Indian Antiquary Vol 61

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications

Page 418

$$ 174-175 ]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ OCTOBER, 1932
IX, ji, 425). Similarly in Central Pahāri (Km.) à is shortened before i or u, and the two together become, respectively, the diphthongs ai and au. Thus ai, having come, becomes ai; sunain, he caused (me) to hear them, becomes sunain; Skr. ghatah, a wound, is ghou in H., but ghau in Km.; H. nåu, a name, is nau in Km. (LSI. IX, iv, 115).
Km. exhibits in other respects a preference for short vowels. It shortens nearly every final long vowel. Moreover, every long vowel in a syllable preceding a short vowel is shortened, à being shortened to å, not to a. Thus, H. bhārā, hire, is Km. bhăro ; H. sishi, a ladder is Km. siphi ; H. bhūlā, forgot, is Km. bhulo; H. cēlā, a son, becomes celo or cyčlo; and we have Km. röt, a cake, but roto or rwoto, bread. A similar tendency to shorten a final vowel is observable in Eastern Pahāri, but not to the same extent. E.g., EPh, nāri or nāri, a woman (LSI. IX, iv, 23).
So lightly are the shortened final vowels of Km. pronounced, that in the coll. forms of this speech they are altogether dropped, leaving, however, their results behind them. Thus the Standard bhăro becomes bhăr ; sishi becomes sish ; cyolo, a son, becomes cyal ; and rwoto, bread, becomes ricat. Cf. LSI. IX., iv, 180 ff., for details.
1 For details regarding this peculiar law for shortening vowels in Km., which is closely allied to the epenthetic changes occurring in the same language (see $ 166), see LSI. IX, iv, 114. It is probable that the same law holds over the whole CPh. area, but information on the subject is only available for Km.
174. We have seen ($ 168) that a short vowel before a compound consonant is lengthened when one of the members of the compound consonant is elided, as in Pr. mággo, M. mag, a road. In some IAV. coll. dialects we observe the reverse process, by which a vowel naturally long, and preceding a single consonant, is shortened, the consonant being doubled in compensation. This is especially common in dialectic Hindi (LSI. IX, i, 213) and dialectic Gujarati (LSI. IX, ii, 331, 382). Thus H. băssanh, a vessel, for basan; găddi, a cart, for gūdi; betta, a son, for bēļā ; rotti, bread, for roți; G. nálló, for nailo, small; nokkar, for nokur, a servant ; chottā for chotā, small, and others.
175. Reference may here again be made to the fact that NWIAVs. and Dardic do not lengthen a vowel when in other languages a following compound consonant is simplified. Thus S. bhátu, Kx. bata, cooked rice, but H. bhāt, P. bhatt (Skr. bháktam). (See $$ 97, 274, and Grierson, JRAS., 1913, 143 ; 1925, 222.) The same peculiarity is observable in M. (Kön), as in tel, not tēl (M.Pr. téllam), oil; det (M.Pr. chéttam), a field; put or put (prítto), a son (LSI. VII. 168). So also often in O. and sometimes in Bg. and A. Thus : Skr.
Ap. cákram, a wheel
cákko
0. cáka, but H. cak. éuská kah, dry
éukkhau
Bg.O. súka. páscāt, behind
pácchahē
0. páchē, A. picē (píse), but H. páché,
piche. svidyati, he is
síjjai
0.A. V sij-, H. V sij-, be stewed. fomented. mádhyē, in
májjhahi
0. májhi, H. majh. prstham, the back
pilthu
Bg. pith, O. pitha, A. pithi, H. pith. musta kaḥ, Cyperus mótthàu
Bg.0.A. mutha, H. motha. rotundus. árdrá kam, green
áddau
0. ádā, A. édā, H. ādā. ginger. dúgdham, milk
dúddhu
0. dudha, Bg. dudh, H. dūdh. jihvā, tongue
jibbha
0. jibha, A. jibā, H. jibh.