History Of Jainism With Special Reference To Mathura

Author(s): U K Sharma
Publisher: D K Printworld P L
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022807/1

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Reconstructing Indian History & Culture, no. 23
History of Jainism
with Special Reference to Mathura
2008
www
Sanbeach
DOODGES
V.K. Sharma
2993

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As one of the world's major religions, founded on the spiritual principles of ahimsa (non-violence), truth, and righteous conduct, Jainism has today 2,600 years of a splendid living tradition - with a well-defined world view, metaphysics and code of ethics. A leading scholar, V.K. Sharma here presents an altogether fresh, panIndian historical survey of this great religion, spelling out its beginnings, antiquity, doctrines, tirthamkaras, country-wide spread and, among other aspects, its contribution to India's culture and art heritage — in all its varied manifestations. In the latter part of the book, the author comes to focus upon Jainism in the specific contexts of Mathura - one of India's ancient cities, which not only is venerated as the legendary birthplace of Lord Krsna, but is also famed as an eminent centre of Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jaina art. Thus shows Dr. Sharma how this principal Vaisnava centre today had been a stronghold of Jainism: from c. second century BC to about eleventh century AD; how it has contributed to Jaina canon, literature and iconography; and how in Mathurā is traceable the centuries-long, unbroken history of Jaina plastic art. Setting out a panoramic view of Jaina architecture, sculptural art, and socio-religious life over the ages, specially in the sacred city of Mathura, this study is based on wideranging authoritative sources and supplemented by a number of highly representatives illustrations.

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History of Jainism
with Special Reference to Mathura

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Reconstructing Indian History & Culture (ISSN 0971-3824)
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Reconstructing Indian History & Culture, no. 23
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
by
V.K. Sharma
D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd.
New Delhi - 110 015

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iv
5:
Cataloging in Publication Data - DK Sharma, V.K. (Virendra Kumar)
History of Jainism and contribution of Mathura. (Reconstructing Indian history & culture, no. 23). Includes bibliographical references (p. Includes index.
1. Jainism India - Mathura - History. 2. Art, Jaina - India - Mathura - History. 3. Architecture, Jaina - India - Mathura - History. I. Title. II. Series: Reconstructing Indian history & culture, no. 23.
ISBN 81-246-0195-X
First published in India 2001
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Foreword
DR. V.K. Sharma, the author of this excellent book on the history of Jainism, asked me to write a foreword to it. It was an immensely rewarding exercise for me to go through this book and, the author deserves my sincere appreciation for his genuine labour. Mathura enjoys a significant position in the cultural history of India, and Jainism also played a significant role to enrich the culture of this illustrious city. The author has explained that Jainism obtained a strong foothold in Mathura by the second century BC and continued to flourish in this city up to the eleventh century AD in spite of fierce foreign invasions. The erection of Jaina religious edifices at Mathura can, in fact, be assigned to a period much anterior to the second century BC, if the inscriptional evidence regarding the construction of the deva-nirmita stūpa at Mathura is discussed and understood in totality.
Jaina art and architecture had their inception and evolution at Mathurā; the remains of Jaina sculptures discovered at Lohanipur near Patna are the notable exceptions. Mathura had an unbroken history of Jaina plastic art embracing a period of more than one thousand years. No other centre of Jaina art in India has a record comparable to this. It is pertinent to note that Jaina art at Mathura did not enjoy royal patronage; the artists who produced objects of art like the images and ayaga-paṭṭas worked on the support of the Jaina community of this city. The specimens of Mathura ateliers enjoyed demand for long and, tirthamkara images in red sandstone, a peculiarity of the Mathura school of art, were installed at distant places also.
The epigraphic evidence embodied in the pedestals of the jina images and ayaga-paṭṭas constitutes the basic and the most authentic source for the reconstruction of the early history of Jainism in Mathura. These inscriptions
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vi
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
are a mirror of the Jaina social order and religious organisation at Mathurā in the early centuries of the Christian era and the period preceding it. Most of these epigraphs are dated; they bear the Kusāņa or the Saka samvat. Therefore, their historicity is beyond question.
The great ideals of austerity, penance, detachment, compassion and non-violence have been well illustrated through the Jaina art at Mathurā, but the taste of the society also finds reflection in it. We, therefore, notice scenes of music, dance and merriment even on the components of the stūpas, generally built over the relics of the jina. The demise of the jina was not looked upon with grief. Nirvāna or the extinction of the body of the jina was a joyous event because by attaining the kaivalya-jñāna (supreme knowledge) he had become free from the bondage of the world.
The transformation from the symbols to the anthropomorphic form was a hallmark of sculptural development at Mathurā, and this is true of the Jaina art also. The tiny seated jina figure on the āyāga-pattas is attended by beautifully carved auspicious motifs. The jina figure is subsequently replaced by independent stone images of the jinas in kāyotsarga and dhyāna attitude. These postures remain fixed, but the character of the jina image changes with the passage of time. The jina images of Mathurā of the Kuşāņa period look stereotyped. But the figure becomes trim, slender and elegant in the Gupta period. The harmonious blend of physical beauty with spiritual grace in the image was an outstanding contribution of the Mathurā artist during the Gupta period. The aureole carved with a number of concentric bands and the tastefully carved halo bespeak radiation of knowledge from the tīrthamkaras in all directions. This was the aesthetic representation of samavasaraņa (preaching to all).
All these aspects have been handled with great care by Dr. V.K. Sharma. The first part of the book deals with the national horizon of Jainism. It is a comprehensive survey of the development and spread of this faith to various parts of India. The association of Jainism with Mathurā was not an isolated and regional phenomenon. It, in fact, was a part of a widespread movement.

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Foreword
Mathura was closely associated with the compilation of the Jaina canon also. It also participated in the great literay movement designated as the Sarasvati movement in the history of Jainism. The literary output of the Jainas religious as well as secular has been remarkable and Mathura had a fair share in its production. Mathura made a significant contribution to the development of Jaina iconography and the history of Indian art would remain incomplete without reference to Jaina art products of Mathura.
The second half of the book profusely highlights the main subject, i.e., Jainism in Mathura, a historical and cultural survey. The author has elaborately analysed the various aspects in a judicious way. He has rightly assessed that the division of Jainism into the Svetambara sect and the Digambara sect did not originate at Mathura although the issues of difference as in view, have been discussed in detail. Dr. Sharma has, however, avoided to pronounce his judgement on those delicacies which have casually appeared in art manifestations, and which may be interpreted from various angles.
He has rightly expressed concern over the circumstances in which the excavations at Kankali Tīlā, Mathura were conducted by Fuhrer. He has been rightly critical of his ill-conceived methodology and his sudden disappearance from the scene after the death of Buhler. The antiquity of Jainism was a hotly debated subject among European scholars in the nineteenth century, and to some extent it remains shrouded in mystery. Prof. H. Hartel of Berlin, who conducted archaeological excavations at Sonkh near Mathura from 1966 to 1974 (a work with which, I was associated for many years), told me that this controversy has still not ended.
The author has gone deep in his investigations and consulted almost all original and secondary sources. For a general reader the long list of footnotes may appear as somewhat overdozing, but for the researchers these references are of utmost importance.
This book is certainly a laudable contribution to the field of oriental studies, and Dr. Sharma has carved for himself a dignified niche in the galaxy of scholars by authoring a magnificent monograph on the history of
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viii
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Jainism with special emphasis on its history in Mathurā. I hope this book will be welcomed by students, researchers, scholars and faithful Jaina devotees alike. I extend my heartiest congratulations to the author for producing such a wonderful treatise.
B-50 Saketnagar Vārānasi
R. C. Sharma
Formerly Director – General National Museum

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Preface
MATHURA — the heart of Braj — and, described as one of the seven holy cities of India, has been sacred to the Hindus from very early times. This city was held in high esteem by the Jainas also. In fact, in the early centuries of the Christian era, Mathurā became the principal centre of Jainism in northern India. This book unfolds the history of Jainism in Mathurā from the earliest times. The history of Jainism in Mathurā is a part of the history of Jainism as a whole. Therefore, the first four chapters of this book deal with Jainism and its early history. The remaining three chapters are devoted to the history of this faith in Mathurā.
Archaeological excavations conducted at Mathurā in the nineteenth century have yielded immense epigraphic, sculptural and architectural material relevant to the history of Jainism in this city. I have made full use of this material in this study. The chapters dealing with the history of Jainism in Mathurā have been written principally on the basis of these archaeological finds. Some information exists in Jaina literature, too, regarding the state of Jainism in Mathurā. This material has also been utilised in this study. The material dealing with the history of Jainism in other parts of the country has also been drawn from both sources - literary and archaeological.
Government Museum, Mathurā, is a renowned institution for research and I am extremely thankful to the authorities and staff of Government Museum, Mathurā, particularly to Shri Shatrughan Sharma and Shri Ganga Ram, for making adequate arrangements for my study regarding this book in the library and galleries of the museum. Shri Shatrughan Sharma's manifold co-operation in the preparation of this book deserves my praise.
I am highly thankful to Dr. R.C. Sharma, formerly Director-General,

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
National Museum and presently Hony. Director/Acārya, Jñāna Pravāha, Vārāṇasī, for his encouragement, suggestions and valuable advice. I am also thankful to him for writing the foreword to this book. I also thank the scholars whose works have been utilised in this book. My wife Bishan Sharma's multiple co-operation was a source of strength to me and I am deeply indebted to her for it.
I am grateful to the authorities of American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon, for providing the photographs included in this book. Last but not least, I am deeply thankful to Shri Susheel K. Mittal, Director, D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd, New Delhi — the publisher of the book - for his genuine interest in its publication, and providing it a fine get-up.
Virendra Kumar Sharma
7-B Geeta Enclave Bank Colony Mathurā — 281 004 24 June, 2002

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Contents
Foreword
Preface
Abbreviations
Xiji
Transliteration Chart
xvii
List of Illustrations
xix
1.
Introduction to Jainism
2.
Jaina tīrthamkaras and antiquity of Jainism
3.
Pārsvanātha and Vardhamāna Mahāvīra Post-Mahāvīra period and the contribution of Jainism to Indian culture
5.
123
Jainism in Mathurā (second century BC to eleventh century AD)
6.
169
Jaina Art and Architecture at Mathurā (second century BC to eleventh century AD) Jainism in Mathurā (eleventh century AD to the present times)
7.
235
Plates
245
261
Bibliography Index
269

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AAHI
ACHI
AGI
AI(M)
AII
AJAA
AOIK
AOIU
ASIAR, III
ASIAR, XVII
ASIAR, XX
ASIAR, 1906-7
ASIAR, 1922-3
CA
CAI
Census, 1931
Abbreviations
An Advanced History of India, Ancient India
A Cultural History of India
Ancient Geography of India
Ancient India
Archaeology in India
Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture
The Age of Imperial Kanauj
The Age of Imperial Unity
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, vol. III
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, vol. XVII
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, vol. XX
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1906-7
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report,
1922-3
The Classical Age
Culture and Art of India
Census of India, 1931
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XIV
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathură
CHAI, III CHI, I CII, III CMHI, II CUHI, I
Concise History of Ancient India, vol. III The Cambridge History of India, vol. I Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. III A Comprehensive History of India, vol. II
DGM, 1911 DGM, 1968 DJI EI, I EI, II EI, X
EI, XX
The Cultural Heritage of India, Ramakrishna Centenary Memorial, vol. I District Gazetteer of Mathurā, 1911 District Gazetter of Mathurā, 1968 Digambara Jaina Iconography Epigraphia Indica, vol. I Epigraphia Indica, vol. II Epigraphia Indica, vol. X Epigraphia Indica, vol. XX Elliot and Dowson, History of India as Told by its Historians, vol. II Elliot and Dowson, History of India as Told by its Historians, vol. IV Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. II Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. VII The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India
Elliot and Dowson, II
Elliot and Dowson, IV
ERE, II ERE, VII GD
GEAMI, I
The Geographical Encyclopaedia of Ancient and Medieval India, Part I. Historical Geography of Ancient India History of Indian and Eastern Architecture
HGAI
HIEA

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Abbreviations
HJM
HOFA
HOIC, I
HOPEW
History of Jaina Monachism A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon A History of Indian Civilisation, vol. I History of Philosophy Eastern and Western Harivaṁaśa Purāņa Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. II Introductory Booklet, Śrī 1008 Jambūsvāmi Jaina Siddha Ksetra, Mathurā
HP
IGI, II
Introductory Booklet
IP
India's Past
ISP
Mathură Ki Guptakālīn Jain Mürtiyon Ka Pratima Laksana. Paper presented in the International Seminar held at Government Museum, Mathurā Jaina Art and Architecture, vol. I
JAA, I
JI
The Jaina Iconography
JIR JISI JOLR JPV JS JSAI JSS JUPHS, III
Jainism in Rajasthan, Sholapur, 1963 Jainism in South India Jainism, The Oldest Living Religion Jain Pratimā Vigyān The Jaina Stūpa and other Antiquities of Mathura Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India Jaina Sects and Schools Mathurā Museum Catalogue, V.S. Agarawala, Part III, Journal of U.P. Historical Society Life in Ancient India as Depicted in Jaina Canons Mathurā — The Cultural Heritage
LDJC MCH
XV

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Xvi
@急卐
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathura
Mathura A District Memoir
Mathura Inscriptions
Medieval Jainism
MDM
MI
MJ
MM no.
MS
NM no.
OISJ
OJ
Poddar Abhinandan
RI
ROAI
SFE
SIJA
SML no.
TSPC, II
TSPC, III
TSPC, IV
TSPC, VI
Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa
Vogel, Catalogue
Yasastilaka
EWA, VIII
Government Museum, Mathura Object Number
Mathura Scultpures
National Museum Object Number
On the Indian Sect of the Jainas
Outlines of Jainism
Poddar Abhinandan Granth
Religions of India
Religions of Ancient India
The Struggle For Empire
Studies in Jaina Art
State Museum, Lucknow Object Number Hemacandra, Trisaṣṭisalākāpuruṣacarita, vol. II Hemacandra, Trisaṣṭisalakāpuruṣacarita, vol. III Hemacandra, Trisaṣṭisalākāpuruṣacarita, vol. IV Hemacandra, Triṣastiśalākāpurusacarita, vol. VI Jinaprabha Sūri, Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa
J. Ph. Vogel, Catalogue of the Archaeological Museum at Mathura
Yasastilaka and Indian Culture
Encyclopaedia of World Art, vol. VIII

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Transliteration Chart
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xvii

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PL. I:
PL. II:
Pl. III:
PI. IV:
PL. V:
PL. VI:
PL. VII:
PL. VIII:
Pl. IX:
Pl. X:
List of Illustrations
Akota (Gujarat): Seated Rṣabhanatha (copper alloy), tenth century AD, Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon).
Śravanabelagola (Karnataka): Gomateśvara Statue, fifteenth century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon). Cittor (Rajasthan): Jaina Kirti Stambha (Pillar of Victory), fifteenth century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon).
Sravanabelagola (Karnataka): Jaina Mänstambha, twelfth century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon). Hampi (Karnataka): General view of Jaina temples on the Hemaküţa Hill, fourteenth-fifteenth century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon).
Khajuraho (Madhya Pradesh): A view of Adinatha Temple, tentheleventh century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian. Studies, Gurgaon).
Kumharia (Gujarat): A view of Neminatha Temple, eleventh-twelfth century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon).
Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of Adinatha Temple (Vimala-Vasahi Temple), eleventh century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon).
Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of the ceiling of Adinatha Temple (Vimala-Vasahi Temple), eleventh century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon).
Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of Luna-Vasahi Temple, thirteenth century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon).
xix

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Pl. XI : Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of Lūņa-Vasahi Temple, thirteenth
century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies,
Gurgaon). Pl. XII : Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of Lüņa-Vasahi Temple, thirteenth
century AD (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies,
Gurgaon). Pl. XIII : Mathura (Uttar Pradesh): Seated tirthamkara, Kusāna Period, State
Museum, Lucknow (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian
Studies, Gurgaon). Pl. XIV : Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Seated tīrthařkara, Gupta Period, State
Museum, Lucknow (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian
Studies, Gurgaon). Pl. XV :Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Seated tirthamkara, tenth century AD, State
Museum, Lucknow (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian
Studies, Gurgaon). Pl. XVI : Mathura (Uttar Pradesh): Āyāga-patta with svastika motif, seated
tīrthamkara figure and pair of fish, Kuşāņa Period, State Museum, Lucknow (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies,
Gurgaon). Pl. XVII: Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Architrave of the gateway of a stupa
(Reverse), first century BC, State Museum, Lucknow (Photo courtesy:
American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon). Pl. XVIII : Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Yaksi Ambikā, ninth century AD,
Government Museum, Mathurā (Photo courtesy: American Institute
of Indian Studies, Gurgaon). Pl. XIX: Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Goddess Sarasvati, Kuşāna Period, State
Museum, Lucknow (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian
Studies, Gurgaon). Pl. XX :Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Ayāga-patta donated by Vāsu depicting the
Jaina stūpa, Kusāna Period, Government Museum, Mathurā (Photo
courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon). Pl. XXI: Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Tympanum showing worship of a Jaina
stūpa, a tīrthařkara and a goddess by male and female devotees, Kuşāņa Period, State Museum, Lucknow (Photo courtesy: American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon).

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1
Introduction to Jainism
JAINISM is one of the oldest religions in India. It evolved at an early period of Indian history' and has been called by numerous names. Through the ages, Jainism and its culture have been called by names and epithets like the Rṣabha Cult, the Ahimsa Dharma, the Śramana Dharma, the Nirgrantha Dharma, the Yogamarga, the Vratya, the Arhat, the Syadvāda Mat, the Anekanta Mat, the Samani, the Bhavya, the Sarāka, the Bhāvaḍe, the Sewaḍe, the Śravaka, the Jaina, etc., in various parts of India.' It is a religion with a complete system; it has its dogma, metaphysics, philosophy, mythology, ethics and ritual. Jainism is a living religion3 and has got a strong hold upon an influential section of the Indian people. The adherents of this religion, now called Jainas, were known as Nirgranthas for long.5 These days they are sometimes called Saraugīs or Sarãogīs also.
The majority of the Jainas belong to the trading classes, and they hold an important position in Indian society because of their wealth and education. 10
1.
ERE, VII, p. 465; CUHI, I, p. 185; ACHI, p. 100; JOLR, p. 1.
2.
JSAI, Introduction, pp. 5-6.
3. Ibid., Introduction, p. 6; ACHI, p. 100; AI (M), p. 170; SIJA. p. 3.
4.
AI (M), p. 170.
5.
LDJC, p. 21; RI, p. 283 fn. 2; ROAI, p. 117; JI, p. 12.
6.
MDM, p.13.
7.
JSAI, Introduction, p. 5; DGM, 1911, p. 82; Census, 1931, p. 493.
8. ERE, VII, p. 472; OISJ, p. 1; CUHI, I, p. 222.
9.
IP, p. 72; JSAI, Introduction, p. 6.
10. ERE, VII, p. 472; OISJ, p. 1; IP, p. 72.
1

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Important cities of India have considerable Jaina population. The principal sub-divisions of the Jainas are the Svetāmbara and the Digambara. The states of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra and Karnataka have the largest number of Jainas in India.2 The Digambara Jainas preponderate in south Maharashtra and Karnataka, and the Svetāmbara Jainas are more numerous in Gujarat and the Punjab. 13 As a whole, the Jainas are economically welloff. Jaina affluence is most noticeable in the celebration of festivals, construction of temples and deeds of public welfare.
Jainism was a popular religion in India in the ancient and early medieval period. The period from the fifth century AD to the tenth century AD was the most flourishing in the history of Jainism, particularly in south India. Probably, one-third of the total population of the Deccan professed Jainism during this period. 14 But there has been a considerable decline in the number of the Jainas during the past ten centuries. According to the census of 1901, the Jainas numbered 1,334,140, and this strength was less than 1/2 per cent of India's population. 15 The Jaina population in India was 1,178,000 in 192616 and a little over two million in 1975.17 At present Jainism is professed by more than five million in India.18 Hermann Jacobi 19 and A.A. Macdonell20 felt that Jainism is a rigorous religion to practice; it is suitable for the upper classes and unfit for the illiterate masses, and this accounts for its small numerical strength. It is difficult to agree with this view. Jainism, undoubtedly, lays great stress on an austere and rigorous life. It, in fact, is a votary of asceticism.
11. JAA, I, p. 34; ERE, VII, p. 472; OISJ, p. 1. 12. JAA, I, p. 34. 13. Ibid. 14. A.S. Altekar, Rāstrakūtas and Their Times, p. 310, cited in JSAI, p. 247 fn. 3. 15. ERE, VII, p. 472. 16. IP, p. 72. 17. ACHI, p. 100. 18. A.K. Mazumdar, Early Hindu India, Delhi, 1981, p. 263. 19. ERE, VII, p. 472 fn. 1. 20. IP, p. 72.

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Introduction to Jainism
But India has rightly been called the homeland of asceticism.21 Tradition and legend have united to glorify the ascetic in India.22 The popularity of Jainism in ancient and early medieval India disproves the viewpoint of Jacobi and Macdonell.
Jainism declined in numerical strength due to a variety of causes. With the passage of time the Jainas lost their early zeal and many evils crept into the Jaina society.23 The advent of Islam in India also delivered a cruel blow to Jainism. As a result of Muslim aggression the Jainas living in various parts of India lost contact with each other; forced conversion of the Jainas to Islam and the policy of destruction and demolition adopted by many Muslim rulers of India weakened the monastic organisation of Jainism 24 The consequent disintegration of the Jaina church destroyed the bond of unity among the Jainas and their numerical strength kept on dwindling 25
But, in spite of the small numerical strength of its followers, the contribution of Jainism to the Indian heritage has been extremely significant. Through the ages, Jainism has produced admirable monks and nuns, kings, military generals, ministers, statesmen, authors, philosophers, religious leaders, financiers, industrialists, traders, artists, scholars, etc.26 Religious instincts fostered by Jainism have created impression on many aspects of Indian life.27 Jainism has made a significant contribution in the domain of politics also. Epigraphic records of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu contain facts which reveal that Jainism made a remarkable contribution to the
21. HJM, p.1. 22. ERE, II, p. 187. 23. CUHI, I, p. 222. 24. HJM, p. 136; JIR, pp. 51-3. 25. Ibid., pp. 136-7. 26. For a detailed information on this subject one is advised to consult B.A. Saletore,
Medieval Jainism; K.C.Jain, Jainism in Rajasthan, 1963; Jyoti Prasad Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, 1964; Jyoti Prasad Jain, Pramukh Aitihāsik Jain
Puruşa Aur Mahiläen, 1975. 27. ACHI, p. 100.

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā suceess and stability of the magnificent Vijayanagara empire and many other kingdoms of south India 28 Jainism has enriched Indian philosophy, art, architecture, languages both Aryan and Dravidian, literature, social life and pattern of living, and to this contribution we shall turn in some detail later in this book.
Misconceptions about Jainism
After the establishment of British rule in India, European scholars devoted themselves to the task of exploring the philosophy and religions of India. About the beginning of the nineteenth century Jainism attracted notice of European scholars.29 But they could not form a correct opinion about this faith for long owing to the absence of original texts which at the time were scarcely available in Europe. 30 Consequently, Jainism was misunderstood and misrepresented. Some European scholars looked upon Jainism as an offshoot of Buddhism.31 Some others viewed it as a rebellious variety of Brähmanism 32 or as a revolt against this religion.33
Jainism is not an off-shoot of Buddhism
The older generation of Sanskrit scholars held two opinions on these subjects. Colebrooke, Prinsep, Stevenson, E. Thomas and some others thought that Jainism is older than Buddhism.34 But distinguished orientalists like H.H. Wilson, Lassen and Weber were of opinion that Jainism is an off-shoot of Buddhism.35 The latter view was held on the basis of some striking resemblances
28. MJ, p. 2. 29. HJM, p. 14. 30. CHI, I, p. 152. 31. ERE, VII, p. 465. 32. OJ, Introduction, xxix. 33. ROAI, pp. 111-12;E.B. Havell, History of Aryan Rule in India, p. 59; Maurice A. Canney,
An Encyclopaedia of Religions, 1976, p. 195; JOLR, Preface, i. 34. CHI, I, p. 152. 35. Ibid., p. 152; OISJ, p. 23 fn. 1.

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Introduction to Jainism
in the Jaina and Buddhist records of which only a small part had reached Europe at that time.36 But thanks to the researches of Hermann Jacobi, J.G. Buhler, Guerinot and some others the view that Jainism is an off-shoot of Buddhism stands discredited. Between 1879 and 1884, Jacobi undertook the refutation of the negative thesis that Jainism arose out of Buddhism.37 In his introductions to volumes XXII and XLV of the Sacred Books of the East, Jacobi thoroughly exploded the myth that Jainism is an off-shoot of Buddhism. Jacobi wrote,
Notwithstanding the radical difference in their philosophical notions, Jainism and Buddhism, being originally both orders of monks outside the pale of Brāhmanism, present some resemblance in outward appearance, so that even Indian writers occasionally have confounded them. It is, therefore, not to be wondered at that some European scholars who became acquainted with Jainism through inadequate samples of Jain literature easily persuaded them that it was an offshoot of Buddhism. But it has since been proved beyond doubt that this theory is wrong, and that Jainism is at least as old as Buddhism.38
On the strength of references in Pāli literature, Jacobi proved that the Jainas existed before the time of Mahāvīra, who was a contemporary of Gautama Buddha, and that Mahāvīra was a reformer of the order of ascetics founded by Pārsvanātha rather than being the founder of Jainism.39 Jacobi succeeded and his role is largely remembered because of this accomplishment.40 After his study of inscriptions excavated from Kankālī Tilā, Mathurā, J.G. Buhler, another eminent German scholar, also reached the conclusion that Jainism is not an off-shoot of Buddhism. Buhler wrote,
36. CHI, I, p. 152. 37. MCH. p. 104. 38. ERE, VII, p. 465.
Sacred Books of the East, vols. XXII and XLV, Introductions; also see ERE, VII, pp. 465
39.
ff.
40. MCH, p. 104; LDJC, p. 21; RI, p. 283 fn. 2

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Old historical traditions prove the independent existence of the sect of the Jainas even during the first five centuries after Buddha's death, and among the inscriptions are some which clear the Jaina tradition not only from the suspicion of fraud but bear powerful testimony to its honesty.41
Jacobi had proved the independence of Jainism from Buddhism on the basis of literary evidence, Buhler provided epigraphical evidence to confirm it.
Points of similarity and difference between Jainism and Buddhism
There are, undoubtedly, some similarities between Jainism and Buddhism. Both are pessimistic and monastic religions.42 Both consider the world as an abode of sorrow and hold that salvation is the aim of human life. 43 Both deny the authenticity of the Vedas as an infallible authority and question the efficacy of the rites prescribed in them for the purpose of salvation. Both ignore the conception of God.45 Both lay emphasis on a rigorous system of discipline based on a code of moral and spiritual behaviour.46 Both advocate stress on pure and moral life rather than on worship of and devotion to God as the means to salvation.47 Both believe that nirvana can be achieved by one's own efforts. 48
But, these similarities are largely superficial in nature. In fact, Jainism and Buddhism radically differ in religion as well as metaphysics.49 Their
41. OISJ, p. 23. 42. IP, p. 68. 43. AI (M), p. 168; ERE, VII, p. 465. 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid. 46. AOIU, p. 361. 47. AI (M), pp. 168-9. 48. Sital Prasad, Comparative Study of Jainism and Buddhism, 1982, p. 196. 49. RI, p. 286.

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Introduction to Jainism
conceptions about soul and many other matters are fundamentally different and cannot be explained away as later additions.50 Both advocate the attainment of nirvāṇa, but they differ in their methods of realising it. 51 Jainism advocates the possession of right belief, right knowledge and right conduct as a means to the attainment of nirvāna,52 but Buddhism suggests the eight-fold path as a means to this end.53 They differ in their concept of nirvana also. The suggested meaning of nirvana in Buddhism is extinction.54 But in Jainism nirvana means the attainment of its original pure nature or state by the soul.55 They differ in the concept of soul also. Gautama Buddha denied the existence of soul.56 Jainism, on the other hand, believes in the reality of soul.57 Jainism lays great stress on asceticism.58 But Gautama Buddha decried it59, and preached the middle path or the path of moderation that avoids extreme, 61 i.e., the mean between laxity and asceticism.62 In their doctrine of non-violence, too, Jainism and Buddhism are not in total agreement. Jainism preaches non-violence even towards inanimate things.63 But the Buddha was not averse to meat-eating, and is said to have died of dysentery caused by eating pork. 64
50. AI (M), p. 169. 51. ERE, VII, p. 465. 52. CUHI, I, p. 195; OJ, p. 53; OISJ, p. 5. 53. RI, pp. 305-6; Bhikshu Sangharakshita, A Survey of Buddhism, 1957, pp. 133-5. 54. JI, p. 3; CUHI, I, p. 272; Sital Prasad, op. cit., p. 1. 55. HJM, p. 4. 56. CUHI, I, p. 259; G.F.Allen, The Buddha's Philosophy, London, 1959, p. 42;AOIU, p. 372. 57. Ibid., p. 224; OJ, p. 7; JI, p. 4. 58. RI, p. 287; JI, p. 4;IP, p. 71; AI (M), p. 169. 59. The World's Great Religions, 1959, p. 43; IP, p. 71. 60. Ibid., p. 43; G.F. Allen, op. cit., pp. 39-40; AI (M), p. 169. 61. G.F. Allen, op. cit., p. 39. 62. RI, p. 310 fn. 1. 63. HOIC, I, p. 162; JI, pp. 3-4. 64. RI, p. 310 fn. 1.

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
In metaphysics Jainism recognises a dualistic realism.65 Buddhism, on the other hand, emphasises the doctrine of universal void.66 The Digambara Jaina monks lay great stress on nudity.67 The Buddha, on the other hand, denounced the practice of going out naked.68 The Jaina canon is different from the Buddhist canon; it also gives an impression of greater antiquity.69 The lay community in Jainism plays a greater part in the administration of its religion. The fundamental theories of Jainism, i.e., the syādvāda; the Jaina division of living beings, especially the elementary lives, are not found in Buddhism." In fact, Jainism and Buddhism were rival religions72 and had distinct historical origins." Jainism is certainly older than Buddhism. It is, therefore, not surprising that because of the greater antiquity of Jainism some scholars considered Buddhism as an off-shoot of this religion.94
Points of similarity and difference between Jainism and Hinduism
Jainism has much in common with the Hindu systems of philosophy. Like Sāṁkhya and Yoga schools of Hindu philosophy, Jainism believes in dualism of matter and soul, looks upon worldly life as bad and painful, and holds that liberation from the cycles of birth by the possession of right knowledge is the aim of human life.75 Like Sāmkhya, Yoga, Nyāya, Vaišesika and Pūrva
65. ERE, VII, p. 468; OJ, p. 7; JI, p. 4. 66. CUHI, I, pp. 261-5; JI, p. 3. 67. OISJ, p. 2; IP, p. 69. 68. AI(M), p. 169; ADIU, p. 362. 69. ROAI, p. 120. 70. Ibid., p. 122. 71. ERE, VII, p. 465 fn. 3. 72. CHI, I, p. 151; JOLR, p. 5; SBE, vols. XXII and XLV, Introductions. 73. AI(M), pp. 168-9. 74. ROAI, p. 111. 75. ERE, VII, p. 465.

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Introduction to Jainism
Mīmāmsā schools of Hindu philosophy, Jainism rejects the doctrine of the creator of the universe and also the theory of creation. Like the UttaraMīmāṁsā, Jainism considers the world as a product of evolution." Jainism resembles the Pūrva-Mīmāṁsā in emphasising the potency of karma78, and resembles the Vedānta (Uttara-Mīmāṁsā) in maintaining that every individual soul (jīva) is potentially a parmātman.79 The ātmavāda of Jainism, 'though different from the Upanișadic view',So is close to the spirit of the Vedānta. 81
But Jainism has its peculiarities as well. It differs from the Samkhya and the Yoga in the methods of realising salvation.82 According to Hinduism, Jainism is heretical because it denies the authority of the Vedas. 83 The Jaina doctrine of non-violence is opposed to Vedic ritualism. 84 The Jaina and the Hindu conceptions of God are fundamentally different. 85 Like the Sāṁkhya and the Yoga, Jainism believes in the dualism of matter and soul, but these metaphysical principles are worked out on different lines in this religion. The Sāmkhya School of philosophy has adopted Brāhmaṇical modes of thought, but Jainism which is non-Brāhmanical, has adopted animistic ideas.86 The canons of Hinduism and Jainism are different. The Jainas do not believe in Hindu funeral rites; they also do not venerate sacred places of the Hindus.87
76. CUHI, I. pp. 186-7. 77. Ibid., p. 190. 78. Ibid. 79. Ibid. 80. ERE, II, p. 801. 81. ROAI, p. 131. 82. ERE, VII, p. 465. 83. Ibid., p. 465. 84. CUHI, I. p. 191. 85. ACHI, p. 108. 86. ERE, VII, p. 465 fn. 2. 87. JI, p. 2.

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Relationship between Jainism and Hinduism It is evident that Hinduism and Jainism are two different religions. But, in spite of its numerous differences, Jainism is nearer to Hinduism than Buddhism.88 The opposition of Jainism to Hinduism has been less pronounced, 89 and it has been more accomodating to Hinduism than other unorthodox faiths.90 Hinduism, too, has been sympathetic to Jainism, 91 and has shown respect and receptivity to it.92 In fact, a process of give and take has been a characteristic feature of the relationship between Hinduism and Jainism.93 Hinduism and its ethics bear conspicuous stamp of Jainism.94 Similarly, considerable Hindu influence can be traced on Jainism.95 Both Jainism and Hinduism have laid stress on asceticism,96 and scholars like Jacobi,97 Buhler and Charpentier" have noticed exact similarity between the rules laid down for Hindu saṁnyāsīs and Jaina monks. Mahāvīra was not opposed to the brāhmaṇas; he was opposed to the degenerate priestly class.100 The brāhmaṇa was conceived as an ideal man. In the Jaina texts dealing with the ideal qualities of the brāhmanas, the śramanas are designated as such.101 Jainism
88. RI, pp. 286-7. 89. ROAI, pp. 121-2. 90. AOIU, p. 425; AI(M), p. 169. 91. JIR, p. 234. 92. HOIC, I, p. 167. 93. S.D. Jha, Aspect of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology, 1978, Introduction,
p. 13. 94. Ibid., Introduction, p. 13; ERE, II, p. 813. 95. Ibid., pp. 235-6, Rerospect;ERE, II, pp. 802,812;ERE, VII, p. 470;OISJ, pp. 15-16;AOIU,
p. 362; CHI, I, pp. 150-2; ROAI, pp. 113-14; HJM, pp. 52 ff; AOIK, p. 295. 96. RI, p. 287. 97. CHI, I, p. 151; HJM, p. 52. 98. OISJ, pp. 15-16; ibid. 99. CHI, I, p. 151; ibid. 100. HJM, p. 64. 101. Ibid.

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Introduction to Jainism
= 4
has not been opposed to caste system. 102 The brāhmana priests (pujārīs) are employed in Jaina temples. 103 There was no trace of pessimism in the attitude of Rgvedic Aryans, 104 and the doctrine of transmigration of soul was unknown to the early Brāhmanas. 105 Probably, Hinduism adopted these features from Jainism.106 Tīrthamkara sāntinātha's sermon 107 sounds like a commentary on Gītā.108 The Jaina and Hindu Purānic teachings are almost identical.109 The definition of dharma as given by the Mahābhārata and Gunabhadra, the Jaina purānakāra, is identical.110 The doctrine of non-violence on which Jainism lays great stress has found modified approval in Hinduism.111 The Jaina pontiffs like Jinasena prescribed rules and practices laid down by Brāhmana dharmaśāstras for the Jainas. 112
Nāga-worship, tree-worship and yaksa-worship were common to Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism in ancient India. 113 After the adoption of idol-worship the difference between a Hindu and a Jaina became almost non-existent in ancient India. 114 In fact, with the passage of time little outward difference existed in the rituals, mode of worship and religious celebrations of the Hindus and the Jainas.115 The Hindu, Jaina and Buddhist idols were often
102. JI, p. 3; ADIU, p. 425; CUHI, p. 222; AOIK, p. 295. 103. Ibid.; RI, p. 286; ROAI, p. 125. 104. ERE, II, p. 802; CUHI, I, p. 29. 105. AOIU, p. 363. 106. Ibid. 107. TSPC, vol. III, pp. 322-3. 108. S.D. Jha, op. cit., p. 257. 109. Ibid., p. 255. 110. Ibid., p. 254. 111. RI, p. 287; S.D. Jha, op. cit., p. 255; JIR, p. 234. 112. S.D. Jha, op. cit., pp. 235-6; JSAI, p. 248. 113. V.S. Agrawala, Ancient Indian Folk Cults, Varanasi, 1970, pp. 104, 116, 180. 114. HOIC, I, p. 166. 115. JSAI, p. 248.

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathură
installed side by side in one temple. 116 Jainism has adopted many Hindu gods and goddesses to its pantheon.117 The general way of life of a Hindu and a Jaina in Rajasthan is almost the same.118 Regarding Uttar Pradesh the Census Report of India says,
The difference between Jains and Hindus is not very distinct, and in practice seems more social than religious. Closely connected as Jains are by race and profession with certain sections of the Hindu community, inter-marriages have, in the past, not been uncommon.119
The Hindus and the Jainas participate in each other's festivals also. The message of Jainism to mankind is: 'Be a man first and last, for the kingdom of God belongs to the son of man'; this very truth is proclaimed in unmistakable terms by the Upanisadic text tat tuam asi "Thou Art That'. 120
Background of Jainism
To a great extent Jainism is a primitive religion. There is much in it that is pre-Aryan. But it has also been influenced by Brāhmaṇic thought and practices. The origin and growth of Jainism was the consequence of both preAryan and Aryan influence.
Before the advent of the Aryans in eastern India some recluses or primitive people held a number of ideas like a pessimistic outlook on life, the doctrine of transmigration of soul, belief in the presence of soul or life in all things. 121 These ideas were later submerged in the general stream of Indian thought.122 Jainism had its origin in eastern India. Many philosophical ideas
116. JSAI, p. 248.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122. Ibid., p. 100; Ibid., p. 362.
JI, p. 3; AOIU, p. 425; JIR, p. 234; OISJ, p. 61.
JIR, p. 234.
Census, 1931, p. 495.
CUHI, I, p. 219.
ACHI, p. 100; AOIU, pp. 362-3.

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Introduction to Jainism
of Jainism were either borrowed from or were a survival of the thought currents of the primitive people of eastern India. 123 This was the primitive or pre-Aryan or non-Aryan background of Jainism. But it was also influenced by the thought and practices of Brāhmaṇism. 124 This was the Aryan background of Jainism.
Outlines of Jainism
It is beyond the scope of this book to deal with the metaphysics, philosophy, mythology, ethics and rituals of Jainism exhaustively. We turn to these subjects succinctly. Jainism does not believe in a Creator125 or a Creator God 126 or a Supreme Being127 and also rejects the theory of creation. 128 Like the Uttara-Mīmāmsā School of Hindu philosophy, Jainism views the world as a product of evolution. 129 Jainism holds that the world is not created or ruled by God;130 it is without beginning and end;131 it is everlasting and exists on the strength of its elements. 132
Conception of God in Jainism
In Jaina metaphysics there is no room for God either as a creator or as a distributor of prizes. 133 Jainism has generally been labelled an atheistic religion. In an article on atheism, Hermann Jacobi, an internationally renowned authority on Jainism, wrote,
123. AOIU, p. 363.
124. S.D. Jha, op. cit., Introduction, pp. 13, 235-6, Retrospect.
125. CUHI, I, pp. 189-90.
126. AJAA, p. 50.
127. JI, p. 4.
128. CUHI, I, pp. 189-90.
129. Ibid., p. 190.
ERE, II, p. 187.
130. 131. OISJ, p. 9; ERE, II, p. 187.
132. Ibid., p. 9.
133. ACHI, p. 108.
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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Jainism is atheistical, if by atheism we understand the belief that there is no eternal Supreme God, Creator and Lord of all things; for the Jainas flatly deny such a Supreme God. 134
He also wrote,
Though the Jainas are undoubtedly atheistical as we understand the term, still they would probably object to being styled atheists. 135
In fact, Jaina scholars hold that Jainism is not atheistical. Lakshmi Chandra Jain writes,
Jainism cannot be regarded as a Nāstika or atheistical religion, simply because it does not believe in a Creator God. It believes in the eternal existence of soul (Jīva) and of five other substances. . . . It believes in the potentiality of each soul to achieve Nirvāna or the State of Godhood. 136
J.L. Jaini writes,
As compared with most other religions, it is important to notice that Jainism has a very definite and uncompromising attitude towards the conception of God. It is accused of being atheistic. This is not so, because Jainism believes in Godhood and in innumerable gods; but certainly Jainism is atheistic in not believing its gods to have created the universe. 137
But, Jainism believes in a highest deity - parama-devatā 138 or parmātman. 139
134. ERE, II, p. 186. 135. Ibid., p. 187. 136. JAA, I, Prefece, vii. 137. OJ, pp. 4-5. 138. ERE, II, p. 187. 139. CUHI, I, p. 191.

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Introduction to Jainism
This highest deity is the jina;140 the jina is an object of veneration,141 the highest object of worship. 142 The jina deserves to be worshipped, because he is the conqueror of the world and provides the ideal, i.e., salvation from the cycle of births and deaths, which are characteristic of the world.143 Jainism also believes in innumerable gods, who are of various kinds and of various degrees of perfection.144 But these gods are not eternal.145
Like the Sāṁkhya School of Hindu philosophy, Jainism is dualistic. It believes in the existence of the jīva (soul) and the ajīva (non-soul). 146 According to Jainism, these two exhaust between them all that exists in the universe. 147 As a result of the contact between the jīva and the ajīva, i.e., the living and the non-living, energies are forged which lead to various experiences of life like birth and death.148 This process can be stopped and the energies already forged can be destroyed by following a path of descipline which can lead to salvation.149 This statement contains seven propositions, i.e., the seven tattvas or realities of Jainism.150 These seven propositions are as follows:151
1. There is the jīva or the living. 2. There is the ajīva or the non-living. 3. The jīva and the ajīva come into contact with each other. 4. This contact produces some energies.
140. ERE, II, p. 187; CUHI, I, p. 191. 141. Ibid., p. 187. 142. CUHI, I, p. 191. 143. Ibid. 144. ERE, II, p. 186. 145. Ibid. 146. CUHI, I, p. 224; JI, p. 4. 147. Ibid., p. 224. 148. Ibid. 149. Ibid. 150. Ibid.
15

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
5. The process of this contact can be stopped.
6. The existing energies can also be destroyed.
7. Salvation can be achieved.
The ethics of Jainism stands for realisation of nirvāņa or mokṣa.152 According to Jainism, nirvana or mokṣa means the attainment of its original purity by the soul. 153 Jainism views nirvana as a highly special or transcendental condition of human soul in which it remains eternally and absolutely free from passion, hatred, birth, decay, desire, etc., because of complete destruction of all causes of sorrow. 154 The nirvana or salvation can be achieved by right faith, right knowledge and right conduct. 155 These three jewels or tri-ratna is the mokṣa märg or path of salvation in Jainism. 156 None of these three jewels can ensure salvation individually; their togetherness is the essential condition for the attainment of mokṣa.157
Jainism attaches supreme significance to anekantavada 158 or the theory of Indefiniteness of Being. 159 The essence of anekāntavāda is that reality should be looked at from many points of view. 160 The anekāntavāda theory is upheld by a dialectical method called syadvada. 161 The Jainas attach so much importance to this method that syādvāda is frequently used as a synonym for Jainism. 162 Syādvada - the doctrine of 'It may be so' - is a mode of reasoning
151. CUHI, I, p. 224.
152. ERE, VII, p. 470.
153.
HJM, p. 4.
154. CUHI, I, p. 273.
155. HJM, p. 4; ERE, VII, p. 470; JI, p. 7; OJ, p. 53.
156. CUHI, I, p. 195.
157.
Ibid.
158.
159.
160.
161. 162.
ERE, VII, pp. 467-8.
Ibid.
CUHI, I, p. 236.
ERE, VII, p. 468.
Ibid., p. 468.

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Introduction to Jainism
which makes it possible to assert and deny the existence of one and the same thing. 163 The doctrine of nayas is supplementary to the doctrine of syādvāda, and in a way is the logical complement to it.164 The essence of the doctrine of nayas is that all ways of judgement are partially true. 165
The doctrine of ahimsä or non-violence is central to Jainism; no religion has laid greater emphasis on it than this creed. The Jaina discipline is very hard. It preaches non-attachment, abstinence from intoxicants, adultery, gambling, hunting, taking food at night, etc. 166 The rituals of Jainism are not as elaborate as Hindu rituals, but they certainly surpass those of Buddhism. 167 The Jainas worship the images of their tīrthamkaras and gods in their temples, and many rites and ceremonies are observed in respect of worship. The Jainas also practise confession of sins before the teacher. 168 Jainism attaches great significance to pilgrimages, and four months in the year are specially devoted to fastings, reading of sacred books and spiritual meditation. Jaina festivals are lavishly celebrated. The Jainas have adopted some Hindu festivals also. 169
Ideals of Jainism
To a large extent Jainism is a direct representative of the ancient Magadhan culture or the stream that was known as Sramanic. 170 This stream stands in sharp contrast to the Brāhmaṇic current of Indian culture. The avowed aim of Jainism is the perfection of man. 171 It holds that every individual soul (jīva) is capable of achieving godhood. It preaches severe discipline, self-control, renunciation and austerity. Jainism respects and glorifies the ascetic. The
163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169.
OISJ, p. 11. ERE, VII, p. 468. Ibid. JI, p. 9. Ibid., p. 11. Ibid., p. 11; ROAI, p. 128. Ibid., p. 12.
17

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathură
spirit of universality is a characteristic feature of Jainism. It inspires each man to become a jina or a conqueror, and believes in the potentiality of each soul to achieve mokṣa or salvation. Thus, its avowed aim is to lead all men to salvation.172 Man is not perfect, but he can attain perfection. Jainism holds that man is the architect of his destiny173, and he should strive to reach as near perfection or godhood as possible. 174 It advocates conquest of the body, the senses and the world-stuff. A Jaina feels inspired by the moral grandeur of the jina and by the metaphysical solitude of the kevalin or the perfect.
Ethics is the most glorious aspect of Jainism. According to Jainism, the highest good of the society is the highest good of the individual. 175 It stands for absolute and eternal happiness for all living beings. 176 Jainism interprets non-violence in an extremely comprehensive sense. It attributes soul to all sentient creatures. It holds that plants, air, water and minerals, too, have soul. Jainism believes that non-violence means abstinence from all thought, speech and action that can provoke discord and conflict. Ahimsa or nonviolence is the principal religious idea of Jainism. The ethics of this religion is based on the doctrine of non-violence. Accroding to Jainism, ahimsa is not a negative virtue. On the contrary, it views it as a positive quality which preaches universal love. One who is actuated by this ideal cannot be indifferent to the sufferings of others. 177 Anekantavāda constitutes the philosophical ideal of Jainism. Its attitude towards other religions is determined by anekantavāda, which means that reality should be looked at from many points of view. Peace and tolerance are, thus, inherent in Jainism.
170. JSAI, Introduction, p. 4.
171. JAA, I, p. 35.
172. OISJ, p. 3.
173. AOIU, p. 425; CAI, p. 78.
174. OJ, p. 5.
175. Ibid., Introduction, xxiii
176. Ibid., Introduction, xxii.
177. HOPEW, p. 139.

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Jaina Tīrthamkaras and antiquity of Jainism
THERE is a great divergence of opinion regarding the antiquity of Jainism. Mahāvīra is generally regarded as the founder of Jainism.' But the Jaina tradition is steadfast in maintaining that Jainism is eternal, and was repeatedly revealed by twenty-four tīrthařkaras, who appeared at long intervals to restore to their original purity doctrines which were darkened by evil influences, and to propagate right knowledge, right faith and right conduct to the people steeped in ignorance about reality. The title tīrthakara is peculiar to Jainism; among the Buddhists it is a designation for false teachers. But in Jainism, the meaning of tīrthakara6 or tīrthamkara, is entirely different. We find several definitions of a tīrthařkara in both Svetāmbara and Digambara literatures according to which tīrthamkara means a prophet or the founder of a religion.
According to Buhler and Jacobi, the meaning of tīrthakara — prophet or
1. CHI, I, p. 153; AI (M), p. 167. 2. ERE, VII, p. 466. 3. OISJ, p. 7. 4. HJM, p. 57. 5. OISJ, p. 6. 6. ERE, VII, p. 466; OISJ, p. 6; CHI, I, p. 153. 7. JI, p. 15; CUHI, I, p. 236; AJAA, p. 2. 8. Ibid., p. 15. 9. ERE, VII, p. 466; CHI, I, p. 153; JSS, p. 9; JI, p. 15.

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founder of religion - is a derivation from the Brāhmanic use of the word tīrtha in the sense of doctrine’ 10 He is the tīrthakara because he is the proclaimer or founder of the doctrinel or the founder of the ford through the ocean of the world.12 The tīrthařkara is also called the jina because he is a conqueror, of the world, and of lust, anger, etc. He is also called the arhat because he is the holy one.14 In Hemacandra's Trişastiśalākāpurușcarita and the inscriptions found from Kankālī Tīlā, Mathurā, we find repeated use of the title arható for the tīrthakara or the tīrthařkara or the jina. In the Jaina inscriptions discovered from Kankālī ļīlā, Mathurā, besides the epithet arhat, the title bhagvata has also been frequently used for the tīrthamkara.16
Although the epithet tirthamkara is pre-eminently and extensively used these days, the title used in the ācārānga – the earliest of the Jaina āgamic works - is arahaṁta, and it is used in plural; this indicates that there were many such persons.17 The tīrthařkara is also called kevalin or sarvajña because he possesses omniscience.18 The tīrthamkaras occupy the highest position in Jainism. They were exalted to the highest eminence because they performed great services for the deliverance of mankind. 19 In Jainism, the jina is the highest deity; he is the teacher of sacred law; he is free from all emotions; he possesses omniscience, and is entirely indifferent to all that belongs to the world. 20 The tīrthařkara typifies all that is perfect and infinite
10. OISJ, p. 7 fn 6. 11. Ibid., p. 6. 12. Ibid., p. 6; CAI, p. 77; AOIU, p. 411. 13. Ibid., p.6; JI, pp. 16-17. 14. Ibid., p. 6. 15. TSPC, III, pp. 235-40; EI, X, Appendix, no. 47, p. 9, no. 59, p. 12. 16. EI, X, Appendix, nos. 24, 26-7, p. 5. 17. AJAA, p. 2; also see EI, X, Appendix, no. 57, p. 12. 18. OISJ, p. 6. 19. JI, p. 16. 20. ERE, II, p. 187.

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in the soul of man; he undertakes the teaching of righteousness, faith and insight.21 The jina conquers his mind and passion through self-mortification; he emancipates himself from dependance upon the world and all its objects, animate and inanimate, and transcends his physical existence and bondage of karma.22 He has infinite qualities; he is the conqueror of the world, and, he provides the ideal for those who desire salvation.23
The tīrthařkaras are guides24 and spiritually great souls.25 They are liberated souls who go up to the top of the universe and remain there for ever in the state of absolute perfection.26 The Jainas are firm in their belief that each tīrthamkara is a separate individual - a perfect soul.27 The tirthařkaras keep their individual identity even after their liberation from physical integument.28 When the tīrthamkara reaches the top end of the universe after leaving his physical body, he, like other liberated souls residing in that part of the universe, is called a siddha.29 In the Jaina pantheon, even the gods and goddesses, many of whom have been adopted from Hinduism, are treated as subordinate to the jinas.30 The idea of the relative superiority of the jinas has found manifestation in the Jaina iconography also; in the early Jaina sculptures the tirthařkaras occupy practically the entire relief.31
Of the twenty-four tīrthařkaras, twenty-two have been ascribed to the Ikşavāku dynasty of the ksatriyas. 32 But Munisuvrata, the twentieth
21. ERE, II, p. 187. 22. HOIC, I, p. 163. 23. CUHI, I, p. 191. 24. OJ, Introduction, xxvii. 25. Ibid., p. 5. 26. ERE, II, p. 186. 27. AJAA, p. 3. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid., p. 4. 30. JI, p. 37; OISJ, p. 61; JIR, p. 234. 31. Ibid., pp. 37-8. 32. ERE, VII, p. 466; OISJ, p. 65.
21

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tīrthamkara, and Neminātha, the twenty-second tirthamkara, are said to have belonged to the Harivamśa33 or the Yādava34 dynasty of the ksatriyas. According to the Jaina tradition, nearly all tīrthamkaras received consecration at their native places, and all obtained jñāna or complete enlightenment at the same place.35 The exceptions were — Rsabha, who became a kevalin at Purimtāla,36 Neminātha, who became a kevalin at Girnar, 37 and Mahāvīra, who became a kevalin at the bank of Rjupālikā river.38 Twenty tirthařkaras are said to have attained mokṣa at Samet Sikhara,39 i.e., Pārsvanātha hill in the Hazaribagh district of Bihar.40 Of the remaining four, Rsabha attained nirvāṇa on Astāpada which is supposed to be Satruñjaya in Gujarat,41 Vāsupujya at Campāpuri,42 Neminātha on Mount Girnar, 43 and Mahāvīra at Pāvāpurī.44 Twenty-one tīrthaskaras are said to have achieved moksa in the kāyotsarga posture; but Rşabha, Neminātha and Mahāvīra attained it in the padmāsana posture.45 Rşabha, Neminātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra are the most favourite tīrthamkaras among the Jainas, but images and temples of other tīrthamkaras, too, are found in many parts of India.4
33. HP, Editorial; OISJ, p. 65; ERE, VII, p. 466. 34. Ibid. ; ACHI, p. 100. 35. OISJ, pp. 65-6; JI, p. 30. 36. Ibid. ; JPV, p. 86; JI, p. 30. 37. Ibid.; HP, pp. 643-4; JI, p. 30. 38. Ibid.; AAHI, p. 85; CHI, I, p. 159. 39. Ibid., p. 66; JAA, I, pp. 14-16; JI, p. 30. 40. HGAI, p. 249; GD, p. 176; JI, p. 30. 41. OISJ, p. 66. 42. Ibid.; JAA, I, pp. 14-16; GEAMI, I, p. 83; GD, p. 44. 43. Ibid.; HP, pp. 798-9. 44. Ibid. ; AOIU, p. 415. 45. Ibid., p. 66; MCH, p. 353. 46. ERE, VII, p. 466; JI, p. 17.

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Jaina worship
The tīrthamkaras are liberated souls and they neither care for nor exercise influence on worldly affairs.47 Yet, temples are erected to them where the Jainas worship them in concrete form.49 In fact, the Jainas consider the practice of image-worship of the tīrthamkaras as co-eval with the foundation of Jainism.50 This seems to have started at an early time.51 The discovery of a highly polished torso of a jina image from Lohanipur near Patna,52 and a possible reference in the Hāthīgumphā inscription to the removal of a jina image from Kalinga to Pātaliputra by the Magadhan King Nanda at the time of his invasion of Kalinga,53 prove that image-worship was certainly in vogue among the Jainas in the Maurya period.54 An inscription discovered from Kankāli Tīlā, Mathurā55 leaves us in no doubt that image-worship was an established custom among the Jainas as early as the second century BC.
Jainism does not believe in a Creator-God. It also holds that idol-worship is not essential for the attainment of salvation.56 Therefore, the pertinent query is: What is the rationale of idol-worship in Jainism? The answer is not far to seek. The attitude of the Jaina devotee is expressed in the following quotation:
Him who is the leader of the path to salvation, who is the dispeller of mountains of karmas, and who is the knower of all reality, Him I
47. ERE, II, p. 186; ERE, VII, p. 466. 48. Ibid., p. 187; Ibid., p. 466; IP, p. 69. 49. AJAA, p. 50; IP, p. 69. 50. AOIU, p. 425. 51. JAA, I, Editorial, p. 3; SIJA, p. 40; AJAA, pp. 50 ff. 52. AOIU, p. 425; SIJA, p. 5; JAA, I, Editorial, p. 3. 53. EI, XX, pp. 71-89; AOIU, p. 426. 54. AOIU, p. 426; SIJA, p. 5. 55. EI, II, Inscription no. 1, pp. 198-9. 56. AJAA, p. 62.

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worship in order that, I may realise these very qualities of His.57
In other words, it is not idol-worship; it is worship of an ideal. J.L. Jaini writes,
The Jains worship the ideal and nothing but the ideal, namely, the soul in its perfect condition. ...58
It is held that Jaina worship is not worship of a deity;59 nor does it demand favours and escape from calamities.60 It is worship of a perfect human being, of a soul that has freed itself from all bondage.61 The Jainas maintain that the idol is not a partrait of the jina; on the contrary, it is a symbol of his qualities,62 and by worshipping the idol of the jina, the Jaina devotee develops in his own self the aggregate of the qualities of the Perfect Man.63
Jaina scholars opine that image-worship was sanctioned and introduced in Jainism because the common Jaina devotee was already accustomed to worship of yaksas, nāgas, bhūtas, trees, rivers, etc.64 Jainism made a beginning with worship of stūpas, trees, āyāga-pattas, etc., and this was followed by worship of the pañca-parmesthins, i.e., the tirthařkaras, the siddhas, the ācāryas, the upādhyāyas and the sādhus.65 The pañcaparmesthins represent various states of spiritual progress and sect-hierarchy, and this group represents objects of Jaina worship.66 But worship of this group does not appear to have started up to the end of the first century AD.67
57. CUHI, I, p. 191. 58. OJ, p. 75. 59. AJAA, p. 62. 60. JAA, I, p. 41. 61. AJAA, p. 62. 62. Ibid., p. 63. 63. Ibid. ; ERE, II, p. 187; JAA, I, p. 41; SIJA, p. 39. 64. AJAA, p. 63. 65. Ibid. 66. Ibid.; JAA, I, p. 42; ACHI, p. 109. 67. AJAA, p. 63.

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Real worship in Jainism, however, centres around the tīrthamkaras and the siddhas, especially the former.68 Devotion to them is expressed through hymns, rituals and pūjās of various kinds.69 In the hierarchy of Jainism, the siddha occupies the highest position after the tīrthařkara. The siddha is a liberated soul and is a resident of the top end of the universe; therefore, he is also worshipped as a deity. The difference between the tīrthamkara and the siddha consists in the fact that the former has physical body and the latter does not possess that.71
The next three positions in the heirarchy of Jainism in order of merit are held by the ācāryas, the upādhyāyas and the sādhus respectively. In Jainism these three categories of ascetics are also worshipped because they follow the path of salvation and also provide guidance to the Jaina religious order.72 The ācāryas are spiritual preceptors; the upādhyāyas impart canonical teachings and also undertake activities associated with spiritual engagements.73 The sādhus are mendicants.74 Jainism has adopted many gods and goddesses from the Hindu pantheon.75 These Hindu deities, too, are worshipped because they are considered integral to the Jaina religious system.76
Introduction to the tirthamkaras
The earliest reference to the twenty-four tīrthamkaras has been made in the Samvāya, the Kalpasūtra and the Avaśyaka Niryukti." A study of Jaina works like Hemcandra's Trisastisalākāpurusacarita reveals that the life of
68. JAA, I, p. 42. 69. Ibid. 70. AJAA, p. 4. 71. Ibid. 72. Ibid. 73. Ibid. 74. Ibid. 75. JI, p. 37; JIR, p. 234; AOIU, p. 426; OISJ, p. 61. 76. JI, pp. 25-6. 77. LDJC, p. 371.

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the twenty-four tirthařkaras ran almost on identical lines.78 All tirtharkaras were born in ksatriya royal families. All were averse to worldly life. All of them had very long lives, except Mahāvīra. Most of them ruled for long, and subsequently renounced the world as a result of illuminations. They practised asceticism and attained moksa after founding a community of disciples. Jainism believes in two kalpas or cycles each of which has two eras named avasarpiņi and utsarpinī; these two eras are divided into six ages or kālas.79 According to the Jaina works the Samvāya, the Kalpasūtra and the Ayasyaka Niryukti, Rsabha, the first tīrthamkara, was born in the third age, i.e., the period of happiness and sorrow, and the remaining twenty-three tīrthamkaras were born in the fourth age, i.e., the period of sorrow and happiness. 80
Rsabha - the first tirthamkara
According to the Jaina tradition, Rsabha, called Rsabhanātha, $1 Rsabhadeva, 82 Usabha,83 Vrsabha,84 Vrsabhanātha,85 Adinātha, 86 Adiśvara Bhagvān,87 was the first jina and the first tirthařkara.88 He was born in the third age (susmādusmā) or the period of happiness and sorrow89 at Vinītanagar,90 i.e., Ayodhya.91 His father Nābhi and mother Marudevī were the king and the
78. See the volumes of Hemacandra's Trişastiśalākāpuruşacarita, tr. into English by H.M.
Johnson and published from Baroda. 79. LDJC, p. 371. 80. Ibid., fn 2. 81. JI, p. 50; JAA, I, p. 14. 82. OISJ, p. 66. 83. LDJC, p. 371. 84. ERE, VII, p. 466; OISJ, p. 66. 85. JI, p.50. 86. OIS), p. 66; GD, p. 14; GEAMI, I, p. 43; JAA, I, p. 14. 87. Ibid., p. 66. 88. LDJC, p. 19. 89. Ibid., p. 371 fn 2. 90. OISJ, p. 66; JAA, I, p. 14; HGAI, p. 67. 91. LDJC, p. 19; GEAMI, I, p. 43; HGAI, p. 67; GD, p. 14.

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queen of Ayodhya.92 According to the Jaina tradition, Rsabha was the originator of agriculture, the ceremony of cremating the dead, building of the mounds, and the festivals in honour of Indra and the nāgas. 93 He is also said to have taught the arts of cooking, writing, pottery, painting and sculpture for the first time.94
According to the Jaina tradition, Rşabha descended for incarnation from the heaven Sarvārthasiddha95 and ruled for a very long time. His height was 500 poles and he lived for 8,400,000 pūrva years. 9 His complexion has been mentioned as golden.97 Rsabha became a kevalin (attained omniscience) at Purimtāla under a banyan tree.99 He devoted a considerable part of his life to asceticism and sermonising. His first ganadhara (leading disciple) and āryā (leader of female converts) were Pundarīka and Brāhmi respectively. 100 Rsabha attained moksa in the padmāsana posture11 on Aştāpada 102 which is supposed to be Šatruñjaya hill in Gujarat. 103
Ajitanātha — the second tirthamkara
Ajitanātha, the second tirthařkara,104 also called Ajitanātha Satparna, 105
92. JPV, p. 85; LDJC, p. 371. 93. LDJC, p. 19. 94. Ibid. 95. OISJ, p. 66. 96. Ibid. 97. OISJ, p. 66; ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 14. 98. Ibid., pp. 66-7; JPV, p. 86. 99. Ibid. 100. Ibid. 101. Ibid., p. 66. 102. Ibid.; JPV, p. 86. 103. Ibid., p. 66. 104. Ibid., p. 67; JAA, I, p. 14. 105. JI, p. 52.

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was born at Vinītā.106 His father Jitaśatru was the king of Vinītā (Ayodhya) and his mother's name was Vijaya Devī.107 According to the Jaina belief, Ajitanatha descended for incarnation from the heaven Vijayavimāna.108 He married at the insistence of his father and lived a happy married life. 109 He renounced the world after ruling for long and resorted to a life of asceticism.110 He attained enlightenment (bodhi) under a sala treell at Ayodhya112 after twelve years' hard penance.113
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 450 poles and he lived for 7,200,000 pūrva (great) years.114 His complexion has been described as golden.115 His first ganadhara and arya were Simhasena and Phālgū respectively.116 Ajitanatha attained mokṣa in the kayotsarga posture117 on Samet Sikhara. 118 Pārsvanatha hill (Samet Sikhara) is situated in the Hazaribagh district of Bihar.119 It stands in a dense forest infested with wild animals and is the second highest mountain south of the Himalayas. 120 It is frequently visited by the Jainas from all parts of India. 121 There is a Digambara Jaina temple at the top of this hill and some Śvetambara Jaina temples at its foot. 122
TSPC, II, p. 28; HGAI, p. 67.
Ibid., pp. 28-9; JPV, p. 95.
OISJ, pp. 66-7.
109.
TSPC, II, p. 73.
110. Ibid., pp. 89-91.
111. OISJ, pp. 66-7.
112. JPV, pp. 95-6.
113.
Ibid.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120. Ibid., p. 249.
121.
Ibid.
122.
Ibid.
106.
107.
108.
OISJ, pp. 66-7.
Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 14.
Ibid., pp. 66-7.
Ibid., p. 66.
TSPC, II, pp. 219-20; OISJ, p. 66; JAA, I, p. 14.
HGAI, p. 249; GD, p. 176.

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Sambhavanātha - the third tirthařkara
Sambhavanātha, the third tīrthařkara, was born at Śrāvasti,123 which is Sahet-Mahet in Gonda-Bahraich district of Uttar Predesh.124 His father Jitāri was the king of Srāvastī and his mother's name was Senā Devī125 or Suşenā. 126 According to the Jaina tradition, Sambhavanātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Uvarimagraiveka. 127 His childhood was full of pleasure 128 He ascended the throne at his father's behest and ruled like a benevolent king. 129 Subsequently, he renounced his throne and lived the life of an ascetic and preacher.130 He attained omniscience under a śāla tree131 at Srāvastī 132 after fourteen years' hard penance. 133
According to the Jaina tradition, Sambhavanātha's height was 400 poles and he lived for 6,000,000 pūrva years. 134 His complexion has been described as golden. 135 His first gañadhara and āryā were Cāru and Syāmā respectively. 136 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture137 at Samet Sikhara. 138
123. TSPC, II, pp. 232-4; JI, p. 54; OIS), pp. 66-7; JAA, I, p. 14. 124. HGAI, p. 124. 125. TSPC, II, pp. 232-4; JPV, p. 97. 126. JPV, p. 97; JI, p. 54. 127. OISJ, pp. 66-7. 128. TSPC, II, p. 240. 129. Ibid., pp. 241-2. 130. Ibid., pp. 246-52. 131. JPV, p. 97. 132. Ibid. 133. Ibid. 134. OISJ, pp. 66-7. 135. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 14. 136. Ibid., pp. 66-7. 137. Ibid., p. 66. 138. TSPC, II, pp. 252-3; JPV, p. 97; JAA, I, p. 14.

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Abhinandananātha - the fourth tirthamkara
Abhinandananātha, the fourth tīrthamkara, was born at Ayodhya. 139 His father Samvara was the king of Ayodhya and his mother's name was Siddhārathā.140 According the Jaina tradition, Abhinandananātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Jayantavimāna. 141 He lived a happy married life and ruled like a noble king. 142 Subsequently, he renounced the throne and took to asceticism.143 He became a kevalin under a śāla tree144 at Ayodhya after hard penance.145
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 350 poles and he lived for 5,000,000 pūrva years.146 His complexion has been described as golden.147 His first gañadhara and āryā were Vajranābha and Ajitā respectively. 148 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture149 on Pārsvanātha hill. 150
Sumatinātha — the fifth tīrthaṁkara
Sumatinātha, the fifth tīrthamkara, was born at Ayodhya 151 His father Megha was the king of Ayodhya and his mother's name was Mangalā. 152 According to the Jaina tradition, Sumati descended for incarnation from the
139. TSPC, II, pp. 255-7; JI, p. 56; HGAI, p. 67. 140. Ibid., pp. 255-6; JPV, p. 98. 141. OISJ, pp. 66-7. 142. TSPC, II, p. 261. 143. Ibid., pp. 262-3. 144 JPV, p. 98. 145. Ibid. 146. OISJ, pp. 66-7. 147. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 14. 148. Ibid., pp. 66-7. 149. Ibid., p. 66. 150. Ibid.; TSPC, II, pp. 266-7. 151. TSPC, II, p. 277; HGAI, p. 67. 152. Ibid., pp. 277-81; JI, p. 58; JPV, p. 99.

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heaven Jayantavimāna.153 He married at his father's behest and lived a happy married life. 154 Subsequently, he renounced kingship and resorted to a life of asceticism. He became a kevalin under a priyangu tree at Ayodhya after twenty years of hard penance. 155
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 300 poles and he lived for 4,000,000 pūrva years.156 His complexion has been described as golden. 157 His first ganadhara and āryā were Carama and Kāśyapī respec-tively.158 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture 159 on Samet Sikhāra.160
Padmaprabhanātha - the sixth tirthamkara Padmaprabhanātha, the sixth tirthamkara, was born at Kausambi.161 His father Dhara162 or Dharaṇa163 or Śrīdhara164 was the king of Kausāmbī 165 and his mother's name was Susīmā.166 According to the Jaina tradition, Padmaprabhanātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Uvarīmagraiveka. 167 He married at the behest of his father and ruled for long. Subsequently, he renounced the throne and took to a life of asceticism. 168 He
153. OIS, pp. 66-7. 154. TSPC, II, pp. 282-3. 155. JPV, p. 99. 156. OISJ, pp. 66-7. 157. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 14. 158. Ibid., pp. 66-7. 159. Ibid., p. 66. 160. TSPC, II, p. 287; JAA, I, p. 14. 161. Ibid., pp. 289-92; JI, p. 59; HGAI, p. 99. 162. TSPC, II, pp. 289-90; JPV, p. 100. 163. JPV, p. 100. 164. OIS), pp. 66-7. 165. TSPC, pp. 289-90; JPV, p. 100. 166. Ibid. ; Ibid., p. 100; OISJ, pp. 66-7. 167. OISJ, pp. 66-7. 168. TSPC, II, pp. 292-302.
31

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became a kevalin under a priyangu tree at Kauśambī after hard penance for six months. 169
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 250 poles and he lived for 3,000,000 pūrva years. 170 His complexion has been described as red.171 His first ganadhara and arya were Pradyotna and Rati respectively.172 He attained mokṣa in the kayotsarga posture 173 at Samet Sikhara.174
Supārsvanatha -the seventh tīrthamkara
Supārśvanatha, the seventh tīrthamkara, was born at Vārāṇasī.175 His father Supratiṣṭha176 or Pratistha177 was the king of Vārāṇasī and his mother's name was Prthvi. 178 According to the Jaina tradition, Supārsvanatha descended for incarnation from the heaven Madhyamagraiveka. 179 He married at the behest of his father and lived a happy married life. He ruled for long, and subsequently abdicated his throne to live a life of asceticism. 180 He became a kevalin under a sirisa or a priyangu tree at Vārāṇasī after hard penance for nine months. 181
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 200 poles and he lived for
169. JPV, p. 100.
170. OISJ, pp. 66-8.
171. Ibid., pp. 66-8; ERE, VII, p. 466.
172. Ibid.
173.
Ibid., p. 66.
174.
TSPC, II, pp. 302-3.
175. Ibid., pp. 305-6; OISJ, pp. 66-8.
176. JPV, p. 100.
177. Ibid.; TSPC, II, pp. 305-6.
178. TSPC, II, pp. 305-6.
179. OISJ, pp. 66-8.
180.
181. JPV, p. 100.
TSPC, II, pp. 308-12.

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2,000,000 pūrva years.182 His complexion has been described as golden 183 or emerald coloured.184 His first ganadhara and äryā were Vidirbha and Somā respectively. 185 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture186 on Samet Sikhara.187
Candraprabha - the eighth tirthamkara Candraprabhanātha, the eighth tīrthamkara, was born at Śrāvastī188 which was called Candrapurī 189 or Candrikapurī by the Jainas. 190 His father Mahāsena was the king of Candrapurīl91 and his mother's name was Lakṣmaṇā 192 or Lakşmi Devī.193 According to the Jaina tradition, Candraprabhanātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Vijayanta. 194 He ruled for long and later abdicated his throne to concentrate on a life of asceticism. 195 He became a kevalin under a priyangu 196 or a nāga tree 197 at Candrapurī after penance for three months.198
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 150 poles and he lived for
182. OIS), pp. 66-8. 183. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466. 184. Ibid., p. 68 fn 3. 185. Ibid., pp. 66-8. 186. Ibid., p. 66. 187. JPV, p. 100; TSPC, II, pp. 312-13. 188. HGAI, p. 125; GD, p. 190. 189. Ibid.; Ibid., pp. 189-90. 190. Ibid.; Ibid. 191. JPV, p. 102. 192. Ibid.; TSPC, II, pp. 315-16. 193. JPV, p. 102 194. OISJ, pp. 66-8. 195. TSPC, II, pp. 318-22. 196. JPV, p. 103. 197. Ibid.; OISJ, pp. 66-8. 198. JPV. p. 103.
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1,000,000 pūrva years.199 His complexion has been mentioned as white.200 His first ganadhara and äryä were Dinna and Sumană respectively.201 He attained mokṣa in the kayotsarga posture 202 on Samet Sikhara.203
Suvidhinatha
Suvidhinatha,204 the ninth tirthamkara, also called Puspadanta,205 was born at Kākandinagar. 206 His father Sugrīva was the king of Kākandinagar and his mother's name was Rāmā. 207 His parents gave him two names, i.e., Suvidhi and Puspadanta.208 According to the Jaina tradition, Suvidhinatha descended for incarnation from the heaven Anantadevaloka.209 He ruled for long and abdicated his throne to have recourse to a life of asceticism.210 He attained omniscience under a tree at Kākandinagar after practising penance for four months.211
-
the ninth tīrthamkara
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 100 poles and he lived for 200,000 pūrva years.212 His complexion has been mentioned as white.213 His first gaṇadhara and arya were Varāhaka and Varuņi respectively.214 He
199. OISJ, pp. 66-8.
200.
ERE, VII, p. 466.
201.
OISJ, pp. 66-8.
202.
Ibid., p. 66.
203. TSPC, II, pp. 322-3; JAA, I, p. 15.
204. OISJ, p. 68; GD, p. 190.
205. Ibid.; TSPC, II, p. 327; JPV, p. 104; GD, p. 190.
206.
TSPC, II, pp. 325-6; JAA, I, p. 15.
211.
212.
213.
214.
207. Ibid.; JPV, p. 104.
208. Ibid., p. 327.
209.
210.
OISJ, pp. 66-8.
TSPC, II, pp. 329-34.
JPV, p. 104.
OISJ, pp. 66-8.
ERE, VII, p. 466; OISJ, pp. 66-8.
OISJ, pp. 66-8.

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attained mokṣa in the kāyotsarga posture215 on Samet Sikhara.216
Śītalanātha - the tenth tīrthamkara Śītalanātha, the tenth tirthamkara, was born at Bhadrilapur217 or Bhadrapur.218 His father Drdhratha was the king of Bhadrilapur and his mother's name was Nandā.219 According to the Jaina tradition, Sītalanātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Acyutadevaloka.220 He lived a happy married life and ruled for long.221 Subsequently, he resorted to a life of asceticism.222 He became a kevalin under a priyangu tree223 after undertaking penance for three months.224
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 90 poles and he lived for 100,000 pūrva years.225 His complexion has been mentioned as golden.226 His first ganadhara and āryā were Nanda and Sujasā respectively.227 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture228 on Samet Sikhara 229
215. OIS), p. 66. 216. JPV, p. 104; TSPC, II, p. 335. 217 TSPC, II, pp. 337-9. 218. JAA, I, p. 15; OIS), pp. 66-8. 219. TSPC, II, pp. 337-9; JPV, p. 105. 220. OISJ, pp. 66-8. 221 TSPC, II, pp. 340-1. 222. Ibid., pp. 342-5. 223. OIS), pp. 66-8. 224. JPV, p. 105. 225. OISJ, pp. 66-8. 226. ERE, VII, p. 466. 227. OISJ, pp. 66-8. 228. Ibid., p. 66. 229. TSPC, II, p. 346; JAA, I, p. 15.
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Śreyāṁsanātha - the eleventh tīrthařkara Śreyāmsanātha,230 the eleventh tirthamkara, also called Śreyasa, 21 was born at Simhapura,232 which is now called Sarnatha.233 At Sarnatha near Vārānasi there is a Jaina temple dedicated to him.234 Hira Lal Jain is of opinion that Sarnatha derived its name from Śreyāmsanātha.235 His father Vişnurāja was the king of Simhapura or Simhapurī236 and his mother's name was Vişnu Devī.237 According to the Jaina tradition, Śreyāmsanātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Acyutadevaloka.238 He ruled for long and abdicated his throne to pursue asceticism.239 He became a kevalin under a tinduka tree at Simhapurī after performing penance for two months. 240
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 80 poles and he lived for 8,400,000 common years.241 His complexion has been mentioned as golden.242 His first ganadhara and āryā were Kaśyapa and Dhāraṇī respectively.243 He attained mokṣa in the kāyotsarga posture244 on Samet Sikhara.245
230. JAA, I, p. 15. 231. OISJ, p. 69. 232. TSPC, III, pp. 2-3. 233. CUHI, I, p. 220. 234. Ibid., I, p. 220. 235. Ibid. 236. TSPC, III, pp. 2-3; JPV, p. 105. 237. JPV, p. 105. 238. OISJ, pp. 66-9. 239. TSPC, III, pp. 7-60. 240. JPV, p. 105. 241. OISJ, pp. 66-9. 242. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466. 243. Ibid., pp. 66-9. 244. Ibid., p. 66. 245. TSPC, III, p. 60.

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Vāsupūjya — the twelfth tīrthamkara Vāsupujya, the twelfth tīrthamkara, was born at Campā.246 His father Vasupūjya was the king of Campā and his mother's name was Jayā247 or Vijayā.248 According to the Jaina tradition, Vāsupūjya descended for incarnation from the heaven Prānatadevaloka.249 He remained celibate and also rejected kingship.250 He led the life of an ascetic251 and became a kevalin under a pātala tree252 at Campā.253
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 70 poles and he lived for 7,200,000 common years.254 His complexion has been mentioned as red.255 His first ganadhara and āryā were Subhuma and Dharaṇi respectively.256 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture257 at Campā.258
Vimalanātha - the thirteenth tirthamkara
Vimalanātha, the thirteenth tīrthamkara, was born at Kampilya,259 which is now called Kampil,260 a place in the Farrukhabad district of Uttar Pradesh.261
246. HGAI, p. 205; GD, p. 44; GEAMI, I, p. 83. 247. TSPC, III, pp. 65-6; JPV, p. 105; GD, p. 44. 248 JPV, p. 105. 249. OIS), pp. 66-9. 250. JPV, pp. 105-6. 251. TSPC, III, pp. 66-90. 252.JPV, p. 106; OISJ, pp. 66-9. 253. Ibid., p. 106. 254. OIS), pp. 66-9. 255. Ibid. ; ERE, VII, p. 466. 256. Ibid., pp. 66-9. 257. Ibid., p. 66. 258. HGAI, p. 205; JPV, p. 106; TSPC, III, p. 90; GD, p. 44; GEAMI, I, p. 83. 259. TSPC, III, pp. 93-4. 260. JPV, p. 106. 261. AGI, p. 41; GD, p. 88; HGAI, p. 92.
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His father Krtavarman was the king of Kampilya and his mother's name was Śyāmā. 262 According to the Jaina tradition, Vimalanatha descended for incarnation from the heaven Mahāsäradevaloka.263 He married at his father's behest and ruled for long.264 Subsequently, he adopted the life of an ascetic.2 265 He became a kevalin under a jambū tree266 at Kampilya after penance for two years.2
267
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 60 poles and he lived for 6,000,000 common years.268 His complexion has been mentioned as golden.269 His first ganadhara and arya were Mandara and Dhara respectively.270 He attained mokṣa in the kayotsarga posture271 on Samet Sikhara.272
Anantanatha - the fourteenth tīrthamkara
Anantanatha, the fourteenth tīrthamkara, was born at Ayodhya.273 His father Simhasena was the king of Ayodhya274 and his mother's name was Suyaśā275 or Sarvayasa276 or Suryaśas.277 According to the Jaina tradition,
262. TSPC, III, pp. 93-4; JPV, p. 106.
263. OISJ, pp. 66-9.
264.
TSPC, III, p. 95.
265. Ibid., pp. 104-8.
266. JPV, p. 106; OISJ, pp. 66-9.
267. Ibid., p. 106.
268. OISJ, pp. 66-9.
269. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466.
270. Ibid., pp. 66-69.
271. Ibid., p. 66.
272. TSPC, III, p. 108; JPV, p. 106.
273.
OISJ, pp. 66-9; HGAI, p. 67.
274.
TSPC, III, pp. 111-12; JPV, p. 107.
275.
JPV, p. 107.
276.
Ibid.
277.
TSPC, III, pp. 111-12.

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Anantanātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Pranatadevaloka.278 He married due to his father's command and ruled for long.279 Thereafter, he resorted to a life of asceticism.280 He became a kevalin under an aśoka281 or pīpal tree282 at Ayodhyā after penance for three years. 283
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 50 poles and he lived for 3,000,000 common years.284 His complexion has been described as golden. His first ganadhara and āryā were Jasa and Padmă respectively.285 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture286 on Samet Sikhara 287 Anantanātha is also called Anantjit.288
Dharmanātha - the fifteenth tirthamkara
Dharmanātha, the fifteenth tirthamkara, was born at Ratnapura289 or Ratnapurī.290 His father Bhānu was the king of Ratnapura and his mother's name was Suvratā.291 According to the Jaina tradition, Dharmanātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Vijayavimāna.292 He married due to the insistence of his parents and ruled for long.293 Subsequently, he led the
278. OISJ, pp. 66-9. 279. TSPC, III, p. 113. 280. Ibid., pp. 114-32. 281. JPV, p. 107; OISJ, pp. 66-9. 282. Ibid., p. 107. 283. Ibid. 284. OISJ, pp. 66-9. 285. Ibid. 286. Ibid., p. 66. 287. TSPC, III, p. 133; JPV, p. 107. 288. Ibid., p. 113; OISJ, p. 69. 289. Ibid., III, pp. 135-6. 290, OISJ, pp. 66-9. 291. TSPC, III, pp. 135-36; JPV, p. 107. 292. DISJ, pp. 66-9. 293. TSPC, III, p. 137.
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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā life of an ascetic for long. He became a kevalin under a dadhiparņa tree294 at Ratnapura after undertaking penance for two years.295
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 45 poles and he lived for 1,000,000 common years.296 His complexion has been described as golden.297 His first ganadhara and āryā were Arista and Arthaśivā respectively.298 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture299 on Samet Sikhara.300
Sāntinātha - the sixteenth tirthamkara
śāntinātha was the sixteenth tīrthamkara. According to the Svetāmbara tradition, he was born at Gajapura; but the Digambara tradition holds that he was born at Hastinapura 301 His father Visvasena was the king of Hastinapura and his mother's name was Acirā.302 According to the Jaina tradition, Sāntinātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Sarvārthasiddha.303 He led a happy married life and ruled for long. According to the Jaina tradition, Sāntinātha was a cakravartin who ruled the whole of India for 25,000 years.304 Subsequently, he took to asceticism. He became a kevalin under a nandi tree305 at Hastinapura after one year's hard penance.306
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 40 poles and he lived for
294. OIS), pp. 66-9; JPV, p. 107. 295. JPV, p. 107. 296. OIS), pp. 66-9. 297. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466. 298. Ibid., pp. 66-70. 299. Ibid., p. 66. 300. TSPC, III, p. 161; JPV, p. 107. 301. JAA, I, p. 15. 302. TSPC, III, pp. 299-302; JPV, p. 108. 303. OISJ, pp. 66-70. 304. JPV, p. 108. 305. Ibid.; OISJ, pp. 66-70. 306. Ibid., p. 108.

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100,000 common years.307 His complexion has been described as golden.308 His first ganadhara and aryā were Cakrayuddha and Suci respectively.309 He attained moksa in the käyotsarga posture310 at Samet Sikhara.311
Kunthunātha — the seventeenth tirthamkara
According to the Svetāmbara tradition, Kunthunātha, the seventeenth tīrthamkara, was born at Gajapura; but the Digambara tradition holds that he was born at Hastinapura. 312 His father Sūra313 or Vasu314 or Suryasena315 was the king of Hastinapura316, and his mother's name was Śrī317 or Sri Devī.318 According to the Jaina tradition, Kunthunātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Sarvārthasiddha.319 He married at the insistence of his father and ruled for long. Thereafter, he took to asceticism. He became a kevalin under a tilaka tree at Gajapura after undertaking penance for sixteen years.320
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 35 poles and he lived for 95,000 common years.321 His complexion has been described as golden.322 His
307. OISJ, pp. 66-70. 308. Ibid. ; ERE, VII, p. 466. 309. Ibid., pp. 66-70. 310. Ibid., p. 66. 311. TSPC, III, p. 335; JPV, p. 108. 312. JAA, I, p. 15. 313. TSPC, IV, pp. 1-2. 314. JPV, p. 112. 315. Ibid. 316. Ibid.; TSPC, IV, pp. 1-2. 317. TSPC, IV, pp. 1-2. 318. JPV, p. 112. 319. OIS), pp. 66-70. 320. JPV, p. 112. 321. OIS), pp. 66-70. 322. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466.

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first ganadhara and arya were Samba and Dāminī respectively.323 He attained mokṣa in the kayotsarga posture 324 on Samet Sikhara.325
Aranātha
According to the Svetambara tradition, Aranatha, the eighteenth tīrthamkara, was born at Gajapura; but the Digambara tradition holds that he was born at Hastinapura.326 His father Sudarsana was the king of Hastinapura327, and his mother's name was Devī328 or Mahadevī329 or Mittra 330 According to the Jaina tradition, Aranatha descended for incarnation from the heaven Sarvärthasiddha.331 He married at the insistence of his father332 and ruled for long as a cakravartin.333 Subsequently, he abdicated the throne to live the life of an ascetic. He became a kevalin under a mango tree334 at Gajapura after undergoing hard penance for three years.335
—
the eighteenth tīrthamkara
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 30 poles and he lived for 84,000 common years. 336 His complexion has been described as golden.337 His first ganadhara and arya were Kumbha and Rakṣitā respectively.338 He
323. OISJ, pp. 66-70.
324. Ibid., p. 66.
325. TSPC, IV, p. 10; JPV, p. 112.
326. JAA, I, p. 15.
327. JPV, p. 113; TSPC, IV, pp. 12-13.
328. TSPC, IV, pp. 12-13.
329. JPV, p. 113.
330.
Ibid.
331. OISJ, PP. 66-70.
332. TSPC, IV, p. 14.
333. JPV, p. 113; TSPC, IV, p. 14.
334. Ibid.; OISJ, pp. 66-70.
335. Ibid., p. 113.
336.
337.
338.
OISJ, pp. 66-70.
Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 466. Ibid., pp. 66-70.

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attained mokṣa in the käyotsarga posture339 on Samet Sikhara. 340
Malli - the nineteenth tirthamkara
According to the Svetāmbara tradition, Malli, the nineteenth tīrthamkara, was a woman.341 But according to the Digmbara tradition, Malli was a male. 342 The Digambaras hold that a woman cannot achieve mokṣa and they name this tīrthamkara as Mallinātha.343 The Digambara view seems to have been accepted in iconography because the images of Malli do not have feminine features.344 According to the Svetāmbara tradition, Malli remained celibate and attained kaivalya on the day of her consecration itself. 345 Mallinātha's father Kumbha was the king of Mithilā and his mother's name was Prabhāvatī.346 According to the Jaina tradition, Malli descended for incarnation from the heaven Jayantadevaloka.347
According to the Jaina tradition, Mallinātha's height was 25 poles and he lived for 55,000 common years.348 His complexion has been described as blue.349 Malli became a kevalin under an asoka tree.350 His first ganadhara and āryā were Abhiksaka and Bandhumati respectively.351 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture 352 on Samet Sikhara.353
339. OISJ, p. 66. 340. JAA, I, p. 15. 341. Ibid., p. 15 fn. 1; JPV, p. 113; TSPC, IV, pp. 54-5. 342. Ibid., p. 16 fn; Ibid., p. 113. 343. Ibid., ibid. 344. JI, p. 77. 345. JPV, p. 113. 346. Ibid.; TSPC, IV, pp. 53-4. 347. OISJ, pp. 66-70. 348. Ibid. 349. ERE, VII, p. 466. 350. OISJ, pp. 66-70. 351. Ibid. 352. Ibid., p. 66. 353. JAA, I, p. 15; TSPC, IV, p. 71.

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Munisuvrata - the twentieth tirthamkara
Munisuvrata, the twentieth tīrthamkara, was born at Rājagrha.354 According to the Jaina tradition, Munisuvrata was a contemporary of Rāma Dāśarathī.355 His father Sumitra356, who belonged to the Harivaṁsa dynasty of the ksatriyas357, was the king of Rājagrha, and his mother's name was Padmāvatī.358 According to the Jaina tradition, Munisuvrata descended for incarnation from the heaven Aparājitadevaloka.359 He renounced the throne after a long period of kingship and took to asceticism. He became a kevalin under a campaka tree 360 at Rājagrha after undergoing hard penance for eleven months.361
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 20 poles and he lived for 30,000 common years.362 His complexion has been mentioned as black.363 His first ganadhara and āryā were Malli and Puspavati respectively.364 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture 365 on Samet Sikhara.366
Naminātha - the twenty-first tīrthamkara
Naminātha, the twenty-first tīrthamkara, also called Nimi or Nimeśvara, 367
354. JAA, I, p. 16; OISJ, pp. 66-70; TSPC, IV, pp. 79-80. 355. JPV, p. 114; JOLR, p. 28; JAA, I, Editorial, p. 7. 356. Ibid., p. 114; OISJ, pp. 66-70; TSPC, IV, pp. 79-80. 357. TSPC, IV, pp. 79-80; OISJ, p. 65. 358. JPV, p. 114; TSPC, IV, pp. 79-80. 359. OISJ, pp. 66-70. 360. Ibid., pp. 66-70; JPV, p. 114. 361. JPV, p. 114. 362. OISJ, pp. 66-70. 363. ERE, VII, p. 466. 364. OISJ, pp. 66-71. 365. Ibid., p. 66. 366. Ibid.; JAA, I, p. 16. 367. Ibid., p. 71.

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was born at Mithilā.368 But according to another tradition he was born at Mathurā.369 His father Vijaya was the king of Mithilā and his mother's name was Vaprā970 or Viprītā.371 According to the Jaina tradition, Naminātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Pranatadevaloka.372 He ruled for long and subsequently took to a life of asceticism. He became a kevalin under a bakula 373 or jambū tree374 at Mithilā after undergoing penance for nine months.375
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 15 poles and he lived for 10,000 common years.376 His complexion has been mentioned as golden.377 His first ganadhara and arya were Subha and Anilā respectively. 378 He attained moksa in the kāyotsarga posture379 on Samet Sikhara.380
Neminātha - the twenty-second tirthamkara
Neminātha, the twenty-second tīrthařkara, also called Aristanemi, 381 belonged to the Harivamsa382 or the Yādava383 dynasty of the ksatriyas and was the cousin of Vasudeva Krsna384 of Mahābhārata fame. Neminātha was born at
368. JI, p. 79; JAA, I, p. 16; TSPC, IV, pp. 353-4. 369. Ibid., p. 80; OISJ, pp. 66-71. 370. JPV, p. 114; TSPC, IV, pp. 353-4. 371. Ibid., p. 114. 372. OISJ, pp. 66-71. 373. Ibid.; JPV, p. 116. 374. JPV, p. 116. 375. Ibid. 376. OISJ, pp. 66-71. 377. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 16. 378. OISJ, pp. 66-71. 379. Ibid., p. 66. 380. Ibid.; JAA, I, p. 16. 381. Ibid., p. 71; Ibid. 382. Ibid., p. 65; HP, Editorial; JAA, I, p. 50. 383. HP, Editorial; CUHI, I, p. 220. 384. Ibid., JAA, I, p. 50.
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Śauripura385 or sauryapura.386 His father Samudravijaya was the king of Dwaraka 387, and his mother's name was Sivā Devī.388 According to the Jaina tradition, Neminātha descended for incarnation from the heaven Aparājitadevaloka.389 Animal-slaughter for the marriage feast grieved him and he decided to remain celibate.390 He took to asceticism and became a kevalin under a vetasa tree 391 after undergoing penance for fifty-six days. 392
According to the Jaina tradition, his height was 10 poles and he lived for 1,000 common years.393 His complexion has been mentioned as black.394 His first gañadhara and āryā were Varadatta and Yakşadinnā respectively. 395 He attained moksa in the padmāsana posture 396 on Mount Girnar.397
To the life of Pārsvanātha, the twenty-third tīrthařkara, and Mahāvīra, the twenty-fourth tirthamkara, we shall turn in the next chapter.
Antiquity of Jainism
Very few subjects have generated as much discussion among scholars as the antiquity of Jainism. Broadly speaking, there are three schools of thought regarding its antiquity. According to the Jaina tradition, Rşabha was the first jina and the first tirthamkara,398 and was born more than one hundred billion
385. OISJ, pp. 66-71; HP, pp. 478-82; JAA, I, p. 50. 386. Ibid.; Ibid.; Ibid. 387.JPV, p. 117; JI, p. 81. 388. Ibid.; OISJ, pp. 66-71; HP, pp. 478-82. 389. OISJ, pp. 66-71. 390. JPV, p. 117; JAA, I, p. 17; HP, pp. 616-34. 391. OISJ, pp. 66-71. 392. HP, p. 644. 393. OIS), pp. 66-71. 394. ERE, VII, p. 466. 395. OISJ, pp. 66-71. 396. Ibid., p. 66. 397. Ibid., p. 66; JAA, 1, p. 17; HP, pp. 644-5. 398. LDJC, p. 19.

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oceans of years ago.3 399 The Jaina tradition also holds that Rṣabha lived for two million pūrva (great) years as a prince and six million three thousand pūrva years as a king.400 According to the second school of thought, Jainism was founded by Parśvanatha, the twenty-third tirthamkara, 'who lived in the ninth-eighth century BC'.401 According to the third school of thought, Vardhamana Mahāvīra, the twenty-fourth tirthamkara, 'who lived in the sixth century BC',402 was the founder of Jainism,403 and this view persists in some quarters.*
404
An overwhelming majority of historians doubt the historicity of the first twenty-two tirthamkaras. Their arguments are as follows:
1. There is no historical evidence regarding the existence of the first twenty-two tirthamkaras;405 they, therefore, belong to mythology rather than to history.406
2. The number of Jaina tīrthamkaras is not original;407 it is canonically the same as given by the Hindus and Buddhists for their respective incarnations.408
3. The first twenty-two tirthamkaras were legendary figures who were probably introduced to balance the number of the jinas with the number of the Buddhas. 409
399.
OISJ, p. 7.
400.
HJM, p. 57.
401. JAA, I, p. 16; JOLR, p. 14.
402.
GD, p. 108; JSAI, pp. 32 ff.
403.
CHI, I, p. 153; AI (M), p. 167; IP, p. 69; EWA, VIII, p. 786; A.L. Basham, The Wonder that was India, 1954, p. 287.
404. JOLR, Preface, i. 405.
406. ERE, VII, p. 466.
407. JI, p. 36.
408.
409.
JSS, p. 9; LDJC, p. 19.
Ibid.; OISJ, p. 8.
LDJC, p. 19.
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4. Brāhmanical ideas may have given rise to the doctrine of twenty-five
Buddhas and twenty-four jinas, and these are later additions in Buddhism and Jainism.410
5. The long duration of the careers of the first twenty-two tīrthamkaras
and the intermediate periods between them as embodied in the Jaina
tradition are unbelievable and unimaginable.411 6. The tale that the period of the first twenty-two tīrthaṁkaras covered
millions of years before Christ is unacceptable to modern historians.412 S.B. Deo writes,
... it is not possible to accept the historicity of these twenty-two tīrthařkaras, for the distances between them as well as their longevity is not only given in unbelievable numbers, but also in a descending sequence which gives the whole an appearance of a deliberate planning of mythology rather than of a sound historical chronology. 413
For instance, it is held that Pārsvanātha, the twenty-third tirthařkara,
lived 84,000 years after the death of the twenty-second tīrthařkara.414 7. Jaina scholars refer to names from the Vedas which are identical with
the names of some jinas; but it may be said that these are the names of Vedic rsis.415
8. There is a reference to a person named Rşabha in the Brāhmaṇical
literature. But he cannot be identified with the Jaina tīrthamkara of the same name, because according to the Jaina tradition 'tīrthařkara
410. OISJ, p. 8. 411. JAA, I, p. 14 fn 1; JI, p. 36; OISJ, p. 7; CHI, I, p. 153. 412. SIJA, pp. 3-4. 413. HJM, pp. 59-60. 414. Ibid., p. 60. 415. JI, p. 36.

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Rsabha lived millions and millions years ago'. 416
9. The historicity of early tīrthamkaras cannot be proved from the non
Jaina literary records of the second millennium BC.417
These arguments are extremely potent. But it would be unfair to view the first twenty-two tīrthamkaras as imaginary persons. The Jainas wrote the Purāna about the life of Rsabha and the Uttarapurāna about the life of other jinas. 418 These works were written to reveal the lives of the jinas to the followers of Jainism. It is difficult to believe that this vast literature which was produced to unfold information about the jinas dealt with imaginary persons.419 The period and the height assigned to these tirthamkaras are, undoubtedly, extremely exaggerated and unbelievable. But these should be viewed in a literal and not figurative sense. The enormous length of time and the height assigned to the jinas, were, probably suggestive of the hoary antiquity of Jainism and super human features of these pontiffs.420
We make a start with the historicity of Rsabha whom the Jainas regard as the first of the tīrthařkaras. Details of Rsabha's life are embodied in both the Svetāmbara and the Digambara literature. Adi Purāņa of the Digambaras and two Svetämbara works - Bhadrabāhu's Kalpasūtra and Hemacandra's Trisastiśalākāpurusacarita – contain an account of Rsabha's life.421 The Jaina texts Samavāya and Avaśayka Niryukti also contain a reference to Rşabha.422 Rşabha's name occurs in the Brāhmaṇical literature also. The Vedas make a mention of Rsabha,423 and some scholars opine that this person is none other than the Jaina tīrthamkara Rsabha.424
416. OISJ, p. 7; HJM, p. 57. 417. JI, p. 36. 418. Ibid., p. 18. 419. Ibid. 420. JAA, I, p. 14 fn 1. 421. JI, p. 50. 422. LDJC, p. 371. 423. JAA, I, Preface, vii; JOLR, pp. 41-2; CUHI, I, p. 185. 424. Ibid., CUHI, I, p. 185.
49

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
The story of Rsabha also occurs in the Bhāgavata Purāna425 and the Vişnu Purāņa.426 In the Bhāgavata Purāņa427 and the Vişnu Purāņa428 he is mentioned as an incarnation of Vişnu or Nārāyaṇa.429 Rşabha's story as given in these works is identical with his story as given in the Jaina sacred literature.430 These Purāņas mention Rşabha as a great ascetic or tapasvī.431 The description of ascetic Rsabha embodied in these Purāṇas is closely identical with the ascetic discipline prescribed for a tapasvī or ascetic in the Jaina literature.432
The Bhagavata Purana and the Visnu Purāna make a mention of Rşabha who used to wander naked and desisted from religious rites.433 This description compares favourably with the Jaina account of the first tīrthamkara Rsabha.434 In fact, the recorded traditions about Rsabha are so varied, and his images, particularly those belonging to the Kuşāņa period, are so abundant that it seems difficult to deny his historical existence.435 Even Hermann Jacobi, who clearly doubted the historicity of the first twenty-two tīrthařkaras,436 opined that there may be something historical in the Jaina tradition which makes Rsabha the first tirthamkara.437
The Brāhmanical texts, although some of them belong to a later period,
425. Bhāgavata Purāņa, 5, 3-6; HJM, p. 39; JI, p. 50; CUHI, I, p. 185. 426. Vişņu Puräņa, tr. H.H. Wilson, vol. I, 1980, pp. 245-7; HJM, p. 39; CUHI, I, p. 185. 427. Bhāgavata Purāna, 5, 3-6; JI, p. 50; CUHI, I, p. 185. 428. CUHI, I, p. 185. 429. Ibid., p. 185. 430. Ibid.; HJM, p. 58. 431. Bhāgavata Purāna, 5, 3-6; Visnu Purāņa, op, cit., pp. 245-6; CUHI, I, p. 185. 432. CUHI, I, p. 185. 433. See Visnu Purana, op. cit., p. 246 and fn; ACHI, p. 100. 434. CUHI, I, p. 185. 435. JI, p. 37. 436. ERE, VII, p. 466. 437. Jacobi cited in JOLR, p. 40.

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Jaina Tirthamkaras and antiquity of Jainism
make a mention of some other jinas also. The Bhāgavata Purana makes a mention of Sumati,438 the fifth Jaina tīrthamkara, and calls him the son of Bharata, 439 who was the son of Rsabha.440 The Bhāgavata Purāna adds that this Sumati will be “irreligiously worshipped by some infidels as a divinity'. 441 There is some similarity in the Brāhmanical and Jaina accounts of Sumati. 442 But it is also important to note that according to the Jaina texts, tīrthamkara Sumati was the son of Megha. 443
The names of Ajita, the second tirthamkara, and Supāráva, the seventh tīrthamkara, also seem to find mention in the Vedas.444 According to some scholars – K.P. Jain,445 Hira Lal Jain,446 Jyoti Prasad Jain,447 N.N. Basu,448 Fuhrer, 449 L.D. Barnett, 450 H.S. Bhattacharya 451 and P. Banerjee 452 - Neminātha or Aristanemi, the twenty-second tīrthařkara, was a historical person. P. Banerji writes,
Though nothing can be said definitely about the historicity of the early tirthamkaras, yet there can hardly be any doubt that
438. Bhagavata Purāņa, 5, 15; Visnu Purāna, op. cit., p. 246 and notes. 439. Ibid., 5, 15; Ibid., p. 246 and notes. 440. Visnu Purāņa, op. cit., pp. 245-6. 441. Ibid., p. 246 and notes; HJM, p. 39. 442. HJM, p. 39. 443. TSPC, II, pp. 277-81; JI, p. 58; JPV, p. 99. 444. JOLR, p. 29. 445. HJM, p. 59 fn 6. 446. HP, Editorial. 447. JOLR, p. 23. 448. Ibid., p. 20 fn 3. 449. Ibid. fn 4. 450. Ibid. fn 5. 451. Ibid., p. 21 fn 2. 452. P. Banerjee, Early Indian Religions, p. 147, cited in A.K. Mittal, Political and Cultural
History of India from Indus Valley Civilisation to 1206 AD, 1992, p. 155 fn 2.

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā Vardhamāna Mahāvīra's two immediate predecessors were historical persons. 453
According to the Jaina tradition, Neminātha was a cousin of Krsna. The tradition associating Neminātha with Krşņa appears to be very old. Several images of the Kuşāņa and the post-Kuşāņa period represent Neminātha in the company of Krsna and Balarama.454 Jinaprabha Sūri's Vividhatīrthakalpa, a Jaina text of the fourteenth century, also tells that Neminātha had a specially honoured place in Mathurā.455 Hira Lal Jain opined that during the Mahābhārata period Neminātha was the head of the order that ranged itself against Vedic sacrifices. 456 He probably drew this conclusion from the fact that Neminātha is said to have emphasised the principle of ahimsā' 457 Krsna's historicity is universally accepted.458 Therefore, some scholars opine that the historicity of Neminātha, 'who according to the Jaina tradition was Krsna's cousin',459 should also be accepted.460 In short, the tradition regarding the historicity of Neminātha is fairly strong.
Some scholars hold that the Rgveda contains a clear reference to Rsabha, 461 and that Keśī of the Rgveda and Rşabha of the Bhāgavata Purāņa is the same person.162 It may, therefore, be reasonable to assume that probably Rsabha lived in the Rgvedic Age and that “Jainism is as old as Vedic religion? 463 In other words, like Hinduism, Jainism originated in the Rgvedic Age. The dating of the
453. P. Banerjee, op. cit., p. 147. 454. JAA, I, p. 50; MM no. 34. 2488. 455. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, p. 86; MS, p. 2; JAA, I, p. 50. 456. CUHI, I, p. 220. 457. HP, pp. 616-34; JAA, I, p. 17. 458. CMHI, II, p. 380; Krishna The Divine Lover, ed. David, R. Godine, 1982, p. 104; A.D.
Pusalker, Studies in the Epics and Puranas, 1955, pp. 49ff. 459. HP, Editorial; SIJA, p. 4; JAA, I, Preface, vii. 460. HJM, p. 59 fn 6; JOLR, p. 20 fn 3. 461. JAA, I, Preface, vii; JOLR, pp. 29, 41, 42; CUHI, I, p. 185. 462. Hira Lal Jain, Bharatiya Samskrti Mein Jain Dharma Ka Yogadāna, 1962, pp. 13-16. 463. Ibid., p. 17; CUHI, I, p. 185.

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Jaina Tirthamkaras and antiquity of Jainism
Rgvedic period has been a subject of much controversy. Max Muller proposed in 1859 that the Aryans arrived in India around 1500 BC, and that the Rgveda was composed between 1200-1000 BC.464 His theory was stoutly opposed by scholars like Winternitz, Buhler, Macdonell, Muir, etc., and scholars like Winternitz, Whitney, Pargiter and Goldstucker protested against this arbitrary fixation. 465 Winternitz assigned the composition of the Rgveda to 2500 BC. 466 But the bulk of eminent historians holds that the Rgvedic period began about 2000 BC.467 It may, thus, be assumed that Rşabha lived sometime in the Rgvedic period, which began around 2000 Bc or 2500 BC.
According to the Jaina tradition, Neminātha was a cousin of Krsna. In other words, Neminātha lived in the Mahābhārata period. There is no unanimity among historians and archaeologists regarding the date of the Bhārata War. But it is generally accepted that this war was fought between 1400 BC and 1000 BC. 468 Neminātha must have lived at some period between these two dates. The Kalpasūtra gives the life of only four tīrthařkaras – Rşabha, Neminātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra – and, merely provides a list of the remaining twenty tīrthamkaras. 469 According to the Kalpasūtra, the remaining twenty tīrthamkaras lived between the ages of Rsabha and Neminātha.470
Therefore, the first twenty-two tirthamkaras — from the first tirthamkara Rsabha to the twenty-second tirthamkara Neminātha - must have lived in quick succession to one another during 2500 BC and 1000 BC. The historicity
464. Historical Archaeology of India, A Dialogue between Archaeologists and Historians,
ed. Amit Ray and Samir Mukherjee, 1990, p. 29 465. Ibid., p. 29. 466. D.R. Bhandarkar, Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, 1940, p. 2. 467. R.C. Dutt, Early Hindu Civilisation, 1927, p. 1; B.N. Puri, Indian History, A Review,
1960, p. 10; H.G. Rawlinson, India - A Short Cultural History, 1952, p. 19; P.N. Bose,
Epochs of Civilisation, 1913, p. 113. 468. AOIU, p. 251. 469. A.K. Coomaraswamy, Notes on Jaina Art, Peckham, pp. 2-5. 470. Ibid.
53

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
of Pārsva, the twenty-third tirthamkara, and Mahāvīra, the twenty-fourth tīrthařkara, is beyond doubt. The life span of Pārsvanātha has been calculated as 877-777 BC,471 i.e., he lived in the ninth-eighth century BC. It is, thus, clear that there is no huge interval of time between Neminātha, the twenty-second tīrthaṁkara, and Pārsvanātha, the twenty-third tirthamkara. According to the Jaina tradition, Mahāvīra died two hundred fifty years after Pārsvanātha's nirvāna, 472 i.e., in 527 BC.473 The foregoing account makes it clear that probably the twenty-four Jaina tīrthamkaras lived between 2500 BC and 527 BC.
Very little infomation exists regarding the life of the tirthamkaras who followed Rsabha except Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra.474 But there is nothing unbelievable in the Jaina belief in twenty-four tīrthamkaras. 475 Probably, the influence of the first twenty-two tīrthaskaras was confined to a small number of followers. 476 The followers preserved the names of these tīrthamkaras, but failed to maintain a complete record of their life.477 It is certain that the Jaina tradition of twenty-four tīrthamkaras is an ancient one.478 Archaeological excavations conducted at Kankālī Tīlā, Mathurā in late nineteenth century have brought to light immense archaeological material, including inscriptions and images of many tīrthamkaras. It proves that as early as the first second century AD, the Jainas not only believed in the historicity of Rsabha and some other jinas, but also worshipped them in concrete form. We shall deal with this in detail when we take up the history of Jainism in Mathurā later in this book.
471. JOLR, p. 14; JAA, I, p. 16. 472. CHI, I, p. 153;CUHI, I, p. 185;JAA, I, p. 16; JOLR, p. 14; SIJA, p.40;AOIU, p. 411; JSAI,
p. 32. 473. JSAI, p. 35; JAA, I, p. 16; JSS, p. 22; CUHI, I, pp. 220-1; JI, p. 89; ACHI, p. 101. 474. Hira Lal Jain, op. cit., p. 19. 475. JOLR, pp. 16-17, p. 17 fn 1. 476. CHAI, III, p. 274. 477. Ibid. 478. ROAI, p. 112.

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3
Pārsvanatha and Vardhamana Mahāvīra
EVEN as late as the middle of the twentieth century, some eminent historians doubted the historicity of Pärśvanatha, the twenty-third tirthamkara, and held that 'Vardhamana Mahāvīra was the founder of Jainism'.1
The historicity of Parsvanatha
The historicity of Parsvanatha is now almost universally accepted.2 Scholars like Hermann Jacobi, Jarl Charpentier, R.C. Majumdar, H.C. Raychaudhuri, K.K. Datta, A.M. Ghatage, M.N. Deshpande, U.P. Shah, J.C. Jain, J.P. Jain,10 Muni Uttam Kamal Jain,11 and numerous others 12 hold that Pārśvanatha was a historical person, and some like Rhys Davids, 13
1. A.L. Basham, The Wonder that was India, 1954, p. 287; IP, p. 69; EWA, VIII, p. 786.
2.
ACHI, p. 101.
3.
ERE, VII, p. 466.
4.
CHI, I, p. 153.
5. AAHI (AI), p. 86.
6.
AOIU, p. 411.
7. JAA, I, pp. 16-17.
8.
SIJA, p. 40.
9.
LDJC, pp. 23-4.
JOLR, p. 23.
10.
11. JSS, pp. 9, 12, 13.
12. CUHI, I, pp. 185, 220; JSS, p. 9 fn. 1, pp. 12-13 fn.17.
13.
JI, p. 81 fn. 3.
@急 5
55

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathura
Harmsworth,14 B.C. Law15 and others 16 consider him the founder of Jainism. The historicity of Parsvanatha is not difficult to prove. Much literature has clustered around his name. The well-known Jaina text, the Kalpasūtra, stated to have been written by the pontiff Bhadrabahu (perhaps somewhat before 300 BC), contains an account of the life of Pārśvanatha in the chapter entitled "The life of the Jinas'.17 We learn from the Jaina work AcarangaSūtra 18 that Mahāvīra's parents followed the faith of Pārsvanatha.19 The Jaina text Avaśyaka Curni mentions the names of many ascetics belonging to the sect of Pārśvanatha, who were present at the time of Mahāvīra's wanderings as an ascetic.20 The Jaina text Bhagavati11 contains the discussion which took place between Mahāvīra and a follower of Parśvanatha named Gängeya.22
The followers of Parsvanatha were known as Nirgranthas. Hermann Jacobi proved on the strength of references in Pali literature that the Nirgranthas or the followers of Parsva existed before the time of Mahāvīra.23 One of the arguments advanced by Jacobi to prove the historical existence of Pārśvanatha deserves special notice. He has made a reference to a Buddhist sūtra which mistakenly attributes to Mahāvīra the religion of the four vows." We know it that it was Pārśva who propounded the religion of the four vows
24
14. JOLR, p. 15 fn. 2.
15. Ibid., p. 16 fn. 2.
16. CHI, I, p. 153.
17. Ibid., p. 154.
18. Acäränga-Sutra, II.3.401, p. 389, cited in LDJC, p. 20 fn.10.
19. LDJC, p. 20; SIJA, p. 40; JAA, I, p. 16; AOIU, p. 412.
20.
Ibid.
21.
22. LDJC, p. 20.
23. SBE, Introductions, vols. XXII and XLV; LDJC, P. 21; RI, p. 283 fn. 2.
24. AOIU, p. 412.
Bhagavati, 9.32 cited in LDJC, p. 20 fn. 15.

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Pārsvanātha and Vardhamana Mahāvīra
or the four-point religion or the four-fold path,25 i.e., cãturyāma dharma26 and not Mahāvīra. The occurrence of this mistake in a Buddhist sūtra proves that the followers of Pārsva existed in the time of Mahāvīra.27 We learn from the Jaina text Bhagavatī28 that at a place called Tungiyā five hundred pupils of Pārsva embraced the five mahāvratas (five-point path) of Mahāvīra. 29
The famous dialogue between Kesin, a disciple of Pārsva, and Gautama or Indrabhūti, a disciple of Mahāvīra, which occurs in chapter XXIII of the Uttarādhyayana-Sūtra, one of the earliest texts of the Jaina canon, almost conclusively proves that Pārsva was a historical person.30 Pārsvanātha's followers existed in the time of Mahāvīra and also a few centuries after the latter's death.31 The religion of Pārsva was popular among some sections of society. Dharmananda Kosambi, a well-known scholar of Buddhism, is of opinion that before his attainment of enlightenment Gautama Buddha had entered the order founded by Pārsvanātha for sometime. 32 Gautama Buddha's own statements bear testimony to the opinion expressed by Kosambi.33 A study of Buddhist literature reveals the fact that in the early part of his ascetic life Gautama Buddha himself observed the ascetic practices which have been prescribed for a Jaina ascetic. 34 The historicity of Pārsvanātha is beyond doubt. There is truth in the Jaina tradition that Mahāvīra was not the founder of Jainism; he in fact, was a reformer of the order of the Nirgranthas founded by Pārsvanātha. 35
25. AOIU, p. 412. 26. JSS, p. 10.
AQIU, p. 412. 28. Bhagavati, pp. 136 ff. cited in JSS, p. 19 fn. 2.
HJM, pp. 63-4; JSS, p. 19. 30. JAA, I, p. 16; JSS, p. 13; AOIU, p. 412; LDJC, p. 21. 31. SIJA, p. 40. 32. JSS, p. 11. 33. Ibid. 34. CUHI, I, p. 185. 35. LDJC, pp. 22-3; AOIU, p. 412; JSS, p. 21.
57

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Background of Pārsvanātha
There were two principal streams of thought in ancient India. The current of thought which believed in the authority of the Vedas and the sanctity of Vedic rituals was known as Brāhmanical. The stream of thought which opposed the Brāhmaṇical thought and practices was known as Sramaņic.36
Śramaņa is a peculiarly Jaina term which is used to designate a Jaina monk.37 The śramanic culture had its distinct peculiarities. The śramanas held a number of primitive views like a pessimistic outlook on life, an animistic belief in the presence of soul in all things, the doctrine of the transmigration of soul, the potency of karma, etc. Pārsvanātha's ideology was Sramanic. The order to which he belonged may be called the sramaņa samgha 3 The doctrine of ahimsā on which Pārsvanātha laid stress was not a new doctrine. It was probably as old as the Vedas.39 Neminātha, the twenty-second tīrthamkara, is also said to have emphasised the doctrine of ahimsā.40
Life of Pārsvanātha
The life and teachings of Pārsvanātha should be viewed in the light of this background. Pārsvanātha was born to Aśvasena, the king of Benares, and his queen Vāmā,41 who was also known as Brahmā.42 The name Aśvasena does not occur in the Brāhmanic literature. 43 The only king of this name which finds mention in epic literature is a Nāga king. 44 Pārsvanātha was married to the daughter of the king of Kosala45 or to the daughter of the king
36. JSAI, p. 4. 37. Ibid. 38. CUHI, I, p. 220. 39. Ibid., p. 188. 40. HP, pp. 616-34; JAA, I, p. 17; JPV, p. 117. 41. CHI, 1, p. 154; LDJC, p. 19; JSS, p. 9; AOIU, p. 411. 42. JI, p. 82. 43. CHI, p. 154. 44. Ibid.; K.A.N. Sastri, History of India, Part I, p. 45. 45. JI, pp. 82-3.

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Pārsvanātha and Vardhamāna Mahāvīra
of Pāñcāla.46 According to the Kalpasūtra, Pārsvanātha spent thirty years of his life as a householder in great happiness and splendour; after that he renounced all his wealth and became an ascetic.47 He attained the perfect knowledge of a prophet after intense meditation for eighty-four days.48 After becoming a kevalin he lived for about seventy years in the state of most exalted perfection and sainthood.49 He attained moksa on the top of Samet Sikhara.50
From the biographical details of Pārsvanātha, we learn that he visited Ahicchatra, 51 which is Ramnagar in Bareilly district of Uttar Pradesh;52 Hathināura53 or Hatthināpura, 54 which is Hastinapura in the Meerut district of Uttar Pradesh;55 Srāvastī,56 which is Sahet-Mahet in Gonda-Bahraich district of Uttar Pradesh;57 Rāyagiha,58 which is Rajgir in Bihar-Sharif district:59 Kośāmbi,60 which is Kosam near Allahabad; 61 Sāgeya;62 which is Saket or Ayodhya:63 Amalakappā,64 which is a place near Vaiśāli in Vaiśālī
46. JSS, p. 14. 47. Kalpasūtra 6.149-69; CHI, I, p. 154; HJM, p. 60. 48. Ibid.; Ibid.; Ibid. 49. Ibid.; Ibid.; Ibid. 50. Ibid.; Ibid.; OISJ, p. 66. 51. HJM, p. 60; JAA, I, p. 16; LDJC, p. 19. 52. HGAI, p. 63; GD, p. 2; GEAMI, I, p. 8. 53. JAA, I, p. 16. 54. LDJC, p. 19; HJM, p. 60. 55. HGAI, p. 81; JAA, I, p. 16. 56. HJM, p. 61; LDJC, p. 19; JAA, I, p. 16. 57. HGAI, p. 124; GD, p. 190; ibid. 58. HJM, p. 60; LDJC, p. 19; ibid. 59. Ibid. fn. 17; JAA, I, p. 16; HGAI, pp. 254-5. 60. HJM, p. 60; JAA, I, p. 16; LDJC, p. 19. 61. HGAI, p. 99. 62. HJM, p. 61; JSS, p. 9; LDJC, p. 19; JAA, I, p. 16. 63. HGAI, p. 67. 64. HJM, p. 60; LDJC, p. 19; JAA, I, p. 16.
59

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
district of Bihar;65 and Kamillapura, 66 which is Kampil in the Farrukhabad district of Uttar Pradesh.67 Systematic archaeological excavations have been made at Rajghat (Varāṇasī), Ahicchatra, Hastinapura and Kośāmbī. These places were in existence long before the sixth century BC.69 It is, therefore, credible that these places were associated with the activities of Pārsvanātha, 70 who lived in the ninth-eighth century BC.71
Pārsvanātha is said to have died 250 years before the death of Vardhamāna Mahāvīra.72 The date of Mahāvīra's nirvana (death) is the sheet anchor of Jaina chronology; all dates, anterior and posterior, are counted from this event, which is the starting point of the current Jaina or Mahāvīra era.73 The Jainas are almost unanimous in holding that Mahāvīra's nirvana took place in 527 BC, 74 and a large number of historians have expressed agreement with this date.75 Pārsvanātha, thus, died in 777 BC, i.e., 250 years before the death of Mahāvīra. Pārsva is said to have lived for one hundred years.76 It is, therefore, clear that Pārsvanātha lived from 877 BC to 777 BC.77
65. HGAI, p. 203; HJM, p. 60 fn. 13; JAA, I, p. 16. 66. JAA, I, p. 16; HJM, p. 60; LDJC, p. 19. 67. HGAI, p. 92; HJM, p. 60 fn 15; JAA, I, p. 16. 68. JAA, I, p. 16. 69. Ibid. 70. Ibid., pp. 16-17. 71. Ibid., p. 16; JOLR, p. 14.
CHI, I, p. 153;CUHI, I, p. 185; JAA, I, p. 16; JOLR, p. 14; SIJA, p. 40;AOIU,p.411;JSAI,
p. 32. 73. JSAI, p. 32. 74. Ibid., p. 35. 75. Ibid.; JAA, I, p. 16; JSS, p. 22; CUHI, I, pp. 220-1; JI, p. 89; ACHI, p. 101. 76. CHI, I, p. 154;AOIU, p. 411; JI, p.83; JSS, p. 14;LDJC, p. 19; Kalpasūtra,6.149-69; JAA,
I, p. 16; JOLR, p. 14. 77. JAA, I, p. 16; JOLR, p. 14.

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Pārsvanātha and Vardhamāna Mahāvīra
The teachings of Pārsvanatha
Pārsvanātha believed in the eternity of matter.78 His followers preached that self-control causes the cessation of karma, and penance leads to its annihilation.79 He laid special emphasis on ahiṁsā (non-violence). 80 Pārsvanātha propounded the cãturyāma dharma or a four-point religion.81 The four-fold path of Pārsva enjoined on his followers four great vows, i.e., (1) not to injure life; (2) to be truthful; (3) not to steal; and (4) nonpossession.82 Mahāvīra converted the four-fold path of Pārsva into five mahāvratas by adding the doctrine of chastity or celibacy to it.83
It would be wrong to think that the four-fold religion preached by Pārsvanātha did not include the doctrine of celibacy. In fact, the principle of celibacy is automatically implied in non-possession. 84 Pārsva allowed his disciples to wear an upper and an under garment; Mahāvīra, on the other hand, prescribed complete nudity. 85 But even this difference was outward and superficial rather than real.86 In fact, the fundamental principles of Pārsva and Mahāvīra were substantially identical.87
Both Pārsva and Mahāvīra believed that right knowledge, right faith and right conduct were essential for the attainment of moksa. The discussion between Kesin, a disciple of Pārsva, and Gautama or Indrabhūti, a disciple of Mahāvīra, which is embodied in chapter twenty-three of the Uttaradhyayana-Sūtra, is significant to note. In reply to a question by Kesin,
78. AOIU, p. 411. 79. Ibid. 80. Uttarādhyayana-Sutra, 23.12, cited in JSS, p. 10 fn. 5; LDJC, p. 23; ADIU, p. 411;CHI,
I, p. 154; JSS, p. 10. 81. Uttarādhyayana-Sūtra, 23.12, op. cit.; JSS, p. 10. 82. Ibid., 23.12, op. cit.; JSS, p. 10; LDJC, p. 23; CHI, I, p. 154; AOIU, pp. 411-12. 83. Ibid., 23.12; JSS, p. 10 fn. 9; CHI, I, p. 154; AOIU, pp. 411-12. 84. Uttaradhyayana, 23, cited in JSS, p. 14 fn. 23; AOIU, pp. 411-12; JSS, p. 14. 85. CHI, I, p. 154; JSS, pp. 10-11; LDJC, p. 23. 86. LDJC, p. 23; JSS, p. 11. 87. Ibid.

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Gautama said that right knowledge, right faith and right conduct were the true means to liberation and not outward symbols.88 It is, therefore, not surprising to learn from chapter twenty-three of the Uttarādhyayana-Sūtra that many followers of the tradition of Pārsva embraced the five mahāvratas of Mahāvīra because they felt that the doctrines of both were similar.S9 The division of the Jaina Church into the Svetāmbara and the Digambara did not occur in Mahāvīra's lifetime; it, in fact, appeared long after his death. The Jaina tradition has preserved only those points of Pārsva's teachings which differed from those of Mahāvīra; all common points in their teachings have been ignored."
The contribution of Pārsvanātha
Pārsvanātha divided his followers into four parts – monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen – and also appointed gañadharas to run the organisation.91 The foundation of four orders (gaņas), each having a head (ganadhara), was probably the best arrangement that Pārsvanātha could make for the organisation of the Jaina Church.92 The religion of Pārsvanātha was meant for all; he did not believe in distinctions based on caste and creed.93 He was a powerful religious teacher who raised his voice against caste system and merciless slaughter of animals.94 As a well-wisher of women, he gave them freedom by opening the doors of his organisation for them.95
Pārsvanātha propagated his Nirgrantha Dharma among the wild tribes
88. Ibid.; JSS, pp. 11-13; AOIU, p. 412. 89.JSS, p. 11 fn. 11. 90. ADIU, p. 412. 91. HJM, p. 62; JSS, p. 9. 92. LDJC, p. 23. 93. Ibid., p. 22; JSS, p. 9. 94. Ibid. 95. LDJC, p. 22.

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of West Bengal also.96 The 'Sarākas”97 of Singhabhuma, Manbhuma and Lohardaga in the Ranchi district of Bihar still worship him.98 They belong to the line of ancient Jaina śrāvakas, but have embraced Hinduism.98 Some of them still profess Jainism. The Sarākas of Manbhuma are Hindus; but they are strict vegetarians.100 They drink filtered water and do not take meals after dusk. 101
The discovery of images of Pārsvanātha in Bengal and Bihar is evidence of his popularity in these regions. It is an index of his popularity that Samet Sikhara, which stands in the Hazaribagh district of Bihar, is now called Pārsvanātha Hill. For unknown reasons Pārsvanātha seems to be more popular than other tirthamkaras in West Bengal.102 Apparently, the Bengalis have identified Jainism with Pārsvanātha.103 This confusion can be a product of their ignorance; it can also be the outcome of a persistent tradition.104 Pārsvanātha was a member of the royal family of Kāsi or Benares. He was son-in-law of the king of Pāñcāla or Kosala. Therefore, Jainism must have enjoyed some royal patronage in Pārsva's time.105 Pārsvanātha seems to have enjoyed a large following. According to the Kalpasūtra, his followers consisted of 16,000 monks, 38,000 nuns, 164,000 laymen and 327,000 laywomen.106
96. JSS, p. 12. 97. The word 'Sarāka'appears to be Apabhramsa of the word śrävaka, which is a typical word
in Jainism. See JSS, p. 12 fn. 14. 98. Ibid., p. 12. 99. Ibid. 100. Ibid. 101. Ibid. 102. CHAI, III, p. 275 fn. 1. 103. Ibid. 104. Ibid. 105. HJM, p. 61. 106. Ibid.; JSS, p. 14.
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Vardhmana Mahāvīra
Pārsvanatha's successor Vardhamāna Mahāvīra was the last of the twentyfour Jaina tīrthamkaras. Before unfolding his life and teachings it is essential to study the conditions of his time, i.e., the sixth century BC.
Background of Mahāvīra
The sixth century BC was a period of great intellectual and spiritual ferment. 107 Freedom of religious speculation, of which we get the first fruits in the earlier Upanisads, was the special characteristic of this period. 108 Mystics and sophists of all kinds roamed through the Ganga Valley. 109 A class of wandering ascetics, freed from the obligations of prevailing religious ideas and practices, thought out anew the fundamental problems of life.110 The ascetic orders and brotherhoods multiplied; they questioned the sanctity of the Vedic lore, the utility of rituals and the claims of the brāhmaṇas to spiritual superiority.112 They leaned towards new systems of philosophy.113 Sixty-three different philosophical schools, most of which were unorthodox in nature, existed in the sixth century BC, proving thereby that the revolt against the Vedic religion had begun long before that period.114
The ascetics advocated some form of mental discipline and asceticism as a means to salvation. 115 Eastern India saw the rise of a class, which although believing in the doctrine of the transmigration of soul and karma, rejected the authority of the Vedas and of Vedic priests, denounced animal sacrifices
107. A.L. Basham, op. cit., p. 45.
108. AOIU, p. 360.
109.
A.L. Basham, op. cit., p. 45.
110. AOIU, p. 360.
111.
HOIC, I, p. 155.
K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit., p. 44.
112.
113. HOIC, I, p. 155.
114. R.D. Banerji, Prehistoric, Ancient and Hindu India, Bombay, 1950, p. 52.
115.
A.L. Basham, op. cit., p. 45.

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which constituted so large a part of the Brāhmanic ritual, and even denied the existence of God, and consequently, the efficacy of divine grace.116
The Jaina Anga texts reveal the existence of a number of wandering communities, the members of which entered monkhood and gave up all contact with society. 117 The existence of these communities is corroborated by the oldest Buddhist texts, the accounts of Megasthenes and the edicts of Asoka. 118 Among all the wandering communities, a place of prominence was attributed to a class of wandering mendicants called sramanas.119 The śramaņas like other wandering communities gave up worldly life; they led a wandering life and stayed at one place only in the rainy season. 120 They maintained themselves by begging food, avoided injury to living beings and did not acknowledge caste barriers. 121 They declared that right conduct was the way to get out of the meshes of karma and saṁsāra, and that right conduct also included the practice of ahiṁsā.122 We have already stated that Pārsvanātha had established a four-fold order of monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen, and many ascetics belonging to his order were active in the time of Mahāvīra also. The life and teachings of Mahāvīra should be viewed in the light of these developments.
Life of Vardhamana Mahāvīra
Some authentic facts of Mahāvīra's life can be collected from the ArdhaMāgadhi canon, i.e., Ācārānga, Bhagavatī and Kalpasūtra.123 The oldest existing biography of Mahāvira is embodied in the Kalpasūtra 124 The Jaina
116. AAHI, p. 84. 117. HJM, p. 44. 118. Ibid., pp. 44-5. 119. Ibid., p. 45. 120. Ibid. 121. Ibid. 122. AAHI, p. 84. 123. AOIU, p. 413. 124. CHI, I, p. 156.
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texts like Uttara Purana, Vardhamāncarita and Trisastiśalākāpurusacarita yield abundant material regarding his life.125 Passages in some old Jaina canonical works, 126 and Buddhist scriptures also provide valuable hints about his life.127
Mahāvīra was born at Kundagrāma, a suburb of Vaiśālī, now called Basukunda,128 in 599 BC. 129 He belonged to the Nāya clan which is known as Nāta in Pali and Jñātri in Sanskrit.130 His father Siddhartha was a wealthy ksatriya nobleman,131 head of a warrior clan called the Jñātrkas. 132 and also chief of Kundapura.133 Mahāvīra's mother Trisalā, 134 a ksatriya lady,135 also called Priyakāriņī, 136 was the sister of Cetaka, an eminent Licchavi prince of Vaiśālī.137
According to the Jaina tradition, Siddhārtha and Trisalā had one daughter and two sons, the younger of whom was named Vardhamāna. 138 We learn from the Kalpasūtra 139 and Trisastišalākāpurusacarita 140 that Mahāvīra's original name was Vardhamāna. The tale that Mahāvīra was conceived by a brāhmana lady named Devānandā, and that his embryo was
125. JI, p. 86. 126. CHI, I, p. 157. 127. Ibid. 128. Ibid.; AOIU, p. 413; JAA, I, p. 22. 129. CUHI, I, p. 220; JSS, p. 20; JSAI, p. 53; JAA, I, p. 22. 130. AOIU, p. 413. 131. Ibid., CHI, I, p. 157. 132. CHI, I, p. 157. 133. AAHI, p. 84. 134. Ibid.; AOIU, p. 413; CHI, I, p. 157. 135. AAHI, p. 84. 136. ACHI, p. 101; JSAI, p. 34. 137. AOIU, p. 413; CHI, I, p. 157. 138. CHI, I, p. 157. 139. Ibid.; JSS, p. 20 fn. 7. 140. TSPC, VI, p. 34.

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later transferred from the womb of Devānandā to that of Trisalā by Naigamesa is believed only by the Svetämbara Jainas. 141 And, although a sculpture from Mathurā represents this scene, 142 the Digambaras treat this story as a fabrication. Vardhamāna's more popular name, i.e., Mahāvīra is said to have been bestowed on him by gods.143 The Jaina canon gives him a number of suggestive epithets also, i.e., Nāyaputtal44 called Nätaputta in Pali, 145 meaning 'a scion of the Nāya clan', Kāśava on account of his gotra, Vesāliya after his place of birth, and Videhadinna after his native country. 146 But he is most frequently referred to as 'the venerableascetic Mahāvīra'.147
Trisalā was related to the ruling families of Vaiśālī and Magadha.148 Due to his marriage with the Licchavi princess Trisalā, Siddhārtha became a relative of Bimbisāra, the powerful ruler of Magadha, who had married Cellanā, daughter of Cetaka, the ruler of Vaiśālī.149 According to the Digambaras, Mahāvīra remained celibate. 150 But the Svetāmbara tradition views that Mahāvīra was married to Yasodā, 151 who was the daughter of king Samaravīra.152 Mahāvīra had a daughter named Anojjā or Priyadarśanā from this marriage.153 She was married to Jamāli,154 who later became a
141. CHI, I, pp. 157-8; TSPC, VI, pp. 25-7. 142. AOIU, p. 413; MCH, p. 354. 143. Ibid.; CHAI, III, p. 276. 144. Ibid.; Ibid. 145. ACHI, p. 101. 146. CHAI, III, p. 276; AOIU, p. 413. 147. Ibid.; Ibid. 148. AAHI, p. 84. 149. CHI, I, p. 157. 150. JSS, p. 20 fn. 8; HJM, p. 66 fn. 57; CHAI, III, p. 277. 151. AAHI, p. 85; JSS, p. 20; AOIU, p. 413; CHI, I, p. 158; TSPC, VI, pp. 35-6. 152. JSS, p. 20; TSPC, VI, p. 34. 153. AOIU, p. 413; HJM, pp. 65-6; CHAI, III, p. 277. 154. Ibid.; CHI, I, p. 158.

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disciple of Mahāvīra and caused the first schism in the Jaina Church.155 Jamāli's name does not occur in older Jaina texts; it is mentioned only in the texts of Avasyaka tradition.156 The absence of his name in early books of the Jaina canon may be due to the fact that he played an ignominious role by creating a schism in the Jaina Church.157
Mahāvīra's mind was averse to secular matters.158 He had a reflective mind from his childhood, and although the education and training meant for the princes of his time was provided to him, consciousness dawned upon him that the world is transitory in nature.159 After the death of his parents, Mahāvīra renounced his home with the permission of his elder brother Nandivardhana, and embarked upon the life of a homeless monk.160 He was in the thirtieth year of his life at that time.161 Unlike Gautama Buddha, Mahāvīra had no need to wander in search of a teacher who could suggest him the true path. 162 Mahāvīra had a predecessor in Parsvanatha to look for enlightenment,163 and he became a Jaina monk.164 Mahāvīra's parents and the whole clan of Naya kṣatriyas are said to have been the followers of the tenets of Pārsvanatha.165 Probably, after renouncing the world, Mahāvīra first joined Pārśvanatha's sect, but soon took upon himself the role of its reformer. 166 The first book of the Jaina canon, i.e., the Acaranga-Sutra has
155.
HJM, p. 79; Ibid.
156. AOIU, p. 413; CHAI, III, p. 277.
157.
Ibid.; Ibid.
158. CUHI, I, p. 220.
159. Ibid.
160. CHI, I, p. 158; AOIU, p. 413.
161. Ibid.; Ibid.; CHAI, III, p. 277.
162. ERE, VII, p. 466; ACHI, p. 101.
163. ACHI, p. 101.
164.
165.
166.
ERE, VII, p. 466.
Ibid., p. 466 fn. 1.
Ibid.

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preserved a ballad, 167 which gives an account of the years during which Mahāvīra led the life of hardest asceticism and prepared himself for the attainment of highest spiritual knowledge.168 This fine ballad gives us a beautiful picture of the way in which Mahāvīra peformed his meditation and spent his time in austerities, and also of rough treatment he received from unfriendly people. 169
Mahāvīra left his home at the beginning of winter; this shows his inclination towards severe asceticism.170 Thirteen months later, also in winter, he abandoned his clothing and began to wander as a naked monk. 171 In this period his thought matured. 172 He attributed life (jīva) not only to animals and plants, but also to material objects like earth and water; assumed the real cause of worldly misery to be karma, engendered by indulgence in sensual pleasure, and the essential misery of life to be due to the endless cycle of birth and death.173 His own behaviour furnished an example to be followed by monks in their religious life.174 This ballad also suggests that after a period of two years and two months he decided on a wandering mode of existence which lasted twelve years. 175
For half of this period Mahāvīra lived with a mendicant friar named Gosāla, who subsequently left him and became the head of the Ajīvika sect.176 The Jaina tradition tells us that Mahāvīra was born with three types of knowledge and acquired the fourth at the beginning of his monkhood.177 In the
167. This ballad has been translated in Sacred Books of the East (SBE), vol. XXII, pp. 79 ff. 168. CHI, I, p. 158. 169. AOIU, pp. 413-14. 170. Ibid., p. 413. 171. Ibid. 172. Ibid. 173. Ibid., p. 414. 174. Ibid. 175. Ibid.; CHI, I, pp. 158-9; AAHI, p. 85. 176. Ibid., pp. 414-15; Ibid.; Ibid. 177. Ibid., p. 414.
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thirteenth year of his penance Mahāvīra retired to the northern bank of the river Rjupālikā outside Jrmbhikagrāma, a little known locality in eastern India, and attained the highest spiritual knowledge called kevala-jñāna. 178 He was now a kevalin (omniscient), a jina (conqueror) and mahāvīra (the great hero). 179 At this time Vardhamāna, now styled Mahāvīra or jina, was forty-two years old; and from this age he entered upon a new stage of life, i.e., the life of a religious teacher and the head of a sect called the Nirgranthas or 'free from fetters', a designation which was later replaced by the term Jainas or the followers of the jina. 180 Mahāvīra was a Nirgrantha monk and also a scion of the Jñātrka clan; therefore, his opponents, the Buddhist, called him Niggantha Natputta in Pāli canon,181 and Nirgrantho Jmatsputrah in Sanskrit. 182 This fact is now universally accepted that Niggantha Nātputta of the sacred books of the Buddhists was Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, who was a contemporary of Gautama Buddha.183
The acquisition of perfect knowledge entailed the continuation of a wandering mode of life and constant preaching of his doctrines to all kinds of men. He wandered for eight months in the year and spent four months of the rainy season in some famous town of eastern India. 184 According to the Jaina tradition, Mahāvīra spent one or more than one season at Campā, Vaiśālī, Rājgrha, Mithilā and Srāvastī.185 Mahāvīra propagated his faith for thirty years, 186 and during the span of his missionary activities he moved from place to place.187 The Harivamsa Purāna contains the names of the places
178. AOIU, p. 414; CHI, I, p. 159; AAHI, p. 85. 179. CHI, I, pp. 159-60; ibid., p. 85. 180. Ibid., p. 160; Ibid. 181. CHI, I, p. 160;ACHI, p. 101. 182. Ibid., p. 160. 183. Ibid. 184. AOIU, p. 414-15. 185. Ibid., p. 415. 186. LDJC, p. 24; JSS, p. 20; AAHI, p. 85; CHI, I, p. 160. 187. JAA, I, pp. 22-3; HJM, pp. 67-9.

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which Mahāvīra visited for the purpose of propagating his religion.188 Many of these places have been identified; but there are many which cannot be located.189
Some of the places Mahāvīra is said to have visited are — Bhadrika 190 or Bhaddiya, 191 which is modern Monghyr192 in Bihar; Campā, which is Campanagar or Campapur193 near Bhagalpur194 in Bihar; Ladha, which covers a large part of West Bengal these days; 195 Subbhabhūmi, which is Singhabhum in Bengal;196 Mithilā, which is Janakpur in Nepal Tarai;197 Purimtāla, which is Purulia in Bihar198 or Prayag, i.e., Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh;199 Vārāṇasī in Uttar Pradesh 200 and Kaušāmbī,201 which is Kosam near Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh.202
It is, thus, clear that Mahāvīra preached Jainism in parts of Bihar, western districts of West Bengal and eastern parts of Uttar Pradesh.203 He visited all great towns of north and south Bihar, principally dwelling in the kingdoms of Magadha and Anga.204 It appears that the fields of influence of
188. JSAI, p. 34 fn. 5. 189. JAA, I, pp. 22-3; HJM, pp. 67-9. 190. Ibid. 191. HJM, p. 67 192. Ibid., JAA, I, pp. 22-3. 193. Ibid.; Ibid. 194. Ibid.; Ibid. 195. Ibid., p. 68. 196. Ibid., p. 69. 197. Ibid., p. 68; JAA, I, pp. 22-3. 198. Ibid. 199. JAA, I, pp. 22-3. 200. Ibid., HJM, p. 69. 201. Ibid.; Ibid., p. 68. 202. HGAI, p. 99. 203. JAA, I, p. 23. 204. CHI, I, p. 160.

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both Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra were more or less the same.205 It is possible that in the intervening period between Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra, some religious chaos had occurred; therefore, Mahāvīra had to devote his entire missionary career in reorganising Jainism in the region where it had earlier been propagated by Pārsvanātha 206
According to some Jaina traditions, Mahāvīra visited even more distant places.207 On the authority of Harivamśa Purāna, a late work, K.P. Jain has expressed the view that Mahāvīra had toured extensively in Rajputana, Punjab, south India, and north-western countries like Kamboja and Vālhīka.208 Nothing certain can be said about this.209 Mahāvīra is said to have ordained numerous kings, queens, princes, princesses, 210 tradesmen, high officials211 and others, including persons said to belong to low castes.212
Mahāvīra died in 527 BC at the age of seventy-two213 at a place called Majjhima Pāvā or modern Pavapuri in the Patna district.214 He died in the house of king Hastipāla.215 This indicates that contrary to his usual practice, Mahāvīra probably resided inside the town at that time because of illness.216 We are told that on the night of his death the kings of Malla and Licchavi clans celebrated the lamp festival in his honour.217 The Jaina tradition traces
205. JAA, I, p. 23. 206. Ibid. 207. Ibid. 208. HJM, pp. 69-70 fn. 92. 209. Ibid. 210. JAA, I, p. 23; HJM, pp. 70-1. 211. LDJC, p. 24. 212. JSS, p. 21. 213. ACHI, p. 101. 214. AQIU, p. 415. 215. Ibid. 216. Ibid. 217. Ibid.; ACHI, p. 101; HOIC, I, p. 162.

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the origin of Dipavali, the Hindu festival, from this event.218 It is important to note that the Digambaras deny the authenticity of the details of Mahāvīra's life as embodied in the Acaranga, the Kalpasūtra and the Bhagavati and, therefore, their account of his life is slightly different.219
Teachings of Vardhamana Mahāvīra
Mahāvīra's career was one of supreme detachment; therefore, he was rightly called Nirgrantha, i.e., a person without chains, internal or external. He preached what he lived. All living beings want to live, and he believed that they have the right to live.220 Thus, the sanctity of life in all forms constituted the basis of his moral values.221 Like Parśvanatha, Mahāvīra believed in the eternity of matter. 222 He agreed with Pārsvanatha in holding that self-control is essential for the cessation of karma, and also that penance leads to its destruction.223 Mahāvīra agreed with the four vows enjoined on his disciples by Pārsvanatha, and added the vow of chastity to them. Like Pārśva, Mahāvīra attached great importance to the doctrine of ahimsa.224 Mahāvīra also believed that by following the three-fold path of right belief, right knowledge and right conduct liberation from the cycle of birth and death can be achieved.225
Contribution of Mahāvīra
The religion advocated by Mahāvīra was not his creation.226 He was a
ACHI, p. 101; CHAI, III, p. 281, TSPC, VI, p. 351.
218.
219. CHAI, III, p. 275.
220. ACHI, p. 101.
221. Ibid..
222. AOIU, p. 411.
223.
Ibid.
224. LDJC, p. 23; JSS, p. 21.
225. Ibid., pp. 23-4; Ibid., pp. 10-11; AAHI, p. 86.
226. HJM, p. 72; ERE, VII, p. 466.
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reformer rather than the founder of Jainism.227 As a reformer of an existing religion, Mahāvīra added a few doctrines to those of his predecessor Pārsvanātha.228 Pārsvanātha had taught four vows; Mahāvīra taught five. Though celibacy, i.e., the vow added by Mahāvīra formed part of Pārsva's vow of non-possession,229 Mahāvīra probably made it a separate vow.230 It is highly probable that confession of sin before the teacher was an innovation of Mahāvīra.231 Mahāvīra had told his disciples that it was he who laid down the principle of nudity232 But we learn from the Jaina and non-Jaina accounts that Rsabha also lived naked in the later stage of his life.233 Mahāvīra made some reforms in the ethical teachings; but it is difficult to ascertain the additions he made to the ontological and psychological system of Pārsvanātha.234 Most of the features of Jainism suggestive of its primitiveness were already in existence; Mahāvīra merely adopted them.235
Jacobi has minimised the contribution of Mahāvīra by stating that unlike Gautama Buddha, who was the founder of a religion, Mahāvīra was merely a reformer of an existing religion.236 This is an under-assessment of Mahāvīra's role and contribution. He organised the moral and disciplinary aspects of the existing Jaina Church.237 In all likelihood, Mahāvīra codified an unsystematic mass of belief into a set of rigid rules of conduct for monks and laymen.238 It
227. HJM, pp. 72-3; Ibid., p. 466;AOIU p. 412; JSS, p.21; LDJC, p. 22; CHI, I, p. 154; GD, p.
108 228. AOIU, p. 420. 229. HJM, p. 72; JSS, p. 14. 230. AOIU, p. 420. 231. Ibid. 232. HJM, p. 73. 233. Ibid.; Visnu Purāna, op. cit., p. 246 and fn. 234. AOIU, p. 420. 235. Ibid. 236. ERE, VII, p. 466; HJM, p. 76. 237. HJM, p. 72. 238. AOIU, p. 420.

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was Mahāvīra who showed a decided inclination for the enumeration and classification of rules of conduct.239
After attaining omniscience he expressed it to the people in their own language, i.e., Ardha-Māgadhī.240 Besides the local people, Mahāvīra absorbed almost the entire following of Pārsvanātha in his Church.241 The practical genius of Mahāvīra is abundantly evident from his reorganisation of the four-fold order of the followers comprising monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen.242 He led a touring life and came in contact with people belonging to various castes, creeds, etc.243 He, thus, built a strong laity which displayed extraordinary devotion towards him and went to the extent of even deifying him.244 In the system established by Mahāvīra both laymen and laywomen could aspire to monkhood by accepting the discipline of the Jaina Church in stages.245 Thus, unlike Buddhism, Jainism produced a succession of godly men and women through the ages who could endure the storm and stress that drove Buddhism out of India.246 The moral injunctions prohibiting the eating of animal foods, drinking, gambling, hunting, stealing, adultery and debauchery, have produced high-souled men and women from the Jaina laity.247 Even these days the Jainas sing the praises of the ideal domestic woman, the chaste Sulasā. 248 Some scholars have attributed the doctrine of Syādvāda to Mahāvīra.249
239. AOIU, p. 42. 240. HJM, p. 77. 241. Ibid. 242. HOIC, I, p. 164; JSS, p. 21. 243. HJM, p. 77. 244. Ibid. 245. HOIC, 1, p. 164. 246. Ibid. 247. Ibid. 248. Ibid. 249. JSS, p. 21.
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Mahavira's principal contribution was to popularise the principle of ahimsa; on the basis of this he elaborated the ethical code for both monks and householders, and to provide a background to it, he put forth the philosophy of the seven realities (tattvas).250 He admitted all aspirants to the Jaina community, irrespective of their caste and sex, and inaugurated a system of peaceful proselytisation.251 Mahāvīra left behind him a strongly organised religious order. He had eleven ganadharas (chief disciples or heads of schools) who seem to have kept the organisation of the Jaina Church under proper discipline. 252 The organisational skill of Mahāvīra and devotion of the ganadharas kept the Jaina Church in good shape.253 Due to the incessant efforts of the religious order left behind by Mahāvīra, animal sacrifices lessened and the doctrine of ahimsa gained popularity.254
Mahāvīra appears to have enjoyed considerable following. According to Jaina tradition, at the time of Mahāvīra's death his followers numbered 14,000 monks, 36,000 nuns, and nearly half a million layfollowers 255 159,000 laymen and 318,000 laywomen.256 The monks were headed by Indrabhuti; the nuns by Candana; the laymen were headed by Sankhaśataka, and the laywomen by Sulasă and Revati.257 The numerical strength of the Jainas kept on increasing and Jainism spread to various parts of India.258
250. CUHI, I, p. 220. 251. Ibid., pp. 220-1. 252. 253. Ibid., p. 24. 254.
JAA, I, p. 23.
CUHI, I, p. 221.
255. HJM, p. 70; JSS, p. 22.
256.
Ibid.; Ibid.
257.
Ibid.; Ibid.
258.
CUHI, I, p. 221.

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4 Post-Mahāvīra Period and the Contribution of Jainism to Indian Culture
MAHAVIRA was the head of the entire Jaina community comprising the four orders, i.e., the monks, the nuns, the laymen and the laywomen.1 He had built-up an excellent cadre of chief disciples or heads of schools known as ganadharas. These ganadharas numbered eleven.2 All of them were brāhmaṇas; two of them belonged to cities, i.e., Rajagṛha and Mithilā, and the rest seem to have come from small settlements in Bihar. Each ganadhara had several junior disciples under him.5 All of them were well-versed in the Jaina canon, i.e., the twelve angas and the fourteen purvas. Nine of these eleven ganadharas died in the life-time of Mahāvīra; the two to survive were Indrabhuti Gautama (Indabhūi Goyama) and Sudharmana (Suhamma). Indrabhūti Gautama died twelve years after the death of Mahāvīra. But Sudharmana lived for twenty years after Mahavira's death. According to one tradition, Indrabhuti Gautama became the head of the Jaina Church
1. LDJC, pp. 24-5; CHAI, III, p. 282; CMHI, II, p. 355.
2. HJM, p. 77; LDJC, p. 25; JAA, I, p. 23.
3.
Ibid., p. 77; JAA, I, pp. 23-4.
JAA, I, pp. 23-4.
HJM, p. 77.
Ibid., p. 78.
Ibid.; CHAI, III, p. 281.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8. Ibid.; Ibid.
9.
HJM, p. 78.
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77

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after the death of Mahāvīra,10 and held office for twelve years, i.e., till the time of his death. But according to other accounts, he never held office because he had become a kevalin.12
It appears that Sudharmana became the head of the Jaina Church after the death of Mahāvīra. 13 The Nirgrantha śramaņas of the present time are spiritual descendants of Sudharmana. 14 Sudharmana held office for twelve years; he was followed by his pupil Jambūsvāmī, who led the Jaina community for twenty-four years. 15 Mahāvīra had narrated the Jaina canon to Sudharmana; it appears that the latter narrated it to his pupil Jambūsvāmī.16 Jambūsvāmī was the last of the kevalins;17 both omniscience and moksa were closed to the mortals after him.18 The six leaders who followed Jambūsvāmi came to be known as śruta-kevalins; they lacked the omniscience of the kevalins, but possessed complete knowledge of the scripture. 19 They were followed by daśapūrvīs, i.e., leaders who knew ten pūrvas of the twelfth anga.20 According to an estimate Jambūsvāmī attained moksa in 403 BC.2He was succeeded by Prabhava who was succeeded by Sayambhava. 22 Sayambhava was succeeded by Yasobhadra.23 The next leader was
10. CMHI, II, p. 355; CHAI, III, p. 282. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid., pp. 355-6; HJM, p. 78. 14. HJM, p. 78; CHAI, III, p. 282. 15. CMHI, II, p. 356; Ibid. 16. HJM, p. 78. 17. TSPC, VI, p. 354; CMHI, II, p. 356; CHAI, III, p. 282. 18. CMHI, II, p. 356; CHAI, III, p. 282. 19. Ibid., p. 356. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid.; According to another view he died in 463 bc, i.e., 64 years after Mahāvīra's death.
See CHAI, III, pp. 281-2. 22. CMHI II, p. 356; CHAI, III. p. 282. 23. Ibid.; Ibid.

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Post-Mahāvīra Period and the Contribution of Jainism
Sambhūtivijaya who was succeeded by Bhadrabāhu in 317 Bc.24
Spread of Jainism
Available evidence tends to reveal that about 300 BC the Jainas were probably losing their position in eastern India.25 They, therefore, decided to migrate to other parts of India. 26 In fact, the spread of Jainism was a product of various migrations.27 It is essential to have an idea of the original extent of Jainism before we turn to the spread of Jainism to various parts of India.
The wanderings of Mahāvīra give us an idea of the original extent of Jainism. It included the kingdoms of Kosala, Videha, Magadha and Anga28 in eastern India. The kingdom of Košala in Mahāvīra's time corresponded to modern Awadha.29 It was a big kingdom and its total extent was only a little less than that of France of present times.30 Videha, too, was a large kingdom. Its capital was Mithilā.31 The kingdom of Magadha corresponded roughly to south Bihar,32 and consisted of the modern districts of Patna and Gaya.33 The kingdom of Anga, situated in east Bihar, roughly corresponded to the present districts of Bhagalpur and Monghyr 34 and its capital was Campā.35
The six centuries which followed the death of Mahāvīra saw the spread of Jainism to north, west and south India. It maintained its progress and by
24. CMHI, II, p. 356; CHAI, III, p. 282. According to another view, Bhadrabāhu succeeded
Sambhūtivijaya in 357 BC. See CHAI, III, p. 282. 25. CHI, 1, p. 167. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid., pp. 167 ff; AOIU, pp. 417 ff; HJM, p. 577. 28. AOIU, p. 417. 29. Ibid., p. 4; AAHI, p. 56; CHI, I. p. 182. 30. CHI, I, p. 178. 31. AOIU, p. 2. 32. AAHI, p. 56. 33. Ibid.; CHI, I, p. 182. 34. AOIU, p. 3. 35. Ibid., p.3.

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the end of the third century AD this religion took firm roots throughout India. Jainism started from its original home in Magadha, and gradually spread to Kalinga to the south-east of Magadha, to Mathurā and Malwa to its west, and the Deccan and south India to its south.36 Magadha was apparently the most important seat of Jainism in the third century BC.37 But it lost its hold over Magadha and became prominent in west and south India.38 Jainism had won royal patronage in north India. But although it gradually lost kingly support in north, it continued to enjoy the patronage of the middle classes, like merchants and bankers, for a long time in north India.39 After the end of the sixth century AD, India to the south of the Vindhyas became the principal stronghold of Jainism.40
The advent of the Gupta dynasty (fourth century AD to sixth century AD) marked the beginning of decline for both Jainism and Buddhism. The paucity of epigraphic records about Jainism in this period and lack of Jaina literary evidence clearly indicate that it was not very prosperous in those days, and this is partly confirmed by the absence of any reference to it in the description of the Chinese traveller Fahien.41 But some inscriptions of the Gupta period indicate that Jainism continued to be popular among the middle classes.
Jainism in Bihar and Bengal
Jainism was a popular religion in Bihar in the time of Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra. But, gradually, it lost much of its influence in this land. 42 Bengal seems to have come under the influence of Jainism at an early period. It seems certain that the Sarāka community found in several parts of Bengal
36. CA, p. 403. 37. CMHI, II, p. 355. 38. CA, pp. 403-4. 39. Ibid., p. 404 40. Ibid 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid., p. 405.

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Post-Mahāvīra Period and the Contribution of Jainism
originally denoted the Jaina śrāvakas or lay-worshippers.43 They later embraced Hinduism, but retained a few characteristic traits of Jainism.44 Mahāvīra was cruelly treated by the people of Lādha, which has been identified with Radha in West Bengal.45 Jainism, however, had followers in West Bengal. This is evident from the discovery of Jaina images from Bengal.46 The Paharpur copper-plates of AD 478 furnish evidence of the existence of a Jaina vihāra and Digambara Jainas in Bengal during the Gupta period. 47 The Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang, who visited India in the seventh century AD, noticed a large number of Digmbara Jainas in Bengal in the course of his visit to eastern India.48
Jainism in Kalinga
One early migration of the Jaina community led it to Kalinga or Orissa. This is proved by the famous inscription of Kharvela, the king of Orissa.49 Evidence of this is found in the Svetāmbara tradition also. It tells that a dreadful famine in Magadha drove the Jaina monks to Kalinga.50 Kharvela was a devout Jaina.51 He is said to have lived in the second century BC62 or the first century BC.53 Kharvela raised the status of Jainism to that of a state religion.54 Kalinga, thus, became on important seat of Jainism55 and it
43. CHAI, III, p. 285. 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. 47. EI, XX, pp. 59-64; CA, p. 405; CHAI, III, p. 285. 48. Ibid., p. 60; Samuel Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, II, p. 195; CA, p. 405. 49. Ibid., pp. 71-89; AOIU, p. 418; CMHI, II, p. 362. 50. AOIU, p. 418. 51. EI, XX, pp. 71-89; CHI, I, p. 164; AOIU, p. 213. 52. AOIU, p. 215; CMH, II, p. 362. 53. Ibid., p. 216. 54. HJM, p. 92.
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82
@急卐
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathură flourished there for a long time.56 In fact, Kharvela's Hathīgumpha cave inscription is the first definite evidence of the history of Jainism in Orissa.57 There is a reference in the Hathīgumbha inscription to the removal of a jina image from Kalinga to Pataliputra by the Magadhan king Nanda at the time of his invasion of Kalinga.58 The Nanda kings ruled in the fourth century BC. It is, thus, evident that Jainism existed in an established form in Kalinga even before the time of the Nanda rulers of Magadha.59
The Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills of Orissa are strewn with caves for the monks. Some of them contain inscriptions which may go back to the Mauryan age. They provide sufficient evidence that Jainism was in a flourishing condition in Orissa in the second-third century BC.61 The Satghara caves in Bihar and Navmuni and Ananta caves of Orissa contain beautiful friezes and symbols pertaining to the Jaina tīrthamkaras.62 The Rānīgumphā cave sculptures of Orissa exhibit the procession of Pārsvanatha, the twentythird tirthamkara.63 The caves of Orissa contain worn-out images of other tīrthamkaras also.64 In the seventh century AD the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang found considerable number of Jainas in Orissa.65 Generally speaking, royal patronage to Jainism in Kalinga lasted up to the sixteenth century AD.66 But it never recovered the position it enjoyed during the reign of Kharvela.67
55. CMHI, II, p. 362.
56. AOIU, p. 418.
57. HJM, p. 92.
58.
59. HJM, p. 93.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. Ibid.
65.
66. 67.
EI, XX, pp. 71-89.
CHAI, III, p. 287.
HJM, p. 97.
CHAI, III, p. 287.

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Post-Mahāvīra Period and the Contribution of Jainism
Jainism in Uttar Pradesh
One of the migrations of the Jaina community brought it to Mathurā at an early period.68 Jainism obtained a firm footing in Mathurā by the second century BC,69 and in the early centuries of the Christian era this city became the most renowned centre of Jainism in north India. We shall turn to the history of Jainism in Mathurā in the following chapters of this book.
Jainism in Bundelkhand
Khajuraho, a village in the Chatarpur district of Madhya Pradesh," was the capital of the Candella dynasty of Bundelkhand from the ninth century AD to the thirteenth century AD.72 Eighty-five temples were constructed at Khajuraho73 between AD 950 and AD 1050.74 Nearly one-third of the extant temples at Khajuraho,75 which number twenty76 or between twenty and thirty ?or more than thirty,78 are Jaina temples.79 According to V.A. Smith, Khajuraho temples were erected by the order of the Candella rulers.80 But Percy Brown is of opinion that the Candella rulers merely extended patronage
68. AOIU, p. 418; CMHI, II, p.363. 69. JAA, I, p. 51; CHI, I, p. 167. 70. CMHI, II, p. 355. 71. Vidya Prakash, Khajuraho - A Study in the Cultural Conditions of Chandella Society,
1967, p.1.
ASIAR (1922-3), p. 83. 73. Mārg, vol. X, p. 19; Louis Fredric, Indian Temples and Sculptures, 1959, p. 294. 74. A.K. Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, 1927, p. 109; Marg, vol. X,
p. 1; N.S. Bose, History of the Candellas of Jejakbhukti, 1956, p. 162. 75. Vidya Prakash, op. cit., p. 10; N.S. Bose, op. cit., p. 163; HIEA, p. 452. 76. Marg, X, p.19; Max-Pol Fouchet, The Erotic Sculpture of India, p. 68; The Art of the
Chandelas, ed. A. Goswami, 1957, Foreword. 77. HOFA, p. 28. 78. Vidya Prakash, op. cit., p. 8; HIEA, p. 452. 79. Ibid., p. 10; Ibid., p. 452; N.S. Bose, op. cit., p. 163. 80. N.S. op. cit., p. 163.
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to these temples. 81 The fact that numerous Jaina temples were constructed at Khajuraho is indicative of the popularity of Jainism in this part of Bundelkhand in the early medieval period. The discovery of Jaina sculptures from Gwaliors2 also furnishes proof of the existence or popularity of Jainism in Bundelkhand in the medieval period. Considerable Jaina antiquities have been discovered at Deogadh also.83
Jainism in Malwa
Malwa or the region around Ujjain® also became a stronghold of Jainism.85 Samprati, a grandson of the Maurya king Asoka, was the ruler of Ujjain.86 And, if we believe in the story of Samprati's conversion to Jainism, the spread of this religion to Malwa must be placed as early as the second century BC.88 The famous story of Kālkācārya, the Jaina saint, implies the spread of Jainism in Malwa in the first century BC.89
Jainism appears to have been popular among the middle classes in Malwa and the region near it even in the Gupta period. The Udayagiri inscription of Malwa (AD 426), belonging to the reign of the Gupta ruler Kumaragupta, records the erection of a statue of Pārsva by a private individual.90 The Kahaum inscription of the time of the Gupta ruler Skandagupta (bearing AD 461) refers to the installation of images of five
81. Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, Buddhist and Hindu Periods, 2nd rev. and enlarged
edn., p. 133. 82. HIEA, pp. 243-5; HOFA, p. 268. 83. JPV, p. 21. 84. AOIU, P. 418. 85. CHI, I, p. 167; AOIU, p. 418; CMHI, II, p. 363. 86. HJM, p. 91. 87. Ibid., AOIU, p. 418. 88. AOIU, p. 418. 89. Ibid. 90. CII, III, p. 251; CA, p. 404; CHAI, III, p. 286.

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Post-Mahāvīra Period and the Contribution of Jainism
Jaina tirthamkaras in the village of Kakubha, i.e., modern Kahaum.91
Jainism in Rajasthan
Scholars have discovered about 1200 Jaina inscriptions from various parts of Rajasthan.92 The earliest of these inscriptions seems to belong to the fifth century BC.93 Jainism appears to have spread to Rajasthan in the second century BC.94 Prevalence of Jainism in Rajasthan can be attested by the inscriptions of the Cahamanas, Cudasamas, Guhils, Rawals, Rathods, and the rulers of the Surya dynasty.95 Most of these rulers were devotees of Sūrya and Siva, but they do not seem to have obstructed devotion to Jainism."
Gujarat and Rajasthan were among the notable strongholds of Jainism, particularly of the Svetāmbaras, and they are more numerous in these states than other regions of India. Jainism owed its popularity in this part of India mainly to the patronage of the Cālukya rulers of Gujarat, whose kingdom at one time extended over the whole of modern Gujarat and a large part of Rajasthan.97 The Gurjara-Pratihāras, the earliest great royal dynasty of Rajasthan, appear to have been patrons of Jainism, because King Vatsarāja of this dynasty is mentioned in the Jaina work Kuvalayamālā camposed in AD 778 and the Harivamsa Purana of Jinasena composed in AD 783.98 Rajput rulers of many other dynasties are said to have patronised Jainism in Rajasthan.99
91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99.
CII, III, pp. 65-8; CA., pp. 404-5; CHAI, III, p. 286. JIR, p. 3. Ibid. Ibid., Preface, vii. HJM, p. 114. Ibid., p. 114. CHAI, III, p. 292. Ibid. JIR, pp. 200ff.
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Jainism in Gujarat
According to the Jaina tradition, the association of Jainism with Gujarat goes back to remote antiquity. Neminātha, the twenty-second tirthamkara, is said to have died on Mount Girnar in Gujarat. The migration of the Jainas from the kingdom of Magadha to western India probably began about 300 BC; they settled in western parts of India like Gujarat, and have retained their settlements to the present times.100 The famous Junagarh inscription of Rudrasimha [101 or Rudradāman,102 which belongs to the second century AD, contains the earliest reference to the Jaina monks claiming the attainment of perfect knowledge.103 The Bawa Pyara caves at Junagarh contain Jaina symbols like the svastika, bhadrāsana, nandīpada, mīnayugala and others, which bear resemblance with those found on the āyāga-pattas discovered from the site of the Jaina stupa of Mathurā. 104 Another indication of the early Jaina settlement in Kathiawad is provided by the Jaina images found at Dhank. 105 Scholars have identified these images with the figures of Ādinātha, Sāntinātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra.106 The caves found at Dhank which contain these sculptures belong to about the second century AD.107 It, therefore, seems certain that Jainism obtained a strong foothold in Gujarat by the second century AD.108
The presence of the Jainas in Gujarat in the early medieval period is indicated by literary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence.109 The early
100. CHI, 1, p. 167. 101. AOIU, pp. 418-19. 102. Ibid. 103. Ibid. 104. HJM, p. 110. 105. Ibid., AOIU, pp. 418-19. 106. Ibid.; ibid. 107. AOIU, pp. 418-19. 108. Ibid. 109. CA, p. 406.

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Post-Mahāvīra Period and the Contribution of Jainism
royal dynasties of Gujarat did not show any noticeable favour to Jainism and it remained the religion of the merchant classes. Much of the work of preaching and preserving this faith was done by the monks. But due to the patronage of the kings, Jainism attained splendour in Gujarat in the eleventh and the twelfth century AD. 110 Jaina influence at the court of the Cālukya kings of Gujarat can be noticed from the time of the founder of this dynasty.
During the reign of Bhima I, his minister Vimala built the magnificent Adinātha temple at Mount Abu. Jainism became more dominant at the Calukya court during the reign of Siddharaja and his successor Kumarapala. Under the influence of Hemacandra (AD 1088-1172), the most learned man of his time, Kumarapala enriched Gujarat with numerous Jaina shrines. 111 During Kumarapala's reign, Gujarat became a stronghold of Jainism in respect of followers as well as institutions. 112 The secret of this success was not fanatic zeal, but the promotion of understanding between different faiths. 113 The promotion of understanding between different faiths is the corner-stone of Jainism, and it was particularly emphasised by Hemacandra in word as well as in deed. 114 The continuity of Jainism and the prosperity of its followers in Gujarat are evident from the construction of the magnificent Neminātha temple at Mount Abu by Tejpala, who was a minister of the Calukya king Somasimhadeva. 115 The temple of Adinātha at Mount Abu was completed in AD 1032 and that of Neminātha in AD 1232.116
Jainism in the Deccan and south India
From the available evidence nothing certain can be said about the state of
110. CA, p. 406. 111. SFE, p. 428. 112. Ibid.;ACHI, p. 102. 113. Ibid., p. 428. 114. Ibid. 115. Ibid. 116. A.K. Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesion Art, 1927, p. 111.
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Jainism in the Deccan at least from the fourth century BC to the beginning of the Christian era. 117 Jaina literary evidence credits the spread of Jainism from Ujjain to the Deccan and further south to Asoka's grandson Samprati; but we have no evidence to corroborate the Jaina tradition.18 But this is certain that the ruling dynasties of the Deccan provided greater support to Jainism than their counterparts in north India. 119 It is only from the time of the Calukya rulers and their successors that we get a fairly clear picture of the state of Jainism in the Deccan.120 Epigraphic and archaeological evidence indicates that Jainism was in a flourishing condition in the Deccan from AD 500 to 950.121 Jainism enjoyed the patronage of many Rāstrakūţa rulers, 122 some of whom were devout Jainas.123 Some feudatories of the Rāstrakūta rulers also extended patronage to Jainism.124 Dr. A.S. Altekar is of opinion that probably one-third of the population of the Deccan professed Jainism between the eighth century AD and the tenth century AD. 125
The spread or extension of Jainism to south India is generally attributed to the migration of the Digambaras to this part of the country. 126 We have already stated that Bhadrabāhu, the last of the śruta-kevalins, became the head of the Jaina Church in 317 BC. Bhadrabāhu predicted that a famine of twelve years' duration would ravage north India; he, therefore, decided to migrate to south India with his followers. 127 Scholars of south Indian history have mostly accepted the late Digambara tradition that the great famine of
117. HJM, p. 114. 118. Ibid., p. 115. 119. CA, pp. 403-6. 120. HJM, p. 116. 121. AOIK, P. 287; JSAI, pp. 245-7. 122. HJM, p. 117; Ibid., p. 247; ACHI, p. 102; MJ, p. 30. 123. Ibid.; ACHI, p. 102. 124. Ibid., p. 118. 125. Dr. A.S. Altekar, cited in AOIK, p. 287 and JSAI, p. 247. 126. AOIU, p. 419; MJ, pp. 3-4. 127. Ibid.; CHAI, III, p. 282; HJM, p. 81.

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Post-Mahāvīra Period and the Contribution of Jainism
Magadha compelled Bhadrabāhu to seek shelter in south India; he along with his followers and his royal disciple Candragupta Maurya migrated to south India, and this led to the establishment of the Digambara community in Mysore, with Śravaņa Beļgoļa as its centre. 128 B.A. Saletore writes,
Southern tradition, which is corroborated by literary and epigraphic evidence, connects the advent of Jainism into Karnataka and south India with the immigration of the Jainas under Bhadrabāhu and his disciple Candragupta Maurya.129
According to many Jaina authors, Bhadrabāhu died in Karnataka in 297 BC. 130 But many authors discredit this account,131 and assert that Bhadrabāhu retired to Nepal.132
According to the Svetāmbara tradition, the Jaina migration to south India began from Ujjaiyini in Malwa, and this is corroborated by the early Digambara tradition.133 Among the different sects of south India, the Senagana of the Mulasamgha may have been the first migrating group of the Jainas.134 The route of their migration is suggested to be along the western coast, from Gujarat, through Maharashtra to Karnataka, and from there to the extreme south.135 H.D. Sankalia is of opinion that it may not be wrong to suppose that the first wave of Jainism passed over Gujarat-Kathiawad when Bhadrabāhu went to the south in the fourth century BC. 136 In fact, the evidence regarding the Jaina migration to south India does not lead to any definite conclusion Some scholars hold that Jainism reached the Andhra region from the north
128. AOIU, p. 419; HJM, p. 83. 129. MJ, pp. 3-4. 130. Ibid., p. 3. 131. CHAI, III, p. 282. 132. HJM, p. 19; LDJC, p. 32; CHI, I, p. 165. 133. AOIU, p. 419. 134. Ibid. 135. Ibid. 136. H.D. Sankalia, cited in HJM, p. 110 fn. 297.

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as early as the sixth century bc, and that its association with the Tamil region dates from the fourth century BC. 137
But this is certain that Jainism was one of the powerful influences that moulded the religious and cultural life of south India in the ancient and medieval period of its history. 138 Jainism played a significant role in the political life of south India also. Epigraphic records and literature of Karnataka, Telugu and Tamil lands reveal that Jainism made a remarkable contribution to the success and stability of many kingdoms in south India, including the magnificent Vijayanagara empire. 139 Karnataka was the favourite resort of Jainism in south India for nearly one thousand years; the area from Bidar in the north to Mysore in the south in Karnataka is replete with the antiquities of Jainism.140 These antiquities bear testimony to the glory of Jainism in this part of India. For nearly twelve centuries (second century AD to thirteenth century AD), Jainism guided the fortunes of some of the most powerful and well-known royal families of Karnataka.141 Many rulers of the Ganga,142 the Kadamba,143 the Rāstrakūta 144 and the western Calukya145 dynasties of south India patronised Jainism. It was also patronised by the feudatories of the kings of Karnataka.146
Jainism in other parts of India
We have already stated that both Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra had preached
137. JISI, Preface, ix. 138. Ibid., p. 1. 139. MJ, p. 2. 140. JISI, Preface x. 141. MJ, p. 6. 142. Ibid., pp. 8-30; JSAI, p. 247; CA, pp. 406-7; CHAI, III, p. 289; HJM, pp. 123-4; ACHI, p.
102.
143. Ibid., p. 30; HJM, pp. 124-6; JSAI, p. 247; ACHI, p. 102. 144. HJM, p. 117; JSAI, p. 247; MJ, p. 30; ACHI, p. 102. 145. SFE, p. 429; JSAI, p. 247; MJ, p. 42; CHAI, III, p. 289; HJM, pp. 119-20; ACHI, p. 102. 146. MJ, p. 87.

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Jainism in the eastern parts of Uttar Pradesh. Subsequently, it spread to western Uttar Pradesh also. The discovery of Jaina images in large numbers from Fatehpur Sikri and Kagaraul in west Uttar Pradesh and from many places in Haryana have furnished evidence of the prevalence of Jainism in these regions also. 147 There are indications that Jainism spread to other parts of north India also, including the Punjab. 148 It is important to note that the spread of Jainism was not confined to India. The Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang, who visited India in the seventh century AD, found the followers of Jainism even beyond the frontiers of India, i.e., in Kapiśā.149
Schisms in the Jaina Church
The tendency to form a dissenting opinion was prevalent in the lifetime of Mahāvīra. His disciple Gosala had separated from him and founded the Ajivika sect. 150 Two schisms (nihnavas) are said to have occurred in Mahāvīra's lifetime. 151 The trend continued. In all, seven 152 or eight, 153 schisms occurred in the Jaina Church. According to the Svetambaras, there were eight schisms in the Jaina Church; the first of these was caused by Mahāvīra's son-in-law Jamali, and the eighth schism gave rise to the Digambara sect.154 But the Digambaras seem to be ignorant of the earlier schisms; they hold that it was the rise of the sect of Ardhaphalaks under Bhadrabahu which developed into the Svetambara sect in AD 80.155
It has already been stated that Bhadrabahu, who had become the head
Amar Ujālā, Āgrā, April, 2000.
CHAI, III, p. 286.
S. Beal, op. cit., I, p. 63; HOIC, I, p. 167; OISJ, p. 4 fn. 4. AOIU, pp. 414-15; AAHI, p. 85; CHI, I, pp. 158-9.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151 LDJC, pp. 25-6; JAA, I, p. 24; HJM, p. 79.
152. AOIU, p. 416; JSS p. 23; LDJC, pp. 25-6. 153. ERE, VII, p. 473; HJM, p. 78.
154.
Ibid., p. 473.
155. Ibid.
Alle
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of the Jaina church in 317 BC, had predicted that a famine of twelve years' duration would ravage northern India. Therefore, Bhadrabāhu entrusted the monks who did not wish to follow him to the charge of his colleague Sthūlabhadra, and migrated to south India with 12,000 followers. 156 After reaching Śravana Beļgoļa in Mysore, Bhadrabāhu designated Višākha as his successor, and ended his life by starvation.157 It is generatly believed by the Jaina authors that Bhadrabāhu died in Karnataka in 297 BC. 158 But some others hold that he retired to Nepal where he spent his time in austerities. 159
The famine raged in north India. The monks who had stayed back adopted some modifications in the rules of their conduct.160 They wore white robes and also a peculiar head-dress known as ardhaphālaka.161 When the famine ended and normal conditions returned, some of the monks who had migrated to the south and had remained faithful to the law of nudity, came back to north India. 162 They objected to the new modes, introduced by the monks who had stayed back in north India.163 Viśākha and Sthūlabhadra tried hard to keep them together; but separatist tendencies proved stronger, and this led to a definitive schism between the two groups in about AD 80.164 Those who wore white dress and the headgear called ardhaphālaka came to be known as Ardhaphālakas, and later as the Svetāmbaras, and those who believed in nudity came to be known as the Digambaras.165 The story outlined above is embodied in Bhadrabāhucarita of Ratnanandin, a work of the
156. CMHI, II, p. 356; CHAI, III, p. 282. 157. Ibid., p. 356. 158. MJ, p. 3. 159. HJM, p. 19; LDJC, p. 32; CHI, I, p. 165. 160. CMHI, II, p. 357. 161. Ibid. 162. Ibid. 163. Ibid. 164. Ibid. 165. Ibid.

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fifteenth century AD, and scholars like Jacobi are inclined to accept it as true. 166
The causes of dissent in most of these schisms pertained to minor points in the doctrines of Jainism. Therefore, these schisms left no permanent mark on the Jaina community. But the last schism produced serious consequences. It was a split which divided the Jaina community into two sects – the Svetambara and the Digambara – and each of these two sects claimed greater authenticity than the other. This split left a mark on the pattern of the development of Jainism, on its regional spread, monastic practices, iconography, etc.167 After this division became well-established, the differences between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras centred around numerous subjects.
Causes of the split in Jainism The Svetāmbara and the Digambara accounts are at variance with each other regarding the causes of this split.168 These accounts appear to be products of sectarian hatred.169 Literary writings and early sculptures prove that170 most of the differences between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras were outcome of historical growth.171 The Jainas who lived in various parts of India remained isolated from each other for long because of the vastness of the country; they, therefore, developed different beliefs and customs, and became aware of these differences about the end of the first century AD.172 According to one tradition, this split occurred in AD 79 and according to another in AD 82.173 In view of this some date about AD 80 should be accepted
166. CMHI, II, pp. 356-7. 167. HJM, pp. 79ff.; AOIU, p. 416; ACHI, p. 102. 168. LDJC, pp. 26-9; JSS, pp. 39-45; HJM, pp. 80-3; JIR, pp. 54-5. 169. AOIU, p. 416; HJM, p. 83. 170. Ibid., p. 416. 171. Ibid.; ERE, VII, p. 473; JSS, p. 45; LDJC, p. 28. 172. ERE, VII, p. 473. 173. GD, p. 108; CHAI, III, p. 297 fn. 4; JIR, p. 54; CMHI, II, p. 362.
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as the date which divided the Jaina community into two sects, i.e., the Śvetambara and the Digambara. 174
It is important to note that prior to this split the Jainas had lived together without any apparent discord. 175 It is, therefore, pertinent to ponder over the causes of this split. It has often been suggested that the divergent practice of wearing a white robe or going out naked caused this split, and this gave these two sects their names; - those who put on white robes came to be known as the Svetambaras, and those who preferred or believed in the practice of nudity were called the Digambaras.176 This split is also assigned to differences between the practices of Mahāvīra and Pārśva, or to the more austere life of Mahāvīra's pupil Gosala, and also to the events caused by the great famine in Magadha resulting in the migration of a section of the Jaina community to south India.177
There is little substance in these reasonings. Both sects of Jainism hold that Gosala's teachings had nothing to do with this split.178 Reconciliation regarding the use of clothes and the practice of nudity had already been achieved in the lifetime of Mahāvīra. 179 Option allowing two modes of behaviour known as Jinakalpa and Sthavirakalpa was also open to the Jainas.180 It appears that isolated groups of Jainas who insisted on the harder course of life had existed from the very beginning. 181 The split in the Jaina community possibly arose due to subsequent differences regarding ascetic practices. 182
CMHI, II, p. 357. According to the Svetambaras, the split occurred in AD 142. See CHAI, III, p. 282; CMHI, II, p. 362.
175. CMHI, II, p. 357.
176. HJM, p. 83.
177. Ibid.
178.
Ibid.; AOIU, p. 413.
179. Ibid.; Ibid.; LDJC, p. 28. Ibid.; Ibid.
180.
181. HJM, pp. 83-4; AOIU, p. 413. 182. ACHI, pp.101-2.
174.

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The Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras The points of difference between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras are numerous. 1. The Svetāmbaras believe in the tale that Mahāvīra's embryo was
transferred from the womb of the brāhmana lady Devānandā, wife
of Rsabha, to that of Trišalā.183 But the Digambaras reject this story. 184 2. According to the Svetāmbara tradition, Mahavīra was married to
Yasodā.185 But the Digambaras hold that he remained celibate all
through his life.186 3. The Svetāmbaras hold that a woman can attain salvation.187 But the
Digambaras believe that a woman can not be a tīrthamkara.188 4. According to the Svetāmbaras, Malli, the nineteenth tīrthamkara,
was a woman. 189 But the Digambaras hold that Malli was a male190 and call him Mallinātha. 191
5. The Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras generally agree in the details
regarding the tīrthamkaras. 192 But they differ in respect of the names of the yaksas and the yaksinīs attached to the tīrthamkaras. 193
6. The Digambaras enlist most of the sixteen vidyādevīs or goddesses of
183. CHI, I, pp. 157-8. 184. Ibid. 185. Ibid., p. 158; JSS, p. 20; AOIU, p. 413; AAHI, p. 85. 186. JSS, p. 20 fn. 8; HJM, p. 66 fn. 57; CHAI, III, p. 277. 187. JPV, p. 183; JAA, I, p. 15 fn. 1; JI, pp. 14-15. 188. Ibid.; Ibid., pp. 15-16 fn; Ibid., pp. 14-15; OISJ, p. 4 fn. 2. 189. Ibid.; Ibid., p. 15 fn1; Ibid. 190. Ibid.; Ibid., p. 16 fn; Ibid.; pp. 14-15, 77. 191. JI, pp. 14-15, 77; JAA, I, p. 16 fn. 192. OISJ, p. 64. 193 Ibid.
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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā knowledge among the yaksinīs, but the Svetāmbaras include only a few of them. 194
7. Another belief peculiar to the Digambaras is that after obtaining
kevala-jñana a saint can sustain life without nourishment. 195
8. According to the present Digambara custom, a priest in a Digambara
temple must be a Jaina, but in a Svetāmbara temple the priest can be,
and usually is, a brāhmaṇa.196 9. The Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras also differ on the number of
moveable and immoveable beings.197 10. The Digambara images of the tirthamkaras are represented nude,198
but the Svetāmbaras represent the images of the tirthamkaras
clothed and decorated with crowns and ornaments. 199 11. The Svetāmbaras are extremely careful of all animal life, but the
Digambaras are moderately careful.200 12. The Digambaras bathe their images profusely, but the Svetāmbaras
use very little water for bathing their images. 201 13. The Digambaras bathe and worship their images at night, but the
Svetāmbaras are opposed to this practice; they do not even light lamps in their temples.202
194. OISJ, pp. 64-5. 195. CHAI, III, p. 298 fn. 2. 196. Ibid., p. 299 fn. 1. 197. AOIU, p. 416. 198. OISJ, p. 65; JI, pp. 14-15; DJI, p. 34. 199. Ibid., Ibid., Ibid. 200. DJI, p. 35. 201. Ibid., p. 35. 202. Ibid., p. 36. Some Jaina customs and practices appear to vary from region to region. Some
Svetambara and Digambara practices mentioned by James Burgess in 'Digambara Jaina Iconography' (DJI), are probably prevalent among the South Indian Jainas only. See DJI, pp. 34-6.

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14. The Digambaras wash their images with the pañcāmrta, but the
Svetāmbaras do not observe this practice.203 15. The Digambaras say their prayers in the Hindu fashion, but the
Svetāmbaras close their mouth or tie a cloth over their lips.204
16. The Digambaras paint their caste-marks on their foreheads, but the
Svetāmbaras do not.205
17. Although the Digambaras hold in high esteem the tradition about the
twelve angas and the fourteen pūrvas, they disown the Jaina canon as fixed by the Svetāmbaras. 206
18. The Svetāmbaras assert that there are 12 heavens and 64 Indras, but
the Digambaras maintain that there are 16 heavens and 100
olympian monarchs.207 19. The Svetāmbaras allow their teachers to eat out of vessels, but the
Digambara teachers take food in their hands from their disciples.208 20. The Śvetāmbaras use flowers, sweets, etc., in their pūjā; the
Digambaras use spices, dry fruits, etc., for this purpose. 209 21. The Digambaras consider absolute nudity as an indispensable sign of
holiness, but the advance of civilisation has compelled them to depart from the practice of nudity.210 It is difficult to ascertain as to when the present custom of wearing clothes started among the Digambaras. From the account of Hiuen-Tsang, the Chinese traveller, it appears that the Digambaras were faithful to the law of nudity even up to the
203. DJI, p. 36. 204. Ibid. 205. Ibid. This is a custom among south Indian Jainas. See AOIK, p. 295. 206. HJM, p. 34. 207. JI, pp. 14-15. 208. Ibid. 209. Ibid., pp. 14-15. 210. OISJ, p. 2 fn. 2.
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beginning of the seventh century AD.211 Sub-divisions of the Śvetāmbaras and the Digambaras The Jainas are divided into the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras. These two sects are sub-divided into numerous schools and groups.212 Some Jaina sects are opposed to idol-worship.213 For example, the Lońkā sect, the Sthānakavāsī sect,214 the Tāraṇpanthi sect of the Digambaras and the Terāpanthī sect of the Svetāmbaras do not worship idols.215 K.C. Jain is of opinion that Muslim invasions of India affected Jainism in two ways; — these invasions united the Jainas for self-defence, and also drove away many Jainas from idolatory.216 But the fact should not be lost sight of that reform movements have been a characteristic feature of Indian life from an early period; the Jainas who opposed idol-worship had no need to look to Islam for inspiration.217
The Yāpanīyas and the Dravida Samgha
Another sect of Jainism was called the Yāpaniya. It has been held that this sect arose in the early centuries of the Christian era after the Jaina community's division into the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras.218 This sect existed for about two centuries and its influence was confined to Karnataka.219 The Dravida Samgha was another sect of Jainism and its influence was confined to the Tamil land.220 It appears to have been an off-shoot of the Mula
211. OISJ, p. 2 fn. 2. 212. Ibid., pp. 1-2; JSS, pp. 49 ff; JIR, pp. 90-1. 213. ERE, VII, p. 466; JI, p. 15; JIR, pp. 90-3. 214. Ibid.; Ibid.; Ibid. 215. JIR, pp. 90-3. 216. Ibid., p. 90. 217. ROAI, p. 123. 218. CHAI, III, p. 299. 219. Ibid. 220. Ibid.

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Samgha.221 The Dravida Samgha also proved short lived.222
Estimate of the split in Jainism
The division of the Jaina community into the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras affected the monks as well as the laity.223 But the basic religious principles remained the same for both the sects.224 Almost all points of difference were minor, if not trivial.225 Consequently, although there was a split, the crack was not wide enough to demolish the edifice.226 The Jainas differed on some minor points of doctrine and discipline, but on the whole they adhered to the main principles of Jainism.227 Less serious doctrinal differences among the Christians led to prolonged bloody conflicts in Europe, but strict adherence to ahiṁsā prevented the Jainas from similar acts.228 In fact, the points of difference were thrashed out in a debating hall. Some minor changes occurred in Jainism, but no fundamental change is visible up to the present times.229 In spite of their differences, the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras are one regarding the arrangement of their communities, doctrine, discipline and cult, at least in respect of more important points, and, thus, one can always speak of Jainism as a whole.230
Jainism passed through many storms and upheavals from time to time. But it did not perish. It is still a living religion. This reveals the adaptability of Jainism to constantly changing environments.231 One of the chief causes
221. CHAI, III, p. 299. 222. Ibid., pp. 299-300. 223. ACHI, p. 102. 224. Ibid.; JSS, p. 141; ERE, VII, p. 473. 225. CHAI, III, p. 299. 226. Ibid. 227. JSS, p. 141. 228. CHAI, III, p. 299. 229. AOIU, p. 420. 230. OISJ, p. 3. 231. S.D. Jha, op. cit., Retrospect.
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of the survival of Jainism is the inflexible conservatism of its followers. The Jainas have stuck to their original doctrines and institutions. The religious life of the Jainas is substantially the same as it was two thousand years ago.232 But the proverbial conservatism of Jainism has been allied to dynamism.233 It has adapted itself to changing circumstances.234 For instance, Jainism made an effective rapproachment with Hinduism.235 It is because of its power of adaptability that Jainism has preserved its entity and identity through the ages.236 Jainism did not snap the bonds between the laity and the monks. It also did not put its destiny in the hands of the monks and monastic establishments completely.237 Unlike Buddhism, Jainism insisted upon the active participation of the laity in the affairs of the Jaina Church.238 It was because of these qualities that Jainism could face occasional Hindu opposition and Muslim persecution to survive to the present times.239
The Councils and the compilation of the Jaina canon
The Jaina tradition attributes the canon to the arhats.240 According to the Jaina belief, the ultimate source of all knowledge is the Dvādaśanga-śruta, which was taught by the various tīrthamkaras, the last of whom was Mahāvīra.241 The Jaina canon is divided into two parts – the Svetāmbara canon and the Digambara canon.
232. CHI, I, p. 169; IP, p. 71. 233. S.D. Jha, op. cit., Retrospect. 234. Ibid. 235. HOIC, I, p. 167. 236. S.D. Jha, op. cit, Retrospect. 237. HOIC, I, p. 167. 238. Ibid., pp. 164-7; IP, p. 71. 239. HOIC, I, p. 167. 240. HJM, p. 18. 241. JSAI, p. 14.

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The Svetāmbara canon
There is no unanimity among scholars regarding the number of books which constitute the canon of the Svetāmbara Jainas.242 Scholars like Winternitz and Weber hold that the canon of the Svetāmbaras consists of 12 Angas, 12 Upāngas, 10 Painnas, 6 Cheya-suttas, 4 Mūla-suttas, and two miscellaneous texts called Nandi and Anuyogdāra 243 This view is generally accepted by scholars.244
The Svetāmbara canon together with its exegetical literature was the outcome of a literary activity which extended from the date of the Pataliputra Council245 to the seventeenth century AD.246 Scholars like Winternitz and Jacobi treat this canon as authentic because the traditions embodied in it are corroborated by the inscriptions found at Mathurā and other evidence 247 But this group of texts called "Siddhānta' or 'Agama' is disowned by the Digambaras who treat it as unauthoritative.248 Taking into consideration the researches of scholars like Jacobi, Weber, Winternitz, Charpentier and others, the Svetāmbara canon can be arranged in order of descending antiquity into the following manner (1) the Angas (2) the Mula-sūtras, (3) the Cheda-sūtras, and lastly (4) the Upāngas and the rest of the canon.249
The Digambara canon
The Digambara canon may be broadly divided into the Angas, the Angbāhyas
242. HJM, p. 16. 243. Ibid., pp. 16-18. 244. Ibid., p. 16; LDJC, p. 31. 245. The Pătaliputra Council was summoned by Sthūlabhadra in the third century BC. See
HJM, p. 18. 246. HJM, p. 34. 247. Ibid., pp. 22-3. 248. Ibid., p. 16. 249. Ibid., pp. 22-34.
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and the Anuyogas.250 The Digambaras also call the Anuyogas as 'the four Vedas' 251
Background of the Jaina Councils
It has been already stated that according to the Jaina belief the Jaina canon was taught by Mahāvīra and the tīrthamkaras who preceded him. It is said that either the ganadharas of Mahāvīra252 or his chief disciple Indrabhūti Gautama arranged and classified his teachings into twelve principal divisions called the Anga.253 The most important of these angas was the twelfth; it was called the Drsti-pravāda and had five sections.254 The biggest and the most important of these five sections dealt with the pūrvas which were fourteen in number.255 According to the Svetāmbara tradition, the original Jaina doctrine was contained in the fourteen pūrvas or old texts, and this was taught by Mahāvīra to his ganadharas.256 Unfortunately, the knowledge of these texts was gradually lost257, and only a single ganadhara possessed the knowledge of the pūrvas.258 The work of the Jaina councils should be viewed in the light of these conditions.
The Council of Pāțaliputra
The loss of the Jaina canon is attributed to the terrible famine which occurred in Magadha during the reign of Candragupta Maurya. It has already been stated that due to famine conditions one section of the Jaina Church migrated to south India under the leadership of Bhadrabāhu, and the other preferred
**D: 491 80
250. HJM, pp. 35-8. 251. Ibid., p. 36; DJI, pp. 31-2. 252. LDJC, p. 32; HJM, p. 18. 253. JSAI, p. 14. 254. Ibid. 255. Ibid. 256. HJM, p. 18; LDJC, p. 32. 257. Ibid.; Ibid., JSAI, p. 14. 258. Ibid.; Ibid.

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to stay in north India under the leadership of Sthūlabhadra. After the end of the famine and restoration of normal conditions, a council was summoned at Pāțaliputa259, early in the third century BC by Sthūlabhadra to collect and co-ordinate the extant portions of the canon, because famine conditions had perhaps made it impossible for the monks to recollect and study their texts properly.260
The Pătaliputra Council found that the knowledge of the pūrvas was lost and that nobody except Bhadrabāhu, who was practising austerities somewhere in Nepal, knew them.261 The council requested him to reveal his knowledge to others, but he refused to do so.262 He agreed to teach the pūrvas when he was threatened with excommunication. But of the five hundred monks sent to him for the purpose only Sthūlabhadra learnt all the fourteen pūrvas from Bhadrabāhu.263 But Sthūlabhadra was ordered by Bhadrabāhu not to teach the last four pūrvas to his successors; consequently, their knowledge was lost to posterity. 264
The canon fixed by the Pāțaliputra Council was rejected by the monks who returned to north India from the south. They held that the entire group of the angas and the pūrvas was lost for good.265 The Digambaras, therefore, hold that the canon collected by the Pātaliputra Council was not genuine. It is not possible to know the exact nature of the canon that was settled by the Pataliputra Council,266 it appears that it could collect only the angas and the ten pūrvas. 267
259. HJM, p. 18; LDJC, p. 32; AOIU, p. 422; CMHI, II, pp. 357-8. 260. Ibid., pp. 18-19. 261. Ibid., p. 19; LDJC, p. 32. 262. Ibid., p. 19. 263. Ibid.; LDJC, p. 32; AOIU, p. 422. 264. Ibid.; Ibid.; Ibid. 265. Ibid., p. 19. 266. AOIU, p. 422. 267. HJM, p. 19.

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The Mathura Council
A few centuries later the Jaina canon suffered loss once again. Many Jaina monks died as a result of a great famine in the fourth century AD.268 Therefore, after the end of the famine a council was held at Mathura under the presidentship of Arya Skandila and collected available knowledge of the Jaina canon. 269 The Jaina canon compiled by this council is known as Māthurī Vācanā,270
The Valabhi Council
According to some scholars, simultaneously another council was held at Valabhi under the presidentship of Nagarjuna Sūri, who seems to have been a contemporary of Arya Skandila;271 this council compiled and carefully edited that part of the Jaina canon which had been forgotten.272 But it appears that Arya Skandila and Nagarjuna Sūri could not meet for its final verification, and the difference seems to have continued.273
The Second Council of Valabhi
The present form of the Svetambara canon owes its compilation and classification to another council at Valabhi which was held in the fifth century AD, 980 or 993 years after Mahāvīra's death.274 This council met under the presidentship of Devardhigaṇin Kṣamāśramana. In this council the entire Jaina canonical literature was written according to the version of the Mathura Council,275 and variants from the followers of Nagarjuna Sūri
268. HJM; p. 20; LDJC, pp. 32-3.
269. Ibid., p. 20; Ibid., p. 33.
270. Ibid., p. 21; Ibid., p. 33.
271. Ibid.; Ibid.
272. LDJC, p. 33.
273. Ibid.; HJM, p. 21.
274. Ibid.; ibid. It was held in AD 512 or AD 525. See CA, p. 410. The popular view is that it was held in the fifth century AD.
275. Ibid., p. 33.

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and others were also recorded.276 But this council failed to trace the twelfth anga which was said to have contained the pūrvas.277
Review of the Jaina canon
The traditional Jaina canon, thus, consists of two sets — the Svetāmbara canon and the Digambara canon. The Digambaras claim to have preserved in their canonical texts most of the twelfth anga and its pūrvas together with fragments from the other angas.278 The Svetāmbaras claim that they have preserved most of the remaining eleven añgas in their sūtras.279 A comparative study of the Svetāmbara and the Digambara canon reveals considerable similarity. Both of them inherited and drew from a common stock which existed before the split in the Jaina Samgha; this is proved by many verses and passages which are common in both sets.280
The tradition about the angas and the fourteen pūrvas is common to both sects of Jainism; both hold the angas in equal esteem.281 The names of some of the texts of the Angabāhiras of the Digambaras and the Mūla-sūtras and the Cheda-sūtras of the Svetāmbaras are similar.282 Examples can be multiplied. 283
Contribution of Jainism
In the course of its long history Jainism has made a remarkable contribution to Indian culture. The period from the fifth century AD to the tenth century
276. LDJC, p. 33; HJM, p. 21; CA, p. 411. The Jaina canon took its final shape in the Second
Council at Valabhi. See CA, p. 411. 277. HJM, p. 21. 278. JSAI, p. 15. 279. Ibid. 280. Ibid. 281. HJM, p. 36. 282. Ibid. 283. For further similarity between the canon of the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras see
HJM, pp. 36-7.
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AD was the most flourishing in the history of Jainism, at least in south India,284 and the greatest contribution of Jainism to Indian culture was made in the period which extended from the first century BC to the tenth century AD.285
AHIMSA
The most important contribution of Jainism in the cultural field is the doctrine of ahiṁsā. Jainism preached the doctrine of ahimsă in a more extreme form than Buddhism, but it produced no emasculating effects upon its followers.286 Jainism produced men who turned ahissä into a philosophy of action; records exist which reveal that the Jaina kings and generals distinguished themselves on the battlefield, and also that they were not averse to warfare in pursuance of the Jaina precept of doing one's duty.287 A.S. Altekar writes,
In the face of the achievements of Jaina princes and generals of our period, we can hardly subscribe to the theory that Jainism and Buddhism were chiefly responsible for the military emasculation of the population that led to the fall of Hindu India.288
In fact, Jainism produced military generals like Kharvela in Kalinga,289 Camunda Raya and Santinatha in Karnataka,290 Kumarapala in Gujarat,291 Samsera Bahadur, etc., in Rajasthan.292 There is ample evidence of the fact
284. JSAI, p. 245; AOIK, p. 287. 285. Ibid., p. 229. 286. AOIK, p. 293; JSAI, p. 248. 287. Ibid., p. 293. 288. A.S. Altekar, cited in JSAI, p. 248. 289. AOIU, p. 213; CMHI, II, p. 115; EI, XX, pp. 71-89. 290. MJ, pp. 108ff; CHAI, III, pp. 289-92. 291. SFE, pp. 76-7. 292 JIR, pp. 218-20.

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that the Jainas used to enlist in the army in large numbers and distinguish themselves on the battlefield.293
Gradually, the doctrine of ahimsa brought to an end the practice of animal sacrifices in yajñas and other Vedic rites.294 It also popularised vegetarian diet in a large part of India.295 Respect for the life of living beings which the Jainas showed in their daily lives is said to have influenced the Hindus of the south; they stopped animal sacrifices in their ceremonies and rites and promulgated the cult of ahimsa in their literature.296 Ahimsa became the guiding principle and the regulating force in Rajasthan.297
The doctrine of ahimsă deeply influenced the life and thought of Akbar, the great Mughal emperor. 298 Epigraphical evidence exists that a Svetambara ācārya named Hīravijaya Suri299 had a great influence on Akbar.300 Akbar was keen to understand the doctrines of Jainism, and in 1582, he invited Hīravijaya Sūri of Gujarat to his court. 301 Hiravijaya Sūri lived at his court for two years, 302 and Akbar bestowed the title jagadguru on him.303 Due to Hiravijaya's influence, Akbar prohibited animal slaughter304 near Jaina holy places,305 freed these places from taxes,306 released many prisoners, and gave
293. JSAI, p. 248.
294.
AOIK, p. 294.
295. Ibid., p. 294; JIR, p. 234.
MJ, pp. 269-70.
296.
297. JIR, p. 234.
298.
299.
A.L. Srivastava, Bharat Ka Itihasa (AD 1000-1707), 1979, pp. 468-9.
HJM, p. 135; A.L. Srivastava, op. cit., p. 468; S.R. Sharma, Bharat Main Mughal Samrajya, 1973, p. 280.
300. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
301.
A.L. Srivastava, op. cit., p. 468.
302. Ibid.
303. Ibid.; S.R. Sharma, op.cit., p. 280; HJM, p. 135.
304. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
305.
306.
HJM, p. 135.
Ibid.
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up meat-eating on some days in the year. 307 Akbar also came in contact with Jaina ācāryas like Jinacandra,308 Siddhicandra, 309 Bhānucandra, 310 śānticandra, Vijayasena Sūri, Jayasoma Upādhyāya,311 etc. Akbar was so deeply influenced by the teachings of the Jaina monks that he gave up hunting, of which he was extremely fond of, almost gave up meat-eating and prohibited slaughter of animals and birds for about six months in the year.312 Slaughter of animals and birds on prohibited days meant capital punishment in Akbar's time. 313 Akbar issued firmans to the governors of all provinces of the Mughal empire in India and local officials to strictly enforce the orders issued by him.314
In 1582, Akbar promulgated a religion named Din-i-Ilahi; meat-eating was almost prohibited for the members of Din-i-Ilahi; they were also prohibited from the use of vessels belonging to perfessionals like butchers and fishermen.315 In 1591, Akbar invited the renowned Jaina ācārya Jinacandra Süri to his court.316 Jinacandra Sūri reached Lahore in 1591, and was cordially received by Akbar in that city317 Jinacandra explained the doctrines of Jainism to Akbar. Akbar was delighted and bestowed the title yugapradhan on Jinacandra Sūri.318 Jinacandra spent cäturmāsa at Lahore and accompanied Akbar during the latter's visit to Kashmir in 1592.319 Both Hīravijaya Sūri and
307. A.L. Srivastava, op. cit., p. 468. 308. HJM, p. 135; A.L. Srivastava, op. cit., p. 468. 309. Ibid.; S.R. Sharma, op. cit., p. 280. 310. Ibid., ibid.; A.L. Srivastava, op. cit., p. 468. 311. A.L. Srivastava, op. cit., p. 468. 312. Ibid., p. 469. 313. Ibid. 314. Ibid. 315. Ibid., pp. 465-6. 316. Ibid., p. 468. 317. Ibid. 318. Ibid. 319. Ibid.

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Jinacandra Sūri left a lasting impression on Akbar. 320
HUMANITARIANISM AND MORAL LIFE
Jainism preaches love and compassion towards all living beings, human beings as well as animals, birds and insects. This ideal has produced a deep impress on Indian life. In Rajasthan the Jaina practice of feeding and sustaining the birds and the ants has been widely adopted by the Hindus.321 The Jainas have established a large number of animal houses called Piñjadā Pol for the protection of animals.322 The Jainas in south India made it a principle to provide food, protection, medicine and education to the needy.323 Jainism has exercised a healthy influence on the moral life of the people. 324 Through the ages, the Jainas have established and maintained charitable institutions of various kinds in the country.325 The Jainas have established and maintained institutions like public libraries, educational institutions, 326 dispensaries, 327 dharmaśālās,328 houses for animal protection,329 trusts for public welfare, etc.
The most precious gifts of Jainism to Indian culture are profound reverence for all forms of life and the way of austerity.330 Perhaps the greatest contribution of Jainism to the Indian culture, and to the world as a whole, is the advocacy of an ideal, i.e., perfection of man. Jainism has laid superlative
320. A.L. Srivastava, op. cit., p. 468. 321. JIR, p. 234. 322. RI, p. 296. 323. MJ, p. 269. 324. JIR, p. 233. 325. CUHI, I p. 222. 326. JIR, p. 235. 327. CUHI, I, p. 222; JIR, p. 236. 328. Ibid., p. 222. 329. RI. p. 296; CUHI, I, p. 222. 330. HOIC, I, p. 162.
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stress on man's purity and on his conquest of the body and the senses. 31 The moral injunctions prohibiting the eating of animal foods, drinking, gambling, hunting, stealing, adultery and debauchery produced high-souled men and women from the Jaina laity who became role models for the Indian society.**2
Numerous Jaina monks were held in admiration because of their noble, austere, selfless and scholarly life even by the Muslim rulers. It is a different matter that their lives did not inspire them. Many Svetāmbara and Digmbara monks were honoured by Muslim rulers like Muhammad Ghori, Alauddin Khalji, Muhammad Tughlaq, Firoz Tughlaq and Sikandar Sur.333 Akbar was deeply influenced by Jainism. His son Jahangir issued orders for the protection of Satruñjaya, and conferred the title mahātapā on Jaina scholar Vijayadeva Sūri and the title yugapradhän on the Jaina monk Jinasimha Sūri.334
PHILOSOPHY Jainism has made a significant contribution in the field of philosophy also. In the field of philosophy the greatest contribution of Jainism is Anekāntavāda or the theory of Indefiniteness of Being, and a dialectical method called Syādvāda, which upholds this theory. Jainism attaches such importance to this method that Syāduāda is frequently used as a synonym for it.335 Anekāntavāda and Syādvāda have elicited high praise from Indian and foreign scholars.
MONASTIC SYSTEM
The monastic rule is Jainism's greatest creation.336 It is a severe rule which is dominated by the conception of non-violence, a conception probably
331. HOIC, I, p. 162. 332. Ibid., p. 164 333. HJM. p. 135. 334. Ibid., p. 136. 335. ERE, VII, p. 468. 336. ROAI, p. 125.

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created by Jainism.337 The practical genius of Mahāvīra is abundantly evident from his establishment of a four-fold order of followers. In this system both laymen and laywomen could aspire to monkhood by accepting its discipline in stages.338 Thus, unlike Buddhism, Jainism could produce through the ages a large number of high-souled men and women, who could endure the storm and stress that drove Buddhism out of India. 339 The sage in Jainism could come from even the castes which were viewed as extremely low.340 There was a hierarchy of monks in the Jaina Church (samgha). Jainism insisted upon the active participation of the laity in monastic life. A layman or a laywoman could become a monk or a nun by improvement of moral standard and approximating to the ideal of conduct prescribed for the Jaina monks and nuns. 341
LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE The literary activities of the Jainas in a regular form commenced from about the beginning of the Christian era.342 The Jaina literary activity, which may be called the Sarasvati movement, began sometime in the first half of the second century BC, and was an accomplished fact by the end of the first century AD.343 The period from the second century AD to the twelfth century AD may be called the golden age of the Jaina literary activity,344 and during this period numerous Jaina authors from Samantabhadra to Hemacandra, 345 enriched the religious and secular literature of India by their compositions in many languages.
337. ROAI, p. 125. 338. HOIC, I, p. 164. 339. Ibid. 340. Ibid. 341. Ibid. 342. JSAI, p. 15. 343. Ibid. p. 101. 344. Ibid., p. 15. 345. Ibid.
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The literary activity of the Jainas has embraced an extremely wide field. Jaina authors have produced religious as well as secular literature. They have written numerous books on religion and philosophy.346 They also produced narrative literature in the form of kathas, kathākosas, epics, caritas,347 Purāņas,348 prabhandas and prasastis.349 They also wrote sociopolitical histories, historical biographies, paṭṭāvalis of the various Jaina ascetic congregations, commentaries on non-Jaina works, etc. 350 The Jainas also produced works on poetry in the form of kavyas, mahākāvyas and small poems 351 They also wrote on technical and scientific subjects like poetics, grammar, lexicography geography, astronomy, mathematics, medicine, politics, etc. 352
By producing literature in many Indian languages like Ardha-Magadhi, Sanskrit, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, etc., Jainism has played an important role in the linguistic development of India. Prakrt languages owe a lot to Jainism. The Jainas produced rich literature in Apabhramsa,353 and most of the surviving literature in this language is the creation of Jaina authors.354 Apabhramsa is a language which is a link between the classical languages, i.e., Sanskrit and Prakṛt and the modern vernacular languages of India. Apabhramśa represents an important stage in the development of IndoAryan languages — a stage ‘in which the Prakrts die and out of them the bhāṣās or the vernaculars are born'.356 Many modern Indian languages like
346. JIR, pp. 152-3; AOIK, p. 292.
347.
348. JIR, p. 153; JSAI, pp. 22-5.
349. JSAI, pp. 18-19.
350.
Ibid., pp. 16-28.
351.
CA, pp. 313-17; JIR, p. 166.
352.
Ibid., pp. 317-24; Ibid., pp. 172-7; MJ, p. 266; JSAI, pp. 16ff.
353.
CUHI, I, pp. 222-3; Ibid., p. 151; JSAI, p. 13.
354.
JIR, p. 151.
355.
CUHI, I, p. 223.
356.
SFE, p. 351.
CA, pp. 291ff; JIR, pp. 153-60; JSAI, pp. 20-2.

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Hindi, Gujarati, Rajasthani, Marathi, etc., have developed from Apabhramsa.357 The Jainas have made a handsome contribution to the development of Gujarati and Rajasthani, and Jaina influence can be seen on Marathi and Sindhi also.358
Jainism wielded influence in the Kannada land for long. Jaina authors contributed a glorious chapter to Kannada literature. 359 In fact, the honour of creating Kannada literature and its enrichment with classics of abiding value goes to Jaina authors. 360 The Jainas also made immense contribution to the development of Tamil literature. Most of the major and minor epics, which are the pride of Tamil literature, have been composed by the Jainas.361 The Jainas also made a significant contribution to Sanskrit literature. In fact, Jaina authors gradually adopted Sanskrit as the principal medium of expression in the composition of literature, religious as well as secular.362 Almost all early Jaina writers of south India were profound Sanskrit scholars.363
In fine, Jainism made a notable contribution to the development of the literature of many Indian languages including Tamil, Telugu and Kannada. Some of the most renowned classics in Tamil, Telugu and Kannada were penned by Jaina authors.364 The Jainas gave to the Tamil people their didactic classics like the Kural and Nāladiyār, some major and minor kāvyas and other works.365 Campū is an elaborate and artificial form in Sanskrit literature, calculated to afford to the poet ample opportunity to display his
357. AOIK, p. 212; JIR, p. 151. 358. JIR, p. 151. 359. CA, p. 327. Also see M), pp. 262-3; JSAI, p. 13; JIR, p. 151, IP. p. 77; CUHI, pp. 222-3. 360. AOIK, p. 292. 361. Ibid. 362. AOIU, p. 284; IP, p. 77; JIR, p. 151; JSAI, p. 13. 363. MJ, p. 263. 364. Ibid.; IP, p. 77; JIR, p. 151. 365. Ibid., p. 263.
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erudition and command over both prose and poetry in a single composition.366 The Jainas gave to the Telugu and Kannada literature the Campū kāvyas or poems in a variety of composite metres interspersed with paragraphs in prose.
367
ART AND ARCHITECTURE
Plastic Art
Jainism has made a significant contribution in the domain of Indian art, particularly architecture. In ancient India art was the hand-maid of religion.36 The Jaina temples and idols were built to satisfy the religious fervour of the devotees, and the Jainas invested immense money and labour to make them beautiful.369 A huge mass of Jaina images, made of stone, metal and other materials, belonging to the ancient and medieval period of Indian history, has been discovered from various places in Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, like Lohanipur, Mathura, Śravana Belgola, Rajgir, Udayagiri, Fatehpur Sikri, Kahaum, Deogadh, Gwalior, Chanderi, Khajuraho, etc.
The images of the Jaina tīrthamkaras have been described as cold and frozen,370 stiff in pose, devoid of expression and grace,371 characterised by puppet-like rigidity, primitive bareness372 and uniformity of pattern. It is held that the images of the Jaina tīrthamkaras present a stark contrast to the sublime gentleness and serene grace of the figure of the Buddha, and to the
366. AOIK, p. 187.
367. MJ, p. 263.
368.
369.
370.
371.
372.
373.
R.C. Sharma, Buddhist Art of Mathura, 1984, Foreword; JAA, I, p. 35.
JAA, I, p. 35.
H. Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, Vol. I, 1955, p. 15. JAA, I, p. 67.
H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 132.
JSAI, p. 231; HOFA, Introduction, p. 11.

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divine strength and lavish charm of the images of the Hindu gods.374 There is much truth in this criticism. But the iconography of the Jaina tirthamkaras should be judged in the light of the doctrines of Jainism.
The Jaina tīrthamkaras were great ascetics. In fact, the image of the tirthamkara is a vehicle of the ritual tradition of Jainism, 375 which prescribed his portrayal as an ascetic. It is because of this prescription that a cold and frozen atmosphere hovers around the images of the jinas.376 Nudity is a monastic rule for the Digambara Jaina ascetics. The Jaina sculpture is the only art in India in which absolutely unclothed figures are found. This nakedness represents a condition of absolute detachment from the world.377
But in the representation of lesser deities of the Jaina pantheon, and in carving secular scenes from contemporary life, the artist was not bound by any prescribed formulae, and enjoyed the freedom to display his artistic genius.378 The female figures carved on the pillars of the Jaina stūpa at Mathurā rank among the masterpieces of the Mathurā school of art. 379 The figures of lively and joyful women carved on these pillars bear testimony to the fact that in spite of its rigid course of discipline the Jaina community of Mathurā gave a free hand to the artist in the display of his artistic genius.380 Many Jaina sculptures discovered from Kankāli Țīlā, Mathurā possess artistic merit.381 The Jaina images of the first and the second century AD found from Mathurā are stiff in pose and lack expression and grace.382 But the tirthamkara figures of Mathurā belonging to the Gupta period are
374. H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 151. 375. JSAI, p. 231; JAA, I, pp. 67-8; EWA, VIII, p. 786. 376. H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 15. 377. Ibid. 378. JSAI, p. 231. 379. P.K. Agrawala, Mathura Railing Pillars, 1966, p. 2. 380. JAA, I, p. 59. 381. JS, Introduction, p.5. 382. JAA, I, p. 67.
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masterpieces of sculptural art. Serene spiritual beauty is writ large on the faces of these tīrthaṁkara figures.383 The Jaina āyāga-pattas or votive tablets (tablets of homage) found from Mathurā rank among the most beautiful specimens of the Mathurā school of sculpture; they are exceedingly wellconceived and the compositions convey the meaning of the symbolism they seek to represent.384
The Jainas produced a different type of sculpture at Gwalior. The most striking part of the Jaina remains of Gwalior are a series of caves or rock-cut sculptures that are excavated on the rock on all sides; some of these figures are colossal - greater in size than others found in north India.385 The gigantic colossi of Sravana Belgola and other places in south India are perhaps the most artistic of the Jaina sculptures.386 The colossal monolithic Jaina statues of the south are counted among the wonders of the world.387 The colossal Jaina statue at Sravana Belgola standing on top of a hill is 57 feet high and has been cut from a single block of gneiss.388 The aura of this statue has elicited high praise from art critics.389 There are similar colossi at Yenur and Karkala. V.A. Smith writes,
Undoubtedly the most remarkable of the Jaina statues are the celebrated colossi of southern India, the largest free-standing statues in Asia — at Sravana Belgola in Mysore, and at Karkala and Yenur or Venur in South Kanara. All three being set on the top of eminences are visible from miles around 390
383. State Museum, Lucknow no. J. 104; Mārg, Mathura No., p. 56; JAA, I, pp. 67-8; R.C.
Sharma, Jaina Sculptures of the Gupta Age in the State Museum, Lucknow, p. 152. 384. V.S. Agrawala, Studies in Indian Art, Vārāṇasī, 1965, pp. 178-9. 385. HIEA, pp. 243-5. 386. HOFA, Introduction, p. 11. 387. IGI, II, p. 122. 388. Ibid. 389. JAA, I, p. 37.

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Reference may also be made to the five groups of Jaina images cut in relief on the face of the steep cliff below the fort of Gwalior; they were executed between AD 1440 and 1473.91 Some of these images are colossal; one of them is 57 feet high.32
Architecture
394
In the field of architecture the contribution of Jainism has been truly memorable. Jainism did not create a separate architecture. It drew from and always depended on Hindu architecture. In the construction of temples the Jainas followed the structural pattern of the Hindus. The Jainas adopted the local building traditions for their edifices.396 The Hindu and the Jaina temples at Khajuraho are alike. But the Jaina temples were not exact carbon copies of the Hindu temples; they differed from them in some respects because the theistic requirements of Jainism are somewhat different from those of Hinduism. For instance, departure from the style of Hindu. architecture can be seen in some Jaina temples of Karnataka.
The Jainas had a passion for religious-building, and through the ages, they built numerous temples, some of which can be called the pride of India. The Jainas chose beautiful sites for the construction of such edifices. It was
390. HOFA, p. 268.
391.
Ibid.
395
392. Ibid.
393. AJAA, p. 319; E.B. Havell, The Ancient and Medieval Architecture of India, 1915, p. 175. 394. Ibid., p. 319.
395.
H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 134; E.B. Havell, oc. cit., pp. 65-6.
E.B. Havell, op. cit., p. 175; AJAA, pp. 319-20.
397. Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, Buddhist and Hindu, 2nd edn., p. 136; HOFA, p. 23; HIEA, pp. 245-6.
398. AJAA, pp. 319-20.
399. IGI, II, p. 170.
4 €
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love of the picturesque that prompted the Jainas to build their temples on hilltops. 400 The Jainas not only erected temples; they also built temple-cities - cities consisting of temples alone — picturesquely situated on the hills of Girnar in Kathiawad and Satruñjaya or Palitana in Gujarat.401 Other picturesquely situated Jaina temple groups are at Ranapur in Jodhpur and Parasnatha in Bengal.402 The Jaina temples were built in an ornate style. The Jaina temples of Gujarat and Mount Abu in Rajasthan were built in an ornate style. The Jaina passion for ornamentation reached its peak in the temples of west India. The Jaina temples in Karnataka are almost equally ornate in a different fashion.403
The exquisite temples of Mount Abu, built in the western or Gujarati 404 or the Maru Gurjar style, 405 a beautiful variation of the north Indian or the Indo-Aryan style407, are the most notable achievements of the Jainas in the domain of art.408 The Jaina temples at Mount Abu are deservedly famous. 109 The most outstanding of the Jaina temples at Mount Abu are the Vimal Shah and the Tejpala temples which were constructed in AD 1032 and AD 1232 respectively.410 Built entirely of white marble these temples are domed shrines with pillared halls. 411 These are the finest models of this style; the beauty and delicay of carving and the richness of designs in both these temples are
400. HIEA, p. 240. 401. HIEA, pp. 226 ff; A.K. Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, 1927, p.
112.
402. A.K. Commaraswamy, op. cit., pp. 112-13. 403. HOFA, Introduction, p. 11. 404. Ibid., and p. 32. 405. AJAA, p. 319. 406. HOFA, p. 32. 407. Ibid. 408. Ibid., Introduction, p. 11. 409. A.K. Coomaraswamy, op. cit., p. 111. 410. Ibid. 411. Ibid.

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breathtaking. 412 The remarkable temples dedicated to Jaina worship at Mount Abu carry to its highest perfection the Indian genius for the invention of graceful patterns and their application to the decoration of masonry.413 The beauty of the ceilings, pillars, doorways, niches and panels of the Jaina temples at Mount Abu is mind boggling.414
In decorative sculpture, as distinguished from individual statuary, the Jainas encouraged work of a high order of excellence and beauty, employed to adorn with the utmost possible magnificence the pillared chambers which were their favourite form of architecture. 415 Nothing in the world can surpass for richness and delicacy of detail the marble columns and ceilings of the Mount Abu temples, and it would be easy to fill a large volume with illustrations of more or less similar exquisite work in many localities.416 In fact, the Jaina temples at Mount Abu eclipse all monuments in India in aesthetic exuberance.417 The whiteness of marble in these temples symbolises the passionless purity of this ascetic faith. 418 The astounding profuseness of the marvellous traceries of the fairly ceilings of these temples have put to shade the pendents of the Westminster Abbey.419
The Jaina temples of west India represent in material form the concept of the ultimate and eternity as put forth by Jainism.420 Of the Jaina temples at Palitana, Fergusson writes,
It is by watching the methods still followed in designing buildings in that remote locality that we become aware how it is that the uncultivated
412.
A.K. Coomaraswamy, op. cit., p. iii, H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 268; HOFA, p. 32. 413. IGI, II, p. 124.
414.
H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 268.
415. HOFA, p. 270.
416. Ibid.
417. O.C. Gangoly, Indian Architecture, p. 44.
418. Ibid.
419. Ibid.
420.
AJAA, p. 378.
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Hindu can rise in archietecture to a degree of originality and conception which has not been attained in Europe since the Middle Ages, but which might easily be recovered by following the same process. 421
By this time the patronage of Jainism had passed into the hands of the merchants and the common people; therefore, the architecture of the Jaina temples of Mount Abu can be called the architecture of the people.422
Nearly one-third of the extant temples at Khajuraho are Jaina temples. Architecturally, the older temples at Khajuraho may justly be regarded as the most beautiful in form as well as the most elegant in detail among the temples of northern India; the only others that can be compared with them is the earlier group at Bhubaneswar in Orissa. 423 Fergusson remarks about the Jaina temple of Pārsvanātha at Khajuraho,
There is nothing probably in Hindu architecture that surpasses the richness of its three-storeyed base combined with the extreme elegance of outline and delicate detail of the upper part.424
Percy Brown writes about a ruined Jaina temple at Khajuraho,
In its dismantled condition one can only admire the elegance of its pillars and the richness of the carved doorway. Some of the pillars are most gracefully proportioned, tall slender shafts, octagonal below and circular above, clasped around at intervals with girdles of delicate carving and surmounted by an appropriate bracket capital.425
The Jainas also excelled in the construction of free-standing pillars called mana-stambhas which were almost invariably erected near the temples,
421. HIEA, p. 228. 422. H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 266. 423. IGI, II, pp. 179-80. 424. HIEA, p. 246. 425. Percy Brown, op. cit., pp. 136-7.

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particularly in the south. They were a characteristic feature of the Jaina temples of south India, and in no other part of the country the mānastambhas were as elaborately carved as in the south.426 The Jaina freestanding pillars have been lavishly praised by connoisseurs of art. The Jainas built many free-standing pillars in Kanara in south India. V.A. Smith felt that in the whole range of Indian art there is perhaps nothing equal to the Kanara pillars as far as good taste is concerned. 427
A variation of the free-standing pillars are the commemorative towers, i.e., kīrti-stambhas of north India. There are two such stambhas at Chittor in Rajasthan. One of them is the 'tower of fame' which dates from about AD 900.425 Another tower of this kind at Chittor was finished in AD 1468.429 It is a 'pillar of victory' like the column of Trajan at Rome. It is 122 feet high and consists of nine storeys, the whole being covered with ornamental sculpture.430 The Jaina kīrti-stambha at Chittor is a masterpiece of carving, 431 and according to Fergusson, as an architectural object it is of infinitely better taste than the column of Trajan at Rome.432
The Jainas also built rock-cut caves. There are two groups of Jaina rockcut caves on the Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills in Orissa. 433 These caves were built for the habitation of Jaina ascetics.434 Of these, the Hāthīgumphā cave on the Udayagiri hills appears to have been built in the second century BC. 435 Some others like the Ananta, Rāni and Ganesa gumphās probably date
426. IP, p. 77. 427. HOFA, p. 14. 428. IP, p. 77. 429. Ibid. 430. Ibid., IGI, II, p. 124. 431. H. Zimmer, op. cit., pp. 266-8. 432. HIEA, pp. 253-4; IP, p. 77. 433. SIJA, p. 6. 434. JAA, I, p. 76. 435. SIJA, p. 6.

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from 150 BC to 50 BC.436 The interiors of the Jaina caves of Orissa are austerely plain, but the facades of some of the caves are richly decorated.437 Ränigumphā is the most spacious and elaborately carved of all Orissan caves.438
The Jainas were also associated with the construction of the stūpas. Jaina traditions refer to the practice of erecting stūpas over the ashes of the jinas.439 The prejudice that all stūpas and railings must necessarily be Buddhist has probably prevented the recognition of Jaina structures as such, and upto the present day only two undoubted Jaina stūpas have been recorded. 140 One Jaina stūpa existed at Vaiśālī, and this was dedicated to the jina Munisuvrata.441 The other Jaina stūpa was the celebrated stūpa at Kaňkāli Tīlā, Mathurā. To the history and architecture of this stūpa we shall turn later in this book.
436. SIJA, p. 7. 437. JAA, I, p. 82. 438. SIJA, p. 7. 439. Ibid., p. 9. 440. IGI, II, p. 111. 441. SIJA, p. 62, JAA, I, Editorial, p. 7.

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Jainism in Mathurā Second century BC to eleventh century AD
MATHURA— the heart of Braj - and described as one of the seven holy cities of India in the Garuda Purana,' has been a sacred city to the Hindus from very early times. This city has been held in high esteem by the Jainas also. Tradition recorded in later Jaina texts associates Mathurā with many tīrthamkaras. According to Vividha-Tīrtha-Kalpa, a fourteenth-century work made known by Buhler, a stūpa was built at Mathurā in honour of Supārsvanātha, the seventh tirthamkara. Another Jaina tradition describes Mathurā as the birth place of Naminātha, the twenty-first tīrthamkara.Neminātha (Aristanemi), the twenty-second tirthamkara, who was a cousin of Vasudeva-Krsna and Balarāma, was closely associated with Mathurā," and according to VividhaTīrtha-Kalpa, he had a specially honoured place in this city. Many images of the Kusāna and post-Kusāna period represent Neminātha in the company of Krsna and Balarama. Vardhamāna Mahāvīra is said to have visited Mathurā. Jambūsvāmī, the last kevalin, is believed to have performed penance in this city.
1. Garuda Purāna, 2.28.3 cited in A.B.L. Awasthi, Garuda Purāna Ek Adhyayana, 1968,
p. 15; P.D. Mittal, Braj Kā Sāṁskrtika Itihāsa, vol. I, 1966, p. 22 fn. 2. 2. JS.p. 13; Yaśastilaka, p. 432. 3. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, pp. 17ff; MS, pp. 1-2; JAA, I, p. 50. 4. JI, p. 80; JAA, I, p. 50. 5. MS. p. 2; Ibid. 6. Ibid.; Ibid., Vividha-Tīrtha-Kalpa, p. 86. 7. MM no. 34. 2488; JAA, I, p. 50. 8. LDJC, p. 309; MCH, p. 211.
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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathura
The spread of Jainism to various parts of India was the consequence of numerous migrations of the Jainas from eastern India. One such migration or extension of the Jaina community brought it to Mathurā at an early period.10 Archaeological excavations have established that Jainism obtained a firm footing in Mathurā by the second century BC, 11 and that from this time it had a continuous history in this city up to the eleventh century AD.” In fact, in the early centuries of the Christian era, Mathurā became the most renowned centre of Jainism in northern India.13
Archaeological excavations at Kankālī Țīlā, Mathurā
Except the Jaina traditions which furnished some information, nothing specific was known about the state and history of Jainism in Mathurā even as late as AD 1870. But archaeological excavations conducted at Kankāli Tīlā, Mathurā by Cunningham, Harding, Growse, Burgess and Fuhrer from about 1870 to 1896,14 opened the flood-gates for writing on the history of Jainism in Mathurā on scientific lines. These excavations have unearthed immense Jaina antiquities like sculptures, pillars, āyāga-pattas, capitals, umbrellas, railing posts, copings, cross-bars, component parts of gateways, bracket-figures and other architectural pieces from this mound. 15 These excavations unearthed a large number of dedicatory inscriptions also. 16 The earliest of these dedicatory inscriptions belongs to the second century BC, 17 and the last to the eleventh century AD. 18 These dedicatory inscriptions provide a fairly clear picture of the
9. CHI, I, pp. 167ff; ADIU, pp. 417ff; HJM, p. 577. 10. AOIU, p. 418; CMHI, II, p. 363. 11. JS, Introduction, pp. 1ff; JAA, I p. 51. 12. Ibid., Introduction, pp. 3-5; ASIAR (1906-7), p. 141; MI, p. 42; JSAI, pp. 230-1. 13. CMHI, II, p. 355. 14. MI, p. 39. 15. JS, Introduction, pp. 1ff; JAA, I, p. 52. 16. EI, X, Appendix, Lüders List, pp. 2ff. 17. EI, II, p. 195 and inscription no. 1; EI, II, pp. 198-9. 18. JS, Introduction, pp. 3-5.

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history and state of Jainism in Mathurā from the second century BC to the eleventh century AD.
The Kankāli Tīlā, occasionally called Jaini Tīlā, 19 stands between the Bhūteśvara crossing and B.S.A. College in the south-west part of Mathurā. This mound has derived its present name from a small modern temple dedicated to a Hindu goddess called Kankālī Devī,20 who is a form of goddess Durgā.” This mound is nearly rectangular in shape; it is approximately 500 feet long and 350 feet wide.22 But Cunningham gave its dimensions as 400 feet long and 300 feet wide.23
General A. Cunningham, the first Director-General of Archaeological Survey of India, 24 excavated the western end of Kankāli Tīlā in March and November in 1871.2 He conducted excavations at this mound in 1881-2 and 1882-3 also. Harding, a predecessor of F.S. Growse as Magistrate of Mathurā, also made some excavations at Kankālī Tīlā.27 F.S. Growse, who worked as Magistrate and later as Collector of Mathurā district,28 conducted excavation on the northern portion of this mound in 1875.29 James Burgess and A. Fuhrer of the Archaeological Survey of India, 3o conducted excavations at the eastern
19. JS, Introduction, p. 1; MI, p. 40; MDM, p. 116. 20. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid., p. 117. 21. GD, p. 128. 22. JS, Introduction, p. 1. 23. ASIAR, III, p. 19; MI, p. 39; JS, Introduction, p. 1.
F.R. Allchin, The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States, 1995, p. 5.
ASIAR, III, pp. 13ff; JS, Introduction, p. 1. 26. Ibid., XVII, p. 111; ASIAR, XX, plates III and IV; JS, Introduction, p. 2.
JS, Introduction, p. 1; MI, p. 39. 28. Pamphlet of Government Museum, Mathurā. F.S. Growse founded the museum which
is now called Government Museum, Mathurā. 29. JS, Introduction, p. 1. 30. DJI, Introduction; MI, p. 41; MCH, p. 108.

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā end of Kankālī Tīlā at different times from 1888 to 1896.31 It was Fuhrer who discovered the largest number of Jaina antiquities from this mound. Fuhrer's principal excavations at Kankālī Tīlā were conducted in 1888-9, 1889-90 and 1890-1.32 He made some excavations at this site in 1896 also.33
Fuhrer's excavations brought to light remnants of a Jaina stūpa, and of two Jaina temples also." But it is important to note that numerous Jaina antiquities which included inscriptions, images of the tīrthamkaras and pillars of stūpa railings had already been excavated by A. Cunningham.35 Excavations at Kankālī Tīlā had stopped after Cunningham's work at this site in 1882-3. But this work was resumed in 1888, first under the direction of Burgess, and thereafter under Fuhrer, 36 for the fulfilment of a specific need. This need arose because European scholars were engaged in a serious debate about the authenticity of the Jaina traditions at that time.
Jainism attracted notice of European scholars about the beginning of the nineteenth century. In 1858, Albrecht Weber argued that the Jainas were Buddhist schismatics.37 Christian Lassen also theorised in the 1860s that the Jainas were descendants of the Buddhists.38 But Colebrooke, Prinsep, Stevenson, E. Thomas and some other scholars held that Jainism is older than Buddhism.39 These conflicting viewpoints led to a debate among European scholars, Between 1879 and 1884, Hermann Jacobi, one of the participants in this debate, undertook the refutation of the thesis that Jainism arose out of Buddhism. On the strength of references in Pali literature, Jacobi successfully
31. JS, Introduction, p. 1; MI, p. 40. 32. Ibid., Introduction, p. 2; Ibid. 33. MI, p. 40. 34. EI, I, p. 380; ASIAR, 1906-7, p. 141; MI, p. 40; JS, Introduction, pp. 2-3. 35. ASIAR, III, pp. 13ff; JS, Introduction, pp. 1-2. 36. MI, p. 40; MCH, p. 107. 37. MCH, p. 104. 38. Ibid. 39. CHI, 1, p. 152.

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proved that Jainism did not arise out of Buddhism, and that the Nirgranthas (the Jainas) existed before the time of Gautama Buddha, the founder of Buddhism, and his contemporary Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, the successor of Pārsvanātha. Jacobi's presentation was convincing, and from 1884 onwards the theory that Jainism arose out of Buddhism fell in general disrepute. 40 Jacobi's arguments were based solely on literary evidence. Therefore, this debate continued.
Barth, a participant in this debate, doubted the authenticity of the Jaina literary evidence prior to the fixation of the Svetāmbara canon in the fifth century AD. This set the stage for the entry of J.G. Buhler in this debate. He was knowledgable about Jainism and during seventeen years of his stay in India (1863-80), he had collected and sent to Europe most of the Jaina literature which was used by Jacobi and Weber in their writings.41 In the beginning Buhler had agreed with the viewpoint of Lassen and Barth. But in 1879, he entered this debate as an opponent of Barth.43 Cunningham had already discovered some images of the Jaina tīrthamkaras from Kankālī Tīlā, and also some inscriptions which bore the words Vardhamāna and Mahāvīra. He had drawn an enthusiastic conclusion, as early as 1873, that there was tangible evidence in support of the truth embodied in the Jaina traditions. 45
But Buhler wanted many more inscriptions to remove Barth's doubts about the authenticity of the early Jaina tradition. Buhler, therefore, asked James Burgess in September, 1887 to resume excavations at Kankālī Tīlā during the next working season.46 Burgess agreed and resumed excavation work at Kankāli Tīlā in January, 1888.47 The resumption of excavations at
40. MCH, p. 104. 41. Ibid., p. 106. 42. OISJ, pp. 23-5 fn. 1. 43. MCH, p. 106. 44. ASIAR, III, pp. 13ff 45. Ibid., p. 46; MCH p. 106. 46. MCH, p. 106. 47. Ibid., p. 107; MI, p. 40.
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Kankālī Tīlā, Mathurā, first under Burgess, and thereafter under the direction of Fuhrer, should be viewed in the light of this background. Jaina antiquities kept on emerging from Kankāli Tilā from 1888 to 1891.
Fuhrer's excavations in 1888-9 unearthed from Xankā)īTilā oritsimmediate neighbourhood ten inscribed images of the jinas belonging to the Kuşāņa period, four of these being most important in respect of the history of Jainism; thirty-four pieces of sculpture forming parts of a Svetāmbara Jaina temple of the time of the Kuşāņa king Huviska; an image of Mahāvīra surrounded by the remaining twenty-three tirthařkaras;48 two colossal images of jina Padmaprabhanātha dated vs 1038 and 1134;49 four basements of Jaina images bearing vs 1134, and numerous Buddhist antiquities.50 In 1889-90, Fuhrer excavated from Kankālī Tīlā the remnants of a Jaina stūpa and also of a Jaina temple belonging to the Digambara sect.51 During the working season of 1889-90, Fuhrer also excavated eighty images of the tīrthamkaras, one hundred twenty pieces of stone railings, many miscellaneous sculptures, and numerous inscriptions, seventeen of which belong to the Kusāna period.52
Fuhrer's excavation work at Kankālī Tīlā brought to light an overwhelmingly immense number of Jaina antiquities in 1890-1.63 In the winter season of 18901, Fuhrer forwarded to the Lucknow Museum seven hundred thirty-seven fine pieces of Jaina sculptures, comprising beautifully finished panels, doorways, toraņas, columns, complete railings with copings and bars, images of the tīrthamkaras, etc.54 Among the sculptures found was a torana bearing a relief which represents a stūpa worshipped by Kinnaras and Garuds or Suparņas.“ The excavation work conducted at Kankāli Tīlā by Fuhrer in 1890-1 was far
48. JS, p. 52 and plate XCIV. 49. Ibid., p. 53 and plates XCV and XCVI. 50. Ibid., Introduction, pp. 2-3. 51. Ibid., p. 3. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid. 54. Ibid. 55. Ibid., p. 3 fn. 2 and plate XV.

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more important in results than done in 1888-9 and 1889-90, and the Jaina antiquities discovered during this working season made significant addition to the extant knowledge of Indian history and art.56
Some Jaina sculptures were discovered from Sītalā Ghāți, Rāni-Ki-Mandi and Manoharpura localities of Mathura also.57 The bulk of sculptures found from Kankali Tila were sent to Agra and were placed in the Riddel Museum which existed there at that time.58 The Riddel Museum was broken in 1875 or shortly before it, and the greater part of its holdings was removed to Allahabad.59 The reconstituted Provincial Museum at Lucknow opened on 1 July, 1884, and most of the sculptures which had gone to Allahabad from Agra were transferred to the Lucknow Museum.60 In short, most of the Jaina antiquities excavated from Kankali Tīlā were forwarded to the Lucknow Museum61 or placed in the grounds of the Mathura Museum.62
The excavations at Kankālī Tīlā unearthed a large number of Jaina inscriptions. Sixty-two of the seven hundred thirty-seven sculptures discovered by Fuhrer from Kankali Ṭīlā bore inscriptions which ranged in dates from 150 BC to AD 1023.63 Fuhrer kept on sending impressions and photographs of the inscriptions discovered from Kankali Tīlā to Buhler.64 Buhler translated and interpreted these inscriptions and published a selection from them in Eigraphia Indica. Thirty-five Jaina inscriptions discovered from Kankali Tīlā, Mathurā were published by Buhler in volume I of Epigraphia Indica under the title 'New
56. JS, Introduction, p. 3.
57. JAA, I, p. 52 fn. 6; ASIAR, 1906-7, p. 141.
58. ASIAR, 1906-7. p. 141.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid.: MI, p. 41.
62. MI, p. 41.
63. JS, Introduction, p. 3.
64. EI, I, p. 371 fn. 2; EI, II, p. 195 fn 1; JS, Introduction, p. 4.
65.
JS Introduction. p. 4; MCH, p. 107.
: €0
55
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Jaina Inscriptions from Mathurā66 and 'Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathurā’.67 Forty-one Jaina inscriptions discovered from Mathurā and edited by Buhler were published in volume II of Epigraphia Indica under the title Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura'.68
The discovery of Jaina inscriptions in such large numbers from Kankāli Tīlā, Mathurā delighted Buhler. Buhler needed ammunition in the form of inscriptions to combat the arguments of Barth and others, who doubted the authenticity of the Jaina traditions. These inscriptions provided the evidence Buhler looked for. This epigraphical evidence made it clear that Jainism did not arise out of Buddhism, and also that the authenticity of some Jaina traditions was beyond question. In his book entitled On the Indian Sect of the Jainas, Buhler enthusiastically wrote,
Old historical traditions and inscriptions prove the independent existence of the sect of the Jainas even during the first five centuries after Buddha's death, and among the inscriptions are some which clear the Jaina tradition not only from the suspicion of fraud but bear powerful witness to its honesty.69
Fuhrer excavated numerous Jaina inscriptions, sculptures and architectural pieces from Kankālī Tīlā, Mathurā. It was a major achievement. Buhler rendered invaluable service by translating, interpreting and editing the Jaina inscriptions discovered from Mathurā. Consequently, a great deal of the history and state of Jainiam came to light. But a lot remained obscured due to the indifference and negligence of Fuhrer. Buhler needed Jaina inscriptions from Mathurā, and Fuhrer's excavations at Kankālī Tīlā were primarily and principally directed to achieve this end. Of the numerous mounds in Mathurā, Kankālī Tīlā was the only one which was completely explored, but Fuhrer
66. EI, I, pp. 371-93. 67. Ibid., pp. 393-7. 68. Ibid., II, pp. 195-212. 69. OISJ, p. 23.

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devoted excessive importance to inscriptions, and completely ignored the architectural aspect.70
Buhler died in a boating accident in Europe in 1898.71 Due to his sudden death the possibility of a synthetic account of the evidence from Mathurā, which he alone of scholars in Europe knew thoroughly, ceased to exist.72 To make the matters worse, Fuhrer abruptly resigned from his job in the Archaeological Survey of India in 1898.73 Fuhrer had announced a monograph on the Jaina remains at Mathurā.74 But he left behind only one hundred two plates, 15 and these too without explanatory notes,76 when he resigned from service in 1898.77 Unfortunately, no record of operations was published; therefore, no proof exists as to the exact find-location of most of the objects of Kankālī Tīlā.78 Without any systematic account by Buhler, and without Fuhrer's personal rememberance of what had been done at Kankālī ļīlā, scholars do not have any idea of the actual find-location of most of the antiquities excavated from this site, and it appears that Fuhrer did not maintain a record of his operations.79
The task to prepare a book on the archaeological material excavated from Kankāli Țilā was undertaken by V.A. Smith. He had not been associated with the excavation work that had been conducted at this site. Owing to Fuhrer's indifference and negligence, the materials on the basis of which he had to produce a book on the subject, were sketchy and imperfect. However, after
70. ASIAR, 1906-7, p. 140. 71. MCH, p. 108. 72. Ibid. 73. Ibid., MI, p. 41. 74. MI, p. 41; JS, Preface. 75. Ibid. 76. Ibid., JS, Preface. 77. Ibid. 78. Ibid. 79. MCH, p. 109.

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being consulted by Sir Antony MacDonnell, 80 V.A. Smith edited the plates left behind by Fuhrer in 1901.81 V.A. Smith produced a book entitled The Jaina Stūpa and other Antiquities of Mathurā in 1901 on the subject. This book was reviewed by Foucher who stated that he himself saw in the Lucknow Museum the archaeological specimens figuring on these plates. 82 V.A. Smith published as plate I ‘a General Plan' of the excavated part of the Kankāli Tīlā, showing the remains of a great number of buildings. These, however, cannot be identified, the exception being the foundations of the Jaina brick-stūpa, situated at the eastern end of the Kankāli Tīlā.84
The material at the command of V.A. Smith was inadequate and incomplete. And, he regretfully mentioned this fact many times in the aforesaid book. 35 Therefore, the account embodied in V.A. Smith's The Jaina Stüpa and other Antiquities of Mathurā remained inadequate and incomplete. Fuhrer had maintained no record of his operations. Smith had not been associated with the excavation work conducted at Kankālī Tīlā. It was, therefore, a case of one blind person providing light to the other blind. The fault lay with Fuhrer and not Smith. In view of these unfortunate happenings a researcher on the history of Jainism in Mathurā feels handicapped.
Jainism in Mathurā – the early phase
According to the Jaina tradition, Mathurā was a principal seat of Jainism. The discovery of immense Jaina antiquities from Mathurā, especially from the Kankālī mound, bears testimony to the truth embodied in this Jaina tradition.
80. MI, p. 41; JS, Preface. 81. Ibid. 82. Ibid., fn 6. 83. JS, Plate I; MI, p. 41. Sir Antony MacDonnell was the Lieutenant-Governor of the
North-Western Provinces and Chief Commissioner of Oudh. See JS, Preface. 84. MI, p. 41. 85. JS, Preface, Introduction, pp. 2 ff; MCH, p. 109. 86. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, Mathurāpuri Kalpa, pp.17 ff; Yasastilaka, pp. 416, 432, 433:
LDJC, pp. 308-9; OISJ, p. 42.

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Most of the Jaina antiquities excavated from this mound belong to the Kuşāņa period. There is no unanimity among historians regarding the chronology of the Kuşāņa dynasty. According to one view the Kuşāņa kings ruled at Mathurā from the middle of the first century AD to AD 176.88 On the basis of finds from Kankālī ļīlā, the Kuşāņa period may justly be described as the golden age of the history of Jainism in Mathurā.
Jainism attained its peak at Mathurā during the Kusāna period. But its history in this city began much earlier. The exact date of the settlement of the Jainas at Mathurā is difficult to ascertain. The earliest dedicatory Jaina inscription discovered at Mathurā belongs to the middle of the second century BC. But it is certain that the Jaina community had settled at Mathurā much earlier than the second century BC. The earliest Jaina antiquities excavated from Kankāli Tilā or any other site in Mathurā, are the remnants of a stūpa which appears to have existed in this city for many centuries. We, therefore, begin the history of Jainism in Mathurā with the history of the Jaina stupa which was built at Kankāli Tilā.
The Jaina stūpa at Kankālī Tīlā, Mathurā
The stupa was an early form of the structural architecture of the Jainas. Jaina traditions refer to the practice of erecting stūpas over the ashes of the jinas.90 The excavations at Kankālī Tīlā have provided unmistakable evidence that at least one Jaina stūpa, if not more, was built at this site in Mathurā. It was Fuhrer who excavated the remnants of a Jaina stūpa from Kankāli Țilā in 1889-90.9 The General Plan of the excavated part of Kankālī Tīlā published by V.A. Smith clearly shows the position of the Jaina stūpa, 92 as also its
87. See EI, X, Appendix, Lüders List, pp. 2 ff. 88. R.C. Sharma, The Splendour of Mathură Art and Museum, 1994, p. 27. 89. EI, II, p. 195 and Inscription no. 1, pp. 198-9; EI, X, Appendix, Lüders List, no. 93, p.
17. 90. SIJA, p. 9. 91. JS, Introduction, p. 3. 92. JS, p. 8 and Plate I.
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foundations.93 From available evidence it appears that there was a Jaina establishment at Kankali Tīlā; it grew up around this stupa, which was an object of supreme veneration for the Jainas.94
Jaina traditions are not unanimous regarding the origin of the stupa at Mathura. There are two principal accounts dealing with its origin. One of them is embodied in Somadeva's Yasastilakacampū, 'a Jaina romance composed in AD 959',95 and the other in Jinaprabha Suri's Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, 'a fourtheenth-century work made known by Buhler'. According to Jinaprabha Sūri, a golden stupa adorned with precious stones was erected at Mathurā in honour of Suparśvanatha, the seventh tirthamkara, by goddess Kubera at the desire of two ascetics named Dharmaruci and Dharmaghosa." In the time of Pārsvanatha, the twenty-third tirthamkara, the golden stupa was encased in bricks as a safeguard against pillage, and a stone sculpture of this jina was installed outside it.98 Thirteen hundred years after Mahāvīra's perfection,99 i.e., in the eighth century AD, 100 it was restored by Bappabhațți Sūri in honour of Pārsvanatha.101
But Somadeva, who lived about four hundred years earlier than Jinaprabha Sūri, has given a different account. According to him, this stupa was built by saint Vajrakumāra during the reign of Pūtikvāhana, and in his work Yasastilakacampū there is no mention that it was ever built of gold. 102 The accounts left behind by Somadeva and Jinaprabha Suri convey the impression that only one Jaina stupa was built at Mathura. But as per Digambara texts
93. MI, p. 41.
94.
JAA, I, p. 53.
95. Yasastilaka, Preface, vii.
96. Ibid., p. 432; JS, p. 13.
97. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, Mathurapuri Kalpa, pp. 17 ff; JS, p. 13; Yassatilaka, p. 432.
98. Ibid., pp. 17 ff; JS, p. 13; SIJA, pp. 62-3.
99. Ibid., pp. 17 ff; JS, p. 13.
100. JS, p. 13; Yasastilaka, p. 432.
101.
Ibid.; Ibid.
102. Yasastilaka, pp. 432-3.

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like Brhat-Katha-Kośa of Harisena (AD 932), five Jaina stūpas were erected in this city.103 The Paharpur Copper-Plate dated in the Gupta year 159 (AD 478) contains the term pañcastūpa-nikāya, which is an expression connected with the Jainas.104 It has been held that the term pañca-stūpa-nikāya or pañcastūpānvaya is connected with Mathurā. 105 In his work Jambūsvāmī-caritra, Rajmalla (vs 1632) refers to the repair of Mathurā stūpas. 106 On the basis of these references U.P. Shah opines that five Jaina stūpas existed in and around Mathurā, the oldest and most famous being the stūpa called devanirmita, i.e., built by gods.107
Archaeological material excavated from Kankālī Tīlā also lends support to the view that more than one Jaina stūpa existed at Mathurā. There are many representations of a stūpa on the antiquities discovered at Mathurā. 108 Debala Mitra is of the view that the reliefs and dismembered stones of gateways and railings indicate that probably more than one stūpa existed at Kankālī ļīlā, or a single stūpa underwent restorations and embellishments at frequent intervals. 109 Literary and archaeological evidence, thus, points to the existence of more than one Jaina stūpa at Mathurā. But only a single stūpa seems to have been built at Kankālī Tīlā. It was called devanirmita. It appears to have remained in existence for more than 1500 years. It was this stūpa which underwent restorations and embellishments from time to time.
According to Jinaprabha Sūri, the stūpa at Mathurā was built in honour of Supārsva, the seventh tīrthařkara. This view appears to be incorrect. The Jaina inscriptions excavated from Kankālī mound do not contain reference to Supārsvanātha. 110 The Digambara tradition also does not specify this stūpa as
103. SIJA, p. 63 and fn 1; JAA, I, p. 54 fn 1. 104. EI, XX, pp. 59-64. 105. Introduction to Harivaṁsa, vol. I, pp. 20 ff, cited in SIJA, p. 63 fn 4. 106. SIJA, p. 63. 107. Ibid. 108. JAA, I, pp. 54ff and Plates. 109. Ibid., p. 54. 110. EI, X, Appendix, Lüders List, pp. 2 ff; SIJA, p. 12 fn. 1.

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dedicated to Supārsva.'11 In fact, Jinaprabha Sūri is the only writer to say that this stūpa was built in honour of Supārsva. 112 We agree with U.P. Shah's view that 'the Jaina stupa at Kankāli mound in Mathurā was dedicated to Pārsvanātha and not Supārsvanātha'. 113 This view is not without foundation, We find numerous references to this Jina in the Jaina inscriptions excavated from Kankālī Tīlā.114 Images of Pārsvanātha have also been unearthed from this mound.115 Even Jinaprabha Sūristates that a stone sculpture of Pārsvanātha was later installed in front of this stūpa.116 It appears that either the copyists of Jinaprabha Sūri's Vividha-Tīrtha-Kalpa or this author himself, who belonged to a much later period, committed the error of describing the stupa of Pārsvanātha as the stūpa dedicated to Supārsvanātha. But there is evidence of the existence of more than one Jaina stūpa at Mathura. In view of this it would not be unreasonable to presume that probably a stūpa dedicated to Supārsvanātha also existed in this city. 118
Opinions vary regarding the antiquity of the Jaina stūpa of Mathura. The exact date of its erection is difficult to ascertain. But it is certain that it was built many centuries before Christ. An inscription dated 79 (AD 157) or 49 (AD 127) on the pedestal of a missing image mentions the installation of an image of arhat Nandyāvarta at the so-called vodva stūpa built by gods, i.e., devanirmita.119 On the basis of this inscription some scholars have opined that this stūpa was built at a very early period; it was so old in the second century
111. SIJA, p. 63. 112. Ibid. 113. Ibid., pp. 12 fn 1, 63. 114. EI, II, No. 29 and Plate; EI, X, Appendix, No. 110. 115. MCH, Plate 34. III and 34.IVa; JPV, pp. 46-9; MS, pp. 22-4. 116. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, pp. 17ff.; JS, p. 13; SIJA, pp. 62-3. 117. SIJA, p. 12 fn. 1. 118. Ibid. 119. EI, II, no. 20; EI, X, Lüders List, no. 47; JAA, I, p. 53; ASIAR, 1906-7, p. 141; MI, pp.
41-2; JS, p. 4 fn. 1, p. 12 Plate VI.

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AD that its origin was forgotten by the people and, therefore, its construction came to be assigned by gods.120
U.P. Shah is of opinion that the original Jaina stūpa of Mathurā was a brick-stūpa dedicated to the memory of Pārsvanātha, who died two hundred fifty years before Mahāvīra’s nirvāṇa, 121 i.e., in the eighth century BC. He, therefore, opines that the construction of this brick-stupa should be assigned to the eighth century BC.122 V.A. Smith also holds that this brick-stūpa was originally built in the time of Pārsvanātha.123 He opines that the date 600 BC for its original construction is not too early? 124 In other words, according to V.A. Smith, this stūpa was built in the seventh century Bc. In fact, the antiquity of the Jaina stūpa built at Kankālī Tīlā, Mathurā needs a deeper probe.
Excavations have revealed that the Jaina stūpa unearthed from Kankāli Tīlā was a brick-stūpa. 125 It probably enshrined the relics of Pārsvanätha, who died in the eighth century BC. 126. The earliest Indian buildings made of bricks to which approximate dates can be assigned are the stūpas at Piparava and Kushinagar in Uttar Pradesh, built over the relics of the Buddha, and the recently excavated stūpa at Rajgir in Bihar, which also enshrines the relics of Gautama Buddha. Very strong reasons exist for assigning the stūpa at Piparava to 450 Bc in round numbers, 127 i.e., the middle of the fifth century BC. The stūpa recently excavated at Rajgir was also built in the fifth century BC, 128 and the same is true of the Buddhist stūpa built at Kushinagar.
In other words, the construction of brick-stūpas in northern India did not
120. JS, Introduction, p. 4 fn. 1; MI, pp. 41-2; JAA, I, p. 53. 121. SIJA, p. 63. 122. Ibid., p. 64. 123. JS, p. 13 124. Ibid. 125. EI, I, p. 380; MI, p. 40; ASIAR (1906-7), p. 141, JS, p. 13; SIJA, pp. 63-4. 126. SIJA, p. 12. 127. IGI, II, p. 102. 128. The Times of India, 5 June, 2000.

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begin before the fifth century BC. It is, thus, evident that the Jaina stupa at Kankali Tīlā, Mathura would not have been built of burnt bricks in the eighth century BC as presumed by U.P. Shah, or in the seventh century BC as presumed by V.A. Smith. The stupa at Piparava is a product of solid masonry.129 The same is true of the stūpas at Rajgir and Kushinagar. With the exception of these three stūpas, 'no kiln-burnt bricks have been found in northern India which belong to a period earlier than the fourth century BC'. 130 Even the bricks used in the construction of the buildings of Aśoka in the third century BC are unwieldly in size, and their inferior quality is indicative of lack of experience in brick making.131 In fact, the origin of the Jaina brick-stūpa at Kankali Tīlā could not have been different in nature or date from the Buddhist stūpas. 132 The components and representation of stūpas found from Kankālī Ṭīlā do not reveal any characteristic that is not known in contemporary Buddhist stūpas.133 Structurally, the toranas of the Mathurā stūpas did not differ from those of the Buddhist stūpas of Sanchi and Bharhut. 134 In other words, the Jaina stupa at Kankali Tīlā was almost similar to the Buddhist stūpas of Sanchi and Bharhut in respect of style and ornamentation. It is, thus, evident that the Jaina brickstūpa of Mathura would not have been built earlier than the stupa of Bharhut 'which was built in the third century BC'135 or the stupa of Sanchi 'which was originally built in the third century BC'. 136 In fact, the appellation devanirmita used for the Jaina brick-stūpa should not lead us very far into antiquity; it is
129. JS, p. 10; IGI, II, p. 102.
130.
CHI, I, p. 617.
131. Ibid.
132. JAA, I. Editorial, pp. 6-7.
133.
Ibid.
134.
135.
136.
ASIAR, 1906-7, p. 147.
A. Cunningham, The Stupa of Bharhut, 1962, p. 14. Some scholars hold that the stupa of Bharhut was built in the second century BC.
John Marshall, A Guide to Sanchi, 1918, p. 31. Some scholars hold that the stupa of Sanchi was built in the first century BC

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probably indicative of the fact that it was held in great veneration by the Jaina devotees. 137
The foregoing discussion on the antiquity of the Jaina stūpa at Kankālī Tīlā does not end at this point. It has to be discussed from yet another angle. The rough drawing of the plan of this stūpa reveals that this was not a product of solid brick-work.138 Many spaces within the framework of this stūpa were probably filled in with clay. 139 It is, thus, evident that part of this brick-stūpa was built of clay. The bricks used in the construction of this stūpa were of many sizes.140 Some of them were about 15" square and 6" thick; some others were long and comparatively narrow.141 The smallest bricks were about 7" broad and 2" thic k.142 The smaller bricks were better burnt than the larger ones.143
In view of these facts it is not unreasonable to assume that the Jaina stūpa at Kankālī Tīlā, which probably enshrined the relics of Pārsvanātha, was originally built of clay in the eighth century Bc. But it was converted into a brick-stūpa when burnt bricks, too, became a medium of construction in north India. It is certain that the Jaina stupa of Mathurā was neither built of burnt bricks nor converted into a brick-stūpa in the fifth century BC. It will be shown in the next chapter that it was built on the model of the Buddhist stūpas of Bharhut and Sanchi. It was, thus, a contemporary or near-contemporary of the stūpas of Sanchi and Bharhut. The Jaina brick-stūpa at Kankālī Tīlā was a successor of the clay-stūpa built in honour of Pārsvanātha in the eighth century BC. It is important to note that the stūpas of solid brick-work, like the
137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143.
JAA, I, Editorial, p. 7. JS, P. 10 Plate III; JAA, I, p. 53. Ibid.; Ibid. Ibid., p. 11 Plates IV and V. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.

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stūpa of Piparava, were rare.144 Prior to the fifth century BC, the stūpas were built of clay; subsequently, earth was replaced by kiln-baked brick slabs to provide strength and longevity to these structures. 145
The stūpa at Kankālī Tīlā, which was an object of supreme veneration for the Jaina community, and around which a big Jaina establishment had grown, enjoyed a very long life. Somadeva's Yaśastilakacampū, composed in AD 959, reveals that it was in existence at the time of the composition of this text, and was even then known as devanirmita.146 Epigraphic sources reveal that this stūpa termed devanirmita due to its hoary antiquity 147, continued to exist at least up to AD 979.148
Unfortunately, the stūpa at Kankāli Tīlā became an object of dispute between the Jainas and the Buddhists. 149 We learn from the Jaina tradition recorded in Vyavahārasutra Bhäsya, Brhat-Kathākośa of Harisena, Yaśastilakacampū of Somadeva, and Vividha-Tīrtha-Kalpa of Jinaprabha Sūri that the Buddhists entered into a dispute with the Jainas for the possession of the stūpa at Kankāli Tilā.150 The controversy regarding the ownership of this stūpa raged for about six months, but the issue was decided in favour of the Jainas by the king. 151
We have already stated that some Buddhist antiquities also came to light as a result of excavations conducted at Kankālī Tīlā. The discovery of some Buddhist antiquities, too, from this site needs explanation. There is no doubt that originally Kaňkālī ļīlā was sanctified by the construction of a Jaina
144. JS, p. 10. 145. IGI, II, p. 102; V.S. Agrawala, Mathurā Kalä, op. cit., p. 79. 146. Yasastilaka, p. 433; JAA, I, p. 53. 147. SML no. J.20; MCH, p. 332. 148. Ibid., no. J. 236; Ibid. 149. LDJC, p. 309. 150. V.S. Agrawala, Studies in Indian Art, 1965, p. 167. 151. Ibid.

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stūpa. 152 Subsequently, when this spot gained importance, the Buddhists who were a powerful community at Mathurā during the first and the second century AD, seem to have appropriated a portion of Kankālī Tīlā for building a monument sacred to their religion. 153 It was because of this temporary trespass that some Buddhist sculptures, too, were discovered from Kankālī Tīlā.154
The legend of the Jaina stūpa as recorded by Somadeva in his Yasastilakacampú reveals that rivalry existed between the Jainas and the Buddhists at Mathurā.155 We are told that the Buddhist wife of Pūtikavāhana tried to abolish the eight-day festival of the Jainas at Mathurā, and replace it by a celebration in honour of the Buddha.156 But her attempt was foiled by Vajrakumāra, and the great Jaina festival at Mathurā continued without obstacle.157 We shall turn to the architecture of the Jaina stūpa at Kankālī Tīlā in the next chapter.
The Jaina temples and monasteries (vihāras) at Kaňkāli ľīlā
As a result of Fuhrer's excavations the remnants of two Jaina temples also came to light at Kankālī Tīlā. According to Fuhrer, one of these temples belonged to the Svetāmbara sect and the other to the Digambara sect.158 A Jaina shrine or temple (pāsāda) existed at Mathurā as early as the second century BC. This is proved by an inscription incised on a large ornamental rectangular slab, which is a record of the dedication of a pāsāda torana by aśrāvaka named Uttaradāsaka. 159 This inscription does not contain a date. But on linguistic and palaeographic grounds it has been assigned to the second century BC.160 Another inscription
152. V.S. Agarwala, Studies in Indian Art, op. cit., p. 167. 153. Ibid. 154. Ibid. 155. Yaśastilaka, p. 434. 156. Ibid. 157. Ibid. 158. JS, Introduction, pp. 2-3. 159. EI, II, no. 1 and Plate; EI, X, Appendix, Lüders List, no. 93. 160. EI, II, p. 195; HJM, p. 99.
141

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incised on the back of a broken sculptured torana records the gift of a temple by Dhāmghosā, a female disciple of venerable Jayasena. 161 This inscription has been dated to about the beginning of the Christian era. 162 Because two Jaina temples were discovered from Kankālī Tīlā, the natural inference from these inscriptions is that one of them was built before 150 BC, and the other about the beginning of the Christian era. 163
Most of the Jaina inscriptions which came to light in 1889 were discovered from the central temple at Kankālī Pīlā. 164 According to Fuhrer, this temple belonged to the Svetāmbara sect. 165 He formed this opinion on the basis of two inscribed images dated vs 1038 and vs 1134.166 The images discovered from the site of this temple are, however, nude.167 According to Fuhrer, the second or western Jaina temple, which was excavated in 1889-90, belonged to the Digambara sect, and the finds of 1890 were discovered mainly from the site of this temple. 168
Fuhrer conducted his excavations at Kankālī Tīlā in an extremely negligent manner. Therefore, no account of his researches at Kankālī Tīlā is available; the only exception is the meagre information which is embodied in his Museum Reports for those years. 169 It is because of this negligence that V.A. Smith could not indicate the spots where these temples stood at Kankālī Tīlā when he published the plan of this site in his book.170 The two Jaina temples built at
161. EL, II, no. 4 and Plate: EI, X, Appendix, Lüders List no. 99, JAA, I, pp.51-2: SML no.
J.540. 162. JS, Introduction, p. 3; JAA, I, pp. 51-2. 163. Ibid., Introduction, p. 3. 164. Ibid., p. 6. 165. Ibid. 166. Ibid. 167. Ibid. 168. Ibid. 169. ASIAR, 1906-7, pp. 140-1. 170. JS, p. 8. Plate I; MI, p. 41.

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Kankali Tīlā also enjoyed a long life. Epigraphic sources reveal that these temples were in existence as late as the eleventh century AD.171
One of the fragmentary ayaga-pattas, presently in the collection of Government Museum, Mathura, contains the word vihara. 172 It is certain that vihāras (monasteries), too, were built for the residence of the Jaina monks.173 Inscriptions reveal that many more Jaina shrines existed at Mathura during the Kuṣāņa period. These shrines will be outlined in the next chapter. To the architecture of these structures, too, we shall turn in the next chapter.
The Jaina life at Mathurā
THE SPLIT IN THE JAINA CHURCH
We have already stated that the remnants of two Jaina temples were exposed as a result of Fuhrer's excavations at Kankali Tīlā and that he described one of them as belonging to the Svetambara sect and the other to the Digambara sect. The bulk of Jaina inscriptions excavated from Kankali Tīlā belongs to the Kuṣāṇa period and has been assigned to the first and the second century AD.174 According to one view, the split which divided the Jainas into the Śvetāmbaras and the Digambaras occurred in either AD 79 or AD 82,175 i.e., in the first century AD, and according to the other, this split occurred in AD 142,176 i.e., in the second century AD. From Fuhrer's statements it appears that during this period the Jainas of Mathura were also divided into the Svetämbaras and the Digambaras. Buhler, who translated, interpreted and edited the Jaina inscriptions sent by Fuhrer,177 expressed the view that the inscriptions from Kankālī Ṭīlā reveal
171. JS, Introduction, p. 4.
172. JAA, I, p. 52.
173. Ibid., p. 62.
174.
175.
176.
177.
EI, X, Appendix, Lüders List, pp. 2 ff; JS, Introduction, pp. 1 ff; OISJ, p. 42; LDJC, p. 28, EI, I, p. 371.
GD, p. 108; CHAI, III, p. 297 fn. 4; JIR, p. 54; CMHI, II, p. 362.
CHAI, III, p. 282; CMHI, II, p. 362.
EI, I, p. 371 fn. 2; EI, II, p. 195 fn. 1.
@ 3卐:0
143

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that the Jainas of Mathurā were Svetāmbaras, and that the schism which divided the Jainas into two sects occurred long before the beginning of the Christian era.178
It is necessary to make mention of three tirthamkara images excavated from Kankālī Tīlā for an examination of Fuhrer's view. Excavations conducted at this mound brought to light two colossal images of tirthamkara Padmaprabhanātha dated vs 1038 and vs. 1134,179 corresponding to AD 981 and AD 1077 respectively,180 and an image of four-fold Vardhamāna fashioned in vs 1080, corresponding to AD 1023.181 According to Fuhrer, these inscribed images of Padmaprabhanātha came from the central temple at Kankālī Tīlā, 182 and were donative gifts of the Svetāmbara community.183 The four-fold image of Vardhamāna was discovered from the site of the second temple, which according to Nagari inscriptions was in the hands of the Digambara community as late as vs 1080 or AD 1023.184
Buhler derived his conclusions on two grounds. The first of the two Jaina temples excavated from Kankāli Tīlā was assigned to the second century BC, and the second to about the beginning of the Christian era. Because Fuhrer described one of these two temples as a Svetāmbara and the other as a Digambara edifice, Buhler thought that the split in the Jaina community occurred long before the beginning of the Christian era, and not in the first or second century AD. Inscriptions have revealed that the Jaina community of Mathurā was divided into sections called gana, śākhã and kula.185 Because
178. OISJ, p. 44. 179.JS, Introduction, pp. 2-3 and Plates XCV and XCVI; A. Fuhrer, North-Western
Provinces and Oudh, Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions, 1891, p. 106. 180. Ibid., Introduction, p. 2 fn 2. 181. Ibid., p. 47 Figure 3. 182. Ibid., Introduction, p. 6. 183. A. Fuhrer, op. cit., p. 106; JS, Introduction, p. 6. 184. JS, Introduction, p. 6. 185. OISJ, pp. 42-3.

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exactly the same division of the Jainas is contained in a list in the Kalpasūtra, one of the canonical works of the Svetāmbaras, Buhler concluded that the Jaina community of Mathurā belonged to the Svetāmbara sect. 186
Buhler derived many wrong conclusions from his study of the Jaina inscriptions discovered at Mathurā. We have already stated that the earliest of Jaina inscriptions discovered at Mathurā belongs to the second century BC, and the last to the eleventh century AD. No one of these inscriptions contains hint of the division of the Jaina community into the Svetāmbara sect and the Digambara sect at Mathurā.187 The split in the Jaina Church was a gradual process,188 and, if there was a split at Mathurā too, it at least did not find manifestation in the Jaina inscriptions of this city.
Fuhrer had stated that the inscribed images of tīrthamkara Padmaprabhanātha dated vs 1038 and vs 1134 were discovered from the central temple, and this belonged to the Svetāmbara sect.189 But these images are nude.190 In fact, all tīrthamkara images of the Kuşāņa period discovered at Mathurā are nude.191 The nudity of these images has led scholars to two conclusions. Cunningham opines that the nudity of the jina images of the Kusāna period is indicative of the fact that they belonged to the Digambara sect.192 On the other hand, B.C. Bhattacharya and U.P. Shah hold that the difference between the images of the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras in respect of drapery and nudity did not exist in the Kuşāņa period. 193
The Kalpasūtra is believed to have been composed by Bhadrabāhu around 300 BC. The Jainas were not divided into the Svetāmbara sect and the
186. OISJ, 42-3. 187. See EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2 ff; also see LDJC, p. 28. 188. ERE, VII, p. 473; AOIU, p. 416; JSS, p. 45; LDJC, p. 28. 189. A. Fuhrer, op. cit., p. 106; JS, Introduction, p. 6. 190. JS, Introduction, p. 6. 191. ASIAR, III, pp. 45-6; SIJA, p. 11. 192. Ibid., pp. 45-6. 193. JI, p. 42; SIJA, p. 11.

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Digambara sect at the time of the composition of the Kalpasūtra. Therefore, Buhler's conclusion that the division of the Jainas at Mathurā in gana, kula and sākhā in the Kusāna period on the lines of a list embodied in the Kalpasūtra is evidence of the fact that the Jainas of this city were Svetāmbaras 194 does not stand to reason. The split in the Jaina community of Mathurā, as will be seen later, occurred at a much later period. The two Jaina sects appear to have lived in harmony in this city. The inscriptions discovered at Mathurā do not contain hint of the split in the Jaina Church. We find no mention of ill-will or dispute between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras at Mathurā in contemporary literature also.
The Jaina life in the Kuşāņa period STATE OF JAINISM IN MATHURĀ Brāhmanism was the original religion of Mathurā. Available data proves that five or six centuries before Christ Mathurā was a predominantly Hindu city.195 After the advent of Jainism and Buddhism Mathurā became a multi-religious city. Brāhmanism retained its popularity in this city. 196 But inscriptions and sculptures bear testimony to the fact that Jainism and Buddhism were also popular in Mathurā during the Kusāna period. 197
Available archaeological data is a pointer that Jainism was in a flourishing state in Mathurā during the Kuşāņa period, 198 and, if the number of inscriptions belonging to this period discovered from this city is made the criterion of judgement, Jainism appears to have been as popular at Mathurā as Buddhism, if not more, during the period under review. 199 In fact, the Jaina inscriptions
194. OISJ, pp. 44-5. 195. P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. IV, 1953, p. 689. 196. MCH, p. 64; V.S. Agrawala, Masterpieces of Mathura Sculpture, 1985, p. 1. 197. EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2 ff. 198. Ibid., pp. 2 ff; JS, Introduction, pp. 1 ff; JAA, I, p. 52; HJM, p. 100. 199. ASIAR, III, p. 46; AJAA, p. 81.

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of the Kusāna period discovered at Mathurā far exceed the contemporary inscriptions of other religions found from this city.200
There is no evidence that Jainism enjoyed the partronage of the Kuşāņa rulers.201 The credit for the popularity of Jainism at Mathurā during the Kuşāņa period goes to its splendid monastic organisation and the religious zeal and fervour of its adherents. The religious policy of the Kuşāņa rulers was tolerant. The majority of the Mathurā Jainas belonged to the trading classes. The Kuşāņa kings needed the support of the trading classes for the stability and success of their empire. Therefore, they adopted a tolerant attitude towards Jainism. The liberal religious policy of the Kusāna rulers indirectly contributed to the rise of Jainism at Mathurā.
THE JAINA COMMUNITY AT MATHURĀ
Jainism drew its followers at Mathurā from all sections of society. The majority of the Jainas belonged to the trading classes. But some of them belonged to professions or groups which were not rated high.202 The Jaina inscriptions discovered at Mathurā are dedicatory inscriptions. They reveal that the Jaina donors of images, āyāga-pattas, temples, etc., belonged to a wide variety of groups and professions. The inscriptions discovered at Mathurā mention the Jaina donors as daughter-in-law of the ironmonger,203 wife of a caravan leader,204 wife of a dyer,205 mother of the perfumer,206 the perfumer,207 the
200. EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2 ff; JPV, p. 18; AJAA, p. 81; J.E. Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw, The
Scythian Period, 1949, p. 149 fn 16. 201. JPV, p. 18; Bhaskar Chattopadhyaya, Kusāņa State and Indian Society, 1975, p. 171. 202. EI, X, Appendix, no. 102; MM, no.Q.2; B.N. Puri, India Under the Kuşāņas, 1965, p.
149. 203. Ibid., no. 29. 204. Ibid., no. 30. 205. Ibid., no. 32. 206. Ibid., no. 37 207. Ibid., no. 39.

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banker,208 wife of the village headman,209 worker in metal,210 wife of the perfumer,211 daughter of treasurer,212 daughter-in-law of the perfumer,213 son of a vāts7,214 the goldsmith,215 wife of the cotton dealer, 216 son of a gaupti,217 son of a maudgalī,218 wife of the dancer,219 son of a kausiki,220 the member of the committee (gosthi),221 the courtesan,222 etc.
The Jaina community was pious and affluent. The monuments built at Mathurā by the Jaina community provide ample evidence of its religious zeal and affluence.223 The Jainas loved to carve images and erect religious buildings. A Jaina text informs that the citizens of Mathurā and ninety-six villages adjoining this city installed Jaina idols in their houses and court-yards. 224 The Jaina community of Mathurā had a large number of female lay-worshippers who did not lag behind their male counterparts in religious fervour and passion for producing images and religious edifices. The inscriptions exacavated from Kankālī Tīlā are replete with the names of Jaina female lay-worshippers, who made donations in the form of images, devakulas, temples, reservoirs, stone slabs, etc.
208. EI, X, Appendix, no. 41. 209. Ibid., no. 48. 210. Ibid., no. 53. 211. Ibid., no. 68. 212. Ibid., no. 74. 213. Ibid., no. 76. 214. Ibid., no. 93. 215. Ibid., no. 95. 216. MI, p. 47 no. 15. 217. EI, X, Appendix, no. 96. 218. Ibid., no. 97. 219. Ibid., no. 100. 220. Ibid., no. 105. 221. Ibid., no. 53. 222. Ibid., no. 102. 223. JAA, I, p. 52. 224. LDJC, pp. 255, 309.

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We learn from an inscription excavated from Kankāli Tilā that Dhāmghosā (Dharmaghosā), a female disciple of venerable Jayasena, made a donation in the form of a temple (pāsāda).225 Another inscription speaks of the donation of an image of Mahāvīra, and of a shrine (devakula) by a lady named Ujhatikā.226 An inscription incised on a sculptured slab,227 which forms part of the collection of Government Museum, Mathurā,228 reveals that a courtesan named Vāsu, daughter of courtesan Loņasobhikā (Lavaņasobhikā), together with some of her relatives, made a donation in the form of a shrine (devakula), an āyāgasabhā, a reservoir and stone slabs (silā-patta) to the arhat temple of the Nirgranthas for the worship of the arhats.229
The Jaina inscriptions excavated from Kaňkālī sīlā contain some unusual female names like Ujhatikā,230 Okhārikā,231 Okhā,232 Oghā233 and Akakā.234 The occurrence of such names suggests that some foreigners, too, had converted to Jainism.235 Jainism stands for the salvation of all men - considered high or low.234 It opened its arms even to those aliens who were despised as the mleccha in India.27 Jainism had in its fold many foreigners, too, and they had been mainly converted from among the Scythian immigrants.238 The spread of the Digambara sect in an island in the Indian Ocean, called Jainabhadri, and,
225. EI, X, Appendix, no. 99. 226. Ibid., no. 78. 227. MM no. Q.2. 228. Ibid. 229. Ibid. 230. EI, X, Appendix, no. 78., JPV., p. 18. 231. Ibid., ibid. 232. Ibid. 233. Ibid., no. 29; JPV, p. 18; B.N. Puri, op. cit., p. 152. 234. Ibid., no. 48; Ibid.; Ibid. 235. JPV, p. 18; B.N. Puri, op. cit., p. 152. 236. OISJ, p. 3. 237. Ibid. 238. EWA, VIII, p. 787.
149

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Arabia, indicates that the Jainas were familiar with the idea of the conversion of foreigners.239 Hiuen Tsang's account makes it clear that Jainism had won converts in Kapiśā, i.e., beyond the borders of India in the north-west.240 Numerous foreigners lived in Mathurā during the Kusāna period. The females named Ujhatikā, Okhārikā, etc., if they were foreigners, as appears from their names, probably converted to Jainism from among these immigrants.
The Jainas were called Nirgranthas in Mathurā even during the Kusāna period.241 The tīrthamkaras and the siddhas were held in great esteem by the Jainas. The donation made by a Jaina in the form of an image was often inscribed with an invocation of a particular arhat,242 or the arhats and the siddhas.243 We do not find use of the epithets jina, tīrthamkara and tirthakara in the Jaina inscriptions discovered at Mathurā.244 The epithets used for the jina or the tīrthakara were arhat245 or arahaṁtas (arhats)246 or bhagavata.247 The Buddhists also used the epithet bhagavata for the Buddha at Mathurā.248
Construction of temples and setting up of the images of the tīrthamkaras and āyāga-pattas was the most significant aspect of the religious life of the Jainas at Mathurā. It was a holy task in which all Jainas -- male and female, high and low — participated with pleasure. The Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā reveal that the bulk of donations by Jaina lay-devotees, male and female, was made at the request or command of the Jaina preceptors belonging to the various schools.249 The religious zeal of the Jaina monks and nuns knew no
239. OISJ, p. 4 fn 4. 240. Samuel Beal, op. cit., I, p. 263; HOIC, I, p. 167; OISJ, p. 4 fn 4. 241. EI, X, Appendix, no. 102. 242. Ibid., no. 59. 243. Ibid., no. 57. 244. Ibid., Appendix, pp. 2 ff. 245. Ibid., nos. 47, 59, etc. 246. lbid., no. 57. 247. Ibid., nos. 24, 26, 27. 248. Ibid., no. 43. 249. Ibid., nos. 16, 18, 20, etc.

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bounds. They either requested or issued commands to the Jaina lay-devotees to make donations in the form of images, etc., and their command or request or wish for the same was fulfilled by their male and female disciples.250
It appears certain that the Jaina inscriptions discovered at Mathura were composed either by the preceptors (monks and nuns), who acted as spiritual directors of the lay-devotees, or by the pupils of the preceptors. 251 This fact does not find mention in these inscriptions,252 but in numerous later inscriptions of the same character we find the names of the yatis who composed them.253 The Jaina inscriptions of Mathura are replete with the names of male and female donors and their relatives; they also mention the names of the male and female preceptors along with their schools, at whose command or request the donations were made. 254
The Jaina images were installed in the temples,255 houses and courtyards.256 Probably, they were installed in open spaces also.257 It appears that the Jaina temple at Mathura had a main shrine called the devakula, an āyāgasabha or a sacred hall or place, and a reservoir (prapa).258 Stone slabs called ayaga-paṭṭa or silä-paṭṭa were also installed in the temples for worship.259 The Jaina temples were probably residences of the ascetics also.260 The Jaina images were sometimes installed at the stupa also.261 The temple of the arhats
250. EI, X, Appendix, nos. 16, 50, etc.
251.
EI, I, p. 377.
252. Ibid.
253. Ibid.
254. Ibid., X, Appendix, nos. 16, 24, 27-9, etc.
255.
Ibid., Appendix, no. 78.
256. LDJC, pp. 255, 309.
257. JAA, I, p. 52.
258. EI, X, Appendix, no. 102; B.N. Puri, op. cit., p. 149.
259. Ibid.; ibid.
260. Ibid.; ibid.
261. Ibid., no. 47.
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shrine.
The Jaina stūpa at Kankali Tīlā was built many centuries before Christ. The natural inference is that stupa-worship was in vogue in this city even before the establishment of the Kuṣaṇa rule in the first century AD. The dedication of an image of arhat Nandyavarta (Aranatha) at the so-called vodva stūpa at Mathura by a female lay-worshipper named Dina (Datta) 263 provides evidence of stupa-worship among the Jainas in the Kuṣāna period also. Imageworship was in vogue among the Jainas at Mathura even before the commencement of the Christian era. The existence of a Jaina temple in this city in the second century BC provides unmistakable evidence of this practice. Worship of the jinas was an established practice among the Jainas at Mathura in the first and the second century AD. Donation of the images of arhats Rṣabha,264 Śantinātha,265 Ariṣṭanemi,266 Pārśvanātha,267 Mahāvīra,268 etc., by the Jaina lay-devotees during this period bears testimony to this fact. Male and female deities of the Jaina pantheon like Naigmeşa and Sarasvati were also worshipped during this period. A Jaina worker in metal at Mathura donated an image of Sarasvati,269 the goddess of learning in Hinduism and Jainism. This image of Sarasvati, which forms part of the collection of State Museum, Lucknow,270 is the oldest image of this goddess discovered in India.271 This discovery proves that worship of Sarasvati was also in vogue among the Jainas
262. EI, X, Appendix, no. 47. 263. Ibid.
264. Ibid., nos. 56, 117, 121, etc.
265. Ibid., no. 27.
266.
267.
268.
269.
270. 271.
Ibid., no. 26.
Ibid., no. 110.
Ibid., nos. 18, 28, 31, etc. Ibid., no. 54.
SML no. J.24; JAA, I, Plate 20. SIJA, p. 11; JAA, I, p. 67.

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of this city in the Kuṣāṇa period.272
The Jaina lay-worshippers donated numerous āyāga-paṭṭas273 which, too, were objects of worship.274 Architectural and sculptural antiquities brought to light by excavations at Mathura reveal that the Jainas worshipped the images of the arhats in the kayotsarga and the dhyanastha-mudra; they also worshipped the stupa, the dharmacakra, the ayaga-paṭṭa, the dhvaja-pillar, auspicious symbols like the svastika, the śrīvatsa mark, the full-blown lotus, a pair of fish, minor male and female deities, etc., in this city.275 Yakṣa-worship, nagaworship and tree-worship also formed part of the religious life of the Jainas.276
THE JAINA MONASTIC ORGANISATION AT MATHURĀ
The Jaina Church at Mathura was a splendidly organised institution. The inscriptions reveal that support for Jainism in this city came mainly from the trading classes of society like workers in metal, ironmongers, perfumers, goldsmiths, cotton dealers, bankers, etc. The Jaina Church in this city enjoyed the support of a strong, affluent and well-organised body of lay-followers. The catuvarna samgha or the community of the four orders,277 consisting of the monks, the nuns, and the lay-followers, male and female, was in excellent shape. Donations in the form of an image were sometimes addressed to, or made to the community of the four orders.278 The Jaina monks and nuns were fired with unbounded missionary zeal. The inscriptions discovered at Mathura reveal that the majority of donations by the Jaina male and female layfollowers were made at the request or command of the monks and the nuns.279 The Jaina order of monks was well-organised, and was strongly supported also.
272. SIJA, p. 11.
273.
EI, X, Appendix, no. 94.
274.
SIJA, p. 11; JAA, I, pp. 63-5.
275.
EI, X, Appendix pp. 2ff; SIJA, pp. 10-11.
276. V.S. Agrawala, Ancient Indian Folk Cults, 1970, pp. 104, 116, 180.
277. EI, X, Appendix, no. 57.
278. Ibid.
279. Ibid., pp. 2ff.
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The order of the nuns was equally well-organised and supported. The role of female lay-devotees was also significant. They were requested or ordered by the nuns to make donations. And, they complied with devotion.280 Female laydevotees did not renounce domestic life,281 but remained firm in their religious belief.
We learn from the Kalpasūtra that the Jaina monks were divided into units or divisions called the ganas, the kulas and the sākhās.282 The gana meant the school; its sub-divisions were called the kula and the sākhā.283 Some of the gañas mentioned in the Kalpasūtra derived their names from the name of the originator or the originators of the gana.284 Some of the kulas and the sākhās derived their names from regions, and some from persons.285 The practice of dividing the Jaina monks into units called the gana, the kula and the sākhā originated in the second century BC or earlier.286 It must have been in vogue at the time of Bhadrabāhu's composition of the Kalpasūtra.
A large number of Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā contains the names of the donors; they also mention the names of the preceptors or religious teachers at whose request or command the donations were made; the names of the ganas, the kulas and the sākhās to which these preceptors belonged also find mention in these inscriptions.287 These epigraphs reveal that the Jaina monks at Mathurā were organised on the lines mentioned in the Kalpasūtra. They were divided into units called the gana, the kula, the sākhā and the sambhoga. We do not find mention of the unit called the sambhoga in the Kalpasūtra.288
280. EI, X, Appendix, nos, 20, 22, 27, etc. 281. Ibid., appendix, nos. 24, 28, 32. 282. OISJ, pp. 42-3; HJM, pp. 515-19. 283. Ibid., pp. 42-3. 284. HJM, p. 518. 285. Ibid. 286. Ibid., p. 519. 287. EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2 ff; OISJ, p. 42. 288. HJM, p. 519.

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Buhler, too, did not mention this unit in his writings on this subject.289 But we find frequent mention of the unit called the sambhoga in the Jaina inscriptions of the Kuṣaṇa period discovered at Mathura. The fragment of a Jaina inscription in mixed dialect discovered from Kankali Tīlā, Mathura reads:
Dedication by Mittra (Mitra), first wife of... daughter-in-law of the ironmonger ... daughter of the . . . at the request of the preacher (vāchaka)..., the pupil of... the preacher,..., who was the companion of the ganin..., who was the pupil of... out of the Kottiya gana, the Brahmdāsika kula, the Uchchairnagarī sākhā, the Śrīgṛha sambhoga.290
The statements about the Jaina religious teachers and their schools embodied in the Jaina inscriptions of Mathura are important for the study of the early history of Jainism.291 Buhler's study of these epigraphs revealed that out of the eight ganas mentioned in the Sthaviravali of the Kalpasūtra, three or possibly four ganas existed in Mathura in the Kuṣāṇa period.292 He also found that out of the numerous kulas and śākhās mentioned in the Kalpasūtra, twenty existed in Mathura in the Kuṣāṇa period.293 Buhler's view that the Jainas in Mathura belonged to the Svetambara sect during the Kuṣaṇa period was formed on the basis of this similarity.294 We have already stated that there is no hint of the split in the Jaina Church of Mathura in this city's inscriptions of the Kuṣaṇa period.
The eight ganas mentioned in the Kalpasūtra are -- (1) the Carana gaṇa, (2) The Godāsa gaṇa, (3) the Kodiya gana, (4) the Manava gana, (5) the Uddeha gana, (6) the Uḍuväḍiya gana (7) the Uttarabalissaha gana and (8) the Vesavādiya gana.295 Out of these eight gaṇas, three (1) The Varana gana,296
289. OISJ, pp. 42-3.
290.
EI, X, Appendix, no. 29.
291.
OISJ, p. 58.
292. Ibid., pp. 58-60.
293. Ibid.
294.
Ibid., p. 44.
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called the Cāraņa gaña in the Kalpasūtra;297 (2) the Kottiya gaņa,298 called the Kodiya gaña in the Kalpasūtra;299 and (3) the Odehikīya3w or the Uddehikīya gana 301 called the Uddeha gana in the Kalpasūtra 302 flourished in Mathurā during the Kusāna period 303 The Kalpasūtra mentions the Mehiya kula as one of the kulas of the Vesavādiya gana 304 We find mention of the Mehika or Maighika kula in one of the Jaina inscriptions discovered at Kankālī Tīlā, Mathurā.305 This is the reason for assuming that probably, the Vesavādiya gaņa also existed in Mathurā during the Kuşāņa period.306
According to the Kalpasūtra, Śrīgupta of the Hārīta gotra founded the Cāraņa gana, and it was divided into four sakhās and seven kulas.307 The four sākhās of the Cārana gana mentioned in the Kalpasūtra are -- (1) The Gavedhuyā śākhā, (2) the Hāriyamālāgārī sākhā, (3) the Saṁkāsiā sākhā and (4) the Vajjanāgarī sākhā.308 Three of these four sākhās of the Cārana or the Vārana gana - (1) Samkāsiā309 (2) Hāriyamālāgārī310 and (3) Vajjanāgarill.
295. HJM, pp. 515-18. 296. EI, X, Appendix, nos. 58, 116, etc. 297. OISJ, p. 59; HJM, p. 515. 298. EI, X, Appendix, nos. 22, 24, etc. 299. OISJ, p. 58; HJM, p. 516. 300. EI, X, Appendix, no. 76. 301. Ibid. 302. HJM, p. 517. 303. EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2 ff., nos, 54, 56, 76, 58, 116. 304. HJM, p. 518. 305. EI, X, Appendix, no. 70. 306. OISJ, p. 58; HJM, p. 518. 307. Ibid., p. 59; Ibid., p. 515. 308. Ibid.; Ibid. 309. EI, II, no. 36; HJM, p. 515. 310. EI, X, Appendix, no. 42. 311. Ibid., no. 16.

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with slight variation in name, existed at Mathura in the first and second century AD.312
The seven kulas of the Carana gana mentioned in the Kalpasūtra are (1) the Ajjaveḍaya kula, (2) the Hallija kula, (3) the Kanhasaha kula, (4) the Mallijja kula, (5) the Pudhammiya kula, (6) the Pūsamittijja kula and (7) the Vathalijja kula.313 The kulas of the Varaṇa gana which existed in Mathura during the Kuṣāṇa period were (1) the Arya Haṭṭikīya kula314 (2) the Praitivarmika kula, 315 (3) the Pusyamitrīya kula, 316 (4) The Arya Cetika kula,317 (5) the Arya Bhista kula318 (6) The Arya Kaniyasika kula 319 and (7) the Nadika or Naḍika kula.320 One sambhoga of the Varana gana also existed in Mathura during the Kuṣāṇa period. It was the Arya Śrīkiya sambhoga.321
The Kalpasūtra informs that the Kodiya gana was founded by Susthita and Supratibuddha.322 The four sakhas of this gana are - (1) the Majjhimillā śakha, (2) the Vairī sākhā, (3) the Vajjāharī sākhā, and (4) the Uccānāgarī śākhā.323 The Kottiya gana is mentioned in a large number of Jaina inscriptions of Mathura.324 It was one of the oldest and most respected ganas.325 Buhler opined that this gana originated in 250 BC326 and was the only gana which
312.
EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2ff; HJM, p. 515.
313.
HJM, p. 515; OISJ, p. 59.
314.
EI, X, Appendix, no. 16.
315.
Ibid., no. 31.
316.
Ibid., no. 34.
317.
Ibid., no. 16.
318. Ibid., no. 50.
EI, X, Appendix, no. 113.
319.
320. Ibid., no. 117.
321. Ibid., no. 50.
322. OISJ, pp. 58-9. HJM, p. 516.
323.
324.
325. HJM, p. 518.
326.
EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2ff.
EI, I, p. 379-80.
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existed as late as the fourteenth century AD.327 All sākhās of the Kottiya gana called — (1) the Ucchanāgarī sākhā,328 (2) the Madhyamā sākhā,329 (3) the Vajranāgarī sākhā330 and (4) the Vairī or Vajrī sākhā331 or the Arya Vajri sākha332 or the Vairī Vajrī sākhā333 — existed in Mathurā during the Kusāna period.
The Kalpasūtra mentions four kulas of the Kodiya gana – (1) the Bambhalijja kula, (2) the Vānijja kula, (3) the Panhavāhanaya kula and (4) the Vathalijja kula.334 The kulas of the Kottiya gana which existed in Mathurā during the Kusāna period were - (1) the Brahmadāsika kula,335 (2) theSthānikīya kula 336 (3) the Vatsaliya kula,337 (4) the Sthānīya kula 338 and (5) the Praśnavāhanaka kula.339 This gana had one sambhoga also. It was called the Srīgrha sambhoga at Mathurā during the Kuşāņa period. 340
The gaña called Uddeha in the Kalpasūtra341 was known as the Uddehikiya gaņa342 or the Ārya Uddehikīya gaņa343 at Mathurā. There are only two references to this gana in the Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā. The Kalpasūtra
327. EI, I, p. 379. 328. Ibid., X, Appendix, nos. 19, 20, etc. 329. Ibid., no. 73. 330. Ibid., no. 16. 331. Ibid., no. 22 332. Ibid., no. 27. 333. Ibid., no. 28. 334. HJM, p. 516. 335. EI, X, Appendix, nos. 19, 20, etc. 336. EI, I, no. 8; EI, II, no. 29. 337. EI, X, Appendix, nos. 22, 27, etc. 338. EI, II, no. 23. 339. HJM, pp. 516-18. 340. EI, X, Appendix, no. 27. 341. HJM, p. 517. 342. EI, X, Appendix, no. 76. 343. Ibid., no. 21.

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makes mention of four sākhās of this gana.344 Only one sākhā of this gana existed at Mathurā during the Kusāna period. 345 It was called the Paitāputrika śākhā.346 According to the Kalpasūtra, the Uddeha gana had six kulas. 347 The two kulas of this gana which existed at Mathurā during the Kusāna period were – (1) the Ārya Nāgabhūtikīya kula348 and (2) the Paridhāsika kula. 349
According to the Kalpasūtra, the Vesavādiya gana had four kulas and four sākhās.350 One of them was called the Mehiya kula.351 Probably, this kula was called the Mehika or Maighika kula at Mathurā. We find mention of the Mehika or the Maighika kula in one of the Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā of the Kuşāņa period. 352 It is probable that the Vesavādiya gaṇa, too, existed at Mathurā during the Kusāna period.
The Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā probably provide the earliest information regarding the hierarchy in the Jaina Church. We find repeated mention of the titles gaṇin,353 vācaka,354 śraddhacara,355 śraddhacarī,356 amtevāsin,357 amtevāsini,358 or amtevāsikni 359 in the Jaina inscriptions discovered at Mathurā. The titles ganin, astevāsin and vācaka find mention in literature also.
344. HJM, p. 517. 345. EI, X, Appendix, no. 76. 346. Ibid. no. 76. 347. HJM, p. 517. 348. EI, I, no. 19. 349. EI, X, Appendix, no. 76. 350. HJM, p. 518. 351. Ibid. 352. EI, I, no. 2. 353. Ibid., nos. 4, 6. etc. 354. EI, X, Appendix, nos. 22, 27, etc. 355. Ibid., no. 29. 356. EI, I, no. 1; EI, II, no. 11. 357. EI, X, Appendix, no. 93. 358. Ibid., no. 99. 359. Ibid., no. 67.
1154

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The title gaṇin was used for the head of the gaña or the school.360 The title vācaka was used for the preacher361 or the teacher. 362 The title vācaka mentioned in these inscriptions is pointer of the fact that as early as the first century AD, the Jaina Church at Mathurā possessed a class of teachers who were duty bound to read and explain religious texts to the junior monks. The title vācanäcärya was current in Jainism even in the vs 1677,363 and the title väcaka is in use among the Jainas even these days. 364
The ācārya, or the senior monk, was called arya 365 or arrya 386 or ārya .367 Sometimes even the nuns were called arya368 instead of arya. The ordinary monk was called samana,369 i.e., sramana. The lay-devotee was called sävaka,370 i.e., śrāvaka. The female lay-devotee was called samana-sävikā,371 i.e., śramanaśrāvikā. Generally speaking, all Jaina monks were called ārya. The title ārya was used for the ganin also.372 The ācārya or the monk was called bhadata or bhadanta also.373 The ordinary male disciple was called amtevāsi374 or sisya.375 The ordinary female disciple was called astevāsinī76 or
360. OISJ, p. 42. 361. EI, I, nos. 3, 4, etc. 362. OISJ, p. 42. 363. HJM, p. 514 fn 6. 364. OISJ, p. 42. 365. EI, II, no. 20. 366. ASIAR, III, no. 3. 367. EI, I, no. 19. 368. Ibid., no. 2. 369. EI, II, no. 1. 370. EI, I, no. 30. 371. EI, X, Appendix, no. 102. 372. EI, I, no. 19. 373. EI, X, Appendix, no. 99. 374. Ibid., no. 93. 375. EI, I, nos. 9, 30, etc.

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amtevāsikini377 or sisyani.378 She was also called sāvikā, 379 i.e., śrāvikā. The nuns were called ayikā 380 also.
Very few Jaina inscriptions belonging to the post-Kusāna period have come to light at Mathurā. Therefore, it is not possible to throw light on the organisation of the Jaina Church in this city after the end of the Kuşāņa period. An inscription of the Gupta period381 seems to indicate that probably the gaņas and their sub-divisions existed during this period also. In the inscriptions of the medieval period the titles ācārya, gaṇin, upadhyāya, sūri and bhattāraka find repeated mention.382 Probably, these titles gained currency in Mathurā also. Two peculiar titles embodied in the Jaina inscriptions are sraddhacara and sraddhacarī. In the inscriptions the sraddhacara is mentioned as the companion of the monk.383 It is reasonable to assume that the sraddhacara was the colleague of the monk, or his disciple. The inscriptions mention the śraddhacarī as the female companion of the nun.384 The sraddhacari must have been a colleague or the disciple of the nun.
Mathurā in Jaina literature
Jaina literature is full of stories and references regarding the state of Jainism in Mathurā. These texts describe Mathurā as a centre of heretical ascetics.385 According to some Jaina texts, Mathurā – also called Uttara Mahurā — was the capital city of Śūrasena country, and this country was acceptable to the
376. EI, II, no. 4. 377. Ibid., no. 21. 378. EI, I, no. 1. 379. EI, II, no. 2. 380. Ibid., no. 21. 381. EI, II, no. XXXIX. 382. HJM, p. 514. 383. EI, I, no. 4. 384. EI, I, no.1; EI, II, no. 11. 385. LDJC, p. 255.
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Jaina monks for sojourn.386 Jainism was, undoubtedly, in a flourishing state in Mathurā in the first century and the second century AD. But due to the absence of relevant data it is difficult to assign a definite period to the happenings in Mathurā described in the Jaina texts.
The accounts left behind by Jinaprabha Sūri and Somadeva leave us in no doubt that the Jainas viewed Mathurā as a sacred city. In his Yasastilakacampū Somadeva makes mention of Urvilā, a queen of Mathurā, who used to send the rathayātrā of the jina on the occasion of the Astähika-mahotsava.387 According to Jinaprabha Sūri's Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, goddess Kuberā told the Jainas of Mathurā to worship the jina in their homes, and therefore, the practice of placing the image of the jina over the door-way was instituted in this city.368 Harisena's Brhat-kathā-kośa tells that Mathurā was full of lofty Jaina temples.389 He also mentions the Jaina rathayātrā festival of Mathurā, and tells that five Jaina stūpas were built in this city after the defeat of the Buddhists in the controversy with the Jainas.390
Another Jaina text tells that Mathurā was a great centre of Jainism, and that ninety-six villages were attached to this city.391 It also tells that people installed the images of the arhats in their homes and court-yards in this city and the villages attached to it. 392 We learn from the Jaina texts that there were many gardens in Mathurā, one of which was called bhamdīra.393 It contained the shrine of yaksa Sudarsana.394 We are told that Mathurā was renowned for pilgrimage to the temple of yaksa bhamdīra.395 Pārsvanātha is said to have
386. MCH, p. 210. 387. Yaśastilaka, pp. 416-17; MCH, p. 210. 388. Vividha-Tīrtha-Kalpa, pp. 17ff; Ibid. 389. MCH, p. 211. 390. Ibid. 391. LDJC, pp. 255, 309. 392. Ibid. 393. Vividha-Tirtha Kalpa, pp. 17ff; LDJC, p. 255 fn 6; MCH, p. 211. 394. MCH, p. 211. 395. Ibid.; LDJC, p. 255.

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visited the garden called bhamdīra.396 Probably, Mahāvīra also stayed in this garden 397 in the course of his visit to Mathurā.398 This garden was, undoubtedly, held in great esteem by the Jainas. A Jaina inscription excavated at Kankāli Tīlā is a record of the installation of an āyāga-patta at bhamdīra by a goldsmith.399 Yaksa-worship was a feature of Jaina religious life, 400 and Pārsvanātha's visit to the bhamdīra garden,401 which contained the shrine of yaksa Sudarsana, 402 is probably an indication of a thriving yaksa cult at Mathurā. 403
Some terracotta seals bearing tri-ratna symbol, which form part of the collection of Government Museum, Mathurā,404 have come to light in this city. Such seals were probably built to serve as mementoes for the Jaina pilgrims to this city. In the Jaina texts we also find mention of the didactic tale of śrāvaka Jiņadāsa of Mathurā whose two bulls named Kambala and Sambala also performed vrtas with him.405 The Jaina literature also makes mention of a Yavana king of Mathurā who murdered a Jaina monk named Damda.406 We are also told that this king, subsequently, became a Jaina monk to make amends for this crime.407 Two famous Jaina monks – ācārya Mamgū and ācārya Rakkhiya — also visited Mathurā.408 Jambūsvāmī, the last kevalin, is said to have performed penance in this city.
396. MCH, p. 211. 397. JAA, I, pp. 63-4. 398. Vivāgasuya, p. 45, cited in JAA, I, p. 50. 399. EI, X, Appendix no. 95. 400. V.S. Agrawala, Ancient Indian ... , op. cit., p. 104. 401. MCH, p. 211. 402. Ibid.: LDJC, p. 255. 403. Ibid., p. 211. 404. MM no. 2462. 405. MCH, p. 211. 406. Ibid. 407. Ibid. 408. JDJC, p. 255.

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History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā Jainism in Mathurā — Post-Kuşāņa period The Kuşāņa period was an age of great economic prosperity for Mathurā. Many important trade routes passed through this city.409 In the Jaina literature Mathurā is mentioned as a thalpattan where goods were carried by land route.410 This city was a great emporium, and its people lived by trade and not agriculture. 411 The majority of the Jainas in Mathurā belonged to the trading classes. It was the flourishing trade at Mathurā which accounted for the affluence of the Jaina community in this city. Economic prosperity enabled the Jainas to build and maintain magnificent religious edifices in Mathurā.
The disintegration of the Kusāna empire disrupted the political and economic patterns which had handsomely contributed to Mathurā's economic prosperity, and this city gradually sank to the level of a regional town.412 The decline in the fortunes of Mathurā must have affected the Jaina trading classes also. Therefore, there was a sharp decline in the building activities of the Jainas at Mathurā. After the downfall of the Kusāna dynasty no new Jaina religious building appears to have been constructed at Mathurā up to the eleventh century AD. Excavations at Mathurā have unearthed 84 Jaina inscriptions assignable to the Kuşāņa period. 413 These inscriptions are a record of the Jaina donations in Mathurā made in the form of images, temples, āyāgapattas, etc.
The post-Kuşāņa period was characterised by a revolutionary decline in the number of Jaina donations in Mathurā. It is evident from the fact that only 6 Jaina inscriptions of the post-Kusāna period have come to light at Mathurā.414 These facts are indicative of decline in the popularity of Jainism in the postKusāna period at Mathurā. But it would be wrong to presume that Jainism lost
409. MCH, pp. 46-54; Moti Chandra, Särthavāha, 1953, pp. 4ff 410. LDJC, p. 309. 411. Ibid. 412. MCH, p. 54. 413. EI, X, pp. 2 ff; JPV, p. 18; Scythian Period, op. cit., p. 149 fn 16. 414. JS, Introduction, pp. 1 ff; EI, II, nos. XXXVIII-XL, XLI.

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appeal in Mathurā after the second century AD. Subsequent history is illustrative of the fact that unlike Buddhism, which was almost completely wiped out of existence in this city after the seventh century AD, Jainism remained a living religion in Mathurā up to the eleventh century AD.
Mathurā fell under the rule of the Nāga dynasty after the extinction of the Kusāna empire. There is no evidence that the Nāga rulers extended patronage to Jainism.415 Mathurā became a part of the Gupta empire after the downfall of the Nāgas of Mathurā.416 The majority of the Gupta rulers were devout Hindus. But they were tolerant of other religions. Neither Jainism nor Buddhism suffered at their hands. Literary and archaeological sources reveal that Hinduism was in a flourishing state in Mathurā during the Gupta period. These sources reveal that Buddhism, which had become a popular religion at Mathurā within a decade or two after the conclusion of the second Buddhist Council at Vaiśālī,417 was a fairly popular religion in Mathurā in the Gupta period also. The Chinese traveller Fahien, who saw twenty Buddhist monasteries housing about three thousand monks,418 and six Buddhist stūpas at Mathurā,419 made no mention of Jainism in this city.420
But Fahien's silence should not lead us to the conclusion that Jainism did not exist in Mathurā during the Gupta period. Only three Jaina inscriptions of the Gupta period have come to light at Mathurā.421 But the discovery of 59 Jaina sculptures of the Gupta period at Mathurā422 is evidence that Jainism had not lost its appeal in this city. A council was held at Mathurā under the presidentship of Arya Skandil for the fixation of the Jaina canon in the fourth
415. JPV, p. 19. 416. CII, III, nos. 1, 4, 63. 417. CMHI, II, pp. 82-3. 418. The Travels of Fa-Hsien, tr. H.A. Giles, 1956, p. 20. 419. Samuel Beal, op. cit., Introduction, xxxvii-xxxviii. 420.JPV, p. 19. 421. EI, II, no. XXXVIII-XL. 422. JAA, 1, p. 107.

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century AD. 423 This is another evidence of the fact that in spite of decline in popularity Jainism continued to survive at Mathurā during the Gupta period.
The Huna invasions of the sixth century AD destroyed many art treasures of Mathurā, and also initiated the process of Buddhism's decline in this city. 124 Buddhism was in existence at Mathurā when the Chinese traveller Huein Tsang visited it in the seventh century AD.125 But by the end of the tenth century AD the vigorous cults of Hinduism, which included worship of Siva, Sakti and Visnu, absorbed Buddhism.426 It is clear from the accounts of the Muslim historians of the eleventh century AD that Mathurā was a Hindu city devoted to Vaişnavism, particularly to the Krsna cult.427 Contemporary Muslim historians make no mention of Jainism and Buddhism in Mathură in the eleventh century AD. In fact, Buddhism had become non-existent in this city by this time.
But archaeological material unearthed from Kankāli Tīlā bears testimony to the fact that Jainism existed in Mathurā even in the eleventh century AD. The Jaina stūpa at Kankālī Tīlā was in existence when Somadeva composed his Yaśastilakacampū in AD 959. It was still called devanirmita. An antiquity in the collection of State Museum, Lucknow furnishes evidence that this stūpa was in existence at least up to AD 979.428 A great misfortune enveloped Mathurā in the first quarter of the eleventh century AD. Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Mathurā in AD 1018 and wrought havoc in this city, which was plundered, burnt and destroyed.429 But somehow the two Jaina temples at Kankāli Tīlā
423. HJM, p. 20; LDJC, p. 33; JPV, p. 19. 424. R.C. Sharma, The Buddhist Art of Mathurā, 1984, p. 35; N. Dutt and K.D. Bajpai,
Development of Buddhism in Uttar Pradesh, 1956, p. 391. 425. Watters, On Yuwan Chaung's Travels in India, vol. I, 1904, pp. 301-13. 426. SFE, Foreword, xxi. 427. Alberuni's India, ed. Sachau, vol. I, 1914, pp. 199, 401; Elliot and Dowson, II, pp. 44
5; John Briggs, tr. Ferishta's work, vol. I, 1908, p. 58. 428. SML no. J. 236; MCH, p. 332. 429. Elliot and Dowson, II, pp. 44-5; John Briggs, op. cit., pp. 58-9.

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escaped destruction. The Jaina donative inscription dated vs 1080, i.e., AD 1023, and the colossal image of tirthamkara Padmaprabhanatha dated vs 1134, i.e., AD 1077, prove that the two Jaina temples at Kankälä Tīlā, Mathurā - one built in the second century BC and the other about the beginning of the Christian era escaped destruction at the time of Mahmud of Ghazni's invasion of this city in AD 1018, and were centres of Jaina worship during the greater part of the eleventh century AD.430
Neither literature nor archaeology holds the clue to the subsequent fate of these Jaina temples. Either time took toll of them or 'they suffered destruction at some later date'. 431 These temples stood in the vicinity of the Jaina stupa at Kankali Ţilā. The Jaina stupa, if it stood intact at the time of Mahmud of Ghazni's invasion of Mathura in AD 1018, too, would have escaped destruction. The expression mathurästūpastutaya used in Jinaprabha Suri's VividhaTirtha-Kalpa, composed between AD 1307 and AD 1340, seems to convey the impression that the stūpa at Kankali Tīlā was in existence as late as the first half of the fourteenth century AD.432 Mathura was in a state of ruin for many centuries after Mahmud of Ghazni's invasion. It appears doubtful that this stūpa managed to exist as late as the fourteenth century AD. We shall turn to this in the last chapter of the book.
430. JS, Introduction, pp. 3-4; Yasastilaka, p. 433; EI, II, p. 211 fn 35.
431.
Ibid., pp. 3-4; Ibid., p. 433.
432. MCH, pp. 210-11.
€
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Second Century BC to Eleventh Century AD
THERE is no room for the worship of a Creator God in the philosophy of Jainism. Yet, during the course of about 2500 years the Jainas have produced innumerable images and numerous shrines in honour of the tīrthamkaras in various parts of India. Mathurā – the principal seat of Jainism in north India in the early centuries of the Christian eral and the oldest and most renowned centre of Jaina art -developed as the leading centre of Jaina art and architecture even before the beginning of the Christian era. This city played a significant role in the development of Jaina iconography. In fact, the history of Jaina iconography is intimately connected with the history of Jaina iconography of Mathurā.
Character of the Jaina art of Mathurā
Archaeological excavations have brought to light a large number of Jaina antiquities, sculptural as well as architectural. The study of this immense archaeological material has highlighted the fact that the Jaina art of Mathurā was not sectarian in character. As elsewhere in India, the Jaina art of Mathurā bore a striking resemblance with the Hindu and Buddhist art.5
1. CMHI, II, p. 355. 2. ISP,p.1. 3. Ibid. 4. IGI, II, p. 110; SIJA, p. 3; JS, Introduction, pp. 1-6. 5. JAA, I, Editorial, pp. 3ff.
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In ancient India all religions -- Brāhmanism, Jainism and Buddhism - used the art of the age and drew from the common store-house of symbolic and conventional devices. Therefore, no Jaina artistic or architectonic creation can be studied and described in isolation from the mainstream of Indian art and architecture.?
Jainism has its distinct religious and mythological concepts. Therefore, the Jainas produced sculptural forms which are not found in the creations of Hinduism and Buddhism. But even in the production of such sculptures the Jainas adopted the style of the region and the period. Therefore, by Jaina art is meant specimens of art which were created under the patronage of the Jainas.10
Background of the Jaina art of Mathurā
A large number of tīrthamkara images were carved at Mathurā during the period under review. But it would be wrong to assume that this city took the lead in the carving of jina images. It has been held by some scholars that the figures of the tīrthamkaras were chiselled as early as the period of Harappan civilisation. This view has been held on the basis of the discovery of a nude torso from Harappa and some seals at Mohen-jo-daro which contain depiction of human figures standing in a posture, which is closely analogous to the standing meditative posture called the kāyotsarga-mudrā in Jainism." But there is no indisputable evidence that the figures depicted are tirthamkara figures.12
According to Jinaprabha Sūri, a stone sculpture of Pārsvanātha was installed in front of the Jaina stūpa at Mathura at the behest of goddess
6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.
IGI, II, p. 110; SIJA, p. 3; JS, Introduction, p. 6. JAA, I, Editorial, p. 3. Ibid. Ibid. SIJA, p.3. Ibid., p. 3 fn 1. Ibid., p. 3; JAA, I, Editorial, p. 3.

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Kuberā after that tirthamkara's departure from this city.13 This story suggests that a stone image of Pārsvanātha was carved as early as the nintheighth century Bc. But no image of Pārsvanātha assignable to this period has come to light at Mathurā. U.P. Shah holds that a sandalwood portrait sculpture of Mahāvīra was carved in that tīrthamkara's lifetime. 14 Many scholars do not agree with this view. A. Ghosh writes,
That the practice was prevalent at the time of Mahāvīra himself is not established: the legend of the queen of Uddāyana of Vītabhayapattana (unknown from any other source), a contemporary of Mahāvīra himself, having worshipped a sandalwood statue of the tīrthamkara, has its counterpart in the legend of Buddha's contemporary Udayana of Kausāmbi having installed an image of Buddha prepared out of the same material.15
But there is unmistakable evidence that the image of the jina was chiselled in the third century BC if not in the fourth century BC. There is a reference in the Hāthīgumphā inscription to the removal of a jina image from Kalinga to Pātaliputra by the Magadhan king Nanda at the time of his invasion of Kalinga. 16 The Nanda kings ruled in the fourth century BC.97 It is, thus, evident from the Hāthīgumphā inscription that the practice of chiselling tirthamkara images was in vogue in the fourth century BC. A highly polished torso of a jina image has been discovered from Lohanipur near Patna. 18 The Lohanipur jina image is a contemporary or near-contemporary of the yakşa statues. 19 It was carved on the stylistic pattern of the yaksa statues.20 The
13. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, pp. 17ff; SIJA, pp. 62-3. 14. SIJA, p. 4. 15. JAA, I, Editorial, p. 4 fn 1; also see JPV, p. 16. 16. EI, XX, pp. 71-89. 17. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, ed., Age of the Nandas and Mauryas, 1952, p. 12. 18. Ibid., p. 425; SIJA, p. 5; JAA, I, Editorial, p. 3. 19. JAA, I, pp. 3-4. 20. Ibid.
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yaksa figures were chiselled in the third century BC.21 It is, thus, certain that the Lohanipur jina image, too, was carved in the third century Bc. No image of the Buddha or of a Brāhmanical deity has been discovered so far which may be called as ancient as the Lohanipur jina image.22 In the light of these facts it appears almost certain that it was Jainism which took the lead in carving images for veneration.23
A study of Jaina antiquites discovered at Mathurā reveals that the interest of the artists of this city and of their Jaina clientele revolved mainly round the production of the images of the tirthamkaras, and that they took negligible interest in sculptures which depicted incidents from their life. Therefore, we find an extremely limited depiction of incidents from the life of the jinas in the plastic art of Mathurā.24
Predecessors of tirthamkara images of Mathurā
The Jaina devotees needed the images of the jinas for worship, and the artists of Mathurā produced them in large numbers. But these images did not spring to life at once. Like Brāhmaṇism and Buddhism, image-worship in Jainism was preceded by worship of symbols.25 The tīrthamkara figures of Mathurā had their predecessors in sacred symbols like the stūpa, the pillar and the āyāga-patta or the silā-patta.26
THE STŪPA The stūpa was an object of Jaina worship. The depiction of stūpa-worship was one of the favourite themes of the sculptors of Mathurā. Excavations at
21. V.S. Agrawala, Pre-Kuşāņa Art of Mathurā, 1984, p. 17; R.C. Sharma, The Splendour
..., op. cit., p. 36. 22. JAA, I, Editorial, p. 3. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid., p. 65. 25. MCH, p. 333. 26. Ibid.

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Mathurā have brought to light a number of Jaina sculptures which contain depiction of stūpa-worship, realistically as well as artistically. 27
THE PILLAR
The pillar known as cetiya-stambha was also an object of Jaina worship at Mathurā.28 Therefore, construction of pillars at Mathurā was a logical outcome of the Jaina urge for pillar-worship. One of the corner uprights assignable to the second century BC discovered at Mathurā, depicts a lion pillar within a railing being worshipped by a male and a female devotee.29 There is nothing specifically Jaina in this depiction. But depiction of lion pillars of this type on Jaina art objects called āyāga-pattas or silā-pattas30 is indicative of the practice of pillar-worship in Jainism in this period. The artists of Mathurā also built elephant pillars for Jaina worship. This is manifest from a Jaina inscription of Mathurā belonging to the time of the Kusāna king Huviska, which records the setting-up of an elephant named Namdiviśāla for the worship of the arhats.31
THE SILĀ-PATTAS OR AYAGA-PATTAS
The word āyāga-patta frequently occurs in the Jaina dedicatory inscriptions exposed by excavations at Mathurā.32 The word silā-patta also finds mention in one of the Jaina inscriptions discovered from this city.33 Ayāga-patta is a compound word. Patta means a slab or a tablet. The list of names embodied in the Jaina text entitled Angavijjā,34 and a passage in the Rāmāyana of
27. MM no. Q.2, etc. 28. MCH,p. 333. 29. SML no. J.268; MCH, p. 333. 30. MM no. Q. 2. 31. EI, X, Appendix, no. 41. 32. Ibid., pp. 2ff. 33. Ibid., Appendix, no. 102; MM no. Q. 2. 34. MCH, p. 333.

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Vālmīki, make it clear that āyāga was a sacred place. The meaning of the word äyäga-patta is, thus, a slab or tablet installed in a sacred place. Ayägapattas were stone slabs, square or rectangular in shape. Archaeological excavations conducted at Mathurā have brought to light twenty-seven stone tablets, mostly square and sometimes rectangular in shape.36 In the Jaina inscriptions discovered at Mathurā, these stone tablets have been named āyāga-pattas37 and silä-pattas38 installed for the worship of the arhats.39
These āyāga-pattas form a class of their own.40 Most of them have been assigned to pre-Kuşāņa period on stylistic and paleographic grounds. But some of them, probably, belong to the Kuşāņa period.“2 The āyāga-pattas were handmaids of religion and their religious character is proved by the inscriptions incised on them. They clearly state that these stone slabs were installed for worship of the arhats.43 Their religious character is also evident from the depiction of the stūpa, 4 figures of the tīrthařkaras,45 caitya-vrksa , 46 dharma-cakra47 and auspicious symbols48 on some of them.
The āyāga-pattas were installed at sacred places or spots. According to
35. MCH, p. 333; EI, I, p. 396 fn 28. 36. Ibid., p. 333. 37. EI, X, Appendix, nos. 94, 103, etc. 38. Ibid., no. 102. 39. Ibid., nos. 102, 100, 105, etc. 40. JAA, I, p. 64. 41. JS, pp. 14-21; JAA, I, p. 64; MCH, p. 333. 42. Ibid., ibid.; ibid. 43. EI, II, p. 314; EI, X, Appendix nos. 102, 100, 105; MM no. Q. 2. 44. MM no. Q. 2; SML no. J.250. 45. SML no. J.253. 46. JS, Plate IX, p. 16. 47. SML no. J. 248; SIJA, p. 77. 48. SML nos. J.248, J.250, J.252; MCH, p. 333.

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V.S. Agrawala“9 and Debala Mitra,50 a tympanum in the collection of National Museum, indicates that the āyāga-pattas were installed on high and solid platforms in slanting position in the premises of the stūpa. The āyāga-pattas were not mere ornamental slabs;52 they were objects of worship in themselves. 53 According to Debala Mitra, the manner in which sprinkling of flowers is depicted on two of the four āyāga-pattas in the tympanum in collection of National Museum, lends support to the presumption that āyāga-pattas were objects of worship in themselves. 54
V.S. Agrawala holds that the āyāga-pattas, perphaps sixteen in number, were originally objects of worship in themselves; but subsequently, they became a medium for worship of the stūpa, and flowers and other offerings were directly placed on them.55 N.P. Joshi offers a slightly different suggestion. He opines that some āyāga-pattas, i.e., SML No. J.248,56 SML No. J.25057 and NM. No. J.249 discovered at Mathurā are still in mint condition, and do not show any sign that flowers and other offerings were placed on them for centuries. In his opinion the āyāga-pattas were probably fixed at same high spot and were meant to be seen and adored from distance.59
Inscriptions and literature throw more light on this subject. A Jaina inscription discovered at Mathurā clearly states that a courtesan named Vāsu donated a silā-patta or stone slab for installation in arhatāyatana or the
49. V.S. Agrawala, Bhāratīya Kalā, 1966, pp. 280-1. 50. JAA, I, p. 63. 51. NM no. J.555; JAA, I, Plates 12, 13. 52. JAA, I, p. 64. 53. V.S. Agrawala, op. cit., pp. 280-1. 54. JAA, I, p. 64. 55. V.S. Agrawala, Bhāratīya Kală, op.cit., pp. 280-1. 56. JAA, I, Plate 16. 57. Ibid., Plate 14. 58. MCH, p. 333. 59. Ibid.
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temple of the arhats.60 It is, therefore, evident that the ayāga-pattas or the silā-pattas were installed in the temples also. The āyāga-pattas were also installed in the gardens or the spots considered sacred by the Jainas. This is evdent from the Jaina inscription excavated at Kankālī Tīlā which records the installation of the āyāga-pattas in bhamdīra by a goldsmith.61 We learn from Vividha-Tīrtha-Kalpa of Jinaprabha Sūri that bhaṁdira was a garden in Mathurā.62 This garden contained the shrine of yaksa Sudarśana63 and was visited by Pārsvanātha. 64 Probably, Mahāvīra also halted in this garden during his visit to Mathurā.65 It is evident that the āyāga-pattas were installed in the bhamdīra garden because the visit of Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra had sanctified it.
The word āyāga-sabhä also occurs in one of the Jaina inscriptions that have come to light at Mathurā.66 It appears certain that the āyāga-sabhā was a sacred place or shrine. It is difficult to exactly define the Jaina shrine called the āyāga-sabhā. Probably, it was akin to a later Jaina shrine called pausadhaśālā where a person kept fast or sat in meditation to practise some tapa or propitiate a deity.67 U.P. Shah is of opinion that probably the āyāgapattas were installed and worshipped in the āyāga-sabhā also.6% According to him, there was no difference between the silā-patta and the āyāga-patta; the stone slab called the silā-patta in the Jaina texts were mentioned as the āyāga-patta in some of the Jaina inscriptions discovered at Mathurā.69 He
60. EI, X, Appendix, no. 102; MM no. Q. 2. 61. Ibid., no. 95. 62. Vividha-Tīrtha-Kalpa, pp. 17ff; LDJC, p. 255 fn 26. 63. MCH, p. 211. 64. Ibid. 65. JAA, I, pp. 63-4. 66. EI, X, Appendix, no. 102; MM no. Q. 2. 67. SIJA, p. 84. 68. Ibid. 69. Ibid., pp. 69-70.

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opines that the silā-pattas were placed on a small platform at the foot of the vrkņas sacred to the yakşas and the nāgas.70 Tree-worship was an ancient practice and it took the form of worship of the silā-pațțas in Jainism." U.P. Shah suggests that the stone slabs called the āyāga-patta in the Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā evolved from the stone slabs called the silā-patta in the Jaina canons.72
The foregoing discussion leads us to the conclusion that the stone slabs or tablets called the silä-patta in the Jaina canons and one of the Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā, and the āyāga-patta in many epigraphs of this city, were objects of worship in themselves. The āyāga-pattas were installed on high solid platforms near the main stūpa, probably in front of its four cardinal sides.73 They were also fixed at some high spot so as to be seen and adored from distance. 74 They were also installed in the temples, āyāga-sabhās, sacred gardens, and under trees considered sacred by the Jainas.
The āyāga-pattas excavated at Mathurā are splendid objects of the Jaina art of this city. These stone slabs depict beautiful carving. Except a few, the āyāga-pattas were carved on one side and not both.74 The carving on these stone slabs is luxuriant and bears testimony to the skill and zeal of the sculptors who carved them.75 The artists beautified the āyāga-pattas by compositions of rare excellence.76 From the point of view of art the āyāgapattas from Mathurā rank among some of the most beautiful specimens of the celebrated Mathurā school of sculpture; they are exceedingly well-conceived and the composition conveys the meaning of the symbolism they seek to represent.77
70. SIJA, pp. 69-70. 71. Ibid. 72. Ibid. 73. JAA, I, p. 63. 74. MCH, p. 333. 75. JAA, I, p. 64. 76. Ibid. 77. V.S. Agrawala, Studies ..., op. cit., pp. 178-9.
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The artists carved a large number of religious and secular symbols on the āyāga-pattas. Auspicious symbols called the asta-mangalas in Jainism were also carved. The asta-mangalas – svastika, śrīvatsa, nandyāvarta (cross with circular arms), varddhamānaka (powder-flask), bhadrâsana (sacred seat), kalaśa (full-vase), darpaņa (mirror), and matsya or matsya-yugma (fish or pair of fish) — are known to Jaina worship from ancient times, and are often referred to in the Jaina canonical and other texts as decorating tops of architraves or ramparts, or placed on caitya-trees, platforms, painted on walls, etc.78 Some of the Mathurā āyāga-pattas contain total or partial depiction of the asta-mangals.79 The study of the Mathurā āyāga-pattas, however, reveals that the set of eight auspicious symbols called the astamangalas was not finally settled upto the Kuşāņa period. 80 The tradition of eight auspicious symbols as depicted on the Mathurā āyāga-pattas, especially on the āyāga-patta donated by Sihanādika, 81 is slightly different from the later tradition. It is evident that in the representation of the eight auspicious symbols, the artists of Mathurā followed the older tradition, which is slightly different from the tradition recorded in the Jaina canons available these days.83
Some of the symbols carved on these āyāga-pattas are the kalpaurksa,84 the full vase, 85 the stūpa,86 coiled reptiles with human bodies,87 dragons,88
78. SIJA, p. 109. 79. Ibid., pp. 109-10. 80. SIJA, p. 110. 81. SML no. J.249. 82. SIJA, p. 110. 83. Ibid., pp. 110-11. 84. SML nos. J.250, J.252; MCH, p. 333. 85. Ibid., no. J.252; ibid. 86. MM no. Q.2. 87. SML no. J.248, no. J.250; MCH, p. 333. 88. Ibid., no. J.252; ibid.

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creepers coming out of the jars,89 etc. The artists of Mathura used many Indian and foreign motifs for the beautification of the aāyāga-paṭṭas. Motifs like vine creepers, mangalas, winged animals, dancing figures, etc., can be noticed in the border frame of these stone slabs.90 Some sacred objects like the wheel and nandyavarta were carved along with decorative motifs in the inner field of the ayaga-paṭṭas.91 In some slabs miniature figures of seated jinas were also depicted. 92 The ayaga-paṭṭas of this variety belong to a class of their own. They illustrate an admixture of symbol-worship and imageworship.
The ayaga-paṭṭas, which are the oldest objects of the Jaina art of Mathura,93 rank among the finest creations of the sculptural art of this city. Production of these homage slabs was an innovation of the artists of Mathura and was confined to this city.94 Numerous ayaga-paṭṭas were produced at Mathura during the pre-Kuṣaṇa and Kuṣaṇa period because these formed part of the religious donations of the Jainas. Excavations have not exposed any ayaga-patta which may be assigned to the post-Kuṣaṇa period. It is clear that the era of the carving of independent stone images of the Jaina deities which commenced in the Kuṣaṇa period announced the closure of the era of the ayaga-paṭṭas.
Tīrthamkara images of Mathura: Pre-Kuṣāņa period
The earliest representation of the tithamkaras at Mathura occurs on an architectural object which was originally a lintel in the second century BC, but was subsequently transformed into a railing pillar.95 Available portions of the
89.
90. MCH, p. 333.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
SML no. J.686a; MCH, p. 333.
Ibid., pp. 333-4.
MM no. 47. 49; JAA, I, Plate 15.
ISP, p. 1.
Ibid.
SML no. J.354 and J.609; MCH, p. 335.
卐
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lintel seem to have been divided into two parts; the first one shows apsarā Nīlāñjanā dancing in the royal court, and the second depicts two jinas seated in meditation. Subsequently, the figures of the tīrthařkaras were carved on the āyāga-pattas. One of these āyāga-pattas can be assigned to 50 BC.97 This āyāga-patta depicts the nude figure of a jina who is seated cross-legged with his hands on the lap.98 This figure depicts plain hair and loose crosslegging.99 The śrīvatsa mark on the chest of the jinas was an innovation introduced by the artists of Mathurā in the Kusāna period. 100 This mark as well as the nimbus, charcteristics of the later jina figures of Mathurā, are conspicuous by their absence in the aforesaid miniature jina figure.101 The lāñchanas (congnizances or distinctive marks) of the various jinas had not been determined at this stage of Jaina iconography. 102 But, this figure can be identified as the figure of Pārsvanātha because of the seven-hooded serpentcanpoy manifest over the head of the jina'.103
Tirthamkara images of Mathurā: The Kuşāņa period
The figures of the jinas were the most significant products of the Jaina iconography of Mathurā in the Kuşāņa period. The Jaina texts of the Kuşāņa period do not contain guidelines in respect of the production of the jina image.104 But early Jaina works like Āvasyaka Nirvyūha (gāthā 969) suggest that the jinas are represented in the world in the posture in which they left it.105 We learn from other Jaina texts that twenty-one tīrthamkaras attained
96. SML no. J.354 and J.609; MCH, p. 335. 97. Ibid., no. J.253; Ibid., Plate 34.1 and p. 335. 98. Ibid., ibid., ibid. 99. Ibid., ibid., ibid. 100. ISP,p.1. 101. SML no. J.253; MCH, p. 335. 102. JAA, I, p. 65; JPV, p. 250; R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures ... op. cit., p. 145. 103. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid. 104. MCH, pp. 335-6. 105. Ibid., p. 353.

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nirvāna in the standing posture, and three, i.e., Rsabha, Nemi and Mahāvīra left this world in the sitting posture.106 The figures or images of the Buddha were carved in many postures – the earth-touching posture, (the bhūmisparsa-mudrā), the protection posture (the abhaya-mudrā), the meditative posture (the dhyāna-mudrā), the turning of the wheel posture (the dharmacakra-pravartana-mudrā), etc. 107
But the artists of Mathurā carved the images of the jinas in only two postures - the seated meditative posture called the dhyānastha-mudrā or the padmāsana-mudrā, and the standing meditative posture called the kāyotsarga-mudrā in Jainism.108 It appears that the sculptors of Mathurā followed the guidelines embodied in the early Jaina texts by carving the images of the jinas in only two postures. But they did not follow these guidelines in their entirety. It is evident from many tīrthařkara images of the Kusana period carved at Mathurā.
Among the twenty-four tirthařkaras, Rşabha, Nemi and Mahāvīra are said to have attained nirvāna in the sitting posture. Therefore, in view of the guidelines embodied in the early Jaina texts, the images of these three tīrthamkaras should have been chiselled in the seated meditative posture only. But the sculptors of Mathurā carved the images of Rşabha109 and Mahāvīra110 in the kāyotsarga-posture also during the Kusāna period. Sambhavanātha is said to have left this world in the standing posture. But the sculptors of Mathurā carved his image both in the standing\ll and the seated 112 meditative posture during this period. Pārsvanātha had attained
106. MCH; p. 353; OISJ, p. 66. 107. R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures... op. cit., p. 145; N. Dutt and K.D. Bajpai, Development
of Buddhism in Uttar Pradesh, 1956, pp. 384-5. 108. Ibid., p. 145; JPV, p. 48. 109. MM no. B. 36; JUPHS, III, p. 9. 110. SML nos. J.2, J.9; MCH, p. 353. 111. SML no. J.13; MCH, p. 353. 112. SML no. J.19; ibid.
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nirvāna in the standing posture. But the sculptors of Mathurā chiselled his image in the seated posture during the Kusāna period. 113 It is evident that they followed a different tradition in carving the images of the jinas.
Most of the jina figures in this city were produced in the seated meditative posture. This is evident from the fact that out of 119 tīrthamkara figures assignable to the Kuşāna period which have come to light at Mathurā, 93 are in the seated meditative posture. 114 A principal characteristic of the jina figures of Mathurā of the Kusāna period is their nudity. Except for a few sculptures belonging to the Ardhaphālaka sect of Jainism, 115 all Jaina figures of Mathurā belonging to the Kusāna period are entirely nude. 116 The depiction of partly clothed Jaina monks in all bas-reliefs of Mathurā except one is indicative of the fact that a large number of Jainas in this city belonged to the Ardhaphālaka sect of Jainism in the pre-Christian period and the early centuries of the Christian era."? Among the tīrthamkaras only Rşabha and Mahāvīra are said to have preached complete nudity. Therefore, the existence of the Ardhaphālaka sect in Mathurā during the aforesaid period does not cause surprise.
Complete nudity of the jina images of Mathurā of the Kusāna period led A. Cunningham to the conclusion that they belonged to the Digmabara sect.118 But we agree with the view of B.C. Bhattacharya'19 and U.P. Shah120
113. SML no. J.25+113; ibid. 114. MCH, p. 332. 115. MS, p. 24. 116. Ibid.; SIJA, p. 11; JPV, p. 48. 117. MCH, p. 347. It may, however, be pointed out that depiction of partly clothed
Jaina monks in the bas-reliefs is not a conclusive evidence of a distinct division of the Jainas into the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras at Mathurā in the pre
Kuşāņa and Kuşāņa period. 118. ASIAR, III, p. 46. 119. JI, p. 42. 120. SIJA, p. 11.

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that the difference between the jina images of the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras in respect of drapery and nudity did not exist in the Kuşāna period. 121 The jina images of Mathurā of the Gupta period, too, are nude. We have already stated that there is no hint of the split in the Jaina Church in the inscriptions discovered at Mathurā. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that the points of difference between the images of the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras are posterior to even the Gupta period.
The lañchanas of the various jinas had not evolved during the Kusāna period. Therefore, it is very difficult to differentiate one tīrthařkara from the other in this huge mass of jina figures. Two factors have helped in the identification of some jinas. Many tīrthamkara images of this period bear inscriptions. Very often the name of the tīrthamkara is also mentioned in the inscription incised on the figure. 122 Such inscriptions have helped in the identification of the jinas whose images were carved at Mathurā during this period. The characteristics associated with the jinas have also helped in the identification of their images. Pārsvanātha has been identified on the basis of the seven-hooded serpent-conopy over his head in the figures.123 Rşabha has been identified on the basis of locks of hair falling on his shoulders in the figures. 124 Neminātha has been recognised on the basis of his representation in the company of Krsna and Balarāma in the figures.125
The inscriptions excavated at Mathurā contain the names of arhats Rsbha, 126 Aristanemi,127 Sāntinātha, 128 Pārsva, 129 Sambhavanātha, 130
121. JI, p. 42; SIJA, p. 11. 122. R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures . . ., op. cit., p. 145. 123. Ibid., p. 145; MS, p. 23; JAA, I, p. 65; JPV, p. 46. 124. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.; ibid. 125. Ibid., ibid. 126. EI. X, Appendix, no. 56. 127. Ibid., no. 26. 128. Ibid., no. 27. 129. Ibid., no. 110. 130. MCH, p. 357; JAA, I, p. 66 fn. 1.
183

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Vardhamana Mahāvīra131 and Nandyavarta.132 It is, thus, certain that the images of these seven jinas were carved at Mathura during this period. On the basis of his study of the early Jaina icons of Mathura, N.P. Joshi has opined that tīrthamkara Sumatinatha, too, was known to the sculptors of Mathura during the period under review. 133
Main characteristics of the tīrthamkara images of Mathurā: The Kuşāņa period
Available material indicates that the tirthamkara images of this period were of medium size. But colossal figures of the jinas were also produced. 134 There is very little difference between the seated and standing jina figures of Mathura of the Kuṣaṇa period in respect of arrangement of hair, depiction of auspicious marks on the body, carving of the neck, nimbus, etc. 135 The heads of the jinas in these figures are either bald136 or characterised by small curls.137 Facial expression is conspicuous by its absence in the tīrthamkara figures of this period. 138 Smile is the only expression manifest in these figures and, this too, is rare. 139 The earliest depiction of the śrīvatsa mark on the chest of the tirthamkara figure occurs on Mathurā āyāga-pattas of the first century BC.140 The śrīvatsa symbol became an inalienable part of the bulk of jina figures at Mathura during the Kuṣaṇa period. 141 The caduceus-like
131. EI, X, Appendix, no. 18.
132. Ibid., no. 47.
133. MCH, p. 357. 134.
Ibid., p. 339.
135. Ibid.
136. MS, p. 23.
137. MM no. 1531; JUPHS, III, p. 15.
138. MS, p. 23.
139. Ibid.; R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures... op. cit., p. 144.
140.
JPV, p. 80 fn 1.
141. JUPHS, III, MM nos. B. 71, B. 70, B. 2, B. 3, etc.

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symbol (called the śrīvatsa mark)142 on the chest of the jina figure was an innovation of the sculptors of Mathurā. This practice became widespread. Mathurā took the lead; the rest of the country followed it.143 Sometimes the sculptors of Mathurā carved the sacred śrīvatsa symbol on the foreparts of the fingers of the jina figure also.144
The jina images of this period have open eyes;145 the eye-balls, too, can be noticed in some of the images of this period. 146 Another remarkable feature of the seated jina figure of Mathurā of this period is depiction of dharma-cakra on the palms and both dharma-cakra and tri-ratna on the soles.147 In the earliest seated jina figures of Mathurā cross-legging is very loose. 148 But the seated jina figures of the Kuşāņa period display padmāsana or tight crosslegging. 149 The seated jina figures of this period bear urna, i.e., the round mark between the eye-brows. 150
Generally speaking, the heads of the seated jina figures of this period are either bald or characterised by small curls. But hair arrangements, like notched hair and hair combed back, can also be noticed in some of the jina figures of this period.151 The seated figure of Pārsvanātha depicted on the Mathurā āyāga-patta assigned to the first century bc is characterised by the absence of nimbus 152 But nimbus became a characteristic feature of some seated jina figures of Mathurā during the Kuşāna period.153 The jina figures
142. MS, p. 23. 143. JPV, p. 80 fn 1. 144. MS, p. 23. 145. MCH, p. 339. 146. Ibid.; MS, p. 23. 147. JUPHS, III, MM nos. B. 3, B. 4, B. 5, B. 27, etc. 148. SML no. J.354, J.609; MCH, p. 335. 149. JUPHS, III, MM nos. 490, etc. 150. Ibid.; MM nos. 1940, etc. 151. MCH, p. 339. 152. SML no. J.253. 153. JUPHS, III, MM nos. B. 71, B. 70, B. 16, etc.
185

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of this period are often displayed seated on the lion throne. 154 This depiction is indicative of their cakravartin status. 155 Generally speaking, usnīṣa is conspicuous by its absence in the jina figures of this period.156
The Jaina iconography of Mathura of this period throws a hint that among the twenty-four jinas, four were held specially sacred by the Jaina community of this city. 157 This is evident from the discovery of quadruple images, ,158 called pratima-sarvatobhadrikā in the Jaina inscriptions, 159 and caumukha-pratima in later periods. 160 Twenty-eight figures of this type ranging in date from Saka year 5161, probably of the Kuṣaṇa king Kaniska, 162 to the year 74, have come to light at Mathura.163 These images present the figure of a tirthamkara on each of the four sides of a stone block. 164 Two of the four images in many sarvatobhadrika-pratimas of Mathura of this period can be easily identified as figures of Rṣabha and Parsva on the basis of locks of hair and serpent-hoods respectively. 165 Of the remaining two jinas, one has been recognised as Mahāvīra.166 The other may be Neminatha, who being the cousin of Kṛṣṇa and Balarama was greatly esteemed at Mathura.167
U.P. Shah opines that sarvatobhadrika-pratimas of Mathura were based
154. Ibid., MM nos. B. 17, B. 18, etc.
155. MS, p. 24.
156.
157. JAA, I, p. 66.
158.
Ibid.
JUPHS, III, MM no. B. 57, etc.
EI, X, Appendix no. 24; JAA, I, p. 66; SIJA, p. 11.
159.
160. JAA, I, p. 66; SIJA, p. 12.
161. MCH, p. 353.
162. JAA, I, p. 66.
163. MCH, p. 353. 164. JAA,I, p. 66.
165.
166.
167.
Ibid.; SIJA, p. 11; MCH, p. 354.
Ibid., p. 66.
Ibid.

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on the ancient Jaina tradition called samavasarana.168 In accordance with this tradition, high platforms were erected for the sermons of the jinas; the image of one of the jinas was installed in the centre of the platform, and the images of the same jina were installed on its remaining three sides in order to make him visible to the entire audience.169 He also opines that representation of four different jinas on four sides of the sarvatobhadrikā-pratimās of Mathura was an advancement on the original conception of a samavasarana or caumukha sculpture.170
The facts highlighted by N.P. Joshi's study of these quadruple images deserve notice in this connection. In three of these quadruple images, 171 the image of Rşabha, and in three of them, 172 the image of both Rsabha and Pārsva, are conspicuous by their absence.173 According to Joshi, these six images indicate that the sculptor intended to display either the same jina on four sides, or depict four different jinas other than Rsabha and Pārsva on four sides of these caumukha images.174
These quadruple images were probably installed in open space within the sacred precincts of the main stūpa. In a summary representation which occurs on a slab, possibly an āyāga-patta,175 four seated tīrthamkiaras - two each on either side of a stūpa – one of whom is Pārsvanātha – are represented in the upper register. This representation conveys the impression of four images which were either installed in front of the four cardinal directions of a stūpa or were set up within the stūpa-niches facing the cardinal directions. 176 We learn from one of the inscriptions that these
168. SIJA, p. 11; MCH, p. 353. 169. Ibid., p. 12. 170. Ibid. 171. JUPHS, III, MM nos. B. 70, B. 71; SML no. J.235; MCH, p. 354. 172. SML nos. J.241, J.242; MM no. 45.3214; MCH, p. 354. 173. MCH, p. 354. 174. Ibid. 175. SML no. J.623; JAA, I, pp. 57, 66. 176. JAA, I, p. 66.
187

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quadruple images were installed on a sila-stambbha, i.e., a pillar.177
Many images of the Kuṣāņa and post-Kuṣaṇa period represent Neminatha in the company of Kṛṣṇa and Balarama. One such image of the late Kuṣaṇa period shows Balarama with seven hoods and four hands; the upper right hand holds a hala (plough), the lower left hand being akimbo.178 VasudevaKrsna carries in the upper left hand a gadā (mace) and a cakra (wheel) in the upper right hand. 179 This image also contains representation of the leaves of vetasa tree, the kevala-tree of Neminatha.180
Evaluation of the tīrthamkara images of Mathura: The Kuṣāņa period
The tirthamkara images of Mathura belonging to the Kuṣaṇa period look cold and frozen.181 They are devoid of expression and grace.182 These images present a stark contrast to the sublime gentleness and serene grace of the figure of the Buddha, and to the divine grace and lavish charm of the images of the Hindu gods. 183 They are characterised by puppet-like rigidity, primitive nakedness 184 and uniformity of pattern. 185 These images are generally stiff in pose. 186 They have open eyes, 187 and sometimes even the eye-balls can be seen in these figures.188 These tirthamkara images have heavy shoulders and
177. SML no., J.234; MCH, p. 353. 178. JUPHS, III, MM no. 2502.
179. Ibid.
180. Ibid.
181. H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 15.
182. JAA, I, p. 67.
183.
H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 151.
184.
Ibid., p. 132.
185. JAA, I, p. 37; HOFA, Introduction, p. 11. 186. Ibid., p. 67; SIJA, p. 12; MCH, p. 339.
187. MS, p. 23; MCH, p. 339.
188. Ibid.; ibid.

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broad chest, and are characterised by archaic stolidity. 189 In short, the jina images of Mathurā of the first and second century AD possess little artistic merit.
But the jina iconography of this period should be judged in the light of the doctrines of Jainism. These images are vehicles of the traditions of Jainism, 190 which prescribed their depiction as ascetics. 191 Jainism is a votary of asceticism, and these figures look like figures of ascetics. It is because of the restraint embodied in the Jaina religious tradition that ‘a cold and frozen atmosphere hovers around the jina images'192 of Mathurā of this period. The nudity of these figures represents the condition of absolute detachment from the world.193
The sculptor of the Kuşāņa period was fairly adept in carving human figure. But he failed to express the true character of the jinas, who were renowned for their serenity, spiritual strength, firmness of will and disciplined life.194 Facial expressions in these creations are almost non-existent, 195 the only exception being smile which, too, is rare.196 The limbs of these figures, too, are mostly flat and disproportionate. 197 But considerable progress was made in the carving of the jina image by the end of the Kuşāņa period, and the sculptors of Mathurā did full justice to this figure in the Gupta period.
Other Jaina sculptures of Mathurā: The Kuşāņa period
There is an extremely limited depiction of incidents from the life of the jinas
189. JAA, I, p. 67. 190. JSAI, p. 231; EWA, VIII, p. 786; JAA, I, pp. 67-8. 191. JAA, I, pp. 67-8. 192. H. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 15. 193. Ibid., p. 15. 194. JAA, I, p. 68. 195. MS.p. 23. 196. Ibid. 197. JAA, I, p. 68.
189

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in the Jaina art of Mathurā during the period under review. One such depiction occurs on a lintel of the Sunga period; it has been interpreted as Mahāvīra's birth-celebration by V.S. Agrawala,198 and as the dance of apsarā Nilāñjanā before king Rsabha by U.P. Shah199 and N.P. Joshi.200 A depiction on a plaque discovered at Kankālī Tīlā201 shows the goat-headed male deity Naigmesa seated on a high seat and being adored by a cauri bearer and a lady with wings; in the corner is a woman who carries a child in one hand.202 Naigameşa is said to have played an important role in the transfer of Mahāvīra's embryo from the womb of Devānandā to that of Trisalā. According to Jyoti Prasad Jain, this representation is a reference to the transfer of the newly-born babes of Devaki in Kamsa's prison to the bosom of Alakā, wife of Sudrasta, a merchant of Bhadrilapura.203 But according to N.P. Joshi, this depiction is either a reference to the transfer of Mahāvīra's embryo, or to Satyabhäma's (wife of Krsna) worship of Naigmesa204 for the birth of a son.205 Production of the images of Naigmesa was quite popular in this period. Ten images of this Jaina male deity have come to light at Mathurā; but we find no representation of Naigmesa in the post-Kusana Jaina sculptural art of this city.206
Two female figures of this period deserve special attention. One of the Jaina dedicatory inscriptions of Mathurā of the period of Mahākṣatrapa Šodāsa mentions the installation of an image of Āryavatī by a lady named
198. SIJA, p. 11 fn 4. 199. Ibid., p. 11. 200. MCH, p. 335. 201. SML no. J.626; MCH, p. 354. 202. Ibid.; ibid. 203. JAA, I, p. 65 fn 2. 204. Naigameşa is closely associated with children. See MCH, p. 354; EI, II, p. 315. 205. MCH, p. 354. 206. Ibid.

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Amohinī.207 Aryavati has been described as the mother of a jina,208 probably of Mahāvīra.209 She enjoyed divine status, 210 because her right hand is raised in abhaya-mudrā.211 Attendants carrying flywhisks and an umbrella are also manifest in the image of Aryavati.212
One of the donative gifts of a Jaina devotee of the Kusāna period was an image of Sarasvatī,213 the goddess of learning in Hinduism and Jainism. Seated squat with knees drawn up above an oblong pedestal, this goddess, specifically named Sarasvatī, holds a book in her left hand which rests on the waist.214 The broken palm of the right hand, which was raised to the shoulder, most probably held a rosary.215
Depiction of the monks, the nuns, etc.: The Kuşāņa period
The pedestals of numerous seated and standing jina figures of Mathurā belonging to the Kusāna period have a bas-relief in front in between two lions at either end of the pedestal.216 The bas-relief depicts the dharma-cakra,217 devotees218 or worshippers,219 male and female, 220 children,221 male devotees
207. EI, X, Approndix, no. 59. 208. MCH, p. 356; SIJA, p. 11. 209. SIJA, p. 11; JAA, I, p. 67. 210. MCH, p. 356. 211. SML no. J.1; MCH, p. 356; JAA, I, p. 67. 212. Ibid.; MCH, p. 356. 213. EI, X, Appendix, no. 54.; SML no. J.24. 214. SML no. J.24; JAA, I, p. 67; MCH, p. 356. 215. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid. 216. JUPHS, III, MM nos. B. 75, 1388, etc. 217. Ibid., MM nos. 490, B. 4, etc. 218. Ibid., MM nos. B. 71, etc. 219. Ibid., MM nos. B. 29, etc. 220. JUPHS, III, MM nos. B. 4, etc. 221. MCH, p. 347.
191

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with their retinue and attendants,222 female donor or donors with their retinue,223 monks and nuns.224 Most of the monks depicted in the bas-reliefs are partially clad and appear to belong to the Ardhaphālaka sect.225 We find mention of numerous male and female donors in the Jaina dedicatory inscriptions discovered at Mathurā.226 Many of them contain the names of Jaina ladies, along with the names of their family members, and of the monks and the nuns at whose request or behest these female lay devotees had made donations in the form of images, āyāga-pattas, etc.227 It is highly probable that the aforesaid bas-relief on the pedestal of the seated jina figure depicts male and female donors, their family members, attendants or servants, monks, nuns, etc.
Female figures in the Jaina art of Mathurā: Pre-Kuşāna and Kuşāņa period
The Mathurā school of sculptural art, which mainly followed the art traditions of Sanchi and Bharhut,228 more nearly those of the latter,229 came into existence in the first century AD.230 It had its predecessor in the pre-Kuşāņa art of this city. Female figures carved on the railing pillars, which formed part of the Jaina stūpa or stūpas of Mathurā,231 rank among the finest creations of the celebrated Mathurā school of sclupture.232 In fact, they rank among the
222. MCH, p. 347. 223. Ibid. 224. Ibid. 225. Ibid. 226. EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2ff. 227. Ibid., pp. 2ff. 228. A.K. Coomaraswamy, History ..., op. cit., p. 37; S.K. Saraswati, A Survey of Indian
Sculpture, 1957, p. 62; V.S. Agrawala, Bharatiya Kalä, op. cit., p. 261. 229. A.K. Coomaraswamy, op. cit., p. 37. 230. R.C. Sharma, The Splendour ..., op. cit., pp. 36-7. 231. P.K. Agrawala, Mathurā Railing Pillars, 1966, pp. 3ff. 232. V.S. Agarwala, Mathura Kalā, op. cit., p. 41.

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most enchanting creations of the Indian art as a whole. 233 Some of these rail posts belong to the third century BC234 or to the period a little later than that,235 and the others to the Kusāna period.236 The female figures on the rails, anterior to the commencement of the Christian era, are representatives of the pre-Kuşāņa art of Mathurā, and those carved in the first and the second century AD are products of the Kuşāņa art of this city.
In ancient India art was the handmaid of religion. But it was also art for the sake of art. The female figures carved on the railing pillars of the Jaina stupa or stüpas of Mathurā furnish unmistakable evidence of the truth embodied in the latter statement. The sculptors of Mathurā loved to carve female figures, and they tried to make them as attractive, beautiful and feminine as was possible for them. These female figures carved in numerous bewitching postures and engaged in their favourite pastimes are pointers of the fact that in spite of its code of rigid discipline, which is manifest in the tīrthaṁkara figures, the Jaina community of Mathurā gave a free hand to the sculptors of this city as far as chiselling of female figures was concerned.237 These figures possess great artistic merit. They represent the sculptor's conception of female beauty. These well-proportioned figures also bear testimony to his professional skill.
The real charm of the Mathurā rail posts lies in the female figures carved on them. These figures have been conceived and executed in numerous poses and forms. The sculptors of Mathurā chose free vertical spaces on the face of the railing pillar for the display of their majestic art. These uprights depict women in numerous attractive and bewitching poses; but there is no hint of sensuous narration in these figures.238 It is a representation of joyous females
233. 234. 235. 236. 237. 238.
P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 2. Ibid., p. 5. Ibid., p. 3. JAA, I, p. 59. Ibid. P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., pp. 5-6; V.S. Agrawala, Studies ... op. cit., p. 155.
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– full of zest for life — who are busy in their favourite sports and pastimes. In fact, the female figures carved on these railing pillars should not be viewed only as documents of the plastic art of Mathurā; they are splendid specimens of plastic art, but they are also a mirror of the outlook, amusements, sports and pastimes of the women of that age.
In the terminology of art some of the women portrayed on these rails have been designated as sālabhañjikās,239 a term which originally denoted the motif – the woman plucking (and gathering) śāla flowers by standing under a blossoming śāla tree. 240 These railing pillars depict numerous shades of contemporary female life - a female standing under an asoka tree and gathering its flowers; a female playing with a ball; a female in dancing pose; a lady feeding a parrot; a female taking bath under a precipice; a woman drying her hair after bath; a female looking into a mirror; a woman arranging her hair by looking into a mirror; a lady playing on a harp; a female putting on her necklace; a woman unloosing her girdle, etc.241 These female figures present an admirable mixture of art and realism.
Some of the railing pillars with female figures, discovered at Kankāli Tīlā, appear to be a little earlier in period than the torana-śālabhañjikās of the stūpa at Sanchi, and are superior in modelling to the railing pillar female figures of the stūpa at Bharhut . 242
Jaina art of Mathurā: Miscellaneous figures of the Kuşāņa period
The gateway-pillars of the Kuşāņa period are extremely rich in carving. One of these pillars bears an inscription recording the gift of a torana by śrāvikā Balhastini.243 The two faces of these pillars are compartmented into a
239.P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 6; JAA, I, p. 60. 240. Ibid., p. 6. 241. JUPHS, III, pp. 53 ff; P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 9. 242. JAA, I, p. 60; V.S. Agrawala, Bhāratiya Kală, op.cit., p. 267. 243. SML no. J, 532; JAA, I, p. 61 and Plate 11. B.

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succession of panels which are separated from one another by a railingmotif.244 The depiction on these panels is mostly mundane and consists of scenes of love, palace-life, drinking couple, a man attending to the coiffure of a woman, a woman decorating herself, dancing couple, etc.245 The treatment of these scenes is admirable 246 It is evident from these figures that in their portrayal the sculptor was not bound by the religious traditions of Jainism.247
Evaluation of the Jaina art of Mathurā: Pre-Kuşāņa and Kuşāņa period
The history of the jina inconography of this period is chracterised by three stages of development. The figures of two jinas in seated meditative mudrā depicted on a lintel of the second century BC248 are the earliest known specimens of the tirthamkara figures carved at Mathurā.249 In the next stage of development, the tīrthařkara image made its appearance on the āyāgapattas, one of which 250 can be assigned to 50 BC.251 This was followed by the production of independent stone images of the jinas, including sarvatobhadrikā images, during the Kusāna period.
Owing to the absence of distinctive symbols only a few of these jina figures have been recognised. Scholars are not unanimous in respect of their identification. According to Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari, the figures of six jinas - Rşabha, Sambhava, Munisuvrata, Nemi, Pārsva and Mahāvīra - were carved at Mathurā during the Kusāna period. 252 The Jaina inscriptions
244. SML no. J, 532; JAA, I, p. 61 and Plate 11. B. 245. Ibid. 246. Ibid. 247. JAA, I, p. 61. 248. SML no. J.349 and no. J.609. 249. MCH, p. 335. 250. SML no. J.253. 251. MCH, p. 335. 252. JPV, p. 49.
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of Mathurā do not mention Munisuvrata.253 One of them makes mention of arhat Nandyāvarta 254 The symbol nandyāvarta is the cognizance of Aranātha.255 Nandyāvarta – the cognizance of Aranātha - was wrongly read as Munisuvrata by K.D. Bajpai.256
We have already stated that the Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā contain the names of seven arhats - Rsabha, Sambhava, śāntinātha, Nandyāvarta, Nemi, Pārśva and Mahāvīra. Therefore, Debala Mitra and N.P. Joshi hold that the names of at least seven tīrthamkaras were known to the sculptors of Mathura. According to Debala Mitra, the images of Rsabha, Sambhava, Sāntinātha, Aranātha, Neminātha, Pārsvanātha and Vardhamana Mahāvīra were carved at Mathurā during the Kusāna period.257 But according to Joshi, the jinas depicted in these images are Rsabha, Sambhava, Nemi, Sāntinātha, Sumatinātha, Pārsvanātha and Vardhamāna Mahāvīra.258
Mathurā played a significant role in the development of the iconography of the jinas during the period under review. This period witnessed the production of independent images of many jinas. Quadruple images called the sarvatobhadrikā or caumukha pratimās were also chiselled. The production of these images in this city began in the first century AD, and continued for many centuries.259 The introduction of the śrīvatsa symbol in the jina figure was an innovation of the sculptors of Mathurā.260 This symbol first occurred on the chest of Mathurā tīrthamkara figures in the first century BC,261 and became a characteristic feature of the bulk of jina figures during the Kuşāna
253. See EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2ff. 254. Ibid., no. 47. 255. JUPHS, III, p. 23; EI, II, no. XX. 256. JAA, I, p. 66 fn 1. 257. Ibid. 258. MCH, p. 357. 259. JPV, p. 48. 260. ISP, p. 1; JPV, p. 46. 261. JPV, p. 80 fn 1.

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period. 262 The sculptors of Mathura also initiated the practice of depicting the pratihäryas, the dharma-cakra and other symbols on tīrthamkara figures during the period under review. 263
The lanchanas of various jinas had not evolved by this time, but some distinctive features were introduced in the figures of Rṣabha, Neminatha and Pārsvanatha. The sculptors of Mathura depicted a single caitya-vrkṣa, i.e., the aśoka tree in all jina figures of this period.264 Male and female adorers, too, made appearance in some jina figures of this period.265 This period further witnessed the depiction of some subordinate male and female deities of the pantheon of Jainism.266 The sculptor of Mathura was bound by the religious traditions of Jainism in the production of the images of the tīrthamkaras. Probably, he also lacked the ability to give perfect shape to the figures of the jinas. Consequently, the jina images of the period under review lacked artistic merit. But the sculptor of Mathura was not shackled in respect of the production of figures other than those of the jinas. Therefore, the female figures produced by the master sculptors of Mathura in the Kuṣaṇa period became poetry in stone.
The Jaina art of Mathura: The Gupta period
Jainism did not lose its appeal in Mathura in the post-Kuṣāņa period. But it was not as popular in this city as it was in the Kuṣāna period. This is evident from the number of Jaina sculptures that have come to light at Mathură. Government Museum, Mathura and State Museum, Lucknow are the principal repository of Jaina antiquities discovered at Mathura; they possess only fifty-nine Jaina sculptures which can be definitely assigned to the
JUPHS, III, pp. 2-17.
Ibid.
MCH, p. 357.
262.
263.
264.
265. Ibid.
266. Ibid.
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Gupta period.267 Other museums in India and abroad, too, do not seem to possess Jaina sculptures of Mathura of the Gupta period in considerable numbers.268
The Jaina sculptures of the Gupta period discovered at Mathura consist of twenty-five tithamkara images in the seated meditative mudra, six tīrthamkara images in the standing meditative mudra, twenty-three detached heads of tīrthamkara figures, and some fragmentary pieces.269 It is, thus, evident that as in the Kuṣaṇa period so in the Gupta period the images of the jinas in the seated posture were more popular than those in the standing posture.
The Jina figures of Mathura: The Gupta period
The cognizances or lañchanas of the various tīrthamkaras did not evolve even in the Gupta period.270 Therefore, the figures of the jinas have been recognised on the basis of inscriptions, hair styles, attendants and serpentcanopy.271 It appears that images of only three jinas - Rṣabha,272 Nemi273 and Pārsva274 were carved at Mathura during the Gupta period. The figures of Rṣabha have been identified on the basis of locks of hair,275 and inscription incised on the figure. 276 The figure of Neminatha has been identified on the basis of his representation in the company of Krsna and Balarama,277 and
267. JAA, 1, p. 107.
268.
Ibid.
269. Ibid., p. 108.
270. Ibid., p. 116; R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures..., op.cit., pp. 145-6.
271. Ibid.
272.
273.
274.
275.
276. Ibid., B. 6, 268; Ibid. p. 22.
277.
SML no. J.121; JPV, p. 50.
MM nos. B. 6, B 7: JUPHS, III, p. 18; JPV, p. 50; JAA, I, p. 108.
SML nos. J.89, J.121; JAA, I, pp. 108, 109; JPV, p. 50.
SML no. J.100; JAA, I, p. 109; JPV, p. 50.
MM nos. B. 6, 268; JUPHS, III, pp. 18, 22.

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depiction of his attendant Balabhadra in one of the figures.278 The figure of Pārsvanātha has been identified on the basis of the seven-hooded serpentcanopy over the head.279 The four-fold jina figures lost popularity in the Gupta period. These images became rare.280 Only one four-fold jina image of the Gupta period has come to light at Mathurā.281 This image forms part of the collection of Government Museum, Mathurā.282 Another near-contemporary four-fold jina figure discovered at Mathurā belongs to the seventh-eighth century AD. 283
Characteristic features of the jina figures of Mathurā: The Gupta period
The jina figures of Mathurā belonging to the Gupta period do not depict the lāñchanas of the jinas. But some guidelines had been laid in respect of the carving of the jina figure. Varāhmihira tells:
The distinguishing features of a jina figure are its long hanging arms, the śrīvatsa symbol, the peaceful appearance of form, youthful body and nudity.284
Nudity is one of the characteristic features of the jina figures carved at Mathurā during the Gupta period.285 The seat depicted in the pre-Gupta jina figures of Mathurā was plain.286 The character of the seat of the Jina changed
278. SML no. J.89; JAA, I, p. 108. 279. JPV, p. 50. 280. JAA, I, p. 116. 281. JPV, p. 50. The quadruple jina image (MM no. B.68) assigned to the Gupta period by
Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari belongs to the Kuşāņa period. See JUPHS, III, p. 11. 282. MM no. B.68; JUPHS, III, p. 11. 283. MM no. B.75; JAA, I, p. 108; JUPHS, III, pp. 21-2. 284. JI, p. 27 fn 2. 285. R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures. .., op. cit., figures 3, 10, 11. 286. JAA, I, p. 111.
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in the Gupta period.287 In one of the Mathurā figures of this period jina Rsabhanātha is depicted seated cross-legged in meditation on a cushion which is placed on a throne supported by a pair of lions.288 The cushion or the asana of the jina often bears ornamental patterns.289 Another characteristic feature of the seated jina figures of Mathurā assignable to the Gupta period is the depiction of a profusely decorated back-rest.290 This novelty was introduced by the sculptors of Mathurā during the Gupta period. 291 The bulk of jina figures of this period shows short schematic curls,292 but notched hair293 and hair combed back294, can also be noticed in them.
The śrīvatsa symbol on the chest is another significant feature of the jina figures of this period.295 The sculptors of Mathurā devoted special attention to the ornamentation of the halo or the nimbus in the figure of the jina 296 It became customary to decorate the halo with motifs like lotus-petals, scrollwork, floral wreaths, scalloped border, leaf border, etc., in the Gupta period. 297 The urna mark is conspicuous by its absence in the bulk of jina figures of this period.298 The pedestal of the jina figures of the Kuşāņa period is characterised by the depiction of the dharma-cakra (the wheel). Illustration of the wheel can be noticed on the pedestals of the jina figures of the Gupta period also.299
287. JUPHS, III, pp. 18 ff. 288. MM no. B.7; JUPHS, III, p. 18. 289. Ibid., ibid.; JAA, I, p. 111. 290. SML no. J.118; JAA, I, p. 111. 291. JAA, I, p. 111. 292. MM nos. B.44, B.45, B.46; JUPHS, III, p. 20. 293. MM no. 2348; JUPHS, III, p. 24. 294. MM no. 12. 268; JAA, I, p. 109 and Plate 47B. 295. Ibid., nos. 1, 488,624, etc.; JUPHS, III, pp. 18, 23. 296. JUPHS, III, pp. 18 ff. 297. Ibid. 298. Ibid., MM no. B.44, p. 20; JAA, I, p. 109. 299. MM nos. B.31, B.15, etc.; JUPHS, III, p. 19.

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Besides depicting the śrīvatsa symbol on the chest,300 the sculptors of Mathurā carved the dharma-cakra on the palm and the sole in the figure of the jina.301
Evaluation of the jina figures of Mathurā: The Gupta period
The plastic art of Mathurā of the Gupta period was the logical outcome of the art of the Kusāņa period; 302 but it also marked an advance upon the latter. 303 The celebrated Mathurā school of sculptural art attained peerless excellence during the Gupta period. This art was truly Indian, both in concept and execution. It was a period of heightened intellectual consciousness;304 and it revolutionised the concept of beauty and expression in art. Restraint, serenity and spiritualism reigned supreme in the plastic art of the Gupta period, and this new concept of beauty changed the character of the figure
f the jina also. The jina figures of the Kusāna period were cold, stiff, disproportionate, heavy and voluminous. They lacked expression and grace.
But the figures of the jinas carved at Mathurā during the Gupta period were slim and youthful; they symbolised movement and flow of energy.305 The images of the jinas - great men who had attained immortal bliss – were differentiated from those of the worldly men.306 Small curly hair, elongated earlobes, long arms, etc., supposed to be symbols of great men (mahā-purusalaksanas), became hall-marks of the jina figures of Mathurā in the Gupta period. 307 The simple halo of the jina figure of the Kuşāņa period was replaced by a more elaborate and profusely ornamented halo in the Gupta period. The richness of the halo signified spread of knowledge from the body of the great
300. MM, nos. B.1, B.28, etc.; JUPHS, pp. 18, 19. 301. Ibid. ibid. 302. A.K. Coomaraswamy, History ..., op. cit., p. 72; S.K. Saraswati, op.cit., p. 131. 303. V.S. Agrawala, Studies ..., op. cit., p. 249. 304. S.K. Saraswati, op. cit., p. 121. 305. R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures ..., op. cit., p. 144. 306. Ibid. 307. Ibid.
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man, i.e., the jina.308 Like the Brāhmaṇical and the Buddhist figures, the tīrthařkaras figures of the Gupta period demonstrate triumph of spiritualism over materialism. It was the Mathurā sculptor of the Gupta period who protrayed the true character of the jinas in his creations. Spiritual beauty and calm contemplation pervade the jina figures of the Gupta period. These figures have been aptly described as spiritually luminous.309
One of the tīrthařkara figures of Mathurā belonging to the Gupta period is highly illustrative of the character of the jina figures of this period. This figure, which forms part of the collection of State Museum, Lucknow,310 is one the finest creations of the Mathurā school of art.311 It depicts a jina seated in meditation. The expression on the face of this figure is suggestive of supreme bliss; it is a state which can be attained only after passions have been burnt by the fire of knowledge. 312 It truly demonstrates the jina's conquest of the body, of the senses, and of the world-stuff. The master sculptor of Mathurā exquisitely conveyed this idea through this extraordinary jina figure of the Gupta period. This beautifully modelled figure was discovered from Kankāli Tilā, Mathurā.313
Other Jaina figures of Mathurā: The Gupta period
The era of āyāga-pattas had ended at Mathurā. It is evident from the fact that no āyāga-patta assignable to the Gupta period has come to light at Mathurā.314 The independent images of the Jaina deities like Sarasvati, Balabhadra and Dharanendra, too, were not carved at Mathurā during the period under
308. R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures..., op. cit., p. 144. 309. JAA, I, p. 68. 310. SML no. J.104; R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures ... op.cit., figure 7. 311. R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures ... op. cit., p. 152. 312. Ibid. 313. Ibid., p. 153. 314. JPV, p. 47.

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review.315 The images of the śāsana-devas and säsana-devīs were also not chiselled. 316
The Jaina art of Mathurā: Post-Gupta period
The lāñchanas of the twenty-four jinas evloved in about the eighth-ninth century AD, and this development gave a new shape to the jina figures in about the ninth-tenth century AD.317 Numerous images of the jinas were carved in the medieval period, including the four-fold image of Vardhamāna Mahāvīra already referred to. In repsect of inconography the post-Gupta jina figures of Mathurā are superior to the earlier icons carved in this city.318 But in the expression of ideas the Mathurā sculptor of the post-Gupta period could not match the excellence of the artist of the Gupta period.319 The postGupta jina images of Mathurā are definitely inferior to those produced in the Gupta period in respect of depiction of expression.320 The medieval jina figures of Mathurā are characterised by depiction of lāñchanas, and some of them show the attendant vaksas or śāsana-devas also.321 The pedestal of one of the tirthamkara figures of Mathurā of this period322 depicts the fish — the lāñchana of Aranātha, the eighteenth tīrthamkara.323 Usnīsa,324 decorated umbrellas 325 and flying vidyādharas326 can also be noticed in the figures of this period. These features were borrowed from the Brāhmanical and Buddhist
315. JAA, I, p. 108. 316. Ibid. 317. JPV, p. 250. 318. MS, pp. 45-6. 319. Ibid. 320. Ibid. 321. Ibid., p. 46. 322. MM no. 1388. 323. Ibid., JUPHS, III, p. 23. 324 MM no. B.19; ibid., p. 24. 325. JUPHS, III, pp. 24ff. 326. MM no. B.19; JUPHS, III, p. 24.
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sculptures.327 All jina figures of Mathurā assignable to the pre-Kuşāna, Kuşāna and Gupta period are nude.
But not all post-Gupta tīrthamkara images of Mathurā are naked.32% It is evident that the difference between the jina images of the Svetämbaras and the Digambaras on the basis of drapery and nudity manifested in the medieval period. The four-fold or caumukha images of the jinas were also carved during the period under review. The fragment of a four-fold jina image discovered at Gopālakherā depicts the figures of Adinātha and Supārsva.329 The Jaina iconography of the medieval period furnishes unmistakable evidence of the fact that the Jainas sincerely believed in the tradition of twenty-four tīthamkaras. A medieval period stele discovered from Gūjar Ghātī, Mathurā depicts the figure of a standing Jaina tīrthamkara; the twenty-three miniature figures carved on this stele represent the other jinas.330
The lāñchanas of the twenty-four jinas having been evolved, the Mathurā sculptor of the Gupta period left nothing to imagination regarding the identification of the images of the various tīthamkaras.331 The pedestal of the jina figure depicted the dharma-cakra between two lions during the medieval period also.332 The practice of depicting the śrīvatsa symbol on the chest and other sacred symbols on the palm and sole of the jina figure was customary.333 Two figures or images provide a fair glimpse of the medieval jina iconography of Mathura. One of them depicts tīrthamkara Adinātha.
327. MS, p. 46. 328. MMno. A.60. The images of the jinas belonging to the Svetāmbara sect are clothed during
the medieval period. See MM no. A.60; JUPHS, III, p. 24. 329. MM no. 559; JUPHS, III, p. 29. 330. Ibid., no. 536; ibid. 331. MM nos. B.21, B.22, B.76,559, etc.; ibid., pp. 24-5, 28-9. 332. MM no. B.65; ibid., p. 27. 333. Ibid., nos. B.25, B.79, B.80, etc.; ibid., pp. 26, 29. The jina figures of the Digambara sect
of this period are nude. See MM nos. B.80, G.46; JUPHS, III, p. 29.

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who is seated on a cushion in meditation.334 The jina's seat is supported by two lions couchant between two broken pillars.335 A piece of cloth with garlands hangs down from the seat and its border touches the wheel below.336 Below the wheel is depicted a bull — the cognizance of tīrthamkara Rsabha or Vrşabha.337 The lower portion of the sculpture is divided by four pilasters into three compartments; in the proper right and central compartment there are two, and in the compartment to the left, there are three standing figures of the jinas; immediately beneath the outer pilasters are two kneeling figures of human worshippers; on both sides of the projecting portion of the stone is a vertical row of five figures; of these four are jinas who are seated in meditation; the missing top portion of the slab probably contained eight more tirthamkara figurines, making the total twenty-four, which is the traditional number of the Jaina tīrthaṁkaras; the lowermost figures in both rows are a male and a female, who are probably a yaksa and a yaksī; the latter holds a flower in each hand; a Nagari inscription in one line runs along the raised rim over the lions; it reads:
om paṁdita śrī – ganavara-devāya.338 The second image depicts tīrthamkara Neminātha seated cross-legged in dhyāna-mudrā on a throne supported by two dwarf pillars and a pair of lions seated with one forepaw raised; from the throne an ornamental cloth hangs down between the two lions; under it is a wheel, and on the plain rim of the pedestal below it is a conch, which is the cognizance of Neminātha; to the right and left of the main figure there is an attendant standing with a flywhisk in one hand, and on both sides of the halo, a couple of flying celestials - probably a gandharva and an apsarā, of which the male figure carries a garland as an offering, and the female seems to shower flowers.339
334. MM no. B. 21; JUPHS, III, p. 24. 335. Ibid., no. B. 21; ibid., p. 25. 336. Ibid., ibid. 337. Ibid.: ibid. 338. Ibid., ibid. 339. MM no. B.77; JUPHS, III, p. 28.
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The figures of the jinas were the most significant products of the Jaina iconography of this period. But images of other Jaina deities were also carved. One of these figures depicts the Jaina male deity Kșetrapāla.340 A jugaliya figure shows Marudevī and her husband seated under a tree, possibly kalpaurksa.341 One of the characteristic features of Jaina religious life in the post-Gupta period, both in north and south India, was independent worship of Jaina yaksīs.342 Therefore, images of the yaksīs, too, were chiselled for worship at Mathurā during the post-Gupta period.
Two beautiful images of Jaina female deities called the yaksis or the śāsana-devīs belonging to the medieval period have come to light at Mathurā. One buff sand stone image of the tenth century AD represents Cakreśvarī, the yaksī of Rsabhanātha.343 She stands on a lotus seat which is supported by her mount Garuda.344 The head of the figure is gone; the broken head is sorrounded by an elaborated halo depicted in the shape of an expanded lotusflower,345 Originally, the image must have had ten arms, each of which held a cakra.346 A female attendant stands on each side of the figure; the attendant to the right side holds a fly-whisk (camara), and that to the left holds a wreath.347 On both sides of this figure there is a flying figure which carries a garland.348 According to V.S. Agrawala and R.C. Sharma, this image of Cakreśvarī appears to be the Jaina version of the Brāhmaṇical female figure with ten arms, i.e., Vaisnavī.349
Another buff sand stone image of the ninth-tenth century AD depicts
340. MS, p. 46 and figure 97. 341. MM no. 1111; JUPHS, III, p. 34; MS, p. 46. 342. MS, p. 46. 343. MM no. D.6; R.C. Sharma, The Splendour ... op.cit., pp. 158-9. 344. Ibid., ibid., pp. 158-9; JUPHS, III, p. 31. 345. JUPHS, III, p. 31. 346. Ibid. 347. Ibid. 348. Ibid. 349. Ibid., III, p. 31; R.C. Sharma, The Splendour..., op. cit., p. 158.

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Ambikā, the yakṣi of Neminatha, who is the Jaina counterpart of Parvati.350 Ambika has an ornamental halo; she is seated on a lotus cushion which is supported by a couchant lion; she holds a bunch of flowers in her right hand; her left hand clasps a male child who is seated on her thigh and plays with the lower part of her necklace.351 The image of Ambika shows many deities - Gaṇeśa, Kubera, Viṣṇu, etc., and also the cauri bearing attendants.352 The centre of top in this figure depicts a meditating jina, and the background shows beautifully chiselled flowers.353 The pedestal of the image illustrates eight female devotees in adoration.354
Lāñchanas and attendant yakṣas and yakṣis of the twenty-four tīrthamkaras
The lañchanas of the twenty-four jinas evolved in about the eighth-ninth century AD. These lañchanas are embodied in Jaina texts like Kahāvalī, Pravacanasaroddhāra,355 Pratiṣṭhāsāroddhāra or Pratisthāsārasamgraha,356 etc. The Svetambaras and the Digambaras are in agreement regarding the lanchanas of the jinas except those of four- - Suparśva, Śītala, Anant and Aranatha. 357 They also differ in respect of the attendant yakṣas and yakṣis of many jinas.358 There is also a marked difference between the Digambara Jaina iconography of north and south India.359 The lañchanas of the twentyfour jinas and statement of their attendant yakṣas and yakṣis as given below should be viewed in the light of this background.
350.
MM no. D.7; JUPHS, III, pp. 31-2; R.C. Sharma, op. cit., p. 159. 351. Ibid.; ibid., p. 31.
352. Ibid.; ibid., p. 32; R.C. Sharma, op. cit., p. 159.
353. Ibid.; R.C. Sharma, op. cit., p. 159.
354. Ibid.; ibid.
355. JPV, p. 250.
356. DJI, Introduction, p. 9.
357. JPV, p. 250.
358. JAA, I, pp. 14-16.
359.
DJI, Introduction, p. 9.
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1. RŞABHANATHA Rsabhanātha's complexion is golden.360 His lāñchana is bull or Vrsabha. 361 His attendant yaksa is Gomukha, 362 and the attendant yaksi is Carkreśvari363 or Apraticakrā.364
2. AJITANATHA
Ajitanātha's complexion is golden.365 His lāñchana is elephant.366 His yaksa is Mahāyaksa.367 According to the Digambara tradition, his yaksi is Rohini. 368 But according to the Svetāmbara tradition, Ajitanātha's yaksi is Ajitabalā 369 or Ajitā or Vijayā. 370
3. SAMBHAVANĀTHA Sambhavanātha's complexion is golden.371 His lāñchana is horse. 372 His yaksa is Trimukha.373 According to the Digambara tradition, his yaksi is Prajñapti.374 But according to the Svetāmbara tradition, the name of his yaksi is Duritāri. 375
360. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 14; OISJ, p. 66. 361. Ibid.; ibid.; JPV, Appendix I, p. 254. 362. DJI, p. 21; JPV, Appendix I, p. 254; JAA, I, p. 14. 363. Ibid.; ibid. ; ibid. 364. JPV, Appendix, I, p. 254. 365. ERE, VII, 466; JAA, I, p. 14. 366. JAA, I, p. 14; JPV, Appendix I, p. 254;DJI, p. 21. 367. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid. 368. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid. 369. Ibid.; JPV, p. 96; OISJ, pp. 66-7. 370. JPV, p. 96. 371. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 14; OISJ, pp. 66-7. 372. JAA, I, p. 14; JPV, p. 97. 373. Ibid., ibid., DJI, p. 21; OISJ, pp. 66-7. 374. Ibid., ibid.; ibid.; ibid. 375. Ibid., ibid.; OISJ, pp. 66-7.

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4. ABHINANDANANĂTHA Abhinandananātha's complexion is golden.376 His lāñchana is ape.377 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his yaksa is Yakseśvara.378 But according to the Svetāmbara tradition, the name of his yaksa is Nāyaka.379 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his yakşī is Vajraírókhalā.380 But according to the Svetāmbara tradition, the name of his yaksi is Kālikā381 or Kāli.382
5. SUMATINATHA
Sumatinātha's complexion is golden.383 His lāñchana is heron.384 The name of his yakṣa is Tumburu.385 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksi is Purusadattā386 or Naradattā.387 But according to the Svetāmbara tradition, the name of his yaksi is Mahākāl7388 or Sammohinī.389
376. JAA, I, p. 14; ERE, VII, p. 466; OISJ, pp. 66-7. 377. Ibid.; JPV, p. 98; ibid. 378. Ibid.; ibid.; DJI, p. 21; ibid. 379. Ibid., p. 14;OISJ, pp. 66-7. According to the Svetāmbara tradition, the name of his yaksa
has been given as īśvara also. See JPV, Appendix I, p. 254. 380. JAA, I, p. 14; JPV, p. 98, OISJ, pp. 66-7. 381. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid. 382. JPV, p. 98. 383. JAA, I, p. 14; OISJ, pp. 66-7; ERE, VII, p. 466. 384. Ibid.; ibid.; JPV, p. 99. 385. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.; DJI, p. 21. 386. Ibid., ibid., JPV, p. 99. 387. JPV, p. 99. 388. JAA, I, p. 14; OISJ, pp. 66-7; JPV, p. 99. 389.JPV, Appendix I, p. 254.
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6. PADMAPRABHANATHA
Padmaprabhanatha's complexion is red.390 His lañchana is lotus-flower.391 The name of his attendant yakṣa is Kusuma.392 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakṣi is Manovega 393 or Manogupta.394 But according to the Svetambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakṣi is Acyutā 395 or Śyāmā 396 or Mānasī.397
7. SUPĀRSVANATHA
The complexion of Suparśvanatha is golden.398 As per the Digmabara tradition, his lañchana is nandyāvarta.399 But according to the Svetambara tradition, his lanchana is svastika. 400 The Digambara tradition holds that the name of his attendant yakṣa is Varanandin. 401 But according to the Svetambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakṣa is Mātanga.02 In the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakṣi is Kālī403 or Kālikā.404 It is important
390. JAA, I, p. 15; OISJ, pp. 66-8; ERE, VII, p. 466.
391. Ibid.; ibid.; JPV, p. 100.
392. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
393. JAA, I, p. 15; OISJ, pp. 66-8; JPV, p. 100.
394. Ibid., ibid., pp. 66-8.
395. Ibid.; JPV, p. 100.
396. Ibid.; ibid.; OISJ, pp. 66-8.
397. JPV, p. 100 and Appendix I, p. 254.
398. JAA, I, p. 15; ERE, VII, p. 466.
399. Ibid.; JPV, Appendix I, p. 254.
400. Ibid.; ibid.
401. Ibid.
402 Ibid.; JPV, p. 101.
403. Ibid.; ibid.
404. JPV, p. 101.

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to point out that the Svetambara tradition suggests Kālikā405 or Kālī406 as the name of the yakṣi of Abhinandananatha, the fourth tirthamkara.407 According to the Śvetambara tradition, the name of Supārsva's attendant yakṣi is Śāntā,408
8. CANDRAPRABHANATHA
Candraprabha's complexion is white.409 The lañchana of Candraprabha is half moon.410 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakṣa is Vijaya or Śyama.411 But as per the Svetambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakṣa is Vijaya.412 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakṣi is Jvālāmālinī413 or Jvālinī. 414 But the Svetambara tradition records the name of his attendant yakṣi as Bhrkuṭī415 or Jvālā.416
9. SUVIDHINATHA OR PUSPADANTA
His complexion is white.417 His lañchana is alligator (makara).418 The name of his attendant yakṣa is Ajita419 or Jaya. 420 Accroding to the Digambara
405. JPV, p. 98 and Appendix I, p. 254.
406. Ibid., pp. 98, 254.
407. Ibid.
408. Ibid., p. 254; JAA, I, p. 15.
409. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15.
410. JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 103.
411. Ibid.; ibid., Appendix I, p. 254. 412. Ibid.; ibid.
413.
Ibid.
414. JPV, Appendix I, p. 254.
415. Ibid.; JAA, I, p. 15.
416. Ibid., p. 254.
417. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15.
418.
419.
420.
JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 254.
Ibid.; ibid.
JPV, p. 254.
): €
5)
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tradition, the name of his attendant yaksi is Mahākālī.421 But as per the Svetāmbara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksi is Sutārakā422 or Sutārā or Camdālikā.423
10. ŚĪTALANATHA
Šītalanātha's complexion is golden.424 According to the Digambara tradition, his lāñchana is svastika.425 But the Svetāmbara tradition holds that his lāñchana is the śrīvatsa symbol.426 The name of his attendant yaksa is Brahma427or Brahmā428 or Brahmeśvara.429 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendent yakṣī is Mānavī.430 But the Svetāmbara tradition records the name of his attendant yaksi as Asokā431 or Gomedhikā.132
11. ŚREYĀMŠANATHA
The complexion of this tīrthamkara is golden.433 The lāñchana of the eleventh tīrthamkara is rhinoceros. 434 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksa is Isvara.435 But the Svetāmbara tradition gives the
421. Ibid.; JAA, I, p. 15. 422. JAA, I, p. 15. 423. JPV, p. 104. 424. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 425. JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 254. 426. Ibid.; ibid. 427. JPV, p.105. 428. Ibid.; JAA, I p. 15. 429. JAA, I, p.15. 430. Ibid.; JPV, p. 254. 431. Ibid., ibid., p. 105. 432. JPV, p. 105. 433. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 434. JAA, 1, p. 15; JPV, p. 105. 435. Ibid., ibid.

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name of his attendant yaksa as Yakşet 436 or Yakşarāja.437 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksi is Gaurī.438 But the Svetāmbara tradition mentions the name of his attendant yakşi as Mānavī.439 It may be pointed out that the Digambara tradition records Mānavi as the name of Sītalanātha's attendant yaksī.440
12. VĀSUPŪJYA
The conplexion of Vasupujya is red^41 and his lāñchana is buffalo.442 The name of his attendant yaksa is Kumāra.443 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksi is Gāndhārī.444 But the Svetāmbara tradition views the name of his attendant yaksī as Candā445 or Candrā or Ajitā.446
13. VIMALANĀTHA The complexion of Vimalanātha is golden.447 His lāñchana is boar (varāha).448 The name of his attendant yakṣa is Şanamukha.449 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksī is Vairotī450 or Vairotyä.451 But the
436. JAA, I, p. 15. 437. JPV, p. 105. 438. Ibid.: JAA, I, p. 15. 439. Ibid.: ibid. 440. JAA, I, p. 15. 441. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 442. JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 106. 443. Ibid.; ibid. 444. Ibid. ; ibid. 445. JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 106. 446. JPV, p. 106. 447. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 448. JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 106. 449. Ibid., ibid. 450. Ibid., ibid., p. 254. 451. JPV, p. 106.
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Svetāmbara tradition mentions the name of his attendant yaksi as Viditā. 452
14. ANANTANATHA
Anantanātha's complexion is golden.453 According to the Svetāmbara tradition, his lāñchana is falcon,454 but the Digambara tradition suggests his cognizance as bear.455 The name of his attendant yaksa is Pātāla.456 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakşī is Anantamatī,457 but the Svetāmbara tradition mentions her name as Ankuśā458 or Varabhrtā.459
15. DHARMANĀTHA
The complexion of Dharmanātha is golden.460 His lāñchana is vajra.461 The name of his attendant yaksa is Kinnara.462 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksī is Mānasī,463 but the Svetāmbara tradition gives her name as Kandarpā. 464
16. SĀNTINĀTHA The complexion of Sāntinātha is golden.465 His lāñchana is deer. 466 According
452. Ibid., p. 254; JAA, I, p. 15. 453. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 454. JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 107. 455. Ibid.; ibid. 456. Ibid.; ibid. 457. Ibid., ibid. 458. Ibid.; ibid. 459. JPV, p. 107. 460. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 461. JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 107. 462. Ibid.; ibid. 463. Ibid.; ibid., p. 254. 464. Ibid.; ibid. 465. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 466. JAA, I, p. 15; JPV, p. 108.

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to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksa is Kimpuruşa,467 but the Svetāmbara tradition mentions his name as Garuda 468 or Vārāha.469 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his yaksī is Mahāmānasī,470 but the Svetāmbara tradition gives her name as Nirvānī471 or Dhārinī.472
17. KUNTHUNĀTHA The complexion of Kunthunātha is golden, 473 and his lāñchana is goat.474 The name of his attendant yakṣa is Gandharva. 475 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakşi is Vijayā476 or Jayā or Jayadevī.477 But the Svetāmbara tradition mentions her name as Balā478 or Acyutā or Gāndhārinī.479
18. ARANATHA
Aranātha's complexion has been mentioned as yellow or golden.480 According to the Digambara tradition, the lāñchana of Aranātha is tagara-flower481 or
467. JAA., p. 15. 468. Ibid.; JPV, p. 108. 469. JPV, p. 108. 470. Ibid., p. 254; JAA, I, p. 15. 471. Ibid., p. 108; ibid. 472. Ibid., p. 108. 473. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 474. JPV, p. 112; ibid. 475. Ibid.; ibid. 476. JAA, I, p. 15. 477. JPV, pp. 112, 254. 478. Ibid., JAA, I, p. 15. 479. Ibid., pp. 112, 254. 480. JAA, I, p. 15. 481. Ibid.
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fish.482 But the Svetāmbara tradition mentions his lāñchana as the nandyāvarta symbol.483 The Digambara tradition gives the name of his attendant yakşa as Kendra484 or Khendra,485 but according to the Svetāmbara tradition, his name is Yakşendra486 of Yakşeśa.487 The Digambara tradition furnishes the name of his attendant yakşi as Ajitā488 or Tarāvati or Vijayā.989 But the Svetāmbara tradition mentions her name as Dhanā490 or Dhārini or
Kālī.491
19. MALLINATHA OR MALLI
Malli's complexion is blue.492 His or her lāñchana is pitcher (kalasa).493 The name of this tīrthamkara's attendant yaksa is Kubera.494 The name of the attendant yaksi mentioned in the Digambara tradition is Aparājitā,495 but according to the Svetāmbara tradition, her name is Dharanapriyā.496 Her
482. JAA; JPV, p. 113. 483. Ibid.; ibid. 484. Ibid., p. 15. 485. JPV, p. 255. 486. Ibid.; JAA, I, p. 15. 487. Ibid., p. 113. 488. JAA, I, p. 15. 489. JPV, p. 113 490. JAA, I, p. 15. 491. JPV, pp. 113,255. 492. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 15. 493. JAA, I, p. 15;JPV, p. 114. We have already stated that according to the Digambaras Malli
was a male, but according to the Svetāmbaras, Malli was a female. In sculpture Malli has been depicted as a male. But one image of Malli (SML no. J.885) depicts this jina as a
female; this is probably the only image which depicts Malli as a female. See JPV, p. 114. 494. JPV, p. 114; JAA, I, p. 15. 495. Ibid., p. 255; Ibid. 496. Ibid., Ibid.

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name has been mentioned as Vairotyä also. 497
20. MUNISUVRATA
The complexion of this tirthamkara has been mentioned as black.498 His lāñchana is tortoise.499 The name of his attendant yaksa is Varuņa.500 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksi is Bahurūpinī501 or Bahurūpā, 502 but the Svetāmbara tradition gives her name as Naradattā503 and Varadattā.504
21. NAMINĀTHA
The complexion of Naminātha is golden.505 His lāñchana is blue lotus.506 The name of his attendant yaksa is Bhrkuti.507 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yaksi is Cāmundī508 or Cāmundā.509 But the Svetāmbara tradition gives her name as Gāndhārī510 or Mālinī.511
497. JPV, p. 255; JAA, I, p. 15. 498. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 16. 499. JPV, p. 255; ibid. 500. Ibid., ibid. 501. Ibid. ; ibid. 502. Ibid., p. 114. 503. Ibid., p. 255; JAA, I, p. 16. 504. Ibid., p. 255. 505. ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 16. 506. JPV, p. 255; JAA, I, p. 16. 507. Ibid., ibid. 508. JAA, I, p. 16. 509. JPV, p. 255. 510. Ibid.; JAA, I, p. 16. 511. Ibid., p. 117.
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22. NEMINĀTHA OR ARISTANEMI
Neminatha's complexion is black.512 His lañchana is conch-shell.513 According to the Digambara tradition, the name of his attendant yakṣa is Sarvahana,514 but the Svetambara tradition gives his name as Gomedha.515 The Digambara tradition mentions the name of his attendant yakṣī as Kuşmandinī,516 but according to the Svetambara tradition her name is Ambikā.517
23. PĀRSVANATHA
Pārsvanatha's complexion is blue.518 His lañchana is snake.519 The name of his attendant yakṣa has been given as Dharanendra520 or Parsva or Vamana.521 The name of his attendant yakṣi is Padmavati.522
24. VARDHAMANA MAHĀVĪRA
Mahāvīra's complexion is golden.523 His lañchana is lion.524 The name of his attendant yakṣa is Matanga. 525 The name of his attendant yakṣi is
512.
ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 16. 513. JPV, p. 255; JAA, I, p. 16.
514. JAA, I, p. 16.
515. Ibid.; JPV, p. 255.
516. Ibid.; ibid.
517. Ibid.; ibid. 518.
ERE, VII, p. 466; JAA, I, p. 16.
519. JPV, p. 255; JAA, I, p. 16.
520. The Digambara tradition gives the name of his yakṣa as Dharanendra. See JAA, I, p. 16 and also as Dharana; See JPV, p. 255.
521. The Svetambara tradition gives the name of his yakṣa as Pārsva or Vamana. See JPV, p. 255.
522. JPV, p. 255; JAA, I, p. 16.
523.
ERE, VII, p. 466; ibid.
524. JPV, p. 136; ibid. 525. Ibid.; ibid.

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Siddhāyikā526 or Padmā.527 It may be pointed out that Mātanga has been mentioned as the yaksa of Supārsvanātha also.528
The evolution of the lāñchanas of the twenty-four jinas added a new chapter to the history of Jaina iconography. The new image of the jina depicted his lāñchana, his attendant yakşa and yakṣī, asta-mangalas, dharma-cakra, nava-grhas, figures of elephant, etc.529 In short, the jina figure attained completion in the ninth-tenth century AD.530
The Jaina architecture at Mathurā
The Jaina architectural activity at Mathurā began with the construction of the stūpa at Kankālī Țīlā in the pre-Kuşāņa period. But, strangely enough, it did not extend beyond the Kuşāņa period. This is evident from the fact that archaeological excavations at Mathurā have not exposed any Jaina architectural antiquity which can be assigned to the post-Kuşāņa period. Excavations at Mathurā have brought to light a large number of Jaina inscriptions,531 and architectural pieces like pillars, lintels, door-jambs, capitals, umbrellas, railing posts, cross-bars, coping stones, component parts of gateways, bracket-figures, tympana and other small or big fragments, which formed parts of Jaina buildings constructed in this city in the pre-Kuşāņa and Kusāna period.532
The Jaina stūpa at Kankālī ļīlā was constructed many centuries before the commencement of the Christian era. Inscriptions reveal that between the second century AD and the third century AD many more Jaina religious buildings were constructed at Mathurā. A Jaina temple (pāsāda) was erected
526. JPV, p. 136; JAA, I, p. 16. 527. Ibid., p. 136. 528. JPV., p. 254; JAA, I, p. 15. 529. Ibid., p. 250. 530. Ibid. 531. EI, X, Appendix, pp. 2ff. 532. JS, Introduction; JAA, I, p. 52.
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at Mathurā as early as the middle of the second century BC. This is evident from the inscription which records the dedication of a pāsāda-torana by a śrāvaka named Uttaradāsaka.533 Two Jaina temples were built at Mathurā sometime in the first century AD. One of them was the donative gift of a Jaina lady named Dhāmaghoṣā.534 The second Jaina temple constructed at Mathurā in the first century AD was the donative gift of a courtesan named Vāsu, whose donation consisted of a devakula (shrine) of the arhat, an āyāga-sabhā (hall), a cistern (prapā) and a silā-patta (stone slab) in the nirgrantha arhatāyatana (sanctuary of the arhats).535 One more Jaina temple, called the temple of arhats, was built in the year 299 of an unknown era at Mathurā. This is evident from the inscription (dated 299 of an unknown era) incised on the pedestal of a broken image which records the installation of an image of Mahāvīra in the temple (āyatana) of arhats, and erection of a devakula (shrine).536 Lohuizen is inclined to assign the aforesaid inscription to the preKuşāņa period.537 But R.C. Sharma fixes it in the transitional period which falls between the end of the Kusāna period and the beginning of the Gupta period.538 It appears certain that vihāras, i.e., monasteries for the residence of Jaina monks, were also built at Mathurā.539 This is evident from the word vihāra which occurs on a fragmentary āyāga-patta discovered at Mathurā.549
Architecture of the Jaina shrines and monasteries at Mathurā
We have already stated that a large number of architectural pieces belonging to the Jaina religious buildings constructed at Mathurā have come to light.
533. EI, X, Appendix, no. 93. 534. Ibid., no. 99. 535. Ibid., no. 102. 536. Ibid., no. 78. 537. The Scythian Period., op. cit., p. 58. 538. R.C. Sharma, Jaina Sculptures, op. cit., p. 149. 539. JAA, I, p. 62. 540. Ibid., p. 52.

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But the fragments unearthed by archaeological excavations do not throw light on the architectural pattern of the Jaina buildings raised at Mathurā during the period under review. 541 The Jaina stūpa at Mathurā was built of baked bricks. Most probably the Jaina temples, halls and monasteries were also built of bricks, and stone was generally used in the construction of pillars, pilasters, door-frames, windows, pavements and drain-channels. 542 Some specimens of the drain-channels have been discovered; they show that the sides of the drains were decorated with aquatic creatures like fish, fish-tailed makara and auspicious symbols. 543 Some specimens of the windows have also come to light.544 One intact specimen shows square perforations at four corners of the connected crosses.545 The central square of the crosses is crisscrossed into rows of diamonds, and the arms are decorated with four-petalled flowers. 546 A fragmentary perforated window is made of groups of petals, each group having four. 547 Another fragment shows an eight-petalled lotus.548
From the available material it is not possible to portray the form of the Jaina sanctuaries of Mathurā. The form of the Jaina shrines of Mathurā, therefore, is a matter of conjecture. In the Buddhist reliefs of Mathurā, belonging to the Kuşāņa period, we find representation of apsidal and quadrilateral shrines. 549 One of these reliefs depicts a monastery within a compound-wall.550 The entrance is flanked by pylon-like projections.551 The
541. JAA, I, p. 62. 542. Ibid. 543. JS, Plate XLII; JAA, I, p. 62. 544. Ibid., Plate XLI; ibid., p. 62. 545. Ibid., ibid. 546. Ibid., ibid. 547. Ibid.; ibid. 548. JAA, I, p. 62. 549. J. Ph. Vogel, La Sculpture De Mathurā, 1930, Plate XXIIIa and XXIIIc; JAA, I, p. 62. 550. Ibid., Plate XXIIIa; ibid., p. 62 fn 1. 551. Ibid., ibid.

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lay-out of the cottages appears to be quadrangular.562 The roofs, possibly tiled, are triangular in shape with a gable at either end.553 The available material is a pointer that the Jaina stūpa or stūpas at Mathurā bore a striking resemblance with the Buddhist stūpas. We have no positive evidence of the form of the Jaina shrines of Mathurā. Probably, like the Buddhist shrines, the Jaina shrines of Mathurā were apsidal and quadrilateral.
A slightly less than half fragment of a typanum discovered at Mathurā, which forms part of the collection of the National Museum,554 is commonly believed to be a part of the torana of a Jaina stūpa.555 Debala Mitra is of opinion that the aforesaid tympanum, an object of great interest, probably formed part of a Jaina shrine. 556 This exquisite tympanum needs detailed description. Debala Mitra writes:
Both sides of this piece are exuberantly carved with care, the layout of the decoration being the same. Each face is divided into three semicircular (half existing) panels within four bands decorated with floral and creeper motifs. The triangular spandril at the corner of the front side is relieved with a group of devotees approaching a stūpa; in front of the stūpa are four platforms crowned by āyāga-pattas, while below the devotees is a covered wheeled carriage. A larger cortege of worshippers is seen above a similar carriage on the spandril of the reverse side; in front of this group are a pūrņa-ghata, a petal-shaped basket with garlands and three bowls covered by lids. The ends of the lunate panels of both the faces have fish-tailed makaras, the mouth of which is being opened by boyish figures in five cases. The rest of the available portion of the panels of two faces depicts men and women and flying vidyadharas proceeding towards the objects of
552. J. Ph. Vogel, La Sculpture De Mathurā, 1930, Plate XXIIIa; JAA, I, p. 62. 553. Ibid., ibid. 554. JAA, I, Plates 12 and 13. 555. Ibid., p. 62. 556. Ibid.

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worship which were depicted in the central portion (missing) of the panels. While some devotees are on foot, others are within carriages drawn by bullocks and horses, and still there are others on the back of composite animals with fish-tails and serpentine bodies. In the top panel of the obverse is represented a vimāna, possibly drawn by hamsas, an oblong structure with a semi-cylindrical roof having caitya-arches at two ends and railing at the base. 557
THE JAINA STŪPA ARCHITECTURE OF MATHURĀ The stūpa358 and its concomitant railing559 have been primarily associated with Buddhism.560 In fact, the origin of the stūpa goes back to the Rgvedic period. The Rgveda speaks of the golden stūpa of Agni, i.e., the huge pile of splendour from which the cosmos is produced. 561 In the pre-Buddhist tradition, the stūpa was looked upon as a monument associated with the life of a great man, i.e., the enlightened one.562 The Buddha or the enlightened one became an object of worship through the symbol of the stūpa. 563 According to tradition, the ashes of the Buddha were parcelled out into eight portions, each of which was deposited in a commemorative stūpa.564 The stūpa originated as a piled-up burial-tumulus and constituted the most characteristic monument of Buddhism.565 Symbolising the decease (parinirvāṇa) of the Buddha, the stūpa came to be looked upon as an object of Buddhist cult-worship by the time of Asoka, i.e., the third century BC.566
557. JAA, I, pp. 62-3. 558. IGI, II, p. 110; V.S. Agrawala, Studies ..., op. cit., p. 77. 559. Ibid., p. 110. 560. Ibid.; V.S. Agrawala, Studies ..., op. cit., p. 77. 561. V.S. Agrawala, Studies ..., op. cit., p. 77. 562. Ibid. 563. Ibid. 564. Ibid., pp. 77-8. 565. AII, p.77 566. Ibid., p. 78.

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But the construction of the stūpa over the ashes of the enlightened one was not exclusive to the Buddhists. The art and architecture of India was not sectarian; all religions - Brāhmanism, Jainism and Buddhism - used the art of the age and the country, and all three drew on common store-house of symbolic and conventional devices. 567 Jaina traditions also refer to the practice of erecting the stūpas over the ashes of the jinas.568 The Jainas, too, constructed the stūpas in honour of the jinas. According to Jinadāsa, a stūpa dedicated to jina Munisuvrata was built at Vaisālī.569 Marshall has associated the Sirkap stūpa near Taxila with Jainism.570 According to Havell, many Jaina stūpas existed during the Maurya period.571 Somadeva and Jinaprabha Sūri make mention of only one Jaina stūpa at Mathurā, i.e., the devanirmita stūpa. But the Digambara texts like the Brhat-Kathā-Kośa of Harisena speak about five Jaina stūpas at Mathurā, all built by gods during a controversy with the Buddhists.572 Jinaprabha Sūri leaves us in no doubt that a Jaina stūpa was built at a very early period and was repaired in the time of Pārsvanātha. In fact, the prejudice that all stūpas and railings must necessarily be Buddhists has probably prevented the recognition of Jaina structures as such, and up to the present day only two undoubted Jaina stūpas have been recorded. 573
For a proper appreciation of the architecture of the Jaina stūpa or stūpas constructed at Mathurā, it is necessary to provide a brief outline of four Buddhist stūpas, especially the central Indian stūpas, i.e., the stūpas built at Bharhut and Sanchi. The stūpa was a solid structural dome (anda) usually raised on one or more terraces and invariably surmounted by a railed pavilion (harmikā) from which rose the shaft of the crowning umbrella
567. IGI, II, p. 110. 568. SIJA, p. 9. 569. Ibid., fn 1. 570. Ibid., pp. 9-10. 571. E.B. Havell, The Ancient and Medieval Architecture of India, 1915, p. 46. 572. SIJA, p. 63. 573. IGI, II, p. 111.

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(chatra).574 The stūpa had one or more circumbulatory passages (pradaksiņā pathas) which were usually enclosed by railing (vedikā).575 The earlier stūpas were hemispherical in shape with a low base; but the latter ones assumed an increasingly cylindrical form with a well-developed drum.576 In the latter examples, which tended to be more ornate, the base terraces and the umbrellas were multiplied.577 The Buddhist brick-stūpas at Piparava in Uttar Pradesh and at Rajgir in Bihar, as has already been stated, were constructed in the fifth century BC. The Buddhist stūpa at Kushinagar in Uttar Pradesh has also been assigned to the same period.
But these brick-stūpas did not spring to life at once. It is obvious that the brick-stūpas developed from the earthen tumulus; kiln-baked brick slabs were later substituted for earth to ensure permanence to these structures. 578 A series of low-flattish stūpas built of mud or mud-bricks with baked brickrevetments standing at Lauriya may be roughly contemporary with the Piparava stūpa.579 The original stūpa at Sanchi built by Aśoka in the third century BC was a low brick structure.580 About a century later, the original brick-stūpa was enveloped in a stone casing and was enlarged to its present dimension to form an almost hemispherical dome truncated near the top.581 It was in the latter half of the first century BC that four lavishly carved gateways (toraṇas) were erected, one in each cardinal direction as a magnificent entrance to this imposing monument.582
It is crystal clear that these gateways were conceived in wood and
574. AII, p. 78. 575. Ibid., p. 79. 576. Ibid. 577. Ibid. 578. IGI, II, p. 102. 579. All, p. 79. 580. Ibid. 581. Ibid. 582. Ibid., p. 80.
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executed in stone.583 Each of them was alike in design and consisted of two square uprights surmounted by capitals which in their turn supported three architraves with a row of sculptured balusters in between.584 Each of them was carved on both faces with Jataka tales, scenes from the life of the Buddha, and other motifs, the entire composition being significantly crowned by the dharma-cakra symbol.585
The surviving remains of the Bharhut stūpa in central India mainly consist of portions of enclosing stone railing, dating from 125 bc, and the eastern gateway, erected fifty years later.586 They are of the same design as the Sanchi railing and gateways, and are richly carved with bas-reliefs.547 The architecture of the Jaina stūpa or stūpas constructed at Mathurā should be judged in the light of these developments.
We begin the discussion with the number of Jaina stūpas constructed at Mathurā. Archaeological excavations conducted at Kankāli Tilā unearthed some component parts of the stūpa. For an idea of the elevation and outer form of this stūpa we have to depend on representation of the stūpa on āyāgapattas, tympana, reliefs on architraves of the gateways, etc.588 According to Debala Mitra, the reliefs and dismembered stones of gateways and railings indicate that either more than one stūpa was built at Kankālī Tīlā or a single stūpa underwent restoration and embellishments at frequent intervals.389 V.S. Agrawala590 and P.K. Agrawala591 opine that two Jaina stūpas were built at Mathurā - one in the Sunga period and the other in the Kusāna period.
583. AII, p. 80; P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 2. 584. Ibid., p. 80. 585. Ibid. 586. Ibid., p. 81. 587. Ibid. 588. JAA, I, p. 54. 589. Ibid. 590. V.S. Agrawala, Bhäratīya Kalā, op. cit., p. 224. 591. P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 4.

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The earliest Jaina stūpa at Mathurā was the one called devanirmita by Jinaprabha Sūri, Somadeva, and in one of the Jaina inscriptions. The devanirmita stūpa, which probably enshrined the relics of Pārsvanātha and built in the eighth century BC, must have been a clay-stūpa. It must have been built of mud or mud-bricks, 592 because burnt bricks became a medium of construction only in the fifth century BC. This mud-stūpa was the forerunner of the earliest brick-stūpa built by the Jainas at Mathurā, and was called devanirmita, like the preceding clay-stūpa.
The Jaina brick-stūpas raised at Mathurā were indistinguishable from contemporary Buddhist stūpas.593 The components and representation of the stūpas found at Kankālī Tilā do not reveal any characteristic that is not found in contemporary Buddhist stūpas.594 But for their more slender shape, the stūpas at Mathurā possessed all features which were characteristic of the Buddhist stūpas built at Sanchi and Bharhut in central India.595 Structurally, the toranas of the Mathurā stūpas did not differ from those of Sanchi and Bharhut, the only difference being the decoration which was less elaborate in the former. 596 The stūpas at Mathurā had dimensional railings and gateways loaded with reliefs and figures of endless description; they, thus, assimilated a rich stock of ancient symbols characteristic of ornamented stūpas of Sanchi and Bharhut.597
The dome and drum of the Jaina stūpas built at Mathurā were austere and plain like stūpas 1, 2 and 3 at Sanchi.598 But as at Sanchi so at Mathurā, the urge for decoration found manifestation in the railings and gateways, which are adjuncts and not essential elements of the stūpa.599 It is, thus, clear
592. V.S. Agrawala, Mathurā Kala, 1964, p. 79. 593. IGI, II, p. 111. 594. JAA, I, Editorial, pp. 6-7. 595. J. Ph. Vogel, Buddhist Art in India, Ceylon and Java, 1936, p. 30. 596. ASIAR, 1906-7, p. 147. 597. V.S. Agrawala, Studies ..., op. cit., pp. 55-6. 598. JAA, I, p. 57. 599. Ibid.
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600
that the earliest Jaina brick-stūpa constructed at Mathura was a contemporary or near-contemporary of the Buddhist stūpas of Sanchi and Bharhut. The sculptors of Mathura followed the art traditions of Bharhut and Sanchi, more intimately those of the former.601 It is evident that in the construction of the stupa the architects of Mathura followed the architectural traditions of Bharhut and Sanchi.
The Buddhist stupa of Bharhut was built in the third century BC or the second century BC.602 The stupa of Sanchi was also originally built in the third century BC or the first century BC.603 We have already stated that the Jaina stūpas of Mathura bore a striking stylistic affinity with the stūpas of Bharhut and Sanchi. Therefore, it appears certain that the earliest Jaina brick-stupa of Mathura, too, was constructed in the third century BC or the second century BC.604 The dome was the principal element of the stupa. It was sorrounded by a pradakṣina-patha which was often fenced off by a railing. The railings of the stūpas of Bharhut and Sanchi have been assigned to the second century BC.605 The earliest stupa railing discovered at Kankali Tīlā goes back to the second century BC.606 It appears that the railing of the Jaina stupa of Mathura was also constructed in the second century BC. The gateways of the stūpas of Bharhut and Sanchi were built in the second and first century BC respectively.607 One of the earliest toraṇa-architraves discovered at Kankali Tīlā appears to be a construction of the first century BC.608 It appears that the toranas of the
600.
A.K. Coomaraswamy, History... op. cit., p. 37; S.K. Saraswati, op. cit., p. 62; V.S. Agrawala, Bharatiya Kală, p. 261.
601.
A.K. Coomaraswamy, op. cit., p. 37.
602.
A. Cunningham, The stupa of Bharhut, 1962, p. 14.
603.
John Marshall, A Guide to Sanchi, 1918, p. 31; AII, p. 79.
604. V.S. Agrawala, Bharatiya Kala, op. cit., pp. 278-80; P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., pp. 4-5. 605. AII, pp. 79-81.
606.
607.
JAA, I, p. 57.
AII, pp. 79-81.
608. JAA, I, p. 59; SML, no. J.535.

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Jaina stupa of Mathurā, 'which structurally did not differ from those of Sanchi and Bharhut',609 were constructed in the first century BC.
The representation of a stūpa occurs on many Jaina architectural and sculptural antiquities discovered at Mathurā. These antiquities form part of the collection of State Museum, Lucknow,610 Government Museum, Mathurā611 and National Museum.612 Chronologically, the earliest representation of a stūpa occurs on the obverse of the bottom architrave of the gateway of a stūpa.613 On stylistic consideration of the figures represented on the architrave, the latter cannot be regarded later than the first century BC.614 The stūpa depicted on the aforesaid architectural object is somewhat bell-shaped.615 The two terraces of the circular drum of this stūpa have three-barred railings around them.616 The hemispherical dome is crowned by a square three-barred railing; a conspicuous chatra rises from the centre of this railing: 617 A fourth railing enclosing the processional path is provided at the ground level.618 Probably, this stūpa did not have a stone gateway originally.619 It appears that this depiction represents the shape of the devanirmita stūpa built at Kankāli Tilā620 in the third century BC or the second century BC.
The silā-patta donated by courtesan Vāsu bears a relief which depicts a developed form of stūpa-architecture.621 The inscription on this silā-patta is
609. ASIAR, 1906-7, p. 147. 610. SML nos. J.535; J.255; J.623; J.250; J.283; JAA, I, pp. 54-7. 611. MM no. Q.2; JAA, I, Plate 1. 612. JAA, I, Plates 12 and 13. 613. SML no. J.535; JAA, I, Plate 2A. 614. JAA, I, p. 54. 615. Ibid., Plate 2 A; ibid., p. 54. 616. Ibid., ibid. 617. Ibid.; ibid., pp. 54-5. 618. Ibid.; ibid., p. 55. 619. Ibid.; ibid., p. 55. 620. Ibid., p. 55; V.S. Agrawala, Bhāratīya Kalä, op. cit., p. 226. 621. MM no. Q. 2; JAA, I, Plate 1.
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palaeographically assignable to early first century AD.622 Probably, this depiction demonstrates the shape or form of the Jaina stupa built at Mathurā in the pre or early Kuṣaṇa period. This sila-paṭṭa or ayaga-paṭṭa depicts a complete stūpa which is sorrounded by a railing and approached by means of a flight of steps and an ornamental gateway (torana).623 This stūpa presents a contrast to the earlier Jaina stupa, i.e., the stupa constructed in the Sunga period. It has a high cylindrical drum which gives it a tower-like appearance. 624 This stupa is built on a high platform which appears to be square.625 This stupa is flanked by two pillars of Persipolitan style, the one to the proper right carries or bears a wheel and the other a sitting lion.626
There are three worshipping figures on each side of the stupa.627 The two flying figures above the stupa possibly represent the munis who were supposed to possess the power of transporting themselves through air.628 They are naked and carry in the left hand a piece of cloth and a waterpot or almsbowl; their right hand is applied to the forehead in token of respectful salutation (namaskara).629 The second pair of figures may be identified with suparnas corresponding to the harpies of classical art.630 They have birds' tails and claws.631 The one to the proper right carries a bunch of flowers, and the other a garland.632 The two female figures leaning in a graceful attitude against the drum of the stupa represent yakṣis.633 On each side of the staircase
622. JAA, I, p. 55; V.S. Agrawala, Bharatiya Kala, op. cit., p. 226. 623. MM, no. Q.2; Vogel, Catalogue, Plate V; JUPHS, III, p. 35. JAA, I, Plate 1 and p. 55.
624.
625. Ibid.
626. Ibid., Plate I; Vogel, Catalogue, Plate V; JUPHS, III, p. 35. 627. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
628.
Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
629.
Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
630.
Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
631.
Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
632. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.
633. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid.

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is a niche containing a standing figure, the nature of which is difficult to ascertain.634 The figure to the proper right seems to be a male figure accompanied by a child, and that to the left appears to be a female figure. 635
The torana or gateway of this stūpa is of the usual type. This lavishly carved torana bears a striking affinity with the toranas of the stūpas of Sanchi and Bharhut.636 It consists of two oblong carved posts supporting three horizontal curvi-form architraves with ends simulating makaras. 637 Between the architraves are supporting blocks, and the two rolled ends of the bottom architrave are sustained by two lion-shaped brackets.638 Crowning the top architrave is a honeysuckle motif flanked on either side by a tri-ratna (or nandipada) symbol, as in the eastern gateway of the stūpa of Bharhut.639 Dismembered fragments unmistakably prove that the torana of this Jaina stupa was modelled on the lines of the stūpas of Sanchi and Bharhut.640
The terrace over the high platform of this stūpa served as a processional path.641 The terrace in this stūpa is enclosed by a three-barred railing, the latter is pierced by a torana.642 Access to this terrace is provided by a balustrated staircase of eight steps right in front of this torana or gateway.643 A distinctive feature of this stūpa is depiction of two high pillars, one each at the front corners, which are of the height of the stūpa above the platform.644 The relief on this silā-patta or āyāga-patta is a miniature replica of the stūpa.
634. 635. 636. 637. 638. 639. 640. 641. 642. 643. 644.
JAA, I, Plate I; Vogel, Catalogue, Plate V; JUPHS, III, p. 35. Ibid.; p. 55 and Plate 1. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid., pp. 55-6 and Plate 1. Ibid., and Plate 1. Ibid., p. 55 and Plate 1. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid., p. 56 and Plate 1.
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Probably, there were two more pillars at the remaining two corners of this stupa.
645
The railings of the Jaina stūpas of Mathura deserve special notice. These stūpas either perished of their own or 'were destroyed by ruthless agencies at some later date' 646 But the remaining pieces of the railing pillars show decorative skill of the highest class 'and a perfection of plastic art not attained at any time before or after' 647 The railing formed an enclosure round a monument built of stone, but on a pattern similar to that of a bamboorailing 648 The stone railing round the stupa appeared as a series of upright posts, each pair of them joined together by three cross-bars inserted in the mortices cut into the narrower sides of the pillars, and held in position on top by the copings and at bottom by the base-stones held by the similar morticeand-tenon devices.649
In the beginning the anda or the main hemispherical body of the stūpa was plain.650 This architectural plan left no scope for the sculptors to display their decorative skill. They, therefore, unfolded their craft in the decoration of the torana (gateway) and railing (vedikā) of the stūpa. The sculptors embellished the torana and the railing of the stupa with figure-sculptures of rare beauty. The railing which once sorrounded the stupa of Bharhut and the stūpa No. 2 at Sanchi bear testimony to it.651
The real charm of the rail posts of the Mathurā stūpas lies in depiction of female figures. These figures have been conceived and represented in
645. JAA, I, p. 56 and Plate 1.
646.
P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 4.
647. Ibid.
648.
649. Ibid.; ibid.
650.
Ibid., p. 2; V.S. Agrawala, Masterpieces..., op. cit., pp. 7-8.
The anda of the Sañcī stupa is a classical example. See JAA, I, p. 57; P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 2.
651. P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 3.

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numerous forms and poses. 652 They are the finest specimens of the contemporary plastic art of Mathura, and have elicited great praise from connoisseurs of art. 653 Cunningham held that these female figures represent dancing girls.654 Cunningham's judgement was wrong, and it was ably refuted by scholars like Vogel and V.A. Smith.655 Some of these figures are shown naked.656 But in other figures the apparent nudity is merely an artistic convention.657 Vogel described these female figures as figures of yakṣinīs, like the somewhat similar figures of the railing of the Bharhut stūpa. 658 In fact, the females depicted on these railing pillars are salabhañjikās. 659 In the terminology of art, the term salabhañjikā originally denoted the woman plucking (and gathering) sala flowers by standing under a sala tree'.660 A graphic description of such females, who are depicted on the Jaina and Buddhist railings at Mathura, is embodied in the Jaina text entitled Rayapaseniya-Sutta 661 This and other Jaina sutras clearly state that the term salabhañjikā was used for beautiful female figures carved on the pillars of a stupa-railing.662
652.
JUPHS, III, pp. 53-67.
653. JAA, I, pp. 60-1; P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., pp. 5-6; V.S. Agrawala, Mathura Kalā, op. cit., p. 41.
ASIAR, III, p. 26.
ASIAR (1906-7), pp. 145-6; HOFA, p. 140.
HOFA, p. 140.
654.
655.
656.
657. Ibid.
658. ASIAR (1906-7), pp. 145-6; HOFA, p. 140.
659.
HOFA, pp. 140-1; JAA, I, p. 60; P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 6; V.S. Agrawala, Mathura Kalā, op. cit., pp. 41-2.
P.K. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 6; V.S. Agrawala, Mathura Kală, pp. 41-2.
660.
661. Ibid.; ibid.
662.
Ibid., p. 11; ibid., pp. 41-2.
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7
Jainism in Mathurā
Eleventh Century AD to the Present Times
IN the opening years of the eleventh century AD Mathura was a beautiful, populous and prosperous city, full of majestic temples and buildings.1 According to contemporary Muslim historians like Al-beruni2 and Utbi,3 and later Muslim historians like Firishta, it was a Hindu city devoted to Vaiṣṇavism, particularly to the Kṛṣṇa cult. There is no mention of Buddhism in the accounts of the aforesaid Muslim historians. It appears certain that by this time Buddhism had become non-existent in this city. Contemporary Muslim historians do not make mention of Jainism also. But unlike Buddhism, Jainism was a living religion in Mathura even in the eleventh century AD.
A great misfortune enveloped Mathura in the first quarter of the eleventh century AD. Mahmud of Ghazni invaded it in AD 1018 and plundered, burnt and destroyed this city. The accounts left behind by Utbi5 and Firishta make it crystal clear that Mathura was almost completely annihilated. But the donative inscription dated AD 1023, and the colossal image of jina Padmaprabhanatha dated AD 1077, indicate that somehow the two Jaina temples at Kankālī Tīlā escaped destruction. The aforesaid vs. inscriptions
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Elliot and Dowson, II, pp. 44-5.
Alberuni's India, Sachau, vol. I, 1914, pp. 199, 400-6.
Elliot and Dowson, II, pp. 44-5.
John Briggs, op. cit., p. 58.
Elliot and Dowson, II, pp. 44-5.
John Briggs, op. cit., pp. 58-9.
JS, Introduction, pp. 3-4.
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are evidence of the fact that these temples were centres of Jaina worship even in the eleventh century AD, one of them even about sixty years after Mahmud's destruction of Mathurā.
Mathurā was in a state of ruin for many centuries after Mahmud's invasion. This is evident from the fact that the next mention of this place in contemporary Muslim histories occurs as late as the latter half of the fifteenth century AD. Mathurā could not recover from this annihilation for many centuries. It made some recovery, but misfortune once again struck sometime between AD 1489 and AD 1517 and Mathurā suffered heavy destruction at the hands of Sikandar Lodi. It is because of these unfortunate developments that we are in dark about the state of this city in the period between the eleventh century AD and the fifteenth century AD.
The two Jaina temples which escaped destruction in AD 1018 either perished of their own after AD 1077 or 'were destroyed at some unknown date. Some Jaina texts inform that Jaina religious life flourished at Mathurā even in the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth century AD," and VividhaTīrtha-Kalpa seems to convey the impression that the Jaina stūpa was in existence even in the first half of the fourteenth century AD. 12 There is no confirmation of this in contemporary Muslim histories and other texts. In fact, between AD 1018 and the latter half of the sixteenth century AD, the only mention of Mathurā in contemporary Muslim accounts is Sikandar Lodi's destruction of Hindu temples and idols in this city.
F.S. Growse comments,
During the period of Muhammadan supremacy, the history of Mathurā is almost a total blank. The natural dislike of the ruling
8. JS, Introduction, pp. 3-4. 9. Elliot and Dowson, IV, p. 447. 10. JS, Introduction, p. 4; Yaśastilaka, p. 433. 11. R.C. Sharma, Braj Ka Präcin Tirtha Kankäli Sthala; paper presented at the National
Seminar held at Ajmer on 15 and 16 October, 1999, pp. 5-6. 12. MCH, pp. 210-11.

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power to be brought into close personal connection with such a centre of superstition divested the town of all political importance; while the Hindu pilgrims, who still continued to frequent its impoverished shrines, were not invited to present, as the priests were not anxious to receive, any lavish donation which would only excite the jealousy of the rival faith. Thus, while there are abundant remains of the earlier Buddhist period, there is not a single building, nor fragment of a building, which can be assigned to any year in the long interval between the invasion of Mahmud in AD 1017 and the reign of Akbar in the latter half of the sixteenth century.13
In view of these circumstances it appears highly improbable that the Jaina stūpa of Mathură continued to exist up to the first half of the fourteenth century AD.
It is said that an eminent Jaina named Sahu Todar built 514 new stūpas at Mathurā with the permission of Akbar during his reign, and a great celebration was held in this city in AD 1573 to commemorate it.14 We find no mention of these Jaina stūpas in the Ain-i-Akbari of Abul Fazl, the court historian of Akbar, who makes only a passing reference to Mathurā in his celebrated work.15 He described Mathurā as a city which had some fine Hindu temples. 16 In fact, Mathurā was in a state of ruin.
Father Monserrate, a member of a Christian mission, travelled to Fatehpur Sikri from Goa on the invitation of Akbar.!? This mission reached on 19 February, 1580 and stayed as Akbar's guest up to April, 1582.18 In the course of his journey, Monserrate passed through Mathurā and found it in
13. MDM, pp. 33-4. 14. J.P. Jain, Pramukh Aitihasik Jaina Purusa Aur Mahilāyen, 1975, p. 285; Poddār
Abhinandan, p. 826. 15. Ain-i-Akbarī, II, p. 192. 16. Ibid., p. 192. 17. A.L. Srivastava, op. cit., p. 467. 18. Ibid., p. 467.
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a state of ruin. Monserrate wrote,
It used to be a great and well-populated city, with splendid buildings and a great circuit of walls. The ruins plainly indicate how imposing its buildings were. For out of forgotten ruins are dug out ancient statues of skilful and cunning workmanship. Only one Hindu temple is left out of many, for the Musalmans have destroyed all except the pyramids.19
Akbar was a liberal and tolerant king, and his reign witnessed the revival of Hindu building activity at Mathurā and Vrandaban. Construction of Hindu religious buildings continued during the reign of Akbar's son Jehangir. Mathurā became the headquarters of a district during the intolerant reign of Aurangzeb (AD 1658-1707).20 But it again suffered destruction at the hands of Ahmad Shah Abdali in AD 1757.21 On the whole, the period from AD 1018 when Mathurā suffered destruction at the hands of Mahmud of Ghazni, to AD 1757 when this city was destroyed by Ahmad Shah Abdali, was an unfortunate time in the history of the place and after the eleventh century AD, Jainism appears to have gained some importance in Mathurā only in the nineteenth century AD.
In the nineteenth century, Jainism gained some prominence in Mathurā because of its profession by Seth Raghunath Das, son of famous Mathurā banker Seth Lakhmi Chand,23 and grandson of famous Mathurā banker Mani Ram 24 But the Jaina population in Mathurā did not count much in the
19. The commentary of Father Monserrate, S.J. on his journey to the court of Akbar, tr.
J.S. Holyland, 1922, p. 93; A.L. Srivastava, Akbar the Great, vol. III, 1973, p. 11. 20. R.S. Whiteway, Report on the settlement of the Muttră District, 1879, p. 11;DGM, 1911,
p. 137. 21. Tara Chand History of the Freedom Movement in India, vol. I, 1961, p. 58; K.R.Qanungo,
History of the Jats, vol I, 1950, p. 103. 22. DGM, 1911, p. 82. 23. MDM, p. 14. 24. Ibid.

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nineteenth century. The Jainas usually known as Saraugīs, and almost exclusively belonging to the bania community,25 numbered only 1593 in the Mathura district in 1882.26 The Jainas were not a large community in the Mathură district in 1911,27 and according to the census of 1951, they numbered only 2055 in the district. 28 Mani Ram, Lakhmi Chand and Raghunath Das were devout Jainas.29 Raja Lakshman Das, a cousin of Raghunath Das, was one of the principal leaders of the Jaina community.30 He founded the Bharatavarṣiya Digambara Jaina Mahasabha in AD 1884, and organised some sessions of this body at Mathura.31
Jainism made considerable progress in Mathura in the twentieth century. Up to 1911, there were only three Jaina temples in the city of Mathura; one at Chaurasi, and one each in Ghia Mandi and Caubes' Quarter, both dedicated to jina Padmaprabha.32 At present there are ten Jaina temples and dharmaśālās in Mathura and its immediate neighbourhood. These are - (1) Śrī 1008 Candraprabhu Bhagvan Digambara Jaina Mandir, Jaina Gali, Mathura; (2) Śrī 1008 Padmaprabhu Bhagvana Digambara Jaina Mandir, Manik Chowk, Mathurā; (3) Śrī 1008 Candraprabhu Digambara Jaina Mandir, Jaisimhapura, Mathura; (4) Samkheśvara Parsvanatha Svetambara Jaina Mandir, Jaina Gali, Mathura; (5) Śrī 1008 Adinatha Bhagvan Digambara Jaina Mandir, Vrandaban; (6) Sethani Ji Ka Chaityalaya, opposite Śrī Dvārakādhīśa Mandir, Mathura; (7) Śrī 1008 Ādinātha Digambara Jaina Chaityalaya, Chaurasi, Mathura; (8) Digambara Jaina Dharmaśālā, Jaina Gali, Mathura; (9) Śvetambara Jaina Dharmaśālā,
25. MDM, p. 12; DGM, 1911, p. 82.
26.
Ibid., p. 12.
27. DGM, 1911, p. 82.
28.
Ibid., 1968, pp. 83-4.
29.
J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 354.
30.
Ibid., pp. 354-5.
31.
Ibid., p. 355.
32.
MDM, pp. 12-13; DGM, 1911, pp. 82-3.
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240
35:
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Jaina Gali, Mathura; (10) Śrī 1008 Jambūsvāmī Digambara Jaina Siddhakṣetra temple, Chaurasi, Mathura.33
The principal Jaina temple in Mathura stands in the Keshopur locality.34 The site is called Chaurasi,35 and the temple is also popularly called Chaurasi.36 The site where this Jaina temple stands is called Śrī 1008 Jambūsvāmi Digambara Jaina Siddhakṣetra, Chaurasi by the Jainas.37 F.S. Growse felt that this site is called Chaurasi for some unexplained reasons.38 But the Jainas hold that it was at this site that Jambūsvāmī attained nirvana at the age of eighty-four years and it was probably due to this happening that this site came to be known as Chaurasi.39
The Jaina temple at Chaurasi, Mathura was built by Mani Ram,40 sometimes in the nineteenth century."1 Mani Ram enshrined in it an image of tirthamkara Candraprabha.42 Sometime about the middle of the nineteenth century, 43 Mani Ram's grandson Seth Raghunath Das, brought a large marble statue of tīrthamkara Ajitanatha from Gwalior.45 It is the aforesaid image of Ajitanatha which occupies the pride of place in the Jaina temple at Chaurasi, Mathura.46 It is said that Jambusvāmī practised penance at this
33. Introductory Booklet, pp. 1-6.
34. MDM, p. 12; DGM, 1911, p. 82.
35. Ibid., p. 13; ibid., p. 83; Introductory Booklet, p. 1.
36. Ibid., p. 13; ibid., p. 83.
37. Introductory Booklet, p. 1.
38. MDM, p. 13.
39. Introductory Booklet, p. 1.
40. MDM, p. 13; DGM, 1911, p. 83; Introductory Booklet, pp. 1-2.
41. Ibid., pp. 12-13; ibid., pp. 82-3.
42.
Ibid., p. 13; ibid., p. 82.
43. DGM, 1911, p. 82
44. MDM, p. 14.
45.
Ibid., p. 13; DGM, 1911, p. 82; Introductory Booklet, pp. 2-3. 46. Ibid.; ibid.; ibid., p. 3.

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site,47 and that his name is recorded in an old and almost effaced inscription on a slab that is still preserved under the altar.48
F.S. Growse, the collector of Mathura district, was not impressed by the architecture of the Jaina temple at Chaurasi, Mathura. Writing about 125 years ago, he described it as 'as bare and unimpressive place of worship as any Methodist meeting-house'.49 F.S. Growse wrote about the Jaina temple at Chaurasi, Mathura thus:
After ascending a flight of steps and entering the gate, the visitor finds himself in a square paved and cloistered courtyard with the temple opposite to him. It is a very plain solid building, arranged in three aisles, with the altar under a small dome in the centre aisle, one bay short of the end, so as to allow of a processional at the back. There are no windows, and the interior is lighted only by the three small doors in the front, one in each aisle, which is a traditional feature in Jaini architecture. What with the want of light, the lowness of the vault, and the extreme heaviness of the piers, the general effect is more that of a crypt than of a building so well raised above the ground as this really is.50
The site has undergone a sea change. The Jaina temple at Chaurasi now stands in the midst of a vast and beautiful complex characterised by a large garden, dharmaśālās, a canteen, a store, an office, etc.51 The dharmaśālās in this complex have about forty rooms, most of which have due amenities. The dharmasala of the temple is sorrounded by a large and beautiful garden measuring about 6.5 acres. This garden is full of trees and flowers of many varieties. Three tube-wells meet the irrigational requirements of this garden.
47. MDM, p. 12; DGM, 1911, p. 82; Introductory Booklet, p. 1.
48.
Ibid.; ibid., p. 82.
Ibid., p. 13.
49.
50. Ibid., p. 12.
51.
Introductory Booklet, pp. 1-6.
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A boundary wall has been constructed to provide security to the temple, the dharmaśālās and the garden.
A beautiful stone mānastambha was constructed in AD 1929 in front of the main entrance gate of the temple. The managing committee of the Jambūsvāmi Digambara Jaina Siddhaksetra Chaurasi, Mathurā, has chalked out many plans for the development of this temple and site, and these include the construction of a parikramā márga (processional path) around this temple. A bird sanctuary has also been built near the main entrance gate of the temple complex; food and drinking water requirements of the birds are properly taken care of in this sanctuary.
The exterior of this temple is still plain. But as a result of marble flooring, construction work of a varied nature, and other renovations which are in progress, the interior of the Jaina temple at Chaurasi, Mathurā, presents a fairly impressive appearance now. The large marble image of tīrthamkara Ajitanātha is a seated figure of the conventional type.32 The expression of smile in this image is particularly worth attention. Many vedīs embellish the interior of this temple. One of them bears the white marble image of Bahubali in the kāyotsarga posture. Another vedi contains the white marble image of jina Pārsvanātha in the seated meditative posture. A characteristic feature of this vedi is the installation of white marble statues of saptarsis in the kāyotsarga posture in front of the image of Pārsvanātha. Another vedi contains the image of jina Candraprabha; fifty-two stone and metal images installed on this vedi include the images of jina Šāntinātha and Jambūsvāmi.
A vedi contains an ancient stone image of Pārsvanātha; this image is flanked by two images of this jina, one on each side. Another vedi contains the images of many jinas – two white marble images of Pārsvanātha; two images of Neminātha, one built of white marble and the other of red sandstone; a white marble image of Rsabha; a white marble image of Ajitanātha, and a red sand stone image of Padmaprabha. One vedi contains the images of the jinas Mahāvīra, Pārsvanātha and Rsabhanātha; the white
52. MDM, p. 13.

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marble image of Mahāvīra is the principal idol on this vedi; one image of Pārsvanātha is built of brass and the other of black stone; the solitary image of Rsabha is built of brass. Another vedi contains a white marble image of Jambūsvāmī in the kāyotsarga posture. The images of some Jaina male and female deities – Ksetrapāla, Sarasvatī and Padmăvatī, too, have been installed in the complex of this temple.
An annual fair was instituted in AD 1870 at the Chaurasi site by a Bharatpur Jaina named Nain Sikh.53 This tradition continues. Originally, the annual Jaina fair at Chaurasi, Mathurā was held for a week in October-Novemeber.54 Presently, it is held on 26 January every year. A Rathyatra Mahotsava on the occasion of the annual fair, and religious and cultural programmes are the characteristic features of this fair, which attracts Jaina pilgrims from many parts of the country.55 A varied Jaina establishment, including an educational institution, has grown around the Jaina temple at Chaurasi, Mathurā. This temple is the principal centre of Jaina religous and cultural life at Mathurā. Srī 1008 Jambūsvāmi Digambara Jaina Siddhakşetra Chaurasi, Mathurā is held in great esteem by the Jainas and Chaurasi, attracts Jaina pilgrims from many parts of the country.
The Jainas in Mathură are divided into the Svetāmbara and the Digambara sect. But, despite their differences, the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras are one regarding the doctrines and discipline of Jainism, at least in respect of fundamental and significant points. Therefore, one can speak of Jainism as a whole. Most of them are educated and economically well-off, and enjoy a respectable position in the city. The Jainas are not a large community in Mathurā. But their religious zeal and fervour have made Jainism a living and vibrant religion in this city.
53. MDM, p. 13; DGM, 1911, p. 83. 54. MDM, p. 13; DGM, 1911, p. 83. According to Dr. Jyoti Prasad Jain, the 8-day Kārtiki
fair at Chaurasi, Mathurā and the Rathotsava were instituted by Seth Raghunath Das.
See J.P. Jain, Pramukha ..., op.cit., p. 354. 55. Information provided by Dr. Jai Prakash Jain; Souvenir of the Annual Fair and Rath
yatra, Jaina Siddhaksetra, Chaurasi, Mathurā.
243

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D60
DOEP
PILI: Akota (Gujarat): Seated Rsabhanatha (copper alloy), tenth century AD,
Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery

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Core
Pl. II: Sravanabelagola (Karnataka): Gomaṭeśvara Statue, fifteenth century AD

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Pl. III : Chittor (Rajasthan): Jaina Kārti Stambha (Pillar of Victory), fifteenth century AD
RE
Pl. IV : Śravanabelagola (Karnataka): Jaina Mānstambha, twelfth century AD

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Pl. V: Hampi (Karnataka): General view of Jaina temples on the Hemakūta Hill,
fourteenth-fifteenth century AD
Pl. VI : Khajuraho (Madhya Pradesh): A view of Adinātha Temple,
tenth-eleventh century AD
an
TIemet
1982

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Pl. VII : Kumharia (Gujarat): A view of Neminātha Temple,
eleventh-twelfth century AD

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Pl. VIII: Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of Adinātha Temple
(Vimala-Vasahi Temple), eleventh century AD

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Pl. IX: Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of the ceiling of Adinatha Temple (Vimala-Vasahi Temple), eleventh century AD

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Pl. XI: Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of Lūņa-Vasahi Temple,
thirteenth century AD

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Pl. XII: Mount Abu (Rajasthan): A view of Luna-Vasahi Temple, thirteenth century AD

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Pl. XIII: Mathura (Uttar Pradesh): Seated tirthankara, Pl. XIV: Mathură (Uttar Pradesh): Seated tirthankara, Kuṣāņa Period, State Museum, Lucknow Gupta Period, State Museum, Lucknow

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1
Pl. XV: Mathura (Uttar Pradesh): Seated tirthankara, tenth century AD, State Museum, Lucknow

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303
00900
JAIN TABLET OF HOMAGE WITH A PROMINENT SWASTIKA
AND A TIRTHANKARA FIGURL IN THE CENTRE SHOWING WORSHIP OF STUNDASTRELANDIA S AMRAL TILA MATHUHA RUSHANA PERIOD जन मानागार मय भी महिला पर केंद्र मतम माप किनारमा
TUTTE कंकानी टोला आयापाप-कान।
تمتع
الاول
Pl. XVI : Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Ayāga-patta with svastika motif, seated tirthamkara figure and pair of fish, Kuşāna Period,
State Museum, Lucknow

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Pl. XVII: Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Architrave of the gateway of a
stūpa (Reverse), first century BC, State Museum, Lucknow
Pl. XVIII : Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Yaksī Ambikā, ninth century AD,
Government Museum, Mathurā
JOUW

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22
ore X
T
Pl. XIX : Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Goddess Sarasvati,
Kuşāna Period, State Museum, Lucknow

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6
XALACA
SIETEE ESTE
Pl. XX : Mathurā (U.P.): Āyāga-patta donated by Vāsu depicting the Jaina stūpa,
Kuşāņa Period, Government Museum, Mathurā
Pl. XXI: Mathurā (Uttar Pradesh): Tympanum showing worship of a Jaina stūpa, a tīrthaskara and a goddess by male and female devotees,
Kuşāņa Period, State Museum, Lucknow

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Page #291

Index
Abhaya-mudrā, 181 Abhikṣaka, 43 Abhinandananātha, 30, 209, 211 Abul Fazl, 237 Acaränga, 20, 56, 65, 68, 73 Acārya, 24-5, 160-1 Acārya Mamgu, 163 Acārya Rakkhiya, 163 Acirā, 40 Acyutā, 210, 215 Acyutadevaloka, 35-6 Adinātha, 26, 86, 204 Adinātha temple, 87 Adīśvara Bhagvān, 26 Adi Purana, 49 Agama, 101 Agni, 223 Agra, 129 Ahicchatra, 59, 60 Ahimsā, 17, 18, 58, 65, 73, 106-9 Ahimsa Dharma, 1 Ahmad Shah Abdali, 238 Ain-i-Akbari, 237 Ajjavedaya Kula, 157 Ajita, 51, 211 Ajitā, 30, 208, 213, 216 Ajitabalā, 208 Ajitanātha, 27-8, 208, 240, 242 Ajitanātha Satparna, 27 Ajīvika sect, 69, 91 Akakā, 149
Akbar, 107-10 Alakā, 190 Alberuni, 235 Allahabad, 59, 71, 129 Alauddin Khalji, 110 Amalakappā, 59 Ambikā, 207, 218 Amohini, 191 Amtevāsī, 160 Amtevāsin, 159 Amtevāsinī, 159-60 Amtevāsiknī, 159-60 Anantajit, 39 Anantadevaloka, 34 Anantamati, 214 Anantanātha, 38-9, 214 Andhra, 89 Andhra Pradesh, 3, 114 Anga, 71, 79 Angavijjā, 173 Anantagumphā, 121 Anga texts, 65, 77, 97, 101-3, 105 Anilā, 45 Anekānta mat, 1 Anekāntavāda, 16, 18, 110 Ankusā, 214 Aņojjā, 67 Anuyoga, 102 Anuyogdāra, 101 Angabāhira, 105 Angabāhya, 101
269

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270
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Ayaśyaka Niryukti, 25-6, 49 Awadha, 79 Ayāga-Pattas, 124, 151, 173-9 Ayāga-Sabhā, 151, 176-7 Ayikā, 161 Ayodhya, 26-8, 30-1
Apraticakrā, 208 Apabhramsa, 111-3 Aparājitā, 217 Aparājitadevaloka, 44, 46 Apsarā, 180, 190, 205 Arhat, 20 Arhat temple, 151-2 Arhaṁtas, 20 Ārhat, 1 Atmavāda, 9 Aranātha, 42, 1-52, 196, 216 Arabia, 150 Arista, 40 Aristanemi 45, 51, 123, 152, 183, 218 Ardha-Māgadhi, 65, 75, 112 Arthasirā, 40 Ārya, 160 Āryā, 27-46, 160 Aryan, 12, 13, 53 Ardhaphālaka, 92, 182, 192 Aryavatī, 190-1 Arya Bhista Kula, 157 Arya Cetika Kula, 157 Arya Hāttikīya Kula, 157 Arya Kaniyāsika Kula, 1576 Aryā Nāgabhūtikīya Kula 159 Arya Skandila, 104, 165 Ārya Śrīkīya Sambhoga, 157 Arya Uddehikīya gaña, 158 Arya Vajrī Sākhā, 158 Asoka, 65, 84, 88, 138, 212, 223 Asta-Mangalas, 178, 219 Aştāhika-Mahotsava, 162 Aștāpada, 22, 27 Aśvasena, 58 Aurangzeb, 238 Avasarpiņī, 26 Avaśyaka tradition, 68, Avasyaka Cūrni, 56 Avasyaka Nirvyūha, 180
Bāhubali, 242 Balarāma, 52, 123, 183, 186, 188, 198 Balā, 215 Balabhadra, 199, 202 Balhastini, 194 Bahurūpā, 217 Bahurūpiņi, 217 Bambhalijja Kula, 158 Bandhumatī, 43 Bareilly, 59 Bappabhatti Sūri, 134 Bengal, 63, 71, 80 Bengalis, 63 Benares, 63 Bidar, 90 Bihar, 22, 28, 60, 63, 71, 80, 114, 225 Bimbisāra, 67 Bundelkhand, 83-4 Buddhism, 4-8, 14-8, 48, 223 Buddha, 6-8, 47-8, 114, 223, 226 Bhadrabāhu, 49, 53, 79, 88-9, 91, 102 Bhadata, 160 Bhadanta, 160 Bhadrāsana, 178 Bhānu, 39 Bhagvata Purāņa, 50-2 Bhadrika, 71 Bhaddiya, 71 Bhagalpur, 71, 79 Bhanucandra, 108 Bhagavata, 20 Bhagavatī, 56-7, 65, 73 Bhadrabahucarita, 92

Page #293

Index
Bhadrilapura, 190 Bhattāraka, 161 Bhamdīra garden, 162-3, 176 Bhāvade, 1 Bhavya, 1 Bhīma, 87 Bharhut, 138, 194 Bharhut Stūpa, 138-9, 224, 226-8, 231
Bharata, 51 Bharatpur, 243 Bhāratavarsiya Digambara
Jaina Mahāsabhā, 239 Bhubaneshwar, 120 Bhumisparsa-mudra, 181, Bhārata War, 53 Bhrkuti, 211, 217 Brahma, 212 Brahmā, 212, 58 Brāhmī, 27 Brāhmana, 10-1, 64, 66-7 Brāhmana Dharmāśastra, 11 Brahmeśvara, 212 Braj, 123 Brhat-Katha-Kosa, 135, 140, 162, 224 Brahmadāsika Kula, 150
Candraprabhanātha, 33 Candrikāpuri, 33 Candrapurī, 33 Candella dynasty, 83 Carama, 31 Cāru, 29 Cāturyāma Dharma, 57, 61 Catuvarna Samgha, 153 Caumukha-pratimā, 186-8, 195 Cārana gana, 155-7 Caubes, Quarter, 239 Cellanā, 67 Cetaka, 66-7 Cudāsamas, 85 Cakreśvarī, 206, 208 Champāpur, 71 Champānagar, 71 Chanderi, 114 Chatarpur, 813 Chaurāsī, 239-42, 244 Christ, 48, 136, 146, 152 Christian, 83, 99 Christian Mission, 237 Cheya-Suttas, 101 Cheda-Sūtras, 105
Cāhmānas, 85 Caitya-Vrksa, 174 Cakrayuddha, 41 Cālukya, 85, 87-8, 90 Campa, 37, 70, 71, 79 Campū, 112-4 Cāmundā, 217 Cámundi, 217 Camdālikā, 212 Candā, 213 Candrā, 213 Candragupta Maurya, 89, 102 Candanā, 76
Dāmini, 42 Damda, 163 Darpaņa, 178 Daśapūrvīs, 78 Dattā, 152 Deccan, 2, 87-8 Deogadh, 84, 114 Devakī, 190 Devānandā, 66-7, 95, 190 Devardhiganin Kşamāśramana, 104 Devī, 42 Digambara, 95-8 Digambara Canon, 101-2, 105 Dinā, 152

Page #294

272
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathura
Duritāri, 208 Durgā, 125 Dharma-Cakra, 174, 185, 191, 197,
200-1, 219 Dharmacakrapravartana-mudra, 181 Dharmanātha, 39, 214 Dhāmghoṣā, 220 Dharmaghosā, 134, 142, 149 Dharmaruci, 134 Dhara, 31 Dharana, 31 Dharā, 38 Dhāraṇī, 36 Dhāriņi, 215-6 Dharanapriyā, 217 Dharanendra, 202, 218 Dhanā, 216 Dhank, 86 Dhyāna-mudrā, 181 Drdharatha, 35 Drsti-pravāda, 102 Dravida Samgha, 98-9 Dvādaśānga-Śruta, 100 Dvaraka, 46 Dvārakādhīša temple, 239
Gandharma, 205, 215 Gāndhārī, 213, 217 Ganga dynasty, 90 Gangā Valley, 64 Gāngeya, 56 Gaņeśa, 207 Garuda, 215 Garuda Purāņa, 123 Gaurī, 213 Gautama Buddha, 57, 68, 70, 74, 127 Gautama, 57, 61-2 Gaya, 79 Girnar, 22, 46, 86, 118 Gītā, 11 Goa, 237 Goddess Kuberā, 134, 162, 170-1 Godāsa gana, 155 Gomedha, 218 Gomedhikā, 212 Gomukha, 208 Gonda-Bahraich, 29, 59 Gosāla, 69, 91-4 Gotra, 156 Gopal Khera, 204 Government Museum Mathura, 143-4,
149, 163, 197-9, 229 Gūjar Ghātī, 204 Gujarat, 2, 22-7, 86-7, 107, 114-8 Gujarat-Kathiawad, 89 Gujarātī, 112-3 Gujarāti style, 118 Guhils, 85 Guņabhadra, 11 Gupta period, 79-81, 84, 197, 202 Gurjar-Pratihāra, 85 Gwalior, 84, 114-7 Ghia Mandi, 239
Europe 5, 99, 120, 127, 131
Fahien, 80, 165 Farrukhabad, 37, 60 Father Monserrate, 237-8 Fatehpur Sikri, 91, 114, 237 Firishta, 235 Firoz Tughlaq, 110 France, 79
Gajapura, 40, 42 Gaņa, 62, 154-9 Ganadhara, 27-46, 62, 77 Gaņin, 155, 159-61
Halo, 201 Hāllijja Kula, 157

Page #295

Index
Hamsa, 223 Harivamsa dynasty, 22, 44-5 Harivaṁsa Purāņa, 70, 72, 85 Haryana, 91, 1-14 Harappa, 170 Hārīta gotra, 156 Häriyamātāgarī Sākhā, 156 Harişena, 135, 140, 162 Hastinapur, 40-2, 59-60 Hastipāla, 72 Hatthināpur, 59 Hāthīgumphă cave, 121 Hāthīgumpha Inscription, 23, 63, 82,
171 Hazaribagh district, 22, 28 Hemacandra, 20, 25, 87, 111 Hindi, 112-3 Hindu, 9, 11, 12, 25, 47, 73, 97, 100,
106-7 Hindu temples, 236-8 Hinduism, 8, 11, 21, 52, 81, 117 Himalayas, 28 Hīravijaya Sūri, 107-8 Hunen Tsang, 81-2, 91, 150, 166 Hūņa invasions, 166 Huviska, 128, 173
Jambūsvāmī Siddha Kşetra, 240-4 Janakapur, 71 Jasa, 39 Jayā, 215 Jayā Devī, 215 Jayantavimāna, 30-1, 43 Jayasena, 149 Jayasoma Upādhyāya, 108 Jaina, 1-5, 8-10 Jainabhadri, 149 Jaina era, 60 Jaina Church, 62, 68, 73, 75, 78 Jaina Canon, 105 Jaina Councils, 102-5 Jaina gali, 239 Jaina stūpa, 133-40, 226-33 Jaina Temples, 239-40 Jainism, 1-18 Jaisimhapurā, 239 Jina, 15-8, 20-1, 23-4, 26, 54 Jinacandra, 108 Jinacandra Sūri, 108-9, 134 Jinadāsa, 163 Jinakalpa, 94 Jinaprabha Sūri, 135-6, 140, 224, 227 Jinasena, 11, 85 Jinasimha Sūri, 110 Jitāri, 29 Jitaśatru, 28 Jñātraka, 66, 70 Jñātr, 66 Jodhpur, 118 Jrmbhikagrāma, 70 Junagadh, 86 Jvālā, 211 Jvālinī, 211 Jvālāmālinī, 211
Indian Ocean, 149 Indo-Aryan, 112, 118 Indra, 27 Indrabhūti, 57, 76 Indrabhūti Gautama, 77, 102 Ikşavāku dynasty, 21 Islam, 3, 98 Isvara, 212
Jahangir, 107, 238 Jamali 67-8, 91 Jambūsvāmī, 123, 163, 240, 243 Jambūsvāmi-Caritra, 135
Kadamba dynasty, 90 Kagaraul, 91

Page #296

274
(5)
€
Kahaum, 84-5, 114 Kahāvali, 207
Kakubha, 85
Kākandinagara, 34
Kalinga, 23, 80-2, 171
Kalasa, 178
Kalkācārya, 84
Kalpasútra, 25-6, 49, 53, 56, 59, 63
Kalpavrksa, 206
Kambal, 163
Kampil, 37, 60
Kampilya, 37-8
Kamsa, 190
Kannada, 111-4, 134
Kanara, 121
Kankali Devi, 125
Kankali Tila, 20, 54, 115, 122, 124-44
Kanhasaha Kula, 157
Kaniska, 186
Kapisa, 91, 150
Karkal, 116
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathura
Kula, 154-9 Kumbha, 42-3
Kumarapala, 87
Kumāra, 213 Kundagrama, 66
Karnataka, 2, 3, 89-90, 92, 114, 117-8
Kāśī, 63
Kasava, 67
Kāśyapa, 36
Kasyapi, 31
Kausambi, 31-2, 59-60, 71
Kayotsarga-mudra, 22, 27-46, 153, 181
Kashmir, 108
Kathiawad, 118
Kendra, 216
Keshopur, 240
Kesi, 52
Kesin, 57, 61
Kevalin, 18, 20, 22, 27-8 Kirti-stambha, 121
Kodiya gana, 155-8 Koṭṭiya gana, 155-8 Kosala, 58, 63, 79
Kosam, 59, 71
Kural, 112-3
Kuşaṇa dynasty, 133 Kusuma, 210
Kusumāudini, 218
Kushinagar Stapa, 137-8, 225
Kunthunatha, 41, 215
Kuvalayamala, 85
Kubera, 207, 216
Khandagiri, 82, 121
Khajuraho, 83-4, 114, 117, 120
Kharvela, 81-2, 106
Kṛṣṇa 52-3, 123, 186, 188, 190, 198
Krṣṇa Cult, 166, 235
Kṣetrapala, 206, 243
Krtavarman, 38
Ladha, 71
Lakṣmaṇā, 33
Lakṣmi Devi, 33
Lanchana, 180, 197, 203, 207-19
Lauriya, 225
Lavanśobhikā, 149
Licchavi, 66-7, 72
Lohanipur, 23, 114 Lonka Sect, 98
Lonasobhika, 149
Lucknow Museum, 128-9, 132 Lahore, 108
Madhya Pradesh, 83, 114. Madhyamagraiveka, 32
Madhyamā Sākha, 158 Magadha 67, 71, 79-80, 82, 86 Mahabharata, 11, 45, 52-3 Mahādevī, 42

Page #297

Index
Mahakali, 209, 212 Mahayakṣa, 208
Mahākṣatrapa Sodāsa, 190
Mahatapa, 110
Mahmud of Ghazni, 166-7, 235-6, 238
Mahämänasi, 215
Maharashtra, 2, 89, 114
Mahäsäradevaloka, 38
Mahasena, 33
Mahavira, 46-7, 56-7, 64-72
Mahāvīra era, 60
Maighika Kula, 156-9
Maijhima Pava, 72 Majjhamilla Säkha, 157
Malla, 72
Malli, 43-4, 95, 216 Mallinatha, 43, 95, 216
Mallija Kula, 157
Malwa, 80, 84, 89
Malini, 217
Mānasi, 210, 214 Manavi, 212-3
Mani Ram, 238-40
Mānava gaṇa, 155 Manoharpură, 129 Manogupta, 210.
Manovega, 210
Matanga, 210, 218-9
Mathura Museum, 129 Mathura Council, 104 Mathura Vacană, 104 Maru Gurjar style, 118 Mitra, 155
Mittra, 42, 155
Mithila, 70-1, 77, 79
Mehiya Kula, 156, 159 Mehika Kula, 156, 159
Mogul empire, 108 Monghyr, 71, 79
Munisuvrata, 21, 44, 122
Mohenjo-Daro, 170. Mulasamgha, 89 Mula-suttas, 101, 105
Muslim 98, 100, 166, 235-6, 238
Mysore 89-90, 92, 116
Mount Abu, 87, 118-20 Muhammad Ghori, 110. Muhammad Tughlaq, 110
Nabhi, 26
Nadika Kula, 157
Näga, 58, 165 Nagari 205
Nagarjuna Süri, 104 Nain Sukh, 243 Naigmeṣa, 67, 152, 190 Naladiyar, 112-3
Namdivisala, 173
Naminátha, 44-5, 123, 217 Nanda, 23, 35, 82, 171 Nandi, 101
Nandivardhana, 68
Nandyavarta, 136, 152, 178, 184, 194,
196, 210, 216
Naradatta, 209, 218
Narayana, 50
Näta, 66
Nätapulta, 70
National Museum, 175, 222, 229
Navagraha, 219
Naya, 66-8
Nayaka, 209
Nayas, 17
Neminatha, 22, 45-6, 53-4, 58, 123, 181,
186, 218
Neminatha temple, 87
Nepal, 71-2, 103 Niggantha, 70
Nimbus, 185
Nimi, 44
@急卐
275

Page #298

276
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Nimeśvar, 44 Nirgrantha, 1, 56-7, 70, 73, 78 Nirgrantha Dharma, 1, 62 Nirgrantho Jñātrasputraḥ, 70 Nirvana, 6, 7, 16, 54, 60 Nirvāņi, 215 Nyāya, 8
Odehikīya gana, 156 Oghā, 149 Okhā, 149 Okhārikā, 149-50 Orissa, 81-2, 114, 121-2
Purāņa, 49 Purulia, 71 Pūrvas 77, 97, 102-3, 105 Pusmittijja Kula, 157 Pusyamitrīya Kula, 157 Pütikavāhana, 134, 141 Puspadanta, 34, 211 Purusdattā, 209 Puspavati, 44 Prabhava, 78 Prabhāvatī, 43 Pradyotana, 32 Prajñapti, 208 Prāṇatadevaloka, 37, 39, 45 Praśnavāhanaka Kula, 158 Prthvī, 32 Pravacanasāroddhāra, 207 Pratistha, 32 Pratisthāsārasaṁgraha, 207 Pratisthāsāroddhāra, 207 Prayag, 71 Paitaputrika Śākhā, 159 Pāvāpurī, 72 Priyakāriņi, 66 Provincial Museum Lucknow, 129
Padmā, 219 Padmāsana, 22, 27-46, 181, 185 Padmăvati, 44, 243 Padmaprabhanātha, 31, 143-5, 167,
210 Paharpur, 81, 135 Paiņņas, 101 Paitaputrika Śākhā, 159 Pali, 56, 66, 126 Palitana, 118-9 Pāñcāla, 59, 63 Pārasanātha, 118 Pāridhāsika Kula, 159 Pārsvanātha 5, 22, 46-8, 56-63 Pārsvanātha Hill, 28, 30, 63 Pañca-parmestins, 24 Pañca-mahāuratas, 61 Pāțaliputra, 23, 82, 101-3, 171 Pāļaliputra Council, 101-3 Patna, 23, 72, 79, 171 Pāsāda, 219 Piparava, 137-9, 225 Piparava Stūpa, 137-8, 225 Panhavāhaņaya Kula, 158 Pārvatī, 207 Puddhammiya Kula, 157
Rgveda, 52-3 Rjupālikā river, 22, 70 Rşabha, 22, 26-7, 46-54 Rşabha Cult, 1 Rşabhadeva, 26 Rsabhanātha, 26 Rajgir, 114, 137-8, 225 Rajgir Stūpa, 137-8, 225 Rājagrha, 44, 70, 77 Rajghat, 60 Rajput, 85 Rajasthan, 2, 12, 107, 114, 118, 121 Rajasthānī, 112-3 Raja Laksmana Das, 239

Page #299

Index
Rajamalla, 135 Raksita, 42
Rāmā, 34
Rāma Dasarathi, 44 Ranapura, 118
Ranigumpha cave, 121-2 Ramayana, 173
Rāṣṭrakūta, 88, 90
Ratnapura, 39-40
Ratnapuri, 39
Rati, 32
Ratnanandin, 92
Rathayatra, 162, 244 Rathods, 85
Rawals, 85
Rayapaseniya-Sutta, 233
Revati, 76
Riddel Museum, 129 Rohini, 208
Rome, 121
Sādhu, 24-5
Sägeya, 59
Sahet-Mahet, 29, 59
Sahu Todar, 237 Sakti, 166
Sakha, 154-9
Samana, 160
Samana-Sävikä, 1601
Samani, 1
Samet-Sikhara, 22, 28-9, 31-5
Samkhya, 8-9, 15, 17 Samvaya, 25-6, 49
Samvara, 30
Samba, 42
Samudravijaya, 46
Sammohini, 209
Samaravīra, 67 Sambhütivijaya, 79 Samprati, 84
Samantabhadra, 111 Samnyasi, 10 Samavasarana, 187 Sambhoga, 154-9 Sambal, 163
Samkäsiä Sakha, 156
Sambhavanatha, 29, 181, 184, 196, 209 Santinatha, 11, 40, 86, 152, 196
Şanmukha, 213
Sanchi, 138, 194, 225-6 Sankhadataka, 76
Santicandra, 108
Sanskrit, 66, 70, 111-3
Sanchi Stupa 138-9, 225-9, 231-2 Sarvarthasiddha, 27, 40-2
Sarnath, 36
Sarvayaśā, 38 Saket, 59
Sarvāhaṇa, 218
Sarasvati, 152, 191, 202, 243
Saraugi, 1, 239
Saraogi, 1
Sarvajña, 20
Sarāka, 1, 63, 80
Sarasvati image, 191
Sarasvati Movement, 111 Sarvatobhadrika-pratima, 186-8, 195 Satrunjaya Hill, 22, 27, 110
Satyabhama, 190
Sauripura, 46
Sauyapura, 46
Sāvikā, 160
Sāvaka, 160
Seth Lakhmi Chand, 238-9 Senā Devi, 29
Senagana, 89
Seth Raghunath Das, 238-40, 244 Sewade, 1
Sir Antony MacDonnell, 132 Siddha, 21, 24-5
: €
卐
Vice Place
277

Page #300

278
History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Siddhānta, 101 Siddharāja, 87 Siddhartha 66-7 Siddharthā, 30 Siddhāyikā, 219 Siddhicandra, 108 Sikandar Sur, 110 Silā-patta, 151, 173-7 Sihanādika, 178 Simhapur, 36 Simhapurī, 36 Simhasena, 38 Sindhi, 112-3 Singhabhum, 71 Sirkap Stūpa, 224 Sisya, 160 Sītalanātha, 35, 212 Sitalā Ghātī, 129 Siva, 85, 166 Śivā Devī, 46 Skandagupta, 84 Sonā, 33 Somadeva, 139-41, 162, 166, 224, 227 South Kanara, 116 Sraddhācara, 159-61 Sraddhācārī, 159-61 Śramana, 10, 58, 65, 78, 160 Sramana Dharma, 1 Śramana Samgha, 58 Śrāvikā, 161 Sramana-Śrāvika, 160 Srāvaka, 1, 160 Sravanabelgola, 89-92, 114-6 Śrāvastī, 29, 33, 59, 70 Srī, 41 Sri Devī, 41 Śrīdhara, 31 Śrīgraha Sambhoga, 155-8 Śrīgupta, 156 Śrīvatsa symbol, 178, 180, 184-5, 196,
201 Śruta-kevalin, 78 Śreyasa, 36 Śreyāmšanātha, 36, 212 State Museum Lucknow, 152, 166, 197,
229 Sthānakavāśi Sect, 98 Sthavira kalpa, 94 Sthülabhadra, 92, 103 Subha, 45 Subhuma, 37 śubhabhūmi, 71 Suci, 41 Sudarsana, 42 Sudharmana, 77-8 Sugrīva, 34 Suhamma, 77 Sujasā, 35 Sulasā, 75-6 Sumanā, 34 Sumati, 30, 51, 209 Sumatinātha, 30, 184, 196 Sumitra, 44 Sunga period, 190, 226, 229 Supārsvanātha, 32, 51, 123, 135-6, 210
1, 219 Supratistha, 32 Sura, 41 Sūri, 161 Sürya, 85 Sūryasena, 41 Süryayasas, 38 Susmādusmā, 26 Suşenā, 29 Susīmā, 31 Sutārā, 212 Sutārakā, 212 Suvidhi, 34 Suvidhinātha, 34, 211 Suvratā, 39

Page #301

Index
Svastika, 178, 210 Śvetāmbara, 95-8 Svetāmbara Canon, 101, 105 Syädavāda, 8, 16-7, 75, 110 Syāmā, 29, 210
Upanişads, 64 Urņa, 185 Usabha, 26 Usnīşa, 186, 203 Urvilā, 162 Uttarabalissaha gaña, 155 Uttaradāsaka, 141, 220 Uttaradhyayana-Sūtra, 59, 61-2 Uttara Mahura, 161 Uttara-Mīmāṁsā, 9, 13 Uttara Purāna, 49, 66 Uttara Pradesh, 12, 29, 37, 114 Utsarpiņi, 26 Uvarimagraiveka, 29, 31
Tamil, 90, 111-2 Tamil Nadu, 114 Tāraṇapanthi Sect, 98 Tārāvati, 216 Taxila, 224 Tejpāla, 87 Tejpāla temple, 118 Terāpanthi Sect, 98 Tirthakara, 19-20 Tirthamkara, 11, 17, 19-27 Trajan, 121 Trimukha, 208 Triratna, 16, 73, 185 Trisalā, 66-7, 95 Trisastisalākāpurusacarita, 20, 25, 49,
66 Tumburu, 209 Tungiyā, 57 Telugu, 90, 111-4
Uccanăgarī Śākhā, 157-8 Uchchairnāgarī Sākhā, 155 Udayagiri, 82, 84, 114 Udayagiri Hills, 121 Udayana, 171 Uddāyana, 171 Uddeha gana, 155-6, 158-9 Uddehikīya gaña, 156-8 Uduvādiya gana, 155 Ujjain, 88 Ujjaiyini, 89 Ujhatikā, 149-50 Upādhyāya, 24-5, 161 Upāngas, 101
Vācaka, 159-60 Vairī Sākhā, 157-8 Vairotī, 213 Vairotyā, 214, 217 Vaiśālī, 59, 66-7, 70, 122, 224 Vaisnavī, 206 Vaisnavism, 166, 235 Vairī Vajrī Sākhā, 158 Vajjāhārī Sākhā, 157 Vajrakumāra, 134, 141 Vajranābha, 30 Vajranägarī Sākhā, 158 Vajrī Sākhā, 158 Vajraśrankhalā, 209 Vālmīki, 174 Vāmā, 58 Vāmana, 218 Vānijja Kula, 158 Vaprā, 45 Varbhrtā, 214 Vardhamāna, 66-7, 70, 127 Vardhamānaka, 178
Vardhamānacarita, 66 · Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, 52, 55, 60, 64
5, 73

Page #302

History of Jainism with Special Reference to Mathurā
Višākha, 42 Vişnu, 50, 166, 207 Vişnu Devī, 36 Vişnu Puräņa, 50 Vişnurāja, 36 Viśvasena, 40 Vītabhayapattana, 171 Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, 52, 123, 134,
136, 140, 162, 176 Vimal Shah temple, 118 Vrndāban, 238-9, Vrātya, 1 Vrsabha, 26, 205, 208 Vrşabhanātha, 26 Vyavahārasūtra-Bhāsya, 140
Westminster Abbey, 119 West Bengal, 63, 71, 114
Vardattā, 46 Varāhaka, 34 Varāhamihira, 199 Varanandin, 210 Vārāṇasī, 32, 36, 71 Varuņa, 217 Vāruņi, 34 Vasu, 41 Vāsu, 159, 175, 220, 229 Vasudeva Krsna, 45, 123, 188 Vāsupujya, 22, 37, 213 Vātsalīya Kula, 158 Vatsarāja, 85 Vathālijja Kula, 157-8 Veda, 6, 9, 48-9, 51, 58, 64, 102 Vedānta, 9 Vedic religion, 52, 64 Venur, 116 Vesavādiya gana, 155-6, 159 Vidarbha, 33 Videha, 79 Viditā, 214 Vidyadharas, 203, 222 Vijaya, 45, 211 Vijayā, 37, 208, 215-6 Vijayā Devi, 28 Vijayadeva Sūri, 110 Vijayanagar, 4, 90 Vijayasena Sūri, 108 Vijayavimāna, 28, 39 Vijayanta, 33 Vimalanātha, 37-8, 213 Vimāna, 223 Vindhyas, 80 Vinītā, 28 Vinītanagar, 26 Viparītā, 45
Yādava, 22, 45 Yakşadinnā, 46 Yakşarāja, 213 Yakşa Sudarsan 162-3, 176 Yakşet, 213 Yakşendra, 216 Yakşeśa, 216 Yakşeśvara, 209 Yasasatilakacampú, 134, 139-41, 162
166 Yoga, 8-9 Yoga Mārga, 1 Yaśobhadra, 78 Yasodā, 78 Yāpnīya Sect, 98 Yenur, 116 Yugapradhāna, 108-10

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V.K. Sharma, Agra University's Ph.D (History) is a reputed scholar with varied academic and research concerns - which are abundantly reflected in his writings. Besides the co-authorship of Terracotta Catalogue of Mathura Museum (published in AD 2000) and his numerous presentations at regional/national/ international seminars and conferences, he has published articles on varying themes in different print media and has, in addition, produced biographical profiles of eminent Indian personalities for certain reputed journals as well as books. Currently, he is working on "The History of Mathura" - a project whereupon he has already expended over a decade-long research effort. Having taught at several colleges affiliated to the universities of Panjab and Agra for about thirty five years, Dr Sharma retired as Head, Department of History, K. R. PostGraduate College, Mathura.
(Reconstructing Indian History & Culture, no. 23) 2002, xx, 280 p.; 21 col. & b/w Plates; Bibliography; Index; 25 cm.
ISBN 81-246-0195-X
Rs. 850

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