Book Title: Svasti
Author(s): Nalini Balbir
Publisher: K S Muddappa Smaraka Trust

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Page 327
________________ 326 SVASTI – Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The pattern of how Shravana Belgola grew in sanctity is clearly explained by Settar. These explanations and the statistical data that accompanies them help us to argue that pilgrimage as a concept has to be located in the broad historical context of the times, which enable its underlying growth and prosperity. The role of the individual aspirations and spiritual urges of the followers are not the sole factors that determine the form and the structure of the pilgrimage centre. At Shravana Belgola by the 7th century A.D. about seven hundred pious men had invited death voluntarily on the rocks at Katavapra. The anonymity of these early saints is important to note and none of them had their memorials made. About 100 commemorative records have survived to this day.30 The history of these hills at Shravana Belgola during the early years was therefore, not made by outstanding events or, the achievements of great monarchs and rulers in the furtherance of the faith. On the other hand, the obscure monks and nuns waged a war against worldly desire through the weapon of self-mortification. This of course was fundamental to their original teaching and belief. [Emphasis added] It is further interesting to note that in the few details known about these individuals none of them were attached to any sangha, society, or association. They also did not inform posterity about their high spiritual pedigree or their list of disciples. Gradually over these hills there emerge records when young monks begin to tend to the dying monks during their last stages towards death. From the records we gather that they seem to have taken pride in honoring the dead by engraving brief inscriptions at Katavapra. Among these monks commemorated about 30 did not name their sangha at all nor, did they name their teachers. Statistics analyzed by Settar show that only 6 monks took pride in referring to their sangha, which are mentioned by name like those located at Kittur, Kalattur, Sandviga etc. This perhaps indicates that these sanghas. must have approved of the ritual termination of life of their members. A few records are also available that mention the names of the teachers only and not of the Orders or guruvādis that these monks belonged to. In contrast to the monks, the nuns who mortified themselves between the 7th and 11th century A.D., it is noted, always mentioned the names of, either their sangha or, their teachers. It is further noted that almost of all the nuns came from the Navilur Sangha. During this early period, except for an isolated record that mentions that the false doctrine was destroyed by a king, there are hardly any references to royal patronage of any kind. It is between 900-1100 A.D. that records begin to mark a significant change that clearly is an erosion of the simplicity that was the hallmark of the earlier period. The 10th century is marked by the rise of institutions and by the 12th century we definitely see at Shravana Belgola the fall of the individual and the rampant rise of the institutional life with all its frills of ritual. Ironically, this is marked by the considerable entry of the laity into the religious life of the Digambara Jaina establishment both as seekers of spirituality as well as rich donors for the construction 30 Ibid., See Appendix I.

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