt & town called Palahanapura (Palanpur).10 It is also known from the same inscription that Hammira killed his enemy Jaitresvara (Rana JaitrA): and in the Ekalinga Mahatya, 11 it is recorded that the best of kings (Hammira) conquered Jitakarna, the king of Iladurga or Idar.12 By way of proof of the identity of these two names, it will be interesting to note a few passages, in which this place is differently named by different authors. 1 He flourished in the court of Maharaja Jagwant Singh (1638-78 A.D.) of Jodhpur. 8 Journal of the BBRAS., vol. XXIII, p. 50: vaMze tatra pavitracitracaritastejasvinAmamaNI zrIhammIramahIpatiH sma tptikssmaapaanvaastossptiH|| tauruSkA'mitamuNDamaNDalamithaH saMghahavAcAnisA yasthAcApi badanti kIrtimabhitaH sNpaamsiimaabhuvH||9|| * Unpublished inscription at Bringi Rishi: calAkhyaM puramamahIdarigaNAnbhillAnguhAgohakAbhisvA sAnakhilAnihatya ca bajArasyAtAsinA saMgare T........ After yo dUrasthitapAlhaNApuramApi krodhAkunI dagdhavAn // 4 // 10 This village was founded by and named after Prabladanadove, the younger brother of Dhardvartha, the Paramara ruler of Abu. 11 Ekalinga Mahatya, Rajavartan Adhyaya : pralhAdanapuraM hatvA tyenaadurgnaaykN| jitavAn jisakaNe yo kveSThaM zreSTho mahImRtAM // 8 // Jitakarna was the son of Lapakarna and father of Rao Radamalla Rathor of Idar. 13 It was an old practice among the writers of Sanskrit in RajputanA to substitute of 'fort. and 7. Accordingly, the word 'OT' is written for and Iladurga for the fort of Ida or Idar. In Sanskrit books, the authors generally change the form of the popular names according to their own whims. Thus, the words 'hamIra' fromamIra, 'saracANa' from sujatAna, 'kacchapaghAta' from kachavAhA are ooined ; although there is no connection between the meanings of the two sets of words,

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JANUARY, 1026 ). IDAR AND MAHARANA FAMMIRA OF MEWAR 13 In an inscription, 18 dated s. 1645 (AD. 1488), of the time of Mah Arana Rayamalla, it is men. tioned that Hammira "dried the ocean-like (king) Jaitrakarna, sprung from the mountain (the earth) of Ila, whose moving forces spread like water which appeared active on account of the numerous horses, like so many alligators in it, with large elephants, like numerous mountains, and having a necklace of jewels of the many brave men." In the above inscription, while Ranamalla, the king of Idar, is described as having been imprisoned by Maharana Kshetrasimha (Kheta) of Mewar, the term Ailaprakara is used for the fort of Idar.14 Many Jain writers have also given the name of Idar in different ways. Thus, in his work, entitled Somasaubhagya Kavyam, Pandit Pratishthasoma, while describing the restoration of a Jain temple called Kumarapala vihara, and giving accounts of kings Ranamalla and Panja of that place, has written Ladurganagara for Idar.16 In the Vijayprasasti Kavya of Hema vijaya. Dadurgapuri is written for Idar.16 In the colophon at the end of a manuscript, dated A.D. 1479, and quoted in a book 17 by Lakshmana Swarup the word 'Ali. prakara [? for Il&prAkara) is written for Idar.18 Returning to the main theme, Maharana Hammira was a great ruler; and Maharana Kumbh & says, in his commentary known as Rasika priyd on the Gitagovinda, that Hammira was called vishamadhadi panchanana, a lion in vigorous attack.19 Indeed, the star of prosperity shone brightly over Mewar during his reign. For, it was Hammira who redeemed his country from the ruin and insignificance, to which it had dwindled since the time of Rawal Ratnasimha, and it enjoyed uninterrupted prosperity for about two centuries after him. The power of Mewar was so consolidated by him that not only were hostile armies repelled, but war was carried abroad, leaving tokens of victory far and wide. Col. Tod writes : "Hammira was the sole Hindu prince of power now [14th century A.. ) left in India. All the ancient dynasties were crushed, and the ancestors of the present princes of Marwar and Jaypur brought their levies, paid homage, and obeyed the summons of the prince of Chitor, as did the chiefs of Bandi, Gwalior, Chanderi, Reesin, Sikri, Kalpi, Abu, eto."90 Although Colonel Tod and other historians, by the aid of the feeble light of forgotten chronicles and imperfect records, have made a few exaggerations in the story of Mah Arana Hammira, yet there is no denying the fact that he was a great and illustrious ruler. Hammira died in s. 1421 (A.D. 1364). This is the date given in the chronicles. Col. Tod and others have accepted it, and though there is no means of verifying its correctness, it may be taken as correct from the fact that, in the chronicles, the dates of accession and death of kings after s. 1400 have mostly been found, where capable of verification, to be correct. 18 Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 119: calabalavanabjanaM suraganakacakAkulaM mahAgajagiriva prcurviirrslm| ilAcanasamukhavaM samitiyeSakarNArNavaM zuzoSa munipuMgavaH kila hamIrabhUmIdhavaH // 25 // 14 Ibid., p. 119: prAkAramailamamibhUba vidhUba vIrAnAkSaya kozamakhilaM khasnu khetsiNhH|| kArAMdhakAramamayANamabhUparmatanmahImakRta saspatasAtyasA // 30 // "pRthvItalaprathitanAmaguNabhirAma vizrAmadhAma kamalaM kmlaavtaasthaaH| effore............ref . "pAsIdinAdurgapurI varIyasI bhogAvatIvAtulabhogIbhAmarA // 2019 // 17 The Nighantu and the Nirukta, Introduction, Oxford University Press, 1920. 18 zrI alipAkAre mahArAjAdhirAjazrIbhAgavijabarAmce Wartarreta......ferunterface ............qfaire eto.............. Pp. 84, 85, 19 Gitagovinda Kaoyans, p. 2:. pamAnanI viSamadhAripubA prasira dhake sudhAnbakhiladhubhavAvAni // 4 // 30 Rajasthan, vol. I, pp. 319-20. It has, however, never been ascertained whether any other king than the rulers of Idar and Bandi outaide Mewer really came under the head of Mewar.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1926 THE SEQUEL TO HIR AND RANJHA. TOLD BY A PEASANT-PROPRIETOR OF JHANG, TO Mr. H. A. ROSE, I.C.S., IN 1884-5. Prefatory Remarks. SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. The idea of the Zinda Pir, the everliving Holy Personage, originally attached to the almost universal Al Khidr, Khigr Khan, is common in Northern India and has become part of the Legend of almost every prominent Saint or Holy Man. It has been attached to the memory of the celebrated Panjabi lovers, Hir and Ranjha, who in life were counterparts of the Romeo and Giulietta of medieval Italy. They have long been looked on in the Panjab and Baluchistan as saints who are still alive. This story refers to that phase of the legends about them, and comes from their own home, the Jhang district of the Panjab. In 1884 I published in the Legends of the Panjab (Vol. II, pp. 177-181) a Baloch version of this tale under the title of The Legend of 'Abdu'llah Shah of Samin from the Dera Ghazi Khan district across the Indies, which, though taken down by the late Mr. M. Longworth Dames, was also heard there by Mr. H. A. Rose. I also published in the same work (Vol. II, pp. 494 ff.) the story of Isma'il Khan's Grandmother, and (Vol. II, pp. 499 ff.) The Braceletmaker of Jhang. The first of these two relates practically the same story as that now given, and the latter was originally concocted to glorify the tomb of Hir at Jhang. The best known rescension of the story of Hir and Ranjha is the well-known version of Waris Shah, a translation of which by the late G.S. Usborne was published in this Journal in 1921 as a Supplement. Also in the Legends of the Panjab (Vol. II, pp. 507 ff.) there is a version of the Marriage of Hir and Ranjha, and in this Journal Vol. LIV, pp. 176 ff.) there is yet another popular version of the general tale. The present story will be given first in translation and then in its original text as taken down from the narrator. The Baloch version differs from it only in those matters which arise out of the circumstances and environment of the two peoples among whom the story has become current. This version, as told by the narrator, gives its date from internal evidence. In the first place, though Mr. Rose has omitted to record the narrator's name, be bas told us that he heard the tale in Jhang in 1884-5. His informer's story is that "a Haji came to his greatgrandfather Hafiz Ahmad, about 40 or 45 years ago in 1884-5)," when he himself "was about 14 or 15 years of age." So the story is thus dated roughly in 1840-45. Further in. vestigation will be found to date it in 1848. We also thus learn that the narrator was born in 1833-34, and that when he told the tale in 1884-85 he must have been about 50 years old. The interesting point here is that the narrator relates an obviously impossible folk-tale as his own experience in his youth, told to his great-grandfather, and also to the family of the Chief (Rais) of his tribe, a known historical personage of such recent date as to have been born in 1817 and to be still alive when the story was taken down 68 years afterwards. There is, however, nothing unusual in this in India, for folk-tales of this kind are occasionally repeated as personal experiences. One such, among many others, was told to myself of Sir Henry Lawrence at Ferozepore in 1879, and another of myself personally at Ambala in 1882. Many other instances could be quoted. In the next place, the story, at the end of it, has the following statement :-"By the grace of God, in the days of disturbance (the last Sikh War, 1845-49, and towards the end of it. 18481 the Khan Sahib Muhammad Isma'il Khan (Rais or Chief of Jhang Sial] received a parodna from Telar $Ahib [General Reynell Taylor) to enlist men and hold possession of the country of Jhang Sial, and the Khao Sahib assembled and trained all his zamindars [land-owners) and fought the Sikhs, the enemies of the English. So the country remained as of old under the rule of the Sials, and its administration was entrusted to him." These statements settle the date of the story, as they say that it was told as having bappened to #

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JANUARY, 1928) THE SEQUEL TO HIR AND RANJHA . Haji (pilgrim to Mecca), who told it to the narrator's great-grandfather, Hafiz Ahmad. He was then himself 14 or 15 years of age, and he, Hafiz Ahmad and the Haji all went to see Muhammad Isma'il Khan, the Chief of Jhang Sial, and met his mother, who afterwards became a worshipper at Hir's tomb outside Jhang. Attached to the story of Isma'il's Grandmother is an introductory note by myself relating that "the family of the Sial Chiefs of Jhang is an old and illustrious one, but it first comes into prominence with the 13th Chief Walidad Khan, who consolidated its fortunes. He died in 1747 A.D. and was succeeded by his nephew 'Inayatu'llah Khan, a man as able as himself, but overshadowed by the then rising Sikh power. He died in 1787 and was succeeded successively by his two sons, Sultan Mahmud Khan and Sahib Khau. They both came to an untimely end before 1790, when their relative, Kabir Khan, who had married the widow of Sahib Khan, and daughter of 'Umar Khan Sial, succeeded. He came of the line of Jahan Khan, whose children had been ousted by Ghazi Khan, grandfather of Walidad Khai, in the 17th century. This Chicf was a man of mild character, and in 1801 abdicated in favour of his son Ahmad Khan, who was succeeded successively by his sons 'Inayat Khan in 1820 and the present (1884) Muhammad Isma'il Khan in 1838. After the days of 'Inayatu'llah Khan the fortunes of the family sank to a very low point, from which they were partially recovered by the loyalty of Muhammad Isma'il Khai to the British Crown." To this information may be added some statements from Griffin's Punjab Chiefs (Vol. II, pp. 77 f.) :-"In 1838 Inayat Khan was killed near Rasulpur, fighting on the side of Diwan S&wan Mal against Raja Gulab Singh [of Jammg]. His brother (Muhammad] Isma'il Khan went to Lahore to endeavour to obtain the confirmation of the jagir in his favour, but the Maharaja was paralytic, and Gulab Singh, his enemy, in the ascendant, and he only obtained & pension of Rs. 100 a month. He remained at Lahore four years till his pension was discontinued, and he then returned to Jhang, where he lived upon an allowance of Rs. 41 a month granted to the family by Sawan Mal. This was raised in 1848 to Rs. 60. "In October 1848, Major H. [Sir Herbert] Edwardes wrote to [Muhammad] 'Isma'il Khan directing him to raise troops in behalf of Government and to collect the revenue of the district. The poor Chief, hoping the time was come when loyalty might retrieve his fortunes, raised a force, and descending the river, attacked and defeated a rebel Chief, 'Ata Muhammad, at NikokAra. Afterwards, when Sardar Sher Singh Atariwala had passed through Jhang, and had left Deoraj in command of one thousand men there, 'Isma'il Khan attacked this detachment several times with varying results. His Jamadar [Commander) Pir Kamal, of 'Is& Shah. captured at the fort of Taruku another rebel Chief named Kahan Das. Thus 'Isma'il Khan, the representative of a long and illustrious line of Chiefs, stood out bravely on the side of the Government. His influence was great in the district and was all used against the rebels. His services were especially valuable at a time when it was inexpedient to detach a force against the petty rebel leaders. After annexation 'Isma'il Khan was made Risaldar of the Jhang Mounted Police; but his services were, through inadvertance, overlooked, and it was not till 1856 that he received a pension of Rs. 600 for life. Three wells were also released to him and his male heirs in perpetuity. . "In 1857 the services of the Chief were conspicuous. He aided in raising a force of cavalry, and served in person against the insurgents. For his loyalty, he received a khil'at of Rs. 500 and the title of Khai Bahadar; and his yearly grant of Rs. 600 was raised to Rs. 900, with the addition of a jagir of Rs. 950 for life. In 1860 his pension was, at histown desire, exchanged for a life jagir. "In 1879 Muhammad] 'Isma'il Khan's case again came under the consideration of Government. Having regard to the position and influence of the Sial family, and to the steadfast loyalty and good conduct of its Chief, Sir Robert Egerton [Lieut.-Governor of the

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1926 PaniAb recommended that the life jagir be raised to Rs. 2,000 and continued to a selected heir during the pleasure of Government. The jagir allowance was duly increased ; but with regard to the second proposition, the Supreme Government deemed it advisable merely to lay down that it should receive consideration on the death of the present incumbent." To these facts it may be added that Muhammad 'Isma'il Khan was the owner of four thousand acres in seventeen villages of the Jhang and Shorkot tahsils, and enjoyed eventually an income of about Rs. 10,000 per annum. He was held in the highest esteem by the many English district officers who knew him. It is clear from the above narrative that the date of the legend is 1848. General Reynell George Taylor is mentioned in the story more than once, and his life roughly supports the dates evolved from the story itself. He lived from 1822 to 1886, and in 1848 he was at the siege of Multan, being then a Captain. He later on commanded the Corps of Guides on the Panjab Frontier, and was in charge of Kangra during the Mutiny. During its course, this story also relates that the Haji first met the mother of Muhammad 'Isma'il Khan and related the tale to her, with the result that she became a regular worshipper at Hir's tomb near Jhang. In the tale of Isma'il's Grandmother her place is taken by his grandmother, according to the Panjabi bards from whom I heard it. But they said that HAkim Jan Muhammad, the original narrator thereof, who was still alive in 1884, averred that it was the mother, and not the grandmother, who took to looking after Hir's tomb, though it was against the traditions of her tribe to do so. He also said that she began to do this shortly before the commencement of the British rule in the Panjab (1849). Liko the teller of this tale, he also said that he was then 18 years of age. It is clear, therefore, that the two tales are versions of one original. From all the above information one gathers that, if the lady was 'Isma'il Khan's grandmother she was the wife of Kabir Khan and daughter of 'Umar Khan, but if she was his mother she was the wife of Ahmad Khan. From the Bracelet-maker of Jhang ne further information is to be extracted, but as the tale of 'Abdu'llah Shah of Samin is so closely connected with this one and is not long, I reprint here the translation, together with these introductory notes, after the text of this tale, so that students may compare the two stories for themselves. It is quite possible, indeed, that 'Abdu'llah Shah represents the Haji of the present legend. True Lovers Never Die. I remember that when I was about 14 or 15 years old that a traveller, aged about 40 or 45 years, said to be a aji, came to my great-grandfather, Hafiz Ahmad (God have mercy on him), and told him this tale : I am a Sial and a native of the country round Chachh-Hazara, and left my home to make the pilgrimage to the House of the Ka'aba [at Mecca). Travelling, travelling, travelling, I embarked on a ship. By the will of God the ship went to pieces at some place by the ocean. By the will of God also I was saved on a plank. It was I don't remember how many days afterwards that I reached the shore at some spot. I was hungry, thirsty and weary, and there was no strength left in me to move or travel, and life meant nothing to me. I ate the leaves and berries of trees, and when I had thus recovered some strength, I climbed the highest hills and trees around to look for signs of habitation. When I had been looking for some time, I saw at last some tracks of buffalo Ows and I knew them to be signs of habitation.' 1 That is : Takht-Hazara in the Gujranwala District. % This shows that the narrator could not really have ever left the Panjab, and thus the whole story must have been only a dream,

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JANUARY, 1926 ] THE SEQUEL TO HIR AND RANJHA Then I bethought me that in a jungle where there are female buffaloes, there I shall meet with kindness. I followed their tracks and arrived at a place where milk had been set to curdle. And all around were thick shady wild trees of which I did not know the names, and had never seen before, all growing in that place. In the midst of them was a tall tamarisk tree, the wood of which was old and hollow like a drum. Into this tree I got in fear, as I had heard people say that in that place there were demons who used to seize and eat men. So hiding myself I sat there in terror. Then as the time came for the sun to set I heard the sound of a pipe and saw a man wearing a black waist cloth and playing on a pipe. He came out of the jungle, and behind him came the buffaloes. When I saw this, I said to myself: "God knows who this is or what the miracle is." Coming to the place the man sat down and the buffaloes all sat down around him. After a little while came a woman, wearing fine light-coloured 3 raiment, and a line painted on her forehead. And on her head was some bread fresh baked, and she sat-down beside him. They embraced, and she took some bread and gave it to him. When he began to eat the bread the woman said to him: "Mian Ranjha, a traveller from your country has come to stay with us. Let him eat first and eat yourself afterwards." "Where is he?" said he. Said mother Hir: "Shout and he will come." Mika Ranjha called out : "Come, traveller, come. Don't hide." Then I guessed, as in my country in Chach [Takht] Hazara they talk of Hir and Ranjha and sing songs of their love, that perhaps these persons were they. So glad at heart I went towards them. They asked me for my news and I told it them. They were pleased and gave me bread and milk, which I ate and drank, and they made me rest awhile. Afterwards they said : " Will you remain here l or must you go on elsewhere?". I replied: "I left my home to make a pilgrimage to the House of the Ka'aba : but now as I don't know the road and have no money left, how can I go anywhere?" They laughed and said: "We too, have to make a pilgrimage to the House of the Ka'aba. If you wish it, we will take you with us and show you the way." I agreed and was rejoiced and asked them : "How far is the House of the Ka'aba from here?" They said: "It is a journey of 300 kos from here." Then I said: "If it is so far from here, how shall I get there?" To this they replied: "Don't be anxious, Sir." And by God's will I remained silent. When the month of the pilgrimage arrived, I said to them : "you told me that the House of the Ka'aba is distant 300 koe, when shall we start ?" ...Said they : "Why are you anxious! We, too, have to go." When the actual day of the pilgrimage had come, they said: "Will you come back with us or will you remain there?" I said: "I will come back with you." Then they said: "When all your orders for the pilgrimage have been carried out, meet us on a certain hill, and we will bring you back here with us." And again they said: "Hold our hands and shut your eyes." I held their hands and closed my eyes. After a little while they said: "Open your eyes." When I had opened my eyes, I saw thousands of men standing, telling their beads and reciting God's name." 3 Sanaa, lit., groen.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1926 I asked some of them : "What is happening What place is this?" They replied: "These men are all Musalmans and this is the place of pilgrimage. You have obeyed your orders and performed the pilgrimage." At that time the reason of the assembly and crowd of men was hidden from me. There I remained two days and met men from my own country, who had gone on pilgrimage a year before me, and we gave each other the news. In my heart I knew that my friends were Hir and Ranjha and saints of God, and I determined to find them and spend the remainder of my life in their service. I sought the defile in the hills that they had described to me, and saw them both sitting there. I rejoiced and thanked God (the glorious and exalted). They recognised me and called to me, saying: "Are you now free?" I replied: "I am now without care." Then they caught me by the hands and said as before.."Shut your eyes." After a little while I opened my eyes, and found myself in the same place as before. Thus I passed five or six months pleasantly in their service, sometimes eating bread and sometimes rice and milk. One day thoughts of my home and children came into my mind and that it was impossible for me to remain on. Involuntarily I began to weep. They asked me: "Why do you weep !" ! At first I was ashamed, but when they asked me again and again, then I said: "I have remembered my home, my children, my friends and my cronies and I have to weep." Then said they, one to the other: "Every one loves his country, and if you ask us seriously we will take you there." And I replied: "If you will take me, you will fulfil my desire." Then said Mother Hir:" We will take you to Jhang Sial, and there you must take my message of love in my own words to the Chief of that place, and say Mother Hir and Mia Ranjha are living and not dead. You must not act against their rights, as they are not wicked. Mian Ranjha grazes buffaloes, as of old, and Mother Hir lives with him. May distress and poverty and misery come upon you unless you go to my shrine and there pray to the Lord, the Merciful and Compassionate. God will accept your prayers and bestow on you joy, ease and wealth." Then I said: "Should I arrive at the City of Jhang Sial alive, please God Almighty, I will most certainly tell them and the Chief of Jhang Sial, the whole story." Then Mother Hir and Msai Ranjha caught my hands and said : "Shut your eyes." I closed my eyes and after a little while, they said: "Open your eyes." Then I opened my eyes and saw that I was under a jand tree to the west of Mai Hir's tomb. A short while I sat there and set out for Mai Hir's shrine, and asked the custodians: " Whose tomb is this?" They answered: "it is the tomb of Mother Hir, the Sial." I stayed three or four days in the mosque there, and by asking I learnt your name and that you are a man of great age, & scholar and protector of the Holy Quran and of the old Laws, a chief of the Sials of this place. I have a message entrusted to me by Mother Hir in her own words to deliver to the Chief of the Sikls of Jhang. So if you will take me with you, I will repeat the message Mother Hir gave me in her own words. That is, of Hafiz Ahmad, the great grandfather of the narrator.

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JANUARY, 1926 ] MISCELLANEA. 13 At that time the Mother of the Khan Sahib Muhammad 'Isma'il Khai Bahadur, Chief of Jhang, was alive. My great grandfather Hafiz Ahmad (God's mercy be upon him) and I (being at that time fourteen or fifteen years of age) went to the Khan Sahib's house with the Haji, who sat outside his Mother's pardah and told her all the story that has been above narrated in his own language. The Khao Sahib's Mother kept him there two days and gave him some money for his journey. The Haji then went away. I recollect that the Mai sahiba went every Thursday all her days to the shrine known as Mai Hir's Tomb. By the grace of God in those days of disturbance the Khau sahib Muhammad Khai received a parrodna from Telar Sahib [General Reynell Taylor) to enlist men and hold possession of the country of Jhang Syal, and the Khan sahib assembled and trained all his land-owners (zamindars) and fought the Sikhs, the enemies of the English. So the country remained as of old under the rule of the Sials, and its administration was entrusted to him, as our ancestors have said : of old by the Mercy of God It is our right and our truth. The End. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. A VEDANTIC REFERENCE TO CHERAMAN notes on the passage in the Indian Antiquarydor PERUMAL. 1912 (p. 200) and 1914 (p. 239) and thoir writers With reference to the Article by Mr. A. S. Rama also construe it in the same way. There may be natha Ayyar published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. much to support this interpretation, but it is LIV, pp. 7 ff., may I draw attention to a possible against the meaning given in tho Commentaryallusion to Cheraman Perumal in- an old Vedantic Anwyartha-prakadika, the only one of the three work in Sanskrit--the Saiksepa-Saniraka. The author published commentaries on the work which of this work, as is well known, was Sarvajnatman, explains the passage.3 It takes Srimati 29 the the pupil'e pupil of Sankara, and he may be taken head word or Vidaya (Srimanna mni), which makes to have been a native of Kerala, es he refers to the Sriman, the corresponding nominative singular, god Padmanabha of Trivandrum in concluding his tho name of the king in question. This word, work (iv, 61). He also refers to the king who was however, is ordinarily prefixed as an honorific cpithet ruling at the time in these worde to names and it is very unusual to find it uodega proper noun in Sanskrit. May it therefore be the Oakre sajjana - buddhi. Mandanamidam. nd janya Sanskritised form of Cherninan'? Such translor. Vanisye nope. mations of proper names are not unknown even in Sntmatyaknala - fasane manueuladitya bhuvam the West. If this conjocture is right, a king by &d sati || (iv, 62.) name Churaman, who, to judge from the epithet This passage has more than once been discussed by aknald-fa sane, was very powerful, -would be a con. scholars, Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar being, so far as I temporary of Sarva-jfatman and would belong to know, the first to direct attention to it. He under the early part of the ninth century A.D., for Serkara. stands it to refer to a Calukya king, taking manu. the guru's guru of the latter, flourished, 49 is now Kuldstye as the chief word and construing the commonly believed, from 788 to 820 A.D. other locatives as adjectival to it. There are two M. HIRIYANNA. 6 The story ends here, but the M8. goes on. 1 See Commentary printer in the AnandAgrama Edn. of the work. > See Early History of the Deklan, p. 88 (Edn. of 1884). 3 See Anandabrama Edn. Of., e.g., Moha-Malara used for. Max Muller'.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY BOOK-NOTICES. CATALOGUE OF THE BENGALI AND ASSAMESE MANUSCRIPTS AND CATALOGUE OF THE ORIYA MANUSCRIPTS, in the Library of the India Office by the late JAMES F. BLUMHARDT, M.A. Published by order of the Secretary of State for India in Council. Oxford University Press, 1924. Of these two volumes, which contain respectively 20 and 22 pages, the Catalogue of Bengali MSS. is the first of a series relating to the Aryan vernacular languages of India. According to a note by Dr. F. W. Thomas, the Librarian, the Bengali MSS. originally belonged for the most part to Henry T. Colebrooke, Richard Johnson, banker and friend of Warren Hastings, John Leyden, Sir Charles Wilkins, and Koraco Hayman Wilson. The source whence the Oriya MSS. were obtained is unknown; but possibly they were purchased from the represent atives of John Leyden about the year 1824. The Bengali and Assamese MSS. are not of firstrate importance, the chief of them being three books of Kaeirama's version of the Mahabharata, a copy of Mukundarama's Chandi, and three copies of the Vidya-Sundara of Bharatachandra. The Oriya MSS. which belong to the nineteenth century, include copies of Skandhas of Jagannatha Dasa's Bhayavata. Purana, one Parvan of Sarala Dasa's Mahabharata, the Padma Purdna of Nilambara Dasa, and several Vaishnava poems. The system of cataloguing followed by the late Professor Blumhardt gives in succinct form all the information necessary for the identification of any MS., including the opening and closing verses and, wherever possible, a brief notice of the author. The printing of the Catalogues, which are priced at 78. 6d. each, does not fall short of the usual high standard of the Oxford University Press. S. M. EDWARDES. THE PANCHATANTRA RECONSTRUCTED. Text, Critical Apparatus, Introduction, Translation, by FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Assistant Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Pennsylvania. Vol. I, Text and Critical Apparatus; Vol. II' Introduction and Translation. American Oriental Society, New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A. 1924. This work is described by the author as an attempt to establish the lost original Sanskrit Text of the most famous of Indian Story-collections on the basis of the principal extant versions, and represents the fruits of ten years' continuous study. No one who reads Professor Edgerton's pages, particularly the second volume, can fail to appreciate the immense care and proficiency which he has brought to bear upon his task; and the magnitude of the work becomes more apparent, when one remembers that more than two hundred different versions of the Parchatantra are known to exist in more than fifty languages. All these versions [ JANUARY, 1926 are traceable backwards to a book of fables in five sections, which was supposed to be a sort of Furstenspiegel or Mirror for Magistrates, teaching worldly wisdom to princes by examples and precepts. "Most of the stories remain true to the key-note of the book, its Machiavellian character; they are generally unmoral, and at times positively immoral in the political lessons they inculcate." In this respect they approximate in type to the earlier Arthadastra, attributed to Kautilys, which teaches that any villainy and immorality is permissible, provided that it is performed in the service or for the benefit of the State. No genuine primitive text of the Panchatantra is in existence, nor is there any text which can be regarded as a reasonably close approximation to the original. But Professor Edgerton's prolonged analytical examination of all the existing versions or recensione enables him to state that similarities or correspondences of sentences or verses are sufficiently numerous to justify the belief that all these versions do in truth originate from a single literary archetype, and that the original Panchatantra must have been, artistically, a far finer work than any of its descendants. The author claims for his reconstruction of the Sanskrit original that (a) every story in it can be attributed with virtual certainty to the original, and that the original contained no other tales than those which he has included, (b) every stanza contained in his reconstruc. tion, except a few which he has marked, occurred in the original, and (c) in the prose passages, every sentence of his reconstruction represents at least the general sense of a corresponding sentence in the original. As regards the date and home of the original work, the author gives the guarded opinion that it was earlier than the sixth century A.D., in which the Pahlavi translation was made, but later. than the beginning of the Christian era; while such little evidence as exists on the second point tends to indicate that the original home of the Panchatantro must be sought in southern, perhaps south-western India. I will leave other readers to study for themselves the chapters dealing with the various versions, the methods employed in the reconstruction, and the various points on which the author differs from the views already expressed by Professor J. Hertel. The two volumes together form a solid contribution to Oriental scholarship, and the only criticism. which an English reader may feel disposed to make will be in the form of a mild protest against the American method of spelling certain English words. One has a certain natural prejudice against such words as "thru" and "thruout" for "through" and "throughout," "lookt " for "looked," "huskt" for "husked "(grain), and "notist" for "noticed. " S. M. EDWARDES. "

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FEBRUARY, 1926 ) THE BEGALIA KEPT AT THE TOSHAKHANA NOTES ON THE REGALIA KEPT AT THE TOSHAKHANA OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. By RAI BAHADUR B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.8. The following Regalia are kept always ready by the Government of India in the ToshdkhAns of the Foreign Office for use on occasion at Darbars; (1) umbrella, (2) peacockfeather fan, (3) chauri, (4) elephant-headed club, (5) mace, (6) gold carpet, (7) state chair, (8) spear, (9) atar-dan, (10) pan-dan. They have been adopted by the Government out of a wide choice, and I now propose to deal with these articles and their like. 1. Umbrellas. The umbrella is a very important State appurtenance, especially in Burma. The king of Burma was "Lord of the White Umbrella" and "Lord of all the Umbrella-bearing Chiefs," and up to the annexation of his kingdom by the British Crown (1886) there was a very formidable etiquette in regard to the use of umbrellas. None but the king himself, "the Lord of the White Elephant", might have a white one, and he had eight of them about him, all seven feet and more across and elevated on twelve-foot poles. 1 Englishmen in his country, who unwarily expanded sun-shades with white covers, expiated the heinousness of their offence by having to go abroad with nothing to shelter them from the avenging rays of the sun, kindled no doubt to unwonted heat by bad language. At that period next in estimation were the yellow umbrellas, seldom conferred on any except queens and princesses when in special favour. Gold umbrellas were conferred on princes of the blood royal, eminent statesmen, generals, tributary chieftains and distinguished provincial governors. After these came in gradation red, green and brown silk umbrellas with or without deep fringes, and all of the most portentous width. Officials attached to the Court were allowed to signalise the distinction of their office by Varnishing the umbrellas black inside. The most distinguished could carry them as far as the Palace steps, but there they had to be left. Others and the commonalty could not use a sunshade even near the Palace stockade and certainly not as they passed a Palace gate. In India part of the title of H. H. the MaharAja of Kolhapur is Chhatrapati, "Lord of the Umbrella, which was highly valued by the MarathAs, as they hold that it belongs only to the descendants of Sivaji. In Badger's Varthema (p. 150) it is said that the standard of the king of Calicut was an umbrella. A white umbrella was held over the king of Ceylon at his coronation. In India again the abgadir is a circular flat sunshade, in silk or gold cloth, carried in Hindu processions and is held in high repute as a sign of dignity or veneration. Among the Chandraseni Prabhus of Bombay and the Deccan, if an abgddir is not sent to a bridegroom's mother with every ceremonial invitation during her son's marriage, it is considered a great insult. In Chambers, Book of Days, p. 241, it is said that the Assyrian umbrella was fringed with tassels and its top adorned with flowers with a long streamer of silk on either side. In China (Gray, China, vol. I, p. 375) the umbrella was a token of rank, and state umbrellas of the first and second order were adorned with a guardian figure. Yule (Cathay, p. 81) tells us that gilt umbrellas formed part of the show of Roman Catholio dignitaries. In Africa, (Burton, Visit to the King of Dahomey, vol. I, pp. 43 and 315) umbrellas were used only by men of rank. The king of Dahomey was accompanied by four white umbrellas, besides parasols waved like fans. In Europe, Pope Alexander III allowed the Doge of Venice to have an umbrella carried before him. 1 See ante, Vol. XXXI, pp. 443,444. The kings of Aracan called themselves "Lords of the White and of the Red Umbrellas." 3 Sir James Campbell, Bombay Gazetteer. Jones, Crowns and Coronations, p. 442. 6 Ibid., p. 42.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1926 2. Morchel, Peacock Feather Fan. The morchel is a sign of Royalty, and a pair of them should be held on each side of a King or Prince of the Royal Blood. Krshna, the eighth incarnation of Vishnu, wore a peacock feather in his crown, as a sign of Divine Power. Mayurdvaj, lit., one with a peacock on his flag, was a royal title of the ancient Maurya Dynasty. Dennis, Cities of Etruria, says that the eye of the feather gave it special virtue against the Evil Eye, and among the Romans the peacock's feather was sacred to Juno. In India the Peacock was the vehicle of both Sarasvati, the Goddess of Knowledge, and Karttikeya, the general of the Gods, the son of Siva. The Peacock Throne of Delhi was an emblem of imperial power and the White Peacock was a sign of Royalty in Burma. But in England the situation is reversed, as I found to my personal cost in 1887. When my grandfather was in England, his landlady was very kind to him; and so, as a mark of my esteem, I sent her a few small presents and crowned them all with peacock fans from the Colonial and Indian Exhibition, at which I was then working. To my regret I heard that I could not have committed a more serious blunder, as peacock's feathers are considered most unlucky in England, and the poor old lady, then 80 years of age, was anything but gratified. The guardian peacock-eye of India and Rome had lost its virtue. 8. Flags and Pennons. These are symbols of power and veneration. A flag of gold cloth was specially granted to distinguish Generals in the Maratha Army as Sardars. Jari patkyache nishan Tatya Hari-pantala Sardars (from a ballad): Tatya Haripant Phadke was honoured with a golden flag as a badge of Sardarship. 4. Glass Mirrors. As glass scares evil spirits, an elephant's zul in a Raja's procession is sure to have bits of glass mirrors somewhere about it to protect him. So is a phulkart studded with bits of silvered glass to protect the wearer or house. In China doors have round looking-glasses in carved frames, and in Japan the mirror is a great article of worships. 5. Shing; a Horn. The horn for blowing was a symbol of Royalty or power, and it had the advantage also of scaring evil spirits. For the last reason it is blown at the appropriate moment at Hindu marriages. As a symbol of Royalty or power it was worn by Persians on a tiara and also by the Assyrians. A small horn, called a corniculum, was worn on a Roman helmet as a mark of honour, 10 and the Roman horn of plenty is still a Freemason's symbol11. 6. The Lion-Faced Club. The Sinha-mukha or Kirti-mukh at the end of a club is a sign of Royalty combined with justice. Sinhasan on the same principle means a Royal throne in India. [The situation, however, confirms an old observation of mine: you have only to search far enough and wide enough to find the reverse of every superstition somewhere in the world. E.g., in some parts of England it used to be unlucky to put a pin into the dress in which a bride was married; everything had to be sewn up. In other parts it was unlucky to sew up the dress; everything had to be pinned up. In either case, no doubt, the reasoning was sound, but the premises differed.-R.C.T.] 7 Gray's China, Vol. II, p. 44. [In Burma bits of looking glass were very largely used in buildings. One throne room in the Palace at Mandalay, much favoured by the King, was entirely covered with them.-R.C.T.] 8 Reed's Japan, Vol. I, p. 50. Jones, Crowns and Coronations, p. 4. 11 Mackay, Freemasonry, p. 18, 10 Smith, Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 543.

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RUASY, 1926 ) THE REGALIA KEPT AT THE TOSHAKHANA 7. The Gold Mace. Gold is a scarer of spirits, and according to Manu, a Hindu male infant should be fed with honey and butter from a golden spoon before the navel-chord is cut.13 So also leven-branched golden candlestick in Moses' Tabernacle, 18 and golden lampe hang in Christian Churches.14 So also the gold mace, lanakdand, is a symbol of authority and honour. The heredi. tary Padnis of DewAs in Central India holds Kanakdande as a title of honour among the Chandraseni Prabhus. It was only kings and royal princes that could have with them chobddrs (heralda) carrying gold sticks, and Sardars (no bles) were restricted to silver sticks. 8. The Sankh or Conch-Shell. Evil spirits are terribly afraid of the Conch-shell (Buccinum undulatum), which is held to be the brother of Lakshmi, the Goddess of Wealth. At Junagad in Kathidwar armlets of Conch-shell were worn as armlets, 16 and the figure of a Sankh is often drawn on the temples of an elephant barnessed for a procession to protect the princely rider from evil spirits. Usually it is blown as a welcome, but in China its blast is used as a signal to indicate the opening of a military review.10 The Dand-aankh has the convolutions reversed, that is from right to left, and is considered very lucky in India, and is thus presented to royal guests as a loyal gift. 9. Bells. Bells are & protection from evil spirits, as they fear them. So elephants' zuls have often small bells attached to them. Bells are, however, often also used as a welcome to the gods and 80 are hung in temples17. The Madhava Brahman women of Dharwar wear small golden bells. In Ceylon a bell is rung on Adam's Peak as a security against spirits18. The Jewish high-priest's robe was adorned with a row of golden bells,19 and they are Consecrated in Russialo. In Spain at the proclamation of Isabella (1474 A.D.) bells were specially pealeds, and the coronation of English kings is announced by the firing of guns and the ringing of bells". 10. The Gold Carpet, Kinkhabi or Kareh obl. A carpet of cloth of gold is spread at Darbars in front of the throne only, and the most honoured guest alone is received on it. All other visitors to the Darbar should not step on it, but pass it by, either to the right or left, according to rank. And on no account should they turn their backs to the Princely host or the Royal guests. 11. Flowers. All over India flowers are held to be lucky, and for that reason are thrown over bridges, and on bridegrooms, images and guests of consequence.83 In South India men wear them in their turbans and women in their hair. The Beni-Isra'il bridegroom is covered from head to foot with flowers 25 and Roman Catholic churches are consecrated under chaplets of flowerg. Elsewhere in the world golden flowers are sometimes strewn when a great man passes through a city.17 11 Bumell and Hopkins, Ordinances of Manu, p. 20. 18 Josephus, Antiquities, Vol. III, p. 6. 14 Middleton, Oonformity between Popery and Paganiem, p. 145. 16 Kathidhdr Gasoleer, p. 261. 16 Gray, Fourteen Months in Canton, p. 314. 17 Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XVIII, p. 167. 18 Leslio, Early Races of Scotland, pp. 303 f. 1o Mackay, Freemasonry, p. 188. > Romanoft, Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 278. 1 Brand, Popular Antiquitics, vol. I, p. 307. 11 Jones, Orowns and Coronations, p. 347. 13 Bombay Ganetteer, vol. XVIII, pp. 132, 146; vol. XXI, p. 116; vol. XXII, p. 156. * Dubois, vol II, p. 363. 35 Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XVIII, p. 619. * Op. cit., vol. XXII, p. 387 37 Dyer, Folklore, pp. 168, 170.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1928 12. The Chaurl, Fly Flap. This is a sign of authority, and one with a golden handle indicates Royalty. The original meaning, however, is due to the belief that hair attracts spirits, the chauri being of the tail of the yak (ox). So they are waved with the object of gathering together all evil spirits hovering round a person. The sacredness of the chauri to a Hindu lies in the fact that the female yak is a cow. 18. Nazars, Guts. Gold and jewels are held to be auspicions, and a natar to the highest in the land should be of one or the other. A nazar offered by a Prince is not refused, but touched with the hand and handed over to a chobdar or subnis (a Darbar official), whose business is to restore it to the JawAhirkhana of the guest or to send it to the Tosh&kh&ns of the Imperial Government. Rikta panirna pashvetu Rajan Devatan Gurum; Rajas, Godlings and Religions Preceptors should not be visited with an empty hand. 14. The State Chairs. The term 'throne ' (thronos) means a chair. The Royal chair should be supported on lions, and the chief Imperial guest's state-chair should be placed higher than those intended for others and should be drawn a few inches in front of them. It should be gilt or silvered. 15. Pankha or Fan. The fan is also a sign of royalty. Mripatar-vyajanddibhistam nunude; a king should be cheered with fans to drive away depression. 16. The Spear. Long spears are carried by orderlies as a safeguard against elephants in procession, should they become restive, but short spears with long heads (ballam) and adorned with tassels are carried in front of a Raja as symbols of authority. 17. Tambal, Betel (nut and leaf), with mace, cloves and cardamoms form a tambril, which is an auspicious offering. They should be covered with gold leaf when offered to Royalty and with silver when offered to Sardars. One in a lower grade has to rise in receiving or offering a tambul, but when the host rises to distribute tambul, every one present must rise until the distribution is over. The host offers it first to the chief guest or visitor, himself sitting or standing according to the guest's rank. To all others a Minister or Court Official (Sabnis) distributes the tambul. The distribution over, it is followed by garlands and 'atar, the signal for departure. The idmhul is placed in a tabak, a vessel generally resembling a lotus, or a silver plate covered with repousse work with the lotus as its design. The chauphula or cardamom-box is shaped either like a lotus or a mango, because both the lotus and the mango are auspicious. Fantastic shapes for these articles, as that of a crane for the guldbddn, or a European spray. producer are modern innovations and undermine the gravity and sanctity of a Darbar.

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FEBRUARY, 1926 j 25 BUDDERMOKAN. BUDDERMOKAN. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. WHEN treating of Arakan, Mr. Geoffrey Harvey in his History of Burma has at the begin. ning of his account the following passage: "After the Xth Century A.D. the country was professedly Buddhist, notwithstanding the spread of Mahomedanism, which reached Achin in 1206 and dotted the coast from Assam to Malaya with the curious mosques known as Buddermokan, reverenced by Buddhist and Chinamen as well as Mahomedans." This passage brought to my mind an old research of my own while in Burma, and afterwards, which I never completed. The subject is, however, of much general interest and I now publish what I then unearthed between 1891 and 1908 in the hope that this question of a seamen's spirit may be probed to its source. In the latter year I drew up the following abstract of my researches, which I entitled "The Wanderings of a Cult in India-the God of the Flood." It states the result up to that date. No doubt since then fresh information has become available to those with the opportunity for further delving into the subject. Along the coast of Burma from Akyab to Mergui are certain shrines known to Europeans as Buddhamakam, which have no connection with Buddha or Buddhism. They are "universal" shrines, i.e., they are accepted by the Buddhists, Hindus, and Muhammadans, Natives of India, Burmese and Chinese alike, which is a sure sign that they are symbols of the animistic faith which underlies all Indian religions. Their chief votaries are sailors, fishermen, and those who obtain a livelihood on the water. The name is not Burmese, but Indian, and is Muhammadan in origin. It is properly Badarmaqam-the shrine of Badar. This Badar is no less a personage than Pir Badar of Chittagong, known throughout Indian Muhammadan hagiology as Badru'ddin Aulia. Now Badru'ddin Aulia represents by his attributes Khwaja Khizar in modern Bengal. Khwaja Khizar is the popular modern Indian form of the Muhammadan Spirit of the Flood, Al-Khidhr, of the Koran, according to the early Arab tradition, and subsequently of all Muhammadan story. His legend is, in the Muhammadan forms of it, mixed up with that of Mehtar Ilyas, the Prophet Elias of the Jewish tradition and belief, who in Jewish and allied superstitions represents the Spirit of the Flood. This form of belief still exists in Russia and finds expression in the water festival of the Prophet Ilya. Thus is this ancient animistic belief traceable through the ages to the present day from Christian Russia to Buddhist Burma, through all Semitic and Muhammadan nations and across Northern Hindu India. Indeed, many observers claim him as Hindu in origin, an opinion that is confirmed by the stories of a nature similar to those about Khwaja Khizar, which are told in connection with the cult of Siva in his forms of Bhadra and Madra in the Southern and Western portions of India. I. Pir Badar In Burma. I started my enquiries by a communication to the Rangoon Gazette in 1893 entitled "Pir Badar in Burma," which ran as follows:-Dr. Anderson, English Intercourse with Siam in the Seventeenth Century, 1890, p. 338, makes the following statement :-" On the day following [the 28th June, 1687 ] the ship James, the consort of the Curtana, arrived in Mergui Harbour, and Armiger Gosline, her commander, was ordered to ride near the Resolution opposite Mr. White's house, to prevent the crew taking the vessel to the other side of Banda-makhon." In a long footnote Dr. Anderson remarks on this statement thus :-"The Banda-makhon of Davenport is the island that forms the western side of Mergui Harbour... In the map of the northern part of the Mergui Archipelago published by James Horsburgh, hydrographer to the Hon. East India Company, Feb. 1, 1830, and corrected at the Admiralty up to June, 1871, this small island is called Madramacan. But I could find no native of Mergui who knew it by this name, as it is invariably called Pataw.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1996 << Towards the northern part of the eastern shore of the island there is, however, a loca. lity, which the inhabitants of the town of Mergui called Buddhamakhan, and I am disposed to think that Madramacan is a corruption of this word. It is said to have derived its name from the dircumstance that a Mahomedan saint called Buddhar Udin resided there. The legend about him is that he came from the North by sea, and being attracted to the northern part of Pataw by its natural beauty, he built a hut on the banks of a small stream, where it enters the sea, and where lies a huge boulder, on which he meditated for forty days receiving from God whatever he asked for in his prayers. The Mahomedans, in congequence, called the place Buddhar Udin's Makhan. "It is a curious circumstance, however, that the place is reverenced alike by Buddhists and Mahomedans, and by the Chinese of Mergui. The Buddhists, after the custom of their reli. gion, affix gold leaf to the boulder, whereas the Chinese leave small squares of brown paper ornamented with a representation in gold leaf of their deity, who patronises seafaring-men. "Colonel Sir Edward Sladen informs me that the promontory at Akyab, known as the Point, is called by the Arakanese Buddha Makan after a Mahomedan saint, Buddha Aouliah, who chose it as a place of residence, and passed the greater part of his hermit life there. The place and its surroundings are regarded as sacred by all creeds and classes of natives residing in Arakan, Buddhists, Mahomedans and Hindoos all come, and either worship, or solicit intercession with the unseen powers as a means of deliverance from evil, or success in any proposed worldly undertaking. One of the large boulders has been hewn out, 80 as to represent a natural cave, which is said to have been the residence of Buddha Sahib'; and Sir Edward mentions that on an immediately adjoining boulder there is a small Mahomedan mosque. "On still another boulder more sacred than the rest a dome has been built, because it contains the footprint of Buddha [ ? the Auoliah above mentioned ], as well as an impression or indenture made by him when he knelt in prayer or went through other devotional exer. oises.' 'Hindus' according to Sir Edward Sladen, are said to have been the first who discovered the saint's supernatural power. He is by them supposed to exercise an influence over marine affairs and navigation, and in verification of this I have the authority of the accomplished Babu Pratapa Chandra Gosha, that Hindus, especially women of the Lower Bengal, on going on a pilgrimage by river or sea generally drop a few coppers into the waters as an offering to Buddha Udin, saying, Darya ka panch payse Buddhar Buddhar!'" Dr. Anderson then aske:"Is it likely that the Mahomodans have appropriated some legend abont Buddha Gautama ?" The answer of the present writer would be;"most assuredly not." In an old map, dated c. 1760, entitled Archipel de Mergui dans le Golphe de Bengale, there oocurs opposite Mergui, the name " I[ele] Badranan." And in a plan of the same date, entitled Port et Bourg de Mergui, there occurs opposite the town of Mergui "Lale Bader Moncan." In a modern map, on the West bank of the Naaf River on" Shahpuri Id" occurs " Budarmakam Beach." In Dunn's Directory of the East Indies, 1780, p. 332, I read as follows: "Directions for sailing to and from Mergui , if you would keep mid-channel toward the Island of Madrama. cam (which you will see to S.S.E.) .... At Mergui are many Mahomedans, who are the principal traders of it." And at p. 198, I find : " as far as the mouth of the Arakan river. The edge of that which projects the farthest, is 6 leagues from the land Westward of Maw hill, situate on the North side of the river of that name. That to the Southward is formed by the Island of Badremacan, which makes the North point of Arakan river...In order to avoid the banks to the Southward of Point Badremacan... I next looked up Butler's Gazetteer of the Mergui District, 1884, and found it silent on this and all other antiquarian subjects, but on 13th October 1893 I appealed to Mr. C. 8. Bayne, then in the Burma Secretariat, and through him I secured from Col. Parrott, Commissioner of Arakan, in the same month, the following useful statement from papers in his office -

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BUDDERMOKAN. FEBRUARY, 1926 ] "That part of Akyab Town, known as the Point or Scandal Point, is in reality a narrow headland or promontory, which projects into the sea beyond the coast line, and defines on its western side the mouth or entrance of the Kaladan River. It is called by the Arakanese Buddhamaw, maw being the Burmese for a promontory and Buddha signifying Budder. This is in reality a Burmese corruption of the Urdu original, Buddermaw, or Buddermakam. The promontory itself of Buddermaw forms the apparent termination to a range of hills, which skirt the whole length of the Arakan coast line, and are traced South of Akyab in the highlands which form the Western Borongo Island. The same range is continued at Ramree and comes to an abrupt termination in the Island of Cheduba. 27 "At the base of this headland, immediately south of the town of Akyab, there is a defined line of almost perpendicular tilted rock, the bare surface of which is exposed and weather. worn, so as to present the appearance of several huge boulders piled up into a compressed mass and raised some fifty feet above the level of the surrounding country. This is the spot known as Buddermakam, and takes its name from the Mahomedan saint Budder Aulia, who chose it as a place of residence and passed the greater part of his hermit life there. "The place and its surroundings are regarded as sacred by all creeds and classes of natives residing in Arakan. Buddhists, Mahomedans and Hindus all come, and either wor. ship or solicit intercession with the unseen powers, as a means of deliverance from evil or success in any proposed worldly undertaking. One of the large boulders on the ridge has been hewn out, so as to represent a natural cave, which is said to have been the actual resi. dence of Budder Sahib. On another immediately adjoining is a small Mahomedan mosque. A dome has been built over a third, more sacred than the rest, because it contains the footprint of Buddha, as well as an impression or indenture made by him when he knelt in prayer, or went through other devotional exercises. "It seems at first difficult to account for the fact that three such opposing creeds as Hinduism, Mahomedanism and Buddhism should unite to worship at the same shrine and believe in the efficacy of offerings to an unseen power, common to all three, under slightly varying designations and conditions. "The explanation I have arrived at is as follows:-Budder Aulia, or, as he is more familiarly styled, Budder Sahib, was a Mahomedan fakir, who possessed great supernatural powers, which led to his being regarded almost in the light of a prophet. It is only natural that Mahomedans should reverence the spot where he lived and died, and offer their prayers under a surer hope of their being heard, than if offered up elsewhere. Buddhists, in deference to the divine character of the saint Budder, mix him up in their minds with the guardian nat, or minor deity, of the place. They, therefore, worship him regularly and are profuse in their reverence and religious offerings. "Hindus are said to have been the first who discovered Budder's supernatural powers. He is by them supposed to exercise an influence over marine affairs and navigation, so that those who make offerings and invoke his aid, perform successful sea voyages, and return in safety with wealth acquired on the journey to their native homes. "The legend states, that, on one occasion, two Hindus, by name Manich [ Manik] and Chand, were returning by sea from Bassein to Chittagong, and put into Akyab to take in water. They anchored off the rock known as Buddermakam, and proceeded to a small tank near the sacred rocks. Here they met the fakir, and were asked by him to hollow out the cave, which was to form his future habitation. They pleaded poverty and the losses they had sustained in their trading adventure. The fakir said, 'never mind, do as I bid you. If you are poor and without merchandize, load the soil from this sacred spot, and before your journey's end, you will be rewarded'. The brothers did as they were bid. The cave was constructed, a well dug and they proceeded on their journey towards Chittagong. The fakir's words came true. On proceeding to unload their goods, they found in their place nothing but gold and the most valuable of gems.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1926 "Miracles are performed to this day, it is believed, by virtue of the powers still exer. cised by the fakir. Sick people are cured by coming and bathing in the water of the sacred well. Others who cannot come themselves, obtain relief as soon as the votive offering has been made on their account at the shrine, and the saint or fakir, or minor deity, has appeared, or has made intercession, or exercised supernatural agency, as the case may be. "Amongst Burmese and Arakanese, the most common form of offerings made to the nats or minor deities consists of food or strong drinks. Here at Buddermakam, it has been found that the sacrifice of a goat on the spot is the most efficacious of offerings, and it is the one which is most prominently made by those who have any great favour to ask, or any impending calamity from which they would seek deliverance. "There is, I am told, at Sandoway a singular group of large boulders, similar in appear. ance to those at Buddermakam, and similarly named and held in reverence. It is, no doubt, due to Budder Sahib's connection with navigation and sea journeys that his fame has extended along the whole coast line as far south as the Malayan peninsula, and probably, further. This will account for the shrine near Mergui called Maddramakam. Maddra is undoubtedly a corruption of Buddra or Budder. "From the description given of each, I conclude that the two shrines are in all respecte identical, both as regards nature of site, general appearance and universality of worship." It will have been noticed by the reader that the description given by Sir Edward Sladen and the official note just quoted are identical in many respects. They are stated to have in fact & common origin, in notes left in the Commissioner's Office, which I suspect must have been Sir Arthur Phayre's, if only they can be unearthed. In the List of objects of Antiquarian and Archcological interest in British Burma, 1892, p. 3f, we find-"No. 8; District Akyab: Locality ; Southern side of the island of Akyab and near the Eastern shore of the Bay; Name of object : Buddha-makam Cave. Any local history of tradition regarding it ; a cave and mosque constructed in memory of one Buddha Auliya, whom the Mussulmans regard as an eminent saint. The tradition regarding it is that, some 120 years ago [c. 1771 A.D ), two brothers Manik and Chand traders from Chittagong, while on their homeward voyage in a vessel laden with turmeric, touched at Akyab for water and anchored off the rocks, now known as the Buddha-makam rock. During the night, Manik had a vision, in which he was requested by the saint to construct him an abode near the locality, being told that in order to enable him to do so all the turmeric in his vessel would be transformed into gold. Next morning the brothers, observing the miraculous transformation of their cargo, dug a well and constructed the present cave. Custody and pre. gent use - Worship by Buddhists, Hindus and Mussulmans. Present state of preservation ; it is in good condition and is kept in repair by a respectable Mussulman." In the entries regarding Sandoway and Mergui in this very perfunctory compilation there is no reference to any cave as a place sacred to Badar Aulia. In Forchammer's Report on the Antiquities of Arakan, 1892, p. 60 f, we find the following information, together with a photograph, No. 88, Plate xlii. "There are a few modem temples in Akyab which are interesting, inasmuch as their architectural style is a mixture of the Burmese turreted pagoda and the Mahomedan four cornered minaret structure surmounted by a hemispherical cupola. The worship, too, is mixed. Both temples are visited by Mahomedans and Buddhists, and the Buddermokan has also its votaries. "The Buddermokan is said to have been founded in A.D. 1756 by the Musulmans in memory of one Budder Auliah, whom they regard as an eminent saint. Colonel Nelson Davies in 1876, Deputy Commissioner of Akyab, gives the following account in a record preserved in the office of the Commissioner of Arakan, and kindly lent to me:- On the Southern side of the island of Akyab, near the eastem end of the Bay, there is a group of masonry buildings, one of which in its style of construction, resembles an Indian mosque ; the other is

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FEBRUARY, 1926 ] BUDDERMOKAN 29 a cave constructed of stone on the bare rock, which superstructure once served as a hermit's cell. The spot where these buildings are situated is called Buddermokan, Budder being the name of a saint of Islam, and mokan, a place of abode. It is said that 140 years ago [i.e., in 1736 A.D., be it noted] or thereabouts, two brothers named Manick and Chan [ ? Chand], traders from Chittagong, while returning from Cape Negrais in a vessel loaded with turmeric, called at Akyab for water, and the vessel anchored off the Buddermokan Rocks. On the following night, after Chan and Manick had procured water near these rocks, Manick had a dream that the saint Budder Auliah desired him to construct a cave or a place of abode at the locality near where they procured the water. Manick replied that he had no means wherewith he could comply with the request. Budder then said that all his (Manick's) turmeric would turn into gold, and that he should therefore endeavour to erect the building from the proceeds thereof. When morning came Manick, observing that all the turmeric had been transformed into gold, consulted his brother Chan on the subject of the dream and they conjointly constructed a cave and also dug a well at the locality now known as Buddermokan. " There are orders in Persian [fi.e., in the Persian or Urdu character ] in the Deputy Commissioner's Court of Akyab, dated 1834, from William Dampier, Esquire, Commissioner of Chittagong, and also from T. Dickenson, Esquire, Commissioner of Arakan, to the effect that one Hussain Ally (then the thugyi of Bhudamaw Circle) was to have charge of the Bud. dermokan in token of his good services rendered to the British force in 1825, and to enjoy any sums that he might collect on account of alms and offerings. " In 1849 Mr. R. C. Raikes, the officiating Magistrate at Aykab, ordered that Hussain Ally was to have charge of the Buddermokan buildings, and granted permission to one Mah Ming Oung, a female fakir; to erect a building. Accordingly in 1849 the present masonry buildings were constructed by her. She also re-dug the tank. " The expenditure for the whole work came to about Rs. 2,000. After Husain Ally's death his son Abdoolah had charge, and after the death his sister Me Moora zamal, the present wife of Abdool Marein, pleader, took charge. Abdool Marein is now in charge on behalf of this wife.'" Burmese corruptions of Mussulman names are always difficult, and those just given are, as stated, impossible. All I can suggest for Marein is that it is a mistake for Karin (-Karim) and that the pleader's name was 'Abdu'l-Karim," the servant of the Generous "; or possibly, by metathesis, for Rahim, which would make his name 'Abdu'r-Rahim, "the servant of the Compassionate," Ar-Rahim is the second and Al-Karim is the forty-second of the Ninety-nine Names of God. See Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 141, Herklot's Qanoon-e-Islam, p. 240ff, and the present writer's Proper Names of Punjabis, p. 43 ff. There is no "Most Comely Name of God" at all like Marein. Moora zamal may be merely a misprint of Murs zamat, a possible designation for a woman. Dr. Forchhammer next goes on to describe the "Buddermokan" thus:-"The interior is very simple, square or quadrangular room. There are really two caves, one on the top of the rocks. This has an entrance in the north and south sides : the arch is vaulted and so is the inner chamber. The exterior of the cave is 9 feet 3 inches wide, 11 feet 6 inches long, and 8 feet 6 inches high; the inner chamber measures 7 feet by 5 feet 8 inches, height 6 feet 5 inches. The material is partly stone, partly brick plastered over ; the whole is absolutely devoid of decorative designs. The other cave is similarly constructed, only the floor is the bare rock, slightly slanting towards the south entrance : it is smaller than the preceding cave. The principal mosque stands on a platform : & flight of brick and stone stairs leads up to it. The cast front of the temple measures 28 feet 6 inches; the south side 26 feet 6 inches; the chamber is 16 feet 9inches long and 13 feet wide : the ceiling is a cupola ; on the west side is a niche, let 1 foot into the wall with a pointed arch and a pillaster each side. [This must be the mihrab that is obligatory in every mosque.] Over it bangs a copy in Persian ? (character not language), of the grant mentioned above. A small prayer-hall (if meant for Muhammadans

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1926 this is (?) an idgah), algo quadrangular, with a low ou pola, is pressed in between the rocks close by. All the buildings are in good order. The curiously shaped rocks capped by these buildings form a very picturesque group. The principal mosque has become the prototype for many Buddhist temples. This pagoda is the most perfect type of the blending of the Indian mosque and the Burmese turreted spire." I cannot quite follow Dr. Forchammer in mixing up the terms "temple," "mosque," and" pagoda " in one and the same building. But I am quite of one mind with him as to the extreme architectural value of the old mosque at Akyab and have long pitched on its dome and oentral spire as the connecting link between ancient chaitya architecture and the modern Burmese spired pa goda. From this point of view this building is certainly one of the most important old structures in Burma, and one of the most worth preserving. On the 13th December 1893, Mr. A. L. Hough wrote to me from Akyab, ag Deputy Commissioner, forwarding me a letter from the Deputy Inspector of Schools, who was, I suspect, a Bengali from his spelling of place names. The presentation of the information is 80 quaint that it is given here just as it was received: "Bodor Mukam, correct word is Bodor Mukhan, the residence of Bodor, Fir Bodor or Bodor Sahib or Bodor Auliya. There are different names by which he is known. His name is Shaik Boderuddin, i.e., he does not belong to the direct descendant of the Prophet, but he belongs to the common class of people. He was well versed in Arabic arid Persian. He is said to be Mulvie. He is an Indian, most probably nearest to Punjab. He began his career of religious life from Jama Musjid of Delhi. He had three other, his intimate friends, with whom ho used to attend many a religious lecture. "Tradition : there lived in ancient time a very rich man in India, who had a beautiful daughter. There lived in the same town a Fakir, or Devotee, whose name was Shaik Firit (the well known Shekh Farid). One day when this Devotee was passing by tbat richman's house, his daughter saw the Devotee in dirty and filthy rage. Seeing this, she drew her nose saying: What a loathsome man the mad man is'. The very night she had very severe pain in her stomach. No one can cure. The cause was attributed to her insulting the Devotee. So the Devotee was invited and begged pardon. But he said: Unless she drinks some water wrung out of his filthy rags, she will never be cured. But at last owing to very severe pains she drank. From that day she showed signs of pregnancy, and after 10 ( lunar ) months the Badoruddin is said to have been born." From this statement it is clear that Badar of Badariuqam is Badaru'ddin Aulia (of Chittagong ): Badaru'ddin being the same name as the familiar Bedreddin of the Arabian Nights of childhood. I have now allowed such witnesses as I can procure from the Burmese side to tell their story, each in his own way, and the evidence amounts to this. There is & supernatural being, worshipped along the Burmese coast by seafarers from Akyab to Mergui at certain spots specially dedicated to bim. These spots, so far as yet known, are at Akyab, Sando. way and Mergui. To the Buddhists he is a nat; to the Hindus & deva or inferior god; to the Muhammadans a saint; and to the Chinese & spirit. His worship is precisely that which is common all over the East to spirits or supernatural beings, believed in by the folk irrespective of their particular form of professed belief, and it points, in just the same way as do all other instances, to the survival of an old local animistic worship in "pre-religious" days. As in all other similar cases, one of the contending local professed religions has chiefly annexed this particular being to itself, and he is pre-eminently a Muhammadan saint, legendarily that saint best known to the bulk of the Muhammadan seafaring population, namely, Pir Badar of their own chief town Chittagong. (To be continued.) 1 This is a common Hindu superstition.

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FEBRUARY, 1926] EVIDENCE ABOUT THE TEACHERS OF THE UPANISADS.Ly 31 EXTERNAL EVIDENCE ABOUT THE TEACHERS OF THE UPANISADS. BY UMESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARJEE, The theory that Adhyatma-vidyd or brahma-vidyd or the Upanigadic cult arose originally among a sect of the Ksatriyas and that it was not of Brahmanical origin, is based on a few anecdotes of the Upanisads themselves. In a paper published elsewhere, we have attempted to shew that an examination of the Upanisadic texts as a whole does not bear out this contention. In this paper we propose to deal with the external evidence on this point. In the subsequent literature of the country, such as the Mahabharata and the like, there are indications as to the origin of the Upanisadic cult; and an examination of these will show that after all, though there were Ksatriya kings who were great and powerful patrons of this vidya, and without whose support it would perhaps never have spread, yet, in reality, the actual teachers of this cult were a class of Brahmans -not necessarily the same class who busied themselves with the performances of Vedic sacrifices and the enunciation and elaboration of the rules about these performances; but still Brahmans. Some of these Brahman teachers, e.g., Yajnavalkya, were also past masters in the details of ceremonial performances; others, like Sankaracharya of later times, were rather disinclined to believe in their efficacy, e..., the author of the Kena U panigad. But we have no conclusive evidence to show that the Upanisadic brahma-vidyd was of non-Brahman origin and that the Brahmans only adopted it and Brahmanised it in later times. Tradition is definitely against any such hypothesis ; and we have no reason to discard the evidence of tradition in this matter. Ksatriyas like Kekaya (Chandogya Upanisad, 5. 11), and Janaka (Brihadaranyaka Upanigad, 5. 14) could certainly put Brahmans of the type of Budila to shame on account of their ignorance of brahma-vidya : such Ksatriyas were no doubt highly proficient in it; but even they were taught by Brahmans, though, of course, of a superior type to that of Budila. The Ksatriyas, therefore, only exercised the function of patrons; the actual teachers of the vidyd were, almost without exception, Brahmans. Of course, all Brahmans were not Brahmavadins, just as all Ksatriyas were not patrons of this cult. Janaka's is a famous name in this connection. His court-the court of Videha-was an important seat of the culture of brahma-vidyd. We find in the Brihadaranyaka Upaniad plenty of people, versed in brahma-vidyu, congregating there and holding discourses on brahmi-vidyd. Janaka patronised them by gifts and encouraged them by his powerful moral support. He took an intelligent interest in the subject, but was hardly a teacher of the subject in the proper sense of the term. On the contrary, we have clear statements to the effect that he was instructed by the celebrated Brahman Yajzavalkya. Bhavabhuti, the dramatist, repeats this assertion in his Uttaracharita, Act IV: Yajnavalkya-munir-yasmai brahma-pardyanam jagau. Here Janaka is being introduced as one to whom " Yajfavalkya sang the highest truths about Brahma." The statement of the Visnu Purana (iv. 5. 14) that the kings of Mithila were very much devoted to atma-vidyd, only indicates that Mithila was an important seat of Upanisadic culture ; but it does not indicate that the kings were themselves actual teachers. In the Mumuksu-vyavahara-prakaranam .of the Yoga-vdsistha Ramayanam, Sarga 10, 11, We have an interesting account of the descent of brahma-vidyd (therein called mokra-vidya) to the earth. Vasistha says that he was sent down by his father, the Creator Brahma, to preach mokra-vidya among the peoplo (sloka 40, etc.). He was not alone in this mission; other Risis like Sanatkumara and Narada were also commissioned to carry out the same work. 1 "The Teachers of the Upanigads ", published in the proceedings of the Madras Session of the Oriental Conference, 1924. * The references are to the Calcutta edition of the Yogava fix ha, published by the proprietors of the Vangavaai,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1926 These great teachers gave the world many Smritis and rules about the performance of Yajnas (yajan-sastrani). But in the course of time, quarrels arose among the rulers of men ; they became selfish and began to fight cach other. And they could no longer hold sway over their subjects without the use of force. For their benefit, to give them an insight into the nature of things, adhyatma-vidye was communicated to them. Adhyatma-vidye was thus first communicated to the kings, and from them (and perhaps, through them) was communicated to the people at large (lokas 16-17). For this reason it is called raja-vidya and is a socret to be kept by the kings (rajaguhyam). This term raja-vidyd is of interest. Here it evidently implies connection with the princely caste. But Sankara, in his comment on the same word in the Bhagavadgita (ix. 2.), says that the term only means "prince of knowledge" (vidyanam raja), i.e., the highest knowledgo. Nilakantha, in commenting on the same word in the Mahabharata, agrees with Sai kara's interpretation. Other commentators on the Gita, e.g., Sridhara, Madhusaclana, and Abhina. vagupta, generally accept this meaning. Some of them, however, suggest the alternative meaning of the Yojavasistha as well and even affirm that it involves a reference to particular kings like Janaka and others. But Sau kara's interpretation is not only not challenged, but readily accepted. It is curious to note that the passage in the Yogavasistha is almost the same as in the Gita. Thus : Yogavasisha: Raja-vidya rajaguhyam-adhyatma-jnanam-ullamam (ii. 11. 18). Gita: Raja-vidyi rajaguhyam pabilram-idam-ullamam (ix. 2). That the Yojavisistha was quoting from the Gita, may perhaps be assumed. For, olsewhere, (Nirvana-pralarana, Purvabhaga, Sarga 53, etc.), it refers to the incidents of the Gild and gives almost a verbatim summary of the instruction imparted to Arjuna. But it is rather striking that, while the commentators of the Mahabhdrata and the Gita do not take the term raja-vidya to mean a knowledge that belonged to the princely caste, the Yojavasistha has the courage to differ and suggests that this name was given to the vidya, because it was a secret possession of the kings and became public property for the people only through them. In a case like this, one might be inclined to think that the subsequent process of Brahmanising is responsible for the partial suppression of the fact that the vidyd was originally of Ksatriya origin; and that the Yogavasi tha has somewhat escaped this process, and, though itself & Brahmanic work, it has made an unconscious admission of the truth which was but imperfectly suppressed. But as against this position, it may be maintained that the omission of any reference to the Ksatriyas in Savkara and others is not a case of suppresio veri. The reference is omitted, simply because the Ksatriyas were after all only patrons and supporters and not teachers; and the vidyd was not called raja-vidyd because of its Ksatriya connection, but for other reasons. The author of the Yogava sistha was perhaps only flattering a royal patron by emphasising the support extended to this vidyd by his kith and kin; and that is why a new meaning is given to the term. Some support for this contention is found in the context of the passage in the Yojavasixtha. There Rama is being persuaded to cultivate mokra-vidya ; in that connection, it is not amiss to refer to the fact that Ksatriyas have always been close students of it. This reference, therefore, need not mean that the Ksatriyas were the originators of the vidya. Thus, even if the interpretation of the term raja-vidyd as given by Sai kara and others, be open to question, yet that in itself is no bar to our accepting literally the version of the Yogavdsistha as to the genesis of adhyatma-vidyd. It says that the Rigis obtained the vidya straight from Brahma, or, might we not say, God, and that the Ksatriyas were only the first disciples. That is to say, it is still open to us to assert that the vidyd arose among a section

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FEBRUARY, 1928] EVIDENCE ABOUT THE TEACHERS OF THE UPANISADS 32 of the priestly caste or Brahmans and was cultivated by them, presumably as an esoteric doctrine, under the patronage of certain royal personages and families, and it was only through these Ksatriyas that it gradually percolated to wider circles of men. Considerable support to this position is lent by the character of the warrior classes in general in the history of the world. We know what sort of man a feudal lord or baron was in mediaeval Europe, and we also know how he was gradually humanised and reclaimed from barbarity under the influence of the church and the clergy. With him the use of the muscle was more dignified than the use of the brain, and the pen was considered a contemptible instrument by the side of the sword. Surely he would not adopt speculation as an occupation in life. That an Indian Katriya was also a warrior, is beyond doubt. That he too, like his brother in Europe, valued war more than speculation, cannot be disputed ; and it can also be proved that the process of humanising him was no easy task for the Brahman. He was not a speculator ab initio. Some of his class were made so, only under Brahmanical influences. The profession of arms would hardly ever go together with the profession of teaching. A Ksatriya would even disdain to be a teacher. Though many Ksatriya names have been deified, and at least one great Ksatriya, viz., Gautama Buddha, was the founder of a popular religion, still, as a general rule, teaching seems to have remained in the hands of the Brahmans. And the account of the Yogavasistka, therefore, may easily be taken to refer to this process of humanising the Ksatriyas. At any rate, the Yogavd birtha does not say that the vidyd was started by the Ksatriyas ; at best, it can be understood to mean that for some time it was in the keeping of the Ksatriya princes. The same seems to be the meaning of the Gitd in IV. 1-3 : Imam vivasvate yogam proktavan-aham abyayam (1) Evam parampard-praptam-imam rajarga yo-'viduh (7) Sa evdyam mayd te 'dya yogah proktah purltanah (3) It is interesting to note again that the term rajarsi here is not freo from ambiguity. Nilakantha, for instance, is not quite certain whether it means 'kingly sages' (i.e., Ksatriya Risis), or whether it means 'kings and sages' (i.e., princes and Risis). The second meaning would imply co-operation between the Ksatriya and the Brahmana, and would perhaps be the truer meaning. But even if the term is taken in its more usual meaning of Keatriya sages, our position is not altogether destroyed. This account of the origin and transmission of Karma yoga i.e., the yoga spoken of in the preceding chapter (chap. III.), is more or less in tune with the account of the Yogavdsistha. And the true position of facts can best be gauged by taking the two accounts together. It will then be seen that the possibility of the original teachers being Brahmans is not ruled out. On the contrary, in XIFF. 5, the Gitd itself says that the doctrines spoken of there have been variously expounded by the Risis. The teachings of chapters III-IV are not opposed to those of chapter XIII; and we have no reason to imagine that they originated with different groups of teachers. The Gith too, therefore, does not say that adhyatma-vidyd was a Ksatriya vidyd. In the Mahabharata, XIII. 325-26, Suka, son of Vysais said to have been sent by his father to Janaka, king of Videha, for receiving instruction in brahma-vidya. But this need not mean more than a reference to the fact that the court of Janaka was a well-known _seat of brahma-vidyd. For it is pointed out more than once that Janaka was Vyasa's disciple and that Suka was his guruputra or teacher's son. So, if Janaka Was teaching at all, he was toaching not what was a secret Ksatriya doctrine, but what he had learnt from a Brahman. The reforonces are to the Vangandai edition of the Mahabharata.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUABY, 1926 Besides, the description given in this chapter of Janaka's household and mode of life clearly indicates that he was not a rebel against Brahmanical culture. On the contrary, his court and household were crowded with Brahmans. And if he was the repository of a profound knowledge, the edifice of that knowledge had been built in close co-operation with the Brahmans. In fact, it was a part and parcel of Brahmanical culture. This story of Suka going to Janaka, with an almost identical description of Janaka's country and court, occurs in the Yogavasigtha also (II. 1). And the two accounts taken together lead to the same conclusion. In chapter 275 of the same Santiparva, we are told that a king Janaka initiated one Mandavya into the religion of renunciation or Mokra-dharma. It does not appear to have been a case of formal instruction, and at best it was only a stray instance, and indicates that the Janaka family was exceedingly well posted in brahma-vidyd. It does not prove that the teaching of the vidyd did not belong to the Brahmans. On the contrary, in a large number of other places we have instances of princes, who had assumed the name of Janaka and who had received instruction from some Brahman or other. In XII. 290-98, Janaka listens to a discourse on karma and also jnana from Pardara and is highly pleased with it. In XII, 302, Karala Janaka, another Ksatriya prince, receives instruction on brahmavidya from Vasistha. In XII. 310-18, Yajnavalkya gives several discourses on various topics, including brahmavidya, to Janaka Daivarati. * In these anecdotes the name of Janaka is rather perplexing. It is not the name of one king. (Soe Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 96.) And it is not clear if it is always the name of kings of the same dynasty even. But we are pretty certain of one thing, viz., that the Janaka dynasty of Videha were powerful and devoted patrons of brahmavidya : and their court continued for a long time to be an important seat of this culture. The Janakas, however, were never inimical to the Brahmans. On the contrary, they were as famous for their sacrifices as for their knowledge of brahma-vidya : so much so, that the place where they performed their sacrifices had almost assumed sanctity and become a sacred place or tirtha (cf. Brahma Purana, chapter 88). And Brahmans continued to hold important positions in the royal household and in the kingdom, and exercised immense influence upon the lives of the princes. Even in brahma-vidya, the teachers engaged were Brahmans. Mahabharata, XII. 218, says that the court of Janaka Janadeva was the seat of many teachers or acharyydh of different schools of religious practices, who thronged there and held discourses on diverse religious topics. A Risi of the name of Pancasikha went there once and gave discourses. The king was evidently a patron only and an enquirer : he was not the teacher himself, but only maintained the teachers. In chapter 277 of the same parva, we are told of one Harita who propounded brahma-vidyd. Harita is decidedly a Brahman name. Mahabharata, III. 132-34, contains an interesting account of the nature and consequences of the debates that were held in the court of Janaka. Brahmans from different parts of the country congregated there and had debates on brahma-vidya. But those who were routed in the disputations were kept immersed in water. One Kahoda, disciple and son-in-law of Uddalaka, was defeated in a debate and was so kept in water, according to the conditions of the debates. His son, Astavakra, came to know of this and challenged the disputants in the court of Janaka, defeated them, and finally brought about the release of his father.

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FEBRUARY, 1926] EVIDENCE ABOUT THE TEACHERS OF THE UPANISADS. Whatever the other implications of this story may be, it shows that, though the Ksatriya king took part in these discussions and put questions to the parties, still he was not a party himself in the strict sense of the term. The debates were really carried on by Brahmans versed in the lore. The position of the king was half that of a patron and half that of a judge, who witnessed the wrangle and encouraged the parties by rewards and punishments. One may recall in this connection how in mediaeval Europe, a Martin Luther would hold a public disputation in the court of a baron and would take the consequences. With some reservations, these debates might well be compared with the Diet at Worms or similar other Diets in the Middle Ages in Europe. We are thus led to the conclusion that brahma-vidyd was not a Ksatriya or non-Brahmana vidyd. As the second highest caste among the twice-born, the Ksatriyas were entitled to read it and did read it. Not only so, but some of them, holding important positions in society, ga ve their powerful support to it. And in this and similar connections, some Ksatriya kings and chieftains, like Sri-Krisna, have been deified. But these were only exceptions which confirm the rule rather than disprove it. The original teachers of the vidya, just like the subsequent elaborators and commentators, were almost exclusively Brahmans. It is a mistake to think, therefore, that brahma-vidyd was set up by certain Ksatriya chiefs and clans, 'as a sort of revolt against the Brahmans. Our mistake in this connection is perhaps due to the fact that we are often inclined to regard the Brahmans as one homogeneous group, all of whom were devoted to the practice and cultivation of the Vedic liturgy. But neither the Ksatriyas nor the Brahmans were all of one and the same clan. And as in modern society we find the Brahman occupying different positions and following diverse callings in life, so, in ancient times also, the hereditary Brahman was not always and necessarily a Vedic priest. In post-Upanisadio times we find him as a king's minister, as a kancuki in the royal household, as a viduraka or jester in the king's court, and even as a thief of the Sarvilaka type (see Mricchakatika); and besides, he was of course & priest and a teacher. In Upanisadic times also, we find among the Brahmans those who knew only about the Vedic ceremonies and practices, like Svetaketu at the assembly of the Pancalas and Asvala at the court of Janaka; and also those who were experts in brahmavidya, like YAjfiavalkya. It was Brahmans of the type of YAjnavalkya who were the fathers of brahma-vidyd. And if there was any conflict between karma and jnana, it was not manifested in society in a struggle between the Brahman and the Ksatriya ; but it was rather a conflict between Brahmans and Brahmans-between Brahmans of the Yajna valkya type and Brah. mans of the Asvala and Sakalya type. And so, like the Brahmanical literature, the Upanisadic literature also was produced and developed by the Brahmans.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEDRUARY, 1926 THE SEQUEL TO HIR AND RANJHA. TOLD BY A PEASANT, PROPRIETOR OF JAANG, TO H. A. ROSE, I.C.S., in 1881-5. . (Continued from page 19.) Text. 'Ashiq sache nahin marde. Main yad rakhta hai, jo meri 'umar us-vele chaudah pandrah varhiyai-di huin, jon hik adni musafir chalih paintalih varhiyau-da, haji akhida-ha, mere dada buzurg Hafiz Ahmad (zhafru'llahi 'inahi) de kol aiya-ai. Us eh qissa kar-sunaiya, jo : Main as-pas mulk Chachh-Hazare di rahnewala had; gharoi waste guzirne hajj khana. ka'aba ke tura. Turda, turda, turda jahajute chara. Taqdir Khuda de nal samundar vioh oh jahaj kise marah sote-tote hoya. Iradah Haqq-pak de nal main hik takhta laksi ute rah-giya. Nahin ma'alum kitne dinhau nui pichhe taqdiran kinarah ute kise jagah vanj-pahuncha. Maid bhukha, trahaya, manda haom. Kuchh turan phiran de asang nahe, hayati baqi hai. Patr darakhtau ate jhar darakhtais: vi khake kujh takat jadau ai. Uche uche pahara ir ate darakhtan to charke wason Abadi dhunda. Vekhda hiom kitne-hik wahai, too pichhe hik jah te phuse majh di ditthi, mais jata ki eh nishani abadi di ma'lum hondi hai. Pher man vich akhda-haom ki jangal vich bhi akhde han jo gain majhia hondiau han, iho jithe vichar dil-vich andi-haji. Tada n bbi usdi khuri di nishan-nun vekhda, hik jah te vanj. pohuttha jo dudh kharhda-ha. Ate chaupher chaupher darakht jhate chhan-wili jangali jinhan da mainu nan bhi nahin anda. Ate kadin ditthe bhi nahin. Uthe jame hoi hain. Hik darakht vada pasa ya ukanh da usdi jo usdi madh-wale lakriyon purane hondi khor (ya'ne wangon dhol di) khali hai. Maju us-vich varke, is dar kolon jo lokai di zabani suna hoya ha ki rashak o ja vich honde han ate admiyon-nui phad-phadke khande han. Luk.chhipke darda darda baitha. Tan jo dinh lahan da vela hoya, us-vele awaz vajhli (ya'ne bainari) da mais sunyan, aur dittha ki hik shakhs sabri kali idhar kiti hoi, baiisri vaginda. Hua jangal valon anda-he. Usdi pichhe majhin andiyau han. Ek tamasha jadaa maiu dittha, dilvich apne ap akhya. ki "Khuda jane eh kon he ate kea tamasha he." Us jagah te oh admi ake bah-raha, majhji bhi usdi chaupher bah-rahyan. Thori char pichhou hik mai sawa, sarha kapra kita hua, ate math te kandh kadhya hua. Kuchh khanai roti nayan pakaiyai hoiy, sar-ten chaiyan hoiyai, ug-de kol a-buithi. Gal-khah hik-dui nalapat-vich kiti. Vat roti kadhke us nun ditti. Jis velo roti khawan laga us-vele us mai akhya ki "Miau Ranjha, hik musafir tusadi mulk da assa thi parharan he. Pahle roti khiwa, pichhe ap kha." Oh bolya ki, "Kithe he?" Mai Hir akhya ki " Tun bula," oh a -vesin." Mian Ranjha a waz ditta ki 'Ao musafir a, chhip nahio. ! "Main jata ki jo asadi mulk Chach-Hazare-vich Hir-Ranjha akhidi-hain, ate unhandi 'ishq di gawan gandi hain, shayad eh admi hosan. Main dilon khush hoke unhao-di taraf aiya. Unhan mera hal-ahwal puchhya, main kar-sunaiya. Oh khush hoe, roti ate dudh mainun ditta, main khadha pita, ate uthain raha kitenki). Pichhe unhan akhya ki "tui ithe rahsio ya ki kadhaoi vanjanan he ? "Mais akhya ki "Gharui ta main niyat hajj Khana-Ka'aba de waste kiya-han; hun jo main rah kisi da sohan neh hon ate na koi kharch bakha mere kol he, main kithe vanjai?" Oh has haske, akhan lage ki "Assau bhi haji Khana Ka'aba di karni-he. Je tuu chahei tainun bhi apne nal le-dasnahin." Main razi ate khush hoya, ate itne gal puchhi ki: "Ithon Khana-Ka'aba kitna dur padh' he?" Unhan akhya ki: "Ture 300 kitne koh padh he." Maio puchhya ki: "Padh yhun he, kadan pohunches hiu?" Pher anhan akhya ki. "Tui fikr na kari-vanj, saju," "Aukm Rabb-de maii chup kar-raha.

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FEBRUARY, 1926) THE SEQUEL TO HIR AND RANJHA 37 Jadio chan Hajj da chasya us dihase main akhya ki: "Tusas ukde ho ithori KhanaKa'aba trai-sau kitne koh he, kadan tupsahin ?" Pher unhan akhya "Tainun keha fikr he. Asean bhi nuo vanjna he. Jadio oh dinh khi Hajj da Gire tnhan mainum pushya ki: "Tin pher asido nalithe asin ya uthe rahsin." Main akhya ki: "Uthe tusa de koe han." Unhan akhya ki: "Jiswakht ahkam Hajj de jo han, jadan sabb pure pure kar-rahen, tadan uss nun fulan pahari ute milin, ki apne nal tainui assan ithe le abhan." Pher akhya ki: "Hath assanun napa ate akhian het karnin." Main hath pakaraiya aur akhian hetya. Thori der vichod unhan akhya ki: "Akh khol." Jadai main akh kholi, tadan dittha ki bazarao admin us jah te khalote, tasbihan pherrahe han, zikr Khuda karonde han. Main unhai-thon puobhya ki: "Eh kea ho-raha he ? Ate kon ja he?" "Unhao akhya," Eh admi sabb Musalman han aur eh Hajj da makan he. Tun ahkam Hajj de jo han baja liya. Ugwagt phir sabab ikattha ate bher admiyon de maiti chip-yai. Do dihare main uthe raba, aur admiyan apne desiyan nun, jo maithon hik varihon age hajj nuo -hui-hain milya. Hal ahwal puchhya, akhya. Dil vich main jata ki oh admi Hiro Ranjha dobio Wali Mard-Khuda de han howe. Tas unhan-de ahudh kar-ke labhon ate baqi 'umar unhande. khidmat vich lagya wall. Jehra apna nishan unhan choi pahani da dasya-ha us-nun dhudha. Oh doin uthe baithe ditthe. Main khush hoya ate shukrana Khuda (jalla wa 'ala) da kita. Unhan mainuo sunjata ate apne kol sadya akhya ki: "Hun farigh ho-raha-hjo !" "Mais akhya : "Dhilla ho raha hun." Phir mera hath pakapke ate usitarah akhya ki: "Akhian but." Thori der ton pichhe adan akh kholi. Usi jah pahle ute phohunche. Isi farah kitne muddat panj chih mahine khwah vadh-gadh unhindi khidmat maio raha, khawan Waste kadin roti kadin chawal. dadh hondi hai. Rahi hik dihare khiyal bal bachah gharda mere dil vich aiya, na rahesaki. Be-ikhtiyar rowan laga. Unho maithon puchhya ki: "Tun kyuo ronda-hain ?" Main pahle to sharmiya ; pher jadan unhai wat wat puchhya, tadao main akhya ki: "Mainuo ghar-bar, bul-bachah, dost bele yad ai hain, ronda hun." Unhan hik dui nui akhya, ki: "Watan di muhabbat har hik nun hondi he, toi sachahin je tuo akhin tainun pohuncha deve. Us-vele main akhya: "Je tusas mainun phunchaiyo, to meri chah he." Ug-vele Mai Hir akhya ki: "Tainui Jhang Syal vich phhuncha-dewni hain. E par tun athe asadi zabani is ja de Rais nui asadi saneha dewangi ki: Mai Hir to Miko Ranjha jinde han, mue nahin. Ate tusin unhande baqg vich bad-kamman na-hou, ki oh bure nahia, usi-tarah majhin Miai Ranjha chara inda-he ate Mai Hir usde pas rahndi-he. Tusade ute hiri, gharibi ate miskini di guzarde han, tusai mere makan-iddati ake janab Khuda wand Karim Rahim se du'a mango. Khuda tusa de du'a qabul farmiesi, tusinuh khushi, sa ish wa daulatmandi bakhshesi." Main 'arz kita, ki: "Jetha main us shahr Jhang Syal vich jinda-jind pohutthi-hao, insha 'llah ta'ala, xarur garur unhao de kol, ya'ne Rais Jhang Syal de kol, niri bal akh-depan." Tedan Mai Hir Mian Ranjhi mera hath pakarke akhya, ki: "Akhiko but." Main akh buti, thori char ton pichhe, unhan akhya ki: 'Akh khol." Main jadan akh kholi, Tadan dinh-lahan taraf Roza Mai Hir di jo hik darakht jand da vada be, apnun usde tale dittha. Kujh char main uthe baitha-raha. Roga Mai Hir val turkar pohuttha, usde muja wiran kolon puchhya ki, "Eh Roya kesda he?" "Unhan akhya ki: "Eh Roza Mar Hir Syal da he." Trai-char dihare hoe ban ki maio us mahan ute masjid de vioh tahra hun. Pachhde puchhde tusada naow ma'lum hoya, ki tusin buzurg, vadi 'umar de 'alam fazil, bafiz Quran

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBBUARY, 1926 majid o Asnad-qadimi, Syalan, rais is ja de howen. Akhi Mai Hir di zabani rubaru rais Jhang Syal saneha dewanar-he. Jekar tusan mainui apne nal levanjhon, ta main apne zabani unhanda saneha jetha mainu, Mai Hir apne zabani akhya main unhao nun akh-dewao." Uh-waqt Mai Sahiba Khan sahib Muhammad Isma'il Khan Rais Bahadur Jhang de jindi har. Oh admi Haji hamrah mere dada Sahib Hafix Ahmad (ghafru'llahi alaihi) ate main bhi (jo us-waqt meri 'umar chaudah pandrah varihon di hosio) ghar Khan-sahib de giya. ate khidmat Mai Sabiba di bahar pardah de, oh Haji Shakh baitha, ate sab baqiqat jo bavan kiti-gai-he, zabani apne akh-sunai. Us-nuu do dihase Mai Sahiba tabraya aur kujh kharch rih bhi ditta. Pher oh Haji tur-giya. Main yad rakhta-han ki Mai Sahiba unhan diharuvai vich makan jis-ute Roza nam-zad Mai Hir di he ki juma'rat hamesha iwan vanjan kita. Khuda de fazl nal o nahan dhahao-vich Khan-Sahib Muhammad Isma'il Khai Sahib de nam parwana Telar Sahib da waste rakhne naukaron aur qabya kar-lewne mulk apna Jhang Sval ute, agiya jaisa jo Khan-Sahib sab zamindarai-nuo ba tariq jheran de, aur bashari de akbni karke Sikhan dushmanao Angrezan diyan nu; lacai karke bajba-ditta. Ate mulk Syal de hukumat ba-dastur-i-sabiq aiya, ijda unhai de hawala karditte. Aise buzurg ne farmaya hai. Buzurg Khuda di karimat Bar haqq he aur sachi he, Faqat. The Legend of 'Abdu'llah Shah of Samin. Introductory Remarks. "Abdu'llah Shah belonged to a Sayyid family living at Samin, a village some miles south of Deri Ghazi Khan. He enjoyed a great reputation for sanctity, which is maintained by his family, now (1884) represented by a grandson of the original Abdu'llah Shah. The story is chiefly remarkable for the introduction of the heroes of the very favourite Panjabi tale of Hir and Ranjha in the after-world. Ranjha is represented as still following his original occupation of a buffalo-herdsman, and as supplying milk to the Prophet. "The story of Hir and Ranjha is of world-wide celebrity in the Panjab. Hir was the daughter of Chuchak, a Silof Rangpur, in the Muzaffargarh District. Ranjha's true name was Didho. He was by caste a Ranjha Jatt, and is known almost exclusively by his caste name, which also takes the diminutive forms Ranjhua, Ranjheta, and Ranjhefra. His father Manju was a Chaudrior Revenue Collector, and local magnate at Takht Hazara, in the Gujranwala District." Translation.' Abdu'llah Shah Sayyid lived at Samin. He started on a pilgrimage [to Mecca), and went on board a ship. Going on, he proceeded, when the ship stopped. The crew exerted themselves, but the ship did not move. A flock of birds was sitting on the seashore. The ship's master said: "Is there any such man here, who, for the sake of God, will risk his life [lit., give his head) and alight from the ship, and go and make those birds fly away? If the birds fly away the wind will reach the ship, and the ship will go on." 'Abdu'llah Shah said, "I will risk my life for God's sake." He alighted from the ship, and went and made the birds fly away; the wind reached the ship and the ship went on. 'Abdu'llah Shah (left alone) on the edge of the sea started off along the land. He came to a certain place, and there he saw tracks of buffaloes. He took up these tracks, and following and following them, he went on and saw a smoke rising [lit., a smoke smoking). There was a buffaloes' grazing station (jhok) there. A redheaded woman was seated there. When 'Abdu'llah Shah approached, the woman rose and said, "In the name of God, 'Abdu'llah Shah of Samin, you are welcome!" He asked her, saying, "Mother, who art thou!" The woman said, "I am Hir; Mjas R&njha is with his buffaloes. For the present sit down and rest. In the evening Mjai Ranjha also will come." In the evening the buffaloes returned . As taken down in the Balochi Language from the Narrative of Ghulam Muharr mad Balachini Mashri and translated by M. Longworth Domes. 1 The Baloch text is not given here.

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FEBRUABY, 1926 BOOK NOTICES. 39 to the station, and a red-bearded man came with them. 'Abdulah Shah asked (of Hir) " Who is this man that is coming in the track of the buffaloes ?" Hir replied, "This is Miao Ranjha." When he came, 'Abdu'llah rose. The man said, "In the name of God, 'Abdu'llah Shah, you are welcome !" 'Abdu'llah Shah said, "All is well, Mian Ranjha." Ranjha asked him for his news. 'Abdu'llah Shah told him all that had happened to him. Ranjha said, "Thy pilgrimage is accepted at the (divine) threshold. In the evening I shall take some milk, and bring you into the presence (of the Prophet.)" Then having filled an earthen pot with milk and lifted it on to his head, he took Abdu'llah Shah by the hand, and said "Shut your eyes." He shut his eyes. Then Ranjha said. "Now. open your eyes." When he opened his eyes he saw the Apostle of God sitting on his throne. The Prophet saluted him, and his pilgrimage was accepted. There he saw a certain Kumhar (potter), an inhabitant of Samin, on whom (the Prophet's court) imposed a fine of eighty rupees. After this the Prophet gave his command: "Mian Ranjha thou art ordered to conduct 'Abdu'llah Shah back to his own town." They went out and returned to the Station. Mian Ranjha said, "Stay here for two days, and drink my buffaloes' milk. Then I will take thee to thy own place." For two days he stayed there : the third day Ranjha said, "Now give me your hand and then shut your eyes." He gave him his hand and shut his eyes. Then Ranjba said, "Now let go my hand, and open your eyes." He opened his eyes and found himself standing in the town of Samin. The whole world saw how 'Abdu'llah Shah came. The Kumhar came weeping to 'Abdu'llah Shah saying, "At such and such a place thieves have broken into the house of a certain carpenter. They brought the track and made it pass by the side of my house, and now the Government says, 'Pay up a fine of eighty rupees.' I am innocent, for God's sake get me off." 'Abdu'llah Shah said, "It is not for me to get this fine remitted, for it was imposed upon thee in the court of the Prophet's Majesty. Go and pay it." BOOK-NOTICES. THE ARMY OY RANJIT SINGH, by SITA RAM KOHLI. dent Sikh Chiefs and were transferred gradually Part m. Roprinted from the Journal of Indian to the MaharAja's service, as their respective History, Vol. II, Part II, June 1923. owners were forced to submit. The Ghorchanah In the issue of this Journal for August 1924, Fauj originated in the wish of Ranjit Singh to bind I had occasion to review Mr. Sita Ram Kohli's the provincial nobility and their trained forces first two papers on the army of the MahArAja more closely to himself and his throne, and by Ranjit Singh. The third paper of the series now 1845 had increased to a large force of about 16,000 lies before mo and deals chiefly with the irregularmen, divided into a multitude of derahs or campe, cavalry, Ghorcharah Fauj, of the Sikh army, which, each under its own Sardar. in the author's words, "represented the old Khalsa The author gives full and interesting details of Military order at the close of the eighteenth the composition and organization, the pay and the century and served as a connecting link between the strength at different periods, of this force, and old system and the one introduced in the Panjab by mentions the curious fact that its ranks were not Ranjit Singh." They were quite distinct and much filled indiscriminately by members.of all or any stronger numerically than the regular cavalry, caste or nationality, but that each group (misal) trained and organized on European lines by General was composed of men of one caste or clan. In cases Jean Francois Allard, who joined the service of of vacancies, this rule was rigidly observed. The Ranjit Singh in 1822 with his comrado, Ventura.. Jagindari Tanj in similarly discussed in detail. This Mr. Kohli quotes contemporary evidence to show to force was raised on the principle well-known in other what a high state of smartness and discipline the parts of India, viz., that each holder of a jagir or latter attained under Allard's command. The fief should furnish a certain number of efficient Ghorcharah Fauj represented that portion of the troops in return for the enjoyment of his fief or irregular cavalry which was paid directly from the holding. This was the principle followed by the Stato treasury, as distinguished from the Jagirdari Maratha Government; it was also followed by the Pauj or feudal mounted forcee, and was divided into Portuguese in the early days of their rule in Western two classes, the Gorcharah Khas, recruited exclusively India, though the obligation to furnish military from the provincial nobility, and the Misaldar service was subsequently commuted for quit. Sowars, who originally belonged to various indepen. 'rent. The last section of the author's peper is

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1916 concerned with the garrisons or fauj-i-qilajat, which manned the forts of the Panjab. The system of administering them seems in some respects to have approximated to the arrangements made by Sivaji in the seventeenth century for the Deccan hill-forts. Mr. Sita Ram Kohli's third paper is well up to the standard set by the previous two, and will repay perusal by students of Sikh history. S. M. EDWARDES. MEMOIRS OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. No. 16. The Temple of siva at Bhumara by R. D. BANERJI. Superintendent, Governmont Printing, Calcutta, 1924. The tomple described in this Bulletin belongs to the Gupta period and is situated in the village of Bhumra or Bhumara, twelve miles west of Unchehra in the State of Nagod. Cunningham appears to have visited the spot in 1873-74 and there discovered en inscribed boundary pillar, of which the inscrip tion was edited by Fleet some years afterwards. Cunningham missed the temple, however, and it was not discovered till the beginning of 1920 by two officials of the Archaological Survey, Western Circle. According to Sir John Marshall, the temple belongs to the sixth century A.D., though Mr. Banerji is inclined to attribute it to the middlo of the fifth century. The description of the shrine prepared by Mr. Banerji is detailed and exhaustive, and the character of the building and its carvings and ornamentation are well portrayed in the seventeen photographic plates, which succeed the text. Some of the carvings are remarkable, and the Archeological department is to be congratulated on rescuing them from the jungle which has so long hidden them from view. S. M. EDWARDES. CATALOGUE OF THE INDIAN COLLECTIONS IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, Boston, by ANANDA K. COOMARASWAMY, D.Sc., Part Iv. Jaina Paintings and Manuscripte. Museum of Fino Arts, Boston, 1924. This well-printed work opens with an Introduction by Mr. A. K. Coomaraswamy, in which he briefly describes the character of the Jains religion, the legends connected with Mahavira, P&ravanatha, and other protagonists of Jaina tradition, like KAlakacharya and Salibhadra, and the Jaina cosmology, literature, and painting. Many of the miniatures included in the catalogue are reproduced from MS. copies of the Kalpa Sutra, which Mr. Coomaraswamy believes to have been handed down in practically unaltered form from the fifth century A.D., though the oldest available MS. dates only from A.D. 1237. He argues from the identity of composition of the pictures in the Jaina M88. that the art of Jaina painting, as we meet it, clearly reprennts the survival of an old hieratic tradition, in which stories of the lives of the Jinwe had long been presented in accordance with familiar formule. It is an art of pure draughtsmanship, or, as he puts it, "the drawing has the perfect oquilibrium of a mathematical equation, or a page of composer's score. Themo and formula compose an inseparable unity, text and pictures forma continuous relation of the same dogma in the same key." The book contains 39 plates of illustrations, very well reproduced, but the average roader would find it difficult to understand their significance without the exorllent explanatory Introduction which precedes them. 8. M. EDWARD . MEMOIRS OF THE ASIATIO SOCIETY OF BENGAL, 1924. 1. Plant and Animal Designs in Mural Decora tion of an Uriya Village. 2. A Working Model of the Origin of the Ganges in & Temple in Ganjam. 3. The Boats of the Gangee. 4. The Fishing Methods of the Ganges. The first of these papers is by Dr. N. Annandalo and is & most useful production, as it illustrates a rustio art which is now fast disappearing. A valuable plan is also given of a composite house on the shores of the Chilka Lake. There is, however, no attempt to give anything beyond a mere account of the designs on the walls of the village houses, and perhaps it is not possible to say anything at prosent. There are excellent photographs attached to the paper by Babu D. N. Bagchi, a Brahman. The next paper is also by Dr. N. Annandale with the assistance of Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, and Mr. Percy Brown. The object of the paper is to describe a "little group of sculptures "in the village Kallikote near the Chilka Lake, relating to myths about the Ganges as a body of water. The sculptures are at the Temple of the Clear Springs (Nirmal Jabara), where advantage has been taken of a clear hill stream, in a country where such things are rare, to create a tank, ornament it, and surround it with legend in this case as to the origin of the Ganges. The legend is given in full and ex. plained by Haraprasad Shastri. The sculptures do not appear to be old and are beautifully illustrated. The third paper by Mr. James Hornell is & valuable one and gives an account of the various kinds of boats sed on the Ganges, written with the peculiar knowledge possessed by the author. He begins with rafts and dug-out canoes, and then Passes on to planko-built boats, including all the familiar Varieties-passenger and fishing boate, large and small, rowing and racing skiffs, travelling houseboate, ceremonial bergee and cargo carriers. In fact the whole of the Ganges system of watercarriage passes before one in these fascinating pages In the last paper Mr. Hornell is equally fascinating in his thoroughly well-informed account of the various methods of fishing in the Gangetio area, whether in the many ostuaries, lakee or in the river itself. It is well worth study. R. C. Terle.

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MAROH, 1926 1 NOTES ON INDIAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS NOTES ON INDIAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. BY RAI BAHMUR B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.8. THE following notes on certain musical instruments met with in India may be useful to students The Bag-pipe Drone. The instrument called sruti-upanga or bhajana-sruti in the Madras Presidency is a bag, pipe, used merely as a drone. It consists of a bag of kid skin, two pipes, a drone and a reed. The larger of the two pipes has holes in it, partially stopped with wax, to tune the instrument to the desired pitch. The bag is inflated from the mouth through the smaller pipe. The drone is made of cane and is mounted in a stack of the same material, which also contains the reed. The reed is in one piece, made of cane or of the large marsh reed. The vibrations are controlled by a little piece of wire or fine string tied roughly round the tongue. Black wax is used to make the instrument air tight. It is played in the Tamil country by Melakkarans, musicians who accompany Devadasis, i.e.. girls offered to the gods as brides, who are really dancing-girls. In the Telugu country it is played by barbers or by men (Bogams) who accompany the songs of the Bogamsingers, and also by the orchestra of Hindu theatrical performances. There is also a class of Telugu wandering beggars found in, but not indigenous to, the Mysore State, who carry with them a bag pipe made of the entire skin of a kid, with a hollow reed attached to one end, through which they blow until the bag is fully inflated. The air is then let through the reed, closed by the thumb, by partially opening. This gives a continuous drone, known as sruti, to the accompaniment of which they sing songs. In Northern India there is a bag-pipe called moshak which does not differ much from the above in outward appearance, but it contains a chanter and sometimes also a drone. It is, however, going out of use under the influence of the Brahmans, as they bring the jungle population under tenets which hold it to be an abomination to handle skins, or to touch them so as to bring them near the mouth. Day, Music and Musical Instruments, seems to think it probable that the bag-pipe had an Eastern origin, as he heard it played in India, Panjab, and Afghanistan with a skill that would have done credit to a Highland-piper.4 Day says also that "Indian Music has been compared to that of Scotland, but the resemblance can be traced principally to the frequent employment by both nations of a somewhat similar scale of five intervals, the fourth and seventh being omitted." He adds: "many of the graces and embellishments employed in the gipsy music in Hungary are to be found in Indian melodies.... M. BongautDucondray shows the striking resemblance of the Indian songs and the examples of melodies from the Levant, so much so that it is difficult to believe that their origin is not identical." In Burma instruments of the bag-pipe class are made out of gourds. See Plate II, fig. 3.6 1 See Plate XV, p. 150, of Day's Music and Musical Instruments of Southern India, 1891. > See Plate XII of Balt. Solvyns De, Caloutta. London, 1804. 8 Enthoven, Monographs on the Phudgis, Bhojanias and Vaidus, shows that primitive tribes have already adopted many Brahman Customs, slightly modified to suit their position in the social scale. 4 [It was, however, claimed by Col. Campbell that he introduced the bag-pipe into the Punjab Frontier Force.-R.O.T.] & (The Burmese scale is the same as the Indian, and a Burman once told me that that was the reason why all European music sounded out of tune to him. On the other hand, so far as my own earris concerned, all Oriental music seems to be out of tune. The reason is not far to seek-a scale of 8 and a scale of 5 are incompatible, and a ear acoustomed from birth to the one cannot easily appreciate the other. At the same time I recollect a Jemadar of the old 25th Bengal N.I., who was a natural musician and acted as bandmaster of the Regiment, coming to my house many years ago and borrowing an English song set for the piano and in a couple of days setting it to his own band which soon played it admirably.-R.O.T.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MABOM, 1996 Drums. The damru or hour-glass drum (see Plate I, fig. 4) is a great favourite with the Pingles or fortune-tellers of the Marath & country. Another drum made in the form of an hour-glass out of two skulls, cut across and set crown to crown, is used in Tibet. (See Plate I, fig. 5.) The khanjird is used by the Kanphatias (see Plate I, fig. 6), a religious order, who sing and beg from door to door. The sambhel (see Plate I, fig. 7) consists of two conical drums of earthenware beaten side by side, so as to make a double drum. It is used by the Gondhalis, when singing ballads. The diph (see Plate I, fig. 8), a large cylinder with a narrow rim, and the dhol (see Plate I, fig. 8) are used by the Doms. Stringed Instruments. The tutune or ek-tar, so-called because it has only one string and no frets. It consists of a bamboo fastened to a hollow wooden cylinder (see Plate II, fig. 9). The lower end of the cylinder is closed by a piece of parchment with a hole in the centre, through which a string is passed and tied to a peg through the upper end to prevent it from slipping and to keep it in place. It is used by the Gondhals, who in Bombay are wandering minstrels, and twanged from time to time as an accompaniment to heroic ballads. It is very popular in the Deccan and the Central Provinces. The kindri (see Plate II, fig. 10) is an instrument with two-strings and a varying number of courds, much wed by wandering Klaphatias, Waghris and other minstrels. The chikard is a variety of the kindrf with five strings. The rdvandstra is a kind of fiddle (new Plate I, fig. 15) and is not of Indian origin. It is rarely met with, except in the hands of strolling musicians who support themselves by it. The original comes from Ceylon, with Indian title ravandstra tells us, signifying that it belongs to the land of RAvana. In Ceylon it is called a vinavah, and there it has but two strings, one made out of a species of flax, and one out of horse-hair. The string of the bow, which has bells attached to it, is also made of horse-hair. The hollow part of the vinavah is made out of half a cocoanut. shell, polished and covered with a dried and perforated lizard skin' (see Plate II, fig. 158). Bells. The ghanta or small bell is used in every Hindu temple. Its antiquity in India is beyond doubt, as specimens have been discovered in cromlechs and cairns in different parts of India.8 A wooden bell is used by the nomad Banjards and by the Todas for tying round the necks of cattle (see Plate I, fig. lla.) Flutes. The Indian flute, murali, is still held in India to be peculiarly sacred, as the companion of Krishna in all his wanderings. In Indian mythology it is looked on with as much reverence as the lyre in ancient Greece. It is also still on pocasions blown through the nostrils. In every sculpture and picture, where Krishna is represented as sitting, he is shown playing the Murali. Many years ago, when going through the Vatican, I was so struck with the resemblance of the figure of Krishqa to that of Pan that I took away a sketch of the statuette of Pan. I found that the tibia, or flute, the commonest ancient musical instrument of the Greeks and Romans, consisted of a hollow reed perforated with holes at fixed places (see Plate II, fig. 12), and that it had been used all over India at a very ancient date. It is in India sometimes made of red sandal-wood bored with a gimlet. See Plate II, fig. 13b. . [I once possessed specimen, of which the sutures had never properly cloned and were clearly marked right down the forghord.R.O.T.) 7 Seo J. Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon and its Inhabitante, # H. T. Ellecombe, Belte of the Church, Ester, 1874

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Plate I lla INDIAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 7 Indian Antiquary 2

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Plate 11 Indian Antiquary 10 15 14 13B 150 13d 13 A INDIAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

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NOTES ON INDIAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS MARCH, 1926] Pan was the reputed inventor of his flute, the monaulos, and so Krishna in India has always been accepted as the inventor of his flute, the basart. 43 The alguja (Plate II, fig. 13a) is a bamboo flute of the same tone and compass as the basars, and Day (Music and Musical Instruments, p. 49) says it is played in pairs in a somewhat similar manner as the tibia of the Romans, as pictured on a vase in the British Museum. A flute made of a thigh-bone is also used in India (see Plate I, fig. 13d) ". Horns. Pan is also drawn blowing a horn, and in India, too, the iringa, or horn (see Plate II, fig. 13c) is held to be of divine origin, and is mentioned in the earliest writings.10 Reed-pipes. The pungi or jinagori is a reed-pipe used exclusively by jugglers or snake-charmers. The body and mouth-piece are formed out of a bottle-shaped gourd, into which are inserted two bamboo pipes, one of which is pierced with finger-holes, so that it can be played on, while the other is being sounded with the key-note as a drone. It is supposed to be specially pleasing to snakes. Meadows Taylor, Proceedings, Royal Irish Academy, vol. IX, pt. 1, relates a striking instance of its use: "One very large cobra, which frequented my garden at Ellichpur and of which every one was in dread, was caught by some professional snakecharmers in my own presence by means of the pungi. It was played at first very softly before the aloe bush under which the snake lived in a hole, and gradually the performer increased the tone and tune of his playing, and, as the snake showed his head, he retreated gently till it was fairly outside and erected itself in a defiant manner. At that moment another man stepped dexterously behind, and while the snake's attention was absorbed by the player, threw a heavy blanket upon it, seizing it by the head under the jaws. The head was then pinned down by a forked stick and the fangs and teeth extracted by strong pineers. The snake was then turned loose, completely cowed and exhausted. There was no doubt about the identity of the reptile, for a portion of its tail had been shot off in an attempt to destroy it" (see Plate II, fig. 14). Castanets. The kartal (Plate II, fig. 16) consists of a pair of castanets made of wood. They have special symbols on them. Bird-Calls. All the wild wandering tribes of India are good singers in their own way. They have acquired the art of modulating the voice by a now hereditary habit of imitating the calls of birds and wild animals. Some of them are bird catchers of repute. Among Jains and Buddhists there is always a great demand for birds, as their religion teaches them to be kind to animals. The wandering tribes turn this feeling to good account by catching birds and exposing them for sale before Jain and Buddhist Temples or in market-places frequented by these kindly people. When they see the captive wild things, they buy them and set them at liberty, to be caught again by the bird-taming and bird-catching wild man. A regular trade is thus kept going from year to year. The wandering gypsy will amuse children by imitating the calls of wild animals, and while unwary children are taken up with the performance, a colleague of the performer will pilfer a few ornaments and even pick the pockets of grown-up spectators. The signal for the opportune moment is given in a jargon which no civilised man understands. [However, the specimen that used to be in my possession came from Darjeeling and I understood that it was of Tibetan origin.-R.C.T.] 19 Day, Music and Musical Instruments, p. 104.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAROH, 1926 QURUR STONE PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF VAGHARAJA. BY RAI BAHADUR HIRA LAL, B.A. CURUB is a small village in the Drug district of the Central Provinces, nine miles from Dhamtari, the terminus of the Raipur-Dhamtari branch line of the Bengal-Nagpur Railway. and about 37 miles from Kanker, the head-quarters of the feudatory state of that name. Near an old temple, without any god enshrined in it, is a stone pillar in a field which bears a small inscription. While on tour in the Drug district I had occasion to see it personally and to take a copy from the original. The inscription is on two sides of the pillar, but the second side is so much rubbed that hardly any letters, are visible. The intelligible portion is on the first side, which contains twelve lines in bold letters, covering a space two feet six inches by one foot. The average size of the letters is two inches. The second side contains about seven lines with imprecatory figures of a pig followed by an ass, insinuating that the transgressor of the gift will be an issue of these animals in the next life. The record is Sanskrit prose in Nagari characters of about the eleventh century A.D., declaring a gift of land to the gods Umanatha (Siva) and Kala Bhairava by Nayaka Aditya, during the reign of the illustrious Ranaka Vagharaja of the Soma vamsa (Lunar race) of KAkaraya. Apparently a temple was erected in honour of these two gods and land was granted to support them. We know Vaghardja from the Kanker 1 inscription of Bhanude va and the Sihava ? inscription of Karnardja as one of the ancestors of the Somavamoi kings of Kanker, a name which was known as Kakaira or Kakaraya in ancient times. The Kanker inscription shows that the Nayakas were an influential family, and some of them were ministers of the Kanker kings, though originally they were elephant catchers. In that inscription four generations of the Nyakas are given, but these cannot carry us to the times of Vagharaja, in whose reign Nayaka Aditya was apparently the minister. It is noteworthy, too, that the early kings of Kanker were known as Ranaka; now they are known as Maharajadbiraja, a title given by the British Government. The inscription gives no now information beyond confirming the tradition that the Dhamtari tahsil was included in the Kankur chiefship as early as the eleventh century A.D., by the fact that Gurur, only recently transferred from Dhamtari tahsil to the Drug district, was certainly under the rule of the Kanker kings. Text. First Side 1. Svasti Kaka[ra]ya 7. Adityeva deva Sri 2. parama-mahesva 3 8. [U]ma natha Sri Kala [Bhai] 3. ra soma-ku. 9. [rava]yob bhumi pra[da] 4. la-tilaka rana 10. [tta] yo[atra) raja bhavi (shya] 8. ks Sri Vaghara[ja] 11. [ti) tasy-Aham krita talena. 6. [r]Aj84 nayaka Sri 12... bhdmi talo payata Second Side. 13. , deva bhdmi yah 15......... puru 14. i lopayati tasya 16. .. . .. .. 1 Soe Epigraphia Indica, vol. IX, p. 123. ! Read mahedvara. ; . Ibid., p. 182. Read ndjye.

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MAROE, 1926 ] SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND 45 SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND. BY INDUBHUSAN BANERJEE, M.A., P.R.S. 1. The Chronology of Hargovind. GURU Arjan's death occurred in the month of Jeth, Sambat 1663 (June 1606) !, and he was immediately succeeded by Hargovind, who was eleven years of age at that time, having been born in 1595 A.D. Mohsun Fani says that Arjan was followed by his brother Baratha. But Arjan's son, Hargovind, also made pretentions to the Khalifat (deputyship) and obtained the place of his father.3 Baratha is evidently a corruption of Prithia, the eldest brother of Guru Arjan, and this is clearly proved by Mohsun Fani's identification of the followers of Prithia with the Mainas, i.e., the Minas. Ever since his supersession Prithia had been the most inrelenting enemy of Guru Arjan and it is not at all improbable that he would raise troubles after his brother's death. But the Sikh accounts unanimously state that Guru Hargovind immediately succeeded his father, and we have it in Macauliffe that Prithia had died just at the critical moment when his plots against Guru Arjan were about to bear fruit. Captain Troyer, the translator of the Dabistan, states, "there appears a hiatus or some confusion in our text ; 80 much however is indicated clearly enough, that there was a contest about the succession between the son and brother of Arjanmal." It seems that Prithia or his "worthy " son Mihrban raised some troubles about the suocession, but Hargovind proved too strong for them. Difficulties arise when we come to the details of Guru Hargovind's career. It becomes almost impossible to reconcile the Sikh accounts with contemporary Muhammadan history. Hargovind's career may conveniently be divided into three distinct periods. The first period is synchronous with the reign of Jahangir and ends with the latter's death in October 1627. The second period witnesses Hargovind's quarrels with the Moghul authorities and embraces, perhaps, the first six or seven years of the reign of Shah Jahan. The last is the period of Hargovind's retirement in the hills, which ended in 1645 when he died. This broad outline may easily be accepted, but, when we enter into details, we find to our disappointment that the accepted chronology is by no means so satisfactory. Now, the most important thing that happened during the first period of Hargovind's life was his imprisonment by the orders of the emperor Jahangir. In the Dabistan we read that the emperor Jahangir imprisoned Guru Hargovind in the fort of Gwalior, where he had to remain a prisoner on scanty food for twelve years. Mohson Fani and the Sikh chroniclere are, however, unanimous on the point that both the imprisonment and release of Hargovind took place during the reign of Jahangir, the difference being only with regard to the period of imprisonment. The Sikhs try to make it only forty days, whereas Mohsun Fani explicitly states that the Guru was imprisoned for twelve years. In the face of the clear testimony of Mohsun Fani who was a contemporary and a personal friend of Hargovind, the Sikh chroniclets, who are all much later, may perhape be safely dismissed. But still we would give them a close attention. 1 Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. III, p. 100; Itihas Guru Khalaa, p. 118; Panth Prakash Sikkhan de rajdi Bikhia, p. 23. As will presently appear, it is often absolutely unsafe to follow the Sikh ohronicles with regard to date. But in this particular instance they seem to be right. Khusru fled from his semi-confinement at Agra on April 6, 1606 and his rebellion was finally quelled by the 1st of May. As the "barbarous" punishment of the adherents of Khusru, among whom Guru Arjan must be counted, commenced immediately afterwards, it does not seem improbable that Arjan died in June, 1606. (See Beni Prasad's Jahangir, pp. 138-150.) 9 Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. III, p. 36. S Dabistan, vol. II, p. 273. 4 Ibid. Se algo Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. II, p. 284. 6 Macauliffe, Ibid., vol. III, p. 89. & Dabistan. 1 The Sikh accounta also seem to admit this indirectly. "The Guru took hardly any food-his rations he distributed among the needy prisoners."-Macauliffe, Ibid., vol. IV, p. 23. 8 The Itihas Guru Khalsa (p. 125, fourth edition, published by Labh Singh and Sons) and Prakash (p. 103, Punjab Commerical Press edition) state that it lasted more than two months.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1926 Let us take Macauliffe's account, which is based on Bhai Santokh Singh's Suraj Prakash, the Gur Bilas, and the Itihas Guru Khalsa. It is stated that Hargovind's first important act was to gather the nucleus of an army. In the very beginning of his pontificate he is reported to have told Bhai Budha, "my endeavour shall be to fulfil thy prophecy. My 'seli shall be a sword-belt, and I shall wear my turban with a royal aigrette." 10 The Guru soon acquired an army about 500 strong, and he is said to have systematically turned his attention to the chase and other warlike occupations.11 In this manner the Guru continued for six years when, in 1612, the emperor summoned him to Delhi. Chandu Shah, the Dewan of Lahore, who had been mainly instrumental in bringing about the arrest and execution of Guru Arjan, had again come forward with the proposal of marrying his daughter to Hargovind soon after the latter's accession to the gaddi of his father. Hargovind bluntly refused the offer. This enraged Chandu beyond measure and he began his plots again. He poisoned the ears of the emperor against Hargovind, who, he represented, was fast collecting an army in order to take revenge upon the emperor for the execution of his father. Thereupon the Emperor called Hargovind to Delhi. Various stories are narrated as to how the Guru lived with the emperor for some time, apparently on friendly terms, and how the emperor ever remained unconvinced of the Guru's innocence. About this time the emperor had a every severe illness at Agra, and sought the advice of an astrologer to decide what would be the auspicious time for him to sit on his throne after his recovery. Chandu bribed the astrologer, who informed the emperor that a severe calamity was hanging over him, and that he could escape it only if some holy man were sent to the Fort of Gwalior to do penance there. Again, at the instigation of Chandu, the emperor's advisers all unanimously agreed that Hargovind was just the holy man wanted, and as a result the Guru was sent to the Fort of Gwalior. Macau. liffe does not state how long the Guru remained in Gwalior, but it appears that after some time the emperor ordered his release, chiefly through the intercession of Wazir Khan. The Guru returned to Delhi and soon succeeded in convincing the emperor of Chandu's perfidy. Jahangir handed over Chandu to Hargovind, telling him to punish him as he pleased. The emperor was at this time extremely unwell and his physicians advised a change of air. He decided to spend the summer in Kashmir and asked the Guru to accompany him. The Guru complied and they started for Kashmir together. On their way they halted at Goindwal, Tarn Taran, and Amritsar. The Guru remained at Amritsar for a few days and ultimately joined the emperor at Lahore. 46 This is the Sikh account of the imprisonment and release of Hargovind. It will appear that much of it is fable rather than history, and that, obviously, the Sikhs try to hide the real causes of Guru Hargovind's imprisonment. The period of Hargovind's confinement is nowhere clearly mentioned. Macauliffe merely states that when the Guru's mother saw that he did not return in time, she became very anxious, and Bhai Jetha went on a mission to Delhi to secure the Guru's release. "He succeeded in soothing the emperor, who had been troubled with fearful visions," 12 and as a reward, Jahangir, who had already been favourably inclined towards the Guru through the pleadings of Wazir Khan, ordered Hargovind's release. However, the Guru could not have remained imprisoned very long, for he married Nanaki after his return from Delhi, and Nanaki's first child was born in 1618..13 The Guru could not marry Nanaki immediately after his release, as his tour with the emperor took some time. Even if we suppose that Nanaki conceived immediately after her marriage, about two years must have elapsed between the Guru's release and the birth of Ani Rai. This would place the Guru's release about 1616. As he had been called to Delhi in 1612, he could not have remained in prison for more than four years. The Panth Prakash14 and the Itihas 9 Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. IV, p. 1, note. 11 Ibid., p. 5. 13 Ibid., p. 67. 10 12 14 Ibid., p. 2. Ibid., p. 24. P. 101.

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MARCE, 1028 1 SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND Guru Khalsa 15 however, state that the Guru was called to Delhi in 1616, and as they sug. gest that the Guru's confinement lasted for only two months, perhaps the Guru was also released in the very same year. But it is impossible to reconcile these accounts with con. temporary Muhammadan history. Jahangir left Agra in the autumn of 1613 and established his court and camp at Ajmer, in order to be in closer touch with the military operations that were then going on against Mewar.16 He left Ajmer on the 10th of November, 1616, and entered Mandu on March 6th, 1617.17 Then Jahangir started on a tour in Gujarat and returned to Agra in the middle of April, 1619, after an absence of five years and a half.18 It wag about this time that Jahangir's health broke down. His physicians advised a change of air, and his annual visits to Kashmir began, his first sojourn of seven months taking place in 1620 (March to October).19 The Sikh records unanimously say that immediately after his release, Guru Hargovind accompanied the Emperor to Kashmir. A very severe illness of the emperor is also referred to. All these tend to place the Guru's release in 1619 or the beginning of 1620. A careful study of the Sikh records makes it clear, in more ways than one, that the Guru accompanied the emperor to Kashmir about this time. The Sikhs state that, being ill-treated by her father, Kaulan, the daughter of the Kazi of Lahore, besought the protection of the Guru, Kaulan's preceptor, the celebrated saint Mian Mir, also interoeded with the Guru in her behalf. Hargovind accordingly gave her asylum and removed her to Amritsar, where, after some days, the famous tank, Kaulasar, was excavated in her memory. The date of the excavation of the tank is given as 1621.20 As Kaulan came under the protection of the Guru at the time when he came to Lahore in the emperor's camp, it seems that he accompanied the emperor at the time of his first sojourn, and as the Guru set out with the emperor immediately after his release, his release could not have taken place earlier than 1619. This would make Hargovind's period of imprisonment extend to about seven years, as, according to Macauliffe, he had been summoned to Delhi in 1612. Mohsun Fani, however, clearly states that the Guru was kept in prison for twelve years. Leaving aside, for the present, the incontestablo nature of the evidence of Mohsun Fani, let us see whether the Sikh records themselves lend any support to his statement. We have already said that Hargovind's marriage with Nanaki took place after his return to Amritsar. It is said, however, that this Nanaki had been betrothed to Hargovind, when his father, Guru Arjan, was still living. 11 The reasons given for the postponement of the marriage are the extreme youth of Nanaki and the Gurn's absence in Delhi, Agra, Lahore and other places. But if Hargovind had been imprisoned in 1612, he had clear six years during which he might have celebrated his marriage with Nanaki. The question of youth may safely be disregarded, as the Sikh records abound in instances of very early girl marriages. The inevitable conclusion must be that after his accession Hargovind had very little time to think of his marriage. He was put into prison about 1607, perhaps a year after his accession to the gaddi of his father, his release taking place in 1619, and the period of his imprisonment being twelve years.. Now, let us consider the causes of Guru Hargovind's imprisonment and see whether they throw any light on the question at issue. Both Cunningham 28 and Narang?4 say that the reasons for Guru Hargovind's incarceration were his over-independent character, his breaking of forest-laws owing to his great passion for hunting, and his appropriating to his own use the money he should have disbursed to the troops. The fine imposed on Arjan, moro. over, had never been paid; and all these causes combined to induce the emperor to send Hargovind as & prisoner to the Fort of Gwalior. The main authority for this view is Capt. 16 P. 129. 17 Ibid., p. 277. 19 Ibid., p. 319. 21 Ibid., vol. III, p. 77. 38 History of the Sikhs, Garrot's edition, p. 67. 14 Beni Prasad's Jahangir, p. 237. 18 Ibid., p. 300. 30 Macauliffe, the Sikh Religion, vol. IV, p. 48 22 Ibid., vol. IV, p. 30. * Transformation of Sithiom, p 4.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1926 Trover's translation of the Dabistan. There we read "He (Hargovind) became involved in many difficulties; one of them was that he appropriated to himself the pay due to the soldiers in advance ; he carried also the sword against his father; he kept besides many servants and was addicted to hunting. Jahangir, on account of the money due to the army, and of the mulot imposed upon Arjan Mal, sent Hargovind to the fort of Gwalior, where he remained imprisoned for twelve years."36 This passage seems to show conclusively that the conclusion we arrived at cannot be correct, because Hargovind could not have misappropriated the money due to the soldiers, unless he had already been in the service of the emperor. Macauliffe, however, says that Troyer's translation is thoroughly wrong and that the passage in question should be rendered thus "He had many difficulties to contend with; one of them was that he adopted the style of a soldier, wore a sword contrary to the custom of his father, maintained a retinue, and began to follow the chase. The emperor in order to extort from him the balance of the fine which had been imposed on Arjan Mal, sent him to Gwalior." The learned author adds, "we might suppose that Troyer had translated from a different text, and that the Dabistan has since his time been altered at somebody's instigation, if some of the blunders of Troyer's translation were not so very palpable."26 The statement that Hargovind carried the sword against his father is "not only opposed to the verbal and grammatical interpretation of the (Persian) passage, but it is also opposed to the whole tenor of the accounts of both Arjan and Hargovind given in the Dabistan itself." It does not seem, therefore, that Troyer had translated from a different text. However, Dr. Narang, who, as he informs us, NT consults the Bombay edition of the Dabistan, repeats Troyer's statement that Hargovind misappropriated the money granted by the emperor for his troops and appends a note that "the emperor could not understand the nature of the Guru's following. His troops were mostly volunteers and fought not for pay, but out of devotion and obedience."28 We have not been able to consult the original, but it is significant to note that Prof. Sarkar, who also uses the Bombay text, 29 makes no mention of Hargovind's misappropriation of the money due to soldiers, though he states that the Guru was sent to Gwalior to make him pay the balance of the fine imposed upon his father.30 We are inclined to think that Narang committed the same mistake as Troyer, or had been misled by him. Moreover, if we accept Troyer's statement, chronological difficulties at once arise. In fact, Dr. Narang has involved himself in inconsistencies. He accepts Mohsun Fani's statement that Hargovind remained in prison for twelve years.31 We have seen that the Guru's journey to Kashmir with the Emperor could not have taken place earlier than 1620. This date also Dr. Narang accepta.38 But he, at the same time, says that the Guru was imprisoned after 1620. This is, however, clearly impossible. Mohsun Fani and the various Sikh records are all unanimous that both the imprisonment and release of Hargovind took place during the reign of Jahangir. Therefore, the Guru could not have been imprisoned after 1620; for Jahangir died in 1627 and the Guru remained in prison for twelve years. Again, Mohsun Fani states that Hargovind was "always attached to the stirrup of the victorious Jahangir ", and on the latter's death in 1627 he entered the service of his son and successor, Shah Jahan.33 The latter statement makes it clear that Hargovind had been in the employ of the emperor Jahangir and on his death automatically entered the service of his successor. Cunningham, we think, is therefore right when he says, "On the death of Jahangir in 1628, Hargovind continued in the employ of the * Dabistan, vol. II, p. 274. 36 Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. IV, pp. 21. 22. 27 Ibid., p. 111. # Narang, Transformation of Sikhion, p. 41, 2,n. 3. >> Sarkar's Aurangzib, vol. III, p. 304, f.n. 80 Ibid., p. 309. We do not however understand why Prof. Sarkar allows the calumny to stand in Irvine's Later Mughals, p. 77. 81 Narang. Ibid., p. 42, 1.n. 3. 31 Ibid., p. 41. * Dabistan, vol. II, p. 274.

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MAROH, 1026 ) SOME ASPECTS OR THE CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND 49 Mahomedan Government."34 Hargovind, necessarily, was not a prisoner in 1627. Further. Dr. Narang apparently accepts 1628 as the date of Hargovind's first battle against the Moghul Government, 36 though according to his own statement he must have been in prison at that time. Evidently, we must place Hargovind's imprisonment prior to 1620. Nevertheless, the question remains as to whether the circumstances alluded to in the statement of Mohsun Fani existed in the year 1607, for otherwise we shall have to find a differ. ent date. A little discussion will, however, satisfy us that the conditions, alluded to by Mohsun Fani, were existent from the very beginning of Hargovind's pontificate. We have already seen that immediately after his accession Hargovind adopted the style of a soldier and systematically turned his attention to the chase. He soon collected the nucleus of an army around himself, and his proclamation to the masands solved the difficulty about procuring ammunitions and horses.36 We know that the fine imposed on Arjan had never been paid; and thus all the reasons given by Moshun Fani for Hargovind's incarceration were there in 1607. If we read the Dabistan on this particular point together with the details given in the Sikh records, we may perhaps guess the truth. As we have seen, the Sikh chroniclers point out that Chandu's enmity and Mihrban's resentment were the main causes that led to Hargovind's incarceration. Hargovind's war-like habits and preparations gave the desired opportunity to his enemies, and the fine imposed upon Arjan gave the emperor the pretext for imprisoning his son. It appears clearly that the emperor was acted upon by others. The emperor's own remarks in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri make it clear that even in the more serious matter of Guru Arjan's execution he had been goaded into action by others, 87 and it is not at all improbable that these very same men now procured Hargovind's imprisonment.88 This would also seem to suggest, as the Sikh chroniclers almost unanimously state, that the plots against Hargovind commenced immediately after his accession. On his way to Kabul and back Jahangir had twice halted at Lahore for some days in 1607 and the beginning of 1608, and it may well be that it was at this time that Hargovind's enemies procured the em. peror's audience and made their representations against the young Guru. The fact that the fine imposed upon Arjan was made the main pretext for sending Hargovind to Gwalior also points to the same conclusion. All available facts thus tend to suggest that Hargovind was imprisoned about 1607 and released in 1619. It was then that he entered the service of the emperor, and after his death continued in the employ of his successor Shah Jahan. 39 This brings us to the second period of Guru Hargovind's career. A study of the Sikh records make it clear that hostilities with the Muhammadan Government broke out almost immediately after the accession of Shah Jahan. It is apparent that, slender as his resources undoubtedly were, the Guru's struggles with the Government of the great Shah Jahan could not last long. The evidence of Mohsun Fani also shows that the Guru was gradually driven from pillar to post, till at last he found safety in the hills. The details will appear more clearly in the next section, but it seems that there is not much difficulty in accepting Macauliffe's statement that Hargovind's last battle with the Mughals was fought in 1634.40 34 Cunningham, ibid., p. 57; Cunningham gives 1628 as the year of Janangir's death, but this is clearly a mistake. Jahangir died on October 28th, 1627; see Beni Prasad's Jahangir, p. 43. 35 Narang, ibid., p. 57, f.n. 3. 36 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, p. 3. 87 Beni Prasad's Jahangir, p. 150, f. n. 88 Chandu is unanimously regarded as a common factor. 39 It may possibly be urged against this view that in 1607 the Curu was too young to be taken seriously and imprisoned. But instances of the kind are not rare in Mughal history. Moreover, it appears that the personal issue was unimportant. The object of the emperor seems to have been to keep the young Guru as a hostage to ensure the orderliness of his followers and possibly also to realise the fthe imposed on his father. We are also not unaware that under the present view certain difficulties arise about the dates of Hargovind's children and grandchildren. But if we accept the statement of the Dabistan that the Guru was imprisoned for twelve years, the above conclusion, I think, fits in very well with the facts in hand. 40 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, p. 212.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY We have not much to say about the last period when Hargovind lived in peace at Kiratpur, a mountain retreat "dependent upon the Raja Tarachand, who had never paid homage to the Badshah Shah Jahan." But one point demands brief notice. Some Sikh records state that Hargovind died in 1638.41 Cunningham says "the manuscript accounts consulted place the Guru's death variously in A.D. 1637, 1638 and 1639; but they lean to the middle term." 42 And on the authority of these records Dr. Trumpp gives 1638 as the year of Hargovind's death and suggests that there must be some mistake in the Arabic ciphers of the Dabistan, which places the Guru's death in February 1645.43 We are unable to accept Trumpp's suggestion, because Mohsun Fani is not alone in stating that Hargovind died in 1645. He is corroborated by the Panth Prakash, the Itihas Guru Khalsa and Macauliffe.44 One of the manuscripts discovered at Dacca by Mr. Gurbaksh Singh also clearly proves that Dr. Trumpp's surmise cannot be correct.45 Mohsun Fani further states that he had himself seen the Guru in 1643,46 Verily, therefore, we must accept 1645 as the date of Guru Hargovind's death.47 (To be continued.) BUDDERMOKAN. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. (Continued from page 30.) II. Badaru'ddin Aulia of Chittagong. [ MARCH, 1926 Let us now examine the evidence as to Badaru'ddin Aulia. I found nothing about the great Chittagong saint in Vol. VI, Chittagong, of the Statistical Account of Bengal, nor could I get any information in correspondence with the local authorities. The official List of Ancient Monuments in Bengal, 1895, pp. 228-231, relates to the antiquities of the Chittagong Division, but there is not a word about Badaru'ddin's tomb in it. We can, however, guess at its locality, from a brief entry as to the Mosque of Muhammad Yasin, which is referred to in Beale's Oriental Biographical Dictionary, 1881. The entry runs as follows: District, Chittagong: locality; Rahmatganj: Thana; Town Station: Name of Monument; Kadam Mobarak Mosque: History or Tradition regarding the Monument; the Kadam Mobarak Mosque was built by Nawab Muhammad Eyasin Khan at Rasulnagar in Chittagong town in the year 1136 Hijri, corresponding to 1719 A.D. [1136 A.H., however, commenced on 20th Sept. 1723]: Custody or present use; in use and looked after by Maulavi 'Abdu's-Sobhan, the present mutawalli: Present state of preservation and suggestion for conservation; good." In reference to the above remarks, Beale, in the Oriental Biographical Dictionary, 1881, has an entry "Pir Badar" at p. 216, which explains the above quotation. Pir Badar, or simply Badar, is the great saint of the Chittagonians, Badaru'ddin Aulia or Badar Sahib, known under the various corruptions already given, which are merely variants of his title of the ordinary sort. Beale says of this saint: "Pir Badar, a celebrated Musalman saint, whose tomb is at Chitagun in Bengal and is evidently of great antiquity. There is a stone scraped into furrows, on which, it is said, Pir Badar used to sit. There is also another bearing an inscription, which from exposure to the weather, and having on it numerous coats of whitewash, is illegible. There is a mosque near the tomb with a slab of granite, bearing an illegible inscription, apparently from the Kurdn. At a short distance is the masjid of Muhammad Yasin, with an inscription conveying the year of the Hijri 1136 (1724 A.D.)." 41 Sikham de raj di Bikhia for instance. See Court's Translation, p. 27. 43. Cunningham, ibid., p. 59, f.n. 2. 44 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, p. 239. 45 Dacca Review, 1916, p. 378. 43 Trumpp's Adi Granth, p. lxxxiv, f.n. 3. The author, however, quoted the Dabistan as his authority. 46 Dabistan, vol. II, p. 281. 47 Both Malcolm and Forster give 1644 as the date of Hargovind's death but "obviously from regarding 1701 Sambat (which Malcolm also quotes) as identical throughout, instead of for about the first nine months only, with A.D, 1644,"

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MARCH, 1926 ] BUDDERMOKAN In 1894, Beames wrote in JRAS., p. 838 f., as follows: "Pir Badar.... This saint is well known all over Bengal and Upper India. His full name is Badru'ddin [i.e., 'full moon of the Faith '). He is also called Badar-i-'Alam (or 'full moon of the world '). Born at Meerut in the North-West Provinces, he led the wandering life of a faqir and was probably attracted to Bengal by the outburst of Muslim propagandism under the renegade Hindu king Jalalu'ddin [1414-1430). He lived for a long time at Chatganw Chittagong], where a dargah or shrine is still one of the most conspicuous and venerated places of pilgrimage in the district. With the usual tolerance or superstition, or whatever the sentiment may be called, so prevalent in Bengal, Hindus and Musalmans alike worship at his shrine. Even Maghs, who are, if anything, Buddhists, pay their vows to him. He is said to have left Chittagong shortly before his death, and settled in Bih&r, where he died in A.H. 844, or A.D. 1440. "How the idea of his dominion over rivers and the sea arose it is difficult to determine. ... The primitive nature worship of the Non-Aryan aborigines of India, with its local daimonia and tutelary spirits, has survived the introduction, first of Hinduism and subsequently of Islam, and the numerous pirs or saints, whom Hindu and Musalman alike roverence, are in all probability orly the old animistic spirits transformed. One great step in this process of transformation was to appropriate the name of some Musalman saint of great local celebrity, around whose name there would soon grow up a mass of wild legends, varying in different districts. A spirit who ruled the waters and controlled the storms was a natural and inevitable member of the animistic Pantheon of a land of seas and rivers. In Eastern Bengal we have not only Pir Badar, but Zinda Ghazi, Gazi Miyan, and the Panch Pir (the Five Saints), and many others wielding similar powers." In view of these last remarks it is just possible that the Northern Hindus assimilated Pir Badar with the Flood from the likeness of his name to their term for the Clouds, Badal. See Crooke, 8.v., in his Rural and Agricultural Glossary for the N.-W. Provinces and Oudh, 1888. Later on it will be seen that the Syrians of Al-Biruni's time (973-1048 A.D.) had a festi. val called the Feast of Mount Tabor, in reference to a legend of the disappearance of Moses and Elias, with which last Khwaja Khizar, identified with Badaru'ddin, is also identified with two of three clouds : see Sachau's Translation of Al-Birani's Chronology of the Ancient Nations, p. 269. Next, Gait, in the Census Report, Bengal, 1901, pt. I, page 178, gives the following infor. mation: "Pir Badar of Chittagong is the guardian saint of sailors. He is invoked by the boating classes, Hindu as well as Muhammadan, when they start on a journey by sea or river as follows: Amara achchi pola pan Gaji achche nikhaman, Shird Ganga dariya Panch Pir, Badar, Badar, Badar. Which may be translated thus 'We are but children, the Ghazi is our Protector, the Ganges river is on our head. Oh Five Saints, Oh Badar, Badar, Badar "This Pir, who is said to have arrived at Chittagong, floating upon a stone slab, is mentioned by Dr. Wise, according to whom he is no other than one Badru'ddin, who was for many years a resident of Chittagong, died in 1440, and was buried in the Chhota Dargah of Bihar. The local story of his arrival is that Chittagong was at the time the abode of fairies and hobv goblins, and that no one could live there. The saint begged a space for his lamp. This was granted and when he lit it, its magic power was so great that the spirits were frightened away. An old Portuguese resident of Chittagong who died recently [in 1901 ], used to aver that the

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1926 saint was a Portuguese sailor, the only survivor from a shipwreck, who floated ashore on a raft and became a Muhammadan. There is a hillock in front of the Commissioner's house, which is reputed to be the place where Pir Badar lit his lamp and here candles are burnt nightly, the cost being met by contributions from Hindus, and even Feringis (Europeans or Native Christians ), as well as from Muhammadans." To this information is added a footnote : "Mr. R. C. Hamilton is disposed to identify Pir Badar with Khwaja Khizr. 'Badar' in Chittagong is a religious exclamation used to invoke a blessing. This identification, he says, explains why the name of Khwaja Khizr is not locally known." From JASB. (1873) pt. I, p. 302-3, I gather the following information: "The Firuz Shah Inscription in the Chhota Dargah, A.H. 961 [1544 A.D.). "The Chhota Dargah of Bihar is the shrine of Badru'ddin Badr-i-'Alam. This fagar came from Mirath, is said to have spent a long time at Chatgaon, and settled at last in Bihar, where he died in 844 A.H., or 1440 A.D., the tarikh of his death being, he joined the glory of the Lord.' It is said that the famous Sharafu'ddin Munyari had invited him, but Badr delayed in Chatgaon, and only arrived in Bihar forty days after Sharafu'ddin's death. "The slab stands in the northern enclosure, and contains the name of the Bengal Firuz Shah on one side and that of the Dibli Firuz Shah on the other.... The slab is now considered an infallible cure for evil spirits of all sorts." In support of the above statement Dr. James Wise in his rare book Notes on the Races, Castes, and Trades of Eastern Bengal, makes the following remark: "Besides Kwajah Khizt, Bengal supplies other animistic ideas regarding water, and Pir Badr shares with him the dominion of the rivers. This spirit is invoked by every sailor and fisherman, when starting on a cruise, or when overtaken by a squall or a storm. All Muhammadans agree that he resided at Chittagong, but his history does not disclose the reason why the attributes of a water-demon were conferred on him. According to one account he was a ship-wrecked Portuguese sailor, named "Pas Gual Peeris Botheilo," who reached the shore by clinging to a piece of wreck. The guardians of his shrine, however, say that about a hundred and fifty years ago [ 1670 A.D.), Pir Badr arrived at Chittagong 'floating on a rock' and informed the terror-stricken inhabitants that he had come all the way from Akyab on this novel craft. The neighbourhood of Chittagong being then infested by Jins or evil spirits, he exterminated them, and took possession of the whole country. The modern Dargah, or cenotaph, of Pir Badr stands in the centre of Chittagong, and is regarded as the palladium of the city. Faqirs are the custodians, and the mosque with its rooms for pilgrims is kept scrupulously clean. On the walls of the cenotaph are ten niches for ten oil-lamps, which are lighted every evening and burn all night. Pilgrims from all parts of Bengal visit the Darg&h in fulfilment of vows or to obtain the favour and interession of the saint, while Hindu fishermen regard him with as much awe as Muhammadans. His Urs or festival is celebrated annually on the twenty-ninth of Ramzan, the anniversary of his death. There can, however, be little doubt that Pir Badr is no other than Badru'ddin Badr-i-'Alam, for many years a resident of Chittagong, who died A.H. 844 (1440), and was buried in the Chhota Dargah of Bihar, but about whom we possess no further particulars (JASB., pt. I, No. 3, 1873)." Further, Risley, 8.v. Tiyar, in Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 1892, vol. II, p. 330 has the following entry: "As was natural, the Tiyars have peopled the waters and streams with beneficent and wicked spirits, whose friendship is to be secured, and enmity averted, by various religious rites. Along the banks of the river Lakhya they worship Pir Badr, Khwajah Khizr, and, in fulfilment of vows, offer through any Musalman a goat to Madar, whom they regard as a water god, but who may be identified with Shah Madar Badi'uddin, who is not, of course, Badruddin Aulia, but another famous saint."

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MARCE, 1926 ) BUDDERMOKAN 53 In 1894 Mr. Beveridge also communicated a note (JRAS., p. 480) saying that "under the heading Panch Pir, Dr. Wise quotes [ Notes on the Races of Eastern Bengal, 1873, p. 17 ] the song which the Muhammadan boatmen sing on the Ganges, and which ends with the words : Sar-i-Ganga, Panch Pir, Badr, Badr, Badr." Here we seem to have the origin of the women's custom, quoted by Dr. Anderson of dropping coppers into the water on a river journey with the words: "Darya ke panch paise, Badhar, Badhar," where the Five Saints (Pinch Pir), have become "five pence" (panch paise), the Musalman's Panch Pir being no doubt due to the old and famous Pancha Deva, the Five Gods, of the Hindu domestic ritual of purely Indian descent. The next quotation from Crooke, Popular Religion of Northern India, 1894, pp. 20 f., definitely connects Pir Badar with Khwaja Khizr, as God of the Flood. "The Hindus have a special God of Water, Khwaja Khizr, whose Muhammadan title has been Hinduised into Raja Kidar, or as he is called in Bengal, Kawaj or Pir Bhadr. This is a good instance of the fact that Hindus are always ready to annex deities and beliefs of other races. According to the Sikandarnama [c. 1200 A.D. ] Khwaja Khizr was a saint of Islam, who presided over the Well of Immortality, and directed Alexander of Macedon in his search for the Blessed Waters. The fish is his vehicle and hence its image is painted over the doors of both Hindus and Muhammadans, while it became the family crest of the late Royal house of Oudh. Among the Muhammadans a prayer is said to Khwaja Khizr at the first shaving of a boy. At marriages a little boat is launched on a river or tank in his honour .... The patron deity of boatmen, who is invoked by them to prevent their boats from being broken or submerged, or to show them the way when they have lost it. All through the Eastern Panjab he is entrusted with the safety of travellers. He is worshipped by burning lamps, feeding Brahmans, and by setting afloat on a village pond a little raft of grass with a lighted lamp placed on it." We have thus arrived at the point that the cult of the Indian Fifteenth-century saint, Bad. ru'ddin Aulia, is connected closely with the worship of Khwaja Khizr, as the God of the Flood. There is also a definite cult of Khwaja Khizr in Bengal. Gait, Census Report, Bengal, 1901, tells us about it as follows, vol. I, p. 179: "Closely allied to the adoration of Pirs is the homage paid to certain mythical persons, amongst whom Khwaja Khizr stands preeminent. This personage appears to have been a pre-Islamic hero of the Arabs and some say he was a prophet of paighambar born a thousand years before Muhammad. He ja said by many to be the servant of God ' mentioned in the Koran, whom Moses found by following in the track of a fried fish which miraculously came to life, and rebuked Moses on several occasions for his undue curiosity. However this may be, Khwaja Khizr is believed at the present day to reside in the seas and rivers of India, and to protect mariners from shipwreck. His special connection with water is due to his having wandered all over the waters of the world in search of the water of everlasting life. He is invoked by mariners, and is also propitiated by the more ignorant Muhammadans, at marriages and during the rainy season, by the launching in rivers and tanks of berds or small paper boats, decorated with flowers and lit up with candles. Food is also distributed to the destitute in his name, or left on the bank to be picked up by the first beggar who passes." The Census Report then goes on to state "The Hindus of Upper India call Khwaja Khizr. Raja Kidar, which clearly connects him with Al-Khidr, who, according to Sale Sura Kalif, chapter XVIII, is also identified with the same servant of God. He is often confounded with Phineas, Elias and St. George, and his soul is supposed to have passed through them all by metem psychosis. He is supposed to have become immortal by finding out, and drinking of the Water of Life. The name Khizr or Ever-green' was given him because every spot he sat on became covered with green grass. Part of these fictions were taken from 3.Soo Tomple, Word of Lalla, the Prophetess, p. 70.

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:) THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1926 the Jews who fancy Phincas was Elias. (Sale's Koran, vol. II, page 121.) According to Dr. Wise, Al Khidr is no other than Alexander the Great, but this seems incorrect. There is a legendi that Alexander the Great wanted to drink the water of Everlasting Life and was conducted to the spring by Khwaja Khier, but finding it surrounded by a crowd of decrepit old men, who, though still alive, could not stir, he was disgusted at the sight and returned to the upper world without tasting the water. Finally Wise, in his Notes on the Races, Castes and Trades of Eastern Bengal, pp. 12 f. (1883), makes the following illuminating observations: Khwajah Khixr. "Who this person was is still a subject of dispute among Muhammadans. The eighteenth chapter of the Koran describes the expedition of Moses and Joshua in search of Al Khadr, called Zu'lqarnain, a title by which Alexander is known all over the East. Hence it is inferred that Khwajah Khiyr is no other than Alexander. Most commentators, however, identify him with Elias or Elijah, who having drunk of the water of life (ab-i-hayat), never tasted of death, and Mr. Deutsch informs us (Quarterly Review, Oct 1869) that in the Talmud Elijah appears as a kind of immortal tutclary genius, who goes about in the garb of an Arab.. Others affirm that he was the companion, counsellor and commander-in-chief of the armies of Zu'lqarnain, or Kaiko bad ; 3 but in Asia Minor Khir is a name of Saint George of Cappadocia "The legends about Khier are not unknown to Western literature. To them we owe the beautiful poem of. The Hermit, by Parnell and the tale of L'Ermite in Voltaire's Za lig. It is supposed that the story of Khiqr in the Korun was brought to Europe by the Crusaders, and was embalmed in the folklore of the West until quickened by the pen of genius and graced with the charms of an apologue or moral tale. "Whoever he was, Khwajah Khier is believed at the present day to reside in the sea and rivers of India, protecting marinets from shipwreck and to be only visible to those who accomplish a forty days watch on the banks of a river. The person who is favoured in this way usually adopts the trade of a water-carrier, bihisti). Muhammadans of all ranks make vows to him in seasons of sickness or trouble, and present offerings in acknowledgment of any blessing, such as the birth of a son, attributed to his intercession. " The festival of the Bera, or raft, is properly observed on the last Thursday of the Muhammadan year; in Bengal it is held on the last Thursday of the Hindu month Bhadon (August-September), which corresponds with the breaking up of the rains. The festival is kept by Hindus, especially by boatmen and fishermen, as well as by Muhammadans. The Bera, usually made of paper, ornamented with tinsel, has a prow resembling a female face, with the crest and breast of a peacock, in imitation of the figurehead on the bow of the mor. pankhi shoreboat. The effigy placed on a raft of plantain stems is set afloat at sunset and with its flickcring lights gives a picturesque aspect to the dark and flooded stream. At Murshidabad, where the festival was first kept by Siraj-ud-daulah, the Bagarathi is illumi. nated by hundreds of rafts floating with the stream while the banks are crowded by the inhabitants. It is the custom for the person launching the Bera to deposit on the bank a few slices of ginger, a little rice and two or three plantains, which are usually snatched up by some wretched beggar. "Whether or no the modern idea of peopling the waters with deathless spirits was de. rived from the ancient Persians or Hindus, it harmonized so well with the prepossessions of the Muhammadans as to be adopted without hesitation as a religious conception. It is, however, impossible with our present knowledge to explain why Khwajah Khizr, who is not regarded by other Oriental people as the guardian spirit of the waters, should have been 3. Kaikubad was a logondary Persian king or hero of the Shihnd ma in the very carly Poshdadian times, identified with th, M:d, Dious, conquerod by the Assyrian king Sargon in 716 B.C.

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MAROH, 1926) BUDDERMOKAN 55 selected as such in the Gangetic valley, more especially as in various parts of the Muhammadan world other fabulous persons are adopted by seafaring raccs. 'Abdu'l-Qadir Gilani and Abu-Zulaimah control portions of the Eastern seas, while a family spirit, Mama Salma, pre. sides over the beating against the cliffs of Ras Mosandim at the entrance of the Persian Gulf ; and Indian mariners sailing past propitiate her by offerings of coccanuts, fruits and flowers. "On the Coromandel Coast again Qadir Wali Sahib is a patron saint of sailors, as Shaikh 'Ali Haidari was at Cambay in the fourteenth century, and Abu Ishaq al Kazruni at Shiraz." III. Khwaja Khiar or Al-khidhr. To get, however, at the Legend of Al-Khidhr, who is mixed up with both Biblical and Koranic story and with the Asiatic legend of Alexander the Great, I will commence with a quotation from Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, 1885, 8.v. Al-Khizr. But I will first quote from Wherry, Quran, 1885, vol. III, p. 76, where he identifies "Khidhar" with Jethro :"A remarkable feature in this Chapter [Surat-ul-Kahaf] is that three of them are derived from apocryphal sources, viz., the story of Khidhar (Jethro)." Hughes writes as follows: " Al-Khiqr, lit., 'the Green One.' The Maulawi Muhammad Tahir [ob. 1147 A.D.) says the learned are not agreed as to whether he is a prophet or not. His real name is, according to Al-Baiz&wi (ob. c. 1286 A.D), Balya ibn Malkan. Some say that he lived in the time of Abraham and that he is still alive in the flesh, and most of the religious and Sufi mystics are agreed upon .this point, and some have declared that they have seen him. And they say that he is still to be seen in sacred places, such as Makka (Mecca) and Jerusalem. Some few traditionists deny his existence : others say he is of the family of Noah and the son of a King (Majmu'al Bihar, p. 250). His name does not occur in the Qur'an, but Hussain Jalalu'ddin (ob. 1505), Al-Baizawi [ob. 1286), and nearly all the commentators believe that Al-Khizr is the mysterious individual referred to in the narrative in the Qur'an, surah, xviii, 59-81 ... "In some Muslim books he seems to be confounded with Elias and in others with St. George, the patron saint of England. In the above quotation (from the Qur'an) he is represented as the companion of Moses and the commentator Hussain says he was a General in the army of Zu'l-Qarnain (Alexander the Great). But as Al-Khizr is supposed to have discoverod and drunk of the Fountain of Life, he may be contemporary with any age." Here we see the connection of Al-Khizr with the Zinda Pir, the Ever-living Saint, and the general surroundings of the Legend and its antiquity. Let us now see what the Qur'an, c. 620 A.D., says about him. In the Surat-al-Kahaf, Sipara, xv, xvi, Ruqn 10, Sale's Translation, 1734, occur the following words : "And remember Moses said unto his servant Joshua, the son of Nun: 'I will not cease to go forward until I come to the place where the two seas meet, cr I will travel for a long space of time.' But when they arrived at the meeting of the two seas they forgot their fish, which they had taken with them and they both went back, returning the way they came. And coming to the rock they found one of the servants [Al-Khirr ac. cording to received opinion) unto whom we had granted mercy from us, and whom we taught wisdom before us. And Moses said unto him : Shall I follow thee that thou mayest teach me part of that which thou hast been taught for a direction unto me?' He answered : Verily thou canst not bear with mo, for how canst thou patiently suffer those things, the knowledge whereof thou dost not comprehend!' Moses replied: Thou shalt find me patient if God please : neither will I be disobedient unto thee in anything. He said : If thou follow me, therefore ask me not concerning anything until I shall declare the meaning thereof unto thee.' So they both went on by the sea-shore until they went up into a ship: and ho made a hole therein. And Moses said unto him: 'Hast thou made a hole therein that thou mightest drown those who are on board ? Now thou hast done a strange thing. He answered: 'Did I not tell thee that thou couldest not bear with me? This shall be

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1926 separation between me and thee: but I will first declare unto thee the signification of that which thou couldest not bear with patience. The vessel belonged to certain poor men, who did their business in the sea: and I was minded to render it unserviceable because there was a king behind them who took every sound ship by force.'" Following this Legend on to Surah, xviii, Sale has three notes pertinent to the present enquiry in the Chandos Edition of his great work. (1) At p. 222, he notes: "To explain this long passage the commentators tell the following story. They say that Moses, once preaching to the people, they admired his knowledge and eloquence so much that they asked him whether he knew any man in the world wiser than himself ; to which he answered in the negative. Whereupon God in a revelation, having reprehended him for his vanity (though some pretend that Moses asked God the question of his own accord), acquainted him that his servant Al-Khedr was more knowing than he, and at Moses' request told him he might find the person at a certain rock where two seas met; directing him to take a fish with him in basket, and that where he missed the fish that was the place. Accordingly Moses set out with his servant, Joshua, in search of Al-Khodr; which expedition is here described. AlBeid&wi (ob. c. 1286], Al-Zamakhshari [ob. c. 1142), Al-Bokhari (ob. 870), in Sonna [c. 7th cent. A.D.), etc." (2) Sale goes on (p. 222): "It is said that when they came to the rock, Moses falling asleep, the fish which was wasted, leaped out of the basket into the sea. Some add that Joshua, making the ablution at the Fountain of Life, some of the water happened to be sprinkled on the fish, which immediately restored it to life. Al-Beidawi [ob. c. 1286)." And (3) on p. 222 Sale notes: "This person according to the general opinion was the Prophet Al-Khedr, whom the Mohammedans usually confound with Phineas, Elias and St. George, saying that his soul passed by a metem psychosis successfully into all three. Some, however, say that his true name was Balya ebn Malcan, and that he lived in the time of Afridon, one of the ancient kings of Persia, and that he preceded Dhu'lkarnein [Alexander of the Two Horns, the Great] and lived to the time of Moses. They suppose that Al-Khedr, having found out the Fountain of Life and drank thereof, became immortal and that he had therefore this name (the Green One) from his flourishing continually. Part of these fictions they took from the Jews, some of whom fancy that Phineas was Elias." Part of the Legend is no doubt Semitic in origin, but the connection of Al-Khigr with the Fountain of Life would seem to go to Persian sources. We have just seen him connected with Afrid un, one of the very early semi-mythical Peshdadian kings of Persia known to the Muhammadan writers through Firdusi's Shahndma (941-1020 A.D.). We shall now see him connected with another, Kaikubad. In Shea and Troyer's Dabistan, 1843, (vol. I, p. 67n.) occurs the following passage: "Khizr is confounded by many with the Prophet Elias, who is supposed to dwell in the Terrestrial Paradise in the enjoyment of immortality. According to the Tarikh Muntakhab [c. 1610 A.D.) this Prophet was Abraham's nephew and served as a guide to Moses and the children of Isracl in their passage of the Red Sea and the desert. The same author tells us that Khier lived in the time of Kai-Kobad, at which he discovered the Fountain of Life (Her belot)." The text, dated c. 1650, to which the above is a note, runs as follows: "They [the Sipasian, a Persian pre-Muhammadan sect] also assert that whatever modern writers have declared relative to Khizr and Iskander (Alexander) having penetrated into the regions of darkness, where the former discovered the Fountain of Life Immortal, means that the Iskandar or the intelligent soul, through the energy of the Khizr or reason, discovered, whilst in a state of human darkness, the Water of Life. In some passages they interpret the tradition after this manner : by Khizr is meant the intellectual soul or rational faculty, and by Iskander the animal soul or natural instinct. The Khizr of the intellectual soul, associated with the Iskander of the animal soul and the host (of perceptions) arrived at the fountain-head of understanding and obtained immortality, whilst the Iskander of the animal soul returned back empty-handed."

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MARCH, 1926 1 BUDDERMOKAN 57 Here we have a philosophical explanation of a common people's tale by men, who did not believe in the plain story, told us, more Asiatico, after a fashion dear to the Safi's heart. However, Rehateek in his Alexander Myth of the Persians, 1880, p. 56 f. tells the tale as follows: "Having arrived in a country, all the people of which were of strong build with red faces and yellow hair, Alexander asked them about the remarkable things of those regions. One of them replied that at some distance there existed a water about which no one could give any information, the spring called the Water of Life,... by drini.ing of which a human being becomes immortal. ... An account, exceeding sixty distiches of Alexander's visit to this spring is given in the Shahnamah (of Fird Asi, 941-1020 A.D.). His guide, the prophet Khider, reached the water, drunk of it and attained immortality. ... The subject is treated at much greater length in the Sikanderndmah of Nizami (1140-1203 A.D.). ...Also here the Prophet Khider was the guide . . . . Khider is sucoessful in his errand, drinks the miraculous water and becomes immortal." The late Dr. William Crooke gave me some of the references to which I have alluded, and be also gave me another to Rawlinson's History of Herodotus (1858), vol. I, p. 585. which unfortunately I have been unable to verify, to my great regret. If verifable it would have been of much importance to the present argument, as Dr. Crooke stated it showed the cult of Al Khitr extending to the Caspian Sea, known as Darya-i-Khisr or the Sea of Khizr. However, going across the Caspian into Southern Russia I find a quotation which gives one to think in this connection. Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, 1872, 2nd ed., p. 151f. says: "Especially dangerous is it to bathe during the week in which falls the feast of the Prophet Ilye (Elijah [but ! Elias), formerly Perun, the Thunderer), for then Vodyany [& malignant water sprite) is on the look out for the victims." Here we have clearly a character created for a Semitio Prophet, assimilated by the Russian peasantry, through the adoption of Christianity, out of a pre-Christian god and sprite. The importance of this fact arises out of the consideration that if modern research is right in attributing to Southern Russia the original home of the Aryan migrant to Western Asia, Persia, and India, then the cult of AlKhidr and his connection with the Water of Life may be ancient indeed. It is, however, by no means clear from the older writers that the tradition of Al-Khidr and the Fountain of Life is of Persian and not of Semitic origin. Al-Biruni, the historical philosopher (973-1048) at the Court of Mahmud of Ghazni (997-1030) with Firdasi the historical poet, whom he must have known personally, in his Chronology of the Ancient Nations. Sachau's Translation, 1879, writes (p. 269) of the Festivals of the Jews as follows: "[Month of Tishri] 7. Fasting of Punishment. ..The Jew Ja'kub. b. Mas& Al-nikrisi (i.e., the physician) told me in Jurjan the following: Moses wanted to leave together with the Israelites, But Joseph the Prophet had ordered that they should take his coffin along with them. As ho, however, was buried in the bottom of the Nile and the water flowed over him, he could not get him away. Now, Moses took a piece of paper and cut it into the figure of a fish: over this ho recited some sentonces, breathed upon it, wrote something upon it, and threw it into the Nile. ... the coffin appeared.'" Again at p. 29, he writes of the Festivals of the Syrian Calendar : Month of Ab] 5. Moses, the son of Amram. 6. Feast of Mount Tabor, regard ng which the Gospel relates that once the Prophets, Moses the son of Amran and Elias. appeared to Christ on Mount Tabor, when three of his disciples, Simeon, Jacob and John were with him, but slept. When they awoke and saw this, they were frightened and spoke 'May our Lord i.e., Messiah, permit us to build three tents; one for thee and the other two for Moses and Elias.' They had not yet finished speaking, when three clouds standing high above them, covered them with their shadow. Then Moses and Elias entered the floud -and disappeared. Moses was dead already a long time before that, whilst Elias was alive and

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1926 is still living, as they say: but he does not show himself to mankind, hiding himself from their eyes. 7. Elias, the Everliving, whom we mentioned just now. 8. Elisha the Prophet, disciple of Elias." So far Al-Biruni, and in Sprenger's Translation, 1841, of Al-Mas'udi (c. 950) vol. I, p. 89 f. we read : "Those who believe in the Pentateuch and other ancient books maintain that Mus& [Moses) b. Misha, b. Yusof (Joseph), b. Ya'kab (Jacob), was a prophet before Musa b. Amran [the Moses of the Bible), and that it was he who sought El-Khidhr b. Melkan, b. FAlgeh. b. 'Aber, b. Sh Aleh, b. Asfakhshad, b. Sam (Shem), b. Nah (Noah). Some of those who believe in the Old Testament say El-Khidhr was the same person as Hidhran b. 'Ismayil [Ishmael], b. Elifaz, b. El-'Aisa, b. sehak [Isaac), b. Ibrahim (Abraham). He was sept as prophet to his nation, who were converted by him." Again at p. 121, he writes : "There were several prophets, and they were distinguished by godliness, between Solaiman [Solomon), Son of Dawad (David), and the Masih [Messiah) as Aramaya (Jeremiah), Daniyal. [Daniel], 'Ozair (Ezra), Shay& (Isaiah), Hizkial (Ezekiel), Ilyha Elias], El-Yasa' Elishal Yunos (Jonas), Da'l-kifl [ ? Obadiah) and El-Khidhr." One more quotation from Al-Biruni (p. 269) and I have done with the old Muhammadan writers: "[The month of Isfaridarmadh-Mah] the 19th or Farwardin-Roz is called Nauroz [New Year's Day) of the rivers of all running waters, when people throw perfumes, rose-water, etc., into them." Here we are reverting to a Persian custom and nomenclature. However, whether we are to look to the Semitic peoples or to the ancient Persian Aryans for the inception of the God of the Flood and the Fountain of Eternal Life as represented by Al-Khidhr, the Khwaja Khigr of India-khwaja by the way being an essentially Persian title-we find it pretty clear that he is an importation from the West into India. We find also the origin of the widely spread Fish Symbol in India and the identification of Khwaja Khier with the Zinda Pir, the Living Saint, before the cult spread to India. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. INDIAN HISTORICAL RECORDS COMMISSION, PRO- it is about his doings in the Madras Karnatakwhere CEEDINGS OF MEETINGS ; vol. VI, Sixth Meeting, Jinji was his capital. This paper is of peculiar value Madras, January 1924. Calcutta, Government of because it is so important to learn all one can about India. Jinji. In the course of his pregnant remarks on The modest volumes in which the proceedings this subject, as it appears in the French Records, of the Indian Historical Records Commission are Prof. Sarkar very properly points to the 'unique issued contain more and more valuable information value of the Memoires of Francois Martin, the s time goes on, and this one is specially full of founder of Pondicherry (MS. T. 1169 in the important papers. It opens with one of Sir Evan Archives Nationales of Paris). Of him the Prof. Cotton's well annotated papers on old times under writes: "the diplomatio talent and administra. British rule, wherein he deals with Clive and the tive genius of M. Martin must lend a high value to Strachey family in the days when Henry Strachey whatever he wrote." Let us hope they will one was Magistrate of the frontier district of Midnapur. day be printed for the use of students. It is a discursive paper, but it contains a new and The next article is, however, perhaps the most most important account of the death of Clive from arresting in this most interesting collection. Misa Mr. St. Loe Strachey writing with old family papers Clara E. J. Collet of University College, London, before him. Let me quote: "shortly before his writes of "the private letter books of Joseph death Clive addressed the following letter to Henry Collet, some time Governor of Fort St. George, Strachey : 'how miserable is my condition. I Madras (1717-1720)." Joseph Collet was chosen " have a disease which makes life insupportable but Governor of York Fort at Bencoolen in 1710 and which my doctors tell me won't shorten it one hour." then Governor of Madras till 1720 and his "letter The disease was "a very painful form of dyspepsia books cover that period and are contained in four accompartied by Vertigo," and so the great warrior large and firmly bound volumes." They are and statesman outs his throat. obviously full of notes of high value at a time when Prof. Jadunath Sarkar gives us further information detailed information is largely lacking. He had about Shivaji in his own inimitable manner from an exciting time at Rio de Janeiro on the way out unpublished French Records in Paris. This time and the few extracts that Mise Collet has given us

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MARCH, 1926 ) BOOK-NOTICES 59 of his observations there and in Sumatra only serve readers also, of Historical Research, be appointed, to what the appetite for more. Collet was evidently and I feel sure that soon students will collect a man of independence of character and close around them and the documents of Maratha History observation, and also full of desire to learn what he be made available for all the world to study. At any could of tho natives of the countries in which his rate those who are inclined to back the study with lot was cast. Indeed one quotation from his funds will in this way find a definite object on letters of a conversation with an educated Hindu which to spend money practically as well as usefully. in 1712 is so good that I am extractingit separately Mr. J. C. Sinha has some useful information on as a note for this journal, as it is too long to quote the attempts of Warren Hastings to reform the in & book-notice. In fact it seems to be more than currency in his day: followed by Mr. S. V. A pity that letters that promise so highly should be chari on famine relief in the Carnatic between allowed to remain indefinitely in MS., and I sincerely 1770 and 1800, in the course of which he arrives hope that Miss Collet may find an opportunity of at the opinion that the relief of a starving population printing them in extenso. is really a matter for the Government and not for Then follows Mr. J. J. Cotton with an entertain private individuals. ing notice of George Chinnery the artist, in which Next comes a fine paper by Prof. C. S. Srinivas. ia collected a quantity of information well worth achariar upon Robert Orme and Colin Mackenzie. digesting. Here again I have found two matters The former is, of course, now chiefly known by his which I am separately extracting for the journal: great work on the military transactions of the 18th firstly an account of a masoolah boat and secondly century and his enormous collection of MSS., of a catamaran in the first years of the nineteenth but here we have his life and all its human expe. century. After George Chinnery we retum to the riences of ups and downs. Colin Mackenzie was Marathas again and have to follow well-known a man of a different type, steadily rising in his writer on the affairs of that people-Rao Bahadur profession till he became Surveyor General of India D. B. Parasnis, who makes out a strong ca se indeed and always collecting. He intended to make a for further research into contemporary document, catalogue raisonne of his immense collection, as found in the Maratha Records, relating to but died before it was possible to make one. It the History of South India. Inter alia he writes: is still largely unexplored. "on previous occasion I have made a reference | Mr. B. N. Banerjee, in an important paper on to Janardhan Shivaram, the Peshwa's Vakil at "Some Original Sources for a Biography of Begam Pondicherry. Some of his letters have now been Sombre," he describes the sources, in English, published in the volumes of the Itihas Sangraha, Marathi and Persian documents of the story of this and they testify to the ability and statesmanship of great lady, whom he rightly describes as "a wonder. the writer. Unless these letters are translated into ful woman who played Do inconspicuous part in the English, they will not be of much use to students later history of India." In the course of his remarks of history no knowing Marathi. I would therefore he hints that probably somewhere in England may suggest that the Commission arrange for the trane, still exist her own manuscript diary. At any rate, lation of these valuable documents. They are her adopted son Dyce Sombre wrote: "Some equally important as, if not more important than, notos I had made of Her Highness the Begam's tho'diary of Anand Ranga Pillay, the interpreter memoirs with some intention of publishing them of Dupleix, which the Madras Government have hereafter, and which I had collected with great care ; recently published in English." The fact is that but unfortunately they were taken away from me there is so great a mass of MS. matter relating to with some other papers." Maratha history in existence which ought to be in a short article on "the Bargt invasion of Unearthed and properly edited, that many sugges. | Bengal," in which an account is given of the Ma. tions have been made as to how it might be done. harastra Purana, & poem which describes that Here is another. terrible Maratha raid. Only the first canto hovever, I have had occasion on other matters to draw at. of a remarkable poem has so far come to light, tention to the Biblical saying: "Where the car- and Prof. J. N. Samaddar looks for help in discover Case is there shall the eagles be gathered together." ing the rest of it. Then follows Dr. S. Krishna. I propose to use it again here. Create the Library swami Aiyangar with "An Account of the temple and the Professor, and pupils will gather round them. at Madura," which incidentally contains a good It has always been thus. So I suggest, as a proposi- deal of history. And after him comes Mr. R. tion attractive to the wealthy donor interested in Sathyanatha Ayyar with a paper of great general the history of his country and people as well to the interest on "Some Jesuit Records and their His. official similarly interested, that the documents of torical Value," and it is good to see the auther Maratha history be collected, so far mis possible, speaking highly of the early Jesuits in South India by the Bombay University and by other suitable as to their possession "of the essential requisites centres with arrangements for their proper care, and for producing good historical documents"; and that at each such contre a professor, and if possible one is grateful to an Indian who is able to write :

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1926 * The conclusion is drawn [by the Josuits) that and lived to an honoured old age, highly appreciated the wast of concerted political action (on the part and greatly rewarded by the European military of the oontrollers of the Vijayanagar Empire) in officers for whom he worked so well. His great the face of the imminent danger to South India grandson, Mir Zynuddin, a Barrister, gives us some from the southom oxpansion of the Muhammadan extracts from the autobiography, and one cannot powers and the uncompromising spirit of provincial but wish that we had the whole of it. Any conism, rendered a Hindu empire impossible. Such temporary work by an Indian serving in the critical a refreshing analysis of the political situation is a days before the Mutiny in the Indian Armies is good commentary on the profound historic sense of value as a means of ascertaining the true causes of (the Jesuit) missionaries." of that important event. I cannot but hope that The work under review is an olla podrida and Mr. Mir Zynuddin will find means to publish & there is no attempt made as to order in the mixture. translation of his ancestor's papers in full. So the next paper goes back to the Mackenzie The last paper in the book is Mr. A. F. M. Abdul collection of MSS. and that after it goes back again | Ali's account of the Last Will And Testament of to a Christian subject. Mr. R. Gopalan writes on Bahu Begum, wife of Shuja'u'ddaula, Nawab the historical value of the Mackenzie MSS. with Wazir of Oudh. This grand old lady lived to be special reference to the Pallava documents in the | 88, dying in 1813, and in her long life saw the decline collection. Any fresh information regarding the of the Mughal Dynasty of Delhi from Bahadur Shah Pallavas is always welcome, and it is most interest. to Shah Alam-truly an epic period for the Muham. ing to know that some of the Mackenzie MSS. can madan rulers of India. She saw immense changer throw light on the subject. Then Mr. P. J. Thoma in her entourage and finally having quarrelled with has an important article, on a Hindu Tradition her step-son, Ba'adat Ali of Oudh, she left all her on St. Thomas, in which we find his views on the property to the British Government. Such is the true attribution of the name of the king who was general historical story, but Mr. Abdul Ali's account the patron of St. Thomas in India. The Syriao gives many an interesting detail. version calls him Gudnaphar: the Greek form is The above brief summary will show how the Gondaphares. The question then is-who was Indian Historical Records Commission is doing its he? The usual identification is Gadaphars or work and how great the value of that work is. Gudaphars of the Kabul region. But Mr. R. C. TEMPLE Thoma sets up Kandappe or Kanda Raja of South India as the person represented in the Syriac and TE DATE OF ZOROASTER, by JABL CHARPENTIER. Greek stories. It is worth investigation. 1925. Mr. R. P. Tripathi talks about the Will of the In this valuable little pamphlet Prof. Charpentier great Oudh administrator of Mehdi Ali Khan controverts Prof. Hertel'e viowe, as stated in his Bahadur, better known as Hakim Mehdi. The Die Zeit Zoroasters, on the subject of Zoroaster's Will shows that this fine old man died in 1837 aged date. Prof. Hertel's contention is that Zoroaster 94, leaving an enormous property. After this we must have been alive in B.C. 522. This view are treated to "a few extracts" from the auto Prof. Charpentier sharply criticises and finally fixos biography of Mir Nuruddin Khan Bahadur, Shuja the great religious reformer's dateso far as it can Jung, Aido-de-Camp to various Commanders-in be said to be fixable-"somewhere in the neighbourChief of Madras. This gallant old soldier served hood of B.C. 1000-900, or perhaps even earlier." 60 years (1780-1840) in the old Sopoy Army without In this opinion the present writer heartily concurs. a broak, was cognizant of many important thing R. C. TEMPLE NOTES AND QUERIES. SEVAJEES. General Letter to the Company, dated 21 August Some years ago I collected a few references to 1699 (0.C. 6711). the pirates of the West Coast of India known to 1703. "Hearing the Savagees were come to Suratt Europeans as Sevajoos, and sometimes even as and buming all before them they sent up a Small | Vessell and the Country boat to attend the Generalla Savages. I now publish them as they may prove Commands."-Bombay General Lctter to the Company useful. 1698. "The Sevajees and Singanyans are now dated 13 February 1702-3 (F. R. Misc. vol. 6). 1703. Pats 5."10000 Sevajees a month since growne Stronge and very impudent so that Soarce plunderd the towns about Surate and burnt them any boats can pass to and from the Island without attempted Surattin vain but carried off a great Boate Convoys."-Abstract of & Bombay General Letter to the Company, dated 10 April 1698 (0.C. 6542). of Jewells &ca. taken from the Flying inhabitants, 1690. "Our neighbours the Portuguez. Para. 9. "Sevagoes threaten to return and burn being obliged by the Sovajees who are continually Snratt."-Sunat Generall Letter to the Company, plundering their Townes, to keep about these parta | dated 8 March 1702-3 (F. R. Misc. vol. 5). ... about 12 or 16 small vessells of Warr."-Bombay R. O. TEMPLE,

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Ametz, 1928) HUDDERMOKAN . BUDDERMOKAN. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from page 58.) IV. Further References to Khwaja Khizar in Northern India. The cult of Khwaja Khizar has been widely followed in the Panjab from the days of Guru Nanak (A.D. 1469-1539), founder of the Sikh Religion. In the Janam Sakhi ('Life,' dated c. 1600 A.D.) in Trumpp's Adi Granth, 1877, pp. xxiv f., occurs this story." Then the Baba [Nanak] started from his house and passed the second time a retired life in the Dakhan (South). ... With him were Saidd and Sinho of the Ghelio Jat Tribe. The Baba went to the country of DhanAsari and remained some days there. At night-time Saido and Sioho of the Ghelio Tribe went to the river to perform worship. They went when yet one watch of the night was remaining and thought in their hearts that what the Guru [Nanak) had got from the Khavajah (Khidir] he had got in that very place. One night they went and saw a man coming towards them, in whose hand was a fish. That man asked: Who are you?' Saido and Sinho said: 'We are the disciples of Guru Nanak. That man asked (further): 'What for are you come here ?' Saido replied: We are always coming here in the last watch of the night to worship the Khav &jah because our Guru has obtained (something) from the Khavajah.' Then Saido asked: "Sir, who are you and where will you go ? That man answered: 'I am the Khavajah and am continually going to the Guru. I go at this time to pay worship to him. To-day I bring him a fish as an offering. Then Saido and Sinhd came and fell down at his feet and said: "We are saying that the Guru has got it from you, and you are saying that you are always going to perform services (to the Guru), and that you bring to-day an offering to the Guru.' Then Khavajah Khidir said: 'Oye men of the Lord, I am the Water and that Guru is the Mind. I have been many times from him, and many times I have been absorbed in him.' Both disciples, Saido and Sinho of the Ghelio Tribe went then and fell at the feet of the Guru. The Guru asked: 'Why have you come to-day at this (early) time? You have come before the day is risen.' Said the Ghelio, told him how they had met with the Khavajah. Then the Baba [Nanak] uttered the alole in the Jap (the last aloka in the Japji: Mind is the Guru, Water the father, the Great Earth the mother. Day and Night the two are male and female. Muse: the whole world sports.']." To this story Dr. Trumpp, Adi Granth, (p. xxxiv n.) added a note : " Khavaja or Khav&ja Khidir (Khwajah Khirr) according to Muslim tradition, the Prophet Elias. In Sindh and the Lower Panjab Khwajah Khidir is worshipped also by the Hindus as the river god of the Indus under the more common name of Jinda Pir [the Living Saint]." Once a legend or story is to be found in or connected with the Adi Granth, the Bible of the Sikhs, the personages concerned with it become common property in the Panjab, and Accordingly I find a note of my own on Khwaja Khizar in Panjab Notes and Queries, vol. I, 1884, No. 836 : "the common names for this God of the Flood are Khwaja Khizar, identified with Ilyas (Elias) ; Khwaja Kas& ; Durmindr ; Dumindo : Jinda Pir." Again Nesfield in the same Journal, vol. II, 1885, No. 3, writes :" [Khwaja Khizar] has been naturalised, however, in the Hindi language as Raja Kidar, and as such he has become the patron deity of the Hindu boating and fishing castes.... At the time of danger, he is invoked by these castes to protect the boat from being broken and submerged, or to show them the way when they have lost it." * Ibbetson, Panjab Ethnography, 1883, para. 217, writes also : Khwajah Khiar, or the God of the Waters, is an extraordinary instance of a Musalman name being given to a Hindu deity. Khwaja Khitr is properly that one of the great Muhammadan saints to whom the care of travellers is confided, But throughout the Eastern Panjab, at any rate, he is the Hindu God

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1920 of the Water and is worshipped by burning lamps and feeding Brahmans at the well, or by setting afloat on the village pond a little raft of sacred grass with a lighted lamp on it." Again he writes (para. 240): "The Hindus of the Indus also very generally worship the river itself under the name of Khwaja Khizr or Zinda Pir, the Living Saint: the worship taking much the same form as that of Khwaja Khizr already described. They further revere, under the name of Vadera LAI, Dalan Lal, Darya Sahib or Ulail Parak, a hero, who is said to have risen from the Indus and to have rescued them from Muhammadan oppression. This hero would appear to be a sort of incarnation of the Indus, being sometimes called Khwaja Khizr and his story is related in the 'Urmrgit." In my own Legends of the Panjab, vol. I, 1884, there is a good deal about Khwaja Khizar. E.g., in the Legend of Safidun (vol. I, pp. 415 f.) I remark in a prefatory note: "The town was founded by the Pandavas and its modern name is Safidan, or more popularly Safidoi [in the Jind State). In it there were at that time three large closed up wells. In one was amrita (the Water of Life or Immortality], in another snakes, in the third, locusts. Niwal Dai, (= ? Jaratkaru), the daughter of Raja Basak (Vasuki), once opened the Amrita Well, in order to draw off some of the Water of Immortality to cure her father who was suffering from leprosy ... By her magic strength she removed the stones from the well mouth, and tried to draw the water, so as not to show herself to the God of the Water. But the water went downwards into the well and the rope could not reach it. At last, being weary, she was ready to curse Khwaja Khizar, the God of the Water. But Khwaja Khizar said that she should have no water unless she showed herself to him. Now, Niwal Dai had never shown herself to anyone except her own parents, and she felt very uneasy, but, being helpless, and out of affection for her father, she showed herself to the water, which rose up at once to the brim of the well." The actual words of this Legend, translated at pp. 448 ff. are as follows: She pushed away the stone with her great toe. She did not look at the water out of modesty, And the water went down in the bottom (of the well). She prayed to the holy Khwaja (Khizar). Niwal Dai took the kerchief from her head And fastened it on to the rope. Khwaja (Khizar), to get a sight of the Princess, Sent the water up bubbling. . The first bucketful Niwal Daf offered to the saintly Khwaja (Khizar)." In the Ballad of Isa Bapari, op. cit., vol. I, (1884), pp. 216 f., 220 f., occurs the following words : "The boatmen consented and took their dues And took the boat across. Feeling the waves of the River (Indus) the boats Began to toss up and down. The boat began to sink in the River, Isa began to worship the saints. Khwaja Khizar had no news (of him) And the boat got across." In the famous Legend of Raja Rasalu, vol. I, (1884), p, 41, I find the following remark: "My hedge-hog wife wanted water, and I became ashamed : taking my lod I went to the bank of a large river (lchwaja daryde, s.e., to Khwaja Khizar)." And again in the Legend of

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APRIL, 1926 ) BUDDERMOKAN Guru Gugga, after Mother Earth has persuaded Guru Gugga, a famous hero, to accept Islam, occur the words (vol. I, 1884, p. 206): "He is as full of honour as Khwaja Khizar: go to him. Repeat the Creed (Kalima) and come. I will go onward to Ajmer and my hope will be fulfilled. When he saw Rattan Haji and Khwaja Khizar he stood before them." And then in the well-known story of the Marriage of Hir and Ranjha (vol. II, 1885, p. 519) is this passage: "May thy boat sink and thy oars break! I have found a ruby from Khwaja (Khizar, i.e., out of the river)." Lastly to show how far the idea of Khwaja Khizar has sunk into the people of the Panjab; in the Kursinama, or Genealogy, of the Saints of the Lalbegis, a sect of the Scavenger Caste of the Panjab and indeed of Northern India, who are out-caste, are found the following lines (vol. I (1884), pp. 531 ff.] : "The Genealogy of the Saints : First is Pir As& : Second is Pir Khas : Third is Pir Saf&: Fourth is Pir Giljhappa. A confused allusion to Muhammadan Saints, etc. Aga is for 'lsa, i.e., Jesus Christ : Kh484 is Khwaja Khizar: Safa is for Safiu'llah, the usual title of Idris or Enoch (Akhnakh): Giljhapra is LAI Beg himself (the chief object of worship among North Indian scavengers)." In these quotations from the Panjab we have displayed before us the assimilation by a population either Hindu, or originally Hindu, of the Muslim story of Khwaja Khigr. In the following statements, besides in those already quoted in the early part of this discussion, we can follow the process right across Northern India to Bengal. In Crooke's Rural Glossary, 1888, 8.vv., we find : "Khwaja Khigr (Barun), the God of the Water and Woods .. . Barun (Skr. Varupa), the Hindu God of Water: cf., Khwaja Khier." Here we find Khwaja Khier identified with the old Hindu God of Water. Again in Grierson's Bihar Peasant Life, 1885, p. 403, we read : " Khaje Khidar; the patron God of the Boatmen (Malah) Caste. He is also confounded with a similar female deity. GengA MAi. Musalman women fast every Thursday in the month of Bhadon (AugustSeptember), and call the fast Khaje Khidar ka Roja." Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, an English woman married to an Oudh noble, writing her Obser. vations in 1832, says (vol. I, p. 288 ff.): "The last month of the periodical rains is called Sahbannd rsawan). There is a custom by the Musalman population (of Lucknow], the origin of which has never been exactly explained to me. Some say it is in remembrance of the Prophet Elisha or Elijah [i.e., Khwaja Khizar], and commences with the first Friday of Sahbaund, and is followed up every succeeding Friday through this concluding month of the rainy season .... The learned men call it a Zeenahnah [Zenana] or children's custom .... A bamboo frame is formed in the shape of a Chinese boat : this framework is hidden by & covering of gold and silver tissue-silk or coloured muslin bordered and neatly ornamented with silver paper. In this light many lamps are secreted of comman earthen-waro. A procession is formed to convey the tributo called 'Elias ky kishtee' [Ilyde ki kisht, Elias's boat] to the river.... The kishtes (boat) is launched amidat flourish of trumpets and drums and the shouts of the populace."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1928 Finally in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XXVIII (1899), p. 195, I had a short note on Khwaja Khizar giving various names for him in Northern India as God of the Flood. E.g., Khwaja Khizar identified with Ilyas (Elias) ; Khwaja Khasa : Durmindr, Dumindo ; Jinda Pir. also quoted Trumpp, Adi Granth, p. xxiv and compared the story of Khwaja Khizar with the Russian myth of the Vodyany or Water-sprite, who is mixed up with Ilya (Elijah). This sprite Ralston says, Songs of the Russian People, 2nd ed., p. 152, is properly Perun, the Slavonic Thunder God, thus carrying the cult of Khwaja Khizar Westwards into Europe. In my edition of the Diaries of Streynsham Master (1675-80), vol. I, p. 379, occurs the following passage : "In the name of God, the underwritten persons have given a writeing to Mr. Vincent, vizt., Wee... Danunga goes [Dumindo Ghos]." I recollect being puzzled with the Bengali personal name, Dumindo. But the above note settles the point, as no doubt this servant of the old East India Company was named after Khwaja Khizr Durmindr. Khwaja Khizar in South India. The cult of Khwaja Khizar has duly spread to Southern India, witness Herklots' Qanun-e. Islam which he wrote in Hindustan in 1832. It contains an account of the religious customs of the Southern Indian Muhammadans, in the course of which there are passages relating to Khwaja Khizar. Thus, quoting from the 1863 edition of his work, at p. 21, I read as to domestic ceremonies : "Moondun (mundan) or Shaving.. . Those who can afford it have the hair (of the child) taken to the water-side, and then, after they have assembled musicians and the woman and offered fateeha fatiha, oblations and offerings to saints) in the name of Khoaja Khizur over the hair, on which they put flour, sugar, ghee and milk, the whole is placed on a raft (or juhaz (jahaz] a ship), illuminated by lamps.... they launch it on the water." Again on pp. 66 f., the following statement is made : (concerning marriage). In the evening of that day about eight or nine o'clock, having launched the juhaz or ship, the ladies apply huldee [haldi, turmeric) to the bridegroom .... The juhaz is a wooden frame-work in the shape of a stool, to the four legs of which are fastened as many earthen pots or panikins; or it is made of the straw of bamboos in the shape of a boat so as to prevent its sinking, and it is variously ornamented .... Having .... covered it over with a red koorsoon (kursum) (safflower) coloured cloth and lighted a lamp made of wheat flour with ghee in it, they cause it to be carried on the bridegroom's, or some other person's head ....With torch lights they proceed to the banks of the river, sea or tank, and having offered there fateeha (fatiha) in the name of Khoaja Khizur (the peace of God be upon him) over the eatables, the ship-wright takes them off and distributes...." Herklots then describes a weekly custom of the more piously and ritually inclined at p. 181 ff.: "There are some people who, every Thursday in the year, put a few flowers and some sugar in a dona (small boat] and launch it on the water in the name of Khoaja Khizur, and at times throw a number of kowries into the water. "I understand that in Bengal it is usual, on any Thursday (but among the rich usually on the last one) of the Bengalee month Bhadon, for the men and women to fast all day in the name of Khoaja Khizur, and that having made one or two juhaz [boat], alias bayra or mohur punk' hee or luch -a [berd, mohar-pankhi, lachhka) of split bamboo frame-work, covered with coloured paper, ornamented .... letting off fire-works in great pomp and state, accompanied by friends and relatives, convey them on men's shoulders, as they do taboots [tabut, a coffin, bier) to the brink of the river, where they fix them on floating rafte, made by trussing the trunks of plaintain-trees with bamboo skewers. They also take a couple of plates, one containing the food of oblation, the other the paste orsilver lamps lit up with ghee and thread (as a wick), having had fateeha offered over them by the moolla (mullah, priest]

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APRIL, 1926 ) BUDDERMOKAN in the name of Khoaja Khizur,... and having put the above two plates with some cash [copper coins) as an offering into it, they set it adrift on the water. Afterwards grown up persons, as well as boys, jump into the water, swim for, and plunder it. "Some take the bayras (berds) to the middle of the river, and thence set them adrift; but previously to so doing, set afloat on the stream hundreds of earthen plates, one after another, containing lamps.... The poor place two earthen plates....and take along with them a lota (pot], and proceed in the evening to the bank of the river, and there having lighted up the lamps, they get the fateeha offered in the name of Khoaja Khizur by the moolla (to whom they give kowries), and float the plates on the water, which the people immediately plunder." Here again we see the mingling of ideas of both Hindu and Musalman origin in this cult. VI. Madra and Bhadra. A passage from the writings of Forlong in JRAS., 1895, p. 203 ff., set me enquiring into & purely Hindu aspect of this cult, He wrote: "Knowing the particular works and localities, of which indeed I possess sketches, I have no hesitation in saying that the rockbound god of Akyab [Badar of the Buddermokan '] and elsewhere is our old friend the Badkal or Bad-a-kal, the Bod or 'Badstone,' common in the villages of Southern and Central India and not rare in Upper and Himalayan India. ... The whole great cone [Lanka's peak in Ceylon) is, or was in the language of the masses, a Bud, Bod or Madra, that familiar and kindly name, which they have ever applied to village Bad-a-kals or Badstones,' as emblems of Madra or Siva." The above statement, however, is not in accordance with that of Dames, Barbosa, vol. II, pp. 117-118 on Adam's Peak in Ceylon, the text of which runs as follows: "In the midst of this Island Ceylon) there is a lofty range of mountains among which is a very high stony peak, on the summit whereof is a tank of water deep enough to swim in and a very great footprint of a man in a rock, well shaped. This the Moors (Muhammadans] say is the footprint of our father Adam, whom they call Adombaba, and from all the Moorish regions and realms they come thither on pilgrimage declaring that from that spot Adam ascended to Heaven." Mr. Dames' comment is: "Barbosa probably heard the phrase Adam Baba used of Buddha by Muhammadans. I have myself heard the God Siva called Baba Adam in Northern India, and the identification of one of the leading gods with Adam may have come down from the Buddhist period." On this statement I made the following remarks in the Indian Antiquary, vol. LII, p. 132: "I am tempted to support this with an instance to the opposite effect. The name Buddha Makan (Buddha's House) for well-known Muhammadan sailors' shrines on the Northern and Eastern Coasts of the Bay of Bengal, notably at Akyab on the Arakan Coast and at Mergui on the Tenasserim Coast, arises out of a corruption, through local Buddhist influence com bined with folk etymology, of the name of the great sailors' saint Badru-'ddin Aulia, whose chief shrine is at Chittagong. So Badr Maqam became Buddha Makan." Going further with my enquiry into Madra and Bhadra, I did not meet with any very satisfactory result in India and in fact could not find any quotations worth recording. Bhadra Beems to be mixed up with the Hindu goddess Kali : e.g., the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XV, pt. II, Kanara, p. 297, gives the following information: "Gokarn: Shrines and Pools . . . . North of Venkataraman's temple, at the east corner of the town, is the temple of Bhadrakali or Dakshinakali, with her attendants Hadahin bira, Dodda hogba, Sunnahos ba, Kadbir and Holayadra. Kali's image is a figure of a woman holding a sword. She stands facing the south and is the guardian of the south quarter of Gokarn." But there is not much in this for the present purpose, and I am afraid that, after all, there is little in Forlong's, suggestion. (To be continued.)

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66 Vol. II, pp. 273, 274. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND. BY INDUBHUSAN BANERJEE, M.A., P.R.S. (Continued from page 50.) II. Hargovind and the Moghul Government. "Hargovind was always attached to the stirrup of the victorious Jahangir," says the Dabistan.48 We have seen in the previous section that Hargovind could not have entered into the service of the Emperor before A.D. 1619 or 1620, and that he was still in the employ of Jahangir when the latter died in 1627. But what exactly the position of Hargovind under Jahangir was, it is very difficult to determine. From Macauliffe's account it only appears that the Guru had become a great friend of the Emperor and had accompanied him in his tour to Kashmir. But Mohsun Fani's remarks make it absolutely clear that Hargovind had actually become a servant of the Muhammadan Government, and he is corroborated by the Panth Prakash49 and the Itihas Guru Khalsa.50 These Sikh accounts claim that Hargovind was appointed a sort of supervisor over the Punjab officials with a command of 700 horse, 1000 foot and 7 guns, as a reward for his services against Raja Tarachand of Nalgarh, whom, he had subdued and brought to the Emperor. Narang wrongly mentions the Dabistan as an authority for the latter statement that Hargovind subdued the Raja of Nalgarh,61 Mohsun Fani merely stating that the Guru took refuge at Geraitpur (Kiratpur) "which lies in the mountainous district of the Panjab, and was then dependent on the Raja Tarachand, who had never paid homage to the Badshah, Shah Jahan "63. Dr. Narang's confusion is perhaps due to the fact that both the chiefs are named Tarachand, but the latter cannot be the chief of Nalgarh, as Kiratpur was situated within the territories of the hill chief of Kahlur.63 However, we know that some of the Hill Rajas revolted during the reign of Jahangir. In 1615 Jahangir sent an expedition to reduce the famous fort of Kangra. Murtaza Khan, the commander of the expedition, died without achieving any thing, and the supreme charge of the affair was then entrusted to Suraj Mal, the son of Raja Basu. The latter disbanded his troops, and allying himself with some of the hill chiefs, openly rebelled. But the rebellion was crushed and Kangra at last capitulated on November 16, 1620.54 It was also about this time that Hargovind had accompanied the Emperor to Lahore and, as he had thereby come very near to the scene of operations, it is not improbable that Hargovind was put in charge of a minor command and sent against one of the rebellious Hill Rajas. But the story of the personal friendship between the Emperor and the Guru and the latter's appoint. ment as a sort of supervisor over the Punjab officials seems to be disproved by the almost decisive negative evidence of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri. In that diary "full accounts of the riots and rebellions, wars and conquests are given. The imperial regulations are reproduced in full. All the important appointments, promotions and dismissals are mentioned. Sketches of the principal nobles and officers are drawn in a lifelike manner" and "the Emperor's own dailylife is revealed with candour and frankness",66 Further, it was only in the sixteenth year of his reign, i.e. 1623, that the Emperor, owing to severe illness, entrusted the task of writing the memoirs to Motamad Khan. But the Guru had come into the Emperor's favour already in 1820. The fact that even the name of Hargovind does not occur in Jahangir's memoirs seems to prove that the Guru could not have been so intimate with the Emperor as the Sikhs would have us believe, and the position that he held was also certainly a very minor one, which the Emperor did not think worth his while to notice. Mohsun Fani's evidence also points definitely to the same conclusion, for he says that" when the Guru returned to Batnesh, which is a district of the Punjab, he attached himself to Yar Khan, the eunuch, who 50 P. 128. 59 Dabistan, vol. II, pp. 175, 276. $6 Beni Prasad's Jahangir, pp. 316, 317. [APRIL, 1926 45 P. 107. 51 Narang, bid., p. 56, f.n. 58 Cunningham, ibid,, p. 59. 55 Ibid., p. 454.

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APRIL, 1928) SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND 67 held the office of a Faujdar in the Nawabi of the Punjab, and whom he assisted in the admi. nistration."66 Thus Hargovind was not a supervisor over the Punjab officials, but the mere assistant of a Faujdar. Mohsun Fani does not state whence the Guru returned to Batnesh. But the word "return " seems to suggest that he had formerly been at that place. It may well be that after his tour with the Emperor and his expedition against the Raja of Nalgarh, Hargovind had been posted at Batnesh. He was subsequently called elsewhere or left the place of his own accord, and again returned there after the accession of Shah Jahan. This is, however, little more than a conjecture. Indeed, it is impossible to fix the details of the Guru's life in chronological order since his release from Gwalior until he finally cuts his connection with the Government and comes back to Amritsar. From the Sikh accounts, which however never admit that Hargovind had entered into the service of the Government, it only appears that the Guru had been leading a wandering life, and that troubles with the Government were already commencing. We have seen that immediately after his accession Hargovind had taken to arms. About five hundred Manjha youths had enlisted in his service, 67 and besides, "several men out of employ and without a taste for manual labour flocked to the Guru's standard."67 Others also gathered round him," who were satisfied with two meals a day and a new uniform every half-year,"68 His imprisonment could not in any way damp his military ardour, and there is evidence to show that after his release he continued the same old policy. His service under the Government served lim as a cloak and he began to increase his military resources. Hargovind is said to have enlisted all malcontents and fugitives among his followers and to have taken many dacoits and free-booters into service69. This seems to be sup. ported by the statement of Mohsun Fani that whoever was a fugitive from his home took refuge with him '.80 So that, very soon "the Guru had 800 horses in his stable, 300 troopers on horseback and 60 men with fire-arms were always in his service '60. He also enlisted bands of Pathan mercenaries, and a Pathan Chief named Painda Khan became one of his most able and trusted adherents&1. The Guru was thus daily becoming a distinct source of danger to established order and a rallying point of disaffection. Dr. Trumpp says, "As the Guru's expeditions were nearly always directed against the Mahomedans and the extortionate provincial authorities, we need not wonder that his popularity fast increased with the ill-treated Hindu rural population ; every fugitive or oppressed man took refuge in his camp, where he was sure to be welcomed without being much troubled about religion, and the charms of & vagrant life and the hope of booty attracted numbers of warlike Jats, who willingly acknowledged him as their Guru, the more so as he allowed his followers to eat all kinds of flesh, that of the cow excepted "63. When due regard is had to the nature of the Guru's following and the traditional marauding instincts of the Jats, who preponderated among his followers, one is tempted to agree with Dr. Trumpp. And we have clear, indisputable evidence, which almost wholly bears out Dr. Trumpp's remarks. The Sikhs of the old school did not apparently like the Guru's innovations and thought that he was too much occupied with Mahomedans and military exercises'. Hargovind often used to distribute the offerings made to him by the Sikhs to his Mahomedan followers. Painda Khan in particular was pampered in every way. 66 Dabistan, vol. II, p. 274. 57 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, p. 4. 58 Ibid., p. 5. 69 Narang, ibid., p. 56; Cunningham, ibid., p. 56. 60 Dabistan, vol. II, p. 277. 61 Manulifto, ibid., vol. IV, pp. 42, 76. 63 It is said that Ram Pratap, the fugitive Raja of Jaisalmer, took refuge with Horgovind and that Yar Khan and Khwaja Sarai, dismissed commanders of the Moghul army, entered the Guru's asylum. (Narang, ibid., p. 58 f.n. l. See also Dabistan, vol. II, p. 280.) We are further told that two Pathan nobles, named Anwar and Hasan Khan, left the service of the Government and took refuge with Hargovind, (Ta. warikh Guru Khalsa. See also Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, p. 100.) 63 Trumpp, ibid., p. Ixxxiv,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1926 This the Sikhs could not appreciate, and it was ultimately decided that a deputation consisting of some notable Sikhs should wait upon Bhai Gurdas, who had very great influence with the Guru, and ask him to remonstrate with Hargovind on his general conduct. It is said that it was on this occasion that Bhai Gurdas composed the significant pauri that occurs in his 26th war, and which we shall presently quote 64. It has to be remembered, however, that the verse itself might have led to the fabrication of the story of the deputation, and instances of this kind are not rare in Sikh literature.. Macauliffe says that most of the details of the Janamsakhis of Guru Nanak are simply settings for his verses and compositions.65 So, we cannot as yet definitely say to which period of Guru Hargovind's life the pauri refers. But there is clear internal evidence which proves that it was composed after the release of Hargovind from Gwalior. As Bhai Gurdas died in 1629, 66 it is evident that the pauri was composed during the particular period of Hargovind's life which we have now been discussing. The importance of the passage in question cannot be gainsaid, as Bhai Gurdas was a contem porary and a very ardent admirer of the Gurus, and we therefore make no apology for quoting, it in full. It runs : "People say the former Gurus used to sit in the temple; the present Guru remaineth not in any one place. 68 The former Emperors used to visit the former Gurus; the present Guru was sent into the fortress by the Emperor. In former times the Guru's darbar could not contain the sect; the present Guru leadeth a roving life and feareth nobody. The former Gurus, sitting on their thrones, used to console the Sikhs; the present Guru keepeth dogs and hunteth. The former Gurus used to compose hymns, listen to them, and sing them; the present Guru composeth not hymns, nor listeneth to them, nor singeth them. He keepeth not his Sikh followers with him, but taketh enemies of his faith and wicked persons as his guides and familiars. I say, the truth within him cannot possibly be concealed; the true Sikhs, like the bumble. bees, are enamoured of his lotus feet. He supporteth a burden intolerable to others and asserteth not himself."67 It is to be noticed that in the last two verses Bhai Gurdas does not dispute the truth of the people's allegations, but merely expresses his firm belief that the Guru's motive would soon become clear and then everybody would learn to appreciate his actions. But that Bhai Gurdas himself did not also quite approve of the Guru's irregularities, is proved by his remarks in the twentieth pauri of his thirty-fifth war.68 Bhai Gurdas says, "Even if the Guru become a play-actor, his Sikhs should not lose their faith." This seems to indicate that in Bhai Gurdas' opinion Hargovind had actually become a play-actor. It is thus evident that Hargovind was leading a disorderly life and that conflict with the State had practically become inevitable. The Sikh chroniclers state that difficulties had commenced even during the reign of Jahangir. The incident of Kaulan, the Kazi's daughter, or as some say, his concubine, has already been referred to. The Kazi, moreover, had other complaints against the Guru. A beautiful horse that was being brought from Kabul by a Sikh masand named Sujan70 for the personal use of the Guru was forcibly captured by an 04 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, p. 76. ee Ibid., vol. IV, p. 144. es Ibid., vol. I, p. lxxxvii. 87 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, pp. 76, 77. es Ibid., pp. 133, 134. 69 The Sikhs state that Hargovind could not like the verse and inflicted a punishment on Bhai Gurdas in order to teach him humanity. The Bhai was, however, afterwards pardoned and allowed to continue his literary work (Macauliffe, vol. IV, pp. 134-137). 70 The Itihas Guru Khalsa (p. 131) states that it was Bhag Mal, a Sikh merchant.

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APRIL, 1926) SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND 69 imperial officer. The Emperor presented the horse to the Kazi ot Lahore. The Guru, how. ever, recovered it by force, and in addition Kaulan was abducted. The Kazi complained to the Emperor, the Emperor refused to interfere, and the matter was hushed up, though only temporarily." But the Guru could not long remain in peace with the Government, and after the acces sion of Shah Jahan open hostilities broke out. It so happened that one day when Shah Jahan had gone out hunting near Amritsar, the Guru also was similarly oocupied. The Guru's followers and the servants of the imperial hunt quarrelled about a bird, and finally the imperialists were driven out with slaughter. This was too great an offence to be lightly passed over, and "the enemies of the Guru thought it a good opportunity to revive the charges against him, and to remind the Emperor of his alleged misdeeds." An expedition under Mukhlis Khan was sent against Hargovind and a battle was fought near Amritsar.'s The Sikhs describe the battle in great detail and unanimously affirm that the Guru came out completely viotorious. Mohsun Fani, however, says that "at Ramdaspur (Amritsar) Hargovind sustained an attack of the army, which Shah Jahan, the shadow of God, sent against him, and the Guru's property was then plundered."14 It seems that the Sikh accounts also corroborate Mohsun Fani, though in & curious way. It is stated that the Sikh detachment at Lohgarh (something of a fortress outside the city) was too small to cope with the invadors. The Muhammadans made short work of them and took possession of the Guru's palace. As the coming day was fixed for the marriage of the Guru's daughter, Viro, sweets had been stored in the house for the marriage feast. The Muhammadans "gorged themselves to repletion" and surfeited by the Guru's sweets' could not help sleeping, when they were surprised by the Guru's men and entirely routed, Mukhlis Khan himself being killed in the frayts. It is needless to discuss the merits of this story. Suffice it to say that clearly the Gharu's house was plundered by the Muhammadans on this occasion and that his alleged victory did not prevent his hasty flight from Amritsar. Mohsun Fani says that the Guru fled to Kartarpur", and the Sikh accounts also bear him outil. 71 This is somewhat different from the accounts given in the Sikh chronicles. (See Macaulifte, fbid.. vol. IV, pp. 38-47; Panth Prakash, pp. 108-110; Itihas Guru Khalea, pp. 131-186). We have left out the todioms details and narrated only what appears to us to be tho kernel of the story. It is stated by some authorities that this incident occurred during the reign of Shah Jahan. (Seo Macaulifto, ibid., vol. IV, p. 49, T.N.I.; Panth Prakash, p. 108; Punjab Notes and Queries, vol. I, 40. 740.) But this cannot be true. The expedition of the Kaulsar must have taken place after Kaulan's depar. ture to Amritsar. As already noticed, Mecauliffe gives 1621 as the date of the excavation of the tank. The Itihar Goru Khaled states that the excavation was commenced in 1624 and completed in 1627 (p. 135). Tho Panth Prakash (p. 112) iteolf places it in 1627. The mistake might very well have been due to confraion with regard to the year of Jahangir's death, which event the Panth Prakash places in 1624 (p. 108). There is also some difference of opinion with regard to Kaulan. The Sikhs unanimously state she was the daughter of the Kazi, whereas the Tarikh-e-Punjab states that she was merely a maid-servant. As Dr. Narang says, "Muhammadans, according to Cunningham, assert that she was a concubine, and the Hindu name of the girl, Kaulan (lotus), would confirm the Moslem view. The girl might have been a Hindu and might have been forcibly abducted by the Kazi, by no means an uncommon occurrence in those days. Thinking the Guru to be a champion of the Hindus, she might have escaped and taken refuge with him. (Narang, ibid., p. 67 .n.; see also Cunningham, ibid., p. 58.) 79 The Sikhs state that the battle was fought outside the city, but it seems that Amritsar itself was the scene of action. 73 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, pp. 82-93; Gur Bilou (pablished by Gulab Singh and Sons), pp. 371-891 Panth Prakash, pp. 113, 114; Itihar Guru Khalea, pp. 142-149. 74 Dabistan, vol. II, p. 275. 76 MacAuliffo, fbid., vol. IV, p. 84; Panth Praboal, p. 118. 76 Dabistan, vol. II, p. 276. 77 Manuliflo, wid., vol. IV, p. 98; Itihas Guru Khala, p. 160 ; Panth Fralpa, p. 146,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL., 1928 It does not seem that Hargovind remained long at Kartarpur, which was situated in the Jalandhar Doab between the Ravi and the Beas.78 He continued his journey, crossed the Beas and "pitched his camp on the tumulus of an ancient village". Hargovind decided that this was a very suitable site for the foundation of a city, and ordered that the foundation should be laid out immediately and the whole work completed without delay. But the landlord and chauduri of the place appears to have raised difficulties. His son, Ratan Chand, complained to the Subahdar of Jalandhar, and a small army was sent against the Guru. Hargovind, however, succeeded in beating it back, and the city of Sri Hargovindpur was then founded. T9 After this Hargovind appears to have remained in peace for some time, but his restless character again involved him in hostilities with the Muhammadan government. It is said that two masands named Bakht Mal and Tara Chand were bringing two horses "of surpassing beauty and fleetness" for the Guru, but these again were seized by the Emperor's officials. An ardent follower of the Guru, named Bidhi Chand, who had formerly been a notorious highWayman and robber, and whose exploits in that capacity are described by the Sikh chroniclers in great detail, succeeded in recovering the horses from the Emperor's stable at Lahore. Thereupon the Emperor sent an army against the Guru. Hargovind thought it prudent "to seek shelter in some advantageous position," and he is said to have retired to the wastes of Bhatinda, south of the Sutlej, where it might be useless or dangerous to follow him.80 There, near the village of Lahira, a great battle is said to have been fought, in which again the imperialists were completely routed. The date of the battle is given as 16th of Maghar, Sambat 1688 (A.D. 1631).81 Mohsun Fani does not make any clear reference to the two actions described above. But he says that before and after the battle of Kartarpur, the last of Hargovind's battles against the Moghul Government, "Le encountered great dangers of war." As the battle of Amritsar is definitely referred to, it seems that in the meantime, i.e., between the first battle, that of Amritsar and the last battle, that of Kartarpur, the Guru had had to engage in some other minor actions. And the remark," with the aid of God he escaped unhurt, though he lost his property,"82 seems to indicate that he did not meet with decisive reverses. Mohsun Fani's remark, however, may as well refer to the personal safety of Hargovind; but, nevertheless, it is to be noticed that Hargovind's last battle was fought at Kartarpur, and therefore it is clear that after the battle of Lahira Hargovind found himself strong enough to leave his retreat and return to the plains. It is thus difficult to say what actually happened. The Sikh accounts state that "the Guru allowed Hasan Khan to return to Lahore with the survivors of the imperial army."83 It does not seem probable that the Guru wil. lingly allowed them to retire. Hargovind had taken up his position in a very advantageous place. "The Guru's army was so disposed round the only tank in the area that when the enemy arrived they could not obtain access to its water, and thus must inevitably perish from thirst." 84 It appears that the imperialists could not cope with the natural difficulties of the situation and the Guru succeeded in compelling them to retire. After this Hargovind "watched his opportunity" and soon returned to Kartarpur. He appears to have lived for some time in peace, but troubles again commenced through the defection of Painda Khan. Who this Painda Khan was, we do not definitely know. On 78 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. III, p. 26. TA-Ibid., vol. IV, pp. 102-119; Panih Prakash, p. 115; Itihas Guru Khalua, pp. 160-166. See also Macauliflo's foot-note on p. 104. + Cunningham, ibid., p. 58. 81 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, pp. 179-188; Panth Prakash, p. 117. 81 Dabistan, vol. II, p. 276. 93 Macaulifto, ibid., vol. IV, p. 186, Macauliflo, toid., vol. IV, p. 179; Panu Prakaal, p. 117.

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Aprto, 1926 ) SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAREER OF QURU HARGOVIND 71 the authority of certain Sikh accounts Cunningham states, "the mother of one Painda Khan, who had subsequently risen to some local eminence, had been the nurse of Hargovind, and the Guru had ever been liberal to his foster-brother."86 From Macauliffe's account it simply appears that Painda Khan was a Pathan mercenary 88, who entered the Guru's service and rose high in his favour. He had led the Guru's army in the battle of Amritsar, and it was chiefly to his valour and ability that Hargovind's successes were due. Mohsun Fani merely says that he was the son of Fattah Khan Ganaida 87, while Irvine makes him an imperial commander.88 Irvine was perhaps led to this belief by the fact that Painda Khan commanded the troops against Hargovind at the time of the battle of Kartarpur. However, this Painda Khan quarrelled with the Guru about a hawk 89 and joined the imperialiste. Another expedition was now sent against the Guru under the leadership of Painda Khan, but it is stated that the imperialists were again totally defeated and Painda Khan himself was slain." Mohsun Fani also seems to corroborate the Sikh chroniclers, because he, too, says that on this occasion Mir Baderah and Painda Khan found their death.91 We do not know who this Mir Baderah was; most probably he was an imperial officer who had accompanied the expedition, but there can be no doubt that Mohsun Fani's Painda Khan is identical with the man whom we have been discussing. The rest of the Guru's adventures is soon told. Mohsun Fani says, "At last Hargovind retired from the war at Kartarpur to Bhagwarh, and because there, in the vicinity of Lahore, he met with difficulties, he betook himself thence in haste to Geraitpur, which lies in the mountainous district of the Punjab."91 The Sikh records also state that after the battle of Kartarpur (which took place in 1634) the Guru left the place and in the course of his journey reached Phagwarh. "As the town was on the road to Lahore, whence reinforcements could easily be sent against him, he continued his march to Kiratpur."92 Thus ended Guru Hargovind's career as a military adventurer. Forster says, "the vein of incongruous story which runs through the achievements of this militant priest precludes the derivation of any historical use."93 This may be true if the Sikh records are taken by themselves; but, as we have seen above, they agree in many important points, and with regard to the general sequence of events almost entirely, with the scrappy account given in the Dabistan; and we believe that if they are handled carefully, they may yet yield very satisfactory results. Their attempt to give undue importance to the exploits of their Guru can. not possibly mislead us, for it is certain that Hargovind's adventures were, after all, what Irvine calls "a petty revolt"; otherwise they must have been noticed by contemporary Muhammadan writers. . (To be continued.) 86 Cunningham. ibid., P, 58. 98 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, p. 62. 87 Dabistan, vol. I., p. 275. 89 Irvine's Later Moghuls, P., 77. 80 Cunningham, ibid., p. 58. The Sikh records make the issue a bit wider. A Sikh named Chitar Sain made the Guru & present of a horse, a hawk, a dress and some military weapons. Hargovind gave the hawk to his son Gurditts and the rest to Painda Khan, whose son-in-law Asman Khan took possession of these with the help of Painda Khan's wife and in addition stole Gurditta's hawk. When asked about the hawk, Painda Khan denied that it was in his house and the Guru drove him out. (Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, pp. 190-193. Panth Prakash, p. 118. See also Narang, ibid., p. 59, foot-note.) 90 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, pp. 198-212, Panth Prakash, pp. 118-119; Itihas Guru Khalsa, 91 Dabistan, vol. IV, p. 263 ; Panth Prakash, p. 119. 3 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. IV, p. 263; Panth Prakash, p. 119, 03 Forater's Travels, vol. I, p. 259

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1926 KANNADA POETS. BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.L., C.v.o. L>> 1924 the Government Press, Madras, published Memoir No. 13 of the Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, entitled "Kannada Poets mentioned in the Inscriptions". The author of the Memoir is Mr. Tirumala Tat&charya Sharman, and the Editor is Rao Babador H. Krishna Shastri, Government Epigraphist. The memoir is intended to form a supplement to the two important volumes of Lives of Kannada Poets, by the late S. G. Narasimhacharya and Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhacharya, by rescuing from oblivion the names of some other Kannada poets who are mentioned in South Indian inscriptions. The work, which is based upon epigraphical reports and literature and on Kanarese inscriptions, is decidedly important for students of Indian history and Indian literature : but as it is published, except for the author's preface, entirely in the Kanarese language, it is practically of little value to any studenta, except those who happen to have learnt Kanarese, or are fortunate enough to own that language as their mother tongue. In the belief that others besides the true Kannadigas may be interested in Mr. Sharman's excellent work, I propose to give in this article a precis of the information contained in the Memoir, omitting the quota. tions which are included by the author in his notice of each poet, and curtailing the several accounts as far as is possible without harming the meaning of the original. I trust that I have not been guilty of mistranslation of any passage ; but if I have, I can only ask pardon of Mr. T. T. Sharman, whose own conciseness and clarity of style embolden me to think that I have succeeded in correctly interpreting his statements. Mr. Sharman's work is well documented; but as this article does not claim to be a literal translation, I have omitted his many footnotes and references. The following are the Kannada poets discussed in the Memoir - 1. Divakara. circa A.D. 734. The name of this post is mentioned, as writer or composer, in an inscription discovered At Dharmapur in Salem District, which oulogises a very learned Shaiva Guru named Vidy Ashi. Incidentally the inscription proves that the original name of Dharmapur was Tagadur, town, which as early as the epoch of the Tamil Sangham was famous for its wealth, Its fortifications, its palaces, pleasure-gardens and temples, and which gave shelter to both Jains and Shaiva Hindus. The inscription bears no date ; but this can be determined with the help of another inscription found at Kodum bai or Kodumbalur in Pudukota State, which contains a dynastic list of the rulers of that place. Mr. Sharman is not disposed to accept the opinion of Rao Bahadur Venkayyans that this Kodumbalur inscription belongs to the tenth century A.D. He points out that the dynastic list includes a ruler named Bhutivikrama kesari, who is stated in the inscription to have built a math for a chief Guru, Mallikarjuna of Madura, who was a disciple of the Gurus VidyArAshi and TaporAshi; and he reasonably assumes that the Vidyarashi, who was Mallikarjuna's spiritual preceptor, is identical with the Shaiva Guru Vidy Ardshi eulogised in the Tagadur (Dharmapur) inscription. The dynastic list also shows that Bhutivikramakesari's grandfather, Paradurggamardana, conquered Vatapi and bore the title (biruda) of Vat Apinagaradvarsa.' He must, therefore, have been a contemporary of the Chalukya Pulakesi II and the Pallava Narasimh ha varma I; for it is an established fact that Narasimha varma, the Pallava, led an army against VAtapi and destroyed it. Two of his generals on this occasion were MAnavamma, the Ceylonese prince, and Shiruttondandyanar; & third was Paradurggamardana, who probably assumed the above-mentioned title to oommemorate the attack upon the Chalukyas. Paradurggamardana's son was SamarAbhirama, who bore the title of 'Yaduvansakotu," and, like his father, was hostile to the Chalukyus. He actually killed Chalukys king near Adhirajamangale. After the fall of Vat&pi the Chalukya power certainly declined, and L eiption

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APRI, 1936) KANNADA POETS Vikramaditya I made serious efforts to restore it. His defeat of the Pallavas followed a fruitless attempt by his elder brother, Adityavarma, to do the same, and it seems probable that on his march against the Pallavas, Adityavarma may have come in contact with Samarabhirama in the neighbourhood of Adhirajamangala and have been slain by the latter in the course of a battle at that place. This SamarAbhirAma's son was Bhutivikramakesari, who, unlike his father and grandsire, opposed the Palla vas and won & victory over them on the banks of the Kaveri. He also conquered a Pandya king, Vira Pandya, and destroyed Vanjivel. Now it is a fact that during the seventh and eighth centuries A.D. the Chalukyas of Vat&pi and the Pallavas engaged in & prolonged struggle for the hegemony of Southern India. Bhutivikramakesari was two generations later than Paradurggamardana, who had a share in the destruction of Vat&pi. Therefore he cannot have belonged to a period later than that of Vikramaditya II, however late we may place him, and if he was not a contemporary of Vinayaditya and Vijayaditya, which is not likely, he must have been a contemporary of Vikramaditya II, who came to the throne about A.D. 734. The natural inference from the above facts is that Bhutivikramakesari, Mallikarjuna, Vidyarashi, Divakara, and Vikramaditya II were all contemporaries, and the Tagadur (Dhar. mapura) inscription must belong to the eighth century A.D. This is rendered more probable by & study of the language of the inscription, which contains old Kannada terminations, such as baredon, vannipom, bannipom. These words make it practically certain that the insoription cannot be of later date than the eighth century. The inscription gives no further information about the poet Divakara, who, except for this composition, is unkown to fame. All we can say is that he was a Shaiva and a pupil of Vidy Arashi, whose praises he sings in ornate verse. 2. Gunavarma. circa A.D. 905. This poet is mentioned as author in an inscription of Sri Vijayadandanatha in Danaval. padu village, Cuddapah District. He is described as Anupamalaviya Senabhovam, and those who have studied the inscription admit that he was no ordinary poet. The inscription belongs to the period of the Rashtrakuta king, Indra III, whose date has been fixed at circa A.D. 905; and on that account Mr. T. T. Sharman identifies the composer of the inscription with a Gunavarma who wrote a book entitled Shudraka, in which he eulogises & Ganga ruler, bearing several titles (biruda) including that of Mahendrantaka'. The Ganga king who bore this title was Ereyappa, and he is stated in Lives of the Kannada Poets to have been the patron of Guna varma. Ereyappa ruled up to A.D. 913. The identity of Ereyappa's court-poet with the author of the Dana vulpadu inscription seems clearly established. 3. Kamaladitya. ciroa A.D. 980. He composed an inscription of the time of Tails II, which exists at Sogal, Belgaum District, and records the fact that a female devotee named Kancheyabbe or Kanchale bestowed chari. table gifts upon a sacred place of pilgrimage known as Suvarnakshi. In the inscription Sogal is called 'Soval,' Solu,' and 'Sol'; and the concluding portion of one of the couplets names Kamaladitys as the author of the record. No further information is given about him ; but from the fact that some lines are devoted to praise of Siva and the Saive sages, we may conclude that the poet was a Saiva. He also extols Taila II and Katta, scil Kartavirya I, who was in sole control of the Kondi or Kundi District. This indicates that Kamaldditya was under royal patronage ; and quite possibly was the court-poet of Karta virya I. The inscription is dated 901 Salivahan Saks, and this fact, coupled with the references to Taila II and Kartavirya I, establishes the date of Kamaladitys with practical certainty. 4. Nagavarma. ciroa A.D. 1047. Nagavarms was the composer of an inscription which is to be seen in Somalingesvara's temple in Mallar village, Hadagali taluka, Bellary District. It records the fact that in Saka

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1926 968 KAlima Ayya or Kalidasa, & ruling feudatory of the Chalukya king Trailokyamalla Somosvara I), made religious donations to certain gods through the disciples of Pandits Maulimaduvu and Tejor&shi. The excellence of the composition proves that Nagavarma must have been a pre-eminent master of poetry. Kalidasa's achievements in particular are admirably described. KAlima or KAlidasa is eulogised in two other inscriptions--one belonging to the period of Trailokyamalla, which faces a sixty-pillared temple in Nagai, Nizam's Dominions, and the other belonging to the period of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya, which is on the wall of a ruined temple opposite the temple of Siva. In the latter the epithets Sahityavidydvitarkkam and Vaksatikarndvatam sam are applied to the ruler Kalima: in the former, which describes the family, deeds of prowess, and other particulars of the general Kalidasa, the same two epithets are applied to him. 5. Indrakirti. circa A.D. 1055. Near a shed in front of the Jain temple of Kogali in Bellary District is an inscription dated Saka 977 of the reign of Trailokyamalla, which records that the temple was constructed in former days by a Garga ruler named Durvinita, and that at the date of the inscription gifts were made to the temple by a Jain acharya named Indrakirti. Indrakirti is described in the inscription in the following phrases :--Sri-madaruhachcharanasarasimha bhringa; kondakundanvayasamuha-mukhamandanaDisiyagana kumudavanasarachchandra; Kokalipurendra; Trailokyamalla-sadasarasi-kalahansa. Moreover, the epithets applied to him in the inscription, e.g., Kavi-janacharya, Panditamukhamburuha-chandamdr. tanda, Sarvasastrajna, Kavikumudaraja, etc., indicate that he must have been an excellent poet- supposition which is fully corroborated by the fine diction of the inscription. In one place he is also called Trailokyamallendra-kirti-Harimurti. No information is available as to the books which he wrote. 6. Ravapayya. eirea A.D. 1059. All that is known about Ravapayya is that he was Kulkarni of Sundi, modern Sadi in Ron taluka, Dharwar District, and that he composed the inscription dated Saka 981, of the time of Somesvara I (Trailokyamalla), which appears on a stone to the right of a temple with two domes in that village. During the rule of the Chalukyas of Kalyan, Sundi was the capital of the Kisukade seventy. The inscription contains a stanza relating to Someavara's prime minister and dandanayaka, Nagadeva. The poetry of the inscription is very fine, and the style of writing admirable : the inscription is in fact a poem. We know nothing more about the author, however, save the fact that in another inscription he is described as Bhaskaradasa and Ishvarapadabjabhramara. 7. Narayana Bhatta. cirea A.D. 1053. The Madras Museum possesses a copper-plate received from the Collector of GodA. Vari District, which states that the Eastern Chalukys ruler Rajaraja Narendra in his thirty-second regnal year bestowed Nandampondi village upon a Brahman named Nardyana Bhatte. The grant, which is in verse, declares that Narayana Bhatta belonged to the Harita gotra, and followed the Apastamba sutra ; his paternal great-grandfather was Kaichena. somayaji, his grandfather Kanchenarya, his father Akala kasankanamatya, and his mother Samekamba. He was well versed in Sanskrit, Kanarese, Prakrit, Paisacha, and Telugu, and bore various titles, such as Kavirajasekhara,' Kavibhavajrankusa,' Ashtadasavadharana. chakravarti' and 'Sarasvatikarnavatarsa.' The poet-author of the grant is one Nanniya Bhatta, and Dr. Holtzsch has suggested that he is identical with Nannaya Bhattaraka who wrote the Andhrabharata and other works.

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APRIL, 1926 ) KANNADA POETS 15 188. Now at the beginning of his Bharata Nannaya Bhattaraka has written - PAyaka Pakasasaniki bharataghora ranambunandu Narayanunatlu Vanasadhura mara vasa vibhushanundu NA rayana Bhattu Vangmayadhurandharurdu tanakishtardu sahadhyayiyunaina vadabhimatambuga dodayi nirvahimparga l' This proves beyond any doubt that the Narayana Bhatta mentioned in Nandampondi copperplate, who was styled 'Kavirajasekhara' and 'Kavibhavajra ukusa,' is identical with Narayana Bhatta who assisted Nannaya to compose the Andhrabharata. During the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D. Kanarese poetry flourished greatly. The Chalukyas being natives of the Kannada country, Kanarese books must have been in much demand in Vengi. Adipampa, Nagavarma and others born in Andhradesa gained great renown as Kanarese poets. It is possible that Rajaraja Narendra ordered his court-poet Nannaya Bhattaraka to compose an Andhrabharata comparable to the Bharatas which had been published in Vengi ; and perhaps, who knows, he conceived the idea of a Kannada Bhdrata. Anyhow the Andhra Bharata was composed according to the royal order; and Narayana Bhatta, who was Nannaya Bhattaraka's fellow-student, assisted him to write it. 8. Sri Kanthasari, circa A.D. 1099. He is mentioned, as author, in an inscription belonging to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla [scil Vikramaditya VI) which stands near the temple of Kallesvara at Kuruvatti in Bellary District. The inscription states that in Chalukya Vikrama year 24, i.e., A.D. 1099, two hundred mahajans of Kuruvatti, Kalidasa, the ruler of that place, and his sons, made a gift of land and of the duties levied on the eastern road on such commodities as grass, wood, vegetables, fruit, etc., for the support of ascetics (lapodhanardharadanakka) and the enjoyment of the god Abhinava-Somesvara (abhinavasomesvaradevarangabhogakkan). Kanthasuri's poetry, as exemplified in the inscription, is very sweet (vdksudhe). 9. Madhusudanadeva. circa A.D. 1148. At Kotnakallu in Hadagali taluka, Bellary District, is an inscription of the eleventh year (Saka 1070) of the prosperous reign of Jagadekamalla II. It records the fact that Vikramaditya, maternal uncle of Vira Pandya, a feudatory of Jagadekamalla, made a permanent assignment (dattiyannu bittu) to the svayambhu deity Kotishankar enshrined on the southern bank of the Tunga(bhadra ?). One of the verses of the inscription declares that Madhusudana composed the portion describing the virtues of Vikramaditya, the prowess of Vira Pandya, and showing the descent of Jagadekamalla II from Taila II. It is also clear that Madhusudana was a court-poet enjoying the protection of Vira Pandya. [NOTE-This poet is mentioned in Lives of the Kannada Poets, by R. B. Narasimhacharya. Vol. I, pp. 130-132.] [The feudatory Vira Pandya appears to be the same as Vira Pandyadeva who ruled the Nolamba vadi district as feudatory of Somesvara III. (Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts.)] 10. Bijjaya Nayaka. ciroa, A.D. 1172. In the independent Jath principality of the Bijapur Political Agency is a village named MAdagih Al, called in olden time MAlige and Malikapur. In front of the temple of Mahadeva in this village is an inscription containing the following information - In the Tarikad District of Kuntals was & city called Mangaliveda, whose ruler was Kannama. His son was Raja, who in turn had three sons, Ammagi, Sankama, and Jogama. Jogama had a son Hemmadi, and Hemmadi's son was Bijjala, who founded the KAlachuri dynasty. Bijjala's son was Reyamur&ri Soyi, under whose protection dwelt the courtier Bijjaya Nayaks. In Salivahan -1093 this Bijjaya Nayaka constructed a temple of Somnathesvara in his lord's name, and in his own name a tomple of Bijjesvara, w well as a lake in the precincts of the latter,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1926 The poetry of the inscription is admirable and deserving of close study, but the name of the author is nowhere mentioned. On the other hand Bijjaya Nayaka is belauded in several places. Thus, for example, it is stated that the wise have bestowed upon Bijjaya Nayaka the epitheta Varnnakavi' and 'Kannadajana.' Another verse indicates that Bijjaya Nayaka Was both principal minister and court-poet of Rayamurari Soyi. The distinctive word 'Kannadajana' appears in several verses. The authors of Lives of the Kannada Poets have quoted several verses containing this word, which they consider may be the special epithet of certain poets, as it appears at the end of their compositions. They cannot however decide to which or what particular poets the epithet was applied, but suggest that they belong roughly to the period about A.D. 1500. Now considering that Bijjaya Nayaka, as is shown by the MAdagih Al inscription, was a renowned poet and was dubbed 'Varnnakavi' and 'Kannadajana' by the wise, is it out of place to suggest that the author of verses bearing the distinctive word 'Kannadajana 'was none other than Bijjaya NAyaka ? If this theory is accepted, we shall have to carry the holder of the epithet back from A.D. 1500 to A.D. 1172. Of what works Bijjaya Nayaka was the author, we unfor tunately have no knowledge whatever. 11. Bhaskara. circa A.D. 1127. Near the Subehdar's Kacheri in Pattanacheru, in the Nizam's Dominions, is an incription of the Chalukya Bhulokamalla Somesvara (scil. Somesvara III), written in Chalukya Vikrama year 51 (=A.D. 1127), which records that on the occasion of his formal installation on the throne Somesvara made a gift of land to the astrologer Nanneya Bhatta, for having fixed an auspicious hour for this great festival. One of the verses of the inscription, which is an ornate composition, declares that one Bhaskara was the author. 12. Bhaskara. circa A.D. 1186. An inscription (Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1916, No. 546) records that when MAlaparasa, the invincible Dandanayaka of the Chalukya Somesvara, was ruling the 'Sindavadi thousand,' he made in Saka 1108 an irrevocable gift of certain land revenues for the maintenance of a lamp to be kept always alight as an offering to the God Sri Mallikarjuna in Nandapur. The concluding verse of the inscription states that it was composed by Bhaskara, who is described as 'Suka vipadmaprabhAkaro,' and is also given the title of Kukavimukhamudra' ('the seal on the lips of bad poets '). Bhaskara was an accomplished scholar of both Sanskrit and Kanarese. The inscription gives no further information about him. 13. Udayaditya. circa A.D. 1198. A certain UdayAditya, whoever he may be, described as 'VasudhanAthana SomanAthana Sutam Cholodayadityam' and 'Somamahibhsinnandanam,' wrote an Alankara work entitled Udayaditydlankara (Lives of Kannada Poets, vol. I, pp. 132-3]. It appears that he was the son of a Chola king, Somanatha, and that he ruled after a formal coronation. The authors of Lives of Kannada Poets suggest A.D. 1150 approximately as the date of this poet. In the north-western wall of the enclosure of the famous temple of Rameshwar in Tadpatri town, Bellary District, is an inscription containing the following information (Madras Epigraph : Collection for 1892. No. 338). A Maharaja Udayaditya, 'scion of the royal and famous Lunar race,' (Bhuvana prakhydta somanvyajanila), was governing his territory in the palace of Tatiparrapur (Tadpatri), which was the capital of Pennapari-nadu. Udayaditya's father was Somadeva. On the occasion of a solar eclipse on Thursday the 15th Magh, Saka 1120, Kalayukta Sanvatsara, Uday&ditya "made a grant of inam land for the repair of the dilapidated shrine of the gods Chandranatha and Parshvanatha and for defraying the cost of the prescribed worship and for expenses of food, etc." These facts show that the author of the Alaukera work must be this MahArdja Udayaditya,

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APRIL, 1926 ] KANNADA POETS 77 Note by H. Krishna Sastri. "But the inscription nowhere mentions the Chola Udaya. dit ya, por is there any reference to this Udayaditya being a poet. Again, the Cholas were of Solar, not Lunar, descent. The Udayaditya praised in the inscription is of Lunar race (Somanvayajanita), and his father is styled 'Kaliganga 'and. Gangavanipala.') The authors of Lives of Kannada Poets are of opinion that the Chola Udayaditya cannot have been independent, but must have been the feudatory of some paramount ruler. But if we bear in mind the words of the prasasti, viz. "Svastyanekasa marasanghattasaojata-vijayalakshmisamalingita-visalavakshasthalam kshatriyapavitra bhuvanatrinetra naudumbarabharanam Pandyagajakesari kulukadepuravaradhisvaram ashtamah asiddhi siddhavatadevadivyasripada padmaradhaka parabalasadhakanamadisamasta prasashtisahitam srimanmahamandalesvaram Trailokya. malla bhuja bala viranarayana pratapa kumaranudayaditya.' and if we remember also the fact that he is styled 'Udayaditya Maharaja,' that one of his epithets is Trailokyamalla,' and lastly the fact that he gives nowhere in the inscription the name of any paramount lord, it is a reasonable inference that the princes of Udayaditya's line were originally feudatories of the Chalukyas of Kalyan, but subsequently became independent rulers of Pennapari-nadu. On the decline of the Chola power, several of the representatives of this dynasty became Bubordinate to the Chalukyas. But as the might of the Chalukyas, in its turn, gradually waned, several of their feudatories became independent. The Chola Udayaditya was probably one of those who thus asserted their independence. 14. Lakshmidhara and Madhura. A.D. 1410. In a mandap near the temple of Krishna, half-way between Kamalapur and Hampe, is an inscription (Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1889, No. 38), which records that on Thursday in Phalgun, Virodhi Samvat, Saka 1332, Lakshmidhara, prime minister of Deva Raya I of Vijayanagar ) installed the god Mahagananatha (Siva) with full festal ceremonial in a cave on the south side of Malya hill, which stands in the eastern portion of Pampakshetra. In the final portion of the inscription it is stated that Madhura, the Ornament of Eminent Poets, wrote these auspicious tidings for the glorification of the minister Lakshmidhara, 80 long as Sun and Moon shall endure. It is our task to discuss the personality of Lakshmidhara, who was responsible for the inscription, and of Madhura who composed it. It is stated in Lives of Kannada Poets that one Madhura was the author of several works, including Dharmanathana Purana and Gummatashtaka. "He was a Jain of Vaji family of the Bharadvaja gotra ; his father was Vishnu, his mother Nagambika. He was under the patronage and protection of Muddarlandeshvar, minister of Harihara Raya, son of Bukka Raya. As he is styled Crest jewel of the Court of Bhunatha,' he must have been Harihara's court-poet." We are also told in the above-mentioned work that Madhura bore the following titles (birudas), "Darling of the Fine Arts," "Glory of Royal Poets," " Honey of Song," "Melodious," "Spring of Master Poets," "Ocean of Knowledge." etc. The inscription mentioned above informs us that Lakshmidhara, minister of Deva Raya, gave to Madhura, Jewel of Eminent Poets, a goodly piece of land, elephants, horses, Jewels, eto., and most affectionately supported him. Readers may ask what connexion, if any, there is between the Madhura mentioned in the Lives of Kannada Poets, who was the protege of Muddadandeshvar, Harihara's Minister, and the Madhura of the inscription, who was the protege of Lakshmidhara, minister of Deva Ratha. At the end of the inscription Madhura devotes a stanza to describing himself in certain phrases. and terms. Similarly the Madhura of the Lives of Kannada Poets describes the graces and attractions of his own poetry in a stanza, which is quoted in that work. A comparison of these two stanzas shows that, with the single exception of the fourth line, they are word for word identical.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ April, 1926 As regards the fourth line, Madhura of the Lives of the Poets styles himself "Karnatakalakshana-bhasha kavirajanam pravilasadvani-mukhambhojanam." Madhura of the inscription describes his poetic ability in the same terms in the fourth line and adds that, as Lakshmi. dhara has become his patron, lre purposely uses the phrase "Lakshmanapada-sarojanan pravilasaddhatri mukhambhojanam." It seems therefore fairly certain that Madhura who is Karnataka-lakshana-bhasha-kaviraja' and the Madhura who calls himself 'NirnitakarnataLakshmanapada-sarojanam' are one and the same poet. It is obvious that in addition to having been a protege of Muddadandeshvar, Madhura had become the recipient of the liberal patronage of Lakshmidhara. Moreover he describes himself as 'Madhura Kavendra Bhunathasthana-chudamani' (the eminent poet Madhura, ornament of the court of Bhunatha), and in giving details in the inscription of Deva Raya's lineage, he indulges in various eulogies of that ruler. From this fact we may conclude that Madhura was also Deva Raya's poet-laureate. Madhura's works are not easy to obtain. This inscription is essentially a short poem, and contains all the distinctive features of true poetry. The attractiveness of his style can best be seen in the portion of the inscription devoted to a sketch of Lakshmidhara. He first tells us that Lakshmidhara was the prime minster of Devaraya. He styles him The true poet Lakshmidhara,' 'The chief of poets, Lakshmana,' etc., in several places. There can, therefore, be no doubt that Lakshmidhara was not only a real friend to learning and an active supporter of learned men, but was also himself an eminent poet. Unfortunately we know none of his writings, though there are grounds for supposing that among his works were the Klishnalila, Ananda Ramayana, and Nitivakyamrita. Madhura gives an instance of Lakshmidhara's keenness and efficiency in the administration of public affairs. Certain bad characters once resolved to assassinate Deva Raya, and armed with keen weapons approached the entrance of the royal chamber. Lakshmidhara heard of the plot, and heeding not of the strength of the enemy, with great daring turned the tables on the miscreants and saved his royal master's life. BOOK-NOTICES. BOOKS IN SANSKRIT : 1. TANTRARAHASYA, by Price Part I, Rs. 7 and Part II, Rs. 4. Edited RAMANUJACHARYA, edited by DR. SHAMA SASTRI, by MR. A. MAHADEVA SASTRI, Adyar, Madras. Mysore. (Caekwad's Oriental Series No. 24.) The first part contains the Sutra with Vriti, Price Rs. 1-8-0. while the second one the Nityotsava. The book It is well known that the Baroda State is publish is published with the commentary of Rameswara. ing a useful and scholarly series of Sanskrit books. The book under review is a hand-book to the great This work, in the words of the editor, is a digest study of the Mimansa Sutras. It is evidently a work of Srividya, & system of Divine Mother's worship and is attributed to the authorship of one Paraattributed to Ramanujacharya, & Brahman of the bu rama. Whether this learned author is the famous Godavari district, belonging to the seventeenth or eighteenth century. Parasurama of the Ramayana, it is for future It consists of five chapters, dealing respectively with the theory of knowledge research to decide. The method and arrangement from the point of view of the Mimamsakas, a are all well thought out and in order. The com. categorical examination of things known, such as mentary is quite & useful one for those who can the element of caste system, the authority of the not understand the peculiar technical expressions Vedas to realise religious ideals as distinct from used by the author. The first part contains ten Becular ones, the rules and regulations laid down in a chapters dealing in minute detail with the various Sastra or a law treatise, and lastly the correct inter means and methods of that calt-worship, while pretation of these laws in the light of reason. This the second part or the Nityotsava bas seven book is edited by Dr. Shama Sastri, the pioneer pub chapters. The book is very valuable to the follisher of that extant work Kautilya's Arthadaltra. a lowere of the Bakti, and other allied culte. The The price is comparatively cheap, so as to place it printing and the get up are excellent. within the reach of ordinary students of Sanskrit. 3. CATALOGUE OF MSS. IN JESALMERE BHANDARA. 2 PARAKURAMA KALPA SOTRAM in two parts. (Gaekwad's Oriental Series No. XXI. Edited by (Gaekwad's Oriental Series Nos. XXII and XXIII) MR. L. B. GANDHI, Price Rs. 3-4-0.

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APRIL, 1926 ) BOOK-NOTICES 79 This hand-book is a catalogue of manuscripts and books in the Jain Bhandars at Jesalmere. The most difficult portion of the work, namely, its compilation, goes to the credit of that wellknown scholar C. D. Dalal, M.A. The first European scholars to examine these Bhandars were Drs. Buhler and Jacobi. Nearly three decades after their visit, D. R. Bhandarkar made an extensive tour throughout Rajaputana in search of more manuscripts from 1904-6. It was the late Mr. Dalal, a Jain himself, who visited Jesalmere in 1916 apd is responsible for this comprehensive Jist. The first seventy pages of the book deal with the minor works found in general. Then the manuscripts in the big Bhandar are analysed - 347 palm leaf MSS. and 18 paper ones. In the Tapagacha Bhandar 28 MSS. both palm leaf and paper, in the Dungaraji Yati 22 M$S., and in the Thimsaha Bhandar four MSS. are given. It is on the whole a useful compendium for those interested in Sanskrit literature. four stylos: (1) Mahendra, 610-640 A.D.; (2) Mamalla, 640-674 A.D.; (3) Rajasimha, 674-800 A.D.; (4) Nandivarman, 800-900 A.D. Both the names and the dates attributed are the author's own. To the Mahendra style he attributes the cavetemples in the country round Kanchipuram (Con. jee veram), i.e., Tondamandalam. To the M&malla style, cave temples, rathas or froe monolithic temples, and rock sculptures are attributed. To this architecture belong the Seven Pagodas and the great Siva cave temple at Trichinopoly. To the R&jasimha style are ascribed stone and brickbuilt temples dedicated to Siva se Somaskanda. To the Nandivarman style are attributed apsidal. ended temples approaching the Chola style. On this division of his subjoct the author describes in detail Various examples of the Pallava build. ings in the Mahendra style. There are twenty splendid plates attached to the descriptions. Altogether a valuable piece of work has been accomplished. R. C. TEMPLE. V.R.R. THE GLORIES OF MAGADHA, by J. N. SAMADDAR. Patna University Readership Lectures. 1922. The inhabitants and workers in 'Magadha' have reason to be proud of their native land and one cannot grumble at the title of this little book-80 very much that has been great in India has come from this portion of it. Prof. J. N. Samaddar has already won for himself golden opinione by his Calcutta University lectures on the economic condition of Ancient India, and he now follows them up by equally informing and in their way delightful lectures on Magadha-the land of the Mauryas, the first Indians to combine and of Asoka and his Buddhism, of the great Buddhist University of Nalanda. Magadha has, indeed, done many things for India. Professor Samaddar is, of course, going over old ground, but he does it well and has at times something new to which to draw our attention, though personally I cannot agree with everything that he says. The part of the book that has in. torestod me most is the socount of the Royal University of Vikramabila founded by the Buddhist Dharmapala in the ninth century A.D. Not much is known of this ancient university and what Prof. Samaddar has to say is most interesting. R. C. TEMPLE. THE EARLY HISTORY OF BENGAL, by F. J. MONA HAN. Oxford University Press. 1925. The late Mr. Monahan of the Indian Civil Service proposed to himself to compose a History of Bengal, the province in which he served, and for this purpose he collected much material, which, however, was never published, beyond what was contained in some lectures printed in Bengal, Past and Present, He died in 1923, leaving behind him complete for publication only the first portion of his studies, which is now produced by his friend Sir John Woodroffe. This "early history" of Bengal is, however, really a study of the history of the Mauryan Empire and as such it does not seem to contain much that is new to the old student, but it has one commanding recommendation. It gives in a small space and in an orderly manner all the evidence available for the statements made in the general books on the period. For this the earnest student cannot be too grateful, and he should always keep such a book with him, as here he has to his hand the actual evidence he should require.. A great portion of the book is taken up with the Kouillya Arthaddatra on the administration of the period, and the only word of caution I would offer here is that it is quite possible that we have in the statements found in the Kautilya Arthaddatra what the author and his school thought ought to be the method of administering the Empire rather than what it really was. It may have been merely a book of advice. The Chapters on the Greek evidence as to Mauryan Institutions and on the Abokan Inscriptions are beyond praise. R. C. TEMPLI. PALLAVA ABOEITBOTURE, Part I, Early Period. Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India. No. 17. By A. H. LONGHUBST, Simla, Govern. ment of India Press, 1924. This issue deals with the early period of Pallava Architeoture and is more valuable for its architec. tural information than for its historical, as the author has not availed himself of the latest work on the latter subject. He divides the architecture into

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1926 A gender. In fact, he treated the loan words just as do the speakers of every other language. Nevertheless, one is grateful to Prof. Saksena for the list of the Persian borrowings which he gives and for showing us exactly how Tulsidas managed to adapt them to his own language. R. C. TEMPLE. PERSIAN LOAN.WORDS IN THE RAMAYAN OF TULSIDAS, hy BABURAM SAKSENA. This is a most welcome little pamphlet, excerpted from some Journal, though, except the pagination (83-75), there is nothing to show this. It relates to the words adapted by Tulsidas from Persian v Tulsidas from Persian into Awadhi, and shows that they were used to represent things newly introduced, as terms of address to the noble classes, as elegancies by the gentry, for military or legal purposes, or for abuse or depreciation. Just such words as one would expect. Such loan words were assimilated by Tulsidas in the usual ways, i.e., by substitution of Awadhi sounds for alien Persian sounds, and by otherwise fitting the borrowed words for use in Awadhi speech. Tulsidas had also to fit the foreign words into his metre. This fitting of the Persian words to his purpose, moreover, obliged him to make a few grammatical changes and in some cases to give them THE SUBJECT INDEX TO PERIODICALS, 1921. Issued by the Library Association. I. Language and Literature, Pt. 1, Classical, Oriental and Primitive. December 1924. London, Grafton and Co., 51 Great Russell St., London. This is a further issue of this most useful publication where the student can find all that is produced in the current Joumale and Periodical on his subject if it is connected with Languages and Literature I cannot speak too highly of it. R. O. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. " DIWANI." British India, 1, pages 392 and 473). But Midnapur had, as far back as 1706 A.D., been taken from May I enquire if any of your Readers can help Orissa and annexed to Bengal-Hunter's Orissa II, me to solve the following historical difficulty ? p. 29 and Appendices, p. 197. He follows Stewart's One of the most important steps in the develop. History of Bengal, p. 370). If Midnapur was a part ment of the territorial sovereignty of the British in of Bengal, then Hoogly to the east of Midnapur Bengal was their acquisition in 1765 A.D. of the must also have been included in that province, "Diwani "in the three Mughal provinces of Bengal, and the explanation given by Vincent Smith Bihar and Orissa. A separate Firman was issued by and Baden Powell for the grant of the "Diwani" the Emperor Shah Alam, granting the Diwani in each in Orissa apparently falls to the ground. of these provinces. Even in 1759 A.D. when Clive first mooted the subject of acquiring the "Diwani", I would be grateful if any one could give me the he spoke of obtaining possession of all three pro. correct explanation why the British in 1765 demandvinces. ed the "Diwani " of Orissa. Was it merely part of But, in actual fact, the province of Orissa had the British design to expol the Marathas from Orissa (see Grant Duff, page 650, beginning of Chapter been in the hands of the Marathas since 1761 A.D. XXIII), which was subsequently abandoned ? The nominal sovereignty of the Mughal Emperor was, indeed, preserved for a short time. But in C. WILLS. 1757 A.D., as Sir W. Hunter tells us (Orissa UI, 31), "a Maratha obtained the undisguised governdeship, NOTE ON MR. WILLS' LETTER. and from that date till 1803 Orissa remained a It seemg quite natural that the English should Maratha province." have demanded the Diwani of Orissa : for they were The usual explanation of the grant by the Emperor taking the place of the Nawab (of Bengal), under of the "Diwani " in regard to a province which had whose authority Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa had long passed to the Marathas is that some portions on been grouped together. The Cuttack portion was Orissa were still in 1765 available for transfer tu certainly in the hands of the Marathas : but this the British and were not under the Marathas. Thus was only in virtue of an agreement made with Ali Vincent Smith writes (Oxford History of India, Verdi Khan in 1751 (see Grant Duff, ed. Edwardes, page 503): "Shah Alam was further directed to 1921, vol. I, p. 457] and they were nominally grant the Company the Diwani of the whole of tenants of the Nawab. It is within the bounds of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The province last possibility that Clive may have wished to keep the named then included only Midnapur and part of French or others from settling in Cuttack district : Hoogly district-the rest of Orissa and Cuttack being in Maratha hands since 1751 A.D." In but there is no direct evidence to that effect. this he seems to have followed a statement to JOINT EDITOR, the same effect by Baden Powell (Land Systems of Indian Antiquary.

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MAY, 1926] MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA. FROM THE COLLECTION MADE BY THE LATE DR. W. CROOKE, C.I.E., D.C.L., F.B.A. Prefatory Note. 81 BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. AMONG the papers left behind by Dr. William Crooke was a collection of Hindu and Muhammadan marriage songs (27 Hindu and 3 Muhammadan) from various districts in Northern India. Some of them are of peculiar value. For instance, there are a complete set of Hindu songs from the Mirzapur District from the commencement to the end of the marriage ceremonies, and two incomplete sets from the Itawa District. There are also two sets of songs at the nail-paring ceremony: one attributed to Tulasi Dasa and the other from the Mainpuri District. And lastly there are seven separate Hindu songs connected with various marriage ceremonies from different places and districts of Northern India. Three Muhammadan songs are further in the collection. They will all be given now with text and translation. I. Hindu marriage songs of Mirzapur. This set of eight songs were told and recorded by Rajkali, Head Mistress of the village girl-school at Kachhwa in the Mirzapur district. It is valuable, as the set is complete from the commencement to the end of the marriage ceremonies. 1. The Phaldan song sung at the first betrothal. It will be observed that this set of songs refers in a confused way to well-known incidents in the Hindu sacred classics relating to the marriage of Ramachandra, and have often no direct bearing on the matter in hand. The singing of them would therefore appear to be strictly conventional. Text. Manchiya baithi Kaushalya Rani; sinhasan Raja Dasrath ho. "Are, Ram ke tilak charhawahu; ab sukh dekhab ho." Baur bhaitin Kaushalya Dei: kin bhaurawal ho? Ek din mualin janam kei: ab jhankhain byahan ke. Haukar nagara ke Bipra begahin chali awahi hoi. Thari jo bharalin sopariyan; newati dei awo ho. Newatahu argan pargan sagari Ayodhya. Ek jin newato Rani Kekai, jin apane garab se ho. Sone kai kharanau Raja Dasrath: hathwan sumirini liye ho. Sone kai tilak, lilar Kekai manawal ho. Kekai manai; jangh baithai :-"kaun gunah ham kihal hamare nahin aya ho? Mangan:-"ek ham mangahiu, jo ham pawahiu ho? Ram Lakhan ban dehu; Bharath karain raj ho." Mangai ke" Rani, mangyo maigahi na janyo ho. Mangailu pran adhar Kaushalya kai balak ho." Translation. Kaushalya Rani sat on her seat: Raja Dasrath on his royal throne. "Ho you, mark Ram's forehead with the tilak, and then I shall have the pleasure of seeing him." Kaushalya Rani has become mad (with joy): who has maddened her. One day she was nearly dying at his birth: now she is bought and sold (for joy) at his marriage. When the drums begin to play, the Brahmans flock to the palace. The dish is full of betel nut: take it away and distribute it.1 1 By way of invitation.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1926 Invite friends and neighbours and the people of Ayodhya and the pargana. But don't invite Rani Kekai ; she is very proud. Raja Dasrath has golden sandals and in his hand a rosary. He has a golden tilak, and is trying to conciliate Kekai. He has soothed Kekai and seated her on his thigh ; " what crime have I committed that you do not come to me?" Says she : "I wan't a boon if I can obtain it. Send Ram and Lakhan to the forest, and let Bharat rule." Says he: "Rani, you know not what you ask, You are demanding the son of Kaushalya Rani, the guardian of my life." 2. The Nabacchu song, sung at the paring of the bridegroom's nails. Text. Ghar ghar phirai le nauniyai ; "aju more Ram kai nahuchhu gotin sab dye ho." Awailin aintbali au itrati alahin, pate kai jajim ; jhari bichhaib ho. Awalin gotin sau tin char, sumangal gawai lin ho. Nand ke h&then naharani, nauniyai gori Ram kai badan nih kri, hausai mukh mori - "Kahe gun R&m bhaye sauwar? Kahe gun Lakshman gor ho ?" "RAm to haii Raja Dasrath ke, aru Lakshman mor ho." Rani Kaushalya Dei kaise jiaye tapsi gai tor ho ? Lehalso khainchha bhar dhebua besahalin ghor ho. Nana to chashaila ghorawa, nauniyan kell le gail chor ho. Translation The barber's wife has gone round the houses :" come to the nail-paring of our R&m" The clansmen come to the house, stately and proud : the carpet is spread. Three or four hundred clansmen assemble and songs of joy are sung. The barber has the nail-parer in his hand, and the barber's wife, Seeing the body of Ram, laughs and turns back her face : "Why is Ram swarthy? Why is Lakshman fair?" "Ram belongs to Raja Dasrath, and Lakshman to us." "How burning has your Rani Kaushalya Dei become ?" "Take your parer's full and mount your horse." The barber mounted the horse, and the barber's wife stopped her abuse. 3. Marriage song, sung during the actual marriage ceremony. The recorder of this song notes that it is really a call for help by the bride against the bridegroom to her father, and is therefore a survival of marriage by capture. She complains that the bridegroom is by force putting the red spot (the sign of the married state) into the parting of her hair. The bride sings - Text. Baba, baba' gohardil& : baba ta bolain na ho. Janghiyas ki bariaiydi sendur monkou nawain na ho. Hatiye meu sendura mahang bhailain, babQ; chunari bhail anmol. Ehi re, sendurwa ke karan chhoron main des tohar. Translation. Father, Father 3' I cry : but my father does not hear. By his personal strength he is putting the sendar 4 into the parting of my hair. 3 I.e., he has a sadron tilak on his forehead. 3 The vernacular term may also read" grandfather." Red lead in the form of a round spot put on the forehead just below the parting of the hair: the sign of a married woman,

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MAY, 1926] MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA In the market the price of sendur is rising, father: coloured (marriage) garments are beyond price. Ah me, on account of the sendur I am leaving your country. 4. The Kanyadan song, sung when the father gives his daughter solemnly to the bridegroom. The gist of this song is that the father shudders when he has completed the marriage ceremony. The reason for his shuddering is the thoughts of the sacredness of the union accomplished and the great responsibilities that the married pair are assuming, of the vengeance of supernatural powers (Fire, Water, Air, Sun, Moon and the Gods) on any violation of the marriage vows, of the troubles of widowhood which Indian women cheerfully undergo on the death of their husbands. There are signs that this short song is very old. Text. Kaipaile, thari: kaipaile, jhari: kaipaile, kuse kai dabh : Mandye men kanpaila beti kai baba det kanwari kanyadan. 83 Translation. Shuddering, the dish,-shuddering, the jug;-shuddering; the bundle of kusd grass; In the marriage-shed the shuddering father of the girl gave his daughter in marriage. Note. The sense of this song is that, while the father is completing the marriage ceremonies and placing the articles of worship in a dish, the sacred water in a jug, the kusd grass round the sacrificial pit in the marriage shed, he shudders at giving away his daughter. 5. The Barat song, sung when the bridegroom starts for the bride's house. Text. Ram je chalalain biyahan, run-jhun bajen bajai. Are, upran je sagawa menraraila na; "ham hun chalab biyahan ke." Unch nagar pur Patan ate baisen chhaile mando. Bahaile jhur-jhur byari, uhain dal utraila ho. Are, Ram sasu je chalalii parichhan kekari arti utarahu ho: "Kawan bar sundar sanwar baran? kanhaia orhale pitambar ho? "Unhin ke arti utarahu; unhiu bar sundar ho." Hot bihan phat-phatat chiraia ek bolaila ho. Kholahu, tun Sasu bajra kewar: hamhui jabai kohbar ho." "Kaisa maiu kholon bajra kewar? To Ram jaihain kohbar meu ho." "Are, tori larika bal adan: bolahi nahm janaile ho." Teri dhiya larika adan: hamhun kawal kai phul :-"dunon janen bihansab ho." Translation. When Ram starts for the marriage, beautiful music is played. Ha, a parrot is hovering over his head: "I, too, will go to the marriage." In a city lofty as Patna is the marriage-shed set up, and made of fresh bamboos. Where the wind blows pleasantly, there does the procession halt. Ha, Ram's mother-in-law comes to wave the lamps over the bridegroom's head: 5 The word used is dal, an army and the reference may be to the time when the bridegroom's party was his army' came with him to capture the bride. I.e., to wave the lamps of propitiation: artf or parchhan karna,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1926 "Over whom must I wave the lamps ? " " The beautiful dark boy that wears the yellow ro be." "Over him do arti : over him wave the lamps." In the early morning a bird begins to chirp and sing: "Mother-in-law do thou open the iron gate ; I too would go to the kohbar.? "How can I open the iron gate? It is RAm that goes into the kohbar." "Ha, thy daughter is an innocent child : she does not know how to speak. Thy daughter is an innocent child. I, too, am a flower of the lotus. We two will talk together and laugh and joke." 6. Sung at the fixing of the Marriage contract, after which the married couple cannot be parted, Text. Angan lipaiu Debi Saraswati chandan se. Gajmoti chauk parki, Ganesh manai ke. "Uthahu na Mai Kaushalya Rani; chumahu dalra kai math, Jiain jagain Raja Ram Chandra." Debi Saraswati mandwain na ho : "Belsain Ayodhya kai raj." Ganesh mandi ke na ho. Translation. Saraswati Devi plasters the courtyard with sandal-wood. Sho plasters it with large pearls,& after worshipping Ganesho. "Up, mother Kaushalya Rani and kiss the bridegroom on the forehead, By which Raja Ram Chandra will live long and prosper. And Saraswati Devi prays : "May he have rule over Ayodhya." And she worships Ganesh. 7. The Gawana song, sung when the bride goes to her husband's house. This song illustrates the grief of the bride's mother at parting with her daughter. Children are much petted and the recorder of the song states :- I do not exaggerate when I say that most mothers do not touch food for several days after the gawand. Fathers, too, will cry like children when their daughters leave them on marriage. Text. Aju rain daf bajai ; bhanwara udaya bhai. Uthahu na rajkumari : gawan niar bhai. Mai je rowaile mandir chaphi, jaise jharai Sawanawan kai nir :"Are, more bajra kai chhatiya naiharen, dhiya bhailin pahun." Paithi jagawai mori mai, suhenu sir saheb "Bhor bhayul bhingar to nauniyan boldwahu; gora bharawahu." Bhauji kothariye men thaph jhar jhar ravaili na. 7 The kohbar is usually held to mean the house when the bride and bridegroom go after the wedding to worship certain family gods, but this passage and certain others point to its being really the bridal chamber. 8 The recorder of the song here has a remarkablo note. " It is usually supposed that gajmukta means" the pearl in the elephant's head." I disagree with this view. Gay means simply "great' when applied as an adjective. Just as Indra, when it precedes a noun and is not a proper name, means simply large. The recorder also notes that the song makes the goddess Saraswati worship her own son Ganesa, the god of good luck.

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86 MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA Max, 1920) Sanjhahii dansiya phandin bidwa karaio na ho. "Bhorahin chhorainlin mor des dhiya bhailin pahun na ho." Translation. To-day at night the drums are being played: the result of the walking round the firelo is come. Up, princess; the time for departure has arrived. Mother11 is weeping and her tears fall, as falls the rain in Sawan? (Says mother): "Alas, my breast must be of iron that I can bear my daughter's beooming but a guest in my house." My mother goes to my father and reverences him :"The day has dawned, so call the barber's wife and dye my daughter's feet" 18 My brother's wife is standing in the room weeping copiously. In the evening my husband got ready the palankeen and I bade adieu to my parents. (Said my mother)"My daughter forsook my home in the morning and is now but a guest in my house." ; 8. The Barhar song, sung when the bridegroom's procession (Barat) goes to dine at the bride's house. On the second day after the marriage the bridegroom goes in procession at noon or in the evening to dine at the bride's house. In the Eastern Districts this is called khichari khand, or the day itself is called Bayhar ka din, the day of the Great Feast. Text. Main ton sen puchhailoi ghuawa nari&r; kaun biraud se jorale saneh ! Jar mor gailan, "Patalpur meu chandan birana se joraliu saneh." Main ton se puchhailon ; "Janak Raja Kawan samadhiye se jorale saneh ? Jas mor ropailii : "Sital Rani Raja Dasrath samadhiya se jorile saneh." . Translation. I ask thee, cocoa-nut tree, a riddle: with what plant hast thou entered into relationship? The tree replied: "In the Lower Regions (Pat Ala) I made friends with the sandal wood." I ask thee again : with which father-in-law did Raja Janak entor into relationship? The tree replied : "Sital Rani and I made friends with Raja Dasrath as fatherin-law."14. - II. Some marriage songs of the Chaube Brahmans of Mathura. This incomplete set of three songs was recorded by Prag Das Chaube of the Town School, Itawa. It will be observed that these Brahman songs are more modern in form and more poetical than those recorded from Mirzapur. It will also be observed that final vowels are unstable, d, o, e, and even u: perhaps on account of accent and rhythm in singing. 10 An Ossential point in the marriage ceremony. 11 The bride is supposed to be speaking throughout this song. 13 August the wet month. 13 With the auspicious dye called mchawdr. 14 The song here seems to follow the old Indian custom of asking and answering stock riddles.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1926 1. Hazar 16 Banna, ta bhale &yo re. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Text. H&thi to laye, Banna, Kajari desh ke. Hazari Banna, tu bhale &yo re. Ghore to lave, Banna, Qabul desh ke. Hazari Banna, ta bhale Ayo re. Naubat to laye, Banna; Bundi desh ke. Hazari Banna, ta bhale ayo re. Sono to layo, Banna, Lanka desh ke. Hazari Banna, tu bhale ayo re. Rupo to layo, Banna, Danhdal desh ke Hazari Banna, tu bhale Ayo re. Moti to laye, Banna, Surat desh ke. Hazari Banna, tu bhale ayo re. Chunni to lAye, Banna, Daryabad ko. Hazari Banna, ta bhale Ayo re. Salu to laye, Banna, Dakshin desh ko. Hazari Banna, ta bhale Aye re. Missi to laye, Banna, dhur Gujrat ke. Hazari Banna, tu bhale ayo re. Dasi to laye, Banna, Chanchal desh ko. Hazari Banna, ta bhale aye re. Dulhin to laye, Banna, Singhaldwip ke. Hazari Banna, tu bhale Ayo re. Translation. Hast brought an elephant, Bridegroom, from the Kajarile land. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Hast brought a horse, Bridegroom, from Kabul land. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Hast brought music17, Bridegroom, from Bandi land. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art weloome. Hast brought gold, Bridegroom, from Lank&18 land. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Hast brought silver, Bridegroom, from Danhdal19 land. - Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Hast brought pearls, Bridegroom, from Surat land. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Hast brought gems, Bridegroom, from Daryabad. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Hast brought silk 20, Bridegroom, from the Dakhan land. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. 15 Lit., of the thousands', i.e., wealthy. 18 The Kajalt Ban is usually a fabled forest, but the country beyond Hardwar, where the Ganges ves the hills was once described to the Editor as the Kajali Ban, 17 Naubat, often known as roshan chauki. 19 Usually held to be Coylon by all Indians. 19 The locality of this country has not been traced. 30 Sdilu.. the bride's garment of red silk. Dakhan moans here the country to the South generally.

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MAY, 1926 ] MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA 87 Hast brought tooth-paste, Bridegroom, from far Gujrat. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Hast brought maids, Bridegroom, from Chanchal 21 land. Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. Hast a bride, Bridegroom, from Singhaldwip.22 Bridegroom of the thousands, thou art welcome. 2. Ektat Mahmud Naurang -The oranges are Mahmudt and are peerless. Text Ektai Mahmudi naurangi ; sutan lal; chameli champa ras bhini choli chatar amol. Sir kesariya pag par sohai khajuri ka mor. Bar barni bari ankhain : tispar k&jar ati chhabi det. Mere kol dipak ajab bano bare banna. Ratan jarit makhmali panhi lage hira lil. B&r bar jal piwat janani. Dhani dhani jahani mai. Mere kul dipak bare banna. ByAhi chalo Barsane awo, mili Vrind&ban Chand. Mero kul dipak ajab bano re bare banna. Translation. Her oranges 23 are Mahmudi and peerless ; her trousers are red; her bodice?4, soaked in the juice of jasmines, is clever and beyond price. On her head a saffron-coloured turban shines, crowned with a palm-leaf peacock. Her large eyes look beautiful with lamp-black. The lamp of my family, the young bridegroom is dressed wonderfully. He has velvet shoes studded with diamonds and rubies Her mother drinks water again and again. Blessed art thou, O mother. The lamp of my family has the bridegroom become. Married let us go to Barsana and meet the moon of Vrindaban". The lamp of my life, the young bridegroom has dressed himself beautifully. 3. Banna hal nadan-The bridegroom is an Innocent. This is a maiden's song and contains a common complaint in Indian marriage songs. It refers to the extreme youth of the bridegroom and is really an indirect appeal on the part of maidens for a change in marriage customs. Text. Chira to bandhe sauwaliya : Banna hai nadan. Jame to pahire sanwaliya : Banna hai nadan. Patuke khatir machala : Banna hai nadan. 21 This country has not been traced. 33 I..., Ceylon. 33 By 'oranges' (naurange) is meant the breasts of the girl, who is young. By Mahmadf,'the recordor thinks that reforence to Mahmud of Ghazt, who sacked Mathura in meant. But Mahmod's raids occurred at the end of the 4th century A.H. and the beginning of the 11th century A.D., and Mahmod is a common personal name. It is more likely that Mahmadi oranges' merely refers to a well-known variety much valued. 24 The recorder has a quaint and interesting note her. "The Indian woman's bodice is in mality.no covering at all. It rudely shelters the breasts and leaves tho stomach exposed. But chiefly on account of its indecency it has been the subject of many praises in the compositions of authors and poeta, who only think of love in its meanest form." 36 I.e., Krishna or Srt Krishna Chandra.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1026 Sathan pahire sanwaliya : Banna hai nadan. Moti khatir machal& : | Banna hai nadan. Dol& to lawai sanwaliya : | Banna hai nedan. Banari khatir jhagra. Banna hai nadan. Mere re babul ko piyari hai nadan. Translation. He wears a turban, like a beau : But the bridegroom is an innocent.26 He wears a long coat 27 like a beau : But the bridegroom 28 is an innocent. He grieves for the want of his girdle : But the bridegroom 28 is an innocent. He has on trousers like a beau : But the bridegroom is an innocent. He grieves for the want of pearls : But the bridegroom is an innocent. He brings a palankeen 29 like a beau : But the bridegroom is an innocent. He is quarrelling for a monkey30. But the bridegroom is an innocent. The beloved of my father is an innocent. (To be continued.) 26 N Adan means literally ignorant, but both Hindus and Musalmans te the term to mean a little innocent child. 27 JAmd means the long loon ont wom hy bridegrooms at the marriage ceremony. It is a relic of the coat formerly worn by all men in public, just as Muhammadang still wear them. 28 The term often used here is band not banna, Band means apparently mean monkey,' -' the young monkey.' 20 There is a pun here and this expression might read "he takes a bride." CJ. Hindu ndje Musalman badaldhon ko dola dete hain-Hindus offer bridus to Rajas and Musalmans to kings." 30 Here the senso is "the young monkey is quarrolling for his mate."

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MAY, 1926 1 BUDDERMOKAN BUDDERMOKAN. BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE, BT, (Continued from page 65.) VII. Water and river worship in India. Commencing with the Punjab, Maclagan, Census Report, 1891, vol. I, p. 105, tells us : * The veneration of rivers--of the various rivers venerated in the Punjab the Ganges is the most famous. It is very often worshipped under the title of Bhagirathi, after the name of the Puranic hero Bhagiratha, who is said to have brought the Ganges down from heaven. A large number of those who worship the river under this name are of the Od caste, which is said to be descended from Bhagiratha. The Ods of the south-west are a wandering caste of workers in earth, who say they are Hindus, but none the less they bury their dead, and hence are not associated with by ordinary Hindus. They are often found wearing a black blanket, the origin of which custom is explained in two different ways. According to ono story the Ganges, which was brought from heaven by the austerities of Bhagiratha, has not flowed to the place where the bones of the ancestors repose, and until it does the Ods must continue to wear mourning. Another account is that the ancestor of the Ods, the father of Bhagiratha, swore to himself that he would never drink twice of the same well and that he used to dig a new well for himself each day ; but one day he had to dig very deep and the earth fell over him, and he was seen no more. This story is also given to explain why the Ods do not burn their dead." Passing down the West Coast, in the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. V, (Cutch), p. 55, we read that the Lohanas in Cutch "are devout worshippers of the Spirit of the Indus, Darya Pir, who is said to have saved them when they fled from Multan. Every Lohana village has a place built in honour of this spirit, where a lamp, fed with clarified butter, is kept burning day and night, and where in the month of Chaitra (March-April) a festival is celebrated." See also Burton, Hist. of Sindh, p. 315. In Baroda. J. A. Dalal, Census Report, 1901, vol. I, p. 157, it is stated that: "There are special deities for particular tribes ... the Magar Dev, the Alligator God of the Dublas, Chodharas, Vas Avas and Kukanas. It is worshipped once a year to avoid injury from alligators to men and animals, and also as a preventive against illness. This deity is found only in isolated places under a roof and is merely a piece of wood, somewhat resembling an alligator and propped up on two posts." And in regard to the alligator and crocodile, Campbell Notes on the Spirit Basis of Belief and Custom, pp. 275-276, has as usual some pregnant re. marks to make : "The alligator is held sacred and worshipped by the Hindus. To be eaten by an alligator of Gangasagar is considered happiest of deaths (Ward's View of Hindus, I, Ixvi). It is a lucky sign if a man drowning himself is seized by an alligator (op. cit. II, 117). "One of the meritorious suicides in the 'Ain Akbari is to go into the sea at the Ganges' mouth, and be eaten by an alligator (Maurice's Indian Antiquities, II, 164). Alligator cano. pies aro favourite Buddhist ornaments. Crocodiles eat the bodies of men and frequent the banks of rivers, one of the great spirit haunts, and so the crocodiles are worshipped and tamed at the well-known crocodile pond near Karachi in Sind. The crocodile is eaten by Upper Egyptians and Nubians (Burkhardt's Nubia, 36). Food for the crocodile is a Nubian phrase for one thrown into a river (op. cit. 146). In Melanesia they are believed to contain the spirit of a friend, and are tamed (Jour. Anthropological Institute, X, 306). Crocodiles are prayed to in Madagascar. The people are much afraid of them, and so they offer them prayers that they may not be troubled (Sibree's Madagascar, 270). Many persons in Madagascar won't kill them, except in revenge, and many wear the tooth as a charm. A golden crocodile's

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY 1926 tooth is the central ornament in the royal crown (op. cit. 269). In Guinea they are worshipped as containing the spirits of men (Primitive Culture, II, 8); so also in the Philippine Islands (op. cit. 230). Some South Africans put a man out of tribe who has been bit by an alligator (Livingstone's South Africa, 255). This is because the man is the alligator's prey and the alligator will punish them. Compare the Burmans not helping a drowning man, because he is the victim of the water nymphs. The Zaparo Indians of South America though enjoy killing all animals, still they won't kill the big alligator (Jour. Anthropological Institute, VII, 504). In Tahiti at the king's coronation two deified sharks are said to come and congratu. late the king. The kings used to play with them (Jones' Crowns, 453). According to Pliny (Natural History, XXVIII, 8), the crocodile cures fever, ague, weak eyes, and many other complaints." In Bombay Gazetteer, vol. II (Broach), on pp. 567ff. is described a Sukaltirtha, the most important fair in the Broach district, and at p. 569 it is stated that "the ceremony of launching on the Narbada a boat with black sails to become white in token that the sins of the penitent are taken from him, is still practised; but nowadays the pilgrims, not being kings, use instead of a boat a common earthen jar. This they set afloat, having set inside of it a lighted lamp, and as it drifts down the stream it carries away with it their sins." Campbell, Notes on the Spirit Basis of Belief and Custom, p. 169, says : In the Konkan water spirits live in the round holes found in river-bed 'rocks. River beds are favourite spirit haunts, and so in Poona every year, when the rivers swell, all villagers come together, take a green sadi or waist cloth, and choli or bodice cloth, flowers, fruits, frankincense, and betelnuts and leaves with them, and throw them in the river. In Melanesia holes in water rocks are sacred to spirits (Jour. Anthropological Institute, X, 277). In Scotland pot-holes are called fairies' cups (Scott's Border Minstrelsy, 462). General quotations on Water and River Worship might be indefinitely extended, but the whole question is well summed up to the information obtainable at the beginning of the present century in Sir James Campbell's admirable Notes on the Spirit Basis of Belief and Customs, pp. 325-327. His remarks on the universal aspect of water worship go far to show us that in the legends surrounding Badaru'ddin Aulia and Khwaja Khizar we are in the presence of beliefs going back to the beginnings of human thought and of superstitions that are world wide. He says : "Water as one of the chief scarers or foes of evil spirits rose to a high position among the Hindu objects of worship. Certain rivers and ponds are held very sacred and are often resorted to by thousands of pilgrims. In the Rig Veda the waters are personified, deified and honoured as goddesses, and called the mothers of the earth. They cleanse their worshippers from sin and untruthfulness and give birth to fire (Monier Williams' Religious Thought in India, 346-347). They are also praised for their power of healing (ibid). "The Ganges is considered the most sacred of all the rivers, and next to it in importance are the Jamna, the Sarasvati, the Narmada, the Sharayu, and several other minor rivers, To bathe daily in the rivers and seas, especially in the months of Kartika, Margashirsha, Pausha and Magha-that is, from December to March-is considered very meritorious; and to bathe on a new-moon day that falls on a Monday is still more meritorious. To bathe in the sea as well as some sacred ponds, like bathing in the rivers, is held holy. All high class Hindus in the Konkan, especially Brahmans, daily worship a pot filled with water, called varunu, with flowers, rice and red powder. Among the Hirekurvinavarus of Dharwar on the twentieth day after a child birth the mother and five married women, whose first husbands are alive, go to a tank, well, or river, and worship the water with turmeric and red powder (Bombay Gazetteer, XXII, 168-169). The Kanara Halvaki Vakals at the Divali festival in the month of November worship an earthen vessel full of water with a row of lighted lamps round it (op. cit., XIV, 207).

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MAY, 1926 ) BUDDERMOKAN "Among the Belgaum Kunbis the day before Divali (October-November) large earthen pots are bought, smeared with lime, put on the fire-place, and filled with water (Bombay Gazetteer, XXI, 117). Among the Areres, a class of Kanarese husbandmen, a copper pot full of water, its mouth stopped by a cocoanut ornamented with flowers, mango leaves and vermilion paste, is worshipped as the abode of the marriage gods (op. cit., XV, 215). On the six. teenth day after death the Kanara Jains put on heaps of rice, and putting from nine to one hundred and nine pots filled with water on them worship them with flowers and red powder (op. cit. 236). "According to Buchanan (Mysore, II, 71), in Mysore a pool was worshipped, and money was thrown in it. At the spring of the Kaveri, in Coorg, in October all pilgrims try to bathe at the same moment just as the sun enters the sign of Libra (Rice's Mysore, III, 243). The Ganges is worshipped because it purifies everything (Ward's View of the Hindus, I, xlv). The Japanese worship wells and gods of water (Reed's Japan, I, 51). Rivers and seas are the object of worship of the Shinto religion of Japan (op. cit. I, 27). There is a sacred well at Mecca, in Arabia, which cures all diseases (Burkhardt's Arabia, I, 262-263). In East Africa presents of clothes are made to sacred springs (Cameron, Across Africa, I, 144). The Romans had service rites of fontanalia. Seneca says: "Where a spring rises, or a river flows, there should we build altars and offer sacrifices" (Dyer's Folk Lore, 4). Water was held sacred in Soandinavia (Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, II, 584), and the Franks and Alamanns worshipped rivers and fountains (op. cit. 583). In Germany whirlpools and waterfalls were held in special veneration, and were thought to be put in motion by a superior being-a river sprite (op. cit., 592); 80 also above all was the place honoured where the wondrous element leaps up from the lap of earth, and the first appearance of a spring was often ascribed to divine agency or a miracle (op. cit. 584). It is the custom of Esthonia for a newly married wife to drop a present into the well of the house (op. cit. 598). "In Great Britain many wells were held sacred, and were often resorted to by patients and pilgrims till the beginning of the eighteenth century. The worship of wells in the holy pool of Strathfillan near Tyndrum, in Scotland, in 1798 is thus described. In August hundreds of people were said to bathe in it. After bathing each person picked up nine stones and took them to a hill near where were three cairns. They went three times round each cairn, at each round dropping a stone. If they bathe to get rid of any sore or disease, they leave on the cairn a piece of cloth which covered the diseased part. If a beast was ill at home, they brought its halter, laid it on the cairn, kneaded some meal on the water of the pool, and gave it to the cattle. The cairns were covered with old halters, gloves, shoes, bonnets, nightcaps, rags, petticoats and garters (Anderson's Early Scotland, I, 192). "To the well of many virtues in St. Kilda, in West Scotland, pilgrims brought shells. pebbles, rags, pins, needles, nails and coins (Anderson's. Scotland in Early Christian Times, I, 119). The well of St. Michael was held very holy in Scotland. In the Statistical Account of Scotland (XII, 464) parish of Kirkmichael, Banffshire, it is said : Near the kirk of this parish there is a fountain, once highly celebrated, and dedicated to St. Michael. Many a patient has by its waters been restored to health, and many more have attested the efficacy of their virtues. But as the presiding power is sometimes capricious and apt to desert his charge, it now lies neglected, choked with weeds, unhonoured, and unfrequented. In better days it was not so ; for the winged guardian under the semblance of a fly was never absent from his duty. If the sober matron wished to know the issue of her husband's ailments, or the lovesick nymph that of her languishing swain, they visited the well of St. Michael. Every movement of the sympathetic fly was regarded in silent awe; and as he appeared cheerful or dejected the anxious votaries drew their presages' (Brand's Popular Antiquities 11, 372).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1926 "In North Wales there was a holy well called the Holy Well or St. Winifride's Well, Pennant in his account of this well says : After the death of that saint the waters were as sensitive as those of the pool of Bethesda : all infirmities incident to the human body met with relief: the votive crutches, the barrows, and other proofs of cures to this moment remain as evidences pendent over the well. The resort of pilgrims to these fontanalia has, of late years, been considerably decreased. In the summer still a few are to be seen in the water in deep devotion up to their chins for hours sending up their prayers or performing a number of evolutions round the polygonal well, or threading the arch between well and well a number of times' (Brand's Popular Antiquities, II, 367). "In the curious manuscript account of the customs in North Wales by Pennant he says: About two hundred yards from the church in a quillet called Gwern Dugla, rises a small spring. The water is under the tutelage of the saint, and to this day held to be extremely beneficial in the falling sickness. The patient washes his limbs in the well, makes an offering into it of four pence, walks round it three times, and thrice repeats the Lord's prayer. Those ceremonies are never begun till after sunset, in order to inspire the votaries with greater awe (Brand's Popular Antiquities, II, 375). "In England people offered pins, shells, needles, pebbles, coins, and rags to sacred wells (Chamber's Book of Days, II, 7), and on Holy Thursday people used to throw sweet garlands and wreaths of pansies, pinks and gaudy daffodils into the streams (Dyer's Foll: Lore, 4). In some parts of North England it has been a custom from time immemorial for the lads and lasses of the neighbouring villages to collect together at springs or rivers on some Sunday in May to drink sugar and water where the lasses give the treat: this is called Sugar-and-water Sunday. They afterwards adjourn to the public-houses, and the lads return the compliment in cakes, ale and punch. A vast concourse of both sexes assemble for the above purpose at the Giant's Cave near Eden Hall in Cumberland on the third Sunday in May (Brand's Popular Antiquities, II, 375). "Hutchinson in his History of Cumberland (II, 323), speaking of the parish of Bromfield and a custom in the neighbourhood of Blencogo, says : On the common to the east of that village not far from Ware-Brig, near a pretty large rock of granite called St. Cuthbert's Stane, is a fine copious spring of remarkably pure and sweet water which is called Helly Well, that is, Holy Well. It formerly was the custom for the youth of all the neighbouring vil. lages to assemble at this well carly in the afternoon of the second Sunday in May, and there to join in a variety of rural sports' (Brand's Popular Antiquities, II, 37)." On the connected question of Water Spirits, Campbell is equally explicit (op. cit., pp. 149 f.): "The most important and widely known of the Konkan spirits that are supposed to live in water are Asras, Bapdev, Gird and Hadal or Hedali. Asras are the ghosts of young women who after giving birth to one or more children, committed suicide by drowning themselves. They always live in water, and attack any person who comes to the place of their abode at noon, in the evening, or at midnight. When they make their rounds they generally go in groups of three to seven. Their chief objects of attack are young women, and when a woman is attacked by the Asras generally, a female exorcist is called in to get rid of them. "Their favourite offerings are cooked rice, turmeric, red powder, and green bodice cloths Bapdev is the ghost of a sailor or mariner drowned in a channel or sea. He is much feared by the mariners, who please him with the offerings of fruits and cocoanuts. Gird is the spec. tre of a man drowned in a well, tank, channel, river or sea. He has his feot turned backwards. Whomsoever the Gird attacks, the feet of that person become crooked. He is said

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MAY, 1926 ] BUDDERMOKAN to allure travellers by calling them by their names. Sometimes he offers to become a guide to lonely travellers, and taking them into deep water drowns them, and thus makes them members of his clan. The Gird is supposed to get frightened at the sight of knives and scis. sors. It is said should any person happen to cut the shendi or top-knot of the Gird he would come to him at night to ask for the top-knot, and in return would do any work the person may require him to do. Hadal or Hedali is supposed to be the spectre of a married woman drowned in a well, tank or a river. She wears a yellow robe and bodice and green bangles, and lets her hair fall loose on her back. She is said to be plump in front and a skeleton behind. She generally attacks women. A woman who is attacked by a Hedalt lets her hair fall loose, shakes all over, and shrieks. The Hedali is said to be much afraid of the sacred thread of Brahmans." To the above remarks Campbell adds the following: Compare--The Romans worshipped water nymphs. The Greeks believed the inspired men. The Swedish believe that drowned men, whose bodies are not found, have been drawn into the dwelling of the water spirits, Hafsfru (Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, II, 497). The Germans had water spirits called Nichus and Nix (op. cit. II, 489). Scott (Border Minstrelsy, 444) mentions a class of water spirits called Dracce who tempted women and children 'under water by showing them floating gold. The water spirit was greatly feared in Mexico (Bancroft, III, 422). The Nix or water-man was also greatly feared in Middle-Age Europe (Primitive Culture, I, 108, 109, 131 ; II, 209). Heywood quoted in Scott's Border Minstrelsy, 445, writes : .... another sort Ready to cramp their joints who swim for sport. One kind of these the Italians Fatae named, Fee the French, we Sibyls and the game, Others white nymphs, and those that have them seen, White ladies, some of which Habundia queen.' " It was also known as the Kelpi. It appeared in the form of a horse, a bull, or a man, and deceived people by sending dancing lights or will-o'-the-wisp (Eastern Races of Scot., II, 437; Scott's Border Minstrelsy, 540). Some of them lived in the sea, where they caused whirlpools and shipwrecks (Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, 124 ; Scott's Border Minstrelsy, 507, 509). "In Denmark the popular belief pictures the Ellekone as captivating to look at in front, but hollow at the back like a kneading trough " (Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, II, 449)." It seems, therefore, quite clear that in the "Buddermokans" we have a series of shrines on the Burmese Coast representing really a very ancient universal faith in the God of the Flood, introduced under Muhammadan influence from India, where it had become mixed up with indigenous Hindu and animistic beliefs. In Burma it has become further confused with Buddhist and Far Eastern animistic traditional superstitions.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1926 PALOURA-DANTAPURA. (A translation of a Note by M. Sylvain Levi.) THE issue of the Journal Asiatique (Tome CCVI) for January-March, 1925, contains a collection of 'Notes Indiennes by M. Sylvain Levi, one of which is concerned with the identification of the place called "Paloura" by Ptolemy the geographer. As M. Levi's conclusions cannot but be of interest to students of the early history of India, I give below as faithful an English rendering as I can of his erudite note.-S. M. EDWARDES. "Ptolemy mentions a locality named Paloura on the eastern side of India (VII, 1, 16), which he took as one of the bases in the construction of his map. He locates Paloura in 136deg 40' E and 11deg20' N, near the mouths of the Ganges, 20 degrees north of the apheterion, where vessels bound for the Golden Peninsula (Khruse Khersonesos) ceased to hug the shore and sailed for the open sea. Ptolemy's map locates this apheterion at the southern extremity of an imaginary peninsula, which inclines in a south-easterly direction from a point approximately corresponding to Point Calimere, immediately to the north of Ceylon, and then after running straight northward finally bends west-by-east towards the Gangetic delta. In his first book (I, 13, 5-7) Ptolemy discussed at length the position assigned to Paloura by his predecessor, Marin of Tyre, and corrected according to his own ideas his predecessor's estimate of the distance between Paloura and the port of Sada, situated on the opposite shore. "It is surprising to find that, except by Ptolemy, no mention is made of a locality situated in so exceptional a position on the maritime trade-route between India and the Far East. The name belongs to the Dravidian type, and is one of the large series of names ending in our and oura, suffixes which have long been recognized as derived from the Dravidian term ur (town). Caldwell (Comp. Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, Introduction, p. 104) derives the name Paloura from the Tamil pal-ur, i.e., 'milk-town.' But there is an alternative explanation. The Tamil word for 'tooth' is pallu (Tel. pallu; Kan. hallu; Mal. pallu; Gond. pal; etc.; cf. Linguistic Survey, vol. IV, 650-652, No. 37). Paloura can quite well signify "the city of the tooth." Indian tradition has known from a very remote date of a "tooth-city," Dantapura, in the country of Kalinga, the very region in which we meet with Paloura. Dantapura is renowned chiefly in Buddhist tradition, which associates the name of the city with a famous relic, the tooth of Buddha, worshipped to-day at Kandy in Ceylon. The ordinary tradition regarding the division of the relics soon after the Parinirvana related that one of the teeth of the Master was taken to the kingdom of Kalinga (Digha, II, p. 167; Buddhavamsa, chap. XXVIII; Dulva in Rockhill, Life, p. 147). A late poem in Pali, the Dathavamsa by Dhammakitti, gives the supposed history of this relic. It was carried to Dantapura by the sage Khema, in the reign of Brahmadatta of Kalinga, and was worshipped there until the reign of Guhasiva, who, to save it from profanation, entrusted it to his sonin-law, Dantakumara of Ujjayini. Carried by the latter to Tamralipti, the tooth was thence carried by sea to Ceylon, where it was piously welcomed by Mahasena's successor, Kitti-sirimegha (middle of the 4th century), the same prince who despatched an embassy to Samudragupta in connexion with the Mahabodhi monastery. The two facts are closely connected; Kitti-siri-megha appears as the champion of Buddhist interests, while India is experiencing a wave of reaction against Buddhism. "According to Buddhist tradition, Dantapura is one of the most ancient Indian cities; it stands first on the list of the six towns founded by Mahagovinda in the time of king Renu : Dantapuram Kalinganam Assakanan cha Potanam Mahissati Avantinam Soviranan cha Rorukam Mithila cha Videhanam Campa Angesu mapita Baranasi cha Kasinam ete Govindamapita.

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MAY, 1926 ) PALOURA-DANTAPURA. 95 This list in verse is included in the Mahagovinda Sutta of the Digha Nikdya, XIX, 36 ; it is also found in the corresponding sutra of the Dirghagama and has thence passed into the two Chinese versions of this text. It has also been introduced into the Mahavastu, III, 308. The scene of several incidents in the Maha vastu is laid at Dantapura in Kalinga, III, 361, 364. It is the same case with the Jataka : Kurudhamma, II, 67; Culla Kalinga, III, 3; Kumbhakdra, II, 376; Kalingabodhi, IV, 230. One is always finding in it stories which belong to the time when the Kaliiga was ruling at Dantapura in the kingdom of Kalinga" (Kalingarathe Dantapuranagare Kalinge rajjani karente). In the Kumbhakara, the king who rules Kaliuga from Dantapura is the famous Karandu, whose name is associated with those of Naggaji of Gandhara, Dummukha of Uttara-Panchala, and Nimi of Videha, who abdicated in order to embrace asceticism. They are equally famous in Jain literature, in which Karandu is transformed into Karakandu, likewise king of Kalinga at Dautapura. The magnificent Jain encyclopaedia, now in course of publication, the Abhidana-Rajendra, gives a long biography of Karakandu and refers to a series of texts : it will suffice here to recall that of the Uttaradhyayana sutra, XVIII, 45.46, with the commentary of Devendra. Among the Jains, Dantapura in Kalinga is also famous as the capital of king Dantavakra, "the greatest of the Kshatriyas," according to the testimony of the Satrakritanga, I, 6, 22, who is specially known for having involuntarily incited two friends to rival one another in heroic devotion, namely Dhanamitra and Dridhamitra, the Indian counterparts of Orestes and Pylades, of Damon and Pythias, etc. The word danta, signifying tooth' and 'ivory,' has supplied the basis of the first episode in the story: the wife of king Dantavakra, being pregnant, expresses a wish for a palace constructed entirely of ivory, and the king issues orders for all the ivory available to be kept for his use. Unfortunately the wife of the merchant Dhanamitra, likewise pregnant, expresses the same desire ; and in order to satisfy her, the merchant and his friend contravene the royal orders. Each of them demands thereafter to pay the penalty; the king, greatly moved, pardons them both. (Cf. Abhidana-Rajendra, 9.v. pacchitta, vol. V, p. 186, and for the references, s.v. Dantavakka.) "The Mahabharata speaks of a prince named Dantavakra, but he is king of Karasa, the country lying between Chedi and Magadha, to the south of Kasi and Vatsa. Dantavakra of Karasa appears fairly often in the Harivamsa, nearly always in company with the Kalinga ; he is the bitter enemy of Koishna who ends by slaying him. This no doubt is the origin of the reading adopted by the Southern manuscripts in the passage of the Mahabharata quoted below (p. 96 ): "He (Krishna) has crushed the Kalingas (and] Dantavaktra." "I have not succeeded in finding any mention of Dantapura in Brahmanic literature. At the same time there is late epigraphical evidence to prove that the name of this place remained for a long time in common use. The Ganga King Indra varman dates a gift from his residence at Dantapura (Dantapuravdsakat : Ep. Ind. XIV, 361), whereas the rulers of that dynasty generally date their donations from Kalinganagara. Indravarman presents to a Brahman the village of Bhukkukura in Kurukarastra (modern Bhukkur in Palakonda taluka), where the inscription was discovered. G. Ramadas, who edits the inscription, remarks: "On the road from Chicacole to Siddhantam, and close to the latter spot, a wide stretch of land is pointed out as the site of the fort of Dantavaktra. The peasantry often used to pick up there ornaments, images, coins and so forth, and even to this day there is a general belief that the site once contained great treasures." Mr. Ramadas concludes :"These facts show that Dantapura once existed on the spot which is now pointed out as the site of Dantavaktra's fort." If Mr. Ramadas had been conversant with the Jain legends, he would not have failed to remark the extraordinary persistence of the memory of this king Dantavaktra or Dantavakra (the two forms of the name are equally common and both merge into the Prakrit form Dantavakka), the legend about whom, connected with the name of Dantapura, I have just recounted,

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1920 "Although the Mahabharata contains no mention of Dantapura, it mentions several times, in connexion with the country of the Kalingas, a name containing the element danta. In the fifth canto (adhy. 23, verse 708) Yudishthira, recalling the exploits of his brethren, cries:-"The son of Madri, Sahadeva, has vanquished the Kalingas assembled at Dantakura, firing his arrows to right and left." Madriputrah Sahadevah Kalingan samagatan ajayad Dantakure | vanmendsyan daksin cnaiva yo vai mahabalam kaccidenam smaranti || "A little further on, in the same canto, when Samjaya repeats the words of Arjuna in, praise of Krishna (adhy. 47, v. 1883), "It is he," he says, "who broke the Pandya at Kavata and crushed the Kalingas at Dantakura." ayam kavate nijaghana Pandyar tatha Kalingan Dantakure mamarda || "P. C. Roy's rendering of this passage is as follows:-"It was he who slew king Pandya by striking his breast against his, and mowed down the Kalingas in battle." He adds the following note: "Some texts read Kapate nijaghana," meaning "slew in the city of of Kapata." He for his part follows the text of the Calcutta edition: kapatena jaghana. Obviously the two texts give very different meanings. The translator has followed the commentary of Nilakantha, who accepts kapatena jaghana, and translates kapata as "thorax, chest as large as the leaf of a folding door," and who, in the second place, arbitrarily interprets dantakura as 'a battle in which one gnashes the teeth.' "The Southern edition (adky. 48, v. 76) reads Kavate nijaghana and dantavaktra mamarda. A gloss interprets Kavate by nagarabheda, a particular town,' but says no more. It is curious, in any case, to find this king Dantavaktra, so persistently associated with Kalinga, reappearing here in defiance of the rules of syntax, which forbid the juxta-position of two accusatives (tatha Kalingan dantavaktram mamarda). "The word dantakura appears again in the Mahabharata, VII, 70, 7, at least in the Southern edition. The poet recalls the exploits of Parasurama in his great struggle against the Ksatriyas: "There, fourteen thousand enemies of the Brahmans, and yet others, he checked and slew at Dantakura." brahmadvisam chatha tasmin sahasram chaturdasa punar anyan nijagraha Dantakure jaghana ha. The commentator mentions an alternative reading, dantakruram; "in this case," he remarks "this word refers to the ruler of the country." In other words, if it is not a placename formed with kura, it is a personal name formed with krura (cruel), and one must take it to be an accusative: he slew Dantakrura P. C. Roy's translation accepts the reading Dantakure and gives the following rendering :-" In that slaughter were included fourteen thousand Brahman-hating Kshattriyas of the Dantakura country." The Calcutta edition prefers to read Dantakrura jaghana ha, which is the reading followed by Nilakantha, whose gloss (taddesadhipati) has been reproduced by the annotator of the Southern edition. The authors of the Petersburg Dictionary have, under the heading dantakruram, treated this word as an adverb and have translated it in a savage manner with the teeth,' giving a reference to this particular passage. Subsequently, however, in the abridged edition, Bohtlingk has substituted for the adverb dantakruram the noun dantakrura, which he renders as follows:-"Name of a place (according to Nilakantha); one ought unquestionably to read dantakure for dantakruram." "The choice between Dantakura and Dantakrura, which the Mahabharata translations leave in uncertainty, and the very meaning of the word, which has also remained uncertain, are definitely established by the testimony of Pliny. In Book VI, xx, he states that he will estimate the length of the coast as far as the Indus, as it appears to him, by distances, although there is no agreement between the various itineraries, and he describes the first

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MAY, 1926 ) PALOURA-DANTAPURA 97 stage as ab ostio Gangis ad promontorium Calingon et oppidum Dandagula DCXXV M. passuum, i.e., "from the mouth of the Ganges to the promontory of the Kalingas and the fortified town of Dandagula, 625000 paces." The promontory of the Kaliugas, which serves as so clear a guide-mark to the line of the coast, is evidently, and beyond all doubt, the place where Ptolemy locates the starting point of the deep-sea route to the Golden Peninsula, and which marks for him a sudden alteration in the geographical direction of the coast. The neighbouring town (oppidum) can be none other than the Paloura of Ptolemy, otherwise called Dantapura ; and in Pliny's title of Dandagula it is easy to recognize the name of Dantakara. The distance of 625,000 paces, chosen by Pliny from among the discordant data of the itineraries, is equivalent to 3645 stadia. Ptolemy reckons 500 stadia to a degree at the equator, and therefore also on each of the meridians. Accordingly, by Ptolemy's reckoning, the distance from the Ganges to Dandagula would correspond approximately to 6deg 36'. Between Paloura and the westernmost mouth of the Ganges, Ptolemy marks a distance of 7deg 50' in longitude (136deg 40'-144deg 30') and of 6deg 55' in latitude (11deg 20'-18deg 15'). Apparently, therefore, Ptolemy was working on data closely allied to the approximate calculations of Pliny; without the combination of ideas which forced him to wholesale misconception of outline, he would probably have been able to produce a tolerably faithful representation of this part of the coastline. The delta of the Ganges is situated near the 22deg degree N; the region, in which one must search for Dantapura and in which local tradition still locates the fort (oppidum) of Dantavaktra, lies in proximity to Chicacole and Kaliuga patam, 'the city of the Kalingas,' a little to the north of the 180 degree; the distance between these two places, following the shore-line, is from 5 to 6 degrees. "In a work which is included in Etudes asiatiques, published by the French School of the Far East on the occasion of its twenty-fifth anniversary, I have pointed out that the apheterion eis Khrusen (starting-point for the golden Chersonese) of Ptolemy is identical with the Charitrapura of Hiuen-tsang and of various Sanskrit texts. I should like to draw attention to another feature, common both to the Greek and Chinese writers. As we have seen, Ptolemy locates the aphete rion at a promontory where the coast bends sharply from the direction W.N.W. by E.S.E. to the direction S by N, and then is inflected eastwards, separating the Argaric and Gangetic gulfs. The Charitrapura of Hiuen-tsang is situated on the southwestern boundary of the kingdom of Orissa and to the north-east of the kingdom of Malakuta. Towards the south-west, Orissa borders on the kingdom of Kong-yu-t'o or Kongoda, which forms a province of Southern Kosala and corresponds with the modern Ganjam District. "The frontiers of this kingdom" writes Hiuen-tsang "include several dozens of little towns which are near some hills and are situated at the meeting of two seas."-This, at any rate, is Julien's rendering of the passage, which Watters criticises as follows "The word two does not appear in the original Chinese text; the term hai-kiao here signifies the meeting of the sea and the land. The pilgrim wished his readers to know that the towns at one end joined the hills and at the other were situated on the coast." I do not propose to join in this controversy on the Chinese translation, but I feel bound to remark that the word kiao signifies, as a general rule, crossing, exchange, mingling,' and that the expression situated at the crossing (or intermingling) of the seas' is a very apt rendering of the geographical idea which Ptolemy adopted for the aphelerion. "To find a sufficiently conspicuous promontory along the eastern coast, one has to travel as far as point Palmyras, which marks the beginning of the Gangetic delta, situated in 20deg 44' 40" N. and 87deg 2 E, to the north of the mouth of the Mahanadi. But Ptolemy locates the apheterion well to the south of the latter river, which he styles the Manadas, half-way between its mouth and the mouth of the Maisolos, by which latter term he signifies both the Godavari and the Kistna. Moreover, the deflected current which, during the south-west monsoon, runs from the coast of India to the coast of Burma, breaks away from the Indian coast in

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1926 approximately the 18th degree, in the vicinity of Chicacole and Kalinga patam. Once more I repeat here the statement of Valentijn (1727), to which Yule drew attention (Proceed. Roy. Geogr. Soc., 1882) :-"At the beginning of February, a little boat was sailing to Pegu with a cargo loaded at Masulipatam .... From this point it followed the coast as far as the 18th degree North latitude, and there took to the open sea, in order to reach the opposite coast in about the 16th degree." As late as the seventeenth century maps of India, as for example that' of William Blaeu, continued to show a bold promontory and a sharp bend of the coast, precisely according with Ptolemy's views, between the ports of Masulipatam and Bimlipatam (to the north of Vizaga patam in 17deg 53' 15" N. and 83deg 29' 50' E) "In conclusion, it would be scarcely wise to interpret Ptolemy's data for the whole of this locality too literally; but the precision of his statements should not blind us to the real value of his information. He locates Paloura a little to the north of the apheterion : Pliny, on the contrary, starting from the mouths of the Ganges, mentions first "the promontory of the Calingae," and secondly,--and therefore further to the south," the fortress of Dandagula." Thus Pliny places Dandagula within the country of "Calinga " : Ptolemy ignores. the name of Kalinga, whether inland or coastal. Possibly we may recognise an echc of this famous name in the town of Kalliga, which Ptolemy, (LII, 1, 93) mentions among the inland cities of the Maisoloi. Pitundra, of which I shall speak hereafter, also figures in Ptolemy's list. I have already had occasion to remark the curious inversion whereby he transfers Tosali from Orissa to the territory of Pegu; and I cannot help thinking that the whole of Orissa and a portion of the neighbouring countries have been subjected to a transfer of the same kind, in consequence probably of a confusion between the land-routes, running south by north, and the maritime routes, running west by east. "Now that the name Dantakura is definitely proved to be a geographical designation analogous to or identical with Dantapura, one is hardly surprised to find the obscure word kura occurring in the name of the kingdom of Kuraka-rastra, which included the village of Bhukkukura granted by King Indravarman during his residence at Dantapura. The editor of the grant, Mr. Ramadas, expresses his surprise at meeting in it the term raatra (kingdom), in view of the fact that the provinces of Kalinga are elsewhere termed visaya. Possibly 'the kingdom Kuraka' or 'kingdom of Kura,' was an ancient expression, consecrated by long usage, signifying the territory adjacent to the capital Dantapura. "This curious word kura, which seems to be used alternatively with the Sanskrit pura to designate, in combination with danta, the capital of Kalinga, recalls by analogy the final syllables of the name of the town which Ptolemy writes Hippokoura (VII, 1, 83). Hippokoura is situated in the southern portion of Ariake, to the south of Paithana (Paithan on the Godavari) and Tagara (Ter in Naldrug), and to the north of Banaonasei (Banavasi in Mysore). Like Dantakura, Hippokoura is a royal capital; it is basileion Baleokourou,' the royal residence of Baleokouros'. The name of the king also appears to embody the element kura. Baleokouros is without doubt an approximate transliteration of the mysterious Vilivayakura, --& word which appears, coupled with the name of Satakarni Vasisthiputra and Satakarni Gautamiputra, on a peculiar type of coin, differing from the usual coinage of these two kings. and found only in the southern part of the Maratha country, or more precisely in the Kolhapur State, an area which in situation corresponds very closely with the directions given by Ptolemy for Hippokoura. As to the title Vilivayakura, I can only repeat what Mr. Rapson writes in his excellent Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra dynasty, 1908 : "No satisfactory explanation has yet been given of the forms Vilivayakura and Sivalakura." Sivalakura, which is coupled in the same way with the name of King Madhariputra, also contains this element kura. "The name Hippokoura reappears, in the Tables of Ptolemy (VII, 2, 6), as the name of a port situated in the immediate vicinity, and a little southward, of Simulla (Chaul, 23 miles

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MAY, 1926 ) BOOK-NOTICES 99 south of Bombay). The Periplus makes no mention of it. Since this second Hippokoura is located by Ptolemy on the coast of Ariake, which he distinguishes by the name of Ariake Sadinon, one may well ask whether we are not here dealing with the original Hippokoura, transferred to the seashore from its proper location by an erroneous interpretation of routes. "One is tempted to identify the final koura in Hippokoura with kourai, which appears like a plural termination in the name Sosikourai (VII, 1, 10). Sosikourai is unquestionably identical with Tuticorin ; and kourai is clearly the equivalent of the Tamil word kudi, signifying place of habitations, town' (see the quotations s. v. Tuticorin in Yule and Burnell's HobsonJobson). On the other hand the identification of kura with kourai is open to serious doubt. "Whatever the meaning of the term kura may be, the identity of Paloura with Dantapura seems definitely established. Thus Pliny and Ptolemy provide new data in the geography of Ancient India, enabling us to identify the site of a great city of antiquity. The alternative use of the words Paloura-Dantapura shows also that in the age of Ptolemy the Dravidian language shared the territory of Kalinga with Aryan forms of speech. In these days also, Chicacole, Kalingapatam, and the Palakonda taluka are in the Telugu-speaking region ; the boundary between the Aryan and Dravidian tongues lies plainly more to the north, about half-way between Chicacole and Ganjam (cf. Linguistic Survey, IV, 577)." BOOK-NOTICES. THE KAVERI, THE MAUKHARIS AND THE SANGAM AGE, cient Indian history, but space forbids my following BY T. G. ARAVAMUTHAN. University of Madras, 1925. Mr. Aravamuthan in his many arguments. The I am not surprised that this thesis won the San- general result, as I read it, is that the Sangam writers kara-Parvati Prize of the Madras University for refer to three Tamil kings having invaded Northern 1924, as in 122 pp. of rather small print it contains India as far as the Himalayas-Karikalan, Sangu. enough historical research to keep a student busy ttuvan, and the latter's father, Imayavaramban. for a month in order to assimilate it. Mr. Arave. The datos of them all are within 25 years of each muthan has sat down to his work with all the de. other and they had for proteges some of the Sangam tachment of a lawyer asked to give his opinion on the Authors. So if their dates can be fixed, that of the evidence laid before him, only in this case he has Sangam is also fixed. Assuming then that the collected the evidence himself. The result is an Sangam atatements as to these three kings are investigation which is altogether admirable. reliable, the stop necessary to fix the dates of their The book investigates in & wonderfully detailed expeditions is to find the period in which the examination certain statements of the Tamil Sangam countries between South India and the Himalayas as to invasions of North India by Tamil kings. One were weak enough to admit of the Southern armies has often heard of the invasions of South India by being able to penetrate as far as the Himalayas. the kings from the North, but here we have a It will be perceived that the question is of great story of reverse statement, of which there has been historical importance, as it fixes the date of the practically no investigation. The thesis goos, how. Sangam. But the first question to settle is the over, much further. It attempts to fix the dates reliability of the statements of the Sangam authors of these invasions and hence of the Sangam, follow. As regards the expeditions of the three kinge, Kari. ing up this attempt by an essay on the Kaveri kalan, Senguttuvan and Imayavaramban. Into an excursus into a subject hitherto untouched," this point Mr. Aravamuthan goes in the minutest and another on the Maukharis of Magadha. manner, and his conclusion is that "the historicity In his preface Mr. Aravamuthan draws attention of the invasions" of the three kings "is indisputato four footnotes, on p. iv: (a) the probability of ble." As to the corollary of the date of these inva. Adityasena, the later Gupta having invaded the sions, Mr. Aravamuthan considers that" in the general Chola country : (b) an identification of a temple in state of our knowledge of Indian history we might be Malwa as probably one built by the Malwa kings in Bafo in fixing the close of the third century A.D. as the honour of the Tamil goddess Our Lady of Chastity : lower limit." That then is a date for the Sangam. (c) an explanation of the origin of the names Sata! The reader will perceive that for all his care in karni and Satavahana : (d) a theory that the Kaveri rosearch Mr. Aravamuthan is still most cautious. might have changed its course some miles to the Karikalan, the greatest of the early Cholas, west of Kumbhakonam." I have quoted the preface among other things, built flood-banks for the here in full, as my own attention in the course of Kaveri. This has remained as his chief achieve. the perusal of the book was forcibly drawn thereto. ment in the popular mind. Among those who had Enough has been said above to show the extra to help in the great work was a feudatory king ordinary interest and value of this work as to an named Mukari. Ho was not a Tamil and Mr.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1926 With these inadequate remarks I close my obeerv ations on one of the fullest books on history that it has been my fortune to peruse. I should add these there is an excellent index for which scholars will no doubt be grateful. R. C. TEMPLE Arayamuthan suggests that he was a Moukhari of Magadha. This sets him on a spocial enquiry, in cluding a valuable review of North Indian history from B.C. 320 to A.D. 650. It also leads him to an examintion of the history of the Kaveri with re. ference to Mukari as a possible place name, and he decides that "Mukari" cannot be one. Mr. Aravamuthan thon goes into the obscure history of the Maukhari clan of Magadha and their possessions, with the patience that distinguishes the rest of his work. The above is the veriest outline of the substance of this extraordinarily full book, and I now turn to notice some of the notes. First, there is an exceed. ingly ingenious footnote to p. 31 to show that Adityasena, the Later Gupta, invaded the Chola kingdom in A.D. 674 with Vikramaditya I, the Western Chalukya. This note is well worth study. Another note equally worth attention is one (p. 41) on a suggestion that the cult of Pattini Dovi, Our Lady of Chastity spread to Eastern Malwa. Then there is a well thought out note on the names Satavahana and Satakarni as those respectively of a race and its kings, both meaning possibly "& hundred ships"-a new equivalence for them. To these must be added the whole story of the Kaveri River and its changes, which is admirably told. In read. ing this, sight should not be lost of the long footnote on Pp. 118-122 on Palaikaveri and Palaiyara. nd Palaivara. So far Mr. Aravamuthan has himself drawn at. tention to his notes, but I would add one or two more on my own account. On p. 28 there is an identification of Vajra as kingdom mentioned beside Magadha and Avanti. As to the latter there is no difficulty, but Vajra presents many, though it may fairly be accepted now as having extended from the banks of the Son in a south-easterly direction to the Bay of Bengal, so that it touched the sea and skirted the Son. At pp. 101-102 is a remarkable suggestion which I merely quote in full in order to draw attention to it. It gives a probable origin of Harsha's great. dese: "The possibility of the Maukharis having been able to control all these territories during a period when the Vardhanas of Thanesar are not known to have been very powerful, and the circumstance that the Vardhana line comes to the fore. front on the extinction of the Maukhari dynasty, suggests a rather startling conclusion in respect of the origins of Harsha's greatness. If the Maukharis had before Grahavarman's days extended their power over the major portion of North India, if before Harsha the Vardhanas of Thanesar were in. conspicuous rulers-which there is no reason to doubt-And if Harsha ostensibly placed GrahaVarman's widow, Rajya-Sri, on the throne and him. self professed to be only a Kumara), we have adequate basis for a belief that Harsha came into an empire by stepping dexterously into the shoes of the Maukharis." PANTSCHAKUYANAWARTTIKA, vollstandig verdeut scht von JOHANNES HERTEL 1923, Verlag : H. Haessel, Leipzig. The booklet under review is the sixth volumeof a well-known German series Indische Erzahler. The former volumes of this series contained translations from Sanskrit, but this one is from Old Gujarati, & novelty inasmuch as it is the first complete attempt of the kind. The original text was edited by the same learned scholar in 1922 (Markert and Petters, Leipzig. The book can also be had of Harshachand Bhurabhai, Benares) and its contents have been made known to the publie by him still earlier, in 1914, in his well known work on the History and spread of the Pafcatantra. The chief interest of the book lies in the fact of its being quite popular. The stories have been taken, as Hertel has shown, not only from the Pa.Icatantra but also from other sources, They depict the actual conditions of Indian life Among common classes. Again the style is not at all learned, but very simple : just one suited to the people. And the translator has tried to imitate it in his German It goes without saying that it is very difficult to edit and translate a text written in an unknown language, especially when the MS. is full of mistakes and when the words are not separated therein. Mistakes in the edition due to haste have been corrected in the translation. Some of them have been noted in the second appendix of this work, and the careful reader will find that others too have been silently corrected. It is no wonder therefore if the writer of these lines suggests some corrections elsewhere. Numerous footnotes deal with grammatical and exegetical points. The introduction touches upon the author and the language of the text, the latter subject being continued in the first appendix with detailed discussion upon some words. The whole book gives a fair idea of manners and customs, beliefs and superstitions of India not very old, and some pieces are really charming as stories. Thus it is both interesting and instructive. Its importance to the students of the Old-Gujarati language cannot be too much emphasized. Prof. Hertel has prepared grammatical and glossarial studies on this and other old Gujarati works. Their publication should no longer be delayed, and we hope that the learned author will soon find time for it. J. O. TAVADIA.

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JUMA, 4028] SOME ASPECTS OF THY CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND 101 SOME ASPECTS O VTHE CAREER OF GURU HARGOVIND. BY V OBHUSAN BANERJEE, M.A., P.R.S. (Continued from page 71.) III. Hargovind at Kiratpur. The battle of Kartarpur is said to have been fought in 1634, and as Hargovind im. mediately withdrew to Bhagwara and thence in haste to Kiratpur, he might have reached the latter place in the very same year.94 The Sikhs state that the city of Kiratpur had been founded by Baba Gurditta, the eldest son of Hargovind, and that it was named Kiratpur, because "God's praises (Kirat) were ever to be sung there." 96 Hargovind now made it his permanent residence and appears to have lived here till his death in 1645. We do not know much about Hargovind's life at Kiratpur. It seems that he eagerly availed himself of the peace and tranquillity that the secure retreat offered, and which he so much needed after the trials and anxieties of his previous adventures. But it is said that even here in his retirement he could not entirely avoid military operations. Two of his exploits are mentioned. The first was an "expedition to Nanakmata in the Taraj near Naini Ta, whose fagir Almast, the Udasi, complained that he had been expelled from his shrine by the Jogis, who had also burnt the pipal tree, under which Guru Nanak had held debate with the followers of Gorak Nath." o Hargovind had absolutely no difficulty in recuing the shrine and putting Almast in possession of it. The Guru remained there for some time and "busied himself with the organization of a methodical Sikh service under the guidance of Almast". Since then the place has borne the undisturbed name of Nanakmata, and remained in the POBBension of Udasi Sikhs." It is to be noticed, however, that both Macauliffe' and Gyan Singh" place this event much earlier, the former even before Hargovind's first open breach with the Moghul Government, and that it was after all a very tame affair which we cannot certainly count among the military exploits of Hargovind. Secondly, the Guru is said to * We need not enter into any chronological discussion with regard to the second period of Hergo vind's career. It seems that the Sikh recorde con perhaps be safely followed. Hostilities commenced immediately after the accession of Shoh Jahan, and the battle of Amritsar was fought, as the Sikhs state, in 1628 or in 1629. Hargovind retired to Kartarpur and then to Ruhela, forcibly took possession of it and defeated the imall contingent sent by the Subahdar of Jullundhar. He, however, feared that a stronger army would soon be sent against him and consequently retired to the wastes of Bhatinda. There he met the Imperialista, who wore compelled to retire, and it does not neem improbable that this happened, as the Sikhs state, early in 1631. The Guru could not return to Kartarpur immediately, and the Panth Prakash states (p. 117) that ho remained in the hills for about 3 years and came down to Kartarpur in 1634. Hostility seem to have broken out immediately and the Guru thought it prudent to retire to Kartarpur the very same your. There seems nothing impossible in the above account, and the Sikh records cannot possibly be more than you or two of the mark. 16 Mscauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. IV, pp. 140-142. Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Castes, vol. I, p. 684. It is said that this or another Althast had been deputed by this, the sixth Guru, to Shujatpur near Dacca and had there founded & sangat. This sangat at Shajatpur was called after Natha Sahib, third in succession to this Almast. It is significant that "the insoription on & stone in the well of this sangat commemorates the name of the original founder and his "Mother Lodgo" of Nanakmate. This new sangat was not named Nanakmate, but it was under the Lodge at Nanakmata in Naini Tal, andits priests were appointed or removed by the head at that place." (Gurbaksh Singh's Stitch Rolics in Eastern Bengal, Dacca Review, 1916, p. 228.) In Macauliffe it is stated that Hargovind had sent Bidhi Chand to some untraceable island in the Bay of Bengal. (Vol. IV, p. 210.) Sikh activities outside of the Punjab in or about this time are clearly established in the valuable paper of Gurbakash Singh already referred to. (Dacca Review, 1918, 1916.) Mohsun Fani also states that Har. govind had sent Sikh named Sadah to bring horses from Balkh (Dabistan, vol., p. 284). Macauliflo, ibid., vol. IV, pp. 50-54. # The Sikh Religion, 0 Panth Prabash, p. 116.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1926 have joined forces with Raja Tarachand and helped him to defeat the Nawab of Rupar in 1642.100 Mr. Rose makes this statement on the authority of Khazan Singh, but we have not been able to trace the information in any reliable authority. It is again claimed by the Sikhs that Hargovind acquired a very great influence over the Hill Rajas, many of whom are said to have been converted to Sikhism. It is stated that in the days of Amar Das the Raja of Haripur had accepted Sikhism,101 and that the hill Rajas of Kulu, Suket, Haripur and Chamba visited Guru Arjan and became his followers, as the Raja of Mandi had previously done.102 Guru Hargovind is said to have converted the Rajas of Kangra and Philibit, 103 so that when he retired to Kiratpur, the hold of Sikhism over the hill tracts seems to have been clearly established. It appears that Mohsun Fani also says the same thing. In this connection he narrates a very interesting story. The inhabitants of the country of Raja Tarachand worshipped idols, and on the summit of a fortified mountain they raised an image of Narayana, whither Rajas and other eminent persons made pilgrimages. When Hargovind went to that place, a Sikh named Bhairo entered the temple and struck off the nose of the idol. The Rajas complained to the Guru, but Bhairo denied the deed. The servants of the Rajas, however, declared that they positively knew the man. Bhairo replied : "O Rajas, ask you the god ; if he tells my name, kill me." The Rajas said: "You blockhead! how shall the god speak ?" Bhairo laughed and answered: "Now it is clear who is the blockhead: if the god cannot defend his head nor point out the man who struck him, what benefit do you expect from him, and why do you venerate his strength ?" Bhairo's answer is said to have had tremendous influence, and Moshun Fani says that 'from this time the disciples of the Guru increased considerably, and in this mountainous country, as far as the frontiers of Thibet and Khota, the name of Musalman was not heard. 104' Subsequent events, however, clearly prove that Sikhism never succeeded in making any headway in the hills, and that the Hill Rajas remained to the last the most implacable enemies of Guru Govind and his cause. The Kangra Hills have always been the greatest stronghold of Hinduism, and throughout this tract the ascendency of a type of Rajput society is well-marked.106 Political privilege, social exclusiveness and tribal pride, all combined to induce the Hill Rajas to present a united front against Sikhism, and Govind's mission in the hills proved a conspi. cuous failure. It is thus evident that even if there had been a movement in favour of Sikhism during the days of Hargovind, it was only temporary. It seems, however, that Hargovind lived in friendly relations with the Hill Rajas; and that he had gained a considerable reputation, is proved by the fact that Perah Kaivan, Yazdanian, was moved by the name of the Guru and came to pay him a visit.106 We would now close the account of Hargovind by referring to a very notable affair connected with his death. Mohsun Fani says that when Hargovind's body was put upon the pyre and the fire rose up in high flames, a Rajput named Raja Ram precipitated himself into the fire and expired. Raja Ram was followed by a Jat, who was in the service of Hargovind's son-in-law. And many other Sikhs would have followed Raja Ram's example, if Har Rai had not forbidden it.107 This shows how very devotedly Hargovind's followers were attached to him, and explains, to some extent, his successes against heavy odds. 100 Khazan Singh, p. 139. 101 Ibid., vol. III, p. 70. 104 Dabistan, vol. II, p. 276. 106 Dabistan, vol. II, p. 280. 101 Macauliffe, ibid., vol. II, p. 62; Narang, ibid., p. 26. 103 Panth Prakash. 105 Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Oastes, vol. I, pp. 6, 6 107 Ibid.

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JUNE, 1926] VYAGHRA, THE UOHOHAKALPA VYAGHRA, THE UCHCHAKALPA. BY PROF. G. JOUVEAU DUBREUIL. TANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. A NEW inscription, discovered in 1919 at Ganj in the Ajaigarh State of Bundelkhand was published in the Epigraphia Indica (vol. XVII, p. 12) in January 1925. It is a short inscription:"Vyaghradeva, who meditates on the feet of the Maharaja, the illustrious Prithivishena, of the family of the Vakatakas, has made this, for the sake of the religious merit of his parents." On this statement the following questions arise :-Who was this Vyaghradeva? Who was Prithivishena the Vakataka? What is the date of the inscription? These questions are answered in an uncertain manner in the article in the Epigraphia Indica. My own opinion is, however, that, on the contrary, we have here, despite the incertitude of Central Indian history, an instance of quite clear precision. 103 Fleet (Ind. Ant., vol. XIX, 1890, p. 227) has affirmed that the Uchchakalpas employed the Trikata Era. In my opinion this is incorrect, and my own idea is that the inscriptions of the Uchchakalpas are dated in the Gupta Era. About the year A.D. 511, there were in this part of Central India two neighbouring kingdoms, and to make their boundaries clear their respective kings set up at Bhumara a boundary pillar (Gupta Insc., p. 111). Assuming that these kings were using the Gupta Era, it is easy to determine their date. One of the two, Hastin of the Parivrajaka family, was a feudatory of the Guptas, and his inscriptions (Gupta Insc., pp. 95, 102, 107, 114) prove that he was reigning in A.D. 475, 482 and 511. The other, Sarvanatha of the Uchchakalpa family, is mentioned in the inscriptions at Bhumara, and of him we have three inscriptions (Gupta Insc., pp. 126, 133 and 136), which are dated in the years A.D. 512, 516, 533. This Sarvanatha was the son of a king called Jayanatha (A.D. 493 and 496 G. Inscrip., pp. 118 and 122), and grandson of a Vyaghra. The date at which this Vyaghra was reigning can be determined approximately. In fact, his son was reigning in A.D. 493 and 496. He himself was therefore reigning about A.D. 475. His son's inscriptions have been found (at Karitalai and Khoh) in the Nagaudh State of Baghalkhand and near Mudwara in the Jabalpur District of the Central Provinces. In that region we find the Vyaghra kingdom, and it is precisely in the same region that the Inscription of Ganj has been discovered, telling us that Vyaghra was the vassal of Prithivishena the Vakataka. We cannot but conclude that about the year A.D. 475-that is to say, during the reign of Vyaghra, the Uchchakalpa, there was reigning a Vakataka called Prithivishena. In my work The Ancient History of the Deccan I have attributed approximately (p. 110) to the Vakataka Prithivishena II the date A.D. 475. In short, a chronology of the family can be thus made out: Chandra-Gupta II (c. A.D. 375-415). I Queen Prabhavati wife of Rudrasena II and regent during the minority of his son Pravarasena (see JRAS., Jan. 1924, p. 95). I Pravarasena II (c. first half of 5th century). I Narendrasena (c. A.D. 450). Prithivishena II (c. A.D. 475). Also about A.D. 475 there was reigning at Ganj and Nachna (Gupta Insc., p. 234) in Bundelkhand a powerful sovereign, Prithivishena the Vakataka. His vassal was the Uchchakalps king Vyaghra.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Jums, 1926 MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA. Fox TES COLLECTION MADE BY THE LATE DR. W. OROOKE, O.L.E., D.O.L., F.B.A. (Continued from page 88.) III. Some Marrlage Songs of the Khattrts. This is an incomplete set of six songs recorded by Prabhu Dayal and Benf Madhav, both Khattris of the Town School, Itawa. 1. Aj ki rattyan-To-night. This is a song to the bridegroom as a small child. Text. Hariale Banna, aj ki ratiy&, khel le lo lasiyan. Chird tumhara khab bana, Banne, aj ki ratiyan. Khalgin sambharain sab sakhiyan. Banne, aj ki ratiyan. Bag& tumhAra khab bans, Banne, aj ki ratiyan. Patuktumbara khub band, Banne, aj ki ratiyan Jhalar samhArain sab sakhiyan, Banne, aj ki ratiyan. Moti tumhari khub bans, Banne, aj ki ratiyan. Lafya samh&rain sab sakhiyan, Banne, &j ki ratiyan. Pahunchi tumhari khab bani, Bamme, aj ki ratiyan. Phundan sambharain sub sakhiy&u, Banne, aj kt ratiyan. Moja tumhara khub band, Banne, aj ki ratiydi, Jata pahnawain sab sakhiyan, Banne, aj kratfy&i. Translation. Green 1 Bridegroom, to-night let us play a game. Your turban is well made, Bridegroom to-night. Your company is supporting the kalangt, Bridegroom to-night. Your cloak in nade, Bridegroom to-night. Your girdle is well made, Bridegroom to-night. Your company supports the fringe, Bridegroom to-night. #1 Young, beight, 1 Sath, is a female companion.

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JUNE, 1926] MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA Your pearls are well put on, Bridegroom to night. Your company is supporting the strings of pearls, Bridegroom to-night. Your wristlet is well made, Bridegroom to-night. Your company is supporting its flowers, Bridegroom to-night. Your socks are well made, Bridegroom to-night. Your company puts on your shoes for you, Bridegroom to-night. 2. Manohar Samvare-O swarthy charmer. Text. Tir dhanahiyan bais ki khelain ajab darbar, Manohar sanware. Tum nikro, kunwar mere, bahare laghu napat abai dwar Manohar sanware. Thunthe kunwar nahin paon de dware bich, Manohar saiware. Lala pag Pathani atf bani sir jhalar ko mor. Kanen kundal ati bane sir chandan ki khori. Nainan surma ati bane: bhar mukh chabhain pan, Manohar sanware. Kumar ko patuka ati bano jhalar desh ujar, Manohar saiware. Kesariya jama ati bano takhtfi lagi izar, Manohar sanware. Janhgian suthan ati bani pindurpan kachnar, Manohar sanware. Payai kanora ati bano ; anguthan chari majith. Hath chakar mundra : tirwan kanchan dor, Manohar sanware. 105 Translation. With bow and arrow of bamboo plays wonderfully in the darbar, The swarthy charmer. Go out, my prince, your younger brother is tired of waiting at the door, O swarthy charmer. The graceless prince steps not out of the door, O swarthy charmer. The red turban is Pathan-like and the twist of the fringe is beautiful. Beautiful the rings in his ears and the sandal marks on his forehead. Beautiful the antimony in his eyes, and he chews the betel in his mouth, O swarthy charmer. Beautiful the girdle at his waist, with the fringe that depopulates the country34. O swarthy charmer. 33 The phundan is a small ball of thread like a flower fastened on to the wristlet. 34 I.e., the people will leave hearth and house to look at it closely.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The saffron garment is well made with bands attached in places, O swarthy charmer. The trowsers on his legs are well made and round the waist he is green 38, O swarthy charmer. On his feet he wears a kanord, and black rings on his thumbs. On his hands are large rings and golden strings are attached to his arrows, O swarthy charmer. 8. Nalksara Balghan Birula Halal-As Baighans Tremble. Text. Naiksara baighan birula halai aur mag dolai arf e jugina sang laga re. Chir lagi suhag pathaiho: kalgi lagi, piyare : jamain lagi sahag pathaihon. Bindu lagi piyare moje lagi suhag pathaihon. Jal bharat hindor hindor rasari resham ki. Resham rasariyai jabifki lagain jab sone gharal na ho. Sone gharalwa jab niko lagai jab moti lajuriya hoya. Moti lejuriya jab niki lagai patali si dhaniyan honya. Translation. The two breasts tremble like baighans when in company with the girl. A turban to the bridegroom shall I send, furnished with kalangi, my dear; and auspicious things 38 to the bridegroom shall Laend. [JUNE, 1926 Things furnished with bindu, my dear, with pearls to the bridegroom shall I send. She draws water (from the well) with a silken rope moving it again and again. Beautiful is the rope of silk when the pitcher is of gold. Beautiful is the golden pitcher when the rope is studded with pearls. Beautiful is the slender maiden when the rope is studded with pearls. 4. Vidya Jaipur ki Maharaj-The Wisdom of The Maharaja of Jaipur40, Text. Vidya Jaipur ka Maharaj: vidya Jaipur ki. Aisa kol hai jo mujhe khana khilawai ; Khana babarchi ka Maharaj: khana babarchi ka? Aisa kof hai jo mujhe bira khilawai ; Bira Mahobe ka Maharaj: bira Mahobe ka? Aisa kof hai jo mujhe sejujan salawai ; Maharaj, sejiyan amiron ki! Vidya Jaipur ki! Translation. The learning of the Maharaja of Jaipur, the learning of Jaipur ! Is there any one who give me a dinner; A dinner from the Maharaja's cook, a dinner from the cook! Is there any one who can give me the betel of the Maharaja; Betel of the Maharaja of Mahoba, betel of Mahoba. 41 Is there any one who can put me to sleep on a bed; Maharaja the bed of the noble! The learning of Jaipur ! 35 These bands are called angarka band. 87 Some kind of ornamen 36 Wears a green garment. 38 Such as rort. 39 In order to displace the scum on the water: i.e., skilfully. 40 The astronomical achievements of Maharaja Jaisingh of Jaipur have won him much mythical fame in North Indian villages as a "wise man." 41 This refers to another story altogether, the Legend of Alha and Udal.

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JUNE, 1926) MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA 5. Slys Bar Kaisa Salond-How charming is the Bridegroom. Tect. Shyam siya bar kaisa salona. Sita ka bar kaisa salona. Mor mukat makar&krit : kundal tame rekh lag&i kajare ki, Shyam siya bar kaisa salona. Jiyara mora dag mag dolat kol sakhi in pardalai na hona. BalihArt yah mukatwale ki. Akhir monhin tumhare sang jana. . Dekho : siya ber kaisa salon&. Translation. How charming 49 is the gwarthy bridegroom! How charming is the bridegroom of Sita! 48 His peacock crown has the form of a spider 44: a streak of lamp-black has found its way into it. I am uneasy lest some woman may charm him as he walks in the street. I am & sacrifice to the wearer of the crown. In the end I must go with thee. See, how charming is the bridegroom ! Zulmi Naina Kahan Lojaan-Where shall I take these tyrannous oyou. Text. Maharaj, e zulmi naina kah&n lejaan ? Ram maike jadr, raban nahin p&an : sasure aan, dewar lalch&i. Ram, e zulmi naina kahan lejaan, Ale dhari bilaia lap kai : chappar par dharun, chilh mandr&ya. Ram, e zulmi naina kahan lejada? Translation. Maharaj, where shall I take these tyrannous eyes! If I go to Ram's 46 house, I may not stay: if to my father's, my husband's younger brother covets them. Ram, where shall I take these tyrannous eyes ? If I put them on the shelf, the cat seizes them : if on the roof, the kite hovers over them. Ram, where shall I take these tyrannous eyes? (To be continued.) 13 The term salona means salty, fall of salt, and is used to express special charm in a man or woman. 11 Allunion bere to the story of BitAand Rama. # The circular orown of the bridegroom is called makra, a upidor. * Figuratively for my mother's house."

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ June, 1928 SIDE-LIGHTS ON DECCAN VILLAGE LIFE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., O.V.o. Mr. Surendranath Sen in his Administrative System of the Mardthas has referred more than once to a volume of selections from the diary of the Raja of Satara, which was prepared by Rao Bahadur Ganesh Chimnaji Vad in 1902. The Volume contains a variety of information relating to political, military, revenue, judicial and social affairs during the reign of Sivaji II, otherwise known as Shahu, who ascended the Maratha throne of Satara in 1708 and died in 1749. Some of the entries in the official record of his administration throw an interesting side-light on the manners and customs of the age, and indicate the extent to which old religious rites and superstitions figured in the routine administration of the autonomous village-communities of Mah Arashtra. The Patel and the PAtelki watan naturally occupy a prominent place in the record. The Patel's responsibilities as head of the village-community were far from trivial, but he received in return for his services various rights and perquisites of sufficient value to render the watan worth retention and preservation at all costs. Thus, for example, in the case where the Patel of a village in the Subha of Khujaste Baniyad (i.e., Aurangabad) sold a half-share of his walan, the vendee acquired, inter alia, a right of precedence (a) in the presentation of a ritual cake at the Holi, (b) in the annual processions in honour of Ganesa and Gauri; (c) in the matter of the kadakand or kadakanen, which signifies primarily a circular piece of paper, cut into indentations, suspended above an idol on the Navaratra and similar occasions, and secondarily, a thin oil-fried cake made in the same shape ; (d) at the annual Pola procession, the Pola being a bull dedicated to the gods, which was marked with a trident and discus and permitted to wander at large. He also acquired a prior claim to the decoration of his house with festoons of flowers by the Mang and with red-ochre by the Mahar, and to the supply of water by the village Koli, who figures among the Bard Alute in Grant Duff's list of hereditary village-servants as the recognized water-carrier of the village. As against the Vendee of the half-share, the watandar Patel retained a prior right to the paper kite presented by the village Gurav, to the performances of the village-musicians at the Dasahra, to tilapida or the anointing with sandal and the presentation of leaves at public ceremonies, to the worship of the apta (Bauhinia tomentosa) at the Dasahra and the worship of the tuli, to Harijagara or the vigil kept on lunar days in honour of Vishnu, and to precedence in the annual Sirdl det procession, Sird? set being a legendary coru-chandler who became king for a short time, and an earthen image of whom is worshipped, carried in procession, and thrown into a well or tank. He also retained the prior claim to receive a bundle of fuel from the village Mahar. In cases of dispute about village - boundarios the Patel filled an important role, as for example in 1744, when, other evidence having failed to establish the facts, the panchayat asked the Patel to put a cow's hide over his head and, so adorned, to walk step by step over the real boundary of the village. The Patel did so, and was then kept under close watch for fifteen nights. As nothing untoward or harmful happened to him during this probationary period, the panchayat declared that he had indicated truthfully the course of the Village-boundary, and formally confirmed it. The idea underlying this procedure is that the Patel, by putting the hide over his head and shoulders, becomes imbued with the divine influence of the sacred animal and must therefore speak the truth. II, by chance, he is so sinful as to do the opposite, the outraged divinity will visit him with various pains and penal. ties during the next ten or fifteen days, and on this account he has to be kept for that period in a kind of social quarantine. In Mysore the procedure in boundary-disputes was slightly different. There, according to Thurston, the kuluvddi, an inferior village servant of the Holeys tribe, corresponding to the Mabar in the Decoan, had to carry on his bead a ball of

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JUNE, 1928 ] SIDE-LIGHTS ON DECCAN VILLAGE LIFE IN THE 18TH CENTURY 109 earth, with some water in the centre, and march along the boundary-line. If, wilfully or even by accident, he went beyond the true boundary, it was believed that the ball of earth would fall to pieces, and that the kuluvadi himself would die in a fortnight and his house become a ruin. Here, as in the Deccan case, the Holeya, by acting falsely, incurs the wrath of the village-goddess, of whose divine presence the ball of earth, scraped up in the village, is the outward symbol. We find the Mahar of the Deccan filling the role of arbiter, like the Mysorean Holeya, in respect of a dispute about the Patelki watan of a village in the Poona pargana in 1741-42. As the usual official inquiry failed to show which of the two claimants had the right to officiate ag Patel, the Deshmukh and the Desh pande were instructed to take the parties to the confluence of the Koishna and Venya rivers and there come to a decision with the help of a village Mahar. On arrival at the Sangam, the two claimants were made to enter the water, while their castefellows bathed and lined the banks. The Mahar was then summoned ; and having likewise walked into the water, he seized one claimant by the right and the other by the left hand, declaring that he whom he held by the right hand was the rightful owner of the watan. The parties were then allowed to come ashore, and a period of ten nights was fixed as a test of the correctness of the Mahar's decision. The record shows that no harm befell the Mahar during that period, and the ruler therefore issued a final order and sanad in accordance with his statement. The confluences of rivers have always possessed great sanctity in India, and it was doubtless understood by all concerned, from the Raja down to the rayat, that in this instance the deity of the confluence had given a decision through the voice of the Mahar. The Maratha government ordered the adoption of a somewhat similar procedure in the matter of a disputed claim to the Shete watan of Tasgaon in Miraj. The watan of Shete Mahajan or Shelepan, according to Mr. Sen, was usually granted as a reward to an enterprising man for establishing a new suburb or market-town, and was supported and remunerated by fixed contributions from the shop-keepers and retail-traders. In the particular case referred to, after various attempts, including an ordeal on the banks of the Krishna, had been made to decide the dispute, one of the parties again approached the Raja's govern. ment, agreed to abide by the decision of the caste-people, and begged that an ordeal might again be held at the Krishna. The Deshmukh, the Deshpande, and the Baluta were therefore summoned and questioned : and on their asserting that the rightful owner of the Shele watan was a certain Malkanna bin Balashet, the latter was sent to the river Krishna at Mahuli in charge of some government officials. There he and his rivals were made to stand in the water, and the caste-people were told to lead out of the water the one whom they considered to be the true Shete Mahajan. Their choice fell upon Malkanna, who, together with his supporters and relatives, was kept under guard at Mahuli for ten days. No ill befell them during the period, and Malkanna's possession of the walan was, therefore, formally sanctioned, The record of Shahu Raja affords various glimpses into the criminal administration of the villages, and the part played therein by the Patel and others. A couple of she. buffaloes, which were stolen by Berads from a Silledar, resident in Jamb village, Khatav district, were traced to Katgun village, the Patel of which agreed in writing to restore them to the Patel of Jamb. Instead of doing so, the Katgun Patel tried to palm off one barren and one old buffalo on the complainant. The Marath government thereupon intervened and ordered him to fulfil his undertaking. The Berads, it may be mentioned, appear in the diary more than once as the prepetrators of thefts and robbery, and were clearly quite as troublesome in those days as they have been in more recent times. As was customary in the case of the Ramoshis in other parts of the Deccan, a certain number of Berads, in charge of their own ndiks or headmen, were loosely attached to the villages in the southern districts, and in return for certain perquisites were expected to abstain from crime in the particular

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1928 villages with which they were connected, and to act as trackers and thief-catchers in the case of crime oommitted by outsiders. Thus, when cattle were stolen in 1752 from a village in Wai, the Berade of the village, to which they were traced by the Patel and his watchmen, were called up and told to produce the culprit. They did so, and the thief was ordered to restore the cattle on pain of forfeiting his life. On another occasion & robbery took place in the house of an uncle of the Raja, who lived in a village entrusted for watch and ward purposes to a Berad named Santal Rana. The latter was ordered at once to trace the theft and restore the stolen property, and then to present himself at head-quarters (Satara), where doubtless he was called upon to explain his failure to forestall the robbery. In yet another case, when property was stolen from the residence of the custodian of government cattle at Vagholi, thirteen Berads-six from different forts and seven from different villages in Wai district -were summoned to Satara and ordered to trace the theft. This system, which in fact, con. sisted in employing hereditary and professional criminals as part of the machinery for the prevention and detection of crime in rural areas, may have secured the recovery of a certain amount of stolen property, but was open to grave abuses and liable to degenerate rapidly in periods of disorder. Its defects are illustrated in the history of the Ramoshi Naik, Umaji, who headed the Ramoshi revolt in Poona and contiguous districts during the administration of Sir John Malcolm.1 One of the points which strikes the reader of these records is the lightness of the punishment awarded for murder. A man who murdered the son of a weaver and stole his ornaments was ordered to pay a sum of Rs. 550, of which Rs. 350 were declared to be compensation for the murder and the remaining Rs. 200 were payable as a fine to the government. Two men who killed a government Karkun in the course of a caste-dispute were placed in confiement at Satara, but were released on payment of a fine of Rs. 15,000 and permitted to carry on their usual business. On the other hand, when a Marath& employed at Vandangad Fort dis. covered his mistress and her paramour together and killed them both, he was granted a free pardon and directed to undergo the necessary purification enjoined by Hindu lore. In thus lightly letting off the murderer, the Marathe government was perhaps anticipating the doc. trine of grave and sudden provocation which is embodied in an important clause of the modern Indian Penal Code. The adulterer fared worse than the murderer, if one may judge by a curt entry of 1752-53 recording that a Gadkari of Mahimangad Fort had been guilty of this offence, and was sentenced to be shot or thrown down & precipice. Women who misoon. ducted themselves in this way, as Mr. Sen informs us, were usually sentenced to penal servitude and slavery, though occasionally they managed to purchase their liberty by the loss of their noses or by payment of a fine. It seems probable that male adulterers also were usually let off with something short of capital punishment. The severity of the fate awarded to the "Don Juan" of Mahimangad may possibly have been due to the fact that he was a mauvais sujet, of whom the Marath& authorities weloomed an opportunity to rid themselves. Slavery was a recognised institution among the Marathas of the eighteenth century, 88 it was among the Mughals and among the English also at the same period. The diary mentions a woman of Baramati, who consented to become a slave, and having been valued at Rs. 12, was given to one Keshav BallAl Sabnis in part payment of his salary. Ten female 1 It seems possible that the word "Borad" is loosely used in the Raja's diary to signify "Ramoahf" The two tribes have affinities, but are generally regarded in these days Me Neparate social unita, the former being found in the Southern Maratha country and the Madras Presidency and the latter in the Doocan proper. The Berads or Bedars were historically more notorious than the Ramoshis, and it seems possible that the writers of the Maratha diaries used their name generically to signify any tribe of professional and heredi. tary forest-robbers and froo-booters, whom it was found advantageous to include in the rural police system, It is probablo, for example, that the "Berada of Wat" wore aotually Ramostie.

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Jun, 1926] SIDE-LIGHTS ON DECCAN VILLAGE LIFE IN THE 18TH CENTURY 111 glaves, belonging to a member of the Raja's family, had their heads anointed with oil at the time of their mistress' death and were set free. The daughter of a female slave belonging to the Patel of Arle in WAI was given in marriage to a male slave of one Bahirjt Dhapte. The Government reprimanded the Patel for permitting the girl's marriage and summoned him to head-quarters. The lot of a slave under Maratha rule, however, was by no means unhappy : he or she, as the case might be, was usually well treated, and was able on occasions to secure freedom. Mr. Sen quotes Jenkins' report on the condition of slaves at Nagpur, which proves that their treatment was not dissimilar to that accorded to slaves under the rule of Islam. The average Moslern regarded his slave, "not as a persecuted and miserable chattel, but as a well-treated household dependent, whose life was full of possibilities." Neither the Mughal nor the Maratha was guilty of the atrocious cruelties which characterised the Portu. guese treatment of slaves in the sixteenth century; and it was perhaps no more than just retribution for their inhumanity, when the emperor Shah Jahan, in 1629, had the whole Portuguese population of Hugli sent as slaves to Agra. Just as at one time English children used to engage in mimic warfare between French and English, so the amusements of the village-children of Maharashtra seem sometimes to have been coloured by the political antagonism between MarathA and Mughal. One day in 1736 the boys of a village in Karde set out to pasture their cattle in the jungle, and met the boys of a village in ChambhArgonde, engaged in the same duty. To pass the time, the boys arranged a fight between themselves, the Karde contingent representing the Mughal forces, and the Chambhargonde boys the Marathas. The fight lasted for five days and ended in a victory for the latter, who pursued the routed "Maghals" through the jungle. In the course of the pursuit a barber's son in the Karde force fell down exhausted, and died a few days later. His mother complained to the Kazt at Ahmadnagar, who decided that the facts disclosed no evidence to sustain a charge of murder and issued & certificate to that effect. The woman, however, was not satisfied and bombarded one authority after another with her complaints, so that at last the Patel of the village in ChambhArgonde reported the case to the Raja of Satara and requested his orders. The Raja concurred with the opinion of the Kazi, confirmed his decision, presented the Patel of the Chambhargonde village with a robe of honour, and instruct. ed the Patel of Karde village to inform the dead boy's mother that her complaints must cease. Real affrays between adults were not unknown and sometimes had more serious results. In 1762 one Jagdale of Masur village, on his way to celebrate the marriage of a relative, halted at Eksal in Koregaon. As the festival of Shimga happened to be near, the villagers of Eksal demanded a present from the marriage-party, which was refused. This led to an affray, in which some of the villagers were seriously injured, and a Parit, belonging to Jagdale's party, fras killed. In fear of the consequences, presumably, the villagers completely evacuated their homes and absconded in a body. The Marathe government, on learning the facts, issued a kaul to Jagdale and the villagers of the Pant Pratinidhi's Jager to repopulate Eksal. The ChambhArgonde area of the Ahmadnagar district, which is known nowadays as Srigonda, figures again in a case, which indicates Hindu-Muhammadan religious antipathy. The Chaugala of Jinti, a township in Chambhargonde, joined the Maratha army and marched with it to Surat about 1720. There he was captured by the Mughals and was kept prisoner in their camp for a year, thus becoming automatically polluted and an outcaste. Subsequently he contrived to reach the army of BA!Aji Pandit Pradhan, on its homeward march from Delhi, and returned with it to the Deccan. Having related all the facts to his castefellows in Jinti, they decided to re-admit the Chaugula to his caste, and this decision was reported for sanction to the Raja of Satara by the PAtels of several villages in Chambh Argonde. The R&ja approved the decision, subject to the proviso that the Chaugula should first undergo the purification-ceremonies enjoined by the Shasiras.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1926 The diary proves that spells and witchcraft were not infrequently employed for the purpose of personal vengeance, despite the fact that the Maratha government regarded intercourse with the powers of darkness as an offence, punishable by fine and imprisonment. We read of Gadu Sonar of Satara invoking evil spirits against the household of Kusaji Jadhav, with the result that Kusaji's wife was taken ill. Though, in the opinion of the villagers, Ganu's malpractices were clearly proved, he took no steps to free the woman from the spirits' influence. He was, therefore, fined Rs. 20 by the government and directed to cure the lady. As to whether he did so or not, the official diary is silent. One would like to know whether Kusaji's wife actually recovered, and what happened to Ganu in the event of her death. In another case a servant in Vandangad Fort was charged with bewitching one Tukoji Chorkhata, who suffered considerably in consequence. An official order was sent to the officers of the fort to inquire into the matter and communicate the truth or otherwise of the report. Here again the diary gives no information as to the upshot of the enquiry and the ultimate fate of the wizard and his supposed victim. Evil spirits were by no means the only bugbear of the Deccan villager. The adminis trative authorities were occasionally quite as tyrannous and unsympathetic as the local bhuts. In 1728 we read of Yesaji Sonavani acting oppressively in the Jalod pargana, which he had been granted as mokasd by Khanderao Dabhade, and illegally imprisoning men and women. The government at Satara at length intervened, and ordered Dabhade to recall the unjust steward and send him to head-quarters. Similarly a Kamavisdar in the Paithan pargana was reported by the Faujdar and Jamidar in 1744 to be behaving tyrannously, and even to be robbing Brahman women, who had gone to the river, of their ornaments and personal belongings. He received a severe reprimand from head-quarters. Phond Savant Bhosale, Sardesai of Kudal, was likewise censured for keeping in confinement the wife of a Brahman, and informed that such behaviour was opposed to the principles of the religion of Maharashtra. Phond Savant was compelled to restore the lady to her husband, but otherwise incurred no penalty. So long as the government, whether of the Raja of Satara or the Peshwa, continued active in the discharge of its supervisory duties, the corruption and tyranny of the district officials were probably kept within certain bounds; but directly the government itself deteriorated, as it did under Baji Rao Raghunath, the oppression of the revenue and police officials became intolerable and the old village life of the Deccan became in consequence seriously disorganised. An even more disturbing influence in the peaceful tenor of Deccan rural life was the inveterate addition of the upper-class Maratha chiefs and jagirdars to swash-buckling and raiding, and there can be little doubt that this was a potent factor in the gradual disorganisation of the village administrative machinery. A few examples taken at random from the diary of the Raja of Satara will show that even in nominal periods of peace the villagers of Maharashtra were not free from warlike 'alarums and excursions'. In 1715 Janoji Naik Nimbalkar attacked Akluj, burnt the villages of Malshiras and Medhad, and carried away women and cattle. He was reprimanded and told to return the cattle. In 1727 one Chaohan marched against Tasgaon with a body of 2000 men, and had to be opposed by force; a few months later Nagoji Jhanjharrao Ghatge pillaged the country round Shirval, removing the grain from the villagers' grain-pits, while Sidhoji Thorat stole all the cattle from the village of Vadoli Bhikesvar. The only notice taken by the government of their action con. sisted of a reprimand and an order to return the stolen property. An officer in the service of Phond Savant Bhosle of Kudal attacked a village in 1734 and carried away a family of Brahmans, including a girl of 9 years of age, who had been married to the brother of one of the Pant Pratinidhi's Karkuns. All the prisoners, excepting the girl, were set at liberty; and, as in a case previously quoted, Paond Savant had to be censured for keeping a Brahman ma

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TO THE EAST OF SAMATATA (8.E. BENGAL) girl in confinement. His conduct was stigmatised by Satara as "unworthy even of a Muham. madan." These censures and reprimands appear to have failed of effect, for spasmodic raiding and looting continued unchecked. Yamaji Pandit's son was reported in 1752 to be plundering villages in Baramati; the Bandes were harassing the village of Mhesvad; Udaji Pavar's son captured the thana of the same village and murdered the Patel; Babaji Jadhav of Aundh carried off cultivators and cattle from one of Santaji Ghatge's villager, and also from the village of Maini, in charge of a member of the Mohite family. Men were not the only offenders and disturbers of the peace. Yesubai Daphle in 1753 attacked and plundered Savarde, arrested the Patel, and released him on payment of a fine of Rs. 40; while Bachabai, a member of the famous Ghatge family, made a large haul of cattle belonging to the Maratha government. JUNE, 1926] 113 As one reads these references to cattle-raiding, one is irresistibly reminded of the people known to the early Tamils as Vadukar, who lived across the Tamil borders in Dandaranyam, the Sanskrit Dandakaranya, were governed by a number of petty chieftains, and followed the profession of cattle-rearing and cattle-raiding. The origin of the Marathas is still shrouded in obscurity; but the latest researches appear to indicate that they possess a marked aborigi. nal strain and are very ancient residents of Maharashtra, including both the Deccan proper and the Carnatic. Close observers who dwelt among them at the end of the eighteenth century regarded them as composed not only of the Kunbf or agricultural section of the Deccan population, but also of the Dhangar and Gauli or shepherd and cow-herd tribes. Is it quite beyond the boundaries of possibility that in the primeval Vadukar of early Tamil literature we may discover the ancestry of at least one section of the people known in later ages as Marathas? If this were by chance true, it would form the basis of interesting speculations as to the historical connexion, if any, existing between the Marathas of the seventeenth and later centuries and the Maharathis, Mahasen&patis, Satavahanas, and possibly also the mysterious Pallavas, of early days. TO THE EAST OF SAMATATA (S.E. BENGAL). BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. IN January 1920, Professor P. B. Vidyavinod published a paper in JRAS., entitled To the East of Samatata, on the six countries mentioned, but not visited, by Yuan Chwang. In this paper the Professor proposed new identifications for the places referred to by that traveller. In October 1920, M. Louis Finot, in a paper entitled Hiuan-teang and the Far East, controverted the statements of Prof. Vidyavinod somewhat roughly in JRAS. So in July 1924, the Professor, in a paper entitled To the East of Samatata (second article), in The Hindustan Review, July 1924, replied to his critic. The old Chinese traveller has an unfortunate name. At any rate I long thought the correct method of rendering it in English to be Hiuen Tsiang, but for my present purpose I will call it Yuan Chwang. The best way to regard the controversy is to state the identifications of Professor Vidyavinod categorically. Taking Samatata as his starting point in South Eastern Bengal, Yuan Chwang mentions in order "six countries he had heard of but could not see." It is over the identification of these six countries that the controversy has arisen. When I first saw Prof. Vidyavinod's paper in JRAS. it was obvious to myself that he had not taken into consideration the results of the vast researches into things Far Eastern accomplished by French students in the first two decades of this century. They were obviously not available to him. But nevertheless I was much interested in his effort, as an old student of geography in the regions alluded to by the old Chinese traveller. It was obvious also that the Professor's paper, if accepted, would upset all former research. He soon got his answer at the hands of M. Finot, who roundly wound up his remarks by stating that "the identifications previously accepted are just as firmly established as ever."

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Jux, 1926 Four years later Professor Vidyavinod returned to his subject, and in 1924 produced a "reply to a critique of the first article." In it he vigorously attacks M. Finot point by point and adheres to his former opinion, and though I do not propose to intervene between the protagonists, I would point out that in Bengal Indian students have long carefully and learnedly searched into the secrets of the past of their own country and produced much work in Bongali alone, worthy of examination by European scholars. Likewise many French savants have searched into the antiquities of the Extreme Orient with a like knowledge. It would be well if each side were to know at first hand of the work of the other. I will only therefore here place as clearly as I can the situation as it has now been produced by Prof. Vidyavinod and M. Finot. The first thing to do for the general reader is to produce a map showing the rival identifications, and this I have done in the map attached. Then I come to a difficulty inherent in all such matters of controvers-the transcription of words and names. Here we have many languages to contend with and at least two systems of transliteration French and English. As to languages we are mixed up with Chinese, Sanskrit. Pali, Bengali, Burmese, Siamese and Further Indian, not counting dialects. One could hardly have & more diffioult set to deal with in reducing geographical names to & oommon denomination, or a situation more likely to lead to quarrels over the forms of words. In the circumstances I shall adhere to my own method and trust to scholars to understand it. On this understanding I have drawn up a table, showing: firstly, Yuan Chwang's names with Prof. Vidya vinod's names beneath them; secondly, the direction of each place from that preceding it as stated by Yuan Chwang; thirdly, Prof. Vidyavinod's identifications ; fourthly, former identifications according to Prof. Vidyavinod ; fifthly, M. Finot's identifications. This table taken with the map will show the enquirer exactly the location of each place mentioned by Yuan Chwang on the small scale proposed by Prof. Vidyavinod and on the large scale proposed by M. Finot. It will also help the enquirer to state the relative direction of the places as stated by Yuan Chwang and the identifiers of his names. Table of identifications. Direction as stated Vidyavinod's Former M. Pinot's Yuan Chuang. by Yuan Ohwang. identification. identification. identification. 1. Shih-li-ch'a. N. E. Srikshetra Srikshetra Srikshetra ta-lo from Samatata Srihatta =Sirfkhetara Prome. [S-ri-kahe-t-ra] [8.E. Bengal] =Sylhet =Tharekhettara =Prome (in Burma) 2. Ks-mo-lang-ka S.E. Kamalanka Hausavati 1 Tenasserim [Ka-ma-lau-ka) from Shihlich'atalo=Kamalak =Pegu (Tanansari, =Karmanta Taninthari) =Comilla =Tipperah 3. To-lo-po-ti Tarapati Dvaravati Dvaravati (Ta-ra-pa-ti) from Kamo-langka=Tripur&pati = Ayudhyl (Lower Siam] =Hill Tipperah (in Siam) =also Sthalavati Thalavati E.

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------------------------ Indian Antiquary, EAST OF SAMATATA the DE USCAR Mill Type (Renato Tipperet ) SANATATA 02. Bengaly yoo TENASERIM SVAM 4 N NA . CAMBODIA SA NAPURNA CHAMPA ACHAMON ) EHIN CHINA MALACCA 3 VNATRA * R.C.Temple.

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JUNE, 1926) TO THE EAST OF SAMATATA (S.E. BENGAL) 115 4. I-shang-na-pu-lo Ishnupur Cambodia Isana pura [I-94-na-pur-a) from Tolopoti =ISanapura =Cambodia =Vishnupur =Manipur State 5. Mo-ha-chan-p'o Champanagara Cochin Mahachamp4 [Ma-ha-cham-pa) from Ishang pulo = Sampenago 1 China and Annam =Bhamo Annam (Bamaw, in Burma) 6. Yen-mo-na chou SW Yamunadvipa ? Java Yavadvipa [chou=dvipa) from Mohachanp'o =Jambudvipa = ? Java =Jampudvipa =Lower Burma (S. of Ava) It will also help the enquirer to state the relative direction of the places as stated by Yuan Chwang and the identifiers of his names. Table of Relative Directions. Author.. Place Names. General Direction. Yuan Chwang Vidyavinod Older Scholars Finot N.E. from Samatata. N.E. from Samatata. S.S.E. from Samatata. S.S.E. from Samatata. Yuan Chwang Vidyavinod Older Scholars Finot S.E. from Shihloch'alo. S. from Sylhet. S. from Prome. S.S.E. from Prome. Yuan Chwang Vidyavinod Older Scholars Finot E. from Kamolengka. N. from Tipperah. S.E. from Pegu. S.E. from Pegu. Shih-li-ch'a-lo Srikshetra=Sylhet Srikshetra=Prome Srikshetra=Prome II. Ka-mo-lang.ka Kamalauka=Tipperah Hausavati=Pegu Tenasserim IN. To-lo-po-ti Tarapati=Hill Tipperah.. Dvaravati=Ayudhya .. Dvaravati-Lower Siam .. IV. I-shang-na-pu-lo Isanapura-Manipur .. Cambodia Isanapura=Cambodia .. V. Mo-ha-chan-p'o' Champanagara=Sampenago Cochin-China-Annam .. Mabachampa=Annam .. VI. Yen-mo-na-chou Yamunadvipa=Lower Burma Java Yavadvipa=Java . .. Yuan Chwang Vidyavinod Older Scholars Finot E. from Tolopoti. N.E. from Hill Tipperah. S.E. from Pegu. S.E. from Pegu. Yuan Chwang Vidya vinod Older Scholars Finot E. from Ishangnapulo. E. from Manipur. E. from Cambodia. E. from Cambodia. Yuan Chwang Vidyavinod Older Scholars Finot S.W. from Mahachanp'o. S. from Sampenago. S.W. from Annam. S.W. from Annam. 1 I would like to say that in Bnrmese the name transcribed by the English as Sempenago is written Chamfor Ohan]penago. By Burmese phonetiog Skr. nagana would be spelt and pronounced nago. So Champanagara fairly equates with Samponago-R.C.T.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1926 THE MUTINY AT INDORE. (Some Unpublished Records.) BY E. G, RAWLINSON, M.A. The following selections from the Indore Records, hitherto unpublished, throw considerable light upon an obsoure episode in the Mutiny of 1857, viz., the rising at Indore. They were made by Professor W. Paul, of Robertson College, Jubbulpore, who deserves the thanks of students of Indian History for bringing to light these important papers. In the hot weather of 1857, there were stationed at Mhow the 23rd Regiment of Native Infantry, a wing of the 1st Native Cavalry, and a battery of European Artillery under Captain Hungerford. The Commandant of the Station was Colonel Platt of the 23rd N.I. Mhow is a Cantonment thirteen miles from Indore. At Indore, the Agent to the Governor General was Colonel Henry Marion Durand, a distinguished soldier, who, as a subaltern, had taken part in blowing in the gates of Ghazni. The young Maharaja, aged 21, had been carefully educated under Sir Robert Hamilton, and was thoroughly English in his outlook. At Mhow, an acute difference of opinion had arisen between Colonel Platt, who had implicit confidence in his sepoys, and Captain Hungerford, who wished to evacuate the station and withdraw the women, children and civilians to the Fort. Suddenly, on July 1st, Colonel Platt received a note from Colonel Durand, "Send the European battery as sharp as you can. We are attacked by Holkar." But Hungerford had scarcely set out, when another note arrived, to say that Durand and the other Europeans had left Indore for Sehore. Hungerford returned to Mhow only just in time. Colonel Platt and his brother-officers paid for their confidence with their lives. The sepoys rose and butchered them. Hungerford saved the situation. He dispersed the rebels with grape-shot, and held Mhow until he was relieved. Subsequently a sharp difference of opinion arose between Colonel Durand and Captain Hungerford. History has completely exonerated the latter, and there is no doubt that Colonel Durand acted precipitately in evacuating Indore. The young Maharaja was entirely loyal to the British Raj, but for some time he was unable to cope with the rising tide of rebellion. But we must allow the papers to speak for themselves. A. No. 422. The Brigade Major, Saugor. Mhow, Fortified Square, 2nd July 1857. Sir, I have the honour to report, for the information of the Brigadier Commanding at Saugor : 1. That yesterday morning, at 11 o'clock, Colonel Platt, commanding the station. called at my house with a note from Colonel Durand, Aoting Resident at Indore, in which Colonel Durand requested that my battery might be sent over to Indore instantly, as he was attacked by Holkar. 2. I accordingly marched from Mhow at about half-past 11. My battery trotted to Rhow, half way to Indore, when a Sowar rode up to me with a note from Colonel Travers, oommanding Bhopal Contingent, stating that he was retreating on Simrole, on the road to Mundlaysir. The Sowar stated that Colonel Travers was accompanied by Colonel Durand and by all the Europeans who had been resident at Indore. 3. To reach Simrole there was nothing but a 'cutoha' narrow road, out up with ruts, along which my battery, in the blown state of the horses, oould not have travelled a mile. I therefore determined on returning to Mhow, more especially as from ciroumstances which bave lately oocurred here, I had strong suspicions that the native troops would mutiny as soon as Holkar's oondnot bad become known.

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JUNE, 1926] THE MUTINY AT INDORE 117 4. On returning to Mhow I met Colonel Platt on entering the station. I gave him the note received from Colonel Travers, explained the reasons for which I had not proceeded to Indore, and requested his permission to enter the fortified square at once. I told him, if he would permit me to enter the Fort, and that I could be secure of two days' non-interference to mount the heavy guns I formerly dismounted, lay in stores, water, etc., that I would guarantee the safety of the Fort against any attacks for a month. 5. Colonel Platt was unfortunately so secure in the fidelity of his own regiment, and of the wing of the 1st Light Cavalry stationed at Mhow, that my request was refused; and it was only after great entreaty, and pointing out to the commanding officer that the lives of every European in the station were at hazard, that he gave me permission to enter the Fort with my company and guns at half-past 6 p.m. last evening. The whole of the European ladies and families at Mhow took refuge in the Fort at the same time. 6. At 9 p.m. last night it was reported that an agent from Holkar had arrived to communicate with Colonel Platt, and had been stopped by the cavalry picquet stationed on the Indore road. Whether this agent misled the troops or not, I am ignorant. 7. At 10 p.m. several musket-shots were heard in the direction of the cavalry and infantry lines, and shortly afterwards nearly all the officers of the 23rd Regiment and wing Light Cavalry ran into the Fort, and reported that they had run the gauntlet of their respective regiments, having all of them been fired upon, though fortunately none were hit. 8. Almost immediately afterwards Colonel Platt rode into the Fort, and ordered me to turn out my battery. The night was dark, my horses were much knocked up; but, in about half an hour, the horses were traced to, and we moved out and advanced to the infantry lines. Colonel Platt and his adjutant (Captain Fagan) preceded me about a quarter of an hour; but from the moment I left the Fort I did not see them. On nearing the infantry lines my battery was fired upon; and before reaching the cavalry lines, several shots having been fired, I halted and fired several rounds of round shot into the lines of the 23rd Regiment N.I. No person was visible, but much noise was heard, and I think some men must have been killed. 9. By this time several officers' Bungalows were in a blaze; and as no persons were visible in any direction, and it was too dark for the battery to be in the least serviceable, I returned to the Fort. 10. Unfortunately we learnt afterwards that the mutiny of the troops had been accompanied by great treachery and violence. Colonel Platt and his adjutant, I grieve to report, were shot down by the quarter guard of the 23rd Regiment, and Major Harris was out down and shot by the men of his own guard. I sent out a detachment to bring in the bodies this morning, which have been recovered, much mutilated. 11. Every precaution is being taken now for the protection of the Fort. I have laid in, and am laying in, stores of all descriptions for men and horses. All my bullocks. have been carried off by the bullock drivers, but we have still some bullocks, though not sufficient to move my extra waggons. We are threatened with an attack from Holkar, probably accompanied by the troops which have mutinied; but I hope to hold the Fort until relieved; and as the Brigadier Commanding at Saugor may perhaps be able to communicate with Colonel Woodburn, if he will hurry that officer in his advance on Mhow, it may perhaps save us if attacked by an overpowering force. The Fort is very weak; but we shall do our best to hold out until reinforced. I have etc., (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain, Commanding at Mhow.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 118 = [JUNE, 1926 B. To His Highness The Maharaja of Indore. Mhow, Fortified Square, July 3rd, 1857. Raja baheb, You must be as well aware as myself of the occurrences at Mhow. After the disturbance at Indore, the native troops at Mhow mutinied, cut down their commanding officers, and marched upon Indore yesterday morning. I understand, from many natives, that you have given food to the mutinous troope. I have heard also, but do not know whether to believe, that you have lent them guns and offered them irregular cavalry as assistance. These reports are probably very much exaggerated ; I do not believe them. You owe so much to the British, and can be so utterly ruined by showing enmity towards them, that I do not believe you can be so blind to your own interests as to afford aid and show friendship to the enemies of the British Government. Let me understand therefore from yourself what your wishes are. From your not throwing obstacles in the way of the mutinous troops passing through your territory, and not punishing them, asa Power friendly to the British would do, many may suppose that you are not so much the friend of the British Raj as I believe you to be. Write, therefore, and let me understand your intentions. I am prepared for everything, alone and without assistance; but with the assistance I very shortly expect, I can act in a manner that you will find, I fear, very injurious to your interests; and if you will take my advice, you will write to me at once, and let me know what I am to think of the reports which have reached me. Your obedient servant, (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain, Commanding at Mhow. c. No. 425 To The Adjutant-General, Bombay Army. Mhow, 4th July, 1857. Sir, "I request you will be good enough to communicate to the Adjutant-General, Bengal Army, the following: 1. I forwarded, on the morning of the 2nd instant, an electric telegraph message to the agent at Ackberpore, requesting that officer to report to the Bombay Government, and to Colonel Woodburn, commanding a field force, our position at Mhow, in the hope that rein. forcements would be hurried on for our relief. 2. At 10 p.m., on the 1st current, a mutiny took place at this station of the native troops, consisting of the 23rd Regt. N.I., and wing 1st Light Cavalry. Colonel Platt commanding the station and 23rd Regt., Captain Fagan the adjutant of that regiment, and Major Harris commanding 1st Light Cavalry, were cut down by the mutineers. These officers were blindly confident of the fidelity of their troops, though repeatedly warned that the men are not staunch; and no precautionary measures for the safety of the station, I regret to say, were taken until the very last moment. At half-past 6 p.m., on the 1st current only, could I prevail on the commanding officer to allow me to occupy the Fort of Mhow, the only place where Europeans could take refuge in the event of a rise of the native troops. 3. Atlla.m., on the morning of the 1st, Colonel Platt had called on me with a letter from Colonel Durand, acting Resident at Indore, begging that the battery under my command might be sent to Indore instantly. I marched my battery, therefore, at once on Indore ; but, on getting half way, was met by a Sowar with a note from Colonel Travers, Commanding the Bhopal Contingent, stating that he was retreating on the Mundlaysir road. As it was impossible to know where Colonel Travers might be, and he was accompanied by Colonel Durand and the other British Residents of Indore, I returned to Mhow.

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JONE, 1926 ] BOOK-NOTICE 119 4. On the commencement of the Mutiny, I turned out my battery. Colonel Platt and his adjutant preceded me to the parade ground, and were shot down before our arrival. In arriving in the lines we were fired upon; but the lines were nearly deserted, and the men had marched en masse to Indore.1 5. From the blown state of my horses in the morning, and the darkness of the night, which prevented our seeing anything, it was impossible to follow the mutineers; and as I had no covering party of any description, I returned to the Fort, after having fired several rounds of round shot into the lines. 6. During the last three days we have laid in ample store of provisions for some time, and are prepared to hold this position until relieved. We are threatened by an attack from the Raja of Indore or the mutineers, and are anxious and quite ready to meet them; but, as sudden retribution should reach the scoundrels who have shown such treachery and ingratitude to their benefactors, I trust that Colonel Woodburn may be ordered to hurry on a portion of his Dragoons, by the aid of whom we can amply avenge ourselves for what has been done. 7. Yesterday and to-day I have turned out a portion of my battery, accompanied by flanking parties of officers, to destroy the villages surrounding Mhow, in which many of the mutineers have taken refuge, and from whence they have turned out to burn and pillage the houses in the cantonments. Several villages have been burnt, much property recovered, and some Sepoys and troopers destroyed. I have etc., (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain, (To be continued.) Commanding at Mhow. MISCELLANEA. THE MASOOLAH BOAT IN THE EARLY and the planks of which it is composed are literally NINETEENTH CENTURY. sewn together with the fibres of the Kyar (coir) rope In Vol. VI, Proceedings of Meetings, Indian (rope made from the cocos tree) and the stitches Historical Records Commission, Madras, January (if they may be so called) all so little connected 1924. Mr. J.J. Cotton, I.C.S., has a paper on George that it should seem there could be no security against Chinnery, the Artist, who lived from 1774 to 1852. its leaking so much as to injure its safety. To At p. 46 we learn that to a little slip of a book prevent any accident of this Nature each Boat is entitled "Views of Madras," published in 1807) provided with a Baler. These boats are used to Chin Dery contributed six plates. Of these (p. 48), convey Goods and Passengers to and from the shipe Plate II is of the Masoolah Boaty "One of the in the Madras roads, and on their return from the most extraordinary inventions that Navigationships they are sometimes thrown with so much has to boast." The description attached to the violence against the shore, that if they did not Plate is quaint and accurate. by their singular construction yield to the shock "To all appearance any other kind of vessel they would be dashed to pieces. The steerswould be safer on the water. On the contrary man stands on the stom of the Vessel and the nor boat of any other kind dare venture over the rudder is an oar simply. The dexterity with which violent surf, which breaks along the seashore at he balances himself in the heavy sea is perfectly Fort St. George. It is unique in its construction, astonishing. The number of Boats used is 120 equally unlike the solid canoe and the European and they furnish occupation for upwards of 1.00G In vention of caulked vessels. It is flat-bottomed natives." R. C. TEMPLE. BOOK-NOTICE. NABAKETARI KATEA, AN OLD-RAJASTHAN TALE, been accepted by all, and that because of their odited with notes, & grammar, and a glossary by scientific method. Their works about the New CHARLOTTE KRAUSE; Verlag der "Asia Major." Indian philology show this very method and hence Loipsiz 1928. their importance for the Indian scholar of his Some readers might think that by reviewing mother tongue. The Aryan languages of modern this I Am carrying coals to Newcastle ; but India show some peculiar features de compared it is certainly not 80. The superiority of the with their predecessors, various Prakrits, and Westerners in the field of Old Indian philology has Sanskrit. The inflectional system was abandoned 1 It was subsequently ascertained that the men were all in the lines, but fled precipitately as soon As we opened fire upon the hute.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY in favour of the agglutinative one; and a vast number of more or less late tatsama and tadbhava words was introduced in place of pure, regularly developed Prakrit ones. When, why and how this has happened, remains yet to be solved. Why and how can well be explained, but when is a difficult and no less important problem. This can be done only when we go direct to the original MSS. containing vernacular works instead of their corrected editions by Sanskritised scholars. The popular authors have been more or less modernised, and it is very doubtful whether they can ever be accessible in their original form. But there exists a large mass of unknown and little known works in MSS. to be found especially in Jain-Libraries only they should be faithfully edited with complete apparatus for their study. The book under review will really serve as a model how this work should be executed. It contains the text with its grammatical sketch and its glossary, with notes and an introduction. The last deals with the MS., the language of the text, the parallel text partly published by Tessitori, and its subject-matter. The text was found along with others in a MS. copied by a Jain monk Sivavarddhana in Jaitarana (not identified) in 1729 A.D. The authoress had no access to this MS., but only to its copy taken by Prof. Hertel. The wording of the copyist is said to be good and complete and free from blunders.There are some glosses which Dr. (Miss) Krause attributes to the source of Sivavarddhana, thus taking the archtype much further. [ JUNE, 1926 The third section deals with a similar text partly edited by the late Dr. Tessitori. A great part of the first Adhyaya from both versions has been printed in parallel columns, which enables us to see with the authoress that the other version is younger, but Ido not find it always inferior as she does both in form and contents. Besides, I see there some dialectical differences also. The discussion on the language of the text is very useful. It deals with its accidence, syntax, phonology and vocabulary. The authoress shows how the grammar offers us a mixture of various Rajasthani dialects, but as Marwari forms preponderate, she seeks the home of the text in Marwar and finds Jaisalmer as such. The language of the Nasaketari Katha bears much resemblance to Marwari, but I do not see anything of the sort with its Thali dialect. The authoress has not supported her statement by any substantial facts; and I find that all the Thali peculiarities mentioned by Grierson (Linguistic Survey of India, IX, II, 109 ff.) are conspicuous in this text by their absence. Whenever the Marwari grammar does not agree with that of our text, the Jaipuri and Malvi ones do, to mention the Rajasthant dialects, or the Gujarati, one does, to mention the language to which all Rajasthani dialects belong in a way. In any case the text shows distinct phases of an earlier stage of linguistic development, as shown by the authoress. She offers some remarks on the language of the Sanskrit passages occurring in the text. But really speaking only the introductory verses come in question, and these are not in Sanskrit but in the vernacular. As for the subject-matter, the authorees is of opinion that it is a very short and rather bad abstract of the Nasiketopakhyana published by Belloni Filippi, adding that in some cases the Vardha-Purana is its source. The text begins with an episode about the birth of the hero, which accounts for the name, Nasiketa (born through the nose), and then follows the chief story. The plot is not without interest. The hero goes to the world of the dead to fulfil the curse uttered by his father in anger. The god of death would not take him into his power, as the boy's time is not yet ripe. The latter observes the conditions in various heavens and hells and returns to the world of the living. The description of good and bad deeds and of their corresponding rewards and punishments gives us some idea of everyday life and its ideals among the then Indians. The public and private recitation of the story is considered. meritorious; and it has a moral purpose like its Iranian parallel, Arddy Viraz Namay. I cannot omit to mention a curious coincidence that the latter, too, has its Old-Gujarati version (vide Collected Sanskrit Writings of the Parsis, Part V, Arda Guira, where it has been taken from a MS. written in 1415 A.D.). The text is printed in Nagari script, and is punctuated in European fashion, the original punctuation also being retained. Mistakes like omissions, repetitions, etc., have been carefully noted. Thus we are given a fair idea of the original state of the text. There are some cases and they are very few, where I would read the text differently. I propose to deal elsewhere with this and other points and also with some mistakes in the translation of the text which has been so faithfully prepared by the same authoress in Asia Major, vol. I The otherwise, with discussions on parallel passages notes contain very useful material, linguistic and from Belloni Filippi, Tessitori and others. They will be found of much help for understanding obscure passages. A systematic grammatical sketch follows, to which is added a section under the heading Syntactical Remarks. A glossary with references to the text ends the volume. couple of misprints are there. Let us hope that Dr. The get-up of the work is excellent-though a (Miss) Krause's example be followed by those in a better position to prepare monographs of Indians who love their mother-tongue and who are J. C. TAVADIA. this kind.

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JULY, 1026 ) A LIBRARY OF MSS. AT DACCA UNIVERSITY 121 FORMATION OF A LIBRARY OF MANUSCRIPTS AT DACCA UNIVERSITY. BY N. K. BHATTASALI, M.A. In the Modern Review for December 1925, the Editor announces (p. 738) the discovery by Prof. V. S. Sukthankar of the Bhandarkar Research Institute, Poona, of a manuscript of the Adi Parva (Ist Canto) of the Mahabharata, dated in v.s. 1575 or A.D. 1519. Persong interested in Oriental Research know that this Research Institute is trying to bring out a reliable edition of the great Sanskrit Epic, Mahabharata, by collating all important manuscripts of the epic from different parts of India and the world. The discovery of an early dated MSS. of an important Parva like the Adi Parva must be very important for the projected edition and will undoubtedly delight all lovers of Oriental Research. The Dacca University, since its inception, has been trying to form a good Library of Sanskrit and Bengali manuscripts, and set apart Rs. 5,000 for the purpose in the very first year of its existence. The scheme, however, materialised only last year, when a strong committee for the collection of manuscripts was formed. The committee advertised widely, asking for offers of manuscripts, either for purchase or as presents, and their appeal has met with a wonderful response. Manuscripts poured in with such rapidity that more than 3,000 of them were collected, practically within the short period of one year. Indeed, the pressure on this honorary organisation has become so great that the authorities of the Dacca University are seriously considering the desirability of relieving the manuscript committee by employing very shortly a paid curator of manuscripts. Not only have the Manuscript Committee of the Dacca University succeeded in securing Valuable donations of manuscripts, sometimes amounting in number to more than 500 (the most notable donor being Babu Krshnadas Acharyya Choudhuri, Zemindar of Muktagachha, who presented the committee with 573 manuscripts), but the actual purchases contain books in Bengali and Sanskrit on all conceivable subjects. Manuscripts of all the Parva of the Mahabharata have been collected in duplicate, triplicate or more copies, and the Bhandarkar Institute will be glad to learn that Dacca University now possesses a complete manuscript of the Harivamia, dated in 1426 Saka, i.e., 1503 A.D.; a manuscript of the Aranya Parva of 1393 Saka, 1.e., 1471 A.D.;a manuscript of the Santi Parva of 1442 Saka i.e., 1520 A.D. That such early manuscripts of the Mahabharata could be found in a damp country like Bengal, came indeed as a great surprise to the committee in the first days of its activities. As regards the manuscripts of the Ramayana, the committee have succeeded in collecting duplicate and triplicate copies of all the Kandas, but the earliest of them does not date back beyond about 250 years. Manuscripts of the majority of the Puranas have been collected, in some cases in more than one copy; and the gem of the lot is a complete manuscript of the Vinnu-Purana, dated in 1388 Saka (1466 A.D.), or twenty years previous to the birth of Chaitanya. A manuscript of the Padma Purana, dated in 1311 saka, in the reign of Sultan Ghiyasuddin of Bengal, would have been a more valuable addition, but for its fragmentary character. The committee was practically overwhelmed by the number of MSS. on Navya Nydys that appeared, a few of them in palm leaf and dated in La Sam, and has stopped accepting any more of them, unless they be very old and well-preserved. Numerous MSS. of different Tantras have appeared, the most remarkable being a MSS. of Saradatilaka, dated in 1427 Saka or 1505 A.D. and a second MSS. of the same book, even older. A splendid manuscript of the Saktisargama Tantra, complete in 334 folia, is also one of the notable collections of this iine. MSS. of the other minor and major Tantras collected, some of them hitherto unknown, are too numerous to be mentioned. The Committee made a special effort to collect genealogical works, and they have succeeded in collecting a number of MSS. of the works of Dhruvananda and Mahesha, and some other genealogical works of the Varendra and the Radhi Brahmans. A most remarkable book in this line is a genealogical Kavya, dealing with the family history of the Rai Choudhuris of

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1926 Khalia in the District of Faridpur, giving a history of the notable members of this family during Mughal and Pre-Mughal times. It is needless to add that numerous other manuscripts on Sniti (law), Jyotisha (astrology), medicine, drama, poetics and poetry have also been found. A notable recent addition is a copy of s'i kasarvasva, the famous commentary on Amarakosha by Sarvvananda, son of Artrihara of the Bandyaghatiya family (Banerji) of Bengal. It was published some years ago in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, but strange to say, no copy has before this been found from Bengal, its place of origin. The present Bengal recension will be a valuable corrective to the Trivandrum Edition. The collection at present is comparatively poor in Bengali MSS., but in this line also remarkable successes have been achieved. Ten or more poets of the Manasa-mangala school are represented in the collection, and of the works of Narayan Dev, Dvija Vamsidas, Vijay Gupta, Vaidya Jagannath, the collection includes in some cases more than fifteen copies of each work. Babu Satish Chandra Roy, the distinguished writer and authority on Vaishnava Literature, recently announced in the columns of the Journal of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat the discovery of a new work, namely, Harirasida by Dvija Bhavananda. The Dacca University collection contains three MSS. of this work. The lyrical pieces of the Vaishnava poets are well-represented in the Dacca University collection, and this line has been further strengthened by the donation by Babu Satish Chandra Roy of his life's collection of the Vaishnava lyrics. The gem of the Bengali collection, it will delight the hearts of all true Vaishnavas to know, is the manuscript of the translation of the Bhagavata (12th Skanda) by the great Vaishnava apostle Sanatana, at one time the minister to the famous Pathan Sultan Hussain Shah of Bengal (1493-1519 A.D.). The book, as recorded in one of its chapters, was completed in 1564 A.D. and must have been the work of Sanatana in his mature old age, though he outlived his work by many more years. The manuscript itself is about 200 years old. It is written in a delightfully lucid style and will gladden the heart of even an unenthu. siastic reader. Unfortunately, the remaining Skandas have yet to be discovered. The Manuscript Committee is still busily engaged in the work of collection, and its agents are roaming from village to village in search of manuscripts. The irony of the situation is that the members have to work hard at the sacrifice of their scanty leisure hours, in an honorary capacity, in an atmosphere of cold neglect, if not of active opposition, and there are not wanting even Hindu members of the Dacca University Court, who can seriously table a resolution to cut down the Library grant and consign the manuscripts already collected to the flames. THE MUTINY AT INDORE. (Some Unpublished Records.) BY H. G. RAWLINSON, M.A. (Continued from page 119.) C-2. To Captain Hungerford, Commanding at Mhow. My dear Sir, I have just received your letter No. 424, dated 3rd instant. The accounts you seem to have received of my assistance to the enemies of the British Government are, as you supposed, not only exaggerated but entirely false. No one in the world regrets more than I do the most heart-rending catastrophe which befell at Indore and at Mhow. My troops, probably under the influence of the Mhow mutineers, mutinied openly on the morning of the 1st instant; and the very companies and guns that were sent to protect the Residency picked up a general quarrel with some one, and began at once to fire upon the Residency house. The mischief done was great ; many lives were lost. No companies of the Contingent, etc., assisted the British officers; but it is cheering to hear that Colonel Durand, Mr. Shakespear and family, and others, went away quite safe. The rascals then plundered the whole Residency.

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JOLY, 1926 1 THE MUTINY AT INDORE 123 The next morning the Mhow troops, after committing similar brutalities, arrived hero; the whole town was in a panic. A greater part of my troops were in open mutiny, and what remained could not be trusted. The Muhammadans raised a standard of "Deen," and the disorder was complete. Under these sad circumstances the mutineers exacted their own terms. They not only demanded the heads of a few Europeans, whom I had concealed in my own palace, but also of a few officers of the court who were supposed to be in the British interest. They prepared to plunder and destroy all, if I myself did not come out. I had no alternative left but to offer them my own person, but I would not allow the poor Europeans to be touched before being killed myself. After plundering the British treasury and the carriage from the town, and taking with them all the guns which had gone over to them in & state of mutiny, all the mutineers of this place and Mhow have marched off last night in & body towards Dewass. The tale is a painful one, and will be described to you in detail by Rao Ramchunder and Bukshee Khooman Sing, who are bearers of this to you. I have not, even in a dream, ever deviated from the path of friendship and allegiance to the British Government. I know their sense of justice and honour will make them pause before they suspect, even for a moment, a friendly chief, who is so sensible of the obligations he owes to them, and is ready to do any. thing for them. But there are catastrophes in this world which cannot be controlled, and the one that has happened is one of the kind. Yours sincerely, (Signed) Tookajee Rao Holkar, D. Indore, 7th July 1867, 11 p.m. My dear Sir, His Highness the Maharaja has learnt with great regret the astounding acoount of Captain and Mrs. Hutchinson and party's detention at Amjheera. Ho looks upon Mrs. Hutchinson as his sister, and the whole family as his own relations; and though not crediting that the Raja of Amjheers could be so blind to his own interests, he has, however, lost no time in ordering Bukshee Khooman Sing, with three Companies of Infantry, two guns, and 200 so wars, towards Amjheers with orders to blow up the town, and bring in the Raja dead or alive, should he have proceeded to any extremities with the party. Amjheera, it must be recollected, is not a tributary to Holkar, but to Scindia ; but in this emergenoy His Highness thinks hesitation as to its being a foreign State inadmissible. His Highness has, however, been informed by the Amjheera Vakeel, on the strength of a letter dated Amjheera the 5th instant, that Mrs. and Captain Hutchinson and party have safely reached Jhaboon, and are quite well there. He has therefore started a runner to JhaBoon, to ascertain the truth of the thing; and as the column detached under Bukshee Khooman Sing shall be at Beitwa tomorrow, His Highness wishes to know whether at this crisis it will be any responsibility for Holkar's army to enter a foreign State and to proceed to extremities, should the emergency require it. His Highness is overjoyed to hear of the safety of Colonel Durand and party at Sehore, and shall be obliged by your writing to him his best complimente. Pray let me know soon your opinion on the Amjheere subject, and oblige me. I am, Sir, Yours very truly, (Signed) Ramchandra Rao, By His Highness' order. To Rao Ramchunder Rao Saheb, Indore Mhow, 8th July 1857. Dear Sir, Your letter just received, dated the 7th instant, and written by order of His Highness the Maharaja, has given me much pleasure, and I baston, through you, to thank the Maharaja for the promptitude he has displayed in taking upon himself, if necessary, the deliverance of

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1928 British subjects from enemies, and the punishment of such offenders. Such a proof of friend ship is most gratifying, and will be the best proof to evil-disposed persons that the good-will and friendship that exist between the two governments will remain unchangeable for ever. I ant desired by Captain Hungerford to express his entire concurrence with the view taken by His Highness of this matter, with whom he thinks that in such an emergency as the present, no hesitation as to the offending state being a foreign state is admissible ; but Captain Hungerford is further of opinion that, having marched to the borders of such offending state, an enquiry as to the truth of the report should be made, and, if true, followed by a formal demand for the kidnapped prisoners previous to entering the same ; and if not complied with, you might then proceed to extremities, with the assurance from Captain Hungerford that the British Government will not fail to support you and accept the responsibility, should it be found necessary to compel the Amjheera Raja to restore these officers, ladies, and children to liberty; and I also fully concur in this opinion. I trust the assurances of the Amjheera Vakeel are correct, and that Captain Hutchinson and party have safely reached Jhabooa, and this intelligence may be confirmed by the return of the runner you have despatched to make inquiry ; but you will allow that the testimony offered us, as to the act of violence having been committed by people from Amjheera, was deserving of a certain amount of credit. If Moonshee Dhurm Narain could be spared to come here, he would be of great assistance in facilitating correspondence between us, as he could afford Captain Hungerford and myself much information as to the proper forms to be observed, and we should find his knowledge of official matters of much assistance to us. I have, etc., (Signed) A. Elliot, Asst. Govt. Superintendent in Malwah. E. To The Maharaja of Indore-Mhow, July 7th, 1857. Maharaja, A Sahookar has just brought me intelligence that your troops which misbehaved have returned to Indore; that they are much enraged with the mutineers from Mhow, and have either gone or are going on the road to Dewass; for the purpose of attacking them and recovering the treasure which has been carried off from Indore. I understand also that you have made arrangements with the Raja of Dewags and others. to intercept and attack our mutinous troops simultaneously, and that it is your wish to destroy them, and that for this purpose you have assisted your troops with guns. I trust that the above reports are correct. Your friendly feelings towards our Govern. ment cannot be better shown than by your punishing with the utmost severity the men who have been faithless to their salt. By acting in this manner it will be proved to the Govern. ment that the events at Indore have occurred contrary to your wishes; and by your taking the earliest opportunity of using your troops in a manner which will be beneficial to the interests of the British Government, you will prove that their former actions were not influenced by yourself. Allow me to know whether the above reports are correct, as it will give me the greatest pleasure to report to Government 'how faithfully you wish to execute the duties that your friendship towards them lays upon you. I shall feel obliged by your allowing Gunesh Shastree to come over and stay at Mhow for a short time, as there are many matters I wish to consult you upon, and he will be a better medium of communicating with your Highness than any other. I have, eto, (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain Commanding at Mhow.

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JULY, 19261 THE MUTINY AT INDORE 125 To Captain Hungerford, Commanding at Mhow. Sir, I am commanded by His Highness the Maharaja Sahib to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday's date, and to inform you, in reply, that a few of those troops who were supposed to have mixed up with the mutineers have returned, and measures will at a proper time be taken to ascertain the extent of their guilt. His Highness had ordered an attack to be made on the Mhow and Indore mutineers, as soon as the safety of the town was secured by their march from before it. The Komisdar of Teerana has now, according to orders, assembled about 1100 men, together with two guns, and was to attack them at or near Rajwas ; an attacking column has also been in pursuit of a few stragglers towards Jamere; a third column, to the strength of 350 horse, was sent on yesterday; and a fourth column, of two guns of horse artillery, 100 sepoys, and 50 horse, has been despatched from Indore yesterday. Letters have also been addressed to Soindia's authorities at Shahjeanpore and Oojein, as well as to the Rajas of Dewass and Nursingur, to send succour, copies of which are enclosed for your information; and the result of these operations shall soon be made known. Circular orders are also issued, offering a reward of Rs. 5,000 for any one bringing Saadut Khan the ring-leader's head, Rs. 500 for that of Bunsgopal, and Rs. 500 for that of Mahomed Ali, and smaller rewards of Rs. 150 for the head of each officer and man amongst them respectively. Gunesh Ramchunder, an intelligent man, has been directed to wait on you as Vakeel at Mhow; and though Gunesh Shastree, having so much to do on his hands at this place, cannot be spared for a constant attendant at Mhow, he has, however, been directed to be going to and fro, and will wait on you every second day, or as occasion may require. No means shall be spared on the Durbar's part to prove its usual sincerity and loyalty to the British Government, and His Highness rests assured they will find in him as staunch a friend as he hopes he has always proved to be. Yours etc., July 8th, 1867. (Signed) Ramchunder Rao. Letter 428-Mhow, July 8th, 1857. Sir, mes. Not having heard anything from Colonel Durand, and having received no authentic intelligence of his whereabouts, I beg to continue my report to the Bombay Government, as the nearest authorities, and beg that a copy of my letter may be forwarded to the Supreme Government. 1. My last letter forwarded was dated the 5th, and contained copies of letter to the Mabaraja and his reply. I omitted to state therein that I had blown up the magazines in the cavalry and infantry lines which were full of ammunition, and which, being distant upwards of one mile from the Fort, I feared might fall into the hands of enemies. 2. On the 3rd July I proclaimed martial law throughout Mhow; and having suggested the advisability of such a step to the Maharaja of Indore, he has done the same throughout his territory. 3. By the evening of the 3rd a heavy battery was mounted and in position in front of the north gate of the Fort. The north battery consists of one 10-inch howitzer, one 8-inch, one 24 pounder, one 18 pounder, and two 12 pounders. The south battery, of four 18 pounders, was armed on the morning of the 5th. Ammunition for all these pieces, to the extent of twenty rounds per gun, has been made up by the Deputy Commissary of Ordnance ; supplies of all descriptions are laid in for one month; two light guns are also mounted on each of the four corner bastions of the Fort, and small arms placed in the bastions, and every preparation made to resist any attack that might be made upon us,

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 4. On the night of the 4th the mutineers from Mhow, accompanied by some troops of the Maharaja, marched from Indore towards Dewass, having carried off nine lacs of treasure from the Indore treasury. The two parties quarrelled with each other, and Holkar's troops returned to Indore on the 6th current. No portion of the treasure had been made over to them, I believe; and they were so enraged that they requested permission to follow up the Mhow mutineers and recover the treasure from them. 5. Thinking that an attack on the mutineers by the Raja's troops would be advantageous in every way, I wrote the accompanying letter to the Maharaja (marked E, ante), and forward his reply. 6. The accompanying letters were received yesterday from the Bhao Ramchunder Rao and Captain Fenwick, an individual in the service of the Raja. 7. Yesterday evening also the remainder of the treasure from Indore was sent here by the Raja, consisting of four or five lace of rupees in cash and twenty-four laos in Government notes, which I have ordered Captain Elliot, Assistant Thuggee Superintendent, now in the Mhow Fort, to take charge of. 8. A Naik of my lascar company was brought in prisoner yesterday morning who had deserted and joined the mutineers; and, having been tried by oourt-martial and condemned to death, was hanged in front of the Fort yesterday by my orders. 9. The country around Mhow appears to be in a settled stato and I am doing what I can to keep communication open both by Dak and electric telegraph. The electric telegraph wire has been cut near Indore, but a signaller is now bringing in the wires to this Fort; and as instruments will be here in the course of to-morrow, I hope soon to be able to communicate more rapidly any intelligence it may be necessary to send, than by letter Dak. I have etc., To the Secretary to Government, Bombay. (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain Commanding at Mhow. - F. From Lord Elphinstone to Captain Hungerford. Telegraph Message, July 8th, 1867. I have received your message of the 2nd. Captain Orr, with 3rd Nizam's Cavalry, is on his way to Mundlaysir, and will endeavour to communicate with you and assist you. I hope you will be able to send away in safety the ladies, women, and children under his escort. Unforeseen difficulties have prevented the advance of General Woodburn's forces. A second column is now being despatched for your relief, comprising European infantry and cavalry, and a half troop horse artillery. It will be pushed on as fast as possible, but it will be at least three weeks before it can reach you, as the infantry are going from Bombay. If you can hold out at Mhow for a month, I think you should remain until relieved; but if you are unable to do this, you must fall back on Mundlaysir, covered by Orr's horse and any of the Bhopal Sikhs or Bhools who may be at hand. Send the names of the ladies and officers at Mundlaysir, and inform me what they intend doing. To Lord Elphinstone, from Captain Hungerford - Telegraph Message, July 9th. I request that your Lordship will not send any native troops for our relief. We will hold our own as long as we can. Hurry the European troope; cavalry, if possible. Holkar has shown by his actions that he is friendly to our Government; but he has been forced against his own inclinations to give way in some degree to his own mutinous troops and mutineers from Mhow. The whole of the mutineers have marched from Indore towards Delhi; but Holkar's troops are still doubtful, and we are threatened with an attack by the Mehidpore Contingent. The whole country is in such a state of excitement that I think any native

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JULY, 1926 THE MUTINY AT INDORE 127 troops will certainly be turned from their fidelity to Government; whereas the arrival of a European force at Mhow would tend immediately to establish tranquillity throughout Malwah, and would prove to Holkar that the Government are ready to assist him in his endeavours to quiet the country. A column to assist us should be sent to Mhow as quickly as possible, as it will tend more to tranquillize the country than anything else. I have no body here but my own company of artillery, and the officers who escaped from the 23rd Regiment N. I. and wing 1st Light Cavalry, and have been obliged to assume political authority to communicate with the Maharaja of Indore. The Europeang, Captain and Mrs. Keatinge, Mr. Theobald, Mr. and Mrs. Naher and children, and a surgeon, have quitted Mundlaysir, in consequence of a dispute amongst some native officers, and have taken refuge in a small fort at Parnasa in Nimaur. Captain Keatinge talks of returning to Mundlaysir when things are quiet. Pray telegraph strength of the column approaching, that supplies may be got ready on their line of march; also the route they will come by. From Captain Hungerford, to Lord Elphinstone-Telegraph Message, July 9th. The advance of Captain Orr's column has been reported, but it has not yet reached the Norbudda. I have written to Captain Orr to carry out his orders concerning Mundleysir, but not to advance to Mhow. - Malwah is in such an excited state, that no native troops can come here without injury. Holkar's troops have already joined in one mutiny, and have only just returned to a very slight degree of subordination; the arrival of fresh native troops would probably lead to renowed intrigue, and might cause incalculable mischief. I beg therefore your Lordship to allow only European troops to advance on Mhow. We are safe ; and a few European troops would tranquillize the whole country. Letter No. 431. Mhow, July 10th, 1857. I beg to continue my report : 1. I regret to say that both Captain Elliot and myself have written to Colonel Durand without reply; and that, although officers' servants and others have come in from Sehore with letters, no communication has been received froni Colonel Durand, whom we believe to be at that place. We have heard that the Bhopal Contingent at Sehore is in a state of mutiny, but do not know whether the news is true. 2. It having been reported that Captain Hutchinson, assistant to Agent, with his wife, had been made prisoners by the Amjheera Raja, and carried to Amjheera, accompanying correspondence (marked D, ante) took place, and His Highness has despatched a foroe to Amjheera to act as circumstanees may render necessary. The result shall be communicated to you as soon as known. 3. The officers of the Malwah Contingent, stationed at Mehidpore some time back, on an outbreak occurring at that station (wherein the cavalry murdered their officers), left Mehid. pore, and took refuge at Jowra. The artillery and infantry were not led away by the example offered by the cavalry, but continued loyal. The commandant of the Contingent and some other officers were ordered back to Mehidpore ; but, during the late disturbances at Indore, they again left their regiment, and at the present moment it is reported to me that the Contin. gent is without officers. The accompanying correspondence (marked 432 and 434, with letter from Durbar, dated 8th July) passed on the subject.. 4. On the first outbreak at Indore, Colonel Durand's note to Colonel Platt stated that he was attacked by Holkar, and the general impression was that the mutiny of the Indore troops was at the instigation of the Maharaja. Since the departure of the mutineers from Indore, the actions of the Raja (which the correspondence forwarded will make known) have Sir,

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 been marked by the most earnest desire to assist to the utmost of his means in the tranquilli. sation of his country. Some of His Highness' troops (Mahomedans) are still in an excited and insubordinate state, and he is anxiously looking forward to the arrival of Europeans at. Mhow, as the support it would afford him would enable him at once to disarm the disaffected and give him the control of his army. 5. Yesterday evening the Maharaja sent in two prisoners (Mahomedans), Sepoys of the 23rd Regiment N. I., who were tried by drum-head court-martial, sentenced to death, and hanged at once. The Bhao Rao Ramchunder, who paid me a visit last evening, reported that the giving up of these prisoners had caused great excitement amongst the Maharaja's troops, and that he had only been enabled to leave Indore under the protection of a strong guard. 6. The advance of Captain Orr's detachment was reported to me this morning, and I have written to that officer. I trust the circumstances will be considered sufficiently urgent to authorise my having written as I have done. 7. I have reported all that has occurred to yourself, and trust that what I have done will meet with support from the Government under which I serve. I am placed in a difficult position. The political authorities are all absent. Besides maintaining this post, now almost the only one left in Central India, I have been compelled to take upon myself some political authority to enable me to correspond with the Maharaja of Indore, and, through him, to prevent disorder from spreading throughout his territory. Should the Mehid pore troops march on Delhi, it will only add to the difficulties of our troops; and, therefore, if, with the Raja's assistance, the Malwah Contingent can be kept subordinate and faithful, I trust the Government will feel satisfied with the duty performed, though done in an informal manner. I feel assured that the Raja's feelings are loyal and staunch to the British Government, and that a sense of his own interests even, if gratitude were out of the question, would keep him faithful to his duties as their ally. I have received assistance from him, and am convinced that a small European force here would restore tranquillity to the whole country; if it were quickly sent, Malwah would be saved from any further disorder. I have, etc., (Signed). T. Hungerford, Captain, The Secretary to Government, Bombay. Commanding at Mhow. To Captain Hungerford, Commanding at Mhow-Indore, 8th July 1857. Sir, The circumstances of Major Timmin's departure from Mehidpore have already been reported to you. The whole of the infantry and the remaining cavalry with guns form a complete brigade, and is provided with ammunition. They told the Koomawisdar at Mehid - pore that they had not mutinied, and that, after the misconduct of the Sowars under Captains Brodie and Hunt, the loyalty of the infantry had been praised by Colonel Durand, and an increase of pay and rank offered ; also, that they had not misbehaved even now; and, as they were paid by the Durbar through the British authorities, they must now continue to draw their pay, without which they cannot remain. Should it be the intention of the Durbar to dismiss them, they must receive a decisive answer. Koomawiadar, having no force to coerce such a large body of disciplined troops, and fearing they would plunder Mehidpur and march on to Indore, which would play the mischief under the present state of things, addressed them a consolatory Purwannah ' in the Durbar's name, which has stopped them there for the present. He has, in the meanwhile, requested instructions from the Durbar, and is afraid of great disorders, should a delay take place in the receipt of orders calculated to give them some confidence. His Highness has therefore directed me to ask your advice, as to what should be done in this emergent case keeping up, and the sooner you give it the better, for the sake of order. I remain, etc., (To be continued.) (Signed.) Ramchunder Rao, Minister.

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JOLY, 1926 ) MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA. From THE COLLECTION MADE BY THE LATR DR. W. CROOKE, C.L.E., D.O.L., F.BA. (Continued from page 107.) IV. Nahachhu Songs. These songs are sung at the ceremony of paring the nails of the bridegroom (mundan). 1. Nahach hu Song sung at the Nall-paring Ceremony. This song comes from a village in the Mainpuri District, as recorded by a teacher in the School. Text. Hari dariai ko jajim jharf bichhalye. Baithe kunwar to char, to nahanchhd hot haii. Ghar ghar phiratt, nauniya, nagar jagAlye : "Aja Ramji ko nahanchho sab ghar jalye." Kaha dino hath mundariya, abharan, ratan jaralye. Kekai ne diyo hath ko kangan : Kaushalyd diyo pahir&wo : bahut aknog diyo. Khush hoke ghar jAfye. Translation. Spread a green carpet : shake off the dust : The four young princes have sat down and the nail-paring begins. Go, barber's wife, round all the houses in the city : "To day is Ram's nail-paring: come, every house." So gave her finger-rings studded with ornaments and gems. Kekaf gave a bracelet and Kaushalys an ornament, and many priceless gems. Go happy to your homes. 2. Nahaohhu Song attributed to Tulaal Das, and recorded by Ramghartb Chaubo. This is a popular version of a Nahachhu Song attributed to the great seventeenth century poet and reformer, Tulasi Das, which he is said to have composed for the women of the Bhadaini Maballa of Benares. It is very popular in Northern India and has been printed frequently by vernacular presses. It is in very fine spirited verse, and its popularity is probably due to the fact that it can be used as a memoria technica of the whole ceremony. Text. Adi sarda Ganpati Gaur mandiya ho. Ram lala kar nahaohhu gay sundiya he. Jehi gkin sidhf hoy; param pad paiya ho. Koti janam ko patak durf so jaiya ho. Kotin bajan bajain Dasrath ke griha ho. Deo lok sab dekhahin Anad ati hiya ho. Nagar soh&wan lagat barani na jatai ho. Kausalya ke harkh na hriday samatai ho. Alehi bana ke mando manigan puran ho. Motinh jkalar IAgi chahun disi jhulan bo. 4. The allusion throughout is to Rama's wedding with Sit A, and the ladies mentioned, Kekai and Kaushalya, belong to the legend.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 Gauga jal kar kalas tan turat mangaiya ho. Yubtinha mangal gai Ram anhwaiya ho. Gaj mukta hira mani chauk purdiya ho. Dei swaragh, Ram kahui lei baithaiya ho. Kanak khambh chahun or madhya sinhasan ho. Manik dip baray, baithi tehi Asan ho. Bani bani Awat nari, jani grihmayan ho. Bihasati au loharini h&th bardyan ho. 3. Ahirini hath daheri sagun lei Awahi ho : Unrat joban dekhi nsipati man bhawai ho. Rap saloni tanbolini bird hathehi ho : Jaki or bilo kahi man tehi sathehi ho. Darjini gore gat lihe kar jord ho ! Kesani parun lagai sugandhan bora ho. Mochini badan sakochini bird mangan ho : Panahfi lihe kar sobhit sun dar Angan ho. Batiya kai sughar maliniya sundar gatahi ho : Kanak ratan mani maur lihe musukatahi ho. Kati kai chhin bariniyan chhat& panihi ho : Chandra badan, mrig lochini, gab ras khanihi ho. Nain bisal nauniya bhaunh chamkawai ho : Def gari RaniwAsahin pramudit gawai ho. Kausalya ki jethi dinh anusasan ho : "Nahachhu jdi karawahu baithi singh asan ho." God lihe Kausalya baithi Ramahin bar ho : Sobhit dulah Ran sis par Anchar ho. Nauni to ati gun khani begi buldi ho. Kari sinjar ati loni tan bihansati di ho. Kanak chunin so larit naharini liye kar ho. Anand hiye na samay dekhi Ramahin bar ho. Kane kanak taruana besari sohahi ho. Gaj mukta kar har kanth mani sohahi ho. 6. Kar kankan kati kinkin, napur bAjahin ho. Rani kai divhin sapi tan adhik birajahi ho. Kahe: "Ram jiu sAnwar, Lachhiman gor ho ? Ki dhahun Rani Kausalyahii pariga bhor ho. Ram ahahin Dasrath kai, Lachhiman Anaka ho. Bharat Satruhan bhai to Sri Raghunath ka ho." Aju Awadhpur Anand nahachhu Ram ka, ho. Chalaha nayan bhari dekhiya so bhd dham ka ho. Ati bap bhAg.nauniyai chhuai nakh hath son ho : Nain&nh karati, guman, tau Sri Raghunath son ho Jo pagu nkun dhowai Ram dhow&wahin ho, So pagu dhuri siddhi muni darsan pawahin hon.

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JULY, 1928) MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA Atisai puhapuk mal Ram ur sohanhin ho, Tirachhi chitwani Anand munimukh johanbi ho. Nakh katat musukAhin barani nahin jatahi ho, Padam-rag mani manuhun komal gatahi ho. 8. Jawak rachit angurianha mpidal suthari ho, Prabhu kar charan prachh Ali tau ati sukumari ho. Bhai newachhawar bahu bidhi jo jaou lAyak ho. Tulasi Das bali jaun dekhi Raghunayak ho. Rajan dinban hathi: Ranin har ho : Bharige ratan padarath sup hazar ho. Bhari gari newachhawari nau lei #wai ho, Parijan karahin nihal asisat Awai ho. T&par karahin sumauj bahut dukh khodhin bo. Hri sukhi sab log adhik sukh soahin ho. Gawahio sab, raniwas dehih prabhu gari ho. R&m lala sakuch Ahin dekhi mahtari ho. Hili mili karat sawangini sabbi ras keli ho. Nauf man harkhai sugandhan meli ho. Dulah kai mahtari dekhi man harkhai ho, Kotinha dinhanden megh j&na barkhai ho. 10. Ram lala kar nahachhu ati sukh gaiya ho. Jehi gaen sidhi hoya param nidhi paiya ho. Dasarath Rau sinh&san baithi bir&jahin ho. Tulasi DAs bali jaya dekhi Raghu rajahin ho. Je yah nahachhu gawahin gai sunawahin ho. Rishi sidhi aru kalyan mukti nar pawahin ho. Translation. First let us invoke Ganesa and Parbati ; Then let us sing the nahachhu song of Rama. 1. Who sings it becomes a saint and attains the highest place. 47 The sins of countless lives will be washed away. Countless instruments of music were played in the house of Dasrath.48 The kingdom the gods were overjoyed at witnessing (the ceremony). The city appeared beautiful beyond description. Kausaly& could not contain herself for joy. The young bamboo columns of the shed were studded with goms. Fringed ourtains of pearls were hung on all sides of it. . 2. The pitcher of Ganges water was at once sent for. Young and beautiful women, with husbands still alive, were sent for to bathe Ram. A square throne was made with pearls and jewels, And after libations to the gods, Ram was seated on it. The seat on which he sat was surrounded by golden columns. Lamps of gems 4' were lit and then he sat on it. 47 1.6, he attains bhakti or devotional faith. 41 The father of Bama. ** Manik moans red gems.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 Decorated women came, knowing it to be a house of rejoicing. Came the blacksmith's wife, chuckling over the box of iron lamp-black in her hand. 3. The cowherd's wife brought in her hand the vessel full of curd of good omen. The king (Dasrath] was happy to see her breasts waving. 50 The charming 61 betel-seller's wife came with her packet of betel. Whoever she looked at was bewitched. The fair tailor's wife had brought a suit (of clothes), Dyed with saffron and thoroughly perfumed. The shoemaker's wife came hesitatingly 68 with diamonds in her hair-parting, She entered the courtyard with a pair of pretty shoes The beautiful sweet-tongued florist's wife came with the golden crowns; As she brought it studded with gems she smiled. The leaf-dishmaker's wife came with the calico umbrella : 53 She had a slim waist 4, a moon-face and the eyes of a doe. The barber's wife made use of her large eyes. 55 She was chaffing the chief ladies and singing joyfully, When a lady older than Kausalya gave her an order : "Go and perform the ceremony of Nabachhu on him that sits on the throne." 5. Kausalya sat with Rama in her lap. She cast her veil pleasantly round Rama's head. She called the barber's wife to come quickly, And the latter came smiling and charmingly decorated. She held the nail-parer studded with small gems. She could hardly hold herself for joy at the sight of Rama. She had a laruana in her ears and a besari 57 in her nose, And round her neck was a bewitching garland of large pearls. 6. On her wrist the kankan, round her waist the kinkin, and round her ankles the napur 58 were tinkling. She wore the garment given her by the Rani [Kausalya]. She asked (in joke): "Why is Rama dark and Lakshman fair! Perhaps Rani Kausalya has made some blunder. 50 60 This shows Talasi Das's powers of observation. Ahirinis do not confine their breasts like most Indian women, and they are usually pendulous and wave out. 61 The term used is saloni, salty. 62 Because of her low status in society. 58 The bart is the maker of dishes and cups out of leaves which are held sacred. Both the bari and his wife the bdrini work as monials in high-caste Hindu families. 54 This is a good omen. 56 To a Hindu, eyes to be beautiful must be large. The sense is that the woman used her eyes to attract attention. 56 Among high-casto Hindus it is not customary for the givers of the foast at marriages, investment with the sacrd throad and similar ceremonies, to give orders to their servants. That is done by close rele. tives, male or female, while the givers do nothing beyond being civil to their guests. This explains the statement in the text. 87 These are special omaments. 68 Those are all tinkling omamonts : kankan, is a bracelet : kinkin, a bell: ndpur, an anklet. Bo This is the kind of chaff that is usual ou such occasions.

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MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA Rama is I think the son of Dasrath, and Lakshman of some one else. Bharata and Shatruhana are brethren of Sri Raghunath [Rama]." To-day Awadhpur [Ayodhya] is full of merriment over the paring of Rama's nails. Let us go to see the beauty of his palace. JULY, 1926] 7. Congratulations to the barber's wife for being allowed to touch the nails of Rama. She rolls her eyes to attract the attention of Sri Raghunath. The feet that Rama's foot washer 60 is going to wash, Are the feet that saints and prophets go to worship. A very beautiful garland lies on Rama's breast. His sidelong glance is anxiously awaited by saints and prophets 1 While his nails are being pared, Rama's smile is indescribable. His body is as soft and fair as the padam-rag mani. 8. [With mehawar] she dyed the soft feet that had no defect. She dyed the feet after them with water. Then the relatives and friends rewarded her according to custom and their means. Saith Tulasi Das: great is the delight to behold Raghunath. Kings gave elephants and queens gave garlands. Thousands of winnowing-fans filled with gems were given [to the barber's wife]. The barber took them away in cart-loads. The clansmen gave so much that he was satisfied. 9. Beggars and servants were greatly rewarded and their troubles fled. Everyone was made happy and slept without anxiety. All the ladies sang and chaffed and joked63. Rama, the babe, was a little shy with his mother 4, While all the ladies were laughing and joking together, And the barber's wife threw perfumes over them with delight. The bridegroom's [Rama's] mother, seeing them, was delighted. She gave away millions of gifts in charity, like a cloud showering gifts upon the poor. 10. Sing the songs of Nahachhu for Ram, the babe, and be happy. Who sings them attains his heart's desire and real pleasure. Dasrath, the king, sat on his royal seat with joy. Saith Tulasi Das: much pleased to see his son king of the Raghu clan. Who sings this Nahachhu song himself or hears it sung, To him will the prophets and saints bring riches, wealth, prosperity and salvation. (To be continued.) 60 That is the barber's wife. 61 That is to say, they anxiously await a glance of favour. 62. A particularly beautiful gem. 68 This is customary on such occasions. 133 Children often appear shy before their mothers, when they find themselves suddenly turned into boys. They will throw themselves into their mothers' arms after such ceremonies as this, and their mothers will say: "You are no longer a child, as you have been through such and such ceremonies. You must now go and live among the men and leave the women."

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 THE NAME COCHIN CHINA.1 BY M, LEONARD AUROUSSEAU. TRANSLATED BY 8. M. EDWARDES, 0.8.1., C.V.O. "Tas name Cochin China, which signifies to-day our Annamite colony in southern IndoChina, appears in European geographical documents at a date when the Annamites had not crossed the region of Qui-nho'n and when the Mekhong delta was still wholly Cambodian. Maps and records show also that this name was applied, as the years passed, to different territories. In short, it seems impossible to trace its origin to the geographical nomenclature of Indo-China, whether Chinese or Native. Let us first try and localise precisely the various regions called by this name at certain given dates, and then try and determine its derivation in the light of its oldest signification. "Before it acquired its present significance, the name of Cochin China was applied by foreigners to the central and southern parts of modern Annam, in which the ancestors of the dynasty of the Nguyen had founded in the 16th century a prosperous kingdom, long distinct from the Annamite territories in the north of the peninsula. Up to the present it has generally, been supposed that the word had no older meaning, and that therefore it could not itself be older than the middle of the 16th century. But we know that Nguyen Hoang, the earliest of these ancestors of the Nguyen to set out for Thuan-hoa, left the court of the Le at Thang. long between November 10th and December 10th, 1558. The commencement of the kingdom of the Nguyen cannot then have preceded the arrival of Nguyen Hoang at Thuan-ho&; and the name of Cochin China, if from the first it signified this kingdom only, could not have come into use before 1558. But, as a matter of fact, there is evidence of the use of the name long before that date, and this is proved by certain important records which I have collected in the course of a hurried inquiry, and which I mention below, to indicate the scope of my enquiry. "1. The earliest mention of the name Cochin China that I know is in A.D. 1502, in the Portuguese chart of the Genoese Albert Contino, where it appears in the curious form Chinacochim. This chart, the original of which is in the library of Modena, has been reproduced by Tomaschek in a work published on the occasion of the fourth centenary of the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope by Vasco de Gama. Contino places Chinacochim, in the character of a sea-port, at the mouth of a river which must be the Red River. Further south, about the level of the modern Central Annam, Contino notices another port named Champacochim. "In this particular form, Chinacochim, which, reversed, gives us Cochimchina, the name Cochin China in 1502 refers to a spot in the Tonkinese delta. At that date and up to 1515 Portuguese navigators (or foreigners in the Portuguese service) had no direct acquaintance with the coast of Indo-China. Such information as they possessed came without doubt from Arab accounts and charts, or perhaps was furnished orally by Muhammadan sailors. Contino's statements must have been drawn in garbled form from one of these sources. "2. The same remarks may apply to the form Chanacochim, which appears on a chart of 1503 approximately, prepared by another Genoese, Nicolo do Canerio, and preserved in the Hydrographic archives of the Ministry of Marine in Paris. Canerio seems, so far at least as concerns this point, to have copied his compatriot's chart. "3. The ordinary form of the name appears for the first time, and twice running, in a letter addressed from Malacca on January 8th, 1515, by Jorge de Albuquerque to King Manoel of Portugal. At the beginning of the letter occur the words "das mercadorias que vem da 1 The original artiolo appears in the Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d' Extreme Oriens, Tome XXIV, 1924. I have omitted M. Aurousseau's numerous references in footnotes from considerations of space,

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JULY, 1926 1 THE NAME COCHIN CHINA 135 chyna e quachymchyna, syam, llequios " i.e., "merchandise coming from China, from Cochin China, Siam, the islands Lieou-K'ieou. ..." The second mention occurs on page 137, where the writer speaks of "junks from China or from Cochin China" in the phrase '08 junquos da chyna e quamchymchyna." The name of Cochin China is easily identifiable under the spelling Quachymchyna and Quamchymchyna. "I may here mention that the writer of the letter, in including this name among those of countries like Pegu, China, Siam, etc., certainly intends to specify a particular kingdom. This kingdom unquestionably was Annam, subordinate at that date to the Le dynasty, with its capital at Trung do phu, which extended from Lang-so'n to Qui-nho'n. "4. In August 1516 Ferndo Perez enters the "gulf of Concamchina " i.e., the Bay of Tonkin. "5. Duarte Coelho, who sailed the first time along the Annamite coast between 1516 and 1518, was sent during the year 1523 to eastern Indo-China by Jorge de Albuquerque, to obtain detailed information about the country named Cochin China and the bay of that name. A letter from Jorge de Albuquerque to the Portuguese King, dated January 1st, 1524, runs as follows: "Mamdey duarte coelho a descobrir cauchimchya." Barros, writing about 1550, gives the following account of this occurrence : " Vindo este Perduca Raja no fim de Abril de quinhentos e vinte e tres com estas quarenta lancharas, em se recolhendo pera dentro do rio de Muar quasi sobre a noite, houve vista delles Duarte Coelho, o qual hia em hum navio sen des cubrir a enscada de Cochinchina per mandado d'El Rey D. Manuel, por ter sabido ser aquella enscada cousa de que sahiam mercadorias ricas. A qual terra os Chijs chamam Reyno de Cacho, e os Siames, e Malayos Cochinchina, a differenca do Cochij do Malabar ...." "There can be no doubt that this mention in 1523-24 of the country and gulf of Cauchimchyna (Cochin China) is meant to denote the Annamite Kingdom of that epoch and more particularly the Tonkinese delta. "6. The chart of Diego Ribeiro, published in 1529, includes the name Cauchechina, to denote the Tonkinese and Annamite districts of the peninsula, and therefore the whole country of Annam from the opening of the sixteenth century. " 7. Numerous references of later date-1535, 1543, 1549, 1550, 1572, 1588, 1597, 1598, 1599, 1603, 1604, 1606, 1613-all prove that the word Cochin China,---under a variety of spellings, Cauchenchina, Cauchijchina, Cauchjichina, Cachenchina, Cauchimchina, Cauchichina, Coccincina, etc.- signified in every case the whole of the kingdom of Annam. "8. One has to turn to the year 1618 to find the name of Cochin China used in its secondary sense ; namely to signify quite clearly the particular principality ruled by the Nguyen. The word appears for the first time with this meaning in the Relatione della nuova misfione delli P. P. della Compagnia di Giesu al regno della Cocincina, compiled by the Milanese Jesuit Christopher Borri. The translation of the pertinent passages is as follows: "Cochin China, so called by the Portuguese, is styled in the native tongue Anam, a word signifying " western," as this kingdom lies in the west relatively to China. For the same reason the Japanese call it Coci, which has the same meaning in their language as Anam in the Cochinchinese tongue. But the Portuguese, introduced into Anam for trade through the agency of the Japanese, formed from this Japanese word Coci and the other word Cina a third name Cocincina, which they attached to this kingdom, calling it, so to speak, Cocin of China, in order to distinguish it from Cochin in India, which they also visited. "If Cochin China appears as a rule in maps and atlases under the name of Caucincina or Cauchina or some similar form, that is merely due either to the corruption of the real name or to the fact that the mapmakers wished to indicate that this kingdom was on the borders of China.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JILY, 1926 "In the south this kingdom borders on Chiampa (Champa), at an elevation of eleven degrees from the pole ; in the north, but slightly to the west, it borders on Tunchim (Tonkin); on the east lies the China sea; and on the west, towards the Northwest, it borders on the kingdom of the Lai (Laos). "As regards its extent, I speak here of Cochin China alone, which is a portion of the great kingdom of Tonkin .... "Cochin China is divided into five provinces. The first, bordering on Tonkin, where the king resides, is called Sinuua (Thuan-hoa); the second, Cacciam (Ke-cham), where the king's son resides as Governor; the third, Quamguya (Quang-ngai); the fourth, Quignin (Qui-nho'n), which the Portuguese call Pullucambi (Poulo Gambir); the fifth, which borders Campa, is named Renran." "Despite the errors it contains, this passage from Borri's account is interesting and shows clearly that in the view of the author and his contemporaries the Annamite kingdom of the Le was, towards the middle of the first quarter of the seventeenth century, divided into two parts :(a) Tonkin (Tunchim), lying between the Chinese frontier on the north and the river Linhgiang on the south ; (6) Cochin China (Cocincina, Caucincina, Cauchina) or the Nguyen principality, which extended from the river Linhgiang on the north as far as Cape Varella in the south. "We thus obtain evidence in the account of the Milanese Jesuit, written between 1618 and 1630 and published after 1631, of the earliest use of the name Cochin China in its limited sense of a single portion of the Annamite kingdom, namely that lying between Dong-ho'i and Cape Varella. Borri could not have been aware that the name had previously been used to designate the whole of the Annamite country; he says nothing about it indeed, and seems on the contrary to believe that the usual name applied by foreigners to the kingdom of the Le, prior to the independence of the Nguyen, was Tonkin. "But what is the starting point of this use of the ancient name of Cochin China in its new signification ? "According to Father de Rhodes, who arrived in Cochin China in December, 1624, the first Jesuit missionary to enter the country was the Neapolitan Busomi, who landed at Tourane on January 18th, 1615. Father Borri arrived three years after Busomi. On the other hand, there were no Jesuits in Tonkin at that date, as the Tonkin mission was not established until 1626. The missionaries in Central Annam were the first therefore to find the need of describing by a separate name the country which they proposed to evangelise, and which enjoyed a separate political existence under the powerful Nguyen rulers. They were acquainted with the names Tonkin and Cochin China from the narratives mentioned above. The former clearly signified the northern part of the kingdom of the Le ; the latter had a wider, less exclusive, meaning. Did the missionaries actually blunder over the latter meaning, as I suspect, or did they decide to apply the name Cochin China exclusively to the southern portion of the Angamite kingdom? It is not easy to decide which of these two solutions is correct. Whichever it be, however, it is quite clear that it was the founders of the first Christian missions in the Annamite country who, on their arrival in 1615 in the principality of the Nguyen, used the name Cochin China for the first time to designate that principality and nothing more. Consequently one may assert that the name with this special significance attaching to it cannot be earlier in date than January 18th, 1615. "9. This new value accorded to the name of Cochin China was invested by the reports of the missionaries with an authority rendered all the greater by the fact that no need was felt to preserve the name in its ancient significance : for the missionaries, as we have seen, did not establish themselves till ten years later in the northern portion of the Annamite kingdom, & country which they continued to designate by the name of Tonkin. "In fact the various references to Cochin China from 1618 onwards indicate quite clearly that the name preserved its secondary meaning (i.e., the southern portion of Annam, starting

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JOLY, 1926] THE NAME COCHIN CHINA 137 from the Dong-ho'i district) during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and part of the nineteenth. The most important of these references, viz., those of Father de Rhodes in 1624 and 1627, of Father Baldinotti in 1626, and the charts of 1640, 1650, 1666, 1705, and of later year ranging from 1721 to 1882,--suffice to establish this fact. "One finds the name Cochin China preserving its secondary meaning during the whole period from 1615 to 1882, but with this constantly changing significance, that the country to which the name is applied extends ever further in a southerly direction, in proportion as the Annamites descend from the north. "During that period the country becomes unified. The conquering Nguyen have welded together the Annamite lands by the opening of the nineteenth century. The name Annam, on the other hand, which was used by Europeans from the seventeenth century onwards to signify the whole of the kingdom (comprising Tonkin in the north and Cochin China in the south), preserved this meaning as late as 1882. "It must be added that in 1861 disorder was introduced into the geographical nomenclature of the country by a new factor, the French occupation. From that date the necessity of distinguishing the occupied from unoccupied territories led to the former being styled "Lower Cochin China " or "French Cochin China," and to the latter keeping, according to their actual situation, the name of Cochin China or Tonkin. "10. Finally, in 1883 the nomenclature tends to become fixed and is finally settled in 1887. Tonkin retains its name. Cochin China, properly so called, loses its name and receives the special title of Annam, which on the other hand ceases to signify absolutely the whole of the Annamite lands; Lower Cochin China or French Cochin China receives the special name of Cochin China. Thus we arrive at the third meaning of this name, which has lasted to the present day. "To recapitulate, the name Cochin China, in various phonetic forms, has in the course of history possessed three distinct meanings in the geographical literature of Europe - (a) from 1502 to 1615: Cochin China signifies the whole of the Annamite kingdom, comprised between China in the north and Champa in the south. (6) from 1615 to 1882: Cochin China is the name of the portion of the Annamite country, situated to the south of the Tonkin of that epoch and lying between the Dong-ho'i region on the north and the southern frontier of Annam (this frontier assuming a more southernly location as the Annamites advanced). (c) from 1883-1887 to the present day : Cochin China signifies the French colony in the south of the Peninsula, while the central portion of the Annamite country, lying between Cochin China in the south and Tonkin in the north, receives the name of Annam. "If, then, we would inquire into the etymology of the name Cochin China, we have good ground for taking as the starting point of our inquiry the geographical value of the name in the opening years of the sixteenth century, at the moment when it was employed to signify the whole of the Annamite kingdom. At that date the country included the modern Tonkin and Annam as far as the Qui-nho'n district : but one must bear in mind that Annamite sovereignty was by no means firmly established to the south of the Col des Nuages, and that the kingdom was properly organized only in the twelve tran to the north, from Lang-so 'n to Thuan-hoa. "The earliest references to the name Cochin China almost invariably connect it with the so-called Gulf of Cochin China (the modern Gulf of Tonkin, though extended considerably southwards). The only Annamite ports which were accessible and certain to provide an opening to traders in the sixteenth century were in fact those of the Tonkinese delta. There the first Portuguese railors who discovered Cochin China,' and the foreign travellers before them who came to trade in the Annamite country, must have disembarked. One may therefore conclude that the name Cochin China, while signifying from the outset the whole of

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 the kingdom of Annam, was specially applied from 1502 to 1515 to the country entered by way of the Bay of Tonkin. "When Jorge de Albuquerque wrote his letter of January 8th, 1515, no Portuguese, no European, was yet properly acquainted with the Annamite country; and this must have been still more the case, thirteen years previously, when Contino prepared his chart of the Far East. "The name of this country must therefore have been passed on to the Portuguese by travellers in the Far East before the end of the fifteenth century. These travellers can only have been Chinese, Annamites, Chams, Malays, Javanese, Persians, Arabs, or Turks. Chinese, Annamite, Cham and Javan geographical nomenclature supplies, so far as I am aware, no term which could have given use to the full name Cochin China. The Malays spoke of Kuchi or Kuchi-china, neither of which terms can be explained in the Malay tongue. The problem thus remains unsolved. It remains to investigate the puzzle from the Persian, Arab, and Turkish standpoint. "Prior to the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope (November 22, 1497), the existence of the Annamite kingdom had already been announced to Europe by Marco Polo in the thirteenth Century. The Venetian had given this kingdom the name of Caugigu, in which one must recognise the words Kiao-tche Kouo, "the land of the Kiao-tche (Giao-chi)," by which the Chinese had been accustomed to describe the Tonkinese regions fifteen hundred years before the date of Marco Polo. "The same name in a slightly different form is found at the opening of the fourteenth century in the History of the Mongols by the Persian Rasid-ud-din, who speaks of the country of Kafchekuo (=Kiao-tche Kouo). "The name Kiao-tche was thus already in vogue in the fourteenth century in non-Chinese lands, European and Muhammadan, to designate Tonkin, the most important part of the Annamite country, and also-by a natural extension of the term-to designate the Annamite kingdom regarded as a whole. "For a long period, indeed, the great Moslem navigators (Persian up to the ninth century, followed by Arabs up to the commencement of the sixteenth century) sailed across the Indian Ocean and the China seas; they maintained relations with the ports on the east coast of IndoChina and learned to know the country of Kiao-tche (the Annamite kingdom). "But these navigators had a special geographical notion about these coasts and about the countries in the south of Eastern Asia. A scrutiny of the records of maritime journeys, of the itineraries and sailing instructions, discloses the fact that Muhammadan sailors gave the name China a widely extended meaning. "Thus in 1224 the geographer and sailor Yakut (1179-1229) writes in his Mu'jjam al Buldan:-Ma'bar (Coromandel) is the last country in India. Next comes China, of which the first (region) is Djawa (Java or Sumatra); thence one enters a sea which is difficult of access and fertile in disasters. One arrives at length in China proper.' "In the thirteenth century the botanist Ibn al Baytar, in his Traite des simples, notes that the northern areas of China are styled in Persian Chin Ma-Chin (ie., China of great China ; of. Sanskrit Sina Mahds ina), equivalent in Arabic to Chin al-Chin, China of the Chinas, for the Persians call China Sin (Chin).' "Kazwini (1203--1283), in his Kitab'ajdib al-makhluqdt wa gharaib al-maudjudat, speaks of the islands of the China Sea, and includes among them Java, Sumatra, Nias, etc. The same author in his Kitabathar al-bildd wa akhbar al-'ibad further states that Java and Sumatra are parts of China. "In the thirteenth century Ibn Said clearly distinguishes 'China' (Chin or the countries on the east coast of Indo-China) from China properly so-called ' (Chin al-chin), or the regions situated on the north side of the straits of Hai-nan. He shows the town of Manzi as the capital of Chin al-Chin or of China properly so-called. Now one knows that Manzi, derived

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JULY, 1926 ] THE NAME COCHIN CHINA 139 from Chinese Man-tseu, is the name employed by the Arabs to designate southern China, subordinate to the southern Song (1127-1279). It follows from this that the countries called Chin (China) by Ibn Said had nothing in common with China proper, as they lay to the south of the Chinese empire and actually wore independent of it. "Rasid-ud-din himself (1310) extends the Chinese area as far as the island of Lakawaram (Nicobar) and the continent named Champa (the Champa of the opening of the fourteenth century, that is to say, roughly the parts of Annam situated to the south of the Col des Nuages). "Dimaqi, who wrote just before 1325, speaks also of Champa 'situated on the coast of China.' Abulfida (1273-1331) states that the frontiers of China in the south-east touch the equator, where there is no latitude.' He reports similarly that the island of Sribuza (Srivijaya=Palembang) is given as a dependency of China. "I omit several other analogous references of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, which betray the same misconception and are therefore superfluous, and I pass on to extracts from the treatise entitled Muhit ('the Ocean ') by the Turkish admiral Sidi 'Ali Chelebs (1554): The sea-routes to the coast of Chin and Machin resolve themselves into the following itinerary. First from Singafur (Singapore). ... to Kanbus& (Cambodia); from Kanbuga to Samba (Champa)... from Samba to the Gulf of Kawchi (Kiao-tche =the gulf of Tonkin), etc. The port of Kawski in Chin (Kiao-tche in China).... The gulf of Kawshi in Chin (=the gulf of Tonkin in China).... Kawshi in Chin. Sanba in Chin (Champa in China).... "Laghur in Chin'.... 'Cape Kanbusa (Cape of Cambodia, in the present Cochin China in Chin).' Lung-sakA (Tenasserim) at the extremity of the coast of Chin (China).' Kalandan (Kelantan on the east coast of the Malay peninsula) on the coast of Chin (China)'.... eto. "These examples suffice to show that from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century Muhammadan geographers divided the coasts of Eastern Asia into two large areas, distinguished by the following names : (a) Chin (China), comprising Indo-China, from the Malay peninsula to the Hai-nan straits, and (b) Machin (Great China or China proper), extending to the north of the "Gates of China," i.e., north of the Hai-nan straits. "In those days all the countries of the Indo-Chinese coast, lying between the Malacca and Hai-nan straits, were, in the view of Arab sailors, situated in Chin (China). These sailors, as the passages above-quoted show, had consequently to follow the general practice of adding to the name of each of those countries the word Chin, which indicated their general situation. This is precisely what happened in the case of the name of the Annamite country, Kiao-tche; for the Muit of Sidi 'Ali Chelebi mentions several times Kawchi of Chin (Kiao-tche of China). Sidi 'Ali Chelebi wrote about 1654, but it is well-known that he was a compiler, rather than an original composer, and that his Muhit is largely composed of earlier Arab texta, amongst the latter being a translation of the Nautical Instructions of Suleiman al-Mahri (beginning of the sixteenth century) and translations of the chart-books and essays on navigation of Ibn Majid, who was Vasco da Gama's Arab pilot across the Indian Ocean and who composed his treatises between 1462 and 1490. "The Tonkinese delta, one might even say the whole Annamite kingdom, was thug certainly styled by the Arabs "country of Kawchi of Chin " at the close of the fifteenth and the opening of the sixteenth century, that is to say, at the time when the Moslems entered into relations with Portuguese navigators and taught the latter the main ses-routes and the names

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 of the principal lands washed by the Indian Ocean and the China Seas. The Portuguese, whose earliest charts are based upon Arab sailing instructions," had no alternative but to register purely and simply (and before they had themselves discovered the Gulf of Tonkin) the name which the Arabs gave to the Annamite country. "We may here remark that of all the countries situated on this coast and described as "of Chin," Kawchi is the only one of which the name has continued, after Arab and Portuguese times, to bear the distinctive affix of Chin.' All the rest, Champa, Laghur, etc., have lasted without being linked for any great length of time with this distinguishing affix, which no doubt disappeared directly people realised that it embodied a radical geographical error. It is possible that the exception allowed in the case of the name we are discussing arose from the fact that there existed in India a practically identical and widely known place-name, that of the port of Kochi (Cochin). It was doubtless necessary to retain the affix of Chin', in order to distinguish Kawchi of Chin from Kochi in India. "Such must have been the origin and use of the name Cochin China. The Arab expression Kawchi of Chin' in fact corresponds in a wholly conclusive manner with the earliest, normal Portuguese forms of the word Cochin China. The two first readings, those of January 8th, 1515, Quachymchyna and Quamchymchyna, are almost identical ; for I regard the m in Quam as a copyist's error for u, an error which appears again (n for u) in certain unusual forms at the beginning of the sixteenth century, e.g., Concamchina (1616), Canchimchyna (1524), and disappears entirely after 1529. The most ancient ordinary Portuguese form of the word is therefore either Quachymchyna or Quauchymchyna, the first half of which (Quachy or Quauchy) is an exact transliteration of the Arab Kawchi and, through the Arabic, of the Chinese Kiao-tche and Cantonese Kaw-chi. "The examples chosen by M, G. Ferrand from the Arabic MS. No. 2559 in the Bibliotheque Nationale appear to indicate that, in order to translate the expression Kawchi in China' or 'Kawchi of China,' the Arab would have to say either Kawchi min al Chin, which exactly represents Kawchi of the China,'or, by suppressing the superfluous article, Kauchi min Chin or Kawchi of China.' I may be pardoned fot venturing here upon ground which is unfamiliar to me, but it seems to me quite likely that it was in the latter simplified form that the name was ordinarily spoken by the Arabs and was heard by the Portuguese. The Arab phrase Kawchi min Chin (or, in a single word, Kawchim(in)chin) is all the closer to the earliest Portuguese forms of the name Cochin China, in that the central syllable min, which means 'of' and is of secondary importance in the name, must have been pronounced quickly, so as to leave a clear mark of nasalisation. This Arab form therefore explains fully the earliest Portuguese renderings : it also explains the nasal sound in the middle of the word, which is universally present in every mention of the name in all languages, and which has survived to our own times in the central n of the word Cochin China. "We thus have a group of sound historical, geographical and linguistic reasons for deriving the name Cochin China, through the Portuguese Quachymchyna, from the phrase by which the Arabs, at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century, meant to designate the Annamite kingdom, and more particularly the Tonkin sea-board. This expression Kawchim (in) chin signified that the kingdom was that of Kawchi (Kigo-tche), the traditional Chinese name for Tonkin, known in Europe since the time of Marco Polo, and that it was situated on the eastern coast of Indo-China, that is to say, on the coast of Chin (China), according to the geographical nomenclature in vogue among Arab navigators and travellers. "Thus the fair fortune and the meaning of this simple name, Cochin China, which bears to-day the impress of French renown, are accounted for by the brilliance of Moslem power and the still more radiant glory of the Portuguese navigatcas in the Indian Ocean, more than five centuries ago."

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AUGUST, 1926 ] GOVERNOR JOSEPH COLLET OF MADRAS 141 GOVERNOR JOSEPH COLLET OF MADRAS ON THE HINDU RELIGION IN 1712.. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT.? In the Proceedings of Meetings, vol. VI, of the Indian Historical Records Commission January 1924, pp. 29 ff, occurs an informing paper by Miss Clara E. J. Collet, Fellow of University College, London, on the excellent private letter books of Joseph Collet of Madras (1717-1720), as preserved in her family. They contain the observations of a very capable man, anxious to learn all he could about the natives of the countries in which he travelled or had to work. We consequently obtain from them valuable views on the inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro, of Bencoolen in Sumatra, and of Madras. Amongst the extracts given by Miss Collet (one cannot but hope that she will some day publish the whole collection of letters) is one of great interest, as it shows how an English enquirer, full of his own religious viewe, looked on Hinduism as he thought he learnt about it. Incidentally it shows also how an educated Indian attempted to expound his religion to an interested and educated European. Collet writes as follows: "The first time I arriv'd in this place was in the year 1712. I soon found a great variety of religions profess'd here, Christianity of severall sorts, Popish, Protestant or Arminian [native Christians], besides Mahometanism and above all Paganism (Hinduism), which has much more numerous disciples than all the rest together. They are divided into the right. handed cast and the left-hand cast, and these again are sub-divided into eighteen several casts or Tribes. 1 "Here are Churches of all the several Religions I have named, but the most magnificent structures are the Pagan Temples, called the Pagodas. Passing by one of them a few days after my arrival, I made up to the Gate, which was open, with a design to see what sort of Gods dwelt there, but the priests were too quick and shut the Gate before I could enter. "I asked one of the Religion with me why they would not permit me to see the Pagoda. He told me they did not care to admit Christians, and seem'd to insinuate that the Priests thought that the presence of a Christian would defile their Temple. I told him I rather believed they were ashamed to expose their Gods to our View. He reply'd: 'We are not Buch fools as to think the Images in our Pagodas are Gods. We know very well there is but one Supreme God, Creator and Preserver of all things. The Images in our Temples are no other than symbols and representations of the several perfections of the one Supreme Being. An Image with many hands, holding Arms and Mechanicall Instruments, represents his infinito power: another with an elephant's joyn'd to a Human Face signifies his infinite wisdom, the Elephant being esteem'd the most sagacious of all Brute Animalls.' He added several others. "I smiled and was about to reply, but he prevented me and went on as follows - There is no greater Difficulty in all this than in your Christian Religion, for you say with us there is but one God, and yet you say, the Father, Son and Holy Ghost are each of them God, by which you must mean that the one God is call'd the Father as he is the Maker of all things, and he is called the Son as he is reconciled to Sinners, and he is called the Holy Ghost as he 1 This statement shows that Collet had grasped that Hinduism is divided into an enormous number of secta, which he thought were castos, although, of course, his view thereof is very vague. He evidently thought that the most prominent among them were the Right-hand (Dukshinacharf) and Left-hand (Vama. chari) divisions of the Shaktas, worshippers of the female energy in life (Shakti). The statement is a com. ment on the bold that Shaktism had on Hinduism, when the latter first came under Western observation. * Here we have a hint of the difficulties that Brahmans must have had in dealing with Europeans of importanod. Neither side had any idea of the notions or religious feelings of the other.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY AUGUST, 1926 inclines men to do Good. So with us, our many Images represent to us the various perfections of that one God, whom both you and we worship. Here he stopped, expecting my Answer, which, I was in no condition to give him, but stood for some time perfectly confounded. 3 "I knew very well the explication he had given of the Trinity was the Sabellian Scheme, 4 which I could not assent to, and on the other hand I durst not say that there are three distinct persons equally God, lest he should charge me with Polytheism, which is as plain a violation of the first Commandment as the Adoration of Images is of the Second. "In short I was glad to change the Discourse by asking what representations those were, pointing to the monstrous figures at a little distance. He told me one of them was a transformation of the God (Vishnu), and the other was the Devil, before whom on a certain day every year a thousand goats were sacrificed. This gave me a large Field of raillery on his Religion and the opportunity of my concealing my Ignorance of my own Religion "When I came home and reflected on the passages of the day, I blush'd for shame that I had not been able to give a rationall Account of my own. Faith to a heathen, and resolv'd to lay hold on the first opportunity to examine a Doctrine I had been taught to believe was a mistery and note to be pry'd into. It happened the next Sunday the Athanasian Creed was read in Church." 9 I take it that the "one of the Religion" with Collet was an educated Brahman, who know English well and had studied Christianity. His exposition of the use of images in Hindu Temples and of Hindu monotheism goes to show that he must have been a Bhagavata, which sect is essentially monotheist, with devotional faith in one Personal God as its main doctrine. Bhagavatism is very old-pre-Christian in fact - and has long been the faith of the educated Hindu, permeating both the Vaishnava and Shaiva forms of their religion. At the end of the Second Century there was a great controversy between the Adoptisnists and the Modalists, holding respectively that Christ was the chosen Man of God and that Christ was a manifestation of God Himself. In the Third Century the protagonist of the Modalists (Unitarians) was Sabellius, a Libyan, whose doctrine created a great controversy (the Sabellian Heresy) and lasted till the end of the Fourth Century. The "Sabellian Scheme," with various modifications as time went on, was that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are the same person, three names being thus attached to one and the same Being. The three forms of the One God in the Sabellian view were the Creator, the Redeemer, and the Giver of Life. It will be soon that Governor Collet was right in remarking that the Hinda's "explication of the Trinity" was "the Sabellian Scheme," and why, as a strict Trinitarian, he could not essent to s strictly Unitarian view. 5 Collet evidently was not aware of the Hindu Trinity (Trimurti), which is the three-fold manifestation of the Supremo Brahman, the Incomprehensible, with unity of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva, the three prominent, and to the people equal, Gode of the Epics, as the Creator, Preserver and Destroyer. The Hindu and the Christian Trinities are not, however, philosophically identical. The former Religion holds that there is one God and three manifestations of Him, and the latter that there are three Persona in one God. The first image must therefore have been that of one of the avaldras or incarnations of Vishnu. What the other image represented, it is impossible to say, as Collet apparently did not wait to enquire if it was male or fomale. It was probably an image for the people, and did not belong to the "religion" of his informant, on whom, therefore, his "raillery " was lost. 7 Collet had very strong and free views on religious practice, and the Schism Act of 1714 roused him to much wrath and to a desire to fight it as soon as his government in India was over. Inter alia the Athanasian Creed was abominable to him.

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AUGUST, 1926] THE CAPITAL OF NAHAPANA 143 THE CAPITAL OF NAHAPANA By V. S. BAKHLE, M.A., LL.B. The date of Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa, who ruled over Northern Maharashtra, Gujarat and other adjoining provinces is still disputed. There is, however, a question of no less importance, viz., the capital of his kingdom ; and scholars are not agreed on this question also. We propose in this article to show that the capital of the kingdom of Nahapana was situated at Junnar, a view which was first put forward by the late Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar.1 The controversy about the capital of Naha pana was, to all appearances, finally set at rest by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in the pages of this journal ? where he stated, relying mainly on the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea and the Geography of Ptolemy, that the capital of the kingdom of Nahapana was Dashapura or the modern Mandasor. The Periplus mentions Minnagara as the metropolis of the kingdom of Mambaros and of all India, and Ptolemy in his geography mentions a Minnagara, which lies 2deg N. and 2deg E. of Broach, a place which roughly corresponds with the modern Mandasor, known in ancient times also as Dashapura. The mention of this place, in Mr. Bhandarkar's opinion, as one of the places of Ushavadata's benefactions fully corroborates this view. "I have often thought it was impossible for Usbavadata not to have made any benefactions at the capital town of Nahapana, and con. sequently one of the four cities (Dashapura, Soparaga, Govardhana and Bharukachchha) must have been his capital. But Ptolemy's Geography no longer leaves the point in doubt."9 Before we proceed to discuss this identification, it is necessary to ascertain the extent of the dominions of Nahapana. Nahapana, we know, had a daughter named Dakshamitra, who was married to Shaka Ushavadata, son of Dinika. We have inscriptions of this Ushavadata at Karli and Nasik, in which he records his benefactions at various places. Some of these benefactions are grants of land and villages, construction of rest-houses, erection of drinking places, etc. The nature of these benefactions and especially his land grants show that Ushavadata was not an ordinary donor. We could hardly expect a private person to grant lands and villages and to arrange for the comforts of people in so many different places. It is obvious, therefore, that Ushavadata exercised some authority over the provinces, in which the places of his benefactions are situated, "The localities at which the benefactions were made," observes Rapson, "may be supposed to lie within the province of which Ushavadata had special charge. They indicate generally the extent of that part of Nahapana's dominions to which the political influence of Ushavadata was restricted." 3 From the enumeration in his inscriptions of the places of benefactions we may infer that the provinces under Ushavadata included Ajmer, Kathiawar, Gujarat, Western Malva, North Konkan, from Broach to Sopara, and the Nasik District. But this is not all." The place names in the inscription of Balashri seem undoub. tedly to indicate the provinces which her son Gautamiputra wrested from the Kshaharatas." 4 Of these Suratha, Kukura, Avanti, and Aparanta were provinces under Ushavadata. There only remain Akara, Asaka, Mulaka and Vidarbha. It seems highly probable that Nahapana himself ruled over these provinces. The generally accepted view, however, is that his rule stretched as far as Ajmer in Rajputana, and included Kathiawar, South Gujarat, Western Malva, North Konkan, and Nasik and Poona Districts. But these were mainly the provinces to which the political influence of Ushavadata was restricted. Over what province or provinces then did Naha pana rule? Or had he consigned all his territory to the charge of his son-inlaw? Naha pana, we think, must himself have ruled over Akara, Vidarbha, Asaka and Mulaka. The mention of these countries in the inscription of Baldshri at Nasik implies that they were wrested from the Kshaharatas by Gautamiputra ; it is not in the least probable that 1 Bom. Gareteer, vol. 1, pt. ii, p. 160. Indian Antiquary, 1918, pp. 77-78. a Catalogue of Andhru Coins in Br. Museum, 'p. cx. Ibid., p. cxi.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1926 they were inherited by him. A glance at the map of India would show the improbability of the assumption that these provinces were held by the Satavahanas, while the Kshaharat&s were in ascendency. It seems, therefore, that these provinces were included in the dominion of Nahapana and were further under the direct rule of the Mahakshatrapa. This being then the extent of Nahapana's dominions, we can now look for his capital amongst the provinces,over which he himself ruled. The mere fact that so many of Ushavadata's benefactions are recorded at Nasik is not sufficient justification to warrant the inference that Nasik was his capital. It is not possible at the same time to place his capital so far distant as Dashapura or the modern Mandasor. Various objections can be raised against this latter identification. Mr. Kennedy has shown that the Periplus was written in about 70-71 A.D., and that the identification of Mambaros with Nahapana is wrong. It may he, however, that the Periplus refers to one of the successors of Nahapana, of whom there were many, as evidenced by the varying effigies on their coins. And since the capital of Nahapana must have continued to be their capital also, the Minnagara of the Periplus must have been the capital of Nahapana himself. The question remains, however, whether it was the modern Mandasor. An inscription of Nahapana's minister is found at Junnar, a large collection of his coins was found at Nasik, while Mandasor or Dashapura was more or less on the borders of his kingdom. It seems hardly probable, therefore, that this place, though in all probability known as Minnagara in ancient times, was the capital of Nahapana. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar is wrong in holding that "it was impossible for Ushavadate not to have made any benefactions at the capital town of Nahapana." It has been generally admitted that the place names in the inscriptions of Ushavadata indicate the provinces that were consigned to his charge by Nahapana. In the provinces that were in his charge, Ushavadata was free to make any benefactions he liked ; but not in the capital city of his lord. This view will be confirmed also by the nature of Ushavadata's benefactions. We can certainly understand Ushavadata granting lands and villages and erecting quadrangular rest-houses at places which were within the provinces consigned to his charge ; but it is difficult to see how one of the places of Ushavadata's benefactions must be regarded as the capital of Nahapana. It was Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, who first suggested the probability of Junnar being the capital of Nahapana. "The capital of Nahapana was probably Junnar, since the inscriptions of the place show the town to have been in a flourishing condition about that time, and we have record there of the gift of his minister."1 Junnar was a very important town. It was on the Nana Pass route and thus occupied an important position. There are nearly one hundred and fifty caves round about Junnar and as many as thirty-two inscriptions, all of which have been dated on paleographic grounds between 150 B.C.-150 A.D. It was 88 great and flourishing a town as Nasik, Dashapura or Bharukachchha. If we do not find any record there of Ushavadata's benefactions, the only explanation is that it was outside the territory which was in his charge. Even at Junnar the visitor is pointed out the remains of an old city; and the name may mean either the old city'or, like our modern Junagad, 'the city of the Yavanas'! Very likely it means the city of the Yavanas' and the name is a coruption of the old name, Min. nagara. "In support of this suggestion it may be noticed that at the head of Ptolemy's Nanaguna (which apparently is the Nana Pass, though Ptolemy makes it a river) to the south of Nasik and to the east of Sopara, is a town called Omenogara which, as the Yavanas were call. ed Mins, may be either Minnagara or Yavananagara, that is, Junnar." 8 The latitude and 6 Smith, E.H.1., pp. 217, 291. 7 Bom. Gas., vol. I, pt. ii, p. 160. * JRAS., 1918. * Bom. Gax., vol. Xvlil, pt. ii, p. 2131.

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August, .1926 j PIHUNDA, PITHUDA, PITUNDRA. 146 longitude degrees of Omenogara, according to Ptolemy, are 114; 16.20 ; and the name Nanaguna, at the head of which this town was situated, is probably due to the fact that by the side of the Nana Pass there is another less useful pass, which is known even to this day as the Guna Pass. The Nana Pass is to the north of the bare thumb-like pinnacle of rock, locally known as Nana's Thumb,' and the Guna Pass is to the south of the Thumb. We must, therefore, regard Ptolemy's Nanaguna as referring to the Nana and the Guna Passes; and the latitude and longitude degrees given by Ptolemy fully support us. At the head of Nanaguna there is Omenogara, which obviously corresponds to our modern Junnar. Not far from Junnar there is a river known as the Mina, and the valley watered by that river is still known 28 Minner. Furthermore, Ptolemy mentions two Minnagars, and Mr. Bhandarkar has not assigned good reasons for identifying the Minnagara mentioned in the Periplus with the Minnagar in Ptolemy, which corresponds with modern Mandasor. We must, therefore, conclude that Minnagar mentioned by the author of the Periplus is the Omenogara of Ptolemy and Junnar of modern times. It was the capital of Nahapana, from which he ruled over the Eastern possessions, wbile Aparanta, Gujarat and the Northern possessions were in the charge of Ushavadata. PIHUNDA, PITHUDA, PITUNDRA.1 BY SYLVAIN LEVI. TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY S.M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. "The Jain Uttaradhyayana Sutra (XXI, 1-4, translated in Sacred Books of the East) relates the story of a merchant named PAlita, who departs from Champa, the capital of Abga on the lower course of the Ganges, on a journey by boat to the city of Pihumda, whither his business summons him. There he marries, and later returns to his own country. While on the sea, his wife gives birth to a son, who is called Samudra-pala "the sea's ward." "The Jain sutra is written in Prakrit; the name of the city, Pihumda, leads one to infer that the original form of the name contained an indistinct aspirate between vowels, which was changed in Prakrit to a simple aspirate. "The Hathigum pha inscription of king Kharavela of Orissa appears to supply the word for which we are looking, corresponding to the Prakrit form Pihumda. Laders, indeed, in his List of Brahmi Inscriptions (Epig. Ind., X, vii) under No. 1345, writes in his analysis of this difficult but important inscription : In the eleventh year he had some place founded by former kings, perhaps Pithuda, ploughed with a plough....' Pithuda may legitimately be read as Pithunda, which would become Pihumda in Prakrit ; the inner nasal in no case presents any difficulty. But unfortunately the mutilated text of the inscription affords no clue to the situation of Pithuda. We find that in the following or 12th regnal year, Kharavela 'makes the kings of the North tremble' (vitasayanto Utard padharajdno); one must therefore look for Pithuda elsewhere than in the North. The East is likewise excluded, for the sea lies on that side. There remain the West and the South. In the passage above. quoted Laders bas adopted the reading proposed by the late Bhagvanlal Indraji, who was the first to decipher the inscription scientifically (Proceedings of the Sixth Congress of Orientalists at Leyden, Part III, sect. II, 1885). Bhagvanlal read as follows: puvarajanivesitam Pathudari gadambhanagalena kasayati. Luders alters Pathudam into Pithudam on the strength of impressions of the inscription. "Since then Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has taken up the study of the whole text, the numerous lacunae in which are to him an additional attraction. In the third volume of the Journal McCrindle ; Ptolemy, pp. 175-76 whore the editor observes that nothing is known about Omenogara. 1 This article is No. II of "Notes Indiennes ", by M. 8. Levi, which appeared in the Journal Asiatique, Tome CCVI, Jan.-Marsh, 1926.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( AUGUST, 1926 of the Behar and Orissa Research Society he has published for the benefit of epigraphists an excellent impression of the inscription. His reading and translation differ from those of previous scholars in a surprising and disquieting manner. He believes that the passage as a . whole describes a procession in honour of a king, who lived thirteen centuries earlier,' .... which had been established by the former kings in the City of Prith-udaka-darbha and which is pleasing to the country. A note informs us that the city in question must have been in Kalinga. Finally we are told after a discussion (p. 437) that the passage refers to the statue of a certain king Ketu, installed at Pithuda kadarbha, the city abounding in water and darbha grass.' This rendering is based on a new reading ot line 11, -puvaraja-nivesitam Pithudaga-dabha-nagala nekdsayati.... "It is at once obvious that the difference in the interpretation of the passage depends rather upon the method of splitting up its component words than upon any novelty of reading. The differences of reading are confined merely to the following syllables :-P (Bhag. Pa; Laders, Pi); da (Bhag. dan: Laders, da); le ne (Bhag, and Laders, lena); and they are concerned purely and simply with certain accessory signs, attached to the clear outline of the consonants and regarded somewhat arbitrarily as either script-signs or chance-marks in the stone. Mr. Jayaswal neither explains, nor thinks it necessary to explain, the difficulties which form the stumbling-block of the general body of inquirers, viz., the vowel e in the syllable ne of nekasayati, which he doubtless equates with nis-karyayati, as he translates it he leads out'; and this being so, the absence of an aspirate in the ka (always and in all places nikkha); and thirdly and above all, the amazing construction of the sentence, viz., epithet in the accu sative, locative, verb, epithet in the accusative, a bunch of six words forming a compound noun in the accusative and what a compound, calculated to be the despair of the schools of grammarians ! terasa-rasa-sata-ketu-bhada-tit amara-deha-sanghatan, which signifies, it appears, "[he leads out in procession) the nim-wood formation of the immortal body (i.e., statue) of His Highness Ketu who (flourished) thirteen centuries before'. One thinks involuntarily of the scene of the Bourgeois Gentilhomme with the son of the Grand Turk. "For the purpose of record i reproduce here the translation of the same passage proposed by Mr. R. D. Banerji in the same journal (vol. III, 486 et seq.): 'He caused the reputation of the feet (i.e., the worship) of the Jina to expand in the city of Pithudaga-dabha founded by former kings.' "On the other hand, the first interpretation (of Luders and Bhagvanlal) requires no special effort for its justification. The sense follows normally from the meaning of the verb kasayati. The verb kas=kars is applied properly to ploughing, and therefore evokes by natural association of ideas the name of the plough, nangala (here nagala ; cf. PithudaPihumda), this being the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit langala. Gadabha-nagala seems to refer to a plough drawn by an ass. I do not remember in the texts any case of this kind, in which, in order to destroy a city, the conqueror causes the soil of it to be ploughed. But such action is by no means unlikely or inconceivable. "Ptolemy, describing the towns in the interior of the country of the Maisoloi (VII. 1. 93). calls the capital Pitundra metropolis. The country of the Maisoloi, or Maisolia (VII. 1. 15). takus its name from the river Maisolos, which signifies the whole extent of the mouths of the Godavari and the Kistna. The Periplus speaks of Masalia, instead of Maisolia. This word has been for a long time connected etymologically with the first part of the well-known name Masulipatam. Maisolia extends northwards to Paloura, or more precisely to the cape of the apheterion close to Paloura. The coast-towns Kontakossyla, Koddoura, Allosygn, and the inland towns Kalliga, Bardamana, Koroungkala, and Pharutra have not yet been identified. Ptolemy places Pitundra in the hinterland, between the mouths of the Maisolos and the Manadas, or in other words, between the deltas of the Godavari and Mahanadi, at an equal

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August, 1926 PIHUNDA, PITHUDA, PITUNDRA 147 distance from both. We must therefore look for the site of the city between Chicacole and Kalingapatam, if Ptolemy's information approximates to the truth. That being so, we are once more restricted to the tract of country, in which we have sought for the site of Dantapura, in the direction of the course of the Nagavali river, which is also named Languliya or 'the river of the plough.' The Imperial Gazetteer of India itself points to this derivation of the name: 'langala (Sanskrit), nagula (Telugu), a plough.' This designation, when associated with the memory of Pitundra, recalls the passage in the inscription, in which Kharavela boasts of having ploughed the soil of Pithuda with the plough.' Is it not possible that one of the names of the river perpetuates the memory of that unusual punishment ? "The transliteration of the Indian name Pithu(m)da in the form Pitundra, used by Ptolemy, is normal. The Greek has a tendency to represent the actual sound of the Indian cerebrals by the addition of an , as, for example, in the name of the Aratta of the Panjab, which is written Aratrioi in the Periplus (p. 47), and in the name of Kulindrino in Ptolemy, which clearly corresponds with a form Kulinda, intermediate between Kulinda and Kuninca. "We remark, however, that Lassen, who dealt with an important collation of variants, always writes the name in the form Pitynda and not Pityndra (III. 202 and 281). "The name Pithunda-Pihunda seems to be connected with the name of a people, of whom we obtain a glimpse in the Mahabharata. In the seventh book, adhy. 50, the poet describes Yudishthira's army; on the left wing the Southern recension mentions the Tuhunda between the Agniveas and Malavas (Agniveias Tuhunda cha Malavah. ...). But this line is not found in the Calcutta and Bombay recensions. On the other hand, the Calcutta edition, three verses earlier, mentions among the rear-guard contingents the Hundas, between the Pataccharas and the Paura vakas : in this place the Southern recension and the Bombay text substitute the more familiar Paundras for the Hundas. If the form Hunda is correct, one ought clearly to find it in verse VI, 50, 52 of the Southern edition, and this we actually do, if we divide the words as follows - Agniveads tu Hundas cha. The name Tuhunda, how. ever, appears elsewhere in the Mahabharata, but as a personal name-the name of an Asura, son of Danu (I. 65, 2633) who becomes incarnate on earth as king Senabindu (I. 67. 2655). Tuhunda is also the name of one of Dhitarashtra's sons (I. 186. 6983 C; 201, 3 Southern). "Pithuda had been founded by a king of old time for his abode (puvarajanivesita); it was a royal seat. Pitund(r)a in Ptolemy's account is a metropolis, & capital. The agree. ment is complete. If Pithuda was really destroyed by Kharavela, it is natural that the name should not appear in later texts and passages. The mention of the name in & Jain canonical work would seem to offer fresh proof of the antiquity of Jain tradition. But in this case one necessarily feels some surprise at finding the name in Ptolemy's work, which is two or three centuries, later than the date of Kharavela. One can only conclude in these circumstances that Ptolemy, in constructing his Tables, made direct or indirect use of original materials appreciably older than his own age. That is a point to be borne in mind, when one uses information embodied in Ptolemy's works."

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( AUGUST, 1926 . Sir, THE MUTINY AT INDORE. (Some Unpublished Records.) BY H. G. RAWLINSON, M.A. (Continued from page 128.) No. 482. Mhow, July 8th, 1857. Sir. I beg to acknowledge receipt of your letter of this day's date, asking for advice regarding matters connected with the Malwah Contingent. As I am in complete ignorance of what has already ocourred at Mehidpore, may I beg that His Highness will inform me under what circumstances the men of the Contingent demand increased pay ;-whether such demand was made known to, or sanctioned by, Colonel Durand ; -what number and description of men still remain firm at Mehidporo ;-what officers are with the Contingent ;- and what amount of arrears of pay are due to the men. If His Highness will be good enough to order this information to be sent to me, I will gladly give him the best advice in my power. I have etc., (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain,. To Bhao Rao Ramchunder Rao. Commanding at Mhow, No. 484. Mhow, July 9th, 1857. On reconsidering the purport of your letter of the 8th instant, regarding the Malwa! Contingent, I beg to offer the following advice to His Highness the Maharaja. 1. From what I have heard of Colonel Durand's desire to benefit the condition of the men of the Contingent, I believe that the Acting. Resident has applied for the sanction of Government to place them on the same footing as the native regiments of the line, with regard to pay, for the good behaviour of the artillery and infantry during the disturbanoes at Mehidpore. This application is, I think, certain to be attended to; but as no demand can be sanctioned if made by the Contingent in any other but a respectful and subordinate manner, I hope the men will well weigh the great advantages they will gain by continuing the conduct which has already met the approval of the Resident, and refrain from actions which will cause them to forfeit what they have so well earned. 2. As it is impossible that the good men of the Mehidpore Contingent can continue staunch without officers to encourage and support them, and as the whole of the officers of the Contingent have apparently at this time left Mehidpore, I think it would be very advisable, if the Maharaja would try and persuade Captain Fenwick to take command of the Contingent at the present moment. 3. Were Captain Fenwick to take this step at this crisis, maintain a proper state of discipline and subordination in the corps, and hold Mehidpore until properly reinforced at that station, I think the good service he would do the British Government would be thoroughly appreciated, and highly rewarded by it, and such service would also redound greatly to the credit of His Highness the Maharaja himself. I have eto. (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain, The Bhao Rao Ramchunder Rao. Commanding at Mhow. H. Telegraph Message from Lord Elphinstone. Directions have been sent to Captain Orr to move along the left bank of the Nerbudda to Barway, and join the advancing column from Aurangabad.

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AUGUST, 1926 ] THE MUTINY AT INDORE I. Mhow, July 11th, 1857. Maharaja Sahib, I regret to hear from Oomed Sing that your Highness is under apprehension that your conduct will be misconstrued by the British Government. I have reported to the Bombay Government, for the information of the Supreme Government, everything that has occurred at Indore and Mhow since the lamentable outbreak on the 1st ; and I feel assured that the simple record of your actions, showing your sincere desire to tranquillize your country, will be proof sufficient to Government of Your Highness' loyalty and good faith to your friend and ally. 149 I deeply regret that Colonel Durand should have left Indore under so mistaken an impression, as that your troops (over whom you had lost your control) were acting in accordance with your orders. Should Colonel Durand have, under this impression, reported to Government the attack on the Residency as instigated by yourself, I feel certain that your Highness' actions, as subsequently reported both by Captain Elliot and myself, will dispel the error, and prove convincingly to the 'Government that your wish is now, as it has always been, to be their firm friend and supporter, under whatever difficulties may beset you. Trusting that the expression of my firm convictions may allay your Highness' apprehensions. I beg to subscribe myself, (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain, Commanding at Mhow. K. To Colonel Durand, Offg. Agent, Governor General, Central India. Mhow Fort, July 12th, 1857 My dear Sir, Both Captain Elliot and myself have written to you, detailing events at Indore and Mhow; but, from your not having replied to our letters, I fear they must have miscarried. I regret exceedingly your having quitted this part of the country, the more so, as you appear to have been under a mistaken impression regarding Holkar's intentions. Holkar was as helplessly under the control of his mutinous troops as we have ourselves been under that of ours. Since the mutineers from Mhow, joined by some of Holkar's troops (the whole headed by Saadut Khan, who attacked you), left Indore on the 4th, the Maharaja has done everything in his power to aid us in our efforts to tranquillize the country, and has shown by his actions his earnest desire to fulfil faithfully his duties to the British Government. Copies "of correspondence which has passed between the Durbar and myself have been forwarded to you, which will prove the truth of what I state. The whole country is now in a tranquil state in the neighbourhood of Mhow. At Indore some of the Mahomedan troops are still in an excited and insubordinate state, and the Maharaja cannot yet control them; but as soon as the European troops advancing from Aurungabad reach this, it is the intention of the Maharaja to disarm all those on whom he cannot place dependence, and to punish severely those who have been implicated in any way in the late disorders. On my first telegraphing to Bombay the events at Indore and Mhow, a detachment of native troops, consisting of 400 Nizam's cavalry and a company of infantry, was pushed on by forced marches, under Captain Orr, for the relief of Mhow. But this fort, thanks to the hard labour of the Europeans, has been placed in such a state of defence, and we are so well provisioned, that it would take an army to attack it. The advance of native troops alone, would, in the excited state of the Maharaja's troops, do certain injury to the latter; and perhaps the relieving troops themselves might have suffered from coming within the influence of the religious excitement prevailing 2

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1926 here. Under these circumstances I requested fresh orders regarding them; and Lord Elphinstone has ordered them to remain on the left bank of the Nerbudda, until the arrival of the column from Aurungabad. On the Ilth one column left Aurungabad, and another column left Bombay on the 9th. Two or three hundred dragoons here would be sufficient to place the whole of Malwah in as tranquil and peaceable & state as it was in, six months ago. The Durbar report that some of their troops in the district have shown signs of disaffection, and several of the vakeels of petty States, who used to be in attendance at Indore, have, left Indore. The impression that their superiors will receive from the absence of all political authorities from the seat of your agency, would have been so injurious that I have, during your absence, assumed political authority here, so far as to be able to communicate with the Maharaja, and advise him on subjects which were of much importance, and regarding which, in your absence, he was at a loss how to act. These matters I have reported in detail to Lord Elphinstone, and trust that, under the circumstances, I shall be borne out in what I have done. My position here has been a difficult one; but I have acted to the best of my ability for the good of the service. Captain Elliot has been most kind in assisting me; and, had it not been for his advice and assistance in many matters, much would have been unthought of, which has been of great use and benefit. I trust that what I have said will induce you to return to Mhow. Your presence would restore confidence. The country itself is tranquil. A few European troops would enable Holkar to disarm those who were implicated in the late outbreak; and a small moveable force, to punish those tributaries of Holkar who have taken advantage of the disturbances at Indore to cause dissensions in their own petty districts, would be sufficient to bring the whole surrounding country under complete control The mutineers from Mhow and Indore are to-day at Pacbore, moving as expeditiously 88 they can, on Agra or Delhi. Yours sincerely, (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain. Telegraph Message from Lord Elphinstone, for delivery to Holkar. 13th July 1857. I have received your Highness' Khureeta ,' dated the 1st. The assurance of your regret at the part taken by your troops in attacking the Residency, and at the lato unfortunate occurrences at Mhow and Indore, is very gratifying to me, and I trust that the Governor General's Agent will soon return to Indore. General Woodburn has been obliged, from ill health, to give up command of the troops that are advancing to Mhow, but Colonel Stuart, who has suoceeded him, is fully impressed with the necessity of using all practicable speed. I hope that your Highness will be able to maintain the tranquillity of the country until the reinforcements arrive. M. Answer to above. July 14th, 1857. Your Lordship's message has been delivered to Holkar; and he is most grateful for the manner in which his explanations have been received. A long lotter has been forwarded by him for delivery to your Lordship, expressing his feelings of loyalty and attachment to the Government, and sorrow for what has occurred, which will be sent by letter Dak. Captain Hutchinson, assistant to the Resident, with his wife, Mr. Stockly and family, and others, were taken prisoners, and Bhopawar burnt down and pillaged, by order of the Raja of Amjheera. Holkar, although Amjheera is a tributary of Scindiah, immediately

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August, 1926 ) THE MUTINY AT INDORE 151 marched a force towards Amjheera, caused all the prisoners to be released, and they are expected here fo-morrow. The responsibility of this step I have taken upon myself. The Malwah Contingent still continues at Mehidpore. The Maharaja, at my suggestion, sent a confidential native officer to take command of the Contingent during the absence of its own officers. The men are yet in a very mutinous state ; but it is hoped that they may be restrained from open outbreak, and kept at Mehidpore until other troops arrive there. Holkar's troops are still excited and mutinous, but have as yet been kept quiet. Colonel Durand has been written to, and Holkar's feelings and position explained to him. No. 28 of 1857. To Major Hungerford, Commanding at Mhow. Sir, I have the honour, by desire of His Highness, to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 440, of the 19th instant, with the annexed copy of a message from the Right Honourable the Governor of Bombay, and to express to his Lordship and to yourself His Highness' high sense of the obligations for the kind consideration shown to him in his peculiar situation, and the support you have throughout afforded him. I have etc., (Signed) Ramchunder Rao. [True copies, (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain, Commanding at Mhow.) Indore, 21st July, 1867. No. 489. Mhow, July 17th, 1857. Sir, I have the honour to report for your information that the Right Honourable the Governor of Bombay, having ordered me to make over all correspondence with Holkar to Captain Hutchinson, who arrived at Mhow last evening, I have done so this day. The Malwah Contingent, I am happy to say, still remains at Mehidpore. The Raja's Contingent, it is reported, has mutinied, and marched on Gwalior. The situation of the Garrison at Saugor, and the straits, they will probably be reduced to, unless very quickly relieved, I reported to the Government of Bombay last evening and this moming, by telegraph. No communication of any kind has been received by the Indore Durbar, or by me, from Colonel Durand. The accompanying letter will prove to Government the tranqullity which prevails at the present time throughout Holkar's territories ; but there are many din ffooted throughout the country, and it is urgently necessary, for the safety of Central India and the whole of Rajpootana, that a large body of Europeans should be sent to Mhow, to form a moveable column, as quickly as possible. Having used my best endeavours to restore the confidence of the Maharaja of Indore, and to maintain order at Mhow, and through the surrounding country at a dangerous crisis, when the political authorities had relinquished their posta, I trusted that the Government would have had sufficient confidence in me to have allowed me to continue the work mooctally commenced and carried through, until I could make it over to Colonel Durand. I regret

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1926 that this could not be permitted ; that what I have done has been appreciated by the Maharaja and his Ministers, I trust the annexed letter will prove. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, To the Secretary to Government, Bengal. (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain * Commanding at Mhow. Palace, 14th July 1857. My dear Sir, It is, with the highest gratification, I read your yesterday's letter, together with the message from the Right Honourable the Governor of Bombay, to His Highness' address; and I offer my sincere thanks to you for the trouble you have taken in restoring the confidence of the two Governments. What I know from the feelings of His Highness, I can assure you that the assistance you have so kindly rendered to our Government at this crisis shall always be gratefully remembered, and the whole credit of smoothing the difficulties will always rest with you. I remain, my dear Sir, Yours very sincerely, Captain T. Hungerford, Commanding at Mhow. (Signed) Ramchunder Rao. [True copy, (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain, Commanding Bengal Artillery, Mhow.) No. 883 of 1857. Secret Department. From H. L. Anderson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay. To Captain T. Hungerford, Commanding at Mhow. Dated 16th July 1857. I am directed by the Right Honorable the Governor in Council to acknowledge the re. ceipt of your letter No. 431, of the 10th instant, with accompaniments, relative to your further proceedings at Mhow, and to forward copy of a resolution thereon, passed by Government, under date the 15th instant. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) H. L. Anderson, Bombay Castle, 16th July, 1857. Secretary to Government. Resolution of the Board, Dated 15th July, 1857. Resolved: That receipt be acknowledged, and copies forwarded to the Government of India. That Captain Hungerford be requested to continue his reports, which are perused by this Government with very great interest. That officer may further be informed, that as far as this Government is able, in the absence of all local knowledge, to judge of his proceedings, they appear to have been characterised by judgment and resolution. The Right Honourable the Governor in Council will feel the greatest pleasure in expressing to the Supreme Government his opinion that, in a most difficult position, Captain Hungerford has shown himself equal to the emergency, (Signed) Elphinstone, (Signed) J. C. Lumsden, [True copy, (Signed) H. L. Anderson, 18th July, 1857. Secretary to Government. (To be continued.) Sir,

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August, 1926 ) MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA, 153 MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA. FROM THE COLLECTION MADE BY THE LATE DR. W. CROOKE, C.I.E., D.C.L., F.B.A. (Continued from page 133.) Songs at various ceremonies. With Explanations by Ramgharib Chaube. 1. A Kangan Song. Recorded by Kanhayya Lal, a School teacher of Kaskoli, District Agra. Explanation by Ramgharib Chaube. The ceremony of untying the bride's kangan is a survival of a custom of marriage by abduction, when there was a struggle between the bride and her husband, afterwards ceremonially represented by a mimic struggle. Te.ct. Kangan ki ghuri gai ganthi : kholo mere Ramjiwana. Raj lagat uri gaf Ahalya ; tum Marich subhavhana. Toryo dhanuk Janak ke dware : kahai gayo so zor ghena ? Kangan ki ghuri gai ganthi : kholo mere Ramjiwana. Boli leu Kekai Sumitra, tumhare ap mata. Kai bolo Kaushalyaji kun : janai dhari garab jana. Kangan ki dhuri gai gauthi kholo mere Ramjiwand Hari jau kai Janak suta son, jaten tiharo pran thana. Karo nihoro kai bhanjini ko, den kaho kachhu ap dhana. Kangan ki dhuri gal ganthi kholo mere Ramjiwana. PAti Ram; Ram sakuchane chit man lagyo dharani tana. Khulati na gaathi bhai ghun gashi Janak Kunwari ko prem sana. Kangan ki dhuri gai ganthi kholo mere Ramjfwana. Translation. The Bride's party sings : The kangan knot is tied perfectly : open it, Ram of my life. Like a flock of dust Ahalya flew away, and you conquered Marich.66 You broke the bow at the door of Janak : whither has gone that power now? The kangan knot is tied perfectly : open it, Ram of my life. Call Kekai and Sumitra, your own mothers.66 Or call Kaushalya : she'll be so proud to have borne you. The kangan knot is tied perfectly : open it, Ram of my life. Or be defeated by the daughter of Janak, with whom you are now contending, Or fawn upon thy sisters-in-law and give them some money.7 . The kangan knot is tied perfectly; open it, Ram of my life: says Pati Ram 68: Rama felt ashamed and cast his glance upon the earth. The knot was not opened as it was well fastened, till the daughter of Janak was awakened to love? The kangan knot is tied perfectly; open it, Ram of my life. 66 All the personages mentioned in the song are those in the story of Rama and Sita. 66 All the olderly women of a family are 'mothers' to the younger people. The inforence is that if the bride-groom can't untio the kangan, his "mothers," the old women, might be able to do it. 67 Ram's sistors-in-law would be Sita's sisters. 68 The name of the composer of the song. 69 Ho thought that Sita was the daughter of Mother Earth and hence he felt that he could not win the victory and hung his head for shamo. 70 The daughter of Janak is Sita, the wife of Rama.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1926 2. The kingdom of Basuk. Recorded by a School teacher in the Village School at Datdwali, District Agra. Explanation by Ramgharib Chaube. This song comes from a high-caste Hindu family, and like others of its class, it complains of the dark skin of the bridegroom, the inference being that the "twice-born " Hindus came into India from a country where the skin of the people was fair. Hence the love of fairnens on the part of the Hindu population of India. Text. Babul, ek pachhitayo man raho: Babul, ek pachhit&wo man raho. BAbul, ham gorf, bar samaro: Babul, ham gori, bar samaro. Beti, man pachhitao jani karo : Lali, man pachhitawo jana karo. Dharti ke BAsuk s&maro: Dharti ke Basuk s&maro. Gokul ke Kanhaiya samaro : Gokul ke Kanhaiya samaro. 3. Kekul, ek pachhitawo man raho: KAkul, ek pachbitawo man raho. Chacha, ek pachhitawo man raho. Chacha, ham gori, bar samaro. Beti, man pachhit&wo mat karo : LAIS, man pachhitawo jani karo. Dharti ke Baguk samare : Gokul ke Kanhaiya sanware. 5. Beti, ghar hin pit& tihare samare. Lali, ghar hin chacha tihare se mare, Beti, ghar hin biran tihare s&Ware. Lali, gbar hfi maisi tumhari safiwall 6. Lali, aisi pachhat&w& jani karo: Lali, aisi pachhit&wa jani karo. Beti, karam likho, 80 pdiye : Lal, karam likho, so paiye. Translation. 1. Father, there is one trouble in my mind : Father, there is one trouble in my mind. Father, I am fair, my husband dark ; Father, I am fair, my husband dark. Daughter, make no trouble for your mind : Darling, make no trouble for your mind. Basuk, king of the Earth, 11 is dark: 11 Vasuki, the Naga king of the Lower World, is always represented as dark.

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Attaust, 1926 1 MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA 165 - Basuk, king of the Earth, is dark. Kanhaiyari of Gokul is dark : Kanhaiya of Gokul is dark: 3. . Uncle, there is one thing on my mind : Unclo, there is one thing on my mind. Uncle, there is one thing on my mind : Uncle," I am fair, my husband dark. 4 Daughter, 14 make no trouble for your mind : Darling, make no trouble for your mind. Basuk, king of the Earth, is dark: Kanhaiya of Gokul is dark. Daughter, in your very home your father is dark : Darling, in your very home your uncle is dark Daughter, in your very home your brothers are dark. Darling, in your very home your unclers is dark. 6. Darling, make no such trouble in your mind : Darling, make no such trouble in your mind. Daughter, what is written in one's fate doth one receive : Darling, what is written in one's fate doth one receive. 8. A Mangal Song. Sung by a Brdhmani of Ohhiwdrd, District Farrukhabad, and recorded by Dr. W. Crooke. * Explanation by Ramgharib Chaube. This song illustrates the great chase taken by the maternal uncle in the marriage of hia nioce. Text. Kahe karan bhain supariyan? Kahe karan kusum? Kahe karan jeh dhi upjin? Sajan, karo bychar. Pan chaban ko boin supariyan : rang ko boge kusum. Nem dharam ko e dhi upjin. Sajan, karo byohar. Dhao, re nata : dhawo, re baiya: dhay khabari lai dyo. Aggim dhundho: Pachobhim dhundho : dhundo dhur Gujrat.. Ketik log barati aye? Ketik nautik har ?" "Assi piyado ! sau mawar : barati or na chhor." 3. Itani jo suni babul mere kampe, "Ab, dhi, rahAhu kundri. "Jin, babul, halo. Jin, b&bul, dolo : karo barothe ko char. Bhat raudh more mama dihain : chachul karahin biyah. 79 Kanhaiya Krishna, who as king of Gokula, is also always represented as black. 73 The bride addresses both maternal and paternal uncles in the vomacular. 74 All girls in a family are "daughter" to the older generation. 15 Maigi is mother's sister's husband : unclo-in-law.

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156 "THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1928 Vyahi chalo Dasrath ke beta : lai chalo rath baithay. Unche unche gai palakiya : nihalen gaye aswar. BAgh tale hoya nikari, palakiya, koyal shabd sunay. "Ab ka bolai, pyari koiliya ? : Chhapa babul ko atan; patan nirmal kokh. Chhara bhaway ki ram rasof.... Ya biran ki abhilakh dhunai. - Translation. . "Why was born the betel nut? Why was born the saffron flower ? Why was born this little girl?: Son-in-law, perform the marriage ceremony. Betel-nuts were born for making pan: the saffron-flower for dying. This little girl was born for virtue. Son-in-law, perform the marriage cere (mony. "Run, ye barbers : run ye leaf-dish makers, and bring us news. Search the East, search the West : search ye for Gujarat. How many have come to the procession? How many have come as guests.?'70 "Eighty on foot: a hundred on horse-back: the procession is innumerable."'17 Hearing this my father trembled. "Now, my daughter, remain a virgin." "Be not afraid, my father : ny father, grieve not : make arrangement for lodging the procession. My maternal-uncle will feed them with rice : my uncle will see we married." Dasrath's sont started on the marriage procession : he took his bride in a chariot. The bride's palanquin went on the high-road; the riders went on the paths beside it. When the palanquin passed out of the garden, the koil sounded his note. 5. "What sayest thouT, dear koil ?. t savest thou19 deur foil . . I am leaving now my father and my mother's pure lipo. I am leaving the food cooked by my brother's wife, And my brother for whom my heart will always burn. 4. Chhand Pachna Verses. Recorded by Ramgharib Chaube from the lips of Pandit Jori Lal of Saharanpur. Explanation by Ram Gharib Chaube. ! These verses (dohas) are repeated by bridegroom to the women of the bride's family. Text. Lat lagat chhutat nahin ; jibh chonch jari jat, Kya Kachhu mitha agni mei ? Kyou chakor chung jat? PAwak chungat arek rit; bhasm kasang ko ang. Sheo bibhati nastak chashai, tan paun satsang. 70 So far the father has been speaking. 77 This is the messenger's reply. 73 I.e., Rama, the typical bridegroom. 79 The bride is again speak.... 10 kokh = koikh : lit. stomach, wonib.

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AUGUST, 1926.) MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA 157 Translation A habit is not left, though tongue and beak be burnt. What sweetness is there in fire? Why does the partridge eat it ? 2. It is right to eat fire, to get the body burnt. Shiva puts ashes on his body, then he has the company of the well-behaved! Text. . 3. Arani rati karan pai, ta dadhi sat dhari din Bhanu yoti parbad bhai; tab kirne chug lin ? Hansa chhor, chakor chug ; Karanyahi Jamal ? Hausa janyo agni hai; lawar swet hai kal. Translation. - 3. A woman painted her hand red and placed a pearl in it. When the sun shone brightly : who picked it up! The swan left it, but the partridge picked it up : Jamal asks why ? 82 The swan thought the red hand was fire and the pearl its burning flame which meant death83. 5. Going to the Bridegroom's house. Sung by Ram Kishn, a Brahman and recorded by Hriday Ram, a Brahman of Dehra. Explanation by Ramgharib Chaube. The interest of this song lies in the fact that firstly, it shows that marriages were formerly celebrated in the winter, E.g., Rama himself was married in Aghan. Secondly, it shows that the bride has a great dislike to her husband's unmarried sisters. This last is a common situation Text. Barambar main puchhon, meri babal; kis ritu karoge byah, ji? Sawan no howai, beti; Bhadon no howai: Katik men karongi byah, ji. Sat shakal ka babi mandwa rachwao, unche chundwo chatsal, ji. Am tab Kori mera dolwa re niksa : koyal shabad gunawai, ji. Tum kyon bolai, hariyali re koyal? Main chhora babal ko desh, ji. Agar bhi chhofa ; bagar bhi chora; chhopi nagar ki sim, ji. Ki ham Awain, babi, kaj prayojan ? Ki ho ham chhakin chhamas, ji ? Ham hain, meri b&bi, chamak chiriya ; uti kar par ghar jayangi, ji. Pahile manri meri ghar phuaw; pher manri sasural, ji. M&yar rawai, meri palki bhijai; b&bul ghar ganbhir, ji. Bairin rowai mera mukh dhar anchta ; bhawaj Anand badhawa, jf. Translation. . Continually I ask, my father: when shall I be married ? Not in Sawan, daughter, not in Bhadoh : in Katik 84 will you be married. There shall be built a marriage-shed of six kinds, and also high throne, my dear. My palanquin was placed by Koris under a mango tree, and the koil raised its voice. O koil of the greenery, why dost thou sing? I am leaving my father's country. 91 These verses are clearly a riddle and its answer. The chakor or partridge is asked the riddle in the first stanza and it replies in the second : ho who burns himself or is burnt, is reduced to ashes and these ashes are rubbed on the forehead of the image of Shiva (Mahadeo). 82 Jamal is the composer's name and he asks the question, because the pearl is the swan's food 'mythologically) and not the partridge's. 83 Here again we have a riddle and its answer, both being conventional. # That is not in Summer, not in Autumn, but in Winter.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUBT, 1926 I have deserted my home; deserted my country : deserted myvillage precinots. Shall I return, dear, for kaj prayojan ceremony ? Shall I return after six months ? I am a wandering bird, my dear, destined to fly to another's home. First my father's sister waves the lamps (round my head), and then it will be my father-in-law's sister. When my mother weeps, my palanquin is wetted (with her tears) and my father's home is heavy (Even) my enemies weeping catching at my veil : but my brother's wife rejoices (to see me go). 6. The Bridegroom comes. Recorded by Tulshi Ram, a teacher in Lalpur, District Aligarh. Text. Bhino barna awai. Bharat Shatrughna sang hain jake : galian dhum machawai. Gawat guni; muni jan nachat ; Indra nishan bajawain. Janam suphal jo kinho chaho, ya men manhi lagawai. Jo tero man y&men Awai, Yam ke jal chhur&wai. Ram-sakhi ko pyaro barna rahase, rahesi gun gawai. Translation. The young bridegroom comes. Bharata and Satrughna are with him : there is noise in the streets. The skilled are singing: the saints are dancing : Indra plays on the drums. If you would make life profitable, attach your heart to him. If you attach your heart to him, you will be freed from the share of Yama.86 Ram-sakhi86 loves the bridegroom with delight, and sings a song of delight. 7. An Aratt song. Recorded by Ramgharib Chaube. Explanation by Ramgharib Chaube. This is a song sung when lamps are waved round the head of the bridegroom or bride. It has many points of interest in it. For instance it, with other marriage ceremonies, has reference to the matriarchate and descent through women, as it is the bridegroom's (or bride's) sister or father's sister that must wave the lamps in preference to any other relative. In this song, too, it is sea-water that is most propitious and more lucky than" sacred earth " or "cow-dung," and this is an important point to observe. So also is the way in which the use of betel is mentioned. Text. Eri gobaru, gobari matiyajo milai; bidhi mulai samundar ko nir. Mere au Panait, karu Arto. Eri Pandit, Pandit phir ghar jahu ; meri au phuphu karu arto. Eri phuphu, punchhaingi, punchhai athaiyan bat beti ka har lago arto. Eri, lagai hain ; lagai hain pan pachas ; rupaia lagai hain desh sau. Translation. O the cowdung, the cowdung and the earth is found : it would be luck to find the sea water. Pandit, wave the lamps. O Pandit, Pandit, go home again : my father's sister will wave the lampe. O my father's sister will ask many questions of the articles for the daughter's lamp. waving. O they are ready : fifty (birds) of betel are ready; and rupees are ready, a hundred and a half. (To be continued.) 86 The god of death. 96 The author.

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AUGUST, 1926 ) BOOK-NOTICES. 159 MISCELLANEA. THE FAIR AT PAKPATTAN AT THE TOMB sweetmeats and other delights, and make new and OF BABU FARID SHAKARGANJ. look up old customers who were worth cultivating. The great attraction at this annual Fair is the On the final night of the Fair, when the Gate opening of the Gate of Heavenl. Many are the is to be opened, all the gates of the town are closed, stories current of the wonderful powers of the and the pilgrims collect at them, waiting the signal great saint BABA Farid Shakarganj, the most from the guardians of the tomb that the sun has authentic being one of which the guardians of the set. On the signal (a rocket) being given, the Gates tomb produce proofs. The Baba, so the story are opened, and a struggling mass of sweltering goes, was sitting on the roadside outside the town, humanity passes through and up the narrow street when & caravan of merchants with their camels of the town till it reaches the tomb, and goes through loaded up with fruit passed him. The Babe asked it in single file. No women are allowed through for some of their fruit, and, on being refused, warned the tomb, so the menfolk have to go through for the merchants that on their arrival at the town, their mothers. sisters, cousins, end aunts, and a they would find their fruit tumed to stone. The continuous stream of pilgrims passes through till merchants laughed and passed on, not knowing who dawn. At sunrise the door is shut, and the chance it was they had offended. When, however, they of forgiveness of last year's sins ends. unloaded their camels, to their dismay they found They are an orderly lot, these penitents, and the curse had come true, and their fruit been turned look upon the whole thing as a huge joke, the greater, to stone. Are there not specimens of these stones number of them; others take it more seriously, bearing the shape of apples, pears, &c., to be seen and so it was that one year when the crowd were at the holy man's tomb ! moving very slowly the police used the light switches When eventually the Baba went the way of all they had in their hands to hurry them up. Instead flesh, it was published far and wide that whoever of resenting this attention, the people rather courted passed through his tomb between sunset and sun. being hit, and on making inquiries it transpired rise on the new moon in August, would be forgiven that among a cortain class of Muhammadans the the sins of the past year, and the Fair became belief exists that between earth and Heaven there established for the benefit of the town and the is a bridge composed of naked sword blades with faithful attending it. gapa in it, and below Hell. The faithful cut their The fame of this Fair spread as far as the North- feet, but they get across; the bad lots fall through West Frontier and down to the United Provinces : the gaps. Tho police switches represented the consequently it was attended by the burly Baloch sword blades, and the people who got hit considered with his large turban and flowing white robes, they had cut their feet, and so were doubly sure ! the stalwart Pathan with kulla (conical cap) and So, having got rid of last year's sins, why not start tightly-tied pagr (headdress), and the Punjabi a fresh account? And if on the way home a stray and down-country Muhammadan, all bent on the buffalo gives a young man the opportunity of fun of the Fair, the forgiveness of sins, and the purloining it, and thus proving himself "a man" renewal of old aoquaintanceships. The Hindu (for in these cattle-lifting areas no young fellow is population, though they could not pass through a man till he has lifted his first head of cattle), the door, made the most of the opportunity to sell I why neglect the chance ? R. R. BOOK-NOTICES. A DUTCH BOOK ON MALABAR. History of Kerala : document of Kerala history is considerable, has being Notes on Visscher's Letters from Malaber, for sometime been a very rare book. Mr. K. P. by K. P. PADMANABHA MENON, B.A., B.L. Padmanabha Menon has rendered a distinct service Government Press, Cochin, pp. 562. Price Rs. 8. to South Indian historical studies in republishing Malabar is specially fortunate in foreign sources Visscher's text together with explanatory potes for its history. From the time of Vasco da Gama's and criticism. arrival, and the Portuguese pottlement at Cochin, Jacobus Canter Visscher was a chaplain at Cochin there has been a large mass of official and non-between 1717-1723. He was a keen and generally official records in European languages dealing unprejudioed observer, and his impression of Malabar with social and political conditions in Malabar. and description of events of which he himself had The Dutch sources are particularly valuable, and direct knowledge are extremely valuable as a have been left practically untapped by students contemporary source. But unfortunately Visscher of South Indian history. They vary from important did not confine himself to narrating contemporary stato papers, a great mass of which has been analysed events. As he himself observes, he was moved and classified in the Madras Secretariat Proes List, to write on "the manners and customs of the people, to occasional memorands and gossippy letters their laws, rites' and ceremonies, the description of like the text of the work before us. Visscher's their kingdom, as well as their origin and their Letters from Malabar, whose value as a secondary modes of government and other similar subjects." 1 The account is culled from The Scotsman, Feb. 2nd, 1925.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1926 On this rather extensive catalogue of subjects our geographical names like Zanzibar and the Soubah author is necessarily very unsafe guide. The of Ma'bar (constituted by Mahommed Tuglaq). social customs, usages, and political institutions of The origin of the word is clearly Arabic. Malabar are so peculiar that even those who have many of the Notes included in this volume are taken Special pains and devoted a life time to their entirely unconnected with history and could by study are liable to be led into serious mistakes ; no stretch of imagination find admittance in a volume purporting to deal with the history of and Visscher, whose experience of Malabar extended Kerala. Full 16 pages are devoted to the details only to five years of stay at the Dutch settlement, of rice cultivation, the kind of soil required for it, could hardly be expected to do anything more the varieties now in use, and a discussion as to than repeat the vague notions current on these whether the grain was known to the Greeks-subjects subjects among his countrymen. Nor is he parti. which may be of interest to the student of agri. cularly reliable when he describes matters affecting culture, but are out of place in a historical work. the Portuguese, the traditional enemies of his Almost a whole chapter (34 pages) is devoted to state. Yet, his letters are not without value to a description of indigenous diseases, and about 12 the careful atudent, as giving a picture of the political pages are taken up with a description of the mud. and social conditions of Malabar as it appeared banks in certain places. Customs at deaths to an educated and observan* foreigner. and coronations" take about twenty pages, and The value of these "Letters" was first recognised about 10 pages are devoted to a discussion as to by Major Heber Drury, who was assistant Resident at whether an whether animal food is permitted to the Hindus the Court of Travancore in the fifties of the last according to the Vedas. century. Major Drury translated and edited The reader who, misled by the name, opens this the book, and the present edition is based on it." History of Kerala" to know something of the Mr. K. P: Padmanabha Menon who is the author molitical aunlution at that annntry. will thue ha of the voluminous Notes published along with the greatly disappointed. Even so far as ordinary text, was a scholar of some aptitude and great appli. editing is concerned, the book leaves much to be cation, and published in Malayalam & History of desired. Many inaccuracies of an obvious Cochin'in two volumes. The present volume, though character have crept in, which do not reflect credit called by the editor the History of Kerala, has no on the editor. The Rt. Hon'ble Syed Amir Ali such pretensions, as Mr. Padmanabha Menon himself is alluded to as Sir Amir Ali. The names of books refers to it as his "Notes on Visscher's Letters.' cited are cited are incorrectly put down and the spelling The Notes and discussions which form the body of places and names has no uniformity. Vasco of the work are of varving merit and interest. Mr. I da Gama is spelt Vasco de Cama in certain places. Padmanabha Menon's method of historical discussion It is to be hoped that in the two more volumes is rather an old fashioned one and consists mainly which are promised, the editor will take greater in quoting the contradictory views of previous care about these matters, and also use his discrimiwriters, without discussing either their reliability nation in the selection of Notes likely to be useful as historical material or the conclusions to be to the historical student. K.M.E. drawn therefrom. On every question, however | A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF SARMAD, by KHAN unimportant, Mr. Menon makes a display of extracts SABIB MAULAVI 'ABDUL-WALI. JASB., N.S., from old travellers, and navigators, without arriving vol. XX, 1924, No. 3. at any kind of a definite conclusion. For this In this Journal, vol. XXXIX, Maulavi 'Abdu'l. kind of scholarship the publications of the Hakluyt Wali published & preliminary account of the Sun ciety attord ampio scopo, and mr. menon seerns Saint known as Sarmad, and in vol. LII, a letter of to have depended entirely on them. Whenever he Dara Shikoh to him. In this pamphlet he gives ventures on an independent conclusion, he goes us a more detailed account of the saint. He has astray, sometimes even in most elementary things. in fact hunted up all the authorities. Sarmad seems Thus the discussion on the origin of the word to have been a Jew converted to Islam, and to have Malabar leads him to the conclusion that it is become A nude ascatin And A doet with very important derived from Mala-varam, the valley of the hills, influence. He was a personal friend of Dara Shikoh ato which conclusion he was evidently misled by and is said to have prophecied the succession of that a similiarity of sounds. Malabar is a name which prince to the Mughal throno at Delhi. He would the Malayalis have so far refused to use for their clearly then come under the ban of Aurangzeb, and country except in English. The indigenous population on enquiry, under that Emperor's orders, by call the land Kerala, or Mala ned or Malayalam, orthodox divinen, he was put to death for beretical but never either in literature or in common perlance opinions soon after Aurangzeb's accession in A.H. Malavaram. The first use of the word Malabar 1071 or A.D. 1661-62. He is an important poet, and is by Al-Beruni, and following him the Muhammadan his tomb in Delhi is still venerated with offerings of travellers and geographers used its variants. That flowers and lighted candles. The Khan Sahib has the suffix 'bar' of Malabar has nothing to do done well to put together all that is known of him. with 'varam' is clear from other Muhammadan R. C. TEMPLE.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926 TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL 161 TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL. TRANSLATED BY A. BUTTERWORTH AND PROFESSOR S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, THE two Tamil hymns which appear below have not, I believe, been previously translated into English prose, though a loose, metrical paraphrase of the first appeared in the Virishtadvaitin, edited by A. Govindacharya, in 1906, and Dr. G. U. Pope's T'iruvdsagam contains a good and close poetical version of the second. The hymns bear the titles Tiruppavai and Tiruembdvai respectively, and were written for the purposes of a ceremony performed by young women in the month Margazhi (December-January). The first hymn is the work of the poetess Kodai, better known by her religious name Anda!, and may be assigned to about the eighth century. It is a curious medley of the devotional and familiar styles, and is raised out of the ranks of the commonplace by some natural touches, such as are only too scarce in Indian literature. Each verse ends with an invocation of Sri as 'the Lady,' coupled with the words el or which may be taken to be a mere refrain, although some attach a meaning to them. The hymn is supposed to be sung by a bevy of girls living in a village belonging to the caste of cowherds. The first verse may be regarded as addressed to the Gopis of Krishna or to the girls of the village, and in it the singers profess confidence that they will obtain Salvation. . Verses 2, 3 and 5 give the nature of the ceremony and its consequences. Verse 4 is an interjected prayer for rain addressed to Kannan, an elemental God. Verses 6 to 15 show the band of girls, bathed and ready for the ceremony, going round at dawn from house to house waking up other girls who have overslept themselves. In verse 16 the party reach he temple, which is regarded as inhabited by Krishna and his divine and semi-divine associates, and verses 16 to 23 are occupied with requests that the temple door may be opened and that Krishna will awake and appear. Verses 24 to 29 are addressed to Vishnu in his various forms, and the last formal verse contains the name of the author of the poem. The second of the two hymns is the work of the not inconsiderable poet Manikka Vasagar, who may be assigned to the ninth century or thereabouts. It deals with the same ceremony, but from the point of view of a Saiva. The band of girls is presented singing in front of the tomple. In the first eight verses they implore the spouse, or female counterpart, of Siva to open the temple door and the God to awake. The professional devotees of Siva are also asked to show favour to the suppliants. Verse 9 describes the sort of husbands the girls want. Verse 10 is in part addressed to the dancing-girls attached to the temple. Verses 11 to 14 are descriptive of the bathing in the sacred tank. Verse 15 contains a reference to an ancient female devotee of Siva, known as the Mother of Karaikal,' whose legend is given in Dr. Pope's Tiruvasagam. Verse 16 consists of a prayer for rain and a comparison between the appearance of the goddess and the accompaniments of the monsoon storms. Verses 17 and 18 are eulogistic of the God. Verse 19 is a prayer for pious hearts and husbands. Verse 20 is the final cry of adoration. The poem is somewhat obscure in parts.-A.B. Hymn (1). 1. In the month of Margali, on the auspicious day of the full moon, Oye the bejewelled ones, come those of you who wish it, let us go and bathe. Oye, the dear young maidens of the prosperous herdsman's village, He, the son of Nandagopan who doth stern deeds with his lance, There is no direct evidence in the works of Andal for her date. It depends upon that of Poriyalvar. The historical reference to a Pandya Ter-Maran Vallabhadova will have to settle it. " 3 Attention is invited to a supplomentary note of mine at the end. The following notes are intinded to elucidate points about which some ambiguity is possible-ED. 3 The expression madiniynainda nannal-literally, the good day when the moon is full. 4 The second word in the lino means-those who wish to go and bathe; the last term is vocative. 6 The sharp spear is that of the father Nanda, and not of the son Krishna.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1926 He, the lion whelp of Yayodai of the long and beauteous eyes, He, dark as a cloud, fiery-eyed, with countenance effulgent with the lastre of sun and moon, That Narayanan Himself, shall upon us bestow " Service unto Him";" Come, let us go to bathe that the world may praise us.8 El Or, Our Lady. 2. O ye who dwell prosperously on earth, hark yo the ceremonies Which we perform for our Lady. After hymning The Supreme who within the sea of milk softly slumbereth. We will not take ghee, we will not take milk. After bathing at dawn, We will not paint our eyes (with collyrium), we will not bind our hair with flowers. Things not meet to be done we will not do. We will not go astray to talk evil of others. Charity and alms we will tender to the utmost of our ability, And take joy in meditating upon the Way of Life. El Or, Our Lady. 3. It, chanting the name of the Best who towered aloft and measured the earth And in the name of our Lady, we do bathe, Without fail over all the land thrice a month the showers will fall; In the midst of the tall, big, tawny rice the carp will leap; In the opening buds of the blooming kuvalai the mottled bees will aleep; From the great cows of generous yield we shall receive milk in potfuls, 10 When their dripping teats are pressed by tireless hands; Unending prosperity we shall be endowed with. El Or, Our Lady. 4. O Kanna (Krishna) controlling clouds charged with heavy rain, abate not in your generosity. Let the rain-cloud plunge into the Deep, suck and drink up and rise again, Grow dark of body as the form of the Primal First, Like the war-quoit in the hand of broad-shouldered Parpanaban (Padmanabha) Flash, like his right-handed-conch reverberate, Like the rain of arrows unceasingly discharged by the Sarngam (the bow of Vishnu), Pour down upon the earth and make it prosper. We, too, Shall rejoice in the Margali bath. El Or, Our Lady. 5. The Great Enchanter, the son of abiding northern Madura, The Lord of the pure, great waters of the Yamunai ghat, The jewelled lamp which shed lustre on the herdsmon's caste, Damodaran, who illumined his mother's womb, Him, if we in purity approach and worship with scattering of pure blossoms, If we unto Him sing with the mouth and upon Him meditate with the mind, Sins already committed and those to which the roads of entry lie open Will verily be as cotton in fire. Do ye therefore recite His name. El Or, Our Lady. * The face had the brillingos of the fun, and the pleasant light of the moon. The word paroi is not here the drum. It is a derivative meaning from the original "announce ment by boat of dram", bere promise of salvation, or whatever oleo may be desired by the devotee. * The idea underlying the whole is that the bathing and worship of the image of the goddess is intendod m . prayor for rain. In the guise of Delebrating this festival the young maidens of the cowherd settlemont pray for the attainment of the company of Krishna. This old festival is device, by which the authores exhibits her devotion to Krishna and enjoys in imagination the company of, and service to God. . The word Barri implies giving the name of the Supreme to the image as an excuse, and has the sense of reciting the holy scriptures on festivals as the finishing ceremony. "Dedicate" would perhaps como nearest in tense. 10 The first two words of line 6 have to be construed with drawing milk.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926] TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL Heard ye not the roar, 6. Hark how the birds chirp! In the temple of the king of birds (Garuda the carrier of Vishnu), of the white summoning conch? Child, wake up! Holding in their hearts Him Who drank the poison from the Demon's breast, Whose foot aloft the guileful Sagadam (Cart) all shattered sent, Who, the Primal Cause of all, doth lie tranquil on the serpent in the flood, Him, the gently awakening sages 12 and devotees call 'Hari'; The pleasing sound of this great name was balm unto our hearts. El Or, Our Lady. 7. Deluded girl, 13 do you not hear everywhere The chirping cries of Anaich-chattan (the lark), sounding in all their mingled notes ? Do not you hear the rustling of the clotted milk Swished about by fragrant-haired dairymaids with tireless arms, As they churn to the jingle of the coins and gold on their necks? O queen of maids! hearing them sing of Narayana In the form of Kesava, would you still lie in bed? Open the door, you of divine radiance. El Or, Our Lady. 8. The eastern sky whiters and, look, loosened for a spell, 14 Buffaloes have scattered to graze. Girls eager to go, We keep them from going and wait here, Becuase we have come to call you. Wake up dear young16 lady, Dearest to Him. Singing and serving, If we but go to worship the great God of Gods Who ripped the steed's mouth and wrecked the Strong Ones, Pitying, His grace He will give. El Or, Our Lady. 9. O daughter of my mother's brother slumbering upon cushions In the mansion fairly bejewelled, where lamps burn around And smoke smells sweet, draw back the bolt of the bejewelled door. Aunt, has dumbness indeed fallen on your daughter, 163 Or deafness or drowsiness, or is she under a spell of deep, enchanted sleep? Will ye not wake her up with the names "Great Mayan", " Madavan", "Vaikunthan", El Or, Our Lady. 10. O you, Madam, who seek to enter Heaven through service! Should not those who will not open their portals at least give an answer? Has that Kumbakarnan, who one day of old Fell into the mouth of Death, bestowed or you his own prolonged slumbers, Vanquished though he was? That Narayanan, who is crowned with scented basil, Will to us the Message send, if we but worship Him. O you exceedingly drowsy person, O you precious jewel! With unfaltering steps come and open to us. El Or, Our Lady. 11 It is not the Bird that is King, but it is the King whom the Bird serves. 13 The sages hold Him in their hearts and utter the name Hari in consequence. The sound of this utterance, going into our ears, relieves our pain and gives us pleasure eternal. The word Hari must be ittered three times as one gets up from bed in the early morning. 13 The literal meaning is a girl possessed, but the feeling is one of pity, not of anger or disgust. 14 Siru Vidu means literally letting out for a short while,' and refers to the habit of sending out buffaloes for early grass. 15 Kodukula, Sans. Kuthala, eager joy; joy in being acceptable to him.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1926 11. O golden tendril among the blameless herdsmen Who milk many herds of cows with calf at foot, And march to war upon foes whose valour perishes in the fight! you whose Mount of Desire is (shaped like the hood of) the snake from the anthill, O peafowl of the dry-waste ! come out. When all the girl friends of the tribe have como, And in your courtyard are singing the name of Him whose colour is that of the cloud, What means it that you, the cherished wife, Unmoving and speechless sleep on? El Or, Our Lady. 12. O dear young sister of the rich man, whose bellowing buffalo with young calf, Her longing thoughts fixed on the calf, stands with trickling udder and the oozing milk Wets the house floor and turns it into mud. We cling to your outer gate, our heads wet with dew, Singing of Him, dear to our hearts, who in wrath destroyed The king of yon southern Ilangai; even so you open not your lips. And now at least arise. How deep your sleep has been ! And those who live around are awake. El Or, Our Lady. 13. All the girls, singing the fame of Him Who tore the bird's mouth, who crushed the heads of, and destroyed, the evil-doi ng Raksasa (Ravana). Have reached the place where the images are set up. Venus has risen and Jupiter has gone to rest; Listen how the birds sing, you whose eyes are like the bee in the bud. Joining us not in the cool water, Will you still be lying abed, my lady dear? On this holy day Have done with your tricky ways, El Or, Our Lady. 14. In the pond amid the garden in your backyard The red water-lily has opened its mouth, and the ambal has begun to close. Even the penitents, with their teeth clear white, 18 their garments coloured red with ochre, Are going to do worship in their holy temple. Ah, you madam, who promised to wake us first, Ah, you shameless one so ready with words, get up. Let us sing to the Lotus-eyed who with stout hands Upholds the conch-shell and the war-quoit. El Or, Our Lady. 15. "Oho, young parrot, are you still asleep?" "Oh do not scream so, girls, I am coming." "Sly one I, we know your promises and talk of old." "You are good at talk yourselves ; let me be that." "Be quick and come, what else have you to do?" " Have all come?" "Yes, come and yourself count," "They have all come to sing of Him who killed the strong elephant, who is strong To overthrow and destroy His foes, the Great Enchanter." El Or, Our Lady. 16. O guardian of the mansion of Nandag pan, our liege-lord, O guardian of the festooned portico under the flagstaff, Draw back the bolt of the bejewelled door. * 10 This expression refers to the habitually white teeth of the mendicant oelebates, as opposed to other men whose teeth require to be cleaned because of the use of betel, oto. Mendicants are forbidden tho use of this. Hence the name bhadanta for certain classes of these from this peculiarity.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926] TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL To us, the neatherds' maidens, even yesterday The Great Enchanter of sapphire blue gave us promise of the message. And so, all pure, have we come to sing the Awakening. Spoil not all with a word of refusal at the very beginning, dear one. Do thou Draw back the friendly door from the post. El Or, Our Lady. 17. O Thou who dost bestow freely in charity, clothing, water, rice, Our Prince Nandagopalan, rise thou up. O thou, the loveliest amongst all the lovely ones, lamp of thy caste, Our Princess Yasoday, return to consciousness. O Thou who, towering aloft, pierced the sky and measured the earth, King of the gods, slumber not but rise Thou up. O Blessed One, O Baladeva, with feet encircled with anklets of ruddy gold, Thou and Thy younger brother too, sleep ye not. [El] Or, Our Lady. 18. O Nappinnay, daughter-in-law of Nandagopalan, The rider of the bull-elephant in full mast, the dauntless, strong-shouldered one; O Lady of the fragrant-smelling hair; open the portal. Hark how the assembled cocks are crowing. Hark, the flocks of cuckoos have more than once, on the bowers of madavi, called. O Thou with finger-tips deft at holding back, while we chant the name of Thy cousin, Come, and with red-lotus hand, thy golden bracelets all tinkling, Joyfully open. El Or, Our Lady. 19. Upon the bed supported on elephants' tusks and all ablaze with lamps, Raised aloft on the soft, five-fold couch, Reclining on the bosom of Nappinnai whose hair is twined with flowers, O Thou broad-chested One, open Thy mouth. And Thou with the large, black eyes! Lo, how long hast Thou refused to let Thy husband arise from sleep? If, even for a moment, Thou art not able to bear separation, Surely such conduct is not in keeping with your nature or your feelings. El Or, Our Lady. 20. O Strong One! who, standing before the three and thirty Immortals, Removest their fear," arise from sleep. Possessed of righteousness, possessed of courage, O Holy One Who visitest Thy foes with affliction, arise from sleep. And Thou with soft rounded breast, red lips and small waist, O Lady Nappinnai, O Tiru (Sri), arise from sleep, And bringing fan and mirror 18, this instant Do Thou send us to bathe with Thy spouse. El Or, Our Lady. 21. O Son of him who is owner of herds of great, generous kine Which pour out milk unceasingly, so that the copious yield Doth make the upheld pots brim over, wake up; O Thou, the wise One, the great One; MET O Brilliant One, who standeth conspicuous in the world; arise from sleep. Just as Thy foes, their strength all perished, unable to endure Thy valour, 165 17 Kappam is here Sans. kampa shaking through fear, hardened for euphony. 18 These are auspicious articles presented at awakening. =

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1926 Come to Thy threshold and adore Thy foot, So have we come, praising and glorifying. El Or, Our Lady. 22. Like as kings of the fair, great earth, losing all their pride, *Come and, beneath thy couch of rest, Assemble in crowds, so we approach Thee and await Thy Grace. And, like lotus-blossoms, forming mouths of bells Will not Thy red eyes open on us in ever so slight a glance of Grace ? If on us should light the full glance of those two beauteous eyes, Like the very moon and sun arising, The curse of life would for ever slip from off us. El Or, Our Lady. 23. As in a'cavern of the deadly mountains as glorious lion, Lying motionless and asleep, waketh up and glaroth like fire, Then with bristling mane, convulsod and quivering, Riscth in his might, roareth and issuetn forth, So do Thou whose colour is that of the Pavai flower, From Thy palace graciously come forth, and from Thy scat on the splendid, Glorious throno graciously ask the cause Of our coming. El Or, Our Lady. 24. Of yoro Thou didst measure out the world; praigo to Thy foot. Passing over yonder to the South, Thou didst destroy Ilangai; praise to Thy prowess. Tho Sagadam Thou didst spurn to death; praise to Thy glory. The calf Thou didst throw as from a sling, praise to Thino anklet. The hill Thou didst lift like an umbrella, praise to Thine Excellence. Praise to the spear in Thine hand, which by overcoming destroyeth hatred. Repeatedly in such words extolling service unto Thee, to win Thy Grace To-day have we come. Have pity. El Or, Our Lady. 25. Thou wast born one night the son of one matchless woman, The solfsame night didst Thou grow concealed as the son of another. Intolerant of this, Kamsa did harbour evil thought, Setting the which at naught, Thou didst lie in his belly A consuming flame, lofty Jal! Praying to Theo and begging have we come; if Thou but grant one wish, Singing of Thy Wealth, worthy of Sri, and of Thy valour, All our suffering past, we shall rejoice. El Or, Our Lady. 26. 0 Thou in colour like the dark jewel, if Thou wilt hear What the ancients did and what we need for the Margali bathing; Conches which resemble the Panchajanyam, milk-like in hue, Whose sounds make the whole earth shake ; A multitude of great drums, known for resounding din ; Chanters of benedictions ; beauteous lamp; flag ; canopy : O Thou who didst sleep in the banyan leaf, [These things) graciously grant. El Or, Our Lady. 27. O good Govinda who overcomest Thine enemies, Thyself praised and the boon obtained, The rewards are these most approved of the world ; Bracelet, armlet, earrings, flowers for the ear,

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SEPTEMBER, 1926) TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL 167 Anklet and many other like jewels; these will we wear ; Clothes we will put on. After that, pouring ghee On outspread rice cooked in milk until it runs over the elbow, We will, with delight, take our food with Thee. El Or, Our Lady. 28. Following the milch cows, we reach the woods and eat our meal. How great is the blessing we enjoy in owning Thee Thyself As born within our caste of neatherds ignorant of all. O sinless Govinda, bet wixt Thee and us Be kinship, which never here can be cast off. If, as children knowing naught, and in love of Thce, We little folk have called Thee by unworthy names, chide us not. Lord Paramount, grant Thou the Boon (of salvation). El Or, Our Lady. 29. Listen unto the reason why, coming in the very early morning, We minister unto Thee and worship Thy golden-lotus foot. Born in a caste which liveth by grazing kine, That Thou shouldst accept us in service is not our present prayer. Lo, Govinda, it is to gain this our eager desire (that we come), That for ever, for seven times seven births, shall we be Thy kinsfolk ; To Thee will we render service, to none else but Thee. Our desires, to aught else do Thou not transform. El Or, Our Lady. 30. How richly bedecked women, fair of face as the moon, went and worshipped Madhavan-Kesavan who churned the sea, whose surface is covered with ships, And obtained of Him the promise, Kodai of fair Puduvai, The daughter of the Chief of Brahmans who wear the cool garland of beautiful lotuses, Set in a garland of verso three times ten [to be sung in choir).19 Those here who sing in faultless form, By Grace of Mal, rich ia love, with broad and shapely shoulders, Red eyes of gracious look and face benign, Everywhere shall enjoy His bounty and live in happiness. Our Lady. (To be continued). 19 The text has the word dangam used attributively to Tamil, and ordinarily would mean language acoeptable to the " Tamil Academy." The Commentator takes it in the sense of intended to be sung in chorus,' which seems rather uncommon.-ED,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1926 THE MUTINY AT INDORE. (Some Unpublished Records.) By H. G. RAWLINSON, M.A. (Continued from page 152.) . No. 995 of 1857. Secret Department. From H. L. Anderson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay. To Captain T. Hungerford, Commanding at Mhow. Dated 25th July 1857. Sir, I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter with enclosure, dated the 20th instant, No. 443, reporting on the state of affairs in your neighbourhood, and to convey to you the thanks of the Right Honourable the Governor in Council 2. Copies of your letter and of its enclosures have been forwarded for the information of the Government of India. I have etc., Bombay Castle, 25th July 1857. (Signed) H. L. Anderson, Secretary to Government. No. 3173. Foreign Department. From R. Simson, Esq., Offg. Under-Secretary to the Government of India. To Captain T. Hungerford, Commanding at Mhow. Dated Fort William, 10th August 1857. Sir, With reference to your letter to the address of the Secretary to Government of Bombay. dated the 20th ultimo, No. 442, regarding the preservation of the bazaar and station of Mhow from pillage, owing to the exertions of Gokul Pursad Kotwal and Captain MoMullen, Offg. Cantonment Joint Magistrate, I am directed by the Governor-General in Council to communi. cate to you, as well as to Captain McMullen, the thanks of the Government for your exertions in preserving order in Mhow. I am desired also to request that you will present to Gokul Pursad a sword, with a bag of Rs. 500, in token of approbation of Government. I have etc., (Signed) R. Simson, Offg. Urder-Secretary to the Govt. of India. Fort Williama, 10th August 1867. No. 3183. Foreign Department. From R. Simson, Esq., Offg. Under Secretary to Govt. of India. To Captain T. Hungerford, Artillery, Commanding at Mhow. Dated Fort William, 10th August, 1867. Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letters No. 438 and 439, dated 17th ultimo, containing a detailed account of the late occurrences at Indore and Mhow, and reporting that, having been left at Mhow without any political officer to consult, you had assumed political authority to communicate with Holkar.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926 1 THE MUTINY AT INDORE 160 2. In reply, I am directed by the Governor-General in Council to state that your conduct calls for commendation. In a position of much difficulty and uncertainty, you have discharged the duties which fell to you with excellent judgment. 3. His Lordship in Council appreciates the courage with which you assumed responsi. bility that was new to you, as well as the tact and discretion which secured a generally successful result to your proceedings. I have etc., (Signed) R. Simson, Offg. Under-Secretary to the Govt. of India. Fort William, 10th August, 1857. No. 941. Adjutant-General's Office, Head-Quarters. Calcutta, 12th October 1857. SIR, I have the honour, by direction of the Commander-in-chief, to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 641, of the 20th ultimo, with copies of documents enclosed therein, and to express the satisfaction with which His Excellency views the judgment and decision which have marked your conduct, and so deservedly called forth the recorded approbation both of the Government of India and that of Bombay, in which Sir Colin Campbell very cordially concurs. I have etc., (Signed) W. Mayhew, Major, Deputy Adjutant-General of the Army. Captain Hungerford, Bengal Artillery, Mhow. No. 114-A. To Captain T. Hungerford, Comg. 2nd Com. 6th Battalion Bengal Artillery, and No. 8 Light Field Battery, Mhow. Camp, Cawnpore, 12th February 1858. Office of Assistant Adjutant-General, Artillery. SIR, I have had the honour to receive and lay before the Major-General commanding the regiment your letters Nos. 486 and 487 of the 8th ultimo, with their several enclosures : the former relative to the outbreak of the native troops of the Bengal army at Mhow, and those of the Maharaja at Indore in July last, and the measures you took in consequence; the latter detailing the part taken by the battery under your command in the operations against the Fort of Dhar in October last. 2. Sir Archdale Wilson, in reply, has directed me to inform you that he has perused these documents with pride and pleasure, testifying as they do to the judgment and determination with which you took upon yourself and exercised at a very critical period, the political functions of the Resident at Holkar's Court, and the vigour and professional ability with which your conduct was marked in the exercise of the military command at Mhow, and he trusts that the services you rendered to the State, of which such important results were the consequence, will meet with their just and appropriate reward. 3. It is a subject also of much pride and gratification to the Major-General to find how honourably the name and reputation of the regiment has been sustained by the company and battery under your command, under the very trying circumstances in which you have been placed; and he desires you will communicate these segtiments to all concerned, and

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1926 especially to Lieutenant Mallock and to Serjeants Potter and French, and to assure them of his cordial appreciation of their admirable conduct and good services. I have etc., (Signed) E. B. Johnson, Assistant Adjutant-General of Artillery. No. 438. The Secretary to Government, Bengal. Mhow Fort, 17th July 1857. Sir, Details of the occurrences at Indore and Mhow, written hurriedly, have been sent at different times to the Bombay Government, for transmission to you. I beg now to send a more connected account for your information. 1. When the news of the mutiny at Meerut and Delhi reached Mhow, I requested permission from the commanding officer, Colonel Platt, to place a guard from my European Company of Artillery at the Fort gateway, instead of the guard of the 23rd Regt. N. I. The Fort contained many heavy guns, much ammunition, and valuable stores of various kinds, which, falling into the hands of mutineers, would have much strengthened them. Colonel Platt considered that the change of guards would show a want of confidence in his own men, and would not permit it; but I was authorised to dismount and disable the heavy guns. 2. On the news of the Neemuch mutiny reaching Mhow, I wrote to the commanding officer a letter, dated June 6th, 1857. My guns were then in their sheds, 200 yards from the barracks, and the men could not have turned out in battery under half an hour. A portion of my letter is as follows "One hundred men, placing themselves in front of the gun-sheds armed, would deprive the company of its means of offence and defence. "Precautionary measures have been taken, in almost all stations of the army, to prevent an outbreak of the native troops, although the latter were perfectly loyal. The Commanding officer appears to think that precautions taken here may lead to the result it is desirous to avoid. With my battery at command, and guarded from sudden seizure, I believe that I could quell and crush any disturbance that might arise at Mhow from the native troops; and I request, therefore, that I may be permitted to take such precautions (by having my battery drawn out on open ground, where it can easily be manned) as may render my guns ready for action when required. Should the commanding officer deem any precautions inadvisable, such as I have suggested, and should it be my misfortune, in the event of any disturbance occurring, to meet with difficulty in arming and turning out my battery, I trust that this letter will be convincing proof that I have used every endeavour to avoid such a result." 3. I was directed, in reply to this letter, to draw out my battery in front of the gunsheds on Monday morning the 8th June (two days after the above letter was written); but instead of waiting until Monday morning, an opportunity offered for turning out on the 6th. The horses were harnessed, guns turned out, and the battery and company made ready for service at a moment's notioe. 4. On the 8th June I received a letter from Colonel Durand, Acting Resident at Indore. which contained the following "You and your men cannot be too much on the alert. Your readiness with your horses, the day the Neemuch news reached cantonments, prevented & rise." 6. From the 6th June to the end of the month my battery was parked in front of the barracks; the horses stood harnessed every night; the men were warned never to be distant from the barracks; and, in the event of any rise at Mhow, the battery could have turned out to crush it in less than a quarter of an hour, night or day.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926] 6. Many applications were made to the commanding officer for some precautions to be taken for the safety of the wives and families of officers and men; but Colonel Platt placed such implicit confidence in his men,' that nothing was done beyond placing a guard of Sepoys of the 23rd Regiment N. I., every night, over the houses of the officers of that regiment. THE MUTINY AT INDORE 171 7. On the morning of the 1st July, about half-past 8 or 9, guns were heard firing in the direction of Indore; at 11 a.m. Colonel Platt called at my house with a note from Colonel Durand. Colonel Durand wrote : "Send the European battery as sharp as you can. We are attacked by Holkar." I rode down to the barracks and turned out the battery, escort was ordered to accompany the battery for its defence; two men were therefore told off for each gun and waggon, and mounted on the limber boxes, armed with muskets. The battery was trotted to Rhow, half way to Indore. There a Sowar rode up to me with a note in pencil from Colonel Travers, commanding the Bhopal Contingent, saying "We are retreating on Simrole, on the Mundlaysir road from Indore." The Sowar added that Colonel Durand and the officers and ladies from the Residency were with Colonel Travers, that Colonel Durand had not retired on Mhow, as Mhow was in Holkar's territories, and would be attacked by Holkar's troops either that night or the follow. ing morning. There being no road to Simrole which I could follow, the battery was brought back to Mhow as quickly as possible. 8. Colonel Platt met me on re-entering cantonments. I gave him Colonel Travers' note, and told him what the Sowar had said, requesting permission at the same time to take my battery into the Fort, as the Fort could be defended for any length of time. Colonel Platt would not hear of it. At the artillery barracks all the wives and families of officers and and men had taken refuge. The barracks could not be well defended, from their extent and position. I urged repeatedly on Colonel Platt, during the afternoon, the advisability of defending the Fort; but only at the very last moment could he be persuaded to allow me to enter it. At half-past 6 p.m. Colonel Platt rode down to the artillery barracks, and told me to enter the Fort. He had strengthened the guard at the gateway to fifty men from his own regiment. 9. I afterwards learnt that, about 6 p.m., Sepoys had been sent round to all the cantonment guards to warn them, and the guards at officers' houses, that there would be a rise of the whole of the troops that night. 10. At dusk, the mess-house of the 23rd Regiment N. I. was observed to be on fire; and before 10 p.m. several other houses were in flames. About 10 p.m. shots were heard in the direction of the cavalry and infantry lines; and immediately afterwards several officers of both corps ran into the Fort, stating that both regiments were in open mutiny, and that they had been fired upon both by troopers and Sepoys. I ordered the guard within the Fort to be disarmed, and their muskets were taken from them. Colonel Platt rode into the Fort about 10 p.m., and ordered me to turn out my battery. There was a little delay in doing this, from the horses being knocked up, and from several of the drivers having already deserted; and before we were ready, Colonel Platt, accompanied by his Adjutant (Captain Fagan), rode out of the Fort. We followed them in about ten minutes; but did not see them again. On advancing up the infantry parade (the lines being more than half a mile from the Fort) we were several times fired upon, but saw no one. The infantry parade ground was illuminated by the blazing bungalows, but the huts of the men were in darkness, When opposite the centre of the infantry lines I halted, expecting to be joined by Colonel Platt or his Adjutant. My staff serjeant, bugler, and myself rode up to the bells of arms, but no one could be seen. Whilst thus halted the battery was again fired upon. I unlimbered, and fired several rounds of grape and round shot into the lines. There was some groaning and noise, but nothing visible; and in a few minutes everything was perfectly quiet,

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ SEPTEMBER, 1926 11. I was told the next day that, on my opening fire the whole of the cavalry, in regular files, had left their lines at a hard trot, and taken the road to Indore. The infantry who were in their lines took to flight at the second round of grape, and, running out by the rear of their lines, flest in the greatest disorder across country towards Indore. The next day their lines were found full of their clothes, cooking-vessels, etc., and many muskets, coats, etc., were found scattered for a great distance all over the country. 12. Colonel Platt and Captain Fagan, I learnt, had ridden straight to the quarter guard of the regiment, and, whilst the Colonel was there speaking to the men, the guard fired a volley at the unfortunate officers, and they fell riddled with ball. A party of troopers was told off to murder Major Harris of the 1st Light Cavalry, who waylaid him near the cavalry mess. A volley was fired, which killed his horse, and Major Harris, in attempting to escape, was shot and cut down by his own men. 13. In mentioning the deaths of these officers, I cannot help expressing my deep sorrow at the infatuation which possessed Colonel Platt with regard to his own men. Nothing could persuade him to believe that they could act as their comrades all over the country have acted. Numerous circumstances occurred before the regiment mutinied, which should have warned him against over-confidence; but when reported, they were all thought to be exaggerated, and he would not believe that his men could show signs of disaffection. So blindly confident was he of their fidelity that at 9 o'clock on the night the mutiny took place, he commenced a note to Colonel Durand in these words:-" All right; both cavalry and infantry very 'khoosh' and willing." Whilst writing he was interrupted and called away, to be shot down by the very men regarding whom he was so lamentably mistaken. 14. Several of the officers had very narrow escapes; the cavalry more particularly, as their lines were furthest from the Fort, and they had to run the gauntlet of the Sepoys after escaping from their own men. Captain Brooks, Lieutenants Martin and Chapman, ran on foot, pursued by troopers, to within a few hundred yards of the Fort, and were drawn into the Fort over the walls of one of the bastions. Had the ladies remained in their own houses, instead of taking refuge in the Fort, the massacre would probably have been as dreadful as at Indore. 15. On the morning of the 2nd July we became acquainted with the lamentable deaths of the three officers before mentioned. All the officers who had escaped voluntarily offered their services to me as commanding the only troops in the Fort, to be put on any duties I might think necessary. They were all armed and horsed, and divided into two divisions, with all the other Europeans in the Fort (road serjeants, clerks, etc.) and placed under the command of Captain Brooks, 1st Light Cavalry, and Captain Trower, 23rd Regiment N. I., to act as flanking parties to the guns when necesssary, to move out of the Fort, and to assist in sentry duties at night. Parties of artillery-men were employed the first thing in the morning to throw up entrenchments before the northern gate of the Fort, to mount the heavy guns and howitzers on their carriages, and to place light guns on the four corner bastions. Men hard at work all day. Mr. Postance, the Deputy Commissary of Ordnance, employed in making up ammunition for the heavy guns; and Mr. Madras, the commissariat officer, in laying in stores of all descriptions for men and horses. During the night, the whole of the driver company, with the exception of five men, all the lascars, all the syces but eight, and the whole of the grass-cutters, deserted. All the artificers but three also made their escape from the Fort. A detachment, consisting of two guns, ridden by gunners (Europeans) and escorted by volunteers, was sent out under Captain Brooks to search for the bodies of the missing officers. Their bodies were brought in before noon, much mutilated; and they were buried in the afternoon, in the south-east bastion of the Fort. (Report sent in, Marked A.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1926] THE MUTINY AT INDORE 173 16. 3rd July.-Proclaimed martial law this morning throughout the station of Mhow. Parties of troopers and Sepoys having been reported as still in their lines and harbouring in the villages in the vicinity, I moved out two guns escorted by volunteers. We first marched through the Sudder Bazar, recovered a large quantity of muskets from the Kotwallee, and disarmed those men not belonging to the police. Then went to the cavalry lines. Several troopers were seen skulking about the lines, and two cavalry horses saddled broke out of a neighbouring village, and galloped past the guns. The troopers were driven out and followed by several officers; they ran down to the nullah in rear of their lines, and then turned and fired. Corporal Potter, of the Artillery, cut one man down. Fired the village in rear of the cavalry lines from whence the horses broke out; fired another village in rear of the infantry lines, in which, and in the lines, several Sepoys were seen. As many more were supposed to be hidden in the houses, fired several round shot into the lines. Wrote this day to the Maharaja (letter B), as it was reported to me that Holkar's troops, accompanied by the mutineers from Mhow, meant to attack the Fort. By the evening of the 3rd July two light guns were mounted on each of the four corner bastions of the Fort. A heavy battery of one 10 inch howitzer, one 8 inch howitzer, one 24 pounder, one 18 pounder, and two 12 pounders, was formed and armed outside the northern gate of the Fort. Small arms and ammunition were placed in the bastions, and every preparation made to repulse any attack made by Holkar or any portion of his army. Men and officers worked unceasingly and uncomplainingly. Py this evening, too, Mr. Madras had laid in stores for a fortnight. 17. As the magazines of the cavalry and infantry regiments were full of ammunition, and might fall into the hands of enemies, a party was turned out on the 4th under Captain Brooks, 1st Light Cavalry, the guns under Lieutenant Mallock, Artillery, to blow them both up; both magazines were blown up successfully. A hole was blown through the southern curtain of the Fort, and preparations made to arm another battery for the protection of that side of the Fort. (Report sent in to the Adjutant-General of the Bombay Army, marked C.) 18. On the morning of the 5th another heavy battery of four 18 pounders was placed in position to protect the southern face of the Fort. About 10 a.m. two of Holkar's principal men, his minister the Bhao Rao Ramchunder, and his Buxee Khooman Sing, accompanied by Captain Fenwick, an East Indian in the service of the Maharaja, came to the Fort with a letter from the Maharaja (marked C 2). They stated the Maharaja had been quite unable to control his mutinous troops and expressed on his part deep regret at the occurrences at Indore, a detailed account of which was handed to me by Captain Fenwick. They offered also to send over the remaining treasure from the Residency to Mhow, and were prepared to carry out any measures I might advise for opening up communication through and tranquillizing the country. The minister also stated that the mutinous troops from Mhow and Indore had marched the preceding evening towards Dewas, having carried off with them nine (9) lacs of rupees from the Residency treasury, and having seized at Indore every horse, bullock, camel, and cart that they could find for the transport of their baggage. They had taken also with them nine guns belonging to the Maharaja. By evening of the 5th Mr. Madras had laid in stores of all kinds for one month. The station was perfectly quiet; the inhabitants of the Bazaars carrying on business as usual; burning and thieving in Bungalows put a stop to; and night alarms at an end. On the night of the 5th thirteen elephants were sent in by Holkar for the use of General Woodburn's column, and forwarded at once to Mundlaysir. 19. On the morning of the 6th July a general court-martial was assembled, for the trial of a gun lascar of my company for mutiny and desertion. The prisoner was sentenced to fifty lashes, but the punishment was commuted to dismissal. The troops from Indore who accompanied the mutineers from Mhow, not being allowed to share in the treasure, returned to Indore last night, and, having received some assistance from Holkar, marched immediately in pursuit to try and recover the treasure,

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1920 20. An express was sent on the morning of the 7th to Colonel Durand. Captain Hutchinson, Assistant to the Resident, was reported on the morning of this day to have been taken prisoner by the Amjheera Raja. Captain Elliot was written to by the Durbar on the subject, and the correspondence is annexed (marked D.). The Maharaja was written to this day; and a request made that he would follow up and attack the mutineers from Mhow and Indore (letter marked E.). Another gun lascar was brought in this morning, tried by court martial for mutiny and desertion, sentenced to death, and hanged by my orders in front of the northern gate of the Fort at 6 p.m. Whilst the execution was taking place, the whole of the treasure remaining in the Residency treasury, sent in by the Maharaja, arrived in the Fort, and Captain Elliot was ordered to receive charge of it. The amount of treasure is Rs. 4,16,690, besides nearly 23 lacs in Company's paper. The country round Mhow perfectly tranquil. 21. On the morning of the 8th a letter (No. 428) was forwarded to the Secretary, Bombay Government, detailing what had occurred, forwarding correspondence with the Durbar, and reporting receipt of treasure. A memo. was also forwarded of the persons murdered at Indore (this letter is attached). On the 8th July a correspondence took place with the Durbar regarding the Malwah Contingent, and it will be found attached to letter 431. A telegraph message was received this day from the Governor of Bombay (attached, Marked F.). 22. On the 9th two messages were despatched to Bombay regarding the troops marching on Mundlaysir under Captain Orr (marked G.). Two prisoners, Sepoys of the 23rd Regiment N. I. (Mahomedians), were sent in by the Maharaja of Indore. They were tried by drumhead court martial on arrival at Mhow, sentenced to death, and hanged in front of the northern gate of the Fort. Much excitement had prevailed amongst the Maharaja's troops on his giving over these prisoners, and an anonymous letter was found in his Durbar Hall, accusing him of not being a Hindoo, and being under the influence of ministers who were Christians. 23. Letter No. 431 (attached) written to Secretary, Bombay Government, on the 10th. Everything perfectly tranquil at Mhow and its neighbourhood. Telegraph message received from Bombay regarding Captain Orr's detachment (Marked H). 24. Oomed Sing and Ganesh Shastree came in from the Maharaja, to say that the latter was in great alarm about the two columns advancing from Bombay: he feared that his actions had been misconstrued, and an erroneous impression of them conveyed to Government. It was with great difficulty that they had prevented the Maharaja from starting immediately for Bombay to offer in person an explanation of the disturbances at Indore. Wrote to the Maharaja a letter (annexed, marked I). Breastworks were completed in front of both heavy batteries this day, and the Fort so much strengthened that it would take a native army to attack it. 25. On the 12th an express was again forwarded to Colonel Durand (marked K). On the 13th the telegraph wire was brought into the Fort at Mhow, an office established, and communication opened with Bombay. Dak communications to Bombay, and all places to the southward, open; also to Neemuch; but the road to Sehore and Saugor has been and continues closed from the 27th ultimo. The Durbar report that their troops are still mutinous and excited, and they look with anxiety for the arrival of European troops, to enable them to disarm the disaffected. On the 13th a telegraph message was received from Lord Elphinstone, for delivery to Holkar (marked L), and an answer returned on the 14th (marked M). A report also was forwarded to Bombay on the 14th. 26. I have, in the foregoing, brought up my report of everything that has taken place at Mhow to this date (15th July). Troops are marching to our relief, whom we expect to see on the 26th instant. Colonel Durand has been written to, and may probably return to Mhow immediately. The country is perfectly quiet, the Maharaja of Indore most anxious for opportunities to prove his friendship and fidelity to the Government. This Fort is strengthened and provisioned in such manner as to enable us to hold it for any length of time

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SEPTEMBER, 1926) THE MUTINY AT INDORE 175 against any native force ; trade and business are carried on as usual in the towns in Holkar's States. The Maharaja's tributaries having discovered the mistake they first fell into, of thinking Holkar inimical to the British, have suppressed all disorders in their own districts, and are willing to assist in maintaining order. Some of the Maharaja's troops alone show a bad spirit, and are still mutinous and disaffected ; but they will, I think, be restrained from any further excess, and on the arrival of European troops the Maharaja will at once disarm and punish them. The Company's rupee has fallen to a discount of one rupee per cent. at Indore, and three per cent. at Oojein. 27. In closing this report I trust that, should the Government deem that our duty at Mhow has been performed to its satisfaction, I may state how much I have been indebted to the untiring exertions of officers and men for everything that has been done. At this trying season the non-commissioned officers and men of my company, under the orders of Lieutenant Mallock, have worked cheerfully and laboriously night and day, in mounting heavy guns, throwing up entrenchments, and other duties, and have shown throughout a willing and ready spirit, which no praise of mine can do justice to. The officers of the 23rd Regiment N. I. and 1st Light Cavalry, and other volunteers under Captain Brooks and Captain Trower, have always been ready to turn out at any moment for duties which they have never before been accustomed to, and have taken regular sentry duties every night since our occupation of the Fort, to enable the artillery men to get some sleep after their heavy duties in the day. Mr. Madrag, the Commissariat Officer, has worked most efficiently in laying in stores of every description for the artillery, Europeans who have taken refuge in the Fort, horses and cattle, for six months; and the fact that six months' supplies have been laid in, in little more than & week, will speak for itself. Mr. Conductor Postance, too, has been unwearied in his exertions in making up ammunition and other duties, which have occupied every moment of his time, and which he has fulfilled to my entire satisfaction. To Captain Elliot I am deeply indebted for support and assistance ; his knowledge of the country has enabled him to aid me with advice in many matters of which I should otherwise have remained ignorant. Besides supporting me in my communications with Holkar's Durbar, he has readily taken upon himself a share of all the duties the other officers have been employed in. 28. I trust it is needless to repeat what I have said so often regarding the fidelity of the Maharaja of Indore; -his actions will best prove his feelings. The anxiety he laboured under, lest his conduct should be misconstrued, has been dissipated since the receipt of the message from the Right Honourable the Governor of Bombay; and yesterday I received the annexed letter (marked N) from the minister on this subject. 29. Having been left alone at Mhow, without any political officer to consult, I trust, if I have acted in an irregular manner, by assuming political authority to communicate with Holkar, the advantage which has been gained in keeping the country tranquil, and restoring the confidence of the Maharaja in the friendship of the Government, may form my excuse for the informality. I have acted with a zealous desire to serve Government, and trust my actions may not meet with disapproval. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) T. Hungerford, Captain), Commanding at Mhow.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1926 SOMA. By Prof. G. JOUVEAU DUBREUIL. TRANSLATID FROM THE FRENCH NY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. DR. VINCENT SMITH, in the Oxford History of India, 1919, p. 23, wrote as follows: "The Parsees of Yezd and Kirman in Persia, as well as those of the Deccan and Bombay in India, who still occasionally offer Soma sacrifices, identify the plant with one or other species of Asclepias.. .But the real Soma plant may have been different, and has not yet been clearly identified." And in a footnote he said: "Kautilya prescribes that Brah. mans shall be provided with forests for Soma plantation (Arthasastra, Book II, ch. 2)". Mr. E. B. Havell in an article in JRAS., Feb. 1920, asked " What is Soma ; " And in the same article he suggested that it is Eleusine, "the common millet still used in the Himalayas." Prof. A. A. Macdonnell seemed to support this theory. In 1922 I published a little pamphlet in popular style, entitled Vedic Antiquities, in which I drew attention to the district of Malabar, which seems to have remained sheltered from the invasions and changes which are apparent in the rest of India. I said, p. 24, in speaking of that very high caste of Brahmans, the Nambudris : "But they do not only adore the Vedic divinities and sing the Vedic hymns, they practise also pure Vedic ceremonies. . . . Those who practise the Soma sacrifice are called Somayagis or Chomatiris." In acknowledging a copy of my pamphlet, Mr. Havell asked me, also speaking of the Nambudris : "What do they use for the Soma rite?" And very appositely, Mr. Havell wrote to me with reference to the above question: "You speak of Hindus who have preserved the Vedic tradition. It is here that we have the greatest opportunity in the world of discussing the mystery of Soma. Try then to find out exactly what it is that the Nambudris of Malabar use". I went at once to a great temple, which is the centre of the Nambudris in the village of Taliparamba, where are the best specimens of the agnidriyas-the temples of the Vedic fire. The Nambudri Brahmans received me very courteously. I told them that I wanted the plant which produced the Soma. They replied: "The Somavalli plant does not grow in these parts. It is a rare plant found in the mountains. When we want to make a sacrifice with Soma, we write to a Raja who lives at Kollangod (ten miles south of Palghat) at the foot of some very high mountains, where the mystic plant grows." For a long time I tried to obtain the sacred plant. My efforts remained abortive, till I had the happy thought of writing to a powerful official at Calicut, Mr. P. V. Gopalan. He obtained the plant from the Raja and sent it to me. Ist once showed it to a learned botanist at Pondicherry, the Rev. Brother Fancheux, who found it to be a climbing plant, having a stem-green, bare, round and woody, and containing a milky liquor. A point characteristic of this creeper is that it is absolutely without foliage. Beyond doubt, it is certainly a plant belonging to the genus asclepias. Therefore, the Parsis of Yezd in Persia and the Nambudris of Malabar make their sacrifices with the same plant, an Asclepiad. There can thus be no doubt that the two names, Haoma of the Iranians and Soma of the Indians, designate the same liquor. In short, it seems to me that we have here no mystery concerning the plant which is used to manufacture Soma. It is incontestably an Asclepiad.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926) A NOTE ON BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN'S DATE 177 A NOTE ON BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN'S DATE. By A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., M.R.A.S. On pages 220-3 of volume LIII, ante, Mr. K. N. Daniel had been at great pains to prove that there were two Chera kings of the name of Bhaskara-Ravivarman, that on account of certain palaeographical and linguistic reasons they should be considered to have lived almost within the same century, and that "it is unquestionably proved on astronomical grounds" that these two kings, Bhaskara-Ravi I. and Bhaskara-Ravi II., should have respectively reigned in the first and second half of the sixth century A.D. Messrs. V. Venkayya, T. A. Gopinatha Rao and K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, however, attributed the Vatteluttu script of Bhaskara-Ravivarman's records to the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D.; and Diwan Bahadur Mr. L. D. Swamikkannu Pillai, M.A., LL.B., I.S.O., of Madras, who had worked at the astronomical details furnished in a few of this king's records on this assumption, had arrived at the tentative date of A.D. 978 for his accession. He was also the first scholar to propound the theory that there may have been two kings of that name (T.A.S., II, pp. 45-6); because, in his opinion, the positions of Jupiter given in some of the records were found to be irregular and could not agree uniformly with this initial date of the king. Mr. K. N. Daniel has attempted to reconcile the apparent discrepancies of these details, by assuming that "the years are sometimes age, and sometimes regnal years, and sometimes current, and sometimes expired." However this may be, I propose to examine them in detail elsewhere. I have discovered 1 a record of king Bhaskara-Ravivarman, which fixes his date beyond the possibility of any doubt to be the end of the tenth century A.D. This inscription is found engraved on the narrow upper surface of the lowermost upana of the stone base of the Adbhutanarayana temple at Tirukkadittanam (Travancore), which contains many other records of the same Chera king. The stones composing the basement having become slightly disturbed in position on account of age, the top portions of the letters in the first line of this epigraph are hidden by the next superposed thin champa stone-member supporting the kumuda-moulding, so that the writing could be deciphered only by tracing the visible lower portions of the letters. Although I had realised the importance of this record for Chera chronology more than a year ago, I could not make it public, as I could then produce only an eye-copy in support of my statements and could not substantiate them by an authoritative facsimile. I have now managed after some trouble to get fairly satisfactory estampage prepared; and this piece of indisputable epigraphical evidence is surely entitled to much greater consideration than the debatable arguments based merely on astronomical, palaeographical, or linguistic data. This record is dated in the year (here one stone is much defaced) opposite to the 2nd year of the reign of king Bhaskara-Ravivarman, and mentions that while Govarddhana (this portion is mutilated) Marttandavarman was governing Nanrulai-nadu, Srivallabhankodaivarman, the ruler of Ven&du (Venadudaiya), made a gift of lands for the conduct of the Uttiravila-festival, beginning from the day of Karttigai in the month of Kumbha. This record is incomplete, but with the details of the festival we are not much concerned. The important sychronism that the inscription furnishes is that Venadudaiya Srivallabhai kodai was a feudatory of the Chera king Bhaskara-Ravivarman. Fortunately for us, we know this Venadu ruler from his Mamballi copper-plate (T.A.S., IV. pp. 1-11) and his two Tiruvanvandur stone inscriptions (T.A.S., II, pp. 22-5); of these three, the copper-plate is dated in Kollam 149 and the astronomical details give the English equivalent-A.D. 973, November 10. As we do not know how long this Venadu ruler reigned and in what part of his reign Kolam 149 fell, we can only premise that Bhaskara-Ravi. varman, his suzerain of the Tirukkalittanam record, must have been reigning in the last quarter of the tenth century A.D.; and as Mr. L. D. Swamikkannu Pillai has, by calculating the details furnished in the Tirunelli plates (T.A.S., II, pp. 30-1) of the latter, independently 1 The inscription was examined in April 1925.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1926 arrived at A.D. 978 for the king's accession, this is necessarily the correct initial date of this Chera king. From another record, which has been edited in the Travancore Archaeolo. gival Series, we learn that in the 2nd + 12th year of the Chera king Bhaskara-Ravi, Govard. dhana-Marttandavarman, who was ruling over Nanrulai-nadu, was put in charge of Venadu also. This would therefore indicate that Srivallabhavkodai may have governed Venadu till about the fourteenth year of Bhaskara-Ravi, i.e., till A.D. 992, and that after his death Govarddhana-Marttandavarman may have succeeded him in the Venadu administration, and continued in that capacity till at least A.D. 1016, when he figured as a signatory in the Cochin plate of Bhaskara-Ravivarman's 2nd + 36th year of reign-(Ep. Ind., vol. III, pp. 66-9). Thus we can accept it as proved that the Chera king Bhaskara Ravivarman flourished in the last quarter of the tenth century A.D., that the date of his accession to the throne was A.D. 978, and that he could not, under any circumstances, be assigned to so early a period as the sixth century A.D. The questions as to whether there were two kings of that name and, if so, how long each of them reigned, require more careful examination. THE KSHAHARATAS. WERE THEY EXTERMINATED OR HAVE THEY LEFT ANY TRACES IN THE POPULATION OF THE DECCAN ? By Y. R. GUPTE, B.A., M.R.A.S. It is a well-known fact that Nahapana, the Satrap who was reigning in A.D. 124, in the Nasik district at any rate and most probably in the Poona and Thana districts of the Bom. bay Presidency as well, was ousted or killed about that year by Gautamiputra of the Andhrabritya family. (Cf. Rapson's Andhra8, p. xxvii). In an inscription in cave No. III at Nasik. called the Akasayana, Gautamiputra boasts that he exterminated the race of the Kshaharatas (prakrita Khakharatas) to which Naha pana belonged. (Khakhardta-va sa-niravasesakarasal) That Gautamiputra succeeded Naha pana is borne out by a good many coins of Nahapana counterstruck by Gautamiputra. These were found in the hoard discovered at Jogaltembhi in the Sinnar Taluka of the Nasik district of the Bombay Presidency, (vide the Roy. Mr. H. R. Scott's article in the Journal of the B. B.R. A. S.). Perhaps the Andhrabhritya king defeated and killed Nahapana and his sons (if he had any), in a pitched battle and thus to a certain extent justified his proud assertion. The Satraps after Naha pana are not known to have ruled in the Deccan. Certainly their records have not come to light. The Satraps of Surashtra, it is believed, were altogether a different dynasty. Be that as it may, are there any traces extant of the Kshaharatas or Khakharatas in the population of the Deccan ? That the bulk of some castes of the peasantry and members of even some higher castes as well as lower have Scythic features, is an admitted fact. Nahapana was a Scythian. But are there any surnames which correspond to Naba. pana's family name, and do the features of the members of these answer to the characteristic ones of the Scythians ? I have long been thinking over this point. The surname Gharata, it is possible to derive from Khakharata. But it can hardly be a direct derivation. Among the shepherds of the Deccan, however, we have a surname which evidently appears to be a short form of Khakharata. It is Kharata. The double Kha in it could hardly survive for centuries together and so we have the shorter form of the surname. In other words the first Kha of Khakharata is omitted as usual and we get the shorter form viz., Kharata. The features of some members at any rate of this family have features similar to those of Nahapana on the coins. Gautamiputra's boast that he annihilated the Kshaharata or Khakharata clan is similar to the futile one of Parasurama, who claimed to have exterminated the Kshatriyas several times? If they were annihilated where was the necessity of exterminating them again! The Andhrabritya king might perhaps have killed all the members of the ruling Khakharata family. But he could hardly have extirpated the whole clan or race of the Khakharatas. 1 Ep. Ind., vol. V:11, p. 80, 1. 6 of the text. Ibid., vol. 22, 1906, pp. 224.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926.) BOOK-NOTICES. 179 BOOK-NOTICES. REPORT OF THE SUPERINTENDENT, ARCHEOLOGI. This is a notablo article and of great historical CAL SURVEY, BURMA, 1924. Rangoon. value, and one is grateful to Prof. Heras for writing This Report, as ever, shows good work methodically it. In the Pudu Mantapam, "the Tirumala's done during 1923-1924, and contains much that is Choultrie of Fergusson," are to be found statues of general interest. For instance, it is pleasant to of the first ten Nayaks of Madura, which are portraits. noto that all the care possible is taken year by They are unique in Indien history and moreover year to preserve the perishable structures at the confirm the succession of these Nayaks as found Palace and City of Mandalay, which thus bid fair in the Tamil chronicles. This consideration alone to last many & year longer. But for the public shows their great importance to South Indian the most interesting part of the Report is that history. relating to the work of restoring and preserving the succession of the Nayaks thus proved is as important buildings, sites of excavations and fresh follows: discoveries. Valuable attention has been paid (1) Visvanatha, (ii) Krishpappa, (iii) 'VisvanAtha to the preservation of the Sulamani and Tilominlo II, (iv) Poriya Krishnappa, (v) Lingama, (vi) temple at Pagan and of the Shitthaung temple Bisvama, (vii) Kasturi Rangappa, (viii) Muttu at Mrohaung in Arakan. Further care has been | Krishnappa, (ix) Muttu Virappa, (x) Tirumala. bestowed on the conservation of the original R. C. TEMPLE. inscription stones collected by King Bodawpaya in Amarapura City, and this is gratifying to myself, | ANNUAL REPORT, WATSON MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITIES, as their value is beyond estimation and they for 1923-24; RAJKOT, 1924. occupied so much of my attention when in Burma! The report of the Curator, Mr. D. B. Diskalkar, years ago. As the Report says, the collection is mainly concerned with his discovery during the "contains some of the oldest inscriptions as yet year of important copper-plate inscriptions and found in Burma and is a mine of information for other epigraphical material, which throw further the political and religious history of this province. light on the ancient history of Gujarat. Among They were collected by King Bodawpaya from these is the second half of a grant of the Paramara all parts of Burma over a hundred years ago and King Siyaka of Malwa, which, read in conjunction form the largest collection to be found in any one with previously known grants, indicates that place in Burma." Attached to the Report is a Siyaka must have been in possession of a portion very valuable Appendix by that great authority of Gujarat at the time when the Chalukya ruler on such matters-Diwan Bahadur Swami kannu Mulraja had seized Anahilvada from the Chavadas. Pillai--giving a list of dates in the Burmese Com. Another find is a stone inscription of a Kshatrapa mon Era in this collection. Considering that the ruler, found near Chitroda in Cutch, which awaits list covers 37 pp. of the Report, and goes into the full decipherment; while a third is & copy of an difficult chronology of 450 Inscriptions, the inscription of the Silahara rulor, Aparaditya, on amount of work entailed in compiling it and its & stone now in the Prince of Wales' Museum, value to all future enquirers can be roughly Bombay, which records a grant of land at 'Sthanagauged. kiya Patana' (i.e., Thans) by the minister, The great medieval King Anorata (1044-77) | Lakshmana Noyaka. The curious point about crested 43 fortress towns to the North and South this inscription is that it is reported to have been East of Pagan to curb the Shans. One of these found originally at Somnath, that is to say, within was Mekkhaya, and we are given a list of these the dominions of a ruler who, so far as is known, fortresses, which is of value, and an account of had no relations with the Silahara ruler of the North Mekkhayd in some detail. Konkan. An inscription from Cambey gives much But the most interesting of all the researched information about the Jain mintater Vastupala, into old sites during the year were the excavations viceroy of Viradhavala; and in the course of the at Old Prome (Hmawza). Among these were those year's work the Curator discovered that 17 inscrip. undertaken near Yahandakan village, disclosing tions of the Chudasamas of Junagadh and 30 of an old Pyu cemetery and the important fact that the Chalukyas of Anahilvada have up to the present that people were in the habit of cromating their remained undeciphered and unpublished. Some dead and burying the ashes in urna, "the general of the latter have been forwarded for publication to custom of the Hindus being to throw the ashes into the Editor of Epigraphia Indica, while the Curator's the river after cremation." reading of the former inscriptions has formed the R. C. TEMPLE. subject of an article in the Gujarati journal PurgTHE STATUES OF THE NAYAKS OY MADURA IN tattua. Gogha yielded & gold coin of Ghiyas-ud-din THE PUDU MANTAPAM, by the REY, H. HERAS, Tughlak, which it is hoped to secure for the S.J., M.A., Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Museum. Society, Bangalore, vol. XV, No. 3. 8. M. EDWARDES,

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1926 THE SPEECHES AND WRITINGS OF THE LATE) word index of that text, as part and parcel of his VIRCHAND RAGHAVJI GANDHI, collected by the scheme for an edition designed for the use of Indian late) BHAGU F. KARBHARI, Shree Agamadaya University students. These materials are now Samiti Series, Bombay 1924. I. THE JAIN PHILO. | presented to the public; the text of the inscriptions SOPHY : II. THE YOGA PHILOSOPHY : III. THE has been arranged in such a way as to bring together KARMA PHILOSOPHY. on a single page the different versions of the same The late Virchand Ragha vji Gandhi was a Barrister Edict, each page being divided into three or four and an enthusiastic writer and speaker on Jainism panels, so that two pages facing each other provide He attended the Parliament of Religions at Chicago, six or eight panels for display of synoptic versions, U.S.A., as Jain delegate in 1893. His speeches the word index has been expanded into a full and writings were carefully collected by the late glossary, which together with the text provides Bhagu F. Kharbari, Editor of The Jain, and were the student of philology with a convenient handsubsequently published by the Jain Pustakodhar book of early Prakrit; while an admirable IntroFund. They are now very cheaply republished duction discloses all relevant facts about the locafor general distribution by the Sri Agamadaya tion, discovery, and contents of the inscriptions, Samiti, & new institution, established at Bhoyani and gives a sketch of the grammar of the language; in the Ahmadabad District, the tirtha of Mallinatha in which they were written. Professor Woolner Tirthankara, for the spread of the Jain Scriptures. Was fortunate enough to secure scrutiny of the The first of three volumes-Jain Philosophy proof-sheets of Dr. Hultzsch's new edition of the gives a brief story of Virchand Gandhi's full and Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, before the present Vigorous career, from his birth in 1864 to his death work was finally published, and thus was enabled in 1901 at the early age of 37, and a number of to add important variants to the text, footnotes, speeches and papers by him on the Jains and their and glossary. Philosophy, which are well worth the student's The work seems to me to fulfil admirably the attention. In the second volume Virchand intended object. The glossary is succinct and Gandhi performs a similar service for the well- withal exhaustive, though it is to be observed known Yoga Philosophy. But in the third volume that under the words Pitinikanam and Rastikinam we have given us a detailed account of Karma no reference is made to the theory, advanced in on " the Law of Moral Causation." 1924 by a well-known student of Indian history and All the volumes, despite their many faults of antiquities, that these words primarily signify printing, are worth encouragement, and are calculated certain definite types of political constitution, to bring about the object to which the author which gave their name to the peoples who respectively devoted his busy life. followed them. The theory, however, requires R. C. TEMPLE, further examination by experts, and is on that SWAMI DAYANAND IN THE LIGHT OF TRUTH. A account perhape wisely omitted for the present True and Critical Biography of the Founder from work primarily intended for University of the Arya Samaj. Labore, 1925. students. The two volumes, issued by Professor This is a long and undignified attack on the Woolner, form a valuable addition to Asokan Arya Samaj and its Founder, and shows that literature. the odium theologicum is as rampant now in India as 8. M. EDWARDES it was of old. It is not necessary, as this production The SUBJECT INDEX TO PERIODICALS Section I. does, to besmirch the birth and private character Languages and Literature London Library A880of a religious teacher, to prove that the tenets of ciation, Grafton and Co., 1925. the sect he founder are wrong. R. C. TEMPLE. Here is another issue of this most valuable publication, giving references to Classical, Oriental ASOKA TEXT AND GLOSSARY, by ALFRED C. WOOL and Primitive Languages in 123 periodicals. Four NER, M.A. Parts I and II: Panjab University periodicals have been newly added to the list, each Oriental Publications. H. Milford, Oxford of the highest class. A glance through it shows University Press, Calcutta, 1924. how well and carefully this labour of love has been The stream of literature on the subject of the performed, but even with such an aid as this Asokan Edicts shows no sign of exhaustion. The the path of the explorer is still difficult, as W is full present work. which has been prepared by Professor of references to other" lists." But this cannot be Woolner And publisbpd at the expense of the Panjab helped, and easier though it may be now than it University, represent in large measure the resulte was in the past that I can personally remember, of the lato Dr T. K Laddu's analytical scrutiny to make a profound research, the searcher must of the Mauryan emperor's inscriptions. At the still take trouble. The compilers of the Index time of his death, he had completed a recension of are highly to be congratulated. the text of all the inscriptions, as well as a completo R. C. TEMPLE.

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OCTOBER, 1926 ) CHRONOLOGY OF PANINI AND THE PRATISAKHYAS THE RELATIVE CHRONOLOGY OF PANINI AND THE PRATISAKEYAS. BY HANNES SKOLD. Attempts at establishing the precise age of Papini and the Pratisakhyas. SINCE the time of Bohtlingk it has been regarded as fairly certain that Panini belongs to the fourth century B.C., though, as Weber contended, the mention of Yavandni, IV. 1. 49 ("Greek writing", according to Katyayana) would seem to point to a date later than 300 B.C. More. over his relation to Patanjali, from whom he must necessarily have been separated by a considerable space of time, appears to warrant a date much anterior to that generally accepted. In recent years two younger philologists, Messrs. Belvalkar and Charpentier, have tried to prove that the latter assumption is right. We can here content ourselves by merely asserting that no undeniable proofs have as yet been produced in support of either opinion. And it is unlikely that such proofs will ever be forthcoming. Unfortunately the age of Panini is no mathematical problem and admits of no exact solution. As to the relative age of the great grammarian we are far better circumstanced. Bhandarkar and Kielhorn have declared that the language described by Panini was that of the Brahmanas. They based this opinion rather on intuition than on facts, though Bhandarkar, e.g., showed that the use of the aorist in the Brahmanas was exactly the one prescribed by Panini's rules. Professor Liebich, in his lucid book on Panini, was the first to prove that the language of the Brahmanas and Stras on the whole agrees with the rules of Panini; and no Indianist is likely hereafter to repeat Whitney's opinion that the language fixed grammatically by that great Indian scholar is an artificial one-the invention of a pedantic maniac. To my knowledge nobody has ever tried to establish either the absolute or the relative Age of the Pratibakhyas, except as compared with the age of Panini and Yaska'. Gold. stacker, that unrivalled student of Panini, as is well-known, asserted that the Pratisakhyas are posterior to Panini, while Max Muller holds the contrary view as far as the Rk PrAtisakhya is concerned. This view seems to have been adopted by most Indianists on Muller's authority, but some of his followers only extend the claim of priority to the Rk Pratisakhya, while the other Pratisakhyas are believed to be later than Panini. This is the contention of Burnell, Aindra School, p. 85. and Lie bich Zur Einfuhrung in die indische einheimische Sprachwissenschaft, II, pp. 30 and 45. The latter author seems to regard also the VAjasaneyi PratisAkhya as pre-Paninean. On the other hand Weber, Wackernagel, and others place the Pratisakhyas generally in the pre-Paninean epoch, while Westergaard and Pischel upheld the opinion of Goldstacker. All seem to agree that the language of the Pratisakhyas is comparatively late. We will now proceed to examine the arguments put forward by Max Moller in favour of his opinions. As they are exposed in the preface to his edition of the RK Pratisakhya, they refer to the opposing views of Goldstucker, to whose work, therefore, we need not specially refer. The arguments of Max Muller. These arguments may be shortly summarised in the following way: (1) Panini quotes the Rk PratisAkhya, but this work does not quote him ; (2) Indian authors never regard the Pratisakhyas as being posterior to Panini; (3) the purudcdryas quoted by the commentator of the Vajasaneyi PratibAkhya, I. 54, are never referred to by Panini nor by Katyayana's Pratisakhya, (4) the Rk PratisAkhya calls itself vedanga. () the Vy&di quoted by that work is not the author of the Samgraha. 1 An exception is perhaps the statement of Max Maller in the preface to his pdition of the Rk Prasida chya : "Reicht Katyayana in das vierte Jahrhunderte, ko mag Saunaka wohl in das fanfte reichen, und Papini wurde dann auf der Grenze beider Jahrhunderte stehn."

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1926 " Panini quotes the Kk Pratisakhya." The quotations do not refer directly to the Pratisakhya as such, but to Sakalya. Now even admitting that Sakalya was the head of the school, in which this supposed Silcad originated, he is not necessarily its author. Max Muller himself believes, as we think, quite correctly, that Saunaka according to the Indian tradition, should be regarded as the author. Let us admit that Sakalya probably was the head of this school, though he is quoted in the Pratisakhya itself as an authority of discrepant views. Even in this case a quotation of Sakalya does not imply that Panini knew the Rk Pratisakhya or Saunaka-who is only quoted once in a bhasye na vyakhyatam ; it only could prove that he knew Sakalya. And as at least two persons of that name are mentioned in the Rk Pratisakhya itself, a quo. tation in Panini; which does not definitely distinguish between the two, could only refer to the older Sakalya. But assuming for the sake of argument he knew also the younger Sakalya (though it would undoubtedly be curious if so clear a thinker as Panini should have omitted to specify to which of the two he was referring), it may reasonably be held that Sakalya might have been older than Panini and even been the head of that school, in which the Pratisakhya originated, without the Pratisakhya necessarily being in existence in the time of Panini: For the Pratisakhya is undoubtedly the product of a long development. And as it quotes Sakalya also-both Panini and the Rk Pratisakhya may be quoting from a common source. This argument in itself cannot prove what it is intended to, viz., the posteriority of Panini. But let us now turn to the passages quoted and examine them. The quotations are found in I. 1. 16; VI. 1. 127 ; VIII. 3, 19; VIII. 4. 51. Now out of these sutras all are bhdsye na vyakh ydtani except VI. 1. 127. We must therefore admit the possibility that they were not known to Patanjali. It is curious to note that, while Max Muller is able to show that the statements contained in the other sitrus quoted may be traced also in the Rk Pratisakhya (& circumstance, which in itself even is no reason in favour of its higher age), he states as to VI. 1. 127: "Hier sagter [Panini), dass, nach Sakalya, auslautendes i, u, ?, vor unahnlichen Vokalen unverandert bleiben konnen, und fugt dann hinzu, dass diese Vokale kurz werden. Fur die Verkurzung findet sich nun allerdings keine Autoritat im Pratisakhya." Thus we see, that, even if this argument were not actually erroneous, it could not prove aught that it is believed to establish, for those statements of Sakalya, which have the authority of the Rk Pratisakhya, are not found in Patanjali, and the one found there has no corresponding statement in the Rk Pratisakhya. The opinion of Indian authors. Max Muller bimself appears to realize the feebleness of this argument, for he admits it has "zwar an sich keine Zwingende Beweiskraft." It is easy to refute it by pointing out that no statements of Indian authors to the contrary (i.e., that Panini must be of later date) are known, and that comparisons of this kind seem to be altogether lacking. . The Purvacaryas. First of all, if the purvacaryas are quoted by the commentator, the word can in no way prejudice our opinion as to the age of the work commented upon. A commentator can never precede in time the work which he studies. And if the expression is not found in Panini and Katyayana, this may be due to the fact that it had not yet been invented at their dates.

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OCTOBER, 1926 ) CHRONOLOGY OF PANINI AND THE PRATISAKHYAS 183 As to the Vajasaneyi Pratisakhya Weber I St, IV, 65, states that it is a work of Katyayana's school. Even assuming that there existed more than one Katyayana, nobody surely would believe the Pratisakhya to belong to the latter one of the two, thus automatically referring it to a time far posterior to Panini. But, if the argument invoked by Muller implies what he thinks, it must amount to the contradictory absurdity that Katydyana was not only prior, but also posterior, to himself. The argument is obviously fallacious. The expression prurudcdryas is used also in the Rk Pratisakhya and the Atharva Pratisakhya (I. 11. 94) and thus seems to have been a technical term of the siksds. The Vedanga argument. Goldstucker asserted that the Pratisakhyas could not be regarded as the Vedanga vydkaranam. Max Muller retorted, that they did not pretend to be go; but the Rk Prati. sAkhya, being a fikrd, called itself a Veda nga. This latter fact cannot be denied. But does it prove that it was a Vedanga? The Bible never calls itself the Bible, nor does the Rg Veda call itself the Rg Veda. Now Panini never mentions the Veda as such, and on examining the special chandas rules of Panini, I have reached the conclusion, that they do not apply to the Veda as a whole but only to the Rg Veda. The Sivasutras still bear the mark of an influence prior to Panini.3 He never mentions, or even alludes to the Pada pathas. And in the places, where he uses the word samhita, it has quite another and earlier sense (from which that of sanhita text is derived): his own definition of the word (I. 4. 109) is parah sannikarsah samhita, and Bohtlingk therefore rightly translates this word in Panini by 'ein ununterbrochener Verlauf der Rede'. Now the task of the Pratisakhyas is to describe the relation of the samhita and the pada texts to one another. But we know very well, that in the eyes of early Indian authors the pada text possesses no share whatever in the holiness of the samhita text. And Patanjali, whom nobody would dare to place earlier than Panini, directly denies its authoritatwe force (to Panini III, 1, 109). But if this be the case, this way of regarding the Padapathas ought to apply even more forcibly to the Pratisakhyas, whose very existence presupposes the pada text. As to the Kramapatha, to the description whereof the Rk Pratisakhya devotes so great a space, an allusion to it could be found in Panini IV. 2. 61, kramadibhyo vun teaching the formation of kramaka from krama, etc. But this sutra is not found in Patanjali. (The other words of the gana are pada, Siksd, mimd8d, sdman.) And it is indeed remarkable, as was pointed out already by Goldstucker (p. 195), that native tradition, which made Panini an isi of yore and his work the vyakarana of the Veda igas, knows nothing of the sacred character of the Pratisakhyas. To quote Goldstucker's own words : " Tradition even in India, and on this kind of tradition probably the most squeamish critic will permit me to lay some stress,-does not rank amongst the most immediate offsprings of Vaidik literature those works which apparently stand in the closest relation to it, -which have no other object than that of treating of the Vaidik texts of the Samhitas ;-but it has canonized Panini's Vyakarana, which, on the contrary, would seem to be more concerned with the language of common life than with that of the sacred hymns." Our conclusion should rather be the exact opposite of that urged by Max Muller, viz., that the RK Pratisakhya's own claim to be a Vedanga proves it to be a comparatively late work, for it presupposes the existence already of the Vedangas; the elaboration of the Veddngas being a This has been surmised already by Goldstucker who identified the commentator of Panini with the author of this Pratisakhya, and Max Mallor himself endorsed that opinion, of, the introduction to his edition of the Rk Pratiba khya, p. 6. Liebich, op. laud, p. 35, also believes Katyayana really to have been its author. 3 Cf. Skold, Papers on Panini and Indian Grammar in general (Lunds Universitets Azobkrift, 1925), pp. 8 899

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1026 Tradi process perhaps of centuries, one of the earliest works of that kind could not have mentioned that whole literary collection as already existing. This would be as absurd as if Shakespeare's very first play were to claim to be the first part of his collected works. : The Vyali Argument. Vyadi is quoted several times by the Rk Pratisakhya. In the commentary on the introduction to the Mahabhasya (kim punar nityah sabdah, etc.). Nagesa tells us that the samgraha alluded to by Patanjali is a work in 100,000 slokas written by Vyadi (Vyddikto laksaslokasamkhyo granthah). In the Uttarakanda of Ramayana, 36, 45, an allusion is also made to a samgraha, studied by Hanumant, and the commentator states the samgraha to be the work of Vyadi. Now Goldstucker drew attention to Patanjali's commentary on the second varttika of Panini's rule II. 3. 66, where the bhagyakara "as an instance thereof gives the phrase : "beautiful indeed is Da ksayana's creation of the Samgraha." We know that Panini's mother bore the name of Daksi. Now Daksayana, according to the rules for the formation of names, would mean a relation of Daksi, the son or a grandson, or of a later scion of the lineage of a family chief of that name. As the commentators of Panini agree in making Daksl" the female family head of the progeny of Daksa," Vyadi, according to Goldstucker," was a near relation of Panini, and Panini must have preceded him by at least two generations." If Max Muller retorts that at least three Vyadis are known-and as many (if not more) Sam grahas, one can reply truly that only one Vyadi is named as the author of a Sam graha, and only one Samgraha is accepted as the work of a Vyadi. But he does not deny that the instance quoted by Patanjali refers to this Vyadi, the author of the Samgraha. He urges that the rule, under which the name of Daksayana is quot. ed as an example, especially lays down the condition that the great-grandson, etc., should be called yuvan, only as long as the father, the elder brother or one of the old Sapindas are living; and he asks: "Was geschieht also, wenn diese gestorben sind ?" As far as I can see, this question is quite out of place. For when the rule was illustrated by the word. Daksayana, evidently the commentators meant that the conditions laid down in the rule did apply fully to this name; i.e., they presuppose a time when the father, etc., of Daksa yana was living. But when Max Muller states that yuvan names also, according to Panini, IV.1. 166, were given honoris causa, and that Daksi, Panini's mother, need not have been the daughter of the same Daksa, who was the great-grandfather of Daksayana, the correctness of his assertion, of course, cannot be denied. For, however likely the combination made by Goldstucker seems to be, I quito agree that it cannot be proved to stand beyond all doubts. But the same argument applies with greater force still to what Max Muller himself further says. For when he quotes a second-hand quotation from Somadeva found in the work of the Tibetan Taranatha, according to which Vyadi is described as the school-fellow of Panini and the teacher of Katyayana-Vararuci, this flatly contradicts another passage of Somadeva's work (Kathasaritsagara, ed. Brockhaus, I. p. 31) which makes Katyayana the elder of the two and relates how he was challenged to a dispute on grammar and was conquered by Panini. Thus, even if such late authors as Somadeva and Taran&tha really could be thought in one matter or another to have recorded an ancient tradition, this can in no way be the case on this point, for Somadeva, the earlier of the two, shows a profound ignorance of the chronology of Indian grammarians. Immediately after this quotation Max Maller concludes: "Konnten wir aber nicht entscheiden, ob der Verfasser des Samgraha derselbe war als der Vyali, welcher unter den bedeu. tendsten Siksi-Autoritaten vom Verfasser unseros Pratis&khya zitiert wird, so hatten wir

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OCTOBER, 1926] CHRONOLOGY OF PANINI AND THE PRATISAKHYAS 185 jedenfalls ein vollkommenes Recht zu schliessen, dase, wenn Vyali, der Verfasser des Sam graha, viel junge rwar als Panini, er unmoglich derselbe Vyali gewesen sein kanu, welcher das Pratisakhya zitiert. Now this is a petitio principii, presupposing that which ought to be proved; and Max Muller's other arguments have proved to be so feeble, that they can by no means make up for the lack of evidence in the Vyali question. First of all, I request, we know only of one Vyadi, who was the author of a Samgraha. The Pratisakhya can hardly be thought to refer to any other author. Now Vyadi is quoted by the Mahabharya to I. 2. 64. His school is referred to in the commentary on VI. 2. 36, in connection with that of other grammarians, thus: Apisala. Paniniya-Vyaliya Gautamiyah. Accordingly the Apisali school is made out to be the oldest one, while the school of Panini precedes that of Vyadi, this one being older than that of Gotama. The Trikandadesa II. 7. 24. 25, also puts Vyadi after Panini, but makes him older than Katyayana (the epithet of Vindhyastha, which would be applicable to this last mentioned grammarian, is erroneously transferred on Panini). It thus seems probable that Vyadi is later than Panini, but older than Katyayana and (of this there can be no doubt) older than Patanjali.* I may point out another fact which corroborates my contention, viz., that the Vyadi of the Rk Pratisakhya must be a grammarian who worked after the time of Panini. This same Pratisakhya in rule 509 (according to Muller's numeration) quotes the opinion of a certain Kautsa. Now the Mahabhasya also refers to a Kautsa sub. III, 2, 108; "als spezieller Zeitgenosse, und wie es scheint Schuler Panini's ", according to Weber (the passage runs: upasedivan Kautsah Paninim). A Kautsa is also quoted by the Nirukta. Since to the best of our belief no work of any Kautsa has been handed down to us, a wide field for conjecture lies open; and he who believes in the priority of the Rk Pratisakhya might well retort that more than one Kautsa must have existed. This possibility I do not deny. But, until the contrary is proved, I maintain emphatically that, if the name of a certain grammarian is quoted in different grammatical works and if we have no proof of the existence of more than one grammarian of that name, it is in the highest degree probable that all the grammatical works.refer to one and the same individual grammarian. Belvalkar's Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, p. 27, places Vyadi between Panini and Patanjali,

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1926 TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL, TRANSLATED BY A. BUTTERWORTH AND PROFESSOR S. KRISHNASWAMI ALYANGAR, . (Continued from page 167.) . Hymn (2) 1. Of the Great and Marvellous Splendour which hath no beginning nor end, we sing. Hearing us sing, canst Thou, O damsel with the bright long eyes, Sleep on? That ear of Thine, is it the ear of deafness? The sound of adoration in praise of the Great God's broad anklet Hath spread through the street, yet sighing, sighing, lost to reality, She turneth on her flowerful couch ; She lieth there, as if she were naught. Why thus, why thus ! Is this the measure of the friendship of our friend? El Or, Our Lady. 2. Transported day and night by devotion to the divine Glory, When shall we speak His praise, if now thou art Of this flowery couch enamoured, O maid with faultless gems adorned ? Ye beauteously bejewelled ones! Shame on you! Are these also trifles ? Is this the place for sporting and for jest? The Heavenly High One whose flowerlike feet the Gods themselves In shamefast fear do shrink from praising, Those feet the Light Sublime hath come to bestow Upon those his devotees assembled in Tillai's court; They are those in His affection wrapt ; but who are we? El Or, Our Lady. 3. O thou whose smile is bright as a pearl Thou who wouldst stand before us and say in words of swelling sweetness, "Our Father, the Bliss eternal, Ambrosia divine," come thou and open the door Ye that are devout, ye of old attachment to the Lord, ye of disciplined conduct, Would it come amiss if ye overlook our unworthiness and accept us as novices in service unto Him? Is this a trick? Do we not, all of us, know the measure of your Love? Will not those of devout mind sing the glory of our Siva ? Verily all of this we do deserve. El Or, Our Lady. O thou whole smile is a splendid pearl, even now hath it not dawned ? Have all come babbling like the tinted parrots ? We will count and then tell you if they have, meanwhile Waste not thy time in useless sleep, but with melting heart Sing of Him who is the unequalled Elixir (balm) of heaven, Of Him who is the Veda's highest meaning, of Him Whose look is balm to the eye. Singing, dissolve in inmost ecstasy of heart. Nay, we will not; count thyself. If the number fall short On thy count, then go to sleep. El Or, Our Lady. 6. Lady whose mouth floweth with milk and honey, who mockingly Utterest falsehoods, telling that such as we do know Him whom, as mountain, Mal knew not, the Four faced saw not, open the gateway. Although we raise the cry Sivan 'Sivan ', singing to the Majesty of Him Whom Earth and Heaven and all the rest have never known And His purifying Goodness which graciously bringeth us beneath His sway, Thou wilt not understand us; lo, thou wilt not wake up. And in this state art thou, lady of the perfumed looks. El Or, Our Lady.

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OCTOBER, 1926) TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL 187 6. O Fawn, albeit yesterday Thou didst say "To-morrow will I myself awaken you," declare without shame To what quarter did that promise of thine go; for hath it not already davned? He who is beyond the knowledge of Heaven itself and Earth and all things besides, Himself will come and, in His grace cherishing us, will accept us in service. Thou wilt not open thy lips to us who have come to thee singing the glory of His jewelled feet. Thou wilt not let thy flesh melt in devotion to Him. This alone is conduct befitting the Sing thou of Him who is Lord of us and of all others besides. El Or, Our Lady. 7. Mother, are these things too but trifles ? When thou hearest described The auspicious signs of Him who is incomprehensible to the many Immortals, The One, the Greatly Splendid, thou openest Thy lips uttering the name " Sivan." Before one hath cried out "O Thou of the South", thou wilt melt like wax near fire ; "Mine Own, my King, Sweet Ambrosia " we, all of us, Have cried, each of us by herself apart, and dost thou still lie asleep? Like the hard-hearted fools thou in silence liest. What is the nature of thy sleep? El Or, Our Lady. The cock croweth and birds cry all round. The flute soundeth and concbes ring all round. Of the Incomparable Supreme Splendour, of the Incomparable Supreme Mercy We sang in terms of the highest meaning ; didst thou not hear ? May thou prosper! What sort of sleep is this? Prithee open thy lips. Is this ever the way that the love of Vishnu executeth itself ? Of the One which abideth as the First from all Eternity, Of Him who is always on the side of the humble, 20 sing, El Or, Our Lady. 9. O ancient Being, essence of all that is the primal ancient essence, 0 Thou, who art also even that which is the newest, We who are slaves of Thy glorious feet, having obtained Thee as our Lord, will worship at the feet of Thy servants; to such we will give our allegiance. May such men become our husbands ; in such manner as They please to say, we will obediently serve them as their slaves; O our King, if thou but favour us with this kind of life, We shall be lacking in naught. El Or, Our Lady. 10. Beneath the sevenfold Underworld is the ineffable foot-blossom. The flower-crowned head is of all the universe the very Head. The sacred form, on one side woman, is not alone His form. Although the Heavenly Ones and earth praise Him as the Vedas' beginning, He is the one indescribable Friend, who abideth ever in the devout. Oye girls within the temple of Him faultless abide. What is His town! What is His name? Who are His kinafolk Who are strangers to Him! In what manner shall He be sung! El Or, Our Lady. 11. Entering the broad and crowded tank, with splashing We have bathed, scooping up (the water) with our hands, having hymned Thine anklet, 30' Him who is in part woman is also another interpretation. but it has no appropriateness here where Siva's grace to devotees is the theme.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1926 We, Thy servants for generations, O Lord ! are happy. Thou who as the precious fire Art red ; Thou who wearest the white ashes ; Thou blest with the highest wealth; Thou Bridegroom of the small-waisted woman with the wide, black eyes; Ah Lord, in Thy merciful sport of accepting service and saving souls, what of obser vances Those who would be saved perform, all such have we finished performing. Guard us in Thy mercy that we weary not. El Or, Our Lady. 12. The Pure One whom we praise in noisy dance that the woes which bind to birth may seve, The Dancer, that, in the Court of Tillai, like flame of fire doth dance, Having, in sport, this sky, the earth and all of us Protected, created, destroyed Discoursing of His greatness, with bracelets tinkling, long jewelled-girdles Sounding like laughter, and beetles buzzing over our coiled hair, Let us bathe, in the tank bright with flowers in bloom, scooping up the water, All the time singing of the glory of the golden feet of Our Lord. El Or, Our Lady. 13. Because of the dark blossoms of bright kuvalai (eye of Parvati), because, of the bright bloom of red lotuses, (eye of Siva), Because of the swarms of pretty little birds (white bracelets of conch-shell) there, because of their cries too (Cobras, as armlets of Siva). Because of the throng of those who come to wash impurity from their bodies, This bubbling pool is like our Lady Parvati and our Lord Siva in one. Leap into it, again and again, With our shell-bracelets tinkling, with ankle-rings jingling together, With our bosoms swelling, and the water swelling up around us, Leap into the water abloom with lotuses and take your bath. El Or, Our Lady. 14. With ear-rings waving, with bright, bejewelled trinkets waving, With garlanded tresses waving, while the swarming beetles waver, In the cool water bathe. Singing of the "Small Court", Singing of Him who is the Vedas' meaning, singing how He happened to become that meaning, Singing of the power of the Supreme Light, singing of His encircling wreath of cassia, Singing of the power of Him as the Beginning of all, singing likewise of Him as the end of all, Take thou thy bath, singing, the praise of the feet Of the Lady who changeth, saveth, exalteth us. El Or, Our Lady. Once and again crying "My Lord ", she $1 did never Oase, To belaud the greatness of Our Lord, her heart rapt in joy, Her eyes wet with the increasing flow of tears ; She would now and then worship Him by falling upon the earth but would not worship the Gods of Heaven. Him who, in this wise, maddens his worshippers In extending to them His Grace, Him, will we sing full-mouthed, O ye women with heaving and adomed bosoms let us sport and bathe In the water fragrant with beautiful flowers. El Or, Our Lady. 31 This has been held to refer to one of the 63 Saiva devotees who is described the "Lady of Karaikkal", as she had forgotten her own name.-E.

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OCTOBER, 1926 ] TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL - 189 16. Rain-cloud that first drainest the sea, then risest up Gleaming like Her, our Owner, glittering and shining Like the slender waist of Her who holdeth us as thralls, Tinkling like the golden, lovely anklet on the Queen's foot, Bearing a bow like Her sacred eyebrow, pour thou forth Rain like the sweet grace which she our Mother, She who holdeth us as thralls, Showereth down upon us all, mindful of those Who love Our Lord, the King who never is apart from Her. El Or, Our Lady. 17. Such delight as He in us findeth is not in the Red-eyed One, Nor in Him who faceth the quarters, nor in the Gods, nor elsewhere. Thou lovely one whose black locks absorb perfume ! Singing of Him, who exalted us, Who arriving here in His grace in all our homes, In grace tendereth the ruddy lotus of His golden foot, The King of the gracious look, the ambrosia precious to us slaves, Our Princo ; plunge in the fair and shining water, Bestrewn with lotus blooms, and bathe. El Or, Our Lady. 18. The sun hath arisen with his effulgent beams and hath hidden himself behind a dark cloud ; The stars are passing out of sight having lost their light thereby; As the bright gems in the crowns of the Gods lose their lustre When they come to worship at the feet of the Lord of Annamalai ; As Male, as Female, as Neither, as Heaven filled with glowing light, As Earth, as something different from these, As visible Ambrosia, He standeth. Sing his anklet, O maiden, and spring into the flowery flood and bathe. El Or, Our Lady. 19. "The child in Thy hand, in Thee hath its refuge". In fear as we renew that old saying 0, Lord of us all, let us but ask this one boon of thee. Listen to our prayer. Let our breasts be never for those that love Thee not. Let our hands do no work not of service unto Thee. By night and by day let our eyes see naught but Thee. If thou but grant this to us, O Lord ! What mattereth it to us where the Sun riseth. El Or, our Lady. 20. Hail! May Thy foot-blossom which is the Beginning, be gracious. Hail! May Thy rosy, tender (feet) which are the End, be gracious.. Hait! The golden foot which is the source of all life. Hail! The flowery anklets which are the Bliss of all things living. Hail! The twin feet which are the Goal of life to all that live. Hail! The lotus which even Mal and the Four-faced could not see.. Hail! The golden blossoms which graciously accept our service, give us life. Hail! May we bathe in Margali. El Or, our Lady. Supplementary Note. This festival seems to be an old time ceremony observed by the people of India generally. There is a description of the ceremony, at least a few essential details of it, in Book X, chapter 22 of the Bhagavata Purana. According to this the ceremony was performed during the

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1928 whole of the first month of the dewy season (hemanta), that is, the winter. The whole body of the girl folk of the cowherd settlement turn out for a bath in the Jamna at dawn or morning twilight, and perform the worship of the Goddess Durgao', fashioned out of sand and placed in a position in the river bed itself. Throughout the period they had to be on a regulated diet, and made various offerings in the shape of songs, flowers, fruit, etc., praying all the while that the Goddess may grant them for their husband, Krishna. According to this version, the ceremony lasted throughout the month, and came to a close at the end of it. The object here is the securing of a husband of their hearts' desire. Even so it seems to be something of a modification of an already existing festival, the object of which was not merely the attainment of the desired husband, but also the getting of timely rain for the benefit of the whole community. The actual festival seems to have lasted a whole month that is, the whole month of Margali. What actually was the morth, when it began and when it ended are not defined to us. The Bhagavata Purana describes it in general terms as the first month of the hemanta season, thus indicating that the ceremony was of a month's duration. This is described, however, in the Tiruvadavurar Puranam as taking place "in the month of Margali, lasting for only ten days before the nakshatra Ardra, (Adirai)."23 But this statement apart the month would have ended in the nakshatra Ardra, that is the full moon of the month, and therefore, it would have been a purnimanta (month), that is, a month ending in the full moon according to Bhagavata Purana as stated above. The festival was primarily intended for the worship of Durga, and had for its objects the attainment of two worldy benefits: the public benefit of timely rain, and the individual benefit of a desirable husband. This is described in an old poem in the collection Paripadal under the name Tainniradal (bath of Tai). The festival is supposed to be begun, by learned Brahmans, in the Ardra Nakshatra at the end of the rainy season. The purpose of the festival, as given, is a prayer that the earth may be cooled by seasonal rain. The same institution is described as Amba Adal, the celebration, or the festival of Amba, which is only another name for Durga. The celebrants were unmarried girls, who go through the bath in the presence of their mothers, and are put through it by elderly Brahman ladies, practised in the performance of these ceremonies. This description occurs in a poem glorifying the river Vaikai flowing by Madura, and is more or less of a general character. There the name of the festival is given as Tainniradal. It is thus clear that the old world popular institution was a bathing festival, which lasted through the whole month, and came to a close at the end of it. The purpose of the festival is a prayer to the Goddess Durga that girls may secure eligible husbands, and people may be happy with abundant rainfall. This annual festival is made use of by the poets here for their own particular purpose, which is an exhibition of unalloyed devotion to the God of each one's choice. Anda! or Kodai makes use of the story to express in her own fervid manner the affectionate enjoyment of God in the form of Krishna in her poem. Manikkavasagar in his own characteristic way wishes to exhibit his feelings of analloyed devotion to Siva, using the same machinery for the purpose. The two poems, therefore, are subjective in character, and their purpose is clearly the exhibition of one's feeling of devotion and nothing else. The objective outward description takes in all the details of erotio affection of the Gopis for Krishna, and, perhaps in a somewhat less fervid fashion, Manikkavasagar has used the prayers of the young women folk for attaining their object, the securing of husbands devoted to the service of Siva. 32 Pavai or Amba both have the significance, and fri as Mr. B. takes it in his note above. 23 Tiruvambala ocharukham, 40.

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OCTOBER, 1926] TWO TAMIL HYMNS FOR THE MARGAZHI FESTIVAL The festival as an institution is not altogether a dead institution. It would appear a festival like that is still celebrated in the month of Margali in the Malabar country, where women enjoy themselves in a bath in groups with songs and festivities, more or less of a similar chacracter. As far as it is possible to make out the songs seem to be the songs addressed to the God of Love, and the object seems to be the securing of husbands of their own liking. The poetess Andal in the Tiruppavai dacad (10) describes the festival in the month of Tai where this God of Love is worshipped with a view to securing the desired husband. Whether the Malabar festival has reference to the Margali bath, or the Tai festival cannot be decided without the full details of the festival being obtained, which must be left over for another occasion. Neither of them seems to have any connection with the Holi festival as it ordinarily obtains in Northern India, and, to perhaps a smaller extent, in the South. It seems further to be distinct from the so-called Margali or Tiruvadirai festival. The Tai festival according to Andal seems to have lasted on to the Panguni month, and was a festival intended to propitiate the God of Love. As such it has to be regarded as quite distinct from the Margali festival. The Malabar festival already referred to seems to be one more akin to the Tai festival than to the Margali bath, having regard merely to the object aimed at, and the God to be propitiated. It is interesting to note that an inscription of 1530 in the Govindaraja Temple at Tirupati refers to the festival of the Margali but in connection with Andal which began on the 24th of the month and lasted for 7 days, the festival actually coming to a close on the Kanu day i.e., the 2nd day of the month of Tai under the current system. Two of the Malabar songs were copied and sent on to me at my request and on examination prove to be songs relating to the abduction of Subhadra by the Pandava hero Arjuna, her cousin. This is an indication that the festival such as is celebrated at present is not the original one, if there had been such, but one into which the cult of Krishna had been introduced. The purpose of Goda in the first poem is merely to give expression to her enjoyment of the object of her devotion, that is, Vishnu. In the form of Krishna he is the beloved of the girl folk of the cowherd settlement at Gokulam. Goda puts herself subjectively in the position of the whole body of girls and enjoys mentally all that she believes they had enjoyed of him. This has the outward appearance of mere desire of the flesh, but is actually nothing more than a mere mental attitude, and as such free from all taint of physical love. To those that cannot rise to the height of this abstraction, it presents the carnal aspects and may even lead to abuse, as in fact it has in its onward development. But the actual purpose of the author is by a mere recital of her intellectual experience to bring home to those that may not have attained to her level, the idea of the bliss there is in it. 191 In Manikkavasagar's poem a similar purpose runs through it. The subject is brought with severe simplicity to the ultimate idea of the prayer of the girls that they may have for their husbands those devoted to Siva. Otherwise the machinery is the same. The songs are sung in praise of Siva-the pleasure in the sight, the delight in the proximity and the ineffable happiness of union with the Godhead. This poem is given a Tantric exposition as the other one a philosophic, and both of them may be brought into the realm of philosophy each in its own particular way-S.K.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1926 THE RECOVERY OF THE GREAT BELL OF THE SHWE DAGON PACODA AT RANGOON. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. IN 1895 the late Mr. T. Hesketh Biggs published a small book on the Great Shwe Dagon Pagoda at Rangoon, and regarding that work the late Mr. (afterwards Sir Frank) McCarthy of the Rangoon Gazette wrote to me on the 18th February 1896 that " he says the story of the salvage of the big bell (the Mahaganda at the Shwe Dagon Pagoda) by the Burmese from the Rangoon river is a myth. I have a distinct recollection that you told me one evening at the Gymkhana Club [at Rangoon) the history of the rescue. Can you set the matter at rest? There is some controversy about it here." I was then at Port Blair in the Andaman Islands, and I have with me still all - the correspondence which ensued in the Rangoon Gazelle and its Weekly Budget. I publish it here, as it is of general interest and worth-preserving. On 11th March 1896, Mr. Hesketh Biggs wrote from Calcutta, acknowledging that he had made a mistake, as follows:-"The letter of your correspondent, O.L., in your issue of the 9th February1 settles the question of the story of the Pagoda Bell. I can only express my regret for my mistake, which I shall correct. In explanation of the view I took, I should say that in none of the accounts of the first (Burmese) War I was able to procure in Rangoon was there any mention of the story of the bell, and I was most positively assured by an old Burman, who was well acquainted with the history of the Pagoda, that there was no found. ation in fact for it. It seemed to me also incredible that the Burmang could have raised the bell from such a river as the Irrawaddy if it had fallen in any distance from the shore, and I, therefore, came to the conclusion that the story of this bell had become confused with that of the bell of Dhammacheti, which was sunk in the Poozoondoung creek. "I have come across another account of the recovery of the bell in a work entitled "Two years in Ava from May 1824 to May 1826" by an officer (Tarrant) of the Quarter Master General's Department, published in 1827. From his account the bell was rescued by the British, assisted by the Burmans, and it evidently sank not far from the river bank. The writer states; We made an attempt in April 1825 to send the great bell to Calcutta, and suoceeded with much labour and difficulty in embarking it on a raft to carry it alongside the Sulimany. The raft pushed off. Thousands of Burmans were looking on deploring the loss of 80 revered a relio of former times, when on a sudden it heeled over and sunk. There it remained for some months, but in January 1826 we raised it from the river, with the assistance of the population of Rangoon and replaced it in the Pagoda.'" Communications between Rangoon and Port Blair in 1896 were infrequent and very slow, so my reply to Sir Frank MoCarthy's letter was not published till 24th March 1896, when the following paragraph appeared in the Weekly Budget: "A correspondent, who is & recognized authority on Burmese antiquities, sends us a communication on the recent dispute about the great bell of the Pagoda. He is at too great a distance to have seen the later communications which set at rest the doubt as to the Adventures of the great bell. He says: 'There are two large bells on the platform of the Shwe Dagon: one of nine tons, placed at the South-East corner by Tharrawaddy in 1842 to replace one on the same spot, presented by Dhammacheti of Pegu about 1460 and subsequently removed and dropped in the Pazundaung Creek by Maung Zinga (Philip de Brito) about 1600; the other of 22 tons, the Mahaganda (or great bell), presented by Shinbyuyin in 1768 and dropped by the English in the Rangoon River, being removed and replaced in January 1826 by the Burmese. J. E. Alexander saw and described the operations, Travels from India to England, * 1827, p. 46." This is the passage recently quoted in our columns from Alexander's book. 1 This letter is not now forthcoming.

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OCTOBER, 1926 ] THE GREAT BELL AT RANGOON 193 Our correspondent continues: "I went into the subject of Burmese bells some time ago to settle a question of the Burmese method of gauging weight and the following quotations may be of use to those who have libraries and wish to read up details on this interesting Bubject. Laurie's Second Burmese War, Rangoon, p. 126; Bigandet's Gaudama, Trubner's edition, vol. 1, p. 74, foot-note; Malcom's Travels, vol. I, p. 247; Yule's Ava, p. 171 ; Strettell's Ficus Elastica, p. 48; Colquhoun's Amongst the Shans, p. 138, but this last only describes a fabulous bell at Zimme said to weigh 183 tons. The Myingun Bell near Mandalay weighs only 80 tons." This was followed in the Weekly Budget (2nd May 1896) by a letter from Maulmein, dated 27th April 1896, by a correspondent, who signed himself " Another Old Resident :" "I am glad to learn, from your issue of 24th instant, that Mr. Hesketh Biggs has inserted in his book a correction of the statement about the sinking of the great bell in the Rangoon river. Shway Yoe should make a similar correction of his errors. By following Captain Forbes he has created confusion. In chapter XV on Pagodas, he says that the Maha Ganda, the bell which the English attempted to take away after the second Burmese war, was presented by King Tharrawaddy in 1840 on the occasion of a state visit to Rangoon and the pyah.' No bell was presented in 1840, but one was cast, by order of the King, in February 1843, particulars of which were given in the extracts from the Maulmain Chronicle which I sent with my letter of 20th February 3 The Maha Ganda was cast some years before. The inscription on it states the date, the weight and dimensions, viz., "Year of the establishment of religion 2322, era 1140,4 11th day of the waxing of the moon Ta-bo-dwe, after the 3rd Watch, the position of the stars being propitious, with metal weighing 15,555 piek-tha, dia meter 5 cubits, height 7 cubits 12 inches, circumference 15 cubits, thickness 12 inches, the bell is cast, and to the Monument of the Divine Hair the King presents an act of homage.' The bell was ordered to be cast in 1138 (B.E.), and the casting was only completed in 1140. The Editor of the Chronicle said in the issue of 29th March 1843, that the former date was "about seventy years ago in the reign of Tsenkoo, grandson of Aloungpara," which would be about A.D. 1773, The correspondent you quote in your issue of 17th March, says that the Maha Ganda was presented by Shinbyuyin in 1768. Which is correct ? 6 "The weight stated in the inscription is equal to about 25 tons, your correspondent puts it down as 22, and states that the one presented by Tharrawaddy in 1842 (?) weighs 9 tons. There is evidently some confusion here, as Tharrawaddy's bell is the larger of the two and was computed by the Editor of the Maulmain Chronicle at about 50 tons. The weight givin by Captain Forbes, Shway Yoe, and Bishop Bigandet, Life of Gaudama, vol. I note on page 74) of 94,682 lbs. refers to the bell cast for Tharrawaddy in 1843 (the Bishop efroneously says 1842) and not to the Maha Ganda. "It is by the mixing of these two bells that the error has arisen. In the weight given by Mr. Hesketh Biggs of 26,533 viss, there must be one figure wrong, as the inscription says 15,555, which would make about 25, not 41 tons. "I have a photograph of the bell which was removed in 1825, taken in February this year It corresponds with the description given by the writer of Two Years in Av in having two griffins on the handle. The rim has the broken appearance it had when I first saw it, otherwise the bell does not appear to be changed. "To set the question of weights and dimensions at rest, some one, with a competent knowledge, should monsure the bells and calculate their weights." On 16th May, 1896, a letter from myself to Sir Frank McCarthy produced the following paragraph in the Rangoon Gazette. "A correspondent who is perhape our greatest living Sir George Scott, The Burman. 8 Not now forthcoming. 6 B.E. = A.D. 1778. 6 The Inscription on the Bell gives A.D. 1778.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1926 authority on such matters, sends us some very interesting information on the point raised in these columns some time since as to the weight of the great bell. The notes, he says, were prepared for quite another purpose originally. At any rate they serve to show where Forbes and Shway Yoe got their information. That the old priests of Burma intended to calculate weights in the old familiar Indian style of pala and tula, whatever weights they meant by these denominations, is clear from the statement in the Kalyani Inscriptions that King Dhammacheti presented to the chetiya at Tirumpanagara, that is, to the Shwe Dagon Pagoda at Rangoon, a large bell made of brass, weighing 3,000 tulas.' Taking the tula at about 145 ounces troy, that is, about ten pounds avoirdupois, we get the weight of this bell to be about 11-2/5 tons :-a weight, it may be said, more than doubled by the Mahaghanta, or Great Bell, of the same Pagoda, cast by King Tharawadi in 1842 and usually said to weigh over 25 tons; while King Bodawphaya's (1781-1819) bell at Myingun weighs about eighty tons (Phayre, History of Burma, p. 219). "King Dhammacheti's bell, the Trustees of the Shwe Dagon Pagoda say, never reached, the Pagoda, having been dropped in the stream near Rangoon, known as the Pazundaung creek. It may, however, be there nevertheless, as the second large bell in the North East corner of the Pagoda platform was the great bell of the war of 1824 and was then estimated to weigh 18,000 lbs. or about eight tons. (See Lawrie, Second Burmese War, p. 126). "There is a valuable note on the two great bells in Bigandet's Life of Gaudamu, Oriental Series Edition, volume I, p. 74. The Bishop makes the weight of the Mahaghanta to be 94,682 pounds plus 25 per cent. to be added for copper, gold and silver thrown into the mould by the devout during the process of casting. This gives us two weights of about 42 tons and 50 tons respectively. The Bishop also says that the Myingun bell is supposed to exceed 200,000 lbs. in weight, i.e., more than 89 tons. The measurements he gives of the two bells [at Rangoon] show that his statement of 42 tons for the weight of the Mahaghanta must be nearer the truth than the usual 25 tons. Other references to the subject will be found in Yule's Ava, p. 171; Strettell's Ficus Elastica, p. 48; Malcolm's Travels, II, 247." Our correspondent, commenting on the hopelessness of collecting local historical information accurately, says: "I may mention that my attempts at finding out the history of the lost bell above-mentioned have resulted in these astounding statements: In 1468 Dhammacheti had the bell cast at the Pagoda itself, but before he could put it up, Maung Zinga (Philippe de Brito) removed it in a steamer (sic) when it got lost in the Pazundaung Creek.' But Dhammacheti flourished 1460-1491 A.D. and Maung Zinga was in Burma 1600-1613 A.D."

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OOTOBER, 1926) A NOTE ON QUEEN MINAKSHI OF MADURA 195 A NOTE ON QUEEN MINAKSHI OF MADURA. BY A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B. A. A COPPER-PLATE record of Queen Minakshi, the last of the Nayaka rulers of Madura, came up recently for my examination. It is composed in Telugu, the court-language of the Nayakas, and is engraved also in Telugu characters. The sign-manual of the Queen- Mindkshamma-vrdlu' is incised in the fourth line on the second side of the plate. The record is dated on the 12th day of the month of Magha, in the cyclic year Kalayukti corresponding to Saka 1660, which was a Friday with Punarvagu-nakshatra and whose English equivalent was February 9, A.D. 1739. It registers that the Queen was pleased to make a gift to a Muhammadan priest named Imam-Sahibu of a piece of land having the sowing capacity of one kottai of seed, in Sivalapperi alias Muddu-Ven katalakshmipatiBhupalasamudram in the Naiguneri taluk of the Tinnevelly district. This district has been described in this document as having belonged to the Tiruvadi-rajya (Travancore) forming part of the Trichinopoly-Madhura-samsthanam, which had been bestowed on the Nayaka rulers by their overlords, the Vijayanagara emperors. The genealogy furnished in this document covers only three generations, namely, Chok! kanatha-Nayaka of the Kasyapa-gotra,-a descendant of Visvanatha-Nayaka, the origina founder of the Madura Nayaka dynasty-his son Rauga-Muttuvirappa, and his son VijayarangeChokkanatha. Minakshi was the queen of this last-mentioned ruler, and she occupied the Madura throne on the death of her husband early in A.D. 1732, with headquarters at Trichinopoly. The importance of this record lies in the fact that it mentions Queen Minakshi to be alive in February 1739, whereas either 17361 or 1737' has hitherto been accepted to have been the year of her death, or rather suicide. The Maduraittala-varaldru 8 fixes her demise three months later than the date of this Telugu record, and as there are no reasons for suspecting the genuineness of this latter, the Varaldru's account appears to receive fresh confir. mation. A few other Nayaka rulers and Setupati chiefs are also known to have made simi. lar donations to Muhammadan mosques; but this gift of the Nayaka queen may have the additional significance, that it was due to her subservience to her captor Chanda.Sahib. 5 The prefatory portion of this copper-plate record is subjoined: Svasti Sri Vijayabhyudaya Salivahana Sakabdambbulu 1660 Prabhavadi samvvatsarambbulu midatan-aguneti Kalayukti-nama samvvatsaram makha su. 12 Sukra varamrnnu punarvasu-nakshatramunnu subhayoga subhakaranamunnu kadina subha-dinamanddu srimat Kasyapa-gotra-jatulaina Madhura-samsthanadhipati Visvanatha-Nayanayyavari vamsamandu jatulaina Chokkanatha-Nayanayyavari pautrulaina Ranggaksishna Muddu-Virappa Nayanayyavari putrulaina Vijayarangga-Chokkanatha-Nayanayyavari pattamahishi-aina SriMindshammagaru pakiri - guruvulu Iman-Sayibuku ichchinatamra-sisana kramam etlannanu Sriman mahamandalesvara maharaja-raja-makutopalalita akhanddita-sammrajya-lakshmi. nivasa bhutadeva maharajulaina Sri-Rayaladevunivaru ma ku palimchchi ichchina Tiruchanapalle-Madhura-samsthanamamddu Tiruvadirajyana Tinne vellilocherina Sivalapperiki pratinamamaina Muddu-Venkatalakshmipatibhupala-samudramulo Pedda-cheruvu kindda ... vittanam, kota inni etc. 1 History of the Nayaks of Madura (R. Satyanatha, 1924), p. 234. 3 Indian Antiquary, 1917, p. 213. 3 Mudaraittala-varala ru, (Sangam edition), p. 6. Also Nayaka History, op. cit., p. 378. 4 Sewell's List of Antiquities, vol. II. 6 It may be noted that six years later in Saka 1666 (A.D. 1745) Sheik Ahmad Kabir, son of this Im AmAhib was the recipient of some gifts from Mafuz-Khan. The Tinnovelly District came to be con sidered at this time as the southern governorship of the Arkadu-Trichinopoly vioeroyalty, which was subordinate to the Hyderabad Dominions.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( OCTOBER, 1926 MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA FROM THE COLLECTION MADE BY TEE LATE DR. W. OROOKE, C.I.E., D.C.L., F.B.A. (Continued from page 158.) Muhammadan Songs. 1. I am his devotee. Sung by 'Abdu'l-Chani of Dehra. Recorded by Khalil of Dehra. Text. Apne piya ki main jogin bani. Apne sai wariya ki main jogin bani. Apne balama ki main jogin bani. Apne pyare ki main jogin bani. . Taga ho, to top dui; re, prft na tori jaya. --- Aur kaghaz ho, to banch lun; re, karan na banch jaya. Apne paja ki main jogin bani. 3. Sun le, ai mati ke deote, tu meri ardas. Paja milan ki rat hai: tu jaliyo sdri rat. Apne piya ki main jogin bani. Translation. I have become the devotee of my love. I have become the devotee of the swarthy one. I have become the devotee of my husband. I have become the devotee of my beloved. 2. If it be a thread, I can break it; but oh, the thread of love is not to be broken Or if it be a paper, I can read it ; but oh, my fate is not to be read. I have become the devotee of my love.. 3. Hear, oh earthen lamp: hear my prayer. To night I meet my husband : do thou burn all night. I have become the devotee of my love. 2. Bedecked as a bridegroom comes our dearest Ahmad. Recorded by Zakir 'Ali, teacher in the Town School, Itdwa. Text. Bana banay& dil Ahmad pyara. 1. Haqq ki Darg&h se ma-b&p ne pyara paya. Fatma pusht pai; Husnain hain ddei baen. Mere bare pai rahai, mere naushe pai rahai, sada Khuda ka saya. Bana bandy& dil Ahmad pyara. 2. Bani Khatan, bani dulha, bane Khuda bane. Sehara Jabardil jo laye tum ko mubarak howai. Band bandy& dil Ahmad pyara.

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Ostov v, 1926 ] MARRIAGE SONGS IN NORTHERN INDIA 3. Jab ki tashrif Nabi le chale mahara mahraj, Malak aur hur ne khushi hoke badhawa gaya. Bana banaya dil Ahmad pyara. Translation. Bedecked as a Bridegroom comes our dearest Ahmad. 1. His parents obtained the beloved from the Court of God: Fatima behind him and the Husnain 87 on his right and left. Upon my home and upon all of us may the shadow of God remain, Bedecked as a Bridegroom comes our dearest Ahmad. 2. Bedecked is Khatun,88 bedecked the bride, bedecked the people of God. May the garland of Gabriel which you have brought be a blessing. Bedecked as a Bridegroom comes our dearest Ahmad. 3. When the holy Prophet took his way to the bride's house, Happy angels and fairies sang songs of joy. Bedecked as a Bridegroom comes our dearest Ahmad. 3. My God and my Muhammad will come. Recorded by Zakir 'Ali, teacher in the Town School, Itawa. Text. Alla mere awainge: Muhammad &wainge. 1. Age Gaiga tham li : Jamna hilored leyin. Bich khari Bibi Fatima; ummat balainya leya. Allah mere awainge: Muhammad awainge. 2. Utara pasine nur ka hua chameli phul. Maliniyan gunthai sehra dulah bane Rasul. Allah mere awainge: Muhammad awainge, 3. Meri Murad mujhko milai Shahe Panj tan. Sadqa Hasan Husen ka aur shair Khuda ka. Allah mere awainge: Muhammad awainge. Translation. My God and my Muhammad will come. 197 1. The Ganges stopped its flow: the Jamna raised its waves. Between them stood Bibi Fatima, and the followers (Muslim) admired her. My God and my Muhammad will come. 2. The drops of her perspiration which fell were turned to jasmine flowers. The florists' wives were making garlands as the Prophet became a bridegroom. My God and my Muhammad will come. 3. O ye Five Royal Personages, give me my desire. Our offering is to Hasan and Husain and our prayer is to God.. My God and my Muhammad will come 89. 87 The two Hasan : Hasan and Husain. 88 Khatun is the name of the bride's maid-servant. s It will be observed that the Muhammadans are here following the Hindu custom of filling their marriage songs with allusions to their religious stories.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1936 4. Bring me Garlands of sowors. Recorded by Zakir 'Ali, teacher in the Town School, Itdwd. Text. Hariyale hamare bane ke luje sera guth lav, meri Maliniya. Sone ke sahra gutha, mori Maliniya, aur kofi ki kaliydi. Hariyale hamare bane ki luje sahara guth lav, meri Maliniya. Translation. O MAlini, bring garlands of fresh flowers and leaves for my bridegroom. String the garlands with golden thread, my Malini, and use flowers of water lilies. O MAlini, bring garlands of fresh flowers and leaves for my bridegroom. 5. Cut down the Mountain Bamboo, Father. Recorded by Zakir 'Ali, teacher in the Town School, Itaud. Text. Parbat baus kata, more babul. Nika manfawa chh&v re. Haryale ka mantawa chhav re. 2. Mathi ka, babul, tika dijo, aur motiya si zevare. Parbat baus kat&, more babul, Nikd manya mandya chh&v re. Haryale ka mandawa obhav re, 3. Nak ko, b&bul, besar dijo, aur chunniyon se zeware. Kanon ko, babul, bali dijo, aur pattoi se zeware. Gale ko, babul, hasali dijo, har hamelo zeware. Bahon ko, babul, niwal dijo, an wat bichhuon zeware. Shah ko, re babul, ghora, kamdhenu, chhohara. Ham ko, re babul, dola dijo, Awai pachheu baniyan. Ham ko, re babul, itna dijo, mebar rajon mera sadward. Ham ko, re babul, wo ghar dijo, sona ralai tarazu. Parbat bans kati, mere babul. Nika mandaya chawa re. Harylle k& mandwa chhav re. Translation l. Cut down the mountain bamboo, father. Make a shed for the marriage. Make a shed of green bamboos. 2. Mark his forehead with the tika father, give him jewels of pearl, Cut down the mountain bamboo, father. Make a shed for the mariage. Make a shed of green bamboos.

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OCTOBER, 1928 ) BOOK-NOTICES Give me a besar!0 for my nose, father, and jewels of gems. Give me earrings, father, and jewels of gold-leaf. Give me a necklace, father, and a jewelled garland. Give me for my arms, father, niwal, anwat and bichhud. Give to my king, father, a horse and kine and calves. Give me a palanquin, father, and maids to follow me. Give me all this, father, and the maharol of my dark bridegroom. Give me, father, to that household which weighsite gold in scales. 5. Cut down the mountain bamboo, father. Make a shed for the marriage. Make a shed of green bamboos. BOOK-NOTICES. DRAVIDIAN INDIA, by T.R. SESHA AIYANO AR, classical Tamil has exercised on the formation and M.A., M.R.A.S., F.R.H.S. development of both the Vedic and classical Sanskrit The problem of Dravidian History has not yet is gradually coming to be recognised by students been solved satisfactorily by any scholar. Mr. Sesha of Indian philology. Aiyan gar makes an attempt to unravel some of the On page 64 of his book, he rolor to the conoluknotty points in that problem. To be the author of sions arrived at by Mr. R. Swaminatha Iver. which & treatise on Indian History (though Dravidian) al 'knook the bottom out of the theory of Dravidian good knowledge of Sanskrit and Philology coupled influence over Sanskrit. Mr. Sesha Aiyangar shows with critical and historical acumen is necessary. The himself to be neither willing to acoept the viows of spelling of certain very common Sanskrit words Mr. Swaminatha Iyer, nor to offer a satisfactory ex. in English, as the following, bears sufficient testi planation himself. The more quotation of Pandit mony that the qualifications of the author are not Savarairoyan's views is no answer to the questions quite adequate. Mr. Aiyangar writes raised by Mr. Swaminatha Iyer. Moreover, some Kishkinds for Kiskindha of the derivations given by the author make curious Dundubhi reading : for instance, the derivations of : Botham Bodham Sanskrit. Tamil. Vivekanandha Vivekananda karnira from krumaannn Subramanya Subrahmanya mukta " muttu Ashwathama Afvathaman vrihi yfa Upam Yupam These are typical and they do credit to the Ukan Yakam, etc. enthusiasm of our author for everything Tamil These instances are chosen at random and there! One interesting feature of the book is that it is a are many more of such instances. catalogue of quotations from various sources, selec. Our author fails to recognize the importance of ted indiscriminately, without reference to the mat. Philology in the reconstruction of history and his want ter, whether it be spurious or otherwise. Evidently of acquaintance with it is clearly manifested by some he is labouring under the superstition that of his remarks. It has boon definitely proved once everything that appears in print is authoritative for all by Fortunatov, a French philologist, that the beyond dispute. In one place he remarks that Aryan cerebrals are the natural outcome of the Panini mentions 64 grammarians and that Indra is coalescence of the dental and the lingual 1. Mr. one among them. As a matter of fact, neither does Aiyangar yet clings to the exploded theory of Panini mention 64 grammarians, nor is Indra one Bishop Caldwell, who traces them to Dravidian in. of the grammarians mentioned by him. In certain fluences. Again, he holds the view that the un places the author acknowledges the sources of his cultured Vedic tongue ' resulted in the develop- information and in many places he does not. It is ment of classical Sanskrit, though scholars like hardly necessary to say more. It would be well it Grierson and others have proved that classica! Mr. Sesha Aiyangar could make sure of his facte Sanskrit had a collateral development with Vodie before launching into print-leaving aside his Sanskrit. It is surprising to note the confidence arguments. . with which he asserte the theory that the influence A Muhammadan woman's nose-omament of gold studded with gems. 1 The mehar is the dowry, which every bridegroom contracte to give his bride: generally of a value far beyond his moans. It is this dowry contract which binds the bridegroom to his bride. myd T. R. C.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1926 THE TAJ AND ITS ENVIRONMENTS, with 8 illus. trations from Photographs and 4 plans, by MAULVI MOIN-UD-DIN AHMAD, with a Foreword, by KHAN SAHIB SAIYAD ABU MOHAMMAD, M.A., Agra, 1924. This is a second and revised edition of a useful hand book to the famous Taj Mahal, which visitors to that peerloos monument of Mughal architecture will do well to study. For not only does it contain succinct accounts of the famous historical figures connected with the tomb and its neighbourhood, but it also supplios many details of the monument itself, culled from original sources, which are not to be found in the ordinary guide book. The opening pages are devoted to a short biographical account of Shah Jahan's queen, whose mental equipment and physical beauty were in no way inferior to those of her famous aunt, Nur Jahan: and the author incidentally endeavours to disprove the view that Shah Jahan was guilty of bigotry and that Mumtaz Mahal herself was in great measure responsible for this alleged shortcoming of the Emperor. While I am disposed to agree with the author that no blame on this score can attach to the queen, I hesitate to accept his statement that "Shah Jahan dealt with men of other religions as kindly as Jahangir and Akbar." This assertion strikes me as too sweeping, for it runs counter to the statement of that careful historian, Pringle Kennedy, to the effect that the reign of Shih Jah&n offers the first indication of the abandonment of the policy of toleration, devised by Akbar and followed by Jahangir. There is little reason to doubt that, not long after the death of Mumtaz Mahal, the emperor ordered the destruction of all temples throughout the empire, particularly in Benares, which had been begun but were still unfinished. The order could not be fully carried out: but its proinulgation is nevertheless indicative of a decided relapse from the wise tolerance of the previous reigns. In his discussion of the planning and construction of the Taj Mahal the author seems to stand on firmer ground. He gives from original sources the names of the chief architects, masons, artista etc., employed in designing and constructing this marvellous building, and the salaries which each of them drew, and thereby shows that the Taj Mahal owes nothing to European influence, but was purely the work of Indian, Persian, Arabian and Turkish craftsmen. The actual designer of this architectural masterpiece was one Isa Afandi, whom the author describes as a Turko-Indian; and his contention that the Italian, Geronimo Veroneo, had no part or share in the design, seems to me to rest on a basis of solid fact. This decision, therefore, disposes of the late Dr. Vincent Smith's view that the Taj is "the product of a combination of European and Asiatic genius". He disproves even more clearly the view that the Frenchman, Austin de Bordeaux, played a part in the decoration of the Taj. This erroneous opinion reste primarily upon Sleeman's misreading of Ustan for Ustad in the Persian account, and his mistake and his con. sequent blunders have in the past misled many writers. Mr. Moin-ud-din Ahmad has done well to lay the error finally to rest. The first half of this book is concerned with the structural details and measurements of the tomb, and its interior arrangement and workmanship; and gives the text and an-English rendering of the epigraphs in various parts of the building: while the later pages are devoted to a description of the Jilo-khana and other auxillary buildings, and to a brief account of the notable persons, e.g., Sati-un. nissa Khanam and Sarhindi Begam, whose tombe lie within the precincts. The author also investi. gates the question of the endowment assigned by Shah Jahan for the maintenance of the Taj, which apparently consisted of the revenues of 30 villages, supplemented by receipts from shope, bazaars and sarais. The gardens and buildings in the neighbourhood of the tomb are noticed, as also are the chief landmarks in the environs of Agra. Finally, an appendix containing descriptive accounts of the Taj Mahal by various authors of note, including Shah Jahan's own Persian verses on his wife's tomb, completes a careful and succinct summary of all facts and details of the history, construction, character, and cost of this priceless memorial of Asiatic art. 8. M. EDWARDES. INQUIRIES INTO THE POPULAR RELIGIONS OF CEYLON, Pt. I. Singhalese Amulete, Taliemans and Spelle, by DR. OTAKAR PERTOLD. Prague, Caroline Uni. versity. The above, at any rate, is the translation of the original title which runs: "S. Doc. Ph., Dr. Otakar Pertold, Prispevky ke studiu Lidovych Nabozenstir Ceylonskych : Cast prvnl; Simhalske Amulety, Talismany & Rikadla," The whole fasciculus is in Czekh and therefore useless to Indian scholars, and most English ones as well. This is a great pity, as it is clearly an earnest and useful study of a very interesting subject. At p. 87 is an English summary, which only enhances our regret that the whole of it is not in English. Perhaps some day the author may be induced to write it in that language. R. C. TEMPLE.

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NOVEMBER, 1920) 1)IC STUDI 201 VEDIC STUDIES. BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH, MA., Ph.1). 1. Nitya This is a very familiar word that occurs about thirty-eight times in the RV. and very frequently in the other Vedic texts and in later literature. The commentators, Indian as well as European, are at one in interpreting this word as (1) sviya, sahaja, own, and (2) dhruva, lasting, constant, perpetual, uninterrupted, imperishable, eternal, etc. In assuming the second of the above two meanings for this word in the RV, the commentators have been no doubt guided by the fact that the word nitya has that meaning in later texts. But as a matter of fact, this latter meaning is not appropriate and does not yield good sense in a number of passages--for instance, in 1, 66, 1 and 1, 185, 2 where nityah sunuh is explained by Sayana as dhruvah almajah, and by Ludwig as 'ein uberlebender Sohn' (1, 66, 1) and 'lebender Sohn' (1,185, 2); in 1, 166, 2 where nityam sanum is translated by Ludwig as 'cinen nicht absterbenden Sohn'; in AV. 7, 109 and Sankh. Gr. S. 3, 2, 6 and 8 where the expression nityavatait dhenuh is explained as cow with constant calf' by Whitney (AV. Translation) and unceasingly fertile cow' by Oldenberg (SBE., 29, 93); and in RV. 10, 39, 14 where nitya is found as the tertium comparationis in a simile. The other meaning own' is still less appropriate here, and it therefore becomes clear that in these and other similar passages the word nitya has a meaning different from the two mentioned above. What this meaning is, can be found out with the help of 1, 66, 1; 1, 166, 2 and 10, 30, 14, all which verses contain similes with nitya as tertium comparationis. In the first of these verses it is said that Agni is nitya As A son (sunu) in the second, that honey (madhu) is nitya as a son (sinu); and in the third, that a hymn of praise (stoma) is nitya as a son (sunu). A comparison therefore of the adjectives which these words-sunu, madhu, stoma and agni --receive in the RV., will show what characteristics are common to the things denoted by them and will thus determine the sense of nitya. Of these words, sunu receives the following adjectives-trayayayya, priya, marjya, vijd van, suci, suseva, hrdya and nitya; and madhu, the following, -adhigartya, aina pinaddha, kamyu, gorjika, ghrta, cari, tridhatu, divya, daivya, pakoa, parishikta, pushkare nishikta, pratibhyta, priya, madira, vdrana, sdragha, sukshaya, suta, som ya, sparha and nitya; while stoma has the following adjectives--akshitoti, agriya, antama, antara, apirvya, amanda, amrta, uruvyac, etasa, era, kamya, kratuman, giyamana, gir (?), drefka, dyuladyaman, dyumnin, dhanasi, namasvan, navajata, navya, nutana, purutama, puta, purvya, preshtha, madhumattama, madhyama, manasd vacyamana, mandin, mahat, ratnadhatama, rudriya (?), vanivan, vajayan, vahishtha, vidusha ardhya, santama, kasyamana, tulera, snci, susha, sishya, satrajit, addhu, sidhra, suvrkli (?), havishman, hida tashta, hrdisprk, and also nitya. It will be seen that the only adjective (besides nitya) common to the three words sunu, madhu and stoma is priya (in the case of stoma, we find instead of priya its superlative form preshtha) and the only characteristic that is common to the things denoted by these words is priyatva. Priya is used as an epithet of agni also in 1, 143, 1 ; 5, 23, 3; and 6, 1, 6, while Agni, further, is called priyandm preshthah once and purupriyah many times. Thus the only adjective (beside nitya whose meaning we are engaged in finding out) and the only characteristio that is common to the above-mentioned four words and the things denoted by them, is priya and priyatva ;1 which makes it probable that nitya means priya in the above passages, The probability, in this instance, is converted into certainty by the parallelism of priya and nitya in 1, 91, 8c: priydstotro vanaspatih and 9, 12, 78 : nityastotro vanaspatih. 1 This seems to have been felt by Grassmann also who in 1, 66, 1, has translated netyo na unus as wie eigener Sohn, lieb. Sayapa too, similarly explaine ney n d afinam in 1, 166, 2, a nityam aurasam priya putram iva.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1926 Nitya thus means priya, dear, pleasing, beloved, favourite. It has this meaning in the following pagsages : 1, 73, 4: tam tva naro dama &' nityam iddham agne sacanta kshitishu dhruvd'su adhi dyumnam ni dadhur bha'ry asmin . bhavi visva'yur dharuno rayind'm Men have worshipped in their firm dwellings, O Agni, thee that art dear and flaming; they have placed much splendour in him. Do thou become the bearer of riches, the vivifier of all". Compare the many passages where Agni is called priya, namely, 1, 26, 7; 1, 75, 4; 1, 91, 3; 1. 128, 7-8; 1, 143, 1; 2, 4,3; 5, 1, 9; 6, 23, 3; 6, 1, 6; 6, 2, 7; 6, 16, 42; 6, 48, 1; 7, 16, 1 ; 8, 84, 1; and also 6, 15, 6 (priyam-priyam); 1, 186, 3 and 8, 84, 1 (preshtham); and 8, 103, 1 (priyanam preshtham); compare also the passages where he receives the epithet purupriya (see Grassmann, 8.v.) and mandra (see ibid., s.v.). 7,1, 2: tam agnim aste vasavo ny invan supraticaksham avase kutas' cit daksha'yyo yo dama d'sa nityah 1 "The bright ones, for their protection from everything, set him down in the dwelling, Agni, beautiful to look at, who sat down in the house, dear and capable." The verse occurs in the first hymn of the seventh Mandala whose authorship is ascribed to the Vasish thas; and as the word vasishtha is the superlative of the word vasu, Sayana is perhaps right in saying that the word vasavak here refers to the Vasishthas. 3, 25, 5: agne apa'm sam idhyase durone nityah suno sahaso jatavedah 1 sadhasthani mahayamana uiti' || "Thou, the glorifier of dwelling-houses with thy protection, the beloved, art kindled in the abode of the waters, 0 Agni Jatavedas, son of strength." 5, 1, 7: pra nu tyam vipram adhvareshu sddhum agnim hotaram ilate namobhih! d'yas tata na rodasi tena nityam mrjanti vajinam ghrtena || "They worship him with adorations, Agni, the wise, the hotr, the ornament of the sacrifices, who extended the two worlds according to divine ordinance. They adorn (him), the beloved (like a) race-horse, with ghrta." 10, 12, 2: devo deva'n paribhu'r rtena vaha no havyan prathamas cikitva'n dhuma keluh samidha bha'rjiko mandro hita nityo vaca' yajiyan "The god (sc. Agni) encompasses the gods; bear thou, (O Agni), our offering (to the gods) according to divine ordinance, thou that art knowing, that art the first, smoke-bannered and with brightness as thy ornament (when kindled) with fuel, the pleasing beloved hot, that worshippest (the gods) better (than human hotrs) with thy voice." Compare 6, 1, 6: saparyenyah su priyo vikshv agnir hita mandro ni shasdda yajiyan | tam tvd vayam dama al *ddivd'unsam upa jnubd'dho namasd sadema and 1, 26, 7: priyo no astu vispatir hita mandro varenyah where the expression priyo mandro hota corresponds to nityo mandro hotd in this verse. Compare also 1, 44, 3: adya' dutam vrnimahe vasum agnim purupriyam | dhamaketum bha'rjikam vyushtishu yajna'nam adhvarasriyam 1, 66, 1: rayir na citrd' su'ro na samdr'9 ayur na prdno nityo na sunuk | "(Agni), brilliant like wealth, (effulgent) like the sun in appearance, vivifier like prina (the life-breath), dear like a son." Compare 1, 69, 5: putra na jato ranvo durone "pleasing in the house like a son that is born".

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NOVEMBER, 1926) VEDIO STUDIES 203 3, 15, 2: tvam no asyd' usha so vyushtau tvam su'ra udite bodhi gopa'h ! janmeva nityani tanayam jushasva stomam me.agne tanva sujata | "Become our protector when this dawn dawns and the sun rises ; cherish, O Agni well-born of thy own self, this (dear) praise of mine as a father (cherishes) his dear son." I follow Sayana in understanding janman as father in spite of its being accented on the root-syllable ; compare 7, 54, 2: pileva putra'n prati no jushasva and 10, 22, 3 : pita' putram iva priyam. Compare also 5, 42, 2 and 10, 119, 4 putram iva priyam. To nityam stomam here corresponde priyam brahma in 1, 75, 2, 5, 42, 2; 6, 85, 1; priyam manma in 6, 68, 9, 10, 54, 6; 10, 96, 11 ; 2, 41, 18; priya manisha in 6, 67, 2; preshtha matih in 7, 88, 1 ; preshtha sushtutih in 4, 43, 1; preshtham namah in 7, 36, 5; and preshthah stomah in 7, 34, 14 ; mandra gth in 7, 18, 3 and mandra hrdah in 8, 43, 31. 10, 39, 14: etam vam stomam asvinav akarma 'takshama bhr' gavo na ratham | ny amokshama yoshanam na marye nityam na sinun tanayam dadhandh || "We have made this praise for you, O Asvins ; we have cut them (into shape) as Bhrgus a chariot. Holding it (carefully) as (parents do) a dear son, we have polished and embellished it as (one adorns) a woman for a young man." 1, 185, 2: bha'rim dve acaranti carantam padvantam garbham apadi dadhate - nityam na slinum pitror uposthe dya'ua rakshatam prthivi no abhvat | "The two, unmoving and footless, bear much offspring that has feet and moves. Liko a dear son in the lap of his parents--protect us, O Heaven and Earth, from the evil being." There is an anacoluthon in the second half-verse; the meaning is, 'O Heaven and Earth, protect us from the evil being and give us shelter as parents shelter a dear son in their lap and ward off from him all barm. Compare 6, 75, 4: mateva putyin biblrtam upristhe vipa Gritrin vidhyatam samvidane. 7. 1. 21: tvam agne suhavo ranvasamdyk suditt suno sahaso didihi i ma' tve saca lanaye nitya a' dhan ma viro asman naryo vi dasit | "Thou, O Agni, art easy to invoke and of pleasing appearance; shine with bright gleams, O son of strength. Let not evit befall our dear son (when he is) with thec : may we not want a valorous son." 1. 166, 2.: nityam na sunum madhu bibhrata upa kri'lanti krild' vidatheshu ghr' shvayah nakshanti rudra' avasd namasvinam na mardhanti svatataso havishkr'tam || ** Carrying honey that is dear as a son, the swift terrible (Maruts) bound forward in battles. The sons of Rudra come with protection to the adorer; they, strong of themselves, do not injure him that offers oblations (to them)." The 'honey' (madhu) that the Maruts are here represented as carrying is without doubt the same with which they besprinkle the earth; compare 5, 54, 8: pinvanty utsam yad ina' so asvaran vy undanti prthivi'm madhvo andhasa. Madhu receives the epithet priya in eight passages ; see Grassmann, s. v. priyam (n.); cp. also kamyam madhu in 9, 72, 2. With the first pada, nityam na sinum madhu bibhrata upa, compare nityam na sunum tanayam dadhanah in 10, 39, 14 explained above.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1920 7, 1, 12: Yam asvi' nityam upa ya'ti yajnam praja'vantam svapatyam kahayan nah ! svajanmand foshasd udrydhanam This verse is obscure ; I understand it as a continuation of the preceding verso, 'May we not sit down in the empty dwelling of men; may we not sit round thee without son, without offspring ; (may we sit) in houses full of children, O thou that makest houses to prosper 'and translate : " (May we sit down in) our dear dwelling with good offspring, with children, which is prospering with issue born of us, which is the seat of sacrifices, and to which (Agni), who has horses, goes." I follow Sayana in taking yajram as an adjective of kshayam and neaning yajideraya. There seems to be no doubt that yajna is an adjective here of kshaya, and that being so, it can be best interpreted here as yajnasraya or yajaniya. The words yajita and kshara occur together again in 1, 132, 3, which, too, is obscure. As regards abvi, Oldenberg's observations (RV. Noten, II, p. 4) that it refers to a human and not to a god do not seem to me to be convincing; and I still think that it refers to a god, to wit, Agni. Compare 5, 6, 1 (explained below) which describes Agni as 'the home to which the swift horses go,' that is, as the treasure-house of horses ; compare also 5, 6, 2. 8,31,5: ya' dampati sumanasd sunuti d' ca dha'vatah devdso nityayasira || "The husband and wife, O gods, who thinking alike, press and wash (Soma and mix) with pleasing admixture." The admixture referred to is that of milk, sour milk (dadhi) or barley; compare 9, 101, 8: sam u priya' anushata gd' vo middya ghy'shvayah where the admixture of inilk, gavah, receives the epithet priya. 4. 4, 7: 88d agne astu subhagah suda' nur yas tva nityena havishd ya ukthaih piprishati sva a'yushi durone visved asmai audina sd sad ishtih li "May he, O Agni, be fortunate and rich who wishes to sacrifice to thee with pleasing oblations and hymns in his house through his life. Let all (days) be fortunate days for him-such is the prayer." The meaning of sudd'nu is not clear: Oldenberg translates it (SBE., 46, p. 331) as 'blessed with good rain', Grassmann (Translation) as' reich an Gut' and Geldner (Glossar) agreich beschenkt.' There is no doubt that the two last-mentioned meanings express very nearly what the poet must have had in his mind; and I have therefore, in default of a more accurate knowlodge of the meaning of the word, here rendered it as 'rich.' With regard to nityena havisha, compare priyam havih in 10, 86, 12-13, priyatamnin havih in 9, 34, 5, and jushtam havih in 3, 59, 5. 1, 66, 5: durokasocih kratur na nityo jayeva yondv aram visvasmai || "(Agni), of unaccustomed brilliance, dear like the ideal, like a wife in the house. ready for everything." 8, 76, 6: tasmai nunam abhidyave vaca' virupa nityaya | vy'shne codasva sushtulim || "Send forth now, O Virupa, a well-made (bymn of) praise with thy dear pleasing voice towards the strong (Agni), the heavenly (?)." Regarding nityd vdk here, compare mandrd vdk in 8, 100, 11. 9, 12, 7: nityastotro vanaspatir dhind'm antah sabardughah hinvdno md'nusha yugd' II " (Soma), the lord of the forest, fond of praises, who milks nectar amidst the praise-hymns and stimulates the generations of men." As mentioned above, to nityastotro vanaspatih bere corresponds priyastotro vanaspatih in 1, 91, 6,

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NOVEMBER, 1926 ] VEDIO STUDIES 205 5, 6, 1: agnim tam manye yo vasur astam yam yanti dhenavah astam arvanta dsavostam nityaso vajina isham stoty' bhya a' bhara || "I praise that Agni who is a Vasu, to whom the milch-cows go home, the swift horses go home, the dear patrone go home; bring food (nourishment) to thy praisers." The word djinah in the fourth pada which I have translated as 'patrons' denotes the rich men who institute sacrifices, the yajamanah as Sayana has correctly explained and not priests (Grassmann, Translation) or race-horses as Ludwig and Oldenberg (SBE., 46, p. 379) think. This is shown clearly by the following verse, so agnir yo vasur grne sam yam dyanti dhenarah | sam arvanto raghudruvah sam sujata' sah suraya isham stotr' bhya a' bhara which is parallel to the preceding one and where the fourth pada mentions explicitly the sujatasah surayah. 1, 71, 1: upa pra jinvann usati'r usantam patim na' nityam janayah aanilah sva sdrah byd'vim arushim ajushran citram ucchandim ushasam na gd'vah !! The loving (women) have stimulated (to activity) their lover as wives in the same bed (literally, in the same nest) stimulate (to amorous activity) their dear husband. The sisters have cherished the Dark and the Bright as the cows have cherished the brightly dawning Dawu." The 'loving women,' usatth, denote in all probability, the prayers that are addressed to Agni-who is referred to here by the word usantam-and that are supposed to arouse him to activity, so that Agni will bring the gods to the sacrifice, carry offerings to them, etc.; see Bergaigne II, p. 88. The import of the second half-verse is obscure ; see however Oldenberg, SBE., 46. p. 76 f. and RV. Noten I, p. 73. With regard to nityam patim compare jushtam patim in 9, 97, 22: a'd im dyan varam a' udvasana' jushtam patim kalase ga' va indum where I believe, differing from Grassmann (g.v. vds), that the word vdva sandh should be derived from the root vas (to wish, to desire; vasa kantau) and be interpreted in the same sense as ulatih in this passage and in 1, 62, 11. Compare also 1, 62, 11 and the verse that follows here, 1, 140, 7 1, 140, 7: sa samstero vishirah sam grbhayati janann eva janati'r nitya d' saye punar vardhante api yanti devyam anyad varpah pitroh krnvate saca ! "He (sc. Agni) clasps (the plants, etc.) that have been laid together and have been laid out. Being intimate with them that are intimate with him, and being their dear (lover), he lies with them. They grow up again and attain to godhead ; they together give another form to their parents (that is, to Heaven and Earth)." 1, 141, 2: pkaho vapuh pitumd'n nitya d' saye dvitt' yain d' saptadivdou maty'shu trtf'yam asya urahabhasya dohase daba pramatim janayanta yoshanah | "The beloved (Agni), strong, rich in food, rests in the brilliant (pun); secondly, in the seven auspicious mothers; thirdly the ten women (that is, the 'ten fingers) have engendered him who looks after (us), in order to milk this bull." I have followed here the suggestion of Grassmann and PW. about reading sapta fivd'su and data pramatim in the text though the text as it stands--daptasivdou (neven-fold auspicious) and dasapramatim (having ten to care for him ; cared for by ten)-is not unintelligible. The words dvitiyam and trtiyam seem to indi. cate that the first pdda refers to the first birth of Agni as the sun that shines in the sky. It is therefore possible to understand vapuh, brilliant, as referring to the bright sky (dyoh) and to translate "The beloved Agni, strong, rich in food, entered in the brilliant sky." With reference to the sun being rich in food compare Chan. Up. 3, 1, 1 : asau ud adityo devamadhu

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER 1926. and also the first ten khandas of that chapter. In the first pdda, the author of the Padapatha has decomposed nitya d saye into nityah d' saye; and the translation given above follows this view. But the words dvitiyam & saptasivd su matrohu that follow seem to indicate that nitya too shoukl be regarded as a locative so that the padaccheda would be nitye d'baye. The meaning in this case would be: "The brilliant (Agru), strong, rich in food, has entered in his own (place), that is, is in the sky"; see Macdonnell's Vedic Mythology, p. 92 and the passages referred to therein. 10, 31, 4: nityas cakanyat svapatir damund. yasmd u devah savita' jajd' na 1 bhago va gobhir aryamem anajyat 80 asmai ca'ruz chadayad uta syat i "May the friend of the house, lord of his self, the beloved, for whom god Savitr has begotten, be pleased ; may Bhaga or Aryaman ornament him with kine (or, anoint him with butter); may he shine beautifully, may he be our shelter." 4, 41, 10: atvyasya tma na rathyasya pushter nityasya rdy ah patayah syama td' cakrand' utibhir navyasfbhir asmatra' ra'yo niyutah sacantam || May we be lords of prosperity in horse-berds and chariots and of beloved wealth. The two, (Indra and Varuna) helping us newly with their protection-may riches come to us (together, like) a team of horses." There is an anacoluthon in the second half-verse where the nominative dual ta has no predicate. With respect to nityasya rayah, compare priyam vasu in 4, 8, 3 and 7, 32, 15, etc., vamam wasu in 6, 19, 5 and sparham vasu in 2, 23, 9, etc., sprhaydyyo rayih and purus pyham rayim (see Grassmann, s. v. sprhayayya and purusprh). 8, 4, 18: pard ga'vo yavasam kac cid aghrne nityam rekno amartya asmi' kam pushann avita' sivo bhava marishishtho vd' jasdtaye "O Pashan, brilliant, immortal, our dear wealth (namely), our kine, have gone away some where, to some meadow ; be our gracious helper and most liberal in the winning of the wealth (that is, graciously recover them for us)." The prayer is addressed to Pashan, who is the recoverer of lost goods ; see Macdonnell's Ved. Mythology, p. 36. With nityam reknah here, compare priyam reknah in 10, 132, 3. 7, 1, 17: tve agna ahavandni bha'ri 'band'sa a' juhuyama nitya ubha' krnvanto vahatu' miyedhe il "We, O Agni, being prosperous, offer to thee many pleasing oblations, bringing (to thee) both kinds of offerings." The meaning of the last pada is obscure ; see Oldenberg, RV.-Noten, II, p. 4. Regarding nitya dhavanani, compare nityena havisha in 4, 4, 7 explained above. 2, 27, 12: yo ra'jabhya ytanibhyo dada ba yam vardhayanti pushtayas ca nityah sa reva'n yati prathamo rathena vasudvd vidatheshu prasastah | "Who offers to the kings, the leaders of rta (sc. the Adityas), whom wished for prosperities cause to thrive, he being rich and the giver of riches goes first in his chariot and is praised in the assemblies." 1. 148, 5: na yam ripavo na rishanyavo garbhe santam reshand' reshayanti andha' a patya' na dabhann abhikhyi' nitydsa im preta' ro arakshan ||

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NOVEMBER, 1926) VEDIC STUDIES 207 "Whom, while in the womb, enemies that want to injure and can injure, do not injure. The blind, not seeing, did not harm him ; his dear well-wishers protected him with watchfulness." Pretdrah, which I have rendered as well-wishers,' literally means 'lovers, pleasers. It is preferable to construe abhikhyd, literally, with sight, that is, with forethought, with watchfulness, with arakshan rather than with andha apasya na dabhan (as Grassmann in his Translation, Ludwig and Oldenberg, SBE. 46, p. 173 have done); for the translation "The blind, not seeing, did not injure him with their look hardly yields good sense. Nityah pretarah means the dear well-wishers of Agni (who is the deity of this verse), that is, the priests who are dear to Agni and to whom Agni is dear. Compare 1, 26, 7: priyo no astu vispatir hota mandro va renyah | priya'h svagnuyo vayam. 10, 7, 4: sidhri' agne dhiyo asme sanutrir yam tra' yase da ma d' nityahota' rta' vd sa rohidasvah purukshur dyubhir asma ahabhir udmam astu "Efficacious, 0 Agni, and winners of wealth) are the prayers of us whom thou, the dear hotr in the house protectest. He, the red-horsed, is holy and has much food : may everything pleasing happen to him (the sacrificer, yajamana) every day." In the light of the foregoing, I have taken nityahota (with accent on nitya) as a karmadharaya compound; it is, however, also possible to regard it as a bahuvrihi compound meaning 'he to whom the priest, hotr, is dear'; compare priyah svagnayo vayam in 1, 26, 7 cited above; compare also the following passage : Maitr. Sam. 1, 1, 12: nityahotdram tva kave dyumantah sam idhimahi The corresponding passage in the other Yajus-Samhitds reads vitihotram tva kave dyumantam sim idhimahi (gne bphantam adhvare where vi tihotram means 'to whom the hotra, the office of the hot, is dear'; compare Uvata on VS. 2,4: vitih abhildshah hotr-karmani yasya sah vitihotrah. I therefore take nityahotaram here as a bahuvrihi and translate : "We, the bright, kindle, O wise one, thee to whom the hot, is dear." Or is the word hotr here used in the abstract sense of hotra or hotstva-bhava-pradhano nirdesah? If so, nityahotaram would be the exact equivalent of vitihotram. Saskh. GS. 3, 2, 5: enam sibuh krandaty a kumara enam dhenuh krandatu nitya-vatsd "The child, the young one, cries near it, may the milch-cow to whom the calf is dear, low near it." The milch-cow lowing to her calf is a familiar figure of comparison even in the RV.; compare 9, 12, 2: abhi viprd anushata ga'vo ratsam na mdtaralindram 'the priests call out to Indra as mother-cows low to their calves '; 2, 2, 2: abhi tva naktir usha 80 vavaliregne ratsam na svasareshu dhenaval to thee, O Agni, they called out at nights and at dawns as the milch-cows low to their calves in evenings '; 8, 88, 1: abhi vatsam na svasaresh, dhenava indram girbhir navdmahe 'we call out to Indra with our hymns of praise as milchcows low to their calves in evenings'; 6, 25, 24; 8, 95, 1 ; etc. Ibid., 3, 2, 8: enam sibuh krandaly a kumara dsyandantam dhenavo nitya-valsdh "The child, the young one cries to it; may milch-cows to whom the calf is dear, pour forth (milk from their udders) near it." Oldenberg has here interpreted the verb syandantam in the sense of 'flocking' (SBE., 29, p. 93); but the reference here is to the return home of milch-cows after grazing in the pastures, eager to rejoin their calves and therefore lowing to them (this idea is expressed in Sankh. GS. 3,2,5, explained above, by the word krandantam), and, as the Indian poets expregg it, with udders oozing milk; compare Raghuvamea, 1, 84 : (anindya Nandini nama dhenur avavrle vanal).... bhuvam koshnena kund odhni medhye. ndvabhrthad api prasravenabhivarshanti vatsaloka-pravartina ; and Harshacarita Fahrer's * Is it possible, however, that there is a word asme derived from the radix a--moaning this (idam)? The correlation of yat in this verse and in verse 8, 63, 12 would seem to show that this is the case with the word asme in these verses. Likewise, the asme in verses 1, 24, 7; 1, 71,2; 1, 102, 2; 8, 61, 10 and 10, 61, 26 seems to be of this character.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1926 ed., p. 125): divasa-vihrli-pratyagatam prasnuta-stanam .... dhent-vargam udgata-kshiram. Compare also 2, 34, 8: dhenur na disve svasareshu pinvate jandya ndtahavishe mahf'm isham they (sc. the Meruts) ooze with copious food for every man who has offered them oblations as a milch-cow oozes milk for her calf in evenings '; 10, 76, 4:abhi tvd sindho difum in ng mataro vdsra arahanti payaseva dhenavah 'they (the rivers) run towards thee, O Sindhu, as milchcows, lowing, and with (oozing) milk, run to their calves '; 1, 94, 2: dhiyah pinvana' h svasare na ga'va rtayantir abhi vdvasra indum 'the hymns of praise, following rta, lowed to Soma as cows overflowing (with milk) low (to their calves) in the evening '; 9, 68,1: asishyadanta ga'va d' na dhenavah barhishado vacant'vanta fi'dhabhih parisrutam usriya nirni jam dhire ; and 9, 77, 1: abhi'in rtasya sudugha ghrtascuto vasra' arshanti payaseva dhenavah; and 10, 31, 11: pra krshnd' ya rubad apinvatadhah. AV. 7, 109 (104), 1: kah pi'enim dhenum varunena datta'm Atharvane sudugham nityavatsdm . b;' haspotind sakhyam jushano yathavasam tanvah kalpayati "Who, enjoying companionship with Bphaspati shall at his will make use of the spotted milch-cow, well-milking, fond of her calf, given by Varuna to Atharvan ?" I understand tanvah here as equivalent to atranah so that tanvah kalpaydti means almana upakalpayati, 'makes ready for one's own use, that is, makes use of'. Whitney translates "Who, enjoying companionship with Bphaspati, shall shape its body at his will--the spotted milch-cow, well. milking," etc., which is unintelligible to me. AV. 9, 4, 21: ayam pipana indra id rayim dadhatu cetani'm ayam dhenum sudugham nityavatsam vasam duhdm vipascitam pars divah || "Let this burly one, a very Indra, bestow conspicuous wealth ; let this (one) (bestow) a wellmilking cow, fond of (ber) calf; let him yield inspired will from beyond the sky ". This closes the list of passages where nitya has the meaning priya : it has the meaning sviya, sahaja, 'own,' in the passages that follow : 7,4, 7: parishadyam hy aranasya rtkno nityasya rayak patayah sydma na tesho agne anyajatam asty acetdnasya ma' patho vi dukshah || This verse is not quite clear ; but I believe that Yaska's interpretation of it (Nirukta, 3,2) and of the verse that follows, is on the whole correct. I therefore translate, following him, "The wealth left by a stranger is to be avoided ; may we be lords of our own wealth. There is no (such thing as) offspring that is begot by another. Do not foul the paths for me that am ignorant ". As pointed out by Yaska, the 'wealth ' mentioned in the first half-verse means 'non'; compare teshah in the second half-verse and in the verses that precode and follow this. The last pada means, "Do not, hiding the right path, point out a wrong path to me who am already ignorant; do not misguide me by saying that another's son can be my son." 8, 56, 2: dada mahyam pautakratah sahasrd dasyave vy'kah nitydd ndyo amamhata il Pautakrata, the Cutter of the Foe, has given me ten thousand from his own wealth ". 9, 92, 3 : pra sumedha' gatuvid visvadevah somak pundnah adda eti nityam bhuvad vitueshu - kd'vyeshu ranta' 'me jandn yatate panca dh'rah | "Soma, the wise, the knower of ways, used ? of all gods, being parified goes to his own seat he takes pleasure in all praises ; the wise one stimulates the five folks." (To be continued.)

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NOVEMNER, 1926) THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BOMBAY 209 THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BOMBAY A few remarks concerning its origin and growth. BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. (Read before the Indian Section of the Royal Anthropological Institute on October 27th, 1925.) The history of the City, which is still styled in official documents the City and Island of Bombay, so as to include both the business quarters and the once rural areas in the north of the Island, falls into certain definite periods, each of which has been responsible for the presence in the modern urban area (and its environs) of certain distinct eloments of popula. tion. These periods are as follows (1) Prehistoric, (2) Hindu, (3) Muhammadan, (4) Portuguese, (5) British. Before touching upon the character of the tribes, castes or communitics, which chose Bombay as their home during these five epochis, certain important data in the history of the Island must be recalled to vind. The first prominent fact is that during the four earlier periods above-mentioned, the present Island of Bombay consisted of seven Separate islands, lying off the west coast of India, from which they had been severed by volcanic disturbance in very remote ages. Divided from one another at high tide by the sca, and at low tide by pools and saltmarshes, they fully justified the title of heptanesia bestowed upon them in A.D. 150 by Ptolemy. Their eventual union to form the modern Island of Bombay was effected during the final or British period, by means of the construction of barriers and causeways against the tide and of extensive reclamations, which have been carried out more or less continuously from the first quarter of the eighteenth century to the present day. It will readily be understood that so long as the central portion of the modern Island was a low-lying swamp, liable to daily inundation, and so long as traffic, whether wheeled or pedestrian, between the component seven isles was possible only at low tide, no large expansion of the population could take place. One of the potent factors in the growth of the occupied area and in the change from rural to urban conditions was the gradual and steady reclamation of what the early letters of the East India Company describe as the drowned lands.' The second important fact is that up to the date of the marriage of Charles II with the Infanta of Portugal, who brought Bombay to him as part of her dowry, the most important portion of the Island, or, more correctly, the most important of the seven isles, was the northwestern island of Mahim. corresponding roughly to the modern municipal ward of that name. It is in and around Mahim,-a Portuguese rendering of the Hindu name Mahi or Mahikavatithat Hindu tradition and history are concentrated : it was against Mahim that the Muhammadans commenced their raids at the beginning of the fourteenth century A.D.; and it was at Mahim that the Portuguese religious orders located their more important churches and seminaries. During the first century and a half of British rule it maintained some measure of its early importance ; for up to 1800 a separate official, styled 'the Chief of Mahim' was responsible for the executive, judicial, and customs administration of this area, subject to the general control of the Governor of Bombay and his council of senior merchants. Mahim formed a bone of contention between the first representative of the English Crown, Humphrey Cooke, and the Portuguese of Bombay and Bassein. It will be remembered that the l'ortuguese in India, who fully realised the value of Bombay and its capacious harbour, opposed the delivery of the Island to the English and contrived to delay the cession for three-and-ahalf years : and when they did eventually hand over the island, which bore the name of Bombaim or Bombay, in January 1665, they declined to give up Mahim, as being an entirely separate island, not included in the terms of the marriaga-treaty. But they caught a Tartar in Humphrey Cooke, who, in spite of their protests took forcible possession of Mahim and the north-eastern islands, which formed the nucleus of the modern Sion and Parel warda, on the grounds that, as he could walk across to them at low-tide, they must form an in. tegral portion of the Island of Bombay. In brief, the Portuguese based their objections on

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( NOVEMDER, 1926 the position at high-tide: Cooke checkmated them by insisting upon conditions at low-tide and by an opportano and practical illustration of the adage that ' Possession is nine-tenths of the Lay Thirdly, while certain classes of Bombay residents can be traced to each of the periods mentioned in the opening paragraph, the large accretions of population which have now raised the total of the Island's residents to more than a million, occurred during the last period and were engendered by the steady growth of the Company's trade and by certain domestic and external events. The latter may be summarised as follows :-(i) The gradual assumption by the Company after 1770 of territorial sovereignty, (ii) The severe famine of 1790 in Gujarat, (iii) the great famine of 1803 in the Deccan, (iv) the annexation of the Peshwa's dominions in 1818, (v) the final tlestruction of Piracy along the western coast in 1820, (vi) the opening of the first railway in 1853 and of direct railway communication with the Deccan ten years later, (vii) the opening of the first Indian spinning and weaving milt in 1854, (viii) The American Civil War and the Bombay Share Mania of 1861-65, (ix) the opening of railway communication with Gujarat in 1864, and (x) the completion of the Suez Canal in 1869. These events. serve as signposts in the history of the gradual transformation of a sparsely-populated group of seven sca-logged islands into a single populous Island of Bombay, with its long stretch of docks and wharves, its railway and tramway communications, its great public buildings and municipal works, and its busy industrial and trading quarters. Reverting now to the several periods into which this survey is divided, we may infer that the seven islands were inhabited in the Stone Age, from the fact that along the shore of Back Bay, the false harbour which divides Malabar Hill from Colaba, and in the Kolaba District on the opposite side of Bombay harbour, flint implements have been found, similar to those associated with the cavemen of Europe. The people, who fashioned and used these stone weapons, supported themselves perhaps by fishing in the land-locked harbour and by hunting in the jungles of khair (acacia catechu) which once covered the face of the islands. The existence of a forest of theso trees in prehistoric ages has been rendered credible by the discovery, during the excavation of the foundations of the modern Prince's Dock, of a petrified khair forest, lying 32 feet below high-water mark, imbedded in a decayed traprock soil, and overlaid by the thick clay stratum, which forms the bottom of Bombay harbour. We know nothing of the origin and characteristics of these hunting and fishing clans of the Stone Age ; but it is surmised by some authorities that they came from the south, migrating slowly along the coast and forming settlements here and there in the river bottoms. It is certain, however, that at some remote date they were ousted or absorbed by a tribe of aboriginal fisher-folk, the Kolis, who form to-day by far the oldest element of the Bombay population. The name of the tribe appears to be Dravidian, and possibly they originally spoke a Dravidian language, to the former prevalence of which many place-names in Western India still testify: but the distribution of the various sections of the tribe points to Gujarat rather than the south as their original home. It has therefore been suggosted that the Kolis are descended from the pre-Aryan population of Gujarat, which gradually spread downwards along the western littoral, superseding the flint-implement users of the Stone Age. While the precise origin of the Bombay Kolis must remain conjectural, two facts concerning their contribution to the history of Bombay may be accepted as practically eertain. The first is that in each of the seven islands, they formed rude settlements which still exist to-day. Those settlements are often mentioned in the letters and documents of the early period of British rule under the name of Koliwadas' or 'Koli quarters,' and were located close to the seashore, as it existed before the reclamations of thc eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Such a situation was obviously necessary for people whose primary occupation was, as it still is, sea-fishing. The principal Koliwadas are located in Colaba, Mandvi, Mazagon, * Worli, Mahim and Sion; and although the general progress of the city and the acquisition of

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NOVEMBER, 1926 ] THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BOMBAY 211 wealth by the Kolis themselves have combined to rob these settlements of their former primitive appearance and characteristics, there can be little doubt that they represent the original location of the Koli hamlets in the seven islands. Mandvi Koliwada, for example, which I first visited twenty-three years ago, was composed of old houses, set down haphazardin a maze of narrow lanes, which once debouched directly on the foreshore of the harbour. Between the houses of the Kolis and the sea which has been their sustenance from time immemorial there now intervene the wide area of the Frere Reclamation and a section of the modern docks, constructed during the nineteenth century. Moreover, since the opening of the present century the whole area has been the subject of an urban improvement scheme, which has laid out the old Koliwada on more modern and sanitary lines. The second fact is that this Koli fishing-tribe brought with them from Gujarat to Bombay their own patron goddess, named Mumbadevi, Mumbai, or Mambai, who has lent her name to the modern Island. The English word 'Bombay' is the Portugueso 'Bombaim,' which itself is a corruption of Mumbai or Mambai, the ordinary vernacular name of the Island ; and this is the title of the particular village-goddess or earth-mother, whom the Kolis have always worshipped. She is identical, it may be added, with Mommai, who is a village-goddess in Kathiawar. Documentary proof exists that the Kolis originally located her shrine on the most southerly but one of the seven islands, op a spot now occupied by the terminal station of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway. To that particular island, therefore, the name Mumbai, Bombaim or Bombay was originally attached, but was subsequently extended to signify the whole area of the heplanesia. One can understand, therefore, why the Portuguese in India, when instructed to hand over Bombay to the English Crown representatives in 1661, persisted in declaring that the terms of the Marriage Treaty did not include areas like Mahim and Sion, but only the island immediately under the agis of the aboriginal Koli goddess Mumbai. The goddess was doubtless represented for long ages by a rude stone smeared with blood or red-lead, such as one can see in practically every village in the Deccan and Carnatic : but in 1737, when the original shrine was demolished at the instance of the Bombay Government and a new temple was created on the present site in the native city by a wealthy Hindu of the goldsmith caste, an image of the goddess, dressed in a bodice and robe and wearing a silver crown, took the place of the amorphous stone idol. Moreover, when Bombay and the western littoral became acquainted with the Aryans and with Brabmanic Hinduism, the ancient Koli earth-mother received a step in the divine hierarchy and was adopted into the pantheon as & recognized goddess or sakti : while her bumble aboriginal worshippers were likewise gathered into the Hindu fold by the simple expedient of providing them with a spurious pedigree from a monarch of the Lunar Race, and inventing a legend to account for this purely artificial genealogy. Since that date every fresh band of Hindu immigrants, no matter of what caste or tribe, has acknowledged the position of Mum badevi as patron-goddess of Bombay; and we have the spectacle of an Audich Brahman acting as pujari of the temple, and of Brahmans officiating at the great annual festivals in the months of Ashwin and Margashirsha, while the smaller buildings and temples Burrounding the shrine of the goddess are the property of a Kapole Bania. It was a Bania who built the great tank in front of the temple ; while the importance of the goddess in the eyes of the local Marathi-speaking castes is shown by the prevalent custom of taking every newly-wedded couple to the shrine on their marriage day, in order to present the goddess with a cocoanut, a breast-cloth, or a jewel, according to the means of the parties. The prehistorie period thus farnished Bombay with the oldest stratum of her present population--the Kolis--and with an aboriginal goddess, wbose name has been slightly altered to form the modern name of the capital and province of Western India. The Hindu period at its earlier limit merges into the prehistoric, and may be beld to have terminated at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Beyond the fact that it formed an unimportant portion of Aparanta, the North Konkan, we know practically nothing about

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1926 Bombay during the Maurya, Satavahana, and Gupta periods. From the sixth century onwards the northern Konkan, including Bombay, was governed by a succession of local dynasties Mauryas, Chalukyas, Silaharas,-whose capital was Puri-probably an old name for Thana, the chief town of the "Konkan fourteen hundred." Between A.D. 757, when Chalukya rule of the Deccan ended, and A.D. 810, when the Silahara family became hereditary local rulers of the Thana and Kolaba Districts, the western littoral, including the seven Bombay islands, was governed by the indigenous Deccan dynasty of Rashtrakutas, who were probably connected indirectly by descent with the Maharathis of the Satavahana age, and therefore also, possibly, with the Mahasenapatis who once served as Andhra viceroys in the Adoni region [and may for a time have administered the ancient Tondamandalam in the Madras Presidency]. It was during the Rashtrakuta hegemony of the Deccan and Konkan that the Parsis first migrated to Sanjan, which lies just north of Bombay, and thence spread northwards into Gujarat : it was about the same epoch that certain Jews of the Yemen, under pressure of the rising tide of Islam, fled to the coast of India and settled in the villages of Kolaba and Thana, whence they moved in the eighteenth century to the Island of Bombay. Calling themselves Bene-Israel, scil, Children of Israel, these Jew refugees, on their arrival in the Konkan, adopted the trades of carpenters, masons, and oil-pressers, and in course of time relinquished most of their traditional beliefs and customs, except the observance of the Sabbath, the rite of circumcision, and the memory of the Prophet Elijah and the Day of Atonement. Their observance of the Sabbath, indeed, led to their being styled 'Shaniwar Telis' or 'Saturday oilmen,' to distinguish them from Hindu oil-pressers, who were dubbed 'Somawar Telis' or 'Monday oilmen.' In other respects they were gradually assimilated to the Hindu population, adopted Marathi as their language, and so modified their Jewish names as to resemble the names of their Hindu and Muhammadan neighbours. Thus Abraham became Abaji; Moses, Musaji; Isaac, Isaji; and Samuel, Samaji. After their arrival in Bombay, many of them adopted the military profession, and from 1760 onwards there was hardly an infantry regiment of the old Bombay Army that did not include a certain proportion of Bene-Israel. Some of them rose to the rank of officers and took part in the storming of Seringapatam, the siege of Multan, and the battle of Kirkee. The chief synagogue in Bombay City, styled the 'Gate of Mercy,' was built in 1796 by a Bene-Israel officer named Samaji (Samuel) in gratitude for his escape from the clutches of Tipu Sultan. Nowadays the Bene-Israel, who owe their educational advance to the labours of Christian missionaries in the nineteenth century, will be found in every profession and calling, and have long deserted their original ghetto, which was close to the modern Masjid Bandar railway station, in favour of certain streets in the Umarkhadi section of the municipal ward B. Another prenent class, which had settled in the coast towns of western India by the beginning of the seenth century A.D. and was originally composed partly of sea-faring Arabtraders and partly of Arab and Persian refugees from Irak and other places, is known to-day as the Konkani Muhammadans. Reaching western India by sea at intervals between the sixth and thirteenth centuries, these Arab and Persian merchants and refugees formed permanent or temporary unions with the Hindu women of the coast, and thus produced the mixed Muhammadan stock called Nawayats or Naitias, who will be found all along the coast from Cambay to Goa. Those who settled in Alibag, Thana, Kalyan, Chaul, Bassein and neighbouring coast-towns, and who probably inhabited Mahim in Bombay in the thirteenth century, style themselves Konkani Muhammadans and recognise among themselves three separate divisions, viz:Konkani Jamatis, who claim direct Arab descent, Mandlekars or those descended from Konkani Muhammadan fathers and Hindu mothers, and Daldis or castaways, who are probably low-caste Hindu converts to Islam. The Konkani Muhammadans of Bombay were wellknown during the epoch of Portuguese dominion and in the earlier period of the East India

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NOVEMBER, 1926 ] THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BOMBAY 213 Company's rule as succossful merchants and landed proprietors, and up to the year 1866 the office of Kazi of Bombay, now abolished, was filled from their community. As a class, they have not kept abreast of the times, owing largely to their careless attitude towards Western education; while in the sphere of trade and commerce they have been ousted by the enterprising Parsi and Hindu trading classes. Many of them have emigrated to Rangoon, Mauritius, Zanzibar, Natal, and the Transvaal. Nevertheless, whether as small property owners, or as clerks, mechanics, messengers, porters, and lascars, they represent to-day one of the older strata of the Bombay urban population. The rule of the local Silahara chiefs was important from the standpoint of the colonisation of Bombay, for during the four and a half centuries from A.D. 810 to 1260 the aboriginal Kolis witnessed the arrival of various new comers. The dominions of the Silaharas consisted of the modern Thana District with Bombay and parts of Kolaba District, and their chief towns were Thana itself, on the creek which debouches into Bombay harbour, Saimur or Chaul, and Sanjan. Al Masudi, Ibn Hankal, Al Kazwini, and other old historians tell us that the Silaharas fostered trade with Moslem lands, allowed the settlement in their territory of large bodies of Jewish, Christian, and Fire-worshipping immigrants, and showed particular favour to Muhammadans. They themselves were Shaivas hy religion and appenr to have originally belonged, like many of their officials, to the Kanarese-speaking districts of the Carnatic. It was in honour of the Trimurti that they built the great temple of Walkeshwar on Malabar Hill, and during their rule was discovered the famous Shri Gundi or Lucky Hollow at the extremity of that well-known promontory. The existence of this ornate temple, which was subsequently ruined by the Muhammadans or Portuguese, and of the Shri Gundi, coupled with the tolerant administration of the rulers, must have brought many immigrants to Bombay: and although the Pathare Prabhus, the Yajurvedi or Palshikar Brahmans, the Panchkalshis, the Bhois, the Bhandaris, and the Agris of Bombay are traditionally supposed to have entered Bombay in the train of a certain Raja Bimb at the end of the thirteenth century, there can be little doubt that the ancestors of these ancient and well-known Bombay castes filtered in gradually during the long period of Silahara rule and were settled in the Bombay neighbourhood by the opening of the thirteenth century. The Pathare Prabhus, who held high office under Raja Bimb and the later Muhammadan owners of Bombay, probably reached the Island originally from Gujarat and neighbouring tracts; for their manners, customs and language show traces of a northern origin, and one distinctive feature of their ancient dress, which has now fallen into disuse, is found only in some parts of KathiAwar. The Panchkalshis, who are closely connected with the Prabhus, must also have come from Gujarat. They seem at first to have shared official position and honours with the Prabhus, but to have been degraded, owing to some infringement of caste rules, during Muhammadan or Portuguese dominion, and to have thereafter adopted agricultural pursuits and the trade of carpentry and boat-building. A few of them managed to retain their hereditary offices of Sar-Desai, Sar-Naik, and Sar-Patel in Salsette and other parts of the North Konkan until comparatively late times; while a very large number were forcibly converted to Christianity by the Portuguese and became the ancestors of many of the Native Christian families of Salsette and Bombay. The Yajurvedi Brahmans, on the other hand, who became the hereditary priests of the people of Mahim and other parts of Bombay, seem to have hailed from the valley of the Godavari, whence the Silahara rulers themselves came. The Bhandaris, who are traditionally alleged to have accompanied the above-mentioned castes to Bombay, belong very likely to an even older wave of settlement. Their original occupation, which many of them still follow, was the cultivation and tapping of the coooh-nut palm cocos nucifera); and as a Nasik inscription proves that this palm was grown on a large

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1926 scale in the north of Thana by the second century A.D., it is not perhaps over-rash to date its arrival in the North Konkan a century or two before that date. It seems to have reached India from the Malay country by way of Ceylon, and the Bhandaris, who from the earliest period of Bombay history have been closely associated with the tree, probably came with it from the Ratnagiri District of the South Konkan, which has always been one of their chiet strongholds. Some Bhandaris certainly acquired a position of power in Chaul and neighbouring areas before the fourteenth century, and there is ample evidence that they were employed as soldiers both by the Marathas and by the British. Sivaji's famous Hetkaris were Bhandaris and the earliest militia and police force in Bombay was composed largely of Bandareens, as they were styled by contemporary writers. There is also a strong tradition that just prior to Portuguese rule in Bombay the Bhandaris actually revolted from Muhammadan overlordship and were strong enough to hold Mahim and the northern parts of the Island for a space of eight or ten years. Whatever the exact truth may be, there is no doubt that the Bhandaris represent an early element of Bombay society, that they wielded political and military influence in the immediate neighbourhood of Bombay about the end of the thirteenth century, and that although their hereditary occupation is the tapping of the palm-tree and the manufacture of palm liquor, they possessed a traditional inclination to martial pursuits and formed an efficient element in the forces of both the Marathas and the East India Company in the seventeenth century. The Silahora rulers yielded place in A.D. 1265 to Brahman viceroys of the Ya davas of Devgiri, who had emerged triumphant from the struggle conneeted with the dissolution of the Chalukya power in the Deccan. Yadava authority over the Northern Konkan appears to have been acknowledged up to A.D. 1297, three years after Alau-d-din Khilji's raid on the Deccan. For several years after that date the political circumstances of Bombay are obscure ; but it seems probable that Thana, including Bombay, was administered by local Hindu rulers until about A.D. 1350, when the Muhammadan governor of Gujarat took forcible possession of the country. One of these Hindu Rais or Chiefs, who is known to tradition as Raja Bimb or Bhim Raja, is of more than ordinary historical importance ; for he appears to have transferred his capital from Thana in Salsette, which he probably found too exposed to attack, to the island of Mabim in Bombay, and by that act raised Bombay at once above the level of a mere aboriginal fishing settlement. Of Bimb's precise identity, no authentic record exists, and the popular view that ho belonged to the family of the Solankis of Anahilwada or the Yada vas of Devgiri is unstenable. The most plausible supposition is that he was a leading member of the Pathare Prabhu community, which had held high official tank under the Silaharas and had ample opportunity of establishing a small principality of its own in the sparsely-populated island of Mahim in Bombay during the confusion that followed the Muhammadan invasion of the Deccan. Any. how there is no reason to doubt that for some few years Bimb ruled at Mahim, granted offices and rent-free lands to his followers, and was directly responsible for the establishment of a town, which was given the pompous Sanskrit name of Mahika vati. From the shortened form of this name, Mahi, the Portuguese name Mahim was derived. The story that he brought in his train, direct from Gujarat or the Deccan, the various castes and classes mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, together with Bhois (palanquin-bearers) and Thakurs (men-at-arms) is manifestly absurd. But it is not unreasonable to assume that in moving the seat of government from Salsette to Mahim he introduced into Bombay a considerable number of his own caste-fellows and allied tribes and castes, who had settled in Thana and the towns and villages of the North Konkan during the four and a half centuries of Silahara rule. From the commencement of the fourteenth century, therefore, may be dated the presence in Bombay Island, in appreciable numbers, of the Pathare Prabhus, Panchkalshis, Palshi. kar or Yajurvedi Brahmans, Bhois, Thakurs, Malis or Vadrals, and Agris. Of these the Prabhus

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NOVEMBER, 1926 ] BOOK-NOTICE 215 and Panchkalshis formed the administrative and land owning clomont; the Palshikar Brahmans were the priests, astrologers, and medical attendants of the general community; the Malis or Vadvals and the Agris were the agricultural element; the Bhois, whose caste name is said by some to be the origin of the word "Boy," applied by Anglo-Indians to their domestic servants, acted as palanquin-bearers and menials; while the Thakurs, together with the Bhandaris under their Bhongales or trumpeter-chiefs, formed the material of the chief's military forces. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICE. THE EARLY HISTORY OF INDIA, by VINCENT A. present writer that the general result could not have SMITH, Fourth Edition, revised by S. M. been bettered or more fairly stated. EDWARDES. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1924. Like all who have tried to present Indian History When Dr. Vincent Smith realised that he could in the briofest space possible, Dr. Vincent Smith has never complete the revised edition of his great work had to contine himself to an account of the chief himself, he handed over his notes to his friend, Mr.dynasties only, and to notice the doings of the many 8. M. Edwardes, who was to endeavour to the best smaller states in a cursory manner. He has had of his ability to bring the work up to date. Thus to treat South India almost as a land apart. There does the latter modestly describe his share in the he his share in the is nevertheless very much that is of interest and work, but it can be unhesitatingly said that he has value in the story of the minor states as local history. fully succeeded in bringing it up-to-date." The but there is no way of dealing with India subject is notoriously controversial, and bearing generally, that appeals to myself at any rate, except that in mind the method of treating it is admirable. on the lines that Dr. Vincent Smith has adopted. Every chapter has one or more appendix discussing He is to my mind also quite justified in commencing important points and there are footnotes to nearly history with the earliest dates that have been every page. In this way dogmatism is avoided and ascertained with more or less certainty, and in an opportunity taken to discuss the many varying leaving out of account all that may be said to have views that exist on nearly every detail of a history happened betore. This brings the far limit to c. 650 that has been put together by the careful research B.C. Dr. Vincent Smith's book is thus the history of many scholars. To the present writer it is very of India in Hindu times, and he has neglected no pleasant to note the importance that the compilers original source in his research, however difficult and have given to chronology-a subject to which to recondite, bravely tackling so obscure a subject as much of this Journal has in the past been devoted, the Indian Eras, on which Dr. Fleet did such im. owing to the researches of that great pioneer Dr. portant work- subject which in fact every one J. F. Fleet. must master if he would write convincingly on Recent research, both of Indian and European history in India. The book contains also two valuable summaries of sources-the Age of the scholars, has shown that it is possible to recover a Puranas and the Chinose Pilgrims. In fact no great deal of the doings of the ancients in India with phase of the subject and its presentation has escaped sufficient accuracy to warrant such a book as this, notice-not even that bugbear of all writers on or, shall we say ? as it will become in successive edi. Indian sobjects--the transliteration and presente. tions, as with time the tools of the searchers dig tion of proper names. This observation takes ono more deeply into the records of the past. Even as to the art of writing, the introduction of which into Mr. Edwardes was writing, fresh-important informe India Dr. Vincent Smith puts in the eighth to seventh tion regarding that Will-o'-the-wisp--the Pallavas- centurios B.C., holding that before this period the has been forthcoming, and more and more accurate people "seem to have been obliged to trust to knowledge on meny a hero of antiquity is coming to highly trained memory for the transmission " of ight, as criticism is directed to the statements of facts. I would like, however, to remark here that, though this is so, it does not detract from the accuracy those engaged in the work by others of equal autho of that memory, which has been shown in other rity, who can interpret the old records that are being directions to have been as trustworthy as, and even continually discovered. The great service that Dr. more conscientiously accurate than, written records. Vincent Smith in the first place, with Mr. Edwardes I would not he inclined to distrust a statementfollowing on his heels, has rendered the world of historical or other-merely because it has not been scholars and students is that they have put together reduced to writing. the views of all that have so far devoted themselves Dr. Vincent Smith commences his history with to the subject, after duly digesting them and adding the now familiar Saisunaga Dynasty of Magadha, the results of their own studies. It appears to the which lasted from c. 650 to c. 470 B.C. and was

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1926 contemporary with four important historical events : Third Burmese War (1885-1889). Such ignorance the foundation of Jainism and of Buddhism, the has no doubt occurred elsewhoro. advent of Darius and his Persians on the Indian With the departure of Alexander and the end frontiers, and the voyage of Skylax of Karyanda of the Nandas we come to the end of a definite from the Indus to the Red Sea. The first two period in Indian history, into the difficult chronology vastly affected Indian thought and the last two of which the book goes in the most careful manner, connected India with the West-a fact which one and I observe that it fixes the date of the death of cannot forget in considering things Indian. After Buddha at 543 D.C., after a close summary of the the Saisun agas came the Nandas, who lasted till various attributions, and holds that the death of 320 B.. The end of the Saisunagas came from Mahavira (of the Jains), which is generally fixed in causes natural to a dynasty which had become 527 3.C., is still merely a "traditional date." weak, and the whole record of the Nandas is garbled, These statements are worth observing. which is due no doubi, &s Dr. Vincent Smith sur- We have now reached the Mauryan Empire mises, to its being the work of Brahman Monks tell. founded by the great Chandragupta Maurya se ing the story of kings, who were of a belief foreign the first of its kind in India. Of Chandragupta a to their own-perhaps that of the Jains. Their short, but good, account is given, and much is said greatness would render it unlikely that they were about his government from the accounts of his the depraved creatures they are represented to Minister, Vishnugupta Chanakya, alias Kautilya, and have been. Towards their end another great event the Greek physician-onvoy Megasthenes. Chandra. happened in India :-the arrival of Alexander the gupta was so great a man that we are indeed fortunate Great in 326 B.C. in having two such good accounts of him and his government, and also in having scholars who have Two chapters are devoted to the doings of Alex. so patiently hunted hp and given the modern world ander, including a wonderful account of his victory all that they contain. In this volume will be found a over Poros, because, as the author remarks, it is "a painstaking sumnukty of their contents, bejnging subject, which, so far as I know, has not been treated vividly before us the mode of government and the in any modern book." No one will quarrel with extent of the civilisation then enjoyed. The only Dr. Vincent Smith as to the length of his treatment, point on which I would like to break a lance with but I am not quite prepared to endorse his state. | Dr. Vincent Smith here is as to what he calls "the ment that Alexander's campaign was in actual absence of Hellenic influence." He states that effect, no more than a brilliant raid on a gigantic neither Alexander nor Seleukos Nikator, with both Boale, which left upon India no mark save the of whom Chandragupta came in contact, nor oro horrid scars of bloody war." It seems to me, dus. presumes any other Hellenised ruler or people on the pite all that is said in this work on pp. 251-256, to North-Western Frontiers, had any effect on him and be unlikely that "India remained unchanged," luis Indian administration, civil or military. No though no Indian refers to it. If Indian writers doubt there is no allusion to Hellenic influence in could distort the history of the Nandas, who were Indian writings, but it seems almost impossible to obviously great kings, they were equally capable believe that so all-pervading a man as Alexander of ingoring the foreigner Alexander. His influence was unable to affect Chandragupta, while it is quite in the East appears to me to have been too great to possible to believe that whatever he and his officers have been reduced to nothing in India. However, learnt and copied may have been so assimilated that in Dr. Vincent Smith's view, western influence did the origin of the ideas became lost. Perhaps in not have effect till the days of the Kushans some future editions the point of Hellenism in India may four centuries later, which relegates it to the days be gone into more deeply. The story of the end of of Imperial Rome. Nevertheless, the ignoring and Chandragupta as a Jain ascetic is most interestingly distorting of inconvenient or humiliating history by told in a brief paragraph. Oriental writers is a point worthy of serious consi. Chandragupta was succeeded by his sou Binduderation. Dr. Vincent Smith himself remarks on sara alias Amitraghata, the Slayer of Foes, about the absence of reference in Hindu books to the sack whom not much is known, though he, too, must of Somnath by Mahmud of Ghazni in the eleventh have been a great monarch, extending his dominions oentury A.D., and the present writer in the Second and carrying on his father's communications with Afghan War (1878-1881) found Afghans and Path- the Greeks. Here we are favoured with two very ana wno were entirely ignorant of the British pro- valuable appendices on the extent of the cession of ceedings as to the Bal& Hissar at Kabul in the First Ariana by Seleukos Nikator and on the Arthasastra of Afghan War, not forty years earlier. At Canton in Chanakya. Of Asoka, Bindusara's famous son, much 1898 be found educated Southern Chinese not only has been written and it must here suffice to say ignorant but sceptical of the facts of the then that the book goes with the greatest care into all the .qwie rodent Japanese War in Northern China. information regarding the reign of this all-important The fame ignorance of recent history in Lower Emperor, weighing the evidence carefully and ata. Burma was visible in Upper Burina during the ting, where thought necessary, Dr. Vincent Smith's

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NOVEMBER, 1926] personal views. The account ends with an admirable chronological table of the whole dynasty from c. 326 to 185 B.C. There is also an excellent map of Asoka's great dominions. BOOK-NOTICE. The Andhras go back much further than 28 B.C. Indeed they are found as a Dravidian nation on the banks of the Godavari and Krishna (Kistna) Rivers as far back as the days of Chandragupta 300 B.C. Their kings, the Satavahanas, became powerful in the Deccan right across India c. 240 B.C. and their history is still very confused. In fact it has only been pieced together from various fragmentary sources. However, they ruled a varying but considerable part of India till about 225 A.D., and their rule and ambitions brought them into collision with not only the Kanvas but also with various foreigners in the heart of India. E.g., the Kshaharata Viceroy (Satraps, Kshatrapas) and the Mahakshatrapas of Rajputana and part of the Bombay Presidency. Certain of the kings of the time were undoubtedly powerful rulers, and some were known to the western world of the Andhras such kings were Gautamiputra, c. 100 A.D., and Pulumayi, c. 125; of the Kshaharata Satraps, Nahapana, c. 40 A.D., and of the Mahakshatrapas, Chashtans, c. 80 A.D., and Rudradaman, c. 130. The whole of the main facts ascertained so far are admirably tabulated in this book as "the late Andhra Kings and connected Dynasties." The Andhra Dynasty went down in anarchy after the Indian fashion c. 225 A.D. We are next introduced to more difficult history, on which Dr. Vincent Smith gives us a short chapter full of the most interesting information. First we have the Sunga Dynasty as the successors of part of the once great Maurya possessions, and of the raids of Kharavela of Kalinga (165-161 B.C.). After this there is the last attempt of the Hellenic kings, in the person of Menander (Milinda) from Kabul and the Panjab, to attack an Indian monarch in 153 B.C. In the days of the first Sunga king, Pushyamitra, the Vedic rite of horse-sacrifice (advamedha) was revived, and it was under him that Brahmanism began to reassert itself and throw off the yoke of Jainism and Buddhism. The dynasty lasted about a hundred years and gave way c. 73 B.C. in dishonour to the Kanvas, who were Brahmans and lasted about half a century, when they were destroyed by an Andhra king c. 28 B.O. India had now ceased to have a great kingdom within it in the sense of an Empire, and Dr. Vincent Smith therefore goes into the stories first of the Andhras and then of the North-Indian Indo-Greeks and Kushan History now becomes as confused as the fights of minor principalities can make it, but as regards India Euthydemos and his son Demetrios, as well as Eukratides of the Bactrian line or lines, conquered the country round the Indus and were followed by several Indo-Greek rulers. So great was the confusion of the time that in Appendix K. Dr. Vincent Dynasties till the rise of the next great Empire, order, because the "geographical and chronological Smith very wisely gives their names in alphabetical that of the Guptas c. 300 A.D. position is so uncertain," though he does try to place them in Appendix L. Out of this list there. stands a great name, Menander; probably of the family of Eukratides. The whole situation takes us down to B.C. 150. So far we have been dealing with what may be called India proper, and we find the story of the Indo-Greek, Indo-Parthian and Kushan Dynasties even still more confused. On the death of Asoka his North-Indian Empire fell a natural prey to the 217 Hellenist Princes of Bactria, and Parthia. Seleukos Nikator had an unworthy grandson Antiochos Theos c. 261-245 B.O., and in his time Diodotos of Bactria and Arsakes of Parthia successfully separated themselves from the great Empire created by Seleukos. At this point I feel constrained to make a small criticism. The book says, p. 234 that Antiochos was 66 miscalled even in his life-time Theos or 'the god' and strange to say was worshipped as such." There is to my mind, however, nothing strange in the fact, for, as I read history, the great Alexander, while in Persia, deliberately had himself proclaimed "a god" on the advice of his Greek philosophic advisers, as the religious as well as the political head of the people, and more princes than Antiochos followed the idea. It is the very ancient idea of the "divinity of kings" followed in various degrees all over the world from Western Europe to China. Meanwhile a great revolution was taking place in Central Asia. About 170 n.c. the Yuechi Tribes, driven out of North-Western China, collided with the Saka tribes of the Jaxartes or Syr Daria c. 160, which in their turn burst upon the Graeco-Bactrians and Parthians c. 140, so that the former disappeared. The Central Asian hordes remained in Seistan and the Panjab, penetrating even as far as Mathura and Kathiawad at varying dates up to 390 A.D. The Parthians, however, developed their power and spread over into India, where they founded Satrapies, i.e., viceroyalties or subordinate kingdoms. History therefore is almost hopelessly confused, but Dr. Vincent Smith most wonderfully clears the ground by assuming two main lines of Indo-Parthian princes:one in Arachosis or Seistan and the other in Taxila of the Panjab. Dr. Vincent Smith also shows that at times the viceroys, e.g., Azes, were transferred from Seistan to Taxila. By the date of Christ these Indian viceroys had become kings. We are now brought to the well-known story of Gondophares and St. Thomas, Gondophares being assumed to have been king of both Taxila and Seistan between c. 20 and 48 A.D. Into the story Dr. Vincent Smith goes fairly and fully, and comes to the conclusion that as regards Gondophares the story should not be ac cepted. There I leave it, as judging by personal 3

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1926 MAURYAS. B.O. Years o reign. .. 26 Chandragupta Bindusars .. Afoka . GUPTAS. 323298 298272 272242 26 .. A.D. .. Chandragupta Samudragupta Vikramaditya Kumaragupta Skandagupta MOCHALS. 320--330 330--380 380--413 413--455 455-467 .. 1 2 A.D. 23 correspondence the matter is by no means yet set tled. About this period the Indo-Parthian rulers had to give way to the Indo-Seythiens or Kushing, a Yuech? Tribe, who did great things in the ancient days. The influence of the Romans under Augustus also began to be felt. We have now reached the Kushan Dynasty, c. 20-225 A.D., to the story of which a very fine chapter is devoted. Indeed chapter X is worthy of close study even by experts, as it puts the results of recent roboarch in an extraordinarily clear and useful man. ner. The Kushans here stand plainly before us from their initial migrations, c. 165 B.C., to their disappearance c. 226 A.D. The long disputed date of the woocomion of the greatest of them, Kanishka, Dr. Vincent Smith puts at 120 A.D., and it is of great interest that he attributes the decay of the Indo. Scythian, i.e., the Kushan, monarchy to the devasta ting.plague of 167 A.D., and possibly to a Sassanian invasion from Persia. At any rate from the time of the disappearance of the Andhras in Central India .nd the Kusbans in Northern India, both about the same time, c. 225 A.D., there was no one groat power in India till the rise of the Guptas c. 320. I may add here, before passing to the Guptas that an ex. cellent chronology of the Kushans is given :--the best I have yet seen. The rise of the Guptas from the status of local chiefs in Bihar to that of Emperors is attributed to a marriage with the powerful Lichhavi rulers of Nepal, who were of extra-Indian origin. It may be noted here that the rise of the Palla vas in South India has been similarly attributed to marriage with more powerful neighbours. Unfortunately for the clear apprehension of history the name of the founder of the Guptas, the second of the greatest Indian Empires, was Chandragupta just as the founder of the Mauryan Empire, the first, was also called Chandragupta. However, the real maker of the Gupta Empire was Samudragupta, fairly described in the book as "the Indian Napoleon." Here Mr. Vincent Smith can claim a personal victory as the recoverer of the story of the greatest Indian ruler after Aboks and before Akbar, and it is very well told. Samudragupte W88 .succeeded by another great figure in ancient history, Chandragupta whom it is convenient to call by another title Vikramaditya, especially as he is most probably roally the Raja Bikram of widely spread Indian legend. He put an end to the Western Satrapies for good, as one of his many great political achievements, and was a great man in other ways. Then came Kumaragupta and the Hun invasion. Dr. Vincent Smith has here a good scoount of what the Guptas did for Indian architecture, but we must pass on to the Huns. I would, however, here pause a moment to make a comparison between the length of the reigns of the great rulers of India of the Imperial Dynasties before the British Empire. Akbar 15661605 49 Jahangir .. .. 1605--1628 Shahjahan .. .. 1628-1858 30 Aurangzeb .. .. 1658-1707 There were, of course, other rulers of supreme consequence under whom India made a general progress forwards, but the above sets of dates cover roughly the chief advances in Indian civilisation, ae during these periods the rulers were mighty men or had great advisers and the land had such peace AB WAG possible. At any rate it was more or less united and 80 personal ambition had scope. The decline of the Guptas commenced with the never ethough historically unimportant struggle with the Pushyamitras, who were possibly founders of tha Pure the Vallabhi Kingdom in Western India, followed by the first Hun attack. This last W&A, however, averted by Skandagupta in 458, but the Huns soon returned and harassed him, and by the sixth century the Guptas had disappeared. Meanwhile the Huna from Central Asia Huns from Central Asia began to appear in Europe and had over-run it by 378, but had been ousted by c. 470. In India they appeared as the Ephtha. lites or White Huns (c. 465) and produced at least two important rulers, Toramana (ob. c. 502), and a greater man, his son Mihiragula of Sialkot in the Pan. jab. This last title Dr. Vincent Smith translates by Sunflower, though that is not the sense of its Sant krit equivalent, Mihirakula. He is described in India as a great tyrant and was ousted by 628 by what may be described as a Rajput Confederacy, describing Rajputs as clans of very varying origin, foreign and indigenous, who have at some time acquired local sovereignty. The head of the Confede racy was Yasodharmen, of & very wide rule if his inscriptions can be trusted, which Dr. Vincent Smith doubte, and soon afterwards the Turks camo into prominence, ouating the Huns. After theme events up to the arrival of Harsha (c. 600) Indian history is very vague and local, but nevertheless except for local Arab irruptions into Sind and Gujarat in the sighth century, for half millennium it was free from foreign attack and could develop itself.

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NOVEMBER, 1926) BOOK-NOTICE 219 him. The seventh century saw the use of the last modem of great Indian cities," dating only from great Hindu Empire in India under Harsha of the days of the Tomara Rajput Anangapala, in the Thepesar and Kanauj, c. 606 to c. 647; and of his middle of the eleventh century A.D. reign there is much good evidence, which need not be gone into here beyond stating that in acquiring At this period there existed, as above said, Prithi. and then ruling his great dominions for a quarter vir Aja, Chauhan, of Sambhar and Ajmer, the famous of a century and more he shows himself to have Rai Pithor of song and legend, who faced Shiha. been an unusually great man. His empire, how. bu'ddin Ghori at Tarain and was killed in 1192. ever, practically disappeared with him; and in the Dr. Vincent Smith throws over the old story that words of Dr. Vincent Smith "India naturally re- the abduction of Raja Jaichand's daughter was a verted to her normal condition of anarchical auto. cause of the Rajput defeat by ShihAbu'ddin Ghort, nomy." As to the remaining 500 odd years of as the two great frontier chiefs of the period could not Hindu rule under petty chiefs before the arrival of combine, and puts it down prosaically to the defeat Mahmnd of Ghaznt, c. 1000 A.D., and the con queste of "a mob of Indian militia " before "the onset of Shihabu'ddin Ghori, c. 1200, the book has a of trained cavalry." He may be right, if there is pregnant paragraph on p. 372, where it is said that evidence the Afghan (or whatever they were) "the salient features in the bewildering annals of cavalry were better trained than the Rajputs. Indian petty states, when left to their own devices Passing over the Chandels (Gonds) and the Kalafor several conturies, may perhaps give a notion churie (Haihayas), wo find another great ruler of what India always has been when released from among the Pawirs of Malwa in Raja Bhoja of Dhar the control of a supreme authority, and what she (1018-1000), who has left a lively memory behind would be again if the hand of the benevolent power which now safeguards her boundaries should be All this while in Bengal there was a Pala dynasty withdrawn." I may here remark that we have the (Buddhist), rising out of the anarchy following the author at his greatest value when history is most great Emperor Harsha, which lasted somu four and confused-learned, patient and clear. The oldest a hall centuries. Of this Dynasty Dharinapala expert can hear him here with profit, and I would (c. 810-832) controlled a wide kingdom. The like to add with admiration. The truth of such an Senas-who wero Hindus-under Vijayasena, wrest. observation is brought home by A Perusal of Dr. ed a large part of Bengal from the Palas, c. 1100, Vincent Smith's outspoken remarks on the history and the two dynasties ruled side by side till Muhamof the Rajput States and on the Rajputs themselves, mad ibn Bakhtiyar Khilji, put an end to both in though these last a pretty sure to rouse controversy. 1197 and destroyed Buddhism. Thus ended HinduIt is not possible here to go into the details of govomed India, of which one remark may be made. Indian history from 700 to 1200 A.D. The land was Wherever and whenever there was strong rule under local chiefs, some of whom acquired large ter imperially or locally-literature and the arts flourish. ritories, while others have become famous. Regard ed. Dr. Vincent Smith follows up his account by ing these times the opinions of scholars and rear. some remarkable pages on Rajputs, which to my chers naturally differ and Dr. Vincent Smith has his mind gives a fair account of these elusive clans, own reasoned opinion on every point, put with great though one can hardly hope that his conclusions, so force and with a clearness which all readers will boldly stated, will escape criticism. He winds up acknowledge. Of the rulers who were personally great the section of his work with a very fine Appendix on may be mentioned firstly Bhoja, Panibar (Rajput) the origin and chronology of the Sena Dynasty. of Kanauj (840-890)-Mihira Bhoja as Dr. Vincent Smith calls him for differentiation-followed by his There still remain, however, two important parts son Mahendrapala (890-908) and grandson Mahipala, of India to be considered-che Doocan and the 910-940, who all maintained a wide rule. Then South. As regards the Deccan, Dr. Vincent Smith came Jaipal of Bhatinde (Patiala), who stood up to remarks that, from the destruction of the Andhras, the Muhammadang, Sabuktigin and Mahmud of history is still very vague from 228 to the sixth Ghaznf, for a while (989 to 1001). Meanwhile the century i.e., to the rise of the Chalukyas (Solankis) Paniher rulers of Kanauj had given place to the of Vatapi (Bademi), who, he thinks, were connec. Gabarwars in 1090, from whom eventually came tions of the Gurjaras of Gujarat, and therefore ori. the Rathors of Jodhpur and the Desert. The ginally foreigners to India. In 608 a very able Gaharwars produced a great ruler in Govindachan prince, Pulakesin II, was on the throne at Vatapi dra (1104-1165), and under his grandson Jaya and his brother Kubja Vishnuvardhana was his chandra--the Raja Jaichend, whose daughter was viceroy in the East at Vengi. Hencear ose the carried off by Rai Pithora, the Chauhan, of Ajmer long lines of the Wostern and Eastern Chalukya.. according to a well-known story-India fell to the They fought all round always and Palakesin became a Muhammadans under Shihabu'ddin Ghori in 1194. mighty ruler until his defeat and death in 642 at the Here Dr. Vincent Smith makes another of his out. hands of the Pallava king Narasimha varman. epoken statement that Delhi is among the mont About 763 arrived for two and a half centuries the

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 19:6 Rashtrakutas (753-973), who were the Balharas of the revenue survey of the Tamil dominions in (Vallabha Rais) of the Muhammadan writers and 1086--the year of the Domesday Book. After him the buillers of the Kailasa Temple at Ellora. The the great dynasty struggled on till 1287 and then Muhammadans called them "the greatest sovereigns came Malik Kafar, the Muhammadan raider, and in India," and no doubt they produced several finally the mighty Vijayanagar rule (c. 1370), which, notable rulers-Govinda III (793-815), Amoga varsha however, belongs to Medieval history. Such is the of the long reiga (815-877), Indra III (914-916), who merest outline of Chola rule, which, however, reckon. successfully attacked distant Kanau). And then in ed among its members some of the greatest personal 973 Taila, a Chalukya, overthrew them and restor. rulers in South India, and left behind it the record ed the fortunes of his family in the Chalukyas of of a system of government worth the study of all Kalyani for two and a quarter centuries (973-1190). nationalities. of this branch of the Chalukyas, Vikramanka Dr. Vincent Smith next taokles what may be (1076-1126) was a wise, kindly man who ruled in called the burning question of South Indian research : peace for the most part. Then came Bijjala, the who frere the Palla vas! He quite rightly discaris Kalachurya Jain for a while, under whom his the theory that they were probably & Pahlavi Brahman Minister Basava founded the Lingayats (Persian, Parthian) clan, i.e., Rajpaits of some kind, c. 1167-a soct which checked Jainism and helped who obtained rule in South India: It is now quite to destroy Buddhism in South India. After a short certain that they were a local tribe or family which revival of the Chalukyas there came over one part rose to power in the early Christian centuriw and of the kingdom the Hoysalas of the Mysore country were not Tamils. Dr. Vincent Smith As usual bly (Dorasamudra, Halebid) in 1190 to be destroyed in sums up the evidence available to him as to what turn by the Muhammadans c. 1326. And over they really were, but, as Mr. Edwardes saya in his another part came the Yada vas of Devagiri (Daula. preface, still further evidence came to light while tabad) to succumb also to the Muhammadans in the book was in the Pross which could not be digest. 1318. A useful set of Dynastic Tables concludes led-a fate that happens off and on practically to all the short account of the Deccan Dynasties. engaged in research. So the question is still ungot The Southern Kingdoms present a more dittcult tled and incleed the rosenrch itself is still not Gnished. and unfortunately still less settled problem, mean- For centuries the Palla vas were important and some ing by that term in ancient India, the Land of the of them were great rulers. They had indeed so Tamils, and that ruled by the Palla vas. The difti- great an effect on South India and in fact vicariously culty of the subject lies in the incompleteness of the on India generally that it is most clesirable to ascer. research which still obtains. In- the ancient clays tain all that is possible about them. Mahendra. the ruling families were the Pandyas in the South, varman I (c. 600-625) was an important Monarch, the Cholas on the Eastern side and the Cheras followed by Narasimha varnan 1 le. 625-615), the on the Western, with many incursions into each greatest of all. The decline of the Pallava power other's territories. - As regards the Pallavas, the pro. began with Nandi varman (c. 720-782), and the blem as to who and what they were is being gradual- dynasty went on fighting till it was overthrown by ly settled, and though I do not at present personally the Cholas at the beginning of the tenth century, feel satisfied that it is right to describe them, as During all this period, there existed two kingdoms does this book, as a predatory clan like the Marathas of the Gangas-the Western in Mysore and the of later times, it is quite possible that that is a con. Eastem in Kalinga on the East Coast. They-ench clusion historians will eventually arrive at. Tamil produced a great king: Sripurusha (725-756) of the India is very ancient and its story important for Western branch, and Ananta varma Cholaganga tracing the history of the people, but politically the (1076-1147) of the Eastern. old kingdoms were strictly local, like many others of the minor principalities in the country. With these remarks Dr. Vincent Smith ends his The Cholas and the Cheras seem to have become last edition of a great work, with which his name must ever be associated. As a very old student of some importance about the date of the Christian ora and the Palla vas to have become rulers about of Indian history, I cannot too highly express my 300 A.D. The Cholas also seem to have preserved admiration of the research and the knowledge ex bibited and the clearness with which the results # harassed existence between the Pandyas and th Pallavas till about 900 A.D., when Parantaka I. thereof have been recorded. Mr. Edwardes, with Chola (c. 901-953) overthrew both of them. In 985 characteristio modesty, hides his shop as much se CAMO mighty man to the Chola throne, Rajaraja he can, but I suspect that more of the Lootnotes and the Great (c. 985-1018), and then came Rajendra the emendations in the text than would at first ap Choladova (c. 1018-1035), an equally great conqueror, pear are due to his pen. Between them the authors followed by Rajadhirejs (1035-1053) a renowned have produced a work which is not only accurate fighter. Bubsequently on the failure of the male as is possible, but gives the student a clear and Succession in 1077, the throne fell to relative in the comprehensive view of ancient Indian history. female line, Kulottunga Chola (1074-1118), the horo R. C. TEMPLE.

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ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA DECEMBER, 1926 1 221 ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA. (A Critical Review of the Legend.) By T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. The accompanying letter has been received by me from a scholar, who is himself a St. Thomas Christian of Southern India. It is published here in order to assist in the elucidation of the difficulties surrounding the much disputed legend that the Apostle St. Thomas preached and diod at Mylapore near Madras. The writer's remarks are of greater value from the fact that he is so far from being didactic as to be perfectly willing to be convinced that he is wrong in believing that St. Thomas never went to South India. He is thus placing him. self in no real antagonism to those who hold the opposite opinion. In view of the forthcoming works of Dr. Farquhar and Fr. Hosten on the St. Thomas legend, his observations may prove to be of much importance. In any case it is worth while from the point of view of an honest search for tho trhuth to have them on record.-R. C. TEMPLE.] "I am a St. Thomas Christian and I have long studied closely the South Indian tradition, both aral and recorded, about St. Thomas. The more I study it, the more I am confirmed in my belief that St. Thomas, the Apostle, never went to South India. I ask leave to set forth my argument to you, but I am quite ready to be beaten and convinced by those who believe in the truth of the statement that St. Thomas was in South India and died at Mylapore. Briefly, my position is as follows: 1. There is nothing in The Acts of Judas Thomas to indicate that the journey of St. Thomas by cart from the kingdom of Gondophares was to South India. 2. St. Thomas, according to The Acts, was martyred in Mazdai's kingdom (which, I suppose, was somewhere in North-West India) close to that of Gondophares. 3. The saint who lies buried in Mylapore-- I call him the Calamina saint-died in circum. stances quite different from those of St. Thomas's martyrdom. Vide Medlycott's India and Thomas, London, 1905, pp. 122-126, where unadulterated pre-Portuguese versions recorded by Marco Polo and Marignolli are given. The author's 'saving face' theory (pp. 129, 131) does not commend itself to me. 4. The bones of St. Thomas were removed from Mazdai's kingdom to Edessa, but those of the Calamina saint have been believed by us and our ancestors to have remained in his tomb at Mylapore entire and intact. True, the Portuguese who opened the tomb in the sixteenth century did not find the bones, but only debris. Quite naturally. Bones kept in a tomb for about fifteen centuries will not be converted into fossils, but will crumble into drust, 5. If St. Thomas it was that died at Calamina near Mylapore, we should have celebrated the feast of 21st December. We do not observe it, but instead oelebrate the feast of the 3rd day of the month of Tommus, which this year corresponds to the 16th of July. It is with us a marandya or great festival, called tho dukrand in Syriac, which means commemoration. This 3rd July, or rather 3rd Tommus, is the day of the deposition of the relics in Edessa (Medlycott, op cit., p. 27, footnote 1). 6. Our tradition says that St. Thomas set up seven crosses in Malabar. There seems to be an anachronism here, which nobody has yet looked into. According to the canonical Acts of the Apostles, none of the apostles mentioned therein set up crosses, not even the one who said, " let me not glory save in the cross." 7. Now, as to our (Malabar) tradition, which nobody before me has carefully scrutinized. no recorded pre-Portuguese version has come down to us, although pre-Portuguese versions of the Mylapore tradition are extant (cf. Marco Polo and Marignolli). 8. The earliest recorder Portuguese versions contain no dates, neither 52 A.D. for the ad. vent of St. Thomas, nor 72 A.D. for his martyrdom, nor any other. These, therefore must be regarded as inventions of the Portuguese period. The date 52 A.D. must have been pitohed upon. because it is just subsequent to the year 51 A.D. in which, acacrding to some historians, all the

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1926 apostles met in synod at Jerusalem. Some of our prose accounts of St. Thomas give 51 A.D. instead of 62, and a Malayalam song of 1601 A.D. has 50 A.D. for the advent of St. Thomas. 9. The incidents of the Andrapolis of Sandaruk section of The Acts, which evidently took place before St. Thomas reached Gondaphares' kingdom, are found in the extant Portuguese period versions of our tradition. The incidents of the Gondophares or Gudnaphar section also are in them. These undoubtedly took place in North-West India. 10. The Portuguese missionaries must probably have read the Passio (published c. 1480) and De Miraculis (published 1531 and 1552) in printed form, and made their Malayali students in the seminaries of Malabar read them too. These missionaries and students most probably transferred the incidents of the Sandaruk and Gudnaphar sections of The Acts into our genuine, pristine tradition and gave it the present form. See section VIII of Joseph's What Thomas Wrote, in The Young Men of India (Calcutta), May, 1926.-- 11. There is no means of ascertaining what our genuine tradition (in Malabar) was in pre-Portuguese times. (See 13 and 14 infra). 12. The Greek and Syriac writers from c. 700 A.D. onwards must have got the name Calamina (which I am almost sure is Chinnamalai, the name of The Little Mount near Mylapore, metamorphosed) from the pre-Portuguese tradition of Malabar or Mylapore. Vide Modlycott, pp. 160 ff., 98-100, and W. R. Philipps in Ind. Ant., 1903-04, for Calamina. Also Joseph's "Malabar Miscellany," Ind. Ant., 1924, pp. 93-95. 13. There is, however, a residue left, if from our extant tradition all elements derived from the Syriac Liturgy and from the Latin versions of The Acts, and those (like the dates) interpolated in the Portuguese period, are removed. 14. This residuum or residual tradition may be regarded as our pre-Portuguese tradition. 15. It says (a) that St. Thomas came to Malabar, founded seven churches and set up seven crosses ; (b) that he passed on to the East Coast, and was (as Marco Polo and Marig. nolli say) aocidentally wounded (at Calamina), died and was buried in Mylapore. 16. This residual tradition, too, may contain the accretions of centuries. For instance, (a) the name St. Thomas, added by confusion arising from the annual celebration of the im. portant 3rd Tomms feast, and (b) the seven crosses added long after the Nestorians came and set up the Pahlavi-inscribed crosses, four of which have already been discovered in Malabar. Who, then, was the missionary who came and evangelized Malabar and the Coromandel Coast and lies buried in Mylapore ? None can say. Several theories are possible. Mine is that he was a saintly missionary sent from Edessa after the deposition of St. Thomas's relics and the institution of the 3rd Tommus feast there. He might have been sent by King Abgar IX who reigned in Edessa, A.D. 179-214 (Medlycott, p. 295, and Encyc. Brit. 8.v. Abgar) and was converted. This missionary (perhaps a Thomas) must have introduced the Syriac liturgy and the 3rd Tommas feast into South India. He died and was buried, and in course of time the grand St. Thomas feast engendered the notion that the saint lying buried at Mylapore was St. Thomas himself. The church in North-West India died out in the early centuries after Christ, and so could not put in a counter-claim. Neither could Edessa say where in India their rolice had come from. Chinnamalai (Calamina), the place where the Edessene saint died, was shown to travelers as the place of St. Thomas's martyrdom. From them it (Calamina) found its way into Greek writings of c. 700. This is my speculation. It may or may not be correct. May I now offer some remarks on a few names in The Acts ? 1. Mazdai of The Auis is not a proper name, but a modified Iranian or Parthian form of Sanskrit Mahadeva, which means Great King. Deva in Sanskrit, may be god or king. For the title Mahadeva applied to a king, see Cambridge History of India, I, p. 539, where there is a coin legend Mahddevasa rdno Dhardghoshasa Oudumbarisa. 2. Bifur, the general of King Mazdai, may be Aspavarman, strategos or commander-inobiet of Gondophares (Cambridge History of India, I, 577, 578, 580, 581). Aspavarman may

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DIOCMBER, 1920 ] VYAGHRA, THE FEUDATORY OF VAKATAKA PRITHIVISENA 223 have been the strategos of Mazdai also, who, I suppose, was Gondophares' viceroy in Arachosia. As regards (Aspavar)man, the bracketed portion of the long name muy, I think, be found in Sifur, Man being omitted as an inconvenient caudal appendage. 3. Quantaria (Medlycott, p. 285) of the Ethiopic version of The Acts may be Kandahar (Arachosia). So in my opinion St. Thomas died in Arachosia. But Calamina need not be looked for there. It is Chinnamalai near Mylapore in South India. It will be very illuminating if Dr. Mingana (of the John Rylands Library) and other scholars take up the study of the extent and duration of the early Christian Church in India -- from Bactria to Betuma (near Singapore, not Mylapore) and from Cape Comorin to the Himalayas-from ancient Syriac and Arabio Sources."1 VYAGHRA, THE FEUDATORY OF VAKATAKA PRITHIVISENA. BY PROFF99QR S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) PH.D. IN volume LV, page 103, Professor G. Jouveau Dubreuil'e indentification of the Ucchakalpa chief Vyaghra is presented to us in English by Sir R. C. Temple. The learned professor quotes the recently discovered inscriptions published by Dr. Sukthankar in volume XVII, page 12, of the Epigraphia Indica, where a Vyaghra Deve is referred to "as meditating on the feet of Vakataka Prithivisena." This inscription, as well as the two others of Prithivisi na published by Cunningham and Fleett, give no further detail than that the ruler Vyaghra who made the grants was a feudatory of the Vakatakas. As the professor has pointed out the Uochakalpas had a neighbouring kingdom ruled over by another family of chieftains. Their boundaries happened to be contiguous along a part of the course of the river Tons (Tamasa) in Central India. A boundary stone fixed by a Divisional Officer refers to the Parivrajaka Maharaja Hastin and Ucchakalpa Sarvanatha as ruling at the time, thus indicating clearly that they were contemporary rulers at the time of the planting of this pillar. The further fact is also correctly stated that the Parivrdjaka Hastin dates his grants in the Gupta Era, 3 clearly stating it in so many words. These dates extend from A.D. 475 to 511. Of the other Sarvanatha Ucchakalpa, we have also three inscriptions dated respectively, 193, 197, and 214 of an Era which is not specifically stated. As two of Hastin's dates work out respectively to G.E. 191, G.E. 189 with a possible alternative of 201, and if these two dates for Hastin happen to be correct, and if Hastin was, as the Bhumara pillar inscription states, the contemporary of Sarvanatha, Sarvanatha's dates 193 to 214, though not referring to any particular Era specifically, may have to be referred to the Gupta Era. If it is taken as equivalent to the Traikutaka Era, because in the locality concerned that Era could have been in vogue, there would be a difference of a century almost between the two rulers. It seems, therefore, vory likely that Sarvanatha's dates are also to be referred to the Gupta Era. If this position is assumed to be correct, Hastin in his last years of rule would have been contemporary with Sarvanatha in the early years of his reign. Sarvanatha was a grandson of a Vyaghra. Of the Uochakalpas the first chief to achieve any prominent position seems to have been Vyaghra's son Jayanatha, as far as we know about them at present. We have two dates for him, 174 and 177, or A.D. 493 and 497, on the basis that the dates are of the Gupta Era. If Vyaghra the father ruled before him, his probable date would be about A.D. 476. I P.8.-Dr. Mingana has already published his elaborate study in The Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, vol. 10, No. 2, July 1926, and vory kindly sent me a complimentary copy. The Syriac sources he draws upon aru disappointingly lacking in early specific refer noen to partioular localities in India, although vaguo references to India' by name abound in them. Prom page 38 of the reprint of Dr. Mingana's study it is seen that Barbebrous says that not much later than A.D. 798, in the time of Patriarch Timothy I. (A.D. 779--823) the Christians of North-West India called themselves Ohristians of St. Thomas . --T.K.J. I Arch. Survey Rep., XXI, 97 and 7.0.1., pp. 233 ff Bhuman Pilar insoription. 7.G.I., p. lll. 3 F.G.I., PP. 98, 102, 107, 114.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1926 The region over which the Ucchakalpas ruled is the part of Central India through which runs the river Tons more to the westward than to the east. Hastin ruled probably to the west of this roughly. The succession of the two families can be arranged in the following tables for ready reference : Pariurdjakas. Ucchakalpas. Devadhya or Devahya. Oghadeva. Prabhanjana Kumaradeva. Damodara. Jayasvamin. Hastin Vyaghra. dates G.E. 156, 163, 191, 189 (or 201) (c. A.D. 475-511). Jayanatha. date G E.? 174, 177, (c. A.D. 493-497) Samkshobha G.E. 209 (A.D. 528-529). Sarvanatha date G.E. 193, 197, 214 (c. A.D. 512-534). From these tables it is clear that Hastin could have been contemporary with Sarva. natha, his father Jayanatha, and even his grandfather Vyaghra. If Professor Dubrouil's identification of the Uochakalpa Vyaghra with the Vyaghra of the Nachna and Ganj inscription should be correct, Vakataka authority must have been acknowledged in Bundelkhand and Baghalkhand. In the immediate neighbourhood, however, Hastin specifically acknowledges the authority of the Guptas, dating his grants in the Gupta Era. There is perhaps nothing impossible in this position, as two friendly powers may have exercised authority in territories contiguous to each other. But the difficulty arises when it is admitted, as the Professor admite, that Jayanatha's and SarvanAtha's dates are in the Gupta era. If they dated their documents in the Gupta era, the presumption would be that they were Gupta feudatories ordinarily. There is the further point that none of the later Uochakalpas acknowledges the authority of the V&katakas, while the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions actually acknowledge the authority of Prithivibena Vakataka. Could we imagine that Vyaghra about the year A.D. 475 acknowledged the authority of Prithivisena, while his son and successor and his grandson do not make any acknowledgment of Vakataka authority and date their inscriptions in the Gupta cra? In fact, the professor's indentification of the two Vyaghras rests upon the dates of the Ucchakalpa feudatory, and Prithivssena II, Vakataka being near A.D. 475. There is the further fact, which the professor does not note, that the commands of Prithivisena II's father Narendrasena, according to the Balaghat plates, 'were honoured by the lords of Kosala, Mekhala, and MAJava,' and he is said to have held 'in check enemies bowed down by his prowess. It may be possible to presume that the son inherited the territory and extensive authority of the father, and therefore Prithivisena II exercised authority in the same region as well. Prithivibena II's date may be about A.D. 476, perhaps without much margin for error. Having granted so much, have we enough for the identification of the Vyaghra of the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions with Vyaghra the Vochakalpa ? It would be difficult to sustain the identification. The first point to notice is that while the shorter inscriptions acknowledge the authority of the Vakataka, the more detailed later inscriptions of Jayanatha and Sarvanatha do not do 60. Next, the later inscriptions date the documents in the Gupta era as it must be conceded, which is incompatible with the acknowledg. ment of authority of the VAkatakas who do not use the Gupta era or any other in their dooumenta. Again, the identification might be accepted at least tentatively, if there had been no Vyaghra in that region, and no other Prithivisena among the V&katakas, whose authority may have extended to that region. On the contrary we have reference to a Vyaghra in the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta ruling over Mahakantara. We have material,

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DECEMBER, 1926] VYAGHRA, THE FEUDATORY OF VAKATAKA PRITHIVISENA satisfactory material, for regarding this Samudragupta as the contemporary of Vaka. taka Prithivisena I, who is described as a great conqueror and who extended his authority as far as Kuntala in the south, in the Ajanta Inscription. It would be more reasonable to hold, therefore, that the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions are inscriptions of the Vyaghra, who acknowledged the authority of the Vakatakas under Prithivisena I. The contemporaneity of Prithivisena I and Samudragupta does not rest merely on the precarious evidence of Paleography. The Balaghat plates of Prithivisena II were on the basis of Paleographic evidence alone referred to the second half of the eighth century by Kielhorn, while Dr. Buhler on the same evidence of paleography assigned the Ajanta inscription of Harisena, who must have been, however, almost a contemporary of Prithivisena II, and came immediately after him to the first quarter of the sixth century A.D. My friend, Dr. Sukthankar, editing the Ganj Inscription, considers Buhler's dating too early, and would assign the Ganj inscription to the seventh century A.D., and relies to some extent on Prof. Kielhorn's assumption of the eighth century for the Balaghat plates. We have now much more reliable evidence for assigning dates to these rulers on the strength of recently discovered copper plate grants of a Vakataka queen, who claims to have been a Gupta princess. We shall now consider how far this will take us. A Vakataka queen, Prabhavati Gupta, has been generally known to epigraphists for some time. In the grants of Vakataka Pravarasena II, son of this queen, published by Dr. Fleet in the Gupta Inscriptions8, she describes herself as the crowned queen of Vakataka Rudra. sena II, son of Prithivisena I. She describes her husband only as a Maharaja. In the same document, she describes herself as the daughter of Maharajadhiraja Devagupla. Notwithstanding the fact that this was another name of Chandragupta, Dr. Fleet sought to identify this Devagupta with the ruler of that name among the later Guptas 10, to bring the dating in line with palaeographic estimates. It was Professor Pathak who drew attention for the first time in the Indian Antiquary for 1912, from another grant of this Prabhavati Gupta since published,11 to the fact that she described herself as the daughter of a Maharajadhiraja Chandragupta, carrying the genealogy of the Guptas down to Chandragupta II. Another grant since discovered1 confirms this, and it may be now taken as beyond doubt that Prabhavati Gupta, the crowned queen of Rudrasena II and mother of Pravarasena II, was the daughter of Chandragupta II, the great emperor, son of Samudragupta. Rudrasena's father Prithivisena must have beer: contemporary with Chandragupta II, Vikramaditya. As Prithivisena I's reign is described in the Ajanta inscription as having been a comparatively long and prosperous one, we may take it that he was a contemporary of Samudragupta as well. It is just possible that he was contemporary even with Samudra. gupta's father.13 That is not very material to our position here. 225 Among the southern monarchs that Samudragupta conquered and set free, the second prince in the list happens to be a Vyaghra, the ruler of Mahakantara. The first name is that of the ruler of Kosala. Where was the Mahakantara of which Vyaghra was the ruler? In the period to which these documents have reference almost up to the days of Harsha, Mahakantara must have included the Sagar division of the Central Provinces extending northwards certainly to the Ajaighad state in Bundelkhand. It is likely therefore that this Vyaghra is the chief under reference in the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions, both of which are in the Ajai. ghad state, and this Vyaghra must have acknowledged the authority of Prithivisena 1 Vakataka before Samudragupta conquered and set him free, obviously on the understanding that that Vyaghra changed his fealty from the Vakatakas to the Guptas. We require A.S.W.I., vol. IV, p. 138. F.G.I., p. 33. Sanchi Ins, note. AA.S.W.I., vol. IV, p. 128. 7 E.I., vol. XVII, p. 30. 10 F.G.I., p. 215 and n. 7 on the page. 13 Indian Antiquary. 5 E.I., vol. IX, p. 270. F.G.I., Nos. 55 and 56. 11 Ep. Indi., XV, p. 39. 13 Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, vol. IV, p. 41.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1926 other reasons for holding that this was actually the course of events. In the Balaghat Plates of Prithivisena II, Kosala, Mekhala and Malava are mentioned in order, proceeding east to west and lying across the Vindhya mountains along the northern frontier of the VAkataka dominions proper. In the Samudraguptal4 inscription we begin with Kosala and pass on to Mahakantara, answering more or less roughly to the region extending north to south across Bundelkhand down to the Maikal range (Sanskrit : Mekhala) and beyond. If we can imagine something like a design in the order of conquests of Samudragupta, we ought to suppose that he defeated the rulers of Aryavarta and then proceeded on his southern conquests as a mere matter of ordinary caution, although the inscription for epic purposer puts the southern first. However that be, the consequence of his suppression of the northern rulers is described to be the reduction to his service of the various forest chieftains (dtavika Rajas). That means the region of these forest chieftains begins immediately from the borderland of Aryavarta. We find inscriptions of Hastin describing him as ruler over the eighteen forest kingdoms' 16. These eighteen forest kingdoms must have lain in and about the neighbourhood of Bundel. khand and Baghalkhand, and would answer almost exactly to the Mahakantara of Samudragupta, and the region extending southwards from the kingdom proper, if there was such a one. For our present purpose it is just enough if the territory indicated happens to be about the region extending southwards from Bundelkhand and Baghalkhand. If the chiefs had been reduced to servitude by the conquests of the northern kings, Samudragupta could safely march forward on his southern invasion. The Nachna and Ganj inscriptions may possibly refer to this Vyaghra, the powerful ruler of Mahakantara, to whose authority the various forest kingdoms may have been subordinate. If Samudragupta felt it necessary to conquer the kingdom, it must have been under another sphere of influence, to use a modern expres. sion. What is the other authority to which these kingdoms could have been subject ? It must be the authority of the rival kingdom of the Vakatakas under one of their most important and powerful rulers, Prithivisena. The question may well be asked why the Samudragupta Pillar inscription does not mention the Vakatakas as such, or Prithivigena as such. The only possible answer to that question seems to us to be that either as a result of a cam. paign of Samudragupta or before, the two must have come to an understanding and been in some kind of alliance, the relative spheres of their overlordships being more or less indefinite on the extreme frontier. That is the only satisfactory explanation for Samudragupta marching southwards almost as far south as Kanchi and returning along the coast road, without attempting an invasion of the Dekhan and the Southern Mahratta country, specifically stated to be under the authority of the Vakatakas. This position is, to some extent, supported by the fact that the stone inscriptions of Nachna and Ganj frankly acknowledge the overlordship of the V&kataka, although in the form accessible to us the inscriptions are not quite full. As they are, they do not show any elaborate genealogical details, with which the later inscriptions of the Gupta period are usually prefaced, whether they be Gupta inscriptions or V&kataka. The inscriptions, as far as their form goes, are in keeping with early Gupta inscriptions even of Chandragupta II, Vikramaditya. The inscriptions merely state the actual ruler and proceed to detail the grant. This ought to be decisive that the Prithivisena referred to in these inscriptions should be regarded as Prithivisena I, the earlier of the two kings of the name. As against this there stand the palaeographical objections, the dates assigned to these on palaeography alone being apart by almost three centuries. These palaeographical objections should not be regarded as insuperable, as in the present state of palaeographical studies we do find an error of two-and-a-half centuries possible. Such an experienced palaeographist as the late professor Kielhorn referred the Balaghat inscription on palaeographical grounds to the latter half of the eighth century. It was already pointed out that the inscription was intended to be 16 P.G.I.. pp. 7 to 13. 16 F.G.1., p. 113. and reforegone thereundor.

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DECEMBER, 1026 ) VYAGHRA, THE FEUDATORY OF VAKATAKA PRITHIVISENA 227 issued by the Vakataka Prithivisena II, only two generations removed from Pravarasena II, the son of Queen Prabhavati; Prabhavati Gupta being the daughter of Chandragupta II, her son Pravarasena must have been a contemporary of Kumaragupta, and his son Narendrasena and grandson Prithivisena II could not have gone very much beyond the forward limit of Kumaragupta's long reign. We may, therefore, ascribe to Prithivisena II a date about the end of the fifth century. Prof. Kielhorn's estimate is the end of the eighth century, the margin of error being as wide as about three centuries. Similarly in the case of the Ganj inscription Dr. Sukthankar's estimate is the sixth or seventh century, whereas on the basis of the Prabhavati Gupta's dating, it should be dated about the middle of the fourth century A.D., if it be accepted that the inscription was issued by a feudatory of Prithivisena I. With this possibility of error in palaeographical estimates, it would be hardly possible to attach to palaeography a decisive importance in fixing narrow periods, admitting to the fullest extent the possibility of comparative estimates of age on paleographical grounds : but palaeographical arguments should not be pressed to the extent of being decisive, where other evidence of value or even of mere validity should indicate another dating. If it is open to a comparative layman to offer an opinion on matters palaeographical against such well-known experts, it strikes me that the Ganj inscription is of about the same character as the Udayagiri16 cave inscription of Chandragupta, and it is not altogether with. out similarity of character to his Sanchi inscription.17 If sufficient allowance be made for the difference of material, it is not without similarity of character to the copper-plate inscriptions issued from Sarabhapura18. It would be difficult to institute comparisons with inscriptions at great distances. Admitting the possibility, therefore, of differences due to material, and differences due to the skill of the individual who cut these out, I am not inclined to believe there is sufficient difference of character to warrant a difference of two or three cen. turies in point of age between the one and the other set. There is a further point to which due weight ought to be given. Ucchakalpa Vyaghra's date is somewhere between A.D. 475 and 493. Almost in the middle of this period, the region concerned was under the authority of Budhagupta and his subordinates. In the year G.E. 165, corresponding to A.D. 484-485, Budhagupta was the overlord, and he had a viceroy in that region, Sura michandra, who was governing the country between the rivers Jumna and Narbada. There were sub-governors in the region of Eran, of whom we know of two bro. thers, Matsivishnu and Dhanyavishnu. Matsivishnu was contemporary with Budhagupta, and Dhanyavishnu was contemporary with Maharajadhiraja Toramana, who seems to have succeeded to the government in that region. We have still another record dated G.E. 191, corresponding to A.D. 510-511, from which an inference seems possible that even Banugupta ruled in that region and fought a battle against some enemy, losing his faithful general in the person of Goparaja, who fell fighting. The presumption, therefore, that the rule of the Guptas lasted through the whole of the fifth century in that region, and possibly during the earlier years of the sixth century, seems to be well-founded on fact. In the face of 80 much evidence to the contrary, it would be necessary to have much- stronger evidence than has so far been produced for postulating the rule of the V&katakas in that region in the last quarter of the fifth century. Having regard to the different lines of evidence set forth, and the more or less well-established synchronism between the V&katakas and the Guptas on the relationship of the two families through Prabhavatigupta, it would seem much more justifiable to identify the Vyaghradeva of Nachna and Ganj inscriptions with the Vyaghraraja of Mahakantara of the Samudragupta Pillar Inscription rather than the Ucokakalpa Vyaghra, regarding whom we do not even know the fact that he actually ruled. Fresh evidence may upeat this conclusion, but till then this seems the more justifiable position to tako. 1. F.G.1., p. 28, plate opposite. 11 F.G.I., p. 38, plate opposite. 10 F.G.I., Nov. 40, 41.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY VEDIC STUDIES. By A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D. (Continued from page 208.) j 1, 148, 3: nitye cin nu yam sadane jagrbhre prasastibhir dadhire yajniyasah | pra su nayanta grbhayanta ishta'v asvaso na rathyo rarahana'h || 'Whom the worshipful (gods) caught hold of in his own place, carried with praises, and holding him and speeding like the horses of a chariot led him in the sacrifice". The reference bere is to the original carrying off of Agni from his place in the highest heavens by Matarisvan, Vivasvat, Bhrgu, the devah, etc.; compare 10, 46, 9: dya'va yam agnim prthivi janishtam &'pas tvashta bhr'gavo yam sahobhih | lenyam prathamam matariova devd's tatakshur manave yajatram and also Macdonnell's Vedic Mythology, p. 71. The word yajniyah refers to the deities above-named. 1, 140, 12: rathaya na'vam uta no grha'ya I nilyaritram padvatim rasy agne asma' kam vira'n uta no maghono janams ca ya' parayac charma ya' ca || [ DECEMBER, 1926 Give us for chariot and for house, O Agni, a ship that has its own oars (that is to say, that is propelled of itself) and (moves on its own) feet, that will carry over our sons and our patrons and our people, and that is a shelter." 5, 85, 7: aryamyam varuna mitryam va sakhayam va sadam id bhra'taram va | vesam va nilyam varund'ranam va yat sim d'gas cakrma' sierathas tat || "Free us from the sin, O Varuna, that we have committed against our companion, friend, acquaintance, or brother or our own neighbour or stranger " 1 7, 88, 6: ya apir nityo varuna priyah san tva'm a'gamsi krnavat sakha te ma' ta enasvanto yakshin bhujema yandhi shma vipra stuvate varutham || "He, O Varuna, who being thy own dear friend and comrade, has committed evil towards you, may we not, being sinful feel (thy might), O mighty one. Grant, O thou that art wise, protection (literally, cover) to thy praiser." The yah beginning the first half-verse has apparently no antecedent in correlation with it; but there does not seem to be any doubt that in reality it has for antecedent the plural vayam that is to be supplied in the third pada; the meaning therefore is: "Though, O Varuna, I, being thy own dear friend and comrade, have sinned against thee, do not, O mighty one, make me suffer for it, but graciously become, thou that art wise (and therefore knowest that I am not solely responsible for such sins) the shelter and protector of me that am now praying to you." Compare in this connection the following two verses likewise addressed by Vasishtha to Varuna-7, 87, 7: yo mrlayati cakrushe cid a'gal who (Varuna) is beneficent and gracious even to one that has committed sins against him' and 7, 86, 6: ni su svo duksho varuna dhrutih sa' sura manyur vibhi'dako acittih asti jyd'yan kiniyasa upare svupnas caned anrlasya prayota' "It is not my own impulse, O Varuna; it is predestination, drink, anger, dice, or ignorance (that has led me to sin); there is the elder close to the younger (who has to bear the responsibility, either for having prompted the sin or for not having prevented its commission); even sleep is the promoter of acts against the Law (rta)". "

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DECEMBER, 1926 ] VEDIO STUDIES 229 3, 53, 24 : ima indra bharatasya putra' apapitvam cikitur na prapitvam hinvanty a ovam aranam na nityam jya'vajam pari nayanty djau This verse is the last of a quartet of verses known as vasishthadveshinyah as they have been written, it is said, in disparagement of the Vasishtbas. It is clear that the verse speaks of the stupidity of the Bharatas; but, for the rest, its exact sense has not yet been made out; see Oldenberg, RV. Noten I, p. 256. I translate tentatively as follows: "These sons of Bharata, O Indra, know neither the time for resting nor that for going. They ride their own horse as if it were another's ; in battle, they carry round ceremoniously the (bow) strengthened with bow-string." "Riding their own horse as if it were another's' means, not so much so unges. chickt und dem Tier ungewohnt wie ein fremder Jockey' (Geldner in Ved. St. 2, p. 160, n. 5) as * using the horse unsparingly as if it were another's ; not taking proper care of the horse;' for, it is natural on the part of the owner of the horse to use it carefully and not to beat it cruelly or make it strain its powers and go beyond its strength, while it is as natural for one who is not the owner to pay no attention to the horse or its capacity but to make it go as fast as it can be made by blows and other similar means to go. Compare the saying current in the Kannada country, bitti kuduro dvarike cabbe, another's horse, and a rod cut from the Avarike (cassia auriculata, Lin.; a shrub that is found almost everywhere; the rods cut from it are regarded as unusually tough) shrub (to beat it with so as to make it go faster)' and the English proverb Set a beggar on horseback and he will ride it to death'. In the fourth pada, the European interpreters have understood the word jyavaja as referring to a horse and meaning strong (swift) as bow-string. This may perhaps be looked upon as an ordinary figure of speech in European languages in which things or persons are commonly described as being as tough or as strong as 'whipcord ' or 'wire', as being wiry', etc.; but, I do not know of any instance in Indian literature where the upameya is described to be as strong (or as swift) as bow-string. The idea in fact is, I believe, quite unknown and wholly foreign not only to Sanskrit literature but to other Indian literatures as well. I believe therefore that Sayana is right in regarding the word as an epithet of dhanus understood here. The verb pari-nf does not mean simply 'to lead round; to carry round'a thing or person but to do so ceremoniously (hence, pari-ni means also 'to marry 'as in the ceremony the bride is led by hand thrice round the fire). The sense therefore of the fourth pada is 'These stupid Bharatas, instead of using a bow, that is strung and ready for use, in battle to shoot arrows with, carry it ceremoniously in procession'! Compare the first pada of the preceding verse, na sd'yakasya cikite jandsah an arrow was not thought of, O men (by these Bharatas when they brought the strung bow to the battle-field).' This closes the list of passages in the RV in which the word nitya ocours. It will have been noticed that I have interpreted this word either as (1) sviya, sahaja, own' or as (2) priya, 'dear' and that such interpretation has everywhere yielded good sense. It is however true that the meaning (3) dhruva also (which the word nitya has in the Brahmanas and in later literature) is not inappropriate in some of the above passages, for instance, in 4, 4,7; 4, 41, 10; 9, 12, 7; 1 73, 4 and 7,1,2; but I have felt it unnecessary to adopt that meaning for the RV inasmuch as it is quite necessary to make use of the first two meanings in the RV and these two meanings are enough to explain all the passages (in the RV) in which the word nitya occurs. The assumption of the third meaning dhruva also for the RV would, in these circumstances, mean a needless multiplication of meanings. As regards the first two meanings, too, it must be observed that in some passages it is difficult to choose between the two as either will do equally well in them. Thus, for instance, one can also interpret nityam kshayam nah in 7, 1, 12 as our own house,' nityena havisha in 4, 4,

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1926 7 as 'by (his) own oblation, 'nityayd vdca in 8,75, 6 as 'with (thy) own voice,' nityad rdyah in 5,8,2 as from (his desirable wealth' and nityam sadah in 9, 92, 3 as beloved seat. In such passages, I have preferred one of them to the other and chosen what seemed to me to be the better, considering the context, of the two meanings. I believe, howover, that the poet must have had both meanings in his mind when he wroto' such passages, and that the more correct course to follow would be to make use of both of them together in the explanation-a course that is occasionally followed by Indian commentators. 8 I can not say how the (third) meaning dhruva came to attach itself to the word nitya (see, however, Max Muller, SBE., 32, p. 215); but it is easy to understand how the (second) muaping priya has developed from that of sviya, sahaja. What is one's own', is, in this world, generally, 'dear' to one, which explains how nitya originally meaning sviya, sahaja came to have the secondary meaning priya also. It is remarkable that the converse also is true : what is dear' to one will generally be acquired and made one's own 'or at least, will be the object of endeavours to acquire and make one's own'. Hence it has also come about that the word priya itself which primarily means dear, pleasing, agreeable,' etc., has the secondary meaning own! The number of passages in the Vedas where priya has the sense own' is indeed considerable ; but, so far, in two or three passages only have the Vedic interpreters recognised that priya = own. One such passage is 1, 82, 2: akshann amimadanta hy a va priyd' adhushata where Sayana explains priyah as svakiyda tanith avadhushata akampayan; Ludwig, too, translates priyah here as 'sich' while Grassmann (Translation) and Oldenberg (RV. Noten, I, p. 83) adhere to the meaningdear'. Another passage is 1,114,7: md nah priya's tanuo rudra ririshah (with which should be compared the parallel passage from AV. 11,2, 29: sva'm tanvam rudra ma' ririsho nah) where Sayana adheres to the meaning 'dear', but which has been correctly explained by Bergaigne (III, 152) as 'nos propres corps,' by Ludwig as 'unsere eigenen lieber' and by Max Muller (SBE., 32, p. 423) as 'our own bodies.' Max Muller has also (op. cit., p. 425) added the following note : "Priya, dear, used like Gk, philos., in the sense of our own. See Bergaigne III, 152". With these exceptions, the word priya is everywhere explained as dear,'' agreeable,' pleasant,' etc., by the exegetists, though, as said above, in & considerable number of passages, the word priya is used, not in that sense at all, but in that of own. This is specially the case in the passages which contain compounds with priya as a component word : 8, 27, 19: yad adya su'rya udyati priyakshatra tam dadha yan nimruci prabudhi visvavedaso yad vd madhyamdine divah || "Whether you uphold yta, Oye that are independent, when the sun rises to-day, or when he goes down, or at midday or at daybreak (literally, at the time of awaking from sleep), O ye that possess all wealth". The hymn in which this verse occurs is addressed to the Visve Devah or All-Glods to whom therefore the vocatives priyakshatrah and vifvavedasah are addressed. Priyakshatrah here does not mean whose rule is agreeable (freundlich herrschend; PW, Grassmann, Ludwig); but priya here='own,' sva, and priyakshatrah=svakshatrah, ruling 8 I cite bere some instances of this kind from Sayana's Vedabhashya. Purtshamsudalam 8, 55, 5; purfahat=pdrakat mandalat, 10, 27,21; purtahatearoakedmanda purakat udalodt, 1, 163, 1 (Ved. St. 1, p. vi); atlah-vydpta. 8, 41,7; atkamsrupam, 1, 122,2 ; at kam=vyaptarupam, 10, 123, 7(Ibid. 2, p. 193); irinamodharapradedam, 1, 186,9; irinamanist ruam tata leadedam, 8, 4, 3; irinamnistr nam daharashanam Batap. Br., 7, 2, 88: (Ibid. 2, p. 223); drapeam=drutagaminam, 8, 96, 14; drapean rasa 10, 17, 13; drapada= drutagamino road, 9, 106, 8; drvatsvisttdt, 4, 12, 5; Arabadabanalah, 3, 30, 19; Arasviantagne, TS. 5,10, 6 (Ibid., 2, p. 269). . Further, Oldenberg has suggested (SBE., 46, p. 62) that priya may have the sense own,' in 1, 67, 6. Not only in 1, 67, 6 but in 3, 5, 6:3, 7, 7 and 4, 6, 8 does priya, in my opinion, mean' own. The mense of these passages, however, is obscure and I have therefore been unable to include them in those that follow, where priya = own,'

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DECEMBER, 1926 VEDIC STUDIES 231 themselves, independent.' Compare 5, 48,1: kad u priya'ya dha' mne mandmahe svakshatraya sva vasase maha vayam which is likewise addressed to the Visve Devah who are here called svakshatrah ; compare also 1, 165, 5 where the Maruts are described as svakshatrah. Priva. kshatra is thus a synonym of sakshatra, evardj, svapati. 8, 71, 2: nahi manyuh paurusheya i'be hi vah priyajata tvam $d asi kshapavan II "The anger of man, O (Agni) born of thyself, has no power over you ; thou indeed art the ruler of the earth". Priyajata here does not mean als freund geborener' (Ludwig) or erwunscht geboren' (Grassmann), but is equivalent to svajata, 'born of his own self', a description that is frequently made of Agni; compare agne tanud sujata in 3, 15, 2; compare also the epithet tanunapat, 'son of self' used of Agni. 10, 150, 3: tva'm u jatavedasam vibvavaram grne dhiya | agne deva'i a vaha nah priyavratan mulkd'ya priyavratan "I praise thee, Jata vedas, that hast all desirable things, with hymn. Bring to us, O Agni, the gods, whose are the ordinances--for grace, (those) whose are the ordinances". Priyavratan =svavratan, those whose are the ordinances; that is, either (1) those who follow their own ordinances (cp. 3,7,7: devd devd' nam anu hivrata' guh'the gods followed the ordinances of the gods') and not those of others; that is to say, those who are independent, sovereign; or what comes to the same thing, (2) those from whom come the divine ordinances which are followed in the universe ; compare 1, 164, 50: yajnena yajnam ayajanata deva' & ta' ni dharmani prathama' ny dsan : 3,56,1: na la minanti mayino nadhfra vrata' deva' nam prathama' dhruva' ni; 1,36,5 : tve viva samgatani vrata' dhruva' ya'ni devd' alornvata, and the expression daivyani vratani (see Grassmann, 8.v. vrata). 1, 140, 1: vedishade priyadhamaya sudyute dhasim iva pra bhard yonim agnaye 1 vastreneva vasaya manmana tucim jyoti ratham sukravarnam tamohanam || "Offer, like food, a place for Agni, who sits on the altar, whose are the laws and who shines well. Adorn with the hymn, as if with an ornament, (Agni), the bright, the destroyer of darkness, the brilliant-coloured, who has a chariot of splendour". Priyadhamaya=svadhamne=svavrataya in either of the meanings given above. Compare 3, 21, 2 where Agni is addressed as svadharman 'following his own laws '; regarding the second sense, compare the epithet vratapah (see Grassmann, s.v.) that is applied to Agni; compare also 7, 6,2: agner vrata' ni purvyd' maha'ni: 2, 8, 3: yasya (Bc. agner) vratam na mi'yale ; 1, 69, 7: nakish ta (agneh) eta vrata' minanti ; and 6, 7, 5: vaisvanara tara ta'ni vrata' ni mahd' ny agne nakir d'dadharsha. In the second pada the word iva has really the force of ca and dhasim iva yonim prabhara means dhasim yonim ca prabhara. There can be no doubt that the word prijadhaman has this same meaning in AV. 17, 1, 10 also : tvam na indrotibhih siva' bhih samtamo bhava arshans tridivam divs gynanah asmapitaye priyadhamd svastaye .... "Do thou, O Indra, be most beneficent to us with propitious aids--(thou) ascending to the triple heaven of the heaven, praised (that is, invoked) for drinking the Soma and for well-being, sovereign ..." TS. 1, 3, 8, 1 : revatir yajna patim priyadha' vidala The Maitr. Sam. (1,2,15;p. 25, 1, 7) and the Kath. Sam. (3, 6; p. 25, 1, 13) read revati predha yajna patim dviba, while the Vaj. Sam (6,11) reads revati yajamdne priyamdha avisa. It seems clear therefore that priya has become shortened to pre-in predhd and that the anuavdra in priyamdhd is an intruder. The word itself is formed from priya with the suffix dha (see Whitney's Grammar, 1104). Priyadha here is equivalent to sadha, and I translate : "O ye that

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1926 have riches, enter into the sacrificer according to your wont". The commentator Bhattabhaskara takes revalih as an epithet of pasvayavdh while Uvata and Mahidhara interpret revati as referring to vak. Priya, uncompounded, has the meaning sva, own', in the following passages - 1, 114, 7: ma' no mahd' ntam uta mal no arbhakam ma na ukshantam uta ma' na ukshitam ma no vadhih pitaram neta mataram priya' ma' nas tanvo rudra ririshah || "Do not injure our great or our small ones, our growing or our grown ones, our father or our mother, or our own selves, O Rudra". 1, 154, 6: tad asya priya m abhi pa'tho asyam naro yatra devayavo madanti urukramasya sa hi bandhur ittha' vishnok pade parame madhva utsah || "May I attain the abocle, where pious people rejoice, of him whose steps are broad. He is thus our relation; there is a spring of honey in the supreme abode of Vishnu." Priyan pathah here has the same meaning as priyam dhama in the passages given below; it means the own abode of Vishnu, vishnoh paraman padam as the fourth pada expresses it, the Vishnu. loka of later times. 1, 162, 2: yan nirnija reknasd pra' vrtasya ratim orbhita'm mukhato nayanti abpran ajo memyad vifvarupa indra pushnih priyam apy eti pathah | "When they lead (it) in front of the offering covered with wealth and jewels (that is, of the sacrificial horse), the goat of all forms, bleating, goes directly forward to the own abode of Indra and Pashan". 10, 15,5: pahatah pitarah somyd' so barhishyishu nidhishu priyeshu ta d' gamantu ta iha eruvanto adhi bruvantu te'vanty asma'n f! << The Soma-deserving fathers are called (to appear and seat themselves) in their own seats on the barhis. May they come here, hear us, speak assuringly to us and protect us." This verse, as also the two preceding verses are addressed to the barhishadah pitarah, the 'pitrs that sit on the barhis '; hence the prayer to them to take their own seats on the barhis. 9, 55, 2: indo yatha tava stavo yatha te jatam andhasah ni barhishi priye sadah | " Indu, according to the praise addressed to thee (that is, the prayer) and to what has happened to thy juice, seat thyself on thy own barhis (that is, on thy own seat on the barhis)" 8, 13, 24: tam imahe purushtutam yahvam pratnd'bhir utibhih! rul barhishi priye sadad adha dvita' || "We pray to him who is often-praised, who is active with protection extending from old time ; may he seat himself on his own seat on the barhis" 1,85, 7: te'vardhanta svatavaso mahitvana' na' kam tasthur uri cakrire sadah vishnur yad dha'vad vy'shanam madacyutum vayo na sidann adhi barhishi priya || "They that are naturally mighty grew with their might; they went to heaven and made & large seat. When Vishnu ran to the strong tatoxicating (Soma), they seated themselves in their own barhis like birds in their nests)."

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DECEMBER, 1926 ] 1, 189, 4: pahi no agne payubhir a jasrair uta priye sadana a' busukva'n | ma' te bhayam jarita' ram yavishtha nunam vidan ma' paarm sahasvah || "O Agni, do thou, shining in thy own abode, protect us with unwearied protections; O thou that art strong, the youngest, may not (thy) praiser suffer from any fear of thee or from any other fear". The expression priye sadana a susukvan here corresponds exactly to didiva' msam sve dame, 2, 2, 11; di'divim (vardhamanam) sve dame, 1, 1, 8; gopa' rtasya didihi sve dame, 3, 10, 2; sva a yas tubhyam dama d' vibha'ti, 1, 71, 6; yo dida'ya samiddhah sve durone, 7, 12, 1; and di'dyan martyeshv d' sve kshaye bucivrata in 10, 118, 1. 10, 13, 4: VEDIC STUDIES evbah kam avrsita mrty praja'yai kam amy' tam na vrnita | bhaapati yajidm abrevata ehi priya'm yamas tanvam pra' rirecit || "He held back death from the gods; he did not hold back immortality from men; he made Brhaspati the sacrifice and the rshi; Yama let our own body (or self) romain". 9, 73, 2: samyak samyanco mahisha' aheshata sindhor arma'v adhi vend' avivipan | madhor dha' rabhir janayanto arkam it priya'm indrasya tanvam avivrdhan || "The beautiful strong ones have moved well forward; the loving ones have moved in the wave of the sea; with the streams of madhu producing a song, they have made Indra's own body grow". 233 10, 132, 5: asmin sv etac cha kapula eno hite mitre nigatan hanti vira'n | aver va yad dha't tand' sho avah priyasu yajniyasv arva || "Sakaputa kills the brave men that have committed this sin in respect of this well-disposed Mitra when the courser placed his strength in the own worshipful bodies of these two (sc. of Mitra and Varuna)". The meaning of this verse is not clear and widely-divergent explanations are given of it by Sayana and Ludwig. It is difficult to say who is denoted by the term arva (courser) in pada 4 and if the word sakaputa is really a proper name. 2, 20, 6: sa ha sruta indro na ma deva urdhvi bhuvan manushe dasmatamah | ava priyim ariasanasya sahva'n chiro bharad dasasya evadhavan || "He, the god known by the name of Indra, of most wonderful might, raised himself aloft high over man; he, the mighty conqueror, brought down the own head of the evil-doing dasa." 8, 12, 32: yad asya dha' mani priye samicina' so asvaran | na' bha yajnasya dohana pra'dhvare || "When the united ones (priests ?) made a sound (song?) in his own abode, in the navel of the sacrifice, by milking in the sacrifice." 6, 67, 9: pra yad vam mitravarund spurdhan priya' dha' ma yuvadhita minanti na ye deva' sa ohasa na marta dyajnasco apuo na patrd || When they, O Mitra and Varuna, become jealous of you and violate the own ordinances laid by you they, who are by repute no gods and no mortals, who, like the sons of Apf, are no performers of sacrifice." The second half-verse is not clear; in the first half-verse, the

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1926 expression priya dhama yuvadhita, 'the own ordinances laid down by you', is equivalent to your own ordinances; the ordinances laid down by you in person'. 3, 55, 10: vishnur gopa'h paramam pati pa'thah priya' dha' many amr'ta dadhanah agnish ta' vidva bhuvanans veda mahad deva' nam asuratnam ekan "Vishnu, the protector, rules over the supreme realm, supporting his own immortal abodes; Agni knows all those worlds. The asura-hood (might ?) of the gods is alone great." 4, 5, 4: pra ta'n agnir babhasat tigmajambhas tapishthena scisha yah surd' dhah | pra ye minanti varunasya dha' ma. priya' mitrasya cetato dhruvd' ni || ""May Agni, who has sharp jaws and who makes good gifts, eat up with his hottest flames those who violate the own immutable ordinances of Varuna and of Mitra who observes (or, who knows)." 1, 87, 6: sriyase kam bhanubhih sam mimikshire te rasmibhis ta 'levabhih sukhadayah te va' dimanta ishmino abhiravo vidre priyasya ma'rutasya dha' mnah 11 "For their glory, they (sc. the Maruts) united themselves with bright reins and brilliant (ornaments); they, with beautiful khadis and axes, impetuous, fearless, knew of their own Marut troop". The meaning of the fourth pada is not clear as the word dhama used in it is ambiguous. 9, 12, 8: abhi priya' divas padd' 86mo hinudno arahati viprasya dha'rayd kavih || "The wise Soma flows swiftly with (his) stream (and with the hymn of praise) of the priest to his own places in heaven". 9, 38, 6: esha sya pitaye suto harir arshati dharnasth | krandan yonim abhi priyam * This strong, yellow (Soma), that is expressed for being drunk, rushes crying to his own place." 4, 48, 3: madhvak pibatam madhupebhir daabhir uta priyam madhune yunjatham ratham & vartanim madhund jinvathah patho dr'tim vahethe madhumantam abvind | "Drink, O, ye Asvins, of mead with your mead-drinking mouths ; yoke your own chariot for the purpose of (drinking) mead; you stimulate with mead the course of the path; you carry & leather-bag of mead". 6,51, 1: ad u tyac cakshur mahi mitrayor a'i eti priyam varunayor adabdham rtasya suci darbatam an kam muloms na diva (dita vy adyaut "This great own eye of Mitra and Varuna, which can not be deceived, arises; the pure and beautiful face of rta has blazed forth in rising like a brilliant jewel in the sky". 4, 62, 7: & dya'm tanoshi rasmibhir d'ntariksham uri priyam ushah bukrena bocisha "Thov estendest the heaven with thy rays and also thy own broad sky with thy radiant effulgenoe, O Ushas" The sky, antariksha, is called "Ushas' own "probably because Ushas is an antariksha-sthaniya-devatd and the antariksha thus belongs to her. (To be continued.)

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DECEMBER, 1926 ) THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BOMBAY . 238 THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BOMBAY. A few remarks concerning its origin and growth. By 8. M. EDWARDES, 0.8.I., .v.. (Continued from page 215.) The third or Muhammadan period may be held to run roughly from A.D. 1348, when a Gujarat Muhammadan force attacked and seized Mahim and killed the Hindu chief of Chaul, who had dispossessed Bimb's gon and successor, Pratapdev, a few years before. The period ends in A.D. 1534, when Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat transferred Bassein and its dependencies, including the seven islands of Bombay, to Nuno da Cunha, Viceroy of Goa, acting on behalf of the king of Portugal. In regard to the population there is little to chronicle during the Muhammadan period, except that the numbers of Naitias or Konkani Muhammadans must have appreciably increased by immigration from the coast towns of Gujarat. Documentary evidence exists that in A.D. 1530 they formed an important trading community in Bassein, and we have the statement of the Portuguese physician, Garcia da Orta, who became Lord of the Manor of Bombay island in 1538, that "the Moors who came from abroad and mixed themselves with the Gentiles (scil. Hindus) of this land " formed a definite section of the population at that date. Indirect proof of the growth of the Konkani Muhammadan element during the two centuries preceding Portuguese dominion in Bombay is afforded by the death at Mahim about A.D. 1430 of the Saint Makhtum Fakih Ali Paru, who is said to have served as Kazi of Mahim. His tomb, which is still the most notable feature of the neighbourhood and at which a large fair is annually held, was erected in A.D. 1431, and bas acquired a wide reputation for the cure of cases of spirit-possession. The fourth or Portuguese period runs from A.D. 1534 to 1661, the date of the Marriage Treaty between Charles II and the Infanta of Portugal. Now for the first time one beging to hear of those parts of Bombay, other than Mahim, which have since developed into municipal wards, and of the island of Bombaim, the home of the Koli goddess Mumbai, as distinct from Mahim, Parel, Sion and Worli. Speaking roughly, what are now the northern wards of Bombay City were grouped together under the kasba or chief station of Mahim and were in possession of the Portuguese religious orders, while Mazagon and Bombay with Worli and Colaba were grouped together under the kasba ot Bombaim and were granted on a quit-rent, in lieu of military service, to a succession of Crown tenants or Lords of the Manor. It was from the widow of the last of these, Donna Ignez de Miranda, that the first English governor, Humphrey Cooke, received possession of the Island. The period of Portuguese dominion, far from being marked by any increase of population, was responsible for the flight from Mahim and other islands of many of those who had settled during the preceding Hindu and Musalman periods. The Portuguese religious orders adopted a policy of wholesale conversion to Christianity, and in pursuance thereof showed so much intolerance and perpetrated so much tyrauny that both Hindu and Muhammadan residents were forced to leave the Island and seek refuge in the mainland territories of Indian rulers. Christianity was imposed upon all classes indiscriminately,-on Brahmans, Prabhus, Panchkalshis, Bhandaris, Kolis and others; and in consequence, there existed at the time of the cession of Bombay to the English a considerable Native Christian population in the seven islands, particularly in Mazagon, Parel, and the island of Bombay itself. Besides these, there were a few Portuguese of pure blood, like Christovao de Souza de Tavora, the Lord of the Manor of Mazagon ; & number of Indo-Portuguese, styled To passes,' of mixed European and Asiatic parentage, who possessed the good qualities of neither race; Dheds or low caste people, who served as scavengers etc; Malia and Agris, who cultivated gardens and fields; and a certain number -of unconverted Brahinans, Prabhus, Bhandaris and Kolis,

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1926 I may pause here for a minute to remark that, despite conversion, the Native Christians of Bombay and Salsette maintained their former Hindu caste distinctions to the extent of refusing to intermarry with other Christians, who had originally belonged to lower Hindu astes; and this prejudice, I believe, can still be traced among the Christians of Salsette, those, for example, who claim an original Prabhu or Panchkalshi ancestry refusing to marry fellow-parishioners, whose forbears were Bhandaris, Agris or Kolis. So far as the Christian Kolis of Bombay are concerned, their Christianity is of a distinctly superficial type: for they still observe the chief Hindu as well as Christian festivals; they still visit the shrines of aboriginal Hindu deities like Mumbai and Ekvira as well as the Roman Catholic churches; and I myself have seen in the deva-ghar or god's room of a Koli house images of Christ and the Virgin Mary side by side with the images of Mahadev, Hanuman, and Khandoba. Many of them worship their ancestors and are called on that account Virkar, and one of their more curious customs, which they are said to have borrowed from the Native Christians of Salsette, is that of photographing their family corpses. When a member of the family dies, the others prop him up in a sitting posture and have him photographed-a rather gruesome habit which may or may not be connected with the reverence regularly paid to the family dead. Time will not permit of more than a rapid glance at the classes and castes which settled permanently in Bombay during the British period. Within ten years of the transfer of the Island by the Portuguese, Armenians and Hindu Vanis (Banias) from Surat and Brahmans from Salsette had taken up their residence in Bombay. Of these the Armenians have gradually disappeared in favour of the Bania and the Parsi, and the only legacy of their former settlement is Armenian Lane-a narrow street in the old Fort area. The Parsis were also among the arly arrivals, for one Kharshedji Pochaji was contractor for the building of fortifications 1665, and by 1673 the first Tower of Silence had been built on Malabar Hill. These people Continued to arrive in a steady stream, attracted by the prospect of trade, and many wellEnown Parsi families of to-day trace their descent from men who settled here between 1730 nd 1745. The famine of 1790 in Gujarat was also responsible for the immigration of many families. East African negroes and slaves from Madagascar, locally known as 'Cofferies,' were a well-known element of the population during the early British period and continued to be imported until the middle of the nineteenth century. They formed the ancestry of the curious Sidi population, which now resides in the Municipal ward E and supplies the large ocean liners with stokers and other members of the crew. Another ancient community was that of the Shenvis or Gaud Sarasvat Brahmans, who came from Goa and the South Konkan. They are mentioned in an official letter of 1673 as one of the important classes of Gentus i.e., Gentiles or Hindus, in Bombay, and as being traders and cultivators: and it is probable that some of them were in the Island during the pre-British period. At any rate, immediately after Bombay came into possession of the English, the Bombay Council recorded that they had employed one Ram Simar, i.e., Rama Shenvi, because owing to long residence he had acquired an intimate knowledge of Bombay conditions. In or about 1756 the Kapole Banias immigrated from Gogha and Surat under the leadership of one Rupji Dhanji, the ancestor of Sir Mangaldas Nathubhai, who was the leader of the Bombay Hindus during the seventies' and 'eighties' of last century. They were followed towards the end of the eighteenth century by the Bhattias from Cutch and Kathiawar, who have since played a prominent part in the development of the local textile industry. From Gujarat, Cutch and Kathia war came also the three chief local Muhammadan sects, Memons, Bohras, and Khojas, of whom the first named are Sunnis and the two latter are Shias. They commenced to filter into Bombay as soon as the trade of Surat declined and arrived in large numbers after the famines of 1803 and 1813. The latter famine was also responsible for the arrival from Cutch of the Dasa Oswal Jains, who are an important section of the trading classes; while the horse trade with the Persian Gulf and the pearl trade led

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DECEMBER, 1926 ] THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BOMBAY 237 to the settlement of Arabs and Persians in the Byculla ward. The Chinese were in the Island by 1830 and have been there in small numbers ever since ; but the Japanese did not appear till much later in the nineteenth century. The annexation of the Peshwa's dominions in 1818 and the settlement of the Deccan formed the prelude ot much closer communication between Bombay and the country above the Ghats than had previously been possible, and the opening of the G.I.P. Railway offered an additional stimulus to immigration of all classes from the Deccan. From 1860 onwards Bombay received the large army of Maratha Kunbis and allied tribes and castes, who are known familiarly in the city as 'Ghatis' or men from above Ghats. The Ghati has no ambition except to work, is frugal in his tastes, and is perfectly satisfied if he finds a narrow strip of ground to sleep on, and secures a wage large enough to allow of two simple meals a day, one or two Manchester cotton coverings, and a rough woollen blanket. He has no preference for any particular form of labour, and will be found serving as dock-labourer, water-carrier, fireman, smith, drain-cleaner, bullock-cart driver, cook, musician, victoriadriver, policeman, and in many other capacities. In the docks, wharves, and the large 'godowns' or warehouses, his best qualities are seen. He manages heavy loads of bales, bags, machinery, timber, with the intelligence and skill of one to the manner born, and his physical endurance during the hottest weather has often excited the wonder and admiration of his employers. Frugal though his fare be, he thrives upon it, declaring in his own terse idiom that on a diet of bajra (millet) he can carry a heavy load 15 or 20 miles a day, on a wheat diet, 10 miles, and on a rice diet, 5 miles. The Ghati's chief wealth in Bombay consists of his labour cart and bullocks; and possessed of these, he is a power in the trade of the city. Though he gives little to commerce in intelligence, he gives a very full measure of service for a scanty wage. Docility and obedience are innate in him, and he knows nothing of the vices to which the European labouring classes are sometimes addicted. Closely allied in origin to the Deccan Maratha is the Maratha of the Konkan, hailing from Ratnagiri and neighbouring districts, who supplies three-quarters of the textile operativo population, a large proportion of the arban constabulary, and the bulk of the menial staff of public and private offices. He also performs domestic service in Hindu households. The presence of this class in large numbers dates roughly from the foundation of the textile industry in 1854 and the establishment about the same date of a regular service of coasting-steamers. The feverish commercial activity which resulted from the outbreak of the American Civil War and the consequent sudden expansion of the Bombay cotton trade largely contributed to the growth of the Konkani Maratha population. By 1865 the number of cotton spinning and weaving mills had risen to 10, by 1875 to 27, and by 1908 to 85, employing daily on tho average more than 100,000 hands, the large majority of whom are Konkani Marathas, who will be found in every department of the mills. The rapid expansion of the textile industry has not been an unmixed blessing. Much of Bombay's industrial area includes land which was once covered by the sea at high tide, and, having been roughly reclaimed with townsweepings and refuse, is damp or waterlogged during the monsoon : and the immigration of the Marathas of the Konkan into this low-lying area was so rapid and so great that adequato arrangements for their housing could not be made. The local government and its sanitary authorities have been endeavouring ever since to mitigate the evils resulting from the industrial activity and the marked increase of the industrial population which occurred after 1860. As time does not permit of my extending this brief survey, I must perforce leave much of interest unsaid. I may, however, state in conclusion that, as in most Indian cities, each main class or community resides, as far as possible, in its own particular street or quarter. Differences of caste, creed, and custom render this arrangement inevitable. Commencing with the Kolis in prehistoric times, the syatem has continued to the present day; so that the

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1926 traveller who wishes to meet a Bhattia or Bania, a Jain or a Marwadi, a northern Hindu milkman or a Maratha, a Memon or a Khoja, & Brahman or a Parsi, a Sidi or a Muhammadan weaver from the United Provinces, a Native Christian or a Bene Israel, a Pathan, an Afghan, or & Jew from Baghdad, a Hindu ascetic or a dancing-girl, a Musalman hackney carriage driver from Kathiawar or a Persian ship-owner,-must direct his steps to the particular street or quarter which these classes severally monopolise. An immense field of study is afforded by the characteristics and customs of the diverse population of a city, in which about sixty different languages and dialects are said to be spoken, and in which will be found patives of every part of India as well as of other parts of Asia, of Europe, Africa, and America. BOOK NOTICES. BHASA'S WORKS, & Criticism by A. KRISHNA followed the usual course of withholding the PISHAROTY. Translated from the Rarikatanam, author's name from his dramas." On the second point-peculiarity of form and * quarterly Malayalam Joumal. Trivandrum, technique, Mr. Pisharoty shows tp. 10) that certain 1925. of the peculiarities relied on are not confined to these The Editor, Mr. A. Krishna Pisharoty, of the thirteen draman, and (p. 12) dismisses the whole Rasitaratnam, a Malayalam Journal of literary argument. renoarch, in 1923, published a series of objections On the argument of the evidence of eminent to the attribution of the authorship to Bhase of critics. After going boardedly into this contention thirteen dramas by Brahmakri Mahamahopadhyaya Mr. Pisharoty states (p. 17) that his " findings are Gapapati Sastrigal, Curator of Old Manuscripts, diametrically opposed to Mr. Sastrigal's. There Trivandrum. These objections are now (1926) is here a downright disagreement of opinion, and translated into English to secure for them a wider the final conclusion on the point is that the eviaudience than was possible as long as they were dence produced by the latter is a thoroughly inconfined to the Malayalam language. It will be adequate to justify such an atttribution to Bhma, readily noon that the pamphlet of some seventy and crediting the dramos to Bhas must be regarded pages contains highly controversial matter, b . as unjustiflable." is n well to know what can be said against the The next argument is that passages common hthin of Bham of the said thirteen dramas, to them point to a common authorship. On this it is worth while to examine and set forth the Mr. Pisharoty remarks (p. 17) that "technique can objections. I do not propose to do more in this be imitated " and that "the common passages notice. are not confined to these thirteen dramas, but are The author observes that all the thirteen dramas found in others of known authorship." And from are anonymous and that their titles are to be found, his dissertation on the point one might surmise that not in the prologue, but at the end of the M88., ho thinks Baktibhadra or Bhasa to be the author and he then proceeds to summarise Mr. Sastrigal's wanted. However, on p. 22 we find, not that argument for believing them to be by Bhasa. Saktibhadra should be credited with the authorship, 1. Anonymity, an indication of antiquity. but that his name would be "a leas absurd sugges2. Peculiarity of form and technique. tion than Bbasa's." 3. Evidence of ominent critics. The fifth argument is based on antiquity and 4. Pasages common to them point to a common individuality of diction. Here we have a point authorship. that is obviously one not casily dealt with. How. 5. Antiquity and individuality of diction. ever, Pisharoty tackles it valiantly. He thinks 6. Parallel ideas and passages. Hir. Sastrigal vague in his statements, states the Mr. Pisharoty then proceeds to examine, and diction of the dramas is not uniform, and is of incidentally to controvert, oach argument. After opinion that diction is not always a reliable test, giving his roanons in detail, and showing on p. 5 particularly in works in the classical languagee. that anonymity does not prove antiquity, he Ho concludes (p. 26) that the evidence of diction concludes on p. 8" that the custom of mentioning is "insufficient to prove conclusively that even the name of the author has certainly prevailed one of the dramas can rightly be atttributed to from the time of Bharata, and that it is not right that ancient poet (Bhass)," and here he becomes to surmise that the custom was not prevalent in constructive in his criticism: "The very same the days of Bham, or to conclude on the basis of evidence, when critically examined, leads to sunb surmise that the thirteen dramas are the A contrary conclusion that these dramas are not work of Bhasa. This anonymity can be cop by Bhasa but by some Kerala poet like the authori clolvo evidence for attributing them to Bhasa, 1 of Aacharya-chuddmapl. only if we have other convincing evidence to This takes him to the last point : parallel ideas prove that Bhasa alone among Sanskrit dramatists and passages. Mr. Pisharody gone more deeply

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DECEMBER, 1926 ] BOOK-NOTICES than usual into those most erudite arguments and (p. 36) arrives at the conclusion that the dramas "published under the title of Bhasa's Works are not really the works of Bhasa at all," but of some poets of Kerala-"not of any one poet in particular, not even of Saktibhadra." They are "mete compilations got up to meet a local demand for dramatic works." And this point he takes some trouble to make good (pp. 37-47). Mr. Pisharoty's final conclusion (p. 47) runs as follows: "From whatever point we may view these thirteen anonymous dramas, we are driven to conclude, not only that they are not Bhasa's works, but that they could all of them never have been the works of any one poet : that, on the other hand they are but compilations made by Kerala poets to suit a new style of staging Sanskrit dramas by the Chakkiyars on the reformed stage: that original compositions failing to satisfy the increased demand for dramas, systematic compilation must have set in, which meant the borrowing of every dramatic concept and poetic expression that came handy to the compilers from older works, or condensing, or partitioning them if their structure or length permitted or called for such treatment with a view to produce a sufficient number of suitable dramas for the reformed stage." R. C. TEMPLE. ASOKA, by D. R. BHANDARKAB, M.A., (The Carmichael Lectures, 1923); published by the University of Calcutta, 1925. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has taken no small part during the last ten or fifteen years in the interpretation, collation and unification of the lithic records of the emperor Asoka, and is therefore better qualified than most people to give a picture of the life of the Asokan age. He gives as his reason for the publication of the present work the fact that, despite the large amount of research already conducted by scholars into the details of Asoka's position and career, the actual interpretation of the famous records is by no means yet completed beyond a shadow of doubt, and that there is still work to be accomplished in piecing together the information available in the various imperial Edicts. Some of the information contained in the present work has already been made availablo in the works of other scholars, and his comparison of Asoka's position towards Buddhism with that of St. Paul towards Christianity will also be found in Dr. V. A. Smith's Early History of India. But there are various items of information and several suggestions in the course of the work which are the outcome of Dr. Bhandarkar's own painstaking research, and it is on these that the reader will concentrate his attention. In the first chapter he is careful to show that the formula which open the Inscriptions is probably derived from Persia and was perhaps a legacy of the Achaemenian conquest and administration of northern India, and 239 that Piyadarsin was a biruda or epithet of Asoka, just as Piyadassana was of Chandragupta Maurya, according to a Ceylonese chronicle. Devanampriya, on the other hand, was an honorific or auspicious mode of addressing or referring to rulors, and was applied equally to Tissa of Ceylon and to King Dasaratha in the cave inscriptions of the Nagarjuni Hill. Perhaps the most important suggestion in the first chapter concerns the dates given in the Asokan inscriptions. Dr. Bhandarkar holds that all the dates are those of current regnal years, in opposition to the view hitherto held by scholars, and further that there are really no grounds for supposing that Asoka's actual coronation took place four years after his accession. His view certainly appears to draw weight from the passage regarding the release of prisoners at the end of Pillar Edict V; and if it is accepted, it involves a revision of the dates of other incidents of his reign, e.g., his conversion, to Buddhism, which according to Dr. Bhandarkar must have occurred in the eighth regual year. Other interesting facts deduced from the inscriptions are that Asoka's nakshatra was Tishya, and that the emperor possessed an avarodhana or zenana, containing pardah' ladies of lower rank than his two queens. In a later chapter Dr. Bhandarkar exposes the fallacy of the view that the seclusion of women was introduced into India by the Muhamand Kalidasa and Vatayayana refer in their res madans. He shows that the dramatists Bhasa pective works to the custom, and that Asoka's had its counterpart or model in the antahpura avarodhana or inner closed female apartments' or harem mentioned in the Arthaddstra, and he quotes an even earlier phrase of Panini to prove the antiquity of this feature of social life. Interesting also is the identification in the course of the second chapter of the various countries, provinces and peoples mentioned in the Inscriptions. The Yona (Yavana) province, for example, Dr. Bhandarkar regards as a Greek colony of the period preceding Alexander's invasion, situated on the north-west boundary of India between the Kophen and Indus rivers. Its headquarters were prohably at the ancient place, called Po-lu-sha by Hiuen Tsiang, remains of which have been found near Shahbazgarhi. Kamboja, which included the present Hazara Dietrict, was contiguous to Yona. More remarkable, however, is Dr. Bhandarkar's interpretation of the word Petenika, which is associated with Rustika and Bhoja in the inecriptions. Rejecting the hitherto accepted view that this word (in the plural) means 'inhabitants of Paithan,' he regards it as an adjectival noun signifying 'one who enjoys hereditary property,' and that its juxtaposition with Bastika and Bhoja indicates that the Maharathis of the Deccan and the Mahabhojas of the N. Konkan bad in course of time become independent hereditary chieftains in their respective portions of Aparanta.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1926 One is disposed to agree with Dr. Bhandarkar's character could be made by the Buddhist priesthood view that the original Andhra-desa of ancient in Burma to persons of another country and faith, days was far more extonsive than tho Andhra-desa thoro is no radical objection to tho assumption of later agus, though one may doubt whether it that some similar arrangement was made for one really sincluded all the districta specified by the who not only held the exalted position of ruler Author. Nor can one feel quite certain about his of India, but was also himself a Buddhist. suggestion that Satiyaputra was the modern Chapter 1V is concerned with an analysis of the Travancore, though it certainly was situated Dhamma or Dharma of Aboks; and the author somewhere in the extreme south of the peninsula. lays stress on the fact that Aboka was a lay follower Dr. Bhandarkar, however, is apparently not fully of Buddhism and that his preaching was addressed convinced himself of the correctness of his suggestion to householders. On this account he makes no And leaves the identity of this .much-discussed mention of Nirvana or the Eight-fold Path, which region still open. The Pulindas he locates in were subjects for the Bhikshup only, but extols the modern Jubbulpore District, and he adducen Swarga as the reward of dhamnto in the next life. arguments to show that in the days of Aboka there For whereas, as Dr. Bhandarkar explains, the wore two Choda kingdoms, with capitals at higher spiritual attainments and the goal of Orthura (Uraiyur) and Arkatos (Arcot), and two Nirvana are the aim and prerogative of the full Pandya kingdoms, of which the northern included Bhileshu, the doctrine of heaven and hell is prepared the modern Mysore State. The people who are and reserved for the edification and acceptance of referred to as forest-folk in Rock Edict XIII are the ordinary laity. It is also pointed out, by loosted by Dr. Bhandarkar in the country extending oarbful analysis of Asoka's own records, that the from Baghelkhand to the sea coast of Orissa, which emperor had adopted certain elements and ideas in the Cupto age was divided into no less than from other religions, particularly Jainism; while eighteon small kingdoms. as regards his mothods of propaganda, which ero The third chapter deals with Aboka as a Buddhist, fully described in the chapter on 'Aboka as Mis. and incidentally discusses the question as to how sionary,' it is curious to reflect that the duty of Asoka could have combined the roles of monk | preaching,which wasimposed upon the higher district officials of the empire, was a practice obeerved cenand monarch. The combination of the life and turies later by the Portuguese, whose superior officinis duties of a Buddhist Bhikshu with the adminis combined the role of preachers with their ordinary dutretive responsibilities of a wide empire hab seemed ties. The Portuguese were of course wholly ignorant to many an impossible circumstance, and scholars of the example thus set by the Mauryan monarch, like the late Dr. V. A. Smith have tried to explain and beyond the mere fact that their officers acted Aboka's double role by analogy with a Chinese as propagandiste, their methods bore no similarity emperor, Wuti, who lived several centuries later. whatover to those of Asoka. Indeed, the cruelty But the explanation has not been wholly oon. and bigotry which they so often displayed under vincing. Dr. Bhandarkar now explning the the cloak of Christian zeal would have been utterly emperor's connexion with the Samyha by suggesting repugnant to the Buddhist evangeliet. Dr. Bhanthat Asoka became, not a Bhikshu, the daily darkar devotes his final chapter to an estimato life of whom would have been incompatible with of Asoka's place in history, and knowing as much the performance of imperial duties, but a Bhikrhu. as they now do concerning the life and achievemonts gatike, sil, one who dwells in the same monnatery of the great Mauryan, most people, I imagine, will as the Bhikshus, but who at the same time cannot Assent to his conclusions on this subject. Dr. for cogent roasons relinquish the householder's Bhandarkar quotes certain statements by Mr. life and runounce the world. The idea is quite H. 0. Wells, whom it is not always wise to follow placaible. It is not so many years ago that English in matters of history, as his viows are apt to be inen, military and civil officers and merchants coloured by prejudico : but in the matternt Aboka's stationed in Burma, who desired to learn the pre-eminent character, the opinion of the novelist Burmese language, were permitted or invited appears to be amply justified. The book concludes to rendo in rurmeso monasteries. They had their with an annotated translntion of all Abolca's own rooms in the monastery, and ate their meale inscriptions. I have said enough to indicate that there, but were perfectly free to carry out their Dr. Bhandarkar's book is full of information, hd daily avocations and spond their day as they one would expect from a scholar of his reputation, planned. They had no obligations towards the and contains suggestions of much interest to all monastery and its Burman inmates except to who ponder over the problems of India's past history, behave like gentlemen. If a concession of this 8. M. EDWARDES.

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JANUARY, 1926] FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA 78. How Birbal capped verses. (Recorded by Hazari Lal of Agra.) One day Akbar spoke the following lines and asked Birbal to cap them : Jal to Gangajal, aur jal kah re Phal to Amphal, aur phal kah re Bhog to stri bhog, aur bhog kah re 41 Jot men nain jot, aur jot kah re. "Ganges water is best, all other water is naught. The mango is the only fruit, all other fruit is naught. Woman's love is the only joy, all other joy is naught. The light of the eyes is the real light, all other light is naught." Then answered Birbal : Jal to Indrajal, aur jal kah re Phal to putra phal, aur phal kah re Bhog to anna bhog, aur bhog kah re Jot to Surya jot, aur fot kah re. "The real water is that of Heaven, all else is naught. The son fruit is the real fruit, all else is naught. The real pleasure is eating, all else is naught. The light of the Sun is the real light, all else is naught." Akbar was pleased and rewarded Birbal. 79. How Akbar was befooled. (Recorded by Hazari Lal of Agra.) One day Akbar said to Birbal "Is there any place where, if a man goes thither, he becomes a fool?" "Yes," said Birbal, "there is such a village called Mogam, just across the Jamna, and I will take you there some day." Birbal then went to the village and, calling up the elders, said, "The Emperor is coming here and you must make a verse in his honour." One said, "I will say-Sab peran men bargad bar." Another said-Akash waki chutiya, Patal waki jar. The third-Hare hare patte, lal lal phar. The fourth knew no verse, so Birbal taught him to say, Akbar Badshah gidi khar. Then he told them to be sure and present the Emperor with a basket of onions, of which he was very fond. When Birbal conducted Akbar to Mogam, he said, "You must go there bareheaded, as the people dislike seeing anyone with a cap or turban." So Akbar rode bareheaded, and on the way he said to Birbal, "Now am I a fool after all?" "Anyone who rides bareheaded in the sun is a fool," said Birbal. Then the village-elders assembled under the village banyan tree and spoke the lines given above : "Of all trees the Banyan is the greatest, Its top is in the sky and its roots in Hell, Its leaves are green and its fruit is red, The Emperor Akbar is a timid ass." Then they produced the onions and presented them to Akbar, who was wroth and said, " Verily these are the greatest fools on earth." 80. Akbar's Riddle. (Told by Janhari Lal Bania and recorded by Bhup Sinh, schoolmaster, Agra District.) Akbar once asked Birbal to interpret the following riddle: "A lid above and a lid below, and between them a melon cut with a waxen knife." Birbal asked for time and wandered in the fields seeking an answer. He saw a girl cooking, and when he asked her what she was doing, she said, "I am cooking the daughter and burning the mother. My father has gone to mix carth with earth and my mother is making one two." When her 4

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1926 tather returned, Birbal asked him to explain. "It is plain enough," said he : "My daughter is boiling arhar pulse with dead arbar stalks. I went to bury a corpse, and my wife is crush. ing peas, when each grain is split in two." "These are the people to answer Akbar's riddle," thought Birbal. So he repeated it, and the man said: "The upper lid is the sky and the lower the earth. Between them is the melon, Man, which can be cut in pieces by a knife of wax, because the least thing destroys his life." Akbar accepted the answer and loaded Birbal and the poor man's family with gifts. 81. How Akbar became Emperor. (Told by Ram Bihari Misra of Amapur and recorded by Sankar Datt, Rae Bareli District.) There was once a leper who lay by the tank of Somnath, and Jagannath appeared unto him in a dream .and said "Bathe in this tank and thou shalt be made whole." So he bathed and was cured of his leprosy. When he came out of the water, he began to laugh, and a fox who was standing near said: "Why are you laughing at me?" "I am not laughing at you," the man replied. "I laugh because this tank cures the leprous." "Perhaps," said the fox, "if I were to bathe, I might become a human being." "Try," said the other; and lo! when the fox went into the water, he turned into a lovely girl. An old woman who was picking cowdung close by, then came up and said to the girl, who was laughing, "You were a fox a minute ago ; what right have you to laugh at me ?" "I was not laughing at you," said the girl, "I was only laughing to think that the tank can turn a fox into a human being." "Perhaps if I were to bathe," said the woman, "my son who is in a distant land may come back to me." "Try," said the girl ; and lo ! when the old woman entered the water, her son stood on the bank. At this she laughed and her son said, "When a man oomes home from afar, his mother gives him a drink of water and a smoke, and does not laugh at him." "I did not laugh at you," she said, "I was only laughing because bathing in this tank causes distant friends to return." "Perhaps if I were to bathe," said he, "I might get married." "Try," said his mother. And lo! the moment he entered the water, a bride and a grand marriage procession stood before him. Then he began to laugh, and the bride said "Is this the way for a man to weloome his bride, by laughing at her?" "I was not laughing at you," said he. "I was laughing to think that a man gets a bride by bathing here." "Were I to bathe here," said the bride, "perchance I might bear a son." "Try," gaid her husband. And lo! a sun was born to her. When the babe was born, his mother laughed, and the child said "It is hard for a woman to laugh at her son when he is born." "I was not laughing at you," she said. "I was only laughing when I thought that bathing here brings a woman a son." "Perhaps if I were to bathe here, I might become Emperor," said the child. "Try," said his mother; and when he went into the water, he was carried off , and this was Akbar, the Emperor of Delhi. 82. Sulaiman the wood-cutter. (Told by Shaikh Muhammad Kasim and recorded by Kamiruddin of Sandila, Hardoi District.) There was once in the city of Agra a wood-cutter named Sulaiman, who was very poor and used to cut wood every day in the jungle, and thus he made his living. One day, as he was walking in the jungle, he saw a whirlwind approaching; and out of it came a man dressed in green with a green lance; and when Sulaiman saw him, he bowed to the ground before him. The horseman asked him who he was and what was his business. When Sulaiman told him, he said "You need work at this trade no longer. I give you & ruby which you can take to a banker and sell. The proceeds of it will support you for the rest of your life." The man gave him the ruby and disappeared. Sulaiman tied it in his turban, and with the bundle of wood on his head started for the city. On the way a kite swooped down and carried off his turban.

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JANUABY, 1926] FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA 43 When he got to his house, his daughter asked him why he was so late in bringing the wood, and when he told her all that had happened, she said "No gift can make a man rich unless it is God who gives it." Next day he went again into the jungle, and again & whirlwind appeared and the same horseman with it. He said to Sulaiman : "You wretch! You have broken your word and oome here again, though I made you rich for life with the ruby." Sulaiman told him how he had tied the ruby in his turban, and how the kite had carried it off. The horseman then gave him another ruby and disappeared. Sulaiman again tied it in his turban, and again, as he came near his house, a kite carried it off. When he told his daughter what had happened, she said :-"Why do you trouble yourself about foolish things? It would have been better had you brought your wood and sold it. Now, what have we to eat to-day! I told you that to become rich depends upon the will of God." Next day again Sulaiman went to the jungle. Again the horseman appeared and upbraided him, and again Sulaiman told him how the kite had carried off the ruby. The horseman said : -"You should in future fast on the seventh, seventeenth and twenty-seventh days of the month; and when you eat, buy food only to the value of three pice." "But where am I to get even three pice ?" he asked. "Daily," said he, "put two cowries out of your earnings into an earthen pot, and by the day when you have to fast, you will have collected three pice which you can spend on food." Sulaiman did as he was ordered, and next day when he went to the jungle, he found his two turbans under a tree and the rubies with them. So he took them home and commenced to fast as he had been directed. By the grace of the Almighty, he became by degrees a very rich man and after some time his daughter said to hin: "It is time that you got honour from the Emperor." So he prepared a vessel set with diamonds and presented himself before the Emperor Akbar, who, after he had enquired about him, took him into favour and made him one of his Vazirs. And his daughter was received with honour in the palace. One day he thought to himself that, now he was a rich man, it was folly to fast as he had been doing ; so he gave up the practice, and, as he was walking through the bazar, he Baw two splendid water-melons, which he bought as a present for the king. That day the son of the king had gone out hunting, and when the king opened the melon, what did he see within it but the head of the prince. So he had Sulaiman arrested and lodged in the prison, and at the same time all his wealth disappeared. As he lay in the prison, he began to reflect and knew that all the trouble which had befallen him was due to his having broken the rule of fasting. Just then the horseman appeared to him in a dream and said: "I am the Khwaja Khizr. Have you been sufficiently punished for your sins ?" "My punishment is great," he answered. He replied: "Keep your fasts again. You will find three pice under the carpet on which you say your prayers." Sulaiman looked under the carpet and found the money; and then he began to wonder how he could get someone to bring him three pice worth of food from the bazar. So he went up on to the roof of the prison, and then saw a man riding quickly past on a camel. He asked him to buy him food and he said: "I am hastening to buy dye for the feet of my son who is to be married to-day. I have no time to do your bidding." By and by another man passed with tears in his eyes. When Sulaiman asked him to bring him food from the bazar ho said: "My son has just died and I am going to buy his shroud. But, for the love of God I will do your bidding." Just as he was buying the food, a man came up and told him that his son had come to life, while another man reported to the rider of the camel that his son had just died.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1926 So the camelman went to the Emperor and said, "There is a wizard in thy prison. As I was going to buy dye for my son's wedding, he asked me to buy food for him : and when I refused, my son died; and the son of him who did his bidding came to life."' So Akbar sent for Sulaiman, and when the messengers went into the prison, they found him sitting quite happy, with the bonds loosed from his hands and feet. So they brought him to the Emperor. And just then the Prince, who was supposed to be dead, rode up safe and sound. Akbar asked Sulaiman to explain what had happene!; and when he told the tale, he said: "All this happened through the might of the Lord Khwaja Khizr." So Akbar restored him to favour and took his daughter to wife, and made him his Vazir. And when he went home, he found his house full of wealth as it was before. Thus was he warned of the sin of disobeying the Lord and the merit of serving him. 83. The Sepoy and his faithless wife. (Recorded by Muhammad Husein of Chunar.) There was once a sepoy who had a faithless wife, who fell into evil courses and had seven lovers. She wished to enjoy their society without trouble, so she went to the tomb of a saint close to her house and prayed to him :-"Lord, make my husband blind, and I will offer thee sweet cakes and an embroidered sheet." Every day she used to go and make the same prayer, until one day her husband missed her; and when she went to the tomb, he followed her and hid himself in a pit close by. When she made her usual prayer, he called out from the pit:"Feed your husband on chicken broth for forty days and he will lose his sight." When she heard this, she was delighted and sent for her lovers and ordered each of them to provide a chicken by turns, till the forty days were over. Her husband had an excellent dinner every day, and when the forty days were nearly over, he began to grope about and feel his way with a staff, so that his wife believed that he was really losing his sight. She sent for her lovers and cooked a dinner for them and went to the tomb to make her thankoffering. Meanwhile her husband dosed the food with poison, and when her lovers came and ate it, they immediately died. The woman was sore afraid and knew not how to get rid of their corpses. Just then a beggar passed by, and she called him and said:" Shahji, remove this corpse for me and I will give you five rupees." He agreed, and she gave him one of the corpses, which he carried off on his back. Meanwhile she propped up another by the door, and when he came back for the money, she said:"You did not put the corpse in the right place and he has come back." He went off with the second corpse, and in this way she made him remove all the seven. Just as dawn was breaking, he took the last corpse to a well and threw it in, and at that moment a water-carrier came to the well. When the Fakir saw him in the dark, he said:"You are the rascal that has been worrying me all night. Now I have you at last." And with these words he pitched the poor wretch into the well. When he came back for his money, the sepoy was on the watch and slew him and his faithless wife with a sword. Then he left his house and became a Fakir himself. 84. The folly of the Cuckold. (Told by Nazir Khan, Rajput of Saharanpur.) There was once a man who had a very pretty wife, of whom he was exceedingly jealous. So he used to lock her up every day in his house, when he went out on business. One day, as the woman was locked up in the house, she heard a man in the street calling out:"Mangoes to sell! Who will buy my mangoes?" So she went on the balcony and threw down some money, and asked the mango-seller to fling her up some mangoes. As she was buying the fruit, her husband returned and he was very angry. "When a respectable woman talks to people in the street, what will people think of her ? " "Why do you watch me so carefully ?" said she: "If a woman chooses, she can make her husband bring her lover to her and take him away." "I defy you to do so," he retorted.

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JANJARY, 1926 ] FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA 45 She was after this continually devising means to carry out her plan, and one day she complained of a severe internal pain. Physicians were called and all sorts of remedies employed, but to no avail. At last an old woman was sent for, and to her the woman explained the state of the case. The old woman said that she would charm away the disease. So she went to her son and got him to get into a large earthen pot, which she made the husband bring to his wife. The pair remained together for the night, and in the morning the wife told her husband to take away the charm, as she was now quite recovered. He went off with the pot on his head, and as he was walking along the bazar, his feet Blipped on a place where a sweetmeat-maker had thrown the washings of his pots. The jar was smashed and out came the youth, who ran at the husband, shoe in hand, and cried out :-" What do you mean by throwing your jars on quiet passengers ?" But the husband remembered the words of his wife, and he knew that she had carried out her threat. So he was abashed and let her do as she pleased in future. 85. The Shalimar Bagh at Lahore. (The following traditional account of the origin of the name of the famous Shalimar garden at Lahore was told by Shibba Sinh, Brahman of Saharanpur.) The queen of the Emperor Akbar had a brother, who was a useless, dissipated man. She was always pressing her husband to advance her brother to some high dignity, and at last when the Subahdar of Lahore died, she got Akbar to appoint him to the place. When he reached Lahore, he continued his vicious practices. One day he heard of the beauty of the daughter of a great Mahajan, and sent his emissaries to try and induce her to enter his harem. His love increased when he managed one day to see her bathing. But she resisted all his inducements. At last he sent for her and forced her to consent to name a day for their union. The girl managed to escape to Delhi, and when she arrived there, she went round the city in a palanquin, with men shouting before her that the Emperor was dead. Akbar heard of this and summoned her before him, when she said :-"An Emperor who does not protect the honour of his subjeots from the lust of his officers is as good as dead." Akbar was interested in her story and took her with him to Lahore. He interrogated the Governor, who denied the charge. Then he had him and the girl looked up in adjoining cells and placed a guard on the watch. During the night the Governor spoke to her, admitting his fault and promising her his favour, if she would withdraw the charge. His confession was reported to Akbar, who ordered the execution of his brother-in-law. Hence the garden was called "the place where the brother-in-law was slain" (sdlamdr). 86. A Woman's wit. --- (Told by Lala Khayali Ram of Aligarh.) There was once a woman who was taking a dish of soaked gram flour (sattu) to her husband in the field. On the way she met her lover and they passed some time together. While she was looking another way, he moulded the dough into the image of an elephant and put the cover on the dish. When she brought the dish to her husband and he opened it, he saw the dough elephant and was angry. Said he : "How can I eat the image of Ganeshji?" She said: "I will tell the truth. I dreamed last night that you were pursued and nearly killed by a wild elephant. So I consulted a Pandit and he told me to make an image of an elephant in dough and give it to you to eat, and that this would save you from the evil effects of the dream." Her foolish husband believed her and ate the dough elephant,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1926 87. The neglect of good advies. (Told by Tikaram Brahman of Mirakhar, Agra District.) Four men were onoe journeying together and came to a forest in which lived a great saint. When they came to his hermitage he said - "Take my advioe and do not go farther into the forest. Not far off lives a witch who will be your ruin." But they would not heed his words and came to the house of the witch, who was exceed. ingly beautiful. She sent two of them to a village close by, and the other two remained with her. To them she said "When your comrades come, I counsel you to slay them with your swords, and then I will be yours." The other two, as they oame back with the food, consulted together. "Let us kill our comrades and then the woman will be ours." So they put poison in the food. As they came to the door, their companions cut off their heads with their swords. Then they brought the food to the woman, who cooked it and said "Eat, and I will eat the leavings." When they ate, they fell down dead. So the four died because they would not listen to the advice of the saint. As the poet writes : Jo takon kanta bowai, tahi bou tan phul ; Takon phal ko phal hai, wako hai trisul. "Sow flowers for those who sow thorns for thee. So shalt thou find flowers seattered in thy path, and thine enemy a spear," 88. The Kayasth and the Soldier. (Told by Nardyan Dds and recorded by Har Prasdd, teacher, Danaganj, Budaun District.) There was once a Kayasth in a Raja's service, who had a quarrel with one of the Raja's Sipahie. The soldier in his rage threatened to give the Kayasth a sound beating. "I will knock out your teeth," replied the Kayasth. It was the custom that in the pay bill a descriptive roll of each soldier was drawn up, and next time, when the Kayasth was drawing up the roll, he added opposite the Sipahi's name, "two teeth missing." When the Sipahi came to draw his pay, the Bakhshi looked at him, and seeing his teeth sound, said :-"Your desoription does not tally and I cannot pay you." The Sipahi made many attempts to draw his pay, but this objection was constantly made, and at last he had to knock out two of his teeth, and then his pay was passed. When the Kayasth next met the SipAht he said :-"Beware of Kayasths! They always do what they threaten." 89. Wisdom inferior to learning. . (Told by Kishori Lal Bania of Mirakhar, Agra District.) There was once a very learned Pandit who set out from home in search of employment. On the way he met a man who was noted for his wisdom, and he suggested that they should journey together. On the way they halted under a Pipal tree in the forest and the Pandit said to his oompanion "In this world nothing is superior to learning." "Nay," said the wise man, "wisdom is greater still." Said the Pandit : "I know a charm whereby I oan raise the dead to life." The wise man answered : " Here is the bone of a tiger. Try your skill on it." So the Pandit went up to the bone, repeated many incantations and poured somo water on it from his lota. Whereupon the tiger oame to life and immediately dovoured the Pandit, leaving only a bone or two unbroken. All this time the wise man was looking on from the top of the Pipal tree, up which he had climbed in terror when the tiger appeared. When the animal went away, he began to consider what he oould do for his unfortunate friend. So he repeated the incantations and poured on the bones of the Pandit some water from the lota, and he immediately came to lito again,

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FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA JANUARY, 1926] Then the Pandit stood before him with folded hands and thanked him saying:"Learning is one thing and wisdom is another. A learned man destitute of wisdom is naught. Well did the poet write- Ek lakh vidya, sawa lakh chaturdi; Ek or chari Ved, ek or chaturi. "Learning is worth a lakh, and wisdom a lakh and a quarter. On one side are the four Vedas and cleverness on the other." 47 90. The Fate of the Uncharitable. (Told by Ram Ganesa, Dube Brahman of Mirzapur.) There was once a beggar who used constantly to beg in the city. One day he came to the house of a woman, whose son and husband were absent from home on a journey. He stood at the door and cried: "Good luck to the charitable housewife. Give a poor man alms." The woman said: "This rascal is always worrying me by asking alms every day. I will give him something which will prevent him from bothering me again." So she put poison in some cakes which she gave to the beggar. He went back to his hut and put the cakes on a shelf, but he did not eat them, as he had other food which he had received as charity. In the night the woman's husband and son came to his hut and said : "Give us to eat, as there is no food in our house." So he gave them the poisoned cakes, and when they had eaten them, they fell down dead. The beggar man raised an alarm and the neighbours assembled ; and when the woman arrived, she recognised her husband and son lying there dead. So she complained to the Raja that the beggar man had poisoned them. The Raja asked him why he had done so and he answered : "I did not poison them. I only gave them the cakes which this woman had given me." The Raja had her house searched and found poison there: so he sentenced her to death. But the beggar man implored him to spare her life, as she had been sufficiently punished already. As the poet writes: Jaisa karai, so taisa pawai; Put bhatar ke age awai; Sanghe karai sakare pawai. "As thou sowest, so shalt thou reap. It will come on thy husband and son. What thou doest in the evening, thou shalt receive next morning." 91. The saint and the dancing girl. (Told by Brindaban, Brahman of Agra, and recorded by Kundan Lal, teacher of Mirakhur, Agra District.) There was once a saint who used to practise austerities in a forest. One day a dancing girl was passing that way and said: "Jo ant men mati ho hai, soi gati prani ki hai." "What a person thinks of at the time of death, he becomes in the next life." This she said every day as she passed the saint, till one day he was wroth and struck her with his tongs. She complained to the Raja, who, when he heard her story, asked what she meant by her words. She said :-" In my former life I was a Brahman girl and became a widow. I fell sick unto death and my mother sent for a physician. As he felt my pulse, I had evil thoughts, and so I died, and in the next birth I was born a dancer." The Raja and the saint knew her words were true. So she was dismissed. 92. The wit of the Kayasth. (Told by Bhola Ram, Bania, and recorded by Chiranji Lal, Brahman, of Mirakhur, Agra Dist?) The Raja was once passing through a village where a very wily Kayasth lived, and the Kayasth came up to him and said :-"Your kingdom is hollow."

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY "Then you get intothe hollow of it, and be hanged to you," replied the Raja angrily. The Kayasth got the Raja to write down what he had said, and then took it to the Raja's Manager and said: "The Raja means that I am to dispossess you and take your place." It was not till long after, when the Manager came in rags before the Raja, that the trick was discovered. [ JANUARY, 1926 98. The dishonesty of the Shroff. (Told by Parmanand, Brahman of Jataul, Saharanpur District.) A man once deposited a sum of money with a Shroff, and when he went to ask for it, the Shroff denied having received it. So he went to the Kazi. The Kazi summoned the Shroff and said:"I am getting old and the work is too heavy for me. I am thinking of appointing you to be my Assistant." Then the owner of the money went to the Shroff and said: "If you do not pay me, I will lay a suit before the Kazi." The Shroff when he heard this, feared that he would lose his appointment: so he restored his deposit. When he went to the Kazi to see about the place, the Kazi said : "My health has much improved, and I do not want an Assistant just at present." 94. The dishonest Kazi, (Told by Aziz Khan, Rajput of Saharanpur.) There was once a rich merchant who had a clever wife; and one day she said to him :"This world is always changing. You may come some day to poverty. It would be wise to deposit some of your treasure with an honest man." So the banker changed a lakh of rupees into gold coins and deposited them with the Kazi of the city. Time passed and the merchant lost his money by speculation; but when he went to recover his deposit, the Kazi denied the receipt of it and abused him. The merchant went and complained to the Nawab Alivardi Khan. The Nawab asked if he had any witnesses, and when the merchant admitted that no one was present when the deposit was made, the Nawab sent for the Kazi and said: "You know that the Emperor sometimes makes sudden demands on his officers. I wish to deposit with you nine lakhs of rupees that I may have them on the evil day." The Kazi was pleased, and as he was preparing a vault to receive the treasure of the Nawab, the merchant came again and demanded his money. The Kazi feared that if he refused to pay, the merchant would complain to the Nawab, who would withhold his treasure. So he paid the money; and then the Nawab turned him out of the city. 95. The pride of the Jackal, (Told by Kundan Sinh, Jat, and recorded by Ayub Hasan of Manglaur, Saharanpur District.) One day a jackal and his wife were out at night foraging, and he found a piece of paper with some writing on it. He took it to his wife and said: "Here is a Firman of the Emperor Akbar, making me headman (Choudari) of all the jackals." "All right," said she, "but you should also carry a badge in proof of your dignity." "You are right," he replied, "so tie a stick to my tail." So the poet writes : She did so, and just then up came a dog and chased them. The female jackal escaped into a drain, but as her mate followed her, his tail stuck in the opening, and the dog caught him and tore him to pieces. Baro na haje gunan binu birad bardi pai; Jo nahin mati yah hiya dharai shrig sam turat nashay. "Do not listen to flatterers and claim importance which you do not deserve. He who does not mind this advice will share the fate of the jackal,"

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MARCA, 1926 ) FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA 98. The Wiles of Women. (Told by Lala Khayali Ram, Kayasth of Aligarh.) A man one day sent his wife, who was a beautiful woman, to buy somo sugar in the bazar. She went to the shop of a Bania, who fell in love with her, and when he had enjoyed her favours, gave her some sugar for nothing. As she was going home, a boy followed her, and opening the knot of her sheet, stole the sugar, and tied up some earth in its place. Reaching home, she laid her sheet aside, and when her husband looked for the sugar, he found only earth. Then her husband abused her, but she said : "I will tell you the truth. As I was coming home, a mad bull escaped in the bazar, and I dropped the sugar. In my hurry I picked up earth instead." "Thank heaven, my love, that your life at least was saved," he replied, and believed her. 97. The Dream of the Oplum-eater. (Told by Parmanand, Gaud Brahman of Jataul, Saharanpur District.) An opium-eater onoe lay in his drunken sleep on the roof of his house, and he dreamed that & river was rising in flood all round him and that he and his household would be carried away. So he jumped on a chair and shouted out to his wife :-"Dear one, mind the little ones. The river is rising. There is neither boat nor raft to save us and we shall lose our lives." With that, in hopes of saving bimself, he jumped from the roof and fell to the ground, A friend came and helped him up, but the opium-eater pulled himself away angrily and said: "What is the good of saving me when the danger is over! If you had come when the flood reached the roof of my house, you would have been a true friend!" 98. The Oplum-eater's Dispute. (Told by Thakur Sinh, Ahir of Saharanpur.) Two opium-eaters were once sitting together, half intoxicated by the drug, and one said to the other "Let us be partners and start a gweetmeat shop. We can eat some sweets when we come to our senses every evening, and we shall also be able to support our families." "I have a better plan," said the other. "Let us sow our field near the river bank-with sugar-cane, and you and I can sell it to a greengrooer. But we will make it a condition that we may each cut a cane every day, and we can sit there and peel and eat it." "Who am I," said the first," that I should eat only one sugar-cane. I must have two." On this the other in a rage hit him on the head, and they went to the Kotwal for justice, He sent them to the Vazir. The Vazir said: "Apparently you have not paid the rent for your field." So they had to pawn their clothes and pay the rent. But when they went to sell their sugar-cane, they could find it nowhere and came home naked and ashamed. 99. The dishonest Perfumer. (Told by Aziz Khan, Rajput of Saharanpur.) There was once a man who had some money; and as he was going on a journey and was afraid he might lose it, he made it over to an Attar who lived near him, who promised to keep it safely until his return. When he returned and demanded the deposit, the Attar angrily denied having received any money from him, and when the neighbours came up, on hearing the quarrel, they said: "This man must be a rogue. Who ever heard of his having any money? Besides, the Attar is a most respectable man."

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1926 So, as he could get nothing out of the Attar, he went to the Nawab, who asked him if he had any witness of the deposit. He said: "None but God Almighty." So the Nawab said: "Go every evening and sit near the shop of the Attar, and when you see me coming out in my carriage for my daily airing, come up and whisper something, no matter what, in my ear." This went on for a few days, and the Attar began to think : "This man must be a friend of the Nawab. Heaven only knows what he says to him. Perhaps it may be to my harm." So he called his debtor and said :-"Tell me something more about your deposit. Perchance I may remember something about it." And in the end he paid up the money. 100. The Fate of the boastful Jackal. (Told and recorded by Shaikh Ali Ahmad, teacher, of Fatehpur Sikri, Agra District.)] There was once a jackal who, as he was wandering in the jungle, chanced to come across the den of a tiger. So he used to stay about the place, and whenever the tiger chanced to bring home any prey, the jackal would get some scraps to eat. After many days he went back to his wife, who was surprised at seeing him so fat and sleek, and said: "Where on earth have you been all this time, and what have you been eating that you have got so fat?" "You must remember," he answered" that I am no longer a common jackal; I have now taken to killing mighty beasts of the forest whenever I am hungry." "Let me see you kill one," she said, "because I and the young ones have had little to eat for a long time." Next day as she looked out of her hole, she saw a great ox grazing outside. So she woke her husband and said: "Here is an animal worth killing. Don't delay any longer." The Jackal ran out and came back in a short time and said : "Are my eyes red with rage ?" "No," she said, "your eyes are much as usual." Again he ran out; and when he returned, he asked : "Are my eyes now red enough?" "I think they are," said his wife. So with that he sprang on the back of the ox and seized his tail in his teeth. But the ox turned round, butted at him and never ceased tossing him with his horns till his life departed. So this was the end of his boasting. As the wise say : Apne bal son adhik jo, karai murh kou kaj: So srigal sam binsai, hansain bhi sakal samaj. "When one attempts what is beyond his power, he is destroyed like the jackal and the folk mock at him". 101. The Dancing-girl and the Parrot. (Told by Daulat Ram, teacher, Lalipur.) There was once in the Court of Vikramaditya a dancing-girl, who was called Lakho, because she was so famous that whoever visited her had to pay a lakh of rupees. One night she dreamed that a certain Brahman was with her, and next day she went to him and demanded her usual fee. He refused to pay, as he had never been with her, and when she appealed to the elders, they could not settle the case and took the parties to the king. He was also perplexed, and finally a very wise parrot of the king offered to settle the matter. So he brought a lakh of rupees into the Court and a looking-glass. He laid the rupees before the glass and said to the girl : "As you only dreamed that the Brahman was with you, you may take the shadow of the rupees in the looking-glass as your reward, "

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MARCH, 1926 ] FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA 51 Lakho was thus defeated by the wit of the parrot, but she vowed vengeance against him. So one day when she had danced and sing before the king, and he offered her what she pleased, she asked for the parrot. She took the bird home and gave it to her servant, and told her to cook it at once for her dinner. The servant plucked the parrot and laid it down for a moment, and went for a knife to cut its throat, when the parrot, seeing a chance of saving its life, crept into the house drain and hid there. When the servant came back, she thought that a cat must have carried off the bird, so she bought another parrot in the bazar and cooked it for her mistress.. By and by the parrot grew his feathers again and flew into a tree near the house of Lakho. One night he called out to her from the tree, and she thought that it was the voice of an angel from heaven. The parrot said : "Lakho ! I am an angel of the Lord, and if you obey my words, a heavenly chariot will come down from heaven and fetch you up. First, you must give all your wealth to the poor and leave yourself not a single rag. Then you must go at night naked to the palace of the king and there the heavenly chariot will come to fetch you". She obeyed the heavenly voice, and when all her wealth was gone, she went at night to the palace of the king. But the heavenly chariot never came, and in the morning the servants found her lying naked there, and she was mocked of all the city. Thus the parrot was revenged of her and when he told the tale to the king, he was received back into the Court. 102. The Dog and the Brahman. (Told by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube.) Once upon a time a Brahman was passing along the road, and seeing a dog sleeping there, struck at it with his bludgeon and broke its back. The dog went to the Court of Ramachandrs and made his complaint against the Brahman. When the king called on him to make his defence, he said :-"It is true I struck the dog and yet I did not intend to hurt it so severely. Further, had I not struck it when it was lying on the road, it might have bitten someone who stumbled against it. Thus I acted for the public good and I am blameless." The Raja consulted his ministers and they said = "The Brahman is surely to blame, but it is a rule of the State that no heavy punishment shall be inflicted on a Brahman. It is best that the dog be asked to fix the penalty. So shall we be free from blame." Ramachandra asked the dog what punishment should be awarded to the Brahman, and he said :-"Give him a number of villages and let him become the head of a monastery and escort him to his new charge on an elephant." "But " said the Raja," this is no punishment at all." " It is the greatest punishment in the world," said the dog, "and I will tell you why. I was in my former life a Brahman, and this Brahman was a Mathdhari Atith or abbot of a monastery. One day I was sitting with him, and the time came for him to cook his food. He sat down to cook in the sacred cooking square, but he had forgotten the ghi, and he asked me to bring him some. I went up and took out a little ghi with my finger and brought it to him. Then I went home and bathed, but a little morsel of the ghi stuck inside the point of my nail, and when I was eating, it went down my throat. This so defiled me that when I came before Yama Raja, the Lord of the dead, he ordered that I should for one thousand successive births be reborn as a dog. The same will be the fate of this cruel Brahman and he will be reborn a dog for a thousand births." . So Ramachandra was convinced and awarded the Brahman the punishment assigned by the dog. [The tale curiously illustrates the abhorrence felt by Brahmans for the class of so-called Ascetics who live worldly lives as the heads of monasteries.-ED.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAROH, 1926 103. A Fatal Compact. (Recorded by Miss Ida Casabon of Aligarh.) One daya Thakur boy was herding his buffaloes, and near him a sweeper lad was grazing his pigs. She Thakur for a joke said "If I jump over one of your pigs, you must give me your sister to wife. If you jump over my buffalo, I will give you my sister." They agreed, and the Thakur tried to jump over the pig, but the pig always ran out of his way, and he failed. Then the sweeper lad easily jumped over the back of the buffalo, and when he had done the feat, he said:"Now marry me to your sister." The Thakur did not know how to escape carrying out his promise : so he said :-" Go across the river: turn yourself into a marigold and you shall have my sister." The sweeper went across the stream and became a marigold at once. By and by the Thakur's sister came with his breakfast, and he said to her :-"I won't eat my breakfast till you go across the river and pick that marigold." She objected, but when he would not eat, she went into the water. When the water reached her knees, she was afraid and called out :-"The water is up to my knees." But he told her to go on. When it reached her waist, she cried out again ; but he spoke as before. Then it came to her shoulders and then to her neck; but her brother would not let her come back. At last she sank and was drowned. Then he went home, and his mother said :-"Where is your sister? Why did she not come home with you?" He answered :-"She was in a hurry and started before me." But the parrot, who was in a cage close by, suspected him and said :-" Open my cage and I will go and look for her." So they opened his cage and he went to the river bank and called out :-" Hiriya, Hiriya, where are you?" She called out from under the water. "Go and tell my mother that I was drowned, because my brother rashly promised to marry me to the sweeper." The parrot went and told her mother, who turned her son out of doors. 104. The Pandit and the Princess. (Told by Sivaram, teacher, Madhoganj, Hardoi District.) There was once a Raja, who had a lovely daughter ; and as she grew up, the Pandit fell in love with her and began to plan how he could get her into his power. One day he sat down near the Raja in his court, and the Raja said :-" Panditji, my daughter is now coming of age. Search and find a suitable match for her." The Pandit asked to see her horoscope, and when he read it, he said "I have terrible nuws to tell you. When the princess is seventeen, a great trouble will coine upon you, and you will be expelled from your kingdom." The Raja was overcome with fear and asked the Pandit to devise some means for his protection, Next day the Pandit came to the Raja and said "I have considered the matter. You must get rid of the princess before the fatal day arrives. It is not well for you to kill her with your own hand. So you should shut her up in a box and let her float down the river, and the animals of the river will devour her." Then the Pandit called his disciples and said "I am going to recite the great witchcraft spell (Dankini Mantra). I shall throw the objects used in the sacrifice into the river. So you should watch on the bank, and if you see anything foating down, pick it up and bring it to me, as it is of the greatest efficacy." They put the princess in the box and let her float down the river. Just then a Raja, who had a most vicious monkey, came to the bank of the river where he intended to release the animal; and when he saw the box floating down, he had it taken out and found the princess. When he heard her story, he mounted her on one of his horses and rode away with her ; but first he shut up the monkey in the box,

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MARCH, 1926 ] FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA 53 When the box had floated some way down, the disciples of the Pandit saw it and brought it to him. He had arranged the inner room ; and there he took the box, intending to open it when he was alone. So he said to his disciples :-"I am going to do some more witchcraft; and when the witches come, they will make a great disturbance. But you should remain outside and go on blowing the conch shell, and do not pay any attention to whatever you may hear." They promised to obey him and went on blowing the conch shell. When the Pandit opened the box, the monkey came out and jumped on his back and began to tear him to pieces. He shouted for help, but no one minded him ; and a long time after, when they opened the inner room, the monkey rushed out and they found the Pandit on the point of death. When they asked him what had occurred, all he could do was to scratch this verse on the wall with his nail and then he died : Jo jaise karni kare ; so taisa phal pde ; Raja bhoge sundari, Biprahin bandar khde. "Everyone reaps the fruit of his deeds; the Raja gets the damsel and the Pandit is devoured by the monkey." 105. The Banker's Wife. (Told by Lakshmun Prasad, Bijpauri, and recorded by Kundan Lal, Pithauli, Agra District.) A certain banker had a very beautiful wife, who was seen one day by the king, as she stood on the upper storey of her house. The king became greatly enamoured of her, had her carried off by stealth, and married her. In grief at her departure, her husband and her son abandoned their home and became religious mendicants : but some little time afterwards the son obtained the post of city Kotwal, while his father sought some means of recovering his wife. One day, as the latter was passing the palace, his wife espied him and called to him; and on his approaching, she said. " Go ahd wait by the temple outside the town, and I will come to you." Now the woman was devoted to her husband ; and so, when the king came to sleep with her that night, she cut off his head and went with it to her husband. But unfortunately he had been bitten by & snake, while waiting for her, and was dead. Thereupon in great distress she ran away, and on the road she fell in with a Banjara, who kept her as his wife. Arriving with him at a city, she was forcibly seized by the Nayaks and made a prostitute. Now it chanced that this was the city in which her son was the Kotwal. Her son happened to see her and fell in love with her beauty, but did not recognise her as his mother. But by degrees, as they became intimate, the truth dawned upon them both. Thereupon in shame she fled to the river-bank and mounted a funeral pyre, in the hope of ending her miserable life. But the river could not brook this, and rose and flooded the pyre, and she, balancing herself on a log, floated away on the flood-tide to a spot where some Gujars were grazing their cattle. They seized her and one of them took her to wife. He used to send her to the market to sell curd, and there the men of the market began to cut jokes at her expense; whereupon in anger and distress she threw down her vessel of curd and smashed it. The Gujar, hearing of this, was very angry and exclaimed: "This woman will be the ruin of my home at this rate." Then did she retort in the following words "Nrip mari chali apne piya kun piya kal daso dukh men parlho; Bhagi chali, banjar lai, tab benchi dai ganika ghar ho ; Sut sang bhai jari be ko chali nadiya parwah bahi tiriho ; Itne dukh pdi bhai gujari, teri chhachh ko soch kaha kariho. i.e., "Having killed the king, I went to my lawful husband. But & snake bit him and I was in sore distress. So I fled, and a Banjar & caught me, and after that I was sold to &

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B4 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1926 prostitute. When I met my own son, I sought to burn myself ; but the river rose in flood and I was cast upon its bank. It is after all these sorrows that I have become a Gujari. Why then should I care aught for your curd ?" 106. A Wife's disappointment. (Told and recorded by Chaube Braj Kishor, schoolmaster, Pinahat, Agra District.) A certain man left his home for work and was absent on duty for twelve years. When he returned, his wife was overjoyed, made special food for him, and did all she could to celebrate his home-coming. At night she placed his oot on the upper storey, and when he lay down, she set to shampooing his feet and legs, in the hope that he would give her the money he had brought back with him. But the husband, who was tired, fell fast asleep without offering a single cowrie to her. In the morning his wife helped him to perform his ablutions, and when these were finished, he ordered her to boil some water for his bath. Then said she : Barah baras bite sajjan dye; Unchi ata par palang bichhaye ; Sari sham se rahe we sya ; Lend ek na dena doya. Hua fazra tab hukm farmaya Thandha pani tatta karwdyd. Jhunghat manjh tiriyd musukani ; Kis birate par tatta pani. i.e., "The husband returned after twelve years. The cot was set on an upper storey. In the evening he fell asleep, but he neither took one nor gaye two (he gave nothing). When morning dawned, he ordered cold water to be heated. Hearing this the woman turned her face and muttered, 'What mighty deed have you done that you want hot water ?!" [This tale gives the origin of the common saying, Kis birate par tatta pani.--Ed.]. 107. The Musalman's error. (Told and recorded by Pandil Chandra Sekhara, Zilla school, Cawnpore.) A certain Muhainmadan made friends with a Brahman, who had many clients. The Brahman used to take food at his clients' homes, and when he came back, used to tell the Muhammadan what an excellent dinner he had had. Hearing his friend's praise of the various delicacies, the Muhammadan felt curious, and one day said to the Brahman, "My friend, you are constantly praising the food you eat with your friends, but you give no thought to me, who have never tasted such delicacies." The Brahman answered, "Miyan Saheb, if this is so, I will arrange to get a scat for you among the Brahmans at the next Nagar Bhoj (a feast to the Brahmans of a village)." Soon after & merchant prepared a Nagar Bhoj. Then the Brahman put & sacred thread on the Muhammadan, marked his forehead with sandal-paste, put a turban on his head, and in one hand a vessel and in the other a sdlagrama. He also showed him how to conduct himself as a Brohman. Accordingly, when the Brahmans crowiled into the merchant's house, the Muhammadan went with them, sat on the plastered ground, and began to eat with them. When his leaf-plato was getting empty, the pseudo-Brahman called out :"A mivan, zard idhar Ido." This startled the Brahmans, who asked him who he was. "Be silent." replied he," Khuda (God) has given food to you and me. Why grudge it ? Take your food and go your ways." This made the Brahmans very suspicious, and several of them gathered round him and demanded to know who he was.Said he, "I ama Gaud Brahman." "Which Gaud?" said they. The Musalman replied :-" Ya Khuda, loya Gaudon men bhi Gaud hote hain (0 Heaven, are there Gaudas within Gaudas)?"

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MAROH, 1926] FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA 55 Hearing this, the Brahmans shouted out, "He is not a Brahman." The Muhammadan said; "Why do you say that I am not a Brahman ? Don't you see that I have here Sale ghulam (instead of Salagram) in the small wooden box?" That settled the matter, and they drove him out of the house. This story illustrates the Hindi proverb, Sikhde pat darbar ko nahin jdle hain, le "Tutor's sons do not suit a Darbar."-ED.] 108. The Bee's Seeret. (Told and recorded by Durga Prasad, teacher, Aligarh District.) Four women, drawing water at a well, saw a bee rolling in the dust, and said to ono another, "Why should this beo, who inhabits fair gardens and enjoys the honey of flowers, be thus rolling in the dirt ?" Then the first woman said: Ban nahin beld nahin, nahin Ketaki sang; Madhukar kaun se karme bhasm lapete ang. i.e., "Nor forest, nor bela blossom, nor ketaki are with you. Why then, O Bee, do you smear your body with ashes ?" Then said the second woman: Pahile hi yahan Ketakt jar gai dhaun ke sang, Prit purdni karat hain, jase bhasm lapete ang. i.e., "Perhaps Ketaki burnt herself here with some one in old days, and the bee smears himself with ashes in memory of the old love." The third woman said : Jab lo jari thi Kelakt, tab to jaryo na sang : Log hansdr karat hain, yd ten bhaam lapete ang. i.e., "When Ketaki burnt herself, he did not share her fate. The world laughs now at his unfaithfulness, and therefore he smears his body with ashes." The fourth woman then said: Jab to jart thi Ketaks, tab to na ho aang; Prit purdni karat hain, lai pahuchawain Gang. i.e., "When Ketaki burnt herself, he was absent. So now he testifies to his ancient love by bearing her ashes to the Ganges." 109. The Fruit of Immortality. (Told by Thakur Prasad Pujari, Sitapur.) Once on a time Raja Vikrama performed so much penance that Bhagwan as a reward gave him a fruit, which caused whosoever ate it to become immortal. The charitable Raja gave it to a Brahman, who sold it to Raja Bhartrihari for a large sum. Bhartrihari in turn gave the fruit to his beloved wife, who conferred it upon the Kotwal, who happened to be her paramour. Now the KotwAl at the time was enamoured of a prostitute and thercfore gave her the fruit. This girl used to dance in the Raja's Palace, and one day he saw the fruit in her possession and enquired how she had come by it. When he heard the whole story, he exclaimed : Yam chintydmi sat tam mayi sd birakta sapanyam ichhati janam jan nonya saktah. Asmat krite cha paritushyati kachi danya, dhaktan cha tan cha mada nam cha imam cha man ch. i.e., "She, of whom I am always thinking, is averse from me. She thinks of another map, who loves another, and another woman finds delight in me. So fie upon her ; fie vpon lust; fie upon her and fie on me!" They say that from that day Bhartrihari decided to renounce the world.

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1926 110. The Raja and the Cowherd. (Told and recorded by Jagat Sinh, Meerut District.) A king and his minister were once out hunting, and as they were conversing together, they met a cowherd grazing his cattle. Just as they were passing, the minister spoke as follows: Rajd to pdg ban ke, than ban ki ghors; Gay bhains sing banki nain ban ki gori. i.e., "A Raja looks well with a turban on, and-a mare when she is tied in the stable. A buffalo looks beautiful when it has good horns, and a fair lady when she has large eyes." The young cowherd overheard this and said to a cow, which was going astray: "O cow, if you wander away I will break your legs, even as this prince has broken the legs of the verse," Hearing this remark, the Raja asked the boy what he said, whereupon the boy repeated his remark to the cow. "But how did the minister break the legs of the verse ? said the Raja. Said the boy: "Does a turban make a Raja look well! No! This is wrong. The verse should run thus : Raja to rac ban ke, ptth ban ki ghori ; Gaya bhains dudh ban ki, kak ban ki gori." i... " A Raja looks well who is equipped for battle, and a mare when she has a strong back (to carry her rider). A buffalo looks beautiful when it is in milk, and a fair woman when she has sweet speech." 111. The Parrots Reproof. (Told by Akbar Shah, Dudhi, South Mirzapur.) A woman was going after her marriage to her husband's house, when she saw her lover standing a little way off and weeping. Then she said : Gori chali gawand ke jankhan lage mit kya ? Jhankho kya jhurud ? kya jhurwd keo? Dahi rahd so tum khayo, au mantha chala bides. Bhar angan sab sabhd rahi, kaise bida batawon ; Gaon ke uttar pokhard wahan pani bharne dwOn; Tum dhani ghord daurdye awo to hamen wahan payo. i.e., "The fair one started for her husband's home and her lover began to mourn. Why mourn for the beloved and her hair? You ate the good curd; the curd which has been mixed with water and adulterated is going to another country. How could I let you know that my father would send me away on such and such a day! You know that during these days our courtyard was full of clansmen. To the north of the village lios a tank, on the bank of which is a pipal tree. If you ride quickly there on horseback, you may find me, as I shall go there to draw water." Hearing this, the lover retired, and in the evening he went to the tank, but did not find his beloved. So he returned home, heavy of heart. Seeing a parrot on a tree, he cxclaimed: Suga tor lai thor, piar thor, tore mukh men amrit ghariya ; Yah baten gori dekhe, sir par gagariya. i.e., "O Parrot, thou hast a red and yellow bill. In thy mouth is the cup of nectar. Sawest thou my fair one pass this way with a pitcher on her head ?" The Parrot answered: Gori dya rahi, gori jaya rahi, aur bhari gagariya ; Chand, suraj donon chha pit bhaye, tore mukh men lagi karikha. i.e., " The fair one came and drew water and went away. The sun and moon have now set. Thy face, O my friend, has been blackened (i.e., You came too late)." The lover was ashamed of his folly and went home.

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TAM 216 YAV Yamuna-The river Yamuna; it is mentioned in the Rig Veda and the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII, 14, 4; Rig Veda, X, 75). Yamuna-The portion of the Bandara-puchchha mountain where the Yamuna has got its source (Ramayana, Kish., ch. 40; Mh., Anusas., ch. 68). It is also called Kalinda-giri on account of which the Yamuna is called Kalindi. Yamunaprabhava-See Yamunotri (Kurma P., II, ch. 37). Yamunotri-A spot in the Bandara-puchchha (monkey's tail) mountain in the Himalaya where the river Yamun, has its source; it is called Yamuna and also Kalinda-giri in the Ramayana (Kish., 40). It has reference solely to the sacred spot where the worship of the goddess Yamuna is performed. The Yamuna rises from several hotsprings, and the spot for bathing is at the point where the cold and warm waters mingle and form a pool (see Kulinda-desa). The water of the springs is so hot that rice may be boiled in it, Hanumana, after setting fire to Lanka, is said to have extinguished the fire of his tail by plunging it into a lake enclosed by the four highest peaks of this range, which has since been called Bandara-puchchha mountain (Fraser's Himala Mountains, ch. 26). Yashtivapa Jethian, about two miles north of Tapoban near Supa-tirtha in the district of Gaya (Grierson, Notes on the District of Gayd, p. 49) and twelve miles from Rajagriha. It is also called Jaktiban (Cunningham, Arch. Rep., III, p. 140) and Latthivana. Buddha is said to have displayed many miracles here and converted Bimbisara, king of Magadha, to Buddhism at this place. Bimbisara ascended the throne at the age of sixteen; at the age of twenty-nine he became a convert to Buddhism and he died at the age of sixty-five. Yaudheya Same as Ayudha of the travellers of the sixteenth century and Hud of the Bible (Book of Esther), between the Hydaspes and the Indus (Garuda Purana, ch.55; Brihatsamhita, ch. 14; and Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, vol. 1, p. 238). According to Cunningham the Yaudhoyas lived on both banks of the Sutloj along the Bhawalpur frontier, which is called Johiyabaer (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XIV). Yaudheya is mentioned in Samudra Gupta's inscription in the Allahabad Pillar (JASB., 1837, pp. 973-979). Yava-Dvipa-The island of Java (Brahmanda P., Parva, ch. 51). It is said to have been colonised by a prince of Guzerat in 603 A.D. The native chronicles attribute the first attempt at colonisation of the island to Aji-saka, a king of Guzerat in 75 A.D.; he was, however, compelled to withdraw owing to pestilence or some other calamity (Havell's Indian Sculpture and Painting). It was also called Suvarna-dvipa of Alberuni's Zabaj be Java (Alberuni's India, Vol. 1, p. 210). According to the Chinese, Java was also called Kalinga (Takakusu's Records of the Buddhist Religion, General Introduction, p. xlvii, note). The shrine of Borobudur (Barz Buddha), the most magnificent monument of Buddhist art in Asia, was constructed between 750 and 800 A.D. (Havell's Indian Sculpture and Painting, p. 113; JASB., 1862, p. 16). Yavana-Nagara--Junagad, in Guzerat. For a description of the place, see Notes on a Jour ney to Cirnar in JASB., 1838, p. 871. See Yavanapura. For the origin of the name of Junagad, see Bomb. Gaz., VIII, pp. 487 f. Yavana-Para-1. Jaunpura, forty miles from Benares, the capital of an independent Muham madan kingdom (see the Kathoutiya inscription in JASB., 1839, p. 696, v. 7). It contains the celebrated Atale mosque built by Sultan Ibrahim in 1418 on the site with the materials of an ancient Buddhist monastery; the Lal-darwaza mosque built by Bibi Raji, the queen of Sultan Mahmud in 1480; the Jumma Masjid built by Sultan Hossain about 1480 , the remains of a fort called the fort of Firoz built in 1360; and an old bridge over the Gumti constructed by Monahur Khan, the governor of Jaunpur, during the reign of Akbar. Jaunpur is said to have been founded in the fourteenth century by Sultan

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YAY 216 YOK Feroze of Delhi, who named it after his cousin Fakiruddin Jowna. In the fifteenth century Khan Jahan, vizier of Sultan Mahommed Shah of Delhi, during the minority of the latter's son, assumed the title of Sultan Sharki or king of the East, and taking possession of Bihar, fixed his residence at Jaunpur (Hamilton's East India Gazetteer). Jaunpore became the centre of learning at the time of Ibrahim Sharki ; and Sher Shah received his education in one of its colleges. 2. Another Yavanapura is mentioned in the Mahdbharata (Sabha P., ch. 30) as being situated on the south of Indraprastha and conquered by Sahadeva. Perhaps it is the same as Yavana-nagara or Junagad. Yayatinagara ---According to Dr. Fleet Yay&tinagara is the ancient name of Kataka in Orissa (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 323-359, JA8B., 1906, p. 7; Pavanadata, v. 26). Yayatipura--1, Jajmau, three miles from Cawn pore, where the ruins of a fortare pointed out as the remains of the fort of Raja Yayati (see sakambhart). But the fort is said to have been built by Raja Jijat Chandravamsi, one of the ancestors of the Chandels. The temple of Siddhinatha Mahadeva is at a short distance from the fort. It was an impor. tant place in the tenth or eleventh century before Cawnpore became celebrated as a town (Alberuni's India, Dr. Sachan's trans., vol. 1, p. 200). 2. Jajpar in Orissa (Yule). See Yajnapura ; same as Yayatpara. Yessaval-Ahmedabad was founded on the site of the ancient city of Yessaval by Ahmed Shah of Guzerat in 1412 (Thornton's Gazetteer). Yessaval is a corruption of As&wal or ancient Asapalli (Antiquities of Kathiaroad and Kachh, by Burgess ; Bomb. Gaz., I, pt. I, p. 170). Ahmedabad was also formerly called Karpavati (Fergusson's Hist. of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 527). Yoni-dvara-A sacred place in the Brahma-yoni hill at Gaya, from which the name of the hill is derived (Padma P., Svarga, ch. 19). Yoni-- Tirtha Samo as Bhimisthana. Yugandhara-A country near Kurukshetra (Mbh., Virat, oh. 1). It appears to have been situated on the west bank of the Yamuna and south of Kurukshetra (Ibid., Vana, ch. 128). Yuktavent-See Muktaven.

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ABU 217 KO PART II. MODERN NAMES. Abu-Arbuda parvata, a detached mount of the Aravali range, in the Birohi State of Raj. putana. It was the hermitage of Rishi Vasishtha. It is also one of the five hills sacred to the Jainas, containing the temples of Rishabhanath or Adinath, the first Tirthapkara, and Neminath, the twenty-second Tirtha kara. Achchhavat-Achchhoda-sarovara in Kasmir, six miles from Marttapda or modern Mar. tan or Bhavan, described by Banabhatta in the Kadampart. The Siddh Asrama was situated on the bank of this lake. Adam's Bridge-Setubandha, between India and Ceylon, said to have been constructed by Ramachandra with the assistance of Sugriva for crossing over to Lanka. Adam's Peak-1. Rohana. 2. Samana-kata. 3. Samantakata. 4. Deva-kata. 5. Subha kata, in Ceylon. Adinal-The Sarpaushadhi-vihara, situated in the Adinzai valley in Buner near the Fort Chakdarra on the north of the Swat river. It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. Afghanistan-1. Kamboja, 2. Kaofu (Kambu) of Hiuen Tsiang. 3. Loha of the Maha bharata. 4. Rohi. 5. Avagana. 6. Aupaga. 7. Apaga. Agastipart- Agastya-Asrame, the hermitage of Rishi Agastye, twenty-four miles to the south-east of Nasik. Agro-Agravans, one of the Vanas of Braja-mandala. Ahar-Twenty-one miles north-east of Bulandshahar, on the right bank of the Ganges. Traditionally it is the place where Parikshita of the Mahabharata died of snake bite, and where his son Janamejaya performed the anake-sacrifice (Growse's Bulandshahar), but according to the Mahabharata (Svarghrobinika, ch. 5, the snake-sacrifice was performed at Taksbasila. Ahlart-1. Gautama-Asrama, 2. Ahalykath&na, in pargana Jarail, twenty-four miles to the south-west of Janakpur in Tirhut. It was the hermitage of Rishi Gautama, where Indra ravished his wife Abalya. Ahmedabad -1. Aadwal. 2. Yessa val. 3. Karnavati. 4. Srinagar, 5. Rajanagara. 6. Asa palli, in Guzerat, on the river Sabarmati. Ahmednagar-Bingar, seventy-one miles from Poona. Alhlolo-Aryapura or Ayyavole, the western capital of the Chalukyas in the 7th and 8th centuries A.D., in the Badami TAluka of the Bijapur district. Alrws-1. Alavi of the Buddhists. 2. Alabhi of the Jainas. 3. Alambhika of the Kalpa ruina, twenty-seven miles north-east of Itawa in the United Provinces, where Buddha passed his sixteenth Vased. But see Nawal. AjayThe river Ajamati in Bengal. Ajuntar-Achinta, about fifty-five miles to the north-east of Ellora in Central India. In the Achinta monastery resided Arya Asanga, the founder of the Yogachara school of the Buddhists. It is celebrated for its caves and vibAras, which belong to the fifth and sixth centuries of the Christian era. Akolbd--Agastya-Asrama, situated to the east of Nasik on the Godavart. Aksha-I. 1. Asma of the Ramayana (Uttara, ch. 23). 2. Oxiana of the Greeks. 3. Pata lapura (see my Rasdtala in the I. H.O., vols. I & II), on the river Oxos in Sogdiana on the north. II. Same as river Vaksh. 1. Okos or Ochus of the Greeks. 2. Vakshu of Matsya P. (ch. 101 ; gee Sabdakalpadruma 8.v. note). 3. Vankshy of Bhagavata (V, ch.17), a tributary of the Oxus in Sogdiana, from which the river Oxus has derived its name (Jour. BBRAS., XXIV, p. 520).

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ALB 218 ANA Albania-Alamba of the Mh., (Adi, ch. 29) on the western side of the Caspean Sea, now called Shirwan (see my R 18dtala in the I. H.O., vols. I & II). Aligarh-Koel. Allahabad-1. Prayaga. 2. Bharadvaja-Asrama, 'the hermitage of Rishi Bharadvaja . 3. Bhash kara kshetra. The celebrated Akshaya-Bata (the undecaying benian tree) was seen by Hiuen Tsiang in the seventh century. AlmoraBina in Kumaun. Alopi--The temple of Alopi is situated at Allahabad; it is one of the 52 Pithas. It is the ancient Prajapativedi of the Mahabharata, a celebrated place of pilgrimage. Alwar-Matsya-dosa, the kingdom of Raja Virata of the Mahabharata. The Alwer state formerly appertained to the territory of Jaipur. There is still a town called Machheri in this state which is a corruption of Matsya. The capital of Matsya-desa was Virata, now called Bairat; forty-one miles to the north of Jaipur and one hundred and five miles to the south-west of Delhi. General Cunningham supposes that Alwar is & corruption of Salvapura. See Jaipur. But at the time of the Mahabharata, Alwar was called Saubhanagara or Salvanagara, the capital of the country called Marttik&vata, the king. dom of Raja Salva who was killed by Krishga. See Marta. Amarakantaka-Bamsagulma, at the source of the river Nerbuda in the Amarakantaka mountain. Amarakantaka Mountain--1. The Mekala mountain. 2. The Soma-Parvata. 3. Amra kata-Parvata. 4. Surathadri, in which the river Nerbuda has got its source. Amaranath-The celebrated temple of Amaranatha is situated in a natural grotto in the Bhairava-ghati range of the Himalaya in Kasmir. The grotto is said to be full of wonderful congelations, where a curious block of ice, stalagmite, which periodically dissolves and reforms, is worshipped as Siva Amaranatha Amaravatt-1. The Dipaldinne or Diamond sands of the Daladavamsa. 2. Parvasaila SanghArama of Hiuen Tsiang. 3. Dhanakataka. 4. Dhamnakataka. 6. Dhanyakataka. 6. DhAnyavatipura. 7. Dharmakota. 8. Dhanakakota. 9. Sadhanya kataka, have been identified with Dharanikota, one mile to the east of Amaravati in the Kistna district, Madras Presidenoy. It was the capital of Andhra. The Buddhist saint Bhavaviveka resided here awaiting the advent of Maitreya Buddha. Ambarnath-Ambaranatha tirtha in the Thana district, Bombay (Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, VIII, p. 110). Amor-Ambara, the ancient capital of Jaipur, which was called Dhundhra. The capital was removed to Jaipur in 1728 A.D. by Siwai Jai Singh. Ami-One of the 51 or 52 Pithas, eleven miles to the east of Chhapra in the province of Bihar. Amin-1. Abhimanyu-khera. 2. Chakra byuha of the Mahabharata, where Abhimanyu, son of Arjuna, was killed at the celebrated battle of Kurukshetra. It was included in Kurukshetra. Amran Mountains-Pashana Parvata on the west of Pishin (PAahana) valley in southern Afghanistan. Amritasar-RamadAsapurs in the Punjab. Anagandi-Konkanapura, the capital of Konkana, on the northern bank of the Tunga bhadra river. Anagandi See Sphatika-$118. Anantapur-I. 1. The Pafchapsara Tirtha. 2. Pafcha tirtha. 3. PhAlguna, in the Madras Presidency, fifty-six miles to the south-east of Bellari; it was visited by Arjuna and Balarama. II. J. Ananta-sayana. 2. Ananta-Padmanabha, a quarter of Trivan. drum in Travancore where the temple of Ananta Padmanabha is situated. Same as Padmanabhapura.

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AND 219 AYU Andhola-The river Andha, the Andomatis of Arrian, same as Chandan. Ankola-A place of pilgrimage in the Baroach district, Bombay Presidency (Matsya P., ch. 190). Anuradhapur-Anuradhapura, the ancient capital of Ceylon. Aornos-Varunapura (Ramdyana, Uttara, ch. 23) in Baktriana (MoCrindle's Invasion of India by Alerander the Great, p. 39). Arabis-1. Bandyu, but the identification is doubtful, 2. Araba. Arabatt-Orobatis of Alexander's historians, on the left bank of the Landai near Naoshera, * west of Peukelaotis. Arakan-Karkotakanagara. Ardura-Sobhavatinagara, in the Nepalese Terai, the birth-place of Buddha Kanakamuni. Aravali-1. Arbuda-parvata. 2. Adarsavali, in Rajputana, its branches terminate at the north of Delhi. The Aravali range was included in Paripatra or Parijatra. Arcot Shadaranya. Argesan--The river-1. Mahatnu. 2. Mehatnu of the Rig Veda in Afghanistan, which joins the Gomati or Gomal river. Armenia-Ramaniyaka-dvipa of the Moh., (Adi, ch. 26); see my Rasatala in the 1.1.0., vols. I & II) Arrah-Aramanagara, in the district of Shahabad in Bihar. Arun-One of the seven Kosis; it still retains its old name. Asergar-1. Aser. 2. Asvathama-giri, 11 miles north of Burhanpur in the Central Provinces, mentioned in the Prithviraj Raso. Ashtabakra Nadt -The river Samanga, a small river which flows by the side of Raila, ten miles from Hardwar. Assam-Kamarupa ; its capital was Pragjyotishapura. Assia-Range-Chatush-pitha Parvata, in the district of Katak in Orissa. Udayagiri is a spur of this range, five miles from Bhuvanesvara, containing many Buddhist sculptures of a very ancient date. The Khanda-giri is a part of this range, it is four miles northwest of Bhuvanesvara. The Udayagiri contains a noor or palace of Raja LalAtendu Kesari, inhabited by his Rani. Assyria-Salmala-dvipa or Chaldia. Atral-The river Atreyi, in the district of Dinajpur in Bengal. Atrek-1. The river Hiranya of the Mahabharata. 2. The Hataka of the Pur&nas. 3. , The Sarnium of the classical Greeks, in Sakadvipa or Scythia (Turkestan); it falls into the Caspian Sea ; it divided Hyrcania, the country of the Daityas and Danavas from the Trans-Caspian District, the country of the Suparnas or Garudas. Auml-It has been identified by Cunningham with the river Anoma (Anamala) in the dis trict of Gorakhpur, which was crossed by Buddha, after he left his father's palace, at place now called Chandaoli on the eastern bank of the river, whence Chhandaka returned with Buddha's horse Kanthaka to Kapilavastu. But Fuhrer identifies the river Anom with the Kud&w& Nadi in the Basti district in Oudh. Aurangabad-1. Janasthana of the Ramayana. 2. Kharki of tho Muhammadan historians. Aundha-Darukavana, 25 miles north-east of Parbhani in Nizam's territory, containing one of the twelve Jyotirlingas. Aurangabad Hills-Prasavanagiri, situated on the bank of the Godavari, graphically des. cribed by Bhavabhati in the Uttara-Ramcharita. In one of the peaks of the hills dwelt Jatayu of the Ramdyana. Avanl-Avantika-kshetra, a sacred place in the Kolar district in Mysore. Ayuk-Nadt-The Apage river, to the west of the Ravi in the Punjab.

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ASI 220 BAL AsorMag-1. Airyanam-vejo of the Avesta. 2. Perhaps Arya of the Rig Veda, (VIII, 61. o). 3. Madra or Uttara-Madra of the Purdnas. 4. Media. 5. Ariana, of the classical writers in Persia. It is supposed to be the ancient home of the Aryans (Arya-raja). B. BAIA-The river Dvarikesvart, which falls into the Ganges near Bishnupura in Bengal. Babylon-1. Baveru of the Buddhist Jatakas. 2. B&mri of the Rig Veda. 3. Bibhavart of the Bhagavata (III, ch. 17) situated in Patala (see my Rasatala in the I. H.O., Vols. I & II). Badaml-BatApipura, the ancient capital of Maharashtra, situated near the river Mala. prabha, a branch of the Krishna in the Bijapur district, Bombay Presidenoy. It was the capital of Pulakesi I in the sixth century A.D. Badanagara-1. Chamatkarapura. 2. Nagara. 3. Anarttapura, in the Ahmedabad district of Guzerat. Same as Bamagar. Bad - See Baku. Badrinath Badarik Asrama, on the bank of the Bishon-ganga (AlakAnandA) in Garwal. It was the hermitage of Vy Asa, the author of the Mahabharata. It contains the oele. brated temple of Nara-Narayana. Bagel-Khand-1. Bahela. 2. Karusha, in Central India Same as Rewa. Bagin-The river-1. BAlubAhini. 2. BAhinj, a tributary of the Yamuna, in Bundelkhand. Bagmath-1. The river Bachmati. 2. The Bhagmati. 3. The Bhagavats of the Buddhists, in Nepal. Bagpat-Bhagaprastha, thirty miles to the west of Mirat, one of the five villages demanded by Yudhishthira from Duryodhana. BAgrason-Bhrigu-Asrama in Balia, in the district of that name, United Provinces. Bahraloh-The district of Bahraich in Oudh was the ancient Uttara-Kosala, the capital of which was Sravasti. Baibhara-Girl-Baihara-giri, one of the five hills of Rajgir in Bihar; Vebh&rs of the Bud. dhists. Baidyanath-I. 1. Ohitabhumi. 2. Paralipura. 3. Harddapitha. 4. Ketakivana. 8. Hari. takivana, oontaining the temple of Baidyanatha, one of the twelve great Lingas of Mahd deva. II. Karttikoyapura, in the district of Kumaun. III. Kiragrima, in the Punjab. Baiks-The river-1. Kritamala. 2. Begavati. 3. Beg. 4. Baihayasi, on which Madura (Dakshina Mathura) is situated, it rises in the Malaya Mountain. Bainatoys Godavart-The Suparna, an offshoot of the Vasishtha-Godavari, which is the most southerly branch of the Godavarl. Balppar-Same as By par. Bairat-1. Birata. 2. Upaplavyanagara, 41 miles to the north of Jaipur, the capital of Matsyad&se. It was the capital of Virata Raja of the Mahabharata. Balte-The river Bedaerutt in Oudh. BAKI-The river Bakresvarl, which flows through the district of Burdwan in Bangal, bat see BALIA. Bathsh-Same as Akshtu. Bakraur-Gandha-hasti stapa, on the Phalgu, opposite to Buddha-Gaya. It was waited by Hinen Tsiang. BAKI A town on the west coast of the Caspean Sea, famous for its naphtha springs and mud volcanoes, it is also called Badka, the Sanskrit form of which is Badevs, montioned in the Pardnas. It appears to have been a place of Hindu pilgrimage and w oulled Mahd-jvAlamukhi (Asiatic Researches, vol. V, p. 41). Balaramapur-Ramgad-Ganda, twenty-eight miles sorthet of donds in Oudh.

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- Balih-1. Bhrigu-Adrama. 2. Bagramona, the hermitage of Rishi Bhrigu in the district of Balia in the United Provinces. 3. It was a part of Dharmaranya. At a short distance to the north-east corner of Balia, there is a tank called Dharmaranya-Pokhra, and to the north and east of it there are traces of an ancient jangal or scrubby forest. At Balia there is a temple dedicated to Bhrigu Rishi, containing the impressions of his feet. Raligami-Dakshina-Kedara in Mysore, a celebrated place of pilgrimage. Balkh-1. Bhogavati of the Puranas, a corruption of Bakhdi of the Avesta. 2. Baktra of the Greeks. 3. PAtalapuri. 4. Bali-Alays of the Ramayana (Uttars, ch. 23). 6. Bali-sadma of the Amarakosha. 6. BAlhika of the Bhavishya P. (Pratisarga Parva, pt. III, ch. 2, v. 11)-all derived from the Turkish word Balikh, which means the residence of a king (Vamberg's History of Bokhara, p. 11; see my Rasatala in the I 8.0. vols, I & II). 7. Tukhara. 8. Tushara. Baltistan-Bolor; same as Little Tibet. Balur-See Bolur. Bamilapur-Same as Ballabhi. Baaliapani Saate as Wall. Barp sadhart-The river Bamsadhara, in Ganjam, on which Kalingapatam is situated. Bana Raja's Gad-1. Sonita pura. 2. Umavana. 3. Devikota, in Garwal, on the bank of the Kedar-Ganga, about six miles from Ushamath and at short distance from Guptakasi, whence Aniruddha, the grandson of Krishna abducted Usha, daughter of Raja Vana. See Kotalgad. Ba 1 . The river Parnaba which is supposed to be a cofraption of Barn . 2. Binein. 3. Sulochana. 4. Suvaba, in Rajpatana, Pandair Ban The Kolahala mountain of the Mahabharata on the south-west of Bun delkhand (Chedi), near which the river Suktimati (modern Kane or Ken) has got its source. Bandar puchehha Range-The Hemakuta range of the Himalaya, in which the rivers Yamuna and Ganges have their sources. Bangan See Bengal. Bannu-Barnu of Panini and Phalanu of Hiuen Tsiang, in the Punjab. Bannu perhaps is & corruption of Bandyu. The tribe of Bandyavas has been mentioned among the tribes of the north-western frontier of India (Padma Purana, Svarga khanda (Adi), ch. III). Bara banki Jasnaul in Oudh, from Jas, & Raja of the Bbar tribe, who is said to have founded it in the tenth century. Barabar-sin-Khalatika or Skhalatika Parvata, in the Jahanabad sub-division of the dis trict of Gaya, containing caves of the time of Aboka and Dasaratha. The Kawi-dol hill is a part of this range: Baradl1. The river Bedavati. 2. The Barada, a tributary of the river Krishna, on which the town Banavisi is situated. Bangaon-Nalanda, seven miles north of Ragtr in the distriot of Patna. Naghruna, the celebrated author of the Madhyamika Satras, resided in the Nalanda monitory to the first or second century of the Christian era, making it the princtpal seat of Buddhist learn ing in eastern Indis. Barthahhath-Koll of the Daddhist annale, in the district of Bett in Oudh, whicle colle tained the residence of Supra-Buddha, the father of MAYA Devt, the mother of theddba. Vishnu is said to have incarnatod horom the boat. I w aleo solled Bynchropow. Do Basti. Bartha-Kshetra-1. Kokamukha. 2. Bartha-kshetra, in the district of Purnea in Bengal, on the Triveni above Nathpur, sacred to Vartha, one of the incarnations of Viana, Same as Baramula.

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222 BEN Bar Akar-The river Rijupalika near Giridih in the district of Hazaribagh, Behar and Orissa Province. Irimbhikagrama was situated on this river; it was near Parasnath Hill, (Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's Heart of Jainism, p. 38). Baramula-1. Bar Ahamula. 2. Barahakshetra, in Kasmir on the Jhelum, thirty-two miles to the south-west of Srinagar, where Vishnu is said to have incarnated as the boar. Barhl-1. The Kukusta. 2. Kakoutha, a rivulet which flows into the Chhota Gandak, 8 miles below Kasia. Barl-Doab-Between the Ravi and the Sutlej. It comprised the ancient country of Parvata. Barinda-Barendra, & part of the district of Malda, in which Pandua (Pundravardhana) is situated, it appertained to the ancient kingdom of Pundra." Barna-The river-1. Barung. 2. Barana, in Benares. Barnagar-1. Badapura. 2. Anandapura of Hiuen Tsang, 117 miles to the north-west of Balabhf in Guzerat. Same as Badanagara. BarnAwa-Baranavata, nineteen miles north-west of Mirat, where an attempt was made by Duryodhana to burn the Pandavas. Baroach-1. Bhrigu-kshetra. 2. Bhrigu-&erama. 3. Bhrigu-kachchha. 4. Bharu-kachhha. 6. Barygaza of the Greeks ; it was the hermitage of Bhrigu Rishi. Baroda-1. Chandanavata. 2. Batapadrapura, in Gaekwar territory. Barsh&p-1. Barsana. 2. Brishabhanupura, in the district of Mathura, where Radhika was brought up after her removal from Ashtigrama (now called Raval), her birth-place. Basseln-1. Basya of the Kanheri inscriptions. 2. Basika. 3. Baisikya. BastiKoli, the kingdom of Buddha's maternal grand-father Suprabuddha, forming & portion of the modern district of Basti in Oudh. See Bardha-chhatra. BasudhardThe source of the Alakananda, about four miles to the north of Badrinath, near the village Manal. Basukunda-Kundagama of the Jainas, the Kotigama of the Buddhists, a suburb of Vaibali, where Mah&vira was born. Bathini-H11--1. The Goratha hill of the Mahabharata. 2. Godhana-giri, ascending which Bhima, Arjuna and Krishna saw the beautiful capital of JarAsandha, five or six miles to the west of old Rajagriha. Bath Same as Beyt Island. Batrak-1. The river Betravati. 2. The Britraghni. 3. The Bartraghni, a branch of the Sabhramati (Babarmati), in Guzerat. Bann-Marttanda, about five miles north-east of Islamabad in Kasmir; it is the birth-place of the Sun.god. It contains the celebrated springs called Vimala and Kamala. It is also called Martan. Bavan is a corruption of Bhavan. Bay of Bengal-Mahodadhi. Bean_1. The river Bipasd. 2. The Arjikeya. 3. The Urafijira. 4. The Hypasis. 3. The Hypanis of the Greeks, in the Punjab. Beder-1. Bidarbhapura. 2. Kundinanagara, in the Nizam's territory; it was the ancient capital of Bidarbha. Belgaum-1. Sugandhavarti. 2. Saundatti. 3. Benugrdma, in the Bombay Presidenoy. Bellari-Balahari, south of the river Tungabhadra. Beluchistan-Baloksha. Bonaros.- 1. Baranasi. 2. Kast. 3. Abimukta. Kast was originally the name of the country and Barknaal was its capital.

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BEN 223 BHA Bengal1. Banga. 2. Gauda, from its capital of the same name near Malda. The Pala Rajas from Bhup&la alias Go-pala to Sthirapala reigned in Bengal from the middle of the eighth to the twelfth century of the Christian era, and the Sena Rajas from Virasena to Lakshmaniya or Surasena reigned from 994 to 1203 A.D. According to some authorities Adisura ascended the throne of Gaud in 732 A.D. The colebrated Vachaspati Misra and Bhavadeva Bhatta were ministers of Harivarmmadeva in the 19th century A.D. The poet Jayadeva, the author of the Cita-Govinda, and the lexicographer Hald yudha flourished in the court of Lakshmana Sena in the twelfth century. Bengt-1. Bengipattana. 2. Andhranagara (Dasakumara charita, ch. VII) the capital of Andhra, situated on the north-west of Elur lake, between the Godavari and the Krishna. Berar-1. Bidarbha of the Puranas. 2. Dakshina Kosala of the Buddhist period. 3. Bhima. Its capital were Kundinanagara (Beder) and Bhojakatapura (Bhojpur near Bhilsa). Berawal-1. Somanatha. 2. Devapattana. 3. Prabhasa, in Kathidwar. Berawal-Pattana--Anahila-pattana, in Kathiawar, founded by Bamgaraj in the eighth century. It is also called Pattana and Anahila. Berulon-SivAlaya, seven miles from Dowlatabad (Devagada), it contains the temple of Ghusrinesa or Ghrishnesa, one of the twelve great Lingas of Mahadeva. It is also called Ellora, celebrated for its caves. See Ellora. Bes---The river Vidisa, which joins the river Betwa at Bhilsa or Besnagara. Besad--1. Bisala. 2. BisAla-chhatra of the Puranas. 3. Baibali of the Buddhist period. 4. Kundag&ma. 5. Baniyagama. 6. Kundapura. 7. Banijagrama. 8. Kshatriya-kunda of the Jainas, in the district of Muzaffarpur (Tirhut) in the province of Bengal, eighteen miles north of Hajipur on the left bank of the Gandak. Baibali was the name of the country as well as the capital of the Vtijjis (Vajjis) or Lichchhavis, who flourished at the time of Buddha who resided here for some time. Besalt-Same as Bes. Besnagar-1. Bedisagiri. 2. Chetiya or Chetiyagiri or Chetiyanagara. 3. Besanagara (Veseanagara) of the Mahavamsa, 3 miles to the north of Bhilsa (Bidisa) in the kingdom of Bhopal, where Asoka married Devi and by her he had twin sons, Ujjeniya and Mahinda, and afterwards a daughter Sanghamitta. See Safichi. Besull-The river Bedasmriti, in Malwa, a tributary of the river Sindh. Bethla-To the east of Gorakhpur and south of Nepal and to the north-west of Motihari. It is perhaps the ancient Bethadipa. Betwa-The river Betravati in Malwa. Beyt Island The island of Sankhoddhara, situated at the south-western extremity of the gulf of Cutch. Vishnu is said to have destroyed a demon named Sankh Asura at this place. Bezwada--Bijiyavada (Vijyavada), on the river Krishna. It was the capital of the Eastern Chalukyas. Bhadarasa Same as Nandgaon, the ancient Nandigrama of the Ramayana. Bhadarly - 1. Bhaddiya. 2. Bhadiya of the Buddhists. 3. Bhadrtka of the Jainas, eight miles to the south of Bhagalpur in Bihar. It was the birth-place of Visakha, the cele brated female disciple of Buddha. Bhagalpur-1. The country about Bhagalpur in the province of Bihar was called Anga. 2. Karnapura. Bhaigu--The river Kapivati of the Ramayana, a tributary of the Ramaganga in Oudh. Bhairavgbati-Jahnu-Abrama, or the hermitage of Jahnu Muni, in Garwal below the Gan. gotri, where the Bhagirathi unites with the Jahnavi. Bhandak-According to tradition Bhandak, 18 miles north-west of Chanda in the Chanda distriot, Control Provinces, in the ancient Bhadravati. See also Bhatala and Bhilsi.

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BHA 224 BIH Bhatala-Bhadravati, ten miles north of Warora in the Central Provinces; the capital of Raja Yuvanasa of the Jaimini-Bharata. Bhatga on-Bhaktapura, the former capital of Nepal. Bhat-kuli-It has been identified with Bhojakatapura, in the Amaraoti district of Berar, containing a temple of Rukmini (Indian Antiquary, vol. LII, (1923), p. 263). See Bhojapur. Bhavan See Bavan. Bheraghat-Bhrigu-tirtha, twelve miles west of Jabbalpur. Bhils&Bidisa in Malwa. It was the capital of ancient Dasarna. The Bhilsa topes are supposed by Fergusson to belong to a period ranging from 250 B.C. to 79 A.D. Bhime-The river 1. Bhimarathi. 2. Chandrabhaga, a branch of the Krishna. It is also called Bhimaratha. Bhimasankara-Dakini, at the source of the Bhima, north-west of Poona. Bhinmala-Srimala of the Skanda Purana, fifty miles west of Mount Abu. Bhojapur-1. The name was indiscriminately applied to both the capitals of ancient Bidarbha. namely Kundinapura and Bhojakatapura (compare the Harivamsa and the Raghuvamsay. Bhojapura, containing the celebrated to pes known by the name of Pipaliya Bijoli Topes, six miles to the south-east of Bhilsa in the kingdom of Bhopal, was the ancient Bhojakatapura founded by Rukmi, the brother of Rukmini, beyond the Nerbuda, - after he was defeated by Krishna. See Bhat-kull. 2. Near Dumraon, in the district of Shaha. bad in the province of Bengal. Raja Dulpat of Bhojapura (near Dumraon), who was a descendant of the ancient Rajas of Ujjain in Malwa, was defeated and imprisoned by Akbar, and when he was set at liberty on the payment of an enormous sum, he again took up arms and continued to rebel against Jahangir till Bhojapura was sacked, and his successor Raja Pertap was executed by Shah Jahan, while the Rani was forced to marry a Muhammadan courtier (Blochmann's Notes from Mahomedan Historians on Chutia Nagpur, Pachet and Palamau in JASB., 1871, p. 11; Ain-i-Akbari, vol. I, p. 513). Jayadeo Shah emigrated from Ujjayini and established himself at Bhojapura : he had three sons, Deo, Dulla and Pertap. Dulla (of Dulpat of Blochmann) was the ancestor of the Rajas of Dumraon. The Nava-ratna, evidently a Mahomedan structure, is the only ancient building at this place. Bhojapura Hills-1. Nichai-giri of Kalidasa's Meghaduta. 2. Nichaksha, which is a low range of hills to the south of Bhilsa, in the kingdom of Bhopal, extending up to Bhojapura. Bhokardhan- Bhogavardhana, in Aurangabad of the Nizam's dominions, on the western boundary of Berar (Markandeya Purana, ch.57 ; Indian Antiquary, vol. LII (1923), p. 263). Bhootan-1. Bhotanga. 2. Bhotanta. Bhopala See Bhupala. Bhupala--The kingdom of Bhupala or Bhopala was the ancient. 1. Dasarna. 2. Bho ja pala : its ancient capitals were Chaityagiri and Bidisa. Bhopala is a contraction of Bhojapala, a name said to have been derived from Raja Bhoja of Dhar. Bhuvanesvar-1. Ek&mrakanana. 2. Harakshetra. 3. Kalinga-nagari. 4. Gupta-kasi in Orissa : it was founded by Raja Yayati Kesari in the latter part of the fifth century. Bland-1. Sripatha. 2. Pathayampuri of the inscriptions, in Rajputana, ninety miles east of Jaipur. BlasSame as Beas. Blhar-I. 1. Magadha. 2. Kikata. Its ancient capital was Girivraja or Rajagpiha (Rajgir) at the time of the Mahabharata, but the seat of government was removed to Pataliputra by Udayaava, grandson of Ajatasatru. II. The town of Bihar in the district

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BIJ 225 BLA of Patne was anciently called. 1. Udandapura. 2. Odantapura. 3. Dandapura. 4. Udantapura. 5. Prishtha-Champa. It was sometimes the capital of the Pala Rajas of Bengal. Bijayanagar-1. Padmavati. 2. Padmapura. 3. Bidyanagara, at the confluence of the Sindh and Para in Malwa. It was the birth-place of the poet Bhavabhati. The scene of the Malati-Madhava has been placed at Padmavati, which, however, is supposed to be Ujjayini (see Ujin). 4. Hampi on the river Tungabhadra (see Bijayanagara). 5. Bijayapura of the Pavanaduta, which was the capital of the Sena RajAs of Bengal, situated near Godagari on the Ganges in the Rajshahi division of Bengal. Bijayanagara -1. Bidyanagare on the river Tuigabhadra, thirty-six miles north-west of Bellari. The kingdom of Bijayanagara was called Karnata. II. 1. Padmavati. 2. Padmapura. 3. Bidyanagara, the birth-place of Bhavabhuti, at the confluence of the Sindh and Park in Malwa. It was included in the ancient kingdom of Bidarbha. Blinor-It was called Bhavanaghat before its name was changed into Bijnor during the reign of Aurangzeb. It is forty miles from Sirhind. B1&spur-Thirty-three miles north of Saharanpur. The district of Bilaspur was 1. Kuru jAugala of the Mahabharata. 2. Srikantha of the Buddhist period. Bindhyachal-I. The western past of the Bindhya range from the source of the Nerbuda to the Gulf of Kambay, including the Aravali range, was the Paripatra or Pariyatra of the Puranas. The eastern portion from the Bay of Bengal to the source of the Nerbuda, including the hills of Gondwana, was the Riksha Parvata; and the range which joins the PAripatra the Riksha Parvata, including the portion near Bindhyachala in the district of Mirzapur, was called Suktimana. II. Bindhya chala, five or seven miles to the west of Mirzapus, celebrated for the temple of the goddess Bindu basini, appertained to the ancient city of Pamp&pura.. Bindubasinf-1. Bindhyachala. 2. Pampapura, a celebrated place of pilgrimage in the district of Mirzapur in the United Provinces. See Bindhyachal. Bindu-sara-A sacred pool, two miles south of Gangotri in the Rudra Himalaya, where Bha giratha is said to have performed asceticism to bring down the goddess Ganga from heaven. . Bipula Girl-1. Chaityaka-giri. 2. Vepulla of the Buddhists, one of the five hills of Rajgir, in the district of Patna. Bishengang -The river AlakAnandA in Garwal, on which Badarikasrama is situated. Bishnumall-The river Kebavati, in Nepal. Bishnu-Praye-At the confluence of the Alakananda and the Dauli (Dudh-Gariga). It is one of the five (Pancha) PrayAgas. Bisva-The river Bisri in Oudh; see Dohtht (Bhagavata P., v. 19). Bisvamitr&The river Bisvamitrd of the Purdnas in Guzerat, on which Baroda is situated. Biths-Bitabhayapattana, eleven miles south-west of Allahabad. It was an ancient Bud dhist town. This identification is doubtful. Its ancient names were 1. Bichhi. 2. Bichhi-grama. Bithoor-1. Valmiki-Asrama. 2. Pratishthana. 3. Ut palaranya. 4. Utpalavata-k&nana. fourteen miles north-west of Cawnpur, on the river Ganges. It was the capital of Raja Uttanapada, father of the celebrated Dhruva; and the hermitage of Valmiki, the author of the Ramdyana. Bisagapatam-Bibekh-pattana, in the province of Madras. Bislanagram-Bijayanagara, in the Bizag&patam district of Madras, visited by Chaitanya. Black Pagoda-Same as Kanarak. CAI.

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BOD 226 CAB Bodh Gaya-1. Uravilva. 2. Buddha-Gaya, six miles to the south of Gaya, where Buddha attained Buddhahood below the celebrated Pipal tree, called the Bodhi tree, to the west of the temple. The Vajrasana on which Buddha is said to have sat while he gave himself up to contemplation, is a stone seat situated between the Bodhi tree and the temple. The Buddhakunda to the south of the temple is said to be the ancient Muchilinda tank. The rail to the south of the temple is one of the most ancient sculptured monuments in India. Bokhara-1. Bhuskhara. 2. (Rajatarangini, ch. IV). 3. Sogdiana; it was conquered by Lalitaditya, king of Kasmir Pushkara of the Matsya Purana (ch. 120, v. 44). 4. Jamket of the Iranians; it is the same as Yama-koti of the Hindu Astronomy (see my Rasdtala in the I.H.Q., vols. I, II). Bolan-Bhalanasak of the Rig Veda. Bolur-Same as Wular lake. Brahma-giri-1. That part of the Western Ghats in which the river Godavari has its source. 2. The Kaveri also rises from a mountain called Brahma-giri in Coorg. Brahmakunda-The Kunda from which the river Brahmaputra issues; it is a place of pilgrimage. Brahmaputra-1. The river Nalint. 2. The Lohitya. 3. The Brahmanada. 4. The Andhanada. 5. The Brahmaputra. Brahmayoni-1. The Brahmayoni hill. 2. The Kolahala Parvata. 3. The Kolachala. 4. The Gayasirsha. 5. The Udyanta Parvata. 6. Mundaprishtha. 7. The Gayasisa of the Buddhists, in Gaya. See, however, Kaluha. On the site of Asoka's stupa on the top of the hill, the Hindus have now built the temple of Chandi. Brindaban-Vrindavana, in the district of Mathura, the scene of Krishna's early life. Bringh-Achchhoda-nadi near Achchhavat in Kasmir. Buda-Rapti-1. The river Bahuda. 2. The Dhabala. 3. The Sitaprastha. 4. The Arjuni, a feeder of the Rapti in Oudh. Same as Dumela. Buddhakunda-The Muchilinda tank in Buddha-Gaya to the south of the temple. On the western bank of this tank Buddha sat for seven days in contemplation after attaining Buddhahood. But see Mucharim. Budhain-Budhavana, about six miles north of Tapoban in the district of Gaya. Bulandsahar-1. Barana. 2. Uchchanagara, in the Panjab near Delhi. Bundelkhand-The whole of Bundelkhand was anciently called 1. Chedi; 2. Jejabhukti; 3. Mahoba from the town of that name or Mahotsavanagara; 4. Dahala; 5. Mandala. Burma-1. Suvarnabhumi. 2. Brahma-desa. Buxar-1. Bedagarbhapuri. 2. Siddhasrama, the hermitage or birth-place. of Vamana Deva, one of the incarnations of Vishnu, near the junction of the Thora and the Ganges. 3. Visvamitra-asrama, the hermitage of Visvamitra, where Tadaka was killed by Ramachandra. 4. Byaghrasara, from a tank near the temple of Gourisankara in the town. 5. Byaghrapura. Buxar is situated in the district of Shahabad. The battle of Buxar was fought at a field near the village called Kathkouli or Kaithooli, about two miles from Buxar, containing the tombs of Mahomed Isa, and Syed Abdul Karim and Syed Golam Kadir, three generals of the Mahomedans, bearing the date Hijri 1177. Bypar-The river Utpalavati in Tinnevelly. Same as Baippar. C. Cabul Valley-The country of the lower Cabul valley, lying along the Cabul between the Khoaspes (Kunar) and the Indus, formed what was called the Gandharvadesa of the Ramayana and the Gandhara of the Mahabharata and the Buddhist scriptures. It comprised the districts of Peshawar and Hoti-Mardan, as the district of Mardan is called, known

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CAC 227 as the Eusufzoi country. Its ancient capital was Pushkalavati (modern Hashtanagar, eighteen miles north of Peshawar) and its second capital was Purushapura (modern Peshawar). Cachar-Hiramba. JHA Caggar-1. The river Pavani. 2. Sarasvati, which formerly flowed through the bed of the Caggar in Kurukshetra. It is also called Ghaggar or Gaggar. It was incorrectly identified with the Drishadvati. See Ghaggar. Calcutta-The name of Calcutta is derived from 1. Kalighat. 2. Kali-pitha, one of the Pithas. Calleut Dharmapattana. Canara South Canara was called 1. Tulunga; 2. Tuluva. North Canara was called 1. Banavasi. 2. Kraufichapura. Candahar-1. The "New Gandhara," where the begging pot of Buddha was removed from Kanishka's dagoba at Peshawar (the true "Gandhara ") and is still said to be preserved by the Mussalmans (Rawlinson). 2. Harakhaiti of the Zendavesta. 3. Harauvatish of the Behistun inscription. 4. Arachosia. 5. Saukuta. Carnatic The part of the Carnatic which lies between Ramnad and Seringapatam was called Karnata. Caspian Sea-1. Varuna-hrada of the Mbh., (Udyoga, ch. 97), which is a corruption of Vehrkana of the Avesta. 2. Kshira-sagara of the Ramayana (Uttara, ch. 23), which is a corruption of the Sea of Shirwan. 3. Sura-sagara, which is a corruption of the Sea of Sarain (see my Rasdtala in the I.H.Q., vols. I, II.). Central Asia-1. Saka-dvipa, the country of the Sakas. 2. Taittiri. 3. Rasatala. 4. Patala. Same as Tartary. Central Provinces-The eastern portion of the Central Provinces was called Maha-Kosala or Dakshina-Kosala. Ceylon-1. Simhala. 2. Laika. 3. Ratna-dvipa. 4. Tamraparpi. 5. Serendvipa. 6. Parasamudra. 7. Palasimundu of the Periplus.. Chakranagar-Ekachakra of the Mahabharata, sixteen miles south-west of Itawa in the United Provinces. Chakra-Tirtha-1. In Kurukshetra. 2. In Prabhasa in Guzarat. 3. Six miles from Tryamvaka, which is near the source of the Godavari. Chaldia-Salmala-dvipa of the Puranas, bounded by the Ghrita or the Erythrean Bea (Baraha P.). Chambal The river Charmanvati in Rajputana. Champ dor-Chandradityapura, in the district of Nasik in the Bombay Presidency. Champanagar-1. Champapuri. 2. Champa. 3. Malini. 4. Champa-Malini. 5. Kalachampa, near Bhagalpur in the province of Bihar; it was the capital of Anga, the kingdom of Lomapada of the Ramayana and Karna of the Mahabharata. It is also associated with the story of Behula and Nakhindara. Champa-nala-The Champa Nadi on which Champa was situated. Champaran 1. Champaranya. 2. Champakaranya, in the Patna division. Champauti-1. Champa-tirtha. 2. Champavati, the ancient capital of Kun&un. Chanda-1. Lokapura. 2. Chandrapura, in the Central Provinces. Chandan-The river 1. Chandravati. 2. Andomatis of Arrian. 3. Chandana, in the dis trict of Bhagalpur. Chanderi 1. Chedi. 2. Tripuri. 3. Chandravati, the capital of Sisupala of the Maha bharata in Malwa. But see Teor. Chandi Pahad-Nila Parvata, a part of the Haridwar hills near Haridwar. Chandmaya-Same as Chand nia.

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CHA 228 sni Chandnis Champanagara, about twelve miles north of Bogra and five miles north of MahAsthananagar, in the district of Bogra in Bengal. It was the residence of Chand Sada gars of the Manasdr-Bhasana. But see Champapurt in Part I of this work. Chandra bhkga-1. Konarka. 2. 'Padma-kshetra, in Orissa, 23 miles from Puri, celebra ted for its Black Pagoda. It is called also Kandrak. Chandra bhag& Lake The Lohitys-sarovara, the source of the river Chinab. Chandragiri-1. Near Belligola in Mysore not far from Seringapatam, sacred to the Jainas 2. The river Payasvini in the South Kanara district, Madras Presidency. Charsuddah-Same as Hashtanagar; ancient Pushkalavati. Chaul-Champavati, 25 miles south of Bombay; it is the Semylla of the Periplus of the Ery throan Sea. .. Chauss-Ohyavana-Asrama, in the district of Shahabad in Bihar; it was the hermitage of Rishi Chyavana. Chautang --The river Drishadvati, which formed the southern boundary of Kurukshetra. It is also called Chitrang and Chitang. Chayenpur-Chandapura, five miles to the west of Bhabua, in the district of Shahabad in Bilar. It was the residence of Chanda and Munda of the Chandi. Chenab-1. The river Asikni. 2. The Aoesines of the Greeks. 3. The Chandrabhaga. 4. The Chandrika. 5. The Marudvridh. 6. The Sita, in the Panjab. Chhatisgad-The name means thirty-six forts. 1. Dasarna, 2. Desarena Regto or the Periplus. 3. Maha-Kosala. 4. Dakshina-Kobala. Same as Gondwana. Chhota-Gandaka-1. The river Ajitavati. 2. The Hiranyavati, on the north of Kusi. nagara where Buddha died. Chhota-Nagpur--1. Munda (Vayu Purana). 2. Jharakhanda (Chaitanya-charitamsita). 3. Kokrah of the Mahomedan historians. The MundAs of the present day reside particularly in the district of Ranchi in the Chhota (Chutia) Nagpur division. Chldamyare--1. Chittambalam. 2. Svet&mbara, in South Arcot. It is 150 miles south of Madras and seven miles from the coast. Ohikakol-I. Srikankali. 2. Srikakola, in the Northern Circars. Chilanla-Chyavana-Asrama, on the Ganges in the Rai Bareli district. China-1. Mah&china. 2. China. Chinab See Chenab. Chirand-Six or seven miles to the east of Chapra, in the district of Saran on the Saraju. It has been identified by Dr. Hoey with the ancient Vaisali. The ruins of an ancient " fort" exist at this place on the bank of the Saraju, which is said to have been the fort of King Mayuradh vaja, and tradition says that ChirAnd was his capital and that he tried to out down his son by means of a saw in order to satisfy the craving of Krishna for human flesh, who came to him in the disguise of an old Brahmin (see the story in the Jaimini-Bharata). There can be no doubt that the place was deemed very sacred by the Hindus, as is testified by the remains of a mosque which was built on the ruins of the fort by Sultan Abdul Mozaffar Hossain Shah in 909 A.D., corresponding to 1503 A.D. (909 + 622-28 1503). The hermitage of Chyavana and a small tank called Ji&ch-Kundu (said to be the Brahma-Kundu of the Chorand-Mahatmya) are also pointed out. The name of Chirand itself, that is, Chir which is the Pali for Chhid, means & portion cut off and And which is evidently & corruption of Ananda, and the tradition about the sawing of Mayuradhvaja's son, seem, however, to point out that it was at this place that the tower of Katagara was built by the Lichchhavis of Vaisali over half the body of Ananda, the disciple and cousin of Buddha, after his death. Figures of Buddha and of the Buddhistic period have been found at this place. Chapra is still called Chiran(d)Chhapra on account of the celebrity of Chirand. The other half of Ananda's body was

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CHI 229 DAL - enshrined by Ajatasatru, king of Magadha, at Pataliputra in a relio stops which, accord. ing' to Dr. Waddell, was near Bhiknapahari at Bankipur (Dr. Waddell's Excavations at Palaysta, p. 66). . . . . Chitai- Mandarpur-Sandilya-Aerama, the hermitage of Rishi Sandilya in the district of Faizabad in Oudh. Chitang-See Chautang. Chitral-Bolor. Chitrang-See Chautang. Chitrarathi-The river Chitraratha, a tributary of the Northern Pennar. Chittagong-1. Chattala. 2. Phullagrama. Chittar The river Tamraparni in Tinnevelly is formed by the united stream of the Tam. caravari and the Chittar. Chittutola-The river 1. Chitropala. 2. Chitrapala, a branch of the Mahanadi. Chuka-1. The river Malini. 2. The Erineses of Megasthenes, in Oudh. The hermitage of Kanya was situated on the bank of the river, thirty miles to the south of Hardwar. It falls into the Sarayu fifty miles above Ayodhya. Chukki-The river Satadour of the Rig Veda which joins the Bias after that stream enters the plain; it is not the Satlej. Chall-Mahogvara-Same as 1. Mahes. 2. Mahesvara. *** Chanar-1. Charanadri. 2. Chandelgada in the district of Mirzapur (U.P.). The fort of Chunar was built by the Pala Rajas of Bengal. The portion of the fort called Bhattrihari's palace is said to have been originally the hermitage of Bhattrihari, the disciple of Vasurata and author of the Vairdgya Sataka. . Circars-Included in the ancient Kalinga. The southern portion of the Northern Circars was called Mohana-desa. Colmbatore-1. Konga-desk. 2. Kongu-desa. Coleroon-The river Karnika, a branch of the Kaveri. Colgong-DurvAs A-Asrama; the hermitage of Rishi DurvAsa was situated on a hill at the distance of two miles from Colgong in the district of Bhagalpur in Bengal. Kahalgaon (Colgong) is said to be a corruption of Kalahagrama, as the Rishi DurvAsd was addicted to kalaha-(quarrel). Comilla-Kamalinga. 2. Komala, in Tipara. Comorin-1. Kumari. 3. KumArika. 3. Kanyl-KumArika. 4. Kany&-tirtha. Conjeveram-1. Kanchipura. 2. KAnchi, in the province of Madras, it was the capital of 1. Chola. 2. DravidA. 3. 'Tonda-mandala. 4. Tundira-mandala, which extended from Madras to Meringa patata and Cape Comorin. Sankaracharya died at this place. Coore-1. Kolagiri. 2. Kodagu." 3. Kroda-desa. 4. Matsya-desa. 5. Kolvagiri. 6. Koragiri, a country in the Matabar coast: Coromandel-1. Chola. 2. Dravida. 3. Malakuta, between the rivers Kaveri and Krishna; its capital Was Kanchipura. Coromandel is 'the corruption of Cholamandala. Cuteh-1. Audumvara. 2. Kachchha. 3. Marukachchiha. '4. Asvakachchha. 5. Udumvara ; its ancient capital was Kotesvara or Kachchhesvara, D. Dabhoi--Darbhavati in Guzerat. Dalkisor-- 1. The river Dvarikesvari. 2. The Dvarakesi, a branch of the Rupnarayana near Bishnupur in Bengal Dalmau-Dalbhya-Asrama on the Ganges in the Rai Bareli district; it was the hermitage of Rishi Dalbhya. Damudd--1. The river Damodara. 2. Dharmodaya, in Bengal.

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DAN 230 DEL Dandabhangt-A small river near Puri in Orissa called 1. Bhargavi. 2. Bhagi. Dantura--The river Baitarani, on the north of Bassein, brought down to the earth by Parasurama Dardistan-Darada, a country between Chitral and the Indus; it was a part of Udyana. Darjiling-Durjayaliuga ; a temple of Mahadeva called Durjayalinga is situated at this place. Dasan-The river Dasarna, which rises in Bhopal and falls into the Betwa. Dasor-Dasapura in Malwa. Same as Mandasor. Dauli--The Dudh-Ganga, a branch of the Alakananda. Deccan-1. Dakshingtya : that part of India which lies to the south of the Vindhya range, the portion between the Himalaya and the Vindhya being called Aryavartta. It was the Dakhinabades of the Greeks and Dakshin&-patha of Bhavabhuti and the Puranas. Doag-1. The river Devika, a tributary of the Ravi on its right bank in the Panjab. 2. Dirghapura, in the territory of Bharatpur. Delhi-Old Delhi was 1. Indraprastha. 2. Khandavaprastha. 3. Brihasthala. 4. Dehali, the capital of Yudhishthira, it is still called Indrapat. The Puranakilld, or the old fort, is still pointed out as the fort of the Pandavas. It includes a portion of the pargana Tilpat, (ancient Tilaprastha), one of the five villages demanded by Yudhishthira from Duryodhana. By Delhi is meant not only Shajahanabad--the modern Delhi of Shah Jahan. and Toglakabad--the Delhi of Ghiasuddeen Toglak Shah, but also the old Hindu city of Delhi-the Delhi of the Tomars and the Chohans, which was called Yogin pure accord. ing to Chand Bardai. The old Hindu city is situated at a distance of five miles from In. draprashtha or Indra pat. It is said to have been founded by Raja Dilu, and it was the capital of the Tomar king Anaoga Pal and his descendants and also of the Chohan king Bisala Deva and his great grandson Prithviraja. It contains the celebrated Iron Pillar set up by Raja Dhava in the fourth century of the Christian era (JASB., vol. VII, p. 629 to commemorate his victory over the Bahlikas of the Panjab, but according to Dr. Bhau Daji (Revised Inscription on the Delhi Iron Pillar at Kootub Minar), the inscription does not contain the name of Dhava at all, but it shows that the pillar was constructed by one Chandra Raja, at the end of the 5th or beginning of the 6th century A.D., and he further says that the translation of the inscription in JASB., vol. VII, pp. 629-31 is incorrect. Tho inscription has now been correctly read and translated by Mr. Vincent A. Smith. The pillar was erected by Kumara Gupta I, son of Chandra Gupta II (Vikramaditya) in 415 A.D. (JRAS., 1897, p. 8). The pillar is now situated in the quadrangle of Prithviraja's Yajnabala, called Bhootkhand by the Mahomedans. It also contains the ruins of a fort called Lalkot built by Ananga Pal II in 1060 A.D.; the temple of Yogamaya Worshipped by the Hindu emperors; the Kutub Minar, the highest tower in the world, built by Kutub-uddeen, the first Mahomedan emperor of Delhi, in 1193; the beautifully decorated tomb of Altamash; and the Alai Darwaza or the gate of Alla-ud-din, built in 1310 A.D. Delhi appears to have been deserted after the fourth century, but peopled again by Anaiga Pal II after the conquest of Kanouj by the Rathors. Prithviraj, the last Hindu king of Delhi, was defeated and taken prisoner and put to death by Mahomed Ghori in 1193, and the Hindu city of Delhi became the capital of the Patban kings, Kutubuddin and his successors. Kutubuddin Eibuk and Altamaah lived at Prithviraja's fort (Lalkot) from 1191 to 1236. Ghiasuddin Bulban built another fort and town containing the "Ruby" ou "Red" Palace at Ghiaspore near Humayun's Tomb and the Deenpanna Fort. Keikobad, his grandson, built a palace at Kelkheri or Gunglukheri. Alla-uddin built the town and fort of Secree, containing the Kutub Minar (JASB., 1847, p. 971). There are two of Asoka's pillars in Delhi containing his edicts: one of them is situated at Ferozabad or Kotill of Firoz Shah, where it was removed by him from a place woar Srughna called Khizera bad, and the other is placed near the Memorial Tower of the Mutiny, where it was removed from Miret by the same emperor,

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DRO 281 DOR Deobund-Dvaita-vana, in the Saharanpur district, United Provinces, two miles and a half to the west of the East KAlinadi, where Yudhishthira resided with his brothers during his exile. Deoghar-Same as Baldyanath. Devi--The river Devika, a name of the Sarayu in Oudh. Devalvars-In the Central Provinces ; traditionally it was Kundinapura, the ancient capi tal of Bidarbha. Bedar is also said to be the ancient Bidarbhapura or Kundinapura. Deva-Prayaga-At the confluence of the Bhagirathi and the Alakananda ; it is one of the five (Pancha) Prayagas. Devl-Patan-Forty-six miles north-east of Gonda in Oudh. It is one of the Pithas where Sati's right arm is said to have fallen. Dhar-DhAranagara in Malwa, the capital of Raja Bhoja. Dharanikoga-See Amaravati. Dhardwat-In the district of Gaya, sub-division Jahanabad, where the Gunamati monas tery was situated on the Kunwa hill, visited by Hiuen Tsiang. Dharmapur-Dharmapura, north-east of Damaun and north of Nasik. Dharmaranya-I. 1. Dharmaprishtha. 2. Dharm&ranya of the Buddhist records, visited by numerous pilgrims, four miles from Buddha-Gaya. II. Portions of the districts of Ghazipur, Balia and Jaunpur were known by the name of Dharmaranya (see Balia). Dhaubar Lake-Nandikunda, the source of the river Sabarmati, twenty miles north of Doongarpur, in Guzerat. Dhaull-The Dhavali hill, near Bhuvaneswar in Orissa, which contains an inscription of Aboka. Dhikull-Bairata pattana, the capital of Govisana, in the district of Kumaun. Dhopap-Dhutapapa on the Gumti, eighteen miles south-east of Sultanpur in Oudh, where Ramachandra is said to have been absolved of his sin for killing Ravana, who was a Brahmana, by bathing in the river there. Ramachandra is also said to have expiated his sin of slaying Ravana at Hattia Haran (Hatya-harana) near Kalyanmath, twenty-eight miles south-east of Hardoi in Oudh, where he bathed on his return from Lanka. The Kashtaharini Ghat at Monghyr is also counted as one of the ghats where Ramachandra expiated his sin. Dhosl-Chyabana-Asrama, six miles south of Narnol, in the territory of Jaipur, where the eyes of the Rishi Chyabana were pierced by Sukanya, a princess of Anupadesa, whom he afterwards married. Dhumela-1. The river Dhabala. 2. The BAhuda. 3. The Arjuni. 4. The SitAprastha. 6. Saitabahini, a foeder of the river Rapti in Oudh. Same as Buda Rapti. Diamond Sands--Amaravati, about eighteen miles to the west of Bejwada, on the Krishn&. It is celebrated for its Stupa known as Purvasaila Sanghar&ma. Dibhal-Darbhavati, twenty-six miles south-west of Bulandsahar. Dildarnagar-Akhanda, twelve miles south of Ghazipur. Dinajpur-It appertained to the ancient Pundra-deba. Dindigall-1. Timiogila of the Mahabharata. 2. Tangala and Taga of Ptolemy, in the district of Madura, Madras Presidency. Diu-Devabandara in Guzerat. Divar--The island of Dipavati on the north of the Gos island, containing the temple of Sapta kotisvara Mahadeva. Doab (Gangetio)1. Antraveda. 2. Sasasthali, between the Ganges and the Jamuna: Dohthf--The confluence of the streams Marha and Biswa, in the district of Fyzabad in Oudh, where Dasaratha, king of Ayodhya, killed the blind Rishi's son by mistake. Near it was the hermitage of the blind Rishi Sarvana.

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DOO 232 Doonagiri-The Dronachala mountain of the Purdnas, in Kumaun. Dowlatabad-1. Devagiri. 2. Dharagara. 3. Tagara of the Greeks, in the Nizam's territory. It was founded by Bhillama in the twelfth century. Vopadeva, the celebrated grammarian, and Hemadri flourished in the court of Ramachandra, who was defeated by Alla-uddin, king of Delhi. Dubaur-Durvasa-Asrama; the hermitage of Durvasa Rishi was situated on a hill, seven miles south-east of Rajauli, in the sub-division of Nowada, district Gaya. Dvarka-1. Dvarika. 2. Dvaravati. 3. Kusasthali. 4. Dasarna, in Guzerat. It was the capital of Krishna; he founded it after his flight from Mathura when attacked by Jarasandha, king of Magadha, hence he is worshipped there as Ranchhora-natha. E. GAN Eastern Ghats-Mahendra-parvata. Edar-Badari of the Buddhists, in Guzerat. Ekalinga-Harita-Asrama, the hermitage of Rishi Harita, the author of one of the Samhitas. It is situated in a defile about six miles north of Udaipur in Rajputana. Elephanta-The island of Gharapuri or Puri, in the province of Bombay. Ellora-1. Ilbalapura. 2. Elapura. 3. Manimatipuri. 4. Vellura. 5. Sivalaya. 6. Saivala. 7. Revapura. 8. Deva-parvata. 9. Durjjaya. It was the abode of Ilbala, a demon, whose brother Vatapi was killed by Agastya. It is situated near Dowlatabad in Central India. It is also called Berulen (see Berulen). Ellora contains the temple of Ghusrinesa (Ghrishneevara), one of the twelve jyotir-lingas of Siva.. Elur-Same as Ellora. Euphrates The river 1. Vivriti of the Garuda P. 2. Nivritti of the other Puranas. Sal mala-dvipa or Chal-dia. Eusofzai-Ali-madra of the Brahmanda P. It was included in ancient Gandhara and Udyana; it is bounded on the north by Chitral and Yasin, on the east by the Indus, on the west by the Swat river and Bajawar, and on the south by the Kabul river. Everest-1. Mount Gauri-eaukara. 2. Gauri-sikhara, in Nepal. F. Fatehabad Samugar, on the Jamuna, nine miles east of Agra, where Aurangzeb defeated Dara. Ferozabad-1. Chandwar. 2. Chandrapura, near Agra, where in 1193 Shahabuddin Ghori defeated Jayachandra, king of Kanouj. G. Gadak-Kutaka, an ancient town in Dharwar district, Bombay. Gad-mandala-It was included in Dakshina-Kosala. Gad-Muktesvar-Gana-Muktesvara, on the Ganges in the district of Mirat; it was originally a quarter of the ancient Hastinapura. Gagason-Garga-Asrama, on the Ganges, in the district of Rai Bareli, opposite to Asni. Gahmar Geha-Mura, in the district of Ghazipur (E. I. Railway); it was the abode of Mura, a demon, who was killed by Krishna... Galava-asrama-The hermitage of Rishi Galava was situated at a distance of three miles from Jaipur in Rajputans. Gambhira-A branch of the river Sipra in Malwa, mentioned by Kalidasa in his Meghadata. Gandak-1. The river Gandaki. 2. The Salagrami. 3. The Narayani. 4. The Sila. 5. The Trisula-Ganga. 6. The Gallika.

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GAN 233 GHA Gangabal-The lake Uttara-Ganga, situated at the foot of the Haramukh mountain in Kas mir, supposed to be the source of the river Sindh, which is also called Uttara-Ganga by the Kasmiris. Ganga Lake-Uttara-Manasa, a place of pilgrimage at the foot of the Haramukh Peak near Nandikshetra in Kasmir. Gangl-Sagara-1. The Sagara-Saa gama. 2. KapilAsrama, at the mouth of the Ganges where Kapila destroyed the sons of Sagara by his curse. Ganges-1. The river Ganga. 2. The Bhagirathi. 3. The Jahnavi. 4. The Trisrota. Gangesvarl-Ghat-Santa-tirtha in Nepal, at the confluence of the rivers Maradarika and Bagmati. Parvati is said to have performed 'penance at this place. Gangotri-1. Gangodbheda. 2. Gangotri (Gangavatari), the source of the river Ganges in the Rudra Himalaya in Garwal. Ganjam-Ganjam appertained to the ancient Kalinga, the capitals of which were Mani. pura (MAnikapattana), Ganjam and Rajamahendri at different periods. Gares See Gurez. Garo Hills-Tomara on the south-west of Assam. Garwal Mountains See Rudra-Himalaya. Gaud-1. Gauda. 2. Lakshmanavati. 3. Nivriti. 4. Lakhnauti. 5. Bijayapura. 6. Pundravardhana. 7. Barendra, the ancient capital of Bengal, the ruins of which lie near MaldA at a distance of ten miles. The Ramakeli fair, which was formerly held at Ramakeli, a village near Gaud is held every year at the latter town since the time of Chaitanya. Gaud was situated at the junction of the Ganges and MahAnanda. The Khajeki Masjid, the Daras Mosque and the Dakhal Darwaza (city gate) were built by Sultan Hossen Shah. The Natun Mosque and Chamkooti are built of coloured bricks. Gauhati-1. Pragjyotishapura. 2. Kamarapa. 3. Kamakshya, the capital of Kamarupe, in Assam. It is one of the Pithas. Gaurt-Kunda-At the confluence of the Ked&r-Ganga and the Bhagirathi, at a short distance from Gangotri. Gaya-1. Gayasirsha. 2. The southern portion of the modern town of Gaye was the an cient Gaya. The present temple of Vishnupada was built by Ahalyabdi, Maharani of Indor (1766 to 1795), on the site of an old Buddhist temple; the impronsion of Vishnu's foot which is worshipped at present was an engraving of Buddha's foot formerly worshipped by the Buddhists. The Brahmayoni hill on the southern side of the town was the Gayasisa or Gayasirsha mountain of the Buddhists. On the site of Asoka's stupa on the top of the mountain, the Hindus have built a temple of Chandi or S&vitri. All the temples in Gaye, containing impressions of feet, where the oblation ceremony is performed now. adays, as at Ramsila hill and other places, were ancient Buddhist temples appropriated by the Hindus after the decay of Buddhism in India. The Sarya-kunda near the Vishnupada temple was an ancient Buddhist tank. Brahma-bara of the Mahabharata is one mile to the south-west from the Vishnupada-temple (Gaya-mahatmya). Gay& proper is called Brahma-Gaya; six miles south of it is Bodh Gaya or Buddha-Gaya, Rudra-Gaya is in Kolhapura, and Lenar in Berar is called Vishnu-Gaya. An inscription near the Akshaya-Bata (the undecaying Banian tree) in Gay& shows its existence as a Tirtha in the tenth century A.D. (Dr. Bloch's Arch. Rep., 1902, in Calc. Gaz., September 17, 1902, p. 1301.) Gendia-Gokarna, a town in North Canara, thirty miles to the south of Goa. Ghaggar-The river Pavani in Kurukshetra, which, properly speaking, is the united stream of the Sarasvati and the Ghaggar. Ghagra-1. The river Sarayd. 2. The Gharghara. 3. The Dewa, in Oudh; the town of Ayodhya is situated on this river.

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GHA 234 GON Ghart-The united stream of the Bias and the Sutlej is called Ghara, but the natives call it Nai (JASB., 1837, p. 179). Ghazipur-The districte of Ghazipur, Jaunpur and Balia in the United Provinces apper tained to the ancient Dharmaran ya (see Balia). It is a Mabomedan town. It contains the tomb of Lord Cornwallis and the ruins of a handsome palace of Nawab Kasim Ali Khan, in the banquetting-hall of which was a deep trench which was used to be filled with rose water wher. the Nawab and his friends were feasting there. (Chunder's Travels of a Hindoo). Giriyak-Same as Giriyek. Girnar-1. Raivata. 2. Raivataka. 3. Ujjayanta. 4. Girinagara. 5. Udayanta,--the Junagar hill in Guzerat. It was the hermitage of Rishi Dattatreya. Sata was killed by Balarama at this place. It is also one of the five hills sacred to the Jaing, containing the temples of Neminath and Paravan&th. Girigek-The IndragilA hill, on the southern border of the district of Patna, ten miles to the south of Bihar (town), comprising the ancient Buddhist village called 1. Giriyek. 2. Ambasanda, on the river Panchana. On one of the peaks of this hill is situated what is called Jarasandha-ka-Baithak, which is a Dagoba or tope (stopa), erected, according to Hiuen Tsiang, in honour of a Hamsa (goose). It is Fa Hian's "Hill of the Isolated Rock." Goa Gopakavana, in the presidency of Bombay. Godavart-The river. 1. Dakshina-Gauga. 2. The Gautami. 3. The Gomati. 4. The God&vari. 6. The Gautami-Ganga. 6. The Nanda. 7. The God. It has its source in the Brahmagiri mountain near the village called Tryambaka. The portion of the river which lies between the confluence of the Pranahita and the Ocean was the MahAsals of the Padma Purana and Maisolos of the Greeks. Godna-Gautama-Asrama at Revelganj, seven miles to the west of Chh&pr& (see Ahlari). The place however appears to have derived its name from the circumstance that Gautama (Buddha) crossed the Ganges at this place after leaving Pataliputra. Godna is a corruption of Godana. Raja Janaka is said to have made a gift of cows at this place in order to expiate his sin for killing a Brahmin. Goga-The river Sulakshini which falls into the Ganges. Gogra-Same as Ghagra. Gokarna-I. Same as Gendia. II. 1. Sleshmataka. 2. Uttara Gokarna, two miles to the north-east of Pasupatinatha in Nepal in the Bagmati. Gokul (Purana)-1. Gokula. 2. Braja. 3. Mahavana, six miles south-west of Mathura across the Yamuna, where Krishna was reared up by Nanda during his infanoy. Same as Mahavana. The name of Braja was extended to Brindaban and the neighbouring villages, the scene of Krishna's early life. Gokul or new Gokula which was founded by Ballabh charya is the water-side suburb of Mahavans which has been identified by Growse with Kliso boras of the Greeks. Golkonda-Kala-kunda, about seven miles from Hyderabad in the Nizam's territory. The Beat of government was removed from Golkonda to Hyderabad in 1589. Gomukh-Fifteen miles north of Gangotri. Gonda-1. Gonardda. 2. Gunanda. 3. Gauda in Oudh, it was a sub-division of Uttara Kosala, the capital of which was Sravasti. The whole of Uttara-Kosala was called Ganda. Gonda is considered by some to be the corruption of Gonardda, the birth-place of Patanjali, author of the Mahabhashya. Gondwana---1. Dakshina Kosala ( ne Berar). 2. MahA-kosala ; it includes Wairagarh in the district of Chanda, about eighty miles from Nagpur. It is the Gad-Katangah of the Mahomedan historians, governed by the celebrated heroine Durgavati.

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GON 235 HAM Gondwana Hills-The hills of Gondwana were included in the ancient Riksha-parvata. Govardhan-1. Mount Govardhana, eighteen miles from Brindaban in the district of Mathura. It is said to have been lifted by Krishna on his little finger. 2. Govard dhanapura of the Markandeya Purana, a village near Nasik. Great Desert-1. Marusthali. 2. Marusthala. 3. Maru. 4. Marubhumi. 5. Marava, east of Sindh. Gujrat-The district of Gujrat in the Panjab appertained to the ancient kingdom of Paurava. Gumbatol-Masura-vihara in Buner, about twenty miles to the south-west of Manglora, the ancient capital of Udyana. Gumt-1. The river Gomati. 2. The Vasishthi in Oudh. Guptara-1. Gopratara. 2. Guptahari, on the bank of the Saraju at Fyzabad in Oudh, where Ramachandra is said to have died. Gurez-Daratpuri, the capital of Darada, on the north of Kasmir. It may be identified with Urjagunda. Gurpa-HH-1. Gurupada hill., 2. Sobhnath Peak of the Maher hill in Gaya, where Maha. Kasyapa died. See Kurklhar. Gurudaspur-The district of Gurudaspur was the ancient. 1. Audumvara. 2. Udumvara. 3. Dahmeri, in the Panjab. Same as Nurpur. Gutlya-Kshemavati, the birth-place of Buddha Karakuchanda, in the Nepalese Terai. Guzerat-1. Gurjjara. 2. Saurashtra. 3. Surashtra. 4. Anartta. 5. Lata. 6. Lada or Lala. 7. Nataka. 8. Larike of Ptolemy. The south-eastern portion of Guzerat about the mouths of the Nerbuda was called Abhira, the Aberia of the Greeks. In the seventh century, when Hiuen Tsiang visited India, the southern parts of Rajputana and Malwa were known by the name of Gurjjara, the modern peninsula of Guzerat being then known by the name of Saurashtra. The Sah kings of Saurashtra from Nahapana to Swami Rudra Sah reigned from 79 to 292 A.D. According to Fergusson the Saka era dates from the coronation of Nahapana, who was a foreigner (Fergusson's History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 150). But the convention of the fourth Buddhist synod by Kanishka, who was a Kushan (included in the general name of Saka), was a more remarkable incident of the time than the coronation of king Nahapana, as it concerned the religion of the whole of India. But Dr. Bhau Daji says "I was strongly inclined to look upon Gautamiputra as the founder of the Salivahana era, but the claims of Nahapana appear to be much more probable" (Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, p. 85). Dr. Bhagavan]Al Indraji is of opinion that the Saka era commencing 78 A.D. was inaugurated by Nahapana to commemorate his victory over a Satakarni king, named in honour of his Saka overlord (The Western Kshatrapas in JRAS., 1890, p. 642). Gwalior - 1. Gopadri. 2. Gopachala. 3. Gospinga-parvata. Hagari-The river Bedavati, a tributary of Tungabhadra, in the district of Bellari and Mysore. Hajipur-The sub-division of Hajipur in the district of Mozaffarpur in the province of Ben gal, was called 1. Bisala. 2. Bis&la-chhatra. Ramachandra and Lakshmana are said to have halted at Hajipur on their way to Mithila at the site of the present temple, which contains the image of Ramachandra, on the western side of the town. Hala Mountain-The southern part of the Hala mountain along the lower valley of the Indus was called Somagiri. Halebid-1. Dvaravati. 2. Dorasamudra. 3. DvAra-samudra, in the Hassan district of Mysore. It was the capital of Chera under the Hoysala BallAlas in the tenth century. Hampi-1. Pampa. 2. Bidyanagara in the district of Bellari.

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BAR 986 EIN Haramuk-The mount Haramukta or Haramukuta in Kasmir, twenty miles to the north of Srinagar. Hardware-1. Gangadvara. 2. Haradvara. 3. Kanakhala. 4. Mayapuri. 6. Mayara. 6. Haridvara. Though Kanakhala and Mayapuri are at present two different towns and distinct from Hardwar, yet at different periods Hardwar was principally known by theso two names (see Skanda Purana and Meghadata of Kalidasa). Kanakhala, is two miles to the south-east of Hardwar. It was the scene of the celebrated Dakshayajna of the Purdnas. May&puri is between Hardwar and Kanakhala, it was one of the seven sacred towns of India. The temple of Maya Devi is situated in Mayapur. Hardwar Hills-Usinara-giri, through which the Ganges enters the plains. Same as Sewallk Rango-(Imperial Gazetteer, s.v. Haridwar). Harihar-Hariharanathapura on the river Tuigabhadra, a celebrated place of pilgrimage mentioned in the Padma Purana. Harl-Parvat-Sarika, three miles from Srinagar in Kasmir, where the temple of Sarika Devi, one of the 52 Pithas, is situated. It was the hermitage of Rishi Kasyapa, from whom the name of Kasyapapura or Kasmir was derived. FashtAnagar-1. Pushkalavati. 2. Pushkaravati. 3. Peukelaotes of the Greeks, the old capital of GandhAra or Gandharva-desa, founded by Pushkara, son of Bharata and nephew of Ramachandra. It is situated seventeen miles north-west from Peshawar on the river Landai, formed by the united streams of the Swat and the Panjkora. Hassan Abdul-1. Takshasila. 2. Taxila of the Greeks, eight miles north-west of Shah dheri in the Panjab, between Attok and Rawalpindi. The Katha-sarit-edgara places it on the bank of the Jhelum. It was founded by Taksha, son of Bharata and nephew of Ramachandra. It has also been identified with the ancient Harya. Hastinapur-1. Hastinapura, the capital of the Kurus and of Duryodhana of the Mahabharata, twenty-two miles north-east of Mirat. Nichakshu, the grandson of Janamejaya, removed his capital to Kaubambi after the diluvion of Hastingpura by the Ganges. It was also called 2. GajasAhvayanagara. 3. Nagapura. HAthab Hastakavapra near Bhaonagar in Guzerat, which is the Astacampra of the Peri. plus and Astakapra of Ptolemy. Hathiphore Tunnel-The Riksha-vila of the Ramayana in the Sarguj& State of Chutia Nagpur. But it appears to have been situated in south Mysore. Hatsu--The river Hastisoma, a tributary of the MahAnadi. Hattla-Haran-Hatya-barana, twenty-eight miles south-east of Hardoi in Oudh (see Dhop&p). Hautmatt-The river Hastimati, a tributary of the Sabarmati (Sabhramati) in Guzerat. Hazara-1. Abhisari of the Mahabharata. 2. Abhisara. 3. Abisares of the Greeks, but this identification is not correct. The ancient Uraga or Urasa has been identified by Dr. Stein with the country of Hazara. Hazaribagh-The eastern portion of the district of Hazaribagh in the province of Bengal appertained to the ancient country of Malladeba. Holmand-The river Harkhaiti of the Avesta and the Saraswati of the Atharva Veda, one of the three Saraswatis in Eastern Afghanistan which was called Arachosia. Herdaun Same as Hindaun. Himalaya-1. Himadri. 2. Himachala. 3. Himalaya. 4. Himavana. Hindaun-Hiranyapari, in the Jaipur state, seventy-one miles to the south-west of Agra, where Vishnu is said to have incarnated as Nrisimha Deva and killed Hiranyakasipu, the Father of Prahlada. It is also called Herdoun. But see Multan and Hyroanla. Hindu-Kush-1. Paripatra. 2. Nisadha-parvata. 3. Meru. 4. Sumeru. 6. Kaukasus. 6. Pamir, 7. Para ponesus mountain of the Greeks in SAkadvfpe.

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Hinglaj-Hingula, situated at the extremity of the Hingula range on the coast of the Mekran in Beluchistan. It is one of the Pithas. Hrishikona-A celebrated place of pilgrimage at a short distance from Hardwar. Hallabid-Same as Halebid. Hundes-Same as Undes. Hyderabad-1. Bhaganagara, in the Nizam's territory, named after Bhagmati, the favourite mistress of Kutub Mahomed Kuli who founded it in 1589 and removed his seat of government to this place from Golkonda, about seven miles distant. 2. Hyderabad in Sindh has been identified by Cunningham with Patala. HyrcaniaHiranyapura, the capital of the Daityas (Mbh., Vana, ch. 172, Udyoga, ch. 97), on the south-east of the Caspian Sea near Asterabad. See Hindaun. I. Igatpar-1. Goparashtra. 2. Govarashtra. 3. Kauba of Ptolemy, a sub-division of the distriot of Nasik, Bombay Presidency. Inn Aptanetravana, in the district of Bahraich in Oudh; it was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. Indla--1. Bharatavarsha. 2. Jambudvipa. 3. Sudarsanadvipa. India (Into of Hiven Tsiang) is a corruption of Indu or Sindhu or Sapta Sindhu (Hapta Hendu of the Vendidad). Indor-Indrapura, in the district of Balandsahar, United Provinces. Perhaps it is the Indraprasthapura of the Sankaravijaya. Indus-1. The river Sindhu. 2. The Sushoma. 3. The Uttara-Ganga. 4. The Nilab, in the Panjab. Irawadi-1. The river Iravati. 2. The Subhadra, in Burma. llamabad - Ananta-nAge, the ancient capital of Kasmir, on the Jhelum. The Mahome dans changed the name into Islamabad in the fifteenth century. Jabbalpur-Javalipara. Jaipur-See Joypur. Jals-UjAlikanagara, twenty miles east of Rai Bareli. Jajmau-Yayatipura, three miles from Cawnpur, where the ruins of a fort are pointed out as the remains of the fort of Raja Yayati (see Sam bhara lake). JAlpar-The country which stretches for ten miles around Jajpur in Orissa was called 1. Biraja-kshetra. 2. Parvati-kshetra. 3. Gayanabhi. 4. Yajapura. 5. Yayatipurs. Jakhtiban-Same as Jethian. JalAlAbad-1. Nagarabara. 2. Nigarhara. 3. Nirahara. 4. Nagara. 5. Nysa of the Greeks. 6. Dionysopolis of Ptolemy. 'Nagarabara, at the confluence of the Surkhar or Surkhrud and Kabul rivers, was 4 or 5 miles to the west of Jalalabad. It is also called Amaravati in one of the Jatakas. A village called Nagaraka still exist about two miles to the west of Jalalabad (see Nang henhar). The town of Jalalabad was built by Shum. soodin Khaffi in 1570 by the order of Akbar (JASB., 1842, p. 125). Jalalpur-1. Girivrajapura. 2. Rajagriha. 3. Girjak, the capital of Kekaya of the Ramayana, on the Jhelum, in the Panjab. Jalandhar-1. Jalandhara. 2. Trigartta, in the Panjab. Jalandhar-Doab-Between the Bias and the Sutlej in the Panjab. It comprised the ancient countries of Kekaya, and VAhika or VAlhika. Jallalpur-Bokephala of the Greeks, in the Panjab. Jam-ntr-The river Nirvindhya. Same a Nowa.

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JAK 288 KAI Jamuna-1. The river Yamuna. 2. The Kalindi from the country called Kalinda-desa, in which it has its source. Jamunotrk-1. Yamund-prabhava. 2. Yamunotri (Yamuna-avatari), the source of the river Jamuna (Yamuna) in the Bandarpuchchha range of the Himalaya, situated in the ancient country called Kalinda-desa. Jarasandha-kl-Baithak-Hamsa-stupa (see Giryek). Jataphatki-The Jata mountain, in which the Godavari has got its source. Jaunpur-Yavanapura, near Benares. The Mahomedan kingdom of Jaunpur was estab lished in the 14th century A.D. Java-Yava-dvipa. Jawalamukhi-1. Badave of the Mahabharata. 2. Jwalamukhi, one of the B2 Pithas. Jaxartes-1. The river Sita. 2. The Sile. 3. The Rasa. 4. The Rauha of the Avesta. 5. Araxes of Herodotus ; Jaj is another name of the Jaxartes (Vambery's History of Bokhara, p. 8). The word Jaxartes is a combination of Jaj and Araxes (of Soythia) in order to distinguish the latter from the Araxes of Armenia or the Arab, and the Araxes of Persia or tho Bund Amir. Jothian-1. Yashtivana. 2. Latthivana, about two miles north of Tapovana in the dis trict of Gaya. Joypur - The territory of Jaipur, including Alwar, was the ancient Matsya-desa of the Maha. bharata. Its capital was Birata (modern Bair&t) where tho Pandavas resided incognito for one year; it is a small village to the west of Alwar and forty-one miles north of.Jaipur and one hundred and five miles south-west of Delhi. JhalrapattanChandravati, in Malwa, on the river Chandrabhaga. . Jaum-1. The river Bitasta. 2. The Bebat. 3. The Hydagpes. 4. The Bidaspes of the Greeks. 5. The Bitams of the Buddhists, in the Panjab. It leaves the valley of Kasmir at Barabam dla and falls into the Chinab near Jhung. 6. Jhelum has been identi fied with the Hladini of the Ramayana (Barooah's Dictionary, vol. III, preface, p. 37), Jhusl-Pratishthanapura, on the north bank of the Ganges, three miles east of Allahabad; it was the capital of Parurava. It is still called Pratishthapura. Jogonl-Bhariya Mound--Jetavana-vihara, one mile to the south of Sahet-mahet on the Rapti in Oudh, where Buddha resided for several years. Joharganj-Dhanapura, twenty-four miles from Ghazipur. Johild-The river 1. Jyotiratha. 2. Jyotisha, a tributary of the river Sone. Joonir-Jirnanagara, in the province of Bombay, The Chaitya cave of Joonir is supposed by Fergusson to belong to the first or second century of the Christian era. Joshimath-Jyotirmatha, in Kumdun. Junagar-1. Jayananagara (Yavananagara), 2. Asildurga. 3. Kataakubja, in Guzerat. Jvalamukh-A celebrated place of pilgrimage, 25 miles from Kangra, being one of the 62 Pithas where Sati's tongue is said to have fallen (see Jawalamukhi). Jyntox-1. Pravijaya. 2. Pragvijaya. . 3. Jayanti, in Assam. Kaba)--1. Kubha of the Vedas. 2. Ortospana of the Greeks. 3 Urddhasthans (Can ningham). Kabal River-1. The river Kubha of the Vedas. 2. The river Kuhu of the Puranas. Kabul Valley-See Cabal Valley. Katristan-Ujjanaka : a country situated on the river Indus, immediately to the west of Kasmir. Kahalgaon-Same as Colgong.

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KAI 239 KAN Kallas-1. Kailasa. 2. Hema-kuta. 3. Ashtapada. The mountain is situated on the north of lake Manas-sarovara beyond Gangri or Darchin. It is also called Mount Tise. Kalmur Hill--The range was called 1. Kimmritya. 2. Kairamali, between the rivers Sone and Tonse. Kaira Same as Kheda ; Khetaka, on the river Betravati (modern Vatrak), in Gujarat. Kalthal-Kapishthala, in the Karnal district, Panjab; it is the Kambistholoi of Megasthenes. Kajerl--1. Kubjagriha. 2. Kajugriha. 3. Kajinghara, ninety-two miles from Champ& in the district of Bhagalpur in Bihar. It is perhaps Kajra in the district of Monghyr, three miles to the south of which there are many Buddhist remains. Kaladi-In Kerala, the birth-place of Sankaracharya, according to the Sankara-vijaya. Kalhul-The Makula mountain of the Burmese annals of Buddhism, where Buddha pas. sed his sixth year of Buddhahood. The Kaluh& bill is situated in the district of Hazaribagh, twenty-six miles to the south of Buddha-Gaya and sixteen miles to the north of Chatra. In the Vyaghrt Jataka it is said that Buddha in a former birth resided on the Mount Kulachala as a hermit; he gave his own body to be devoured by a hungry tigress in order to save her new born cubs (Dr. R. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. 149). It is the Kolahala or Kolachala Parvata of the Vayu Purana which has perhaps been erroneously identified with the Brahmayoni hill of Gaya. Kallani-Kalyanapura, thirty-six miles west of Bidar in the Nizam's territory. It was the capital of Kuntaladesa, the kingdom of the Chalukya kings (western branch) from Jaya Singh Vijayaditya to Tribhuvana Malla from the fifth to the twelfth century. It was the birthplace of Vijoanesvara, the author of the Mitakshard. KAIT-Nadt-1. The river Ikshumati. 2. The Kals-Gauga, 3. The Chakshush-mati. 4. The MandAkini, in Garwal and Rohilkhand. Kanouj stands on this river. Kallndi-Same as Kalinadi. Kalinjar-1. KAlinjara. 2. Parnadarva, in Bundelkhand. It was the capital of Cliedi under the Gupta kings. It contains the temple of Nilakantha Mabadeva. Kal-Sindh-1. The Dakshina-Sindhu of the Mahabharata. 2. Sindhu of the Meghadata (pt. I, v. 30). 3. The Sindhuparna, a tributary of the Chambal. Its identification with the Nirvindhya (JBTS., vol. V, pt. III, p 46) does not appear to be correct. Kalsl-Srughna, in the Jaunsar district, on the east of Sirmur. Kaluh Same as Kalhua. Makula Parvata of the Buddhists and KolAhala Parvata or Kolachala of the Vayu Purana. KalyanaSame as Kallani. Kamah-See Kunar. Kambay-1. Stambha-tirtha. 2. Stambhapura, in Gujarat. Kampil-Kampilya, twenty-eight miles north-east of Fathgarh in the district of Farrukha bad, United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. It was the capital of South Parichala, the king of which was Drupada, the father of Draupadi of the Mahabharata. It was the birth-place of the celebrated astronomer Varahamihira (Btihat-Jataka). Kampta-Karmmanta, the capital of Samatata, near Comilla, in the district of Tipara, Bengal. Kamptanathgirl-Chitrakuta, in Bundelkhand, on the river Pibuni, abont four miles from the Chitrakot station of the G. I. P. Railway. Ramachandra resided here for some time, while on his way to the Dandakaranya. Kampur-Kanishkapura, ten miles to the south of Srinagar in Kasmir, founded by Kanishka, king of Kasmir. Kanf-Nads--The Ratn Akara-nadi, on which Khanakul-Kristanagar, a town in the district of Hugli in Bengal, is situated, containing the temple of Mahadeva Ghantesvara. Karaga--See Canar.

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KAN 240 KAR Kanarak-1. Arkakshetra. 2. Padmakshetra. 3. Konaditya. 4. Konarka, nineteen miles north-west of Puri in Orissa. It contains a temple of the Sun, built by Languliya Narasimha who reigned from 1237 to 1282 A.D. Kandahar-See Candahar. . Kandy-1. Srivarddhanapura. 2. Senakhandasela, in Ceylon. Kane-The river 1. Syeni. 2. The Karnavati. 3. The Suktimati. 4. The Kiyana (Lassen), in Bundelkhand. Same as Ken. Kangri-1. Nagarokota. 2. Bhimanagara. 3. Trigartta. 4. Susarma-pura, on the Ravi Banganga river. It was the old capital of Kulata. Kankal-T118-Urumundaparvata, in Mathura, which was evidently an artificial hill or mound where Upagripta and his preceptor resided. KankhalSee Hardwar. Kankota--Kanakavati, sixteen miles west of Kosam, on the southern bank of the river Jamuna near its junction with the river Paisuns. It is also called Kanak-kot. Kanouj-1. Kanyakubja. 2. Gadhipura. 3. Kusumapura. 3. Kusasthala. 5. Mahodaya, on the river Kall, a branch of the Ganges, in the Farukhabad district, United Provinces.' Korhari-The river Kumani in Bihar. Kapild-The portion of the river Nerbuda near its source in the Amarakantaka mountain is called the Kapila. Kaplladhars-1. Kapila-Asrama, twenty-four miles to the south-west of Nasik; it was the her. mitage of Kapila Rishi. 2. The first fall of the Nerbuda from the Amarakantaka mountain. Karabagh-1. Karupatha. 2. Karapatha, on the Indus, mentioned in the Ramayana and the Raghuvamsa as being the place where Lakshmana's son Angada was placed as king by his uncle Ramachandra, when he made a disposition of his kingdom before his death. Tavernier writes it as Carabat. Karachi-1. Karakalla. 2. Krokala of Megasthenes in Sindh. Karda-Karabataka of the Mahabharata, in the district of Satara in the province of Bombay. Karakal-Karaskara, in South Kanara. Karakorum Mountain-1. MAlyavana-giri. 2. Krishna-giri, between the Kiunlun and Hindukush mountains. Karanbel-Same as Teor. Karatoya --The river Karatoya, which flows through the districts of Rangpur and Dinajpur. It formed the boundary between the kingdoms of Bengal and Kamarepe at the time of the Mahabharata. Same as Kuratf. Karmanasa--The river Karmanasa is situated on the western limits of the district of Shaha had in Bengal, and forms the boundary between the province of Bengal and the United Provinces. Its water is considered to be polluted by the Hindus, being associated with the sins of Trisanku of the Ramayana. Karnall-Bhadrakarnapura, a place of pilgrimage on the right bank of the Nerbuda near Chandod. Karna-Prayaga-At the confluence of the Alakapanda and Pindar rivers. It is one of tho five (Paricha) Prayagas. Kron-1. Kama-Asrama. 2. Madana-tapovada, eight miles to the north of Korantedi. in the district of Balia in the United Provinces. Mahadeva is said to have destroyed Madana, the god of love, at this place. Karra-Karkotaka-nagara, 41 miles north-west of Allahabad. It is one of the 62 Pithas. Karttikasvami-Same as Kumara-svimi. Karur-Same as Korur (II). Karva-1. Karavana. 2. Nakulesvara. 3. Lakulita, 4. Nakulisa. 5. Kayavarohana, 18 miles south of Baroda, containing the principal shrine of the Pabupata sect of Srivaiam, founded by Nakulisa between the 2nd and 6th centuries A.D. to the hotel hareke te

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KAS 241 KHA Kasal-The river 1. Kamaavati. 2. Kapisa, in Bengal. Kashgar-Kharoshtra. Kashkar-Same as Kamah and Kunar (Elphinstone's History of India, p. 232). Kasia-1. Kusinagara. 2. Kusinara. 3. Kusayati, thirty-five miles to the east of Gorakhpur, on the old channel of the Hiranyavati or Chhota Gandak. It was at Kusinagara that Buddha died. Kasmir-1. Kasmira. 2. Kasyapapura; the hermitage of Rishi Kasyapa was on the Hari mountain, three miles from Srinagar (Bhavishya P., Pratisarga, pt. 1, ch. 6, v. 6). Kasur Kusavati, thirty-two miles to the south-east of Lahore, said to have been founded by Kusa, son of Ramachandra. Katak-1. Baranasi-Kataka. 2. Yayatinagara. 2. Binitapura, in Orissa, at the confluence of the Mahanadi and Katjuri, founded by Nripa Kesari, who reigned from 941 to 952 A.D. Kataksha-Simhapura, sixteen miles from Pindi Dadan Khan, on the north side of the Salt in the Panjab. It is also called Katas and Ketas. According to Hiuen Tsiang, the country of Simhapura bordered on the Indus on the western side. It was conquered by Arjuna. Kata-Kataksha. Kathiawar-1. Saurashtra. 2. Surashtra. 3. Sulathika or Surashtrika of the Dhauli inscription. 4. Syrastrine of Ptolemy. The southern portion of Kathiawar was called Prabhasa, containing the celebrated temple of Somnath, at a short distance from which was the spot where Krishna passed away from this mortal world. Katmandu-1. Kashthamandape. 2. Kantipuri. 3. Manjupattana. 4. Manjupatan, the capital of Nepal. Katwa-1. Kantaka-nagara. 2. Kantaka-dvipa. 3. Katadvipa, in the district of Burdwan in Bengal. Kavert I. 1. The river Arddhaganga. 2. Sahyadriya. 3. Kaveri. 4. Chela-Ganga. II. A branch of the Nerbuda near Mandhate was called Kaveri. Kawa-Pol-An isolated hill near Gaya, on which the Silabhadra monastery was situated: it was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. It is a part of the Barabar Hill (Khalatika Parvata), containing the Nagarjuni caves. Kedarnath-Kedara, situated at the source of the Kali-Ganga. The celebrated temple of Kedaranatha is situated in the Rudra Himalaya in Garwal below the peak of Mahapantha on the west of Badrinath. The worship of Mahadeva Kedaranatha is said to have been established by Arjuna, one of the five Pandavas. The river Kali-Ganga rises at this place and joins the Alakananda at Rudra-Prayaga. Keljhar-Chakranagara, seventeen miles north-east of Wardha in the Central Provinces. Perhaps it is the Chakrankanagara of the Padma Purana, Patala khanda, ch. XVIII. Ken-Same as Kane. Kesartya-Isalia of the Buddhists, in the district of Champaran in the province of Bihar, where Buddha passed the eighteenth and nineteenth Vassas of his Buddhahood. Ketas-See Kajaksha. Khaira-Dih-Jamadagni-Aarama, thirty-six miles north-west of Balia; it is said to have been the residence of Jamadagni and the birth-place of his son Parasurama. See Zamanla. Khajraha-Khajjurapura, the capital of the Chandels, in Bundelkhand. } Khandes Khandes, Southern Malwa and parts of Aurangabad forming the ancient country of 1. Haihaya. 2. Anupadesa, the kingdom of the myriad-handed Karttyaviryarjuna, who was killed by Parasurama. Its capital was Mahishmati (modern Maheswar or Mahes) on the river Nerbuda, forty miles to the south of Indore. It appertained also to the ancient kingdom of Bidarbha.

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KHE 242 KOR . Kheda-Khetaka of the Padma Purana, between Ahmedabad and Kambay in Gujarat. It is the Kiecha of Hiuen Tsiang, which Cunningham has correctly restored to Kheta or Kheda, now called Kaira. Khetaka was situated on a small river called Betravati (now called Vatrak) near its junction with the Sabarmati (Sabarmati). Julien renders Kiecha by Khacha or Kachchha. -Same as Kaira. Khfragrama-Twenty miles to the north of Burdwan. It is one of the fifty-two Pithas. Khiya The Khanat of Khiva is the 1. Urjagunda of the Matsya P. (ch. 120), called Urgendj; 2. Country of the Surabhis or Kharasmii or Kharism (Vam bery's Travels in Central Asia, p. 339). Khorasan-Khurasan, celebrated for horses. Khotan-Kustana, in Eastern or Chinese Turkestan. Kiskindhya-A small hamlet on the north bank of the river Tungabhadra, not far from Anagandi. It was the ancient Kishkindhya of the Ramayana, where Ramachandra killed Bali, the king of monkeys. Kiyul--I. Rohinnala. It has been identified by General Cunningham with Lo-in-ni-lo of Hiuen Triang; it is situated immediately to the south of Lakhi-gerai on the E. I. Railway. It contains a large image of Padmapani and several Buddhist figures (Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., vol. III). Lo-in-ni-lo included Jayanagar on the north containing the fort, and Rajaona or Rajjhana on the south containing many remains of the Buddhist period. See however, Rehuanala. II. The river Rishikulye in Bihar. Koch-Bihar-It appertained to the ancient Pundra-desa, especially to the eastern portion called Nivritti. For the history of Koch-Bihar, see JASB., 1838, p. 1. Koh--The river Kutikoshtika of the Ramayana, a small affluent of the Rama-Gange in Oudh. Koh-Marl-Gospinga Parvata in Eastern Turkestan, containing a Buddhist monastery and a cave, it was a celebrated place of pilgrimage at the time of Hiuen Tsiang. Koll-Kokila, a river which flows through the district of Shahabad in Bihar. Kolar-Kolahalapura or Kolalapura, on the east of Mysore where Karttyaviryarjuna is said to have been killed by Parasurama. Kolhapur--1. Karavirapura. 2. Kolapura. 3. Kolh&pura. 4. Padmavati. 6. Agastya Asrama, the hermitage of Rishi Agastya, but perhaps this is a mistake and the mistake originated by confounding Kolhapur with Akolha to the east of Nasik, which is the reputed hermitage of Agastya. Kollur-Gani, on the river Krishna, celebrated for its diamond mine (Tavernier's Travels). Gani is evidently the corruption of Khani (mine). Kondavir-1. Kundinapura. 2. Bidarbhanagara. 3. Bhimapura, the ancient capital of Bidharba, and the birth-place of Rukmini, the consort of Krishna. Another Kondavir is mentioned by Tavernier, at present called Konavaidu, in the province of Madras, not far from Guntur, it was built in the twelfth century by a king of Orissa. Kondavir is the same as Kundapura of Dowson, forty miles east of Amaravati in Central India (see Kundapura). But see Beder. Konkana-1. Parasurama-kshetra. 2. It was a part of Aparantaka, Konkana and Mala bar forming the ancient Aparantaka. 3. Gomanta-desa. 4. Mushika. 6. Konkana (Wilson's Hindu Theatre ; Sarada Tilaka). See Southern Konkana. Koram-The river 1. Kuramu. 2. Krumu, of the Rig Veda, a tributary of the Indus. Same as Kurum. But see Kunar. Korea Kores perhaps appertained to Uttara-Kuru. Korloge-Kurangapura, near the mouth of the Godavari. Korur-I. Korura, between Multan and Loni, in the district of Multan in the Panjab, where . Vikramaditya, king of Ujjayini, defeated the Sakas in a decisive battle in 633 A.D., the date of this battle is supposed to have given rise to the Samvat era. II. 1. Korura. 2. Tamrachuda-krora. 3. Bafiji. 4. Karur, the capital of Chera, in the Koimbatur district, near Cranganore. Same as Karur.

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KOS 243 LAH Kosam-1. Kausambi. 2. Kosambinagara. 3. Batsyapattana, about 30 miles to the west of Allahabad; it was the capital of 1. Batsya-desa. 2. Bamsa, the kingdom of Raja Udayana. Harsha Deva places his scene of the Ratnavali at this place. Kosila-The river 1. Kutika. 2. Kutila of the Ramayana, the eastern tributary of the Ramganga in Oudh. Kotalgar-1. Umavana. 2. Banapura. 3. Sonitapura of the Harivamia at Lohul in Kumaun, where Usha was abducted by Aniruddha, the grandson of Krishna. See Bana Raja's Gad. Kota-Tirtha-In Kalanjara. Kotesvar-1. Kotisvara. 2. Kachchhesvara, the capital of Kachchha (Kutch), on the river Kori, a branch of the Indus. Koti-Tirtha-1. In Mathura. 2. A sacred tank in Gokarna. Kottayam-1. Nelcynda of the Periplus. 2. Milkynda of Ptolemy. 3. Nalakanana. 4. Nalakalika, in Travancore, a celebrated port of ancient India, Kotwal-Kantipuri, twenty miles north of Gwalior. Krishna-1. The river Krishna. 2. The Krishnaveni. 3. The Krishnavenwa. 4. The Benwa. 5. The Beni. 6. The Bina. 7. The Tynna of the Greeks. Kuari-The river 1. Kumari. 2. Sukumari, in the Gwalior State, it joins the river Sindh near its junction with the Jamuna. Kubattur 1. Kuntalakapura. 2. Kautalakapura. 3. Kuntalapura. 4. Surabhipattana, 5. Sopatma of the Periplus, in Sorab in the Shimoga district of Mysore. It was the capital of King Chandrahasa of the Jaimini-Bharata. Kubjamra 1. Kubjamraka. 2. Raibhya-asrama, at a short distance to the north of Hardwar. Kuenlun Mountain-1. Nila Parvata. 2. Krishna Parvata, in Tibet. Kalu-1. Kuluta. 2. Koluka. 3. Kulinda-desa, 4. Kuninda. 5. Kalinda-desa, in the upper valley of the Bias. Its capital was Nagarakota. Kumara Svami-1. Subrahmanya. 2. Karttikasvami. 3. Svami-tirtha. 4. Bhattri-sthana, about a mile from Tiruttani, a station of the Madras and Southern Marhatta Railway on the river Kumaradhara; it was visited by Sankaracharya. Kumaun-1. Kurmachala. 2. Kurmavana. 3. Kumaravana. 4. A part of Brahmapura. Kumbhaconum-1. Kumbhakarna. 2. Kumbhaghonum, in the province of Madras. It was the ancient capital of Chola. Kunar-The Choaspes of the Greeks, which joins the Kabul river at some distance below. Jalalabad. It is also called Kamah and Kashkar. Kundapura-1. Kundinapura. 2. Kundinanagara. 3. Bidarbhanagara. 4. Bhimapura, forty miles east of Amaravati in Central India. Same as Kondavir. But see Beder. Kurati-The river Karatoya in North Bengal. Same as Karatoya. Kurkihar-Kukkutapadagiri, in the district of Gaya, where the Buddhist saint Mahakasyapa died. Kukkutapadagiri has also been identified with Gurpa hill (Gurupadagiri), about 100 miles from Buddha-Gaya. See Sobhnath Hill. Kurum-Same as Koram. Kushan-Kapisa, ten miles west of Opian on the declivity of the Hindu-kush. Kust-The river Kausiki in Bengal. Its confluence with the Ganges was known as the Kausiki Tirtha or Kausiki-Sangama. L. Ladak-It has been identified with Hataka where Manas-sarovara is situated (Barooah's Dictionary, vol. III, Preface, p. 50). Lahari-Bandar-The ruins of Devala, the "Metamorphosed city" as it has been called. are situated at a very short distance to the north of Lahari-bandar or Lari-bandar in Sindh, in fact, Lahari-bandar was built with the ruins of Devala (Cunningham).

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LAH 244 MAD Lahor--Salatura, the birth-place of Panini, the celebrated grammarian. The village is situated at a distance of about sixteen miles to the north-east of Attok. Lahore-1. Lavapura. 2. Lavakota. 3. Lavavara. 4. Lohawar, in the Panjab. It was founded by Lava, son of Ramachandra of the Ramayana. Lakhnor-Lakragar, an old fort situated in the Rajmahal hills in Bengal. Lamghan-1. Lampaka. 2. Muranda. 3. Lampaka,on the northern bank of the Kabul river. Landal_The river Giri, in the Peshawar district, on which Pushkalavati was situated, Languliya-The river Langulini, on which Chicacole stande. Lenar-1. Bishnu-Gaya, a celebrated place of pilgrimage in Berar, not far from Mekhar. 2. Lonkra. Lhasa-The capital of Tibet, containing the celebrated Temple of Buddha the "Holy of Holies" built by Srongtsan Gampo, king of Tibet, in 652 A.D. This monarch became a convert to Buddhism and introduced that religion into Tibet, being influenced by his two Buddhist wivog, one a princess of China and the other a princess of Nepal. The image in the Temple is the image of Buddha 88 & youthful prince of sixteen in his house at Kapi. lavastu. The Dalai Lama resides in the palace at Potala hill in the town. The first Dalai Lama was Lobzang, he was of the yellow-cap order and was raised to power by the Tartar prince Gushi Khan in the middle of the seventeenth century A.o. (Dr. Waddell's Lhasa and its Mysteries). Lilajan-1. The Nilajana. 2. The Nilanchana. 3. The Nairassjana. 4. The Nirafjara. 5. The Nigchira, the upper part of the Phalgu, which flows through the district of Gaya. Little Gandak-Same as Chhota-Gandaka. Little Thibet-Bolor. Little Thibet is also called Baltistan and Chitral. Its capital was Skardu. Lodh-Moona-1. Lodhra-kanana. 2. Garga-Asrama, in Kumaun. Lohughat-LohArgala in Kumaun, on the river Loha.. Lomasgir Hill Lomasa-Asrama, the hermitage of Lomasa Rishi; it is four miles north-east of Rajauli in the sub-division of Nowadah in the district of Gaya. Lonar-See Lenar. Looni-Same as Lun-nadi. Lucknow-Situated on the river Gumti. It is said to have been founded by Lakshmana, the brother of Ramachandra of the Ramayana, on an elevated spot now known as Laksh. mantila or Lakshmanapura, where a mosque was afterwards built by Safdar Jang, Suba. dar of Oudh. It is now within the Machchhi bhawan fort, overlooking the Asfi (stone) Bridge. Asaf-ud-dowlah made Lucknow his capital, the capital of his two predecessors being at Fyzabad. The Great Emambarah with the Raumi Gate and the Masjid were built by Asaf-ud-dowlah; the old Residency, Dilkhosha and the Lal Baradari were built by Saadat Ali Khan ; the Moti Mahal and Shah Najaf were built by Nasir-uddin Hyder the Chutter Manzil was built by Nasir-uddin Hyder; the Hossenabad buildings were constructed by Mahomed Ali Shah, the Chhota Emam barah by Amjad Ali Shah, and the Kaisarbagh by Wajid Ali Shah, Mannua or Manpore, about 24 miles north of Laok. now, has a very high and extensive mound called the fort of Mandhata. Nagrdon, in the district of Lucknow, is said to have been the city of Raja Nala, a descendant of Ramachandra (see Vayu Purana, II, ch. 26) whose episode is given in the Mahabharata (P. C. Mukerji's Pictorial Lucknow). Lan-Nadi-The river Lava A, which falls into the Sindh at Chandpur Sonari in Malwa. It is also called Nun-nadi. M Madawar-1. Matipura. 2. Pralamba of the Ramayana, it is eight miles north of Bijnor in Western Rohilkhand. Madhyarjuna-Six miles east of Kumbhaconum, in the district of Tanjore, Madras Presidency.

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MAD 48 MAN Madura-1. Mathura. 2. Dakshina-Mathura. 3. MinAkshi, in the province of Madras. It was the capital of Pandya. The districts of Madura and Tinnevelly formod the an cient Pandya or Pandu. It is one of the 52 Pithas where Sati's eyes are said to have fallen. Mahabalipur-Banapura, on the Coromandel coast. The "raths" of Mahabalipur are the true representations of ancient Buddhist viharas or monasteries. Mahabana-1. Gokula. 2. Braja. 3. Kliso boras of the Greeks, a town about six miles from Mathura across the Jamuna, where Kfishna was reared up during his infancy. It was sacked by Mahmud of Ghazni as the "fort of Raja Kulchand." See Gokul (Purana). Mahanadi-1. The river Chitropala. 2. The Chitrotpala. 3. The Mahanadi, in Orissa. The portion of the river before its junction with the Pyri or Pairi is called Utpalesvara and the portion below its junotion with the Pyri is called Chitropala or Chitrotpala. Mahanand - The river Nanda, in Bengal, to the east of the river Kusi. Maharashtra-Same as Marhatta country. Mahastbana-Gada-1. MahAsthana. 2. Slla-dh&pa. 3. Jamadagni-Asrama, 4. Parasurama Agrama. 6. Ugra, in the district of Bagura in Bengal, celebrated for the temple of Mahadeva called Ugramadhava. Mahendra-Mall Hills - The Mahendra Hills of Ganjam and Southern India, where Parasu rama retired after he was defeated by Rama. The hills include the Eastern Ghats. Mahes-Same as Mahesvar. Mahegyar-1. MAhismati. 2. MAhissati. 3. Agnipura, on the right bank of the Nerbuda, forty miles to the south of Indore ; it is also called Chuli Mahesvar. It was the capital of Haihaya or Anupadesa or Mabishamandala, the kingdom of the myriad-handed Karttyaviryarjuna of the Puranas. But see Mandbata. Mahl--I. 1. The river Mahati. 2. The Mahf. 3. Mahita, in Malwa. II. Mayuri, a town in the Malabar coast. Mahi-The river Mahi of the Milinda-Parha, it is a tributary of the Gandak. Mahoba Mahotsava-nagara, in Bundelkhand. Maukoto-1. Dakshina-Badarik Asrama. 2. Yadava-giri, twenty-five miles to the north of Seringapatam in Mysore, containing one of the four principal Mathas (monasteries cf Ramanaja and a temple of Krishna known as Chawalrdi. 3. Tirunarayanapura (s. K. Aiyangar's Ancient India, p. 208). Same as Melukote. Malabar... MallAra-desa. 2. Part of Aparantaka ; Malabar and Konkana formed the ancient Aparantaka. 3. Malabar, Travancore and Canara formed the ancient Kerala, called also Ugra and Chera. 4. Ketalaputra of Asoka's Inscriptions. 6. Keralaputra. 6. Murald. Malabar Coast-1. Kerala. 2. Ugra (see Malabar). 3. Marala. 4. Damila of the Jataka. 5. Limyrika (.e., Damir-ike) of Ptolomy. 6. Ketalaputra., 7. Kerals putra. See Malabar Malabar Ghats-Malaya-giri. 2. Chandana-giri, the southern portion of the Western Ghats, south of the river Kevert. Malabar HUB-Balukesvara hill in Bombay, containing the temple of Mahadeva Balu kesvara. Malkhead-Manyakabatra, on the river Krishna Mallica-Upamallaka. Malvan-Melizigeris of Ptolemy, a town situated in the island of Medha in the Ratnagiri district of the Bombay Presidenoy. Malwa. 1. MAlava. 2. Avanti. 3. Dageraka. Its capitals were Ujjayini and Dharanagara. Eastern Malwa, including the kingdom of Bhopal, was called Dasarna and Bakshinagiri, its capital was Bidish or Bhilea. Northern Malwa was called Seka and Apara-Seks at the time of the Mahabharata. Man&--A village near Badrinath in Garwal. It was the hermitage of Rishi Vyasa, the author of the Mahabharata.

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MAN 246 MAR Manas-Sarovar--The lake Manasa-sarovara. 2. Manasa. 3. Baibhraja-sarovara. It is situated at the foot of that part of the Kailasa range which is called Baidyuta-parvata. Mapbhum-The western portion of the district of Manbhum in the province of Bengal apper. tained to the ancient country of Malla-desa. Mandagnl-Same as Mandakini. Mandakint -1. Same as the river Kali-nadi in Garwal. 2. The river Mandakini which flows into the river Paisuni (ancient Payoshni) by the side of Chitrakuta in Bundelkhand. It was created by Anusuya, the wife of Rishi Atri and daughter of Daksha, to avert the effect of a drought of ten years. Mandala--1. Mahesmati-mandala. 2. Mahesmati. 3. Mahesamandala. 4. Mahisha. 5. Mahi shaka. 6. Mahishamandala. 7. Haihaya. 8. Anupadesa, a country in Central India, of which Mahishmati was the capital. Mandara-Giri-A hill in the Banka sub-division of Bhagalpur in Bihar, two or three miles from Bamsi. The gods are said to have churned the ocean with this hill as churn-staff. Manda sor--1. Dasapura. 2. Dabanagara, on the Chambal in Malwa, about ninety five miles south-east of Udayapur. Mandhata -1. Mahishmati. 2. Omkaranatha, 3. Baidurya-Parvata. 4. Omkara. 5. Omkara kshetra. 6. Amaresvara, an island in the Nerbuda, five miles to the east of Mahes. The temple of Omkaranatha, one of the twelve great Liugas of Mahadeva, is situated at this place. Mandu-Mandapapura, in Malwa. Mangala-Girl-Pand-Nrisimha, seven miles south of Bezwada, in the Kistna District, Madras Presidency, on the top of the hill is a temple of Nrisimha, visited by Chaitanya. Mangle-Gaurt-One of the fifty-two Pithas in Gaya. Mangila Paithan-Same as Paithan. Manglora-1. Mangala. 2. Mangali. 3. Maigalapura, on the Swat river. It was the capital of Udyana. Manikalya-Manikapura, in the Punjab, celebrated for its Buddhist topes, where Buddha in a former birth gave his body to feed a starving tiger. Manikaran-1. Manikarna, 2. Manikarnika, on the Parvati, in the Kulu valley. Manikarnika-1. Brahmanala, 2. Manikarnika, in Benares. Maniklala-Same as Manikalya. Manikpattan-Manipura of the Mahabharata, a seaport at the mouth of the lake Chilka. Manipura was once the capital of Kalinga. The situation of the capital of Kalinga as described in the Mahabharata and the Raghuvanaa as well as the name accord with those of Manikapattan. Mafjerd-The river Banjula, a tributary of the Godavari, which is also mentioned as Madjula. Marhatte Country-1. Maharashtra. 2. Asmaka. 3. Asvaka. 4. Asakka. 5. Mulaka. 6. Alaka. 7. Maulika. 8. Devarashtra. 9. Mallardahtra. 10. Bidarbha (A nargha. Raghava, vii, 96, Barooah's Dictionary, vol. III, Pref., pp. 138, 139), the boundaries of which in the seventh century were: Malwa on the north, Kosala and Andhra on the east, Konkana on the south, and the sea on the west. Its ancient capitals were Paratishthana, Kalyani and Devagiri. MArkanda-The Aruna, a branch of the Sarasvati, in Kurukshetra. Its junction with the Sarasvati, three miles to the north-east of Pehoa, is called the Aruna-sangama. But this identification is doubtful (see Oghavatt in Pt. I). It is perhaps the Oghavati of the Mahabharafa. Mar-Koh-The mount Meros of Alexander's historians, near Jalalabad in the Punjab. Marta-1. Marttikavata, 2. Saubhanagara, 3. Salvapura, the capital of Marttikavata or Salva on the north-west of the Aravali range in Marwar, not far from Ajmer. It is also onlled Merta or Maitra. But see Alwar.

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MAR 247 mon Martan-Same as Matan. Marwar-1. Mordua-desa. 2. Maru-desa. 3. Marudhanva. 4. Marusthali. 6. Marusthala. 6. MArava. 7. Gurjara of the seventh century, in Rajputana. Masar-MahAsara, an ancient village six miles to the west of Arrah in the district of Shahabad in Bihar, at a very short distance from the Karisat station of the E. I. Railway. It was visited by Hiten Tsiang. It now contains only two temples. Maski-Suvarna-giri, situated to the west of Siddapur in Mysore; it was one of the four towns where Asoks placed a viceroy. Matan-Marttanda, five miles to the north-east of Islamabad, in Kasmir. It is also called Bavan (see, Bavan). Mathura-1. Madhupuri. 2. Surasena. 3. Sauripura. 4. Sauryapura. 5. Mathura. 6. Madhura. 7. Madhuvana. It was founded by Satrughna, and was the birth-place of Krishna. Eighty miles all around Mathura was called the Braja-Mandala. Mathura was the capital of the Bhojas. Maurawan-Six miles to the east of Unao in Oudh. It is said to have been the capital of Mayuradhvaja of the Mahabharata. Mayapur-1. Mayapuri. 2. Mayura (see Hardwar). Maymene--Manimayi of the Ramayana (Uttara, ch. 23); see my Rasdtala in the 1.1.0.. vols. I, II. It is in Turkestan, 22 miles from Andkhuy, and to the south-west of Balkh. Mazaga-1. Masakavati of Panini. 2. Massaga of Alexander's historians. 3. Mashanagar of Babar, twenty-four miles from Bajore, on the river Swat in the Eusofzoi country. Media-1. Ariana. 2. Pahnava. 3. Pahlava. 4. Pallava. 5. Mada. 6. Madra or Uttara-Madra of the Puranas (see Azerbijan), now included in the Persian kingdom. Megni-1. The river Meghanada. 2. Meghavabana, in East Bengal. Melukote-Same as Mallkote. Merr-Maru of the Brihat-samhita, the capital of Mriga of the Puranas, a country of Saka dvipa or Margiana. . Mesopotamia-1. Mitanni of the Tel-el-Amara inscription. 2. Mitravana of the Bhavishua P. 3. Salmala-dvipa of the Puranas. Mewar-1. Sibi of the Buddhists; its capital was Jetuttara now called Nagari, eleven miles north of Chitore. 2. Medapata. Midnapur-The southern portion of Bengal, including the districts of Midnapur, Hughli, eto. It was the ancient Sumha or Radha. Mikula-1. Mekala hills. 2. Soma-parvata, in which the rivers Nerbuda and Son have got their source. Minagar-In Sindh, Pishenpopulo of Hiuen Tsiang, which is Bichavapura according to Julien, but which Reinaud restores to Basmapura (Beal). Saminagara (Tod). Mirat-1. Mayarashtra, 2. Mayarat, the residence of Maya Danave, the father of Mandodari. the wife of Ravana. Misrikh-Misraka tirtha in the district of Sitapur in Oudh. Mithila -- 1. Bideha. 2. Tirabhukti. 3. Tributa. 4. Janakapura, the capital of Raja Janaka. the father of Sita. MograpadaSuvarnagrama, the ancient capital of Eastern Bengal, in the Naraingan sub division of the district of Dacce. It was famous for its fine muslins. Mohan The river Mahf, a tributary of the Phalgu in the district of Gaya. Moharpur-1. DharmAranya, 2. Moherakapura, fourteen miles to the north of Bindhyachal (town) in the district of Mirzapur. Three miles north of Moharpur is the place where Indra performed austerities after he was cursed by the Rishi Gautama, the husband of Ahalya. Mohwar-The river Madhumati in Malwa, which rises near Ranod and falls into the Sindh about eight milos above Sonari. The river has been mentioned in Bhavabhuti's Malati. Madhapa. -

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MON 248 NAS Mong-Nikai or Nikoea of the Greeks, on the Hydas pes in the Gujarat district, where the celebrated battle was fought between Alexander the Great and Porus (Puru). Monghir--1. Mudgalagiri, from Mudgalaputra, a disciple of Buddha. 2. Mudga-giri (a contrac tion of Mudgala-giri). 3. Mod&giri. 4. Madguraka. 5. Hiranya parvata of Hiuen Tsiang. Mora Hill-Pragbodhi hill, near Buddha-Gaya, across the river Phalgu. Mucharim-The Muchilinda tank, in Buddha-Gaya. Mukhalingam-Kalinganagari, twenty miles from Parla-Kimedi, in the Ganjam district; it * contains many Buddhist and Hindu remains. Muktinath-A celebrated place of pilgrimage situated in Tibet or north of Nepal on the Sapta Gandaki range of the Himalaya, south of Salagrama, not far from the source of the Gandak. The place is associated with the legend of Tulsi and NarAyana, and a temple of the latter exists at this place, hence the Gandak is called the Narayani.. Mula-matha-The river Murala, a tributary of the Bhima in southern India. Multan-1. Mulasthanapura. 2. Mauli-snana. 3. Prablada puri. 4. Samba pura. 5. Mitravana. 6. Kasya papura. 7. Hiranyapura. 8. Malladesa. 9. Malava, Panjab, where Narayana in. carnated as Nrisimha and killed the Asura Hiranya kasipu, the father of Prahlada. It was the capital of Malla-desa or the country of the Mallis of Alexander's historians, which was given to Lakshmana's son Chandraketu by his uncle Ramachandra, when the latter made a disposition of his kingdom before his death. See Hindaun. Multan and Jabrawar were comprised in the ancient country of Sauvira. . Mundore-Same as Madawar. Mungipattana-Same as Pattan. Murg-Same as Mong. Murghab-Gabhasti of the Vishnu Purdna, a river in Sakadvipa. Murghab means "The river of Mriga" or Margiana in Turkestan. Mustagh-See Karakorum Mountain. Muyirl-Kotta-1. Mouziris or Muziris of the Greeks. 2. Murachipattana. 3. Munijagrama, in the Malabar coast, opposite to Cranganore. Muzaffarnagar-Khandava-vana of the Mahabharata, at a short distance to the north of Mirat; it is one of the stations of the North-Western Railway. Arjuna appeased the hunger of Agni, the god of fire, at this place. Mysore-1. Mahishaka. 2. Mahishamandala. Nadia-Soe Nuddea. Nagarl--I. Madhyamika, near Chitore, in Rajputana, which was attacked by Menander. He was defeated by Vasumitra, grandson of Pushyamitra and son of Agnimitra of the Sunga dynasty. 2. Jetuttara, the capital of the kingdom of Sivi. Naint TAL--See Nyni Tal. Nandakin-The river Nanda of the Puranas, which falls into the Alakinanda in Garwal. Nanda-Prayaga-At the confluence of the AlakAnandA and Mandakini, a small river. It is one of the five (Paricha) Prayagas. Nandkol-The lake Nandisara, which is a part of Nandikshetra, twenty-three miles north of Srinagar near Mount Haramuk in Kasmir, sacred to Siva and Nandi. Nanghenhar-1. Nagarh&ra. 2. Nysa of Alexander's historians. 3. Nagara or Dionysopolis of Ptolemy, 4. Nigarhara. . Nirahara, four or five miles to the west of Jalalabad (see Jalalabad). Narwar-1. Nishadha, 2. Nalapura, forty miles south-west of Gwalior. It was the capital of Raja Nala of the story of Nala-Damayanti of the Pur&nas. Nadk-1 Pafchavati-vana. 2. Sugandha. 3. Nasikya, on the Godavari where Sita was abducted by Ravana, king of Lanka. The district of Nasik was anciently called Govardhana.

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NAT 249 OMK NathadvarSiar, on the Banas, twenty-two miles north-east of Udaypur in Mewar. It contains the celebrated original image of Kesava Deva removed by Rana Raj Singh from Mathura in anticipation of Aurangzeb's raid. Nausarl-Navarashtra in the Baroach district, Bombay. Nawal_Navadevakula, thirty-three miles north-west of Unao near Bangarmau in Oudh, and 19 miles south-east of Kanouj, visited by Hiuen Tsiang. It was the Alavi of the Buddhists and Jainas; but see Alrwa. Naya-Tirupati-Nava-Tripadi, twenty miles to the east of Tinnivelli, visited by Chaitanya. Nepal-1. Nepala. 2. Himavanta. 3. Kimpurushavarsha. Nerbuda-1. The river Narmada. 2. The Murald. 3. The Purwa-Ganga. 4. The Reva. 5. The Murandala. It rises in the Amarakantaka mountain. Newuj-The river Nirvindhya, a tributary of the Chambal. Nigambod-Ghat-Nigamodbodha-tirtha of the Padma Purana, in old Delhi (Indraprashtha). Nigliya - In the Nepalese Terai, north of Gorakhpur and thirty-eight miles north-west of the Uska station of the Bengal and North-Western Railway. It has been identified by Dr. Fuhrer with Kapilavastu, the birthplace of Buddha. The ruins of Kapilavastu lie eight miles north-west of Paderia, which has been identified with the Lumbini garden where Buddha was born. But see Tilaura. Nilakantha-A celebrated place of pilgrimage, containing the temple of Nilakantha Maha. deva, at the foot of the Seopuri mountain, to the north of Katmandu in Nepal. Nileswaram-Nelcynda in the Malabar Coast. Nilgiri-I. The Nila Parvata or Nilachala in the district of Puri in Orissa. II. 1. Darddura. 2. Durddura. 3. Darddara Parvata, in the Madras Presidency. Nimkharvan-Naimisharanya, twenty-four miles from the Sandila station of the Oudh and Rohilkhand Railway, and twenty miles from Sitapur, on the left bank of the Gumti. It was the abode of sixty-thousand Rishis many of the Puranas were written at this place. Nimsar-Same as Nimkharvan. Nira-The river Nibara, a tributary of the Bhima. Nizam's State-1. Andhra. 2. Tailanga. 3. Tri-Kalinga, between the Godavari and the Krishna. Northern Circars-1. Kalinga. 2. Bengi-desa. The southern portion of the Northern Circars between the Chikakol river and the Godavari was called Mohana-desa at the time of the Mahabharata; the northern portion was then part of Kalinga. Nuddea-Navadvipa in Bengal, the birth-place of Chaitanya. It was the last Hindu capital of Bengal, conquered by Bakhtiar Khiliji in 1203. To the north-east of the present Navadvipa at the distance of about a mile are the ruins of Ballala Sena's palace, and there is also a tank of Ballala Sena called Ballala-dighi. Nundgaon-Nandigrama of the Ramdyana in Oudh, where Bharata resided during the exile of Ramachandra. It is about ten miles to the south of Fyzabad, near Bharatkunda. Nurpur--1. Audumvara. 2. Odumvara, in the Panjab; its capital is Pathankot which was anciently called Pratishthana. The district of Nurpur is now called Gurudaspur Nyni Tal-The lake Tri-Rishi of the Skanda Purana, in the United Provinces. Nysatta-Nyea of the Greeks, on the northern bank of the Kabul river, about two leagues below Hashtanagar. See, however, Nanghenhar. o. Ohind-Udakhanda, on the right bank of the Indus, in the Peshawar division of the Punjab, fifteen miles to the north-east of Attock. Orkarnath-1. Amaresvara. 2. Omkaranatha. 3. Omkara. 4. Orkara-kshetra, near Mandales vara, which is five miles to the east of Mahes (the ancient Mahishmati), on the bank of the Nerbudda. It is one of the twelve great Lingas of Mahadeva. Same as Mandhata

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OPI 250 PAN Oplan-1. Hupian. 2. Alexandria, & town founded by Alexander. 3. Alagadda of the Mahavamsa, twenty-seven miles to the north of Kabul. It was the capital of Parasusthala and the birth-place of Menander (Milinda of the Milinda-Panho). Perhaps it is the ancient Kshatriya-upanivesa, Opian being & contraction of Upanivesa. Or-Same as Uri, a tributary of the Nerbuda. Orissa-1. Udra. 2. Odra. 3. Utkala. Oudh-I. 1. Ayodhya, the kingdom of Rama. 2. Kosala : it was divided into Uttara and Dakshina Kosala. 3. Saketa. 4. Setika. 5. Sagada of Ptolemy. 6. Bisakha. II. The town of Ayodhya. Oujein-Same as Ujin. Oxus-1. The river Vakshu. 2. Suchakshu. 3. Chakshu. 4. Ikshu. 5. Asmanvati, which flowe through Sakadvipa. 6. Bhagavat-ganga. 7. Patala-gang&. 8. Vanksha of Bhagavata (V.ch. 17). Pabhosa - Prabhasa, thirty-two miles south-west of Allahabad and three miles to the north west of Kaubambi, visited by Hiuen Tsiang. Paddair-The river Paldbini near Kalinga patam in Ganjam. Paderia-A village in the Nepalese Terai, two miles north of Bhagavanpur. It has been identi fied with the Lumbini garden, where Buddha was born (soe Nigliva). But the Lumbini. vana has been identified by P. C. Mukherji with Rumendei (see Rumen-del). Padma-The river Padmavati, a branch of the Ganges, in East Bengal. Padmanabhapur-Same as Anantapur (II). Padraona-Pava, on the Gandak, the last place visited by Buddha before he reached Kusi nagara, where he attained Nirvana. Paghman Range-Pavamana mountain of the Nishadha Range, a part of the Hindu Kush. Pabadpura-1. Kola-Parvatapura. 2. Kolapura. 3. The Paloura of Ptolemy, in the district of Nadia in Bengal. Pain Same as Pain-Ganga. Painam Suvarnagrama, the ancient capital of Eastern Bengal, on the river Dhalesvari, in the district of Dacca. Same as Sonarg&on. Pain-Ganga-1. The river Payoshni mentioned in Bhagavata P. (V, Ch. xix, v. 17), a branch of the Wardha in the Central Provinces. 2. The Bidarbha-nadi. Same as Pain. Paira-The river Parna, a branch of the Godavari. Paisuni-1. The river Payasvini. 2. The Chitrakuta, a tributary of the Jumna which flows near Chitrakuta in Bundelkhand. Paithan-1. Pratishthanapura. 2. Potana. 3. Potali. 4. Paudanya, on the Godavari. It was the capital of Salivahana, king of Maharashtra, the Asmaka of the Puranas and Assaka of the Buddhists. It is also called Pattana and Mangi-Pattana or Mangila-Pattana (see Pattan.) Pak pattan-Ayodhana, in the Punjab. Palembang-Sribhoja, in Sumatra, a seat of Buddhist learning in the seventh century much frequented by the Chinese pilgrims. Pallthana -In Guzerat, situated at the foot of a mountain called Satrunjaya, to the south. west of Bh&onagar. It is one of the five hills sacred to the Jainas and contains a temple of Adinatha. Pain-llls-Rishabha-parvata, in the district of Madura, Madras. Pambal--The river Pushpavati in Travancore. Pamghan See Paghman range. Pamir-Paripatra of the Nishadha Parvata

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PAM 251 PAT Pampa--A branch of the Tungabhadra. Mount Rishyamukha is situated on the eastern bank of this river, where Ramachandra met Hanumana and Sugriva for the first time. There is also a lake called Pampa-sarovara near Kishkindhya (see Kishkindhya). Pampur-Padmapura, on the right bank of the Behat (Jhelum), eight miles to the south-east of Srinagar in Kasmir. It is celebrated for its cultivation of Kumkuma or saffron (crocus sativus), which was largely used as a cosmetic by the ladies of ancient India. Panchana-1. The Panchanana. 2. The Sappini, which flows through the districts of Gaya and Patna. Pandharpur-Same as Panderpur. Panderpur-1. Pandupura. 2. Pandukshetra. 3. Pundarika-kshetra. 4. TapasAsrama. 5. Tapasa. 6. Tabasoi of Ptolemy. 7. Paundarika, on the river Bhima in the district of Sholapur in the province of Bombay. It contains the celebrated temple of Bithalnath or Bithoba Deva, an image of Krishna. Krishna is said to have visited this place with Rukmini to see Punda rika who was celebrated for his filial affection. Pandritan-Purknadhishthana, the ancient capital of Kashmir, four miles to the south-east of Srinagar. Pandua-I. 1. Pundravardhana. 2. Pundra. 3. Paundra, the ancient capital of Bengal, six miles north of Malda. II. 1. Pradyumna-nagara. 2. Marapura, in the district of Hughli in Bengal. Panipat-Paniprashtha. Panjab-1. Sapta-sindhu. 2. Aratta. 3. Takkadesa (Hiuen Tsiang). 4. Panchanada, the country of the five rivers Satadru (Sutlej), Bipasa (Bias), Iravati (R&vi), Chandrabhaga (Chenab) and Bitasta (Jhelum). Panjab-The river Panchapadi, a tributary of the Oxus, in Saka-dvipa. Panjkora-I. 1. The river Gauri of the Mahabharata and the Puranas. 2. Gouraios of the Greeks, which united with the river Swat to form the Landoi, an affluent of the Kabul river. II. Pafcha-karpata, a district on the southern slope of the Hindu Kush. Panjshir Julien supposes that Panjahir and Tagao valleys in the north border of Kohistan comprised the ancient district of Kapisa. Papan Asint-The river Payasvini, in Travancore, visited by Chaitanya. Pappaur_PAvApurs or PAwa, three miles east of Sewan in the district of Chupra, where at the house of the goldsmith Chanda, Buddha was served with Sukara-maddava (hog's flesh) which aggravated the illness which terminated his life. Parasnath-Hill-1. Samet-sikhara. 2. Samidagiri. 3. Malla-parvata. 4. Mount Maleus of the Greeks. 5. Samadhi-giri, in the district of Hazaribagh in Bengal. It is one of the five hills sacred to the Jainas. Parasuramapura-Twelve miles south-east of Patti, in the district of Pratapgad in Oudh. It is one of the fifty-two Pithas. Parba --The river Parvati, in the Jalandhar Doab, which falls into the Bias. Manikaran, a celebrated place of pilgrimage is situated on this river. Parbati-The river 1. Para. 2. Para, an affluent of the Chambal which rises in Bhopal Parthia-Parada ; ancient Persia. Pasha-Bisakha, in the district of Gonda in Oudh ; it was the capital of Saketa or Oudh in the Buddhist period. Pasupatinath-A celebrated temple of Mahadeva in Nepal, associated with the story of the fowler and the god. Patharghata-1. Sil A-sangama. 2. Bikramasild-vihara. 3. Batesvarnatha. 4. Batesa, four miles to the north of Kahalgaon, in the district of Bhagalpur.. PATIALA-Prasthala, in the Punjab. Patna-1. Pataliputra. 2. Kusumapura. 3. Pushpapura, the capital of Magadha, where Udayi or Uday&sva, the grandson of Aj&tasatru (contemporary of Buddha) removed the seat of government from Rajagriha.

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PAT 202 RAD Pattan-I. 1. Anahila-pattana. 2. Anhulvarapattana, in Guzerat. II. 1. Mangila-pattana. 2. Salivahanapura. 3. Brahmapuri Pratishthana. 4. Paithana of the Greeks. 5. Mungi. pattana (Mungi-Paithan), twenty-eight miles south-west of Aurangabad ; it was the capital of Salivahana. Pattlala See Patiala. Pauri-Ashtabakra-asrama, near Srinagar in Garwal. Pavapurt-1. Apapapuri, 2. Papa, about seven miles to the south-east of Bihar (town), Mahavira, the Jaina Tirthankara died at this place in 627 B.C. Pegu-1. Ramanya. 2. Aramana. 3. Hamgavati, in Burma. Pehoa-Prith Udaka, where the celebrated Brahmayoni-tirtha is situated, fourteen miles to the west of Thanesvar. Pennar-1. The Southern Pennar is the P&paghni. 2. See Pennair. Ponnalr-1. The river Tailaparni, in the province of Madras on which Nellore is situated. 2. The Pinkkini. It is also called Northern Pennar. Persia-1. Parasya. 2. Palhava. 3. Iran. 4. Tajika. 5. Parasika. 6. Pahnava. 7. Pallava, ita capital was Surasthana according to Hiuen Tsiang. Peshawar-Purushapura, the capital of Gandhara (see Cabul Valley). Phalgu-1. The river Mahanadi of the Mahabharata. 2. The Lilajana. 3. The Nil&jana, 4. The Nairassjana. 5. The Nirasjana. 6. The Nilanchana. 7. Nirahjard of the Buddhists, on which Gaya is situated. Pindar-The river Karna-Ganga, a tributary of the Alakananda in Garwal. Pindaraka-Tirtha-Neer Golagar in Guzerat, sixteen miles to the east of Dwarka. Pinjkotal-Mahavana-vihara or Sangharama, visited by Hluen Tsiang, near Sunigram in Buner, about twenty-six miles south of Manglora, the old capital of Udyana. Pisant-Same as Paisuni. Pisin valley-Pashana in southern Afghanistan. Pithapura-Gaya-pada. 2. Pishtapura, in the Godavari district, about forty miles from Rajamahendri ; Gayasura's feet rested at this place when he was overthrown by Vishnu. It was conquered by Samudra Gupta. Poona-Punaka or Puna, in the Bombay Presidency. Porebunder --Sudamapuri, in Guzerat ; it was the port of Chaya. Pranahit-1. The river Pranita. 2. The Pranahita. 3. The Prani, formed by the united stream of the rivers Wardha and Wainganga, in Central India. Pudubeli-Gopuram-Bsiddha-Kasi, in the province of Madras, visited by Chaitanya. Puhat-Punach, in Kasmir. Palleat-Palakkada of the inscriptions, in the province of Madras. Punpun-The river Punahpuna, a tributary of the Ganges, in the district of Patna in Bengal. Purl-1. Purushottama-kshetra. 2. Srikshetra. 3. Dantapura, (Hunter and Fergusson). 4. Dantura. 5. Charitrapura, in Orissa. The temple of Jagannath was built by Anauga Bhima Deo of the Ganga dynasty in 1198 A.D. Purna-The river 1. Payoshni. 2. The Krathakaisika. 3. The Bidarbhanadi, in Berar. Purnea-Kausikikachchha, in Bihar. Purt-The river Payoshni, in Travancore. Pushkar-1. The Pushkara lake. 2. Brahma-tirtha. 3. Brahma-sara. 4. Sarasvata lake, six miles from Ajmir. Pyrl-The river Pretoddharini, which joins the Mahanadi at Raju. R. Radha-1. Sumha of the Purdnas. 2. Radha. 3. The country of the Gangaridai of Ptolemy, its capital was Gange, the "Port of Ganges" of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (Saptagrama).

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RAI 263 RAM Raila-1. Rahugraema. 2. Ashtabakra-asrama, the hermitage of Rishi Ashtabakra, four miles from Hardwar. Rajagiri-Rajagriha of the Ramayana, on the north bank of the Bias. It was the capital of the Asvapatis of Kekaya. It is also called Rajgir. See Jalalapur. Rajamahendri-1. Dantapura (Cunningham and McCrindle). 2. Rajapura, of the Mahabharata. 3. Bidyanagara, on the Godavari, the capital of Kalinga. It was the capital of the Chalukya kings (eastern branch) from Kubja Vishnu Vardhana to Vira Deva Kulottunga (7th to 12th century). Rajaurl-1. Rajapuri. 2. Abhisari. 3. Abhisara, south of Kasmir and south-east of Punach. Rajgir-1. Girivrajapura of the Mahabharata. 2. Rajagriha of the Buddhist annals. 3. Kusa. gara pura, in the district of Patna, was the capital of Magadha till the seat of government was removed to Pataliputra (Patna). It was the abode of Jarasandha, king of Magadha. Buddha lived at Rajgir in the Venuvana garden presented to him by Raja Bimbicara. The first Buddhist synod was held under the presidency of Maha-Kasyapa shortly after Buddha's death, in a hall built by Ajatasatru in front of the Saptaparni cave by the side of the Vaibhara mountain. The Sisunaga dynasty from Sisunaga to the nine Nandas reigned in Magadha from 685 to 321 B.C. (the names of the Nandas are mentioned in the Mahavamsa, ch. V; the first Nanda was Mahapadma-Nanda who reigned for 88 years and the other eight Nandas for 12 years, the last Nanda being Dhana-Nanda or Yogananda whose history is given in the Brihat-Katha. The seat of government was removed to Pataliputra by Udayasva who reigned from 519 to 503 B.C. (Vayu Purdna) Sisunaga is said to have removed his capital to Baibali. Kaldboka, the eleventh king of this dynasty, in whose reign the second Buddhist synod was held in 443 B.C. at the Balukaramavihara in Vaisali under the presidency of Revata, reigned from 453 to 4.25 B.O. (Fergusson and Upham's Mahavamsi, ch. IV). The cause of convening the synod is mentioned in the Vinaya Pitaka, Chullavagga, pt. XII, ch. 1). Same as Rajagiri. Rajim-Devapura of the Padma Purana, on the Mahanadi in Central India ; it is a contraction of Rajivalochana, which was the name of Ramachandra who visited the place to save his brother Satrughna from death. Rajmahal-Hills-1. Antara-giri. 2. Kalakavana of Patanjali, in the Santal Pargana in the province of Bihar. Rajputana-1. Maru, 2. Maruathali. 3. Marudhanva. East Rajputana was called Kukura. Rajshahi-It appertained to the ancient kingdom of Pundra, and formed a part of the ancient sub-division of Barendra. Rakshl--The river Drishadvati in Kurukshetra, which flows by the south-east of Thaneswar (Cunningham). But this identification does not appear to be correct. The Drishadvati has been correctly identified with the Chitang which runs parallel to the Sarasvati on the south. Ra mahrad-Ajank in Thaneswar, sacred to Parasurama. Ramesvara-The first island of the chain of islets forming the Adam's Bridge. It contains the celebrated temple of Ramesvara, one of the 12 Great Lingas of Mahadeva.. R&mesvara-Sangama-The confluence of the river Banas with the Chambal in Rajputana. Ram-Gang -1. The river Suvama. 2. Uttaraga. 3. Uttanika of the Ramayana, in Oudh. It joins the K Alinadi opposite to Kanouj. It is a tributary of the Saraju. Ramnagar-I. 1. Ahichchhatrapura. 2. Ahikshetra. 3. Adikota. 4. Ahichhatra. 6. Aabi. chchhatra. 6. Chhatravati. 7. Pratyagraha, the capital of North Panch Als in Rohilkhand. twenty miles west of Bareli. There is still a place called Ahichhatrapura near Ramnagar. II. VyfsakAsi, opposite to Benares across the Ganges. Rampala--1. Ballalapurf. 2. Bikramapura, the capital of BallAla Sena, king of Bengal, about two miles from Munshiganj, at Vikrampur in the district of Daoca. Rampur-DoorlyaRamagrama of the Buddhist annals, in the district of Basti, in Oudh. It contained a stapa over a relic of Buddha's body, now diluviated by the river.

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RAM 254 RIS Ramtege-Same as Ramtek. Ramtek-1. Ramagiri of the Meghaduta. 2. Sambuka-Asrama. 3. Saibala-giri, the hermitage of the Sudra Sambuka of the Ramayana, north of Nagpur, in Central India. Rangamati 1. Karna-Suvarna. 2. Kansona, on the right bank of the Bhagirathi, four miles below Berhampur, in the district of Murshidabad in Bengal. It was the capital of Adisura, king of Bengal. Rangit The Raikshu, a tributary of the Tista. Rangoon-Puskaravatinagara, the birth-place of Trapussa and Bhalluka, who gave honey and other articles of food to Buddha and who built the Shaidagon Pagoda on the hairs given to them by Buddha, after their return to Rangoon. Ranigat-1. Barana. 2. Aornos of the Greeks, in the Panjab, about sixteen miles north-west of Ohind.. Rapti-1. The river Airavati. 2. Iravati. 3. Achiravati. 4. Ajiravati. 5. Naganadi. 6. Saravati. 7. Sadanira. 8. Rathastha, in Oudh, on the southern bank of which Sravasti, the ancient capital of North Kosala, is situated. Ratanpur-1. Ratnapura. 2. Manipura, the capital of Dakshina-Kosala or Gondwana, 15 miles north of Bilaspur, in the Central Provinces; it was the capital of king Mayuradhvaja of the Jaimini-Bharata. Ratnagirl-1. Rishigiri. 2. Isigili. 3. Pandao mountain of the Buddhists, one of the five hills of Rajgir in the district of Patna. Raunakshi-The river 1. Sarasvati. 2. Prabhasa Sarasvati, near Somnath in Guzerat, it rises in Mount Abu. Raval-Ashtigrama, in the district of Mathura, the birth-place of Radhika, where she passed the first year of her infancy and then removed to Barshana by her parents. Ravi-1. The river Iravati. 2. The Airavati. 3. The Purushni. 4. The Parushni. 5. The Haimavati. 5. The Hydraotes of the Greeks, in the Panjab. Rawalpindi-It was comprised in Basati in the Panjab. Rawanhrad-1. The lake Ravana-hrada. 2. Anavatapta lake. 3. Anotatta lake of the Bud dhists. 4. Lohita-sarovara of the Puranas. Rechna-Doab-Between the Chinab and the Ravi in the Punjab. It comprised Madra-desa, called also Balhika, the capital of which was Sakala. Rehuanala-1. Loinnilo of Hiuen Tsiang. 2. Rohinnala of Vivien St. Martin, five miles to the north-east of Kiyul in the district of Monghir. See Klyul. Revelganj Gautama-aerama, near Chapra in Bihar. The hermitage of Gautama was situated at a place called Godna, but the Ramayana, places the hermitage of the Rishi at a short distance from Janakpur in Tirhut. See Godna. Rewa-1. Karusha. 2. Karusha. 3. Adhiraja. 4. Bahela, the kingdom of Dantavakra. Same as Baghelkhand. Rintambur Rantipura, on the Chambal, in Rajputana. It was the residence of Ranti Deva alluded to by Kalidasa in his Meghadata. His sacrifice of cows brought into existence the river Charmanvati on which the town is situated. Rintimpur-Same as Rintambur. Rishikes-See Hrishikesa. Rishikula-1. The river Rishikulya. 2. The Haimavati, on which Ganjam is situated. It rises in the Mahendra hills. Bishikunda-The hermitage of Rishi Rishyasringa and Bibhandaka Muni, four miles from the Bariarpur station near Bhagalpur. The hermitage of the Rishi is also pointed out near Kiyul (see Sing hol hill). Bishya mukha-It was on this mountain that Sugriva dwelt after he fled from Kishkindhya. It is eight miles from the Anagandi hills on the Tungabhadra.

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ROA 255 SAM Roalsar-Rollesvara, a famous lake and place of pilgrimage in the territory of Mandi, in the Panjab. It is about sixty-four miles to the north-west of Jvalamukhi ; it is said to contain seven miraculously moving hills, and hence it has become a place of pilgrimage. Rohilkhand-Panchala. It was divided into North and South Panchala. The capital of North Panchala was Ahichchhatra (Ramnagar), and that of South Panchala was Kampilya (Kampil). Drupada of the Mahabharata was king of South Panchala. The Eastern portion of Rohilkhand was called Gopalakaksha (Barooah's Dictionary, vol. III, Preface, p. 85). Rohtak-Rohitaka, forty-two miles north-east of Delhi. Rohtas-Rohita, in the district of Shahabad in Bihar, thirty miles south of Sasiram. It is said to have been founded by Rohitasva, son of Harischandra of the Ramayana and Markandeya Purdna. Rohtas Hills ). Mauli. 2. Kimmtitya. 3. Gopachala, in the sub-division of Sasiram in the district of Shahabad. Same as Kalmur Hulls. Rudra-Himalaya-The part of the Rudra-Himalaya range in Garwal, which is to the north east of Badrinath, is called 1. Gandhamadana. 2. Hemakuta. 3. Hema-parvata. 4. Mandara. The portion of the Rudra Himalaya where the Ganges has its source is called 1. Meru. 2. Sumeru. See Gangotrl. Rudra-Prayaga-At the confluence of the Alakananda and Kali-Ganga (Mandakini). It is one of the five (Pancha) Pray@gas. Rumin-Dei-Lumbini-vana, where Buddha was born, two miles to the north of Bhagavan. pur in the Nepalese Terai. Rungpur-It appertained to the ancient country of Kamarupa and afterwards to Pundra desa. Runn-The Irana of Outch Sabarmatt--1. The river Sabhramati. 2. The Kritavati. 3. The Chandana. 4. The Girikarnika. 5. The Kasya pi-Ganga, in Gujarat. Sagar-The district of Sagar and the western portion of Bundelkhand formed the ancient Pulinda-desa. Saharanpur-The district of Saharanpur appertained to the ancient Kulinda-desa. Sa het-Mahet-1. Sravasti. 2. Saravati. 3. Sabathapura. 4. Dharmapattana. 5. Chandrika puri. 6. Chandrapuri. 7. Chandripura. It is situated on the river R&pti, in the district of Gonda, in Oudh, fifty-eight miles north of Ayodhya and forty-two miles north of Gonda. It was the oapital of North-Kosala. Buddha lived here for twenty-five years in a vihara called Jetavana-vihara. ------ Sal-The river 1. Sarpika. 2. Syandik& of the Ramayana, a branch of the Gumti in Oudh. galla-Giri-To the north-east of the old town of Rajgir and to the south-east of the new town of Rajgir. It was the Gsidbrakuta of the Buddhists annals, the Vulture Peak of Fa Hien and Hiuen Tsiang. Sakrt-The river Sarkaravartta of the Bhagavata P. in Bihar. galagrama-Near the source of the river Gandak, in the Sapta-Gandaki range of the Himalaya, in the southern boundary of Central Tibet. It was the hermitage of Bharata and Palaha. From the name of this place the Gandak is called Salagr&mi. Salem-It was a part of Konga-desa or Kongu-desa. Salsette-The island of 1. Perimuda. 2. Perimula of the Greeks. 3. Shashthi, near Bombay. It derived its sanctity from a tooth of Buddha, which was enshrined there at the beginning of the fourth century. Samarkand-Markanda, a town in Sakad vipa. sambhara-1. Sakambhari, 2. Sapadalaksha, in Eastern Rajputana.

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BAN 256 SEM Sarichi-1. Santi. 2. Kakan&da. 3. Chetiya-giri. 4. Vessanagara, about six miles to the south west of Bhilsa. See Besnagar. Sangamosvara-Parasuramakshetra, on the river Saatri, in the Ratnagiri district of the Bombay Presidency. Sanjan-1. Sanjayanti-nagari of the Mahabharata. 2. Sanjaya, 3. Sahanjana. 4. Sindan of the Arabs, in the Thana district, Bombay Presidency. gankara-tirtha-In Nepal, immediately below the town of Patan, at the confluence of the Bachmati and the Manimati rivers. Sankh--The Sankhini, a tributary of the Brahmani in the Chutia-Nagpur division. Sankisa--1. SankAsya. 2. Kapitha. 3. Sakaspura of the Buddhists, on the river Ikshumati (now called Kali-nadi), twenty-three miles west of Fathgarh, in the district of Farrakhabad. Sankisa-Basantapur-Same as Sankisa. Saral-Aghat-Agastya-Asrama, the hermitage of Agastya, forty-three miles south-west of Itah, in the Itah district. Sarasvatt-1. The river Sarasvati, which rises in the hills in Sirmur and emerges into the plains at Ad-Badri or Adi-tirtha. It lost itself in the sand at a place called Chamasod. bheda, which is esteemed sacred by the Hindus. 2. The three Sarasvatis of the Atharva. veda are the Helmand in Eastern Afghanistan, the Indus in the Punjab and the Sarasvati in Kurukshetra. 3. The river Sarasvati (Raunakshi) which flows through Gujarat. 4. The river Sarasvati which flows through Rajgir in Magadhe (Patna district). Sarasvati. Prapata-The Khattanga-pra pata of the Puranas, in Kanara, near Hunabar, not far from Mangalore. It is a celebrated water-fall. Sardi Saradd-tirtha, on the right bank of the Kissen-Ganga, in the northern district of Kramarajya in Kasmir. It is one of the 52 Pithas where Sati's head is said to have fallen. Sarik-kal-Kabandha, the Kie-pan-to of Hiuen Tsiang, with its capital Tash-kurghan in the Tagdumbash Pamir. Sarik-kul.Lakel. The lake Nagahrada. 2. Sitoda-Barovara, the lake of the Great Pamir. It is also called Sari-kul. Sarnath-1. Saranganatha. 2. Mrigadava. 3. Rishi-pattana. 4. Isipatana of the Buddhists. six miles from Benares, where Buddha preached his first sermon after the attainment of Buddha-hood at Buddha-Gaya. sarvana--About twenty miles to the south-east of Unao in Oudh, where Dasaratha, king of Ayodhy, killed Sarvana, the son of a blind Rishi. Sasiram-Sahasarama, in the district of Shahabad in Bihar. Satara Saptarsha in the Bombay Presidenoy. Satgaon-Saptagrama, an ancient town of Bengal near Magra, in the district of Hugli; the Gangs of the inscriptions, Gange of Ptolemy and "Port of Ganges of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, the capital of the Gangerides in Sumha or Radha, on the Ganges. Satpura Range-1. Bindhyapada-parvata. 2. Baidarya-parvata. Satrunjaya-The Pundariya hill, in Gujarat; it is one of the five hills sacred to the Jainas. Sangh-Srughna, near Kalsi, in the Jaunsar district, forty miles from Thaneswar and twenty miles to the north of Saharanpur. Saundatti-Sugandhavarti, in the district of Belgaum in the Bombay Presidency; it was the capital of the Ratta chieftains. Sea (Arabian)-Paschimodadhi. Sehwan-1. Sindhimana of the Groeks. 2. Sindomana. 3. Sivisthana of the Arabs, in Sindh, on the right bank of the Indus. It contains a ruined fortress of Bhatrihari, who is said to have reigned here after he abandoned Ujin on the death of his wife, Pingala. Somab 1. Semulapura, 2. Sambalaka of Ptolemy. 3. Soumelpur of Tavernier, near Sam. bhalpur, on the river Koil, in the district of Palamau in Chhota Nagpur division, celebrated for ita diamond mines,

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SER 287 sit Seringapatam-Srirangapattana, on the Kaveri, in Mysore. Seringham-1. Srirangam. 2. Srirangakshetra, in the province of Madras. Seven Pagodas-1. Banapura. 2. Mahabalipura, on the Coromandel Coast. Sewallk Range-1. Mainaka-giri. 2. Ubinara-giri. 3. Sapadalaksba. 4. Sivalaya. Same as Hardwar hills. Shahabad-A portion of the district of Shahabad in Bihar was called Malada. Shahbazgarhl-Barusha, the Pu-lo-sha of Hiven Tsiang, in the Yusafzai country, forty miles north-east of Peshawar. It contains one of the rock edicts of Asoka. Shah-Dheri-1. Takshasild. 2. Taxila of the Greeks, one mile north of Kala-ka-serai, bet ween Attock and Rawalpindi. The Katha-sarit-edgara places it on the Jhelum. Taksha-sila was founded by Taksha, son of Bharata and nephew of Ramachandra. It was the capital of Gandhara. Shah-Kot-1. Aornos of the Greeka. 2. Barana, on the Mount Mahavana, situated on the western bank of the Indus. But see Ranigat. Sialkot-1. Sakala. 2. Sagala of the Buddhists. 3. Euthydemia of the Greeks, the capital of Madra-desa, in the Lahore division of the Punjab, Cunningham has identified Sakala with Sanglawala-Tiba, and Mr. Vincent A. Smith with Chuniot or Shah-kot, both in the Jhang district of the Punjab. Siam-1. Dvaravati. 2. Champa. Siddhaur-Siddhapura, sixteen miles west of Bara-Banki, in Oudh. Sidhpur-Same as Sitpur. Siladipa-1. Mahasthana of the Ballala-charita. 2. Siladhapa of the Buddhists, in the district of Bogra in Bengal, dhapa means a Buddhist stapa. Simbhunath Svayambhunatha, a celebrated place of pilgrimage in Nepal, at a distance of about a mile and a half to the west of Katmandu. Sindh -1. Sindhu-desa. Upper Sindh has been identified with Mushika, ---the Musikanus of the Greeks. 2. The river Sandhya. 3. The Sindhu. 4. The Parva Sindhu, in Malwa, a tributary of the Jamuna. Sindh-Sagar Doab-Between the Indus and the Jhelum. It comprised the ancient countries of Ayudha and perhaps Sauvira. singhari-Math-Same as Sringa-girl. Singhol HUI -The hermitage of Rishyaspinga was situated in this hill at a place called Rishyaaringa, which is two miles to the south of Urain, in the district of Monghyr. But see Rishi Kunda. Singraur-Sriugaverapura, on the Ganges, twenty-two miles north-west of Allahabad. It Was the residence of Guhaka Nishada of the Ramayana, who was a friend of Dasaratha and Ramachandra.. Sipeler-A seaport near the mouth of the Krishna, --Sippara of Ptolemy. It has been identified by Dr. R. L. Mitra with Surparaka. Cunningham identifies Surparaka with Surat, but the Chaitanya-charitdmrita places Surparaka to the south of Kolhapur. But see Supara. Sipr 1. The Avanti-nadi. 2. The Sipra, in Malwa ; Ujin stands on this river Sir-DarlyThe river Sita. Same as Jaxartes. Sirhind-1. KurujAugala of the Mahabharata. 2. Sirindhra of the Puranas. 3. Srikantha-desa of the Buddhist period. 4. Satadru of Hiuen Tsiang. 5. Sairindha of the Brihatsanhitd. 6. Brahmavartta, in the Punjab. Sirsa--Sairlshaka, in the Punjab. Sistan--1. Sakasthana. 2. Drangiana. 3. Sijestan, the land first occupied and settled by the Sakas. stta-Bangira Cave-Riksha-vils of the Ramdyana at Ramgar in the Sirguja state of the Chhota Nagpur division.

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SIT 258 SUL Sitpur-1. Siddhapura. 2. Karddama-asrama, the birth place of Kapila. 3. Bindusara, in Gujarat, sixty-four miles from Ahmedabad. Same as Sidhpur. Siwalik Range See Sewalik Range. Souhnath Hill-It has been identified by Dr. Stein with 1. Kukkutapada-giri. 2. Gurupada Hill, a part of the Maher Hill, in the district of Gaya. Somnath--1. Prabhasa. 2. Soma-tartha. 3. Somanatha. 4. Somesvaranatha. 5. Devapattana. 6. Chandra-Prabhasa of the Jainas, on the south of Kathiawad in Gujarat. It is situated at the confluence of the three rivers Harina, Kapila and Saraswati. On the south of the Saraswati (near Somnath) is situated that celebrated Pipal tree (ficus religiosa), below which was the scene of Ktishna's death. Sonargaon-Suvarnagrama, in Bikrampur, in the district of Dacca, situated on the opposite side of Munshiganj on the river Dhalesvari, Same as Painam. Sone-1. The river Hiranyavahu. 2. Erannoboas of the Greeks. 3. Sona. 4. Magadhi. 5. Sumagdhi. It was the western boundary of Magadha. Sonepat-Sonaprastha. It was included in Kurukshetra. Sonpur-1. Gajendra-moksha Tirtha. 2. Hariharakshetra (Harihara chhatra), on the junction of the Gandak and the Mahi, where the celebrated fight between the alligator and the elephant took place. A fair is held here every year in honour of Hariharanatha Mahadeva established by Vishnu and in honour of Ramachandra who halted here on his way to Mithila. It was a part of Visald-chhatra. Soonda-Sudhapura, in Northern Canara. Sopara Surparaka, in the district of Thana, north of Bombay, a celebrated place of pilgrimage. It is the Soupara of the Greek geographers and Ophir of the Bible. One of the edicts of Asoka was published at this place. Same as Supara. Sorab Surabhi, on the north-west of Mysore. goron-1. Sakara-kshetra. 2. Ukalakshetra. 3. Ukhala-kshetra, twenty-seven miles north east of Itah, in the United Provinces, where Hiranyaksha was slain by Vishnu in his incarnation of Vardha (boar). It contains a temple of Varaha-Lakshmi. It was at this place that Tulsi Das, the celebrated Hindi poet, was reared up during his childhood by the Sanyasi Nrisimha Das, when deserted by his parents at Rajapuri in the district of Banda, where he was born in Samvat 1589. Southern Konkana-1. Goparashtra. 2. Govarashtra. 3. Kuva. Sphatika sia-1. Malyavana-giri. 2. Prasravana-giri of the Ramayana, on the bank of the river Tuigabhadra near Kishkindhya, where Ramachandra resided for four months After forming alliance with Sugriva. It is also called the Anagandi-hill. Sriyana-Belgola1. Padmagiri. 2. Sravana-Bellagola in Mysore, sacred to the Jainas. Srinagar--1. Suryanagara. 2. Pravarapura, in Kasmir, built by Pravara Sena in the sixth century. gongapura-1. Sriigagiri. 2. Rishyaspinga-giri, in Mysore, on the bank of the Tuugabhadra, where Sankaracharya established a sect called Bharati. Same as Singhari-math. sripada-Same as Adam's Peak. Sujanakot-Saschankot, Sha-chi of Fa Hian. It was the capital of Saketa or Oudh, thirty. four miles north-west of Unio. Suleman-Range-Anjana-giri, in the Punjab. Sultangan)On the west of Bhagalpur (E. I. Railway). Janhu-Asrama. It was the hermitage of Jahnu Muni, from whom the Ganges (Ganga) is called JAhnavi Sultanpur-I. Tamasavana monastery, in the Punjab (Cunningham), where the fourth Bud. dhist synod was held in 78 A.D. by Kanishka, king of Kasmir, under the presidenoy of Vagumitra. But Beal places Tamasavana at the confluence of the Sutlej and the Bias. 11. 1. Kusabhavanapura. 2. Kusapura. 3. Kusavati, in Oudh, on the river Gumti. The town is said to have been founded by Kusa, son of Ramachandra, who removed his capital to this place for some time. It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang in the seventh century.

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SUP 250 TAT Supara-Surparaka, in the district of Thana, 37 miles north of Bombay and 6 miles north of Bassein. See Sopara. Surat-1. Suryapura. 2. Surashtra. Sutlej-1. The river Satadru. 2. The Sitadru. 3. The Hesadrus of the Greeks. 4. The Sutudru. 5. The Haimavati, in the Punjab. Suvarnamukhi The Suvarnamukhari, a river in the North Arcot district, Madras presidency. Suvarnarekha-1. The river Suvarna-riksha. 2. The Kapisa. 3. The Suvarnarekha. 4. The Suktimati, in Orissa. Swat River-1. The river Subhavastu. 2. The Suvastu. 3. The Sveta. 4. The Svati. 5. The Suastos of the Greeks. Pushkalavati stood on this river near its junction with the Kabul river. Swat Valley-1. Udyana. 2. Uddayana. 3. Ujjanaka. 4. Sivi, south of the Hindu-kush and the Dard country, from Chitral to the Indus. It appertained to the ancient country of Gandhara or Gandharva-desa. T. Taharpur-Taharpur or Taerpur, in the district of Bulandshahar, about eleven miles to the north of Anupshahar, on the bank of the Ganges, is traditionally the place where Janamejaya of the Mahabharata performed the Sarpa-Yajna or the snake-sacrifice. Tallanga Same as Nizam's State. Takht-i-Bhai Bhima-sthana of the Mahabharata and Padma Purana, about thirty miles north-west of Ohind in the Panjab, twenty-eight miles to the north-east of Peshawar and eight miles to the north-west of Mardan, containing the Yoni-tirtha and the celebrated temple of Bhima Devi described by Hiuen Tsiang, the temple was situated on an isolated mountain. Takht-i-Suleiman-i. Mount Sankaracharya. 2. Gopadri, near Srinagar in Kasmir, where Asoka's son Kunala or Jaloka founded a monastery now called Jyeshtha Rudra, and where the celebrated reformer Sankaracharya established Siva worship. Talkad-1. Talakada. 2. Sirovana, 3. Talavanapura. 4. Talikata, the capital of ancient Chela or Chera, forty miles to the cast of Seringapatam in Mysore, now buried in the sands of the Kaveri. Tambaravari-The river Tamraparni in Tinnevelly, which has been formed by the united stream of the Tambaravari and the Chittar. It was celebrated for the pearl-fishery at its mouth even at the time of the Vayu Purana. Amalitala, a celebrated place of pilgrimage, where the birth-place of Sathakopa as also the Gajendra-moksha-tirtha both visited by Chaitanya are situated, is on the banks of this river. It has its source in the mountain called Agasti-kuta. Tamluk-1. Tamralipta, 2. Tamralipti. 3. Damalipta. 4. Tamalipta. 5. Tamalipti. 5. Tamalika. 7. Tamalini. 8. Tamolipta. 9. Vishnugriha, on the river Rupanarayana in the province of Bengal. It was the capital of ancient Sumha. Tamor-The Tamra, one of the seven Kosis, in the district of Purnea in Bihar. Its junction with the Aruna is a place of pilgrimage. Tand wa-Nine miles to the west of Sravasti (Sahet-mahet); it has been identified by Cunningham (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XI) with the birth-place of Kasyapa Buddha. Tanjore Chola. Tapt-1. The river Tapi. 2. The Tapani. 3. The Tapti. 4. The Mulatapi. Tarnetar-Same as Than. Tartary-1. Rasatala. 2. Patala of the Puranas, the country of the Huns. 3. Taittiri. 4. Sakadvipa Tatta-In Sindh. It has been identified by Tod with Devala; Cunningham identifies it with Minnagar.

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TEL 260 Tis Telingana-The country between the Godavari and the Krishna : 1. Andhra. 2. Trikaliuga. Telpa-Two miles to the east of Chupra in the district of Saran. It has been identified by Dr. Hoey with Chapala which according to the Buddhist annals was built for the mother of the thousand sons. Tenasserim-1. Tanuari. 2. Tenasseri, the southern division of the province of Lower Burma. Teor--1. Traipura of the Mahabharata. 2. Tripuri. 3. Chedinagara. 4. Banapura. 5. Sonitapura according to some Puranas, on the river Nerbuda, where Tripurasura was killed by Mahadeva. It is seven miles to the west of Jabbalpur. It was the capital of Chedi. See Chanderi. Teruparur-Suddhapuri, in the Trichinopoli district, containing the temple of Subrahmanya Than-Trinetresvara of the Skanda Purana, a sacred place of pilgrimage in the Jhala war sub-division of Kathiawar (Gujarat), where the temple of Mahadeva Trinetrosvara, now called Tarnetar, is situated. Tbana-Sri-sthanaka, in the province of Bombay Thanesvar-1. Sthanesvara. 2. Sthinu-tirtha. 3. Sthanisvara. 4. Samantapafchaka.' 5. Kurukshetra. 6. Part of the Brahmarshi-desa, which comprised Kurukshetra, Matsya, Patichala and Surasena. 7. Brahmavartta. The ancient Kurukshetra included Thaneswar, Panipat, Sonepat and Amin. Thaton-Sudharmanagara, in Pegu, on the Sitang river north of Martaban. According to Fergusson it was the Suvarna-bhumi of the Mahavamsa and the Golden Chersonese of the classical geographers. Beal, however, identifies Suvarnabhumi with Burma. Tibet-1. Himavanta. 2. Bhota. 3. Bhotanga. 4. Bhotanta. 5. Tibbat. 6. Uttara-kuru. 7. Harivarsha. Tigris-The river Bitrishna in Salmala-dvipa. Tilauri-It has been identified by P. C. Mukherji with Kapilavastu, the birth-place of Buddha. It is two miles north of Tauliva in the Nepalese Terai and three miles and a half to the south-west of Nigliva, on the Banganga. Tuliya--The river Ttitiye in Gaya. Tilpat-Tilaprastha, six miles to the south-east of Toghlakabad and ten miles to the south. east of the Kutab Minar, included in parganah Faridabad. Tinnevelly - The district of Tinnevelly and Madura formed the ancient Pandya or Pandu. Its capital was Uragapuram or Uraiyur. Tipari-Same as Tippera. Tippera-1. Katripura. 2. Tripura. 3. Kiratadesa. 4. Sundha-desa. The temple of Tripuresvari at Udayapur in Hill Tippera is one of the fifty-two Pithas. Tirhut-1. Tirabhukti. 2. Bideba. 3. Mithila. 4. Tributa. 5. Nichchhavi, the kingdom of Raja Janaka of the Ramayana and of the Lichchhavis during the Buddhist period. Tirukkadavur-Markandeya-Asrama in the Tanjore district, Madras presidency. Tirukkalukkunram-Pakshi-tirtha in the Chingleput district of Madras, midway between Chingleput and Sadras. Tirumala-1. Trimalla. 2. Balaji, six miles west of Tripati or Tirupati, in the district of North Arcot. Tirupati-1. Tripadi. 2. Venkatagiri, in the province of Madras. Tiruttani-1. Kumarasvami. 2. Karttikasvami. 3. Svamitirtha. 4. Subrahmanya. A station on the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway. Tiruvanikaval Jambukesvara, a place of pilgrimage between Trichinopoly and Seringham. Tiruvannamalal--1. Arunachala. 2. Arunagiri, in the South Arcot district, Madras Presidency. Tiruvidaimarudor-Madhyarjuna, in the Tanjore district, Madras; it was visited by Saukaracharya. Tista-1. The river Trisrota. 2. The Trishna, in the district of Rungpur. It rises in the Kakohanjanga mountain.

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TON 261 UDI Tonse-I. The river Tamasa, in Oudh between the Saraju and the Gumti, it flows through Azamgar and falls into the Ganges. The bank of this river is associated with the early life of Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana. II. The river 1. Tamasa. 2. Parnasa, in Bundelkhand. Travancore-1. Mushika. 2. Mallara. 3. Malaya-khandam. 4. Purali. 5. Paralia of the Greeks. 6. Paraloka. 7. Malayalam. It formed a part of the ancient Chera or Chela. Travancore, part of Malabar, and Coimbatore formed the ancient country of Chera. Tribikramapura--1. Siali. 2. Siyali. 3. Srikali, in the district of Tanjore, Madras Presidenoy, twelve miles south of Chidambaram. Trichinopoly-1. Uragapura. 2. Uraiyur. 3. Argarou of the Greeks. 4. Niohulapura. 6. Trishnapalli. 6. Tirisirapalli, in the province of Madras. It was the capital of Pandya and afterwards of Chola. Trimbak-A celebrated place of pilgrimage called Tryamvaka near the source of the Goda. vari, where the sacred tank called Kusavartta is situated. It contains the temple of the Mahadeva Tryamvakesvara, one of the twelve great Lingas of Mahadeva. Trinomall-Same as Tiruvannamalai. Tripati-Same as Tirupati. Tripooray-Tropina of the Greeks, the ancient capital of the kings of Cochin. Trivandrum - Ananta-Padmanabha, in Travancore, so called from the shrine of Padma nabha. It was visited by Chaitanya. Trivant-I. 1. Muktavenf. 2. Dakshina-Prayaga, north of Hugli in Bengal, where the three rivers Ganga, Yamuna and Sarasvati separate and flow in different directions after having flowed unitedly from Allahabad, which is therefore called Yuktaveni. II. The junction of the three rivers Jamuna, Chambal and Sindh, between Etawah and Kalpi. III. The junction of the three Kosis, Tamor, Arun and Sun near Nathpur in Purnea. IV. The junc. tion of the Gandak, Devika and Brahmaputri, where the fight between the crocodile and the elephant took place. V. The confluence of three rivers Sarasvati, Hiranya and Kapila near Soman&tha-pattans in Gujarat. Tuljapur-1. Tuljabhavani, 2. Bhavaninagara. 3. Tule-Bhavaninagara. 4. Tuljapura, twenty eight miles from Sholapur, in the Nizam's territory. It is one of the fifty-two Pithas. It wag visited by Sankaracharya. Durga is said to have killed Mahishasura at this place. Tangabhadra-1. The river Tungabhadra. 2. The Tungaveni, a branch of the Krishna, on which Kishkindhya is situated. Turkesian-Turkestan was included in 1. Sakadvipa. 2. Rasatala. 3. Patala. See Central Asia. Eastern Turkestan was Turushka. It was included in the Ketumala-varsha. Tuticorin-1. Kalki. 2. Kolkhoi or Sosikauri of Ptolemy. 3. Kael of Marco Polo, at the mouth of the river Tamraparni in Tinnevelli. It was formerly the capital of Pandya. Veheh-Alexandria, & town built by Alexander the Great near the confluence of the five rivers of the Punjab. Udaya-Girl--A spur of the Chatushpitha range in Orissa, five miles from Bhuvanesvara. See Assia range. Udayapur-I. In Hill Tippera ; it is one of the fifty-two Pithas. II. The Pafichapsara lake of the Ramayana is supposed to have been situated in the district of Udayapur, a tributary state in the Chhota-Nagpur division, but see Anantapur. Udlpa-Udupa, on the river Papanasini, in South Canara, about three miles from the sea coast, where a Math (monastery) and a shrine of Krishna were established in the thirteenth century by Madhavacharya, the founder of the Brahma or Tattvavadi sect of the Vaishnavas.

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UJI 262 ZUK Ujin-Same as Oujein. 1. Ujjaini. 2. Avanti. 3. Bisala. 4. Ujjayini. 5. Mahakalavana. 6. Kusasthali. 7. Padmavati, the capital of Avanti or Malwa. It is situated on the river Sipra. Vikramaditya or Chandra Gupta II made it his capital after he defeated the Sakas. Und-Same as Ohind. Undes-1. Hunadesa. 2. Hataka, where the lake Manasa-sarovara is situated. Urain-1. Ujjayini. 2. Ujjehana. 3. Uddiyana, in the district of Monghyr near Kiyul, containing many Buddhist ruins. Uri-The river Erandi, the junction of which with the Nerbuda in the Baroda State forms a sacred place of pilgrimage. Uskur--Hushkapura, two miles to the south-east of Baramula, in Kasmir, on the left bank of the Jhelum. Uttara Radha-Suhmottara, on the north of the Ajaya including a portion of the district of Murshidabad in Bengal. W. Wain-Ganga-1. The river Benwa. 2. The Bena, 3. The Benya. which rises in the Bindhyapada range and falls into the Godavari. Wairagado-Bairagara in Chanda district, Central Provinces, celebrated for its diamond mines. Wala-1. Balabhi. 2. Olla. 3. Lata. Same as Gujarat. It is also called Wallay and Bamilapural Wallay-Same as Wala. Wardha-The river Barada, a tributary of the Godavari. Warrangal-1. Anumakundapura. 2. Anumakundapattana. 3. Korunkola of Ptolemy. 4. Benakataka. 5. Akshalinagara. 6. Orukkallu, the ancient capital of Telingana or Andhra, in Central India. Western Ghats The northern portion of the Western Ghats was called Sahyadri, the southern portion beyond the Kaverf was called Malaya Parvata. Wular Lake-1. Lake Mahapadmasaras. 2. Aravalo of the Buddhists, in Kasmir. Y. Yarkand River--The river Bhadra, on which the town of Yarkand is situated. It is also called Zarafshan. Yell-mala-Sapta-saila (Eli of Marco Polo), sixteen miles north of Cannanore in the Malabar Coast. Z. Zamania-Jamadagni-asrama, the hermitage of Rishi Jamadagni, in the district of Ghazipur in the United Provinces of Allahabad and Oudh. The hermitage of the Bishi is also said to have been situated at Khaira-dih, thirty-six miles north-west of Balia in the United Provinces, and also near Mahishmati (modern Mahe var or Mahes), on the bank of the Nerbuda. The hermitage of the Rishi is also said to have been situated at Mahasthananagar in the district of Bogra in Bengal. Zarafshan-1. Hataki-nadi of the Bhagavata (V, ch. 24). 2. Hiran vati-nadi of the Mahabharata (Bhishma, ch. 8). 3. Hiranya-nadi of the Mahabharata (Fausboll's Indian Mythology, 8.v. Garuda) in Transoxiana at a short distance to the north of Bokhara and Samarkand (see my Rasatala in the I.H.Q. vols. I, II.) Zakur-Jushkapura, in Kasmir.

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May, 1926 ) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS Malabarese. 882. One Captain Freake, having been wrecked in Madagascar, managed to secure a sloop at Johanna, on which he saved the treasure carried on board his ship. Thence he made his way to Patta on the coast of Africa, where he was well treated by the officers of. the Muscat Government. Hearing at Patta that Bombay was besieged by the Mughal forces (i.e., by the Sidi Yakub. Bomb. Gaz., XXVI, ii, 512; Bruce, II, 641) he made his way to Vingurla, which was held by "Kinsamutt"(i.e., Khein Sawunt), a tributary of the Mughal, though the Castle was commanded by an officer of the Marathas. He hoped for friendly treatment from the latter, but they combined with the" Kinsamutt" to plunder him, making a fine booty of the treasure which he had preserved with so much difficulty and danger. At last he and his surgeon made their escape to Carwar, whence, on the 8th December 1689, he reported his adventure (Ind. Off. 0. C., 5690). 883. On the 7th August 1689 one John Stevens, belonging to a Galivat, then lying off Cross Island, was seized, after some resistance, by two boats belonging to the Sidi from Maraga, and he and six others were forced to turn Muhammadans under pain of being starved or decapitated (Ind. Off. O. C., 5689). 884. In 1690 Kanhoji Angria, son of Tukaji Angria, who had distinguished himself in the service of Sivaji, was appointed second in command of the Maratha fleet by Sambhaji (Duff., I, 368). This is the accepted account of the founder of a piratical dynasty which gave much trouble to Europeans for some sixty years, but there are others which are not very flattering. Colonel Miles (p. 267) says that, in 1643, a Muscat dhow was wrecked near Rajapore and the crew made captives. One of them, a half caste Arab named Sumbhoo, established himself as a pirate, but was killed in fight with the Mughal troops in 1675. His son Poora then carried on the lucrativo profession and was killed in 1686. He was gucceeded by his son Kanowji i.e., Kanhoji. The same account was given in 1756 by the author of the Authentic History of Tulajee Angria, who calls the founder of the dynasty Sambo Angria and says (p. 14) that he was a "Coffree" and (p. 15) an Arabian. Pura (he says) died in 1686 leaving two sons, viz., Pura, aged seven, who died young, and Connajee, about three, who was brought up by his uncle "the South" (i.e., Sahu) Raja, and when about twenty, was placed by him in command of the Island of Khanderi in the mouth of Bombay Harbour. This author dismisses as absurd the further story that Khanoji Angria was an impostor who had murdered the sons of Pura Angria and successfully assumed the name and person of the younger. Anglo-Americans. 885. Early in 1689 the Dutch at Pulicat sent to Madras 9 English pirates, whom they had taken in Ceylon. Tried by Court Martial on the 12th April, two were sentenced to death and six to be stigmatized' with a hot iron in the forehead (Madras Cone. 12th April 1889), but apparently only one was hanged aboard ship at the yard arm; another was whipt on board all the ships in the Road and then, with the remainder, branded with the letter P. TS in the forehead and banished. (Letter from Madras to Commissary General Rhede, 28th April 1689.) 886. Amongst the prisoners in the Marshalsea in 1692 was one "Rand Pye by suspi. tion of the murder of John Riddall, 28th April 1690, on board the pinnace belonging to the ship called the Kempthorne on the high sea off of a place called Mariegon in the East Indies by wounding him on the head with a stretcher, whereof he languished and dyed within nine months." (Calendar of Prisoners, &c. H.C. A. I. No. 13). Sanganlans. 387. In 1690 Ovington described the Sanganians as occupying the coast from Sind to Cape Jagat (i.e., Dwarka), infesting all the western coast, and cruising as far as Ormuz (Bomb. Gaz., IX, 528). 73 When Dante was about to enter Purgatory, seven P's were marked on his forehead, denoting the geven deally sins. Cary's Dante Purgatory, IX, 101; XXI, 63.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1926 French 388. In 1689 war broke out between France and England. In July 1690 the English Company's ship Herbert, or Philip Herbert, was surprised at Johanna by a fleet of French ships Ander Admirol Duquesne.73 The Herbert was a ship of 800 tons (Astley, III, 391), built for 80 guns (but carrying only 54), and had a crew of 250 men. About 80 passengers were on board. Though in those days male passengers were expected to take part in the defence of a ship, the odds were still so great that a successful defence was well nigh impossible. Captain Burton therefore attempted to escape under Dutch colours. This ruse being discovered, he stil! refused to surrender, though after the first few shots Duquesne informed him that he would hang him from his own yard arm if he persisted in a useless resistance. Finally, the Herbert caught fire and blew up and almost every one on board perished. Some six men escaped to Johanna in the longboat, where they met the Dutch ship Pearl and carried the news to India (Madras Cons., 20th October 1690). The English account (Ind. Off. 0. C., 5724) says that Duquesne refused quarter. Le Maire (Relation, p. 49) says that Burton, after getting the ship on fire, escaped in a boat with a few men, leaving the rest to their fate, and that the French could not give any succour as the heat prevented them from approaching the burning vessel. As Captain Burton was never heard of again, the aspersion on his character may be disbelieved, whilst as to the cruelty of the French, another French acoount (Journal d'un voyage aux Indes Orientales, 1721) says:"Several of the English threw themselves into the sea, hoping to find in the French more humanity than they had found in their own captain who was their countryman. They swam to the Oiseau (Capitaine, le Chevalier d'Aire. "Il est Normand, par consequent ennemi mortel des Anglois et malheur a ceux de cette nation qui tombent sous sa coupe." Ibid., I, 4] which vessel was the nearest, and cried their Kom-Frenchman [sic]. Leurat (Maitre d'Equipage ou Capitaine des Matelots) pitied them though a Provencal, a nation little inclined to pity. He told M. d'Aire that some Englishmen were crying for help. "Can you feed them ?' said M. d'Aire coldly. They will live with the crew and can be divided amongst the squadron,' answered Leurat. 'You are a fool,' said M. d'Aire, 'It is better to let them drink as they are already doing,' and he did not save a single one. I make no remarks on this. The people who are the chief approvers of his action are the Jesuits." Duquesne held a royal commission but flew a flag of his own. On one side were his arms; on the other Pope Adrian's motto, Libertas sine Licentia' (Leguat New Voyage, p. 5). Anglo-Americans. 889. In November 1690 the Madras Council were embarrassed by the necessity of dealing with some twenty English pirates sent them by the Dutch from Batavia. These men had been taken in Malacca, and some had been brought to Madras in June and others in Sep. tember. As they were "importunate for their tryall " and expensive to keep, & Court. Martial was held on the 17th. Two were pardoned on condition of giving evidence against the rest, all of whom the Court found "equally guilty, but in consideration of the small execution they had done, and that Justice is inclined to meroy, the Court thought fit to sentence two to death as well for example as Torrour sake, taking the fortune of the dice, the rest to be branded (with the letter P) in the forehead at the execution post " (Madras Consultations). 390. Towards the end of 1890 or beginning of 1691, Mr. Samuel Blackmore reported from Tonquin to Madras that he had sent a quantity of the Company's goods to Siam for sale, but could not do any trade, it being demanded that he should first make good the losses of the Siamese by an English pirate (Madras Cons., 20th Feb. 1690-1). 73 Duquesne's fleet consisted of Le Gaillard (60 guns, 300 men), L'Oiseau (44 guns, 250 men), L'Escueil (42 guns, 200 men), La Florisfante (42 guns, 230 men), Le Dragon (40 guns, 200 mon), and Le Lion (38 guns, 176 men) (Leibbrandt. Rambles ; p. 106).

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MAY, 1926) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 95 391. On the 27th August 1691 all the English in Surat were placed in confinement by the Mughal Governor, owing to the capture of another (see para. 366 above) of Abdu'l Ghafur's ships (cargo valued at Rs. 9,00,000. Madras Cons., 18th Nov. 1691) on its return from Mocha to Surat, by pirates who had shown English, French and Dutch colours ; but it was believed that they were Danes and in November the English at Surat were released. This supposition was. I am afraid, incorrect. A certain Captain Adam Baldridge, who had killed & man in Jamaica and thought it best to absent himself for a while (Home Misc., XXXVI., p. 346) had settled in Madagascar, at St. Mary's, in January of this year and established a little fort as a centre of trade with the natives, slavers and pirates (Deposition, 5th May 1699 at New York before Lord Bellamont. Col. Off. Records, 5-1042, No. 30, ii; 384 ; 323 (2) No. 90). Ho tells us that on the 13th October there arrived at St. Mary's Captain George Raynor (Bachelor's Delight of Jamaica, 180 tons, 14 guns, 70 or 80 men), who had taken in the Red Sea a Moor ship go rich that each man received PS1,100 as his share. Raynor returned to Carolina and paid the owners of the Bachelor's Delight PS3,000 for the damage done to the vessel during his cruise. 392. Nor was Raynor the only English pirate in the Indian Seas in 1691, for in this year the English Chief at Calicut received the following two letters - (1) "Sir, Though unknowne to each other, I presume to write to you, being country. men, to lett you know that we designe to cleane our shipp att your Haven, and gett a little wood and water, as alsoe some provisions for refreshing our men, which wee designe honestly to pay for, likewise one hundred weight of chunam. I suppose I neede not acquaint you what wee are. You may easily conceive, as alsoe by the bearer who can more at large informe. Wee designe no harme to any of our country. It is the troublesomeness of the tymes74 att home that occasions us to come out on this Account. If you please to come on board of our shipp I then can with more freedom discourse then now either tyme or volume will admitt off. And upon the word of a souldier there shall not be anything offerred but what shall be civill, and you safe putt on shoare. Being all that offers from Your unknowne friend. Oct. the 29th 1691." (Ind. Off. 0.0., 5775). (2) "Sir, I wrote to you by one of your white people that I designed to wood and water and cleane our shipp and what other necessarys your place can afford for money. I now send this by the Master of the shipp, whom I intended to had kept till such tyme I had received your answer that I may know whither I may expect it or not, otherwise I must take itt. Send us a hogshead of Rack and Sugar equi volent, as also Dammar (resin) and Brimstone. Your speedy answer is desired by him who is unknowne to continue your friend" (Ind. Off. 0. C., 5776). It is to be noticed that the writer of these letters thinks that the fact of his being a pirate may be overlooked on the ground that he intends no injury to his own countrymen and is prepared to pay cash for what he might take forcibly without payment. Another proof of the presence of Anglo-American pirates in these waters in 1691 is that in 1692 fifteen pirates arrived in Pennsylvania from the Red Sea and shared PS1,000 per man. Two of them, George Paris and William Orr, are described as Masters and so, presumably, had been in command of piratical vessels. (Cal., S.P. Col. 1696, No. 149, x). 393. The freedom of movement granted to the pirates in America appears suspicious, but it must be remembered that it was very difficult for even honest Colonial Governors to distinguish between pirates and genuine traders. Not only were there Interlopers and Pri. vateers, but there were also at this time the Permission ships which were allowed by the 74 In the English Records there are a few references to cases of piracy by ships cruiling under commissions from King James II granted after he had fled from England. Possibly one of themfound ite way to India.

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99 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1926 English Government to make voyages to the East Indies upon certain definite conditions. These ships seldom observed the conditions of their charters and, like the Interlopers and Privateers, were strongly suspected of piracy (Bruce, III, 126, 187). 894. In 1692 another of Abdu'l Ghafur's ships was taken by pirates in the Persian Gulf (Surat to Bombay, 4th April 1697), and on his complaint the English in Surat were again confined. But it should be remarked that the action of the Mughal Governor was due not so much to any belief in the charges brought against the Company as to a desire to protect its agents from the anger of the people, who were unable to understand how contrary it was to the interest of the English Company to favour piracy of any kind. At the same time it was probably an English pirate who made the capture just recorded, for Baldridge tells us that on the 14th October 1692 Captain Edward Coats of the Nassau (170 tons, 16 guns and 70 men) came into St. Mary's after & cruise in the Red Sea during which they had made PS 500 & man. According to the pirato Culliford (Deposition, 17th June 1702, H.C. A., 1, 16). Coats was again in the Red Sea in 1694 or 1695 with Samuel Burgess in the Jacob and took & rich ship from Mocha, the pirates sharing 2,800 pieces of eight each per man. Coats took his ship to New York and presented it to Governor Fletcher. 895. On the 18th August 1692 an English rover, James Gilliam (or Gillam or Guillem) wrote to the President at Surat to say that he and 19 of his comrades had been treacherously seized by the natives at Mangalore (? Mangrol in Kathiawar, Miles, p. 227) and carried to Junagarh, where the Governor refused to release them, asserting that they were Danes, and even imprisoning as a liar a "Moorman "who knew them and testified to the fact that they were English (Ind. Off. O. C., 5815). Captain George Phinney of the Sceptre in his Log (29th January 1696-7) says that Gilliam being on shore with some of his men at Anjengo was entertained in a friendly way by the natives. They persuaded him to give an exhibition of the skill of his men with the musket, firing at a mark, and when they were off their guard, with their weapons unloaded, seized them and made them prisoners. The President at Surat, only too pleased to have them mistaken for Danes, would not listen to the plea of their being his countrymen and left them in captivity. About 1696 Gilliam managed to escape with six. teen of his fellow prisoners to Bombay and was taken on board the Mocha frigate.76 When the orew of the latter mutinied in July of that year, it is said that it was Gilliam who murdered Captain Edgcombe (Home Misc., XXXVI, p. 275 ; Col. Off. Records, 5/1043, 2, x, see para. 434 below). According to a letter from Lord Bellamont dated 29th Nov. 1699 (Cal. S. P. Col.), Gilliam turned renegade during his confinement and was circumcised. After his capture his ship returned to New England without him, and the crew shared PS700 a man (Letter from Bombay, 18th December 1696). Subsequently Gilliam took passage with Kidd when the latter returned to New England and was sent to England with Kidd, Bradish and Weatherley for trial by Lord Bellamont in 1699 (Report on the MSS. of the Duke of Portland, VIII, 75; Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd, p. 280). 896. On the 7th August 1693 Captain John Churcher of the Charles from New York arrived at St. Mary's in Madagascar to trade with the pirates and to purchase Blaves. Besides other articles which he brought for sale he had "some books, catechisms, primers and hornbooks. two Bibles" (Baldridge's Deposition). The Charles was owned by Mr. Frederick Phillips of New York. Amongst other letters enclosed with Commodore Thomas Warren's letter of the 28th November 1697 (Col. Off. Records, 2, 233, No. 90) was a deposition of one Henry Watson who had recently been in Madagascar. Watson says that the piratee were supplied with all necessaries by Captains Adam Baldridge and Lawrence Johnstone [I find no 76 About 360 tas, carrying 8 Patersroos and 28 guns (Madr Counoil to the Netherlande Company at Malacca, 6th Aug 1606).

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MAY, 1926 ) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 97 further reference to Johnstone but see para. 441 below), who were settled in the island and " were factors for one Frederick Phillips, who under pretence of trading to Madagascar for negro slaves supplies these rogues with all sorts of stores." 397. On the 19th October 1693 there arrived at St. Mary's the Amity of Bermuda (Captain Thomas Tew, of 70 tons, 8 guns and 60 men) which had taken a rich Moor ship in the Red Sea, the men sharing PS1,200 each. According to Johnson (LI, 85) Governor Richier of the Bermudas gave commissions to Captains George Dew and Thomas Tew to assist the Royal African Company to capture the French Factory at Goree on the west coast of Africa, Having separated from his consort in a storm, Tew determined to turn pirate, offering his crew the chance of "a gold chain or a wooden leg" which they eagerly accepted. Johnson says (II, 84) that Tew flew the Black Flag. If so, he was the first pirate mentioned as doing this in the East; but Johnson is not, I think, trustworthy on this point. The rich Moor ship above mentioned was probably another of Abdul Ghafar's fleet, for in July or August 1693 one of these was attacked between Jeddah and Surat by a pirate, which after some resistance, boarded her, "after which they [i.e., the crew) were used with all manner of cruelty to make them confess what money was in the ship. Eight more died under the torments used upon them, and after six or seven days of this kind of usage the pirates, having got what they could extort from them (which they say was about two lakhs of rupees), they took out sixteen men and let the rest with the ship go, leaving it so bare that they could hardly subsist till they came to Versava [? Vesava, a little north of Bombay) in such miserable condition that there is not any of them but can show such marks of cruelty exercised upon them, but still (though) they say all the money is gone, there is some on board still, but what quantity (they) do not tell. The ship that took them is large, about 60 guns and 250 men, all Danee, for the lascars said [that] they have sailed with English, French and Dutch, but see not one of the three nations on board, or heard & word of either language spoke. There is a Moorman on board taken amongst them, whom they have learnt their Lingo, and he is their interpreter to all they take. They further say the Captain of the Dane ship has his wife with him, who did them some good offices, otherwise they believe they should have been worse used (George Weldon to Council, Surat, Bombay, 25th August 1693. Surat Factory Records, 110). The objection to this plausible story is that only one very rich "Moor" ship was taken at this date and it is certain that Tew took one. The size and strength of his ship would naturally be exaggerated by his victim. Tew left Madagascar for America at the end of December 1693 (Baldridge's Deposition) and arrived at Rhode Island in 1694. On the 17th August 1696 Governor Fletcher wrote :-"Rhode Island. ....... is now a free port for pirates. Thomas Tew, & pirate, brought there PS100,000 from the Red Sea in 1694 " (Board of Trade Plantations General, 4, No. 6). Johnson (1, 57; II, 87) says Tew's men had PS3,000 apiece. 398. It generally happened that when a pirate crew determined on returning home, some of the number decided to stay on for another cruise either because they were afraid of the law for offences committed in their own country, or because their share of the booty had not satisfied them, or because they had dissipated it in gambling. On the 26th August 1698 one Samuel Perkins deposed "This Informant further saith that he had heard upon Mallagascar that a little before his arrival there (1694 or 1695) that fourteen of the pirates (belonging to Captain Tew, Captain Maeon [? Misson) and Captain Coats or some of them) had by consent divided themselves into sevens to fight for what they had (thinking they had not made a voyage sufficient for so many), one of the said gevens being all killed and five of the other, so that the two which survived enjoyed the whole booty" (Home Misc., XXXVI, 348). 899. In 1694 Hamilton met at Malaoca & retired pirate named Kennedy, who had married 'a native lady of great repute for her skilfal use of love philtres and poisons (New Account, II, 68).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1926 Arabians. 400. In 1692 the Arabs sent an expedition to Patta on the African coast and formed a Settlement there, prohibiting commerce with other nations (Hamilton, I, 12. See para. 382 above). 401. In 1694 a Muscat Arab fleet burned the shipping off Salsette and stormed the Portuguese fort at Versovah (Vesava), thue putting an end to a projected Portuguese attack on Bombay (Hamilton, I, 180; Low, I, 88. See para. 425 below). Dutch. 402. The Madras Consultations for May 1692 note the Council's disapproval of certain expenditure by Mr. Daniel Dubois, Chief of Vizagapatam, in protecting two Dutch pirates who had offered to become Muhammadans and enter the service of the "Moors." The Council considered that this was the duty of the Dutch and hot of the English Agent and that therefore such expenditure "cannot by no reason or justice be charged upon the Company, being Occasioned by his own inconsiderate passion." . French-Americans. 403. During the year 1693 there cruised in the Indian scas a French pirate whose name is not given. On the 15th May 1692 he had captured off the Madeiras, on her way to Brazil. & Portuguese man-of-war. This he did by hoisting English colours and approaching her under the guise of friendship and then suddenly boarding her. She was commanded by a Monsieur Morats, whose fate is not known, and carried 40 gung-and 260 men. The pirate refitted her for his purpose, at first with 30 guns and 140 men, but later increased these to 42 guns with 150 Europeans and 50 Coffrees. In the Red Sea he plundered a number of Surat shipe, cutting off the ears, noses and fingers of his prisoners and otherwise still more barbarously ill-using them to make them discover their treasure. Coming to Rajapore on the 18th September 1694, Jonas Hann, one of her original crew, who had been forced to join the pirate, escaped to Bombay (Ind. Off. O. C.5939, 5941). This is the only pirate whom it seems posisible to identify with Johnson's heroic Captain Misson. According to Johnson (II, 14), Misson, when he turned freebooter, refused to fly the Black Flag, and chose & white one with the motto For God and Liberty.' Johnson says that he consorted with Tew, and founded a Settlement in Madagascar which he called Libertatia, where for a time he enjoyed great authority and reputation for justice amongst the natives, until a Dutchman, Otto van Tyle (A man of this name was living at St. Mary's as late as 1699, Col. Off. Rec., 5/1042, 40, xi) excited & rebellion amongst them and the Settlement was destroyed. Misson left Madagascar at the same time as Tew, but his ship sank in a storm with all hands, the weather preventing his consort from rendering any assistance (Johnson, II, 108). Our own Records show that there was a French pirate in these seas in 1693, but the long story in Johnson seems to me too fanciful to deserve credit. Andamanese. 404. At Achin in 1694 Hamilton was informed that "the cannibal Andamanese" used yearly to raid the Nicobar Islands with a number of small prows (prahus) for the sake of taking prisoners. Sometimes, however, they sold their prisoners in Achin. According to Sir R. C. Temple, the Andamanese, in spite of their reputation, have never been cannibals (see para. 723 below). Malays. 405. At Achin, we are told by Hamilton (II, 68) who was there in 1694, there were sold as slaves the prisoners taken by a class of freebooters known as the "Saleeters." These people were inhabitants of the coast islands between Junkceylon (then) in Siam and Mergui. Anglo-Americans. 406. In 1694 one Daniel Smith, with John Birch and others, sailed from the Bermudas to the East Indies. At Madagascar they separated and, whilst Smith was at sea, Birch and his Company took a rich "Moor "ship, dividing PS800 a man. Smith and his Company being the

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NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS stronger, took their booty by force and, as we hear no more of them, probably murdered their late partner. Smith afterwards consorted with Every and returned with him to Providence (Court of Admiralty at Bermuda, 13th June 1705. H. C. A. 1. No. 16). 407. Though Governor Fletcher spoke later of Tew as a pirate, this consideration had not prevented him in 1694 from giving him a commission to fight the French in Canada (Letter from Fletcher, New York, 22nd June 1697; Col. Off. Records, 5/1040, 860). Tew used this as he had used that given him by Governor Richier, and sailed for Canada via the Red Sea, where in 1695 he joined Every and was killed by a cannon shot from a "Moor "ship, probably the Fateh Muhammad, in September of that year (see para. 412 below). The Amity under John Yarland returned to St. Mary's (Baldridge's Deposition). 408. On the 9th August 1695 there arrived at St. Mary's the Charming Mary (Captain Richard Glover) with a commission, dated 1694, from Governor Fletcher (C. O., 5/1040, 860), of 200 tons, 16 guns, 80 men ; Owner, Colonel Russell, etc. and a good seilor76, from Barbadoes and the Catherine (Captain Thomas Mostyn with a commission, dated 1694, from Governor Fletcher, C. O., 5/1040, 860. Owner Frederick Phillips) from New York to trade with the pirates etc. in Madagascar. In October the Charming Mary sailed to Mauratan for rice and slaves. On the 7th December arrived the Susanna (Captain Thomas Week, of 100 tons, 10 guns and 70 men), of Boston and Rhode Island. The last had missed the "Moor" fleet in the Red Sea and had got no booty. They stayed at St. Mary's until April 1696. The Captain, Master, and most of the men having died by this time, the rest of the men took the ship to St. Augustine's, and leaving her there, joined the pirate John Hore. On the 11th December 1695 the Amity under John Yarland arrived at St. Mary's, as I have already said. Wishing to change their ship her crew went to Mauratan and took the Charming Mary, but gave Captain Richard Glover everything on board her and the Amity herself to take him home. With a new ship they elected a new commander, Captain Ebbington or Babbington, and refitting at St. Augustine's sailed again for the Indian Coasts. MAY, 1926] 99 409. Early in 1695 one Robert Glover, an Irishman and brother-in-law of Captain John Hore (Cal. S. P. Col., 15th February 1698), received a Commission from Governor Fletcher of New York for the Coast of Guinea (C. O., 5/1042, 30, viii). His ship, the Resolution, was of 200 tons, 20 guns and 90 men (200 tons, 18 guns, 110 men, Ind. Off. O. C., 6805) and the crew thought that pirating in the Red Sea would be more lucrative than privateering on the Guinea Coast. Glover, however, had no wish to turn pirate, but was forced to take the ship to the Red Sea, where having little success, the crew ascribed this to lukewarmness on his part, and when they had taken a small "Moor" ship, put him on board with 24 men of his party This vessel being in a very leaky condition, he came with it to St. Mary's on the 29th December and was assisted by Baldridge until June 1696 when he and his companions got shipping, to take them home (Baldridge's Deposition). 410. The most notorious of all these pirates was Henry Every (alias John Avery, Avory or Bridgman). There are several professedly authentic accounts of this worthy, besides the account given by Johnson in his General History of the Pirates, (I. 1-63), viz.: (1) The famous Adventures of Captain John Avery of Plymouth, 1809. In this he is said to have been the son of John Avery, a victualler living near Plymouth. At Madagascar he fell in with two pirates, George Dew and Thomas Tew from Bermuda, and under their persuasion turned pirate. (2) The King of the Pirates 1720. (Two letters alleged to have been written by Every himself, but possibly the work of Defoe.) In this he says that in 1691 he served under a pirate named Nichols and known as Red or Bloody hand, who used to hoist the Black Flag "a signal that we would give no Quarter," though on a certain occasion Every persuaded him to give not only Quarter but good usage after having flown this fatal signal. This unexpected 76 In Churchill's Voyages, VI, 207, her Commander is named Thomas Plullips.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1926 leniency caused several of the prisoners to join the pirates voluntarily, as well as the carpenters and surgeons, "who we always obliged to go." Red Hand was killed in fight with the Spaniards, "nor did I find that any one man in the ship showed the least concern for him, for certain it is that cruelty never recommends any man among Englishmen : no, though they have no share in the suffering under it." Every was elected to succeed him and on the 10th December 1692 arrived in Madagascer, sailing for the Red Sea on the 7th April 1693. Here definite dates are given, but they are certainly incorrect. (3) The life and Adventures of Captain John Avery, published in 1709 and professedly written by one Adrian van Broeck, a Dutchman, who claimed to have been a prisoner in his hands. He says that Every was born in 1653 at Cat-Down, where his father owned some property. His father dying when Every was only ten years old, a rascally guardian embezzled his property and sent the boy to sea to prevent him from discovering the injury which had been done to him. Every served for some time in the Navy and won the good opinion of Rear Admiral Lawson in the Algiers Expedition (this took place in 1661. Possibly van Broeck means Sir Edward Spragge's expedition in 1671), and afterwards in the West Indies, where he went on a buccaneering cruise and got some booty. Then returning to England, Every served in the Dutch wars (? 1672.4) and later as Captain of a merchantman he went to Cam. peachy for logwood. In this capacity he enjoyed the favour of his employers and was popular with his men. He now prepared to settle down, and married, but soon discovered that his wife was a woman of indifferent character. In disgust he again went to sea and, finding himself in command of a stout, well-manned ship, determined to turn pirate. As far as I can judge, Van Broeck's statements are inaccurate and misleading, but he gives a personal description of Every, which, in the absence of any other, has a certain interest. He says "He was as to his proportion middle sized, inclinable to be fat and of a jolly complexion. His manner of living was imprinted in his face, and none that saw him but might easily have told his profession [See Portrait of John Avery, Pirate, by W. Jett, in the British Museum)...His temper was of a piece with his person, daring and good humoured, but insolent, uneasy and unforgiving to the last degree if at any time imposed upon. His knowledge of affairs relating to his calling was grounded upon a strong natural judgment and a sufficient experience that was highly advanced by an incessant application to the Mathematics; and notwithstanding the remissness of his education and converse in his minority, he had many principles of morality, which since his defection from an equitable procedure several of the subjects belonging to the Crown of Great Britain have sufficiently experienced." Compare the above picture with that of Vasco da Gema by Castanheda :-"Da Gama is said to have been of middle stature, with a ruddy complexion, but somewhat grogg. His character was bold, patient under fatigue, well fitted for great undertakings, speedy in executing justice and terrible in anger." (Kerr, II, 445). (4) A copy of verses composed by Henry Every, lately gone to sea to seek his fortune (Firth, p. 131. Pepys Collection, V, 384). According to this, Every claimed rightful ownership of much landed property near Plymouth and went to sea because deprived unjustly of his rights. He says that he holds a Commission dated 1693 and that he intends to make his fortune at the expense of the French, Spaniards, Portuguese and Heathen, that he fights under the flag of St. George and, so long as this is flying, he will give good treatment and also whilst flying his own flag-a fantastio concoction 'four chivileges [sic] of gold in a bloody field, environ'd in green '--he will give Quarter, but if he is compelled to hoist the bloody flag, 'No Quarters to give, no Quarters to take; We save nothing living: alas ! 'tis too late. For we are now sworn by the bread and the wine : More serious we are than any divine. In the Proclamation against Every it is stated that he committed piracy under English colours and, so far a I know, there is no mention of his ever using others or even flying the red flag,

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JOLY, 1926) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 101 411. Whatever may have been Every's origin and previous career, it is at least certain that he was mate on board the Charles (or Charles II), commanded by Captain Gibson, of 46 guns and 130 men, which had been engaged with three other vessels by Sir James Houblon (State Trials, XIII, 475) for service in the Spanish West Indies against the Buccaneers (Deposition of John Dann, 3 August 1696. Col. Off. Records, 323-2, No. 25, iv) and the French smugglers (Johnson, I, 46). Such a service was not likely to be popular with English sailors, who always hated the Spaniards and were at least sympathetic to the Buccaneers. Moreover, their pay was eight months in arrears (Deposition of John Dann). In fact, the wives of some of the seamen petitioned Queen Mary, saying that the mutiny had been caused by the men's conviction that Sir James intended to defraud them of their pay (Lady Houblon, I, 293). Aocordingly on the 30th (? 7th) May 1694, when the Charles was lying at Corunna (State Trials, XIII, 453) her crew mutinied, left Captain Gibson ashore and put to sea with Every in command. Every assumed by right of succession the Commission granted to Captain Gibson (presumably in 1692 or 1693) and sailed to the Isle of May (Maio, one of the Cape Verd Islands. Middleton's Narrative, Home Misc., XXXVI, p. 189) where he plundered three English ships, his first act of piracy. Thence he went to the Isle of Princes on the Guinea coast, where he fought and took two Danish ships, one of which was the Golder Lion's Arms (Captain John Johnson), with the King of Denmark's Commission, of 16 guns and 130 men (Cal. 8. P., America and West Indies, 1697, 404, ii). Some of the Danes joined him, and rounding the Cape he came to Johanna. The exact date of his visit is given in the following document (Home Misc. XXXVI, pt. ii, p. 181 and 0.C. 5981). "Proclamation left at Johanna by Henry Every. To all English commanders let this satisfie [i.e., certify] that I was riding here at this instant in the ship Fancy, man-of-war, formerly the Charles of the Spanish Expedition, who departed from Corunna the 7th of May 1694. Being and am now in a ship of 46 guns, 150 men, and bound to seek our fortunes. I have never as yet wronged any English or Dutch nor ever intend whilst I am commander. Wherefore as I commonly speak with all ships, I desire whoever comes to the perusall of this to take this signal, that if you, or any whom you may inform, are desirous to know what we are at a distance, then make up your ancient [i.e., ensign) in a ball or bundle and hoist him at the mizen-peek, the mizen-peek being furled. I shall answer with the same and never molest you, for my men are hungry, stout and resolute, and should they exceed my desire I cannot help myself. As yet an Englishman's friend, At Johanna, 28th February, 1694-5. HENRY EVERY. As Every sailed out of Johanna, the Company's ship Benjamin, (Captain John Browne) sailed, in and found the above proclamation (Log, 28th February, 1694-5. Ind. Off., Marine Records). 412. Middleton, who was a witness for the Crown at the trial of some of Every's crew in 1996, mentione various small captures, including a French pirate junk (i.e., country-built ship) of about 40 men with good booty. The French pirates joined him and when Every reached the Red Sea he had 170 men, of whom 14 were Danes, 52 French and 104 English (London Gazette, 10-15 August 1698). He burned the town of Meet [? The town of Loet, south of Mecca), as the people refused to trade with him, and collected a kind of pirate fleet, including (1) the Dolphin a Spanish ship (Captain Want, formerly Tew's mate), (2) the Portsmouth Adventure of Rhode Island (Captain Joseph Faro or Farrel). She was afterwards disabled at Mayotta and her crew, amongst whom was the "Hamburg Dutchman" Dirk Chivers or Shivers, went aboard the Resolution, of which Chivers was elected. Captain when Captain Robert Glover was deposed (Ind. Off., O.C., 6805), (3) the Pearl of Rhode Island (Captain William Mues or May or Maze, reported in 1699 to have brought PS300,000 from the Red Sea to Now

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 England, (Cal. State Papers, Col., 24th August 1699). William May is probably the William Mason, who in 1693 received a commission against the French from Governor Jacob Lysener of New York. Culliford's Depos. H.C.A., 1. 16), (4) the Susanna of Boston and Rhode Island (Captain Thomas Week or Wake, who had received a pardon for piracy in the time of King James, Cal. S. P. Col., 18th December 1696. Apparently he missed his consorts for, as already stated in para. 408 above he returned empty handed to St. Mary's on the 7th December 1695), and finally (5) the Amity (Captain Thomas Tew, Col. Off. Records, 323-2, No. 25, iv). The fact that so many old pirates should submit to the leadership of a newcomer may have been due in part to the superior streng vh of his ship, but probably was due still more to Every's personality and possibly to earlier exploits as a buccaneer or even pirate of which no record exists.77 However, so powerful a fleet as was now collected naturally made many captures, though the Dolphin proved such a bad sailer that she had to be burnt and her erew distributed amongst the other ships. At last in September the pirates came in sight of two vessels belonging to the great Mocha fleet. The smaller of these, the Fateh Muhammad, was taken with little resistance, but as the Amity now lagged behind and dropped off after the engagement, it was probably on this occasion that the old pirate Tew was killed (Dann's Deposition). Every took out of her between 30 and 40 thousand pounds worth of gold and silver (State Trials. XIII, 483). The pirates now followed the larger ship, the Gunsway (i.e., Gang-i-sawai) and on the 28th September (State Trials, XIII, 482) took her off St. John's (Sanjan), 30 miles from Surat. The Gunsway belonged to the Mughal, was the largest ship sailing from Surat, and every year carried pilgrims to and from Mecca. John Dann says that she was mounted with 40 guns, carried some 800 men and fought for three hours (Middleton says two hours). The Indian Historian, Khafi Kahn (Muntakhabul Lubab, Elliott, VII, 350) says that she was strong and well manned and armed and had on board 52 lakhs of treasure with many passengers of high rank. Yet, says he, her commander, Ibrahim Khan, made no adequate defence and, after dressing up some Turki girls as men and exhorting them to fight, ran down and hid himself in the hold. Middleton, who was one of Every's crew, says that much treasure was taken, though nothing like all that the ship contained, for, though many of the Indiang were tortured, they either did not know or would not tell where it was concealed. There were among the prisoners a number of women, some of them ladies who, from their dress and jewels, appeared to be of high rank. Though Every is reported to have denied the fact, Middleton asserts, and it seems to be certain, that these women were very cruelly and shamefully treated. John Dann says that many of the ladies killed themselves to escape from dishonour. One of Every's crew, John Sparcks, when hanged at Execution Dock on the 25th November 1696 "expressed a due sense of his wicked life, in particular to the most horrid barbarities he had committed, which though upon the persons of heathens and infidels, guch as the forementioned poor Indians, so inhumanly rifled and treated so unmercifully; deolaring that his eyes were now open to his crimes, and that he justly suffered death for such inhumanity, much more than his injustice and robbery in running away with one of his Majesty's ships [? the Charles), which was of the two his lesser concern (Brit. Mus. 515. 1. 2. 193)." Khafi Khan (Elliott, VII, 353) says that a man who had been one of the prisoners taken by the pirates in the Gang-i-sawai told him that certain of the English pirates boasted to their cap. tives that they had now taken their revenge for the wounds which they had received when Sidi Yakub had attacked Bombay in 1689. Repeating this to the English Governor of Surat, the latter replied that they were, in all probability, men who had been taken prisoners by the Sidi, had been ill-treated by him and, having escaped, had run away and joined the pirates, in which case of course no blame for their actions could attach to the English Company. 11 Mr. Peter Henry Bruce in his Memoirs (pp. 389 et seq.) says that one Mr. Jones, the tyrannical Governor of the Bahamas from 1990 to 1694, was supported in his ovil actions by the pirate Every.

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JULY, 1928) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 103 418. It was commonly believed at the time that Every himself took possession of an Indian Princess : e.g., Hamilton says that he carried off a young Mughal lady, who was going to Mocca on a pilgrimage in fulfilment of a vow which she had made at her mother's deathbed. Van Broeck says that Every and his sailors were married to the women whom they selected by Muhammadan priests who were on board and that, by his Indian wife, Every had a son. The unhappy lady died soon after, but Every's reputed son grew up in Madagascar and, according to Clement Downing (pp. 117, 128) was known as Mulatto Tom and was one of the generals of the ex-pirate John Plantain, who had made himself a kind of king among the natives about 1720. Downing says "This Mulatto Tom was one that was so much feared amongst them that at the very sight of him they would seem to tremble. They often would have made him & king, but he never would take that title upon him.18 He was a man of tall stature, very clean limbed and of a pleasant countenance. He had hair on his head and no wool, which I have often admired at, having seen several of this mongrel breed, who have all wool on their heads. He had long black hair like the Malabar or Bengal Indians, which made me think he might be the son of Captain Avery, got on some of the Indian women he took on the Moor's ship which had the Grand Mogul's daughter on board. This is very probable for he could not remember his mother but that he sucked a black Madagascar woman which for some years he took for his mother, till he was told his mother died when he was an infant." Mr. C. F. Noble (in Dalrymple's Oriental Repertory, II. 136) says that in 1765 one Tom Similo, son of an English pirate, was King of Fort Dauphin and C. Grant (p. 303) Bays that when Admiral Kempenfeldt 'visited Madagascar in 1758 he heard that the King of Port Dauphin, whom the French called Tom Simcols, was the son of an English pirate and spoke both English and French. Was this Mulatte Tom ? 414. As regards the booty taken in the Gang-i-gawai, John Dann puts it at PS1,000 per man, 180 men sharing. Middleton says that some men got PS1,000, others only PS 500, whilst he, being only a boy, received PS 100 to apprentice him to some honest trade at home. Both Dann and Middleton (State Trials, XIII. 471) say that Every had only two shares and the Master one and a half. This was the usual custom in pirate vessels. Hamilton (I. 43) values the booty at Rs. 2,600,000 or (with the rupee at 2s. 3d.) PS325,000, which would be about double the sum given by Dann, unless Every and other of the chief pirates took more than the customery share, or Dann's figures refer only to Every's own crow and are exolusive of the amount taken by the crews of his consorte. 415. Beside the lady and the booty Every carried off the Mughal flag. Unfortunately this flag is not described in any of the records, but Alexander Justice (Dominion of the Sea, 1705) gives a green flag, bearing two crossed scimetars (gold) as that of the Surat Grand Mughal. This very flag of Every's was flown by the pirates in July 1699 when John James fought Captain John Aldrod of H. M. S. Essex in Linhaven Bay on the coast of Virginia (Deposition of Captain Charles Sims, Col off. Records, 323-3, No. 37, i). 416. Johnson (1.53) says that Every, having persuaded his consorts to place all the treasure on board his own ship for safety, left them by stealth and carried it off ; but other accounts show that, having watered their ships at Rojapore, the pirates went to Mascarenhas (i.e., Bourbon) and there divided the booty. The crew of the Pearl were refused their proper share, because it was found that, when exchanging gold for silver with Every's men, they had given clipped pieces. They received only 2,000 pieces of eight to buy them provisions (Dann's Deposition.) At Bourbon Every put a shore the Frenchmen and Danes of his crew 78 In the play entitled the Successful Pirate (1715) by Charles Johnson, the hero is called Arviragus (Avorio or Avery) who, once in the Navy, was broken for caning a superior officer who had insulted but dared not fight him. He retired to Laurentia (i.e., St. Lawrence or Madagascar) and became king of the place and married Zelmane, the daughter of Ariasper, an Indian noble. His son by hor refused the thrope.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 as well as some Englishmen who, because of crimes committed at home, dared not return even to the West Indies, and, with 87 slaves as well as the booty, sailed for Ascension. Thence proba bly he went to St. Thomas for we are told (Capt. Thomas Phillips in Astley's Voyages, II, 891) that he persuaded the Governor to come on board and would not release him until he had provided him with provisions, for which, according to pirate custom, he paid with Bills of Exchange upon John a Noakes or the Pump at Aldgate. At the end of April 1696 Every arrived at Providence in the Bahamas, where he was well received by Governor Nicholas Trot, to whom the pirates presented their ship together with very handsome presents, and were allowed to bring their booty ashore. Middleton says that Trot feasted them royally, but to maintain respect for himself, made one of the men, who had broken a drinking glass. pay him eight sequins as the price of it (a sequin was worth about 98.3d.. Trot afterwards protested that he had no certain evidence that Every was a pirate, that, if he had known, he had no means of taking or even resisting him, and that his arrival had been most timely as it saved the islands from an impending attack by the French -(Sloane MS., 2902, f. 269), and he salved his conscience for the presents he had accepted by also taking Every's guns, which he mounted for defence against that enemy. Trot's friendly dealing seemed to promise an easy issue from all difficulties if only other Governors were like him. On the 15th June 1696 Sir William Beeston wrote from Jamaica "The pirates that ron away with one of Don Arturo Oburn's [? Spanish for Houblon's) ships from Corunna [i.e., the Charles) have been in the Red Sea and gott great wealth, up to PS 300,000 it is reported. They are arrived at Providence and have sent privately to me to try if they could preveil with me to pardon them and let them come hither, and in order to it I was told it would be worth to me a great sum (PS20,000), but that could not tempt me from my duty. (Cal. S. P. Col.). Sir William Markham, Governor of Pennsylvania, is said to have protected some of them at a price of PS1,000 each (Cal. S. P. Col. 1697, No. 1331). The Fancy went ashore and was wrecked in Providence Harbour and the remainder of the crew, about 80 in number, dispersed. Those who did not wish to stay in America obtained shipping, and by different channels came to Ireland and thence to England. Some of them were taken, tried in October 1696, and executed, but Every himself, who had taken the name of Bridgman, was never arrested. At the same time ho could not make any use of his ill-gotten wealth, for the men to whom he wes forced to entrust it for disposal, robbed him without the slightest compunction, till, at last, after a miserable life of hiding and poverty, he died and was buried in Biddiford (Bideford) Church on the 10th June 1727 or 1728. N.B.-There is no entry of this burial in the Church Register. 417. Hamilton (I. 42), apparently referring to Every, says that the pirates first attempted to establish a base at Perim, but finding no water there, went to St. Mary's in Madagascar, and Downing (pp. 92, 105, 128) mentions a strong place in that island called Captain Every's Castle. It is curious that Baldridge mentions no visit from Every, and says that, unlike the loter pirates, Every limited himself to the island and interfered with the natives as little as possible. Johnson (I. 45) rightly ridicules the story of Van Broeck that Every reigned as a king amongst the natives, for the shortness of his career in the Indian Seas makes this quite impossible. The only officer of Every's whose name I have been able to trace was his first lieutenant Robert Clinton (Cal. State Papers, Col. 1698, 451, ii). 418. The immediete consequence of the trouble caused to trade by Every and his fellow pirates was that the servants of the English East India Company at Surat and Broach were imprisoned by the Mughal Governor as being responsible for their countrymen. The members of the Surat Council were not released until the 27th June 1696. In fact, the Governor treated them with such contempt thet the natives looked upon them as being " as despicable as the Portuguese in India and the Jews in Spain " (Bruce, III, 188, 307). On the other hand, the Muscat Arabs, in reprisel for the losses inflicted by the pirates, dete ined some of the English ships, e.g., the Caesar (Captain Wright) and attempted to detain others, e.g., the Nassau

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JULY, 1926 ) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 105 (Captain John Lloyd). (Madras to Court, 3rd April 1695). The Court of Directors had, of course, been informed of these events and on the 17th July 1696 wrote to say that Govern. ment had been asked to issue a Proclamation for the arrest of Every. This was done on the 17th July and the 10th August 1696, the Lords Justices of England offering a reward of PS500 and the East India Company one of Rs. 4,000 (London Gazette ; State Trials, XIII, 451), sums which appear comico lly small when one considere how much more lucrative and not much more dangeroua it was to be a pirate than it was to be only a pirate-catcher or an informer. 419. On the 14th September 1695 Captain Samuel Burgese of the Margaret of New York Bailed for Madagascar, with a Commission from Governor Fletcher (India Office, 0.C., 6321, Deposition of Edward Baker and John Stivey). Arabians. 420. As early as 1612 we find mention of the Baluchis of Sind as pirates. Nicholas Withington, who was in Sind at that time, says that the Baloches of Sinda had taken a boat in which there were seven Italians and one Portuguese friar. All the Italians were killed in the fight, but the friar, being taken alive, the pirates ripped up his belly to see if he had swallowed any gold or jewels (Foster Early Travels, p. 220). Gemelli Careri (Churchill's Voyages, IV, 190) on a voyage to Diu in 1694, mentions the islands of Cocalita, Giavar and Giavani, inhabited by petty pirates called Baluocos, who also inhabited the country between Persia and India (i.e., Baluchistan). He says that they were Arabs in religion and manners and used to hamstring their prisoners to prevent them from escaping. This cruelty of disposition clearly differentietes them from the inhabitants of the coast of India Proper. 421. The danger from the Muscat pirates to ships trading to the Persian Gulf was so great at this time that Indian merchants would not entrust their goods to Dutch vessels without guarantees of indemnification against loss (Letter from Surat, 7th February 1694-5). 422. Early in 1695 Muscat Arabs landed at Cong in the Persian Gulf and took plunder to the value of 60,000 tomaunds79. Bruce (III, 169) says that at this time the Muscat fleet consisted of five large ships carrying 1,500 men, that they took a rich Armenian ship and all the Portuguese ships they met with. In all there were twelve Arab ships cruising in the Persian Gulf. A little later with eight large ships (of 40 to 60 guns, the Admiral carrying 70) they proceeded to Mangalore, plundered and burned that town and also Barcelore, destroyed a number of Portuguese ships and taking in a cargo of rice, returned to Muscat. They did not however escape entirely scatheless, for in Mangalore Road, thinking her to be a Portuguese, they attacked a French ship of 40 guns commanded by Monsieur de Prade. De Prade and 12 of his men were killod and some twenty wounded, so that the Frenchman was forced to break off the fight and run for Goa, but the Arabs are said to have lost 200 men killed before she did 80 (Letter from Calicut, 18th April 1695. Madras Cons., 10th May 1695). The Portuguese also obtained some slight revenge by the destruction of three Arab ships at Rajapore (Letter from Surat, 7th February 1694-5; 0. C. 5969; Letter from Madras, 6th June 1696). The Imame of Muscat now grew 80 powerful that the Company's Agent at Gombroon predicted that "they would prove as great a plague as the Algerines were in Europe" (Bruce, III, 198). 423. On the 1st March 1695-6 (India Office, 0. C. 6000) six European ships were attacked by six Arab ships and two grabs, the Arab Admiral's ship carrying 60 guns and from 900 to 1,000 men. One of the European ships was the Ruparel, Captain Sawbridge (Mangalore to Surat). Sawbridge beat off the ship which first engaged him, the Romane of 7 to 8 hundred men, but finding himself surrounded and further resistance hopeless, surrendered, and with some of his men was taken on board the Romane. Whilst on board, the Romane with two of her consorts engaged a French ship (? Monsieur de Prade) mounting 40 guns. During the 70 Toman, a Persian gold coin formerly worth more, but now worth 78. 1d.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1926 fight Sawbridge and his mate Lloyd were forced to stand on deck with their legs in irons and their hands tied behind them to a mast, and though Sawbridge was wounded in the log by a splinter " yet the brutes would not let me have the leg out [of irons[." Apparently he was soon released. The Romane, according to Sawbridge, lost 100 men in this fight. He does not give the losses of her consorts. . 424.. On the 14th April 1697 the London (Richard Williams Master: Colonel Miles (v. 220) gaye Captain Affleck] was taken by Arabs off Muscat who pretended she was a pirate though she had only 14 Europeans on board, and all the European sailors were forced to help the Arabs in a fight with some Portrguese, those who refused being lashed to the masts and exposed to the enemy's fire until they consented (Ind. Off. 0. C. 6451. Bombay to Surat, 13th September 1697). A petition from the Madras merchants to the King, dated 24th January 1701-2, says the London was seized by the Arabs on the 14th April 1695 and that 7 out of 10 Englishmen on board perished miserably in prison. (Madras Cons., 24th January 1701-2). 425. In 1698 the Muscat Arabs took Mombassa from the Portuguese, and in 1699 their fleet plundered Solsette and prevented the Portuguese front attacking Bombay (Miles, 219. 222, Bomb. Sel. XXIV, p. 168. See para. 401 above.) Sanganians. 426. On his voyage to Diu in 1694 Carert (Churchill's Voyages, IV, 190) saw a bark which the sailors believed to belong to the "pirates called Sanganog or Ranas, who are Gentils lie., Hindus) of religion and make no slaves, but take what they find aboard without hurting anybody. They live in some islands and on the Continent in marshy and inaccessible places, as also in woods neer Syndi and the kingdom of Gujeratte. They go out in small barks but very numerous and rob along the coast and even in the Bay of Surat. Their petty king is tributary to the Great Mogul." 427. The author of the Muntakhabullubab (1696) says that the Bawaril or Sakanas, & lawless sect belonging to Sorath (in Kathiawar) plundered small craft trading from Bandar Abbas and Muscat, but were afraid of the large pilgrim ships. (Bom. Gaz., IX, 528). Malabareso. 428. Of the Malabar pirates Careri says, in 1695 (Churchill's Voyages, IV, 213) - "There are pirates of several nations as Moors, Gentils, Jews and Christians, and fall upon all they meet with a great number of boats full of men." He adds thot they made passengers take a purge so as to be sure that they had not swallowed any of their jewels, a practice already mentioned by Marco Polo. (See ante, para. 42). 429. About 1695 Kanhoji Angria made himself master of all the seaports from Vijiadrug to Kolaba and plundered both native and European ships (Danvers, II, 383 n.). 480. According to Hamilton (I. 305) in 1696 a certain Raja called Kempason (s.e., Khem Sawant) having taken Vingorla from the Dutch, attacked the Portuguese about Goa, burning images and churches, wherefore the Portuguese called him 'Kema Sancto 'or Saint Burner. 431. At the end of 1696 or beginning of 1697 pirates took the ship Diamond on the Malabar Coast and sank her because her captain had offered resistance (Letter from Bombay, 11th April 1697. Home Misc., . XXXVI). Anglo-Americans. 482. Of Every's consorts Tew and Week died before Every sailed for America. Want is not mentioned after the burning of the Dolphin. Faro or Farrel went home with him and went to Ireland, where, so far as I know, he disappeared. May is said to have taken a great booty home (see para. 412 above). As we have seen, the crew of his ship the Pearl were deprived

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JULY, 1926 ) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 107 of their share of the loot of the Gunsway for cheating (see para. 416 above). They must therefore have made a good haul later. Possibly then it was the Pearl which early in 1696 took a ship belonging to Abdul Ghafur. The pirate is described as a ship of 400 candies (about 100 tons) and 80 to 90 men. The Moors, after losing 20 men, surrendered and were robbed of 175 to 200 thousand rupees. (Surat Diary, 18th and 22nd March 1695-6). On the other hand, Middleton mentions William May as one of those who went home with Every. 433. On the 11th June 1696 (Ind. Off, 0. C. 6264; Letter from Madras, 30th Sept. 1696) the crew of the Company's ship, the Josiah Ketch, ran off with her from Madras Roads, the Master being ill ashore, under the Mate, Robert Culliford 80 (an Irishman. See Deposition of John Hayles, H.C. A., 1-16), who had obtained the assistance of six other Englishmen to effect the crime. Culliford took her to the Nicobar Islands, but whilst he was ashore with his friends, plundering the natives, one James Croft, Armourer of the Fleet frigate (who had been decoyed on board the Josiah whilst drunk), with the aid of the lascars overpowered the remaining pirates and carried off the ship to Achin. 484. On the 18th June 1696a more tragical mutiny8l occurred on board the Company's ship Mocha off the Head of Achin. This ship, bound from Bombay to China, was commanded by Captain Leonard Edgcombo. He appears to have been an unpopular commander. At Johanna he refused to take on board one Max.who had been left there by Every, not wishing to go a-pirating (State Trials, XIII, 474), and at Bombay (Hamilton I, 235) his crew made complaints of ill-treatment, for which they could obtain no satisfaction. I presume that some of them deserted, for he was forced to take on some new hands. These included the old pirate James Gilliam (now calling himself Simpson Marshall, see para. 395 above) with Ralph Stout and some 15 others of his comrades, who had escaped from Junagarh and got down to Bombay and were, without doubt, looking out for an opportunity to revenge themselves on the Company for the President's refusal to obtain their release. It can easily be imagined that such men had little difficulty in making a party on the Mocha. It is said that Gilliam himself murdered Captain Edgcum be,82 The Supercargo George Willock, and 17 others who were unwilling to join the mutineers, were sent adrift in a boat. After three days of great hardship they managed to make their way to Achin, where they found the Josiah Ketch (Ind. Off, 0. C. 6230; Home Misc. XXXVI, p. 307; Surat Letters Recd., CXIII, pt. ii, p. 5; Log of the Sceptre, 29th Jan. 1696-7). The mutineers meanwhile made Ralph Stout their Captain, renamed their ship the Resolution and went to Tenaggerim. (Bombay to Surat, 5th April 1697; Madras to Court, 30th December 1696). 485. I have said (see para. 412 above) that Dirk Chivers (a Dutchman of Hamburg, Ind. Off. 0. C. 6805) had been elected Captain of the Resolution, which he renamed the Soldado, after the de position of Captain Robert Glover. He seems to have consorted with a newcomer, an Irishman, John Hore83 (brother-in-law of the man whom he had deposed) of the John and Rebecca (180 tons, 20 guns, 100 men, originally a French ship, the St. Paul). Apparently in company they took a "Moor "ship belonging to Abdu'l Ghafur in the Red Sea (Arnold Wright, p. 191) or the Persian Gulf, and then off Babs after leaving Mocha, two others (under English 90 Culliford had been a pirate in the West Indies and was one of the men who ran off with Kidd's ship, the Blessed William in 1690 (nes para. 446 below) when Kidd refused to turn pirate. He came to India with the pirate William May (or Mason) in 1693, but left his ship at Mangalore in October 1694, with what object is now evident. (H.C.4. 1. 16, Oulliford's Deposition). 81 In a letter from the Madras Council to Fort St. David, 5th August 1696, it is stated that Culliford had plotted the mutiny on the Mocha before the Josiah Ketch left Bombay for Madras. 89 Jamon Kolly (British Museum 515. 1-2. 186) in his dying confonsion 12th July 1700 said Kat Captain Edgcumbe was murdered by his old orew in revenge for past ill-treatment. * 88 Lord Bellamont in a Letter, 18th May 1698 Odl. od. Records, 5-1040) says that Hore had & Commission from Governor Fletchor. The latter in a letter, 22nd June 1697, says that he had one from Bir William Beogton, Governor of Jamaica.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 colours and with English merchants on board), both of which belonged to the Company's native merchants, Girdar of Bombay and Verdaman of Calicut. "They used the Crannys for Pursers) very barbarously to make them confess they had more than what was in the ship. After[Wards) they set the Master of one of them ashore at Aden to sell the two prizes, but he not returning they burned them both" (Bomb. Gaz., XXVI, i, 117). It was very common at this time for country ships to carry not only Earopean commanders but also European petty officers and surgeons (see para. 455 below). One of the two ships just mentioned had an English surgeon, a Mr. Watson, who reported that on the 14th and 15th August 1696, Captain Hore took two ships, the Ruparel (John Sawbridge Master) and the Calicut Merchant (Thomas Halling Master) both bound for Bombay. Saw bridge proposed to Hore to take them to Aden for ransom (Ind. Off., 0. C. 6309; Home Misc. XXXVI, p. 275). He did so, but the Governor refused to allow any ransom to be paid, thinking rightly that to do so would expose him to suspicion of having some understanding with the pirates and so make traders hesitate to come near his port. In revenge the pirates burned first the Calicut Merchant and then the Ruparel, which sank with the English flag flying at their mast heads in full sight of the people of Aden (Letter from Bombay, 15th October 1696). Hamilton says (I. 43) that Sawbridge carried a cargo of horses and that the poor creatures were burned alive in the Ruparel. Sawbridge himself, overwhelmed by this second (see para. 423 above) disaster, could not restrain his feelings and the pirates, enraged at his incessant reproaches, sewed up his lips to enforce his silence. He was put ashore a few days after, but his sufferings and grief quickly put an end to his life. Captain Halling was more patient under affliction and, at his own suggestion, piloted the pirates to Cong, which they would have plundered but for the appearance of the Portuguese fleet (Gombroon to Bombay, 21st November 1696). According to the Deposition of a lascar of the Fateh Muhammad (the "Moor" ship belonging to Abdu'l Ghafar), dated 15th December 1696, a French pirate of 23 guns and 138 men assisted in the capture made by Hore and Chivers. (Ind. off, 0. C. 6325). This lascar mentions an earthen fort at a place called Cummeer (? Comoro Islands), the chief of which was & Captain Bodley. I have found no further mention of this French pirate-ship nor of Captain Bodley. Possibly the supposed French ship was the Charming Mary (see next para.) 438. A letter from Bombay to Surat of the 29th October 1696 reports that a pirate of about 100 tons, flying English colours, had under pretence of being a friend, induced an Arab ship to start for Mocha and had then attacked her off Rajapore and after killing 18 to 20 men and wounding several others taken her. She had set most of the crew ashore and carried off the ship, which was about 400 candies (or 100 tons) burden and 14 guns. The pirate was Aupposed to be Babbington or some other Mocha pirate. (Bombay Factory Records, vol. XII). Babbington we know (see para. 408 above) was in command of the Charming Mary,84 but all that is known definitely about him is that he was taken prisoner "at Cape Jasques in Persia, where he and several others landed to plunder for provisions, but the Persians fought them and killed three and took him. He is an Irishman and says his father was a Dutchman and his mother was an Englishwoman. Confesses that they are of all sorts [? nations] in the ship, but says that she comes from the King of England's dominions (meaning New England) so that the Persians say that the English are the only robbers. The English Factors sent to the Government to desire him to be brought to the Factory to be examined, and if he was an Englishman should be sent to Bombay to answer for his late roguery in burning the two ships in the Gulf of Mocho," but the Government preferred to deal with Babbington themselves. He was sent up country and so disappears Letter from Gombroon; 16th January 1696-7). 84 Evidently this is the Mary (130 tons, 22 guns, 90 men. Captain Philip Babington) which on the 30th July 1697, arrived at Tellicherry, and under threat of using force, was freely supplied with provisions. (Surat to Cours, 12 Jan. 1697-8).

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SEPTEMBER, 1926] 437. In August 1694 a man named Steele, mate of the William and Mary, with a Dutchman named Keyser, mate of the Ruby, then at anchor in Bombay Roads, had seduced six or eight Europeans in the Company's employ and carried off the ship's boat with cutlasses and firearms, with intent to seize the first vessel they might come across and then, under a pretended commission, to attack the Mughal's ships from Mocha. Bad weather however made them run their boat ashore in Surat River, where Steele took service with the Portuguese. At last, being slighted by them and driven to great necessity, he surrendered to the English President at Surat in October 1696. On the 30th November orders were issued for him to be kept in irons until he could be sent home on the Benjamin as a prisoner. 438. On the 23rd December 1696 three pirates appeared in Calicut Roads under English colours, which they subsequently changed to Danish. They captured some ships which were at anchor, and sent ashore to say that they would burn them unless a ransom of PS10,000 was forthcoming. Some of the messengers informed the Chief and Council of the English Factory "that they acknowledged no countrymen, they had sold their country and were sure to be hanged if taken. They would take no Quarter, but do all the Mischief they could." The ransom being delayed, they hoisted the bloody flag and fired the captured ships (Advices from Bombay, 15th January 1696-7, Col. Off. Records, 323, 2). This is the first authentic instance that I have come across of the use of the bloody flag by professional pirates in Eastern waters. Whilst at Calicut, these pirates were very communicative. They said they had left Mocha on the 24th August and that it was they who had taken the Arab ship at Chutterpore (see para. 436 above). They told Captain Mason (who had been sent on board by the Factors to negotiate) that his ship the Unity, which Gilliam had taken from him [this must have been some years earlier, before Gilliam's capture by the natives] had been taken by that pirate to New York and presented to the Governor, who had sold her for PS1,000 and that the purchaser had, a little later, been offered PS2,000 by some of the crew who wished to make another voyage. As each man had received PS700, they could well afford the price (Letter from Bombay, 15th January 1696-7, Home Misc. XXXVI, p. 312. See para. 395 above). These three pirates were Chivers, Hore and the commander of the Pelican (either Captain Robert Colley or Captain Powell (See Ind. Off., O. C. 6579, 6807). The Pelican was a New England ship, commissioned against the Spanish, which had turned pirate. She began her career in the East by treacherously seizing and putting to ransom the King of Johanna (Johnson II, 381). From the ships which they had burned the pirates had taken a quantity of opium and other goods, which Chivers coolly informed Commodore Brabourne he was selling at Callipatam, a few miles to the south of Calicut (Calicut to Bombay, 6th February 1696-7). It is said that their hurried retirement from Calicut was due to the arrival of ten Malabar pirate vessels, which the native Governor had summoned and which recovered two ships from them (Cal. 8. P., Col. 26th Nov. 1697). NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 109 489. The natives at Calicut were so incensed at these proceedings that if the Factory had not been protected by some soldiers and other friends of the English, the latter would have been murdered. The ships that had been destroyed belonged to native merchants and these asserted that if they had paid a ransom, it would have been handed over by the pirates to the Factory. To so ridiculous an accusation no answer was possible. The English were in despair and could only protest their innocence. On the 19th January 1696-7 the Madras Council wrote home:-"The mischief falls heavier on the English than any other nation, because the pirate ships pass under the name and colours of the English and 'tis known there are many English among them." On the same day Captain George Phinney of the Sceptre noted in his log:-"We hear that there is an English pirate of ten guns of off Cape Cameroone [? Comorin]. The Dutch have several men-of-war upon the coast of Malabar and off the Gulf of Persia. We hear that our merchants have been in trouble about the pirates taking the Moors

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ SEPTEMBER, 1926 ships and we hear that this pirate of off Cape Cameroone hath taken two more of Moors ships and hove all the men overboard out of one of them." He probably refers to the Mocha or its consort (See para. 444 below). All that the English could do was to make over to the Governor of Surat any pirates who were in their hands; thus, before the 2nd July 1696, they had given up six Frenchmen who had been concerned in the plunder of Abdu'l Ghafur's ship in 1692 (Surat to Bombay, 4th April 1697 ; Bomb. Gaz., XXVI, i, 109-10; see para. 394 abopel. The surrender of English pirates might have been more convincing of good faith, but would have strengthened the popular belief that all the pirates were English. 440. On the 17th January 1696-7 Captain Richard Glover, who, in exchange for the Charming Mary, had received the Amity from the pirates (See paras. 408 above) arrived from Barbadoes at St. Mary's in the last mentioned ship with goods for sale to the pirates. In February purchasers arrived in Captain Hore and a prize of 300 tons which he had taken in the Persian Gulf. On the 9th June arrived Captain Chivers with 90 men in the Soldado, and a little later Captain Thomas Mostyn in the Fortune from New York, and Captain Cornelius Jacobs from the same place, the two last with goods for sale to the pirates. The Soldado however had lost all her maste in a storm, and, putting into a harbour about ten leagues north of St. Mary's. there took the Amity" for her Wateroasks, sails, rigging and masts, and turned the hull adrift upon a reef. Captain Glover promised to forgive them what was past if they would let him have his ship again, wnd [let him) go home to America, but they would not, except he would go into the East Indies with them." On the 25th September they sailed again for India. (Baldridge's Deposition). 441. On the 1st July 1697 arrived at St. Mary's the Swift from Boston (Andrew Knott Master and John Johnson merchant. See para. 396 above). On this vessel Baldridge went on a trading voyage round the coast, and towards the end of the year (or beginning of 1698 ) on his return mot Captain Mostyn, who told him that the negroes had risen on the whites and killed about 30 of them, owing, says Baldridge, to the ill-treatment which they had received from some of the men who had sailed with Captains Raynor, Coats, Tew, Hore and Chivers. The strength of the fort may be judged by the report of Captain Thomas Warren, dated the 28th November 1697(Col. Office Records, 2, 323) that it had from 40 to 50 guns mounted (Perkins says 22 guns), whilst the pirates who frequented it had 17 shipe (some of 40 guns) and numbered 1,500 men. Of course, only a few of them oould have been present at the time of the outbreak, and some of these escaped to an island, where they held out until relieved by Baldridge, who took them to St. Augustine's, charging a large sum for their passage, and putting ashore there all those who could not afford to pay what he demanded for a further passage home (Exam. of Samuel Perkins, 25th August 1698, Home, Miec., XXXVI, p. 346). Baldridge, having lost all his possessions ashore, went home with Mostyn and Knott, and apparently settled down respectably in New York, 48 on the 5th May 1699 he made his Deposition before Lord Bellamont. According to Perkins, the Europeans killed were seven Englishmen and four Frenchmen. Among the former was Captain Glover, presumably Richard Glover, who thus paid the penalty of his temerity in a second time putting his head into the lion's mouth. Perkins, however, speaking from heartay, apparently thought it was Captain Robert Glover, formerly of the Resolution. 442. A few incidents, which have been passed over for the sake of continuity, may now be noticed. On the 4th April 1897 the Council of Surat wrote to Bombay that the pirates in the Persian Gulf had had the insolence to write to the President (1 of Gombroon) that as they could not sell the sugar they had taken at Gombroon they would go to Basra and "they would do what they went about effectually before they left the Gulf." This must I think refer to Chivers, who did not get back to St. Mary's before June. On the 17th April 1897 the Surat Council received from Bombay the British Government's Proclamation for the capture of Every.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS ill They decided not to publish it because it stated that he had 130 men and that each of them had had a share of PS1,000 in the booty, for it was feared that not only would this be an acknow. ledgment that the pirates were English, but that the sufferers, hearing how much booty had been carried to England, would know what damages to demand and would make extortionate claims. They agreed therefore to announce only that the King of England, hearing that some of his gubjects had united with others to rob on the high seas, had offered a reward of PS500 for the capture of Every and of PS50 for that of each of his crew, and that the Company had followed suit (Surat Diary, 17th May 1697). 443. On the 15th May 1697 the East India Company writing to the Admiralty, mention complaints made by the Royal African Company86 in the preceding February of their losses by the pirates in the Indian Seas, since which month they had received reports of "the Royal African Company's ship Hannibal having been seized on the coast of Guinea and carried off on the same piratical account" (Home Misc., XXXVI, p. 241; Sloane MS. 2902, f. 230). As a matter of fact, the crew of the Hannibal mutinied on the 3rd January 1696-7 on the coast of Guinea because of the harsh conduct of Captain William Hill. The mutineers set him, his officers and a few loyal men adrift in a boat to be drowned at sea or eaten by cannibals if they got ashore, made themselves a set of bloody colours and carried the ship to Pernambuco in Brazil, where one John Smith (? the Supercargo) with the assistance of the Governor recovered the vessel (Sloane MS. 3996. ff. 10-30). N.B.-No mention is made of black colours being prepared as a declaration of piracy. 444. At the Nicobars (See para. 433 above), Robert Culliford and his gang, going aboard a small country ship, were made prisoners by the Master, John Wallis ; but when the latter arrived at Mergui, he was forced to put his prisoners ashore by the Mocha, which had been cruising between Cape Comorin and Singapore. According to Wallis, the pirates had formed a fleet of seven vessels (Letter from Madras, 19th January 1696-7), but the only ship which the Mocha seems to have regularly consorted with was a small one of 130 tons which came from Madagascar and carried 70 men, all old pirates, who managed their ship without any commander (Cal. S. P. Col. 1698,723, viii). About this time it is said that the Mocha took a Portuguese ship, on board of which was the Viceroy. After letting him go, they met a Malayan privateer off Sumatra and boarded her with their longboat, but the Malays killed every man in the boat and the Mocha thought it better to leave them alone (Confession of James Kelly, who was executed 12th July 1700. Brit. Mus. 515. 1. 2/186.) On the 24th January 1696-7 off Ceylon the Mocha took the Satisfaction (William Willock Master), a small merchantman which did not surrender until she had lost four or five men. Willock was kept prisoner until the 22nd December and wrote & graphic account of his captivity (Ind. Off, 0. C. 6484). On the 7th or 8th February 1696-7 the Mocha took near Quiloan (Quilon) a Portuguese ship of 300 tons from Macao," very rich in gold and silks." They treated the crew very cruelly. "One of the Padres they hoisted up with his hands tied behind him and with a cutlass cut some part of his beard off. In a few days after God Almighty was pleased to show a judgment on him that did it. In three days all his flesh turned to corruption, so that he died gnashing his teeth but could not speak" (Willock's Narrative). A little later, the Mocha intercepted the Allumshey (from Bengal to Surat) and took her, after she had suffered eight or nine casualties. The pirates took out of her several guns, an anchor, and only such valuables as were between decks, and let her go. Whilst in the power of the Mocha and her consort, the Alum shey witnessed the capture and burning of one of Abdu'l Ghafor's ships. Her arrival in Surat in April 1697 created great excitement amongst the natives when they heard her news, and the Dutch tried to persuade the Governor that the English Company's ships were really pirates. The Council was foroed to explain that the Mocha, though certainly one of their ships, had been run away 15 Founded 27th September 1672

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1926 with by some twenty of the crew against the will of the others and had recruited her complement of 100 men elsewhere. Moreover the Company had itself lost Rs. 50,000 on her and the value of Rs. 1,00.000 on the Satisfaction (Surat Diary, 3rd and 8th April 1697). On the 5th March the Mocha was at the Maldives, but the King refused to trade with her. Some time between the 15th May and 15th July she plundered another of Abdu'l Ghafur's ships (Surat to Manila) of provisions and took out of her 12 or 14 lascars and also the native pilot, whom thoy intended to use as a guide in the Red Sea (Surat Diary, 30th August, 1697). On the 30th May they took a rich Portuguese ship bound for Macao with the Governor on board (probably the ship mentioned by Kelly) off Diamond Point in Sumatra. Captain Ralph Stout going ashore for water was killed by some Malays whose boat he had boarded. 86 Robert Culliford was now elected Captain. On the 9th July he met the Dorrill (Captain Samuel Hide), a Company's ship bound for China, in the Straits of Malacca. The pirates, though at first meeting they had hoisted a broad red pennant, hesitated about attacking her, and when the fight began it was only by threatening to resign his command that Culliford could keep his men to their guns. Even so, after the loss of only two men, they took the excuse of & wounded mast to force him to break off the engagement. On the other hand the Dorrill lost so many men and was so badly damaged that when she arrived at Achin she was forced to give up her voyage to China. After some further plundering the pirates dismissed Willock and their other prisoners in & Java ship, which was one of their captures, on the 22nd December. Willock managed to reach the Negrais in safety (Willock': Narrative). After this the Mocha seems to have cruised to the westward, for she arrived at St. Mary's in May 1698 and found in the harbour a French ship, commanded by a Captain Ley or Sey. Culliford plundered her of PS2,000 in money, wine, clothes, hats, etc., and recruited a number of her men (Sloane MS., 2902, f. 230). At St. Mary's also be found Captain Kidd (See para. 457 below). 445. On the 6th April 1698 the Sedgwick reported at Madras, that after leaving Anjengo on her return voyage she had been taken off Cape Comorin by the Dutchman Chivers in the Algerine Galley ( the New Soldado. See para, 463 below) of 250 tons, 150 men, 28 guns and 24 cars, after a pursuit with sails and oars of nine hours. Her cargo not being of any use to the pirates, and the Captain offering Chivers a bowl of punch, the latter let them go free, after taking only some sails, cordage, cable &c. stores. (Madras to Fort St. David, 7th April, 1698). 446. When the British Government issued their Proclamation offering rewards for the arrest of Every and his comrades, they were well aware that unless energetic measures were undertaken for the suppression of the pirates, the trade with the East would soon be hopelessly demoralized. At the same time the demands on the fleet, owing to the war with France, made it impossible to send out any King's ships. It was therefore thought that private initia. tive might be appealed to in such an emergency. It will be remembered that in 1671 the Bombay Government (See pana. 331 above) had recommended the building of ships for the taking of pirates, which should be manned by volunteers who would be paid by results. Some of the Company's ships had already been commissioned to take pirates, and it was not uncommon in America for private ships to be engaged for service against both privateers and pirates. It was therefore no new move when Lord Bellamont, who had been appointed in 1695 88 Governor of New York and specially enjoined to take steps to prevent the fitting out of ships for piratical purposes in the Colonies, suggested the formation of a Syndicate for the despatch of a well armed and well manned ship under a trustworthy commander to Eastern Waters. Among others interested in the matter, he had consulted & Colonel Robert Levingston, who recommended Captain William Kidd as a suitable man for the purpose (Account .... by a 86 In a letter from Solomon Lloyd and William Reynolds to Madras, dated Achin 28th August 1697 (Ind. Of., 0.0. 6430) it was reported that the pirates murdered Stout at the Maldives, having found out that be intended to desort them.

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SEPTEMBER, 1926 ) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 113 . Person of Quality). Some few details of Kidd's previous career are available. The Dict. Nat. Biog. says that he was born at Greenock 87 in Scotland (The Full Account only says in Scotland) and that he settled at Boston, Massachusetts. At Kidd's trial Colonel Thomas Hewson or Hewetson deposed that Kidd had fought bravely against the French under his command in the West Indies and that, so far from his being the sort of man who was likely to turn pirate, his refusal to do so had cost him his ship, which the discontented part of his crew had run away with. The fight mentioned by Colonel Hewetson took place on the 16th January 1690 off St. Martin's. For & whole day Colonel Hewetson with only his ship and Kidd's fought six Frenchmen under Jean Baptiste Ducas, Governor of St. Domingo. (Letter from General Codrington, Antigua, 1st March 1690. Cal. S. P. Col.). The French on this occasion flew bloody colours (Harleian Miscellany, IX, 523, 569), which shows how desperate was the fight, but were forced to retire. Kidd's ship was the Blessed William, (of 18 gung. Portland MSS., VIII, 78). She had been a French privateer which Kidd had captured and for which he had hoped to obtain Letters of Marque against the French (Culliford's Deposition, H. C. A. 1-16). On the 2nd February 1690 at Antigua, whilst Kidd weg ashore, some of the crew, most of whom were old pirates and thought piracy more paying than privateering, ran off with the ship. Amongst these were Robert Culliford and Samuel Burgess, a rather curious fact, because Kidd's alleged friendly intercourse with Culliford in Madagascar told heavily against him in his trial. Apparently Kidd soon got another command88, for on the 24th March 1691 the local Government ordered the release of certain of his men who had been pressed. On the 14th May 1691 the Government of New York presented him with PS150 for good service. On the 8th June 1691 the Government of Massachusetts asked him and Captain Walkington to hunt down a French privateer with PS10,000 on board, and though on the 18th they complained very bitterly of their failure to do so and of their high. handed treatment of certain merchantmen and coasters, yet Kidd's explanations must have been satisfactory, for on the 17th August the Council of New York exempted Kidd's ship from paying Customs. Apparently Kidd now settled at New York, for at the time of his arrest his wife89 and child were living in that town. He was there in May 1696 and on the 28th August deposed that he and other Captains in the harbour had been requested to send their men ashore to vote in the elections (Cal. S. P., Col.) Later in the year he came to London in a sloop of his own, just at the time that Colonel Levingston was looking out for a suitable man for his new enterprise. From his own account Kidd had no wish for the job. His friend Colonel Hewetson says that he dissuaded him from accepting it as his fortune was already sufficient, but Kidd told him that Lord Bellamont had threatened to put an end to his trading if he refused and so he did not dare to do so. Bellamont indeed had made enquiries on two points, viz., his loyalty and his knowledge of the men he was to run down. As regards the first, Colonel Levingston had told him to have no fear of Kidd's turning traitor " for he had acted such things against the French since the war that he durst never trust himself to them." As regards the second, the Colonel said that Kidd knew most of the Rovers "and likewise had some knowledge of the places where they usually made their rendezvous" (Person of Quality). This statement Lord Bellamont seems to have exaggerated into the assertion that Kidd told him that "he knew the pirates' haunts so well he could sail directly to "em" (Cal. 8. P., Col., 6th December 1700, No. 983), and Macaulay into a thorough acquaintance " with all the haunts of the pirates who prowled between the Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of Malacca " (History of England, Cap. XXV), whereas it probably meant only a knowledge of the pirates' rendezvous in the West Indies. However this may be; Kidd did accept . 87 See The Malefactor's Register. Printed for A. Hogg. 1723. Nabal Chronicle, XXXVIII, 269. 88 The Antegoa, given him by General Codrington in reward for his services (Hist. MSS. Com mission. Portland MSS. VIII. 78). 19 Sarah Kidd (See Felt's Annals of Salem, p. 332).

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SEPTEMBER, 1926 Lord Bellamont's offer and asked for a ship of 30 guns and 150 men (Person of Quality), and an agreement was formally drawn up between, on the one side Colonel Levingston and Kidd, (subscribing PS1,000 between them) and on the other Lords Bellamont, Somers, Shrews. bury, Romney and Orford, each subscribing PS1,000. Of the booty taken from the pirates, such part as fell to the Crown or the Admiralty (House of Commons Journal, XIII, 11), was to be divided into 160 shares, of which 40 were to go to Levingston and Kidd, the remainder to the noble Lords concerned (State Trials, XIV. 162.; Cal. S. P., Col. 1700, No. 354. xvii). Slight modifications, of no great importance, were made later on. A ship, the Adventure Galley (280 tons, 32 guns and 150 men) was chosen. The officers and most of the crew were men with families settled in England. Kidd was given Letters of Marque against the French, dated 11th December 1695 and a Commission, dated 25th January 1695-6, to take pirates, especially Thomas Tew, John Ireland (See para 486 below), Thomas Wake and William May or Maoe, whereever he might find them. The Syndicate, however, quite forgot to secure him from the Press Gang, and when he arrived at the Nore all but 70 of his crew. were impressed (House of Commons Journal, XIII. 33), thus nullifying the one precaution, i.e., a trustworthy crew, which would have made Kidd's task a possible one. He sailed on the 23rd April for New England. On his way he took a small French vessel, which he carried to New York 4th July 1696, where it was formally condemned. 447. At New York he made good the deficiencies in his crew and left for the Cape on the 6th or 7th September (Ind. Off, 0. C. 6446). The character of his new crew may be judged from the following description by Governor Fletcher (Letter to Council of Trade and Plantations, New York, 22nd June 1697, Cal. S. P., Col.) :"One Captain Kidd lately arrived and produced a commission under the Great Seal of England for the suppression of piracy. When he was here many flocked to him from all parts, men of desperate fortunes and necessities in expectation of getting great treasure. He sailed from hence with 15091 men, as I am informed, great part of them from this Province. It is generally believed here that they will get money per fas et nefas. and that if he misses the design named in his commission, he will not be able to govern such a herd of men under no pay." The last three words of this extract refer to Article 8 of Kidd's agreement with his crew, which laid down the principle of "no purchase [i.e., booty. See para. 543 below] no pay.'92 If any one on earth was qualified to prophesy regarding the behaviour of a New England crew, it was Governor Fletcher of New York. 448. On his way to the Cape, on the 12th December, Kidd fell in with a squadron under the command of Sir Thomas Warren (H. M. S. Windsor). His behaviour to the Commodore was very truculent and when the latter refused to supply him with a new foresail, he said he would get one from the first ship which he met. The exhibition of his Commissions only partly satisfied the Commodore of his honesty and, probably for this reason as much as for real want of the men, Warren demanded 30 of Kidd's crew, to which he readily agreed, but, a calm falling, got out his sweeps and rowed off in the night. Instead of calling at the Cape as he had informed Warren was his intention, he made direct for Madagascar. Warren accordingly warned the ships at the Cape, viz. the Sidney (Captain Giffard), the Madras Merchant (Captain Prickman), the East India Merchant (Captain John Clerke) and the Scarborough Interloper (Captain Browne) to be on their guard against him. These ships accordingly left Cape Town in company, but having separated in a storm, the Sidney and Scarborough arrived first at Johanna. Kidd was already there and insolently ordered Captain Giffard to lower his broad 06 It was a general rule amongst pirates not to fore married men to join them. 91 Captain John Clerke in an account dated 6th June, 1697 (Ind. Off., 0. C. 6409) describes the Adventure Galley, which he met at Johanna, as of 250 tons, 30 guns, 200 stout men and 26 to 30 oars. 3 Esquemelin (Buccaneers of America, p. 42 ) says that the Buccaneers had the same law as other pirates, viz. "No prey, no pay.'

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NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 115 SEPTEMBER, 1926] pennant (which he flew as Senior Captain), as if Kidd himself were in command of a King's ship, and threatened to board him if he did not. Giffard replied that he was ready to entertain him and that if he did not keep his promise to board him, he would himself board the Adventure Galley and examine her. It may be mentioned that the Company's ships at this time generally held commissions to take pirates and so claimed the right of search. At this critical moment (2nd April 1697) the Madras Merchant and the East India Merchant made their appearance. Kidd immediately pretended that he had only been joking and that his intentions were absolutely honest, in proof of which he invited all the Captains to dinner with him. This in itself was a suspicious move, for it was a common trick of the pirates to render their prey defenceless by enticing their officers away from them. The Captains therefore refused, told him plainly that they distrusted him, and further warned him that if he ill treated the natives of Johanna they would call him to account. This warning was necessary, as Kidd had asked the King of Johanna to furnish him with provisions for which he would pay by a Bill on the King of England, whilst his men made little concealment of the fact that they had expected only the East India Merchant to call at Johanna and had been quite ready to fight a ship of her size and strength. Now, seeing that nothing was to be got at Johanna, Kidd announced that he would go to St. Mary's to look for the pirates he was after, and on the 25th April disappeared, taking with him a Barbadoes sloop, commanded by one French, which he employed as a tender (Ind. Off., O. C. 6409; Dalton, p. 259). 449. Apparently Kidd did not go to St. Mary's but to Mohilla, where he put his ship aground and cleaned her, his men suffering much from sickness, of which some thirty died (Surat Letters Recd. Vol. 113. p. 149). He then returned to Johanna, where it is said that he lost 50 men from sickness (House of Commons Journal, XIII, 33). In their place he recruited some French pirates and set out for the Red Sea. On the 15th August he came in sight of the Mocha fleet and made a show of attacking, but the appearance of the Dutch and English convoy caused him to give up his intention. There were no English men-of-war present but he mistook the Sceptre (Captain Barlow or Phinney I am not sure which) which had been commissioned by the Council of Bombay on the 10th to take pirates (See Log of Sceptre) for one. He now made for the coast of India, and on the way took a small native owned vessel commanded by one Thomas Parker. Douglas (Glimpses of Old Bombay, p. 191) admires the boldness of this exploit, which he says took place under the guns of the fortress of Janjira, 25 miles south of Bombay, the stronghold of Sidi Kasim (? Yakub), the Admiral of the Mughal, who in 1689 had attacked the English and forced them to retreat into Bombay. As a matter of fact, at that time, no native power troubled much to interfere with pirates who were attacking strangers. Kidd kept Parker prisoner to serve him as a pilot, and also a Portuguese named Antonio, to act as His interpreter. The ship he let go, after some of the crew had had their hands tied behind their backs, and been hoisted up and beaten with naked cutlasses to make them discover any hidden gold. He arrived at Carwar on the 3rd September, where one Benjamin Francks, one of his prisoners, obtaining leave to go ashore by presenting him with a beaver hat, took the opportunity to make his escape (Ind. Off., O. C. 6446). At Carwar he behaved with civility, and the English factors, through fear, pretended to have no suspicions of him, though they knew that he had taken Parker's ship and was keeping him on board as a prisoner. His crew were, or appeared to be, very discontented, and even asked Captain Mason, who had been sent on board by the factors, to take over the command. "Kidd carries a very different command from what other pirates use to do, his commission having heretofore procured respect and awe, and this being added to by his own strength, being a very lusty man, fighting with his men on any little occasion, often calling for his pistols and threatening any one that durst speak of anything contrary to his mind to knock out their brains, causing them to dread him, and are very desirous to put off their yoak" (Surat Letters Recd., Vol. CXIII. p. 150). 450. Three of his men here ran away to Goa and reported to the Viceroy that Kidd was a pirate. Two ships of 44 and 20 guns respectively were at once sent after him. He pretended

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY I SEPTEMBER, 1928 to run, but allowed the smaller and better sailer to overhaul him, when "Kidd's hardy rogues soon gave them enough of it and miserably mauled them before the great ship could come to their help, but, as soon as she came near, Kidd set his sails and ran from them" (Letter from Thomas Pattle, 22nd September 1697. Surat Factory Records, XIII). Kidd in his Narrative (House of Commons Journal, XIII, 32) says: "The said fight was sharp and the said Portu. guese left the said Galley with such satisfaction that the Narrator believes no Portuguese will ever attack the King's colours again, in that part of the world especially." This incident has been referred to as an instance of both piracy and cowardice on Kidd's part, but if Kidd were honest, he had a right to give the Portuguese a lesson for interfering with him, and if he were a pirate, then it was not good business to fight when only blows and not loot could be gained. As it was, he lost ten men in the scrap with the little ship (State Trials, XIV, 157), and I fancy from what follows that the statement that he ran away from the big ship was merely a yarn for the satisfaction of the Portuguese authorities, the big ship in reality making no effort to engage him. It was probably in reference to this fight that the Viceroy of Goa wrote on the 2nd January 1699,"It is believed that all Englishmen are corsairs who sell in Bombay all they can steal at sea. If our frigates meet them at sea, they produce the Company's papers and we can do nothing with them, but when they come across our merchantmen they rob them, and the English Company then excuse themselves by saying the ships are pirates " (Danvers, Portuguese Records, p. 76). Instead of making such complaints, the Viceroy should have set about reorganizing his naval forces. The little ship had behaved gallantly, but the bigger one returned to Carwar on the 18th September and anchored in the River. There she heard that an Arab ship had passed up and sent boats to surprise her. They found every one asleep but, instead of attacking at once, opened fire from some distance The crew woke up and stood to their guns, and after two hours of this nonsensical work, the Portuguese retired with a loss of 14 men killed and as many wounded. Who could expect pirates to respect the traders of a country, the warships of which were so badly officered? 451. So far, apparently, except for recruiting pirates at Johanna to fill up the vacancies in his crew (Pattle says that he had only 140' well men' on board at Carwar), Kidd seems to have had no connection with the other pirates in the Indian Seas. Probably they were doubt. ful as to his real intentions towards them and kept at & safe distance. On the 2nd October the Bombay Council wrote to Surat "We hear of no pirates on the Coast but Kidd " (Surat Letters Recd. CXIII, p. 155). 452. Kidd appears to have refitted and repaired his ship, which was very leaky, at an island in Carwar Bay, thereafter known as Kidd's Island (Downing, p. 18). He then went on to Calicut, before which he appeared with the King's Jack and Pennant (Madras Records. Letter from Thomas Pennyng and Robert Adams, 11th October 1697), though he had been flying French colours in order to deceive any traders which might be carrying French passes (Ind. Off, 0. C. 6473). Pattle suspected that he was watching for Abdu'l Ghafur's ships. On the 4th October he sent his Quartermaster ashore with the following letter "Sir, I can't but admire that the People is so fearful to come near us, for I have used all possible means to lett them understand that I am an Englishman93 and a friend, nor offering to molest any of their canoes. So I thot it convenient to write this that you may understand whome I am, which I hope may end all suspition. I came from England about fifteen months agone with the King's commission to take all pirates in the seas, and from Carwar came about one month agone, Bo do believe you have heard whome I am before this, and all that I come for here is wood and water, which if you will be pleased to order me shall honestly satisfie for the same or anything that they will bring off, which is all from him who will be very ready to serve you in what lieth in my power.-William Kidd." From what they had heard, the English would willingly have arrested him, but were afraid to make the attempt. 98 This is the only positive statement that I have found regarding Kidd's nationality. He is generally supposed (See para. 446 above) to have been a Scotchman.

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NOVEMBER, 1926 ] NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 117 453. In October94 Kidd sighted the Loyal Captain (Captain How, not Hore as given in the State Trials), and his men were angry that he would not attempt to take her. About a fortnight later, on the 30th October, whilst in sight of a Dutch ship, which they also wanted to attack, there was a violent quarrel between Kidd and his gunner William Moore. Kidd says that the man enraged him by saying that he could have taken her without any danger of illconsequences to himself or his crew, if he had enticed the Captain on board and, as the Danes did to Captain Dobson in 1686 (See para. 364 above), compelled him to sign a statement that he had received no injury. Those of his crew, who gave evidence against Kidd at this trial, swore that Moore's only offence was in having said that Kidd had ruined them all. They were not cross-examined to elicit whether this meant that he had ruined them by involving them in his piratical acts or by omitting to take chances of committing piracies which could be explained away or safely denied. At any rate, Kidd lost his temper and struck him on the head with an iron-bound bucket. He died the next day, but whether of the blow or not is uncertain. Kidd's surgeon Robert Bradinham, who had turned King's evidence, said he did, others that he had been ailing for some time. The evening of the quarrel one of the boys on board jumped into the water and swam ashore. He said that there had been a disturbance (Kidd asserted that the men were mutinous at the time) and that Kidd had shot the Quartermaster (sic). Almost at the same time there came into the harbour the East India (? Loyal) Merchant, which Kidd mistook for the Sceptre (Captain Phinney) and knowing that the latter was on the look out for him (Bombay to Court 15th December 1697, Home Misc. LVI), he left Calicut in a hurry. On the 3rd November he stood in near Tellicherry Road under English colours which he quickly struck. A shot having been fired at him from the English Factory, he hoisted a French ensign (as a decoy. Ind. Off., 0. C. 6473) and returned another shot. He then returned to Calicut, sent his boats on board Mr. Pennyng's ship, the Thankful, and carried off the Master (Charles Perrin) to the Adventure Galley, threatened to burn his ship if he did not immediately supply him with wood and water, and sent him ashore to arrange the matter. To save the ship the wood and water were sent at once (Bombay to Surat, 25th November 1697). N.B.-I am not quite sure of the proper sequence of the above incidents, as the accounts vary. 454. On the 18th (or 27th, State Trials, XIV, 187) November, Kidd took a "Moor" Ketch four leagues off Carwar. The Ketch was the Ruparel or Maiden (State Trials, XIV, 204), a ship of 150 tons, belonged to some Surat "Moors" and was commanded by a Dutchman, Michael Dekker or Skipper Michel (Dalton, p. 289). She carried a French pass, and Michael and two other Dutchmen joined him. Kidd renamed her the November and carried her with him later to Madagascar. After this, Kidd went to the Malabar (ie., Maldivo) Islands 96 (See Log of the Drake, John Pelly Commander, under date 9th February 1734), where his cooper having been killed by the natives, he made-savage reprisals, plundering and killing the inhabitants. 455. Late in the year he returned to the Malabar coast and on the 28th December took and burned a "Moor" Ketch four leagues from Calicut (State Trials XIV, P. 189) and on the 20th January 1697-8 he tooka Portuguese ship 12 leagues from the same port (Ibid., p. 198), but was chased off by the Dutch (Ibid., p. 230). At last, between the 30th January and 2nd February 1697-8, he found what he had been long in search of, namely a rich country ship. This was the Quedah Merchant, & ship of about 400 tons, with a cargo valued at 4 lakhs of rupees by some (Bruce, III, 271), though others put it at only half that amount, belonging to Kwaja Babba and other Armenian merchants. Part of her cargo belonged to Makhlis # Or November. See Kidd's Prolest, Portland MSS. IX, p. 403. 05 I think the term was also applied to the Laccadive Islands. The Bombay to Surat letter, dated 28 Nov. 1697, says that he had been at the Laccadive Islands "ravishing, murdering men, women and children and acted all the villainios possible."

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1926 Khan,Po a great Court noble. Hamilton says (I. 233) that at this time many country ships carried European officers, Captains receiving PS10 to PS16 a month with free carriage for a certain amount of goods. Often also they carried European gunners and boatswains and sometimes suggeons (See pana. 486 above). In this case the Quedah Merchant was commanded by an Englishman, John Wright, who had 12 Europeans on board, but offered no resistance, in return for which complaisance Kidd fully compensated him for his personal losses. Wright after. wards explained his conduct by saying that he could not fire on a ship bearing the King's commission (Surat to Bombay, 16th April 1698), but as a matter of fact he could not have known this at the time. Kidd when he hailed the ship had hoisted French colours as a decoy, and when he ordered the Captain to come on board, Wright sent the gunner, one Leroy a Frenchman, with a French pass. He declared himself to be the Captain, whereupon Kidd announced himself to be English and declared the Quedah Merchant a good prize. Later, Kidd discovered that the ship belonged to friendly parties, but no explanation has ever been given as to why she carried a French pass (Ship Cara, dated 14th January 1697-8), unless indeed native ships bought passes from both sides. The merchants on board begged Kidd to accept a ransom and to let them go. Kidd asserted that he was willing to do so but that his men would not allow him. However this may be, Kidd landed his prisoners (including Captain Wright) at Caliout and at last released poor Captain Parker. Here the Indian prisoners were offered a passage home by Captain Hyde of the Dorrill, but they used up 80 much water for themselves and their servants, from whom they refused to be parted, that he had to put them, bitterly complaining, ashore. When all these circumstances became known, the indignation against the English was so great that the Governor of Surat placed guards on all their Factories, and it was with the greatest difficulty that Sir John Gayer was able to resist the extravagant demands which were made upon him (Log of the Dorrill. Bruce, III, 270). 456. About twenty days later Captain Hyde came up with Kidd himself off Kallequilone (Kayan Kulam) and retook one of his prizes. In fact, he asserted that he would have taken Kidd also, had he been properly supported by the Dutch ship Blessing and a Portuguese ship which were in company with him, but they refused to attack on the plea97 that their orders were to fight only in self defence " which we believe is true, for that the Dutch do seem to be very glad of the scandal we lie under for piracy, and on all occasions cast the odium on us, hoping it will be a means at last to ruin our trade" (Bombay to Court, 26th April 1998, Home Misc., XXXVI, p. 373). Kidd had no difficulty in disposing of such part of his booty as was too bulky or was unsuitable to keep, for he was able to trade openly with the natives. Stavorinus (III, 238) mentions that he so traded with the Raja of Callequilon (Kayan Kulam, capital of Ouad, the Raja of which was the earliest ally of the Dutch). The Dutch pretended that this was contrary to their wishes. However, his narrow escape from Captain Hyde off this place was not an incident much to his liking, especially now that he had got sufficient booty to pay for the expenses of his voyage. His ship too was in need of cleaning for when, about this time, he chased the ship Sedgwick (Madras to Anjengo, afterwards captured by Chivers (See para. 445 above) for three whole days and nights in a calm, he managed to outrow her, but as soon as a breeze sprang up she outsailed him and made good her escape (Madras to Fort St. David, 7th April 1698). Bruce indeed says (III, 271) that after capturing the Quedah Merchant, Kidd cruised with his prize on the Malabar Coast, whilst the Mocha and her consort cruis. ed between Comorin and Achin.This does not prove that Kidd and Culliford collaborated, for it may have been due quite as much to mutual distrust as to a wish to make a fair division of a good cruising ground. At any rate, Kidd must have left the Malabar Conet early in March. 6 In a letter from Madrae to Bengal, dated 29 Sept. 1698, it is stated that Makhlia Khau claimed to have himself lost 200,000 rupees on the Quedah Merchant, 97 So when on the 8 June 17 20 an English ship requested the convoy of some Dutch ship at the Cape, the Governor informed the captain that he might sail in company with the Dutch ships if he pleased, but that "our ships had no ordors to attack anyone unless when first attackod " (Leibbrandt, Precis, p. 280.)

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NOVEMBER, 1926) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 119 467. Kidd arrived at St. Mary's with about 115 men on the 1st April after taking a small Portuguese ship on the way. Here apparently the pirates had re-established themselves. In May arrived (See para. 444 above) Culliford in the Mocha (Sloane M8., 2902, f. 280). Kidd 24sorts that he wished to attack the Mocha, but that his men, so far from supporting him, threatened to take part against him if he did, and that he was in great danger of losing his life. The hostile evidence produced at his trial was to the effect that some of Culliford's men, who had known Kidd before, rowed over to ask his intentions and that Kidd not only denied any wish to injure them, but even visited Culliford, drank with him in a friendly fashion and exchanged presunty. What is certain is that on the 15th June 1698 Culliford left St. Mary's with 97 of Kidd's best men on board his vessel (Portland MSS., IX, p. 405; Johnson, II, 76). This left Kidd short of men, and moreover the Adventure Galley was very leaky. Accordingly he sank her after transferring his crew and booty (he had already given his men their share) to the Quedah Merchant, which he renamed, according to Bruce, though I have not found any other name mentioned. Kidd was forced to pick up a crew to carry her home. One of the men so engaged was Edward Davis, boatswain of the Fidelia (Captain Tempest Rogers), who deposed on the 15th April 1700, that coming to St. Mary's in July 1698, he was left on board the Quedah Jerchant by Captain Rogers and that Kidd brought him to New York as a passenger, com mitting no piracies on the way. By the difficulty of obtaining a crew and bad weather, Kidd was detained at St. Mary's until December, and then went to Tolear Bay (part of St. Augustine's Bay on the west coast of Madagascar). Here his ship being leaky, he beached and repaired her, and was seen by the English ship Swift, which reported on the 11th April at the Cape that she had mounted 30 guns and carried 200 men (Leibbrandt, Precis, p. 8), which looks as if he had picked up a full crew. Having rounded the Cape, Kidd came in April 1899 to Anguilla in the West Indies (not Amboyna in the Malay Archipelago as stated by Johnson, II, 76), where he heard that he had been proclaimed a pirate. Then he went to St. Thomas's, a Danish island, where the Governor refused to allow him to enter the harbour, and then to the eastern part of Hispaniola (H. C. A. 1-14). Here his ship was reported to be & Genoese vessel of about 400 tons, 30 guns and 80 men. It was said that his men had mutinied on the voyage and that about 30 had lost their lives (Cal., S. P. Col., 18th May 1699); probably many others had slipped away wherever she touched. The report that the Quedah Merchant was a Genoese vessel is interesting, for Chivers' New Soldado, formerly the Great Mahomet (See para, 463 below) had been described as the Algerine Galley (See para, 445 above). This shows, I think, that some of the Moors "ships in the Indian Seas must have been built on Mediterranean models. In the Hignos River, having purchased a sloop, the Anthony, from a Mr. Bolton, a merchant of Curacoa (Exam. of Thomas Everitt, H.C.A.,1.15) on the 29th June, he set the Quedah Merchant on fire and started with about 20 men for New England (House of Commons Journal, XIII, 24). He is said to have put goods and treasure aahore at.various places. At last, having obtained a promise of protection from Lord Bellamont if he could prove his innocenoe, he arrived at Boston on the 1st July 1699. On the 7th he was arrested and all his papers (including the French passes) were taken from him. Partly because he had no authority to inflict the death penalty and partly because he was not sure of obtaining a conviction, public sentiment being in Kidd's favour, Bellamont sent all the evidence home and asked for a ship to be sent to take Kidd to England. As the rumours of Kidd's doings had excited much comment in England, these papers were called for and were presented to the House of Commons on the 4th December 1699 and they were returned to the Admiralty later on: "It is inportant to remember this fact, as the existence of the PA4866 was afterwards donied. 488. On the 6th March 1699-1700 Lord Bellamont wrote from Boston to the Lorde Commissionera for Trade and Plantations that he was sending home on board H. M. S. Adukce four "capital Pirates," viz., Kidd, Gillam (See para. 395 above), Bradish (See para. 461 below) and Weatherley (Report on MSS. of the Duke of Portland, VIII, 75). Kidd was called before

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1120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1926 the House of Commons on more than one occasion, not so much apparently with the intention of examining the charges against him as to induce him to compromise his employers. On the 20th March 1701 a Committee was appointed by the House to examine the papers in his case (House of Commons Journal, XIII, 416), but nothing was said about this at his Trial. In short, the enemies of Lord Somers were interested in Kidd only to the extent that if he were proved to be a pirate, he might then be induced to involve Lord Somers, but if their purpose was to be answered, he must first of all be condemned as a pirate. Bishop Burnet (History, II, 265), says that Kidd was offered his life for a confession such as was wanted, and Mr. Burchett (p. 580) that in spite of "the great industry which was used to prevail with him to impeach some noble Lords who were concerned in setting him out.... although Kidd was in other things a notorious villain, yet he was so just in this particular as not wrongfully to accuse the innocent." For one reason or another his Trial did not take place until May. On the 8th he was convicted of the murder of his gunner William Moore and on the 9th, he with some of his crew were convicted of piracy in the case of four "Moor" ships, one Portuguese ship and the Quedah Merchant. In all the cases the evidence given against him by members of his crew showed such a distinct animus against their late commander that, when one remembers that the witnesses were also trying to clear themselves, it is certain no modern court could possibly have accepted it. In the charge of murder, the implement with which the alleged fatal blow was inflicted was such that no one could possibly suppose that murder was premeditated or even intentional. Further, at this time it was so common for officers to knock their men about, that if the act had been committed by a naval officer on any, however slight provocation, the fatal consequences would certainly have been declared by a Court Martial to be covered by the largeness of his commission " (See & similar cage in M. N. Morton's New England Memorial under date 1646). As regards the charges of piracy, Kidd's defence was that the papers taken from him showed that he had taken only French ships or ships carrying French passes and that, if he had in any way exceeded the law, it was under compulsion by his crew, who also had prevented him from taking pirates when he had the chance to do so. In all probability he could not, if his papers had been produced before the Court, as they should have been by the Admiralty, have proved that he had found French passes on all his captures, but Justice Turton assured the Jury that no French passes whatever existed (State Trials, XIV. 215). Another point that told heavily against him was his alleged friendly intercourse with Culliford at St. Mary's. Now Culliford was not only in London, but was actually tried for piracy on the 9th May, the same day as Kidd. Why was not his evidence taken? I have pointed out that his behaviour to Kidd in the past was not such as could be casily forgiven, and even the witnesses who were hostile to Kidd showed that when the two met at St. Mary's, Culliford's party were in great, doubt as to Kidd's probable attitude. It seems as if the Court was prejudiced against the accused, and that in the absence of capable counsel, not even a show of fair play was given him. Justice Turton concluded his summing up as follows:-"The Captain lays the blame on the men an:1 the men seem to lay the blame or him. He went out on a good design to take pirates had he pursued it; but instead of that it appears that he turned pirate himself and took the ships and goods of friends instead of enemies, which was a notorious breach of trust as well as a manifest violation of law. The evidenco seems to be strong against them which I leave you to consider of." On hearing the verdict and receiving sentence, Kidd protested as follows :-"My Lord, it is a very hard sentence. For my part I am the innocentest person of them all, only I have been sworn against by perjured persons." He continued to protest his innocence up to the moment of his death, but nothing was of any avail, and he, with a few of his crew, was executed on the 23rd May 1701 ; in Kidd's case the rope broke once before the hangman completed his job (Diary of Narcissus Luttrell). He was about 56 years of age and left a wife and children alive in New York (Behaviour. Confessions and last dying words of Kidul dc.. by Paul Lorrain). Such

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NOVEMBER, 1926) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS . 121 of his property as came into the hands of Government, viz., PS 6473 Is., was presented to Greenwich Hospital by Queen Anne in 1705 (Lyson's Environs, IV, 448). 459. It is easy, I think, to show that Kidd did not have a fair trial and that the Jury which tried him was misled by the evidence and misdirected by the Judge, but it is not so easy to prove that Kidd did not deserve death. As far as I can make out, Kidd started with every intention of doing his duty. The first shock to this resolution came before he had got well to sea by the pressing of his best mon at the Nore, thus destroying the trustworthiness of his crew. In New England the men whom he was, presumably, forced to recruit could not be trusted to follow him against the pirates, nor even to serve at all without the prospect of booty. Knowing this, he might have thrown up the job as impossible, but this would not only have exposed him to the resentment and possibly to the persecution of the big gentlemen in England who had sent him out, but would also have exposed him to the ridicule of other seamen who wouldl have scorned the idea that a Captain holding the King's commission should confess himself afraid of any crew. There was in fact one way in which he might be able to save his face, viz., if luck favoured him he might make sufficient booty by means of his Letters of Marque against the French. If he stretched a point and took Vessels belonging to heathen Asiatics, certainly no single sailor out of a New England port would consider him guilty of piracy. Accordingly he committed, as I have narrated, a number of acts which under English law were distinctly piratical, and his effort to cover these by the production of a few French passes was, when the existence of these was denied in Court, treated as a crafty and lying evasion, though that they did exist was long before known to a number of important people, and copies may still be found in the Journal of the House of Commons. The proof of my supposition lies in the comparatively very small quantity of booty which he took, but which he possibly thought would satisfy his men and recoup his employers. It amounted only to $400 a man for a full share (State Trials, XIV, 166) and, as we have seen, the bulk of his men thought it so little that they deserted him for Culliford when they found Kidd determined to return home without seeking to obtain any more. Yet his supposed booty gave rise to legends of buried treasure beyond the dreams of avarice. These seem to have arisen owing to reports that he had sent goods ashore at various places in his voyage from Hispaniola to Boston and to his request for permission to go to St. Thomas and Curacoa to fetch PS50,000 or PS60,000 which he had con cealed-a ruse probably to get out of Lord Bellamont's clutches. Lord Bellamont certainly did not believe Kidd's story or he would have made some effort to get hold of the money. 460. Of Kidd's officers, the Chief Mate, George Bullen, the Master, John Ware, and another Mate, named Whitley, are mentioned in the House of Commons Journal, and the Surgeon, Robert Bradinham, and the gunner, William Moore, are mentioned in the State Trials." Kidd's Trial, as far as it concerned three of his crew, who were executed with him, was parti. cularly disgraceful. These men, Nicholas Churchill, James Howe, and Darby Mullins, voinly pleaded that they had surrendered under the King's Proclamation of the 8th December 1698 (See para. 464 below). In this certain Commissioners were named, to whom surrender might be made, and their plea was disallowed because, whilst surrendering to the King's officers or Governors, they had not surrendered to any of the particular Commissioners mentioned. This miserable quibble went far for many years to defeat the object of similar Proclamations, as the pirates considered them all to be merely traps for the unwary. When Bartholomew Roberts' men were plundering Captain Samuel Carey's ship in 1720 " there was nothing heard among the pirates all the while but swearing, damning and blaspheming to the greatest degree imaginable and often saying they would not go to Hope Point in the River Thames to be hung up in gibbets a sun-drying as Kidd's and Bradish's company did, for if it should chance that they should be attacked by any superior power or force which they could not master 98 In the Portland MSS. (IX, 405) I find also Hugh Parrot, gunner, Michael Galloway boatswain, and 13 soamen, who, with Ware, evidently accompanied him to Boston

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBET:. 1926 they would immediately put fire with one of their pistols to their powder and go all merrily to Hell together" (Weekly Journal or Saturday Post, 15th October 1720). 461. Bradish, of whom mention has been made, was boatswain of the pink Adventure (Thomas Gullooh09 Master), an Interloper of 300 tone (Madras to Court, 2nd May 1699). She Arrived in Sumatra in August 1698. Thence she went to Padang and later to the island of Naias. Here because, it is said, of Gulloch's cruelty, Bradish and some others ran off with the ship, marooning the captain, three merchants and 16 others on the island. Some of these died of their hardships, but the captain and a few others managed to get safely to London in time to give evidence against the mutineers. On the other hand, Bradish and his party, not knowing what to do with the remaining officers (against whom apparently they had no grudge), set them and some of the men adrift in the long boat on the 21st September with the following curious certificate :-. "Not willing to adventure ourselves near any Factory and unwilling to keep any to breed faction among us, have turned to sea in the longboat all such as were not willing to stay, exoept John Westby to act as Chirurgeon and Robert Amsden Carpenter, which perforce we keep: the others. ciz., Abraham Parrott [Chief Mate], William Whitesides (Boatswain) and Richard Heath (Armourer) are forced away, detaining also William Saunders. Joseph Bradish. John Peirce. John Lloyd. Andrew Marten." Bradish carried the ship to Mauritius, thence to Ascension, and finally to Long Island, where he arrived the 21st March 1698-9. Soon after, having shared the booty, 1500 pieces of eight to each man, Bradish taking 21 shares (Depositions of Capt. Gulloch, 26th April 1700, and Tilliam Saunders, H.C. A., 1-14), he sank the ship at Block Island. Apparently the mutineers thought that their very lenient treatment of Captain Gulloch, his officers, and the faithful portion of the crew, and the fact of their having made no piratical attacks on other ships, combined with the Act of Grace, entitled them to full immunity, but they were arrested and sent to England, and Bradish and 17 of his friends were hanged as pirates. The indignation excited by their fate is a good example of that scrupulous respect for good faith and the law which criminals demand from the rest of society and on which they always depend to escape the proper punishment of their crimes (A true relation of a most horrid conspiracy and running away with the ship Adventure, Brit. Mus. 515, 1, 2/177.) 462. Soon after his meeting with Kidd (See para. 453 above), Captain Perrin of the Thankful had another meeting with pirates. On the 6th December 1697, in sight of Batticola (Bhatkal), he met 12 sail of " Seevajees" (i.e., Maratha) grabs and boats. He fought them from 7 in the morning to 1 in the afternoon when it fell calm. They then demanded Rs. 2,000. He refused. They consulted, and reduced their demand to Rs. 100 and some rice. When this was refused, they sailed away (Letter from Perrin, Surat, 24th December 1697, India Office, O. C. 6473). 468. On the 30th November 1697 the Mughal Government issued an order to all the European Factories, English, French and Dutch, to take measures for the complete suppression of the pirates. On the 6th March 1698 the Surat Council ordered Captain Thomas South to proceed to the Red Sea to escort native vessels and to protect them from pirates. He was to aot in concert with the Dutch, the Dutch and English Commodores commanding the convoy in turn (Surat Letters Recd. CXIII). The English had requested the French to lend their assistance, but the French refused (See para. 324 above) and so the whole route could not be properly patrolled. Culliford, as we have seen, had left St. Mary's on the 15th 09 According to a letter from the Madras Council to the Netherlanda Company, 31st August 1696, Culloch - hart been a privateer commander in the West Indies. Coming to India, he was imprisoned at Madras for debt, but escaped and went to Malacca.

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NOVEMBER, 1926 ] NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 123 June 1698. There being no further danger of interference by Kidd, he determined to carry out his old plan of visiting the Red Sea (See para. 444 above). Somewhere on his way he joined company with Chivers in the Soldado and Powell in the Pelican. They were fortunate enough to fall in with a big Turkish ship of 600 tons. (See para. 445 above), the Great Mahomet, returning from Judda to Surat. Her captain, thinking he was out of the danger zone, had left Captain South and the convoy on the 12th September, with the result that on the 34th or 28th of the month she was taken by the pirates, off Daman and seven leagues from Cape St. John. The Great Mahomet belonged to one Hassan (or Hussain) Amadon (or Amidas), brother of Ibrahim, Sharif of Judda. Hussain, who was on board, says that twenty of the pirates were killed in the fight. The number of people on board the Great Mahomet is not clearly stated. One account says that there were six or seven hundred. Another account says that the captors tortured the "Tindal" (native master or chief of the Lascars) and others, in order to discover the treasure which had been concealed, and then shot them; after which piece of cruelty one hundred and fifty pilgrims were turned adrift in boats without sails or oars, but were carried by the tide to Bassein. Some sixty female passengers (many of them women of quality) were retained on board and barbarously treated, five of them, it is said, stabbing themselves to save their honour. The treasure, goods and horses on board were estimated at 1,850,000 rupees (Surat to Bombay, 11th October 1698 ; Home Misc. 134.) According to a letter from Madras to Fort St. David, 3rd January 1698-9, the cargo was valued at 25 lakhs of rupees, and in the trial of Captain John Eldridge for complicity in this act of piracy the booty was calculated at PS 30,303, whilst according to the Deposition of Theophilus Turner (291h January 1700, H. C. A., 1-15) the pirates shared PS800 a man. The Governor of Surat insisted that the English were responsible for this outrage, though it was really due to the failure of the French to undertake their share of patrol duty and to the recklessness of the Captain in leaving the convoy. Chivers burned the Soldado (formerly the Resolution) transferring his men to the Great Mahomet, which he renamed the New Soldado. His men and those of the Mocha (350 in all) who had now shared PS 1000 a man in gold and silver besides rich goods (Johnson, II. 383) declared that they had got money enough and were all, except those who had lost their gains at play, resolved to go to some part of the West Indies in the New Soldado. For some reason or other, Culliford and Chivers refused to give the crew of the Pelican any share in the booty, but allowed them 1000 dollars to purchase supplies. There is a similar story regarding the Pearl. Possibly it is only repetition (See para. 416 above) and, as the Pelican was very leaky, offered them the Mocha, an offer apparently not accepted (Letter from Surat, 5th December 1698, Home Misc., XXXVI, 434). Meanwhile, Captain Powell of the Pelican having gone mad, the crew refused to elect any captain, but made John Watson Quartermaster, and put him in charge of their ship. Soon after Watson, going ashore for water, was seized by the Marathas, who also vainly attempted to surprise the Pelican. When the Pelican left, they set him free and he made his way to Carwar Factory, where he died of a "fux" (dysentery) 11th November 1698 (India Office, 0. C. 6579). Culliford and Chivers, with the Pelican and two other pirate ships, one of which was the Swan (Thomas Johnson Commander), next went southwards to Cape Comorin, off which they engaged the Mary, Interloper, Captain Knox, (which, like other irregular traders and the pirates themselves, was supplied with all necessaries by the Dutch), but were beaten off, and she got safely into Quilon on the 16th November (Letter from Surat, 10th January 1698-9; Home Misc. XXXVI. 456). Thence, after taking a Moor ship (India Office, 0.0 8807), they went to St. Mary's. Here some of the pirates took their passage home on the Nassau (Giles Shelley, Master) paying the usual fare of 100 pieces of eight. On the same ship went Otto van Tyle, who had comod the destruction of Misson's Settlement (See para. 403 above). He deposed that his brother lived at St. Mary's and traded with the pirates (Col. Office, 5.1042, 40, xi, xii).

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1926 464. On the 8th December 1698 a Royal Proclamation was issued, granting a pardon for piracies committed east of the Cape of Good Hope, provided the pirates surrendered to Commodore Warren, or any of the three Commissioners associated with him, before June 1699. Every and Kidd were excepted. 465. Father Bernard Rhodes tells us that he was made prisoner when the Dutch took Pondicherry in 1693, and having been carried to Amsterdam, was there exchanged. Later on he volunteered for the China Mission and sailed in the St. Jean, which was taken by pirates at Johanna in 1698. He was soon picked up by an English ship and arrived in Fokien in 1699 (Letters Edifiantes et Curieuses, XVIII, 342) Malabarese and Sanganians. 466. During 1698 Malabar and Sanganian pirates were at work between Daman and Surat River (Surat to Bombay, 11th October 1698, Home Misc., XXXVI, 434.) 467. In the same year Captain William Lavender of the Thomas (Surat to Mocha) was taken by Sanganian pirates who " burnt the ship and all the crew because he would not yield. They are very cruel to those they can master if they make resistance, but to those that yield without fighting they are pretty civil" (Hamilton, I. 134). 468. It was during 1698 that Kanhoji Angria obtained the chief command of the Maratha fleet. It had depots at Severndrug and Gheria, but its chief station was a Kolaba, twenty miles south of Bombay. As a rule he did not attack English ships until, in 1717, he took the Success. Nominally he was the subject of the Peshwa (Grant Duff, I. 354, 388, 458). 469. Hamilton mentions (I. 116. 118) that on his way from Malabar to Larribunder in Sind, in 1699, he beat off an attack by Sanganian pirates. Arabians. 470. On the 12th January 1697-8 the Surat Council wrote home that the Muscatees still detained as prisoners some of the crew of the London (Owner, Mr. Affleck of Madras. See para. 423 above), which they had taken in reprisal for the seizure of one of their ships off Rajapore by a pirate in 1696 (See para. 436 above), and that when the Charles demanded restitution, the Imam replied, "You have sent me a letter about my people's taking one of your ships. It is true. I did it for one that the English had taken from me before, so now we are even and have ship for ship, for this I will not deliver. If you have a mind to be friends, I am willing. If not, I will fight with you and take all your ships that I can." The Imam however only boasted in this manner after he had ascertained that the Charles would not use force. Soon after. having taken a ship belonging to the Dutch Broker at Gombroon, he tamely restored her when two Dutch ships came to demand her. He was not however frightened of the Portuguese and in 1698 the Muscatees took Mombassa from them (Hamilton, I. 11; Imams of Oman, Hak. Soc. 92, p. 349). N.B.-Mr. W. C. Palgrave (Journey, p. 275) says that the red pennon of Oman (i.e., Muscat) was derived from the flag of Yemen. 471. In May 1698 two Portuguese frigates, off Rasal-Had, with great difficulty, beat off eight Arab dhows commanded by the Wali of Muttrah (Miles 221). - 472. Father Pierre Martin, being ordered from Persia to India, was, with Father Beauvollier, taken on the voyage to Surat by Arabs, who vainly tried by torture to persuade them to become Muhammadans, but at last, finding that they could read Turkish and Persian, came to the conclusion that they could not be 'Franquis' [farangis, foreigners ? Portuguese] but must have come from Constantinople and so set them free. (Lettres Edifiantes, 30th January 1699).

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ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE. As previously announced, The Indian Antiquary, which was taken over by the Royal Anthropological Institute from the Indian Antiquary Co., Ltd., in January last, is now published under the authority of the Council of that Institute, as the official organ of its Indian Research Committee which meets at regular intervals for the discussion of matters connected with research in the ethnology, archeology and history of India. Meetings of the Committee, open to all Fellows of the Institute and others who are interested in Indian Research, are held from time to time. Reports of the proceedings of such open meetings will henceforth be published in these columns. The report of the proceedings of the first session is given below. Royal Anthropological Institute-Indian Section. The first open meeting of the Indian Section of the Institute was held on May 14th, 1925, when the Rev. Sydney Nicholson read a paper on "The Malas, an out-caste people of 8. India" : Of the Malas, a community of Telugu "untouchables " numbering over one-and-a-half million, little detailed information is recorded; in fact most of the information furnished about them in Mr. Thurston's Caste and Tribes of Southern India was supplied by Mr. Nicholson himself. In his paper Mr. Nicholson added substantially to his previous record and most of the facts set forth by him are new. Of special interest is his account of (1) the meti or share system, the basis of the social economy of the Malas, an interesting parallel to the pangu system of the Tamil Paraiyans; (2) the duplicate system of exogamy, a sub-stratum of totemistic olans overlaid by a more minute system of "house-names "; (3) Mala polity, the council of village elders with their messenger (salvddhi), with an appeal to a Lingayat Chetti, no doubt in origin a state-appointed officer, whose authority is reinforced and controlled by at three-fold hierarchy of Gurus ; (4) the Dasaris or Mala priests, with their curious rites and sects, and the potency of their curse by virtue of self-inflicted injuries analogous to the traga curse of the Charans of Rajputana ; and (5) the Binuku Section, offspring of irregular unions in contravention of social custom, a class without rights or privileges. Mr. Nicholson dealt mainly with the Malas of Cuddapah, Kurnool and Anantapur, who are divided into three endogamous groups (a) Pokanati, (b) Muriki Nati, and (c) Reddi-bhumi. The first two of these are presumably indigenous, as they monopolise the customary perquisites and privileges of a serf-caste. The Reddi-bhumi are later comers and in such privileges they have no share. Malas are accepting in large numbers conversion to Christianity. On June 17th, 1925, Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson read a paper on "The Dheds of Gujarat" : Mrs. Stevenson, whose Rites of the Twice-Born and the Heart of Jainism are models of sound ethnography, portrayed the almost incredible humiliations imposed by custom on the "untouchables" of Gujarat, among whom the Dheds rank highest in the social scale. Even to-day in Kathiawar they cannot travel by rail with other passengers, but are segregated in special compartments marked "Dhed." As agricultural serfs they have to discharge customary services for their masters, but their masters, in turn, must feed them well at festivals and weddings, give them a decent funeral, and look after their orphans. The Dheds 5

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1926 appear to be thoroughly Hinduised, and there is nothing "aboriginal" about them. They claim Rajput origin, and a legend of a typical Brahmanio type tells how they fell from grace by eating carrion. They worship Hanuman, Ganapati and Narasimha, and the various "Mothers " who are incorporated (more or less) in the Hindu Pantheon. Mrs. Stevenson gave numerous instances of their belief in the Evil Eye, the Evil Shadow, Evil Spirits and Evil Spells, and their antidotes, and closed with some remarkable analogies between the istianity teaching of some of their sages and Christianity. Three other meetings were held before the Session closed. On June 9th, 1925, the Right Rov. Bishop Whitehead opened a discussion on " Anthropology in the Mission Field": - Bishop Whitehead, who was Bishop of Madras from 1899 to 1922, and whose Village Gods of 8. India has opened up new fields for research, illustrated from his experienoe the practical necessity of & knowledge of Anthropology in mission work, both as a safe-guard against unwitting blunders and as a means of establishing confidence between pastor and flook. Among numerous instances of mistakes made, he cited the attempt of a certain Metropolitan to suppress the use of the tali as a marriage badge in favour of the ring, & faux pas which almost rent in twain the Anglican Church in S. India. Fortunately the veto was revoked. The Bishop's view was strongly corroborated by Prof. Alice Werner from her experience in East Africa, and by Miss Underhill from hers in Gujarat. The Rev. E. W. Smith, whose field lay in N. Rhodesia, urged that Anthropology should be taught in every theological college, in order that the clergy at home too might realise its value. Mr. J. P. Mills gave a vivid account of the harm done among oertain Naga tribes in Assam by the deliberate destruction of their culture by missionaries, who do not understand its merits, while Capt. PittRivers put in a strong plea for protecting primitive peoples from the corrosive influences of European civilization. The outcome of the discussion was the appointinent by the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute of a Committee to draft proposals for the furtherance of Anthropologioal studies in the Mission Field.

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ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE-INDIAN SECTION. Session, 1924-5. The Fourth Meeting of the Indian Section was held on June 30th, 1926, when Prof. K. de B. Codrington, Professor of Oriental Archaeology at the University of Cincinnati, Ohio, read & Paper on "Periods in Indian Archaeology," illustrated with lantern slides. In the discussion which followed Messrs. C. E. A. W. Oldham, A. Yusuf Ali, M. H. Krishna Ayyangar, E. A. Parkyn, and H. J. E. Peake took part. Prof. Codrington summarises his scheme as follows: "It is very desirable to arrive at a series of periods which may be used in the discussion of Indian studies. So far it might be said that Indian Archaeology is noteworthy mainly for the debate it has aroused as to the extent of foreign influences in India, a conflict that has proved rather fruitless, for it was based on evidence belonging to the literary category rather than the archaeological. The Achaemenid Indian province of Herodotus and the Macedonian invasion in India are not witnessed for by archaeological evidence in India. With regard to Gandhara it may be pointed out that the western technique and motives of this hybrid and decadent art have been chiefly enumerated and the Indian artistic evidence slurred over in favour of a survey of the Indian literary sources of the subjects portrayed. Unfortunately the chronology of Indian literature is not undebatable, so that no date can be arrived at in this way. However, it is now realised that Indian art, at all times unique and virile, shows as complete and logical a development as western art. Surveyed as a whole Indian sculpture falls into definite periods, and, incidentally, the result of such a survey is an undeniable impression that the so-called foreign influence is greatly over-emphasised because it hangs on a few motives and is not based on the radical feeling and development of the art itself.. "The sculpture provides the bulk of the evidence for such an archeological survey. Indian pottery has been sadly and grossly neglected in the reports of excavations. The Sarnath alms-bowl of fine, black fabrio, and the Rampurva terracotta bridled horse, cow and incenseburner are perhaps the only distinctive pieces that may be definitely accepted as having occurred at Mauryan level. Such a survey and classification as is given of the excavation at Besnagar and at Basarh cannot be accepted without doubt : no clear sequent types are to be distinguished there. " Seal finds are mainly dependent upon palaeographical evidence for their dating. Figurines and reliefs can only be compared to the Bharhut-Sanchi-Amaravati series of the early sculpture ; not to the Mauryan. Baked bricks are not found, I believe, before Gupta times. The size of the unbaked bricks is often quoted as being a criterion of age. Actually the size varies so much at one date and in one structure that such a standard is impossible. The dating of the various styles of the early period is arrived at by comparing the sculpture of the later cave-temples at Nasik, Karli or Kanheri with Kushan sculpture. The Asoka column at Sanchi co-relates that site with the Mauryan period. A. Mauryan Perlod. "This period is historically dated, but its archeological value has been mishandled by unscientific use of the term 'Mauryan art. The only art we know to be Mauryan consists of certain sculptured capitals of fine archeological quality and certain caves of very simple design. To both of these is common the distinctive Mauryan polished surface. On the evidence of style or polish a throne-seat and certain fragments are acceptable as Mauryan. The pottery has been mentioned above. .

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1926 - B. Early Period. "The early period falls into two main divisions. In the first the Buddha figure does not appear; in the second it does. These two halves are, however, united by the quality of their inspiration and their content. Here is cut in stone the original tradition still in its living oral stage. The vivid, simple style of these sculptures owes to the strength of the tradition from which they spring its direct appeal. The existence of the Jataka scenes and their numerical sum at each of the succeeding sites is proof of this, for at Bharhut they are everywhere ; at Sanchi their numbers drop to a handful, repeated again and again. At Mathura in Kushan times and at Amaravati and in Gandhara sculpture they are almost lost in the wealth of the canonical and literary life scenes. Early I. "The sculpture of Early Period (I) as typified at Bharhut (2nd cent. B.c.) is preluded by a few scattered sculptures, mostly colossal, some of which are finely polished. Something of the Mauryan fineness of finish may perhaps be ascribed to these sculptures of which the Mathura Museum Yaksha is typical. But they belong to the Early Period. The Yakshi from Bebnagar is absolutely of the Bharhut type. "In the same way certain terracottas may best be described as being of the Sanchi type (circa 1 A.D.). These sub-divisions may be set down as Early I (a) and (b). Early II. "At Mathurs two sets of sculpture occur; the first of which is Kushan (2nd cent. A.D.) and shows the early development of the Buddha figure. In the Sarnath Bodhisattva of the 3rd year' the Ushnisha is not rendered, but there is a mortise hole on the skull. An early Kushan standing Bodhisattva bolding an alabastron, in the Mathura Museum, shows & rudimentary Ushnisha which is dimly conceived, being envolved with the head-dress. The sitting Bodhisattvas of the Katra type (one of which is dated in the 39th year) have & distinctly rendered snail's shell-like Ushnisha. The mudras and postures of these figures are rendered confidently and easily. The cross-legged position has already occurred in a medallion at Bharhut. The drapery is of the schematic type usual at Bharhut and Sanchi. The waist cloth knotted on the hip is typical of this school. "Later certain seated Buddhas appear in which the clothing and drapery show distinct Gandharan affinities. There is a fragment of a Corinthian capital with a very Indian nymph amid its foliage, being of typical Mathura manufacture. The earliest Gandharan influence on Indian art therefore occurs in the late 2nd century A.D. This Kushan sculpture may be set down as Early II (a). "It is gucceeded at Mathura by a type of sculpture that is directly reminiscent of Amaravati (3rd century A.D.) which provides the types for Early II (6). Here the sculpture falls into two local sub-divisions, for in the first the Buddha figure does not appear; later it does appear. The power and rhythm of the design and the subtlety of the modelling link Amaravati as a whole with the. Gupta school. At this time there also originated other motives which persisted in the later medieval art--the hosts of flying figures, etc. I cannot but regard it as the very flower of the ancient traditional school, the Gupta attainment being classical and the succeeding medieval increasingly conventional, iconographic and hieratic. C. Gapta. "The history of Gupta sculpture starts at Udayagiri in 401 A.D. In stylistic order there follow the Garhwa pillars and fragments of parallel style from Bhilsa, dated in Kumaragupta's reign, the Tigowa shrine, the Nachna shrines and the Deogarh Vishnu temple. A study of Gupta doorways provides the clearest view of the progress of this art. It leads directly to Ajanta, but not without a difference. The fine delicacy of the earlier leaf and

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JULY, 1926] ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, INDIAN SECTION creeper scrolls disappears and restraint gives place to superabundance, and in this the technique and imagery advance together. At Ajanta already the Medieval is seen. The Gupta 5th century provides a classic period absolutely foreign to the art even of Badami in the early 6th century. The term Gupta has an intrinsic meaning and should not be used of Ajanta. The date of Ajanta is difficult to arrive at. The interaction of the Vakatakas with the Guptas plays an important part. I do not believe the work of this period at Ajanta covered any great stretch of time. A study of the windows and doors leads one to place these caves closely after the Gupta series, that is to say after Deogarh. The plan of the little shrines in the centre of the back walls of these caves is exactly that of the Gupta shrines, intercolumniation and all. D. Medieval. 3 "The Medieval period seems to me to be divided into the later period (10th and 11th century) of Khajuraho and Bhuvaneswar, and an earlier period that centres round the great brick temples of the Central Provinces with their carved and moulded terracotta ornament. These again are contemporary with the Sind stupas at Mirpur Khas." India also received attention at Ordinary Meetings of the Institute. On June 23rd, 1925, Lt.-Col. J. Cunningham, I.M.S., Director of the King Institute, Madras, read a paper on "Some Factors in Racial Immunity and Susceptibility to Disease." Col. Cunningham discussed the conclusions summarized by Ripley and others in the light of more recent research. The incidence of disease in various races is in itself no gauge of their true racial susceptibility, as it is liable to be modified by secondary factors such as social habit and environment. Osteomalacia, for instance, is associated with the conditions of zenana life, beri-beri with defective diet, cholera and plague with an un-hygienic environment, sleeping sickness with climatic conditions favourable to the tse-tse fly. Evidence of racial immunity can best be sought among the infective diseases, to which some species of animals are more susceptible than others. Whether such differences in natural immunity can be proved to exist between various branches of the human race is doubtful. Col. Cunningham reviewed the evidence for racial immunity in regard to yellow fever, malaria, intestinal diseases, tuberculosis, diphtheria, scarlet fever, leprosy, elephantiasis and cancer, and concluded that "no innate immunities exist between the different races of men comparable with those found between different species of animals. A type of racial immunity does occur, however, due, as far as is known at present, to previous contact with the diseases in question." The paper was discussed by Dr. Shrubsall, Dr. Mackintosh, Col. Gordon, Dr. J. G. Forbes, Miss Durham and Mr. Phillips. (The paper will be published in "Man.") On June 6th, 1925, Shams-ul-ulama Dr. J. J. Modi read a paper on "The Daily Life of a Parsee of the Seventeenth Century." Dr. Modi's paper was based on the Persian Farziat nameh, i.e., "The Book of Duties," written by Dastur Darab Pahlan of Naosari in Gujarat, a learned priest, born about 1642, who died in 1735 A.C. The daily religious duties of a Parsee of the 17th century began with early rising at the crowing of a cock, a sacred bird, not to be killed for food, and even requiring a kind of sacred burial. The day began with a recital, on or very near the bed, of Ashem Vohu, a sacred formula of prayer in praise of Asha (Sanskrit rita: English, right), which was followed by the application, on the exposed portions of the body, such as face, hands and feet, of nirang, or gaomiz, i.e., the urine of a cow (gao). The application was followed by an ordinary ablution in ordinary cases, but after nocturnal emission or cohabitation, the application was followed by a bath. This was followed by a prayer, and there were five periods during the day for such obligatory prayers. The ablution or bath was accompanied by the untying and

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1926 re-tying of the kusti, or sacred thread, which a Parsee had always to put on, on a sacred shirt, as symbols of his religion. The ablutions with the requisite ritual were required after calls of nature and before meals, which began with the recital of grace. A morsel was set apart for the sogs of the house or street, semi-sacred animals useful for various purposes. During the day, whenever one saw a thing of beauty, he had to thank and praise God for it. He was never to move about bare-headed or bare-footed. If he cut his hair during the day or pared his nails, he had to do so with a certain ritual. If he sneezed, he had to recite a short prayer. For his daily diet meat might be used as little as possible, and, for that purpose, not healthy but weak animals were to be killed. It was his duty to kill noxious creatures such as serpents, scorpions, mice, and the like. All kinds of scepticism in religious matters were to be avoided. When going out of the house on errands of business, a short formula of prayer was recited, the number of such recitals varying according to the importance of the business. A serious and solemn view of all daily actions had to be taken, and recitals of prayers for the blessing of God upon them were required, even including the act of cohabitation. The day ended with a recital of prayers. The paper was discussed by Mr. Parkyn, Dr. Rushton Parker and Mr. Peake. Session, 1925-26. The 1925-6 Session of the Indian Section opened on October 27th, 1925, with a paper by Mr. S. M. Edwardes, C.S.I., C.V.O., on The Population of Bombay City, Its Origin and Growth. Messrs. H.J. E. Peake, R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., and Dr. E. H. Hunt, took part in the discussion. Mr. Edwardes described how the history of Bombay City falls into five welldefined periods, each of which contributed certain distinct elements of population. During the first four periods Bombay consisted of seven separate islets, which were welded together during the fifth or English period. The prehistoric period contributed the fishing-population of Kolis and their aboriginal goddess, whose title has given the name Bombay to the City and Western Presidency. The second or Hindu period, which lasted till 1300, witnessed the arrival of the Parsis and Beni-Israel in Western India, as well as the mixed Muhammadan population, resulting from the union of Arab traders and refugees with Hindu women of the coast. The rule of the local Silahara chiefs was responsible for the immigration of various castes of Hindus, notably the Pathare Prabhus and Panchkalshis, and probably also the Bhandaris, who cultivate and tap the liquor of the Cocoa-nut palm. During Muhammadan rule the famous shrine of the Saint at Muhim was established, while under the dominion of the Portuguese (1624.1661) the Bombay population was considerably reduced and dispersed by the proselytising tyranny of the Portuguese religious orders, their only contribution to the population being the Native Christian and Indo-Portuguese or "Topass " elements. The customs of some of these converts present an interesting study. The real growth of population commences with the arrival of the English in Bombay, and can be traced to certain definito political and domestic events, including the steady reclamation of the island from the sea, and the foundation of the local textile industry. In 1660 the population was said to be 10,000; to-day it numbers more than one million, including persons from all parts of India and Asia, Europe, Africa, and America. The Sixth Meeting of the Indian Section was held in November 17th, when Dr. E. H. Hunt lectured on "Hyderabad Cairn Burials." Dr. C. G. Seligman and Messrs. A. M. Hocart, H. Balfour, H. J. Braunholtz, F. J. Richards, J. P. Mills and H. J. E. Peake joined in the discussion.

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JULY, 1936) ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, INDIAN SECTION Dr. Hunt reported the progress made since the excavations described by him in the JRAL, LIV, 1924. The most important work done was at "Maula Ali, South ", where, last May, twenty men of the Survey of India, working under Maj. Wauchope, opened fivo burials. Finds included the bones of a hare in pot; bovine teeth ; much iron; pottery showing new features; and (in "M.A.S.V.") a fine gold spiral, with a large number of minute gold rings. Other rings were of silver, plated with gold, as in "Raigir III," see previous Report). These burials differed in type from those of Raigir and elsewhere in that the Cist slabs were vertical, and overlapped at the ends. In the north slab, a large round hole had been out, bringing these underground burials into line with the surface "Holed Dolmens" of Rajunkalur, described by Meadows Taylor and compared with similar Holed Dolmens of France. In May 1923, further investigations were made by Mr. L. Munn and Dr. Hunt into the ancient Iron Industry of the Hyderabad State. The more this question is studied the more clearly does it come out that no limiting date can be placed on the smelting of iron in S. India. Continued study of the literature of the subject yields little, though excellent descriptions of surface conditions are given by the older writers. Destruction of these remains is rapid, thoir chief enemy being the cultivation of castor seed. At least six distinct types of burials can be distinguished and the total period covered must extend to thousands rather than hundreds of years. Some types must be far older than others, but before any attempt at "sequence dating " can be begun, there must be much organised and careful excavation. So far, we have not even distinctive titles for the various types. All finds must be labelled with their sites of origin, latitude and longitude, and a clear description of the type of burial; for in many fields different types are mixed up. Many fine specimens, now in museums, are almost valueless by reason of insufficient data. There is urgent need for the provision of some central collecting station where typespecimens of pottery, beads, rings, human and animal remains, articles of gold, silver, copper, and iron, etc., etc., can be collected for comparative study. England appears to be the natural place for this, but, so far, no museum affords the requisite housing space. The work of the "Beads and Pottery Committee" of the Royal Anthropological Institute shows that the importance of the subject is recognised. On December 8th, 1925, Mr. A. M. Hocart, Archaeological Commissioner in Ceylon, reac! a paper on "The Illumination of the Buddha." In Mr. Hocart's view the Buddha's illumination affords valuablo materials for the study of the processes of evolution in custom and belief. The Buddha as spiritual king had to conform to the requirements of tradition. These demanded that he should be installed with certain rites such as were obligatory for a king. Some of these rites, such as fasting, were inconsistent with the doctrine of the Buddha. The queen had to be suppressed, yet a frag. ment of the ritual where the king takes a consort survives with a new interpretation. Thus 'We can study in this cycle that process of conflict and rationalization which is so familiar to psychologists. 1 Since Dr. Hunt's lecture, Mr. L. G. Clarke, of the University Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge has undertaken the housing of all material from 8. Indian burials.

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INDEX. IT.N.I. atanda for the Supplement, Folk Tales from Northern India, pp. 41-56. G.D. stands for the Supplement, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medimal India, pp. 215-262. P.E.W. stands for the Supplement, Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, pp. 93-124. R.A.I. stands for the Special Supplement, Royal Anthropological Institute, pp. 1-5. .. 46 .. 139 .. .. 211 Abar Khan. See Ambar Khan. Abdu'l Ghafur, P.E.W. 96-97, 108, 110-112, 115 'Abdu'llah Shah of Samin, legend of.. 38, 39 Abgar IX .. .. .. .. 222 Abalfida .. .. Acts of Judas Thomas . . .. 221-223 Acts of the Apostles .. 221 Adam's Peak .. .. Adhydtma-vidyd .. .. . 31 adultery under Maratha rule .. .. .. 110 A Dutch Book of Malabar, by K. P. Padmanabha Menon, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 159 Adventure .. .. .. P.E.W. 122 Adventure Galley .. P.E.W. 114, 115, 117, 119 Advice .. P.E.W. 119 Affleok, Mr. .. .. P.E.W. 124 Afridan .. .. .. .. .. 56 Agni 228, 231, 233, 234 Agris 213-218, 235, 236 Ajanta R.A.I. 3 Ajanta inscription Akbar .. .. 200. F.T.N.I. 41-45, 48 Alamgir. See Aurangzeb. Alau'ddin Khilji .. .. 11, 12, 214 Aldred, Capt. .. * P.E.W. 103 Alexander the Great .. . 54-57, 216 Algerine Galley .. .. P.E.W. 112, 119 aloja .. .. .. Alivardi Khan, Nawab .. .. F.T.N.I. 48 Al Khadr. See Za'lqarnain. Al-Khidr. See Khwaja Khier. Allahabad Pillar inscription 224, 226, 227 Allard, General J. G. .. alligator .. 89, 90 P.E.W. 111 Almast, Fagit .. .. .. 101 & .. Amarapura .. .. 179 Amaravati .. .. R.A.I. 1, Amber Khan' Amity . . P.E.W. 97, 99, 102, 110 Amjhora Raja .. ..123, 124, 127, 174 Amrituar, battle .. .. 67, 71, 101 n. Anandakona, Dhang 12 Andal, hymn by .. .. 161 & n., 190, 191 Anderson, H. L... .. .. 162, 168 Andhra bhritya .. ... .. .. 178 Andhra-data .. .. .. .. 240 Andhra .. .. .. . 217219 Angria, Kanhoja .. . P.E.W. 08, 106, 124 Angria, Tukaji .. .. .. P.E.W. 93 Ani Ray .. .. .. Annam .. .. 134138 Annual Report Wataon Museum of Antiquities, 1923-24 ; Rajkot 1924, (book-notice) .. .. 179 Anorat .. .. 179 Andegoa : .. P.E.W. 113 n. Anthony .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 119 Aparante . . Arabs . .. .. 212, 237 Arachosia. See Quantaria. Archeology, Indian, Periods in .. R.A.I. 1-5 Armenians .. .. .. 236 Army of Ranjit Singh (Part III), by Sita Ram Kohli, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. " 39 Arya Samaj Aachdrya-chuddmani . .. .. .. 238 Asclepias. See Soma. A Sketch of The Life of Sarmad, by Khan Sahib Maulavi 'Abdul-Wali, (book-notice) .. .. 160 A foka, by D. R. Bhandarkar, (book-notice), 239, 240 Asoka column .. .. .. R.A.I. 1 Aboka Text and Glossary, by Alfred Woolner, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 180 Aspavarman. See Sifur. alar dan .. .. .. .. . Aurangzeb .. .. .. .. .. 2, 3, 160 soarodhana . .. .. .. .. 239 Avory. See Every. .. 180 . 39 Allumsey. Babe. See Guru Nanak. Baba Farid Shakarganj, Fair .. .. .. 169 Baba Ghurditta .. .. " Babbington, Capt. Philip.. ..P.E.W. 99, 108 Bachelor's Delight .. .. .. P.E.W. 96 Badar. See Pir Badar. Badru'ddin Aulia .. .. 26-28, 30, 60-62, 66 bag-pipe drone .. .. .. . . 41 Bahau'ddin. See Koorsbasip. Baji R&o Raghunath .. .. .. .. 112 Balaghat inscription .. .. .. 225, 226 Baldinotti, Father .. .. .. 137 Baldridge, Capt. Adam, P.E.W. 96--07, 99, 110

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242 Balya-ibn Malkan Banias Banugupta Bapdev Bard Alute Baratha bdaari Basrah Bassein bells Bene-Israel Benjamin.. Bera Festival Berads besar Beenagar Bhadra Beauvollier, Father Bellamont, Lord, P.E.W. 95, 96, 110, 112-114, Bhattabhaskara Bhattias Bhois Bhumara, Siva Temple at Bhumara Pillar inscription Blackmore, Samuel, Blessed William Blessing Bloody Flag ::::: Bodawpaya Bodley, Capt. Bohras :::::::: Bijjaya Nayaka, Kannada poet.. Birbal bird-calls Black Flag Borri, Christopher, S.J. "Boy." See Bhois. Brabourne, Comm. Bradinham, R. Bradish, pirate kar; Shenvis. ::::::: brahma-vidyd Bridgman. See Every. Bhagavata Bhagirathi. See Ganges. bhajana-sruti. See sruti-upanga. Bhandaris 213-215, 235, 236 Bhanudeva, Kanker inscription of Bharhut 44 1, 2 R.A.I. Bhasa's Works, A Criticism, by A. Krishna Pisharoty, (book-notice).. Bhaskara, Kannada poet.. Bhaskara (II) Kannada poet Bhaskara-Ravivarman, Chera king Bombaim. See Bombay. Bombay (city) .. Bombay, population of the City of, 55, 56 236, 238 227 92 ::: 119, 121 23 212, 235. R.A.I. 3 P.E.W. 101, 109 54 109, 110 199 INDEX 45 43 R.A.I. 1 .. 235 P.E.W. 124 108 .. .. R.A.I. 1, 2 65 ...122 40 223 75, 76 41, 42 F.T.N.I. 43 P.E.W. 97-100 P.E.W. 94 P.E.W. 107 n., 113 P.E.W. 118 P.E.W. 100, 109, 111-113 179, 194 P.E.W. 108 . 236 238 76 76 177, 178 232 236, 238 213-215 R.A.I. 4 209-215, P.E.W. 109 P.E.W. 117, 121 P.E.W. 96, 119, 121, 122 Brahmans.. 31-35, 235, 236. See Palshi 235-238 135, 136 31 Brooks, Capt. Browne, Capt. J. Buddha, (in art) Buddha's illumination Buddhagupta Buddhamakam. Buddermokan, Budila Bullen, G. Burgess, Samuel Burton, Capt. Busomi, S.J. Byculla See Buddermokan. 25-30, 50-58, 61-65, 89-93 31 P.E.W. 121 P.E.W. 96, 113 P.E.W. 94 136 237 Caesar cairn burials, Hyderabad Calamina Calicut Merchant Carey, Capt. 8. 172, 173, 175 P.E.W. 101, 114 R.A.I. 2 R.A.I. 5 227 :::::: .. P.E.W. 104 R.A.I. 4-5 221-223 P.E.W. 108 P.E.W. 121 carpet, gold, (Kinkhabi) Caspian Sea Catalogue of MSS. in Jesalmere Bhandars, (book notice) .. Catalogue of the Bengali and Assamese Manuscripts, etc., by J. F. Blumhardt, (book-notice), 20 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, by Ananda K. Coomara. swamy, (book-notice) Catherine Cattle-theft Chachh-Hazara. See Takht-Hazara. Chakkiyars Chalukyas.. Champacochim Chanda-Sahib Chandt. See Jinji. Chandragupta I Chandragupta II Chandu Shah Chapman, Lieut. Charles Charles II Charming Mary chaurt Chhatrapati, Maharaja of Kolhapur Chhota Dargah of Bihar.. childrd. See Kiari. 225 2 2 Chengy. See Jinji. Cheraman Perumal, Vedantic reference to Cheras 21, 23 57 40 P.E.W. 99 109, 110, 112 239 72, 73, 77, 212, 214, 219, 220 ..134 .. 195 225 225-227 46 172 P.E.W. 96, 101, 102, 104, 124 209, 235 P.E.W. 99, 108, 110, 123 21,24 19 177, 220 21 51, 52

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INDEX 243 Chinacochim. See Cochin China. Chinese .. . . . .. .. .. 237 Chinnamalai. See Calamina. Chinnery, Geo. .. .. .. P.E.W. 69, 119 Chitor . .. .. .. 11-13 Chivers (Shivors) Dick, P.E.W. 101, 107-109, 112, 118, 123 Choles .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 220 Chomatiris. See Somayagis. Christians of St. Thomas Chuchak .. .. Churcher, Capt. John P.E.W. 96 Churchill, Nicholas P.E.W. 121 Clerke, Capt. J. .. .. P.E.W. 114 Clinton, Robert .. P.E.W. 104 clubs .. 21, 22 Coats, Capt. Ed... P.E.W. 96, 97, 110 Cochin China, the name .. .. 134-140 Codrington, Gen. .. .. P.E.W. 113 n. Coelho, Duarte .. .. .. .. 135 Cofferies .. .. 236 Collet, Joseph .. 58, 59 Collet, Joseph, Governor of Madras, on the Hindu Religion in 1712 .. 141, 149 Colley, Capt. R. .. .. .. P.E.W. 109 Colours. See Flags. Concamchina. See Cochin China. Contino, Albert .. .. .. .. .. 134 Cooke, Humphrey .. .. .. 209, 210, 235 crocodile-worship .. .. . .. 89, 90 crossee, Malabar .. .. .. .. 221, 222 Cr0990, Pahlavi-inscribed .. .. .. 222 Culliford, Robt., pirate, F.E.W. 98, 107 & n. 111-113, 118-123 Darya Pir .. .. .. .. .. .. 89 Dashapura .. .. .. 143, 144 Date of Zoroaster, by Jarl Charpentier, (booknotice) .. .. .. 60 Davis, Ed... .. . .. P.E.W. 119 de Albuquerque, Jorge .. .. 134, 135, 138 de Bordeaux, Austin . .. .. 200 de Canerio, Nicolo .. .. .. 134 Deocan .. .. .. 178, 219 Deccan village life in the Eighteenth Century, sido-lights on .. .. ... 108-113 do Miranda, Donna, Ignez .. 235 de Rhodes, Father 136, 137 Desing Raja de Tavora, Christovao de Souza .. 235 Devagupta. See Chandragupta II. Devanampriya .. .. .. 239 Deva Raya I, of Vijayanagar .. 77, 78 Devaraya II .. Dew, Capt. Geo... P.E.W. 97, 99 Dewass, Raja of .. .. 123-126 Dhammacheti .. 192, 194 Dhangars .. .. 1-3 Dhanyavishnu .. .. 227 Dharmapur inscription .. 72, 73 Dheds .. .. 235 dhol .. .. .. .. .. 42 Diamond .. .. P.E.W. 106 Dimai .. .. .. .. .. 139 disease, (some factors in racial immunity and susceptibility to) .. R.A.I. 3 Divakara (Kannada poet) .. . 72, 73 . . . . . . 90, 91 "Diwani " . .. .. .. .. 80 Dobson, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 101, 102, 106 Dorrill .. .. .. P.E.W. 112, 118 Dravidian India, by P. R. Sesha Aiyangar, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 199 Dubois, Mr. Daniel .. . P.E.W. 98 dukrand .. .. .. . .. .. 221 Duquesne, Admiral .. .. P.E.W. 94 & n. Durand, Col., 116, 118, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128, 148, 149, 151, 170--172, 174 Durga (goddess) .. .. . .. .. 190 and Divali .. . .. . PE.W. 117 .. .. 184 Dabistan .. .. 45, 48, 49, 66, 67 n., 69 n., 71 Dacca University .. .. .. .. 121, 122 da Cunha, Nuno .. .. .. .. .. 235 da Gama, Vasoc...-.. .. P.E.W. 1.00 d'Aire, Le Chevalier, Capitaine .. P.E.W. 94 DAksayans Dakshamitrs .. .. .. 143, 144 Daldis .. ..212 damru Danavalp&du inscription .. 73 Danta kura and Dantapura 96-98 Dantapura, 147. See Palours-Dantapura. Dantavakra of Kalinga .. Dantavakra of Karasa .. da Orte, Garcia .. .. daph Dara Shikoh . .. .. .. 160 Darya-i-Khiz. See Caspian Sea. Early History of Bengal, by F. J. Monahan, (book-notice) .. . .. .. .. 70 Early History of India, by V. A. Smith, (book notice) .. .. . .. .. 216-220 East India .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 117 East India Company . .. 210, 212, 214 East India Merchant . P.E.W. 114, 115

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244 INDEX .. 42 . . Edessa 221, 222 Gayer, Sir John .. .. .. P.E.W. 118 Edgoombe, Capt. L. P.E.W. 96, 107 & n. Gentus . . .. .236 ek-sar Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and MedieEldridgo, Capt. J. P.E.W. 123 val India, ancient names in .. G.D. 216-262 Elijah .. .. .. 83 ghanta .. .. Elisha . 63 Ghatis' .. .. .. .. .. 237 Ellokono .. .. .. 93 Ghiyasu'ddin Tughlaq .. .. Elliot, Capt. .. 124, 126, 127, 149, 174, 175 Ghorcharah Fauj .. . .. 39 Elphinstone, Lord, 126, 127, 148, 150, 152, 174 Gibson, Capt. .. .. . P.E.W. 101 opigraphy, Moslom, in the Gwalior State .. 4,6 Giffard, Capt. .. .. ..P.E.W. 114, 115 Barez, H.M.S. .. . .. P.E.W. 103 Gilliam, Jas. .. P.E.W. 96, 107, 109, 119 Every, Henry, P.E.W. 99-105, 110-112, 124 Gind .. 92, 93 evil oy(r) .. .. . .. .. . Glories of Magadha, by J. N. Samaddar, (book- evil spirits .. .. .. .. .. 23, 24 notice) .. .. .. 78 Glover, Capt. R. .. P.E.W. 99, 101, 107, 110 Gokul Pursad, Kotwal .. Golden Lion's Arms . .. P.E.W. 101 Gondophares . . . 60, 217, 221-223 Goparaja.. .. .. .. .. .. 227 Great Bell of the Shwe Dagon Pagoda at Ran goon, the recovery of the .. .. 192-194 Great Mahomet .. .. .. P.E.W. 119, 123 Fagan, Capt. .. 117, 118, 171, 172 Gudnaphar. See Gondophares. Gullock, Thos. .. .. . P.E.W. Fair, at Pakpattan, at the tomb of Baba Farid 122 Gunavarma, Kannada poet Shakarganj . . .. . . 159 .. . . 73 .. Gunsway .. .. .. P.E.W. Fancy. See Charles. 102, 106 Faro (Farrel), Capt. J. .. P.E.W. 101, 106 Guptas .. .. .. .. 218, 225, 227 Fateh Muhammad P.E.W. 99, 102, 108 Guru Arjan .. .. .. 45--19, 102 Fatima Bibi Guru Hargovind, some aspects of the career of, .. .. 197 fauj-1-qilajat 45-50, 66-71, 101, 102 126, 148, 173 Guru Nanak Fenwick, Capt. . .. . 61, 68, 101 Fidelia P.E.W. Gurur Stone Inscription of Vaghraja 119 .. .. .. 44 Flags Gwalior State, Moslem epigraphy in .. .. 4,5 Black .. .. P.E.W. 97-100 Bloody .. W. 100, 109, 111-113 Mughal .. P.E.W. 103 of Muscat .. P.E.W. 124 White . . . . . . . P.E.W. 98 of Yemen .. .. .. P.E.W. 124 Flest .. .. .. P.E.W. 107 Fletcher, Governor ..P.E.W. 96, 97, 99, 114 Hadal, Hedati .. .. .. .. .. 93 Folktales from Northern India, F.T.N.I. 41-56 Haidar Ali .. .. .. Fortune P.E.W. .. .. 110 Halling, Capt. T. .. .. ... P.E.W. 108 Francks, B. P.E.W. 115 Hamilton, Sir Robert .. P.E.W. .. ert 93 Freake, Capt. .. .. 116 .. .. Hammira, first Mabarana of Mewar .. 11-13 Hannibal . . P.E.W. 111 Hama .. .. .. .. 176 Harijdgara .. .. .. .. 108 Harisena .. .. .. 225 Haricama .. .. .. .. 121 Harris, Major .. 117, 118, 172 Hozan Amadon .. . P.E.W. 123 Hastin, Parivrdjaks .. 103, 223, 224, 226 gajmukid .. .. HAthigumpha inscription of Kharavela .. 145 GandhArs .. .. R.A.I. 1,2 Heliodorus Pillar, st Bornagar .. .. .. 4 Genota .. 84 & n. Herbert .. .. . P.E.W. 94 Ganges .. .. 40, 89-91 Hetkaris .. .. ..214 Ganj inscription .. 224227 | Hewaon, Col. T. .. P.E.W. 113 Gautamiputra Andhrabhritya .. " . . P.E.W. 143, 178 Fide, Cape. 143, 178 112 .. . 32

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INDEX 245 75, 76 Hill, Capt. W. .. P.E.W. 111 Hindus .. 211, 214, 235, 236 Hippokoura . . . 98, 99 Hir and Ranjha, the sequel to .. 14--19,3639 Hiuen Tsiang .. .. 113-115 Hoang, Nguyen .. .. . .. 134 Holkar, Tookaje Rao, 116, 117, 123-128, 148--162, 168, 159, 171, 173--175 Hinawza. See Old Prome. Hore, John, pirate .. P.E.W. 99, 107-110 Houblon, Sir J. .. .. P.E.W. 101, 104 row, cap. .. .. .. P.E.W. 117 Howe, James ... P.E.W. 121 Hungerford, Capt., 116-119, 122, 124-128, 148-152, 168-175 Hung . . . . . 218 Hutchinson, Capt. 123, 124, 127, 150, 174 Hutchinson, Mrs... .. .. 123 Hyde, Capt. P.E.W. 118 Hyderabad cairn burials .. R.A.I. 45 Hymns. See Tamil Hymns. .. 76 Inscriptions-contil. Junnar .. .. Kallesvara Temple .. Kanker, of Bhanudova Kodumbai Kogali Tomple .. .. .. Kotakallu .. .. .. MAdagihal Temple .. .. Mamballi copper-plate . . . . 177 of Muhammad III, Ibn Tughlak .. .. 4,5 Nachng .. .. .. .. 103, 224-290 Nandampondi, Eastern Chalukya Copperplate .. .. .. .. .. 74, 75 Pattanacheru.. .. of Prabhavati Gupta .. 103, 225, 227 of Prithivisena II. .. .. 103, 223--227 Sarichi .. 297 Sarabhapura copper-plate 227 Sihave, of Karnarkja Sogal .. of Somalingesvara Sadi .. .. Tadpatri .. Tirunelli Tiruvanvandur Udayagiri cave .. .. 227 of Ushavadata .. .: 143, 144 Vat&pi .. .. .. 72, 73 of Vyaghra 103, 223-227 Ireland, John P.E.W. 114 Isa Afandi .. .. I-shang-na-pu-lo Islam 44 177 * .. 212 Ibn-al Baytar .. .. .. .. .. 138 Ibn Said .. .. .. .. .. 138, 139 Idar and Maharana Hammira of Mewar, 11-13 Iladurga (Idar) .. .. .. .. 12 n. Imam Sahibu .. .. .. .. .. 196 India, 8., St. Thomas in .. .. .. 221-223 Indian Archaeology, periods in . R.A.I. 1-5 Indian Historical Records Commission, Proceed. ings of Meetings, (book-notice) . 58, 59 Indian musical instrumente. See musical instru mente. Indore, the mutiny at, 116-119, 122-128, 148-152, 168-175 Indrs Kirti, Kannada poet .. .. .. 74 Inquiries into The Popular Religions of Ceylon, by Dr. Otakar-Pertold, (book-notice) . 200 Inscriptions Ajanta .. .. .. 225 Allahabad Pillar .. 224, 226, 227 Balaghat .. .. 225, 226 of Balashri .. .. ..143 Bhumara Pillar .. 103, 223 Chers, at Tirukkadittanam 177, 178 DAnavulpadu .. .. . 73 Dharmapur .. .. 72, 73 Ganj .. .. . 103, 223-227 Gurur, of Vaghraja . .. 44 of Hastin .. .. .. 103, 223, 226 Hathigumpha, of Kharavela .. .. .. 145 of Jayantha .. .. .. 103 Jacob .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 96 Jacobs, Capt. P.E.W. 110 Jagirdari Fauj .. .. . 39 Jahangir (and Guru Hargovind), 45-49, 68-69, 200 Jain painting .. .. Jains, Dass Oswal .. .. 236, 238 Jaisingh, Maharaja of Jaipur .. .. .. 106 Jalalu.'ddin .. .. 61 James II. K. P.E.W. 95 n. James, John .. .. P.E.W. 103 Janaka ... ..' 31-34 Japanese .. .. .. .. 237 Jarat Karu. See Niwal Da Jayangths.. .. 223, 224 Jethro .. . 55 Jhang Sial .. .. .. 14, 15, 18, 19, 37, 38 jinagori .. .. Jingi, a manuscript history of .. .. 1-3 John and Rebecca P.E.W, 107

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246 INDEX Johnson, Thos. .. .. Josiah Ketch .. Judas Thomas, The Acts of Jundar . . . . . ... . . P.E.W. 123 P.E.W. 107 .. 221-223 . . 113--115 Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagar .. .. 1 Krishna Rayel of Anegondi. See Krishna devaraya. Kshaharatas * . .. 143, 144 Kshaharatas, were thoy exterminated ? .. 178 Kshatriyas .. 31-35 Kuluvadi .. . 108, 109 Kumaragupta .. .. .. .. .. 227 Kushan dynasty .. .. 218 Kwaja Babba .. P.E.W. 117 .. 66 .. 44 kadakand .. .. .. .. .. .. 108 Kaikobad.. .. 54, 56 Kakairu, Kakaraya. See Kanker. Kamaladitya, Kannada poet Ka-mo-lang-ka .. .. .. .. .. 114 Lahira, battle .. Kandahar. See Quantaria. Lakshmidhara, Kannada poet.. .. 77, 78 Kangara, fort .. .. Lavender, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 124 Kani-amma, Virgin goddess Lawson, Rear Admiral .. .. P.E.W. 100 Kanker inscription of Bhanudeva Le dynasty .. .. .. .. 134136 Kannada Poets .. .. .. .. 72-78 Levi, Sylvain, articles by (translated from Kapole Banias. See Banias. the French) .. Karnaraja, Sihava inscription of . .. .. . 94, 145 Lloyd, Capt. J. .. . .. P.E.W. 105 kartak .. 43 .. .. London . . . . .. P.E.W. 106, 124 Katyayans. .. .. .. . . .. 181-185 Loyal Captain .. .. .. .. Kaulan .. .. 47, 68, 69 .. P.E.W. 117 Lumsden, J. C. .. Kautes .. .. .. .. .. 185 .. 152 .. . .. Kaveri, The Moukharis and The Sangam Age, by A. G. Aravamuthan, (book-notice) . 99 Kaswini .. .. Kekaya .. Kempthorne .. P.E.W. 03 Kerala .. 159, 180 Keyser (pirate) .. P.E.W. 109 khanjira . .. Kharatas. See Kahaharatas. mace, (Kanakdand) .. .. .. 21, 23 Kharavela, H&thigumpha inscription of, 146, 147 Madagihal Temple inscription .. ... 75, 76 Khema .. .. Madhura, Kannada poet 77,78 Khem Sawant, Raja .. P.E.W. 93, 106 Madhusudanadeva, Kannada poet khichari khand .. .. .. .. .. 85 Madra . .. .. 65 Khiq Khai, prince of Chitor .. .. .. 11 Madras Merchant .. .. P.E.W. 114, 115 Khojas .. . . . . . . 236 Magar Dev .. .. 89 ... Khusru (rebellion of) .. .. 45 Mahabharata .. .. .. 121 Khwaja Khizr, 14, 25, 51-58, 61-65, 90. Mahadeve. See Mazdai. F.T.N.I. 43, 44 MahAkantara . 225-227 Kidd, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 96, 112-123 Mahar, tribe . .. .. . 108, 109 Kidd's Island .. .. .. P.E.W. 116 Mahidhara .. .. . .. .. 223 Kindri Mahikavati. .. .. 209, 214 Kitti-siri-megha .. .. ... .. 94 | Mahim .. .. .. 209, 211, 213, 214, 235 Knox, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 123 Mahmud of Ghazni .. .. .. 216, 219 Kodai. See AndAl. Maiden .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 117 Kogali Temple inscription .. .... .. 74 Mainas. See Minae. Kohbar . .. . 84 & r. . Maiadloi .. . .. .. .. 146 Kolis .. .. .. 210, 211, 213, 236-237 Makhlis Khan .. .. P.E.W. 117, 118 n. Koliwadas .. .. . . . Makhtutn Fakih Ali Paru, Saint . . . . . 210, 2111 . .. 235 Konkani Jamatis .. Malabar .. .. .. .. .. 159, 160 Koorshagip .. .. .. . 5 Maladeva Chauhan of Chitor .. .. 11, 12 Kotpakallu inscription .. . . .. 75 Malis .. ., . . 214, 215, 235 .. 94 .. 75

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INDEX 247 .. .. 110 .. .. 58 Mallock, Lieut. .. 173, 175 Morats, M. .. P.E.W. 98 Mileyu .. .. 4, 5 moshak Mambal}i copper-plate inseription .. 1771 Mostyn, Capt. T. . .. P.E.W. 99, 110 Mambaros .. 143, 1441 Mues. See May. Mambai .. .. 211 Muhammad . 197 Mandalay .. .. .. .. .. 179 Muhammad III., Ibn Tughlaq of Delhi, inscripMandasor. See Dashapura. tions of .. 4, 5, 11, 12 Mandlekars ..212 Muhammad Isma'ul Khan, Khai Sahib, 14-16, 19, 38 Manikka vasagar .. .. 101, 190, 191 Muhammad Yasin 1... .. 50 Manuscripts at Dacca University . 121, 123 | Muhammadans (and Chitor), 11, 12, 209, 212-214 Marathas.. .. ...2, 108--113, 237 Mulatto Toin .. .. .. ! P.E.W. 103 Marco Polo 138, 140, 221, 222 Mullins, Darby .. .. .. P.E.W. 121 Margaret .. .. . P.E.W. 105 Mumbadevi Marghazhi Festival, two Tamil Hymns for, Mumbai .. .. .. .. 235, 236 161-167, 186--191 Mumtaz Mahal .. Mariamma, cholern goddess. .. .. .. 6,7 murali .. Marignolli .. . . .. .. murder under Maratha rule .. 221, 222 Murtaza Khan 81-88, Marriage Songs from Northern India. .. Musical instruments, Indian, notes on .. 104-107, 129-133, 153-158, 190-199 41-43 Mutiny at Indore, 116-119, 129-128, 148-152, Marshall, Simpson. See Cilliam. 168-175 Martini, Lieut. .. .. 172 Myingun Bell 193, 194 Martin, Father Pierre .. P.E.W. 124 Mylapore .. .. .. .. .. 221 0 Martin, Francois .. .. Mary. See Charming Mary. Mason, Capt., P.E.W. 101, 106, 107, 109, 115 Masoolah boat, in the early nineteenth century, 119 Mathura .. R.A.I. 2 Matsivishnu .. .. .. .. .. 227 Maung Zing . .. .. 192, 194 Maurya dynasty .. .. .. 216, 218 May (Mace) William, P.E.W. 101, 106, 107 n., 114 Mayhew, Major W. Nachna inscription Mazdai 103, 224-226 .. .. .. 221-223 Nagavarma, Kannada poet .. .. McMullen, Capt. .. 73 .. .. .. .. Nahapana, the Capital of .. 143-145, 178 mehar .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 199 Naitias Mehtar Ilyas .. .. .. 236 Nambudris .. .. 176 Mekkhaya... Nanaki .. .. .: 46, 47 Memoirs of The Archeological Survey of India, Nanakmata .. .. 101 & n. by R. D. Bancrji, (book-notice) .. .. 40 Nandampondi, Eastern Chalukya copper-plate Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1994, grant .. .. .. . .. 74, 75 (book-notice) .. .. . .. .. 40 Nannaya Bhattaraka .. .. .. 74, 75 Memons .. .. .. .. .. 236, 238 Nanniya Bhatta. See Nannaya Bhattaraka. Mergui ... .. 25, 26, 28 Narayana Bhatta, Kannada poet .. 74, 75 Mewar .. 11-13 Narendrana .. .. .. .. .. 227 Mhow. . 116-118, 129-128, 148-152, 168 Nasaketarikatha, An Old Rajasthani Tale, by Mian Mir, saint .. .. 47 Charlotte Krause, (book-notice) ., 119, 120 . . . . . . 45, 49 Nasratgarh Minas . . . Nassau .. .. .. P.E.W. 96, 104, 123 Minnagara .. .. .. .. 143-145 Native Christians of Bombay .. .. 236, 236 Mins. See Yavanas. nazara Mirhur Khas .. R.A.I. 3 Nestorians .. .. .. .. .. .. 992 Minson, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 97, 98 New Soldado .. .. P.E.W. 112, 119, 123 Misson's Settlement P.E.W. 123 Nguyen dynasty .. . .. . 134-137 Mocha, P.E.W. 96, 107 & 1., 110-112, Nichols, pirate .. .. P.E.W. 99, 100 118, 119, 123 Nilgiris, spirit-worship in the Moghals .. .. 218 Nilkanth R&o ... Mo-ha-chan-p'o .. .. . .. .. 115 Nitya .. monaulos .. .. .. 43 Niwal Dat.. .. .. .. Moore, William . . .. P.E.W. 117, 120. 121 Noakes, John .. P.E.W. 104 .. .. 160 * . 10 201--208 .

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248 November Nur Jahan Oiscau Old Prome.. :: Omenogara Orr, Capt. Orr, William, pirate (book-notice) Pallavas .. Paloura-Dantapura Palahikar Brahmans Panchkalshis pan-dan.. :: Parsis Parthians Patanjali Painda Khan Pakpattan.. Pala dynasty Pallava Architecture, Part I, by A. H. Longhurst, ::::: :: Patel Pathare Prabhus peacock feather fan (morchel) Pearl P.E.W. P.E.W. 117 .. 200 .. P.E.W. 91 i 179 144, 145 126-128, 148, 174P.E.W. 95 INDEX Panini and the Pratisakhyas, relative chronology of pankha (fan) Pantechakhyana-Warttika, by von J. Hertel, (book-notice) 100 78 Paraturama Kalpa Sutram, (book-notice) Paris, Geo., pirate P.E.W. 95 Parker, Capt. P.E.W. 118 .. Parsee daily life in the seventeenth century, R.A.I. 3-4 67, 70, 71 159 219 79 72, 73, 215, 218, 220 94-99 213-215 213-215, 235, 236 21 ** 176, 212, 236, 238 217 181, 183-185 108-113 213, 214 21, 22 94, 101, 103, 106, 123 P.E.W. 109, 123 135 P.E.W. 117, 122 11-13 Pelican Perez, Fernao Perrin, Chas. Persian inscription in Chitor Persian loan-words in the Ramayan of Tulsidas, by Baburam Saksens, (book-notice)... Persians Peshwa Peterika Philip de Brito. See Maung Zinga. Phinney, Capt. Geo., P.E.W. 96, 109, 115, 117 Phond Savant Bhosale 112 .. 181-185 24 80 . 237 237 239 Pihumida Pihunda, Pithuda, Pitundra Piracy in Easten Waters, Notes on, Pirates Andamanese Anglo-American Arabian .. European French-American Malabarese Malays Saleeters Sanganian P.E.W. Pir Badar. See Badru'ddin Anlia. Pitundra Piyadarsin... Plantain, J. Platt, Col... Pola, procession Portsmouth Adventure Portuguese Powell, Capt. Prabhavati Gupta Prabhus Pratapdev Pratisakhyas Pravarasena II Prickman, Capt. Prithia. See Baratha. Prithivieena II Vakataka Ptolemy, and Paloura Pulindas pungt Puri Parvacaryas ::::: :::: P.E.W. 98 P.E.W. 93-108 P.E.W. 98, 105, 124 94, 98, 117--124 P.E.W. 98 P.E.W. 93, 106, 124 P.E.W. 98 P.E.W. 98 93,-106, 124 P.E.W. Raghunath Narayan Raja Bikram Raja Bimb Raja Kidar Raja Ram raja-vidya 98, 145-147 239 P.E.W. 103 116-119, 127, 170-172 108 P.E.W. 101 209, 211-214, 221-223, 240 109, 123 103, 225, 227 235, 236 235 181-185 225-227 P.E.W. 114 145 145-147 P.E.W. 93-124 ::::::: P.E.W. 103, 223-227 94, 97-99 :::: Quantaria.. Quedah Merchant P.E.W. Queen Minakshi of Madura, a Note on :::::: 240 43 212 182, 183 223 117-120 195 .. 2 d gyy 218 213-215 2, 3

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Ramchandra Rao, 123, 125, 126, 128, 148, 152, 173 Satavahanas Ranjha. See Hir and Ranjha. Ranjit Singh Rashtrakutas Rasid-ud-din river-worship in India Roberts, Bartholomew Rogers, Capt. T... Romane Ruby ravanastra Ravapayya, Kannada poet Rawal Samarasimha of Chitor Raynor, Capt. Geo. reed-pipes 21-24 181-185 Regalia kept at the Toshakhans of the Govern ment of India, Notes on Relative Chronology of Panini and the Pratisakhyas Report of The Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Burma, 1924, (book-notice) 179 Resolution P.E.W. 99, 101, 107, 110, 123 Rhodes, Father Bernard... P.E.W. 124 135 P.E.W. 93 89-93 P.E.W. 121 P.E.W. 119 Ribeiro, Diego Riddell, John Rudraeena II Ruperel Safidon St. George, of Cappadocia St. Jean St. Paul. St. Thomas in South India P.E.W. 105, 106 Royal Anthropological Institute-Indian Sec tion Saisunaga dynasty Sakalya Saktibhadra Salsette Samatata (to the East of) sambhel See John and Rebecca. Samudragupta Samudra-pala Sanchi Sanchi inscription Sangam age Sanjan Sankaracharya sankh (conch-shell) Sarnath ** Sarvajnatman Sarvanatha, Uchchakalpa ******* INDEX 39 212, 220 138, 139 42 74 11, 13 P.E.W. 95, 110 43 R.A.I. 1-5 P.E.W. 109 .. 225 P.E.W. 105, 108, 117 62 54, 56 P.E.W. 124 221-223 215 .. 182 238, 239 213, 214, 236 113-116 .. .. Satisfaction Satiyaputra Satraps of Surashtra. Saunaka.. 42 Sidney Sifur .. ::::: Silaharas Simson, R. Singanyans Sion Birdleet Savages. See Sevajees. Sawbridge, Capt. Sayana Scarborough Sceptre seclusion of women Sedgwick Sevajees Shah Jahan (and Guru Hargovind), 45, 48-50, 66, 67, 69 n., 101 n., 111 n., 200 Shahu. See Sivaji II. Shakespear, Mr. Shalimar Bagh, Lahore Shekh Farid Shelley, Giles Shenvis Shetepan Shih-li-ch'a-ta-lo Shinbyuyin shing (horn) Shri Gundi Shwe Dagon Pagoda, Rangoon, the Great Bell of Sidi population of Bombay Sidi 'Ali Chelebi Sidi Kasim Sihava inscription of Karnaraja. Sikhs 144 P.E.W. 111, 112 240 .. 178 182 :: Sivaji Sivaji II slavery under Maratha rule Sogal inscription .. Solankis of Anahilwada Soldado (Resolution) Soma ::: P.E.W. 105, 106, 108 201-203, 205, 229, 230n., 233 P.E.W. 114 P.E.W. 96, 109, 115, 117 .. 239 P.E.W. 112, 118 60 249 .. 122 F.T.N.I. 45 30 P.E.W. 123 236 109 114 192, 193 22 213 192 236, 238 ... 139 P.E.W. 115 P.E.W. 114 223 44 67-71 212-214 168, 169 60 209, 211, 235 .. 108 2, 3, 40 .. 108 110, 111 73 214 P.E.W. 107, 110, 123 176 :: 224-227 145 Somalingesvara inscription Somavamai kings Somayagis.. Somers, Lord R.A.I. 1,2 Songs. See Marriage Songs. South, Capt. T. Sparcks, J. spear (ballam) Speeches and Writings of (The Late) Virchal Raghavji Gandhi, collected by (The Late) Bhagu F. Karbhari, (book-notice) Spirit-worship in the Nilgiris Sri Hargovindpur.. 227 99 212, 213 31, 32 23 R.A.I. 1 19 103, 223, 224 .. 73 44 176 P.E.W. 120 P.E.W. 122, 123 P.E.W. 101 21, 24 180 6-10 70 ..

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250 INDEX 116-118. 80, 180 .. 139 Sri Kanthasuri, Kannada poet .. .. .. .. 75 | Tirunelli inscription 75 bringa Tiruppduas oruti-upanga .. .. .. 41 Tiruvanvandur inscriptions stato chair . .. 21, 24 To-lo-po-ti.. .. Statues of the Nayaks of Madura in the Pudu Topasses' . Mantapam, by The Rev. H. Heras, S.J.. Toromads. * (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 179 Tower of Silence .. Steelo, (pirate) .. .. .. P.E.W. 109 Travers, Col. . Stevens, John .. . P.E.W. 93. Tristapitla .. .. Stout, Capt. Ralph . ..P.E.W. 107, 112 Trower, Capt. .. .. 172, 176 Stuart, Col. .. .. .. 150 Tsenkoo .. ... .. ... 193 Subject Index to Periodicals, (book-notice). Tulasi Das, song attributed to .. .. 129-133 Success .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 124 tutunc Sadi Temple inscription .. Suleiman al-Mahri Sunga dynasty .. .. .. .. 217 Sura michandra .. .. .. 227 Swanng .. .. .. P.E.W. 99, 102 Swami Dayanand in The Light of Truth, (book notice) . .. .. 180 Swan .. P.E.W. 123 Swift P.E.W. 110, 119 Uchchakalpas 103, 223, 224, 227 Udayaditya, Kannada poet .. .. 76, 77 Udayagiri .. .. .. R.A.I. 2 Umaji .. .. .. 110 umbrellas .. .. .. 21 Unity P.E.W. 109 Upanishads, external evidence about the teachors of the .. 31-35 Ushavadata .. 143-145 Uvata .. .. .. 232 Tadpatri inscription .. .. .. 76, 77 Tagadur. See Dharmapur. Tainnigadal Festival .. .. .. .. 190 Takht-Hazara .. .. .. 16-18, 36, 38 tambul Tamil Hymns, two, for The Margazhi Festi 161-167, 186--191 Tantrarahasya, by Ramanujacharya, (book. Vadukar .. .. .. .. .. .. 113 notice) .. .. . . . . . 78 Vadvals. See Malis. Tarachand Raja .. .. .. 50, 66, 67, 102 Vagharaja, Gurur stone pillar inscription of .. 44 Taylor, Gen. Reynell .. .. 14, 15, 19 Vakatakas, chronology of the.. 103, 223-227 Tej Singh Rajput. See Desing Raja. i van Broeck, Adrian P.E.W. 100 Tew, Capt. Thos., P.E.W. 97-99, 101, 102, van Tyle, Otto .. .. P.E.W. 98, 123 106, 110, 114 Varuna .. .. .. .. .. .. 228 Thakurs . . . .. .. * 214, 215 Vasishtha .. .. .. . 31, Thans .. .212-214 Vedantio reference to Cheraman Perumal .. Thankful .. P.E.W. 117, 122 Vedic Studies .... .. .. 2011200, 201--208, 228 Tharawadi .. .. .. ... 192-194 Venadudaiya Srivallabhankodai .. .. 177 The Taj and Its Environments, by Maulvi Main Ventura .. .. .. .. .. 39 ud-din Ahmad, (book-notice).. Veroneo, Geronimo .. Thomas .. P.E.W. 124 Vidyarashi (Shaiva Guru) .. .. 72, 73 Thuanhoa.. .. 134, 136 Vijayaranga Naik .. .. 1, 2 tilapida .. .. .. .. .. .. 108 vinavah. Sbe ravanastra. Timmins, Major .. .. .. .. .. 128 Virkar .. .. .. .. 236 Tipu Sultan Vishnu-Purana .. .. .. Tinimbogi .. 161 Visscher, Jacobus Canter .. .. 159, 160 TirukkadittApam, Chera inscription at, 177, 178 VyAdi .. . . 181, 184, 185 .. .. .. 121

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INDEX 251 VyAghra, The Feudatory of VAkataka Prithivi. Sena .. .. 323--227 Vyaghra, The Uchchakalpa .. .. 103 Woodburn, Col. (Gen.) Wright, J. .. .. . 117-119, 120, 150, 173 .. .. P.E.W. 118 31, 34, 35 .. . Yadavas of Devgiri .. YAjfavalkya .. . Yajurvedi. See Palshikar Brahmans. Yakut, geographer Yar Khan .. .. .. Yerland, Capt. J... .. Yevens .. .. .. Yen-mo-na-chou ... .. Yona (Yavana) .. .. Yuan Chwang (Hiuen Tsiang) .. Yechi tribes .. .. 138 .. 66, 67 n. P.E.W. 99 .. 144 .. 115 . . . 239 113115 217, 218 . . Wake, Thos. P.E.W. 114 Walkeshwar Temple . 213 Wallis, John P.E.W. 111 Want, Capt. P.E.W. 101 Ware, J. P.E.W. 121 Warren, Capt. T... P.E.W. 110 water-worship in India .. 89-93 Watson, Mr. (Surgeon) .. P.E.W. 108 Wataon, John .. P.E.W. 123 Weatherley .. .. ... P.E.W. 96, 119 Week, Capt. Thor. .. P.E.W. 99, 102, 106 wolls .. .. .. 90-92 Whitley .. .. P.E.W. 121 William and Mary P.E.W. 109 Williams, Capt. .. P.E.W. 106 Wilson, Sir Archdale .. .. 189 Windsor, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 114 witchcraft, under Maratha rile.. .. .. 112 .. 14, 58, 58, 61, 62, 64 Zinda Pir .. Zufikar Khan Zu'lqarnain .. .. . . . . .. 54, 55

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