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the relevance of Tulsi's ideas, once very popular in the post-Gandhian environment, for Indians in the present day. I examined whether the concept of vows, a main component of the movement, could still be an effective tool to bring about social change. My research also attempted to find out whether modern Jains living in diaspora view the Anuvrat Movement as a tradition-based reform movement or as a secular movement that could be a part of a larger global initiative.
Methodology
The questions outlined above stimulated me to adopt a multi-disciplinary approach that uses historical, ethnographic and sociological methods. Hence, I set out to trace the historical origins of the Anuvrat Movement in India. I relied upon the corpus of Anuvrat literature available in Hindi, some translations available in English, biographies, and the publications of some of the 371 Anuvrat regional centers in India operating under the heading of the Anuvrat Mahasamiti (great organization, or headquarters), such as the fortnightly Anuvrat magazine, annual reports and newsletters. Along with the historical method, I employed the ethnographic research method to understand the attitudes and perspectives of participants in my study, such as the non-Terapanthi Anuvratis," the Terapanthi Anuvratis and the non-Anuvrati Terapanth laity' in India and in the diaspora. In order to accomplish my set goals, I conducted 5 interviews among Terapanth monks and nuns and 25 interviews among laity in several Indian small towns and large cities. I took advantage of being an insider to this tradition, and therefore, through a series of associations and contacts, I was able to visit some of the highly active Terapanth centers.
Non-Terapanthi is Jain or a non-Jain that does not follow the Terapanth Svetambara tradition. 7 Terapanthi laity is lay householder who follows the Terapanth Svetambara tradition.
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