Studies in Buddhist and Jaina Monachism

Author(s): Nand Kishor Prasad
Publisher: Research Institute of Prakrit Jainology & Ahimsa Mujjaffarpur
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/006567/1

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Dr. NAND KISHORE PRASAD RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF PRAKRIT, JAINOLOGY AND AHIMSA, VAISHALI 1972

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Prakrit Faina Institute Research Publication Series, Vol. 9 General Editor DR. NATHMAL TATIA, M. A., D. Litt. STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM BY DR. NAND KISHORE PRASAD, M. A., Ph. D. 670416EUR prApta vidyApITha vaizAma Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology & Ahimsa, Vaishali (Muzaffarpur) Bihar

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1972 All Rights Reserved Price Rs. Published on behalf of the Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology & Ahimsa, Vaishali (Muzaffarpur), BIHAR by Dr. Nathmal Tatia, M. A., D. Litt.. Director. Printed in India at the Tara Printing Works, Varanasi.

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Respectfully Dedicated Professor Satkari Mookerjee . and Dr. Nathmal Tatia

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pamuTumhi ca suttante abhidhamme ca tAvade / vinaye avinaTumhi puna tiTThati sAsanaM // mahAvagge viNayo sAsaNe mUlaM viNIto saMjato bhave / viragayA vippamukkassa kato dhammo kato tavo // vizeSAvazyakabhASye

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you des The Government of Bihar established the Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology & Ahimsa at Vaishali in 1955 with the object, inter alia, to promote advanced studies and research in Prakrit and Jainology, and to publish works of permanent value to scholars. This Institute is one of the five others planned by this Government as a token of their homage to the tradition of learning and scholarship for which ancient Bihar was noted. Apart from the Vaishali Research Institute, four others have been established and have been doing useful work during the last few years, namely, the Mithila Institute of Post-Graduate Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning at Darbhanga, the K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute at Patna, the Bihar Rastra Bhasa Parishad for Research and Advanced Studies in Hindi at Patna and the Nalanda Institute of Research and Post-Graduate Studies in Buddhist Learning and Pali (the Nava Nalanda Mahavihara) at Nalanda. As part of this programme of rehabilitating and reorientating ancient learning and scholarship this is the Research Volume No. IX which is the thesis of Dr. N. K. Prasad, approved for the Ph. D. degree of the University of Bihar. The Govt. of Bihar hope to continue to sponsor such projects and trust that this humble service to the world of scholarship and learning would bear fruit in the fulness of time.

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GENERAL EDITOR'S NOTE The present work, originally entitled "A Comparative Study of the Buddhist Vinaya and Jaina Acara", is the approved thesis of Dr. Nand Kishore Prasad for the Ph.D. degree of the University of Bihar, Muzaffarpur. He worked on this topic for more than three years under my guidance and supervision. There flourished in Bihar a good number of ascetic orders in and about 600 B.C., the prominent among those being the Jaina, the Ajivika and the Buddhist. Dr. Prasad took up a comparative study of the disciplinary codes of the two of these ascetic orders, viz., the Buddhist and the Jaina. This study so far as I know is the first attempt of its kind. The book is written in five chapters which have been further subdivided into sections. The Introductory' states the sources of the study after briefly discussing the meaning and scope of the terms vinaya and acara. The salient features of the Jaina and Buddhist monastic disciplines given in the first chapter are exhaustive and intend to acquaint even a tyro with the inner working of the Jaina and Buddhist orders. The background of the Buddhist Vinaya' traced out at the end of this chapter is original and revealing. The second chapter entitled "The Order : Formation and Development' traces the origin and development of the Buddhist and Jaina orders and gives a comparative view of the rules regarding admission to and requisites of the orders The third chapter deals with the monastic ceremonies. It consists of three sections dealing with the fortnightly meeting (uposatha posaha), the rain-retreat (vassavasa) and the invitation for confession of faults (pavarana/ khamavana) respectively. The gradual change in the nature of the upavasatha, i.e., from fortnightly fast to confession of faults, traced out by the author evinces his penetrating grasp of the subject. The rain-retreat has been a practice prevailing commonly in ascetic orders, orthodox and heretical. Of the three sections of the fourth chapter, the first two deal with monastic administration. The basic difference in the administrative pattern of the different churches has prevented the author from pointing out any instance of borrowing or adaptation. The exposition of the topic is however lucid and compact. The comparative view of the Buddhist Pratimoksa and the Jaina Prayascitta in the third section of this chapter is a pioneer attempt of the author, which deserves attention of the reader.

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(viii) The work is rounded off with a short conclusion in the fifth chapter. My thanks are due to Dr. Atul Nath Sinha, a pupil of mine, for undertaking the strenuous work of reading through the proofs. I must also thank Shri Ramashankar Pandya, Proprietor, Tara Printing Works, for the quick printing of the book. Vaishali Dipavali Mahavira Nirvana Samvat 2499 November 5, 1972. NATHMAL TATIA Director, Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology & Ahimsa.

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PREFACE During my stay at Nalanda for completing the M. A. course in Pali, I had an opportunity to meet a group of Jaina monks and nuns headed by Acharya Shri Tulasi and closely observe the duties and responsibilities of Jaina monks. I found striking similarities and differences between the monastic rules and regulations of the Jaina and Buddhist Orders, and imbibed fascination for a critical and comparative study of the Buddhist Vinaya and Jaina Acara. After taking the M. A. degree in Pali in 1959, I started studying the books of the Buddhist Vinaya and some of the important texts of Jaina Acara, namely, the Acarangasutra, Dasavaikalikasutra, Uttaradhyayanasutra, Kalpasutra, etc. The problems of the origin of the Buddhist Vinaya and the monastic order and its literature on discipline engaged my mind. I also tried to find out the process of evolution of the ordination ceremony and the ceremonies of uposatha, vassavasa, pavarana, and the like. I was gradually convinced that a study of the corresponding Jaina ceremonies will be positively helpful in determining the process of evolution of the Buddhist ceremonies. I also found the Jaina concept of monastic administration as containing valuable materials for a comparative study of the monastic administration of the Buddhists. The Buddhist transgressions and expiations found their parallel in the Jaina books of discipline, which have been noticed in the body of the thesis in their proper contexts. Scholars are now agreed that there were numerous ascetic sects wandering from one place to another in the eastern and central part of Northern India with flourishing centres at Sravasti, Vaisali, Rajagrha and similar other places The sects of the Nirgranthas and the Ajivikas were two very important communities of monks, well-established at the advent of the Buddha. The literature of the Ajivika sect is irretrievably lost, and it is difficult to have a concrete idea of the influence of the Ajivika monastic discipline on the evolution of the Buddhist Order. But fortunately the Jaina Ardhamagadhi canon is still available as a fruitful source for tracing the origin of the rules of the Buddhist monasticism and the Patimokkha rules. In the present book an attempt has been made to find the influence of Jainism on the evolution of the Buddhist monachism in respect of the topics mentioned above. I should frankly admit that it has not always been possible for me to find a Jaina precursor of the Buddhist concept. I have however tried to unveil similarities hidden under deceptive termi

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nology and it is for scholars to judge how far I have succeeded in this maiden attempt. I should now give an abstract summary of the contents of the book stating the internal links between the topics selected for discussion. In the first section of the first chapter, the Jaina concept of an ideal monk and rules and regulations pertaining to various aspects of monastic life, in one word, the salient features of Jaina Acara have been described. The essence of Jaina Acara is constituted by the trio of inoffensiveness, self-restraint and penance. Here we have discussed the qualifications for admission to the order, the causes of renunciation, the status of the newly initiated monk, the outfit of a Taina monk and his daily duties. The requisites of a Jaina monk which correspond to the four nissayas of the Buddhist order have been discussed in detail. The wandering life of a Jaina monk and the principle of ahimsa as its guiding maxim have also been dealt with. A Jaina monk's life and a suitable residence during the rainy season have received our attention in the same section. The church units and the hierarchy of officers have been described from the original sources and a special note on the Jaina order of nuns and its relation to the monks have been attached. A Jaina monk's attitude towards heretics and towards his own laity has been explained. A special sub-section on the principle of ahimsa (non-injury) has been incorporated, followed by elaborate sub-sections on samyama (self-restraint) and tapa (penance). The second section of the first chapter deals with the salient features of Buddhist Vinaya' followed by a separate sub-section on the background of the Buddhist Vinaya'. The salient features have been discussed under the captions 'the formation of the order', 'the requisites', 'monastic observances' and 'monastic administration'. Here we have briefly stated the process of and bars to admission, relation between a teacher and disciple, monks' relation with nuns and haretics, etc. The requirements of the Buddhist monks technically known as nissaya were four, viz., food, dress, abode and medicaments. The Buddhist monastic observances comprise of uposatha, vassavasa and pavarana. The Buddhist order was governed on democratic lines. It also appointed suitable officers for maintaing law and order in the church. In the background of the Buddhist Vinaya' light has been thrown on the religious beliefs and practices that were in vogue at the advent of the Buddha. We have restricted ourselves only to those beliefs which had bearing on the monastic rules and regulations. At the time there were two broad camps in vogue, namely, Akriyavadins and Kriyavadins. The Buddha invented the middle path which sponsored a balanced life rejecting materialism on the one hand and dry formal asceticism on the other. In this

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connection we have referred to the Niggantha caturyama-samvara as an example of the second of the two extremes. The dhutangas of the Buddhists have their precursor in the Jaina dhutangas described in the Dhuvanga Ajjhayana of the Acarangasutra. In the first section of the second chapter pabbajja and upasampada (Pkt. pavvajja and uvatthavana) have been discussed. These constitute two distinct successive stages of renunciation, the latter being the culmination to which one was entitled only after rigorous training in monastic life and fulfilment of an objective criterion. In this connection we have elaborately discussed the process of a candidate's admission to monkhood, both in the Jaina and the Buddhist church with concrete examples. Though the order of Jaina nuns appears to have been prevalent at the time, the Buddha agreed to admit nuns after a good deal of hesitation. The Digambara Jaina position in this respect has been noticed. The Buddha's imposition of harder rules and regulations on the order of nuns finds its prototype in the Jaina code for nuns. In this connection we have noted the interesting legend of Tirtharikara Malli. The question of the conversion of lay-disciples in both the churches has been dealt with in a subsection. An elaborate treatment has been given to the causes of renunciation which is a continuation of the same topic dealt with in the first section of the first chapter. The circumstances and motives of renunciation discussed in the Buddhist canon do not differ essentially from those recorded in the Jaina Agamas. The disqualifications of monastic admission to both the churches have been elaborately discussed. Special rules have been prescribed for such converts in the Buddhist canon. The prescribed for the monks as well as the laity of both the churches have been elaborately discussed from the original sources. The aspect of the Buddhist pabbajja and 'upasampada as an ecclesiastical act (sanghakamma) has received a special treatment in a sub-section with a comparative reference to the Jaina ceremony on the occasion. The conversion of the members of a heretic sect has received special attention in the Buddhist canon and special conditions have been laid for such conversion. The relation between the teacher and the disciple has been discussed at the end of the section. In the second section of the second chapter the nissayas, that is, requisites of a monk has been discussed. These are food, robe, shelter and medicaments. The term corresponding to nissaya is wanting in the Jaina canon, though the Jaina monks also had to use them as the basic need of life. In connection with the first nissaya, namely, pindiyalopabhojana, the nature of food allowed to the monks, and proper and improper articles of food and drink, prescribed and prohibited in both the churches have been

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(xii) described in detail. The nature of begging-bowl and the rules for its acquisition and preservation have next been discussed. The purpose of taking food, the quantity of food, the time for eating, the begging-round and similar matters have also been discussed. The second nissaya is pamsukulacivara, that is, cloth procured from dust-heaps. In this connection we have referred to the nudity of Jaina monks. Material and colour of robes, preparation of robes, number and size of robes to be used have also been dealt with. Next we come to the third nissaya, namely, rukkhamulasenrsana. Shelter is an essential requisite of life and even a monk could not ignore it. Elaborate rules were framed for the acquisition of shelter and articles of furniture. The Jainas reduced the need to its minimum. There was, of course, a movement within the Buddhist church headed by Devadatta to discard shelter, which was however unsuccessful. With the passage of time various types of abodes were accepted which in the centuries that followed became big centres of learning and meditation. The Jaina monks did not follow suit. But in later times sccts of Jaina yatis emerged, which were used to live in fixed abodes and gathered huge libraries of literature, known as Bhandaras in the history of the Jaina church. Next we come to the fourth nissaya called putimuttabhesajja, i C., medicaments made of stinking-urine. Permission was also granted to use ghee, butter, oil, honey, etc. as medicine in both the churches. A list of important diseases and their cure has been added. With the enlargement of the order rules regarding ownership, succession, distribution and exchange of the requisites were framed, which have received elaborate treatment at the close of the section. In the first section of the third chapter the uposatha ceremony has been described with a comparative reference to the Brahmanical upavasatha and the Jaina posaha or pausadha. The second section of the chapter deals with vassavasa. The universality of the custom of the vassavasa among the Indian mendicant orders and the causes leading to the institution of the custom in the Buddhist church have been stated. Period of retreat and their duration with a special reference to the Jaina custom have been clearly recorded. The preliminaries of vassavasa in both the churches and its indispensability with a list of the places where the Buddha and Mahavira are said to have spent their successive rainy seasons after the First Sermon in the case of the Buddha and right from the date of renunciation in case of the Mahavira have been appended. Special occasion for the interruption of the vassavasa and conditions for permanent transfer of places and places fit for observing the vassa in both the churches have also been given. The functions of the order during the

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( xiii ) vassavasa and special features of the retreat are added at the end of the section. The third section of the chapter deals with pavarana which takes place on the completion of the Vassavasa. The nearest approximate Jaina concept corresponding to pavarana is khamavana (ksamapana), which is observed at the end of Jaina pajjusana of the Svetambara sect and the dasalak sanaparva of the Digambara. The first section of the fourth chapter deals with the custodians of monastic discipline with following components--the church units and the hierarchy of officers. A comparison has been made of the Buddhist administration with Jaina hierarchy of officers namely, acarya, upadhyaya, ganadhara, gani, ganavacchedaka, etc. The Buddhist administration appears more elaborate, practical and realistic. The Jaina church depended more on austerities and penance than on external legal acts of the order. he second section of the chapter deals with church polity with special emphasis on settlement of disputes by means of adhikaranasamathas. The scanty material on the subject, found in the Jaina canon, is recorded. The lem of seniority and succession in both the churches is also explained in this connection. The third section of the chapter is a comparative study of the Buddhist Pratimoksa and the Jaina Prayascitta. In this connection we have dealt with the list of transgressions and expiations as prescribed in the Buddhist canon and compared them with similar classification referred to in the canonical texts of the Svetambara sect. The Buddhists seem to have insisted mainly on mental purification while the Jainas both on mental as well as physical, In the concluding chapter I have recorded the salient findings of my studies in their brief outlines. I have recorded the result of my studies dispassionately and tried to keep away from prejudices and predispositions to the best of my ability. The extent of success achieved is to be judged by the critics. Jainism and Buddhism flourished side by side and influenced each other in the sphere of common interest. Our study is limited to the field of monastic life and administration, in one word, the external expression of a religious order. The points of agreement were necessitated owing to similar needs and necessities of life and the points of difference in many cases were dictated by the moral and mental maxims upheld by the two churches, the Buddhist and the Jaina. Now I must place on record my obligation and indebtedness to my Gurus and well-wishers who helped me in the completion of my work in one way or the other. I express my deep sense of gratefulness to my Gurus, Professors Dr. Satkari Mookerjee, ex-Director, Nava Nalanda

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(xiv) Mahavihara, Nalanda and Dr. Nathmal Tatia, Director, Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology and Ahimsa, Vaishali, to whom this humble work is respectfully dedicated. As the Director of the Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Professor Mookerjee not only encouraged me to carry on my work by awarding the research scholarship but also spared his valuable time, whenever I approched him for his assistance and advice. It is utterly impossible for me to place in writing the tremendous obligation I owe to Dr. Tatia. Besides his formal duty of a superviser, he did all which an affectionate Indian Guru can do for his pupil. I consider myself fortunate enough to sit at their pious feet like Ananda who worked out his own salvation at the holy feet of the Buddha. I acknowledge my gratefulness to my alma mater, the Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda and the Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology and Ahimsa, Vaishali, where I completed the present work. I must also express my indebtedness to the staff of these Institutes whose inspiring words were helpful to me in many ways. I shall be failing in my duty, if I do not remember my friends, Dr. Rai Ashwini Kumar and Dr. Atul Nath Sinha, on this occasion. I was immensely benefitted by their close association during my research period. Dr. Atul Nath Sinha deserves my heart-felt thanks for his alacrious assistance extended to me in the preparation of the index. NAND KISHORE PRASAD Vaishali Dipavali, November 5, 1972.

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CONTENTS General Editor's Note Preface Abbreviations Introductory (a) The Meaning and Scope of the words Vinaya and Acara (b) The Sources of Study CHAPTER I 11-68 Section I: The Jaina Acara and the Buddhist Vina ya The Salient Features of Jaina Acara (a) The Jaina Order and other relevant rules (6) Ahirsa, the principle of non-injury (c) Samyama or self-restraint (d) Tapa or Self-mortification and penance Section II : (A) The Salient Features of Buddhist Vinaya (a) The Formation of the Order (6) Requisites (c) Monastic Observances (d) Monastic Administration (B) The Background of the Buddhist Vinaya (a) Pre-Buddhist Beliefs and Practices (6) Buddhist Standpoint (c) The Concession Allowed to the Ascetics CHAPTER II The Order : Formation and Development 71-156 Section 1: Pabbajja And Upasampada (a) Pabbajja and Upasampada Connotated (6) The Process of Admission * (c) Duties and obligations (d) The Causes of Renunciatiou

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100 ( xvi) (e) Bars to Admission (f) The Authority competent to carry out the Function 105 Section II: Nissayas 110 128 140 (a) Pipdiyalopabhojona (6) Pamsukulacivara (c) Rukkhamulasenasana (d) Patimuttabhesajja (e) Ownership, Succession, Distribution and Exchange of the Requisites 144 151 CHAPTER III Monastic Ceremonies 159-194 Section 1: Uposatha 159 159 (a) Brahmanical (b) Buddhist (c) Jaina (d) Conclusion 165 168 169 Section II: Vassavasa (i) Universality of the custom among Indian Mendicant Orders . (ii) The Causes of the Institution of the Retreat (iii) Periods of Retreat and their duration iv) How to enter upon the Retreat (v) The indispensability of the Retreat (vi) Occasions for the interruption of the Retreat ... (vii) Conditions for permanent transfer of the residence (viii) Places fit for observing the Retreat (ix) The Sangha-Kammas performed during the Retreat (*) Corporate life (xi) Some privileges due to the Institution of the Retreat (xii) Some special features of the Jaina Retreat (xiii) Conclusion 170 171 174 176 179 181 183 186 186 186 188 190

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( xvii) Section III: Pavarana 191 CHAPTER IV Monastic Administration Section I: The Custodians of Monastic Discipline 197-240 199 1. The Church Units (a) Buddhist (6) Jaina (c) Conclusion 200 202 203 2. Hierarchy of Officers (a) Buddhist (6) Jaina (c) Conclusion 207 212 Section II: The Laws of Polity 213 (a) Buddhist (6) Jaina (c) Conclusion (d) Problem of Seniority and Succession 222 224 224 Section III: The Buddhist Pratimoksa and the Jaina Prayascitta: A Comparative Study 228 CHAPTER V Conclusion 243-247 Bibliography Index 249 257 Errata 282

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ABBREVIATIONS Anag -Anagaradharmamia Angd Antg Aup Avas Ayar Bhag Byhk SI Dasa Dasv DN EB EBM EMB HJM Kapp KN MN Mul MV ---Antagadadasao -Aupapatikasutram - Avassayasuyam -- Ayaramgasuyan - Bhasya -Bhagavaisuyan -Byhatkal pasutram -Cullavagga -Dasasuyakkhandhasuyam -Dasave aliyasuyam ---Dighanikaya -Early Buddhist Jnrisprudence --Eurly Buddhist Monachism -Early Monastic Buddhism --History of Jaina Monachism -Kappasuyam -Khuddakanikaya - Majjhimamikaya -Mulacara --Mahavagga - Nijjutti -Nayadhammakahao -Nirayavaliyao ---Nisihasuyan -Oghanijjutti --Pindanijjutti --Patimokkha -Samavayangasuyam -Sacred Books of the East -Suyagadamgasuyam ---Tattvarthadhigamasutram -Thanangasuyam --Uttarajjhayanasuyam -Vavaharasuyan N Naya Nirya Nis Ogh N Pind N PM Samo SBE Suyg Tattva Than Uttar V av

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TRANSLITERATION Vowels a a A a i i I I U u e e ai ai o o au au u u aM am aH ah Consonants kha ja tha dha tha dha bha pha ba bha ra la va sa sa ha la

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INTRODUCTORY (A) The Meaning and Scope of the words Vinaya and Acara It is a foregone conclusion that the term Vinaya stands for the complete set of rules and regulations laid down for the Buddhist Sangha. The antiquity of the term Vinaya can be ascribed to a date as early as the Rg-Veda.' For the Buddhists it is at least as old as their Faith itself. In spite of this striking similarity regarding the antiquity of the term, the Brahmapical sources are not in consonance with the Buddhist so far as the implication of the term is concerned. The former seems to have used it either in the sense of fremoving' or 'removal' which corresponds in meaning to the word 'vinayana' occuring in the Buddhist sources. The latter, besides emplying it for multiferious purposes appears to have used to denote a single rule on . the one hand, and the whole treatise on discipline, on the othar, Ultimately, all other uses and implications of the word fell into abeyance but the last, ie, it began to signify the complete set of rules and regulations intended for the Buddhist Order. Acarya Buddha. ghosa subscribes to the same meaning when he remarks--"Because it shows precepts and principles, and governs both deed and word, therefore men call this scripture vinaya, for so is vinaya interpreted". Ayara or Sanskrit Acara, like Vinaya, is also an old term. It means good conduct, usage, custom and the like, 4 the most popular and original being the first, i.e., good conduct. The Jaina Order ought to have adopted the term without bringing any alteration to its original sense, because both an ascetic and a householder (savaka and savika) were on the same footing so far as the membership of the Order was concerned. But despite the fact its scope was limited by bringing a change in the meaning. Thus according to the Jaina Monachism the word acara implies the way of life of a Jaina monk'. Accordingly the book containing the rules of conduct to be observed by the monks was named Acaranga or 'a trealise on (good) conduct'5. Though 1. Vide Macdonell, A Practical Sanskrit Dictionary, Sub voce. 2. Vide Rs. Davids, Pali English Dictionary, Sub voce. 3. vividh avisesanayatta vinayato ceva kayavacanam/ vinayatthaviduhi ayam vinayo vinayo ti ak khato till Atthasalini, 1. 47, p. 17; cf Expositor. 4. Vide Macdonell, A Practical Sanskrit Dictionary, sub voce. On the analogy of the term Vedanga meaning "a limb (for preserving the body) of the Veda' (Vide Monier Williame, Sanskrit-English Dictionary), the expression Acaranga may also be interpreted as 'a limb or an organ (for preserving the body) of (good) conduct'. 5.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM the Acara ngasutra does not contain the entire set of rules and regulations binding on the Jaina Order, yet it is assumed to represent the rules in toto. (B) The Sources of Study A brief survey of the sources of study will not be entirely unprofitable. At the first place, it may be mentioned that the only purpose here is to introduce the books dealing with the monastic rules with reference to their utility and importance in point, and not to discuss them in their historical perspective. Our mission will be accomplished most successfully, if we take up the Buddhist and the Jaina sources separately. It may be stated here that the main source of information as regards the conduct of the Buddhist monks and nuns in their daily life and the internal management of the Saigha is the Pa li texts which may aptly be discussed in two groups : - (a) the Canon or the Pitakas and (b) the Commentaries or the Althakathas. The Pali Canon consists of three Pitakas, viz. Vinayapitaka, Suttapitaka and Abhidhammapitaka, each Pitaka containing books as given below : Vinayapitaka 1. Mahavagga 2. Cullavagga 3. Parajika 4. Pacittiya 5. Parivara Suttapitaka 1. Dighanikaya 2. Majjhimanikaya 3. Sam yuttanikaya 4. Alguttaranikaya 5. Khudda kanikaya Abhidhammapitaka 1. Dhammasaigaai 2. Vibhaiga 3. Dbatukatha 4. Puggalapannatti 5. Kathavatthu 6. Yamaka 7. Patthana. The fifth nikaya of the Sultapitaka, the Khuddakanika ya contains the following fifteen books : 1. Khuddakapatha 6. Vimanavatthu 11. Niddesa 2. Dhammapada 7. Petavatthu 12. Patisambhida magga. 3. Udana 8. Theragatha 13. Apadana. 4. Itivuttaka 9. Therigatha 14. Buddhavamsa 5. Suttanipata 10. Jataka 15. Cariyapitaka To ascertain the date of composition of the texts that go to form the Pali Canon would, of course, entail a long discussion. It may however be opined in short that even the earliest text cannot be anterior to the First Sermon of the Buddha. Likewise the latest can in no case be posterior to the reign of king Vaztagamani of Ceylon in

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INTRODUCTORY whose time the Canon is alleged to have been committed to writing, or even if not so, then to the composition of the Milindapanho, a work of the first century AD., in which the Pali Canon or some portions of them are referred to. Thus probably the Pali Canon was compiled and composed in between 600 B, C. and 100 A.D. It may aptly be remarked that for the history of the Buddhist Sargha the books on the Vinaya are of supreme importance while those of Sutta are of some profit, but those of Adhidhamma are of little account Naturally our knowledge of the Buddhist Sargha will be based on the books of the Vinayapitaka of the Theravada School, though an effort to utilise the Vinaya texts of the Sarvastivada school will also be made with a view to make the study comprehensive. What is true of the Pitakas is, of course, applicable in case of their commentaries as well, i. e., the commentaries on the Vinaya are more useful for our purpose than the commentaries on the other Pitakas. The utility of the commentaries lies in the fact that they explain the unintelligible terms and expressions, remove the vagueness of the original rule and somestimes also suppleroent it. Among the good number of commentaries on the Vinaya, those written by Buddhaghosa and Buddhadatta Mahatheras are the most ancient and reliable. Others ascribed to a date much later than the former are steriotyped, for either they are sub.coin nentaries, or simply contain the Vinaya rules in an abridged form, or presuppose the commentaries of Buddhaghosa. Consequently it would be advisable to exploit the Atthakathas of Buddhaghosa only. Nevertheless, with a view to facilitate the task of the readers and the scholars, a list of the important commentaries and sub.commentaries on the Vinaya is appended here. The Commentaries The Commentators 1. Samantapasadika -Buddhaghosa Mahathera (A Commentary on the Vinaya) 2. Saratthadipani Tika -Sariputta Thera of Ceylon (A Commentary on Samantapasadika) 3. Samantapasadika Yojana -Jagara Thera 4. Kankhavitarans or -Buddhaghosa Mahathera Matikatthakatha (A Commentary on the Patimokkha) 5. Karkhavitarani Tika or -Buddhanaga Thera Vinayatthamanjusa 1. Law, A History of Pali Literature, pp. 11.12.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM 6. Kankhavitarapi Abhinavatika 7. Karikhavitaraniganthi - Unknown 8. Kankhayojana 9. Karkhayojana Mahatika 10. Patimokkha padatthavanpana 11. Patimokkhavisodhani -Disciple of Bhikkhu Sariputta of Ceyon 12. Vinayavinicchaya --Buddhadatta Mahathera 13. Vinayavinicchaya Tika Vacissara 14. Uttaravinicchaya -Buddhadatta Mahathera 15. Uttaravinicchaya Tika - Vacissara 16, Vimativinodani Tika ---Koliyakassapa Mahathera 17. Vajirabuddhi Tska or - Mahavajirabuddhi of Ceylon Vinayaganthi 18. Vinayagapthipada -Bhikkhu Moggallana of Ceylon 19. Palimuttakavinayasangaha or -Sariputta Thera of Ceylon Vinayasangaha-asthakatha or Mahavinayasaiigahappakarana 20. Mulasikkha --Mahasami 21. Mulasikkha sika or Poranatika -Vimalasara 22. Mulasikkha Abhinavatika - Vacissara 23. Simalaikarasangaha --Vacissara 24. Simalankara sa ngaha Tika -Disciple of Bhikkhu Sariputta of Ceylon 25. Khuddakasikkha --Dhammasa mi 26. Khuddakasikkha Tika --Mahayasa 27. Khuddakasikkha Abhinavatika -Sangharakkhita Thera 28. Vinayalankaratika -- Tipitakala kora of Tiriya. (A Commentary on Vinaya pabbata saugaha) 29. Vinayalarikara Anutika -Unknown 30. Vinayagulhatthadipani --Disciples of Bhikkhu 31. Vinayasamutthanadipani ) Sariputta of Ceylon 32. Terasakappatika Bhadanta Sariputta Thera 33. Sumangalappasadani - Saugharakkhita Thera 34. Parajikakandayojana / -Unknown 35. Pacityadiyojana 5 So far as the sources of information about the Jaina Order are concerned the Agamas, i. e., Canonical texts together with their exegetical literature, epigraphs and the pattavalis are worth mentioning Particularly the former is of great account as it gives all round

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5 knowledge of the Jaina Church. Other sources like the epigraphs, the pattavalis, etc. occupy also a significant position not because they contain a complete picture of the inner working of the Jaina Order but because they substantiate and supplement the statement forwarded by the Canon. Both the Digambaras and the Svetambaras claim to possess a separate collection of Canonical texts, each discrediting the authenticity of the other. No wonder, if the Digambaras challenge the authenticity of the Svetambara Canon because the Svetambaras themselves are not sure of the total number of books, the Canon consists of. However the books comprising the Sveta mbara Canon are classified into the following six groups": (a) The Angas: INTRODUCTORY (i) Ayaranga (ii) Suyagadanga (iii) Thapanga (iv) Samavayauga (v) Viyahapanpatti (also called Bhagavaisuya) (vi) Nayadhammaka hao (vii) Uvasagadasao (viii) Antagadadasao (ix) Anuttarovavaiyadasao (x) Paphavagarapaim (xi) Vivagasuya (xii) Ditthivaya (not extant). (b) The Upangas: (i) Ovavaiya (ii) Rayapasenaijja (iii) Jivabhigama (iv) Pannavana (v) Suriyapannatti (vi) Jambuddivapannatti (vii) Candapappatti (viii) Niryavalio 1. Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIII, p. 29; HJM, p. 23. 2. Scholars are not unanimous about the total number of books of the Svetambara canon. Prof. Kapadia gives a list of 84 books (Vide Canonical literature of the Jainas, p. 58), while scholars like Winternitz (History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, pp. 428-30) and Weber (Indian Antiquary, Vols. XVIIXXI) refer to the list we have followed. Vide also HJM, pp. 16-18.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (ix) Kappavadamsiao (x) Pupphiao (xi) Pupphaculiao (xii) Vanhidasao, (c) The Mulasuttas : (i) Uttarajjhayana Dasaveyaliya Avassaya (iv) Pipdapijjutti (v) Oghapijjutti', (d) The Cheyasuttas : (i) Nisiha (ii) Mahanisiha (iii) Vavahara (iv) Dasasuyakkhandha (also known as Ayaradasao) (v) Kappa (also called Byhatkalpa) (vi) Pancakappa (some put Jiyakappa), (e) The Painnas : (i) Causarana Aurapaccakkhana (iii) Bhattaparippa (iv) Samthara Tandulaveyaliya (vi) Candavijjhaya (vii) Devindatthava (viii) Ganivijja (ix) Mahapaccakkhana (x) Viratthava, (f) Miscellaneous texts : (i) Nandi (ii) Anuyogaddara. Strictly speaking none of the six groups deals exclusively with the origin and development of the Jaina Church as is the case with the Vinayapitaka. Notwithstanding, the Angas, the Cheyasuttas and the Malasutlas together with their exegetical literature play, for the history 1. Oghanijjutti is not always taken as a component part of the Canon. Some. times, Pindanijjutti and Oghanijjuiti are stated to form the group of the Chedasutras. History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, pp. 465.

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7 INTRODUCTORY of the Jaina Monachism, a role similar to that of the Vinayapitaka and its commentary. As the space at our disposal is limited, it is not advisable to hazard a long discussion about the date of composition of the books that go to form the Svetambara Canon. It may however be observed in brief that "The earliest portions of the canon may........., quite possibly belong to the period of the first disciples of Mahavira himself, or at the latest to the second century after Mahavara's death-the period of the Maurya Chandragupta, in which tradition places the council of Pataliputra-whilst the latest portions probably be dated nearer the times of Devardhi. Thus the probable period of composition and compilation of the Svetambara Canon is between 600 B. C. and 600 A. D "" Among the texts forming the Digambara Canon which are group. ed under the headings (a) the Angas, (b) the Angabahyas, and (c) the Anuyogas, the texts belonging to the first two groups which in several cases correspond to the texts forming the Svetambara Canon, e. g., Natrdharmakathanga2, are in no way less informative. Other texts like Malacara, etc. which belong to the third group, the Anuyogas, most often, give new information about the history of Jaina monachism. The materials supplied by all these texts have been exploited to record the points of convergence and divergence between the two sects of the same monastic movement. Besides, the vast exegetical literature which developed round the Canon is on no account less significant. It throws a flood of light on the canonical texts which "are written in a dry-as-dust, as a matter of fact, didactic tone, and... .....are seldom instinct with general human interest". Furthermore "the exegetical literature is of importance from the point of view of social traditions, peculiar customs and practices mentioned in it, as also due to references to several religious sects, schisms and faiths. Thus they give us the social background to monastic practices and alterations in it, if any."4 1. History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, pp. 434.35; Bhatkathakosa, Introduction, p. 17. 2. History of Indian Literature, p. 473; Buhler's remarks, Indian Antiquary, Vide Vol. VII, p. 29. History of Indian Literature Vol. remark is also to the same effect. p. 290. HJM. p. 29. 3. 4. II, p. 426; More or less Prof. Weber's Vide Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII,

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM But for the enormous amount of work done in the field of Buddhist and Jaina studies by European and modern Indian scholars that this humble attempt of mine could not have been completed in time. Worthy of mention among the Buddhist scholars whose learned works in various forms opened the field for Buddhist ecclesiastical studies are Prof. H. Oldenberg, Prof. H. Kern, Prof. M. Winternitz, Prof R. S. Hardy, Prof. Rockhill, Mr. and Mrs. Rhys Davids, I. B. Horner, Dr. B. G. Law, Mahapandita Rahula Sanksityayana, Drs. N. Dutt, S. Dutt, and the like. Among European scholars whose scholarly contributions to Jaina studies are very helpful for Jaina monastic studies are Col. Mackenzie, George Buhler, Prof. H. Jacobi, Mrs. S. Stevenson, Dr. W. Schubring and several others. Among modern Indian scholars whose valuable works proved of much help for the purpose are Muni Jinavijayaji, Pt. Kalyanavijaya Gani, Prof. H. R. Kapadia, Dr. P. L. Vaidya, Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Dr. H. L. Jain, and the remarkable work of Dr. S. B. Deo and others.

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CHAPTER I THE JAINA ACARA AND THE BUDDHIST VINAYA Section 1 The Salient Features of Jaina Acara Section II (A) The Salient Features of Buddhist Vinaya (B) The Background of the Buddhist Vinaya

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SECTION I THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA "A careful perusal of the Jaina canon" remarks Prof. K. V. Abhyankar, "would show that the main theme of the canon is to define and illustrate monkhood,......".1 In other words, the canon answers the question as to what true monkhood is ? True monkhood, according to the same source, does not consist in renouncing the world and discarding the use of excellent things simply because one cannot afford it. It consists, no doubt, in forsaking the world and finding no pleasure in worldly things even though abounding in them. This type of renunciation, we find, clearly illustrated in the following lines of the Dasavaikalikasutra : vatthagandhamalamkaran itthio sayanani ya acchanda je na bhumjanti na se cai tti vuccai || je ca kante pie bhoe laddhe vi pitthikuvvai | sahine cayai bhoe se hu cai tii vuccai ||2 It is for this type of persons that the Jaina canon defines and illustrates a rigorous course of discipline. These rules and regulations which pertain to various aspects of monastic life such as conversion of persons, acquisition of food and requisites by them, church units and officers, study, transgressions and punishments, and the like are developed to an uncomparable height. The most striking traits of these rules are that they presuppose the threefold principle of inoffensiveness, self-restraint and penance" or in the words of the rival religious sects self-mortication. The due or undue stress, for we cannot remark categorically at this stage, laid on the hair-splitting minuteness of the rules is, in all probability, with a view to keep this threefold principle scrupulously. These three main traits of the Jaina monastic rules, i. e., inoffensiveness, self-restraint and penance will follow after a brief introduction to the formation of the Jaina Order and some other relevant rules which are all helpful in the practice of the aforesaid three formulas. (a) The Jaina Order and other relevant rules Formation: Admission of candidates to the Order is one of the most important features of monachism. This is why the framers of Dasu, Introduction, p. 1. 1. 2. Dasv, 2.2-3. 3. dhammo mamgalamukkittham ahimsa samjamo tavo-Dasv, 1.1.

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12 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM the Jaina monastic rules seem to have laid great stress on the different aspects of admission which will be discussed in great detail in the section on initiation and ordination. For the time being, the following account will suffice. In the beginning, everybody, irrespective of one's caste or social status, was allowed to enter the Order. This privilege to the general mass was stopped as soon as it was found impairing to the cause of the Order. Consequently, children under eight years of age, old men, eunuchs, sick persons, robbers, mad men, king's enemies, slaves, persons in debt, pregnant women, women having small children, so on and so forth were normally declared disqualified for monk life. However the strictness of the rule was relaxed in exceptional cases. The cases of Atimuttaka and Vaira may be cited as instances in point, who were admitted at the age of six years and six months respectively. Causes of renunciation were numerous and of varied nature. Sometimes, anger, poverty, illness, disgust for worldly life or such other factor acted as a cause of renunciation." At times, husband's becoming a monk constrained the wife to adopt nunhood and son's 1. Than, 202, pp. 164b- 165a. 2. Bhag, 188, p. 219 b. 3. Curni to Avas, pp. 391 ff. 4. Atimuttaka is named 'Kumarasamana' which is explained as 'kumarasamane'tti sadavarasajatasya pravrajitvat. Bhag, p. 219 b. Vide Than, 712, p. 473 b for ten causes of renunciation. Here I cannot help referring to an interesting episode which illustrates a peculiar cause of renunciation. It occurs in the Avasyakasutra (Bkasya 141-144; Vrtti, pp. 415-418) as below: 5. Once upon a time, there was a man named Sahasramalla Sivabhuti. Once, Sivabhuti's wife lodged a complaint against him to her mother-inlaw that, eve.yday, she had to wait for her husband till midnight as he Her mother-in-law, did never come home before twelve in the night. having made up her mind to wait for her son herself, asked her to shut up the door and go to bed. As usual Sivabhuti knocked the door in the dead of night. Then her mother, having rebuked him bitterly, asked to He left his house in disgust find out a door which might be open for him. and proceeded on his way. All of a sudden he came across a monastery of Jaina monks whose door was still open. He approached the monks But he and requested them for his conversion which they refused. started uprooting his hair himself. The monks, seeing him doing so, admitted him to the Order and left the place with him. 6. Rajimati followed the foot-print of her would-be husband, Neminatha who took to monkhood having come to know that his wedding would cost many lives.--Uttar, xxii.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA ARA 13 taking to monk life inspired the parents to renounce the world'. Besides these instances of taking to monk life, many a time, people were either impressed by preaching religious discourse to bid farwell to household life? or were induced by different methods to do so. Whatever might have been the reasons of renuciation, the ceremony of conversion was solemnised with great pomp and festivity which mainly depended on the status of person seeking admission. As it was the last chance for the postulant to enjoy worldly pomp and luxury, he was dressed in gorgeous garments and then was brought to the place of conversion accompanied by pompous procession. There the monk-to-be, after taking off his exellent garments and fineries, and putting on white robes, requested the teacher or the person concerned for conversion. The person concerned, after imparting religious instructions and making him acquainted with the pros and cons of ascetic life, inquired of him about his whereabouts and the purpose of renunciation. If his answer was satisfactory, then he was taught the necessary items of daily routine of a monk such as the way of wor shipping the cetiyas and the siddhas, the process of sama yika, pratikramna (confession) and the rules of iriya patha (movement), etc. Then the entrant, after observing the necessary formalities of worshipping the cetiyas and the vitaragas, uprooted handfuls of hair in order to show disgust with his body. After it, he had to recite the ika perambulating round the teacher thrice. The process of admission was completed with the offer of mejoharana (duster) to the postulant by the teacher utter ing the mangalamantra. 4 The man joining the Order is called sehas (or sekha), anteva sikas, samanera? or khuddagas and the women khuddiya", all of them denoting a person in want of training. They are, therefore, kept under the guidance of a learned and experienced teacher either for six months or for four months or for a week only.10 During their probation they have to show complete obedience to their seniors and to learn the 1. Uttar, xiv. 2. Naya, pp. 24ff. 3. Thun, 157, p. 128b; 355, p. 276a. 4 Vide Infra, Chap 1, Sec. I-Procesy of Admission. 5. Bhag, 339, p. 382a. 6. Bhag, 7, p. lla ; Naya p. 163; Than, 320, p. 240a and Vav, 10.14 refer to four types of anteva sika. 7. Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p. 277. 8. Vav, 10.17-20. 9. Ibid. 10. Than, 159, p. 129a; Vav, 10.16.

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14 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM tenets of monkhood or nunhood as the case may be. After the successful completion of the training period, their admission is confirmed. After the confirmation, the monk is called bhikkhu, niggantha, sahu or thera, and the nun, bhikkhuni, nigganthi, sahuni, ajja or theri and are treated as regular members of the Order. Now they are entitled to participate in any affair of their respective Order as well as to aspire and endeavour even for the highest position in the Church hierarchy.1 The appearance and the outfit of a Jaina monk : The Jaina monks must have been readily recognisable as they practised either complete nuditya or clad in white garments from great antiquity, quite distinct from the reddish brown (geruka) dress of the Brahmapical ascetics and saffron-coloured (kasaya) robes of the Buddhist monks, two of the main sects of the Indian mendicants. Another distinctive feature of the Jaina monks was that they either got their hair and whiskers shaved or clipped leaving on their heads hair only four-finger long or as long as that of cows. Besides garments, other requisites which they always kept with them for the sake of self-control or out of a sense of shame were pot (paya), blanket (kambala), duster (payapunchana, gocchaga or rayaharana) and a mouth-covering-cloth (muhupotti)?. The pot was 1. For all these references Vide Vav, 10.16-35; Naya, p. 163; Than, 159, p. 129a ; 320, p. 240a; etc. 2. In the Uttaradhyayanasutra, Ajjhayana No. 23, there is a dialogue between Gautama Indrabhuti, a disciple of Lord Mahavira and Kesi, a follower of Lord Parsva's sect, which refers to the monks to the Parsva's Bect as hearing an inner and an upper garment (santarutlara) and the disciples of Lord Mahavira as naked. Though the antiquity of the Ajjhayana may be questioned, there is no doubt that the followers of Parsva did not practise nudity which was most probably introduced by Lord Mahavira in imitation of the custom prevalent among the Ajivika sect. It is probable that among the followers of Lord Mahavira also there were monks who ueed clothes, and that explains the initiation of women in Jaina Church from the very beginning. In latter times, with the cleavage of the Jaina Church into Svetambara and Digambara, nudity came to be regarded as an essential feature of monk hood in the Digambara camp which consequently stopped admission of women to the Church. Naya, p. 30. 4. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXI), p. 308. 5. Dasv, 6.20; Than 171, p. 138a adds disrespect from people as the third reason. 6. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1... 5,3 (p. 23); 1. 6. 2. 1 (p. 55); Bhag, 267, p. 291a; 289, p. 309b; Uttar, 26. 23. 7. Uttar, 26. 23; Bhag, 111, p. 139a; Nis, 4. 24; OghN, 288, p. 117a; 511, p. 175b; 628, p. 198b; 711-12, p. 214b.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 15 in all cases never metallic but made of gourd, wood or clay.' Most probably payapunchana was the same as rayaharana which was used for making the place of lying, sitting standing and walking lifeless. The use of a muhapotti to prevent killing of microscopic insects was a practice peculiar to the Jainas. Besides, a sect of the Svetambara monks, like the Brahmapical ascetics, also had a staff or danda." This was in brief the outward appearance of the Svetambara monks. The Digambara ascetics, as they lived naked (jahajaya)s and took food in the palms of their hands (panibaya)' actually had no outfit except a feather-broom (picchiya)" corresponding to the Svetambara payapunchana or rayaharana and a kundi (water-pot). As the requisites allowed to the nuns were almost the same as to the monks, their appearance was very similar to monks. A nun whether belonging to the Svetambara or Digambara? sect always used white robes, for neither the Svetambaras nor the Digambaras advocated nudity for nuns. Thus the main signs of a Jaina monk or a nun were his or her white robes which were three in number, begging-bowl, duster and the mouth-covering-cloth, the first and the last signs distinguishing him or her from the rest of the Indian ascetics. In this guise the monks and the nuns travelled from one place to another in the dry seasons bare-footed and without umbrella not sticking to a place more than five nights. Daily duties of a faina monk : The Jaina monks, as a matter of fact, lead a very strenuous life throughout the whole day and night and try their best to stick to their daily duties even in course of tour. They divide the whole of the day and the night into eight equal parts called porisi, four of the day'o and four of the night. The duties to be performed in each of the eight porisis are prescribed thus in the Uttaradhya yanasutra. 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.6 1.2-5 (pp. 166ft); Than, 170, p. 138a. 2. Nis, 1.40; Bhag, 333, p. 374b; OghN, 730, p. 218a. 3. Mul, 9. 15; 10.17-22. 4. Ibid, 9. 45-54. 5. Bhagavati Aradhana, 6.38. 6. Ibid. 7. Regarding nuns among the Digambara sect Vide HJM, pp. 497f. 8. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1.7.4 (pp. 67-69); Ibid, p. 67, fo. 3. 9. Perhaps the use of umbrella was sanctioned to old monks only, Vav, 8-5. 10. Uttar, 26. 11. 11. Ibid, 26. 17.

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16 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM : The first and the foremost duty of a monk after rising early in the morning, perhaps after attending the calls of nature, is to scan his requisites carefully and to reinove insects found therein to a place of safety.' Then he should do the works of his acarya, if asked for any, or devote the rest of the first porisi in study. This is in brief the daily routine of a Jaina monk to be followed in the first porist of the day. In the second porisi he should practise meditation and in the third he should go on begging. 2 The item of begging food and drink may be omitted in case of illness (a yamke), disaster (uvasagge), for the sake of tolerance (titikkhaya), in order to preserve one's chastity and guptis, out of compassion for living beings, in the interest of penance or fast unto death (sariravoccheyanatthae). Study forms the main item of the fourth porisi. The different texts furnish us with certain details and also refer to a number of technical terms connected with study, some of them being saijha ya, vayana, padipucchana, pariyattana, etc. 6 The place of study is called nisihiyao which should be free from bones, flesh, blood, etc.? Study can be stopped in cases of fall of meteors, lightening, etc.8 During the rest of the porisi a monk should pay reverence to his guru, perform kalapratikramana (confession of sins concerning time), and inspect his lodging and the place of easing nature in the closing part of the fourth porisi. Then he should practise the karotsarga posture without feeling any pain. Lastly he should confess his transgressions committed during the day before the acarya and should seek absolution therefrom. The routine to be followed in the night is almost identical with that of the day, i.e., in the first and the fourth porisis of the night a monk should study; in the second, he should meditate ; and in the third, he should go to bed.10 1. Uttar, 26. 21-31. 2. Ibid, 26. 12. 3. Ibid, 26.35. 4. Than, 285, p. 213 b; Nis, 19.8; Uttar, 26. 37. 5. Vide Schubring, Doctrines of the Jainas p. 267. 6. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.9 ; 2.2.1.1, pp. 179, Nisihiya also means study tahappagare uvassae no tlanam (religious posturs) va sejjan (night's rest) va nisihiyam (study) va ketejja.-Ibid, 2.2.1.1, p. 120. 7. Than, 714-15, pp. 475b-476a. 8. Ibid, 714, pp. 475b-476a. 9. Uttar, 26.37-43. 10. Ibid, 26. 44-53.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 17 It is remarkable that a Jaina monk neither cleanses teeth nor takes bath, and hence, these are not enumerated in the list of the daily duties of a mendicant. TZ The requisites of a Jaina monk : As the practice of ideal conduct depends mainly on acceptable food, proper dress and suitable abode, the Jaina Order seems to be careful enough as regards the same. It recommends not only to the mendicants but also to the laities, though not with the same strictness as in the case of the former, a life of rigour and severity. The sole aim behind this being the practice of aparigraha (non-possession of property), the material articles allowed to the monks are very few and limited in number and kind. This effort of the mendicants to observe poverty scrupulously enabled a group of them to abstain from the use of cloth even. Other regulations regarding the material needs of monks are also marked by the same type of serverity which will be manifest in the ensuing discussion. 1. Begging and food : The rules to be followed in respect of food were indeed very difficult and troublesome. Under no circumstances, a monk was permitted to hoard articles of food. So also, cooking food by their own hands? or accepting food purposely prepared, purchased or borrowed for monks was not permissible to them. They were to depend on fi od gathered from begging only, and that too must be acceptable, procured from a proper donor and in a lawful way. The offences which pertained to the nature (of food), the purpose and the method of its preparation (udgama), the ways and means adopted in its acquisition (utpada), the ways of offering and accepting (esana) and the way of eating (paribhoga! were forty-two in number. 4 Normally, the monks set out for begging in their complete outfits when there was no rain, mist, gale or insects in the sky. On the journey they tried to avoid a road full of living beings, pits, uneven ground, pillars, mud, bridges, embers, ashes or cow dung?; or the company of a householder or a heretic. So also their best efforts was to keep themselves away from the vicinity of courtezans, a dog, a recently delivered cow, a wild bull, horse or elephant, a scene of 1. Dasv, 8 24; 6.18 & 10.8 forbid even overnight possession of food. 2 A monk is not allowed to do any fire activity.--Dasv, 8.8. 3. Ibid, 5-1. 55; 6.49-50; Nis, 18.21-64. 4. Sung (SBE, Vol. XLV, 364; Uttur, 24.12. Ayar (SBE. Vol XXII), 2.1.3.6 (p. 96). 6. Ibid, 2.1.3.9 (pp. 96f); Dasu, 5-1.8. 7. Ibid, 2.1.5.2-4 (pp. 90-101); Dasv, 5-1.3-7. 8. Ibid, 2.1.1.7 (p. 90).

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18 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM play, quarrel or fight, the houses of kings, officers' and relatives?. Thus causing no injury either to living beings or to their own person or celibacy they were to beg aims within an area of half a yojana all around the place of their stay. They were to reach the house of a donor when the food was ready. 4 As it was feared to result in the loss of celibacy, destruction of life, obstruction to other monks and lastly exciting anger of the householders; sitting in the house of a donor was not allowed to a monk moving for alms. Only a monk overpowered with old age, ailing from some illness or practising penance was allowed to do so A monk, as a rule, must beg at all houses without any distinction of the status of their inhabitants. But as he intends to procure pure and admissible food, he may visit only noble families.8 In case of special vows as regards food donor or time, he may also disobey the rules of begging and beg in peculiar ways. Normally, a monk accepts whatever he is offered to in begging. But the use of bulbs (kanda); roots (mu!a); fruits, green vegetables, sprouts and blossoms of trees; juice of raw fruits, raw rice, honey, liquor, ghee, curds, molasses and oil, etc.; food specially prepared for monks (uddesiyapind a); food offered by the owner of the house occupied by the monks (sajjayarapinda); royal food (rayapinda); food from a festival (samkhadi) and food dripping with ghee or oil, etc. are deemed unfit for a monk. 10 He can, if he is in such a need, take food while on the beggingtour.11 But normally he takes it after coming back to his lodge. First of all after his return from the begging-round, he shows the 1. Ayar (SBE, Vol. XXII), 2 1.5.2.4 (pp. 99-101); Dasv, 5-1.3-16. 2. Ibid, 2.1.4.4 (p. 98). 3. Ibid, 2.1.2.5 (p.93);Bhag, 269, pp. 291b-292a; Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII),p. 297. 4. Ibid, 2.1.4.3 ( P 98) 5. Ibid, 2.1.6.2 (p. 103); Dasv, 5-2.8-9. 6. Brhk, 3.22. 7. Daso, 5-1.14. 8. Ibid, 5-1.10-11, 5-1.16-17. 9. Ultar, 30.19; Than, 514, p. 365 b. 10. Dasv, 5-1. 70-75; 5-2. 14-24; 3.3; 7.57; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2,1.1. 11-14 (pp. 90-91); 2.1.2.3 (P. 92); 2. 1.3.5 (p.96); 2.1 6.8 (p. 104); 2.1.6.9 (p. 104); 2.1.7.1 (p. 105); 2.1.7.5 (p. 107); 2.1 9.1 (p. 111); 2.1.9.3 (p. 112); Vide Infra, Articles of food'. 11. Dasv, 5-1. 82-83,

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 19 contents of his bowl to the guru and performs the pratikramana for the transgressions committed intentionally or inadvertently in course of begging. Then he distributes it to the needy fellow-monks and takes it in their company. Generally it is finished in the third porist of the day', i.e. nine hours after sun rise, a practice which unlike that of. the Buddhists who must finish their luncheon before noon. 2 Clothing and dress : It has already been stated that the material needs of a Jaina monk are very limited. The requisites which they possess are called bhandaga4 or dhammopagarana', and are of two types-ogha or essential requisites and aupagrahika or auxiliary requisites, sometimes also interpreted as requisites of general and occasional use respectively. The former group, for instance, includes clothes, begging-bowl, blanket and broom, etc.?, while the latter stick (danda), leather-bag (cammakosa), curtain (cilimili), etc. The problem of clothing was in no way less important than that of the food as it was one of the most important items of requisites which the monks were allowed to use. Moreover, it was perhaps the question of dress which was responsible for the division of the Order into two, the Digambara or the sky-clad and the Svetambara or the white-clad. The Diga mbaras advocated and practised nudity because Lord Mahavira not only discarded the use of clothes completely but also recommended it to his followers --'mae samananam... acelate dhamme pannatte...''. Besides, the idea of nakedness is also attested by the epithets, nagiralo and acela"), assigned to the Jaina monks and the inclusion of nakedness (aceloparisaha) in the list of parisahas12. On the other hand, there are references in the Agamas which go against the idea of nakedness, i. e. nakedness is not deemed as a compulsory item of monastic life. 13 But it never means that those who are 1. Ibid, 5-1. 84-97; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.1. 10.1-3 (pp. 113 ff); Uttar, 1.35. 2. Uttar, 26. 12. Vide Infra, "Time of cating. Uttar, 24.13; Ogh N, 666, p. 207 b. 5. OghN, 745, p. 229 b. 6. Uttar, 24.13; OghN, 667, p. 208a. 7. OghN, 668-6 77, pp. 208a-209b. 8. Ibid, 728-29, pp. 217b-218a. 9. Than, 693, P. 460b. 10. Daso, 6.65. 11. Ayar, 1.7.7.1. 12. Uttar, ii. 13. Ibid, 2.12-13; 23.32-33 ; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1.6.3.1 (p. 57); 1.7.4.1 (p. 69); 1.7.1.1 (p. 71); 1.7.7.1 (p. 73); Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p. 354.

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20 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM allowed robes can use it profusely and without any restriction. The monks can use, in all, two robes', an under-garment and an uppergarment, or three robes, two under-garments and one upper-garment, while the nuns four, one under-garment and three other robes. The number of robes is in no case to be enhanced. Not only this, the stouter and the younger folks are permitted to use only one robe, while the older ones two or more. The reasons for such a small number of robes allowed to the mendicants are that they use clothes not for bodily decoration and decency but for the sake of avoiding shame, disrespect from the people and to carry out the vows of parisaha (parisahavattiyam). Besides the limitation to the number of robes, the Jaina monks were very much particular about the material, colour and the nature of clothes. Normally they preferred clothes made of cotton and wool.6 But in case these were not available, then they could use those of silk (bhamgiyam), hemp (sanayam), palm leaves (pottayam) arhatula? and tirida8 bark. Under no circumstances, they could use coloured, decorated, costly and gorgeous costumes. Thus they used a robe permissible to them without washing or cleaning 10 it so long as it endured." Devoted householders were the only source from whom the monks met their needs for clothes. They asked the householders only for such clothes which were most suited to them and at the same time of no use for the householders Moreover, the clothes to be accepted 1. Ullar, 23.29. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1.7.4.1 (pp. 67-69); Brhk, 3. 15-16 3. Ibid, 2.5.1.1 (P, 157); Than, 246, p. 186b; Brhk, 3.16. 4. Ibid, 2.5.1.1 (p. 157). 5. Than, 171, p. 138a. 6. Ibid, 170, p. 138a; OghN, 705, p. 213b. 7. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.5.1.1 (p. 157). 8. Than, 446, pp. 338ab. 9. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.5.1-3-5 (pp. 157f). 10. Ibid, 1.7.4.1 (p. 68); 2.5.1.17 (p 162); Nis, 18.21-64. 11. This restriction is due to the avoidance of the risk of injury to life. But if adequate hot water be available and the cleansing material such as surf which are without living beings in sight, they have become permissible. Dirty clothes are rather fertile breeding-ground and shelter of vermin and so a timely washing may avoid this contingency. Very likely the compilers of the Niryuktis apprehending this flaw in the law allowed washing of clothes and other requisites and laid down elaborate rules as regards the same--OghN, 349-57, pp. 131b-138a; Pind N, 23-34, pp. 11b-16a.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 21 by the monks must also be lasting and of required length and breadth", because they were not allowed to use a cloth sewn together in normal circumstancesa. It is remarkable that most of the rules as regards cloth were similar to those of food. Next to cloth comes paya or patra (begging-bowl), also known as bhu yanao and padiggaha. It has already been noted that the almsbowl of the monks should in no case be made out of metals, not even of iron (aya), stones (sela), shell (saikha), tusk (danta), horn (simga), cloth (ccla) or leather (camma), but only of gourd (lau), wood (daru), or clay (mattiya). A pot used by the house holders is also deemed unfit for the monks. Other articles which formed the group of essential requisites were karbala (blanket), payapunchara duster) and muhapotli (monthcovering cloth), etc. which, inore or less, have been explained in the previous pages. Those worthy of mention ainong the auxiliary requisites were skin (camma), leather-bag (cammakosa), skin-cutter (cammachedaka , curtain (cilimili), needle (sui), razor (pippalaga), etc. These were sought from the householders and were returned to the person concerned immediately after the purpose was over. Thus the total number of requisites allowed to the Jinakalpikas, Sthavirakalpikas and the Bhikkhunis were twelve, fourteen and twenty-five respectively. 10 Normally the use of umbrella", stick??, shoes or the like was not allowed to the monks. The various references to certain diseases and their infallible treatment go to prove that the Jaina monks were allowed to make use of medical aid from the very beginning of the Church. It was because of this that they were allowed even so ne forbidden articles of food and drink.13 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.1-2 (pp. 157-65). 2. Ibid, 2.5.1 (pp. 157-163). 3. Ibid, 2.5.1.2 (p. 157). 4. Bhag, 111, p. 139a. 5. Naya, p 29; Dasv, 5-2.1. 6. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), .6.-3 (pp. 106-67); Dasv, 6.51-53. 7. Dasu, 6.53. 8. Vide Supra "Outfit of a Jaina monk'. 9. OghN, 728-29, pp. 217b-218a. 10. OghN, 668-677, pp. 208a-209a. 11. Vav, 85. 12. OghN, 730-39, pp, 218ab ; Nis, 5.25.33. 13. Vide Infra, "Putimuttabhesajja'.

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22 STUDISS IN BUDDHIST A D JAINA MONACHISM Wandering life : One of the peculiar traits of the Jaina ascetics is that they lead a wandering life which is interrupted during the four months of the rains only. During the rest of the year, they stay not for more than one night in a village and five nights in a town in the minimum' or for one month in the maximum. The Agamas contain a series of rules which control asetics' life while they are on tour. As the principle of no harming is the nucleus of Jaina monastic life, the regulations as regards travel are also permeated with the same principle. It is therefore befitting that a monk or a nun is asked to walk carefully either on one's toes or heels or the sides of one's feet looking four cubits forward so that he or she inay not incur the sin of injury to living beings. So also, he or she is prescribed to choose a byroad, if there is any life on the main road.* The principle of non-injury is followed by the theory of selfpreservation, both moral and physical. A monk or a nun is therefore advised to set out on tour with their complete outfit so that he or she may not be inconvenienced in any way." Further they are also asked not to travel either with a heretic or a householder as it may lead to moral degradation or pervertion. As a road passing through border area, or infested with robbers, running through regions inhabited by Mlecchas, non-Aryan people, partially civilised people or undevoted persons", or going through a country having no king or many kings or the likes is fraught with all sorts of troubles and dangers ---such a road is deemed unfit for the ascetics. The most suitable road or path for mendicants' walk is therefore that which is much used by carts and chariots, elephants and horses, asses and camels, and cows and buffaloes; or frequented by men and women, or scorched by the sun's heat, or that which is tilled for crop-bearing (satthaparinata)." Boat travel was however allowed to the ascetics. But the use of a boat owned by the host (saijatari) or giving any kind of help in order to see the boat moving was in no case allowed to them.10 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII). 2.3.1.7 (p. 137); Dasa, 7th dasa, p. 45a ; HJM, pp. 157, 242. 2. Brhk, 1.6-7. 3. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2,3.1.6 (p. 37). 4. Ibid, 2.3.1.6-7 (p 137); 2.3.3.13 (p. 147); Dasv, 5. 12fT. 5. Ibid, 2.1.3 8 (p. 96). 6. Ibid, 2.1.1.9 (p. 90). 7. Ibid, 2.3.1.7-9 (pp. 137-39). 8. Ibid, 2.3, 1.10 (p. 138). 9. Ibid,? 3 1.6 (p. 137). 10. Ibid, 2.3.1.13-21 (pp. 139-41).

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA Whatever might have been the reasons, sometimes the mendicants were thrown into the river. In that case they could swim across the river leaving their requisites behind. 1 .: Water travel was allowed to ascetics in unavoidable circumstances only. The ascetics, before entering into the water, wiped odies thoroughly and crossed it by putting one foot into the water and the other in the air and without being touched or by touching anybody else 2 Coming to the shore they did not brush their muddy feet against the grass in order to clean.' Five great rivers, namely, Ganga, Jauna, Sarau, Eravai and Mahi could be crossed more than twice or thrice within a month in case of calamities and dangers only." Mendicants' life during rainy season: It was during the four months of the rainy season that the ascetics confined themselves to one place by biding farewell to their itinerary habits. The practice of the Jaina monks called vassavasa or caturmasa, its English rendering being rainretreat or simply retreat, originally began on the fifth day of the bright-half on the month of Bhadrapada (August-September) and ceased on the full-moon day of the month of Kartika (OctoberNovember). Thus it lasted for seventy days only. But later on the duration of the period was extended to complete four months, starting from the full moon day of Asa lha (June-July) and terminating on the full-moon day of the month of Karuka. It was perhaps the difficulties arising from the scarcity of accommodation and provisions which were responsible for the curtailment of the duration from four months to seventy days because the ascetics had no liking for possession of properties or storing up food-stuff, etc. at all.? In normal circumstances the ascetics do not stay in a house full of living beings, or in houses inhabited or frequented by householders and heretics", the reasons being that the former has scope for inflicting injury to living beings while the latter for moral degradation. 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.2.2-7 (pp. 141-42). 2. Ibid, 2 3.2 9.10 (p 143). 3. Ibid, 2.3.2.12 (p. 143). 4. Than, 412, p. 308b, Nis, 11.42. 5. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 296, Samv, 70, p. 81a. 6 Nis, 10.40. 7. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 296. 8. Ayar (SBE, Vol. XXII), 2. 2. 1. 1 (p. 120). 9. Ibid, 2. 2. 1. 8-12 & 2. 2. 2. 1-8 (pp. 122-27); Nis, 10. 46.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Normally they select three abodes for observing retreat, all of these well-furnished with a place for answering calls of nature,2 having enough accommodation for religious practice and having wide scope for begging alms and other requisites." 24 The obvious reason which led them to keep retreat was that they wished to avoid injury because of the over-growth of vegetation in the season. Along with it, they were relieved from the troublesome journey when most of the roads become slushy. In normal circumstances, nobody could leave one's residence and go out even for a day or two before the expiry of the term of the retreat." But in case of some urgent piece of work of the Order or of the acarya or of the upadhyaya, or in case of troubles and dangers, one could shift to any one of the three abodes selected for the purpose. 8 In order to avoid injury to living beings, the monks and the nuns try to move the minimum during the retreat period. Having this end in view, they do not go more than a yojana and a krosa all around their residence for alms.9 Sometimes, they give up food altogether so that they neither have to go for collecting alms nor for easing calls of nature, 10 Thus the Jaina saints live, of course, a severe life during the rains. Residence of Jaina monks : As nobody was allowed to stay for more than one night in a village and five nights in a town throughout the eight months, the Jaina ascetics, unlike the Buddhists, had no fixed dwelling of their own. They often halted in gardens and temples, cemeteries, deserted houses, mountain caves and potters' workshops13 in course of their tour. When selecting a lodging place, 1. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 310. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 2. 3. 24 (p. 134). 3. Ibid, 2. 3. 1. 3 (pp. 136-37). 4. Ibid, 2. 3. 1. 1. (p. 136). 5. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 310. 6. Ibid. 7. Than, 413, p. 308 b. 8. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 310. 9. Ibid, p. 297, also p. 310. 10, Ibid, p. 297. 11. Ayar (SBE. pp. 157, 242. 12. Vivagasuya, p. 17; Uttar, 9. 4; 18.4; 23.4-8; Naya, p. 69. 13. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1.7.2.1 (p. 64). Vol. XXII), 2.3.1.6 (p. 137); Aup, p. 17; Mul, 9. 19, HJM

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA CARA 25 they had to keep two things in mind. It was that the place had neither any scope for himsa nor for misconduct either from their side or from the householder. In this connection the Ayaranga refers to a peculiar idea. It states that the ladies of the houses, thinking to have a promising child from a celibate monk, might enforce the ascetics to have sexual intercourse. As such a house occupied by householders", a place frequented by women, beasts, eunuchs3 and heretics, containing cobwebs and eggs, etc was deemed unfit for the mendicants. Similar was the case with a lodging prepared puposely for the ascetics. Before occupying a suitable abode, the formal permission of the lawful owner of the house was necessary.? The Church units and the hierarchy of officers : The Jainas managed the Church affairs very wisely. At the very outset, they divided the Order into various units and placed them under the direct control of seniors so that the law and the order might not be at stake. The most ancient unit and perhaps the biggest too was ganas which later on was superseded by gac ha. A gana comprised several sambhogas.10 Not even the Chedasulras and the Niryuktis, much less the Angas and the Mulasutras contain any information as regards the number of monks a sambhoga consisted of. But the exact number of monks which a gana comprised varied from three to several thousands.") On this evidence we may infer that the minimum number of monks which might have formed a sambhoga was three. Changing one's gana12 within an interval of six months was regarded as sabala ,i.e., a grave offence.18 1. Op. cit, (S3E. Vol. XXII), 2. 2. 1. 12 (p. 124), 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol XXII), 2. 2. 2. 6 (p. 126); 2. 2. 3. 5-11 (pp. 131-132). 3. Naya, p. 76, Bhag, p. 758 b. 4. Ayar (SBE. V J. XXII), 2. 3. 2. 8-13 (pp. 126-128). 5. Ibid, 2. 2. 1. 1 (p. 120); 2. 2. 2. 5 (p. 126). 6. Ibid, 2. 2. 3. 14 (pp. 128-29). 7. Ibid, 2. 7. 2. 1 (pp. 173-74). 8. Than, 475, p. 3521; 693, p. 460 b; Bhag, 21), p. 231b; Samv, 8, p. 13b; 37, p. 65a; 48, p.702; 56, p. 73b; 62, p. 75b; 66, p.78b; 83, p. 89b; 86, p. 92b; 90, p.94b): 93, p.97 a; 95, p.97b; 143, p.129a; Angd, 7.56; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.1. 10. I (p. 113); Ut dr, 17. 17. refers to the expression gananganiya which according to the commentators, means one who attaches himself to another gana every half year.-Vide SBE. Vol. XLV, p. 79, fn 2. 9. Comm. to Thun, pp. 241b, 331b, 340a, 353a, 391a, 386a, etc. Comm. to OghN, P, 211a. 10. Brhk, 4. 18-20. 11. Mul, 10. 92, RthkB. Vol. II, 1443. 12. Than, 541, p. 38la gives seven reasons for changing one's gana. 13. Dasu, 2nd dasa.

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26 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM The gaccha, like the gana', which is sometimes taken as a batch of monks having common reading (course of study), is called guruparivara, the following of a particular acarya. The information as regards the number of monks consisting a gaccha which was three or seven' seems to be incomplete. The head of a gaccha is called gamin, acaraya or suri.? Besides these, we are told of units like kula", sambhoga,' sakhal, mandaliil, etc, which were smaller in size than the gana or the gaccha and were formed from time to time according to the need of the Order. Unlike the Buddhists, the Jainas preferred autocratic form of government for their Order. They appointed a number of officers who either trained novices or governed the group just referred to. In the life-time of Lord Mahavira, the office of ganadhara was, no doubt, the highest distinction conferred on a professed monk. The eleven ganadharas appointed by the Lord himself were taken indeed, and are taken even nowadays in very high esteem only next to the Lord himself.)2 Later on they envisaged a number of offices, worthy of mention among which were those of acarya, upadhyaya, acaryopadhyaya. ganin, ganadacchedaka, pravartini, etc. The acarya was decidedly the highest authority as most of the businesses, personal or ecclesiastical, were to be performed with his at or permission 13 In addition to his duties to initiate and 1. A gana comprised of three kulas. Comm. to Bhag, p. 382b 2. Pancavastukagrantha as quoted in Paia soddamahannavo, p. 358; Aup, p. 86. 3. BihkB, Vol. II, 1630. 4. Comm. to Mul, I, p. 133. 5. AvasN, pp.353ab. 6. Aup, p. 125. 7. Gacchacara, 8. 8. Comm. to Aup p. 81; Vav, 10.34; Comm. (o Uttar, p. 168h; Comm. to Than, p. 516a; Comm. to Bhag, p. 382b. 9. Ayar, II. 66.12; II. 106.20-24; Than, 173, p. 139a; 398, p. 300 a, 662, p. 444a; Samv, 12, p. 21b; Uttar, 29.33; Aup, p. 74; Vav, 7.1;5.19, Nis, 5.63. 10. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp. 286-295; Jacobi's remark-Jbid, p. 288, fn2. 11. OghN, 553, p. 183b; 561, p. 18-a. 12. Samu, 11, p. 19a; Than, 177, p. 142b; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.1.10.1 (p. 113). 13. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp. 297, 306-307; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.1.10.1 (p. 113); OghN, 9, p. 22b.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 27 train novices', he also managed for the lodging place and the material needs of the Order?. According to one of the Angas he was the only male officer who had to take care of the Order of nuns. It was therefore natural that only a person of high moral character having the knowledge of the Sthananga and the Samavaya nga Sutras, and at least of eight years standing in monkhood was appointed to this post, 4 The Angas and the Malasutras ascribe an inferior position to upadhyayacompared with that of the Chedasutrass which count him as one of the three protectors of nuns. As the only duty of the upadhyaya was to teach novices, a monk at least of three years standing having a sound knowledge of the scriptures along with their exposition was to be posted to this office ? From the qualifications and experience of the acaryopadhya ya it is evident that he was an officer holding a position higher than the upadhyaya and lower than the acaryas, and accordingly he looked after the duties of the acarya or of the upadhyaya when either of them was absent or busy with some other works. The ganin was an officer of the same rank as the ganadhara. No specific mention about the exact position of the gana vacchedakall and the pravartini 12 has been made in any of the texts. In all probability, the pravartini enjoyed the same position in the Order of nuns as the acarya in the Order of monks The Jaina Order of nuns: Now it is most opportune to make a rief reference to the Jaina Order of nuns. According to the Svetambara tradition, the Order of nuns is an old as the prehistoric first Tirthankara Rsabha whose following comprised, the Jainas believe, 300000 nunsy, even several times greater than that of Mahavira which 1. Than, 320, pp 239b-240a refers to four types of acargas; Vav, 10.11-12 refers to eight types of acaryas. 2. Ibid, 544, p. 385b. 3. Bhag, 339, p. 382a. 4. Vav, 3.7. 5. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.1.10.1 (p. 113); 2.3.3.4 (p. 146); Bhag, 339, p. 382a; tatracaryah arthavyakhyata, upadh yayah sutradata.-Comm. to Bhag, p. 382b. 6. Vav, 3. 12. 7. Ibid, 3.3-4; 10.21, 8. Ibid, 3.5; 10.20. 9. Vide HJM, p. 220. 10. Dasa, 4th dasa; Comm. to Than, p. 140a; HJM, pp. 148, 225. 11. Vav, 3 7. 12. Bhag, 334, pp. 375ab; Byhk, 1.41; Vav, 5.1. 13. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII) pp. 211-12.

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28 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM included 36000 nuns only'. The following of Aristanemi, the twentysecond Tirthaikara had 40000 nuns and that of Parava, the twenty. third Tirthaakara 380003. In spite of such a great antiquity assigned to the Jaina Order of nuns by the Angas and the Mulasutras, it may be noted that they do not contain much details as regards the same. Normally whatever is laid down for the monks is, except with some necessary adjustments, applicable in case of nuns as well. Hence they do not deserve a special reference. What is worthy of our notice is that the Jainas, in consonance with the other contemporary sects, subordinated nuns to monks." Mutual relation between the monks and the nuns : Like others, the Jaina Order seems to have taken a very strict attitude as regards monks relation with nuns and vice versa. Monks and nuns are not allowed to stand together even in case of rain, if the place is lonely." So also, they are not permitted to stay together in normal circustances. But the same is permissible to them in case of calamity and non-availability of proper residence.6 A monk, as a rule, was disallowed to speak with a nun or vice versa.? But a nun was allowed to go to the monks' monstery for the sake of study. Giving instructions to a single nun by a single monk in a lonely place was strictly forbidden, 8 No nun was permitted to impart instruction to a monk, old or young at night. A monk, under unavoidable circumstances, was allowed to pay a visit to the nunnery, but that too was to be done with the permission of the teacher and in a proper manner. Harassing a nun by keeping a stick, a broom or any other thing in her way was requited with appropriate punishment. 10 Mutual service between the members of their respective orders is a compulsory item of monastic life. But waiting upon an ill monk by a nun or vice versa is not permitted.?! Not only exchange of food 1. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 157. 2. Sand, 40, p. 66a; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 278. 3. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 168. 4. Vide Infra, Formation of the Order of nuns'. 5. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p 303. 6. Than, 417, p. 314a. 7. Gacchacara, 62, 109. 8. Ibid, 94. 9. Ibid, 116. 10. Nis, 4.24. 11. In case of serious illness, etc. a ganadhara, ctc. could visit a nunnery. BrhkB, Vol. IV, 3755-3801.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 29 between a monk and a nun is disallowed', but accepting any medicine, howmuch beneficial and rare it may be, from a nun is also prohibited.? Any sort of physical contact between the monks and the nuns, as a rule, is not allowed. But the same is permissible in cases of dangers and difficulties. As such a monk must help a nun in case of an attack by a wild animal or bird, in order to save her from bad surroundings or to take her out of mud or water, at the time of getting into or coming out of a boat, if her mind is unhinged or in similar other cases. It is due to this strictness of the rules of behaviour that we come across Jaina nuns even nowadays. Attitude towards heretics : Whatever might have been the reason, a survey of regulations in point would show that the Jaina monks were repeatedly warned to have no connection with heretics. A place inhabited or frequented by heretics was deemed untit for the Jaina monks to live in and they were not allowed to stay with heretics even in the rainy season.4 Besides, they were neither permitted to go on begging-tour in the company of heretics5 nor to exchange food or requisites? with them. Along with others, getting heretics' service in any form was not allowed to monks and nuns. Thus allowing the heretics to carry one's requisites, or to massage oneself!, or to prepare a foot-path (padamagga), a bridge (sankama), etc. 10 was against the rule of monastic conduct. Likewise learning from or teaching the heretics any of the sciences like the science of omens, astrology, etc. was disallowed.'1 Thus the attitude of the Jaina monks towards mendicants belonging to other faith whom they often called annautthiya, was on the whole not wholesome and good. Monks' relation with laymen: Monks' relation with laymen does not seem to be relaxed in the least even though the monks were 1. Gacchacara, 61, 96. 2. Ibid, 92. 3. Than, 437, p. 327 b; 475-76, p. 352 a; Brhk, 6. 7-12. 4. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.2.2.11-13 (pp. 127-28). 5 Ibid, 2.1.1.9 (p 90). 6. Ibid, 2.1.1.10 (p. 90); Nis, 3.1--2; 15. 75-78; 16. 36-37; 12.41. 7. Nis, 1.40; 12.40; 15.79-98. 8. Nis, 12.40. 9. Ibid, 15. 13-65. 10. Ibid, 1.11-18. 11. Ibid, 13.12-29.

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30 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM always conscious of the significant position of lay-adherents whose food and drink supported them. Thus they were not allowed to accommodate a householder, known or unknown, in their monastery even for a night or a half. Further they were not per nitted to use pots or clothes used by the householders.2 Doing any service to a householder; greeting, saluting or worshiping him?; or making diagnosis or treating a sick householder", too, was not permissible to a monk. Indulging in talks with a householder about astrology, dream, hypnotism, omens, incantations or medicine was strictly prohibited." Despite these facts, they were always conscious of the fact that their dealings with the householders should be such that it might not prick the sense of their prestige Naturally calling a squint 'a squint' or a thief 'a thief', or the like was deemed unbeseeming to a monk. A monk should neither address a man or a woman, as the case might be, in disparaging words like fool, wretch, bitch or whore; nor in appreciating terms like master or mistress. One should always call a householder by his or her name or family-name, not in enticing terms of worldly relations like mummy, dady, sister or brother.? The tenets so far perused are all expedient to the noblest princi ples of the Jaina faith, viz. ahimsa, samyama and tapa, the three constituents of a good religion. Now let us examine the threefold principle (b) Ahimsa, the principle of non-injury "About 500 B.C.", remarks Prof. Edward Conze, "two religions came to the fore in India which place 'No Harming' into the very centre of their doctrine--the one being Jainism and the other Buddhism". But the former, we must confess, surpassed the latter as the principle of non-injury is developed to an uncomparable height in the Taina scriptures. The earth is said to be infested with living organisms of various magnitudes, which were classified in six groups (chajjivaniya). The first five groups of living beings possessed of one sense-organ are the earth-bodies (pudhavika iya), such as earth, stone, 1. Nis, 8.12. 2. Dasv, 6.53; Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p. 304. 3. Dasu, Culiya, 2.9. 4. Nis, 12 10-13. 5. Dasv, 8.51. 6. Ibid, 7.12-13. 7. Ibid, 7.12-20. 8. Buddhism, p. 61. 9. Dasu, 41 (pp. 4-5); Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.15 (p. 212); 1.1.1-7 (pp. 1-14).

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 31 minerals, etc.; water-bodies (aukaiya), such as, water, snow, mist, etc.; fire-bodies (teukaiya), such as, flames, sparks, etc.; wind-bodies (vaukaiya), such as, air, storm, etc.; and plant-bodies (vanassaikaiya), such as, leaves, stems, flowers, etc. These five fall under sthavarakaya (immobile beings). Under the trasakaya (mobile beings) fall beings possessed of two, three, four and five sense-organs. Among the five sensed-beings, those having developed minds are comprised by hell, human and heavenly beings as well as animals with developed minds, and only animals fall under beings possessed of two, three, four and five sense-organs with undeveloped minds. The same text further refers to eight types of subtle living organisms, viz. subtle water-life, subtle-flower-life, subtle germ-life, subtle insect-life, subtle moss-life, subtle plant-life and subtle egg-life. To sum up each and every inch of the universe is infested with living beings. All living beings, however great or small they may be, earnestly desire to live and never to die." No harm therefore should be caused to them either by mind or by word or by deed in any of the three ways, that is to say, by himself, by others or by consenting to others doing so." This is the first great vow (mahavvaya) not of the Jainas alone, but of the Brahmins and of the Buddhists as well. This vow can be accomplished to the fullest extent only if one regards all living beings as one's own self. The Jaina monks seem to have taken utmost care in order to keep the principle of non-injury fully. Not only the rules as regards the significant aspects of day-to-day life are guided by this principle but even the precepts concerning negligible features of monk life, too, are regulated by the same principle. For instance, examining and cleaning one's requisites (padilehana), using boiled water, scanning the places of easing nature, abstinence from fire activities, etc.-all these are prescribed with the same end in view. 6 8 1. sincham pupphasuhumam ca panuttimgam taheva ya/ panagam biyam hariyam ca amdasuhumam ca atthamam//-Dasv, 8. 15; Vide also Kapp (SBE Vol. XXII), pp. 304-306. 2. Ibid, 6.11; Ayar (SBE Vo!. XXII), 1.2.3.4. (p. 19). 3. Ibid, 4.1 (p. 5); 6.27-46. 4. Ibid, 4.9. 5. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.5.1.14-15 (p. 161); Uttar, 26.20-31; Than, 503, p. 361b; OghN, 269-70, p. 11lab. 6. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), P, 300. 7. Ibid, p. 308; Uttar, 24.15-18; Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p. 364. 8. Dasv, 4.9 (p. 8).

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32 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM The Jaina Church, in its effort to follow ahinsa minutely, developed most of the rules to such a height that some of them appear to be superfluous and negligible, while others disgusting and impracticable for ordinary people. The instructions to be followed in case of earth-bodies so that the monks may not run the risk of inflicting injuries to earth-hodies, may be cited as an instance in point, "The monk or the nun, who is self-restrained, who is devoted to penance and who has renounced sinful acts, sould never by day or by night, alone or in an assembly of monks, asleep or awake, scratch or dig, shake or break, by hand or by foot, by stick or by blade, by pencil or by a bundle of pencils, (any piece of) earth or wall, stone or clod, dusty body or dusty garment; he should not make another scratch, dig, shake or break (any of the above) nor he should consent to another when he is scratching, digging, shaking or breaking, etc. (He should say :) as long as I am alive, I would not give trouble to living beings by mind, by word or by action in any of the three ways, viz. by himself, by others or by consenting others giving the trouble and I abandon and depricate such inclination on the part of my soul.1 But as a matter of fact, the truth is otherwise. Each and every precept in this respect, when analysed reveals that it has been set forth after a good deal of experiment, and hence is not altogether uncommon in day-to-day life. A reference to an interesting story about the evil consequences due to carelessness in offering food to a nonk will illustrate the case clearly. A certain Jaina monk, called Dharmaghosa, while on the begging round stopped at the house of the minister Varttaka. The minister's wife came out with ghee, sugar and soup for the monk. But while she was coming, a drop of soup fell down on the ground, seeing which the monk did not accept the alms. The minister who was watching the scene from a distance could not understand the reason of the monk's return. He, therefore, decided to remain at a distance and watch further. Now, it so happened, that flies settled upon the drop of sweet soup. Seeing the flies, spiders came there to eat the flies. To devour the spiders, a chameleon rushed in. A cat attacked the chameleon, and a dog seize the cat. Other dogs fell upon the dog and it led finally to the fight between the owners of the dogs. 2 case of 1. Dasv, 4. 7. (p. 7). The same type of instructions are issued in the remaining five groups-Vide Ibid. 4. 8-12 (pp. 7-9). 2. Quoted from HJM, p. 301; Vitti to Pind N, 627-28, pp. 168a-170b.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 33 It is really very difficult to foresee the disastrous consequences which may come out of such a negligible mistake commited by a person while offering food to a monk or the like Thanks to the foresight and carefulness of the Jaina monks who tried to evade injury to others even by risking their personal ease and comfort. It has already been remarked that the precepts discussed in the previous pages help in keeping the vow of non-killing. Besides, the five samitis or restraint over the five modes of the body is, no doubt, ense use in this respect. If a monk is careful in walking (iriya), in speech (bhasa), in receiving alms (esana), in receiving and keeping requisites (adananiksepara) and in the disposition of bodily excreta (uccaraprasravana), he cannot run the risk of breaking the vow of non-killing.? Appropriate instructions are issued in this respect. For instance he is not allowed to walk by unused roads in which the presence of any insect is difficult to find cut, to speak harsh and unkind words which may lead to quarrels and disputes, to disobey any of the forty-two rules of begging alms, to receive and keep any of the requisites without making it free from living beings and to deposit bodily excreta at a place full of living beings. (c) Samyama or self-restraint The precepts as regards samyama may conveniently be taken up under three sub-headings, viz. precepts regarding (i) moral life of the Jaina monks, (ii) abstinence from bodily decoration and (iii) perfect self-control. i. Moral life of the Jaina monks : The Jaina monks, like other Indian inendicants, were admonished to observe a sublime moral discipline. The worst thing that was feared to corrupt them was sex. It was only because of this that the Jaina Order framed unsparing rules as regards monks' relation with women. We are told that a woman is as dangerous to a celibate monk as a cat is to a chicken. A monk, therefore, with a view to avoid this 1. Uttar, 24. 1-18. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 3. 1. 6 (p. 137). 3. Ibid, 2. 4 l-? (PP 149-155); Dasv, 7th Chap.; Than, 569, p. 403b. 4. Vide Infra, Pindiyalcpabhojana'; Supra, pp. 17-19. 5. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 5. 1. 14-15 (p. 161); 2. 6. 1. 11 (pp. 168.69); Uttar, 24. 14. 6. Urtar, 24. 15-18; Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p. 364; Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), P. 308.

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34 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM danger, must not gaze even at the paintings or forms of women. If he happens to see them, he should withdraw his face from them as from the sun. He should, in fact, avoid even disfigured and old woman. Not only that, he should not use beds and seats used by women, eunuchs, etc.; tell stories to women in loneliness ; contemplate over women; enjoy a common seat with a woman; take interest in singing, laughing or any other activity of women even from behind a curtain; or recall past pleasures to mind.' Furthermore he should not use a place occupied by householders even for religious purposes, except in cases of emergency', for it is not unlikely that he may also be forced by women of the house for sexual intercourse'. In brief a monk should have no connection with women. If despite every precaution, a monk fell in with a woman who forced him to have sexual intercourse, then he should keep her on the right path by preaching religious sermons. If he could not succeed in it, then he should endeavour to get rid of her by assuring to come back after disrobing himself or by threatening to self-immolation. In any circumstances, he must not surrender to her desires.? Besides actual sex experience by intercourse or masturbation, a monk was strictly forbidden to use any direct or indirect method of sexual enjoyment. ii. No bodily decoration : Normally monks were not expected to seduce woman. Nevertheless, the Order seems to have taken the minutest precaution in order to avoid any ugly instance of the kind. Bodily charm, as it is considered one of the unfailing means to entice a woman, the monks were asked to neglect their bodies completely. Not only external purification like washing the body or garments, teeth-cleansing, nail-cutting, hair-cutting, etc. were disal. 1. Daso, 8,54-56. 2. Than, 663, pp. 444ab. 3. Ayar (SBE.Vol. XXII), 2.2.1.8-12 (pp. 122-24); Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p 275. 4. Under five circumstances a monk can enter into the royal palace -Than, 415, pp. 311b-312a. 5. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1.5.4.4-5 (pp. 48-49). 6. A superstition was ripe in India that a son produced by a monk would develop extra-ordinary abilities, physical, intellectual and moral. Several criminal cases were instituted in law courts against this practice. 7. OghN, 421, p. 153a. 8. Vav, 6.8-9; Nis, 1.1-9; 6.19-77; 7.79-91; Byhk, 5.1-4; Dasa, 2nd dasa. 9. veejja nijjarapehi, ariyam dhammanuttaran / java sarirabheutti, jallam kaena dharae // Uttar, 2. 37.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 35 lowed to them, but the use of any thing as an aid to the beauty and charm of the body was strictly prohibited to them as well. Consequently, complete, new and coloured robes'; garlands and ornaments; costly and decorated garments?; and mirror, oil and powder were in no case allowed to thein. The most repulsive and troublesome thing which they practised to mar their appearance was uprooting of hair (loya) which, according to the Samavayangasutra, was done at an interval of two, three or four months. The Sthavirakalpikas did it chiefly in the rainy season?, while the Jinakalpikas in all seasons (dhuva loo). iii Perfect self-control : In addition to the restraints as regards moral life and bodily negligence, the monks had to develop some positive virtues as well. In this connection the five mahavratas, the five samitis, the three guptis and the ten yati-dharmas deserve special attention. The mahavratas formed the very basis of monk life. They consisted in abstaining from inflicting injury to living beings even in its slightest form (savvao pana ivayao veramana); avoiding lies of all types but that which might not lead to disastrous consequences (savvao musavayao veramana); giving up stealing, appropriating or using anything that had not been given or allowed to use by the lawful proprietor (savvao adinnadanao veramana); not indulging in sexual intercourse even of the slightest form like the touch of an animal of the opposite sex (savvao mehunao veramana) and renunciating all possession and attachment, either little or much, small or great (savvao pariggahao veramana).4 The five samitis were those which regulated the movement (iriya), speech (bhasa), begging (esana), receiving and keeping the requisites 1. Dasv, 3."-3, 3.61-64, 6.61-67; Samv, 18, p. 35b; Than, 693, p. 460b; Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), pp. 302-303, 380, etc; Ultat, 2.37; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.13.1-23 (pp. 266-68). 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1.7.4.1 (p. 68); Nis, 6.19-23. 3. Nis, 7.1-12. 4. Ayar (SBE. Vol XXII),2.5.1.4-5 (p. 158);2.5.1.10-1" (p. 160);2.5.1.17 (p. 162). 5. Ibid, 2.2.1.8 (p. 122); Nis, 3.16-67; 13.31-41. 6. Op. cit., 57. 7. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 308; Nis, 10.44; NisB, 3210-3214. 8. DasaN, 85, p. 58b; Nis, 10.44; NisB, 3210-3214. 9. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.15 (pp. 202-210); Than, 389, p. 290a; Antg, p. 36; Besides these five, the Daso, 4. 1-6 (pp. 5-7) adds abstinence from night-meal as the sixth mahavrata. The Samu. 5, p.10a calls the mahavratas as nijjaratthana,

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (ayanabhandanikkhevana) and the disposition of bodily excreta (uccarapa 36 savanakhelasinghanajallaparitthavana).1 The three guptis were those which exercised a control over the mind (mana), speech (vak) and body (kaya)'. The practice of the samitis controls only the body, whereas that of the guptis both mind and body. The ten yatidharmas consisted in the cultivation of forgiveness (khanti), non-attachment (mutti), non-deceit (ajjava), modesty (maddava), carefulness (laghava), truthfulness (sacca), self-restraint (samjama),penance (tava), non-possession (ciyaya), and celibacy (bambhacera)". (d) Tapa or self-mortification and penance Besides the steps which the Niganthas took to lead a sublime moral life, to make themselves ugly and loathsome and to cultivate some special virtues, they also persisted in self-mortification and penance of various descriptions. Even Lord Mahavira, the last in the list of the twenty-four Tirthankaras is also referred to have "neglected his body and abandoned the care of it; he with equanimity bore, underwent and suffered all pleasant or unpleasant occurences arising from divine powers, men or animal" for more than a period of twelve years*. The types of penance and self-mortification which the monks usually carried on consisted chiefly of twenty-two pari sahas, twelve types of tapas and the twelve bhiksu-pratimas which would be examined seriatim. i. Twenty-two parisahas: The twenty-two parisahas were the troubles due to hunger (digancha), thirst (pivasa), cold (siya), heat (usina), mosquitoes and insects (damsamasaga), nakedness (acela), despondency (arati), women (itthi), constant wandering (cariya), unsuitable place of study and meditation (nisihiya), uncomfortable lodging (sejja), scold and abuse (akkosa), ill-treatment (vaha), feeling shame in begging (jayana), fruitless begging (alabha), sickness (roga), pricking of grass (tanaphasa), bodily dirt (jalla), good as well as bad treatment (sakkarapurakkhara), knowledge and reason (panna), ignorance (annana) and right attitude to own religious truth (damsana), which the monks usually put up with. 5 Samu, 5, p. 10a; Than, 457, p. 343a; Uttar, 20.40; 21.1-2; Vivagasuyam, pp 15, 8; Antg, p. 17; Suyg (SBE. Vol. XIV), p. 364; Bhag, 92, p. 121a; Aup, 17. 2. Ibid, 3, p 8a, Than, 126, p. 111b; Aup, 17. 3. Ibid, 10, p. 16b. 4. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 260. 5. Uttar, ii; Samo, 22, p. 40b; Bhag, 8. 8. 313, pp. 388b-389b, 1.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA 37 ii. Twelve tapas : The twelve types of austerities are grouped under two headings called external (bahira) and internal (abhintara) austerities. 1 The external austerities six in number are as follows: Anasana, that is complete abstinence from all kinds of food for a period fixed by the individual concerned is either taken temporarily (itvara) or till one's death (samlekhana) The temporary fasting varied from fasts upto the fourth meal cautiha, i e. one day's fast to fast for six months." (1) Onoyariya, the vow of eating less than one's fill consists in abjuring all sorts of spicy food and also taking food more than thirtytwo morsels each of the size of the hen's egg."(2) Bhikkhayuriya is the vow of begging food with some self-imposed restrictions and limitations as regards the mode of begging, the nature of donor and food or the like 5 (3) Rasapariccaga is the practice of abstaining from dainty food like meat, butter, honey and alcohol (the so-called 'great vikytis") completely and milk, curds, ghee, oil, molasses and certain fried things optionally. ) Kazakilesa or mortification of the body consists in standing, sitting or lying for a certain period in one or the other of the various bodily postures." (5) Samlinaya is to retreat one's senses from all sorts of impure temptations by living in a place devoid of woman, eunuchs or animals of the opposite sex. (6) The six internal austerities are as below : Payaccital', that is atonement for tran:gressions was tenfold, namely, aloyana, palikkamana, tadubhaya, vivega, viusagga, tava, cheya, mula, argvatthappa and paranciya. (1) Vinaya, that is appropriate behaviour with reference to study, fellow-monks and one's guru, etc. (2) 1. Uttar, 28. 34; 30,7; Aup, 18. 2. Ibid, 30. 8; Than, 511, p. 364b; Aup, 19. 3. Ibid, 30. 9-13; Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p. 379. 4. Ibid, 30.11-24. 5. Ibid, 30.25. 6. Ibid, 30.26. 7. Ibid, 30.27; Than, 554, p. 397b; Suyg (SBE, Vol. XLV), pp. 251.397; Dasu, 3.12. 8. Ibid, 30 28. 9. Ibid, 30.30-36, Than, 511, p. 364b, Aup, 20, 10. Vide Infra, Chap. IV. Sec.IlI. .

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38 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Veavacca, that is unselfish service to superiors like ayariya, uvajjhaya, thera, sick fellow-monks or gilana, kula gura, sangha, etc. (3). Sajjhaya or study consisted of teaching, learning, discussing and preaching religious tenets, etc. (4) Jhana, that is meditation. (5) Viusagga or indifference to body consisted of giving up food, association with fellow.monks, passions and taking the vow of samlekhana. (6) iii. The pratimas : "The pratimas were long-term practices of bodily mortification which were based on fasting, meditation and bodily postures"!. The ten pratimas were as below: Bhadda, that is practising kayotsarga for two days and two nights facing each of the four directions for four praharas. (1) Subhadda is not clearly explained by the commentator. (2) Mahabhadda, that is practising ka yotsarga for four days and four nights facing each of the four directions for a day and a night. (3) Savvaobhadda, that is practising kayotsarga for ten days and ten nights facing each of the ten directions for a day and a night. (4) Bhadduttara, like subhadda, is also not clearly explained by the commentator. (5) Javamajjha and vairamajjha together known as candapadima were based on the number of morsel of food taken according to the increasing or decreasing digits of the moon. The former was started on the first day of the bright fortnight with only one morsel of food which was increased in accordance with the increasing of the digits of the moon. Thus it was completed with fifteen morsels of food on the full-moon day. In the same way the latter was begun on the first day of the dark fortnight with fifteen morsels of food and was finished on the new-moon day only with one morsel of food. (6-7) Moyapadima or the vow pertaining to bodily excreta or dirt savanavisaya) was either khuddiya (lesser) or mahalliya (greater). This pratima was based mainly on fast which varied from fourteenth meal to eighteenth meal.(8) 1. HJM. p. 190. 2. Than, 84, p. 64b; 251, p. 195a; 392, p. 292a; 545, p. 385b; 687, p. 453a; 770, p. 518b; 182, p. 147b; 191, p. 157a; 237, p. 183b, Comm. to Than, pp. 65b, 293ab; Samu. 12, p. 21b; Naya, p. 42; Dasa, 6th dasa; Bhag, 2.1.93, pp. 123ab; Anp, 15.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF JAINA ACARA. The twelve bhikkhupadimas!, namely, masiya, domasiya, limasiya, caumasiya, pancama siya, sattamasiya, padhama saltaraindiya, docca sattaraindiya, tacca sattar a indiya, ahoraiya and egaraiya; and the four other padimas, viz. sattasattamia, atthatthamiya, navanavamiya and dasadasamiya, all of these were based mainly either on fasting or on tbe quantity of food and drink consumed by the practitioner. (9-10) The main difference between the parisahas on the one hand, and the tapas and the pratimas, on the other, was that the tortures caused by the former were natural and automatic, whereas that by the latter two, i. e. the tapas and the pratimas, were self-imposed. Besides the former was not practised by laymen, while a good number of the external austerities like anas ara, urodariya, rasatyaga, and a few of the internal austerities such as pratikramara and vaiyavstya were popularly carried on by layir en as well. It may also be noted that out of all these twelve types of austerities, anasana (fasting) had a very prominent place in the life of a Jaina, householder or ascetic. This is the reason that the Jaina scriptures abound in details as regards different facets of fasting 1. In some text only this list of twelve bhikkhu padimas is mentioned. As such the details as regards number, division and explanation of padimas vary considerably. For example, the list given in the Than, 84, P, 64b may be compared with those given in the Bhag, 2.1.93; pp. 123ab and Dasa, sixth dasa.

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SECTION II (A) THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA e. The central philosophy of Buddha's teaching is to get ride of the misery of the world, i. e. the cycle of birth and death. This state can only be attained by threefold acquisition, namely, right way of life (sila), right meditation (samadhi), and right understanding (prajna), the first being the base for the acquisition of the latter two. Sila, in the Buddhist tradition, is popularly known as vinaya, i rules of conduct to be observed by a mendicant of the Buddhist faith. Now a brief account of such rules which occupy nearly one-third of the Buddhavacana of the Theravada school compiled as the three pitakas is being put forward with a view to acquaint the readers with the Buddhist way of life. This brief account will consist of two subsections, 'the salient features of Buddhist Vinaya' and 'its back. ground', the main points of study in the former being 'the formation of the order requisites, monastic observances and monastic administration', and those in the latter 'pre-Buddhist beliefs and practices, the Buddhist standpoint and concession alloyed to the ascetics'. (a) The formation of the Order The admission to the Buddhist Order is known as pabbaija and the confirmation as upasampada, which will find a detailed discussion at the outset of the first section of the second chapter. Buddha after attaining the summum bonum started his missionary activities with a very simple formula-'etha bhikkhavo' or 'ehi bhikkhu." The well-known Pancavaggiyas, Yasa and his fifty-four colleagues were admitted to the order by the aforesaid formula by the Buddha himself. Very soon those devoted disciples of the Buddha brought to him a large number of persons for admission to the Faith. Buddha sensing the Herculean nature of the task, permitted those monks to receive them to the order by a formula known as 'tisaranagamanapabbaija', admission to the Order by taking threefold refuge. According to this formula, the person getting entrance into the Order, after cutting off his hair and beard and putting on saffron robes, had to accept the Buddha, the Dhamma and the Sangha as his refuge." 1. MV. 1. 7, 19, pp. 15f. 2. Ibid, 1.11.34, pp. 23-24.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA 41 Later on this formula also gave way to a new procedure called natticatutthakammaupasampada. According to this procedure, a person fully qualified for admission had to appear before a complete and lawful assembly with an anusasaka (instructor) and to request the assembly for admission. Then after due enquiry about diseases, sex, debt, etc. of the person seeking pasampida (ordination), an announcement for his ordination along with his proposed upajjhaya (preceptor) was made before the assembly by a duly qualified monk. The announcement was deemed approved if the Sangha was silent. The procedure was completed with the resolution that such and such a person had received upasampada with such and such as his preceptor, announced thrice to the Sangha.' Once Mahaprajapati Gautami, Buddha's aunt and foster mother made a request to the Buddha at Kapilavastu for the conversion of women, Buddha, as he was unwilling to the conversion of women turned down her request flatly. But she instead of loosing heart followed him to Vaisali with a band of Sakyan ladies. There, Ananda, seeing her pitiable condition and perceiving her intent desire for conversion, advocated her case before the Buddha. Ultimately Gautami and her following were admitted to the Sangha with sevenfold restrictions (garudhamma) to be observed by them. These restrictions put the nuns under permanent subjugation to monks, Thus the Order of nuns (Bhikkhunisangha) was formed.2 Buddha also converted persons as lay disciples (upasaka and upasika). The first such persons to be blessed with the conversion as lay disciples were Tapussa and Bhallika, the renowned merchants of the time. They were converted as lay disciples by the twofold formula, i e. by going to the refuge of the Buddha and the Dhamma only, even before the preaching of the first sermon." Those converted first by the threefold formula were Yasa's father, his mother and his former wife. According to this formula, the Buddha or a full-fledged monk perceiving the householder's capacity to receive the Dhamma, preached him or her the four Noble truths (ariyasaccani)-suffering (dukkha), the cause of suffering (dukkhasamudaya), the cessation of suffering (dukkhanirodha) and the path leading to the cessation of suffering (dukkhanirodhagaminipatipada). The householder having got insight into the dhamma i. e. 1. Ibid, 1.68.125-26, pp. 97-99. 2. CV, 10.1-2, pp. 373-77. 3. MV, 1. 4. 6, pp. 5-6.

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42 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM the transient nature of things, accepted the Buddha, the Dhamma and the Sangha as his life-long refuge." The precepts prescribed : A new male convert is designated as pabbajita, seha, sa manera, antevasika or saddhiviharika, and a female as samaneri or sikkhamana. All these terms stand for a person lacking perfection in the tenets. On the contrary a monk of some standing is called upasamparna, thera or mahathera, and a nun theri, maha theri or ayya. As such, besides the common rules of conduct, the duties and obligations to be observed by a convert varied according to his or her status in the Church hierarchy, A person, just after his or her conversion, was admonished to follow the ten commandments (sikkhapadani) and the rules as regards requisites (nissayas). The ten sikkha padas were abstinence from injury to life, stealing, impure life, lieing, intoxicants, taking meals at worng time, all types of spectacles, use of luxurious beds and receiving costly articles.2 A transgressor of any one of these rules deserved expulsion from the Order.3 The nissayas were restrictions regarding food, dress and dwelling, the three main requisites of life. In brief the mendicants were advised to curtail their requirements and to be satisfied with as less possession as they could.4 Normally the mendicants were not allowed to live a solitary life. As such a newly admitted monk was given a companion, wh was prohibited from going to a village or to the other side of a river or to live even for a night alone A well-behaved conduct and service to all senior as well as junior members of the order in general and an unqualified service to their respective preceptors and teachers in particular were binding on all monks and nuns, Senior monks were advised to address their junior colleagues by name or by family-name (gotta) or by the term avuso, while juniors were admonished to address monks senior to them by the term bhante or a yasma.8 The common expression of address for nuns was ayya.9 1. MV, 1. 9. 25-29, pp. 18-23. 2. Ibid, 1. 47. 106, p. 87, Vide Infra, Chap. II. See. I, Precepta for the converts'. 3. Ibid, 1.53, 51, p. 89. 4. Ibid, 1.22.73, p. 55; 1.69 128, p. 160. 5. Jbid, 1.70.129, p. 100. 6. PM (Bhikkhuni), 2. 3. 7. MV, 1. 18. 64-66, pp. 42-47; 1. 23. 74-78, pp 56-62. 8. DN, Vol. II, p. 118. 9. Vide Bhikkhunivibhanga,

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA 49 Monastic observances like uposatha fort-nightly meeting) vassavasa (rain-retreat) or pavarana (uposatha observed just after the close of rain-retreat) were obligatory for monks and nuns both. Lay disciples are not considered as bona fide members of the Buddhist order. As such Buddhist texts lack in details as regards duties and obligations of lay devotees. In the whole of the Tipitaka literature, it is only the Sigalovadasutta of the Dighanika ya which is exclusively devoted to the admonition of lay disciples. In brief this sutta admonishes a householder to be away from the fourteen evils and to give his or her best services to parents, teachers, wife, children, friends and 'Sramana-brahmanas.2 The fourteen evils are more or less identical with the first eight sikkhapadas, which a pious householder is expected to follow. Besides these admonitions, a scanty and scattered references to precepts to be followed by a lay devotee are also found in the Suttanipata of the Khuddakanikaya. Ascetic practices : Buddhist mendicants are also mentioned to have practised rigorous ascetic practices in respect of food, dress and dwelling. These practices known as the dhutangas were thirteen in number as the following: (i) use of food procured from beggingtours only (pindapatikangam), (ii) begging alms from door to door without any omission (sapadanacarikangam), (iii) taking food only once a day (ekasanikangan), (iv) eating food from one bowl only (pattapindi. kangan), (v) taking no meal again after finishing once (khalupacchabhattikangam), (vi) use of robes gathered from dust-heaps (pamsukuli. kangam), (vii) using not more than three robes (tecivarikangam), (viii) dwelling in forests (arannikangam), ix) living under the foot of a tree (rukkhamulikangan), (x) living in open sky (abbhok a sikangam), (xi) living in cemetery (sosanikangan), (xii) use of whatever bed or seat is available (yathasanthatikangam) and (xiii) spending the night sitting and not lying (ressajjikangam).3 These practices which obviously appear contradictory to the principle of majjhima patipada, find no mention in the canonical texts. Very likely dhutan gas meant only for those who liked them. The appearance and outfit : Every religious sect or school adopts an outfit peculiar to it in order to distinguish itself from others, The Buddhist mendicants preferred saffron coloured (kas aya) robes and wore it in such a way as to keep their right shoulders always naked. They wore small tuft of hair on their heads as the maximum i Vide Chap. III, 2. DN, Vol. III, pp. 139-149. 3. Visuddhi maggo, Dhutanganiddesa; Milindapanho, Dhutarigakatha,

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44 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM length of the hair allowed to them being two month's growth or two fingers in length. The hair was not to be smoothed with comb and oily substance.1 The total number of equipments (parikkhara) and outfit allowed to the monks were eight only, viz., three robes, one begging bowl, a razor, a niddle, a waistband (kayabandhana) and a water strainer.2 Later on the use of light and simple shoes", and umbrella were made permissible to them as well. The outfit and equipments sanctioned to the nuns were almost the same. The nuns could use a few picces of small cloth as bathingrobes (udakasatika), etc. in addition to those allowed to monks. Obviously the appearance of the nuns tallied with the monks Dressed as above one can easily see a monk or a nun even nowadays in monasteries and outside particularly in Buddhist countries like Ceylon, Berma, etc. They may appear a bit modern owing to their use of things manufactured anew. Causes of renunciation: Though renouncing household life had become a popular custom in those days, persons did not take to monkhood often without any reason. Sometimes they took to monk life because of their natural insight into the truth, while at others being impressed by the preachings of the Buddha or his disciples. Inauspicious circumstances such as child's or husband's demise, insight into the transient nature of bodily beauty, abhorrence to household drudgery, humiliation in worldly life or the like acted as the cause of renunciation. The Theragatha and the Therigatha are replete with examples in point. Bars to admission : At the outset there was no bar to admission. But experiences in monastic life constrained Buddha to be strict so far as conversion of a person was concerned. As such persons inflicted with either of the five incurable diseasses (leprosy, boils, eczema, consumption and fits), royal soldiers (rajabhata), robbers, thieves, debtors, slaves (dasa), persons with cut off or deformed limbs and persons sexually deformed or lacking any limb, for instance, a oneeyed person, a person with crooked limb, a lame, a person paralysed 1. CV, 5. 14, p. 195. 2. ticivaranca patto ca, vasi suci ca bandhanam/ parissavanena atthete, yutayogassa bhikkhuno// 3. MV, 5. 3. 7, p. 204. 4. CV, 5. 11. 28, p. 219. 5. MV, 8. 17. 25, p, 309. 6. Vide Chap. II, See I. for details. Samantapasadika, Vol. I, p. 233.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA 45 on one side (pakkhahata), a cripple (chinniriyapatha), a blind, a dumb, a deaf, a blind and dumb, etc., were declared unfit for monastic life.1 Persons weak from old age" and boys below fifteen years of age were not to be admitted into the Order. In due course the latter were allowed pabbajja (admission or initiation), if they were able to scare crow (kakuttepaka). A person without the sanction of one's parents or without begging-bowl and robes 5 too was not entitled for admission. The laws as regards confirmation of admission (upasampada) of a person was not less strict. It was to be granted to a person full twenty years of age from the time of conception in mother's womb." Similarly a theyyasamvasaka (a person furtively joining the Sangha), a titthiyapakkantaka (an apostate), or a tiracchanagata (an animal), a matughataka (a matricide), a pitu ghataka (a parricide), arahantaghataka (a murderer of an arahanta), a bhikkhunidusaka (a violator of a nun), sanghabhedaka (a dissenter) and a lohituppadaka (a person causing injury to the person of the Buddha) were uufit for ordination and deserved expulsion, if already ordained." The authority competent to admit candidates: The final authority competent to confer pabbajja and upasampada on a person was a complete and lawful Saigha, the minimum quorum for which was ten." All the monks forming the Sangha in general and the two officers, that is, anusasaka and upajjhaya, the former having the main role at the time of conversion and the latter after the conversion of the monkto-be, in particular must be well-experienced, highly qualified and of perfect morality." Mutual relation between a teacher and a disciple: A newly converted person was placed under the direct supervision of a guru. Such gurus were known as upajjhaya (preceptor) and a cariya teacher) who were responsible for training novices in the tenets of Buddhism. A novice placed under the charge of an upajjhaya was known as saddhiviharika and that of an acariya as antevasika. This relation of a novice with an 1. MV, 1. 62. 119, pp. 94-95. 2. Ibid, 1. 62. 119, p. 95. 3. Ibid, 1 42 100, p. 82. 4. Ibid, 1. 46. 105, pp. 86-87. 5. Ibid, 1 61, 113, pp. 93-94. 6. Ibid, 1. 67. 124, p. 97. 7. Ibid, 1. 53-59. 110-116, pp. 89-92. 8. Ibid, 9. 4. 9, pp. 334-335. 9. Ibid, 1. 28-29.84-85, pp. 67-73.

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46 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM acariya or an upajjhaya was termed nissaya (dependance). The nissaya of a novice towards the acariya came to an end, if the acariya and the upajjhaya came together. A novice must behave decently with all monks senior as well as junior to him. He must also do all the menial works of the whole monastery in general and that of his upajjhaya and acariya in particular. Accordingly a novice served his upajjhaya or acariya in many ways during a day. In the morning he supplied him tooth-cleanser, rinsing water, a seat and rice-gruel and washed the bowl of the rice-gruel. He made the necessary arrangements to enable him to go on begging-tour and also accompanied him. He returned earlier to him to provide him with a seat, water and a towel. In the same manner he helped him in his bath also. The menial works of the monastery consisted of sweeping the different apartments of the monastery, ramoving the cobwebs, mopping the walls, casting aside the sweepings, brushing the furniture and utensils and keeping them back at their proper places. A disciple may also guide his preceptor or teacher in doctrinal and ecclesiastical matters, if there is such a necessity.' It is to be borne in mind that the duties of an upajjhaya? or an acariyas towards his disciple were almost identical with those of a disciple towards his upajjhaya or acariya. Thus this identical list of mutual duties and obligations gives the impression that a preceptor or a teacher and a disciple were given the same status in the Church hierarchy. But actually this was not the case. There were laws which made a disciple subordinate to a teacher." Relation between monks and nuns : It has already been remarked that the conditions laid down for the formation of the Order of nuns put the nuns under permanent subordination to monks. Not only a nun was denied the right of admonishing a monk while a monk was allowed to admonish a nun, but was also enjoined upon to bow down before a monk even just initiated. So also a nun, besides being debarred from reviling a monk and observing the retreat in an avasa 1. MV, 1. 18. 64-66, pp. 42-47; 1.23. 74-78, pp. 56-62; CV, 8.12. 22-23, pp. 332-36; 8. 14. 26-27, pp. 341-45. 2. MV. 1. 18. 67-68, pp. 48-51; CV, 8.11. 20-21, pp. 328-32. 3. MV, 1. 24. 79, pp. 62-65; CV, 8. 13. 24-25, pp. 336-40. 4. Vide Infra Chap. II, Sec. I.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA (residence) without monks, was obliged to undergo the manatta discipline and confess her omissions and commissions committed during the retreat with reference to the Order of monks as well. Likewise a samanert had to seek the necessary permission from the Order of monks prior to her ordination.1 47 In the uposatha meetings convened by the nuns, the Patimokkha was recited by the monks on behalf of the nuns so long as they did not know its recitation.2 Later on the nuns had only to seek the necessary consultation from the Order of monks as regards the date of the ensuing oposatha fairly in advance. It is remarkable that the recitation of the Patimokkha was prohibited in an assembly of monks attended by a nun. etc.4 The Pali canon is replete with instances of false accusations and conspiracies made against a monk by a nun voluntarily or on instigation from others. The Buddhist Order took every precaution in order to check such ugly incidents that were imminent owing to the contact between a monk and a nun. As such any sort of transaction of requisites between a monk and a nun was not allowed. For instance, a monk was not allowed, if the nun was not related to him, to give to or to receive from or to get prepared a robe for her. Similarly a monk was not allowed to enjoy the food procured by the intervention of a nun" or to receive food from a nun in course of begging'. of nuns It is true that the position of a nun was inferior to a monk with reference to individual privileges of the Order. But the Order was in no way subordinate to the Order of monks so far as the share of requisites was concerned. This is evidenced by the law that a gift of robes, offered to both the Orders of monks and nuns. was to be distributed equally to monks and The Orders of monks and nuns were entitled to get equal share, even though the numbers of monks and nuns constituting the Order of monks and nuns respectively was as less as one. nuns, Relation with heretics : It is remarkable that the Buddha is never mentioned to have come face to face with any one of the six heretical 1. CV, 10. 1. 2, pp. 373-17. 2. Ibid, 10. 5. 6, pp. 379-80. 3 Ibid, 10. 2 2--3, p. 375; PM (Bhikkhuni), 4: 59; Anguttaranikaya, Vol. III, p. 371. 4 MV, 2-.38.52, pp 141f. 5. Itid, 8. 10. 10--37, pp 299--314. 6. PM, 5. 29. 7. PM, 6.1. 8. MV, 8. 30. 54, pp. 324-25.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM teachers often referred to in the Tipitaka. There was every chance of his coming across at least with Mahavira whose diocese of religions activity almost coincided with that of the Buddha Whatever might have been the case, the attitude of the Buddhists towards the heretics whom they often called as annatitthiyas, on the whole, does not appear to be compromising and accommodating. They are seen criticising the Niganthas, their nearest rival, at several places in the Nikayas. Similarly almost all other teachers and leaders of the time interviewed with the Buddha are stated to have surrendered to his towering personality. 48 The Buddhists, while they were so much critical of the heretics. and their doctrines, derived positive benefit from them and their teachings Thus they introduced the customs of Uposatha and Vassavasa (rain-retreal) to their Order at the instance of the heretics. At the same time, in their effort to keep themselves distinguished from the heretics, they also banned the use of a good number of articles of daily use simply because of their use among the heretics.1 Any way, they neither put a bar to the conversion of heretics -nor prescribed any probation for them prior to their conversion. They received them freely so long as their faith did not come out as a prominent sect of the time. No sooner they found themselves well-established than they introduced a probation of four months for persons coming from other religious order. Such persons intending entry into the Buddhist Order must duly observe the restrictions imposed on them. These restrictions which were six in number were more or less pertaining to moral life, training in the Dhamma, making them free from the influence of their previous persuasion and inculcating faith in the Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha. Though these restrictions were obligatory for all, the Jatilas and the Sakyas were granted concession in this regards, (b) The requisites A person taking refuge in the Buddhist Order was made aware with the rules of nissayas (requisites) just after his conversion. The nissayas, ie 'the limited means of sustenance and support of life' were four, viz, pindiyalopabhojana-the use of food gathered from beggingtours, pamsukulaci vara-the use of dress prepared from rags gathered from dust-heaps and cemeteries, rukkhamulasena sana-the use of the root of a tree as residence, and putimuttabhesajja-the use of stinking- urine as medicine. In due course these were repaired with appropriate extraallowances (atirekalabha). 1. Vide Infra, p. 50, 53. 2. MV, 1. 30. 86--87, p. 73-76.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA 49 Proper food: It has just been remarked that the use of food gathered from begging-tours was the ancient rule which, because of unavoidable circumstances and reasons, was relaxed with the permission to enjoy community dinner, food for appointed persons, invitations, etc.1 This relaxation led to the promulgation of innumerable rules as regards the nature of food and bowls, time of begging, the way of proceeding to the village, receiving articles of food and eating, quantity of food, and storing up articles of food, etc. Rice-gruel (yagu) was the most common food of the monks. Besides, five kinds of delicacies-ghee, butter, oil, honey and molasses, which were treated as medicine; preparation from molasses and kidneybean (mugga); and honey-lumps (modhugolaka)2; five products of the cow-milk, curd, ghee, butter-milk and butter; eatable herbs (daka); flour eatables (pitthakhadaniya) and fruits were also allowed to them. So far as drinks were concerned monks were allowed the use of syrups prepared from fruits like mango, jumbu, etc., leaves and flowers. Besides, ucchurasa (juice of sugar-cane), gulodaka (sugar-water) and udakasambhinna (wa'er as beverage) were also permissible to them. Drinking water containing living beings knowingly was an offence." The monks were allowed the use of meat and fish, not prepared purposely for them." They were however debarred form taking flesh of men and such animals as elephant, horse, serpent, lion, etc. In normal circumstances a healthy monk was prohibited from taking more than one meal at a public rest-house (a vasatha-pinda), taking food with more than three persons (gana-bhojana), enjoying meal in turn (parampara-bhojana, receiving food from lay-devotees under discipline (sekhasammatani kulani), taking food at his own house (ajiharame)", begging delicacies for his own use, accepting an invitation for more than a period of four months without being invited again10 and taking food afresh or already left after finishing once11. So also 1. sanghabhattam, uddesabhattam, nimantanam, salakahhattam, pakkhikam, uposathikam, patipadikam. MV, 1. 22. 73, p. 55. 2. MV, 6. 1. 1, p. 218; 6. 4. 13, p. 228. 3. Ibid, 6. 22. 41, p. 258; 6. 24. 44, p. 262. 4. Ibid, 6. 4. 14, p. 228; 6. 13. 25, p. 242; 6. 23. 42, p. 269. 5. Ibid, 6. 9. 21, p. 235. 6. Ibid, 6. 10. 22, pp. 235-36. 7. PM, 5 31-33. 8. Ibid, 6. 3-4. 9. Ibid, 5. 39. 10. Ibid, 6. 47. 11. Ibid, 5.85. 4

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50 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM food procured by worldly arts and crafts as livelihood, or by the intervention of a nun, or after preaching the dhamma (a religious discourse), or from a nun in course of begging was not allowed to the monks. The begging-bowl, commonly known as patta, is one of the eight equipments allowed to a monk. The rules pertaining to its material, use and maintenance come thus in the Vinayapitaka. The use of a begging-bowl made of costly metals as gold (sovanna), silver (rupiya), pearl (mari), beryl (veluriya), crystal (phalika), bellmetal (kamsa), glass (kaca), tin (tipu), lead (sisa), copper (tambalo ha) and bronze (loha) is not allowed to a monk. So also a bowl made of wood (daru) or decorated with beautiful figures and linings is demeed unfit for the use of a monk. The use of gourd (tumbakataha), turtle shell (ghatikataha) or human skull (chavasisa) as bowl is denied to a monk on account of its use among the titthiyas (heretics). Thus only a bowl made either of iron (aya) or of clay (mattika) is allowed to the Buddhists.5 1 Moreover monks are enjoined upon to use and maintain their bowls with due care. They are allowed the use of a stand, etc. for the protection of their bowls and are forbidden from keeping their bowls in the sun with water in them or at a dangerous place like the edge of sleeping bench, etc." The monks had to proceed to a village in a way prescribed to them by the Order. Such methods fixed for attending a communitydinner and starting a begging tour were known as bhattaggavalta and pindacarikavatta respectively. According to the rule of bhaltaggavatia, a mendicant clad properly and provided with a begging-bowl, set out slowly and carefully with downcast eyes not pushing one's way in front of the seniors. Proceeding to a village with disordered robes, long laughter, swaying limbs, hands on the heaps and unusual gait looking to and fro was strictly prohibited. So also, when taking a seat in the house of a donor he should neither encroach on the seniors nor debar a junior form his seat. Thus he should receive food in his begging bowl washed properly with the water given before the meal. DN, Vol. I, pp. 7-12. PM, 5. 29. 3. KN. Vol. I, Suttani pata, 1. 4. 81, p. 282. PM, 6. 1. 4. 5 CV, 5. 5. 10-13, pp. 201-213. 6. Ibid, 5. 5. 12, p. 203; 5. 8. 22, p. 213. 7. Ibid, 5. 5. 12, p. 202-203. 1. 2.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA 51 Receiving food more than one's fill or less than required purposely was deemed a sinful act. 1 The momks tried their best to adhere to the social customs and etiquettes. Therefore even a senior member was not allowed to start eating till the food had not been served to all or to wash his hands and bowl till taking of food was not finished. So also eating or dining together in one dish or vessel was not permitted to them. Besides, such behaviour as pressing the food from the top, gazing at others bowl with greed and eagerness, making a very large mouthful opening the inonth quite in advance, putting the whole hand in the mouth, talking with food in the mouth, tossing the food in the mouth, biting the food playfully, stuffing the cheeks with food and the like were deemed unworthy of a monk.? The community dinner was closed with the act of thanks-giving. Very likely this act comprised of a religious discourse preached to the donor by the invitee-monks. Though the senior most monk was entrusted with the duty, others sharing the dinner were also to wait till the end of the ceremony." This was in brief the process of 'attending a community-dinner'. The way of 'proceeding on a begging-tour' was almost identical with the process of 'attending a cominunity dinner'. Besides, the following may be noted as special features of the former. Nobody was allowed to force his way into a house where a meal was going on from before, much less to take a seat there. If needed to go inside a house, he must thoroughly inspect the way of entrance and exit before going inside it. When entered inside a house, he must stay at a considerable distance from the donor for a limited period of time, if there was any hope of getting alms. After receiving the alms with downcast eyes, he should come back to the monastery self-possessed and with the bow! covered up with robe. The monk returning first from the begging-tour had to open the service-hall (upalthanasala) and arrange it with necessary articles and one returning last had to close it. 4 Thus they could take only one meal a day, which must be finished by mid-day as taking food or entering a village (for alms) 1. CV, 8. 5. 9. pp. 317-18; 8. 6. 11, p. 320; PM, 7. 1-26. 2. Ibid, 5. 8. 22, p. 213. 3. Ibid, 8. 5. 9, pp. 318-19; PM, 7. 27--56. 4. Ibid, 8. 6. 11, pp. 320-21

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52 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM untimely, i.e., from sun-turn in one day till sun-rise in the next was a sinful act." No direct mention is made of the quantum of food to be taken by the monks. They are simply advised to take as much food as is required to maintain life for practising celibacy." As such they take food with a view to appease the arisen pangs of hunger and to check its further origination, and not to put on flesh for personal charm and beauty. Though the issue of storing up articles of food even as trifling a thing as salt had been a hot bed of contention among the Buddhists themselves, the monks were however permitted to possess all sorts of medicaments in general and the five delicacies in particular. A life-long possession of certain roots for use in case of emergency was also sanctioned to them. So also storing up food-stuff procured from gifts, etc. as well as cooking inside the monastery was allowed in days of scarcity only." This privilege, which was often discontinued as soon as the alms were available in abundance, necessitated a kappiyabhumia (a warehouse) and an upatthanasala'' (a service-hall) to facilitate storing up articles of food and cooking respectively. Besides the kappirakaraka whose duty was to make things permissible to monks, several officers were appointed to look after the acquisition, preservation and distribution of the articles of food properly. 11 Proper dress and its use : The Buddhists, unlike the Jainas, etc., preferred the use of the least possible cloth to complete nudity. Therefore they admonished their followers to dress inasmuch cloth as was sufficient to protect the body from the inclement weather and keep the private parts out of sight 12 Initially this purpose of the Buddhists was fulfilled with robes inade of rags gathered from 1. PM, 5. 37, 85. 2. DN, Vol. I, pp. 62-63. 3. MN, Vol. I, p. 13. 4. CV, 12. 2. 13, p. 422. 5. MI', 6. 3. 12, p. 248; PM, 5. 23. 6 Ibid, 6. 2. 4. p. 219. 7. Ibid, 6. 5. 15, pp. 229-30. 8. Ibid, 6. 20. 36, pp. 253-54. 9. Ibid. 10 CV,6 1. 8. p, 246. 11. Vide Infra, Chap. IV, Sec. I. 12 DN, Vol I, pp. 62-63; MN, Vol I, p. 14.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA 53 dust-heaps and cemeteries (pamsukula). Subsequently this practice was made optional with the sanction to put on lay-robes (gahapati-civara)* made of flax (khoma), cotton (kappasa), silk (koseyya), wool (kambala) and hemp (sana-bhanga). 8 Normally the Buddhists liked those material and colour for their dress, which were not used by the heretics. The use of robes made of grass (kusa), bark (baka), feathers (pakkha) and skin (ajinakkhipa), etc. was banned on this very plea.* Likewise, except those dyed saffron (kasaya), all other robes which were coloured blue, yellow, crimson, brown, black and the like were discarded by them. The dyeing materials allowed to them were made from roots, trunks, bark, leaves, flowers and fruits of trees." Of course, the problem of seeking robes was made easy for the monks with the sanction to use lay-robes. But at the same time strict restrictions were imposed on them in order to arrest the frivolous use of this laxity, which are manifest in the regulations debarring a monk from asking a laity for robes, giving materials or directions to weavers, giving to or receiving a robe from a nun not related to him." It was really very difficult for the mendicants to get their share reserved in the kathina robes, one of the important sources of getting robes, as there were a good number of causes for debarring them from their due share. Unlike the Jainas, the Buddhists preferred robes made out of small pieces of cloth sewn together. Ordinarily they used a set of three robes a double waist-cloth (sanghati), a single upper-garment (uttarasanga) and a single under-garment (antaravasaka)." So also the dress of the nuns normally consisted of the same three robes.9 Besides this, the monks as well as the nuns were allowed some extra pieces of cloth like rain-robe (vassikasataka), itch-cloth (kandupaticchadim)11, bathing-robe (udakasatika)12, etc. for their occasional use. 1. MV, 1. 22. 73, p. 55. 2. Ibid, 8. 8. 12, p. 297. 3. Ibid, 1. 22. 73, p. 53. 4. Ibid, 8. 25. 46, pp. 320-321. 5. Ibid, 8. 26. 47, p. 321. 6. Ibid, 8. 13. 19, pp. 302-303. 7. Ibid, 8. 10-19-10-37 pp, 299-314. 8. Ibid, 8. 15. 21, pp. 304-5. 9. Vinaya Texts (SBE. Vol. XVII), p. 213 fn. 10. MV, 8. 17. 27, p. 310. 11. Ibid, 8. 18. 29, p. 311. 12. Ibid, 8. 17. 27, p. 310.

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54 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Monks were often warned to dress themselves properly. Particularly, when visiting the house of a laity or entering a village, they must not be ill-clad. Departing from any one of the usual set of three robes was allowed in some special circumstances only. For instance a forest-dweller (arannaka) was allowed to do so as forest-dwelling was insecure and dangerous." Like the food-stuff, the authority for acquisition, preservation and distribution of robes was vasted in certain officers of the Order appointed for the purpose." Recidence and bed :-The foot of a tree (rukkhamula) was the only resort allowed to a Buddhist monk in the begining of the order. This law was relaxed by permitting the use of a vihara (monastery), an addhayoga (a pinnacled house), a pasada (a storeyed building), a hammiya (an attic) and a guha (a cave) as dwelling places. As a result of this relaxation a large number of buildings were offered to the Buddhist Order for its use, which enabled the Buddha to permit the monks to supervise the repair or construction of buildings Accordingly not only monk-officers like Narakammika, etc. were appointed for the purpose but a monk was also allowed to construct a buiding for his per sonal use. 7 The ideal site for the construction of a vihara is described in great detail.8 Besides the site which must be free from dangers and disturbances, a mention is also made about the size and shape of the building. Normally a parivena (a courtyard), a kotthaka (a store-room), an (upatthanasala (a service-hall), an aggisala (a fire-place), a kappiyakuti (a warehouse), a vaccakuti (a privy), a cankama (a cloister), an udapana (a well), a jantaghara (a bath-room), a pokkharani (a pond) and a mandapa (a portico) were accommodated in the premises of an avasa (residence).10 Thus the campus inhabited by the mendicants was usually self-contained and free from inconveniences to celibate life. The Bhddhists were allowed to use all sorts of furniture like beds, seats, 1. PM, 7. 1-2. 2. Ibid, 7. 3-4. 3. MV, 8. 19. 37, p. 313. 4. PM. 4 9. 5. Vide Infra, Chap. IV, Sec. I. 6. MV, 1. 22. 73, p. 55. 7. CV, 6. 11. 30, pp. 268-272. 8. Vide Infra, 'Rukkhamulasenasana'. 9. PM, 2. 6-7. 10. MV, 1. 18. 66, pp. 45-46; 1. 19. 67, pp. 49-50; 1. 23. 78, pp. 59-60; 1. 24. 79, pp 63-64; CV, 8. 8. 15, pp. 323-24; EMB, p. 286.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA arm-chairs, sofas, cushioned chairs, foot-stools, carpets, matresses, pillows, bolsters and spitoons, etc. As such a vihara was well furnished with these articles. Moreover, hair-splitting rules were laid down for the acquisition, maintenance, possession, transfer and use of these articles properly. Diseases and curses : Bhesajja (medicine) was the fourth requisite of the Buddhist order. The use of stinking-urine (patimutta") as medicine was the ancient rule, which was repaired with the permission to use five types of delicacy, namely, ghee, butter, oil, honey and molasses. It may be noted that the Pali canon is replete with references to various types of diseases along with the way of their prevention and cure. As such a long list of things to be used as medicament by the monks can be had from it. In this connection it may also be mentioned that surgical operation as treatment of a disease was also allowed to the Buddhist order. 6 (c) Monastic observances Uposatha, Vassavasa and Pavarana were the three monastic observances which the Buddhist mendicants observed regularly. We would find that these observances, in some form or other, were already in vogue in pre-Buddhist Indian monastic systems and the Buddhists adopted them most likely to be on a par with them. Uposatha: Uposatha was one of the most important observances of the Buddhist Order. Started as a religious gathering, it finally took the shape of a monastic observance. Originally held on the eighth, the fourteenth and the fifteenth days of a fortnight, it began to be observed on the last day of a fortnight only.8 Hence uposatha, i. e., fortnightly meeting is the name given to it. Uposalha was to be held at a place selected by the Sangha. Five kinds of buildings were regarded fit for the purpose. 9 Fixing 1. Vide Infra, 'Rukkha mulasenasana'. 2. MV, 8. 24. 14, p. 319; Vide Infra for rules regarding Ownership, etc. 3. Kcsambiji interprets it as cow-urine -"putimuttam ti gomuttam". Vide Visuddhimaggadi pika, 1. 68. Haritakikhanda (myrobalan) is given as a substi tute for putimutta as medicine. MN, Mahaniddesa; Visuddhimaggo, 1. 68. 4. MV, 6. 1. 1-2, pp. 218-19. 5. Vide Infra, 'Putimuttabhasajja' for details. 6, MV, 6. 2. 8, p. 224; 6. 8. 20, p. 233. 7. Ibid, 2. 1. 1 and 2 2.2, p. 106. 8. Ibid, 2. 2. 5, p. 108; PM, 'Nidana'. 9. Ibid, 2. 5. 10, pp. 109-10.

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56 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM two uposothagara (uposatha-hall) in one avasa (residence) was unlawful. It was to be solemnised in the avasa of the senior monks, if there were a number of avasas in one sima (boundary). It could also be observed in the personal cell of a monk under unavoidable cirumsiances. Sima or the jurisdiction of an arasa was decided by fixing some landmarks on the boundary of the jurisdiction. It was however forbidden to fix a boundary either of very long distance or overlapping another one. Junior monks had to do the necessary preparations before the monks assembled in the uposatha-hall to hold uposalha. These preparations comprised of providing the hall with seats, lighted lamp and drinking water after sweeping it well 4 The recitation of the Patimokkha in a complete and pure chapter of monks or nuns was one of the most dominating features of the uposatha. Normally it was recited in full by a senior monk. But its recitation in abridged form was also allowed in case of troubles and dangers. Nuns were finally allowed to recite the Patimokkha themselves. The confession of an offence by a guilty mozk took place in course of the recitation of the section concerned. Those who observed silence during the recitation of a particular section indicated their purity with respect to the offences comprising that section. A common confession of an oiflence or a common acceptance of such confession was not allowed. In case all the monks of an avasa were guilty of a common offence, one of them confessed his guilt before a mnonk of a nearby avasa and the rest before him after his return. All the monks living within the sima of an avasa must be present or must send their consent (chanda) in absentia. The Buddhist Order was not at all lenient in this regard. Keeping oneself absent from the uposatha even on the ground of personal purity was not allowed. Buddha's admonition to Mahakappin is an instance in point. Thus only an uposatha performed lawfully by a complete chapter was deemed valid.? 1. MV, 2. 29. 33, pp 121-22; 2. 21. 34, p. 123. 2. Ibid, 2. 4. 7, p. 109. 3. Ibid, 2. 9. 17, p. 113. 4. Ibid, 2. 18. 28-31, pp. 119-20; Kankhavitarani, p. 11. 5. Ibid, 2. 11, 19, p. 114. 6. CV, 10.5.6, pp. 379-80. 7. MV, pp. 108-129.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA 57 Mahavagga refers to four types of uposatha. They are (i) Sanghauposatha, (ii) Parisuddhi--uposatha, (iii) Addhitthana-uposatha, and (iv) Sangha-sa magyi-uposatho, the first being an uposatha performed lawfully by a complete chapter of monks, while the last an uposatha performed on any day for the reconciliation of the order1. Besides, the Anguttaranikaya refers to Gopalaka, Nigartha and Ariya uposatha, the first two observed by the Jaina householders and the last by the Buddhists themselves." Vassavasa : It has been a custom with the Buddhist mendicants to live at one place during the rains which was termed vassavasa 'rainretreat). This custom was introduced to the Buddhist Order with a view to be in conformity with other monastic sects, to abstain from inflicting injury to microscopic living beings and to avoid troubles of travels during the rains. The Buddhists started living at one place after the full moon day of Asalha (June-July) or a month after it. The former was known as the earlier (purimika) and the latter as later period (pacchimika) of retreat. Monks or nuns intending to enter upon the retreat came to a vihara (monastery) on the day following the full-moon day of Asalha or a month after it, prepared a lodging place, swept the cell, got drinking water and food ready and started observing the retreat. This is in brief the process of entering upon the retreat." Observing the retreat was obligatory to all without any exception. Neither a person observing the retreat could go on tour during the retreat-period nor he or she could leave his or her residence permanently. But this strictness could not continue for long. The mendicants were allowed to interrupt the retreat for a week, if sent for by any one of the seven classes of people, namely a monk, a nun, etc. for offering an abode, etc. to them. Besides they could also leave their residence for a week during the retreat in order to attend the marriage negotiation of the son or daughter of a lay devotee or to learn the recitation of a sutta from him or to attend upon him in case of his sickness. Later on they were also allowed to break the retreat for a week even without being sent for with a view to perform some important and urgent duty of the Sangha or to attend upon any one of the seven classes of people, namely, a monk, a nun, a probationary, woman, a novice, mother or father, 5 1. Op. cit., 2. 24. 37, pp. 125-26; 2. 38. 52, p. 142. 2. Op. cit., Vol. 1,3.7.10, p. 190-91. 3. MV, 3. 1. 1, p. 144; CV, 6. 6. 25, p. 263. 4. Ibid, 3. 2. 2-3, pp. 144 f. 5. Ibid, 2. 19. 32, pp. 120-21; 3. 3. 5-8, pp. 146-49.

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58 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Besides, a permanent transfer of the residence observing the retreat was also allowed to them in case of danger or trouble to their physical or moral life.1 The place where the mendicants intended to keep retreat must be free from inconveniences and dangers to life. Accordingly a hollow tree, branches of a tree, a house for dead bodies, a sun-shade, an eart hen vessel and open sky were declared unfit for observing retreat. An addhayoga, a vihara, a hammiya, an attic and a cave were regarded as the best places for keeping retreat. Next to these were a cattlepen, a caravan and a ship. But these places were not completely reliable and much less suited to all types of persons." Monks were admonished to observe the retreat with their companions 3 But they must not neglect the interests of lay-devotees on that account. As such the promise made with a lay-devotee to keep the retreat at his house was in no case to be broken. The retreat started at a lay-devotee's house was deemed invalid if the monk leaving the place of retreat did not return within the stipulated period.4 Before summing up, it may be noted that the monks performed the sangha-kammas (tansactions of the order) as usual and did not allow to suffer them on account of the stagnant life during the rains. Thus the institution of the retreat not only relieved the Buddhists of the strenuous journey of the rainy season but also provided them an oppotunity for moral edification. Pavarana : Pavarana is the name given to the first u posatha held just after the end of the rain-retreat. This interpretation of pavarana is evidenced by the fact that the details as regards pavarana are almost similar to those of the uposatha. Thus confession of one's offence committed during the vassa is the only purpose of celebrating the pavarana. (d) Monastic administration Church Units : The spread of the Buddhist faith to far and wide and the increase in the number of mendicants led the Buddha to divide his priesthood in small units and appoint officers for their control. Prominent among these units were sangha, and gana. 1. MV, 3. 7. 17-18, pp. 155-57, 2. Ibid, 3 9-10. 20-2', pp, 158-59; 2, 19. 32, p. 121. 3. DN, Vol. II, p. 79. 4. MV, 3. 12. 24-25, pp. 161-64.

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THE SALIENT FEATURES OF BUDDHIST VINAYA 59 The sangha was perhaps the largest unit and as such it often denoted the whole priesthood. The gana was a small unit consisting of at least five monks or nuns. Officers : Officers who controlled and administered the Order may be classified in three groups as the following: (i) Officers in charge of moral training, (ii) custodians of religious scriptures and (iii) officers in charge of requisites of the Order. Worthy of mention among the officers in charge of moral training were upaijhaya, acariya, anusasaka and samarera-pesaka. Upajjhaya and acariya trained novices in the way of monkhood As such the qualifications required of an upajjha ya or acariya were the same, i. e., at least ten years' experience in monkhood and a perfect knowledge of the two Patimokkhas. No mention is made about the qualifications of anusa saka and sama nerapesaka To make the monk-to-be conversant with the etiquette to be observed at the ordination ceremony was the only duty of the anusasaka. The custodians of religious scriptures are designated as Dhammadhara, Vinayadhara, Matikadhara, Sutlantika, etc. The master of the Dhamma is known as Dhammadhara and that of the Vinaya as Vinayadhara. The best examples in point are Ananda and Upali respectively. Matikadhara is the master of Matik is, i. e. Abhidhamma. Suttantika seems to be a synonym of Dhammadhara Officers in charge of requisites comprised of officers responsible for food, dress and dwelling places, the first three out of the four requisites of a monk. Bhattuddesaka and Khajjabhajaka were the two prominent officers responsible for the distribution and allotment of food and drink to the members of the Order ragubhajaka, Phalabhajaka, Civabhajaka, etc. were officers who supervised the distribution of insignificant articles of food and drink like rice-gruel and fruits, etc. Civarapatiggahaka, Civaranidahaka, Bhandagarika, Satiyaggaha paka and Civarabhajaka were officers responsible for the acquisition, preservation and distribution of robes. Similarly Senasanaggaha paka, Sena sanapannapaka, Aramikapesaka, Navakammika, etc. were the officers in charge of acquisition, distribution and supervision of lodging places. Besides the knowledge of the department concerned, the quali. fication which the officers must possess was that they must be impartial. Sangha-kammas and their Execution : The laws by which the early Buddhist Order was governed were framned on scientific and democratic lines. Monks were granted very little personal authority. And even the personal authority given to a monk was to be exercised in corro boration with a duly constituted assembly.

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60 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM The act of inflicting punishment on a guily monk, the act of initiation (pabbajja), or the like was termed a sangha-kamma (ecclesiastical act or a transaction of the order), an act or a transaction to be disposed of by an assembly constituted lawfully. A lawful and complete assembly comprised of all monks residing in the district (sima) of an avasa (residence) leaving the samaneras, monks belonging to another arasa and monks undergoing some sort of punishment! Finally the minimum number of monks required for the transaction of an ecclesiastical act was fixed, the minimum being four and the maximum twenty and above." A inotion (natti), a proclamation (anussa vana) and a resolution (dharana) followed one after another in course of the disposal of an ecclesiastical act lawfully. The various sorts of ecclesiastical acts (sangha-kammas) often referred to in the Vinayapitaka may be grouped as below : (a) Nondisciplinary and non-disputatious sangha-kammas (b) Disciplinary sangha-kammas, i. e. offences and punishments, and (c) Ecclesiastical disputes (adhikarana). So far as the transaction of the ecclesiastical acts comprising the first group is concerned, the act of ordination of a candidate stated in brief on pages 40-11 and discussed in detail in the section *Pabbajja and Upasampada' belonging to the first chapter, may be cited as an example in point. The second category, i. e., the disciplinary sangha kammas comprised of appropriate punishments and penalties accruing from offences incurred by a monk or a nun. Such offences classified in eight groups, namely, (i) parajika (expulsion), (ii) sanghadisesa (suspension), iii) nisaggiya (forfeiturel, (iv) pacittiya (expiation), (v) aniyata (sus. pension or expiation), (vi) pitidesaniya (confession), (vii) sekhiya (rules of training and tutelage) and (viii) adhikaranasamatha , ways of settling disputes) were 227 for monks and 311 for nuns, enumerated in a separate text known as the Patimokkha. In fact the number of the offences and their punishments should be less than those reffered to. The different measures carried out against a transgressor for the imposition of the punishments accruing from his offences has been given in great detail in the Cullavagga. So also the measures taken for the ecclesiastical acts falling under the third group, the settlement of disputes. As these will find a detailed discussion in the section entiled 'the laws of polity' comprising the fourth chapter, we may postpone their further elaboration here. 1. MV, 10. 1. 5, pp. 371-72. 2. Ibid, 9. 4. 9-13, pp. 334f; C! 1. 1. 5, p. 7-9. 3. Vide Infra the last section of the fourth chapter.

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SECTION II (B) THE BACKGROUND OF THE BUDDHIST VINAYA (a) Pre-Buddhist Beliefs and Practices The Pali texts throw a flood of light on religious beliefs and practices which were in vogue in India just before the advent of the Buddha. They are further corroborated by the Brahmanical and Jaina sources as well. In the proposed section it is not intended to work out all the details as the only concern here is to point out the circumstances which were instrumental in the origin of the Buddhist Church, specially the rules of Vinaya. An analysis of the doctrines professed by different teachers of the time instantaneously lead us to remark that out of the six types of thought advocated by the six heretical teachers, only two doctrines, viz , Akriyavada and Kriyavada were more popular than the rest. The teacher and the leader of the former was Ajitakesakambala while that of the latter Niganthapataputta." According to the Akriyavadins or subsequently known as the Lokayatas, a living being is constituted of the four mahabhutas (elements), vit., earth, water, air and fire, and space (akasa). After the death of the being, all the elements take their respective original form and the sense organs pass into space. The sum total whole teaching is that there is no life after death and hence it is sutile to perform sacrifices and practise austerities. 2 Besides, this attitude of the Lokayatas is confirmed by the Jaina and the Brahmapical sources as well. Sutrakyta nga, the second Anga of the Jaina canon, remarks that the Materialists (Lokayatas) indentify the soul with the body. An action whether good or bad is, therefore, alike to these believers of no world beyond. As such they make every effort to enjoy worldly pleasures to their heart's content.S Among the various Brahmanical texts which refer to the Akriyavadins, i.e, the Materialists, the passages contained by the Sarvasiddha 1. Mahavira is called Niganthanataputta in Pali canon. The remaining four teachers were Puranakassapa, Makkhaligosala, Pakudhakaceayana and Sanjayabelatthaputta --Vide DN, Vol I, pp. 45-52. 2. DN, Vol. I, p. 48. 3. Suyg (SBE Vol. XLV), p. 341.

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62 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM ntasangraha and Bhagavatagita are of much use for us as the former fully agrees with Ajita's teachings of disintegration of body after death, denunciation of rebirth and inoperativeness of good and bad activities, while the latter with the Sutrakyta nga's view that the sole aim of the Materialists is to enjoy life." Among the Kriyavadins the Niganthanataputtiya samanas and the Jatilas deserve attention. According to the Nigantha (Jaina) philosophy, the highest bliss can be attained only by eliminating the effects karmas (nirjara!, either good or bad, and by checking the influx of new karmas (samvara).4 The only means to this end, as the Nigapthas hold, is to perform rigorous ascetic practices. This is why the Niganthas lay utmost emphasis on self-control and self-torture. In support of the self-torture, the Nigapthas are referred to have argued with the Buddha in the following terms at one place in the Nika yass "Now, reverend Gotama, happiness is not to be achieved through happiness, happiness is to be achieved through pain. If, reverend Gotama, happiness were to be achieved through happiness, king Seniya Bimbisara of Magadha could achieve happiness, king Seniva Biinbisara of Magadha would be more of a dweller in happiness than the venerable Gotama". In fact, the argument is unquestionable and convincing. Self-restraint practised by the Jaina monks is, according to the Sa maniaphalasutta,6 fourfold (catuyama-samvara), namely, restraint as regards all (living) water, restraint as regards all evil, getting rid of all evil and being suffused with (self-restraint and) the sense of evil (or who has realised complete seif-restraint). According to another interpretation it simply represents the four main characteristics of a Taina recluse-(1) that he should be free from passion and desire: 1. lokayatikapakse tu tattvani bhutacatustayam / prthivyapastatha tejo vayurityeva naparan // . .. ...deha evatma na tatoanyo vilaksnah ihalokata paro nanyah svaigo sti narako na ca tapobhirupavasadyairmudha cva prasusyati ||--Op. cit., pp. 5-6. 2. kamopabhogaparama etavaditi niscitah--Op. cit., 16. 11. Cf. kam mavadino ete, bhikkhave, kiriyavadino-MV, 1. 30. 87, p. 76. 4. MN, Vol. I, p. 128. Ibid, p. 129. 6. idha, maharaja, nigantho sabbavarivarito ca hoti, sabbavariyutto ca, Babbavaridhuto ca, sabbavariphuto ca. evam kho, maharaja, nigantho catuyamasamvarasamvuto hoti...DN, Vol. I, p. 50.

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THE BACKGROUND OF THE BUDDHIST VINAYA 63 (2) that he should keep himself aloof from all types of traffic ; (3) that he should get rid of all pariggahas (ideas of possession); and (4) that he should remain absorbed in knowledge and meditation of self.! It is the practice of this 'fourfold self-restraint' that makes a recluse gatatta' (whose self has attained the aim) and "yata ita' (whose self has been subdued. A major portion of the ascetic practices which are alleged by Kassapa!, the naked ascetic to have been practised by non-Brahmapical ascetics are clearly Jaina. For example, the practice of nudity, plucking out hair and beard, and several other austerities to be observed in respect of food, dress and bed, etc. are the essential features of Jaina discipline. Thus before the advent of the Buddha, there were non-Brahmapical religious teachers and leaders who placed hedonism above asceti. cism, and asceticism above hedonism. The Brahmins, on the other hand, invented an altogether different way of attaining salvation. It was by performing sacrifices and religious rites. As such they practised asceticism inasmuch as it was necessary for their performance of sacrifices and religious rites. There were also others who practised asceticism with great rigour and severity." (b) Buddhist Standpoint When India was experiencing a tug of war between hedonism on the one hand and asceticism on the other, the appearance of the Buddha wrought a great change in the religious field of India. Though born as a prince, Lord Buddha had inherent disliking for pleasures of the senses and no mundane pleasure could satisfy him. On the contrary, it proved disgusting to him, for the stark reality of the world that a being; whether big or small, rich or poor; is subject to disease, old-age and death; in brief; to sufferings of various descriptions; could not escape from his eyes. This made him adopt ascetic life and throw hiinself heart and soul into the practice of austerity which was the usual way. But that too in course of time failed to satisfy him and he realised that extreme self-mortification resulted in loss of health and mental powers. 1. Mahaviro, pp. 13-14. 2. Ibid. 3. Vide DN, Vol. I, Mahasihanadasutta. 4. EMB, Vol. I, p. 17. 5. Mahabharata, Santi parva and Anusasana parva.

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64 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Thus his personal experience as a prince on the one hand and as an ascetic on the other led him to believe that neither of the two ways of life could give the highest bliss. His disgust for the two extremes can be seen in his First Sermon delivered to the Pancavaggiya monks where he dubbed them as two extremes, the former being 'low, ignoble, for worldlings, unworthy and unprofitable,' while the latter 'painful, unworthy and unprofitable'). The greatest benefit which the Buddha derived from his previous experiences was that he adopted the middle path, a course between the so-called two extremes. This doctrine of Majjhima patipada is established most successfully in an episode of the Mahavagga which runs as below: In his earnestness to realise the truth, Sonakolivisa, just after his conversion, exerted himself so much so that his feet blistered and started bleeding. When the Buddha came to know of it, he scolded him and explained the ineffectiveness of too much rigourism by a simile of a lute. He asked Sonakolivisa whether he would be able to play on a lute whose strings are either too taut or too slack. Sonakolivisa replied in the negative. Then again the Buddha inquired of Sopakolivisa whether he would be able to play on a lute whose strings are neither too taut nor too slack, but stretched evenly. This time Sopakolivisa replied in the affirmative. "In the same way, the Buddha proclaimed, too much application of energy conduce to restlessness, while too weak an application to slothfulness. Therefore, Sona, exert yourself evenly, apply your faculty steadfastly. Let that be the object of your exertion."2 Now what turns out is that the nature of the Vinaya laws should essentially be a reconciliation between the two extremes of sensuality and self-mortification. But a study of the Vinaya laws, however, gives an altogether different impression. They seemn to echo the laws of the ascetics. In this connection it is worth while to refer to the nissayas or the original sources of maintenance (allowed to the Bundhist monks and the dhutangas implied by them. The first of the four nissayas was pindiyalopabhojana which asked a monk to rely only on begging not only for his provisions but practically for all his needs. The second was pansukulacivara which prescribed robes prepared only from rags taken from dust-heaps in the villages and cemeteries. The third was rukkhamulasena sana which demanded that a monk should take recourse only 1. MV, 1. 7. 13, p. 13. 2. Ibid,, 5. 2.5, p. 202.

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THE BACKGROUND OF THE BUDDHIST VINAYA to the foot of a tree as his shelter. According to the last nissaya, the patimuttabhesajja, a monk should use only urine as his medicine, A number of monks, who wanted to lead particularly a strict monastic life adhered to these laws. Others, on the other hand, revolted against them. The Mahavagga tells of a newly admitted monk, previously a Brahmin, who when asked by the monks to beg, not only refused to obey them but also warned them to desert the fold if not supplied with provisions 'nahan, a vuso. etam karana pabbajito pindaya carissami ti, sace me dassatha bhunjissami, no ce me dassalha vibbhamissami ti"?. Then again the same text speaks of a youth who came to the monks and requested them for admission. The monks told him the four resources before his admission, whereupon he expressed his inability to receive pabbajia as the requisites were disagreeable to him : "sace me, bhante, pabbajite nissaye a cikkheyyatha, abhirameyyamaham. na danaham, bhante, pabbajissami; jeguccha me nissaya patikula ti"3, Obviously the main purpose of the regulations was extreme poverty. It allowed no private property at all. The possession of money was strictly forbidden right from the very inception of the Church, which continued as a point of controversy for a pretty long time. Besides, they were unwholesome and revolting too. For example, a number of rules like picking up rags from cemeteries and several other rules regarding other resources are named 'unsanitary rules' by an eminent orientalist, Mr. E. A Reed. These practices of the early Buddhists appear to have a close resemblance with that of the Jaina monks who not only persisted in houselessness strictly, but also starved their bodies in want of proper food and clothing. Later on though the severity of the rules seems to have been relaxed as the Vinayapitaka speaks of accepting donations, attending invitations and using even storeyed building as dwelling places by the monks, yet a monk was strictly advised to be satisfied only with "sufficient robes to cherish his body, with sufficient food to keep his stomach going" so that whithersoever he may go forth these things he takes with him as he goes -just as a bird with 1. MV, 1.2. 73, p. 55. 2. Op. cit 1. 22. 73, p. 55. 3. MV, 1, 23. 74, p. 74. 4. The possession of jataruparojata was one of the ten contentions which were gettled in the second Buddhist Council. Vide CV, 12. 2. 13, p. 423. 5. Primitive Buddhism, pp. 138-42. 6. MV, 1. 22. 73 (p. 55); 1. 69. 128 (p. 100); CV, 6. 12.32 (p. 272).

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66 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM wings, wit hersoever he may fly, carries his wings with him as he flies".| Thus a monk could possess utmost a set of three robes, an alms-bowl, a needle, a rosary, a razor and a strainer only.2 (c) The Concession Allowed to the Ascetics In fact the Buddhist Order was an assemblage of renegades and apostates, who came from different sects and schools and joined the Buddhist Church. Some of them, although they adopted the new faith by abandoning the old ones, could not resist the temptation for their previous faiths. Thus the Chavaggiya monks who may be regarded as a symbol of the Lekayatas, ie. the Materialists were always in the look out for finding some way out of the severity of the Vinaya rules. It was simply because they dared not pressing their demand for an easy-going life to the Buddha as they knew it well that their mission would not be adored with success. At the same time it should be borne in mind that their elusion was nothing but a mild revolt against the severity of the Vinaya rules. Opposed to them were the ascetics on whose bones the foundation of the Buddhist Order had been laid. The first converts of the Buddhist faith, the Pancavaggiya monks were none but the Brahmanical ascetics. So also were the Kassapa brothers and a host of others. They were, no doubt, in minority, but still dominated over the Order. Once a monk who might have belonged to or have been influenced by ascetic ideals came to the Buddha and requested him to introduce nakedness into the Order. Next to him Buddha's cousin Devadatta who was very likely a Jaina-minded monk took the lead. He approached the Buddha boldly with his five propositions that forest-dwelling, relying on food received only in begging-tours wearing clothes made of rags taken from dust-heaps, living at the root of a tree and complete abstinence from fish and meat should be made compulsory. When he came to know that his demand was not going to be fulfilled, he raised a schism in the Buddhist Order on the ground that Buddha's teaching was conducive to luxury. This led the Buddha to realise that it was not the voice of an individual, but of a large and influential minority'. Their strong leaning towards ascetic 1. Dialogues of the Bnddha, Vol. I, p. 81. 2. Vide Supra, p. 44, fn. 2. 3. MV. 8. 94. 45, pp. 319-20. 4. CV, 7. O. 14, pp. 237-300. 5. Ibid., p. 299, Cf samano pana gotamo bahulliko bahullaya ceteti. 6. Dialogues of the Buddha, Vol. I, pp. 218-19.

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THE BACKGROUND OF THE BUDDHIST VINAYA 67 practices constrained him to make allowance for those who were inclined that way. Thus the dhutangas, though we neither find the Buddha superseding Devadatta's demand by any other precepts nor we come across any reference to the dhulangas either in the Nikayas or in the Vinaya texts, was most probably the concession granted to those who were in favour of rigorous ascetic practices. There is reason for such a remark. Devadatta's proposals' were, as a matter of fact, pertaining to (a) food i. pindapatika assu (let the monks depend on alms), ii. macchamamsan na khadeyyun (let the monks not take fish and meat); (b) dress iii. passukulika assu (let the monks wear rags); & (c) dwelling iv, arannika assu (let the monks be forest-dweller), & v. rukkhamulika assu (let the monks live at the foot of a tree). The dhutangas which are thirteen in number, too, were special vows regarding the same three needs of monastic life, viz., (a) food i. pindapatikangan-to eat food procured by begging only, ii. sapadanacarikangan-to beg alms from door to door without any omission, iii. eka sanikangamto take meal at one sitting only, iv. pattapindikangam - to eat from one vessel only, v. khalupacchabhattikangam-not to take meal after finishing meal; (b) dress vi. parsukalikangam-to use robes made of rags taken from dust-heaps, vii. tecivarikangan-to use not more than three robes; & (c) dwelling viji. arannikangam--to dwell only in forests, ix. rukkhamulikangan to live at the foot of a tree, x, abbhokasikangan-to live in open sky, xi. sosanikangam- to live in a cemetery, xii. yatha santhatikangam-to use whatever bed or seat is available and xiii. nesojjikangan-to spend night sitting and not lying. 1. CV, 7. 9. 14, pp 297-300. Vide Visuddhimaggo, Dhutanganiddcao, Milind a panho, Dhutangakatha.

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68 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Now it is clear that the five propositions of Devadatta and the dhutangas, both of which fundamentally correspond to the four nissayas which also pertain to (a) food i. pindiyalopabhojanam-to use food received in begging only, ii. putimuttabhesajjan--to use stinking-urine as medicine; (b) dress iii. pansukulacivara-to wear robes made of rags taken from dust-heaps and & (c) dwelling iv. rukkhamulasena sanan--to live under the foot of a tree, were virtually uniform. If it was so, then the question as to what was the reason which persuaded the Buddha to refuse Devadatta's appeal naturally comes to the fore. The main difficulty which the Buddha might have envisaged in acceding to the latter's proposal was perhaps that it was nothing but a retreat to the severity of the nissayas which had already been abrogated by sanctioning atirekalabha (extra-gain). But the strong protest lodged by Devadatta and his following might have compelled the Master to accord a partial sanction to the dhutangas for those monks who were inclined to them. These rules and many (ther regulations of the Order are either identical with or bear a close resemblance to those which were in vogue among other sects of ascetics before the Buddha. But on that account they cannot be regarded as exact replica of the ascetic laws. It is true that the Buddha borrowed some practices and customs for his Order from the existing stock. But at the same time it is also a fact that whatever he horrowed, he borrowed on experiment basis. It is because of this that a major portion of the rules are marked by three stages of Evolution, adjustment and adoption or abrogation. For instance the rules of nissayas, already noted, were originally promulgated with the same severity as they were being practised by the other sects of ascetics. But no sooner their severity was perceived than they were relaxed. This tendency from severe to less severe is almost patent throughout the whole regulations of the Order. Thus the history of the origin of the Buddhist Vinaya is the history of the reform of the extremist tendency of the rules of the ascetics which was left open with the express permission of the Master to do away with the lesser and minor precepts, if the Church so desired. 1 1. Ekarikhamano, Ananda, Sangho mamaceayena khuddan ukhudda kani sikkhapadani samuhanatu. DN, Vol. II, p. 118.

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CHAPTER II THE ORDER : FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT Section I Pabbajja and Upasampada Section II Nissay as

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SECTION I PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA (a) Pabbajja and Upasampada Connotated 'Pabbajja'' (Skt. pravrajya and Pkt. pavvajja) truly speaking is a very ancient term of Indian monachism. So is 'upasampada' or 'uvatthavana'. The literal meaning of the term pabbajja is to renounce the household life and to go forth into houseless state.'2 Thus it can safely be said that pabbazia originally implied to join a religious order may it be Brahmapical, Jaina, Buddhist or any other. Similarly upasampada means the recognition of the admitted (pabba jita) as a duly qualified member of the sect or school joined by the candidate. But it should be borue in mind that every Indian religious organisation adopted these terms according to its own. convenience and suitability, and so it modified and limited their connotation and scope accordingly. Thus the act of admission into any religious institution is termed pabbaija and its confirmation ubasampada. But as already stated, no sooner than the Buddhists adopted the term pabbajja, they limited its scope. So Prof. Oldenberg aptly remarks that 'the pabbajia is the going out from a prior state, from the lay-life or from a monastic sect holding another faith'.' In one word, pabbajja, to the Buddhists, stands for taking upon the life of a Buddhist friar. Similarly upasam. pada means 'extra or exceeding gain'', that is the gain of being confirmed as a fully accredited member of the Buddhist Order. The confirmation of a monk or a nun is so termed, for no sooner he or she is ordained than is allowed to avail all the privileges belonging to the Order. More or less the same is true of the Jaina Order also as it holds that 'pavva jia is going out (pavvayaram) from sin (i.e. sinful activities) to the activity of pure conduct, i.e. to join the Jaina Order by giving 1. Nikkhamana, caga and dikkha, etc. are often referred to as synonyms of pabbajja. 2. Cf. 'kulaputta sammadeva agarasma anagariya pabbajjan ti', and 'samanassa artie murde bhavitta agarao anagariyam pavvaissai'. 3. Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 347. 4. 'From this time he is regarded as an upasampa (i. e. upasampanna) from upa, exceeding, and sampada, gain, advantage-Prof. Hardy, Eastern Monachism, p. 45.

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72 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM up domestic state or any other monastic career'.' The confirmation of this formal admission is styled uvatthavana (Skt. upastha pa na), ie. to admit the initiated to the privileges of the recognised monk." It is an admitted fact that scholars differ so far as the interpretation of the terms pabbajia and upasampada is concerned. To dialate upon those details, therefore, would simply be beating about the bush, for in some form or other they give the same result. Anyhow we should take note of Prof. Oldenberg's interpretation of the terms which seem to be more appropriate when he calls the former, i.e. pabbajja, 'lower initiation' and the latter, i.e upa sampada, 'higher initiation'' most probably having in view the difference in amount of privileges availed at these two successive stages. That pabbajid and upasampada are the two distinct gradual stages of the life of a Buddhist friar is also corroborated by Prof. Kern in spite of his confusing remark that if we descend into the details the matter becomes embarrassing' which he himself refutes to a great extent, if not completely. His confusion seems to be due to the fact that in some cases the grounds for separating the two steps of initiation' are not distinct. But we should note that in such cases initiation (pabbajja) and ordination (upasampada) were conferred simultaneously. Not only this, but several persons are also referred to have realised the truth as soon as they were adinonished by the Blessed One or his disciples. So far as this distinction between pavvajja and uvatthavana is concerned the Jaina Order seems to be more strict than the Buddhist as it still retains it. Even nowadays, the Jaina Order calls these two stages of puvvajja and uvatthavana as 'choti diksa' (minor or primary initiation) and 'badidiksa' (major or final initiation) respectively, very likely on account of the same reason which led Prof. Oldenberg to style them as 'lower' and 'higher initiation respectively Now it is indubitable that initiation and ordination are the two distinct successive stages of the life of a Buddhist monk as well as of a Jaina monk. Thus the remark passed with regard to the Buddhist Order that 'we should not confuse them as two different orders' (opposed to two distinct stages) 'of the Buddhist monastic life?' is applicable to the Jaina Order as well. 1 Pancavastukagrantha, 1. 5. 2. Vide HJM, 216. Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 347. 4. Prof. Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 76. 5. Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 347. 6. Vide MV, 1.7.13-19, pp. 13-16; 1.9.25-26, pp. 18-19; 1.17.60-62, pp. 38-41; ete. 7. Prof. Hardy, Eastern Monachism, pp. 45 f.

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA 93 So there were certain qualifications without which nobody could aspire for upasampada. Ordinarily upasampada could not be conferred upon a person of less than twenty years of age. Besides, the novice had also to train himself in the dhammas and to show a high moral standard. Particularly the candidates previously belonging to different religious sects had to undergo a preliminary course of training called parivasa extending over four months prior to his ordination, which was waved in the case of Jatilas." The Jaina Church was not less strict than the Buddhist. A novice had to observe the five great vows and other precepts of monastic etiquette for a period of six months at the maximum, four months on an average and a week for the minimum. It may however be noted that in the beginning there was only a subjective criterion, viz. to satisfy the acarya and the upadhyaja by one's conduct. These two officers who were the sole authorities to promote a neophyte to the rank of a full-fledged member of the order must ordain as soon as they found a person fit and capable. Sometimes, it so happened that the acarya and the upadhyaya, out of jealousy, etc., delayed the ordination purposely. It was in order to avoid this coflict between the teacher and the pupil that some practical lessons such as committing certain texts, etc.-Dhammapada in Buddhism and Dasavealiya in Jainism -- to the memory, was prescribed, having mastered which anybody could claim his ordination. Was Buddha ordained ?-is a significant question to be posed by any one. It is to be noted that the Buddha's ordination coincided with his attainment of omniscience under the Bodhi tree. That Tathagatas are not ordained by others is the only difference between Tathagatas' ordination and that of ordinary persons. When asked by Upaka, an Ajivikan monk as to who was his teacher, the Buddha replied that he had no teacher. 6 So Prof. Oldenberg rightly points out that Buddha's departure from home is distinct from the upasampada, the attainment of delivering knowledge.? The same is true of the Tirthaakaras. None of them is reported to have been initiated or ordained by anybody else. Mahavira, the 1. MV, 1. 67. 124, p. 97. 2. Ibid, 1. 30. 86-87, pp. 73-76. 3. Ibid, 1.30.86-87, pp. 73-76. 4. Vav, 10. 15. 5. Milindapamho, p. 79. 6. MV, 1. 6. 11, p. II. 7. Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 347.

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74 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM last in the list of twenty-four Tirthaikaras, is said to have embraced mendicant life under the Asoka tree in Sadavana of the Nata clan? and to have attained the supreme knowledge, moksa under a Sala tree on the bank of the river Rajupalika without anybody's help'. These two occasions, as already stated in case of the Buddha, may be taken as his initiation and ordination respectively. Thus both the Buddha and the Mahavira attained their highest goal independently. On the contrary, there are evidences which are in direct contradistinction to the above fact. We are told that the Buddha, at first, not only joined the Orders of Alarakalama and Uddakarama. putta, but also conducted himself in accordance with their customs. So did the Mahavira by conforming to the strict discipline of Parsva-, natha. Still, neither a Buddhist nor a Jaina would forbear to admit that either a Tathagata or a Tirthankara "could have belonged to an Order even for ever so short a time", (b) The Process of Admission (i) Conversion of monks The Buddha, when he attained the truth, was not at all inclined to preach it to the people as he regarded them ignorant and incapable of understanding it. However, Brahma Sahampati's request to take a sympathetic attitude at least towards those who were mentally more vigilant made the Buddha inclined to give his message to the world. In the beginning of his career as a religious preacher, he felt the least necessity of any ceremony, formal or informal, to be performed when converting a person. The wellknown Pancavaggiyas, Buddha's five quondam friends were the most fortunate who sought admission into the Order first simply by the words : "Sir, let us receive pabbajja in your presence' and were received by the Master into the Order by the words : "Come, O monks, wellsaid is the doctrine, consecrate your life for the complete destruction of suffering"5. This is recorded as the earliest and at the same time a complete procedure of admission into the Order. Next to the Pancavaggiyas 1. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 259. 2. Ibid, p. 263. Stevenson, Heart of Jainism, p. 33. 4. MV, 1. 5. 7-9, pp. 6-10. "labheyyama mayam, bhante bhagavato cantike pabbajjam labheyyama upasampadan" ti."etha bhikkhavo" ti bhagava avoca svak khato dhammo caratha brahmacariyam samma dukkhassa antakiriyaya" ti. Ba va tceam ayasmantanan upagampada ahosi MV, 1.7.19, pp. 15f.

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1 75 PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA to be received into the Order by the same formula were Yasa and his fifty-four other friends who attained Arhatahood no sooner than they were admonished by the Teacher. As Besides the Buddha himself, now there were sixty Arhantas in all in the world who were despatched by the Teacher to different corners of the country with a view to propagate the Dhamma to the general mass. Very soon they brought a large number of candidates who were ready to take upon themselves the monastic career. such it became impractical for the Teacher alone to receive all such candidates into the Order. Naturally, monks were permitted to confer initiation and ordination upon such candidates and a process of admission known as tisaranagamana formula was laid down so that the monks might not be inconvenienced in any way The same may be summed up as below: "One, who is to be received into the Sangha, should get his hair and beard saved, put on saffron-robes, adjust his upper robe so as to cover one shoulder, salute the feet of the monks and sit down squatting. Then with folded hands he should utter thrice : "I take the Buddha as my refuge, I take the Dhamma as my refuge, I take the Sangha as my refuge'." This procedure regarding initiation and ordination, as a rule, was to be followed by everyone when converting a candidate. But the Buddha himself is recorded as an exception to it, for he converted the Bhaddavaggiyas, the Jatilas, Sariputta, Moggallana and several others as full-fledged members of the Sangha by the old formula'ehi bhikkhu'-even though the new procedure had already been set forth by him. In due course, the preceding procedure too was replaced by a new one known as natticatutthakammaupasampada.2 According to the new rule, an announcement, that such and such a person wishes to receive upasampada with Venerable such and such as his upajjhaya (preceptor), was to be made before a seated assembly of monks. The 1. MV, 1. 11. 34, pp. 23-24. 2. This question or motion is put once or three times, in the first case, we have a nattidutiyakamma (as in the case of fixation of boundary of an avasa (at MV, 2. 4. 7-9, p. 109); in the second case, a natticatutthakamma (as in this case).--Vide Satapatha Brahmana (SBE. Vol. XII), p. 170, fn 2.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM announcement or motion (natti) was taken to be approved, if the r remained silent. The procedure was completed with the resolution that upasampada had been conferred on such and such a person with Venerable such and such as his upaj jhaya, put three times to the Sangha, This procedure was again supplemented with some alteration and addition to it, and thus was given the final shape. In order to make it easily intelligible let us confer upasampada on a person, say Mr. X for the sake of convenience. The ordinary rule to conduct the ordination ceremony of a person required a Sangha of not less than ten persons, and all of them must be exceptionally qualified and experienced. Specially two persons, one to act as the instructor (anusa saka) and the other as preceptor (upajjhaya) must be duly appointed by the Sangha so that the function may be solemnised lawfully. Let them be called Venerable Band A respectively. Now the actual proceeding begins : Ven. B, the instructor should instruct aside Mr. X, the monk. to-be (upasampada pekkha) about the bars to admission, robes, a bowl, the process of choosing his preceptor and the nature of questions to be asked (by him) before the assembly. Ther, he should ask him to reply frankly and boldly when examined about the disqualifications. Having so instructed, Venerable B should take permission on Mr. X's behalf to come before the assembly. If permitted, he should come to the assembly with Mr. X and should cause him to request the assembly in the following words : "Sirs, I (Mr. X) request the assembly for upasampada. May I be, Sirs, saved by the assembly having compassion on me.' Then a qualified and capable monk haviny inquired of Mr. X about the five incurable diseases, his sex, debt, his warfare, his parents' consent, his age and his preceptor's name, etc. before the assembly, should lay the following motion : "Listen to me, Sirs, Mr. X prays for upasampada from Venerable A. He is free from the disqualifications antarayikadhamma and duly provided with alms-bowl and robes. Mr.X requests the assembly for upasampada with Venerable A as his upajjhaya. 1. MV 1. 23. 74. p. 56. 2. Vide Infra, 'The Authority... to carry out the Function'.

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA 77 Listen to me, Sirs, Mr. X desires upasampada from Venerable A. He is free from the disqualifications and duly provided with almsbowl and robes. Mr. X requests the assembly for upasampada with Venerable A as his upajjhaya. The Sangha ordains Mr. X with Venerable A as his upajjhaya. Those who approve should keep silence and those who do not, should speak. The Sangha has ordained Mr. X with Venerable A as his upajjhaya. The Sangha approves it, therefore it is silent." Thereto, the procedure is virtually completed. Thereafter, the whole formula (sangiti) which mentions the season, date and the accurate time of conversion should be repeated to him so that he might estimate his spiritual age correctly. Lastly the four resources (nissaja) should be told.2 The Jaina sources, on the other hand, attribute a long tradition of twenty-four Tirt harkaras to the Jaina Order. But at the very outset. it may be pointed out that they, though elaborate, do not trace as a gradual and systematic origin and development of the Jaina monastic system in general and that of the process of initiation and ordination in particular as the Buddhist sources do in its own case. It is, therefore, difficult to say whether the twenty-four Tirthaikaras or any one of them, like the Buddha, considered the inmates of the world ignorant and unworthy of his sermon and denied to reveal it to them on that account. So also, none of the Tirthaikaras is mentioned to have received any person to his fold through a definite process or to have laid down any direct procedure for confe. rring initiation and ordination. But despite the fact, there are instances of persons who embraced Jainism in the presence of one or the other Tirthagkara. Mahav.ra. the last in the list of the twenty-four Tirtha ukaras, is however alleged to have preached his first sermon to the gods but without any effect.4 The first person to be blessed with the sermon of Mahivira was Gautarna Indrabhuti and his colleagues among men and Vasumati (Candanabala) among women. Prominent among those who joined MY, 1, 68. 125-26, pp. 97-91. 2. Ibid, 1. 69. 128, p. 100. The futility of Mahavia's sermon hirts to the incapability of the gods to receive it.--Than, 777, p. 523b. 4. Ibid, 777, p. 523b; Comm to Than, p. 524a. 5. Tirthankara Vardhamana, pp. 51-52.

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78 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM the Order in due course were Meghal, Sthapatyaputra, Jamali and several others. The ceremony of their conversion is always described elaborately and are almost similar in all cases. It may, however, be noted that the luxury and pomp of the ceremony varied according to the status of the person wishing to join the order. 4 Our statement will be evidenced by the description of the renunciation of Megha, the prince of Rajagsha. Just after his coronation, Megha disgusted with worldly life made up his inind to forsake the world and to betake himself to houseless life. His parents, having come to know his determination summoned a barber and ordered him to cut his hair off leaving a small tuft of hair so as to suit the standing custom of renunciation. His mother took the hair in a cloth decked with the figure of swan and preserved them in a jewelled box. Then he was bathed with white and yellow pitchers and was dressed in costly and gorgeous costumes and ornaments. Then Megha ascended a palanquin adorned luxuriously. His mother too having performed the oblation, sat on his right side and his chief nurse (ambadhai) on the left with broom (rayaharana) and almsbowl (padiggaka) in their hands. All of them were facing the east. Then friends and relatives of Megha took them to the place called Gupasilakacaitya outside the city of Rajagsha. There, they descended from the palanquin and went to Lord Mahavira. The parents of Megha, after perambulating round the Lord thrice, requested him to accept their son as his own disciple as he was fed up with worldly life. The Lord consented to it. Then Megha, going ahead of the Lord in the north-eastern direction stripped himself of all his ornaments and fineries. His mother caught up them in a swan-marked garment. Though overwhelmed with grief, yet she advised him always to be heedful and to strive earnestly in monk life. Then the parents of Megha returned home. After his parents' departure, Megha himself plucked out his hair in five handfuls and perambulating round the Lord thrice, bowed down to him. Then he, showing disgust with the household life, 1. Naya, pp. 29 34. 2. Ibid, pp 70-72. 3. Bhag. 9. 33, pp. 461 ff. Sometimes, not only the expenditure to be incurred on the conversion ceremony was met by the king, but even the entire family of the perso - renouncing household life was supported by him.-- Naya, pp. 70-72.

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PABBAJJK AND UPASAMPADA 79 requested him to receive himself as his direct disciple in the following words : "Therefore, I wish, Sir, to be initiated, to be tonsured, to be instructed, to be admonished, to be trained in the propriety of conduct and to be exhorted by the Lord himself." Then the Lord himself initiated Megha and preached him religious discourse 1 This festive procedure of renunciation followed by the Jainas does not obtain with the Buddhists. But one thing, however, seems certain. It is that the process is to some extent identical with the procedure adopted by the Buddha in case of admitting a person as lay devotee. The final procedure of renunciation recorded by the Canonical texts of the Buddhists is out and out a sangha-kamma. But it may however be pointed out that this way of admission to the Buddhist Order, as it was devoid of festivity, could not continue for long. In due course it gave way to a process full of pomp and luxury. It is therefore not amazing to know that the Theravadins, even nowadays, solemnise the ceremony with due pomp and eclat. Thus they follow a procedure not very different from that of the Jainas already referred to. Besides the above procedure of the Jaina initiation, the Pancarastuka, one of the most important non-canonical Jaina texts gives a procedure which in several respects, it will be seen, resembles to the ceremony of initiation or ordination of the Buddhists, already mentioned as natticatutthakammaupasampada. According to this procedure, certain questions pertaining to native place, the status of his family and the motive of renunciation are put to the monk-to-be (pavvayaveha) which he is to face boldly and frankly. Then he is made acquainted with the pure conduct of ascetics and the good consequences that are in store for him. So also, he is to be alarmed of the perdition imminent for the feigned ascetics with the example of a sick meeting his end soon due to improper food. Then he is tested formally even if he is considered fit and capable. After all these preliminaries, the teacher, on an auspicious day, teaches the monk-to-be the formula of paying homage to the celiyas 1. Naya, pp. 29-34. It is perhaps only in the Nayadhammakahao that we find Lord Mahavira converting persons himself, in terms analogous with that of the Buddha who is referred to have received a number of persons himself. 2. Cf. Infra, pp. 83-6. 3. Vide, P. Levy, Buddhism, a 'Mystery Religion' Chap. I.II.

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80 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM and the siddhas, and the way of sama yika, pratikramana and iriyapatha, etc. Then the monk-to-be, after worshiping the vitara gas and revering the sadhus by oblation to the extent of his wealth, reveres the cetiyas, uproots handfuls of his hair in order to show non-attachment towards the body (usagga) and perambulating (round the teacher ?) thrice recites the samajika formula. Afterwards, the teacher, having made him seated on his left side, reveres the cetiyas along with other monks present there. Then he, after the monk-to-be's request for initiation expressly receiving him as his disciple, gives him the rajaharana (duster), taking it from an elevated place and uttering the mangala.' The Digambara way of becoming a monk was not so complex as that of the Svetambara. A person willing to join the Order approached the ganin, saluted the five dignitaries, viz. the siddhas, the jinas, the acaryas, the upadhya yas, and the sadhus, and then, after saluting the ganin, requested him for admission. If per nitted, he uprooted his hair and whiskers, bid farewell to his garments and adopted nakedness, This was in brief the process of joining the Digambara Church.? We notice that the striking features of the procedure are inquiry (puccha), instruction (kahana), test (pariccha), teaching of samayika, etc. and paying oblation to the celijas, etc. which concur with the fatticatutthakammaupasampada to a considerable extent. As the Pancavastuka is decidedly a later work, so it is not improbable that we may be misled to think that the propounder either borrowed ic or amended the previous one taking the natticatutthakammaupasampada as his model. But the plausibility of such misconception is revealed in no time as the very spirit of the Buddhist way of initiation, i.e. the democratic spirit, is not to be traced in it. The difference lies in the fact that the Jaina Order, even though it carries out the procedure in the presence of a good number of monks, it, like the Buddhist, does not deem it necessary to have the sanction of the monks. (ii) Conversion of nuns In order to give a proper estimate of the position of women in the Jaina and the Buddhist Orders, it is necessary to give a brief account of their position in religious life and activities before the advent of the Mahavira and the Buddha and its impact on them. In this 1. Op. cit., 1 114-163. 2. Pravacanasara, 1-7.

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA 81 connection it is remarkable to note that women, during the Vedic period, were regarded as much capable as men for persuing religious career. Naturally, not only they are alluded to to have specialised themselves in Vedic studies but also to have taken active interest in the composition of Vedic Hymns. So also, they were deemed no less qualified than men to perform a sacrifice. Specially, sacrifices like the Sita sacrifice could be performed by women alone. This exalted position of women continued unimpaired down to the end of the Uparisadic period as several women like Gargi and Maitreyi persisted in active religious activities. Not only this, but some of thein were discarding the pleasures and prospects of married life in favour of a life of asceticism. Thus it is not at all surprising that nuns existed in Indian society, though in small numbers, even before the rise of Buddhism. But unfortunately, the ascendancy of ascetic school in the post-Upanisadic period gradually reduced these privileges of women, and so finally women were placed on the same level with the Sudras as they were deprived of the right of Vedic studies.1 Buddhism and Jainism, as they flourished in this period, could not remain altogether unaffected. Thus, though Buddhism accepted that women could attain arhathood, still it declined that they could obtain the Buddhahood as well 2 The Digambara school, one of the two main schools of the Jaina faith, declared that women were not capable of attaining liberation, and hence, it was averse to the admission of women to its Order. The Sveta mbara school, on the other hand, assigned to women even the highest position of Thirthankarahood, but at the same time it lowered their position in its Church hierarchy. The episode regarding the formation of the Buddhist Order of nuns gives the same impression. It is a fact that the Buddha at first was not in favour of the entry of women into his Order. The story as to how he agreed to the formation of the Order of nuns is related thus in the Cullavagga. Once, when the Blessed One was staying in the Nigrodharama of Kapilavastu, Mahaprajapati Gautami, Buddha's aunt and foster mother, approached him and prayed for the entry of women into 1. Adopted from the Great Women of India, Vol. I, pp. 26-32. 2. MN. Vol., III, p. 128. 3. Pravacanasara, 3. 7. 4. Vimstivimsika, 19. 8ff. Tirthankara. 6 Princess Malli is accepted as the nineteenth

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82 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM the Order. Thrice she prayed for and all the times her request was refused with the same reply-"Enough, O Gautami, let not please thee that women should be allowed to do so"1. Therefrom, the Buddha proceeded to Vaisali. Gautami, too having got her hair cut off and dressed in saffron robes followed him with a band of Sakyan ladies. With swollen feet and tearful eyes, she arrived at Vaisali along with her party and waited at the gate of Kutagara hall where the Blessed One was staying with his disciples. Interviewed with Gautami, Ananda promised her to put her case to the Master. Accordingly, he pleaded her cause but with the same effect as in the case of Gautami noted above. However Ananda by his convincing and well-reasoned arguments persuaded the Blessed One to give his consent in favour. Thus the Buddha decided to receive Gautami into the Order on condition that she would conform to the restrictions (garudhamma) imposed upon her. Gautami, though reluctantly, conceded to his proposal that a bhikkhuni i. ii. even if of a long standing, must bow down before a bhikkhu, even if just initiated; iii. in any case, must seek the necessary consultation from the Bhikkhusangha regarding the date of fortnightly meeting (uposatha) and exhortation; V. in no case, would spend the rainy season in an avasa (residence) where there was no bhikkhu; iv. after the expiry of the rain-retreat (vassavasa), must confess her faults, if any, before both the Saughas of monks and nuns; vi in any case, must undergo the man atta punishment towards both the Sanghas; after the completion of the noviciate would seek the sanction of both the Sanghas for her ordination; vii. on no account, would revile a bhikkhu; viii. in no case, could admonish a monk, while a bhikkhu could admonish a bhikkhuni, Soon after the conversion of Gautami, other ladies following her were also received into the Order by the monks, most probably by 1. al m, gotami, ma te rucci matugamassa tathagatappaveditassa dhammavinaye agarasma anagariyam pabbajja ti.--CV, 10. 1. 1, p. 373. 2. CV, 10. 1.2, pp. 373-77.

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PABBAIA AND UPASAMPADA 83 the same procedure as in the case of the monks alluded to before. Later on the nuns themselves were allowed to confer pabbajja and upasampada on female candidates, but that too was to be approved by the Order of monks. The procedure adopted by both the Sanghas of monks and nuns to solemnise the conversion of a nun was, no doubt, the same as in the case of a monk. 2 Unlike the Buddhists, the beginning of the Jaina Order of nuns can be traced to a period as early as the first Tirtharikara, Rsabha. The Kalposutra inforins us that the following of Rsabha comprised 300000 nuns with Brahmisundari at their heads; that of Aristanemi, the twenty-second Tirthaikara included 40009 nuns under the leadership of Yaksinil; that of Paravanatha, the twenty-third Tirthaikara contained 38000 nuns with Puspakula as their chief; and that of Mahavira, the last of the group comprised 36000 nuns with Candana as their head This information, however, exaggerated it may be, throws a flood of light at least on the great antiquity of the Jaina Order of nuns. Besides, it also reveals that the Jaina Order of nuns has a distinct feature of its own from the very beginning of the Jaina faith. Yet one thing is remarkable. It is its silence on the point as to how women were allowed to embrace nun-life for the first time The curiousity for an episode parallel to that of the Buddhists is but natural as the Jaina trend of thought, like the Buddhists, was also divided on the issue whether women were worthy of nunhood or not. Anyway, we come across at various places the descriptions of the renunciation of women which, with some negligible differences in point of their festive element, were not only almost similar in all cases but also corresponded to the practice which obtained with the monks. A brief account of the renunciation of Malli, the nineteenth Tirthaikara of the Svetambara sect will illustrate the case clearly.? Having brought her six suitors to their senses, Malli, the princess of Mithila asked permission of her parents for renunciation. Her 1. CV, 10. 3. 3, pp 377-78. 2, Ibid, 10. 10-11, pp. 391-95. 3. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 281. 4. Ibid, p. 278. 5. Ibid, p. 274. 6. Ibid, p. 267. 7. For other instances Vide Naya, p. 153; Nirya, pp. 51-52; 65-66; Antg, p. 28.

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84 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM father king Kumbhaka, having come to know his daugher's determination, arranged a consecration ceremony which was celebrated with due pomp and luxury. After the consecration ceremony, the king himself decorated and adorned Malli with all sorts of costumes and ornaments. Then the king asked his household servants to prepare a magnificent palanquin which she mounted and sat on the throne facing the east. Then carried both by men and gods, she was brought to the park called Sahasra Amravana outside the city of Mithila, and alighting from the palanquin near the Asoka tree, took out all her ornaments and fineries which were accepted by her mother Prabhavati. Then she plucked out her hair in five handfuls which was received by Sakra, the king of gods. Then she, after saluting the siddhas, etc., accepted the life of a nun.1 It has already been pointed out that the Jaina Order, unlike the Buddhist, permitted women to enter the Order without any previous undertaking or contract. But it does not mean that it always held women in high esteem. A careful study of the monastic regulations reveals that Jainism vied with Buddhism in assigning an inferior positon to women Naturally, Buddhism as well as Jainism placed women under a discipline more rigorous than the monks. Not only this, but they aimed even at making a nun in every respect subordinate to a monk. Thus a bhikkhuni, how much qualified she may be, cannot become the teacher of male novices. Moreover, the rule that a bhikkhuni, even if of a long standing shall make salutation to, rise up in presence of, shall bow down before a bhikkhu, if only just initiated, puts a bhikkhuni, of course, lower in position to a monk. Similarly, the rules that a Nigantha of three years standing can become a teacher of a Nigapthi of thirty years standing, and that a Nigaptha of five years standing can become acarya of a Niganthi of sixty years standing, 4 make a Niganthi inferior to a Nigaptha. This subordination of nuns reminds us of the institution of Manu in which a woman is in no case allowed to live an indepen. dent life. 5 1. Naya, pp. 117-20. 2. CV, 10. 2. 2. 8, p. 375. 3. Ibid, 10. 2. 2. 1, pp. 374-75. 4. Vav, 7. 15-16. 5. Manu, 9. 3.

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA (iii) Conversion of lay disciples Our assessment of the process of conversion will remain incomplete, if we leave aside the procedure of conversion of lay-disciples as both the Orders, though with varying motives, realised the significance of lay-devotees. In the Buddhist terminology, such members of the faith were called upa saka and upasika, while in that of the Jaina, they were designated samanopisaga, samanopa siga, sa vaga and saviga in addition to the designations just referred to in case of the Buddhists. It is a fact that nowhere in the Buddhist texts, lay-devotees are treated as bonafide members of the Order. Consequently, the duties and obligations binding on them are lacking in details. Opposed to this they are considered as a constituent organ of the Jaina Order and accordingly the Jaina monachism always speaks in terms of four orders, viz. Samapasaigha, Samanisaagha, Savagasaigha and Savigasaiigha.' In spite of the fact just referred to, it is certain that the Buddha received both men and women as lay-disciples. The brst men to become life long lay-disciples by the twofold fomula (dvevacika - Buddha and Dhamma) were Tapussa and Bhallika, the renowned merchants of the time. Their conversion took place even before the preaching of the First Serinon in the Deer-park at Rsipatana, the modern Saranatha. The episode regarding their conversion is stated thus in the Mahavagga : When the Blessed One was enjoying the Bliss of Emancipation under the Rajayatana tree, Tapussa and Bhallika came travelling on the road from Ukkala, modern Orissa, to that place. Having been inspired by a god to show their reverence to the Blessed One by offering rice-cake and honey-comb, they approached the Blessed One and saluted him Then they addressed him thus : "May, O Lord, the Blessed One accept from us rice cakes and honey-combs, that this may long be to us for a good and for a blessing". The Blessed One received the rice-cakes and the honey-combs in the four stone-bowls offered by the four Maharaja gods. When Tapussa and Bhallika saw that the Blessed One had cleansed his bowls and hands, they bowed to his feet and addressed : "We, O Lord, take our refuge in the Lord and in the Dhamma, we may be received, Lord, from henceforth as life-long lay-disciples". 1. Than, 363, p. 281b; cauvvannainne samanasanghesamana samanio saviya Baviyao. Bhag, 580.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Thus they were received as the first lay-disciples in the world.1 Yasa's father was the first among men, and his mother and his former wife were the first among women to become life-long lay-disciples, who were converted by the threefold formula soon after the preaching of the First Sermon. The procedure adopted in their case differs entirely from the aforesaid procedure. In other words, it may be said that from henceforth the procedure to receive lay-disciples, both male and female, was given the final shape as below: 86 "And in the fore-noon the Blessed One, having put on his under-robes, took his alms-bowl, and, with his robes on, went with venerable such and such as his attendant to the house of such and such, the householder. When he arrived there he sat down on a seat laid out for him. Then such and such the householder bowed down to his feet and sat down near him." Then the Blessed One preached him in various ways the discourse on giving (dana) and moral (sila), etc When the Blessed One perceived that the mind of such and such a householder was prepared to receive the admonitions properly, then he preached him the principal doctrine of the Buddhas, namely, suffering. the cause of suffering, the cessation of suffering and the path leading to the cessation of suffering. Consequently, the householder acquired an Insight into the Dhamma, 'whatsoever is an originating thing is also a ceasing thing'. Having realised the Insight, he addressed the Blessed One: "Glorious Lord, Glorious Lord, just as if one should set up what had been overturned, or should reveal what had been hidden, or should point out the way to one who had lost his way, or should bring a lamp into the darkness, in order that those who had eyes might see visible things, thus has the Blessed One preached the doctrine in many ways. We take our refuge, Lord, in the Blessed One, and in the Dhamma, and in the Order of monks, may the Blessed One receive us from this day forth, while our life lasts, as disciples who have taken their refuge in him"." Now it can be safely said that lay-adherents were received by a fixed procedure which has often been mentioned in the Vinaya and outside. 1. Op. cit. 1. 4. 6, pp. 5-6. 2. Ibid, 1. 9. 25-29, pp. 18-23.

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ThABBAIJA AND UThASAMPADA Like the Buddhist Pitakas, the Jaina Agamas too refer to householders embracing Jainism by a similar process which is described in great details. Now we intend to quote a typical example so that the procedure of conversion of lay-disciples may be explicit. Our favour goes to the conversion of Ananda, a renowned merchant of Vanijyagrama. Ananda, on getting the news that Lord Mahavira has come to the temple called Datipalasaka, outside the city of Vanijyagrama, decided to pay a visit to him as association with the Blessed One was considered meritorious. Dressed in costly costumes and fineries, he came out of his own house on foot followed by a train of men holding a luxurious umbrella over him. Coming to the Lord, he bowed down to him perambulating round him thrice. Then the Lord preached a religious discourse. Having been excited by the religious discourse of the Lord, Anand i said : "I have faith, O Lord, in the doctrines of the Nigaptha; I trust, O Lord, the law of the Nigantha; I believe, O Lord, the religion of the Nigantha; it is, O Lord, true; it is, O Lord, right; it is, O Lord, not false that I do accept as has been preached by you; but I am not able to accept monk life in the manner in which many kings, etc., having got themselves shaved, renounced the household life and took initiation at your hands. I accept, o Lord, the religion comprising the twelvefold duties of a Jaina upasaka (duvalasavihamgihidhammam), viz, the five Minor vows (panca nuvvaiyam) and the seven Disciplinary vows (sattasikkhavvaiyar). As it pleases you, O Lord, I should not be debarred from it". Thus Ananda became a lay-disciple and henceforth observed the vows earnestly. Now it is worthwhile to note that the procedure adopted by the Buddhists was gradually revised whereas that of the Jainas was fixed once for all. At the same time, it may also be noted that the ceremony of conversion to the Jaina fold, either as a monk or as a layman, was more festive than that of the Buddhists. . People of various social status, without any distinction, rushed to the Mahavira and the Buddha to give their best support and sympathy to them and their Orders as soon as they were convinced that there was such a need. Thus Lord Mahavira attracted a good number of persons from all classes of society. Worthy of mention 1. Uvasagadasao, pp. 5-6.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM among them who lent their supporting hands, in one way or the other, to the cause of Jainism were king Srenika and his son Kupika (known as Ajatasatru in the Pali canon) of Magadha, queen Mrgavati of Kausambi and Celana of Magadha, prince Megha and Abhaya of Magadha, princess Jayanti of Kausambi, the well known merchant Ananda and his wife Sivananda of Vapijyagiama, the renowned dealer in earthen vessels Saddalaputra and a host of others. So also Jainism is highly obliged to the most valued services of the eleven garadharas in general and that of Sudharma in particular who placed Jainism on sound footing by his able guidance and talented exposition of the tenets of Jainism after the demise of the Lord and his other ten ganadharas. 88 Lord Buddha too succeeded in converting a good number of kings and queens, princes and princesses, nobles and ministers, treasurers and merchants on the one hand, and robbers and thieves, harlots and ruffians on the other. Thus one of the most influential kings of the time like Bimbisara of Magadha, very probably the richest treasurer of the time like Anathapindika of Sravasti, the most handsome courtesan Ambapali of Vaisli, the most devoted upasika Visakha and the best qualified doctor of the time like Jivaka were some of the best supporters who had no equal in their respective services to Buddhism. Among others whose contributions to Buddhism were in no way less important than their were Prasenajita and Udena, Vasabhaksatriya and Roja Malla, Samavati and Supriya, Sariputra and Maudaglyayana, Mahaprajapati Gautami and Siha, Abhayarajakumara and Yasa, Nandaka and Anuruddha, Upali and Ananda, and several others. (iv) Conversion of heretics sects. Lord Buddha had hardly any intention to set forth any special rule for the conversion of ascetics formerly belonging to non-Buddhistic The case of the Jatilas and several others may be cited as illustrations. However the nuisance created by the converted heretics led to the imposition of some restrictions, a preliminary training or probation (parivasa) for a period of four months upon those coming to embrace religious life from other religious sects. The preliminary training or parivasa was not a formality as entry into the Order was not open to all on whom the parivasa had once been laid. As such only he who during the parivasa period, did not forbear (i) to go to the village too early or to come back to the vihara too late;

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA (ii) to associate with harlots, widows, adult girls, eunuchs or with nuns; (iii) not to train himself properly in various things to be done by his fellow monks; (iv) not to show keen interest in the doctrine, etc.; (v) to become angry and dissatisfied, if his former teacher or belief is reviled, or to become happy and satisfied, if the Buddha, the Dhamna or the Sangha is reviled; was eligible for admission into the Order. No one, as a rule, was to be exempted from this preliminary training. This restraint was however, relaxed in case of the Jatilas and the Sakyas on the ground that the former were Kammavadins, and the latter were Buddha's relatives. The Jainas do not prescribe any restriction of the kind, for example, Suka, the head of a Parivrajaka Saigha is received by Sthapatyaputra along with his following without any condition. The normal course of training (sehubhumi) for a novice coming either from any heretical fold or from secular life is six months, four months or a week in the minimum." (c) Duties and Obligations (i) Precepts for the converls The converts of both the Orders, in one capacity or the other, were to conform to the strict discipline of their respective Order. As the converts had to pass through different stages of the Church hier. archy like pabbajita or seha, upasanpannz, thera, mahathera, etc., 4 a sepa. rate code of conduct was prescribed for each of them. Here a brief discussion of the same will not be irrelevant. The fundamental precepts that a Buddhist monk must keep were the ten precepts (dasasikkhapada), namely, abstinence from taking life (panalipata), stealing (alinnadana), impure living (abrahmacariya), lieing (musavada), drinking intoxicating drinks (suramerayamaj japamada), taking meals at the wrong time (vikalabhojana), all types of spectacles (naccagitava ditavisukadassana), using luxurious beds (ucca saranamahasayana) 1. MV, 1. 30. 86.87, pp. 73-76. 2. Naya, p. 78. 3. Than, 159, p. 129b. 4. Sekha, sramanera, srumaneri, saiksamana, antevasika, saddhiviharika, thera, mahathera, etc. are the different stages of Indian mendicants.

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90 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM and receiving precious metals (jataruparajatapatiggahana).1 Accordingly novices who either destroyed life; committed theft; were unholy; spoke lie; took hard drinks; spoke against the Buddha, the Dhamma or the Saugha; held false belief; or enjoyed sexual intercourse with nuns were liable to expulsion from the Order." The primary precepts to be observed by the Jaina Order of monks and nuns were the five great vows (pancamahavvaya), viz., absolute abstinence from inflicting injury to sentient beings (panaivaya), perfect abstinence from telling a lie (musaraya), total avoidance of stealing (adinnadana), perfect continence (mehuna) and abandonment of all possessions (pariggaha)." These two sets of precepts, one for the Buddhists (sikkhapada) and the other for the Jainas (mahavvaya) when compared give the impression that they do not differ much from one another. The first four sikkhapadas agree entirely with that of the first four mahavvayas, and the tenth with that of the fifth, which is much more comprehensive than the corresponding one of the Buddhist'. The rest being one or other form of impure life come under the range of the third sikkhapada.5 Thus the only difference between the sikkhapadas and the mahavvayas is of number and not of principle which justifies the nane sikkhapada given to the mahavvayas by the Uttaradhyayana and seems to have misguided a few scholar to regard 'the Jainas merely as one of the oldest sects of Buddhism'7. It will follow that these precepts, though not with the same strictness as in case of the monks and the nuns are also to be followed by lay-devotees belonging not only to the faith concerned but by the human beings in general. These precepts being the very ideal of the Indian of life since times immemorial, it is difficult to ascertain way as to who introduced them first. 1. MV, 1.47 106, p. 87. 2. Ibid, 1. 53. 51, p. 89. 3. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 15 (pp. 202-210); Samv, 5, p. 10a; Than, 389, p. 290a; Uttar, 30. 2; Antg, p. 36; Later on abstinence from night-meal was also added to the list of mahavvayas. Dasv, 4. 1-5 (pp. 5-6); Aup, 34. SBE. Vol. XXII, Introduction, p. 23. 4. 5. The seventh and eighth sikkhapadas are considered as one. See Anguttaranikaya, Vol. III, 8. 5. 1. 6. Uttar, 23, 12; 23. 23. 7. SBE. Vol. XXII, Introduction, p. 18. One of the four points of resemblance between Buddhism and Jainism cited by Prof. Lassen is ahimsa, the first sikkhapada or the first mahavvaya--Ibid, p. 21.

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gi PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA As the Jaina Order was more particular about bodily purifi. cation, it admonished the mendicants to observe the five samitis, i. e., restraints as regards movement; speech; begging, receiving and returning of requisites; and the disposition of bodily excreta. Besides, they were also expected to practise three guptis, i. e., control over the mind, speech and body; and ten yatidhar mas, namely, forgiveness, nonattachment, non-deceit, modesty, carefulness, truthfulness, self-restraint, penance, non-possession and celibacy most likely with a view to have control over the mind as well.1 Perfection in the tenets of monkhood, strict observance of the customs and practices of Church Jife, implicit faith in the teacher and perfect obedience to the superiors were some of the criteria which made a novice fit for ordination. It was therefore necessary for the neophytes to keep these precepts strictly at least during their proba. tionary period. Along with these, they were obliged to live corporate Jife as there was every likelihood for them of committing a grave offence when alone. It was in order to enable a monk either to practise concentration and acquire a high degree of control by avoiding disputes, quarrels, passions, etc.,' or to evade troubles and dangers that a monk was allowed to lead a solitary life. The practice of monk life being dependent entirely on the society for the necessities of life it was likely for the monks to go astray when coming in contact with the society for their provisions and other needs. Consequently their requirements were curtailed so much so that they might not have to mix with the householders frequently and develop intimacy with them. The imposition of the four nissayas, i e. the rules, that a monk must be satisfied with the food given in alms, that a monk must be contented with the robes gathered from dust-heaps, that a monk must be pleased with the foot of a tree as his abode and that a monk's requirements for medicine must be fulfilled by stinking. urine (pulimutta)'--to which the Sakkaputtiya monks should take recourse to for their maintenance, though the strictness of the rules was relaxed forth with. So far as the requisites of the Jaina monks were concerned they were simply advised to be as light as the wind. 1. Vide Supra, pp 33-36. 2. MV, 1. 70. 129, p. 100; Vav, 4. 5-8. 3. Uttar, 29. 39. 4. OghN, 7, p. 13b; Comm. pp. 14a. 5. MV, 1. 22. 73, p. 55; 6. 69. 128, p. 100. 6. Dasv, 3. 10; Suyg (SBE, Vol. XLV). p. 235.

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92 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Self-mortification is the sublime object of the Jaina faith. It is therefore proper that rigorous ascetic practices are made obligatory for all monks and nuns. One of such practices is the twenty-two parisahas which may be termed as troubles. The practice of all these parisahas means giving all sorts of tortures to the body by neglecting it completely. The next is the twelve types of tapa --six external and six internal, the only motive of the former seems to torture the body to the maximum by abstaining from food and drink, while the latter envisage a perfect moral training. The padimas, twelve in number, are more or less a lengthy process of self mortification based on anasana (fasting), jhana (meditation) and kausagga (bodily postures). Thus the Jaina ascetics emaciate their bodies and mar their appearance very likely in order to detach themselves from worldly life and also to cause indifference in others towards themselves so that they may not be misled from the right path A convert of the Buddhist Order was also expected to observe austerity in respect of food, dress and dwelling. These austre practices known as the dhutangas were thirteen in number, namely, (i) use of food procured from begging-tours only, iii) begging almns from door to door without any omission, (iii) taking food only once a day, (iv) eating food from one bowl only (v) taking no meal again after finishing once, (vi) use of robes gathered from dust-heaps, (vii) using not more than three robes, (viii) dwelling in forests only, (ix) living under the foot of a tree, (x) living in open sky, (xi) living in cemetery, (xii) use of whatever bed or seat is available, and (xiii) spending the night sitting and not lying. That these practices were most likely optional has already been observed. Lastly the Buddhist Order distinguished itself by professing a definite number of transgressions and expiations for monks and nuns, 227 for the former and 311 for the latter, known as the rules of Palimokkha which were regularly recited at the fortnightly meeting, the Ubosatha." Both the Orders in question prescribed, more or less, separate rules of moral discipline for lay adherents. But it has already been noted that the lay-devotees were given a peculiar position by the Buddhist Order. Neither they were treated as regular members of the Order nor were recognised to form a separate Order of their ox2. 1. Vide Supra, pp 36-39. 2. Vide Supra, p 43. 3. Vide Infra, Uposatha' and Chap. IV, Sec. III.

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA 93 The scanty references occurring in the Pali canon show that the monks were interested in the laities not because they earnestly wished to lead them in their struggle for the attainment of the summum bonum, but simply because they were the source of their maintenance and support. Therefore, a householder was frequently advised to give his unqualified help to the Saugha and to have implict faith in the Buddha, the Dhamma and the Saigha, and was seldom asked to work out his own salvation. What is desired to bring to notice is that the precepts meant for the householders are very very limited Out of the innumerable rules of the Vinaya, perhaps the first eight of the ten sikkha padas are the only precepts which a householder should follow in line with the monks." Likewise, in the whole corpus of the four Nikayas, the Sigalovadasutta is the solitary instance which is completely devoted to the instruction and exhortation of a householder, and hence, is aptly called Gihivina ya or Vinaya of the householder. According to the Sutla, a householder should avoid the fourteen evils, namely, the four vices (kammakilesa) like destruction of life, stealing, licentiousness and false speech; evil actions (papakamma) done from the four motives of partiality (chanda), enmity (dosa), stupidity (moha) and fear (bhaya) and six ways of dissipation of wealih (apa ya mukhani), viz, addiction to intoxicating drinks, frequenting the streets at unseemly hours, haunting fairs, gambling, association with evil companions and illness. Further he is admonish. ed to render his best possible services to his parents, wife, children, friends and companions, and Sramana-brahmanas. Thus what a layman or a lay-woman is taught is to become a pious lay.devotee. 2 But opposed to this, the Jaina lay community is recognised as separate Orders known as the Sravakasangha and Sravika sangha, quite distinct from the Orders of the monks and nuns respectively. Therefore the Jaina lay community, besides their positive duties to provide to the mendicants the necessities of life, had to follow a separate course of moral discipline which is set forth in great details in the Jaina canon. The primary precepts to be followed by a Jaina layman or laywoman, we have already seen in case of Ananda, are the twelvefold duties of a sravaka or a sravika, viz. the five anuvvayas, three gunavv ayas and four sikkhavvayas. The anuvvayas or the minor vows, as the very 1. Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p 139. 2. DN, Vol. II, pp. 139-149. 3. Than, 363, p. 281b; Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp. 267-268.

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94 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM tittle suggests, differ from the mahavvayas in degree and not in contents. The three gunavvayas consist of abstinence from indulgence in unprofitable occupation (anatthadand averamana), limitation with reference to movements in a particular direction (disiplaya) and limitation as to articles of use (uvabhogaparibhogapariminal. The four sikkhavvayas are equanimity and abandonment of sinful activities (samaiya), limitation of space in connection with movement (desivaga siya), observing fasts on certain days of each fortnight (posahovavasa) and equal distribution of charities to guests (atihisamvibhaga). Besides these twelvefold vows, those who claim to be more pious and faithful to the Religion observed the eleven pa limas, that is, they cultivated right faith (dzinsanapa lima), practised the five anuvratas (vayapadima), equanimity (samaiyapadima), fasts (posahapadima), led pious life abstaining from bath, night-meal and sexual indulgence during day for a period of five months (palimapadima), abstained from all types of sexual pleasures for six months (abambhavaijanapadima), the use of raw articles of food for seven months (sacitiaharavajjanapadima), injurious activities for eight months (sayamarambhavajjanapadima), asking even others to do injurious works for them for nine months (udittha. bhattavaijan api lima), and finally imitated the life of a monk (simanabhuyapadima).' Thus the object of the whole teaching for the Jaina laity in general and that of the padimas in particular seem to lead them grad. ually on the path of monkhood as is clear from the name of the last padima, the samarabhuyapadima. (ii) Teachers and disciples In accordance with the Brahmanical tradition, a monk as well as a nun, whether Buddhist or Jaina, is placed under the direct supervision of superiors, the former under that of the acarya and the upadhya ya, and the latter under that of the pravartini. This relation between the teacher and the disciple is called nissaya4 by the Buddhists, and uvasanpaya' or purao kattu (katum) viharai(r) or disan (anudisam) viharai? 1. Uvasagadasao, pp. 3-21; 206-208; Aup, 34-35. 2. Ibid, pp. 16; 224-229; Dasa, 6th dasa. 3. Var, 3 11f; MV,1. 18. 64 65, pp. 42f; 1. 23. 74-77, pp. 56; CV, 10.11. 24, Pp. 393-94. 4. MV, 1. 26. 82, p. 67. 5. Than, 174, p. 139a; Comm. p. 139b; Ultar, 26. 7. 6. Vav, 4. 11; Brhk, 3. 14. 7. Ibid, 1.22-24; Nis, 10. 11f.

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPDA by the Jainas. Once it has been stated that antevasika, saddhiviharika, sekha or seha, samanera, samanert, sikkhamana, etc. are some of the epithets given to a newly converted person. The Buddhists call a novice placed under the care of an acariya (teacher) as antevasika, and under that of the upajjhaya (preceptor) as saddhiviharika. Though these appelations obtain with the Jainas, even then they are not so particular about such a distinction. A disciple is expected to behave according to the wishes and orders of the teacher, and to give him every service, while the teacher to take him under his protection and care, and to give him every help and guidance in his monastic career. In view of these facts it is most befitting that a teacher and a disciple are advised to live like father and son.1 The Buddhist Order did not deem it proper either to give nissaya to or to receive it from an unconscientious person Therefore it asked the monks to study the conduct of a monk before giving him nissaya or receiving it from him." The Jaina Order, though not directly, also issued instructions to the same effect. Thus a monk who was aviniya (immodest), vigadipadibaldha (attached to dainty food), avvavasiya (not servile), duttha (wicked), mulha (dullard), and vuggahiya (quarrelsome) should not be accepted as a student." The other ten reasons which made a monk unfit for becoming a good student were dappa (pride), pamada (carelessness), nabhoga (inattention), aura (bodily pangs, avati (calamities), samkita (indecision), sahassakara (unexpected circumstances), bhaya (fear), ppayosa (hatred) and vimamsa (test of the teacher by the student). Only a monk of good caste and good family was expected to be conscientious and self-controlled, and to confess his omission and commission before the superior.1 95 In the Jaina Church, a monk, how much senior and experienced he might have been, owed life-long dependance on all senior to him in general and on his teacher in particular. But the Buddhist Order subjugated only those who were deficient in one or the other rule of monastic discipline. Not even that, a person on a journey, a sick, a person waiting upon a sick and a forest-dweller were excluded from such dependance." The earliest law, no doubt, required a dependance 1. MV, 1. 18.65, p 43; 1.23. 77, p. 58; Uttar, I. 39. 2. Ibid, 1. 63. 120. p. 95. 3. Than, 203, p. 165b. 4. Ibid, 733, p. 484a. 5. MV, 1.45. 103, pp. 83-86. 6. Ibid, 1. 64. 121, p. 96.

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96 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM of not less than ten yearswhich was cut short when the monk refused to accompany the Blessed One with the following reply to Ananda : "Friend Ananda, the Blessed One has prescribed that Bhikkhus are to live the first ten years in dependance on their acariyas and upajjha vas), and that he who has completed his tenth year, may give a nissaya himself. Now if we go there, we shall be obliged to take a nissa ya there, then we shall stay there for a sl.ort time, then we must go back again and take a new nissaya. If our acariyas and upajjhayas go, we will go also ; if our a sariyas and upaijhayas do not go, we will not go either. Otherwise our lightmindedness, friend Ananda, will become manifest" ? The Pali Vinaya contains elaborate rules concerning the duties and obligations of a disciple towards his teacher and vice versa. The principal duties which are binding on a disciple are the menial works of the whole vihara in general and that of the teacher in particular.3 The Jaina nonks are also prescribed the same type of duties and obligations, though these are not arranged systematically at one place. 4 Perhaps the reason behind the fact that all the menial works of the teacher or rather that of the whole monastery are to be performed by the juniors is that we know of no servant employed by the Saigha. Besides, a disciple is also to help his teacher in doctrinal and ecclesiastical matters, if there is such an occasion. The details in this respect may be worked out as below. A disciple having got up carlier than the teacher should provide him teeth-cleanser, rinsing water, a seat and rice-gruel. Then he should give him water, wash the bowl and sweep the place when he has finished the rice-gruel At the time of proceeding for alms, he should give him robes, girdle and alms-bowl, and take from him the robes taken off. If the teacher desires that his disciple should follow him, the disciple should accompany him duly clad and with his almsbowl. When accompanying, the disciple should be at a considerable distance from the teacher, and should take the contents of his almsbowl. So also he should return to the vihara froin the begging-tour before the teacher so that he may furnish him with a seat, water and a towel, may take his alms-bowl and robes taken off and may provide him his house-dress (patinivasa), water and food in due time. He 1. MV, 1.:6. 82, p. 67. 2. Ibid, 1. 41. 102, pp. 82-83. 3. Ibid, 1. 18 EUR4.66, pp. 42-47; 1. 23. 74-78, pp. 56-62. 4. Cf. Brhk, 3. 21. 5. MV, 1 18. 66, pp. 46-47; 1. 23. 78, pp. 61; Than, 135, p. 118a.

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97 PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA should keep the robes taken off and the alms-bowl having dried them properly in the sun. A disciple must also make every arrangement for his teacher's bath, such as, getting cold or hot water as desired by the teacher, providing kneaded powder, moistened clay and chair, take the chair back from the bath-room, wipe the water off from his body and give him his robes, etc. It was the duty of a disciple to clean the vihara inhabited by the teacher. The sanitation of a vihara which normally was furnished with parivenas (cells), a kotthaka (store-room), an upatthanasala (service-hall), an aggisala (fire-room) and a vaccakuti (privy) comprised of works like removing the cobwebs, wiping off the casements and the corners of the room after taking away the alms-bowl, the robes, the mat and other furniture; scouring the walls with a wet mop; sprinkling the floor with water and casting aside the sweepings. The furniture, etc. which had been disturbed at the time of cleaning should be placed at their respective places having dried them in the sun. A disciple should always be heedful in shutting the windows, if dusty wind is blowing through them. Normally he should open them by day and shut at night in winter and vice versa in summer: So also he should get his teacher's robes washed, made and dried. Besides the menial works of the vihara in general and that of the teacher in particular, a disciple is expected to assist his teacher in ecclesiastical matters as well. Accordingly, he is allowed to interrupt the teacher in his speech, if he is feared to commit an offence by words. It is also a credit on the part of a disciple, if he so occasions that the teacher delivers a discourse or answers questions put to him. It is not less creditable, if he removes or gets removed by another person or by religious conversation, the discontent (anabhirati), the indecision (kukkucca) and false belief (ditthi), if the teacher has come in their grip. Moreover, it is also the duty of a disciple to see his teacher sentenced to Parivasa (probation), Mulayapatikassana (recommencement of penal discipline, Manatla (fixed probation) or Abbhana (rehabilitation); releaved from the ecclesiastical proceedings which are to be carried out against him; or the punishment alleviated. If however the proceeding has been carried out, he should cause the teacher to behave properly in order to get rid of it. Because of the very difference in the fundamental principle, a Jaina monk is not asked to serve his teacher in a way exactly analogous to that of the Buddhist. Very likely the Jaina Order does not 7

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98 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM prescribe any service to be given to the teacher at the time of his setting out for begging alms or after coming back from begging.tour. At best he is asked to show the contents of his begging-bowl after his return from begging-tour. It never implies that the Jaina monks are not prescribed any duty towards his teacher. The discipline to be observed towards the teacher which is laid down in the Vinayasutta of the Uttaradhyayana is indeed very stringent. We may refer to the first chapter where it has been discussed under the heading daily duties of a Jaina monk'. It is to be noted that the duties of a teacher towards his disciple are almost the same as those of a disciple towards his teacher just referred to. A teacher, besides his spiritual help by exhortation and instruction, is to supply his disciple robes, alms-bowl and other parikkhara (requisites), and even to serve him with chunarn, clay, etc, if he is in such a need. These mutual duties and obligations seem to have placed a teacher and a disciple on the same footing in the Buddhist hierarchy. What installed a teacher to a position higher than the disciple were the following discipline to be observed by the disciple towards his teacher. A disciple without the permission of his teacher is forbidden to : (i) give his alms-bowl, robes or any parikkhara to any one else or to receive it from any one ; (ii) shave any one elss or to get himself shaved by any one ; (iii) wait upon any one else or to let any one wait upon himself; (iv) go with any one else as an attendant-monk or to take any one as an attendant-monk ; (v) carry any one else's alms to the vihara, or to have his alms carried by any one else ; and (vi) go to a village or a cemetary or abroad on journey. 2 Like the Buddhist, a Jaina teacher was also obliged to supply the material requisites of his disciples, but he was perhaps not asked to give menial services to his disciples in normal circumstances. Like the Buddhists, the Jaina monks were not allowed to : (i) accept food for and to give it to a sick monk, * (ii) receive a begging-bowl, 1. Vinaya Texts (SBE, Vol. XIII) p. 49, fn. 5. ? MV, 1. 18. 66, p. 47; 1. 23. 78, p. 61-62; CV, 8. 11. 21, p. 332; 8.13 25, p. 340. 3. Than, 544, p. 385b. 4. Kaepp (SBE Vol. XXII), p. 297. 5. Bghk, 1. 30.42:

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA (iii) do any transaction of the begging-bowl or any other requisite,1 (iv) undertake a journey,* (v) go elsewhere due to paucity of space without the previous permission of the teacher or the authority concerned. 99 Of course, the Jainas surpassed the Buddhists in giving an exalted position to the teacher. It is said in the Jaina scriptures that a disciple without a teacher is likely to go astray as a needle without a thread may be lost easily." (d) The Causes of Renunciation Most probably the Buddhist sources do not make any direct reference to the causes of renunciation. However, an analysis of the frequent references to persons bidding farewell to household life reveals that people took to mendicant-life because of diverse reasons and varied motives. Normally people adopted monkhood because of the natural insight into the Truth (abhisamaya). Another reason which inspired Kassapa, Senaka, Nadikassapa, Uruvela Kassapa, Jenta, Mahapanthaka, Culapanthaka, Ratthapila, Sela, Angulimala, etc. among men and Ubbiri, Sakula, Kisagotami, etc. among women to renounce household life was the thrilling mental agitation (samvega) caused by either of the imposing personality and the preaching of the Buddha or his disciples. Unfortunate incidents like the death of a child, widowhood or husband's renunciation, etc. were not less responsible for making a person to adopt houselessness. Thus Vasetthi and Kisagotami renounced the world when their sons died. So did Canda and Capa because of their husbands' expiry and renunciation respectively. One of the most disgusting factors which constrained people, particularly the women to renounce the world was the transitoriness of bodily beauty and charm. Abhayamata, Uppalavanna, Ambapili, etc. took to nunhood due to this very fact. Besides, very often household drudgery and poverty, illness and deformity, disrespect and humiliation, and the like also acted as reasons for renouncing the pleasures of family life. Those accepting monk-life because of one or the other of these 1. Nis, 14. 1-4, 14. 5-7; 16. 25-29. 2. OghN, 9, p. 22b; HJM, p. 243. 3. Vav, 1. 21. 4. HJM, p. 156.

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100 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM reasons were Sumangala, Atuma, Manava, Mutta, Sumangalamata, Samitigutta, Khujjasobhita, Sopaka, Sunita, etc.? Sometimes people also betook to monk-life for the sake of liveli. hood (udarassa karana). ? The various circumstances and motives of renunciation referred to in the Jaina texts do not differ much from those of the Buddhist According to the Sthanangasutra, people usually took to monkhood due to inner urge for renunciation (chonda), anger (rosa), poverty (parijunna), enlightenment in a dream (suvina), fulfilment of a particular vow (padissuta), sudden remembrance of previous births (saranita), illness (roginita), humiliation !anadhita), inspiration by the gods (devasannalti), and renunciation of one's son (vacchanubandhita)." These reasons enumerated by the Sthana ngasutra are further corro. borated by actual cases of renunciation. Neminatha having come to know that his marriage would cost a number of lives, renounced the pleasures and prospects of wordly life, and Rajimati, his would-bewife also followed him. So also Vasethi became nun as her husband and sons took to monkhood. Pottila too adopted nun-life because of her husband's indifference, and Sivabhuti due to anger. Besides, a number of persons gave up family life simply for worldly gains like the acquisition of living (ihaloga), the collection of disciples (puraopadibaddha), the consolation in lonely life (vihagagai), getting rid of debt (moyavaitta), etc., while others were either forced or induced to adopt monkhood. The various tricks played upon them in order to make them inclined for renunciation were creating trouble (tuyavaitta), taking a person elsewhere (puyavaitta), conditional vow for renunciation (sangarupavvaija) and religious instructions. 5 (e) Bars to Admission As a rule, everybody was allowed to join the Order. But in due course, certain persons were debarred from entry into the Sangha because they were regarded not only unworthy of monastic life, but also inconvenient to the progress and welfare of the Saigha in one way or the other. In order to maintain the high moral standard of 1. For these references see KN, Vol II, Theragatha and Therigatha. 2. MV, 1. 22. 73, p 55. 3. Op. cit., 712, p. 473b. 4. Vide Uttar, xxii for Neminatha and Rujimati; Uttar, xxiv for Va: etthi; Naya, xiy for Pottila; Curni to Avas, for Sivabhuti; Supra, p. 12, fn. 5. 5. Than, 157, p. 128b; 355, pp. 276ab.

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA 101 the Church, both the Churches laid down certain criteria to test the fitness or otherwise of those wishing to join the Order. In this way they tried to keep the Church clear of worthless fellows. Before making any general observation, it would be better to have a comparative glimpse of the same. Excluding the thirteen types of disqualifications which made a man or a woman unfit for Church life, the disqualifications to be asked of a woman at the time of her initiation were eleven types of female clisease." Besides these, there were several other disqualifications which di barred those desiring entry into the Buddhist Order. Similarly in addition to the eighteen types of male or female (namely, a fool, an old, a cunuch, an idiot, an impotent, an ailing person, a thief, king's enemy, a mad, a blind, a slave, a wicked person, a blockhead, a person in debt, a deformned person, a prisoner, a timid and a trainee with unhinged mind) who were disqualified for Jaina inonastic life, a pregnant woman (guviini), a woman having a small child (balavac ha), ten types of eunuchs etc. had also to share the same fate.* Both Buddhisin and Jainism, though with different motives, concurred that ailiny persons were unworthy of monastic life. The former considered them a disturbance to peaceful Church life, whereas the latter found then unable to conform to the rules of Church discipline Hence, persons inflicted with any one of the five incurable diseases, viz. leprosy (kuttha), boils (ganda), eczema (kilasa), consumption (sosa) and fits (apimara)' or with goitre (galagandi), or with elephantiasis (sipadi', or with a chronic disease (paparogi). were precluded froin the claim of entering into the Buddhist Order. The Jaina Church had its counterpart in the regulations that a person suffering cither from any one of the sixteen types of chronic diseases (ruga), such as vevaggi (trernour or aque), pangu (lameness), vadabha (hump-back), nimmanimalasa, sakkarapameha (diabetes), bahira (deafness), andha (blindness), kurta (mutilation), gandi (goitre), kotikkhata (paralysed?) and sui (suffering from colic ?)', or from any one 1. MV, 1. 68. 125, p. 97. 2. CV, 10. 10. 22, p. 391. 3. Comm. to Than, p. 165a. 4. Nis B, 3737-3744. 5. MV, 1. 31, 88, p. 76; 1. 68. 125, p. 97: 6. Ibid, 1. 62. 119, pp. 94-95. 7. NisB, 3645-3646.

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102 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM of the eight types of acute diseases (vahi), namely, fever (jara), asthma (sasa), cough (kasa), burning (daha), diarrhoea (atisara), fistula (bhagandara) etc.) was not allowed to join the Jaina Church. Physical disability either in the form of deformity or loss of limbs was also an obstacle to monkhood, The Buddhist Church deemed a person whose hands or feet were cut off (hatthacinnan va padachinnam va) or whose hands were like snake's hood (phanahatthaka), a hump-back (khuija), a dwarf (va mana), a one-eyed person (kana), a person with crooked limb (kuni), a lame (khunja), a person paralysed on one side (pakkhahuta), a cripple (chinnairiyapatha), a blind (andha), a dumb (muga), a deaf (badhira), a blind and dumb (andhamugal, a blind and deaf (andhabadhira), a dumb and deaf (mugabadhira), and a blind, dumb and deaf (andhamigabadhira), etc. disqualified for monk-life. The Jaina Church was fully in consonance with the Buddhist as it also refused admission to person despised because of physical deformity, as for example, a person whose hands, feet, ears, nose or lips were cut off, a dwarf (vamanaga), hump-hack (vadabha), hunch-back (khujja), a lame (pangula), a mutilated person (kunta), a one-eyed man and a blind (adamsane).3 Besides, it also denied initiation to a dullard (jadda)', an insane person (ummatta)", a wicked person (duttha) and a stupid (mudha). Neither the Buddhists nor the Jainas ever gave a better position to robbers and thieves. The Buddhist sources refer to a renowned robber dhajabaddhacora), a robber escaped from jail (karakabhedaka), a registered thitf (likhitaka), a whipped thief (kasahata) and a branded thief (lakkanahata) and the Jaina to a village-thief gamatera), an urban-thief (desatena), a lifter (antaratena), a looter (addhanatena), a plunderer (takkara) and a burglar (khanatena), who were debarred from entering into the Order. The Buddhists as well as the Jainas never received a debtor (ina yaka or analta) or a slave (dasa) as a monk.40 Along with it the 1. NisB, 3647. 2. MV, 1.83, 119, pp. 94-95. 3 NisB, 3709-3711. 4. Ibid, 3625-3636. 5. Ibid, 3610-3671. 6. Ibid, 3681-3693. 7. Ibid, 3694-3702. 8. MV, 1. 33-37. 91-95, pp. 78-79. 9. NisB, 3650-3662. 10. MV, 1.38.96, p. 79,

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.: PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA 103 Buddhists refused entry to a person in royal service, specially to soldiers and warriors. The Jainas even surpassed the Buddhists as they disallowed all those who were king's enemy (rayavagari)", an attendant (obaddha) and servant (bhayae) 3. This favour to the kings or authorities in power was, very likely, due to the fact that the Order whether Buddhist, Jaina or any other never deemed it proper to be in enmity with them as their goodwill and piety were essential for the survival and progress of the Church. Likewise sexual disability or deformity was also a hindrance to initiation or ordination, Both the Orders unanimously advocated that a eunuch of any type should not be ordained or should be expelled, if ordained under the pressure of the king or due to any other reason. The Buddhist sources, however, refer to a person giving an offence by any defor nity to those who happened to see him (purisadusaka)',a eunuch (thardaka)" and a hermaphrodite (ubhatobyanjanaka)" ; and the Jaina to sixteen types of sexually defective persons (napumsaka), such as, eunuch (pandaka), sexually diseased (votie), timid (kiva), castrated (baddhie), etc?. All these were declared disqualified for Church life. Old age was no less a disqualification for monkhood. So also was childhood. Originally the Buddhist Order did not confer pabbajia on a boy under fifteen years of age. This strictness was however slackened by allowing a boy less than fifteen years of age but able to scare crow (ka kuttepaka) to enter the Order.. In all cases upasampada (ordination or confirmation of the initiation) was to be conferred only on a person full twenty years of age from the time of conception in one's mother's womb. The Jaina Order however lowered the age limit for initiation to eight years. 11 It is clear from the instances of two children one receiving initiation at the age of six yearsl? and the other at the age of six months only, 13 that it was the psychological 1. MV, 1. 32. 90, pp. 77-78. 2. NisB, 3663-3669. 3. Com. to Than, p. 105a; NisB, 3676-3680. 4. MV, 1. 62. 119, p. 94. 5. Ibid, 1. 52. 109, p. 89. 6. Ibid, 1. 59. 116, p. 92. 7. NisB, 3561-3624. 8. MV, 1. 62. 119, pp. 94-95. 9. Ibid, 1. 42. 100, p. 82. 10. Ibid, 1. 67. 124, p. 97. 11. Vav, 10. 16f; Comm. to Bhag, p. 219b; NtsB, 3510-3516, 12. Bhag, 188, p. 219b. 13. Curni to Avas, pp. 391ff.

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104 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM leaning of the child rather than his age that constrained the Jainas to admit even a baby to their Order. At another place, the express sanction to initiate a child all the members of whose family intended to join the Order, a child whose all relatives but the father-monk were dead, an orphan with right faith, an orphaned issue of the sejja yara, the issue of a raped nun, and any child of the kind without any con sideration of their age reveals that the Jaina Order took utmost care of those friends and relatives, specially of their orphaned children, who were in distress and trouble. Thus the Jaina Church saved the society from chaos and corruption. Not only the Buddhists but the Jainas as well were not in favour of initiating a person weak from old age (jara dubbala or vuldha). 2 Particularly the Jaina Order ordained that religion should be practised 'while old age has not begun to ail, or disease has not grown, or senses have not failed'. Nobody could get entry either in the Buddhist 4 or in the Jaina Order without the consent of one's parents or guardian. It was therefore justified that a kidnapped person (schanipphediya) was denied the right of initiation to the Jaina Order. Besides, a person who has furtively joiacd the Saigha (theyyasanvasaka), a person who has gone over to the heretics (tilthiyapakkantaka), an animal (tiracchanagaia)?, a matricide (matugha taka), a parricide (pitughataka)', a murderer of arahanta'', a violator of a nun (bhikkhunidusaka), a dissenter (saighabhedaka) and a person who has shed Buddha's blood (lohituppadaka)" are not to be ordained or to be expelled from the Sangha, if ordained. This sort of disqualifications is not to be found in the Jaina sources, yet it may be accepted at least that the Jaina Order would also have shown the same consideration towards such criminals in order to preserve the purity of the Saigha. In this connection it may also be pointed out that the crimes like murder of an arahanta, etc. find their counterpart in the Curni to NisB, 3537-3539, 2. NisB, 3542-3560; Comm. to Th7n, p. 165 1. 3. Dasu, 8 36. MV, 1. 46 105, pp 86-37. 5. Comm. to Than, p 165a. 6. MV, 1.53. 110, pp. 89-90. 7. Ibid, 1. 54. 11), pp. 90-91. 8. Ibid, 1. 55, 112, p. 91. 9. Ibid, 1. 56. 113, p. 91. 10. Ibid, 1. 57. 114, pp. 91 92. 11. Ibid, 1.58. 115, p. 92.

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PABBAJJA AND UPASAMPADA 105 murder of a Brahmin in the Brahmanical Church. These are amongst crimes which are deemed unatonable (mahapataka) and as such entail excommunication.1 As we have already seen that the upasampada ceremony could not be solemnised without a qualified and duly appointed upajjhaya, therefore, upasampada should not be conferred on a person without upajjhaya, with the Sangha as upajjhaya, with a number of monks as upajjhaya or with a eunuch, etc. as upajjhaya, Similar was the case with a person without alms-bowl or with borrowed alms-bowl, without robes or with borrowed robes, or with borrowed alins-bowl and robes.' 2 Thus we find that both the Buddhist and the Jaina Orders scrutinised the monks-to-be (upasampadapekkha or seha) with utmost care and initiated only those who were found qualified and fit. Anybody who failed to convince the assembly of one's purity and competency was in no case to be entertained. If however the assembly failed to detect the deficiency and disqualifications of the person concerned and initiated him or her to the Order, then either held it up his or her ordination or drove him or her out of the Order, if already ordained. (f) The Authority Competent to Carry out the Function That for the Buddhists pabbajja as well as upasampada is out and out a sangha-kamma or a transaction of the Order which can affect the Sangha in any way is apparent from the preceding account. Therefore all such transactions are to be solemnised by a complete assembly lawfully. Ten is the quorum of a complete assembly eligible to confer pabbajja or upasampada But the number of monks required in cases of the middle and the border countries are only five including a Vinayadhara in the chair." Nuns however may be admitted into the Saugha even by a messenger, though the ordinary rule, no doubt requires, as in the case of monks, a chapter of not less than ten." Not only the anusasaka and the ubajjhaya or pavattini (in case of nuns), two officers who took the leading part in the conversion ceremony were expected to be highly qualified and experienced, but all the monks consisting a complete assembly must also have the requisite qualifications. It is worth noticing that their competency was considered not only by seniority but also by moral integrity, erudition in the doctrine and discipline and their proper and regular practice. 1. Visnudharma sutra, 33-12; Vide also Hindu Law and Custom, pp. 251-52. 2. MV, 1. 60-61. 117-18, pp. 92-94. 3. Ibid, 9.4. 9, pp. 324-335. 4. Ibid, 5, 13. 26, p. 216. 5. CV, 10. 14. 29, pp. 397-398.

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106 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Thus, in addition to the standing in monkhood which was in no case less than ten years, the qualities expected of a monk competent to confer initiation or ordination, or to give nissaya (dependance), or to train a samanera were perfect knowledge of moral practices, selfconcentration, wisdom, emancipation and an insight into emancipation; the ability to help others in the acquisition of these abilities; faith, modesty, fearfulness of sinning, strenuousness and unforgetfulness; purity in rules of morality, conduct and belief; the ability to nurse disciple in all possible ways; and a perfect knowledge of an offence and of the two Patimokkhas.' The Jaina initiation or ordination was conferred by an individual monk before a seated assembly of Caturvidhasangha, that is, an assembly consisting of monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen. Even then, it was perhaps neither a transaction of the Sangha nor a business of an individual, for we are neither told of the number of monks or nuns com. prising the assembly nor of any specific duty to be performed by them. The one and the only officer who is referred to have been autho. rised to confer initiation and ordination upon a candidate is a yariya who may be equated with the upajjhaya of the Buddhist hierarchy. The various types of a yariya referred to in the Agamas reveal that the a pariya, in addition to his duty to initiate and ordain a person, has also been assigned with the duty of giving instruction to newly admitted monks. In this way he trains thein in the tenets of the faith. As he holds such a high and responsible position, he must in all cases be highly experienced and qualified. Therefore only a monk having eight years' experience of monk-life, and the knowledge of the Sthananga and the Samava yanga Sutras is deemed fit for the post. Besides, he is also expected to be equipped with the fivefold conduct (a vara), viz. knowledge (nana), faith (darisana), good behaviour caritta). penance (tava) and fortitude (viriyam);' equani:nity of mind; learning; character and intellect". Thus the qualifications of a Jaina dyariya competent to confer initiation or ordination considerably agree with that required for a Buddhist monk in general and that of the Buddhistupajjhaya in particular. The difference which is marked out by this study is that the Jaina initiation and ordination differed from the Buddhist as the Jainas treated it as semi-sangha-kamma. 1. MV, 1. 28-29. 84-85, pp. 67-73. 2. Than, 320, pp 239b-241a; Vav, 10. 11-12 3. Vav, 3.7. 4. Comm, to Than, p. 104a. 5. Dasv, 9-1, 16.

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SECTION II NISSAYAS A careful perusal of most of the Indian religious texts, so far extant, would show that they profess a life of fewness and poverty, obedience and modesty, and purity and chastity for those intending to attain liberation. Frequent mention is made in these texts about a number of persons who retired from the world and took refuge in the lonely and fearful part of the forests in order to lead a solitary and peaceful life. There, some of them are said to have carried on various types of ascetic practices and self-mortification (tapa) in respect of food, dress and dwelling.1 Lord Mahavira too is recorded to have followed the foot-print of his seniors and to have observed self-mortification for as many as twelve years He discarded the use of clothes altogether and accepted food in the palms of his hands. Thus he is said to have attained the snmmum bonum.2 At first, the Buddha too followed the same course But in his case, as we are informed, it failed to produce the desired effect. Due to this inefficacy of self-mortificatior, the Buddha was constrained to hold a very low opinion of it (i e. self-mortification) which is manifest in his address delivered to the Pancavaggiya monks-"A life given to self-mortification is painful, ignoble and inefficacious". It was nothing but natural for a rational person like him to disdain rigorous ascetic practices and prefer a life of modesty. Very probably, this would have been the only reason that notwithstanding the ceaseless requests of Devadatta to make the austre-practices binding on all, the Buddha prescribed them as the things of mere taste and liking.4 Thus in spite of the best efforts of the Buddha to have no connection with the world even for sustenance, as certain persons are often alleged to have done, he could not. He was forced to promote intimacy with the world at least for the bare necessities of life, viz food to keep body and soul together, dress and dwelling to withstand the inclemency of weather and so on and so forth. All these things together, that is, food, dress and dwelling, etc., are given a technical name, 1. Dialogues of the Buddha Vol. I, pp. 226-32; Buddhist India, pp. 134ff. 2. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp. 250-60. 3. yo cayam attakilamathanuyogo dukkho anariyo anatthasam hito.--MV, 1. 7. 13, p. 13. 4. CV, 7.9.14, pp. 298-99.

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108 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM the nissaya by the Pali Vinaya. Now we propose to ascertain the implication and significance of the term, before we go into its interminable details. The Sanskrit equivalent of the term 'nissaya' as Mr. Rhys Davids points out is 'nisraya' which corresponds in meaning to the Sanskrit term 'asraya'.1 As such his interpretation of the term in question as 'that on which anything depends' seems quite reasonable and correct as the life of the Buddhist monks depends on the four resources (nissava). Further it will not be out of place to point out that the term nissaya has been used in two different cases in the Pali Vinaya. At one place it stands for the resources, that is, for the necessities of life of a Buddhist mendicant, while at other for the relation between the So now teacher and the disciple which has already been discussed." we are concerned with the first use only. The resources number, viz., are four in i. ascetic life has morsels of food gathered from begging-tours as his life-long resource, ii. ascetic life has robes taken from dust-heaps as his life-long iii. iv. resource; ascetic life has dwelling at the foot of a tree as his life-long resource, and ascetic life has stinking-urine as medicine as his life-long resource." Later on the strictness of the rules were relaxed by granting appropriate latitudes to them which were popularly known as atirekalabha (extra-allowance) which will be discussed in due course. Now it may be remarked that the rules regarding the resources seem to be based on the principle that healthy body is the abode of healthy mind. Specially, the number of resources presupposes the aforesaid theory. As nobody can expect a healthy body in absence of proper sustenance and protection from the ever-changing weather, so of the four resources, the first is food, one of the most essential things to keep body and soul together, the other three being dress, dwelling and medicine; things which are indispensable for the safety of life in 1. Vide Rhys Davids, Pali English Dictionary. 2. Vide Supra, p. 94; Childers; SBE. Vol. XII, p. 182 fn; M, 1,26.82, p. 67. 3. pindiyalopabhojanam nissaya pabbajja, tattha te yavajivam ussaho karaniyo, pamsukulacivaram nissaya...ussaho karaniyo, rukkhamulasenasanam nissaya...ussaho karaniyo putimuttabhesajjam nissaya...ussaho MATAHIYA. --MV, 1.22.73, SS. 65.

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NISSAYA 109 one way or the other. So it will not be improper to opine that the implication of the term nissaya is to comprise in its list all such things which are necessary if safety of life is at all required. In other words, the implied meaning of the term is 'sustenance and safety of life but with limited means', for if not so, there would have been no need of telling the four resources to the person embracing Buddhism as a monk. Thus it may be remarked that any rule regarding the resources is not rigid. Even the number of resources, if needed, may also be diminished or increased, as the case may be, by excluding or including in its list even things which are the outcome of modern sciences But one thing may, however, be pointed out in this connection. The Buddha as he aspired 'to convert the unconverted and to augment the number of those converted',' so he considered it necessary not to displease or to offend the people in any way, lest his ambition might have been nipped in the bud. And it was but natural for a farsighted person like him as the people were conscious enough to complain and comment for any omission and commission of the monks or the nuns. Such instances were not very few and far between. The people protested when the monk did not hold the uposatha cermony,? or when they did not remain at one place during the rainy season, or if they observed the rain-retreat in a hollow tree, or if they clad in improper robes, etc. Naturally the ecclesiastical rules were repaired from time to time by promulgating new rules or by abolishing the old ones or by making amendment to them or by replacing the old ones by altogether new rules. But it is to be noted that due consideration was always given to the ideals of monastic life when the rules were being thus complied with. Though the main requirements of the life of a Jaina monk were the same as that of a Buddhist, viz. food, abode, clothing and medicine, still a term like nissaya (of the Buddhist sources) to denote them inclusively is a desideratum in the Jaina sources. Besides, the Jaina monks as they believed in non-possession and insisted on bodily mortification so the very objectives which led to the sanction of these articles were considerably different from that of the Buddhists. This basic difference gave rise to a technique of promulgation of the monastic laws so 1. appasan nanam va pas. dya pasannanam va bhiyyobhavaya. 2. MV, 2. 1. 1, p. 105. 3. Jbid, 3. 1. 1, p. 144. 4. Ibid, 3. 10. 21, p. 159. 5. Ibid, 1. 61. 118, p. 93.

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110 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM peculiar to the Jainas. Thus any restriction however severe for them onks and disagreeable to the society it might have been, once imposed upon the brotherhood was very rarely abrogated or amended. Instead, it was made from severe to severer and severer to severest. Thus we would see in the coming pages that the ideal of non-possession culminated in its severest form as nudity, the purity of food gave rise to hair-splitting rules, and the quest for a suitable abode for the monks was made a huge task. Now the four resources of the monks will be studied one by one, (a) Pindiyalopabhojana In We have just seen that the first and foremost requisite of a monk belonging either to the Buddhist or to the Jaina Order was food. the beginning both of them used food gathered from begging-tours alone. The use of such food was called pindiyalopabhojana by the first and goyarabhoyana by the latter. Our study would reveal that the Buddhists due to various reasons relaxed the strictness of the rule without any loss of time, while the Jainas not only retained the strictness but made it even more austre by imposing several other restrictions upon the various aspects of food. (i) The nature of food allowed to the mendicants In both the systems the nature and purity of food have been discussed in great details. Tikotiparisuddha', i.e. free from the faults of being seen, heard or suspected as unacceptable; 'navakodiparisuddha", i.e. free from any injury to sentient beings, cooking or buying the food oneself, etc.; 'dasadosavivajjiya"", i.e. free from the tenfold faults such as suspecting the purity of food, etc.; and 'uggamuppa yanesanasu. parisuddha', i.e. free from the forty-two faults pertaining to the nature and aim and method of preparation of food, the ways and na, bhikkhave, janam uddesa-katam mamsam paribhunjitabbam. yo paribhunjeyya patti dukkatassa. anujinami, bhikkhave, tikotipari suddham macchamamsam--adittham asutam aparisankitam ti --MV, 6. 19.35, p. 253; CV, 7. 9. 14, pp. 298f. 2. samanenam bhagavata mahavirenam samananam niggamthanam navakodiparisuddhe bhikkhe panatta tamjaha na hanai na hanavai hanamtam nanujinai na patati na pataveti patamtam nanujanati na kinati na kinaveti kinamtam nanujanati.--Than, 681, p. 452 a. 3. Than, 743, p. 492 a. 4. Uttar, 24. 12. 1.

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NISSAYAS 111 means adopted in the acquisition of food, and the ways of offering and accepting it are some of the terms often used in point, which will be explained in due course. In both the systems monks were asked not to take recourse to any worldly arts and crafts for their livelihood. As such food acquired by raking messages, going on errands or acting as gobetweens (duteyyapahinaga mananuyogam anuyutta); by playing tricks (kuhana), speaking indistinct words to gain something desired (lapana) or by jugglery nippesikata) ; by prognostigations like palmistry (anganimittam), interpretation of omens and sciences (uppatan) or of dreams (supinam lakkhanan) or the like ; by performing sacrifices or oblations to gods, etc ; by curing harms caused by demons (bhutavijja) or snake-bite, etc. ; hy bird-craft (sakunavijia); by foretelling the r luck of the owner of gems and weapons, etc. ; by astrological forecasts like the possibility of lunar or solar eclipse, fall of meteors, earthquake, etc. ; by making poems (kaveyyan) or fixing lucky days for marriages, etc. ; by applying charms to make people lucky or unlucky, to cause abortion or to bring on any physical disability ; by showing other magical arts, etc.; and by curing persons through medicine or surgical operations were deemed unsuitable to the Buddhists.' So also, to acquire food by virtue of one's previous profession was also unbeseeming to them. Lord Buddha when he came to know that a monk, previously a barber had asked his sons to procure food for him and his Order, he rebuked him badly 2 This type of prohibitions to be followed by a Jaina monk, alread referred to as uppayana dosa were sixteen in number. Accordingly a monk must not use food obtained by acting as a nurse (dhai); taking meassages, going on errands or acting as go-betweens (dii); exploiting one's previous caste, family or profession (ajiva); posing as a beggar (vanimaga); acting as a physician or a surgeon (tigiccha); making people afraid of one's power to invoke bad luck on them (koha); asserting pride for one's ability (mana); deceiving (maya); showing greed for something (lobha); praising (santhava); magical arts (vijja and manta); influencing people by the application of some powder or ointment (cunna and joga'; and advising people regarding marriages, causing impregnation or abortion (muulakamma).3 1. DN, Vol. I, pp. 7-12; Dialogues of the Buddha, Vol. I, pp. 6-26. 2. MV, 6.24.45, pp. 262-83. 3. Pind N, 410-512, pp. 121b-145b.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Though meal for the Order, food for appointed persons, invitations, food allotted by tickets, fortnightly meals, food served on the uposatha days and on the first day of each fortnight-together called as atirekalabha i. e. extra-allowances)', were allowed to the Buddhist monks, yet a monk in health was not allowed 112 (a) to take more than one meal at a public rest-house (avasathapinda); (b) to take meal with persons more than three together (ganabhojana), except in cases of gift, preparation of robes, journey on foot or by boat, great influx of monks and general invitation;8 (c) to enjoy meal in turn (paramparabhojana), except on the occasions of gift and preparation of robes;4 (d) to accept food with his own hand in families declared laydevotees under discipline (sekhasammatanikulani);" (e) to enjoy food at his own house (ajjharame) without previous notice, even though he was a forest dweller; and (f) to accept a standing invitation pertaining to requisites for more than a period of four months, if not invited again'. It may however be noted that the remaining forty-two faults pertaining to preparation (uggama) and acquisition of food (esana) by the Jaina monks were peculiarly their own. It would not be out of place to point out that the nature of some of these faults were directly opposed to some of the aforesaid rules of the Buddhists. These faults, respectively sixteen and ten in number", were incurred by accepting food-which involved injury to living beings, prepared purposely for a 1. MV, 1. 22. 73, p. 55. 2. PM, 5. 31. 3. Ibid, 5. 32. 4. PM, 5.33. 5. Ibid, 6.3. 6. Ibid, 6 4. 7. Ibid, 6 47. 8. ahakammuddesiya puikamme ya misajae yal thavana pahudiyae pioara kiya pamicce// pariyattie abhihade ubhinne malohade ya/ acchijje anisatthe ajjhoyarae ya solasame// Pind N, 92-93, p.34. samkiya makkhiya nikkhitta pihiya sahariya dayagummise/ aparinaya litta chaddiya esan adosa dasa havanti// Pind N, 520, p. 147a. 9. Ayar (SBE Vol. XXII), 2.1.9 (p. 111).

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NISSAYAS 113 monk or anybody else,' kept in an unclean pot, prepared with double purpose, placed in unclean regions or changed in nature because of being preserved specially for monks, offered to a monk like a guest, exposed to light, purchased specially for monks, borrowed or bought on credit, brought on exchange for some other articles, brought from a long distance to monks' residence, given after opening a jar or a door, brought from a high place, taken by force from others, given without the consent of all the owners of food, 4 and food with anything added to it in the presence of monks (16); and food of doubtful purity, given with a pot or a hand soiled with objectionable articles, placed on living beings, given after opening the lid, etc.", brought from a distance,? given by unfit donors, mixed with living beings, given without the permission of any of the owners of food, 9 besmeared with liquid, and food some portion of which would have fallen down on the ground when being served 1(10)." It is however evident from the list of faults just referred to that the Jainas intended to avoid public condemnation, any injury to living beings and any harm or inconvenience to themselves as well as to donors. This intention of the Jainas finally emerged in the justification of donors. Accordingly a child below eight years (bala), an old person (vuddha), a drunken man (matta), a mad man (ummatta), a shaky person (theviral, a feverish person (jaria), a blind person (andhillaa), a leper (pagaria), person wearing wooden sandals (arudha), one whose hands were bound (hatthindu), one whose feet were bound with fetters (niyalabaddha), a person devoid of some limbs (vivaijia), a eunuch (terasi), a pregnant woman (guovini), a woman with breastfed child (balavaccha)," a woman taking meals (bhunianti), a woman churning curds (ghusulinti), cr a woman doing any household work like frying, pounding, and grinding, a woman indulging in activities involving injury to living being like depositing living beings on the 1. Ayar (SBE, Vol. XXII, (1.6.8 (p. 104); Da;v, 5-1,55. 2. Dasy, 5-1.51; 6 49-50 3. Ibid, 5-1. 65-69. 4. Ibid, 5-1. 37. 5. Ibid, 5-1. 32-31; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 6. 4-6 (pp. 103-104). 6. Ibid, 5-1. 45-46. 7. Ibid, 5-1.55. 8. Ibid, 5-1.31. 9. Ibid, 5-1. 37. 10. Vide, Supra, p. 112. 11. Vide Dasi, 2ndd asa. 12. Dasu, 5-1.37-44; Pind N, 527-604, pp. 157b-164b.

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114 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM ground, stepping over them, etc and a man or a woman offering food unsuitable to monks because of his or her faulty action, were deemed unfit to offer anything to a monk. Along with these, the owner of the house occupied by the monks (sejjayara), persons living under his protection,3 members of royal families,' and persons of a blamed (dugunchia) and censured (garahia) families, excepting poor families, should not be approached for food. Thus a monk should accept food only "from unblamed (a dugunchia), uncensured (agarahia) families, to wit, noble farnilies (uggakula,), distinguished families (bhogakula), royal families (rainnakula), families belonging to the line of Iksvaku, of Hari, Cowherds' families, Vaisya families, barbers' families, carpenters' families, takurs' families and weavers' families".? Thus it is clear that the members of royal families, while at one place, are deemed fit for offering food to the monks, are also enumerated among the unfit donors at other. On the contrary, the Buddhist Church was not so much cautious concerning the fitness or otherwise of donors. However a donor intervened by a nun before he had undertaken the thing to give to th monk, 8 a person offering food after he had been exhorted,' a nun acting as a donor, 10 a person intending to cause any harm to the monks, 11 the families that had been declared lay-devotees under discipline (sekhasammatani kulani) 12 and a monk who had already begged with a view to give to the monks13 were disqualified to do so. (ii) Proper and improper articles of food and drink The Buddhist monks are often referred to have used ricegruel (yagu) as their ordinary food. The Jaina sources do not furnish us with this sort of details as the Jaina monks ate simply whatever they obtained in begging Therefore to make any definite assertion 1. Daso, 5-1. 37-44; Pind N, 572-604, pp. 157b-164b. 2. Ibid, 3.5; Zyar (S3E. Vol. XXII), 2. 2. 3. 4 (p.131); Brhk, 2. 19-28; Bhag, 210, p 231a (sejjayara pinda); Dasv, 3.5 (sagariyapimda). 3. Brhk, 2. 14-18. 4. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.1.3.10 (p. 97); Nis, 9. 4-5. 5. Ibid, 2. 1. 2. 2 (p. 92); Nis, 16. 27; Dasv, 3. 3. 6. Daso, 5-2. 25. 7 Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 2. 2 (p. 92). 8. PM, 5. 29. 9. KN, Vol. I, Suttani pata, 1. 4. 81, p. 82. 10. PM, 6.1. 11. CV, 8. 9. 23, p. 214; Vide Vinaya Texts (SBE. Vol. XX), p. 119. fp2. 12. PM, 6. 3. 13. MV, 6. 25. 45, pp. 262-63.

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NISSAYAS 115 pertaining to articles of food which might have formed the main items of their meal will be misleading. Normally a healthy monk was forbidden to beg for his own use the delicacies (panitabhojanani), namely, ghee, butter, oil, honey, molasses, fish, flesh and curds, but a free use of ghee, butter, oil, honey and molasses, 2 often referred to as five kinds of medicine (panca bhesaijani) was sanctioned to the Buddhists on the ground of medicine. Besides, any preparation from molasses and honey, and the five products of the cow-milk, curd, butter-milk, butter and ghee, were also allowed to the monks for their use. Only a sick person was permitted to ask for a special menu of food like curry or rice for one's own use. 4 The rules as regards proper and improper articles of food given by different Jaina texts seem to be a bit inconsistent. The Acara nga. sutra deems it improper to take ghee, liquor, molasses, oil, honey, etc.; while the Kalpasutrae allows the nine vikytis, namely, milk, sour-milk, fresh butter, clarified butter, oil, sugar, honey, liquor and meat. Similary the Acara ngasutra? considers it fit and suitable to a monk to take water used for washing sesamum, chaff or barley, or rain water, or sourgruel (soviram), or pure water; while the Dasavaikalikasutras forbids these articles of drink. The justification pleaded by the Pindanir yukti" for not permitting a monk to use ghee, curds, etc. is that these are leva or besmearing things. The monks however are prescribed yavagu, takka (butter-milk), kamji and curry as these are considered appaleva, while they are advised to discard ghee, curds, molasses, etc. because these are bahuleva. Another justification for the use of butter-milk is that it is useful for indigestion. Thus it is evident that the Jainas tried to use dry food only. But even dry food like barley-powder (sallucunna), jujube-powder (kolacunna), sesamum-cake (sakkuli), etc. was deemed unfit for a monk, if placed for sale or covered with dust, 10 while a Buddhist used preparation from 1. PM, 5. 39. 2. MV, 6. 1. 1, p. 218. 3. Ibid, 6. 22. 41, p. 258. 4. CV, 8. 5. 9, p. 308. 5. Op.cit., 2. 1. 8. 8 (pp. 109-110). 6. Op. cit., pp. 297-98; Than, 674, p. 450b. 7. Op. cit., 2. 1. 7. 8 (pp. 107-108). 8, Op. cit., 5-1. 75. 9. Op. cit., 622-25, pp. 168a-188b. 10. Dasv, 5.1. 71-72.

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116 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM kidney bean (mugga)? and four eatables (pitthakhadaniya)2 without any restriction, Though the Buddhists were allowed a free use of fruits, roots and eatable-herbs (daka), yet the use of fruits that had been injured by fire, weapons or nails; or that had seeds not yet ripe to sprout (abijam); or that had dropped seeds (nibbattabijam) was deemed more suitable to them. So far as the Jaina monks were concerned, they were expressly asked not to take bulbs (kanda), roots (mula), fruits and green vegetables in general and wet-cucumber (tumbaga), ginger, astika fruit, tinduka fruit, bilva, sugarcane and simbali fruit in particular." Besides the aforesaid food, some drinks were also sanctioned to the Buddhist monks which were as below: a. ten kinds of syrup prepared from mango, jambu, banana, moca fruit (?), honey, grape, edible root of the water-lili and pharusaka; b. syrup prepared from all leaves but potherbs (dakarasan); syrup prepared from all flowers but liquorice (madhukapuppha rasan); d. juice prepared from all fruits but from corn (dhannaphala rasam); juice of sugarcane (ucchurasa); 6 f. sugar-water (gulodaka);" g. salted-sour-gruel (lonasoviraka);* and h. water as beverage (udakasambhinnam)". It has already been opined that the Jainas were averse to liquid food. Thanks to the farsightedness of framers of the laws who granted suitable exceptions to this general law. Thus their advice to the 1. MI, 6 4.13, p. 228. 2. Ibid, 6. 24. 44, p. 262. 3. Ibid. 4. CV, 5.2. 8, p. 198. 5. Dasr, 5-2. 18-24; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 8. 1-15 (pp. 108-110). 6. MY, 6. 23. 42, p. 260. 7. Ibid, 6. 13. 25, p. 242. &. The word lonasoviraka is interpreted as salted-sour-gruel (vide Fali English Dictionary). It seems to be a drink prepared from takka (butter-milk), lona (salt) and fried jiraka (cummin seed), known as jiramani in modern dialects like Magahi, Bhojapuri, etc. It is also useful for the stomach. 9. MV, 6. 4. 14, p. 228.

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NISSAYAS 117 monks to avoid drinks too costly or too cheep was manifested in the injunction to reject cheep drinks like brown-sugar-wash (varadhovana)1 and recent rice-wash (caulodaga)". Besides they were also forbidden from drinking cold water. Eating of meat or fish was however allowed to the Buddhist. Only an inquiry, whether it had been prepared specially to be served to the monks, was to be made before taking it. If it was seen or heard or suspected to be so, then it was deemed unacceptable to them." Besides, flesh of man and such animals as elephant, horse, dog, serpent, lion, tiger, bear, and hyena was not to be taken by the monks." The Jaina Canonical texts bear ample evidence' to show that meat-eating or fish-eating was in practice among the early Jaina. monks. The commentators as they considered it opposed to the vow of non-violence tried their best to obliterate it for ever by giving an altogether new interpretation to the terms and phrases standing for flesh (mamsa), bone (atthi), etc. It is really surprising that even some of the modern scholars have started thinking in the same line and have even accepted the explanation put forward by the commentators. The only argument forwarded by them in support of their contention is that the idea of non-vegetarian diet is not in harmony with the spirit 1. Probably varadhovina was a kind of drink prepared from the wash (dhovana) of the remains left in the pan at the end of the turn (vara) of a farmer making molasses or brown-sugar from the juice of sugarcane. This type of drink known as dhoya (dhovana, wash) is still in use in the sugarcane growing areas of Bihar. 2. Dav, 5.1. 75. 3. Ibid, 5-2. 22; 10. 2; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 7. 7 (p. 107); 2. 6. 2. 1-2 (pp. 169-70). 4. MV, 6. 9. 21, p. 235. 5. Vide Supra, p. 112. 6. MV, 6. 10.22, pp 235-36. 7. se jam puna janijja, bahuatthien mamse a va bahukantagam macchena va assim khalu padigahivamsi af pesiya bhoyanaji bahuujjhiyadhammietahappagaram bahuatthiyam mam am va bahukantagam maccham va labhe samte java no padigahijja.--Dyar, 2. 1. 10. 5-6; vasavasam pajjosaviyanam no kappai niggamtthnam niggamtthinam va hatthanam tutthanam arogganam baliyasariranam imao nava rasavigaio abhikkhanam abhikkhanam aharittae tam jaha-khiram, dahim, navaniyam, sappim, tillam, gudam, mahum, majjam, mamsam--Kalp (Samacari), Sutra 17; revatie gahavatinie mamam atthae......, atthi se anne pariyasie majjarakadae kukkudamamsae tamaharahi eenam attho... Bhag, 557, p. 1261a; bahuatthiyam poggalam animisam va bahukamtayam,--Dasu, 5-1. 73. 8. Vide Bhag, p. 1270b.

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118 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM of Jainism, the staunch advocate of ahimsa. But as a matter of fact the explanation is purely misleading, firstly because nowhere in the whole of Indian literature such explanation of the terms and phrases concerned is to be traced out, and secondly to seek out pure vegetarian food was an impossibility for the early monks, and thirdly to eat meat or fish not prepared for their sake was normally not regarded as violence The Buddhists were perhaps allowed non-vegetarian food because of the latter two reasons. The right explanation, therefore, is that that non-vegetarian diet was also in vogue among the early Jaina monks which fell into abeyance in due course. But the Jaina insistence on the prohibition of food prepared for self (auddestka) points to the fact that the prohibition under question related to non-vegetarian food prepared for monks. The Buddhists also did not accept non-vegetarian food prepared for themselves. The concept of auddesika food was perhaps originally concerned with non-vegetarian food prepared for monks, and the concept was common to both the Buddhists and the Jainas, which however acquired a general impor tance and wider application to all kinds of food in the Jaina Church. Moreover, the jainas believe that even living vegetables have souls and they are to be ranked equally with living animals and this is also endorsed by Manu. The vegetable kingdom and the animal kingdom have got the same status so far as fundamental physical functions are concerned. The difference is one of degree and not of kind. A Jaina monk does not partake of even fruits or leaves unless they are boiled and reduced to dead matter They take these boiled food stuff from householders subject to the restrictions noted. If meat can be made extinct of life like vegetable, the eating of it should not logically speaking be incompatible with the vow of nonviolence. Meat-eating however is anathema to the Jaina, Vaispava and particular sections of the Hindu community. The reason for this distinction seems to be derived from the horror of blood-shed and distressful reactions of animals after slaughter. If so the ban on animal food is due to physical and emotional reaction and not logical consideration. (iii) The Begging-bowl The most significant thing which was closely associated with food and drink was the begging-bowl. The Buddhists called it patta', 1. MV, 1. 6. 12, p. 12; 1. 18. 66, p. 44; 1. 19. 67, p. 48; 1. 23. 78, p. 58; etc.; CV, 8. 11. 21, p. 328; etc.

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NISSAYAS 119 bhajana' or sometimes bhanda2, and the Jainas paya (patra or pada), bha yana' or padiggaha'. Numerous rules were framed concerning the materials out of which it should be made, its use and the way of its preservation, etc. It may however be remarked that the very conception of monachism starts with the abandonement of the use of valuable and gorgeous things as it was considered an obstacle to monastic life. As such the use of bowls made of costly metals and beautiful shell or horn was not permissible to the monks whether they belonged to the Jaina Church or the Buddhist Order. The Jainas particularly avoided a bowl made out of iron (aya), tin (tau), lead (sisaga), silver (hiranna), gold (suvanna), brass (ririya), a mixture of gold, silver and copper (harapula), pearl (mani), glass (kaca), bell-metal (kamsa), horn (singa), ivory (danta), cloth (cela), stone (sela) or leather (camma) and a pot decorated with any one of these materials. The Buddhists with the Jainas as they also discarded a pot made either from wood (daru), gold (sovannal, silver (rupiya), pearl (mani), beryl (veluriya), crystal (phalika), bell-metal (kariisa), glass (kaca), tin (tipu), lead (sisa), copper (tambaloha), or bronze (loha)'. If the Jainas did not use a pot used by the householders and a pot bought purposely for them", the Buddhists disliked a pot painted with beautiful figures and linings!!. Along with these, the use of bowls made out of gourd (tumbakat aha), turtle-shell (ghatikataha) and human skull chavasisapatta) was banned in the Buddhist Order on account of their use among the heretics. 12 It is to be noted that the sainas used bowls made either of gourd (lau), or of wood (daru), or of clay (mattiya),19 while the Buddhists those made from iron (aya) or clay (mattika)'4. 1. MV, 1 18 66, p. 41; 1. 19. 67, p 48; 1. 23. 78, p. 58; etc.; CV, 8. 11. 21, p. 328; etc. 2. CV, 5.18 52, p 233 3. Than, 170, p. 138a; Nis, 5 6. 4. Bhag, 111, p 139a. 5 ,,Naya, p. 29; Dasv, 5-2.1; Nis, 5.65. 6. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 6. 1. 1-3 (pp. 166-67); Dasv, 6. 51-53. . 7. CV, 5. 5.10, p. 201. 8. Ibid, 5. 13. 35, p. 225. 9. Dasv, 6.53; Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p. 304. 10. Ibid, 6.51-53; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2 6. 1,13 (pp. 166-67). 11. CV,5. 5.11, pp. 201-202. 12. Ibid, 5. 5. 13, pp. 203-201. 13. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 6. 1. 1 (p. 166); Than, 170, p. 138a; Nis, 1. 39; 5. 64; Bihk, 5. 41f. 14. CV, 5. 5. 10, p. 201.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM In spite of the fact that keeping extra bowl was normally prohi bited, the Buddhists were allowed to hoid an extra bowl for not more than a period of ten days, whereas the Jainas could do so only with the permission of the owner or in case of some deficiency". Besides, both to replace an old bowl by a new one, if it was broken in less than five places and to hide or to cause any one to hide other's bowl" were taken as faults. Normally no exchange or transaction concerning pot was sanctioned to a Jaina monk. But they could give it to a novice, male or female or to an old monk or nun, unable to procure it himself or herself. 120 The Buddhists as well as the Jainas were often warned to use their begging-bowls cautiously. The former was forbidden to keep their bowls with water in them; or to dry them in the sunshine with water in them; or to put away in a warm place or at the edge of the sleeping-benches or paribhanda; or to leave them in the open air; or turning upside down on the ground; or to hang up on pins in the walls; or to put down on bed, chair, in their laps or on the sunshed (chatta); or to open the doors with bowls in their hands, 10 so that their bowls might not be spoiled in any way. Likewise the latter was prohibited to expand the mouth of the pot (?), or to have more than three tundiyas, or to bind it improperly, or to give it only one or more than three ties (bandha), or to use a pot with many ties for more than a period of one and half months;11 or to use unfit ones or unstable ones, or to discolour the coloured pot or vice versa, or to polish it with oil, ghee, butter, fat, powder or paint, or to wash it with hot or cold water, or to dry it at a place full of living beings12. The monks were also allowed some accessories of pot for its protection and preservation. A bag for the pot (pattathavika), a piece of string to bind the bag for the pot (bandhanasuttaka)13 and a stand for 1. PM, 4. 21. 2. Vav, 8. 15. 3. Nis, 14. 6. 4. PM, 4. 22. 5. Ibid, 5. 60 6. Nis, 14. 1-4; 14. 5-7; 16. 25-29. 7. Ibid, 1. 39. 8. Ibid, 14. 7. 9. CV, 5. 5. 12, p. 202-203. 10. Ibid, 5. 5. 13, p. 203. 11. Nis, 1. 41-45. 12. Ibid, 14. 8-45. 13. CV, 5. 5. 12, p. 203.

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NISSAYAS i2i the pot (malorika ) were some of the main accessories sanctioned to the Buddhists, and a piece of string to bind the pot (pattabandha), a coverlet for the pot (padala), a stand for the pot (payatthavana), two pieces of cloth to be used as pot-cleanser and coverlet of the pot (payapadilehania and gocchaga) respectively? were the chief accessories allowed to the Jainas. Besides these, the Jaina sources contain an elaborate details as regards the size, the quality and other aspects of an ideal pot. 3 (iv) The purpose of taking food Every religion lays stress upon the need of using a thing with pure intention. Naturally the Buddhist Church enjoined upon the monks to take food neither for sport, nor for sensual excess, nor for personal charm and adornment, but for the maintenance of the body, cessation of the pangs of hunger, as a help to celibacy, to appease the arisen feeling of hunger and to check the origination of new feeling, in brief to maintain life. 4 Almost in the same way, the Jaina Order advised the ascetics to take food because of six reasons, namely, for the appeasement of the pangs of hunger, for rendering service to seniors and sick, for maintaining a proper mode of movement, for practising self-control, for maintaining life and for practising religion. Thus the reason for which the monks were allowed to take food by the Buddhists as well as by the Jainas were more or less the same, viz, to make them able to practise religion. It will not be improper to refer to the fact that the purpose of taking food was of prime importance as the quantity of food to be consumed by a monk seems to have been regulated by it. 1. CV, 5. 8. 22, p. 213. 2. OghN, 674-704, pp. 205a-213b. 3. Vide Ibid, 674-704, pp. 203a-:13b; HJM, pp. 264-27). patinaikhi yoniso pindapatan Patisevati--neva davaya, na madaya, na mandanaya, na vibhusanaya, yavadeva imassa kayassa shitiya yapanaya, vihinsuparatiya, brahmacariyanuggahaya, iti puranam ca vedanani pati haikhani navam ca vedanam na uppadessimi, yatra ca me bhavissati anavajjata ca phasuviharo ca.--MN, Vol. I, p. 15; Vide DN, VoI, 1, pp. 62f which advises a monk to take as much food as is sufficient to keep one's stomach going. veyanaveyavacce iriyatthae ya sanjamatthae. taha panavattiyac chattham puna dhammacimtae.--Than, 500, p. 359a; OghN, 579-582, pp. 188ab.

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122 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (v) The quantity of food The Buddhists were not prescribed a definite quantity of food. They were simply advised to take as much food as was sufficient to keep their stomach going. Likewise originally the Jainas were asked 'to beg food only for the sustenance of life'. However their normal diet was fixed to consist of thirty-two morsels (kuvala', each equal to the size of a hen's egg (kukku liandapamana). But it is to be noted that those eating less than this ideal quantity were highly praised.' Later on the quantity of food to be consumed by a Jaina monk was regulated by several factors These factors in question were season, the magnitude of fast, the number of donations (dattis) and the number of houses to be visited by a monk4. (vi) The time for eating It is to be borne in mind that monks belonging to both the systems are normally allowed only one meal a day. A Buddhist is expected to finish it before mid-day as both entering a village and taking food out of hours,? i. e. from sun-turn in one day till sun-rise in the next, are strictly prohibited. On the contrary, a Jaina, in normal circumstances, is required to finish his meal in the third porisi. But the time for taking food may also be adjusted according to one's own suitability when some special vow as regards food has been undertaken, and a monk under such circumstance may also beg alms for more than once a day.' Again it is a point worth noticing that a Jaina ascetic is in no case allowed a night-meal, i. e. to take food after sun-set in one day till sun-rise in the next (khettatikkamta). 10 (vii) The way of proceeding to the village for alms A strict course of discipline to be observed by a monk in course of begging of alms is laid down by both the systems. The Buddhists called it pindacarikavatta and bhattaggavatta (the way of attending a 1. DN, Vol. I, pp. 62-63. 2. Bhag, 269, p. 29?a; Vau, 8. 16; Pind N, 612-15, pp. 173.1-174a. 3. OghN 652, p. 204a. 4. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp. 298-301. 5. Ibid, pp. 298 299. 6. PM, 5. 85. 7. Ibid, 5. 37. 8. Bhag, 269, pp. 291b-292a. 9. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 299. 10. Bhag, 269, pp. 291b-292a,

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NISSAYAS 123 community dinner), and the Jainas bhattesana or goyari. The reason alluded to the promulgation of these vattas by the first is said to have been the indecent behaviour of Chavaggiya monks. They are often mentioned to have misbehaved with the monks both senior as well as junior and to have gone to th: village clad improperly. The Jaina Order, on the other hand, seems to have framed the rules before any instance of the kind came to the force. Any further remark in point before giving a detailed account of the rules concerned will be incorrect and unjustified. After having been informed about the meal-time, the Buddhist monks clad properly and provided with the begging-bowl, proceeded to the village slowly and carefully with downcast eyes. They avoided at all cost pushing their way on in front of the seniors, or proceeding to the village with disordered robes, or with long laughter or with swaying limbs, or putting hands on the hips, or with covered head, or with unusual gait, or fickle-minded looking to and fro. So also, they tried not to encroach on the seniors or to debar a junior from a seat or to spread their upper-robes as a mat when taking seat in the house of the donor.? In course of begging, nobody was allowed to force one's way into a house where a meal was going on or to take a seat there in order to enjoy the meal. Anybody wishing to go inside a house for alms should do so after a due examination of the way to go in and to come out. If entered inside, one should stay there at a considerable distance from the householder for a considerable period of time If there was any hope of getting alms, then one should wait there and should receive it with downcast eyes." Likewise the Jaina monks set out for begging alms outfitted with all their requisites. As a rule, nobody was allowed to go on begging when there was heavy rain, thick and strong mist, high and dusty wind, or a large number of insects flying in the sky. The Jinakalpika monks, unlike the Sthavirakalpikas who collected alms even in light rain, observed it strictly as they refrained from begging even if there was a fine spray of rain. Normally the monks collected alms in 1. CV, 8.5. 8, p. 317. 2. Ibid, 8. 5. 9, pp. 317-18; 8. 6. 11, p. 320; PM, 7. 1-26. 3. Ibid, 8. 6.11, pp. 320-21. 4. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 3. 6 (p. 96). 5. Ibid, 2. 1. 3. 9 (pp. 95-97); Daso, 5-1. 8. 6. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 301,

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124 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM pairs or in groups' moving slowly, unexcited and without any haste? looking forward upto the distance of the yoke of a cart in order to avoid any injury even to vegetable-beings". In case the road was feared to be full of difficulties and dangers, then instead of going straight, they were allowed to follow another way, if there was any." Nobody was to make the entrance of the house of a householder passable without his previous permission;s or to wait at the door of a house being visited by mendicants or beggars; or to enter or to leave the house of a householder with heretics or householders? Thus moving out for alms, nobody was permitted to tell any story to the householders or to take a seat amidst them or even to stand by taking the help of a pillar or the panels of the door or the door itself. In this way, a monk in search of one's alms could go upto a distance of half a yojana' in dry seasons and a yojana and a krosa 10 in the rainy season from one's residence. Normally both the Buddhist and the Jaina monks were asked to beg at all houses without any consideration of the status of their inhabitants."1 The Jainas, however, were allowed to visit noble families only, so that they might collect pure and admissible food conveniently. 1* As such they were strictly forbidden from seeking alms at the houses of courtesans and other impious families and even at the houses of kings and high officials as they were feared to offer a preparation of forbidden articles of food or to cause trouble. 13 In this way, a monk should move for alms among high and low families and should never go to a rich family leaving aside poor one. 14 Moreover he should call on a donor when he, along with the 1, OghN, 411, p. 147b. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.1, 5. 1 (p. 99). 3. Daso, 5-1. 2-3. 4. Ibid, 5-1. 3-16; Ayar (SBE Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 5. 2-4 (pp. 90-101); 2. 1. 6. 1 (pp. 102-103); Vide Infra, pp. 17-19. 5. Ibid, 5-1. 22-25; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXI), ?. 1. 6. 2 (p. 103). 6 Ibid, 5-2. 10-11. 7. Ajar (SBE Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 1. 9 (p. 90); 2. 1. 5. 1 (p. 99); 2. 1. 5. 6 (p. 102). 8. Ibid, 2. 1. 6. 2 (p. 103); Dasy, 5-2, 8-9. 9. Ibid, 2 1. 2. 5 (p. 93); Bhag, 269, pp. 2916-292a. 10. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 297. 11. Dasv, 5-1. 14; PM, 7. 33. 12. Ayar (SBE. VI. XXII), 2. 1. 2. 2 (p. 92). 13. Ibid, 2. 1. 3. 10 (p. 97); Daso, 5-1. 10-11; 5-1. 16-17; Nis, 9. 4-5. 14 Daso, 5-2. 25.

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NISSAYAS members of his family, would have finished meal and' other household works.1 125 (viii) The way of receiving food The Buddhists, particularly when enjoying a community dinner, were enjoined to receive food in their bowls after washing them with the water served before the meal and not to disturb the person serving the meal in any way. Accordingly they were advised to receive food with downcast eyes looking straight at the bowl. So also, they were asked not to receive food overflowing the bowl or with improportionate curry (or soup) or to cover up the delicacies or to ask for a particular menu for one's use." The Jainas as a rule did not wash their bowl before receiving food in it. They accepted alms having full control over their senses. Besides, they were much cautious regarding the purity of the donor, his or her way and intention of offering and the purity of food." As a Buddhist, so a Jaina is advised to receive as much food as one considers sufficient for one's stomach. In this connection it is worth noticing that the Buddhists do not appear to have prescribed a definite quantity of food to be taken by an ideal monk as the Jainas seem to have done. Thus the normal quantity of food to be taken by a Jaina monk is thirty-two morsels. Receiving food more than required or less than needed purposely is however deemed a sinful act by the Buddhists. (ix) The process of eating food A As in the case of going, so also in coming back from an invitation or begging, a monk was required to observe perfect discipline. person coming first from the begging round was obliged to open the service hall (upatthanasala) and arrange it with the necessary articles like seats, water for washing feet and foot-stool, etc. eat the food if so desired." Then one could Dining or drinking in one vessel like householders was not allowed to the mendicants. When eating food, it was unworthy 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 4. 3 (p. 98). 2. CV, 8. 5-9, p. 318; 8. 6. 11, p. 320. 3. Dasu, 5-1. 27-81. 4. Vide Supra, p. 122. 5. CV, 8. 6. 11, p, 321. 6. Ibid, 5. 8. 22, p. 213.

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126 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM of a monk to press the food from the top; or to look at other's bowl with greed and eagerness; or to make a very large mouthful; or to open the mouth before the mouthful has come close to it; or to put the whole hand into the mouth; or to talk with food in the mouth; or to toss the food in the mouth; or to bite the food playfully: or to stuff the cheeks with food; or to shake hands about; or to scatter lumps of rice; or to put out the tongue; or to smack lips; or to make a hissing sound or to lick fingers, bowls or the lips; or to chew the food placing outside the door of the mouth; etc. Likewise holding water-vessel with hands soiled with food was strictly prohibited. After eating, the bowls and hands were to be rinsed well and with due care1 Even a thera, on the eve of an invitation, is neither allowed to eat before the food has been served out to all nor to rinse his bowls and hands, if taking of food is still going on. Besides, eating out of one dish or drinking out of one vessel is prohibited. But at the same time monks are advised to use even the fallen food, if fallen at the time of service. The community dinner is concluded with the act of thanksgiving to the donor by the monks. The senior most member, as a rule, is entrusted with this duty. Others too are obliged to wait there until the act of thanks-giving has been finished. If not so, then at least four or five senior members are bound to stay. Anybody intending to leave the place is allowed to do so after informing the monk or nun next to him or her in seniority." This procedure of visiting a community dinner is completely reflected in the well-born way of attending an invitation by the Buddha. To make the point intelligible, let us produce it verbatim. "And in the forenoon the Blessed One, having put on the underrobes took his alms-bowi, and, with his civara on went to the house of the lay-devotee. When he had arrived there, he sat down with the bhikkhus who followed him, on seats laid out for them. Then that lay-devotee served and offered with his own hands excellent food, both hard and soft, to the fraternity of bhikkhus with the Buddha at its head. And when the Blessed One had finished his meal, and cleansed his bowl and his hands, that lay-devotee sat down near him. And the 1. CV, 5, 8. 22, p. 213. 2. Ibid, 8. 5. 9, pp. 318-19; PM, 7- 27-56.

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NISSAYAS 127 Blessed One, after having taught, incited, animated and gladdened that lay-devotee by religious discourse, rose from his seat and went away.". So much about the Buddhist way of taking food. The Jainas too like the Buddhists, were asked to come back to their residence with perfect self-control. They, first of all after their arrival to the residence, were advised to seek out a place fit for eating food and to clean it. Then, going to the preceptor they were required to perform the iriya patha rite before him and to show him the contents of their bowls. Usually they were to wait till others' arrival and to dine their food with fellow-monks, if anybody was ready to partake their food. If anybody, while on begging-tour wanted to dine, then he must seek out a lonely place like the side of a wall, etc. Then after seeking the permission of the owner, he should clean it and then eat the food carefully. If while eating he comes across a piece of bone or a blade of grass or a pebble or the like, then he is to place it in a corner gently and perform the pratikramana. In no case a monk is allowed to make a hissing sound or to smack lips or to eat too slowly or too quickly.' Thus so far as the discipline to be observed at the time of eating is concerned, the Buddhists and the Jainas, besides some negligible differences, stand on the same footing. Both are commonly advised to return to their residence with perfect self-control, to arrange the dining place, to wait for their friends' arrival and to eat food decorously. (x) Storing up articles of food Morsels of food gathered from begging-tours being the cardinal principle of the Buddhist mendicants, storing up articles of food received as gifts, etc. or cooking food inside the monastery, in normal circumstances, was unbecoming to them. Such practices, therefore, were permissible to them in days of scarcity only,' for no sooner the alms were available in abundance than the privilege was denied to them'. But very soon the multiplication of the members of the Order and the introduction of corporate life in a settled residence necessitated the introduction of a warehouse (kappiyabhumi), a building outside the monastery to store articles of food, etc., and ubatthanasala, a 1. Cf. MV, 1. 9. 29, p. 21; DN. Vol. II, p. 78; etc. 2. Bhag, 270, p. 293a. 3. MV, 6. 5. 15, pp. 229-30. 4. Ibid, 6. 20.36, p. 253. 5. Ibid, 6.20,36, pp. 253-54. 6. CV, 6. 1. 8, p. 246.

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128 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM building inside the monastery for serving meals to the monks. Thus other things along with eatables were also stored up outside the monastery and in due course the office of kappiyakarakal was created in order to make the things allowable to the monks. Finally, the monks too were allowed to keep certain things in their own possession, though not without some restriction. As such a monk was permitted to store up any type of medicaments in general, and ghee, butter, oil, honey and molasses in particular for a week, Any one going astray was liable to be dealt with according to the law. Certain roots, namely, turmeric, ginger, etc. could be stored up even for the whole life, but could be used in cases of emergency only. On the contrary, storing up articles of food 4 or even over-night preservation of food" was not allowed to the Jaina monks. As such to eat food procured in the first quarter (porisi) of the day in the fourth porisi was regarded as a transgression for which the person concerned had to undergo expiatory punishment. Later on however the Sthavirakalpika monks were allowed to preserve food acquired in the first porisi upto the fourth porisi of the day.? Now it is clear that the Jainas, so far as the preservation of food was concerned, were poles apart from the Buddhists as they were not allowed even a day-long preservation of food, whereas the Buddhists could have a permanent stock of food. But it would not be improper to bring to notice that this practice of the Buddhists was contentious because the first of the ten points of strife which were responsible for the division of the Order was pertaining to storing up articles of food, i. e, carrying salt in horn. (b) Pansukulacivara It goes without saying that the Buddha preferred religious life of modest habits. But he did never intend to make away with the most popular social usages as some of his senior as well as contemporary teachers were alleged to have done in the name of monastic 1. MV, 6. 6. 16, p. 230. 2. Ibid, 6. 3. 12, p. 228; PM, 5. 23. 3. Ibid, 6. 2. 4, p. 219. 4. Uttar, 16. 7-8. 5. Dasi, 3. 2-3; 10. 8. 6. Nis, 12. 30. 7. BrhkB, Vol. V, 5264a-78. 8. Vide singilonakappa-CV, 12. 2. 13, p. 422.

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NISSAYAS 129 ideal. His intention, on the contrary, was to comply with the manners and customs in vogue as far as possible and practicable. So his best effort was not to violate the well-established rules of society. Our contention is laid bare by an instance recorded in the Mchavagga. Once, it so happened that a monk came naked to the Buddha and made an earnest request to him to prescribe nakedness to the Sangha. The argument put forward by him in support of his suggestion was that the Blessed One himself had spoken very high of modest habits. Nakedness, in his opinion was ne plus ultra in this respect. Though his argument was well-reasoned and convincing too, yet the Blessed One did not yield to it and enjoined upon the fraternity not to adopt nakedness like the titthiyas. With this sanction to use robes, the monks were advised to be satisfied with robes inasmuch as was sufficient to cherish their bodies. Naturally they were advised to dress themselves in robes made of rags saken from dust-heaps. This state of things continued for a pretty long period of twenty years when Jivaka, the royal physician of the Magadhan king Birnbisara, came forward for the first time to offer to the Buddha a suit of Siveyyaka cloth which he accepted without any attachment. This occasioned the Buddha to sanction lay-robe (gahapati-civara) to the monks. 4 Thus the use of robes made of cast-off rags was made optional. It was merely a gap of thirteen months after his renunciation that Mahavira adopted nakedness. 5 Not only this, but he also 1. Op. cit., 8. 24. 45, pp. 319f. 2. DN, Vol. I, pp. 62-63. 3. MV, 1. 22. 73, p. 55. 4. Ibid, 8. 8. 12, p. 297. The tradition says that the parents of Lord Mahavira were followers of Parsva whose disciples, according to the Uttaradhyayanasutra, used clothes and followed caturyama dharma. Lord Mahivira appears to have initiated himself following the rules of Parsva's Church prevalent at the time. It is therefore no wonder that he used robe in the beginning. Later on under the influence of the Ajivikas or similar sects he adopted nakedness which led him a little away from the followers of Parsva, though the cleavage was not complete in view of the essential indentical ontological and ethi. cal doctrines of the two Churches. Mahavira's reform in chis respect was not completely successful and rapprochement was affected between the two Churches as is evidenced in the Uttaradhya yanasutra, No. xxiii. In later times that reconciliation found expression in the form of two more or less antagonistic secty called Svetambarag and Digambaras within the same Church.

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130 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM enjoined upon his followers to do the same. Despite the fact that this attitude of Mahavira has found experession at several places in terms like nagina' and acelas, etc., several references contradictory to nudity constrain us to stand by the side of Dr. Deo's remark "that the rules about clothing did not seem to make it (nudity) a compulsory item"'4. Even the Jinakalpika monks, or in the words of Schubring the 'naked monks of the Svetambara sect are referred to have used clothes. Such self-contradictory regulations, most probably, were among the causes which enabled the Jaina Church to sp iwo, the sky-clad (Digambara) and the white-clad (Svetambara). Now it may however be remarked that the Jaina monks are allowed to use clothes, but as less as possible and the used ones at that as "to a mendicant who is little clothed (acela), and firm in control (parivusie), it will never accur (to think): My clothes are torn (parijunne), I shall beg for (new) clothes, I shall beg for the thread (suttam), I shall beg for a needle (suzn), I shall repair them or stitch them, I shall put them on (parihissami), I shall wrap myself in them (paunissami)". The same view is further expressed by the la which augment or reduce the number of clothes to be used according to the season. (0) Material and colour of the robe According to the original rule, the Buddhist monks were to dress themselves in cast-off rags. Later on this strictness was dispensed with the sanction to use robes which were made of flax (khomam), cotton (kappasikam), silk (koseyyam), wool (kambalam) and hemp (sanambhangan).9 No wonder that the earliest Jaina accounts in point however agree with the Buddhist as they also allowed the monks to use robes prepared from wool (jangiyani), silk (bhangiyan), hemp (sanayan), plam-leaves (pottayam), cotton (Khomiyam) and arhatula or any other material of the type (tahappagaram).10 In addition to the 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 8. 1.3 (p. 79); Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp 259f. 2. Daso, 6. 65. 3. Than, 693, p. 460b. 4. HJM, p. 160. 5. Indian Antiquary, Vol. 39, p. 267. 6. Later on acelatva is explained as using a littie and old clothes only.--- Comm, to Than, pp. 467b-468a; HJM, p. 161, fn 114. 7. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 6. 3. 1 (p. 57). 8. Ibid, 1. 7. 6. 1 (p. 71). 9. MV, 1. 22. 73, p. 55. 10. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 5. 1. 1 (p. 157); Bihk, 2. 29.

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NISSAYAS 131 first four types of robes allowed by the Acara ngasutra, the Sthanangasutra' also sanctioned tirida robes. Normally only cotton and woolen robes were to be used, and the rest, only if these two were not available. It may however be noted that the use of tirida-robes was not in vogue among the Buddhists. These two facts together show the late introduction of tirida robes to the Jaina Order. The use of robes made of grass (kusa), bark (vaka), phalaka, hair (kesa kambala), skin of wild animal (valakambala), the feathers of owl (ulakapakkha), the skin of antelope (ajinakkhipa), the stalks of akkaplant (akkanala) and polthaka-fibre was deemed unfit for the Sakka puttiya monks as they were the symbols of the titthiyas. 2 Similarly the Jainas too were not allowed the use of robes which were prepared out of fine and beautiful fur (ajinam va sahina noa hinakallanam va sahinakalla ni), of goat's hair (ayani), of blue cotton ( dugullani), of patta, of malaya-fibre (malayani), of bark-fibre (pattunnani), muslin (arsuyani), of silk (cinamsuyani); or those which were called Desaraga, Amila, Gajjala, Phaliya and Kayaha; blankets (kambala), cloaks (pavarani), plaids (ainapaur anani), or any other robe of such type.' : The only colour which the Sakkaputtiya monks preferred to use in dyeing their robes was saffron (kasaya). As such robes all of a blue (sabbanila), yellow (sabbapita), crimson (sabbalohita), brown (sabbamanjittha), black (sabbakanha), brownish-yellow (sabbamaharangaratta) and dark-yellow (sabbamahana maratta) colours were deemed unfit for their use.4 The Jainas used simply white robes and hence they were called sukkambara samana (white-clad monks). It was therefore natural for them that they were prohibited the use of robes which were bought (kitam), washed (dhoyan), dyed (rattam), brushed, rubbed, cleaned, or perfumed (sampadhumitam). The rule that a Buddhist should not use jacket (kancuka) or any other robe decorated with skirts, or with flowers or with sluffy had its detailed counterpart in the regulation which prohibited the use of plaids made of Udra, Pesa-fur, embroidered with Pesa-fur, 1. Op, Cit., 446, pp. 338ab. 2. MV, 8. 25. 46, pp. 320-321. 3. Zyar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 5. 1. 1 (pp. 157-58). MV, 8. 26. 47, p. 321. 5. AvasN, 357, p. 234b. 6. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 7. 4. 1 (p. 68). 7. MV, 8. 26. 47, p. 321.

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132 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM made of the fur of black, blue, yellow or golden plaids glittering like gold, interwoven with gold, set with gold, embroidered with gold, plaids made of tiger's fur, highly ornamented plaids, plaids covered with ornaments to a Jaina monk1. (ii) Dyeing materials and the process of dyeing The Buddhist sources give not only a complete list of dyeingstuff, but also a thorough procedure of dyeing robes which may be summed up as below. In the beginning, cowdung (chakana) and yellow clay (pandumattika) were used as dye-stuff. Their use was immediately forbidden as they produced bad colour. Instead, six kinds of dye-dye made of roots (mularajana), trunks of trees (khandharajana), bark (tacarajana), leaves 'pattarajana), flowers (puppharajana) and fruits (phalarajana) were made allowable to the Order. Robes should be dyed with duly boiled dye. Usually vessels and bowls were used as dye-pots. It was forbidden to rub cloth against the dye-pots. In case the cloth was dyed deep it was made lightcoloured by dipping it into water. If after dyeing, the cloth had become rough, it was smoothed by beating it with hands. A monk was however forbidden to get his soiled robes or goat's wool washed, dyed or beaten by a nun, not related to him." Once, it has been referred to before that the Jaina monks were called sukkambara samana as they dressed in white robes only. It was therefore in consonance with their practice that neither dyeing nor undyeing of clothes were allowed to them.4 It was perhaps because of the reason that the early Jaina monks were not allowed to wash even their bodies much less their robes. (iii) Preparation of robes As the Buddhists deemed it unlawful to use uncut (acchinnaka) cloth, so they prepared their robes out of small pieces of cloth sewn together. Accordingly any sort of acceptable cloth offered to them, irrespective of their value and quality, was to be transformed by cutting and sewing together into pieces of cloth suitable to them.5 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 5. 1. 3-5 (pp. 157-58). 2. MV, 8. 13. 19, pp. 302-30%. 3. PM, 4. 4, 17. 4. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.5. 2. 1 (p. 163); 2. 5. 2. 5 (p. 164); Nis, 18. 21-64. 5. MV, 8. 14. 20, pp. 303-304.

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NISSAYAS 133 They were asked to prepare a double waist-cloth (sanghati), a single upper-garment (uttar a sanga) and a single under-garment (antarava saka) of cloths which were new (ahata) or as good as new (ahatak appa). In case the cloths were old, then they were to prepare a fourfould waistcloth, a double upper-garment and a double under-garment. In the beginning the Jainas saw no harm in dressing in uncut robes, because they were advised to use cloth as it was offered to them. But not very late, they were also forbidden to use uncut and untorn cloths, and appropriate prayascittas were prescribed for accepting complete pieces of cloth which were generally determined by the price of the cloth. The higher was the price, the heavier was the punishment. Making any type of alteration in the cloth by cutting, etc. was vindicated by some sort of punishments." Stiching of clothes was however allowed to the mendicants belonging to both the Orders. In this connection it may be stated that the Buddhists were forbidden to get their robes stitched by a nun not related to them, and the Jaina ascetics either by a heretic or by a householder (garatthiya)?. (iv) Number of robes to be used Lay-robe made allowable the Buddhist Order made the monks lavish in the use of dress. Hence, the number of robes to be used at a time was fixed. The monks were allowed, in all, a set of three robesa double waist-cloth (sanghati), a single upper-garment (uttara sanga) and a single under-garment (antarava saka), as their ordinary dress. The Jaina Order seems to have prescribed the same number of robes as the Buddhist, viz. three. Out of those three robes, two were of linen or of cotton, used as under-garment (antarijjagam) and the third of wool which was used as an upper-garment (uttarijjagan). The followers of Parava, according to the Uttaradhyayanasutra, used only two 1. MV, 8. 15. 21, pp. 304-5. 2. Ibid, 8. 16. 23, p. 306. 3. Ayar (SBE, Vol. XXII), 1. 7. 4. 1 (p. 68); 2. 5. 2. 1 (p. 163). 4. Nis, 2. 23-24; NisB, 948-974; Brhk, 3, 7-10. 5. MV, 8. 16.23, p 306; Nis, 1. 31; 1. 49. 6. PM, 5. 26. 7. Nis, 5. 11. 8. MV, 8. 15. 21, pp. 304-5. 9. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 7. 4. 1 (pp. 67-69); Brhk, 3. 15-16; OghN, 669. p. 298a; 675, p. 209a.

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134 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM robes, an under-garment and an upper-garment. It is peculiar to the Jaina Order that the number of robes to be used by a monk was sometimes determined by age, while at other by seasons. Thus the younger monks used only one robe while the older ones two or more. In brief the monks were expected to use the least number of clothes as it was in consonance with their theory of aparigraha. It may be noted that no laxity was granted to the nuns belonging to the Buddhist Order as "the ordinary dress of the Bhikkhunis or Sisters consisted of the same three garments as that of the Bhikkhus."5 The Jaina Church, on the contrary, seems a bit less strict as it allowed four garments to the nuns. Besides the aforesaid set of three garments, the Buddhist Order also granted a rain-robe (vassikasataka),' a cloth to wipe out the face (mukhapunchana-colaka), and itch-cloth (kandupaticchadim) and pieces of cloth-requisite (parikkhara-colaka)lo to the twofold Sarigha in general and a bathing-robe (udakasatika)" to the Sisterhood in particular. Some of these clothes such as a set of three robes, the cloth to wipe out the face and pieces of cloth-requisite were to be exclusively possessed by an individual for ever whereas rain-robe and itch-cloth, etc. were to be assigned to others as soon as one's purpose had been accomplished. :? Likewise the Jaina Order of monks and nuns was also prescribed some small pieces of cloth, such as, colapatta (girdle), muhapotti (mouthcovering-cloth), celacili miliya (a covering for the clothes or a curtain) and padala (a covering for the alms-bowl), etc. in order to meet their various requirements. The nuns, in addition to these could use eleven clothes more, six, namely, uggahanantaga, patta, add horuga," 1. Op. cit., 23. 29. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 7. 4. 1 (pp. 67-8); Bhag, 333, p 374b. 3. The monks were to give up used-up robes and had to put on either one robe or no robe at all, after the winter was over.--Ibid, 1. 7.6. 1 (p. 71). 4. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 7. 4. 1 (67-68); 1. 7. 5. 1 (p. 69); 1. 7. 6. 2 (p. 71); Bhag, 333, p. 374b. 5. Vinaya Texts (SBE. Vol. XVII), p. 213 fn. 6. Ay ay (S BE. Vol. XXII), 2. 5. 1. 1 (p. 157); Brhk, 3. 16; Than, 246, P. 186b. 7. MV, 8. 17. 27, p. 310. 8. Ibid, 8. 18.30, pp. 311-12. 9. Ibid, 8. 18. 29, P, 311. 10. Ibid, 8. 18. 32, p. 312. i]. Ibid, 8. 17. 27, p. 310. 12. MV, 8. 19. 33, p. 312. 13. Bhasya to OghN, 315.

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NISSAYAS 135 calani', antoniyamsani? and bahiraniyamsani?, on the lower part of the body', and five, narnely, kancuka, okacchiyab, vegaschi?, sanghadis and khandhakarani' on the upper portion of the body1o. Against the strict discipline of the Jainas which allowed no lavishness or stock-piling of clothes, 11 the Buddhists are marked by the following relaxations as regards the use of robes. It is true that it was not beseeming to the monks to receive and use extra robes in normal circumstances as the ordinary dress of a monk consisted of three robes only. But circumstances, however, forced the framers of the rules to grant some concession in this respect at least for a limited period of time, if not for ever. Thus a gift of special robe, offered ten days before the close of the later period of the retreat was to be received till the kathina-robe had been settled. * Again, if after taking up the store of robes (ubbhatasmim kathine)', one's robe had been made or if one's robe had been spoiled or destroyed or burnt, or if one's hope to receive lay-robe had ended, then one could possess an extra set of robes for a period of ten days only." These two exceptions to the general rule are enough to reveal that extra robes could be received ten days before and after the pavarana ceremony. But it is remarkable that an extra set of robes could also be accepted out of season even, if anybody so wished and the period of possession in such case is longer than those in the previous cases, viz. one month." 1. Bhasya to OghN, 315. 2. Ibid, 316. Ibid. 4. BrhkB, Vol. IV, 4084-87. 5. Bhasya to OghN, 317. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid, 318. 8. Ibid, 318-19; ByhkB, Vol. IV, 4089-90. Bhasya to OghN, 320. 10. BihkB Vol. IV, 4088-91. 11. je bhikkhu tihim vatthehi parivusie......, tassa nam no evam bhavai-- cauttham vattham jaissami.--Ayar, 1. 7. 5.1. je bhikkhu dohir vatthehim parivusie....., tassa nam no cvam bhavai--taiyari vattham jaigsami.-- Ibid, 1. 7. 5. 1. je bhikkhu egenavatthena parivusie......, tassa nana no evam bhavai--biiyari vattham jaissami.--Ibid, 1.7.6.1. 12. PM, 4. 28. 13. Ibid, 4. 1. 14. Ibid, 4. 3.

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136 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM To keep extra robes after taking up of the store of robes(kathinuddhara)' was regarded as an aberration of the monastic discipline.' If anybody possessed a spare robe, it was to be given either to a needy monks or to one's parents'. Anybody acting against these rules ought to be dealt with according to the law." (o) The size of the robes The size of the robes to be used by a Buddhist must be smaller than that of the Buddha which normally was four and half cubits in length and three cubits in breadth. This was perhaps the size of the uttara sanga. In this connection it is remarkable that the text, which even prescribes the size of kandupaticcha dil and vassikas atika as two cubits by one cubit, and three cubits by one and half cubits respectively, fails to give any size of the antarava saka and the sanghati, two of the three main robes allowed to the mendicants. It was lue to the reason that their size differed according to the size of the individuals. Before making any reference to the size of the robes to be used by the Jaina ascetics, it will not be improper to remark that neither th Angas nor the Mulasutras contain a complete information about the size of the robes. According to the Acara ngasutra, one of the four robes allowed to the nuns should be two cubits broad, the other two, three cubits broad and the fourth, four cubits broad. This information of the Acara ngasutra which omits the length of the robes is again partially supplemented by the Oghaniryukti" which gives the length, perhaps of the first robe, as two and half cubits. Thus neither the Buddhist nor the Jaina sources are complete in details as regards the size of the robes. In absence of complete information, it is however difficult to make any categorical remark. Anyway, it may be concluded that the standard size of the clothing was that which was required to cover that portion of the body on which it was worn, 1. Vinaya Texts (SBE. Vol. XIII), p. 19 fn. 2. MV, 8. 16. 22, p. 305. 3. Ibid, 8. 19. 36, p. 313. 4. Ibid, 8. 16. 22, p. 305. 5. PM, 5. 92. 6. Ibid, 5.90. 7. Ibid, 5.91. 8. Op. cit. 2. 5. 1. I (p. 157); Than, 246, p. 186b. 9. Op. cit. 705, p. 213b.

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NISSAYAS 131 (vi) The purpose behind the use of cloth It is however certain that both Buddhism and Jainism admitted that clothing was to be used not for bodily decoration but for the on of the body. It was therefore, simply to put up with the winds, to ward off the tortures caused by mosquitoes and insects, and to hide share that the monks of the Buddhist Order used clothing.' So also the Jaina asectics wore clothing with a view to avoid shame (hiripattitam), public disrespect on account of nakedness (dugunchapattitai) and to put up with the parisahas (parisahavattiyan). These reasons for the use of clothes remained more or less unchanged in spite of their amplification in the later Jaina texts. Thus the Jaina Order fully assented to the Buddhist, because the reasons for permitting the Jaina monks to wear clothes were ipso facto the same as those of the Buddhist. (vii) Laying aside the robe Normally the Buddhist monks were expected to dress themselves properly. Particularly, they were asked to enter the houses of householders and to sit there outfitted with all their robes. As such they were debarred even from entering a village, if clad simply in sanghati and antaravasaka." In the same way the Jaina asectics were asked not only to enter or to leave the house of Jay-devotees dressed in all their garments, but also to go to a out-of-door place for easing the calls of nature, or for study or simply for wandering from village to village in the same manner. But the Buddhist Church, in due course, relaxed the strictness considerably. Monks as well as nuns were allowed to avail many privileges concerning various aspects of life after the solemnisation of the kathina ceremony and the discipline to be observed in respect of the use of clothes was one of them. The first privilege was the 1. idha, bhikkhave, bhikkhu patisarkha yoniso civara mi patisevati-'yavadeva sitassa patighataya, unhassa patighataya, damra-makasavatatapasirinsa. vasamphassanami patighataya, yavadeva hirikopin appaticchadanattham. MN, Vol. I, p. 14. 2. Than, 171, p. 138a; Dasv, 6. 20. 3. OghN, 706, p. 213b gives six reasons for the use of cloth. timandalam prticchadentena parimandalami pivasetva kayabandhanam bandhitva sagunam katya sanghatiyo parupitva ganthikam patimuneitva ......gamo pavisitabbo.--CV, 8. 5. 9, p. 317; 8. 6. 11, p. 320; PM, 7.1-4. 5. na santaruttarena gamo pavisitabbo.--MV, 8. 19. 37, p. 313. 6. Ayar (SBE, Vol. XXII), 2, 5.2.1 (p. 163).

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138 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM relaxation of the first nissaggiya rule, i. e. to allow a monk to use as many robes as he required ya vadattha ci varam), and the second that of the second nissaggiya rule, i. e. to allow a monk to go to a village or town leaving any of the three robes (asamadanacaro). One more privilege pertaining to the use of cloth which the monks were allowed to avail was that the avasika monks were free to share the robes among themselves or with the ugantuka monks (yo ca iattha civaruppade so nesam bhavissati). Later on, a monk was allowed to go on begging-tour even without dressing himself in the usual set of three robes. Besides, on other occasions too, they were permitted to separate from either of the three robes. As such a forest-dweller (arannaka), if he had observed the rainretreat upto the full-moon day in the months of October and November (Kartika), was allowed to deposit either of the three robes in a safe place for a period of six days only on the ground that forest-dwelling was insecure and dangerous. Moreover, if any one was sick, or if it was time to enter upon the rain-retreat, or if a river was to be crossed, or if the monastery was well-furnished with a bolt, or if the kathina ceremony had been performed, then one could separate sine die from any one of the usual three robes without incurring any aberration of the monastic discipline.s (viii) Seeking proper robes and materials for robes The licence to use lay-robe made the problem of seeking clothes easy to a great extent because lay-devotees were always at the beck and call of the monks of the Buddhist Order to provide them with all sorts of clothes. But it is to be noted that some restrictions were imposed upon the monks in connection with the preparation, acquisition and transfer, etc. of such clothes which may be summed up as below. A monk was not allowed to : a. supply yarn to weavers to get it woven into cloth; b. give directions to the weavers, if a lay-devotee was getting the cloth woven in order to give him; ask a lay-devotee, not related to him for robe, if his robe was not destroyed; 1. MV, 7. 1. 1, p. 267. 2. Ibid, 7, 1. 1, p. 266. 3. Vinaya Texts (SBE. Vol. XVII), p. 151 fn l. 4. PM, 4. 29. 5. MV, 8. 19. 37, pp. 313-314.

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NISSAYAS 139 d. receive the material for robes beyond the limit; e. receive or to give a robe to a nun, not related to him, except in exchange; and f. get prepared a robe for a nun not related to him. So far as the seeking of pamsukula was concerned cemeteries, dustheaps and lanes of a town were deemed the best places where it could be sought with ease and confidence. The Mahavagga contains some rules as regards the distribution of pasukulas sought by the monks." So far as the begging of the clothes by the Jaina monks was concerned, they could go to a distance of half a yojana only.2 Normally before they undertook a-begging for clothes from the householders, they sought the permission of the acarya who himself was forbidden from going for begging clothes. Having approached a householder, they requested him for the specific type of clothing they were in need of, Nobody was allowed to ask a person for a thing which he did not see4 or to ask him again and again or to threaten him for clothes, Nobody was allowed to buy clothes, or to cause somebody to buy for one's behalf, or to accept bought clothes. Besides, when accepting the offer of clothes, they must keep in mind that the clothes were pure and acceptable. Accordingly the clothes which had been prepared specially for the inonks, or were needed by the donor himself, or were expensive, or were made from the stuff not allowed to the monks, or were neither fit nor lasting,' were to be rejected by the monks 20. Any sort of future promises from the householders regarding clothing was not to be entertained by the monks." Anything offered to them was to be accepted after a thorough inspection only, because 1. Op. cit., 8. 10. 16, pp. 299f. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 5. 1. 2 (p. 157). 3. Ibid, 2. 5. 1.2 (p. 157). 4. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 298. 5. Nis, 18. 21-64, 6. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 6. 3 (p. 103). 7. Nis, 18. 21-64. 8. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 5. 1.3 (p. 158); 2. 5. 1. 6-10 (pp. 158 60). 9. Ibid, 2. 5. 1. 11.15 (pp. 160-61). 10. Ibid, 2. 5. 1. 3-15 (pp. 157-61). 11. Ibid, 2, 5, 1. 10 (pp. 1 59-60); Daso, Culiya, 2. 8.

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140 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM it was feared to contain any worldly thing like ear-ring, etc. or living beings.1 Thus it is apparent that the Buddhists, like the Jainas, too were constrained to depend on the piety of the laity for robes, though their earliest rule, i.e. wearing in cast-off rags picked up from the dustheaps, most probably, intended to make them independent in this regard. The last point of agreement was that none of them was allowed to purchase clothes. Before closing the topic it may be referred to that the Buddhist Order, in contradistinction to the Jaina, refers to certain officers, such as, civarapatiggahapaka, civaranidahaka, bhandagarika' and civarabhajaka," who were responsible for the collection of robes from the laity, their preservation and distribution to the monks. It is also worth mentioning that the Jainas who were allowed the least use of water, were however permitted to wash their clothes (and other requisites) a little before the rainy season set in." (c) Rukkhamulasenasana Besides scattered references to the third nissaya, the senasana, a separate section called the Sena sanakkhandhaka has been spared in the Cullavagga in order to exhaust the rules concerned. It is said that the monks, in their early days, lived in the woods, at the foot of trees and hills, in grottoes and caves, in cemeteries and forests, and in the open space and the heaps of straw. The permission to use a dwelling like a vihara (a monastery), an addhayoga (a pinnacled house), a pasada (a storeyed building), a hammiya (an attic) and a guha (a cave) for the first time is ascribed to the request of a setthi of Rajagrha who is said to have dedicated sixty dwellings for the use of the Order of the four quarters (catuddisasangha). This instance of the setthi invited the attention of the laity who out of devotion for the Buddha and his Order came forward in large numbers to construct magnificent buildings for the Order.' It is not at all surprising, if the Order later on started getting old buildings repaired or new buildings constructed under the supervision of a qualified monk known as navakammika who was also allowed 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 5. 1. 14 (p. 161). 2. MV, 8. 11. 17, p. 300. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid, 8. 12. 18, p. 301. 5. Ibid, 8. 12. 18, pp. 301-302. 6. OghN, 349-57, pp. 131b-133a. 7. CV, 6. 1. 3, pp. 239-41.

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NISSAYAS 141 some privileges for his duty of supervision. Not only this, even an individual monk could get a hut or an abode constructed for his own use (attuddesan)." The ideal site for the construction of a building for the Sangha, according to the Mahavagga, is a place not too far from the town and not too near, suitable for going and coming, easily accessible for all people who want to see him), by day not too crowded, at night not exposed to much noise and alarm, clean of the smell of people, hidden from men, well-fitted for a retired life". The Visuddhi. magga, one of the well-known non-canonical text of the Pali literature dvocates that an ideal monastery should be free from eighteen types of fault, namely, largeness, newness, dilapidatedness, a nearby road, a pond, (edible) leaves, flowers, fruits, famousness, a nearby city, nearby timber trees, nearby arable fields, presence of the incompatible persons, a nearby port of entry, nearness to the border countries, nearness to the frontier of a kingdom, unsuitability and lack of good friends." In brief the monastery should be situated in a place with open space around it, not exposed to dangers and disturbances. In the biginning, as the buildings were constructed without any previous plan, they were of different size and of diverse shape. But after sometime both the size and the shape were considerably settled for years to come. The standard size of a small hut was twelve spans in length and seven spans in breadth. The size of a big residence is, however, not specifically mentioned.? As it has been stated before that there must be open space around the monastery, normally it was situated in a park (arama) most often enclosed with bamboos, thorns and ditches. The vihara itself was fenced with a brick or stonewall, or with a wooden fencing. The material used in the construction of most of the viharas were brick, stone and wood. The walls of a vihara, in addition to their white-washing and colouring black or red, were decorated with drawings and paintings and creepers. But figures of men and women were in no case to be painted over the walls. Hooks and cupboards were also fitted 1. CV, 6. 11. 30, pp. 268 72. 2 PM,!.6.7. 3. Op. cit., 1. 16. 59, p. 38; Vinaya Texts (SBE. Vol. XIII), p. 143. 4. Vide The Path of Purification, p. 122. 5. PM, 2. 6-7. 6. Ibid, 2. 6. 7. Ibid, 2.7.

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142 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM in the walls. The main building was divided into serveral chambers so that each and every monk might be provided with a separate room in order to enable them to maintain privacy and cultivate concentration, Normally a courtyard (parivena), a store-room (kotthaka), a service-hall (upatthanasala), a fire-place (aggisala), a werehouse (kappiyakuti), a privy (vaccakuti), a cloister (cankama), a well (udapana), a bathroom (jantaghara), a pond (pokkharani) and a portico (mandapa) were arranged within the precincts of an arama. 2 Besides, each and every vihara was well-furnished with beds, seats, and other articles of furniture. The articles of furniture which comprised of beds or seats, bedstead with short removable legs, armchairs, sofas, cushioned chairs, carpets, matress, pillows, bolsters and spittoon, etc.3 were, as a rule, not the property of an individual, but of the whole community. An elaborate instruction was laid down for the careful use, sanitation and preservation of those arti. cles known as senasanavattam. It is well-known that the Jaina monks wandered from place to place throughout the whole year but the rainy season. It was on account of this very fact that they found the least occasion for having a permanent dwelling place of their own. Practically they halted, in course of their tour, wherever the day melted into evening and the night set in. Thus what they were concerned with was the search for a suitable abode rather than the construction and such other aspects of a residence. Accordingly the Niryuktis,& instead of containing regulations as regards the construction, etc. of a house by the monks, contains elaborate details concerning the vigorous search carried on by the monks for a suitable abode, specially during the rainy season. Once, it has been said that the monks, when searching out a suitable abode, were always conscious of two things, that is, the place 1. CV, 6.1.5-10, pp. 244.48. 2. MV, 1. 18. 66, pp. 45-46; 1. 19. 67, pp. 49-50; 1.23. 78, pp. 59-60; 1. 24. 79, pp. 63-64; CV, 8. 8. 15, pp. 323-24; EMB, p. 286. 3. Ibid. 4. MV, 8. 24. 44, p. 319. 5. CV, 8. 8, pp. 323-25. Similar directions regarding the use of bathroom and privy are known as jantagharavattan and vaccakutivattam respectively.--Vide Ibid, 8. 9, pp. 325-26; 8. 10, pp. 326-27. 6. OghN, 128-52, pp. 62-68; Dasax, 8. 8-27, pp. 53b-56b.

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NISSAYAS 143 should have neither any scope for inflicting injury to living beings nor for indulging in misconduct. Therefore they tried to find out a place free from living beings, eggs and cobwebs;' having a suitable place for easing call of nature and a place where there was easy to procure food, drink? and medicine. So far as the commission of miscon ict was concerned, sometimes it so happened that the ladies of the house inhabitted by the monks enabled them to have sexual intercourse with a view to have a healthy child from them. It was, therefore, befitting that the monks normally disliked a house used simultaneously by householders;" a place visited by women, beasts, eunuchs and heretics? and preferred secluded places like gardens, temples, potters' workshops, caves, forests, roots of trees, deserted houses and burning grounds to residences specially built for them, places which were likely to make the monks passionate, regions which had no king or regions where the king was wicked'. Having found out a suitable residence, the monks sought the formal permission of the lawful proprietor of the house before occupying it. It was perhaps because of the reason that the owner of the house (sejja tari) provided them the necessary articles of furniture, if they were in such a need. The main articles of furniture comprised of stool, bench, bed, couch, etc., which they could use freely during the rainy season, and in case of sickness and old age in dry seasons. 11 After their purpose was over, they returned these articles to the persons from whom borrowed. 12 This study of the rules concerning the residence of two important Sects of Indian mendicants brings out that the Jainas alone could stick to houselessness in the true sense of the term. The greatest benefit which they drew from their wandering life was that they could 1. Ayar (SBE, Vol. XXII) 2. 2. 1. 1-7 (pp. 120-22); 2. 2. 2. 1-4 (pp. 124-26). 2. Vide OghN, 132, p. 63a; Dasan, 8. 8-27, pp. 53b-56b, 3. OghN, 164, p.71b; HJM, p. 247; Dasan, 8 8-27, pp. 53b-56b. 4. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 2. 1. 8-12 (pp. 122-124). 5. Ibid, 2. 2. 2. 6 (p. 126); 2. 2. 3. 5-11 (pp. 131-132). 6. Naya, p. 76; Bhag, p. 758b. 7. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 2. 2. 8-13 (pp. 128-28). 8. Vivagasugan, p. 17; Uttar, 9. 4; 18. 4; 23. 4-8; Naya, p. 69; Antg, p. 41. 9. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 7. 2. 1 (p. 64); Uttar, 2. 19-20; 32. 16; Mul, 10. 58-60. 10. Ibid, 2. 2. 3. 14 (pp. 128-29). 11. Vav, 8. 2. 12. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 2. 3. 23 (p. 134); Byhk, 3. 25-28; Nis, 2. 53-58; Vav, 8. 7-10.

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144 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM maintain good relation with the lay devotees and could also promote faith and devotion in them for the religion. It is one of the various reasons that Jainism could survive in the place of its birth. On the contrary, the introduction of corporate life at a fixed place and the sanction to hoard all sorts of property within the precincts of the vihara made the Buddhist mendicants to disregard the interest of the householders which ultimately spoiled the cordial relation between the mendicants and the householders. It was perhaps one of the greatest blows which drove Buddhism out of India for good. The corporate life led by the Buddhist monks finally emerged in the shape of Buddhist universities like Taksasila and Nalanda in ancient India. (d) Putimuttabhesajja As in the case of the requisites mentioned before, the fourth requisite, putimuttabhesajja too has been dealt with in a separate section known as the Bhesajjakkhandhaka in the Mahavagga. As we have already seen, the use of stinking-urine (putimutta) was the original rule. It was however slackened with the permission of the use of ghee (sappi), butter (navanita), oil (tela), honey (madhu) and molasses (phanita) as extraallowances to the Order.1 Besides, the following things were prescribed to the Buddhist Order for its general use as medicine : i. fat of certain animals such as bear (accha), fish (maccha), alligator (susuka), swine (sukara) and ass (gadrabha); ii. certain roots such as turmeric (haliddi), ginger (singivera), orris 100t (vaca), white orris root (vacattha), ativisa, black hellebore (katukarohini), usira root, bhaddamuttaka root, etc.; certain astringent things-the nimba, the kutaja, the pakkava, the nattamala, etc.; iii. iv. fruits, flowers, leaves and barks of certain trees and plants such as nimba, kutaja, patola, tulasi and kappasa, etc.; V. vi. certain fruits, namely, the vilanga, the pippala, the marice peppers, the haritaka, the vibhitaka, the amalaka, myrobalan and the goth, etc.; certain gums, namely, the hingu, the hingulaka, the sipatika, taka, takapatti, takapanni, sajjulasa, etc.; 1. 2. Ibid, 6. 1. 3, p. 219. MV, 6. 1. 1-2, pp. 218-19.

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NISSAYAS 145 vii, certain salts, namely, sea-salt (samudda), black-salt (kalalona), rock-salt (sindhava', kitchen-salt (ubbhida), red-salt (bila), etc.;! viii. sugar and sugar-water (for healthy person). Besides the aforesaid prescriptions, this section gives not only a list of several diseases, but also their infallible remedies and cures. To supply a list of the same may be of some use here. Diseases Remedies and cures ii. Skin diseases-itch (kandu), boils Medicine made from calcium (pilaka), a discharge (assava), (chunama) 3 scabs (thullakacchu) and ill smelling of body (kayaduggandha) ii. A disease not human (amany- Raw flesh (amakamassa) and ssikabadha) raw blood (amakalohita) iii. Diseases of the eyes (cakkhuroga) Black collyrium (kalanjana), rasa ointment (rasanjana), sota ointment (sotanjana), geruka ointment (geruka) and soot ointment (kapalla) iv. Head-ache or any other disease Taking medicine through the of the head (sisabhitapa) nose (natthukamma) and smoking (dhumapana) v. a. Wind disease (vataba dha) a. Decoction of oil (telapaka) b. Wind in the stomach mixed with strong drink (udaravatabadha) (majja)? b. Salt-sour-gruel (lonasovira) 8 1. MV, 6, !. 4, pp. 219-220. 2. Ibid, 6. 4. 13-14, p 228. 3. Ibid, 6. 2. 5, pp. 220EUR. The use of cowdung (chakana), clay (mattika) ard colouring substance (rajanani ppaka) is prescribed even to healthy persons. 4. Ibid, 6. 2. 5, pp. 2.0f. 5. Ibid, 6. 2. 6, pp. 2216, Elaborate directions as regards the ointment-box and its other accessories have been given. 6. Ibid 6. 2. 7, pp. 222f. The treatment of sisabadha, very likely the same disease as sisabhitapa, by giving medicine through nose (natthukamma) is thus given in the Mahavagga: Jivakakomarabhacca, after examining the change in setthi's wife, took a handful (pasata) of ghee and boiled it up with other drugs. Then making her laid down on her back, he gave it her through her nose. Thus one dose was sufficient to restore her to health.--Ibid, 8, 2. 5, pp. 223f. 7. Ibid, 6. 2. 8, pp. 223f. 8. Ibid, 6. 4. 14, p. 228. 10

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146 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM vi Rheumatism (angavata) To bring on sweating by different methods (sedakamma)" vii. Intermittent ague (pabbavata) Letting out of blood (lohita mocana)? viii. Feet blister (padaphalana) Ointment for the feet (pada bbhanjana) ix. Boils (gandabadha) Surgical operation (sattha. kamma)' x. Snake-bite (ahidatthana) Four kinds of filth-dung (gutha), urine (mutta), ashes (charika) & clay (mattika) xi. Poison-drinking (visapana) Dung (g@tha)* xii. Gharadinnakabadha A decoction of soil turned up by the plough (sitaloli) xiii. Constipation (dutthagahanika) A decoction of ashes of burnt rice (amisakhara) xiv. Jaundice (pandurogabadha) A decoction made with cows' urine (muttaharitaka) 9 xv. Skin-disease (chavidosa badha) Ointing with perfumes (gandhalepa) 10 xvi. Superfluity of humours (abhi- Use of numerous purgatives sannakaya) (virecana)11 xvii. Fistula (bhagandalabadha) Ointing (alepana) 12 Moreover, there are diseases like leprosy (kuttha), dry-leprosy (kilasa), consumption (sosa) and fits (apamara) which are only referred 1. MV, 6. 2. 8, pp. 223f. 2. Ibid, 6. 2. 8, pp. 223f. 3. Ibid, 6. 2. 8, p. 224. 4. Ibid, 6. 2. 8, p. 224. 5. Ibid, 6. 2. 9, pp. 224f. 6. Ibid, 6.2.9, pp. 224. 7. bid, 6. 2. 10; p. 225. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 1. Ibid. At another place abhisannakaya is followed by buhvabad ha and the remedies prescribed is the use of cankama (cloister) and jantaghara (bathroom), i. e, walking and hot water bath --CV, 5. 8. 18, p. 208; also Vinaya Texts (SBE. Vol. XX), p. 103 fn 1-2. 12. Ibid, 8. 3. 6, pp. 290EUR.

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NISSAYAS 147 to in the text, but their remedies are not mentioned as in the cases already stated.? We have seen that surgical operation without any restriction was permissible to the Order. But later on due to an ugly instance of Akasagotta, a physician, the use of lancet and clyster within a distance of two inches round the private parts of the body was disallowed. W Other details regarding medicaments, though not elaborate, were yet sufficient to put a monk on the right path so far as their acquisition, storing, use, etc. were concerned. Some of these rules have already been stated in connection with the appraisal of the rules pertaining to food as it was thought appropriate there.. Before we conclude, it would not be out of place to state that Jivakakomarabhacca, the renowned physician of the time, had been requested by Bimbisara, the king of Magadha to wait upon the Order. Another physician who is referred to have waited upon the Order wa's Akasagotta who has already been mentioned. These two instances together and people's remark on Jivaka's refusal to treat them of their diseases are sufficient to assert that the Order practically used all kinds of medicines and medical appliances, known at the time. On the other hand, the Jaina sources are not unanimous as regards the use of medicinal as well as surgical treatment by the Jaina monks. The Acara ngasutras informs that Mahavira himself did not use medicine when he was ill, while the Bhagavatisutra? informs that he took majjarakada and kukkud amamsa (according to the commentator these were the preparations from some vegetables) as cure against bilious fever (pitta jara). Whatever might have been the reason for this apparent contradiction, other evidences like the practice of taking some medicine or undergoing some medicinal treatment only with the permission of the teacher, 8 taking into consideration the medical facilities when searching out a lodge for the rain retreat, etc. are enough 1. MV, 1. 31. 88, p. 76. 2. Ibid, 6. 5. 20, p. 233. 3. Vide Supra, pp. 111-18. 4. MV, 8.3. 6, pp. 290F. 5. Ibid, 1. 31. 89, pp. 76. 6. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 8. 4. 1 (p. 86). 7. Op. cit. 557, pp. 1259a-1263 a. 8. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp. 306.307. 9. Dasas, 8.21, p. 56a.

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148 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM to remark that the monks took all types of medical aid whenever needed. The Jaina texts abound in references to various diseases and the possible ways of their treatment. A list of sixteen diseases, namely, boils (gandi), leprosy (kuttha of eighteen kinds), consumption (rayamsi), epilepsy (avamariya), blindness (kaniyal, stiffness (jhimiya), lameness (kuniya), humpback (khujiya), dropsy, (udari), dumbness (muya), swelling (suniya), over-appetite (gilasani), trembling (vevai), disablement (pidhasappi), elephantiasis (silivaya) and diabetes (madhumeha) is found in the Acarangasatra' and the other comprising asthma (sasa), cough (kasa), fever (jara),2 inflamation (daha), intestinal colic (kucchisula), fistula (bhagaindara), piles (arisa),' indigestion (ajiraa)," optic neuralgia (ditthisula), cerebral neuralgia (muddhasula', loss of appetite (akaraya), pain in the eye (acchiveyana), pain in the ear (kanna veyana), itches (kandu), dropsy (uyara), and leprosy (kodha) in the Vipakasutra". In addition to the list of diseases just referred to, the Vipakasutra mentions the various ways of the treatment of diseases, such as, by applying oil (abhanga) or powder (uvvattana), oil drinks (sinehapana), vomitting (vamana), purging (vireyana), branding (avaddahana), medicated baths (avanhana), oil enema (anuva sana), curing the diseases of the head with skin (batthikamma)", purging by drugs (niruha), opening veins (sira neha), cutting (tacchana), scraping (pacchana), bathing the head with oils (sirobatthi), nourishing the body with oils (tappana), by means of ingredients roasted on fire by putapaka method, barks, roots, bulbs, leaves, flowers, fruits, seeds, bitters (silika), pills, drugs (osaha) and mixtures (bhesajja). Besides this general list of the different methods of treatment of the diseases, the scattered references to various diseases and their unfailing cures come thus in the Jaina texts : 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1. 6. 13 (pp. 53f); 2. 2. 1.8 (p. 122); 2. 4.2.1 (pp. 152-3). 2. Bhag, 386, p. 4EUR45; 557, p 1260b refer to pittajara (bilious fever). 3. Another term for arisa is ansiyao.--Bhag, 572, pp. 1293a-1293b. 4. Ibid, 557, p. 1260b. It refers to lohiyavacca (blood dysentery). 5. Op. cit., p. 10. 6. It may also mean the application of pergatives through anus. Vide Paiyasaddamahannavo, Sub Voce. 7. Op. cit., p. 11; Vide The Life in Ancient India, p. 179.

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NISSAYAS Diseases Remedies and cures i. Bilious fever (pittajara) Meat and wine? ii. Bilious fever and blood Meat or some preparation dysentery from vegetables iii. Piles Operation iv. Fistula Flesh and rice-powder (kanikka) mixed with honey and ghee4 Different kinds of leprosya. Pama Droppings of ram's and cow's urine b. Kimikuttha (leprosy full of Gosisa sandal maggots) c. Galantakodha (bad leprosy), Hairless skin? piles, kacchu and kidibha (a kind of leprosy) vi. a. Snake bite, cholera and fever 4. Drinking urines b. Snake bite b. Ant-hill-inud, salt, gold and incantations vii. Blisters caused by snake bite Sprinkling of water10 and spider viii. Dog-bite To make lie down on tiger skin (divicamma)" ix. Eye-sore (acchiniya) Pills (guliya)12 x. Flatulence (uddhavata), para. To make lie down on skin" lysis (dhanuggaha), piles, acute pain, dislocation of hand or foot, etc. 1. Naya, p. 80. 2. Bhag, 557, pp. 1259a-}263a; Comm. to Bhag, p. 1270. 3. Ibid, 572, -p. 1293a-93b. 4. Curni to Nis, p 83. 5. OghN, 134a. 6. Curni to Avas, p. 133. 7. BrhkB, Vol. IV, 3839-3840. 8. Byhk, 5, 37. 9. Gurni to Nis. Pithika, pp. 58, 121. 10. OghN, 335-336, p. 129a. 11. BrhkB, Vol. IV, 3817. 12. Ibid, 1277. 13. Ibid, 3816-18; 3839-41; Brhk, 3. 3-6.

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150 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM xi. Rheumatism (vata) To wrap the affected part with the skin of a hyena (taraccha)'. Most likely all these methods of treatment were permissible to the monks. This remark is evidenced by the references to the taking of meat and wine by monks as cure for bilious fever, some preparation from vegetables to cure blood dysentery," the great vikytis in case of illness and the like. Besides, the Bhagavatisutra bears evidence of the treatment of a monk suffering from piles by surgical operation," In spite of the fact that the monks were allowed to take help of all types of treatment of a disease, they were not allowed the study and the practice of medical sciences. They were, therefore, neither allowed to rub oil, ghee, fat (vasa), butter, loddha (root of certain tree), cake (kakka), powder (uvattana), etc. either on the body or on the wound (vana) themselves; nor to cure diseases like ulcer (ganda), boils (pilaga), piles (asiya) and fistula (bhogandala) either by operation or by applying medicine;7 nor to take out worms (palukimiya and kucchikimiya) by fingers. Now it is clear that the monks belonging to both the Orders actually applied all kinds of treatment, known at the time, which may conveniently be classified in two groups, viz. medicinal and surgical, to cure diseases according to their nature and classification. Not only most of the popular diseases like boils, piles rheumatism, fistula, itch, sanke-bite, skin-diseases, etc. are commonly referred to in both the sources, but the method of treatment in several cases is also the same. For instance, the cases of piles, snake-bite and certain skin-diseases may be named. One more peculiar feature which obtains with both the Churches is that they prescribe meat as a cure for certain disease. In absence of a thorough study on the lines of medical sciences, it is indeed very difficult to make any categorical remark as regards the exact nature and treatment of other diseases referred to in both the sources. 1. Brhk B, 3817-18. 2. Naya, p. 80. 3. Bhag, 557, p. 1261a. 4. Than, 172, p. 138a; Vide Supra, p. 15. 5. Op. cit, 572, pp. 1293a-1293b. 6. Nis, 3. 24-31. 7. Ibid, 3. 31-39. 8. Ibid, 3.40. 9. OghN, 69-84, pp. 40b-47b gives a detailed procedure for waiting upon the sick and his treatment.

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NISSAYAS 151 (e) Ownership, Succession, Distribution and Exchange of the Requisites In its early days, when the Order had not been granted to avail extra-allowances, it actually owned no property. Monks were satisfied with food inasmuch as it was sufficient to keep their stomachs going, with robes inasmuch as it was sufficient to cherish their bodies, and so on. But certain reasons, as for example, the licence to avail extra-allowances, the multiplication of the members of the Sangha, and the introduction of corporate life in a settled avasa necessitated the acquisition of properties by the Sangha. As soon as the acquisition of properties became permissible, the question regarding their ownership, succession distribution and exchange, etc, came to the fore which was settled by framing appropriate rules from time to time. Such contention regarding the ownership, succession, distribution and exchange of the requisites was not so prominent to the Jaina Church as it was to the Buddhist. The only reason which seems to be justified for such a remark was that the Jaina Church, truly speaking, owned no property as its very motto was to avoid all sorts of possession (aparigraha) Besides, the mobile life and no fixed residence constrained the Church to possess only such articles which could be carried from one place to another (padihariya) conveniently. Thus we have alredy seen that the monks were allowed to have light and portable articles only. So that they could easily take those articles with them even at the time of begging alms. So far as the case of the heavy articles like cot, bench, stool, etc. were concerned, the Church, whenever it was in such a need, borrowed them from the devoted householders and returned them back as soon as their purpose was served. This app ears to be one of the possible explanation to the fact that the promulgator or rather the promulgators of the monastic discipline, while they seem to have unduly emphasised and unnecessarily amplified the reglations pertaining to other aspects of requisites, did find no occasion to exhaust the regulations sub judice. Nevertheless, some references in point are made in the various texts which may be cited along with the Buddhist in order to compare and contrast their appropriateness, validity and mutual influence over one another. Each and every article belonging to any member of the Buddhist Order virtually belonged to the Order itself. In other words, nobody could claim the property of the Sangha as one's own except the right 1. Brhk, 3. 25-28; Nis, 2. 53-58; Vav, 8. 2-10. 2. Nis, 2. 53-58.

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152 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM of using it properly and equally with others. So also, it was unlawful to divert any gain of the Order how much trifle it might have been, if it had already been given to the Sangha. As such a gift of robes made to one party of a divided assembly actually belonged to the whole assembly, if given with reference to the whole assembly (sanghassa dem a ti), except that the donor intended to give to one party only. Robes given to the Sangha before its division too were to be distributed equally among all the members of the Sangha.? However, we come across in the Acara ngasutra a regulation to the same effect which goes even to the extent of advising a monk to be impartial in the distribution of the requisites like food, robes, etc., and neither to take undue share nor to select the nice things for himself. Nevertheless, the Buddhists seem to have surpassed the Jainas. The rule, that any offer to be made to an individual member of the Sangha was to be offered to the Saigha with special reference to that person, 4 raised the Church to the status of supreme authority. Even a senior member (thera) of the Buddhist Order had got no right over a gift of robes offered to the monks by a donor, even if it was the outcome of his imposing personality. It exclusively belonged to the monks to whom it had been offered, until the kathina was performed. The Jaina Church, on the other hand, followed a different sequence of the distribution of robes. According to this proce. dure, the clothes were distributed according to the status of the monk.6 At another place, in the same record, the sequence adopted in the distribution of clothes is given as below. The guru was allotted the best and the durable clothes for his use and the rest were distributed to the novice, ill, needy (parimitopadhi), well-read, preacher of text, old monks jatithera), monks practising penance, inonks not knowing the local dialect, monks endowed with special qualities, and then to the remaining monks in order of their seniority respectively. Sometimes, this sequence too was replaced by another one. According to this, it was to be given to the acarya first, then to the ill, then to the needy, then to the respected ones, then to the pravartini, then to the sthavira, then to the ganavacchedin, then to the well-read, and then in the sequence 1. PM, 4. 30. 2. MV, 8. 28. 51, p. 323. 3. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 1. 5.5 (pp. 101-102). 4. MV, 6. 7. 18, pp. 231f. 5. Ibid. 8. 20. 38, pp. 311-315, 6. Brhk, 3. 19-20.

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NISSAYAS 153 adverted to above. It is however evident that the ill and the needy members of the Church were always given special attention in the distribution of clothing. The monks belonging to both the Churches always intended to have the lion's share and the best possible clothing out of the whole lot. The Buddhists discouraged this tendency by asking a monk not to accept a share in the kathina-robes in residence other than that in which he had kept his retreat. Though a monk was allowed to keep retreat in more than one residence, he was not to claim an equal share in the kathina-robes in all the residences lived in. His share, on the contrary, was to be determined by the period of time lived in each residence." The Jainas stopped this attitude by prescribing various prayascittas in this respect. The rule that a robe given to another monk should not be taken back also obtains with the Jainas. The Acara ngasutra does not allow a monk either to take back a robe given to another monk for himself or for somebody else, or to give clothing to others in exchange for another one.. In normal circumstances, perhaps the exchange of robes was allowed to the Buddhist Order. But a monk was not allowed either to give to or to receive a robe from a nun not related to him. Normally no exchange of requisites, such as, clothing, beggingbowl, etc. was allowed to the Jaina monks without the sanction of the gani. But they were allowed to give such things to helpless and needy members of the Church.10 Exchange of robes between a monk and a nun was, however, permissible in cases of calamities and troubles. 11 Not only the resident-monks of the Buddhist Church were obliged to give accommodation to and serve the in-coming monks in 1. ByhkB, Vol. IV, 4314-29. 2. MV, 8.21 39. pp. 315-16. 3. ByhkB, Vol. IV, 4314-29. 4. PM, 4. 25. 5. Ayar (SBE, Vol. XXII), 2.5.2. 2 (pp. 163-64). 6. PM, 5. 25. 7. Ibid, 4.5. 8. Nis, 18. 21-64. 9. Ibid, 14. 1-4; 14. 5-7; 16. 25-29, 10. Ibid, 14. 7; 18. 21-64. 11. BrhkB, Vol. IV, 3919-51; 3992-94.

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154 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM all possible ways befitting their rank, but were also asked to give an equal share to the in-coming monks in the robes offered to the Sanghaa. Similarly the Jaina ascetics were also obliged to provide accommodation to the in-coming monks and to share food with them. Besides, the Buddhist jurisprudence is distinguished by the following rules as regards the requisites : The most difficult task for the mendicants was to get their due share in the kathina-robes which had, including the two palibodhas (obstacles), as many as hundred and fourteen causes of suspension of the kathina privileges. Furthermore, if a monk after having kept his retreat leaves the place of his retreat (pakkamati); or admits that he is mad (ummataka', or that his mind is unhinged (khitlacista), or that he is afflicted with bodily pain (vedunatta), or thai he has been suspended for his refusal to admit an offence (apaltiya adassane ukkhittaku) or to atone for an offence (apattiya appatikamme ukhhittaka) or to renounce a false doctrine (apikaya ditthiya appatinissagge ukkhittaka); before a gift of robes has come to the Saligha, or if come, it has been divided among his fellowmonks; then the share due to him is to be assigned to another monk present there and fit to receive it on his behalf (patirupe gahake); whereas the Sangha is said to be the legal owner of the share due to a monk who having left the place of his retreat also leaves the Order (vibbhamati), or dies, or admits that he is a sa manera, or guilty of an extreme offence (antimavatthur ajjhapannaka), or an eunuch (pandaka, or an animal (tiracchanagata), or a matricide (matughataka), or a patricide (pitughataka), or a arahantacide (arahantaghataka), or a violator of nuns (bhikkhuni dusaka), or a schismatic (sanghabhedaka), or a hermaphrodite (ubhaiovyanjanaka); or admits that he has given up the precepts (sikkha paccakkhataka), or that he has furtively attached to the Sangha (theyjasamvasaka), or that he has gone over to the heretics (titthiyapakkantaka), or that he has shed a Buddha's blood. If the number of monks keeping retreat in a monastery was less than the requisite number to constitute a Sangha, then they had 1. CV, 8. 2. 3-4, pp, 314-15. 2. MV, 8. 20. 38, pp. 314-15. 3. Nis, 17. 121-22. 4. OghN. 212-15, pp. 88ab; 519-29, pp. 1772-179a. 5. Vide the Kathinakkhandhaka of the Mahavagga. 6. MV, 8. 27. 48-50, pp. 32 1-22.

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NISSAYAS 155 the sole right over the robes given to the Sangha till the kathina was not performed. But the robes offered to in seasons other than the rains was to be distributed to the members of the Order present there. The robes were to be appropriated by the monks offered to, if there was no Sangha. The in.coming monks too were entitled to get an equal share, if they arrived before the robes had been appropriated. But to give an equal share or not to give at all depended solely on the discretion of the monks appropriating the robes, if the in-coming monks came after the robes had been appropriated." . The monks who have assisted a group of monks in getting pamsukulas either by waiting aside or by going with them to the cemetery must be given his due share, even if there had not been such agreement about the distribution of the robes. But monks who neither waited nor went to the cemetery in time ought not to get any share in the barsukulas thus procured." Robes sent by a monk with the words 'give this robe to such and such a monk' (imam civaran itthanamassa dehi ti) is said to have rightly been appropriated by the messenger-inonk, if it has been appropriated in the name of the sender. To be very clear, appropriated in good faith in the sender, or taking it as the robe of a deceased monk having come to know that the sendee is dead, or in good faith in the sender having come to know that the sendee is dead, or taking it as the robe of a deceased monk, that is, in the name of the sender having come to know that both are dead. But if it is sent with the words 'I give the robe to such and such a monk' (imam civaran itthana massa dammi ti), then it ought to be appropriated in the sendee's name. A monk, as a rule, has got no right over a robe, if it has already been given by him to any other member of the Order. A gift of robes, offered to by a lay-devotee to both the Sanghas (of the monks and of the nuns), was to be distributed equally to all the members, monks as well as nuns. An equal share was to be given to both the Orders, the Bhikkhusangha and the Bhikkhunisangha, even though the number of monks and nuns constituting either of the Orders was as less as one. After the demise of a monk or a nun, the Bhikkhusangha or the Bhikkhunisangha, as the case might be, was 1. MV, 8. 20. 38, pp. 314-15. 2. Ibid, 8. 10. 16, pp. 299f. 3. Ibid, 8. 29. 52-53, pp. 323-24. 4. Ibid, 8. 30. 54, pp. 324-25.

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156 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM the legal heir to all his or her belongings. It was not to be transferred in any case from the Bhikkhusangha to the Bhikkhunisangha or vice ver sa.1 But the persons who attended him or her (i. e. the deceased monk or nun or samanera or samaneri) during his or her last sickness neglected. In such cases, robes and bowl were to fall in their share and the trifles were to be distributed to the members of the Sangha present there, and the heavy articles belonged to the Sangha of the four quarters." After the conversion of a heretic into the Buddhist Order, his properties vested in the Sangha. The case of Uruvela Kassapa may be taken as an instance in points 1. CV, 10. 7. 18, p. 388. 2. MV, 8. 23. 42-43, pp. 318-19. 3. CV, 5. 18. 52, p. 233.

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CHAPTER III MONASTIC CEREMONIES Section I Uposatha Section II Vassavasa Section III Pavarana

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SECTION I UPONATHA There is nothing incredible in the fact that there were some customs which were commonly prevailing in Indian religious life, and uposatha was one of such customs. Here follows a study of the same in the light of the three main faiths of India, the Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism. (a) Brahmanical The earliest reference to 'upavasatha', the Sanskrit original of the Pali 'upusatha' and Prakrit 'posaha', is made in the Satapatha. Brahmaral which prescribes the sacrificial rites called Darsa and Puranamasa on the occasion. The term upavasatha stands for a fastday, specially the day preceding a Soma sacrifice, and also for the period of preparation for the Soma sacrifice. The Katyayana. Srautasutra, too, appears to subscribe to the same view when it asserts that the upavasatha implies to live close to (the deities) which is possible only ly performing certain sacrifices accompanied by upavasa (fast) twice a month, i, e., on the last days of the dark-half (amavasya) and the bright-half ( paurnamasa) of a month. The fasting is to be observed by the sacrificer on the instruction of the priests, and as such it is the duty of the householder. Hirapyakesin 4 while dwelling upon the significance of the upavasatha, opines that the upavasatha means 'to avoid the company of impious and to seek the company of virtuous.' This much we read about the ceremony of upavasatha in the Brahmapical scurces. The Jaina as well as the Buddhist sources, on the other hand, contain elaborate rules as regards the different facets of the ceremony which will follow in the coming pages. (b) Buddhist According to an early tradition, the institution of the uposatha is ascribed to the request made by Bimbisara, the king of Magadha, to the 1, Op. cit., II. 1. 4; I. 1. 2. M. M. Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, Sub voce 'u pavasatha'. 3. Op. cit., IV. 15. 35; Cf Darsana Aur Cintana, Vol. II, p. 106. 4. upayrittastu pap ebhyo yastu vaso gunaih saha upavasah sa vijneya --as quoted in EB7, p. 134.

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160 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Buddha. The king himself, according to the same tradition, owed this idea to the titthiyas (heretics). On the suggestion of the king, the Buddha enjoined upon the monks to assemble and hold uposatha. Novice as the monks were, they kept mum when they assembled, and thus invited scandalous remarks from the people. Consequently, in order to appease the people they were advised to recite the Dhamma? which in due course was replaced by the recitation of the Patimokkha and was known as uposatha-service (uposathakamma)'. The obvious reason of the introduction of the ceremony was to acquire lay-devotees by promoting faith in them through religious preaching on certain dates of every month as the heretics we doing from before. But not very late, this privilege was denied to the laities as it was converted into out and out a monastic observance. The reason for this abrupt change in its nature from social to monastic seems to be that the monks did not like to expose their omissions and commissions before the laities. Originally the eighth, the fourteenth and the fifteenth days of a fortnight were regarded as uposatha days. But in due course the eighth day was dropped from the list and only the last two were retained. Not only this, the Patimokkha was to be recited only once a fort night, i. e., on either of the two remaining dates.* But finally, as it appears from the expression, Sajjuposatho pannaraso', it became a fashion with the Order to recite the Patimokkha only on the fifteenth day of a fortnight. As a rule, uposotha was to be held at a place fixed by the Sangha. Five kinds of buildings-a vihara, an addhayoga (pinnacled house), a pasada (storeyed building), a hammiya (attic) and a guha (cave) were ordinarily selected for the purpose. Holding uposatha in one's own cell or fixing two uposatha-halls (uposathagara) in one avasa (residence) was in no case allowed. If there happened to be several avasas within the same boundary (sima), then uposatha was to be held at a place unanimously selected or in the uposathagara of the avasa inhabited by 1. MV, 2.11, pp. 105-6. 2. lbid, 2. 1.1, p. 106 3. Ibid, 2. 2. 2, p. 106. 4. Ibid, 2. 2. 5, p. 108. 5. Vide PM, Nidana. 6. MV, 2. 5. 10, pp. 109-10.

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161 the senior monks. Under unavoidable circumstances it could be solemnised even at the personal cell of a monk.1 In this connection, the terms sima and avasa, just referred to deserve some amplification, Sima was the circuit or the extent of the jurisdiction of an avasa or a number of avasas. The Christian equi valent of it is a diocese or parish. The uposatha could only be performed, if all the monks living within the sima of an avasa were either present or would have sent their consent (chanda) in absentia." UPOSATHA Sima was decided by the usual kammavaca process by fixing some landmarks on the boundary of the jurisdiction. A mountain, a rock, a wood, a tree, a path, an anthill (vammika), a river and a tank (udaka), etc., were some of the conspicuous marks generally used for the purpose. In case the sima of an avasa had not been settled, then the boundary of the adjacent village was supposed as its sima; and if the residence was situated in a forest without any nearby village, then the sima was extended up to seven abbhantaras all around." In case of a river, sea or the like, the sima ran as far as an average man could throw water" or even to the opposite side of a river, if there was any regular communication". Normally a boundary either of more than three yojanas in expanse, or overlapping or encompassing another one was not to be fixed. The uposathagara was furnished with the necessary articles, before the monks assembled there to hold uposatha. The senior members as a rule, were obliged to assemble first, 10 while the juniors were assigned with the duties of sweeping the hall; providing seats for the assembly; putting a lighted lamp, for most often the uposatha was held till very late in the night; and furnishing with drinking water and food for the 1. Cf. sace kho mayam gilanam thana cavessama avadho va abhivaddhissati kalam kiriya va bhavissati' ti na, bhikkhave, gilano bhikkhu thana cavetabbo, sang hena tattha gantva kammam katabbam.--MV, 2. 20. 33, pp. 121-22; 2. 21. 34, p. 123. 2. MV, 2. 21. 34, pp. 122-23. 3. Ibid, 2. 4, 7, p. 109. 4. Abbhantara is a linear measure, equal to 28 hands.--Book of Discipline, Part II, Introduction, pp. 51-52. 5. MV, 2. 9. 16, p 113. 6. Ibid, 2.9 16, p. 113. 7. Ibid, 2. 4. 9, p. 109. 8. Ibid, 2. 4. 9, p. 109. 9. Ibid, 2. 9. 17, p. 113. 10. Ibid, 2. 6. 11, p. 111. 11

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162 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM incoming monks? Monks and nuns were ordained to keep the first nine sikkhapadas more enthusiastically on the uposatha day.2 When all had assembled, a duly qualified monk proclaimed the following natti--'Venerable monks should proclaim the parisuddhi (purity), I will recite the Patimokkha'. Those guilty of any offence confessed it in course of the recitation of the section concerned, and those who were free remained silent which indicated their purity.S The confession of faults (uposatha) by one deserving recommencement of the penal discipline (mulagapatikassandraho)" or the sentence of manatta discipline was done according to seniority (yathavuddhan). Preaching the Dhamma of one's own accord, putting questions about the Vinaya? or answering them without one's appointment by the assembly and rebuking anybody for his offence without the pern.ission of the person concerned were unlawful. The recitation of the Patimokkha in a complete and pure chapter of monks 10 was one of the special features of the uposatha. In normal circumstances, it was recited in its full extent. But in case of trouble (antaraya) either from a king or a thief or the like, it could be recited abridged." So also, it was recited normally by a senior monk (thera dhikam patimokkham). In case all the theras of an assembly were incapable to do so, then even a junior member could be entrusted with the job.12 Moreover, it should not be recited in an assembly where there was a nun (bhikkhuni), a nun under training (sikkhamana), a novice (sa manera), a female novice (samaneri), a renegade (sikkhapaccakkhataka), a person guilty of an extreme offence (antima-vatthum aijha pannaka), a eunuch (pandaka) or the like or in an assembly otherwise impure.13 Of the four types of 1. Gamajjani padipo ea udakam asa ena ca ! uposathassa 'etani pubbakaranin ti vuccati //--Kankhavitarani, p. 11; MV, 2. 18. 28-31, pp. 119-20. 2. Anguttaranikaya, Part IV,9. 2. 8. 1, p. 33; At Anguttarani kaya, Part III, 8.5, 1, the seventh and eighth sikkhapadas are considered as one. 3. MV, 2. 2. 3, p. 106. 4. CV, 2. 2. 10, p. 72. 5. Ibid, 2. 3. 14, p. 75. 6. MY, 2. 11. 19, p. 115. 7. Ibid, 2. 12. 20, p. 115. 8. Ibid, 2. 13. 21, pp. 115-16. 9. Ibid, 2. 14. 22, p. 116. 10. Anguttaranikaya, Part III, 8. 2. 10, pp. 312-314. 11. MV, 2. 11, 19, p. 114. 12. Ibid, 2. 16, 24, pp. 117-18. 13. Ibid, 2. 38. 52, pp. 141-42.

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UPONATHA 163 uposathakamma, namely, a service held unlawfully by an incomplete chapter, held unlawfully by a complete chapter, held lawfully by an incomplete chapter and held lawfully by a complete chapter, only the fourth type was deemed legal.? In the beginning, the Patimokkha was recited by the monks on behalf of the nuns in the uposatha meetings convened by the nuns. In due course, on account of the scandalous remarks of the people they were taught to recite it themselves. But the nuns, even then, could not get rid of the subjugation of monks as they had to ask two or three days beforehand on what day the uposatha would be'. If during or after the recitation of the Patimokkha by an incomplete assembly being conscious or unconscious of its incompetency to hold uposatha, there arrived monks belonging to the same residence whose number was greater than those holding the uposatha, then the Patimokkha must be recited again. If on the other hand their number was either equal to or less than those holding the uposatha, then it was not to be recited anew. Anybody guilty of an offence was not allowed to perform uposatha. A person doubtful of his offence was, however, permitted to attend it provided that he was ready to atone for his offence as soon as his doubt was removed. Neither a common confession of an offence nor a common acceptance of such confession was regarded lawful. On the uposatha day, if all the resident monks were guilty of a common en one of them had to confess his guilt before a monk of a nearby avasa and the rest before him after his return. If even this much was not possible, then they had to atone for it even after the solemnisation of the ceremony. 6 It was essential for all to attend the uposatha personally, if not so, then at least by proxy. Absence from the ceremony was allowed under circumstances beyond control only. No laxity in this respect was permissible on the plea of personal purity, how much great it might be. The virtuous members, on the contrary, were considered more responsible than ordinary monks or nuns, Buddha's admonition to 1. MV, 2. 10. 18, pp. 115.10. 2. CV, 10. 5. 6, pp. 379-80. 3. According to the Anguttaranikaya, it should be asked a fortnight before the day of uposatha. Op. cit., Vol. III, 8. 6. 1. 13, p. 371. 4. CV, 10. 2. 2. 3, p. 375: PM (Bhikkhuni), 4. 59. 5. MV, 2. 28. 41, pp. 129-31; 2. 29. 42, p. 132; 2. 30. 43, pp. 132-33; 2. 31. 44, pp. 133-34; 2. 32. 45, pp. 134-37. 6. Ibid, 2. 27. 40, pp. 127-29.

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164 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Mahakappin, an arahanta, when he was hesitating to attend the ceremony may be cited as an instance in point : "If you Brahmapas do not honour, do not regard, do not revere, do not pay reverence to the uposatha, who will then honour, regard, revere, pay reverence to the uposat ha ? Go to the uposatha O Brahmapas, do not neglect to go, go to the functions of the Order, do not neglect to go." So also on the uposatha day, the monks were debarred from leaving a residence or non-residence inhabited by monks for a residence or non-residence without monks; or a residence or non-residence inha. bited by monks belonging to different districts (sima), except with a Sangha (i e., with a number of monks sufficient for holding uposatha) or in case of danger.' But they were allowed to leave, even on upo. satha day, a residence or non-residence inhabited by monks for a resi. dence or non-residence in habited by monks belonging to the same district provided that they could reach the place in due time.3 Out of the three types of uposatha referred to in the Mahavagga, the uposatha just discussed is the sangha-uposatha, the other two being the parisuddhi and the adhitthana. The uposatha held by four or more than four monks or nuns is called sangha-uposatha as the minimum quorum for performing an ecclesiastical act is four. The recitation' of the Patimokkha is one of the essential features of sangha-uposatha. The declaration of parisuddhi in order of seniority with the usual formality, if there be less than four monks in an avasa on the uposatha day, is called parisuddhi-uposatha and the concentration of one's mind on the thought-Today is my uposatha day', if there be only one monk in an avasa on that day, is designated adhitthanauposatha. 4 The concluding passage of the Uposathakkhandha ka' refers to a special type of uposatha held on any other day than the uposatha days for the sake of reconciliation of the Order which was known as sangha-samagg?-uposatha. Besides these the Anguttara Nikaja gives three types of uposatha known as gopalaka, nigntha and ariya.. The first two types make a 1. MV, 2. 3. 6, p. 108. 2. Ibid, 2. 36. 50, pp. 140-41. 3. Ibid, 2. 37. 51, p. 141. 4. Ibid, 2. 24. 37, pp. 125-26. 5. na ca, Bhikkhaveanuposathe uposatho katabbo, annatra sanghagamag giya ti --Ibid, 2. 38. 52, p. 142. 6. Op. cit., Vol. 1, 3. 7. 10, pp. 190-91.

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UPONATHA 165 reference to the uposatha performed by the Jaina laity in which they, on the uposatha day, indulge in merriments,' and copy temporarily the life of an ascetic by renouncing family ties and household duties respectively. The third type is the uposatha observed by the Buddhists themselves. (c) Jaina In Jainism the expression posaha' or 'posadha' stands for uposatha. The Jaina Sanskrit rendering of the term is pausadha" or sometimes prausadha.4 Umasvati gives the word parva as the synonym of pausadha and includes astami, caturdasi and pancadasi or any other day (tithi) of the month as suitable for pausadha. The commentator Siddhasenagapin explains this statement of Umasvati as implying that on astami, caturdasi and pancadasi, the pausadha is to be necessarily observed, while any other day is to be selected according to the convenience of the person concerned." The pausadha in Jainism is meant exclusively for the laity. In the Jaina Scripture, we find references to posahasala, that is, a place or hall set apart for performance of the pausadha. A Jaina upa saka was required to fast on the day and live in the posahasala like a monk abstaining from bath, powder, garlands and ornaments. He was also required to desist from all kinds of sinful activities and sit and sleep on kusa-grass-mats or wooden planks procured for the purpose. He was also expected to practise various meditational postures and remain awake as far as possible meditating on religious principles and the nature of self. Generally the pausadha was observed for one day. But one could be allowed to continue it for more than one day also. Besides the vrati (the person keeping the posaha) had to be very careful in the evacuation of bodily excreta (utsarga), acceptance of stool and bed, etc. adana), returning such articles of use (niksepa), spreading bed, etc. on the ground (samstara) and being not neglectful to any other rules of pausadha (anadara).? In the Bhagavat isutra8 we find reference to a kind of pausadha (pakkhiya-posaha) when people went out and prepared food and drink 1. Cf. Bhag, 12. 1, p. 553a. 2. Cf. Ibid, 12. 1, p. 555a 3. Tattva, auto comm. 7. 16. 4. Paiyasaddamahannavo, Sub voce. 5. Tika to Taltva, p. 92.. 6. Uvasagadasao, 1. 79, p. 18. 7. Tattva, 7. 29. 8. Op. cit., 12. 1, p. 553a.

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166 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM and passed the day in merriments. But this type of pausadha was not considered religious. It was called pausadha perhaps because it was associated with the parva days, such as astami or caturdast. It appears that the ceremonies, secular or religious, which were performed on pausadha or parva days were indiscriminately called pausadh as And this explains the Anguttara reference to gopaiaka-uposaiha.1 In Jainism two kinds of tapah (austerity) is recognised, namely internal and external, each of which is of six kinds. Among the six kinds of internal austerities, the first is called prayascitta which has ten varieties, the second of which is called pratikramana meaning recoil from the sins committed. The second internal austerity is called vinaya1 which has five varieties, the fifth being called tapovinaya. This tapovinaya includes six obligatory acts (avasyaka), namely, samajika (the practice of the equanimous mood of mind), caturvimsatistava (hymns in praise of the twenty-four Tirthankaras), vandana (showing respects to the superiors), pratikramara (condemnation of the transgressions committed by the monk), pratyakhyana (determination to give up all sinful and unmonkly activities) and kayotsarga suspension of physical movements accompanied by mindfulness) Our main concern here is the nature and the content of pratikramana. In the pratikramana, the monk condemns himself for the sins and transgressions of the monastic rules committed by him. He makes confession of the transgressions before his preceptor. In other words, in the pratikramana the monk is required to remember all the vows and rules of monastic life undertaken by him for life-long observance. He exerts himself to examine the shortcomings of his monastic life and make atonement for them. To be exact the whole process beginning from samayika and ending in kayotsarga is the Jaina equivalent of the uposatha of the Buddhists. In the Patimokkha, the punishments for the crimes committed are also mentioned. But in the Jaina Pratikramana, the specific punisments are not mentioned, though, of course, the monks are required to recoil from their sinful deeds, condemn themselves privately (ninda) and publicly (garha) and ultimately beg pardon of their respective preceptors by means of confession of their crimes (alocana). Unlike Vide Supra, p 164. 1. 2. Anag, 7. 4. 3. Ibid, 7. 33ff. 4. Ibid, 7. 60ff. 5. Ibid, 7, 75. 6. Ibid, 8. 62.

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UPOSATHA 167 the Buddhist uposatha, the pratikramana is done daily-in the morning for the transgressions done at night, and in the evening for the same committed during the day. There is also the provision of pratikramana after a journey or similar act involving inadvertent commission of crime. Besides these, there are prescribed the fortnightly, fourmonthly and yearly pratikramanas, in addition to the uttamartha-pratikramana done for the attainment of the supreme goal of life, namely, moksa. 1 It is thus found that there are essential points of agreement between the Buddhist uposatha and the Jaina pratikramana, rather the complete obligatory monastic act beginning from samayika and ending in kayotsarga. In this connection the problem why in Jainism the pausadha was exclusively meant for the householders, while in Buddhism it was exclusively prescribed for the monks deserves consideration. The Jaina monks performed pratikramana on the last day of every fortnight in which they recited all possible omissions and commissions, and transgressions and expressed their purity. The pratikramana was obviously performed on the parva days. The contents of the Buddhist Patimokkho is very similar to the contents of the Jaina pratikramana and it appears that the Buddhists introduced the Patimokkha for a purpose similar to that of the Jainas. The Patimokkha was recited on the uposatha day and was in due course identified with the latter, though the identification was never complete inasmuch as we find uposathas performed on other days for other purposes as mentioned above. regards Jainism there was no occasion for identifying pratikramana with pausadha which was left exclusively for the laymen. As It has already been stated that upavasatha stood for a fast-day and the fasting was observed on the purnima and amavasya. It appears that purnima and amavasya were in due course recognised as upavasatha or fasting days, and thus there was a kind of necessary association between upavasa and the purnima and the amayaya days. Consequently purnima and amayasya came to be designated as upavasatha days. Various religious sects accepted the uposatha day as specially suited date for religious observances, fasting being one of their essential features. This is perhaps the reason why we find the word upava sa necessarily associated with pausadha. The Buddhists were not in favour of such fasting and so we find the Buddhist uposatha never associated with upavasa. 1. alocanam divasiyam raiyam iriyavaham ca boddhavvam / pakkhaya cadummasiya samvace haramuttamattham ca // --Comm. to Anag, 8.57.

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168 100 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (d) Conclusion - It is almost certain that the uposatha owes, in some form or other a pre-Bramanic origin. Pt. Shri Sukhlalji Sanghavi also holds the same opinion which is manifest in his following words : "There is no material before us for determining how one tradition influenced another a thousand years ago. Nevertheless we may venture to observe that the upavasatha (fasting) in the Vedic tradition was considered to be the means of acquisition of a pleasant condition (heaven ?). In the Sramanic tradition on the other hand uposathai or posaha was regarded as the instrument of the good (salvation). Viewed from the course of evolution it is found that the conception of the good (blessed condition) has come about among mankind after that of the pleasant. If this be true, the custom of upavasa (fast) or posaha in the sramapic tradition, however ancient it may be, must be held to bear the impress of the fasting ceremony of the Vedic cult of sacrifice".2 One point more which may be gathered from this study is that the Buddhist were the last to adopt this practice, firstly, because they admit frankly enough that the ceremony was already in vogue among the titthiyas, and secondly, the Jaina posaha, like the Vedic upavasatha, was a sole concern of the householders rather than of the mendicants as we find in case of the Buddhist. This adherence of the Jainas to the original form takes the Jaina posaha to greater antiquity than the uposatha of the Buddhists who wrought a change in the riginal form (i. e. from social to monastic), in all probability, to claim a greater antiquity and novelty. 1. The uposat ha ceremony in the Buddhist tradition did not include fasting, though it might be the original content of it. 2. Darsana Aur Cintana, Vol. II, p. 107.

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SECTION II VASSAVASA (i) Universality of the custom among Indian Mendicant Orders Nobody can deny that life, household or ascetic, is influenced and moulded by the climatic conditions of a country. Indian ascetic life was not an exception to this law. Wandering ascetics were constrained by the inclemencies of weather to adhere to one place at least during the rains Accordingly, the Brahmapical religious codes (Dharmasastras) enjoined upon the mendicants to remain at one place (i. e. dhruvasila) during the rainy season.1 It was prescribed for the Buddhists to keep retreat (vassavasa) and the Jainas too were ordained to observe caturmasa during the four months of the rains". Thus it is apparent that retreat during the rains was a necessity for the ascetics irrespective of their sects or schools rather than a custom imbued with religious sentiments. It is difficult to say whether the Brahmapical ascetics lived alone or in group, because the extant Brahmanical religious codes are not complete in every detail in this respect. The period of retreat is however stated to be of four months' duration.' Other sources like the Buddhist and the Jaina too do not furnish us with exact and adequate information in point. The Acarangasutra however informs us that the heretics (samana) sometimes prolonged their stay at the same place even after the four months of the rainy reason and also five or ten days of winter had elapsed. So also, the Pali Vinaya mentions that the heretics (annatitthiya) were also in the habit of sticking to one place in the rainy season.6 This is what we are informed in brief about the institution of the retreat of the Brahmapical fold. In serveral cases what is simply referred to in the Brahmanical is exhaustively dealt with in the Jaina and the Buddhist sources, 1. Gautama (SBE, Vol. II), 3.13; Baudhayana (SBE, Vol. XIV), 2.6.11.20. 2. MV, 3.1.1, p. 144. 3. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.1.1 (p. 136); Kapp (SBE. Vol XXII), p. 296. 4. Vide Aruneyo panisada, 4. 5. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.1.4 (p. 137). 6. MV, 3.1.1, p. 144.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM the Buddhist sources Sources. Accordingly, the Jaina as well as comprise minute details concerning every walk of ascetic life during the rainy season which is the subject matter of the the section proposed. 170 (ii) The causes of the Institution of the Retreat As a matter of fact, no direct mention is made in the Pali Vinaya of the reasons which were responsible for the introduction of retreat in the Buddhist Sangha. However, according to the same sourses, the apparent reasons which led to the institution of the retreat were public comment that the monks were indulging in the destruction of vegetable and small living beings by going out on tours during the rainy season-vassam pi carikam caranti, haritani tinani sammaddanta, ekindriyam jivam vihethenta bahu khuddake pane sanghatam apadenta", and as such monks' intention to avoid injury even to vegetation. It is beyond any doubt that the monks were relieved from the inconveniences of gug out on tours during the rains when there were profuse mud and water along the roads, though their intention behind the introduction of the retreat had never been so is apparent from the Pali Vinaya. The reasons which were responsible for the introduction of the retreat in the Jaina Order were non-injury and inconveniences of travels during the rains. Naturally the Acara ngasutra ordained the monks to remain at one place during the rainy season, because the roads were full of living beings of various species. Besides, the monks could also prolong their stay at the same place even after the end of the rainy season, in case the roads still were full of living creatures, or of mud and water, etc.", or in case the rains had not stopped as yet or in case of calamity, famine (omoyariya), royal disfavour or illness*. Now what we may infer is that the principal cause of the institution of the retreat in both the Orders, the Buddhist as well as the Jaina, was the same, that is non-injury. Though avoidance of inconveniences of travels is indirectly recorded as the secondary cause by the Jaina sources whereas the Buddhist records are silent in this respect, yet our speculation that it would have been the primary cause responsible for the introduction of the retreat in Indian mendicant life 1. MV, 3.1.1, p. 144. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2 3 1.1 (p. 136). 3. Ibid, 2.3.1. 4-5 (p. 137). 4. DasaN, 8. 22-23, p. 56a.

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VASSAVASA 171 may not be altogether untrue and incorrect. Whatever might have been the case, it is certain that by doing so, they also evaded the inconveniences of travels during the rains when the roads were slushy. Thus the climate appears to be solely responsible for the introduction of the custom in Indian ascetic life. (iii) Periods of Retreat and their duration Lord Buddha allowed two periods of the retreat each of three months' duration. One of them commenced from the day after the full-moon of Asalha (June-July) and the other a month after it and were known as the earlier (purimika) and the later (pacchimika) retreat respectively.' It is a point worth noticing that the Pali Vinaya does not refer to the circumstances which forced the monks to practise an alternative period of retreat. However it mentions that the entrance upon the retreat was sometimes postponed for the next full-noon, if the king so so desired,' most probably because of an attack from the enemy king or disturbances on the border, etc. As such it may be remarked that one of the various reasons which constrained the Sangha to sanction an alternative period of retreat was the king's command in adverse circumstances. Mahavira is recorded to have observed the practice of rain-retreat when 'a month and twenty nights of the actual rainy season (as calculated to start from the Asalhi-purnima) had elapsed'. 4 So did his immediate disciples (garadharas) and other followers. According to the same account the fixed stay at one place may also be started earlier than the aforesaid period, but on no account later than that. As regards the exact dates of commencement and cessation, the Samavaya. ngasutra informs us that it commenced after the expiry of one month and twenty days of the actual rainy season, that is after the expiry of the month of Sravana (July-August) and twenty days of Bhadrapada eptember), and terminated after seventy days therefrom, that is on the full-moon day of Kartika (October-November). 1. MV, 3 1.1, p. 144; CV, 6.6.25, p. 263. 2. Ibid, 3.1.1, p. 144 3 Ibid, 3 2.3, p. 145. 4. Kapp (SBE. Vol XXII), p. 296. 5. Ibid, p. 297. Curni to Dasas (8.12, p. 54) ordains to start the retreat latest by the fifth of the first fortnight of Sravana. 6. Op. cit, 70, p. 81a. Dr. Deo has misunderstood the phrase "savi sariemase vaikante", and also seems to have overlooked its commentary as he has interpreted it "the month of Fyestha and twenty days of Asalha had clapsed'. --HJM, p. 158.

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172 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM In course of time the practice was made more strict and stringent as the monks were asked to stay at one place not only during the full-fledged retreat (vasavasa), but also in the first showers (padhamapausammi) starting from the Asa lhi-purnima. This practice is also corroborated by the Dasasrutaskandhaniryukti which recorded the actual dates of commencement and termination in this case as the full-moon day of Asasha and the tenth day of the Margasirsa (NovemberDecember) respectively. This is enough to remark that the duration of the retreat was extended to four months and ten days in the maximum. This is to be noted that the monks were careful enough in disclosing this long duration of their stay to the owner of the house as it involved their prestige and personality." As has already been said, sometimes the caturmasa continued for more than four months, that is for five months in the maximum. Thus the vassa kept by a monk at his former place of stay because of not getting any other suitable place up to the full-moon day of Asa [ha,+ or his prolonged stay at the same place even after the fullmoon of Kartika due to excessive mud on the road or non-stoppage of rain, etc., was considered to be of more than four moths' duration. Opposed to this, we also come across instances of caturmasa lasting less than four months. If anybody, on account of scarcity of suitable lodge, commenced the retreat on the fifth of the bright-haif of the Bhadrapada ; or if any one started one's retreat very late after the full-mocn of Asalha due to one's late arrival in company of a caravan (satthavasena); or if somebody left the place of one's stay before the full-moon day of Kartika, because the very day might be inauspicious for the a caryas or any other trouble was feared on the day, then one's stay was considered to be of less than four months' duration. On the evidence of the foregoing discussion, it may be remarked that originally the duration of the retreat of the Jaina Order was two months and ten days only which instead of commencing in the first showers started, as in case of the later (pacchimika) vassa of the Buddhist Order, after the expiry of a major portion of it (that is 1. Nis, 10.40. 2. Op. cit., 8.12, p. 54a. 3. Vide Infra, pp. 175-76. 4. Carni to Dasan, 8.8, p.53b. 5. Ibid, 7 17-18, pp. 55b-56a. 6. Ibid, 8,9, pp. 53b-54a.

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VASSAVASA 173 fifty days or sometimes less than that against thirty days of the Buddhists). That both the Orders unanimously professed not to keep the retreat in the first showers is also clear from the above account. In other words the duration of the retreat of the Jaina Order in the beginning and that of the Buddhist Order once for all were fixed to be of seventy and ninety days respectively against hundred twenty days of the total duration of the rainy season. Now it may be remarked that the monks of both the Orders were neither obliged to begin their vassa in the beginning of the rains nor were they bound to keep it for the complete rainy season. As these practices were common to both the Orders in the beginning, there must have been some definite motive behind it. It is an undeniable fact that Indian mendicant life depended mainly on the lay-people for its sustenance and support. It had never been a problem for the devoted persons to accommodate and maintain the mendicants so long as they stayed for a limited period in a village or town. But their continuous stay at one place during four months of the rains, as a matter of fact, might have become a matter of great concern to the lay-devotees. Particularly the Jaina monks might have been a great harassing element to the lay-devotees as their monastic discipline does not perrnit them even to own a house or a hut for shelter. Naturally the duration of the retreat was cut short by fifty days in order to enable the monks to search out a suitable abode for the cassa as up to that period the lay people were expected to "have usually matted their houses, white washed them, strewn them (with straw), smeared them (with cowdung), levelled, smoothed or perfumed them (or the floor of them), have dug gutters and drains, have furnished their houses, have rendered them comfor. table and have cleaned them". It is just probable that the Buddha, being a contemporary of the Mahavira, appropriated the practice with due modifications. In other words, he granted to his Sangha the same concession, that is a leave of thirty days against fifty days or less (according to their convenience) of the Jaina Order with a view to meet the same end, noted above. Thus the later period of the retreat, that is to begin the retreat one month after the full-moon of Asalha, it may be said, owes its origin to the aforesaid rule of the Jaina Order, or to the custom of the Brahmapical school. 1. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 296.

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174 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (ii) How to enter upon the Retreat ? No direct mention is made in the Pali Vinaya of the procedure of entering upon the retreat. However a very brief procedure can be deduced from the closing paragraphs of the Vassupana yika kkhandhaka which may be summed up as below : One who intended to enter upon the retreat should come to the vihara on the first day of the month after the full-moon day of Asalha or one month later, prepare himself a lodging place, get drinking water and food ready and sweep the cell. Then he or she should begin the retreat. Acarya Buddhaghosa in his commentary on the Vinaya, the Samantapasadika, supplements this procedure by this formal resolution of the monk---'I will observe the vassa for three inonths in this vihara'. Besides this procedure, a criterian has also been evolved in the Pali Vinaya to test the validity and invalidity of entering upon the retreat. As such if anybody, having promised to a lay-devotee to enter upon the retreat at his residence came to the vihara on the pratipada (that is on the first day of the next month after having kept the uposatha outside) with a view to observe vassa there and left the place on that very day with or without any business, after two or three days with or without any business, after two or three days with a business to be performed within a week and did not return in due time, then his or her entering upon the retreat was not valid But if a monk or a nun left the place after two or three days with a business to be accomplished within a week and returned to one's former place by the end of the week, then his or her retreat was valid. 3 A person leaving the residence seven days before the pavarana was not obliged to return to one's former place. 4 Like the Buddhist the Jaina sources too do not give any direct procedure of entering upon the retreat. However the monks were asked to wash and clean their clothes and requisites a little before the rain set in.5 It may be noted that the main problems of the monks as regards the observance of the retreat was that of a proper i MV, 3, 12.24-25. pp. 161-64. 2. idha vagsam upemi ti tikkhattur vattabbarh. 3. MV, 3. 12. 24-25, pp. 161-64. 4. Ibid, 3. 12. 25, p. 164. 5. OghN, 350, p. 131b; Pind N, 26, p. 12b.

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VASSAVASA 175 residence. Accordingly the Oghanir yukti! gives an elaborate way of searching out a suitable abode. It may however be noted that the monks, in course of their search for a suitable lodge, were always aware of the facilities that a lodge might offer them. In normal circumstances, they sought out a suitable lodge latest by the middle of the month of Asalha. Having come across a suitable lodge, they first sought permission of the owner, then they, well-furnished with a new bedding (santharaya), a piece of stone or brick (dagala, 4 ash (khara) and small pots (mallaya), etc., set out on the fourteenth of the bright-half of the month of Asalha so as to reach the residence on the full-moon day of Asasha latest by the first or the second quarter of the day in order to begin the retreat there. Having come to the residence, it was to be inspected and swept well. If it was time for begging, then someone must be there in the residence to clean it and the rest should go on begging tour for the collection of food and drink.) Normally the monks were expected to settle latest by the fifth of the first fortnight of the month of Sravana. But it is remarkable that for the first fifty days they did not disclose the duration of their stay to the owner of the house definitely. At the end of every five days, they got the permission of their stay extended by five days. In this manner they continued for the first fifty days, i. e. from the Asalhi-purnima up to the first fifty days of Bhadrapada and for the rest of their stay they informed the owner definitely. The monks did so, because if in cases of calamities, etc. they had to depart from the place suddenly, then the owner of the abode might censure them of telling a lie if they had already informed him of their prolonged stay there. Besides, the owner of the lodge mistaking their proclamation of final settlement for the vassa as a sign of good rain made every prepara. tion for the ensuing rainy season-he sold the rice in expectation of 1. Op. cit., 128-194, pp. 62 a-78a. 2. Curni to Dasan, 8. 13, pp. 54a-54b. 3. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2. 7.2. 1-14 (pp. 173-77). 4. In up-to-date language we may call it toilet paper as it was probably used for cleaning the anus, 5. The Pali term for mallaya or mallaga is mallaka, e.g. khela-mallaka. In modern Magahi dialect it is called ma laba or maliya and in Bhojapuri mali, and used for keeping oil for the body. 6. Curni to Dasak, 8. 13, p. 54a. 7. OghN, 182, p. 78a. 8. Ibid, 8. 12-13, p. 54a.

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176 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM getting a good crops in the new year, thatched his house anew in order to face the onslaught of the heavy rain and mended his plough, etc. for cultivation. As such it was natural for the people to lose faith in the monks, if their hopes and ambitions were shattered in case of draught." It is evident from the above statement that the procedure of entering upon the retreat of both the systems was almost identical. Both the systems prescribed scanning and sweeping the residence and getting water and food ready. It is also revealed that the monks belonging to both the Orders were not at all prepared to overlook the interests of lay-people or to displease them by their activities and thereby lose their faith and sympathy. Besides these similarities, there were differences too. The formal resolution of the monk' was the special feature of the Buddhist way of entering upon the retreat and it was most probably a safeguard against the latitude to break the retreat under certain conditions, so that the monks might not take undue advantage of the same. So also, the Jaina Order put a brake upon the monks by enjoining upon them to come to the residence latest by the second quarter of the day, so that they might not come to the residence very late in the evening or in the night and live there without examining and sweeping the place properly because of darkness. (0) The indispensability of the Retreat In both the Orders, it was binding on all monks and nuns without any exception to keep retreat. Particularly the Buddhist Vinaya did not permit a monk or a nun not willing to observe it to leave the residence intentionally. If anybody did so, it was an offence on one's part.2 Even the Buddha and the Mahavira observed the rule strictly. Both the sources furnish us with a list of the places where they spent their respective rainy seasons. The places where the Buddha is said to have spent his forty-six successive rainy seasons after preaching the first sermon at Rsipatana-mrgadava, the modern Saranatha were : No. of Vassavasa Name of the places First Rsipatana Next three Rajagsha Fifth Vaisali 1. Curni to Dasak, 8. 14-15, p. 54b. 2. MV, 3. 2. 2-3, pp. 144f.

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VASSAVASA 177 Sixth Seventh Eighth Ninth Tenth Eleventh Twelfth Thirteenth Fourteenth Fifteenth Sixteenth Seventeenth Next two Twentieth Next twenty-five The last one Mankula-parvata Trayastrimsa Simsumaragiri Kausambi Parileyyaka Nala Veranja Caliya-parvata Sravasti Kapilavastu Alavi Rajagrha Caliya-parvata Rajagrha Sravasti Vaisali. The following were the places where Lord Mahavira observed his rain-retreat since he adopted the life of an ascetic: First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh Eighth Ninth Tenth Eleventh Twelfth Thirteenth Fourteenth Fifteenth Sixteenth Seventeenth Next two Twentieth Twenty-first Asthikagrama Nalanda Campa Prsthacama Bhadrila Bhadriya Alambhiya Rajagrha Radha Sravasti Vaisali Campa Rajagsha Vaisali Vanijyagrama Rajag ha Vanijyagrama Rajagaha Vaisali Vanijyagraina 1. Manorathapurani (Anguttarani kaya Atthakatha), 2. 4. 5; Buddhacariya, p. 70. 12

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178 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Twenty-second Twenty-third Twenty-fourth Next-three Twenty-eighth Twenty-ninth Thirtieth Next two Thirty-third Thirty-fourth Thirty-fifth Thirty sixth Thirty-seventh Thirty-eighth Next two Next one Last one Rajagsha Vanijyagrama Rajagraha Mithila Vanijyagrama Rajagsha Vanijyagrama Vaisali Rajagrha Nalanda Vaisali Mithila Rajagsha Nalanda Mithila Rajaglha Pava. Rajagrha, Nalanda, Sravasti and Vaibali were some of the places where both Lord Buddha and Lord Mahavira observed their rain. retreat. Besides, this table reveals a significant point. It is a fact that I ord Buddha considered Magadha, specially Rajaglha and its suburb, the best place for the spread of his religion as King Bimbisara had already promised him to patronise his teachings. It was, there. fore, natural that in his early career as a religious preacher, the Buddha spent as many as three rainy seasons at Rajagsha. But in his last days, he preferred Sravasti to Rajagsha and passed the maximum number of his retreat (i. e. twenty-five) there. Most probably the reasons which induced the Buddha to change his preference was the loss of royal favour. King Ajatasatru who succeeded his father King Bimbisara is said to be a king with Jaina leanings and as such he might have patronised Jainism. This remark is also corroborated by the fact that Lord Mahavira passed the maximum number of his retreat at Rajagpha and at its adjoining places. In this connection it may not be out of place to consider the chronology of the Buddha and Mahavira on the basis of the lists of the places of rain-retreat of the two teachers. The Buddha spent the twentieth retreat at Rajagrha, and he was obviously fifty-five (thirtyfive+twenty) at the time. He did not pass any rainy season at 1. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 264; Pt. Kalyan Vigayaji, Sramana Bhagavana Mahavira, Prastavona.

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VASSAVASA 179 Rajagrha during the rest of his life. Mahavira renounced the world at the age of thirty and attained enlightenment in the twelfth year of his ascetic life, that is, when he was forty-two. He spent the thirteenth vassavasa at Rajagsha, and we find that nine more were passed at the same place during the rest of his life as teacher. This intimate association with Rajagsha leads one to believe that Ajatasatru who was a king of Jaina leaning was reigning during the period. If this is the fact, then it may be presumed that Ajatasatru succeeded King Birnbisara, when Mahavira was forty-two and the Buddha fifty-five, that is Mahavira was thirteen years younger than the Buddha. According to tradition the Buddha died at the age of eighty and Mahavira at seventy. Thus if our guess is correct, thon Mahavira died five years after the Buddha. According to the Jaina tradition Mahavira died in five hundred twenty-seven B. C., while the Theravada Buddhist tradition places the maha parinibbana of the Buddha in 543 B. C. Thus while our above calculation shows the interval between the nirvana of the two teachers to be five years, the respective traditions make it sixteen years. Of course this is a discripancy, but not too serious to take our conjecture to the realm of impossibility. (vi) Occasions for the interruption of the Retreat Normally a monk or a nun, once he or she entered upon the retreat, was not allowed to go out on tour before the completion of the period. But this rigidity--not to go away during the retreat, could not remain for long, for the cause of the Order suffered a lot because of the stay of the complete Order at one place for three months together. Consequently, the rule was relaxed by the sanction to go out for a week even during the retreat, if anybody is sent for by any one of the seven classes of people, namely, a monk, a nun, a probationary woman (sikkhamana), a novice-male or female (samanera or samanert), a lay-devotee-male or female (upasaka or upasika) with a view to accomplish the act of bestowing gifts of vihara, an addhayoga and a pasada, etc., which have been built by any one of them either for the Fraternity, or for a number or monks, or for an individual monk or nun.1 The Order always paid great attention to the interest of the laydevotees. As such a monk or a nun was allowed to break the retreat for a week, even if such constructions were made for the personal use 1. MV, 3. 3. 5-7, pp. 146-48.

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180 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM of the lay-devotees. Besides, if the marriage-negotiation of the son or daughter of an upasaka or upasika was to be solemnised, or if an upasaka or upasika was sick, or if he or she knew the recitation of a celebrated sutta, etc., then a monk or a nun could also interrupt the retreat for a week. Lastly the retreat could also be interrupted in order to learn the recitation of the Patimokkha, if allowed by the Sangha.' It has already been noted that to break the retreat without being sent for was strictly forbidden. A monk or a nun who had interrupted one's retreat on call from any one of the seven types of people, given in the foregoing paragraphs, must return within a week, even if the business had not been accomplished. Very soon after it, a monk or a nun was allowed to interrupt the vassa for a week even without being sent for by either of the above noted persons but the upasaka and the upasika with a view to: 1. wait upon the sick (gilana), 2. appease the inward struggle (kukkucca) of a person, 3. dispell the doubts of conscience (ditthi) by religious conversation, 4. (a) endeavour so that the assembly may sentence to parivasa, (b) endeavour so that the assembly may sentence to recommence the penal discipline (mulayapatikassana), (c) endeavour so that the Sangha may sentence to manatta discipline, (d) endeavour so that the Sangha may sentence to rehabilitation (abbhana), as the case may be; or 5. endeavour so that the Sangha may not proceed against a monk or a nun by any one of the five kammas, namely, act of censure (tajjaniya), act of guidance (nissaya), act of banishment (pabbajaniya), act of reconciliation (patisaraniya) and act of suspension (ukkhepaniya)," A monk or a nun could break the retreat even without being sent for, if a monk, a nun, a probationary woman, a novice - male or female, or one's mother or father was sick.* But on account of the sickness of other relatives such as brother and sister, etc., one 1. MV. 3. 3. 6-8, pp. 147-49. 2 Ibid, 2. 19. 32, pp. 120-21. 3. Ibid, 3. 4. 10-14, pp. 149-53. 4. Ibid, 3. 5. 15, p. 154.

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VASSAVASA could interrupt it, only if sent for.1 the Sangha, a monk or a nun was to come back within seven days.* Now what we find is that the circumstances under which the Buddhists interrupted their retreat temporarily were offer of building by lay-people for the use of an individual member of the Sangha or the Sangha in general, the solemnisation of a ceremony, and invitation by lay-people to attend a feast, the illness of one's relatives and the other sangha-kammas (ecclesiastical acts). The Jaina monks, on the contrary never availed such privileges. Neither they possessed any building nor the right to attend a ceremony or feast. So also, they could not promote intimacy with a householder, not even their parents. As such the Jaina Order did never find any occasion to allow such latitudes as in case of the Buddhist. However in case of pressing need, the monks could leave their residence and could go out even to four or five yojanas" but they must spend the night in some intermediate place, not at the end of the journey. * with 181 Because of a pressing need of allowed to leave the residence and (vii) Conditions for permanent transfer of the residence There were occasions too on which the residence was to be transferred permanently by monks belonging to both the Orders. A study of these occasions would reveal that both the Orders, more or less, had the same end in view when ordaining so. To be clear, it was safety of life, physical as well as moral. As already stated, a monk or a nun who once entered upon the retreat must not be inconvenienced in any way. Accordingly the Pali Vinaya allowed to change the residence permanently; 3. 4. 1. if there was any danger to life through beasts or snakes, etc., 2 if the neighbouring village was feared to be ruined by fire, etc., if the residence had been destroyed by fire, etc, 5. if the neighbouring village had been transferred to another place through fear of robbers, etc., if sufficient and sustaining food or medicine was not easily procurable, or 1. MV, 3. 6. 16, pp, 154-55. 2. anujanami, bhikkhave, sanghakaraniyena gantum sannivatto katabbo ti-Ibid. 3. Vide Infra, p. 188. 4. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 310.

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182 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM 6. if there was the possibility of endangering the purity of life either through worldly temptations or through schism in the Order, Though the monastic discipline of the Jainas did not allow to be away from the place of stay for more than a single night in the rainy season,2 still under exceptional circumstances it allowed the monks to change their residence permanently. It may be remembered in this connection that the Jaina Order was more particular in this respect than the Buddhist as it allowed three abodes for the vassa.3 Thus a monk was allowed to go to another place with a view to learn a celebrated text (nanatthayae) from an acarya undertaking a fast unto death (samlehana), or for the diffusion of the faith (damsanatthayae), or in order to preserve purity of conduct (carittatthayae), or in case the acarya or the upadhyaya was dead (ayariyauvajjhaya va se visumbhejja), or in order to wait upon the acarya and the upadhyaya if they were sick (ayariyauvajjhayana va bahita veavaccam karanatate). 4. Along with these, a monk or a nun could also change his or her lodge during the rains : 1. if there was divine calamity (asive), 2. if there was scarcity of alms (omoyarie), 3. if there was trouble from the king (rayadutthe), 4. in case of fear from thieves, etc. (bhaye), 5. in case of illness of a co-monk, etc. (gelanne), 6. in case of mental trouble (abaha), 7. if the residence had been destroyed by flood or by fire or by wind (au teu cau), 8. if that place had come under the sovereignty of another king (sankamite), 9. if there was any fear of disrespect (oma ne), 10. if the lodge had been occupied by serpents and ants, etc. (sappa kunthu), 11. if the village had been transferred to another place (utthana), 1. MV, 3. 7. 17-18, pp. 155-57, 2. Kapp (SBE, Vol. XXII), p. 310. 3. Ibid, pp. 309-10, 4. Than, 413, p. 308b.

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VASSAVASA 183 or 12. if there was paucity of a suitable place for answering calls of nature (thandilassasti).' Almost the same terms and conditions for permanent transfer of the lodge are referred to in the Niryuktis." (viii) Places fit for observing the Retreat It is clear from the foregoing discussion about the circums. tances under which the transfer of residence was permissible that a place of stay for the retreat of the Sakyaputtiya monks should be such that one who entered upon the retreat might not be disturbed or inconvenienced in any way. It was therefore befitting that they settled during the rains where each one's companions lived." If not possible, a pinnacled house (a ! dhayoga), a vihara, a 'storeyed building (pasada), an attic (hammiya) and a cave (guha) were some of the fittest places where the retreat could be kept with full reliability as these were the best suited for all types of persons. The retreat could also be observed in a cattlepen (vaja), stable or mobile. A caravan (sattha) and a ship (nava) were also deemed fit for the purpose. But these types of residence were regarded as not fit for all types of persons. At the same time they were not wholly reliable. 4 That the re.reat was not to be observed in a place open to difficulties, troubles or dangers to life, has already been stated. As such to enter upon the retreat in hollow trees (rukkhasusira) or on branches of tree (rukkhavitabhiya) was prohibited. In the same way to keep retreat in open air (ajjhoka se) was also forbidden. So also the retreat culd not be kept either without a resting place (asena sanika) or in a house meant for dead bodies (chavalutika) Lastly a sun-shade (chatta) and an earthenware vessel (cali) were also deemed unfit for observing retreat.5 Besides, a residence where nobody was competent to recite the Patimokkha abridged or in full was also unbefitting for the retreat. 6 Now we come to the Jaina side. The Jaina monastic discipline invariably insisted on non-violence and purity of conduct. Each and every rule, therefore, is regulated 1. NisB, 3127-3130. 2. Vav, 1.21; Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), 60 (pp. 309-310); Dasa, 7 (p. 47b); OghN, 7 (Vilti pp. 14-22a); BrhkB, Vol. III, 2738-39. 3. ettha tumhe, bhikkhave, samante vecalir) yathamittam yathasamdittham yathasambhattam vassa upetha-DN. Vol. II, p. 79. 4. MV, 3.9.20, pp. 158-59. 5. Ibid, 3.10.21, p. 159. 6. Ibid, 2.19.32, p. 121.

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184 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM by these two principles. At the very outset we should bear in mind that the second principle is more inclusive than the first, though they are relative. The practice of non-violence means purity of conduct and purity of conduct stands for the practice of non-violence plus the practice of other rules of pure conduct. The only course open to the monks, if they wanted to avoid injury altogether, was the least movement during the the rainy season when the earth was beaming with all sorts of living beings. Two pressing necessities which enabled the monks to go about in the rainy season were collection of alms and answering calls of nature. It is said that the monks had to go to the thandila (privy) many times during the rainy season as they suffered from indigestion in case they took their usual diet. Therefore the best remedy to avoid movement was to keep complete fast during the rains. If not possible, then the monks should take only as much food as was sufficient to keep them alive. It was because of this that their movement was restricted to a yojana and a krosa all around their residence and even less than that, if there was any perenial river in the way which could not be crossed by putting one foot in the water and the other in the sky. So also, the monks were very particular about the place for answering calls of nature. Wherever they might had been they inspected it beforehand as they feared to hurt themselves or to inflict injury to living beings by stumbling or falling down.' The monks were likely to go astray, if they came in close contact with the lay-people. They were, therefore, repeatedly warned not to promote intimacy with a householder.3 A study of the places fit for observing catur masa would also affect the same impression to a considerable degree. We know that a place containing living beings, eggs and cobwebs was not befitting to the monks for their stay.4 Besides, a place where there were scarcity of alms and paucity of a place for answering calls of nature was also deemed unsuitable to the monks. So also, a residence above ground like a pillar, a railed platform, a scaffold, a storeyed building and a flat roof were regarded unfit for the monks to live in. Similar was the case with underground lodging-places, 1. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 297. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.2.3,24 (p. 134). 3. Ibid, 2.2.1 8-12; 2 2.2.1-4, (pp. 122-26). Ibid, 2.2.1.1, (p. 120). 5. In such cases a monk or a nun is allowed to change his or her place of stay-Vide Supra, p. 183. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.2.1 7 (p. 122).

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VASSAVASA 185 halting-places, garden-houses, family-houses and monasteries as these places were often frequented by other ascetics. So the mendicants generally halted in gardens (uijana) or temples (ceiya).2 Further they preferred secluded places like caves, forests, roots of trees, deserted houses and burning grounds to residences specially built for monks, places which were likely to make the monks passionate, regions which had no king or regions where the king was wicked. When considered in the light of the above remarks, the injunction that "when a monk or a nun knows that in a village or scotfree town, ......, there is a large place for religious practices or for study; that there can easily be obtained a stool, bench, bed or couch, or pure, acceptable alins; that there had not come nor will come sramanas and Brahmanas, guests, paupers and beggars; that the means of existence are not small......, they may remain in such a village, ...., during the rainy season"4 seems to be justified. Two consecutive retreats were not to be observed at the same place.5 Now it may be asserted that so far as the places fit for observing the vassa were concerned, the Buddhists and the Jainas were poles' apart. As already noted, the Jainas condemned all such places which were above ground while the Buddhists strongly recommended them. Similar was the case with underground halting places. Though the Jainas are also referred to have halted in gardens, yet as their intention was to avoid injury even to vegetable beings so they disapproved garden-house, particularly during the rainy season as vegetation grow immensely in this season. On the other hand such habitations were very favourite to the Buddhist as a number of their monasteries, namely, Veluvanavihara of Rajagsha, Jetavanavihara of Sravasti, etc. were situated in gardens. Lastly the Jainas also disapproved family-houses and monasteries or places visited by all sorts of people. Along with others, if there was any, this difference was due to the fact that the Jainas gave more stress on non-injury rather than on self-convenience whereas the Buddhists were more particular about the latter. 1. Wyar (SBE, Vol. XXII) 2.2.2.6 (p. 126). 2. Vivagasuyan, p. 77; Antg, p. 41; Anuttarovavaiyadasao, p. 67; Uttar, 18.4; 23.4 & 8; Naya, p; 69. 3. Mul, 10.58-60; Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 1.7.2.1 (p. 64); Uttar, 2.19-20; 32.16. 4. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.1.3 (pp. 136-37). 5. Dasu, Culiya, 2.11.

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186 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (ix) The Sangha-kammas performed during the Retreat Though the monks as well as the nuns were not as much free to move in the rainy season as in the dry seasons, yet sangha-kammas (ecclesiastical acts) did not suffer much on this account. Particularly the Buddhist Order had sanction to do almost all sangha-kammas even during the retreat period. As such disciplinary and disputatious sangha-kammas like parivasa, manatta, tajjaniya, etc., and non-disciplinary and non-disputatious sangha-kammas like pabbajja, upasampada and uposatha, etc., were performed as usual.1 The Jaina Order, on the contrary, was a bit strict regarding admission to the Order as it did not admit everybody during the rains. Only those who were highly experienced and exceptionally qualified such as kings, ministers of kings and the like were received during the vassa.! Other duties such as confession (padikkamana), uprooting of the hair (loya), etc. were done as usual and even more severely. (x) Corporate life The Buddhist monk in normal circumstances did not remain alone either in the rainy season or in seasons other than it. So also, the Jaina monks. Particularly the acaryopadhyaya and the gana vacche. daka, two officers of the Jaina Order, were asked to keep retreat at least with two and three persons respectively. But nobody was allowed to stay with a householder or a heretic even in the rainy season. 5 In cases of trouble and danger only, a Jaina monk or a nun was allowed to remain alone. (xi) Some privileges due to the Institution of the Retreat If the institution of the rain-retreat caused some restrictions and limitations upon the conduct of the monks and the nuns during the rainy season, it also entailed some extra provision and duplication of their requisites in the rainy season. 1. MV, 3.4.10.14, pp. 149-53; 3.11.22, pp. 159-60. 2. Gurni to Dasas, 8.35, pp. 58b-59a. 3. DasaN, 8.34, pe 58b; NisB, 3107. 4. Vav, 4,5-8. 5. Nis, 10.46; The Acarangasutra gives in detail the reasons as to why a monk should not halt in a lodge used by a householder or by other mendicants belonging to other sects. 2.2.1.8-12; 2 2.2.1-8 (pp. 122-27). 6. OghN, 7, p. 13b.

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VASSAVASA 187 The Buddhists were granted rain-robes (vassikasatika) in the rainy season. Moreover, they were given the right to use their alloited lodging places exclusively during the retreat period and also to retain it for the next retreat. The supervisor of new buildings (navakammika) was privileged with the right to keep one good lodging place under his exclusive possession during the retreat." Though both to accept new clothes as well as to hoard requisites during the rainy season was prohibited, 4 yet the Jaina Order, along with other facilities, doubled the requisites of occasional use (aupagrahika) in the rainy season. To collect food and drink once a day was the ordinary rule. But a monk or a nun could also go on begging-tour for the second time in case of fast in the rainy season or in case the food obtained was not sufficient. One could also use the maximum number of padalas (a piece of cloth to cover the pot), that is seven during the rains against five and six during the summer and winter respectively.? So also, they were to seek out three lodges for the vassa, one for regular use and the rest in case of emergencies. Along with it, they could also use stool, bench, bed and couch, etc., which in normal circumstances, could be used in case of sickness and old age only. Besides, a vasaltana umbrella), a payalehania (a wooden instrument used for wiping out mud from the feet)," mallayatiga (three pots for depositing excreta, urine and cough)," a dagala (a small piece of stone: or brick)'s and a kudamuha (a pot to keep the medicine or to deposit excreta of the ill),?* etc. could also be used freely during the rains. 1. CV, 2.1.1, p. 68. 2. Ibid, 6.7.25, p. 263. 3. Ibid, 6.11.30, p. 269. 4. na ca varsasyabhinavavastragrahanam, na cadhikah parigrab ah-Vilti to Pind N, 25, p. 12a. 5. OghN, 726, p. 217b. Kapp (SBE. Vol XXII), pp. 298.310; OghN, 414, p. 151b; HJM, pp. 250 f, 307. OghN, 700, p. 212b. 8. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp. 309-10. 9. Vav, 8.2. 10. OghN, 30, p. 31a. il. OghN, 26, p. 30b. 12. Dasax, 8.13, p. 54a. 13. Ibid. 14. BrhkB, Vol. IV, 4263.

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188 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (xii) Some special features of the Jaina Retreat Besides the foregoing account which are more or less common to both the Orders, the Jaina retreat is marked by some special rules as regards travel during the rainy season. Though the monks and the nuns strictly adhere to one place during the rains, still they resume travelling even during this period, though not as freely as in the dry seasons.1 As the monks always intended to abstain from inflicting injury to living organism so they usually travelled through a dry road as it was deemed free from living beings. In other words they preferred a road much used by men and women, carts and chariots, elephants and horses, camels and asses, and cows and buffaloes or a path heated by sun or ploughed for cultivation to a road with a shaky wooden bridge or with a slab or brick for crossing over the watery or the muddy places. If necessary, they could take resort to watery or muddy road as well, but in that case they should try to cross it, if If not possible, with the help of stones kept firmly in the water. so, then they should go through the water flowing over stones (that is through high regions), or flowing with mud (mahusittha), or over sand (valua), or over thick mud (kaddama).5 In one word they should try to cross it through shallow water. In order to avoid killing the mendicants normally wiped their bodies thoroughly before stepping into the water. They also tried to go straight by putting one foot in the water and the other in the air and without being touched by or touching anybody. So also, they sought the help of householders or in their absence that of a stick called nalika for crossing over the water which was navel-deep (nabhipramana). Coming to the shore, either they stood there till their clothes stopped dripping water or took themselves to some other place with due care, if the place was fearful (sabhiya). They never brushed their muddy feet against the grass in order to clean them. 7 The mendicants were allowed boat-travel. But they were not to use a boat owned by their host. Before getting into a boat, the 1. Kapp (SBE, Vol. XXII), p. 130. 2. OghN, 23-25, pp. 29a-30a. 3. A monk should not go straight if there is living beings on the road-Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.1.7, p. 137. 4. Dasv, 5.65. 5. OghN, 32-33, p 32a. 6. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.2.9-10 (p. 143). 7. OghN, 34-36, pp. 32b-33a. 8. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.2.12 (p. 143).

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VASSAVASA 189 mendicants examined their requisites, wiped their bodies and threw away the householder's food.' Then they got into the boat in between some people. So also at the time of getting down. They took their seats on either side of the boat. The use of a boat for bad purposes was not allowed. In no case a monk or a nun was allowed either to pull the boat forward or backward, or to row it, or to throw water out of it, or to cover its leakage,3 A mendicant was allowed to cross a river by means of a gourd (tumba), if the boat was not available and the water was crossable. Sometimes it so happened that the boatman threw them into the water. In that case they could swim to the shore leaving their requisites in the water, if necessary. Coming to the shore, they should remain there with moist body till it got dried up. In no case they should wipe or brush it in order to get it dried soon. In normal circumstances, five great rivers, the Ganga, Jamuna, Sarau, Eravati and Mahi, could not be crossed either by a boat or by swimming twice or thrice within a month. But the same could be done in case of trouble from the king (bhatamsi), or famine (dubhikkhansi), or if thrown into the water (pavvaheijn va nan koi), or in case of flood or change of course of the river (daoghamsi va ejjamanamsi mahata), or trouble from wicked persons (anaritesu). Shallow water could be crossed over fourteen times in all, seven times going and seven times back, during the rainy season, whereas only six, three times going and three times back, in the dry seasons (udubaddha).7 Normally travelling in rain or mist was not permissible. But if rain set in while the mendicants were on tour, they were asked to take resort to a nearby place or to a lonely house or a tree, if they had travelled very far off. In case of slight or heavy rain, they were allowed to use umbrella (vasattana) and to climb a dried up tree respectively. So also, in case of sudden flood or overflowing of rivers, they were permitted to travel by a bridge or to cross it by swimming. 1. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.3.1.13-14 (p. 139). 2. Vytti to OghN, 36-38, pp. 33a-33b. 3. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 23 1.16-21 (pp. 139-141); Nis, 18.1-20. OghN, 38, p. 33b. 5. Ayar (SBE, Vol. XXII), 2.3.2.2-7, pp. 141-42. 6. Than, 412, p. 308b. 7. Dasas, 8.27, p. 56b.

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190 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (xiii) Conclusion That the custom of rain-retreat is as old as the Brah manical mendicancy is obvious. Now the problem which attracts our attention is-How did the idea of rain-retreat come into the mind of the Jainas and the Buddhists ? Had it been their invention or a simple imitation of the custom prevailing at the time ? In this connection we must confess the truth that in absence of sufficient and proper proofs we cannot pass any categorical remark as regards its introduction in the Jaina Order. The Buddhists, on the other hand, themselves adrnit that they borrowed it from the heretics who were already observing it, very likely, with a view to avoid injury to vegetation. In the 6th century B.C. two religions that came forward as staunch advocates of ahinsa were Jainism and Buddhism. It was perhaps Jainism which strictly upheld that vegetation has life. On this evidence we may infer that very likely it was the Jaina retreat which acted as a model for the Buddhists This is further corroborated by the fact that the Jaina and the Buddhist retreats, besides the necessary points of disagreement, have many things in common which have already been spotted out at the places concerned. Besides, the institution of the rain-retreat proved to be of immense benefit to both the Orders. It was during the four months of the rainy season only that the monks and the nuns lived corporate and stagnant life. During the remaining eight months, a major portion of their time was spoiled in touring from one place to another. This prolonged and regular journey was not only fatiguing and troublesome to them, but also debarred them from taking up any concrete step for the progress of the faith or for self-enlightenment. The vassa vasa thus not only saved them from the fatigue and exertion of journey and offered them rest and shelter, but also gave them an opportunity for constructive work and spiritual edification.

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SECTION III PAVARANA The solemn stay at one place during the four months of the rains is closed by a conference of the mendicants called pavarana. Pavarana is understood, firstly, as 'closing'i, because it is the uposatha held speci. ally at the close of the vassavasa; and secondly, as 'invitation', for every monk or nun present in the meeting invites one's companions to remind him or her of the offence seen, heard or suspected during the vassavasa. Thus the confession of one's lapses and shortcomings is the soul of pavarana. The elaborate rules laid down as regards the procedure of pavarana are, only with some indispensable variations, mostly identical with those of the uposatha, already discussed. It seems, therefore, useless to work out the details once more. But a few facts which may lead one to confusion and misunderstanding must be made clear. We must bear in mind that patarana unlike the uposatha, was not to be performed necessarily on the day of termination of the period of the vassavaso. Sometimes it was postponed to the komudi ca tuma sini, 4 if there was any difficulty in its solemnisation or if the monks were unwilling to quit their lodge. In any case it must be performed within a week after the expiry of the term of the vassavasa. Like the uposatha, pavarana too was originally proclaimed by the monks on behalf of the nuns. But ultimately the nuns themselves were a uthorised to proclaim their pavarana before the assembly of monks. The nearest approximate Jaina concept corresponding to pavarana is khamavana (ksama pana). Originally this Jaina ceremony was performed at the end of the pajjusana period, i. e, on the fifth of the 1. In this connection the remark of Prof. Louis Renow is worth noticing "The last day of the period of wandering life is marked by a general confession, which thus terminates the active part of the religious life and also coincides with the end of the Jaina year; this confession is the counterpart (f the Buddhist confession that marks the end of the rainy season and constitutes a feature of what is known as the pavarana or 'closing' "Religions of Ancient India, p. 128; CF. EB3, p. 142. Vide EBI, p. 143; Book of Discipline, Vol. IV, p. 211 fn 2. 3. Vide Supra, pp. 159-65. 4. Vide EB), pp. 142-43; CF MV, 3.12.25, p. 163. 5. EBJ, p. 181. 6. CV, 10.12.25-27, pp. 395-97;

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192 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM bright-half of the month of Bhadrapada, and lasted for one day only. This day is also called Samvatsari, i. e. the most auspicious day of the year which is also the closing day of the year. Once Kalakacarya1 is referred to have performed it one day before the due date, i.e. on the fourth of Bhadrapada, and since then this day was also assigned to pajjusana. Later on the Evetambara sect however began to hold it eight days earlier, i.e. on the twelfth of the dark-half of the month of Bhadrapada and continued it up to the fifth of the bright-half of the month of Bhadrapada. The influence of Kalakacarya on this sect cannot be denied as it virtually, even at present closes the celebration one day earlier, i. e. on the fourth of Bhadrapada. The Digambara sect on the other hand began on the fifth and continued it for nine days more, i e. to the fourteenth of Bhadrapada. They avail this occasion of cultivating the tenfold virtues, namely, ksama (forgiveness), mardava (humility, arjava (simplicity), saya (truth), sauca (purity and cleanliness), samyama (control over the mind, body and speech), tapa (fasting and austerities), tyaga (non-attachment), akincanatva (ideas of non-possession) and brahmacarya (chestity);" and accordingly they call it Dasalaksanaparva. This practice-to begin a festival a few days earlier than the due date or to continue it even after the expiry of the due date, is not unusual. Even nowadays a centenary or any other festival is either preceded by some ceremony or followed by any such celebration. The festival begins with the decoration of the monastery and in some cases also accompanied by pompous procession. Every Jaina visits the monastery daily and takes part in the services there. Besides, the pious ones avail this opportunity of keeping fast for several days, performing posadha for two days and practising meditation at the monastery. On the closing day of the festival, a Jaina, as a rule, refrains from taking food and drink and the monastery abounds with people performing confession and asking forgiveness from their acquain. tances for offences done to them deliberately or otherwise. Thus the festival comes to its close. This is in brief the confession and act of apology made by the Jaina laity." This is a feature which the Jaina monks share with the Jaina laity. After the fulfilment of the term of caturma sa, the monks normally sought permission of the owner of the house before vacating the place 1, Vide Kapp., Kalakacaryakatha. 2. Stevenson, Heart of Jatnism, pp. 151-54. 3. Ibid. pp. 259-60.

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PAVARANA 193 of their stay. If they could not, it was natural for the householder that he might lose faith in them or might censure them of indecent behaviour, or might suspect them to be associated with the thieves, if by chance thest was committed just after their departure from his house. There was, therefore, every likelihood that he might not accommodate them in his house again. Along with it, the departing monks were asked not to behave so as to make the householder's wife (sijjatari) weep bitterly as it was likely to create suspicion in the mind of the householder that his wife had illicit connection with the monks. The people, on the other hand, might condemn the monks to be in relation with the householder or his wife on account of his or her lamentation.' Further, the monks were asked not to tell the owner of the lodge their sudden decision to go as it might cause suspicion in his mind. They were also not to disclose to him their exact date of departure, because the householder and his family, putting aside their everyday activities on that day, might arrange a luxurious feast for them. As such the acarya, having despatched some monks to seek out the next suitable place of stay, gave a hint to the owner of the place of the sudden decision to depart from the place? by reciting the following verses : "Sugarcanes have overgrown and the gourds are plump and glossay, The bulls have attained vigour and the villages are not slushy, The roads contain less water and the earth is dried up, The roads are full of traffic, (so) it's most opportune for monks' walk." Then the acarya, after performing the padikkamana (confession) and avasyaka in the evening, informed the owner of the house of his decision to go next morning and preached a religious sermon to him and his family. Normally the monks performed both suttaporisi and atthaporisi 4 before their departure from the place. But in case they had to cover a long distance, then they did suttaporisi only and made 1. BrhkB, Vol. II, 1533-1536. 2. Ibid, 1537-1538. ucchu volirti vaim, tumbio jayaputtabhamdao. vasaha jayatthama, gama pavvayacikk halla, appodaga ya magga, vasuha vi ya pakkamattiya jiya, annokkanta pamtha, viharanakalo suvihiyanam. --Ibid, 1539-1940. Performing sutt a porisi means reading the text or taking lesson from the guru. Altha porisa stands for reading the text or taking lesson from the guru with explanation. Curni to ByhkB, Vol. II, 1543; Vivrtti to OghNB, 173. 13

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194 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM to their way to the next stop early in the morning even without scanning their requisites! as was usually the case." Now it may be gathered that the confession of faults committed during the four months of rains is the nucleous of the ceremony of the Buddhist pavarana and the Jaina pajjusana. Neither the Buddhists nor the Jainas seem to be rigid as regards the exact date of observance of the ceremony. They make necessary adjustment according to their convenience and suitability shortly after the end of the period of the rain-retreat. One peculiar characteristic of the Jaina pajjusana is that it is also observed by the laity. This is a feature which does not obtain with the Buddhists. 1. Ryhk B, Vol. V, 1541-1543. 2. Uttar, 26.22f.

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CHAPTER IV MONASTIC ADMINISTRATION Section I The Custodians of Monastic Discipline Section II The Laws of Polity Section III The Buddhist Pratimoksa & The Jaina Prayascitta : A Comparative Study

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CHAPTER IV MONASTIC ADMINISTRATION Now we come to the most significant aspect of an organisation viz., administration, which, no doubt, destines the success or otherwise of an institution-secular or religious. The Buddhist Order was a highly organised institution and was, beyond any shadow of doubt, managed and governed purely on democratic lines. Naturally a study of the Vinayapitaka reveals that most of the essential features of a democratic or republican organisation like moving of a motion (natti), reference to a select-committee (ubbahika) for arbitration, use of secret ballots (salakas), quorum and the election of the president are patent throughout in the constitution of the Buddhist Church. It is one of the numerous features of the Buddhist monachism which enabled an eminent scholar to opine that "The laws of polity by which the early Buddhist Sunghas were governed...... have passed through several stages before reaching that systematic completeness which characterize them in the Vinayapitaka"). The Jaina Order, like the Buddhist, too, was one of the wellorganised religious institutions that ever flourished in India. At the very outset it may be stated that the Jaina Order, in contrast with the Buddhist, adopted autocratic form of government from its very beginning. Lord Mahavira himself, for instance, is referred to have grouped his following into nine ganzs (groups) which were placed under the direct supervision of eleven ganadharas (group-leaders). The foregoing remarks bear evidence to the fact that the Buddhist and the Jaina Orders should have very little in common so far as their administrative aspect is concerned. Nevertheless, we dare hunting up the points shared in by both the Orders and also pointing o features peculiar to one or the other system. The monastic administration as it is to be examined here may conveniently be taken up under three categories which will follow one after another in course of this chapter. The three categories in question are : (a) The Custodians of Monastic Discipline, (b) The Laws of Polity, & (c) The Buddhist Pratimoksa and the Jaina Prayascitta : A Comparative Study. 1. EBM, p. 137.

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198 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM The only concern of the first section will be to examine the various Sangha units and the hierarchy of officers along with their duties, obligations and requisite qualifications. The laws of polity, as a matter of fact, is a wide term, and, therefore, may comprise all the rules regulating manners and deportment of a monk. Thus the laws in this section fall under two main categories, the one relating to food and drink, dress and sanitation, diseases and cures,......in brief, the laws pertaining to day-to-day life of a monk, and the other as regards transgressions and expiations, offences and punishments, disputes and the procedure with which they are dealt, etc. Here it may be clearly stated that this section will be devoted to the discussion of the rules coming under the second category only as the rules comprising the first have, more or less, already been dealt with. The last section will be confined to the discussion of the groups of transgressions and expiations stated as the rules of Pratimoksa and Prayascitta by the Buddhists and the Jainas respectively. 1. Vide Supra, Chapter II.

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SECTION 1 THE CUSTODIANS OF MONASTIC DISCIPLINE In the beginning the Buddhist mendicants had no fixed dwelling. They travelled from place to place in batches, staying for a short while res and forests. As these batches were not separate units, the members belonging to a particular batch or group were not obliged to stick to that very batch or group. They could join, according to their desire and convenience, any batch they liked. What we propose to emphasise is that the Buddhist monks, though they travelled in groups, were one organic whole. Accordingly, whatever rule was in force was meant for each and every member of the Order without any distinction. But this state of affairs could not remain for long. Very soon, they, because of their swarming number, were constrained to give up their itinerary habits. That is, they began to lead stationary and corporate life at a particular place which gave rise to the Buddhist avasas and sangharamas. At first these avasas together formed the original Catuddisa-Bhikkhu-Sangha. In due course, the spread of the faith to different quarters of the country handicapped the monks in carrying out the ecclesiastical acts. Consequently, the extension of an avasa was limited by fixing its bourdary (sima) which ultimately led to the formation of different units like the local Sangha and others. 1. The Church Units (a) Buddhist The Sangha and the gana were the two units of the Buddhist church worthy of reference here. The word Sangha which means assemblage or multitude was known to India long before the advent of the Buddha. Normally, the Buddha applied it to denote his whole Priesthood and thus assigned it one of the highest distinctions. But even in his lifetime, it began to denote, sometimes, the whole community of monks and nuns, and many times a part of it only. Besides, it also stood for the quorum or minima of monks required for the transaction of a sangha-kamma.1 Despite the fact, it is, however, certain that it was the largest unit of the Buddhist Fraternity. 1. Vide Infra, pp. 213-14 for the quorum required for different sangha-kammas.

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200 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Another unit of the Buddhist Brotherhood is Gana. The commentator defines it as a group of four or more than four monks. In the words of Prof. Childers, "Gana as applied to an assemblage of priests is, like Sangha, used in a wide and somewhat vague sense, heing applied alike to the whole priesthood, and to so small a number as five". Thus the details as regards the Sangha and the Gana are so meagre and vague that it is very difficult to draw a sharp line of distinction between the two. (6) Jaina It is well-known that the Jaina monks led itinerary life staying not more than five consequitive nights at a particular place in the dry seasons. The practice is more or less in vogue even nowadays. It was because of this that the Jaina priesthood was divided into a good number of groups and sub-groups prominent among which were the following. The largest and the most ancient unit of the Jaina priesthood was Gana. We have already stated that Lord Maha vira is said to have divided his Church into nine Ganas. In spite of the fact, as the explanation supplied by the commentators differ immensely from one another, it is difficult to form a clear-cut idea about the Gana. At one place it is said to have been a batch of monks having common reading, while at other simply a group of Kulas? or Sambhogas,' while still at other a synonym for Gaccha.5 Besides, we also come across references to the exact number of monks, a Gana consisted of. They were three, five,' or thousand for the maximum. 1. Childers, Pali English Dictionary, Sub voce. samanavacanakrijah sadhuzamudayah-Comm. to Samv., p. 14b. 3. ganati kulasamudayah, Comm to Than. p. 516a; According to the Comm. to Bhag, P, 382b, a gana consists of three kulas; ByhkB, Vol, I, 492-93; Comm. to Aup, p. 8!. 4. Brhk, 4.18-20. 5. Comm. to Than, p. 331b; gano gacchah tasya copagrahita, pp. 340a, 386a, etc. 6 Mul, 10.92 7. ekaikasmin gane panca panca purusa bhavanti-Vitti to BrhkB, Vol. II, 1438. 8. Utkarsatah purusapramanam sahasrapsthakatvam-Vitti. to BrhkB, Vol. II, 1443.

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THE CUSTODIANS OF MONASTIC DISCIPLINE 201 The next important unit of the Jaina Priesthood was Kula. We have just seen that the Kulas, i. e., groups of monks having a common teacher formed the Gana. The implication of Kula as it is equated with And ayaa and also with Gaccha, a synonym of Gana, 4 is, like the Gana, somewhat vague and indistinct. Next to Kula was Sambhoga. That it was a group of monks taking food together is apparent from the very title. Jacobi regards it as 'a group of monks begging alins in one district only'. According to another explanation, it was a group of monks having common samacari? or rules o conduct peculiar to each group. Naturally, exchange of requisites, common study, mutual reverence and service etc. were permissible to monks belonging to the same Sambhoga only.8 It is normally believed that Sahas or Sakhas were "the lines which branched off from each teacher". The names given to various Sakhas also show that the Sakhas, apart from the lines which cropped up from each teacher, were groups of monks belonging to a particular region or place, or were schismatic factions named after the place where they seceded from the Church. The Gaccha even though later in origin is always equated with Gana 1! From this and is other explanations, it is clear that Gaccha, like Gana, was one of the largest units. Our statement is further corroborated by Dr. Deo's plea for the omission of the word from the Chedasutras. 13 1. egayariyassa santai-Comin. to Bhag., 382b). 2. Comm. to Uttar, p. 168b. 3. Comm to Thun, p. 51a 4. Ibid, pp 211b, 331h, 353a, 681a where the Gana is exp'ained as the Gaccha. 5. Comm. tu Than, P 139.; Comm. to Uttar, p. 333a. 6. Suyg (SBE. Vol. XLV), p 167, fo.!; Ular, 29.33; Vis, 5.63; Vav, 6.19f; 7 2-5; etc.; Schubring, Doctrines of the Jainas, pp. 251-52. 7. Paiasaddamnhannavo, p. 1062. 8. Samu, 12, p. 21b, 9. Kapp (SBE, Vol. XXII), p. 288, fn. 2. 10. Cf. list of Ganas and Sakhas in the Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), pp. 288-294. 11. Comm. to Than, pp. 2415, 331b, 353b, 381b. 12. ekacaryaparivarah, Aup, p. 86; sabalavddhakulam gaccham-Gacchacara, 22. 13. "The Chedasutras like Vyavahara, Nisitha and Bihatkalpa seldom speak of a Gaccha, and it may be, that with the spread of Jainism, emaller groups than the Gana were found to be more convenient both for Church administration and for the purpose of touring life." HJM, p. 232.

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202 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM In due course the size of the Gaccha was miserably reduced and accordingly was called 'gur uparivara', the following of a particular acarya, consisting of three?, four or five monks. Not only this but the Gaccha was also divided into smaller units like Gumma and Phaddaya.* Mandali was a small unit of monks assigned with the duty of service to an ill, or to help an old or a young monk, or a novice or a prince or the like. This explanation of the term led Dr. Deo to observe that the Mandali was simply a cooperative unit, rather than a unit in the technical sense. "It is not quite clear" says Jacobi, "what is ineant by Gana, Kula, and Sakha. Gana designates the school which is derived from one teacher, Kula the succession of teachers in one line, Sakha the line which branched off from one teacher. These terins seem to be disused in modern times, for the four principal divisions called after Nagendra, Chandra, Nivstti, and Vidyadhara are generally called Kulas, but also occasionally Sakhas. They go back to Vajra according to some, to Vajrasena according to others. The modern Gaccha appears equivalent with the gana". Now on the evidence of this analysis of the different Church units, it may be inferred that the Gana, alone was the original and the largest unit of the Jaina Order. Kula and Sambhoga were simply sub-units of Gana. Gaccha and Sakha, the former being a synonym for Gana and the latter a schismatic faction, were of late origin because they are not referred to in the Angas and the Mulasutras. (c) Conclusion Now what we find is that the Gana is a unit common to both the Orders. This unit of the Jaina Priesthood, like the Buddhist, consisted of monks as less as five or sometimes three and as much as thousand or above. Another unit which finds more or less, its counterpart in the Buddhist Order is Sambhoga. It is true that the term Sambhoga is not directly referred to as a specific unit of the Buddhist Brotherhood. What is adverted to is Samanasamvasaka, i. e., a group of monks belonging to the same communion. Samanasamva saka monks like that of the monks belonging to the same Sambhoga, were 1. BrhkB, Vol. II, 1630. 2. Pancavastuka as quoted in Paiasaddamahannavo, p. 358. 3. Aup, p. 86. 4. OghN, 553, p. 183b. 5. HJM, p. 234. 6. Kapp (SBE. Vol. XXII), p. 288, fn. 2.

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THE CUSTODIANS OF MONASTIC DISCIPLINE 203 bound with the common rules of conduct and were also obliged to perform Uposatha, etc. together.1 2. Hierarchy of Officers (a) Buddhist nuns The Buddhist avasas, no doubt, were big colonies of monks and When people live together in large numbers many problems arise. The first and foremost problem that comes before a religious organisation is that of moral discipline. It mainly consists in imparting proper training to new entrants in the tenets of religious life and keeping strict watch on their conduct so that they may not violate the rules of monastic etiquette. Another influence that it exerts is the problem of material needs. It is well-known that the Buddhist Order, which according to an early tradition, owned no property, was compelled to accept gifts from the laity. An equal and just apportionment of the articles, thus procured, was essential, for peace and order might have been at stake, if favouritism and nepotism would have gained ground in the Brotherhood. Consequently, a number of officers were appointed from time to time. It was their duty to train up samaneras or to dispose of the articles acquired by the Order. Thus the officers of the Buddhist Order were mainly of two types. The officers forming the first category were those who looked after the moral aspect of the monks and those forming the second category were responsible for the material needs of the Order. Acariya and Upajjhaya :-Truely speaking, the Acariya" and the Upajjhaya were the only officers who were mainly responsible for imparting proper training to novices in the way of monkhood. The minimum qualifications expected of an Acariya or Upajjhaya were at least ten years' standing in monkhood as well as perfect knowledge of moral practices, etc. Besides, he should be conversant with the nature of an offence, and also with the two Patimokkha codes.4 It is difficult indeed to distinguish one from the other as the qualifications required of an Acariya or Upajjhaya were exactly the same. However, Prof. Oldenberg, on the evidence of the difference 1 MV, 1.7.12, p. 111; 1.35.49, pp. 139-40; 10.1.5, p. 372. 2. Ibid, 1.23.74-78, pp. 56-62; CV, 8.13.24-25, pp. 336-40. 3. Ibid, 1.18.64-66, pp. 42-47; CV, 8.11.20-21, pp. 328-32. 4. Ibid, 1 23.76, p. 57; 1.26.82, p. 67; 1.28-29. 84-85, pp. 67-73.

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204 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM in their privileges and obligations, have inferred that the position of an Upajjhaya was superior to that of an Acariya. An Upajjhaya, particularly at the Upasampada service, had a more prominent role to play than the Acariya. Besides, "the duty of instructing the young Bhikkhus in the holy doctrines and ordinances seems, therefore, to belong to the Upajjhaya rather than to the Acariya." Thus the Upajjhaya was clearly installed higher in position than the Acariya. This fact is further corroborated by the rule that the dependence (nissaya) of a monk on his Acariya came to an end, if his Acariya and Upajihaya happened to come together.2 Anusasaka -The only duty of an Anusasaka was to make the postulant conversant with the etiquette to be observed at the Upasampada service. No mention is made of the qualifications required of an Anusasaka.3 Samanera-pesaka :-A sporadic mention is made of an officer known as Samanera-pesaka (superintendent of novices). What were exactly the nature of his qualifications and duties is really very difficult to opine. Dhammadhara, Vinayadhara, etc: -Apart from the persons who were engaged in instructing the novices the tenets of monk life, there were theras who mastered one or the other branch of Buddhist learning. It was they who imparted a specialised training to the novices in the different subjects of Buddhist scholarship. One mastering the Vinaya was known as Vinayadhara, the Dhamma as Dhammadhara, the Matikas as Matika dhara, the Suttas as Suttantika and the like." Some of the designations like Dhammadhara and Suttantika seem to be synonymous, but as a matter of fact it is not so. At the same time it is also not possible to draw a sharp line of distinction between them. Upali and Ananda were the first Vinayadhara and the first Dhammadhara who recited the Vinaya and the Dhamma respectively in the First Buddhist Council convened just after the demise of the Buddha,6 1. Vinaya Texts (BE. Vol. XIII), p. 179, fn. 2. MV, 1 27.84, p. 67. 3. Ibid, 1.68.125-26, pp. 97-99. 4. CV, 6.12.36, pp. 174-75. 5. The scholarship of a thera or mahathera is often referred to in the terms"bahussuto aga tagamo dhammadharo vinayadharo matikadharo pandito Vide, MV, 2.19.32, p. 120; 10.1 1, p. 368; CV, 12 2.10, p. 421; 12.2.14, p. 423, etc; Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXVI, Nos. 2 & 3, p. 116. 6. Vide CV, 11.3.4.4-5, pp.408-409.

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THE CUSTODIANS OF MONASTIC DISCIPLINE 205 The Buddhist Church hierarchy, it has already been remarked, is distinguished from the Jaina by a number of officers who were to look after the material needs of the Order. These officers may conveniently be discussed in three categories, these categories in question being (i) officers in charge of food and drink, (ii) officers in charge of robes and (iii) officers in charge of lodging places. (i) Officers in-charge of food and drink Bhattuddesaka :-of the various officers appointed from time to time to look after the problem of food and drink, the Bhattuddesaka and the Khajjabhajaka occupied a significant position. The Bhattuddesaka, in addition to his duties to issue tickets to selected monks in order to send them to the house of a laity, supervised food to be served to the whole community (sanghabhatta), to a particular monk (uddesabhatta), invitation (nimantana), food allotted by tickets (salakabhatta), food served every fortnight (pakkhika), on Uposatha days (uposath ika) and on the first day of a fortnight (patipadika). The first occupant of this office was Venerable Dabba who performed his duties most successfully.1 Khajjabhajaka, etc. :-The office of the Khoijabha jaka was in no way less important. It was normally assigned to a senior monk (theral who very likely looked after the dry food to be distributed to the monks." Besides, officers like ragubhajaka3 (distributor of rice-gruel), Phalabha joka" (distuibutor of fruits), Civabhajaka" (distributor of congey), Paniyavarika (officer in charge of drinks), etc. also find a reference in the Pali Vinaya, but details are lacking in their case. (ii) Officers in-charge of robes Civarapatiggahaka, Civaranidahaka, etc. :-No less than five officers who were busy with the acquisition, preservation and distribution of robes are referred to in the Pali Vinaya. They were Civarapatiggahaka? (receiver of robes), Civatanidahaka(r) (care-taker of robes), Bhandagarika 1. CV, 4.2.5-7, pp. 153-55; 6.12.32-33. pp. 272-73. 2. Ibid, 6.12.31, pp. 273-14. 3. Ibid, 6.12,34, p. 273. 4. Ibid. 5. EBM, p. 187. 6. Ibid, p. 188. 7. MV, 8.11.17, p. 300; CV; 6.12.34, p. 273. 8. Ibid, 8.11.17, p. 300. 9. Ibid, 8.12.18, pp. 300-301; CV, 6.12.34, p. 273.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (store-keeper of robes), Satiyaggahapaka1 (receiver of under-garments) and Civarabhajaka2 (distributor of robes). 206 The only duty of the Civarapatiggahapaka was to receive gifts of robes made to the Sangha by the laity at the end of Vassavasa. It was simply the negligence of this officer which led to the formation of the office of Civaranidahaka. As such the sole duty of this person was to take care of robes made over to the Sangha. The next two officers, the Bhandagarika and the Satiyaggahapaka were most probably appointed to assist the Civaranidahaka in his duty. The only duty of the last officer, the Civarabhajaka, was to deal out the robes acquired by the Order. (iii) Officers in-charge of lodging places Senasanaggaha paka, Sena sanapa nnapaka, etc. :-A reference is made to as many as four officers who were entrusted with one or other work as regards the lodging places. They were Sena sanaggahapaka (receiver of viharas, etc.), Senasanaranna paka (distributor of lodging places), Aramikapesaka (overseer of ara mas) and Navakammika (superviser of buildings). The sole business of the Senasanaggahapaka was to accept viharas, etc. on behalf of the Sangha and that of the Sena sanarannapaka to allot a separate lodging place to each and every member of the Order.4 Aramikapesaka was perhaps an officer who supervised the work of Aramikas, the servants employed by the donor to keep the arama tip top. Navakammika was a permanent officer appointed by the Order to supervise the construction or repair of buildings. Besides, a mention is made of officers who were concerned with one or other thing of daily life. They were Pattaggahapaka' (distributor or alms-bowl), Bhajana-Varika (officer in charge of utensils), Appamattavissajjaka (disposer of trifles) and the like. 1. CV, 6.12.36, pp. 274-75. 2. MV, 8.12.18, pp. 301-302; CV, 6.12.34, p. 273. 3. CV, 6.6.24, pp. 262-63. 4. Ibid, 6.12 34, p. 273. 5. Ibid, 6.12.36, p. 274; EBM, p. 188. 6. Ibid, 1.4.33, p. 32; 6 3.15-16, pp. 253-54; 6.11.30, pp. 268-71. 7. CV, 6.12.36, p. 274. 8. EBM, p. 189. 9. CV, 6.12.35, p. 274.

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THE CUSTODIANS OF MONASTIC DISCIPLINE Here it is to be noted that the qualifications of all the officers in charge of material articles were the same. They were expected to be impartial (na chandagatim gaccheyya), and not to be misled by anger (na dosagatim gaccheyya), stupidity na mohagatim gaccheyya) or fear (na bhaya gatim gaccheyya). Moreover, they must also have a thorough knowledge of the department concerned.1 207 (b) Jaina Being a religious organisation, the problem of moral discipline of the Jaina Order was exactly the same as that of the Buddhist. This is why we are told of a good number of officers who were to train up the sehas (novices) in the way they should go. The officers who are often referred to in the Angas and the Chedasutras were Ayariya, Uvajjhaya, Ayariyauvajjhaya, Ganahara, Gani and Ganavaccheiya. Besides, petty officers like Vayaga and Pavatti are also reffered to. Ayariya -The Ayariya, of course, occupied the first place in the list, and hence, was one of the most powerful officers of the Jaina Church. From the types of Ayariyas as mentioned in the Angas and the Chedasutras, it may be inferred that the work of initiation, ordination, both initiation and ordination, explaining the text to the disciples, reciting it to them and both explaining and reciting it to them formed the main items of duty binding on the Ayariyas. To sum up the Ayariya was responsible both for the administrative and educational aspects of the Church. Besides, he was also to manage for the material needs and other legitimate grievances of the monks under him. He must also protect the requisites already acquired by his Gana. 3 It should be noted that the honour and power given to the Ayariya were simply in line with his responsibilities. The five privileges (aisesa) which the Ayariya was allowed to avail were that he could wipe and clean his feet in the monastery, could answer calls of nature in the monastery, could wait upon somebody or could not do so, could live alone in the monastery for a night or two and could also stay outside the monastery for the same period. So also, in the previous pages it has been recorded times and again that almost all the items of daily duty were to be performed with his previous permission or consent." 1. MV, 8.12.18, p. 301; etc.; CV, 6.12.33, p. 273; etc. 2. Than, 320 (pp. 239b-240a) refers to four types of Ayariyas, and Vav, 10.11-12 to eight types. Also vide HJM, pp. 146, 222, 223, 3. Ibid, 544, p. 385b. 4. Than, 438, pp. 329ab; Vav, 6.2. 5. Vide Supra, pp. 98-9.

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208 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Not only monks, even nuns were placed under his guidance and protection. Accordingly, he was counted as one of the three protectors of nuns. The qualifications that the Ayariya should possess were as high as his position. It is said that the Ayariya should be at least of eight years' standing in monkhood and should also be conversant with the Sthananga and the Samavaya nga shtras. Besides, he must be endowed with the fivefold conduct (ayara), namely, knowledge (nana), faith (darisana), good behaviour (caritta), penance (tava) and fortitude (ciriya)." Uvajjhaya" :- The Uvajjhaya was one of such officers who were entrusted with the duty of imparting instructions to novices. The Angas, in contrast to the Chedasutras which regarded the Uvajjhaya among the three protectors of nuns; gave him an inferior position. According to the commentators it was simply because of the work of teaching that he was called Uvajjha ya.. It shows therefore that he was concerned only with the educational aspect and was not to interfere in the administration of the Church. The minimum parayay2 for this post was three years. Besides, the candidate for this post must be an expert in monastic conduct (ayarakusala), in the scriptures (pava yanakusala), in their exposition (pannattakusala), in inducing people to the fold (sang hakusala) and he must also possess the knowledge of Ayarapakappa.? Ayariyauvaijhaya :-One of the important officers is Ayariyauvajjhaya. It is very difficult to say whether this expression is simply a compound of the designations of Ayariya and Uvajjhaya, or denoted . a new office. It is because of the fact that even the commentaries are not clear in point. 8 So also the duties ascribed to this officer are not very helpful in this respect, for they are not explicitly mentioned. Prof. Schubring is however of opinion that this person 1. Vav, 3.12. 2. Ibid, 3.7. 3. AvasN, 998; Comm. to Ayar, pp. 4-5; Comm. to Than, p. 140a. 4. For reference to Uvajjhaya : Than, 177, p. 142; Ayar (SHE. Vol. XXII), 2.1.10.1 (p. 113); 2.3.3.4 (p. 146); etc. 5. Vav, 3.12. 6. 'upetyadhiyate smadityupadhyayah. Comm. to Than. p. 140a; uvaisan ti ja mha uvajjhaya tena vuccanti. AyasN, 1001. 7. Vav, 3.3-4. 8. Comm. to Than, pp. 329b, 331b; Comm. to Bhag, 232a.

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THE CUSTODIANS OF MONASTIC DISCIPLINE 209 held a position in between the Ayariya and the Uvajjhaya.1 Dr. Deo has discussed this issue in detail. He remarks that "The commentaries' understand by this mostly two persons and in few cases where the word is used in plural, perhaps the view is correet". But the Vyavaharasutra, he further points out, "treats him as a single person, superior to the Uvajjhaya in point of standing in monkhood (pariyaya), as well as in study, as he was expected to have studied the three Chedasutras --Dasa (Dasasrutaskandha), Kappa (Brhatkalpa), and Vavahara (Vyavaharasutra)'.5 So he holds, "that he acted as an Ayariya when the latter was absent, and as an Uvajjhaya when the real Uvajjhaya was busy with something else. Thus he seems to have served as a link between the Ayariya and the Uvijjhaya"." Thus the qualifications required for this post were at least five years' experience as a monk and the knowledge of the Dasasrutaskandha, the Brhatkalpa and the Vyavahara. In case such a person was not available, then even a person whose pariyaya had been cut short due to some offence committed by him was installed in the office, if he was deemed otherwise fit for the post. If he was not remembering the aforesaid texts, then he had to learn at least the Dyarapakappa.10 The privileges to be enjoyed by this officer were similar to those of the Ayariya." It was due to this exalted position of the Ayariyauvajjhaya that the commission of any offence against celibacy or giving up the robes (avadhavai) while in the office made him unfit for holding any office throughout his life. In case he committed these offences after leaving his office, then he forfeited his claim for three years only.12 Thus it is clear that the qualifications for the post of Ayariyauvajjhaya were higher than that for the Uvajjhaya and lower than that for the Ayariya. It seems therefore that the Ayariyauvajjhaya was an officer superior to the Urajjhaya and inferior to the Ayariya. This 1. Schubring, Doctrines of the Jainas, p. 255. 2. Vav, 4.11f. 3. Cf. Than, p. 329b; Bhag, p. 232b. 4. Var, 1.31. 5. Ibid, 3.5. 6. HJM, pp. 219-20. 7. Vav, 3.5. 8. Ibid, 3.25. 9. Ibid, 3.9. 10. Ibid, 3.10. 11. Vide Supra, p. 208. 12. Vav, 3.16-17; 3.21 22. 14

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210 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM exalted position of the Ayariyauvajjhaya is also manifest from the privileges he was allowed to enjoy exclusively. Ganahara :-The Ganahara or the group-leader was the name given to the chief and direct disciples of a Tirthankara. No mention is made in the texts proper either of the qualifications or of the duties of this person. For example, even the Vyavaharasutra which prescribes the qualifications of other officers is silent in this respect. "But, if on account of this absence of the statement of qualifications of a Ganahara we take him to be identical with the Ayariya," remarks Dr. Deo "then we cannot account for the separate mention of Ganahara along with the Ayariya and others in the list......" But as a matter of fact, this issue does not seem to be too difficult to be explained. It is just probable that the Order, out of respect for the nomenclature given by the Tirthankaras themselves, might not have deemed it proper to use the same for the officers appointed by itself. The Order therefore might have changed it by some other designation. Having the high standard of morality, outstanding scholarship and engaging personality of the Ganaharas of Mahavira in view, it may not be unjustified to remark that the Ayariya would have been the only officer to replace the Ganahara. Hence, the possibility that the Ganahara and the Ayariya were identical cannot be ruled out. 598 who appears to be identical with the like the Ganahara or the Ayariya, was Gani -One more officer Ganahara was Gani. The Gani, the head of a group of monks.* It is however difficult to account for the separate mention of this officer as not only his duties were almost identical with that of the Ganahara or the Ayariya, but he is also equated with them.5 This fact is further stressed on by the Avasyakaniryukti which refers to Indrabhuti, the chief Ganahara of Mahavira as the Fitthagani. 6 The qualifications that a Gani must have are known as Ganisampaya (Skt. Ganisampada). Ganisampada is eightfold", namely, ayarasampaya (qualification of good conduct), suyasampaya (qualification of 1. For Ganahara Vide Supro, pp. 25-6. 2. Brhk, 4.15. 3. HJM, p. 225. 4. gano yasya astiti. Comm. to Than, pp. 143a-144a. 5. Comm. to Than, p. 422b & PindN, 315, p. 98a equate him with Aariya; DasaN, 4.27-28, p. 16b with Ganahara. 6. AvasN, 556. 7. Than, 601, p. 422b; Dasa, 4th dasa; Vide also, Dasu. Culiya, 2.9.

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THE CUSTODIANS OF MONASTIC DISCIPLINE learning, sarirasampaya (qualification of physical fitness), vacanasampaya (qualification of oratory), vacanasampaya (qualification of recitation), matisampaya (qualification of developed intellect), payogasampaya (practical experience) and sanghasampaya (experience in inducing people to the monastic fold). Thus the Ganisampaya comprise almost all the qualities that a good leader or administrator should possess. 211 Ganavaccheiya-Ganavaccheiya who came next to Ayariyauvajihaya in position was the head of a part of the Gana.1 Eight years' standing in monkhood and the knowledge of the Sthananga and the Samavaya nga sutras were the necessary qualifications required of this person. But due consideration was shown for those forgetting the texts due to illness or old age.3 Even a learned person was deemed unfit for this post, if he was a liar, deceitful (mai) and sinful. If a person, while holding this post, committed any offence against celibacy" or left the Order, he was debarred from this privilege for the whole life. But a person doing the same after quitting one's office was suspended for three years only.' Though this officer was expected to live with two other monks in the dry season and with three others in the rainy season, yet he was allowed to stay even outside the monastery for a day or two.10 Thus this person commanded great respect and confidence of all the monks of his Gana. Besides, Vayaga and Pavatti were two officers who were to look after the affairs of the Church. Vayaga was perhaps an officer who gave reading to newly admitted monks11 and was held on par with the Uvajjhaya in rank. The Pavatti held a position next to the Uvajjhaya,1 As a rule, the Order of nuns whether Jaina or Buddhist was controlled by a monk of unimpeachable morality. Though Arya Candana is stated as the head of nuns forming the following of 1. desoasyastiti ganavacchedakah. Comm. to Than, p 245a; Schubring, Doctrines of the Jainas, p. 254. 2. Vav, 3.7. 3. Ibid, 5.17-18. 4. Ibid, 3.24. 5. Ibid, 3.14. 6. Ibid, 3.19. 7. Ibid, 3.14; 3.20. 8. Ibid, 4.3-4. 9. Ibid, 4.7-8. 10. Ibid, 6.3. 11. Cf. Vayanayariya-Vau, 10.11-12. 12. Paiasaddamahannavo, p. 944. 13. Brhk, 4.15.

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212 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Mahavira, it is just probable that she occupied a position in the Jaina Church hierarchy comparable to that of Mahaprajapati Gautami in the Buddhist. Out of the numerous male officers of the Jaina priesthood, only the Ayariya and the Uvajihaya wielded power over the nuns. The Chedasutras refer to female officers like Ganini," Pavattinas and Ganavaccheini4, who took care of the Order of nuns. It may however be stated that their qualifications, duties and responsibilities were almost similar to those of Gani, Ayariya and Gana vaccheiya respectively and as such they held the same position in the Order of nuns as the latter three in the Order of monks. Though we come across in the Buddhist Canon with nuns like Punpa and others who brought several persons to senses, yet none of them are clearly referred to as the leader of the Order of nuns. (c) Conclusion Thus we see that the Jaina Church had a galaxy of officers who were responsible for the supervision of monks. But from the scanty and confusing accounts at our disposal, it is indeed difficult if not impossible to ascertain the position of at least some of the officers in the Jaina Church hierarchy. To serve as an illustration, we may refer to the cases of Ayariya and Gana vaccheiya, whose qualifications and conditions for suspension from the office? were the same and as such we see no reason why should the latter be regarded inferior in position to the former.8 The Buddhist Order vied with the Jaina so far as the number of officers is concerned, but one would be disappointed in one's search for an officer whose position has not been clearly indicated. The status of the Upajjhaya and the Acariya, the only two officers of the Buddhist Church hierarchy responsible for the moral training of a monk is clearly distinguished. The former, unlike the Brahmanical and the Jaina 10 traditions, is held higher in position than the latter. So also, the position of officers concerned with the material needs of the Order is in no case interposing. 1. Vav, 3.12; Supra, pp. 207-8 2. ByhkB, Vol. V, 6048; Gacchacura, 127-28. 3. Bhag, 334, pp. 375b; Brhk, 1.41f; 3.13; 4.1f; etc.; Vav, 5.1f; 5.1-2; 5.9.10; 5.13-14; 5 17. 4. Vav, 5.3-4; 5.9-10; BrhkB, Vol III. 5. Vide HJM, PP 468.470. 6. Vide Supra, pp. 2.7-8, 211. 7. Vav, 39; 13, 23-29. 8. Dr. Deo takes the Ganavaccheiya as inferior to Ayariya. HJM, pp. 223-24. 9 upadhyayandasacarya acaryana satar pita / sah asram tu pitomata gauravenatiricyate // Munu, 2.145; Vide also ragnavalkya, 1.35. 10. Vide Supra, pp. 207ff.

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SECTION II THE LAWS OF POLITY (A)Buddhist From the preceding discussion of the duties and power assigned to the officers of the Buddhist Order, it is now clear that the officers truly speaking were granted almost no personal authority. Even the excercise of the little authority vested in them was deemed valid, if exercised with the consent of a duly constituted Sangha. Particularly a "transaction which might affect the Sangha in any way" was to be performed with the help of a complete Sangha formed lawfully, and hence, was aptly called a sangha-kamma (ecclesiastical act). For a classified list of the various forms of sangha-kammas adverted to in the Vinayapitaka we may refer to Dr. Dutt's, "Early Buddhist Monachismo, pages 148-49, were the learned scholar has aptly classified the sanghakammas in two main categories, viz, (a) Disciplinary and disputatious sangha-kammas and (b) Non-disciplinary and Non-disputatious sanghakammas. "The sangha-kammas like Parivasa, Manatta, Tajjaniya, etc., fall under the first category, while Pabbajja, Upasampada, Uposatha, etc., in the second A complete and lawful Saligha consisted of all the monks living within the sima of an avasa, excluding the samaneras, the monks belonging to another avisa and the monks undergoing some sort of punishment for some omission or commission. The absentee must also either make themselves present at least by proxy or go out of the jurisdiction of the avasa. In later times, the cases of the avasas not sufficiently populated led to the fixation of the minima required for the transaction of the various sangha-kammas. The reason was that an avasa inhabited by less than four monks was denied the status of a full-fledged Sangha competent to transact any of the sangha-kammas. Thus the minimum number of monks constituting a valid Sangha, fixed according to the nature of the sangha-kammas to be performed, is given thus in the Mahavagga:3 i. Four monks for all acts except Upasampada and Abbhana (re-admission of a monk into the Sangha after Parivasa), 1. Op. cit., 10.1.5, pp. 371-72. 2. Vide Supra, pp. 163ff. 3. Op. cit., 94.9-13, pp. 334f; CV, 1.1.5, p. 7.9.

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214 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM ii. Five monks for all acts except Upasampada and Abbhana in the Middle Countries (Majjhima Janapada), iii. Ten monks for all acts except Abbhana, iv. Twenty monks or more for all acts. As already noted, the ecclesiastical acts to be transacted by a lawful Saig ha may conveniently be studied under three categories, these categories in question being (a) the transaction of the Non-disciplinary and Non-disputatious sangha-kammas, such as, Upasampada, Uposatha, settlement of sima, appointment of officers, and the like, (b) imposition of appropriate penalty and (c) the decision of the ecclesiastical disputes (adhikarana). A lawful transaction of a sangha-kamma, whether legal or otherwise, important or insignificant, must necessarily be accompanied with a nalti (motion), anussavana or kam mavaca (proclamation of the act proposed) and dharana (resolution). In important cases known as natticatutthakamma, the proclamation is made thrice, in simpler cases called nattidutiyakamma only once. As for example, the proclamation, while ordaining a novice or inflicting punishment on a guilty person or dealing with a disputed matter, is to be announced thrice and in case of fixation of sima or appointment of officers once only. Though every monk, as a rule, is entitled to express his view on the issue sub judice, yet for moving the motion and making the necessary statements, an individual monk is selected who represents the whole Saigha. The rest, if they agree with the proceedings, express their consent by remaining silent, if not, give reason for their disagreement. Nobody is allowed to misuse this personal privilege by raising legal question unnecessarily in the assembly. (a) The Transaction of Non-disciplinary and Non-disputatious Acts This is the normal principle applied by the Sangha which holds good in all cases, whatever. Now let us see the details which are peculiar to each of the aforesaid three cases. So far as the transaction of the Non-disciplinary and Non-disputatious sangha-kammas are concerned, they have no technical peculiarity of their own. For instance, the case of ordaining a novice (which belongs to the natticatutthakamma) may be taken. In this case the Anusasaka introduces the person seeking ordination along with his proposed Upajjhaya. Then the postulant himself requests the Sangha for ordination. Thereupon 1. Vide, Law, Geography of Early Buddhism. 2. Vide MV, 2.14-15.22-23, pp. 116-117.

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215 THE LAWS OF POLITY a qualified and learned monk moves the motion and announces the kammavaca thrice which is assented to by the monks by keeping silence. This procedure has been discussed in deatail in the first section of the second chapter. The fixation of sima1 and appointment of officers" are the two typical examples of nattidutiyakamma. In the first case, the Sangha fixes the boundary marks and then announces the same to the assembly once for its formal approval, while in the latter, the kammavaca is proposed after seeking the consent of the monk to be posted to the office. This is in brief the procedure adopted in case of the transaction of a Non-disciplinary and Non-disputatious sangha-kamma. (b) Offences and Punishments The Vinayapitaka contains a comprehensive list of offences to be committed by monks which are known as the rules of Pratimoksa. They are classified in eight groups in descending order of their seriousness and are provided with suitable punishments But really speaking only six of them come under the offences proper, which are as follows: Offences (i) Parajika (ii) Sanghadisesa Punishments Expulsion from the Sangha, Suspension: (a) Manatta (b) Parivasa (probation) : (i) Apaticchanna (unconcealed)* (ii) Paticchanna (concealed) 5 (iii) Suddhanta (complete purification)6 (iv) Samodhana (inclusive proba tion)", 1. MV, 2.4.7-9, p. 109. 2. Ibid, 8.11-12.17.18, pp. 300-302; CV, 4.2.6, pp. 153-54, etc. 3. Vide Infra, p. 229. 4. It seems that only Manatta was inflicted in case of an unconcealed offence like emission of semen. (Cf. CV, 3.1.1-3, pp. 86-87). If concealed, the offender had to under go Parivasa and accordingly was called Paticchannaparsvasa Again if a monk under probation for his concealed offence committed the same offence and did not conceal it he had to observe the Paticchannaparivasa afresh (Cf. CV, 3.1.14-15, pp. 93-94) and perhaps this was the probation for an offence not concealed. 5. CV, 3.1.6-7, p. 89; 3.1.12-13, pp. 92-93. 6. Ibid, 3.2.60-63, pp. 122-24. 7. Ibid, 3.1.29-30, pp. 102-103.

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216 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (iii) Nissaggiya Forfeiture, (iv) Pacittiya Expiation, (v) Aniyata Expulsion, Suspension or Expiation, (vi) Patidesaniya Confession Besides, a sporadic mention is made of offences like Thullaccaya, Dukkata, Dubbhasita, etc., which are prescribed no specific penalty.! To punish the transgressor was out and out an ecclesiastical act. The measures often carried out against a guilty person were as follows : A disciplinary measure known as Taijaniyakamma was carried out in case of a monk who was quarrelsome; full of offences; closely associated with householders; lacking in morality; ill-speaker of the Buddha, the Dhamma, or the Sangha; or the like. Imposition of this penalty made the trangrsessor incapable for certain ecclesiastical acts. The second disciplinary measure called Nissayakamma was taken against a monk who partook in ecclesiastical acts, even though guilty of minor offences. The monk in question was subjected to subordination and was also denied some ecclesiastical rights and privileges. The third measure or the Pabbajani yakamma was normally carried out against a monk who was defamed as kuladusaka (defiler of good families) and papasamacara (given to had conduct) by his overt actions of garlanding or partaking in playing, singing and dancing with young girls. The monk sub poena was compelled to leave the place for some time and to observe the disabilities as well. The fourth measure, the Patisarani yakamma was inflicted upon a monk who had given offence to a householder by contemplating loss to him; reviling him; censuring the Buddha, the Dhamma, or the Sangha; or by any other similar act. The penalty consisted in compelling the monk to beg pardon of the householder. He was also allowed a companion duly appointed by the Sangha in order to assist him in his act of begging pardon of the householder. The companion when he found that the householder was not willing to forgive the monk begged pardon of the householder on behalf of his friend or of the Sangha as he deemed proper. The sentence was revoked as so as he was pardoned by the householder. The fifth and the last was Ukkhepaniyakamma or the act of suspension. When a monk refused to acknowledge his offence or to 1. Vide Infra pp. 2375.

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THE LAWS OF POLITY 217 atone for it or to renounce a false or sinful doctrine, this measure was carried out. The guiity monk was denied association with the resident monks in all possible ways. It is to be noted that the procedure adopted in all the cases was the same which may be summed up as below: First, the guilty monk was to be warned (codetabbo), then reminded of the Patimokkha rule which he was infringing (saretabbo) and then charged with the offence incurred by him (apattim aropetabbo). This was followed by the natti, 'so and so was guilty of such and such an offence' and the request for taking necessary steps, announced thrice before the Saigha. The guilty monk was given an opportunity to defend himself or to confess his guilt before finally inflicting the penalty on him. The penalty which consisted of debarring the guilty monk from conferring Upasampoda, giving nissaya to a monk, taking a sa manera, taking part in any ecclesiastical act, etc , was the same in all cases, except in the Ulkhepaniyakamma in which the guilty person was denied even association with his co-monks and the privileges like receiving salutations, courtesies, services, etc, from other monks and so on and so forth. The penalty continued for an indefinite period. It was revoked when the monk sub poena requested for it to the Sarigha. Other rules as regards the number of valid and invalid acts, Sangha's choice to proceed against a guilty person revocable and unrevocable cases were almost the same for all acts. The following table contains the number of the same : No. of No. of San- Restri. Unre- Re- Persons on unlawful lawful gha's ctions voca- voca- whome inacts. acts. choice. impoble ble. flicted. sed. 12 Lou: Tajj-K 12 .8 18 18 Panduka, Lohitaka. Niss K. 18 18 18 Seyyasaka. Pabb-K. 12 18 13 18 Assaji, Punabbasuka. Pati-K 12 12 4 18 18 18 Sud hamma. Ap. Ad. * Ukk.-K. 3 Channa. Ap. Ad. Ukk.-K. 12 12 6 43 43 43 Channa. Pa, Ap. Ukk.-K. 12 43 43 43 Arittha. 1. For reference to the informations of this sub-section vide CV, chapters 1 to 3; EBM; pp. 165ff; EMB, pp. 298-304.

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Z 18 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Besides these, measures like Manalta, Parivasa, Mulayapatikas sana, Brahmadanda, etc., were also taken against a guily n.onk. Manatta and Parivasa were inflicted for Sanghadisesa offences. The monk undergoing the Manatta discipline was debarred fro usual privileges of the Sargha for six days. Manatta was also accompanied by Parivasa when the offence was concealed knowingly and when it was not possible to ascertain the date of coinmission of the offence. The former was known as Patichannaparivasa and the latter Suddhanta parivasa. The period of Parivasa extended for the commission of a fresh offence during the Parivasa period for the previous offence was called Samodhanaparivasa. When the monk sub poena failed to observe the restrictions imposed on him for Manatta or Parivasa, he had to undergo the penalty prescribed for the latter offence afresh.? Brahmadanda or the penalty of social boycott had been inflicted on Channa in the first Buddhist Council. (c) Settlement of Disputes (adhikarana) On certain occasions a legal issue of the Sangha becaine a topic of hot discussion and great controversy. All such controversial issues are said to have arisen because of four reasons, viz, viva da (contention), anuvada (censure), apatti (offence), and kicca (duties and obligations of the Sangha), and are named accordingly-Vivadadhikarana, Anuvadadhikarana, Apattadhikarana, and Kiccadhikarana." (i) Vivadadhikarana includes, excepting family and friendly disputes, all such disputes arising out of contention relating to Dhamma, Vinaya, the teachings-preached, practised or promulgated by the Tathagata, and the nature of an offence. For example, the contention arising out of Yasa's suggestion that accepting money from the laity is unlawful may be put forward here.4 This type of offence was agreed upon by Sammukhavinaya (proceeding in presence) and rebhuyyasika (verdict of the ma (ii) Anuvadadhikarana includes disputes arising out of censure as regards moral habits (sila), good conduct (acara), right view (ditthi) and right mode of livelihood (ajiva). Disputes arising due to family and friendly censure are beyond its province. The allegation that Yasa propounded a false doctrine to the householders is an instance in point. . 1. For details vide CV chapters 2nd, 3rd; Infra, pp. 232-34. 2. CV, 11.8.10-13, pp. 412-14; DN, Vol II, Mahaparinibbanasutta. 3. Ibid, 4.8,31-43, pp. 170-177. 4. Ibid, 12 1.1, p. 416. 5. Ibid, 12.1.2, pp. 416-17.

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THE LAWS OF POLITY 2ig A dispute belonging to this group was settled by four types of decision, viz., Sammukhavinaya (proceeding in presence), Sativinaya (proceeding for the innocent), Amush avinaya (proceeding for past insanity) and Tassapapiyyasika (trial for the prevaricators). (iii) Apatta dhikarana comprises disputes arising from any one of the offences, namely, Parajika, Sangha disesa, Nissaggiya, Pacittiya, Patidesaniya, Thullaccaya, Dukkata and Dubbhasita, alleged against a monk. The complaint lodged by Bhikkhuni Mettiya against Dabba that he has assaulted her criminally is a typical example. Any other apatti like sotapaiti, samapatti, etc., is out of the jurisdiction of Apalt adhikarana. Disputes forming this group were settled by three forms of decision, giz., Sammukhavinaya (proceeding in preseuce), Patinna takarana (trial for the confessor) and Tinavattharaka (the proceeding of covering up with grass). (iv) Kiccadhikarana arises from the procedure of a sangha-kamma, i.e., from the duties and obligations of the Sangha. The allegation made against the Chavaggiya monks that they carry out formal acts of censure, guidance, banishment, reconciliation or suspension against monks who are not present is a typical example of the kind. The duties and obligations to an Acariya, an Upajjhaya and fellowmonks having the same Acariya or Upajjhaya cannot be the subjectmatter of Kiccadhikarana. The only form of decision applied for the reconciliation of Kiccadhikarana is Sammukhavinaya. Arr Adhikarana, to whatever category it may belong, is settled by a duly appointed Sangha. The trial is governed by the rules of Adhikaranasamatha which are seven in number-(i) Sammukhavinaya, (ii) Sativinaya, (iii) Patinna takaruna, (iv) Amushavinaya, (v) Yebhuyyasika, (vi) Tassapapiyasika, and (vii) Tinavattharaka." (i) Sammukhavinayat :--The procedure is carried out in the presence of (a) a complete Sangha, (b) the Dhamma, (c) the Vinaya, and (d) the persons involved in, hence the name Sammukhavinaya (proceeding in presence). This "fourfold presence" is necessary in the trial of all adhikaranas without any distinction. Normally the trial 1. CV, 4 2.8-9, pp. 155ff. 2. Ibid, 4.1.1, p. 150. 3. For important views on the seven Addhikaranasamathas vide EBM, pp. 156 65; EMB, pp. 307-10. 4. CV, 4.1.1-4, pp. 150-52; 4.9.44-51, pp. 177-84,

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220 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM ends with the decision of the dispute by a complete Sangha constituting of the members of the avasa concerned. In case the local Sangha fails to settle it, then it approaches the members of a nearby avasa for arbitration who accept it only if they consider themselves competent for the assignment. If unable to decide the case, they return the custody of the case to the disputant monks who again refer the question to a select-committee (ubbahika) duly appointed out of the monks of their own avasa. The monks who form such a Sangha must be qualified and virtuous. As a matter of fact, the text lacks details as regards the actual proceeding of the trial applied by the committee. Dr. S. Dutt assumes the procedure adopted in the Second Council as an instance in point.1 (ii) Sativinaya :-The proceeding for the innocent is applied when a monk is baselessly charged with the breach of morality. The person concerned is made to appear before the Sangha to deny the charge, if conscious of his innocence and to request the Sangha for acquittal usually in the words "Ime mam, bhante.....bhikkhu amulikaya silavipattiya anuddhamsenti, soham bhante, sativepullappatto sangham sativinayam yacami'ti". The acquittal is granted in the usual natti-form. Five conditions, viz., (i) the monk concerned must be innocent, (ii) he must have been censured, (iii) he must have requested the Sangha for acquittal, (iv) the Sangha must be prepared to grant it and (v) the Sangha must be duly constituted, are required to make the grant of acquittal lawful. (iii) Amulhavinaya" :-This form is observed in case of offences committed during insanity. As in case of Sativinaya so also in it, the guilty monk appears before the Sangha, confesses his past insanity and the offences committed during that period. The grant of acquittal is deemed valid, if he confesses that he cannot remember the offence due to loss of his memory, or he remembers it as if committed in dream, or that he is still insane. (iv) Patinnatakarara :-The proceeding of formal confession of an offence incurred by a monk in the presence of a monk senior to him or of a duly formed Sangha is adopted in case of a slight offence (lahuka-apatti). This proceeding of Patinnatakarana is distinguished from those adopted in case of other trials, for, in most cases, it comes, 1. EBM, pp. 157-58. 2. CV, 4.2.5-11, pp. 153-59; 49.52, pp. 184-85. 3. Ibid, 4 3.12.15, pp. 159.62; 4 9.53, pp. 184-86. 4. Ibid, 4.4.16-17, pp. 162-64; 4.9.55, pp. 188-89.

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THE LAWS OF POLITY 221 to a termination before reaching the natli stage. It is however carried out to the natti stage, if the person concerned does not confess his offence before a monk or a number of monks. In either case the grant of absolution is an individual concern.1 (0) Yebhuyyasika? :- When the local Sangha and the Ubbahika. fail to settle the disputed matter, the decision is arrived at by the vote of the majority. The votes are taken by means of marked salakas (sticks) which are distributed by an officer known as Salakaggahapaka, a person duly appointed by the Sangha, Sala kaggahapaka is free to apply any one of the three methods of taking vote, namely, the Gulhaka, i.e. the secret-method, the Sakannajappaka, i e. the whispering method and the Vivataka, i.e. the open method. If he apprehends Adhammavadi monks to be in majority, he adopts either of the first two methods. If not, then he takes recourse to the third. Not only this, he can even nullify the verdict of the majority, if he deems it against the Dhamma. Decidedly the Salakag gaha paka holds a responsible position." (vi) Tassapapiyyasika :-This method is adopted in case of a guilty monk who when examined for his offences makes evasive statements,? Thus in his effort to clear himself from the charge, he commits a fresh offence which enables the Saigba to carry out the proceeding. Accordingly, the guilty monk is first rebuked for, and then, is reminded for his offence. Finally after charging him with an offence, a befitting penalty is imposed on him by the usual natti form. 1. CF. CV, 4.9.55, p. 190 where the mover of nalti declares-yadi sanghassa pattakallam, aham itthanamagga bhikkhunopatti patigaheyyanti'; also EBM, p. 159. 2. CV, 4.5.18-20, p. 164; 4.9.44, p. 177; 1.9.50-51, pp. 182-84. 3. Ibid, 4.5.18, p. 164. 4. Ibid, 4.9.50, p. 182 5. Vide Samantapasudika, sub voce; EBM, pp. 159-61; MV (Roman), p. 351 for details as regards the irethod of taking votes. 6. CV, 4.6.21-27, pp. 165-67; 4.9.54, pp. 187-88. 7. avajanitva patijanati, patijanita avajanati, annenannam paticarati, sampajan amusa bhanati, CV, 4.6.21, p. 165. 8. MN, Vol. II, p. 249. 9. Perhaps the accused is taken to task for the offence committed during the trial, i.e., for his prevaricating statements, not for the offence committed before the trial. Dr. S. Dutt remarks-"After the commission of the offence as above, the usual natti was proposed and the bhikkhu sentenced accordingly'. He again opines that in case of Tassapapiyyasika "the offence arises in course of the trial". EBM, p. 162.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM (vii) Tinavattharaka1 :-This form is applied in a case which when discussed is feared to give undesirable consequences. Therefore, it is deemed good to drop the issue as it is necessary to cover the filth by grass in order to get rid of its bad smell. Other requisite conditions for the trial are as usual. 222 These were the laws of polity which were carried out in the early Buddhist Sangha. Now we come to the Jaina. (B) Jaina The Jaina Church on account of its being an autocratic form of organisation depended entirely on the Sasta, i.e., the Master, which was, of course, a custom in the 6th century B. C. It was therefore befitting that it equipped the officer or rather the officers of the Church with unlimited power and authority so that they could deal with the guilty persons properly, could settle the cases of disputes and quarrels successfully, and so on and so forth. A few words about the same will not be out of place here. The offences and transgressions to be committed by a Jaina monk were innumerable and of varied nature. So also the punishments and expiations prescribed for the same. The judicial proceedings carried out against a transgressor was called 'Vavahara'. It was based either on the canon (agama), or tradition (sue), or law (ana), or charge (dharana), or custom (jie). The punishments and expiations together called Prayascittas to be inflicted on a guilty monk which were guided by this fivefold principles were ten, the lightest being Aloyana and the gravest Paranciya: 1. Aloyana 2. Padikkamana 3. Tadubhaya 4. Vivega 5. 6. Tava 7. Cheya 8. Mula Viusagga Apavatthappa 9. 10. Paranciya -Condemnation, - Confession, -Confession and condemnation, -Discrimination, -Corpoal punishments, -Penance, -Curtailment of seniority, -Re consecration, -Suspension, -Expulsion. 1. CV, 4.7 28-30, pp. 167-70; 4.9.55-60, pp. 188-92; EMB, pp. 309-10. 2. Vav, 10.2. 3. Than, 489, p. 355b; 733, p. 484a; Bhag, p. 920ff; Aup. 78.

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THE LAWS OF POLITY 223 As these groups of Prayascittas form the subject matter of the following section, here we must confine to some important and relevant observations only. Absolution from the first six types of offences was sought either by confession or by self-imposed penance. The confession as well as the penance was practised before the guru who gave necessary directions in this respect. The punishment prescribed for the first of the last four Prayascittas was curtailment "of a part of the monk's ecclesiastical rank among his brethren, which dates from his second reception, the definitive consecration to the vow."2 The minimum cut enforced was five days which was determined by the status of the guilty person in the Church hierarchy. Besides, the loss (Cheda) was also determined, like the period of Samodha naparivasa of the Buddhists, by the period during which the offences were repeated. It was called Santara Gheda. The next, that is Parihara, the purification of the transgressor by isolation lasted for one month, or for four months 4 or for six months". The person undergoing the penalty was subjected more or less to social boycott. It may roughly be compared with th Parivasa of the Buddhists.? The complete loss of the ecclesiastical rank is termed Mala. The person sub poena is required to get himself re-admitted in the order punaruratopasthapana). After the complete loss of the ecclesiastical rank, the transgressor is suspended from the ecclesiastical rights and privileges and placed on probation so that he may qualify himseif for re-admission. This probationary period is krown as Anavatthappa which seems partially identical to Parivasa prescribed for heretics by the Buddhists. Jo Commission of a grave offence led to expulsion (Paranciyal from the Order for ever. Other measures taken by the later Jainas were that they imposed upon the transgressor expiatory fasts whose duration varied according ; HJM, pp.3.50-82; H7M ; to Aup, p. 78 1. T han, p. 484a. 2. Indian Antiquary, 39, p. 262, fn. 25; Comm. to Aup, p. 78. 3. Vav, Uddesaka I; Jiyakappa, 80-82; HJM, pp. 235f; Appendix I. 4. Vav, Uddesaka I; HJM, pp. 236, Appendix I. 5. Vav, Uddesaka I. 6. Vav, 2.28-30. 7. Vide Infra, pp. 232-34. 8. Comm. to Aup. p. 78; Jiyakappa, 83-86. 9. HJM, p. 237. 10. Vide Supra, pp. 95-6.

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224 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM to the gravity of the offences. These fasts were divided into nine groups as belowl: Name of the punishments Duration Nature of the fast (1) Guruo 1 month Atthamena (2) Gurugatarao 4 months Dasa mena (3) Ahaguruo 6 months Duvalasamena (4) Lahuo 30 days Chatthepa (5) Lahutarao 25 days Cautthena (6) Ahalahuo 20 days Ayambilepa. (7) Lahusao 15 days Egatthamena (8) Lahusatarao 10 days Purirnaddhena (9) Ahalahusao 5 days Niv viena (C) Conclusion Both the Orders have a galaxy of punishments and expiations. When punishing the transgressor, the Buddhist as well as the Jaina Order, in various cases, gave the transgress or an opportunity to re the charges levelled against him as well as a choice to choose the punishment for himself. Apart from this, both the Orders relied more on the transgressor than on the person reporting the offence. The faith put in Bhikkhu Dabba who had been accused by Bhikkhuni Mettiya is a burning example in point. It was because of the reason that the trial was guided by truth (saccapainna vavahara)' rather than by power and law. (D) Problem of Senioriiy and Succession Problem of seniority and succession is one of the most significant problems that come before an organisation of whatever nature it may be. The Buddhist or the Jaina Church was not an exception. in the lifetime of Lord Buddha the problem arose with regard to individual preferences provided by the Sangha. The Jaina Order too considered the problem of prime importance. The main qualifications of the officers of the Buddhist Order were moral integrity, the knowledge of the Dhamma and the Vinaya and their proper and regular practice. It is evidenced by the rules framed for the guidance of the Saigha that only a learned and competent 1. Curni to BrhkB, Uddesaka 5; Indian Antiquary, Vol. 39, p, 267, fn. 45; H7M, p. 375. 2. CV, 4 2.5-11, pp. 153-59. 3. Vav, 4.11-12.

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THE LAWS OF POLITY 225 monk who has completed ten years or more may confer Upasampada and give nissaya,' and can also ordain two novices or as many novices as he is able to admonish and instruct to, and that even a monk of less standing is to be authorised instantly to recite the Patimokkha, if all the theras of an avasa be ignorant. 3 Similar was the case with the Jaina Order. Anybody willing to be posted to an office must possess, besides the requisite pariyaya the essential qualifications prescribed for the post. To serve as an illustration, the case of Ayariyauvaijhaya may be taken. The condidate for this post despite his seniority was asked to re-learn the Ayarapakappa, if he had forgotten the texts. Even younger monks were intrusted with the duty of teaching older monks. Thus we notice that regulations were laid down to encourage the younger monks and to avoid filthy competition. It was essential to maintain law and order for the smooth running of the Fraternity, for harmonious relation among the members of the Sarigha might have been at stake, if favouritism and nepotism would have gained ground in monastic life. The result might have been a constant conflict and finally a dissension in the Church which the Buddha was not prepared to welcome even at the cost of his own life. It never implies that the Buddha underrated seniority in age altogether. His estimation of age indeed was very high which has been well-established by the parable of Tittirajataka. Of course, the Jaina Order attached more importance to experience (pariyaya) and scholarship than to age.? Despite the fact, the Jainas, like the Buddhists, could not overlook the importance of age completely. As such the Jaina Order ordained the Ayariyauvajjhaya to postpone the confirmation of a younger novice, if an older one was ected to complete his lesson by that time. If however he deliberately confirmed the younger person earlier than the older, he had to undergo Cheda or Parihara. 8 In framing the rules, both the Buddhists and the Jainas seem to have shown the keenest foresight and a peculiar psychological approach 1. MV, 1.26.82, p. 67. 2. Ibid, 1.46.105, p. 87. 3. Ibid, 2.16.24, pp. 117-18. 4. Vav, 3.10. . 5. Ibid, 5.17-18. 6. CV, 6.4.18, pp. 256-57. 7. Vav, 4.13-14. 8. Ibid, 415. 15

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226 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM to human nature. Consequently, they appear to be conscious enough of giving the least opportunity that may cause dissension in the Order at any time to come. One of the causes of cessation of the nissaya, for example, may be cited in case of the Buddhists. The nissaya, ceases towards the Acariya, if the Acariya and the Upajjhaya of a monk under dependence have come together.1 It distinctly installed the latter at a level higher than the former. So also a Jaina monk of less standing (seha) having a following of disciples is required to remain under the control of a monk of greater standing (rainia) having no disciples with him, if they have come together. In case both of them have disciples, then the disciples of the junior monk are not obliged to accept the authority of the monk having greater pariyaya.2 Moreover, the Buddhist as well as the Jaina Order gave due consideration to circumstances beyond one's control. For instance, if a supervisor of the construction of new buildings (Navakammika) after taking the charge of the construction became incompetent in any way and he accepted his incompetency, the office and its privileges were still his.3 In the same way the Jaina Order asked a monk who had forgotten the texts due to old age or illness to re-learn the texts in order to appoint or re-appoint him to the post of a Ganavaccheiya. We should not forget that the framer or rather the framers of the monastic laws after all were human beings, and as such they were in the know of the human short-comings and lapses. Therefore their best effort seems to be to accommodate all such short-comings and lapses without defying the rules of decorum and decency. The Buddhist law that if an Acariya or an Upajjhaya, as the case may be, commits some grave offence then he should not be denied the right to hold that office instantly, illustrates it Instead, he should be given due opportunity to undergo the penance or atone for the offence imposed upon him by the Order. Moreover, his pupil must strive in order that the Sangha may revoke its sentence and restore him to the office 5 The Jainas as well seem to have promulgated a similar rule. For example, even a monk whose seniority has been cut short due to some offence committed by him is given an opportunity to act as Ayariyauvajjhaya. It solely depends on him to prove himself 1. MV, 1.27.83, p. 67. 2. Vav, 4.24-25. 3. CV, 6.11.30, pp. 268-71. 4. Vav, 5.17-18. 5. MV, 1.18.66, pp. 46-47; 1.23.78, pp. 61-62; CV, 8.11.21, pp. 331; 8.13.25, pp. 339-40.

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THE LAWS OF POLITY 227 worthy of the post by gaining confidence of monks under him by his good conduct.1 One peculiar feature of the Jaina Church is that the Ayariya can appoint his successor, if he is seriously ill or he is to disrobe him. self. At the same time the monks forming his group are allowed to disagree with his decision and compel the new Aayriya to leave the office, if his choice is prejudiced in any way. The new Ayariya must surrender to the decision of the Sangha, otherwise he may incur Cheda or Parihara." Now it will not be improper to say that individual as well as society has been given a balanced importance in the constitution of the Buddhists as well as the Jainas. The only motive behind it which can be summed up in a sentence was to install every person in a place worty of him in order to make him contented and righteous. Thus the organisers "who were conscious of such problem, made such rules as were fit to blend together the ideals of respects for age and respect for scholarship and moral conduct as well." 1. Vav, 3.9-10. 2 Ibid, 4.13-14. 3. Jaina Monastic Jurisprudence, p. 30.

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SECTION III THE BUDDHIST PRATIMOKSA & THE JAINA PRAYASCITTA : A COMPARATIVE STUDY Having noted down the main points of convergence and divergence of the Buddhist and the Jaina monastic administration, we now pass on to a prominent feature of monastic life, viz., transgressions and expiations, designated as rules of the Pratimok sa by the Buddhists and laws of Prayascitta by the the Jainas. It may be borne in mind that their significant characteristics lie in the fact that they deal with the daily affairs of the Fraternity and as such we would be failing in our duty to put forward a coherent picture of the Buddhist and the Jaina monastic life, if we overlook this aspect of the Church affairs. First we must thank the framer or rather the framers of the Buddhist laws as they not only put forward two separate lists of transgressions and expiations, one for the monks (Bhikkhupatimokkha) and the other for the nuns (Bhikkhunipatimokkha) classified in descending order of their gravity, but also state the circumstances which led to their formulation. The Parajika being the gravest and the Sekhiya the lightest, these groups ut infra contain altogether 227 rules for monks and 311 for nuns. No. of offences No. of offences Groups of offences Bhikkhu PM Bhikkhuni PM 1. Parajika Expulsion 2. Saughadisesal Suspension 3. Aniyata? Indeterminates 4. Nissaggiya Pacittiya Forfeiture 5. Pacittiya Expiation 6. Patidesaniya Confession 7. Sekhiya Rules of training 8. Adhikarapa- Ways of settling samatha disputes ya 227 311 1. The offences comprising the Parajika and the Sanghadisesa groups collecti. vely are called Dutthalla. 2. The Bhikkhunt patimokkha, like the Bhikkhu patimokkha, contains all the sections but Aniyata.

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PRATIMOKSA AND PRAYASCIITA : A COMPARATIVE STUDY 229 Some of the aforesaid groups, for one reason or the other, seem unjustifiably included in the Pratimoksa. For instance, the restraints belonging to the seventh group, i, e., Sekhiya can never come in the category of offences as neither of the follies is retributed with any punishment or expiation. As such Dr. Pachow aptly remarks that the violation of any of them by a Bhikkhu is not considered to be a criminal act but simply bad manners." Similarly, the offences enlisted in the third group ought not to be treated as a separate group for they belong, according to the circumstances, to Parajika, Sanghadisesa or Pacittiya section. Likewise, the last section, the Adhikaranasamatha gives different methods for the settlement of a disputed issue of the Order. Now what we may infer is that out of the eight divisions, only five, namely, Parajika, Sanghadisesa, Nissaggiya Pacittiva, Pacittiyu and Patide saniya are separate groups of what is called transgressions and expiations in the proper sense of the term. Like the Buddhist, the Jaina Canon, too, refers to a number of offences and transgressions likely to be committed by the monks and nuns in various walks of monastic life. Moreover, they are also retributed with suitable punishments and expiations grouped in ten sections in ascending order of their seriousness, Aloyana being the lowest and Paranciya the highest This classification often referred to in the Canonical texts of the Svetambara sect is as the following : 1. Aloyana -Condemnation, 2. Padikkamapa -Confession, 3. Tadubhaya - Confession and condemnation, 4. Vivega --Discrimination, 5. Viusagga -Bodily punishments, 6. Tava -- Penance, 7. Cheya --Curtailment of seniority, 8. Mula -Re-conseciation, 9. Apavatthappa -Suspension, and 10. Paranciya -Expulsion, It may be pointed out that the texts stating the above groups do not contain, like that of the Buddhist Pratimoksa, a list of the exact number of offences, the groups consist of. For such a list we have to rely on several other texts like Vyavahara, Nisitha and BIhatkalpa, etc. along with their exegetical literature. It may also be noted that the 1. A Comparative Study of Patimokkha, p. 49; Vide also EB), pp. 93-94. 2. Than, 489, p. 355b; 733, p. 484a; Bhag, pp. 920ff; Aup, p. 78.

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230 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Digambara texts refer to the same list with the only difference that the ninth is termed as Parihara and the tenth as Saddhana. The inclusion of some of the groups of offences in the list of the Prayascitta, as in case of the Buddhists already noted, seem to be unjustified. The fourth group, i. e., Vivega which is explained by the commentator as 'asuddhabhakt adivivecanam' or 'discrimination between pure and impure food, etc.'," is practically an attempt to escape transgressions pertaining to food, etc., and as such in no case a commission of the transgression itself. Similarly Viusagga and Tava, the fifth and the sixth groups are, more or less, self-imposed asceticism, one of the essential virtues of a Jaina monk, and not an atonement for some offence. The rest of the groups, in fact, are the lists of offences and expiations proper. Before we proceed to a detailed comparative study, we may equate, for the sake of convenience, some of the groups of the Prati moksa with that of the Prayascittas as under : Buddhist Jaina Parajika Sanghadisesa Pacittiya & Patidesaniya Sekhiya Paranciya Anavatthappa Padikkamana & Aloyana Vivega The reason for doing so is very obvious. We see that the punishment prescribed by both the Orders for the most heinous crimes is the same, i. e., expulsion from the Order (Parajika|Paranciya), and for offences a bit less serious is suspension (Sangha disesa/Anavatthappa). Confession and condemnation of a transgression committed is a common feature of the two Orders. Further, both the Orders seem to have framed a code of conduct which is sure to keep the monks away from the transgression, if they follow it properly. Though the groups equated above are not entirely analogous, still they bear ample similarities which attest to their interaction and common source of origin. The first section of the Buddhist Pratimoksa, the Parajika or the offences that defeat the transgressor, make him unfit for monk life*parajiko hoti asamvaso', are the most grievous as the only punishment 1. Mul, 5.165. 2. Comm. to Aup, p. 78; Paiasad damahannavo, (p. 1001) also understands it as 'parityaga' (giving up of transgression ?) HJM p. 153, fn. 65.

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PRATIMOKSA AND PRAYASCITTA A COMPARATIVE STUDY 231 for any one of them is expulsion. They are, in all, eight. The first four which pertain to sexual intercourse, theft, killing (manussaviggaha) and exaggeration of one's superhuman attainments (uttarimanussadhamma) are binding on monks and nuns alike. The rest which are meant exclusively for the nuns deal with their conduct showing sexual desire, suppression of fault and siding with a suspended monk.1 Its Jaina counterpart, as we have already pointed out, is known as Paranciya or Saddhana (Sraddhana), offences which entail expulsion from the Order-linga libhedam'. Though it is difficult to give the exact number of offences coming under this category, yet at least this much is certain that they when scrutinized seem to have been based on the same principles as the first three Parajikas of the Buddhists. Our statement is attested by the fact that the violation of any of the Mulavratas involves expulsion from the Order. The Sthanangasutra refers to two sets of Paranciya offences, each consisting of three; the former set accruing from hatthakamma (masterbation), mehuna (sexual indulgence) and raibhoyana (night-meal), and the latter from duttha (immoral acts), pamatta (being negligent) and annamannam-karemane (practising homosexuality) Moreover, the Jaina list of the Paranciya offences appears to be more comprehensive and severe than that of the Buddhist, because it includes some offences towards which the Buddhists seem to have taken a lenient attitude. For instance, disrespect to the Acarya or any other officer of the Church, intimacy with a nun or a queen and murder of a king (together known as dutthaparanciya); homosexuality (annamannam-karemane); violation of the rules regarding food and drink and the like are treated as severely as the offence of actual sex experience and hence their inclusion in the Paranciya group. Whether the Jaina Order treated a monk exaggerating his superhuman powers or making use of it with the same severity or not is 1. PM (Bhikkhu & Bhikkhuni) Ist Section. 2. 'Samukkasana' & 'Nijjuhana' are also the terms connected with the expulsion of a monk. But they are entirely different from the Paranciya, the expulsion of a person from the Order due to some offence. Samukkasana and Nijjuhana, on the other hand, stand for the expulsion of a person holding an office, if he loses the confidence of his group (Gana) and the omission of a person from a particular Gana respectively. Cf. Vav, 2.6-17; Jaina Monastic Jurisprudence, p. 45. 3. Comm. to Angd., 7. 57. 4. Comm. to Than pp. 162b-164b. 5. Than, 201, p. 162b. 6. Comm. to Angd, 7.57. 7. Brhk, 4.2. 8. Angd, 7.57.

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232 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM difficult to assert. However this much is certain that the monks were debarred from making a performance of it.' For the verbal similarity of the Pratimoksa text of the first two Parajikas as exposed in the Parajika volume of the Vinayapitaka with the Jaina Scriptural texts on the subject, one may refer to the Nisithasutra, Uddesakas I. 1-9, II, VII & VIII, and the Bhagavatisutra, IV. 1-2, etc. The offences a bit less serious than the Parajika are included in the second section, the Sanghadises which are requited with temporary expulsion from the Order. These offences mainly pertaining to monk's or nun's leaning towards sexual indulgence, the trouble caused to a monk, a nun, or a house holder by a groundless charge an attempt to cause schism in a united assembly; the carrying out of ecclesiastical acts according to one's own sweet will; the contamination of a family by a monk; the lax morality of a nun; the concealment of faults; the acquisition of food by a passionate nun with her own hand from a passionate person or causing others to do so and the repudiation of the three jewels, i. e., the Buddha, the Dhamma and the Sangha; etc., are thirteen" for monks and seventeen' for nuns. The punishments accruing from the above transgressions were Parivasa, Manatta and Mula The first two were inflicted together in case the trans ressor did not confess his guilt. If he adtnitted, then only Manatta was imposed. The broad distinction between Parivasa and Manatta was that the former was inflicted for an unlimited period while the latter for a limited period of six days only. The person undergoing the expiation was denied association with his friend and also the right to participate in sangha-kammas during the expiatory period. If the person sub poena, before the completion of the expiation for the previous offence, committed another offence, then he was sent to the beginning of the punishment prescribed for the previous offence. It was termed Mala.4 The complete set of punishments was called Sanghadisesa, because a formal meeting of the assembly was required both at the time of imposition and withdrawal of the punishinents-sangho adimhi ceva sese ca icchitabbo assa ti sangha diseso'.5 i Suyg (SBE, Vol, XLV), pp. 66-57; Ultar, 8.13; 15.7-8; 17.18; 20-45. 2. PM, 2nd section: EMB, pp. 305-306. 3. PM (Bhikkhuni), 2nd section; EMB, pp 310-11. 4. Parejika, 2.1.4, p. 152; cte.; Konkhavitarani, p. 35; EMB, pp. 303-4. 5. Kankhuvitar ani, p 35.

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PRATIMOKSA AND PRAYASCITTA : A COMPARATIVE STUDY 233 Anavatthappa or Parihara is the group of offences corresponding to the Buddhist Sungha disesa. According to the Canonical texts, it is often inflicted in three cases, viz., on stealing something belonging to co religionist (sa hammiyanam) or to a heretic (annadhammiyanam) or on slapping 'hatthat alam) somebody else. Besides, as the Bhasyas inform us, loosing understanding because of the desire to see a nun, a begging ten times a day, taking a fruit belonging to a person in royal service even if allowed by him, 4 travelling with a nun at days and the like are also castigated with the same punishment. The Parihara or Parihara visuddhi,& i.e., "the purification of the transgressor by means of penance in isolation, segregated from other members of the group' is, according to the commentator, twofold, namely, ganapratibaddha and apratibaddha, i.e., the transgressions committed by a monk while living corporate life in a Gana and when living alone in a region foreign to him. The period of expiation during which the transgressor who has lost his pariyaya completely is allowed to make himself eligible for re-admission to the Order, lasts for one, four or six months. During this period, the transgressor has to undertake fast of various magnitudes which are adjusted according to the seasons. As for example, the maximum number of fasts that the person undergoing the penalty can undertake is upto the eighth, tenth and twelfth meal during the summer, winter and rainy seasons respectively, the minimum being upto the fourth, sixth and eighth meal.' It is however worth noticing that while the BIhatkalpabhasyalo exempts the nuns from undergoing Parihara, the Vyavaharasutra11 prescribes for them as well. We need not worry if the offences of the group do not agree entirely with that of the Buddhists. It is however remarkable that in spite of this discordance, the punishments prescribed for the cffences sub judice are more or less identical. A transgressor, to whatever 1. Than, 201, p. 162b; BIhk 4.3. 2. BihkB, Vol. III, 2258-62. 3. Ibid, Vol. II, 1697-1700. 4. Ibid, Vol. I, 532ff; Vol. II, 906; Vol. 5089. 5. Ibid, Vol. II, 886-88. 6. Than, 206, p. 167b; Comm. pp. 168ab; Bhag, 320, p. 348b; etc. 7. Mul, 5.165; Comm. Pt. 1, p. 290. 8. Vav, Uddesaka-1. 9. Comm, to Than, pp. 168ab; Comm. to Bhag, pp. 351-352. 10. Op cit, Vol. V, p. 1561. 11. Op cit., 5.11-12; Brhk, 1.38.

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234 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Order he may belong, is isolated from his group for a certain period and is to undergo a rigorous course of discipline so that he may purify himself of the offence. This punishment we have just seen is called Parivasa by the Buddhists and Parihara by the Jainas. The most astonishing aspect of this punishment is that one of the three periods of Parihara is identical with that of the Buddhist Parivasa imposed upon a heretic before his entry into the Order. This similarity, even though partial, is significant. Moreover, this similarity constrains us to infer that the Parihara or the Pariharavisuddhi is not a synonym of Anavatthappa offences in the same way as the Parivasa or the Manatta (is the punishment for the Sangha disesa offence) is not a synonym of the Sanghadisesa. In other words, Parihara is to Anavatthappa, what Parivasa is to Sangha disesa. For the close similarities of the Jaina texts corresponding to the Buddhist Sangha disesa no. 1, one may refer to the Vyavaharasutra, Uddesaka, 6 8-9; for Sangha disesa nos. 2 to 5, Nisithasutra, Uddesakas, 6, 7 & 8. as well as the Dasa srutaskandha, 2. 1-2; for Sanghadisesa no. 8, the Dasasrutaskandha, 1. 5-6; for Sangha disesa no. 10, the Dasasrutaskandha, 1. 15-19. The next groups of offences which find more or less their counterpart in the Jaina list of the Prayascittas are Pacittiya and Patidesaniya. The offences included in the Pacittiya section, ninety-two for monks and hundred and sixty-six for nuns, cover diverse aspects of monastic life and "are regarded not so serious and hence expiation from them is attained by simple confession before a monk or by self-imposition of Parivasa". Besides the general instruction regarding food, robes, bed, bath, and tour, etc., the rules binding on the monks prohibit them from lying, slandering, hurting small living beings, giving food to heretics, deprecating Buddha's teaching, ordaining disqualified persons, admonishing nuns unlawfully, appropriating communal gifts for personal use, causing discomfort to co-monks and associating with unordained women. Besides the prohibitions identical to those of the monks, the nuns were asked not to develop intimacy with a monk or a householder; to throw rubbish things over a wall, etc; to enjoy dancing, singing or music; to behave indecorously at the donor's house; to hold back the kathina privileges; to share one couch or one coveringcloth; to do household work; to learn or teach low arts (tiracchanavijja); to enter a monastery without asking for permission; to abuse 1. PM, 5th section; EMB, pp. 306-12.

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PRATIMOK$4 AND PRAYASCITIA : A COMPARATIVE STUDY 235 a monk; or to disobey the rules of Vassavasa. Apart from these, they were disallowed the use of garlic, umbrella, sandals, vehicle and orna. ments, etc. The Patidesaniya, i. e, the section on remission of offences by formal confession, includes four restrictions for monks and eight for nuns. The rules intended for the monks prohibit them from partaking of food taken by their own hands or received by the intervention of a nun, while those for nuns forbid thern from taking butter, oil, honey, molasses, fish, meai, milk and curds in normal condition. It has already been observed that the atonement prescribed for the offences included in the Pacittiya and the Patidesniya are, however, identical with those laid down for the Padikkamana and the Aloyana.3 It is true that absolution from the latter two, i, e., Padikkamana and Aloyana like that of the former two groups of offences of the Buddhists is sought by simple confession. However we cannot deny the fact that the latter section, unlike the former are not appended with a detailed list of offences forming the sections. The simple reason for this emission is that they form the most important items of daily routine of a Jaina monk or a nun without any consideration of his or her status in the Church hierarchy. Whatever may be the reasons or circumstances for the commission of a transgression--mental, vocal or physical, the transgressor has not only to report it to his Aca Upadhya ya, but also to confess and condemn it before him in the morn ing, if committed in the night or in the evening, if committed in the morning. 4 Hence the framers of the code, very likely did not deem it proper to harass the pious monks by appending to the list of the Prayasi ittas the offences forming the Padikkamana and the Aloyona groups. In spite of the facts pointed out just before, we may bring together some of the offences belonging to the aforesaid groups from the day-to-day life of the monks. For instance, taking other's requisites without his permission, practising penance or going out without the permission of the Acarya, back-biting, disobeying the Acarya, migrating from one Order to another Order without informing its members and failing to perform the Ava syakas were simply confessed;5 while touching the body of the Acarya, a quarrel, transgression pertaining to study 1. PM, 6th section; EMB, p. 309. 2. PM, (Bhikkhuni), 5th section; EMB, p. 312. 3. Mul, 2.56-58. 4. Vide Supra, pp. 166-68, 222f. 5. Angd, 7.38ff.

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236 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM and service, becoming passionate when on begging-tours and causing discomfort to others1 were confessed as well as condemned. For the close similarities corresponding to the Buddhist Pacittiya offences, one may compare Nis, 2.19; Dasa, 2.13, Brhk, 6.1 for Pacittiya no. 1; Nis, 2.18; Brhk, 6.1 for Pacittiya no. 2; Dasa, 1.10 for Pacittiya no. 3; Vav, 10.18 for Pacittiya no. 4; Uttar, 1.26 for nos. 5 & 7; Dasa, 1.7; Dasv, 10.2 for no. 10; Dasa, 1.7 for no. 11; Brhk, 3.15 for nos. 14-15; Dasv, 10.3 for no. 19; Nis, 4.23 for no. 23; Nis, 4,24 for no. 25; Nis, 8.11 for no. 27; Nis, 2.32-7 for no. 31; Brhk, 4.1; Dasa, 2.3 for no. 37; Nis, 8.16 for nos. 38-39; Uttar, 1.26 for nos. 44-45; Brhk, 3. 34-35 for nos. 48-50; Nts, 2. 21, Dasa, 2. 9, 19, Dasa, 6. 61-3 for no. 57; Nis, 14. 10-11 for no. 58; Dasa, 2. 12 for no. 61; Dasv, 10. 2 for no. 62; Nis, 4. 25-26; Dasa, 1. 12-13 for no. 63; lav, 10, 16 for no 65; Nis, 11.9. for no. 72; Brhk, 4.3 for nos 74-75 and Nis, 5. 13 for nos. 89,91 & 92. Now our next step would be to discuss the rules which do not agree with any section of the Jaina Prayascitta. They are the Aniyata, the Nissaggiya Pacittiya and the Adhikaranasamatha The first section, that is, the Aniyata contains only two offences which deal with the conduct of a monk with a woman. 2 These offences are so arranged and named Aniyata (Indeterminates), i. e., 'to be decided' because the compiler himself, on account of the varying character of the punishment, could not decide as to which section it should actually belong. Thus it is apparent that its separate grouping is simply an augmentation to the sections of the Pratimoksa. Apparently the Aniyata may be equated with the Tadubhaya, the third section of the Jaina Prayascitta. But at the same time it is also evident that the former differs widely from the latter, firstly, because the offences included in the former are more serious than those belonging to the latter, and secondly, the punishments laid down for the former ranges from Parajika to Pacittiya while those for the latter consist simply of confession and condemnation." One may compare Uttaradhyayana, 1.26 for a regulation similar to the first Anipata. Next to Aniyata comes Nissaggiyaa Peittiya. It contains equal number of restrictions for monks' as well as nuns, i.e, thirty. The atonement 1. Angd, pp. 503-504; Mul, 7.114-33; Than, 538, p. 379b; Uttar, 26.2-4; 8.13; OghN, 633-37, pp. 199b-200a; HJM, pp. 120, 211, 348. 2. PM, 3rd section; EMB, p. 306. 3. tadubhayarham yadalocanamithyaduskrtabhyam. Comm. to Than, p. 356b. 4. PM, 4rth section; EMB, p. 306. 5. PM (Bhikkhuni), 3rd section; EMB, p. 311,

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PRATIMOKSA AND PRAYASCITTA : A COMPARATIVE STUDY 237 prescribed for the offences of this section complies with that of the Pacittiya and the Patidesaniya inasmuch as the confession and condem. nation of the offences are concerned. But the most striking feature of the atonement which differentiates it from that of the Pacittiya and the Patidesaniya is the forfeiture of the thing with respect to which the offence is committed. This is the reason that most of the offences of the group are pertaining to the unlawful acquisition of things like robes, alms-bowl and such other things, which serves in turn as the basis of their sub-classification. The offences committed in respect of Givara (Robes) are, for example, grouped together and named after it as Civaravaggo, i, e., the Section on robes. For regulation similar to the Buddhist Nissaggiya Pacit tiya nios, 19, 20, 21 and 26 one should see the Nisi thasutra, 5.12; 14.1; 14.3 and the Vyavaharasutra, 8.15; etc. The Sekhiyas, i.e., the rules of training, it has already been stated, are prescrib d no penalty or atonement. A violation of the rules, therefore is regarded simply as indecent deportment. Such instructions are only seventy-five which set forth the way to enter into the houses of lay-devotees, the restrictions to be observed while taking food and after finishing it on the one hand, and forbid monks from going inside the sick-room with shoes on and imparting instructions to the laities under certain circumstances on the other. 2 This section is roughly comparable to the Jaina Vivega which asks a monk to be cautious about the transgressions to be committed by impure food, etc. For rules similar to the Sekhiyas, one may refer to Bihk, 3.22-23; Dasi', 5.2, 81 for nos. 3-26; Suyg, I. 9.21 for no. 26; Dasa, 1.15; 2.21 for no. 55; Uttar, 1.22 for nos. 64, 68, 69, 70; etc. As the Adhikaranasamathas or the ways of settling disputed matters have already been duly discussed in the section just preceding, the readers are requested to refer to the aforesaid section and also to allow us to drop it here. The last two sections, namely, Sekhiya and Adhikaranasamatha, as is clear from the foregoing explanation, have nothing to do with the transgressions and punishments proper, still they are welded 1. Parajika, 4.1.5, pp. 288-89. 2. PM, 7th section; EBM, p. 307; The 6th section of the PM, (Bhikkhuni) contains 75 Sekhiya rules for nuns which are identical with those of the monks.

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STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM together with the other sections of the Pratimoksa. The inclusion of the first in the Pratimoksa may, however, be justified as the practice of the rules of training helps in evading the commission of transgressions, and that of the second only because it assists in the execution of the Pratimoksa rules. 238 Apart from the offences belonging to one or other group of the Pratimoksa, we come across transgressions which are termed Thullaccaya, Dukkata and Dubbasita. Though it is not possible to classify them into categories still at least this much is certain that the transgressions falling in the Thullaccaya group are more serious than those belonging to the Dukkata. As for example, performing Uposatha with an incomplete assembly without any bad design incur Dukkata, whereas doing the same with a view to cause schism in an unified assembly brings on Thullaccaya.' Now we come to the remaining groups of offences which are peculiarly Jaina. They are Kausagga, Tava, Cheya and Mula. Kausagga or Kayotsarga is a kind of meditation which is performed for certain ucchvasas depending on the occasion on which it is performed." It, like Padikkamana, and Aloyana is performed daily or more often also before taking food, after begging or after answering calls of nature, etc.3 The practice of Kayotsarga differs from that of Padikkamana and the Aloyana inasmuch as the former conduces control over the mind as well as on the body, whereas the latter two lead simply to mental purification. The Tapa seems to be no less important than the Kapotsarga as it like Kayotsraga regulates both mind and body. In the words of Prof. L. Renou, Kayotsarga and Tapa are "corpoal punishments, which resemble the voluntary practices of asceticism.5" Another peculiar feature of the Jaina punishment is Cheda or shortening of pariyaya which is increased or decreased according to the status of the person in the Church hierarchy. In other words, the higher the status, the higher is the cut. For instance, the minimum cut enforced in case of an ordinary monk is five days (pancara indiya cheya), for the Upadhyaya ten days and that for the Acarya is fifteen 1. Cf. MV, 2.30, 43, pp. 132-33, 2.31.44, pp. 133-34 with 2.32.45, pp. 134-37. At another place the monks siding with the schismatics (bhedakanuvattakabhikkhu) are also said to have incurred Thullaccaya. CV, 7.10.16, p. 302. 2. Mul, 7, 150-86; HJM, pp. 350-51; 460. 3. OghN, 510-12, pp. 175a-175b. 4. Vide Supra, pp. 36ff, 166. 5. Religions of Ancient India, pp. 128-29.

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PRATIMOKSA AND PRAYASCITTA : A COMPARATIVE STUDY 239 days.' The gradual increase in the shortening of pariyaya of the transgressor for repeating the same offence during the expiatory period is termed 'santaracheya'.? One of the most striking features of the Jaina Prayascitta is that the Bhasyas and the Churnis introduce an altogether new set of punishments based mainly on fasts of different magnitudes. A person begging food seven times a day is punished, for instance, with Sadguru, while a person begging six times a day is to undergo Sadlahu.S From the preceding comparison, it is manifest that the principle which served as the basis for the formulation of the transgressions and their corresponding punishments of both the Orders differed considerably. The Buddhists seem to have insisted mainly on mental purification, while the Jainas both on mental as well as physical. It was this fundamental difference in their objectives which enabled the * Jainas to include corporal punishments in the list of the Prayscitlas. It was but indispensable for this is the point where Jainism is distinguished from Buddhism. Besides this basic disagreement, the following points may also be regarded as obvious cases of difference : (a) The Buddhist Pratimoksa refers to a definite number of ffences, whereas the offences referred to in the Jaina texts are innumerable and therefore, more comprehensive. (b) All the offences of the Buddhist Pratimoksa are grouped in seven categories as against the ten groups of the Jaina Prayascittas. (c) Each and every rule of the Buddhist Pratimoksa is preceded by an episode that led to its formulation. This aspect of the constitution of a rule is absolutely lacking in case of the Jainas. (d) The Pratimoksa rules are executed in the presence of a complete and lawful assembly of the fortnightly meeting. A person guilty of any offence pertaining to either of the seven categories of offences has to confess his offence publicly just after the recitation of the group concerned. The assembly after making a thorough investigation of the offence either punishes or exempts him or her of the offence as it deems proper. 1. Brhk, 5.5; Vav, 129-32, Jiyakappa, 80-82. 2. Indian Antiquary, Vol. 39, p. 262, fn. 25. 3. BrhkB, Vol. II, 1697-17.0; for references to such expiations and punishments vide BIhkB, Vol. I, 288-89, 471-529, 532ff, 694.5, 786; Vol. II, 906, 1456ff; Vol. IV, 3304, 3893-98; Vol. V, 5089, 5095; etc.; Comm. to Angd, 7.55.

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240 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Despite these differences, the points of agreement already adverted to are significant as well as revealing. The agreement of Parajika with Paranciya, that of Sanghadisesa with Anavatthappa, that of Parivasa with Parihara, that of Patidesani ya with Padikkamana and that of Sekhiya with Vivega clearly show that though the two codes of transgressions and punishments differ in details, yet one thing that there was a fountain head from which, the cardinal groups of offences like Parajika and Sanghadisesa of the Buddhist Pratimoksa, and Paranciya and AnavaIt happa of the Jaina Prayascitta drew their inspiration and source.

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16 CHAPTER V CONCLUSION

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CONCLUSION Buddhism, like Jainism, was a movement of monastic asceticsism. No mendicants, not even the Brahmapical yatis and munis could stick so strictly to the ideals of their monastic life as the Buddhist and the Jaina monks and nuns. The Jaina ascetics whom we can still see in the western part of the country walking from place to place with moping looks and emaciated bodies surpassed in this respect even the Buddhists. As they started and flourished side by side in the same region of the land, and came in contact with the same important parsonali. ties of the time, like kings Bimbisara and Ajatasatru, the mutual in fluence and interaction which have already been noted were natural. In the following paragraphs, therefore, we should restrict ourselves to some important findings only. It has been observed that the Buddhist Order was out and out a republican organization. It was, of course, a deviation from the general trend of thought which, in the 6th century B. C., held that each Sangha or Gana of mendicants must have an all-powerful leader. The Buddha, though he acted more or less as a leader of the Buddhist Order during his lifetime, did not appoint anybody, the leader of his Order. Instead he strove to give the code of Vinaya that fullness and competency which might keep the Fraternity intact even after his passing away. This aspect of promulgation gave the laws of Vinaya a system and maturity which are absolutely lacking in the Jaina ascetic laws. Another characteristic of promulgation of a Vinaya rule peculiar to the Buddhist is that it admits frankly what custom or usage it borrowed from others and what did it give up on account of their practice among the heretics. One may be referred to the introduction of Uposatha and Vassavasa as illustrations to the former and to the prohibition to use a bowl made either of gourd or human skull to the latter.' The latter way of the promulgation of a rule is indicative of the hostile feelings of the Budddhists sustained inadvertently against the contemporary religious sects and schools. This aspect of a rule is almost unknown to the Jainas. 1. yo vo, Ananda, maya dhammo ca vinayo ca desito pannatto, so vo mama. ceayen a sattha DN. Vol. II, p.118. 2. Vide Supra, pp. 160, 170, 119.

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244 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Besides the episode, concocted or real, appended as a background to the formation of a rule makes the laws of Vinaya forceful and convincing. Such circumstancial details of the formation of a monastic rule is unknown to the ancient Jainas. Later on the commentators however endeavoured to remove this lacuna and they succeeded in their efforts considerably. It appears from the accounts of the Vinayapitaka that a number of rules were framed on account of public comment. It was herhaps due to the reason that not only the Buddhists but the monastic community as a whole depended solely on the laity for provisions and clothings. Moreover, the Buddha and his disciples were very much eager to popularize their religion. This motive of the Buddha has often found expression in the words "appasannanam va pasadaya pasannanam va bhiyyobhabaya" (to convert the unconverted and to augment the number of those converted). This enforced them to give a patient hearing to the complaints, grievances and suggestions of the people, especially kings and ministers, and even to attach more importance to them than to their own men. This tendency is however absent in early Jaina accounts. The result was that the ascetics had to suffer a lot at the hands of the people. Sometimes they were thrown into water by boatman because they were of no help to them even in cases of dangers and difficulties. Besides, the Jaina ascetics whose presence produced bad smell as they abstained from taking bath, etc., were also looked down upon by householders of clean habits.? With the lapse of time the Jaina monks however perceived this disadvantageous aspect of their regulations and they tried to amend them accordingly. Now let us consider the factors which made Buddhism travel far and wide, while Jainism like Hinduism remained confined in the land of its origin. In this connection I would like to quote Prof. Conze. He remarks-"In Buddhism there is nothing which cannot easily be transported from one part of the world to another. It can adapt itself as easily to the snowy heights of the Himalayas as to the parched plains of India, to the tropical climate of Java, the moderate warmth of Japan and the bleak cold of outer Mongolia,'' The position with Jainism is quite different. The strict monastic rules like the practice of nudity and vegetarianism of Jainism make it difficult to acclimatize especially in cold countries where people freeze into ice, if they give up clothings and starve to death, if they stick to vegetarian habits. Even 1. Vide Supra, p. 189. 2. Ayar (SBE. Vol. XXII), 2.2.2.1 (pp. 124.25). 3. Prof, Conze, Buddhism, p. 77.

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CONCLUSION 245 in India it could survive and flourish in the dry regions of Rajasthan and Gujarat in the west and Mysore in the south only. It could not survive in Assam, Bengal, and Bihar where rains are abundant and vegetable growth profuse and dence. Both the Buddhist and the Jaina codes of discipline bear obvious cases of borrowing and adoptation from the Brahmanical sources. For example, the five fundamental precepts of good conduct practised alike by the Buddhists and the Jainas derived, most probably, their inspiration and source from the Brahmanicai code. The table given below will illustrate our viewpoint clearly : Brahmanical! 1. Abstention from injuring living beings, 2. Truthfulness, 3. Abstention from appropriating the property of others, 4. Continence, 5. Liberality. Buddhist 1. Not to destroy life, 2. Not to steal, 3. Not to commit adultery", 4. Not to tell lies", 5. Not to take intoxicating drinks. Jaina 1. Not to destroy life, 2. Not to tell lies, 3. Not to appropriate what is not given, 4. Not to indulge in sexual intercourse, 5. Not to find interest in worldly possessions. Besides, similar other instances where either the Buddhists or the Tainas borrowed or adopted from the Brahmapical code may also be spotted out. Such regulation as making a murderer of an arahata incompetent for entry to the Buddhist Church appears to be introduced 1. Baudhayana, II, 10.18; SBE. Vol- XXII, Introduction, pp. xxii-iv. 2. The Laws of Manu (SBE. Vol. XXV) p. 416; The Sacred Laws of the Aryas, (SBE. Vol. II), p. 188. 3. Visnud harmasutra (SBE. Vol. VII), p. 136. 4. The Sacred Lau's of the Aryas, (SBE. Vol. II), p. 299.. 5. Ibid. pp. 63, 74, 188.

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246 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM on the instance of the heinous crime of murdering a Brahmin known as mahapataka. This is only one instance out of many. On the other hand there were some points on which both Buddhism and Jainism differed widely from Brahmapism. One of such issues was that of Varnastamadharma which ordains religious life after the lapse of a major portion of the early life. Buddhism and Jainism allow entrance into religious life at an early age because religion can be best cultivated when the sense organs are in order and good condition. Thus they maintain the principle- sariramadyam khalu dharma sadhanam', i. e., the human bodies indeed is the prime conition of spiritual cultivation. The other point was the status of women in general and their competency in religious matters in particular. It has been noticed that the opinion which they held about women was not very high. The Jainas accepted the principle of-'purusoitariko dharmah', that is, in religious functions the male members are superior in all respects. This principle was universalised and cases of controversy were decided with its help. In the Vyavaharasutra we find a peculiar case of proprietorship regarding the projeny of renegade monks and nuns. The litigation arose when a monk belonging to a particular gave up his robes and married a renegade nun belonging to another group. It was decided on the basis of the above principle that the projeny of such couple should belong to the group to which the male member belonged. The principle was raised to the status of a supreme law in contra distinction from the principle known as 'Land and Seed', 'Concubine and Paramour' which support the female side in such litigations. This shows that the Jainas like others were not prepared to give equal position to nuns with monks under any circumstance. It is not known when this attitude towards woman originated in the history of our culture. If the Buddha's hesitation to admit woman is a historical fact, the attitude is at least as old as the time of the Buddha. The ancient Jaina tradition which believes in a woman Tirthankara proves that the original Jaina view was radically different. In a section of later Jainism even nunhood is denied to woman, not to speak of Tirthankarahood or Arhatahood. In the ancient Jaina Agamas as well as in the Pali Tipitaka instances of woman Arhatas are abundant, though Buddha hood is denied to woman in the Pali Canon. 1. jara java na pilei vahi java na vaddhai/ javiridiya na bayamti tava dhammad samayare Daso, 8. 36.

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CONCLUSION 247 The position of women in the period of the Samhitas and also Brahmanas was very high. They held almost co-equal status. There were many women rsis, i e., seers of hymns. The wife was the mistress of the household and was respected by father and mother-in-laws. In the Upanisad we see Brahmavadini women ascetics well-versed in Vedic lore. Husband and wife together performed a sacrifice. Even in the Sutra period we find that there were women teachers. If we are to believe the tradition recorded in the Haritasamhita, women were also invested with sacred threads. In course of time women lost these privileges perhaps owing to the expansion of society and the growing needs of domestic life. Still the position of the mother and the wife was highly exalted. Her word was almost law. The Pandava brothers had to marry Draupadi one after another at the mother's behest. In course of time women were deprived of education and early marriage was recommended. It is perhaps the influence of the ascetic orders, heretical and orthodox, that women came to be looked upon with suspicion. A male ascetic avoided the company of women for fear of losing chastity. It is a fact and the biological law that a woman has over-powering fascination over men specially in the time of puberty. Race preservation is a law of nature and asceticism is only a violent repudiation of it. Of course, chastity has got importance for higher spiritual life. But it is in the Brahmapical Smrtis only that we find that householders occupy a central place in the society and they are the supporters of all orders including ascetics. It was believed that a man could not attain higher life in heaven unless he has produced sons. Thus it is manifest that Brahmanism handled this issue differently. It adored women when it found them of some utility to men and disparaged them when it saw them coming in their way. Accordingly, Manu, one of the greatest law givers, while at one place remarks, 'yatra naryastu pujyante ramante tatra devatah', opines at other, 'na stri svatantryamarhati'.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Brahmanical 1 Apastamba (SBE, Vol. II), Tr. by George Buhler, Oxford, 1879. 2 Aruneyopanisad Tr. by V. C. Seshachari, Madras, 1898-99. 3 Baudhayana (SBE, Vol. XIV), Tr. by George Buhler, Oxford, 1882. 4 Bhagavadgita, Ed. by V. Sharma, Bombay, 1909. 5 Katyayana-Srautasutra. 6 Manusmrti (SBE, Vol. XXV), Tr. by George Buhler, Oxford, 1886. 7 Sarvasiddhanta Sangraha, Ed. by Pt. Shri S. N. Sukla, Kashi. 8 Satapatha-Brahmana, Ed. by S. Samasrami, Calcutta, 1900-10. Tr. by Eggling, Oxford, 1882-1900. Buddhist 1 Anguttara Nikaja, 4 Volumes, Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda, 1960. The Book of Gradual Sayings, 5 Volumes, Tr. by F. L. Woodward & E. M, Hare, London, 1932 to 1936. 2 Digha Nikaya, 3 Volumes, Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda, 1958. Dialogues of the Buddha, 3 Volumes, Tr, by T. W. Rhys Davids & C. A. F. Rhys Davids, London, 1899, 1921, 1938. 3 Khudda ka Nikaya, 9 Volumes, Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda, 1959 to 1960. Psalms of the Early Buddhists (Theragatha), Tr. by C.A.F. Rhys Davids, London, 1913. Psalms of the Sisters (Therigatha), Tr. by C. A. F. Rhys Davids, London, 1909. 4 Majjhima Nikaya, 3 Volumes, Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda, 1958. The Middle Length Sayings, 3 Volumes, Tr. by I. B. Horner, London, 1954, 1957, 1959. 5 Samyutta Nikaya, 4 Volumes, Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda, 1959. The Book of Kindred Sayings, 5 Volumes, Tr. by Mrs. Rhys Davids & F. L. Woodward, London, 1917 to 1930.

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250 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM 6 Vinayapitaka, 5 Volumes, Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda, 1956 to 1958. Samantapasadika (Comm. on the Vinayapitaka) Vinaya Texts (SBE, Vols. XIII, XVII, XX), Tr. by H. Oldenberg & T. W. Rhys Davids, Oxford, 1881 to 1885. The Book of the Discipline, 5 Volumes, Tr. by I. B. Horner, London, 1940 to 1952. Vinaya pitaka, Tr. by Rahula Sankrityayana, Banaras, 1935. 7 Patimokkha, Ed. by R. D. Vadekar, Poona, 1939. Kankh avitarani (Cornm. on the Patimokkha), Ed by D. M. Stede, London, 1956. 8 Atthasalini (Comm. on the Dhammasangani), Ed. by P. V. Bapat, Poona. Expositor, Tr. by C. F. Rhys Davids, London, 1931. 9 Milindapanho, Ed. by R. D. Vadekar, Bombay, 1940. 10 Visuddhimagga, Ed. by D. Kausambi, Boinbay. The Path of Purification, Tr. by Bhikkhu Nanmoli, Colombo, 1956. Jaina (Svetam bara) i Antagadadasao, Ed. by Dr. P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1932. Comm. by Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1932. 2 Anuttarovava iyadasao, Ed. by P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1932. Comm. by Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1932. 3 Anuyogad dara with Vitti by Maladhari Hemachandra, Patan, 1939. 4 Avassayasuya with Bhasya by Haribhadra, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1916. Comm. by Malayagiri, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1928. Niryukti by Bhadrabahu. 5 Ayarangasuya, Comm. by Silanka, Surat, 1935. Niryukti by Bhadrabahu. SBE, Vol XXII, Tr. by H. Jacobi, 1884. 6 Bhagavaisuya, Comm. by Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1931. 7 Brhatkalpasutra with Bhas ya by Sanghadasagani, Comm. Malayagiri and Ksemakirti, Atmananda Jaina Sabha, Bhavnagar, 1933-38. Kalpa-Vyavahara-Nisitha Satra, Ahmedabad. Tr. in Indian Antiquary, Vol. 39, pp. 257 ff. 8 Dasa suyakkhandha, Bhavnagar, V. S. 2011. 9 Dasaveyaliya, Ed. by K. V. Abhyankar, Ahmedabad, 1938.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 251 10 Jiyakappa, Ed. by Muni Punyavijaya, Ahmedabad, V. S. 1994. Ed. by Muni Jinavijaya, Ahmedabad, V. S. 1983. 11 Kappasutta with Comm. 'Kalpalata-Vyakhya' by Samayasundara, Surat. Tr. by Jacobi (SBE, XXII), 1884. 12 Mahanisiha, Ed. by W. Schubring, Berlin, 1918. 13 Nandi with Comm. by Malayagiri, Bombay, 1924. Hindi Comm. by Hastimalla Muni, Satara, 1942. 14 Nayadhammakahao with Comm. by Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1919. Ed. by N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940. 15 Niryavaliyao with Comm. by Candrasuri, Ahmedabad, 1938. Ed. by N. V. Vaidya, Poona. 16 Nisiha with Bhasya, Ed. by W. Schubring, Leipzing, 1918. 17 Oghanijjutti with Bhasya and Comm. by Dronacarya, Bombay, 1919. 18 Ovavaiya with Comm. by Abhayadeva, Surat, V. S. 1994. 19 Painnaya, Bombay, 1927. 20 Pancavastukagrantha of Haribhadra, Jaina Pustakoddhara Sanstha, Bombay, 1927. 21 Pindanijjutti with Bhasya and Comm. by Malayagiri, Jaina Pustakoddhara Sanstha, Bombay, 1927. 22 Pausadhasatatrinsika, Ed. by P. B Jhavery, Surat, 1933. 23 Rayapaseniya with Comm. by Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, V. S. 1994. 24 Samvayanga with Comm. by Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918. 25 Suyagadanga with Comm. by Silanka, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1917. Tr. by H. Jacobi, SBE. Vol. XLV, 1895. 26 Thananga with Comm. by Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918. 27 Uttarajjhayana with Comm. by Nemicandra, Bombay, 1937. Comm. by Santisuri, Bombay, 1916. Ed. by J. Charpentier, Upsala, 1922. Tr. by Jacobi (SBE, Vol. XLV) 1895. 28 Uvasagadasao with Comm. by Abhayadeva, Ed. by P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1930.

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252 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM 29 Vavahara with Bhasya. Comm. by Malayagiri, Bhavnagar, 1926. Ed. by Schubring, Leipzig, 1918. 30 Vivagasuya with Comm. by Abhayadeva, Baroda, V. S. 1922. Ed. by P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1933. 31 Vins ativinsika of Haribhadra, Ed. by K. V. Abhyankar, Poona, 1932. Jaina (Digambara) 32 Anagaradharmamyta of Ashadhara. Comm. by Kumuda Chandra Manikachandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, 1919. 33 Aradhanasura, Manikachandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, Bombay, V. S. 1973. 34 Bhagav att Aradhana of Sivakoti, Devendrakirti Granthamala, Solapur, 1935. 35 Bihatkathakosa of Harisena, Ed. by Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1943. 36 Mulacara of Vattakera (2 Parts), Manikachandra Digambara Jaina Granthmala, Bornbay, V. S. 1980. 37 Pravacanasara of Kundakunda, Ed. by Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1935. 38 Tattvarthadhigamasutra, Ed. by H. R. Kapadia, Bombay, 1926. Sarvarthasiddhi (Auto Comm.). Encyclopaedia, Dictionaries, etc. 1 An Illustrated Ardha-Magadhi Dictionary, 5 Volumes, by Jaina Muni Shri Ratnachandraji, Indore, 1928-38. 2 Abhidhana Rajendrah, 7 Volumes, Ratlam, 1910 to 1914. 3 A Practical Sanskrit Dictionary, by A. N. Macdonell. 4 Dictionary of Pali Propar Names, 2 Volumes, by G. P. Malalasekar, London, 1937. 5 Encyclopaedia Britanica, 29 Volumes, University of Carnbridge, 1910 to 1911. 6 Encyclopaedia of Religion & Ethics, Ed. by J. Jastings, New York, 1953 to 1955. 7 Paia-Sadda-Mahannavo by Pt, H. T. Seth, Calcutta, 1923.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 253 8 Pali English Dictionary by R. C. Childers, 1875. 9 Pali English Dictionary by T. W. Rhys Davids and W. Stede, London, 1952. 10 Sanskrit-English Dictionary by Monier Williams, Oxford, 1951. 11 Indian Antiquary. 12 Indian Historical Quarterly. 13 Jaina Antiquary. Miscellaneous 1 A comparative study of the Patimokkha by Dr. W. Pachow, Santi niketan, 1955. 2 A History of Pre-Indian Philosophy by Dr. B.M. Barua, Calcutta, 1921. 3 An Interpretation of Jaina Ethics by Dr. C. Krause, Bhavnagar, 1929, 4 Acarya Bhiksu Abhinandana Grantha, Calcutta, 1961. 5 Buddha by Prof. H. Oldenberg, London, 1882. 6 Buddhachriya by Rahula Sankrityayana, Kashi, 2475 (Buddhabda). 7 Buddhism by Dr. E Conze, Oxford, 1953. 8 Buddhism (Two Volumes) by C. H. S Ward, London, 1947, 1952. 9 Buddhism by T. W. Rhys Davids, London, 1876. 10 Buddhism, a 'Mystery Religion' by Pr. P. Levy, London, 1957. 11 Buddhist India by T. W. Rhys Davids, Calcutta, 1955. 12 Buddhistic Studies, Ed. by Dr. B. C. Law, Calcutta, 1931. 13 Contributions to the History of Brahmanical Asceticism (Samnyasa) by Pt. H. D. Sharma, Poona, 1939. . 14 Darsana Aur Cintana by Pt. Sukhlalji Sanghavi, Ahmadabad, 1957. 15 Democracy in Early Buddhist Sangha by G. D. De, Calcutta, 1955. 16 Early Buddhist Jurisprudence by Miss D. N. Bhagvat, Poona, 1939. 17 Early Buddhist Monachism by Dr. S. Dutt, London, 1924. 18 Early Monastic Buddhisin (Three volumes) by Dr. N. Dutt, Calcutta, 1941-1945. 19 Eastern Monachism by R. S. Hardy, London, 1860. 20 Geography of Early Buddhism by Dr. B. C. Law, London, 1932.

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254 21 22 Heart of Jainism by Mrs. S. Stevenson, Oxford, 1915. 23 Hinduism And Buddhism by Sir C. Eliot, London, 1957. 24 Hindu Law and Custom Tr. by B. K. Ghose, Calcutta, 1928. 25 Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies Tr. by H. K. Beauchamp, Oxford, 1953. 26 History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas by Dr. A. L. Basam, 27 History of Dharmasastra (5 volumes) by P. V. Kane, Poona, 1930 to 1953. STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Great Women of India, Ed. by S. Madhavananda & R. C. Majumdar, Almora, 1953. 28 History of Indian Literature (Vol. II) by M. Winternitz, Calcutta, 1933. 29 History of Jaina Monachism by Dr. S. B. Deo, Poona, 1956. 30 History of Pali Literature (Two Volumes) by Dr. B. C. Law, London, 1933. 31 32 History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas by H. L. Kapadia, Surat, 1941. India as Described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism by Dr. B. C. Law, London, 1941. 33 Jaina Monastic Jurisprudence by Dr. S. B. Deo, Banaras, 1960. 34 Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jaina Canon by Dr. J. C. Jain, Bombay, 1947. 35 Mahavira Commemoration Volume (Vol. I), Ed. by Shri K. P. Jain, Agra, 1950. 36 Lord Mahavira by Dr. Bool Chand, Banaras 1948. 37 Mahavira, His Life and Teachings by Dr. B. C. Law, London, 1937. Manual of Buddhism by Prof. R. S. Hardy, London, 1853. 38 39 Manual of Indian Buddhism hy Prof. H. Kern, 1896. 40 41 Philosophy of the Buddha 42 Position of Women in Banaras, 1938. Pali Sahitya ka itihasa by Dr. B. S. Upadhyaya, Prayag, 1951. by Prof. A. J. Bahm, London, 1958. Hindu Civilisation by Dr. A. S. Altekar, 43 Prakrit Sahitya ka itihasa by Dr. J. C. Jain, Varanasi, 1961. 44 Pre-Buddhist India by R. N. Mehta, Bombay, 1939. 45 Primitive Buddhism by Prof. E. A. Read, Chicago, 1896. 46 Religions of Ancient India by Prof. L. Renou, London, 1953.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 255 47 Sarvastivada Literature by Dr. A. C. Banerjee, Calcutta, 1957. 48 Some Jaina Canonical Sutras by Dr. B. C. Law, Bombay, 1949, 49 sramana Bhagavanu Mahavira by Pt. Kalyan Vijayagani, Jalor, 1941. 50 Studies in the Bhagavati Satra by Dr. J. C. Sikdar, Muzaffarpur, 1964. 51 Studies in the Origins of Buddhism by Dr. G. C. Pande, Allahabad, 1957. 52 The Cambridge History of India by Prof. E. J. Rapson, Cambridge, 1922. 53 The Doctrines of Jainism by W. Schubring, Delhi, 1962. 54 Tirthankara Vardhamana by S. Rampuri, Bikaner, 1953. 55 Twenty-five Hundred Years of Buddhism, Ed. by Dr. P. V. Bapat, Delhi, 1956. 56 Vaisali Abhinandana Grantha, Muzaffarpur, 1958. 57 Women Under Primitive Buddhism by Miss I. B. Horner, London, 1930.

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INDEX abaha, 182. 236, 237; anuvada--, 218 ; apabbhana, 97, 180, 213, 214. atta - , 218, 219 ; kicca-, 218, abbhantaras, 161, 161n. 219;vivada-, 218. abbhokasikangan, 43, 67. adhitthana, 164. abhanga, 148. adinnadana, 89, 90, Abhaya, 88; -mata, 99; Admission, bars to, 100 ; bars to into the Buddhist Order, 44 ; -rajakumara, 88. the process of, 74. Abhayankar, Prof. K. V., 11. adugu nchiya, 114. Abhidhamma(pitaka), 2, 3, 59. Agamas, 4, 19, 22, 87, 106, 222, abhisamaya, 99. 246. abhisannakaya, 146, 146n. a gantuka, 138. abijan, 116. agarahia, 114. abrahmacariya, 89. aggisala, 54, 97, 142. acara, 218; the meaning and scope ahaguruo, 224. of the word, 1; the salient ahalahuo, 224. features of Jaina, 11. ahalahusao, 224. Acaranga(sutra), 1, 2, 115, 131, 136, ahata, 133; -kappa, 133. 148, 152, 153, 169, 170 ; ahidatthana, 146. the expression, In. ahimsa, 30, 32, 90n, 118, 190. a cariya, 45, 46, 59, 95, 96, 203, ainapauranani, 131. 204, 219, 226. aisesa, 207. acarya, 16, 24, 26, 27, 27n, 73, Ajatasatru, 88, 178, 179, 246 80, 84, 94, 139, 152, 182, 193, ajinakkh ipa, 53, 131. 202, 231, 235, 238. ajiraa, 118. acdryopadhyaya, 26, 27, 186. ajiva, 111, 218, accha, 114. ajja, 14. acchinnaka, 132. ajjava, 36. acchiniya, 149 ajjhapannaka, antimavatthun, 154. acchiveyana, 148. 162. acela, 19, 36, 130 ; --parisaha, 19. ajjhara me, 49, 112. acelatva, 130. ajjhokase, 183, adamsane, 102. Ajitakesakambali, 61, 62. adana, 165 ; -niksepana, 33. Ajivika, 14n, 73, 129n. addha natena, 102. akaraya, 148. addhayoga, 54, 58, 140, 160, 179, 183. akasa, 61. addhoruga, 134. Akasagotta, 147. adhammavadi, 221. akincanatva, 192. adhikarana, 60, 214, 218, 219, 219n; akkanala, 131. -samatha, 60, 218, 228, 229, akkosa, 36.

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258 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM akriyavada, 61. alabha, 36. Alambhiya, 177. Alarakalama, 74. Alavi, 177. alepana, 146. Alms, the way of proceeding to the village for, 122. alocana, 166. a loyana, 37, 222, 229, 235, 238. a malaka, 144. amaka, -lohita, 145; -mansa, 145. amanussikabadha, 145. amavasya, 159, 167. ambadhai, 78. Ambapali, 88, 99. Amila, 131. amisakkhara, 146. amsuyani, 131. amulhavinaya, 219, 220. ana, 222. anabhirati. 97. anadara, 165. anadhita, 100. Ananda, 41, 59, 82, 87, 88, 93, 96, 204. anaritesu, 189. anasana, 37, 39, 92. Anathapipdika, 88. anatta, 102. anatthadandaveramana, 94. anavatthappa, 37, 222, 223, 229, 230, 233, 234, 240. andha, 101, 102;-badhira, 102;-- muga, 102; -- mugabadhira, 102, andhillaa, 113. Aigabahyas, 7. anganimittan, 111. Angas, 5, 6, 7, 25, 27, 28, 136, 202, 207, 208. angavata, 148. Angulimala, 99. Anguttaranikaya, 2, 57, 164, 166. aniyata, 60, 216, 228, 228n, 236. annadhammiyanan, 233. annamanna-karemane, 231. annana, 36. a nnatitthiya, 48, 169. annautthiya, 29. Antagadadasao, 5. antaratena, 102. antarava saka, 53, 133, 136, 137. antaraya, 162. antar ayikadhamma, 76. antarijjagam, 133. antevasika, 13. 13n, 42, 45, 89n, 95. antoniyansani, 135. Anuruddha, 88. anusasaka, 41, 45, 59, 60, 76, 105, 204, 214. anussavana, 214, Anuttarovadaiyadasao, 5. anuvada, 218. anuvasana, 148. anuvratas, 93, 94. Anuyogaddara, 6. Anuyogas, 7. anvaya, 201. Apadana, 2. apamara, 101, 146. aparigraha, 17, 134, 151. apatiochanna, 215. a patti, 217, 218. a pattiya, adassane ukkhittaka, 154 ; appatikamme ukkhhittaka, 154. apa yamukhani, 93. appaleva, 115. appa mattavissa jjaka, 206. Appearance and outfit, of the Buddhist mendicants, 43. apratibaddha, 233. arahanta, 75, 104, 164. arahantagha taka, 45, 154.

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INDEX 259 arannaka, 54, 138. arannikangan, 43, 67. Arhatahood, 75, 246. arhatula, 20, 130. arama, 141, 142, 206. aramikapesaka, 59, 206. arati, 36. arjava, 192 arisa, 148, 148n. Aristanemi (the twenty-second Tirthankara), 28, 83. Arittha, 217. ariyasaccani, 41. aropetabbo, 217. arudha, 113. Asalha, 23, 57, 171n, 171-75. Asa lhi-purnima, 172, 175, asamadanacaro, 138. Asceticism, 63. Ascetics, Brahmanical, 14, 15, 66, 169; Brahmavadin women, 247; Buddhist, 66; Jaina, 22, 24, 39, 122, 133, 136, 137, 154, 243, 244; non-Brahmanical, 63. asena sanika, 183, asive, 182. asiya, 150. Asoka tree, 74, 84. asraya, 108. Assaji, 217. Assam, 245. assava, 145. astami, 165, 166. Asthikagrama, 177. astika, 116. atihisamoibhaga, 94. Atimuttaka, 12, 12n atirekalabha, 48, 68, 108, 112. atisara, 102. ativisa, 144. Atthakathas, 2, 3, atthamena, 224. atthi, 117. attudesam, 141. Atuma, 100. au, 182. auddesika, 118. aukaiya, 31. aupagrahika, 187. aura, 95. Aurapaccakkhana, 6. Authority, competent to ca ry ou the function, 105. avaddahana, 148. avadhavai, 209. avamariya, 148. avarhara, 148. avasa, 46, 54, 56, 60, 75n, 82, 151, 160, 161, 163, 164, 199, 203, 213, 220, 225. avasatha-pinda, 49, 112. avasika, 138. Ayassaya, 6. avasyaka, 166, 193, 235. Avasyakaniryukti, 210. avati, 95. aviniyi, 95. avuso, 42 avvavasiya, 95. aya, 21, 50, 119. ayambilena. 224. ayamke, 16. ayanabhandanikkhevana, 36. ayani, 131. ayara, 1, 106, 208 ; -kusala, 208 ; --pakappa, 208, 209, 225 ; --sampaya, 210. Ayaradasao, 6. Ayaranga, 5, 25. ayariya, 38, 106, 207, 209, 210, 210n, 212, 212n, 227 ; -uvajjhaya, 207-11, 225-26. ayasma, 42. ayya, 42.

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260 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM baddhie, 103. bhayagatis, 207. badhira, 102. bhayana, 21. bahira, 101 ; -niyamsani, 135. bhaye, 182. bahuleva, 115. bhesajja, 55, 148. bahvabadha, 146n. Bhesajjakkhandhaka, 144. baka, 53. bhesajjani, panca, 115. bala, 113. bhikkha yariya, 37 balavaccha, 101, 113. bhikkhu, 14, 82, 126, 134 ; bambhacera, 36. bhedakanuvaltaka-, 238n ; bandha, 120. -sangha, 82, 155-56. bandhanasuttaka, 120. bhikkhuni, 14, 21, 82, 84, 134 ; batthikamma, 148. -dusaka, 45, 104, 154 ; Begging-bowl, 118. ---sangha, 155-56. Beliefs and practices, Buddhist, bhogakula, 114. 63; pre-Buddhist, 61. Bhojapuri, 116n, 175n. Bengal, 245. bhunjanti, 113. bhaddamuttaka, 144. bhutavijja, 111. Bhaddavaggiyas, 75. Bihar, 245. Bhadrapada, 23, 171, 172, 175, bila, 145. 192. bilva, 116. Bhadrila, 177. Bimbisara, 62, 88, 129, 147, 159, 178, 179, 243. Bhadriya, 177. Bodhi tree, 73. bhagamdara, 102, 148. bhagandala, 150; -abadha, 146. brahmacarya, 192. Bhagavadgita, 62. brahmadanda, 218. Bhagavatisutra, 147, 150, 165, 232. Brahmapas, 164, 185, 247. bhajana, 119; -varika, 206. Brahmapical, mendicancy, 190 ; Bhallika, 41, 85. religious codes, 169; school, 173. bhangiyan, 20, 130. Brahmanism, 159, 247. bhanda, 119. Brahmins, 31, 65, 105, 247. Brahmisundari, 83. bhandaga, 19. bhandagarika, 59, 140, 205, 206. Bihatkalpa, 6, 209, 229, 236, 237; -bhasya, 233. bhante, 42. Brotherhood, 200, 203. bhasi, 33, 35. Buddha, 40-42, 44, 47-48, 54, 58, Bhasyas, 233, 239. 61-64, 66-68, 73-75, 79n, 79-82, bhatamsi, 189. 85-86, 88-90, 93, 107, 111, 126, bhaltaggavatta, 50, 122. 129, 136, 140, 154, 160, 163, Bhattaparinna, 6. 173, 176, 178-79, 199, 216, 224bhattesana, 123. 25, 232, 234, 243, 244, 246; the bhattuddesaka, 59, 205. First Sermon of the, 2; -vacana, bhaya, 93, 95. bhayae, 103. Buddhadatta, 3, 4. 40.

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INDEX 261 Buddhaghosa (Acarya), 1, 3, 174. cautha, 37. Buddhahood, 81, 246. cautthena, 224. Buddhanaga, 3. ceiya, 185. Buddhavamsa, 2. cela, 21, 119. Buddhism, 30, 73, 81, 84, 88, 90n, celacilimiliya, 134. 101, 109, 136, 144, 159, 167, Celana, 88. 190, 246. cetiyas, 13, 79, 80. Buhler, George, 7n, 8. Ceylon, 4 1. Burma, 44. chajjivaniya, 30. caga, 71n. chakana, 132, 145n. cakkhuroga, 145. chanda, 56, 93, 100, 161. calani, 135. chanda gatin, 207. Caliya-parvata, 177. Chandra, 202. camma, 21, 119; --kosa, 19, 21; Chandragupta (Maurya), 7. -chedaka, 21. Channa, 217, 218. Campa, 177. chariku, 146. Canda, 99. chatta, 120, 183. Candana (Arya), 83,211. chatthen2, 224. Candanabala, 77. Chavaggiya, 66, 123, 219. Candapannatti, 5. chavakutika, 183. Candavijjhaya, 6. chavasisa, 50. cankama, 54, 142, 146n. chavasisapatta, 119. Canon, Buddhist, 212; Digambara, chavidosabadha, 146. 7; Jaina, 11, 93, 229; Pali, 2, cheda, 227, 227, 238; 3, 47, 61n, 88, 93, 246; Sveta. Chedasutras, 25, 27, 207, 208, mbara, 5n, 7. 209, 212. Capa, 99. cheya, 37, 222, 229, 238; pancaracaritta, 106, 208. indiya-238. carittatthayae, 182. Cheyasuttas, 6. cariya, 36. Childers, Prof., 108n, 200, 200n. Cariyapitaka, 2. chinnairiya patha, 45, 102. cali, 183. Church, administration of the catuddisa-bhikkhu-sangha, 199. Jaina, 201n, 208; Brahmanical, catuddisa sangha, 140. 105 ; Buddhist, 61, 66, 73, 101, caturdasi, 165, 166. 102, 114, 121, 137, 151, 212, 245; caturmasa, 23, 169, 172, 184, 192, constitution of the Buddhist, caturvidhasangha, 106. 197 ; hierarchy, 89 ; hierarchy caturvimsatis tava, 166. (Buddhist), 42, 46, hierarchy caturyamadharma, 129n. (Jaina), 25, 81; Jaina, 6, 14n, catuyama-samvara, 62. 21, 32, 73, 95, 101-4, 118, 119, caulodaga, 117. 130, 134, 151, 152, 212, 222, Causarana, 6. 227 ; Parsva's, 129n ; units,

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262 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM 202 ; units (Buddhist), 58, 199; units (Jaina), 25, 200. cilimili, 19, 21. cinansuyani, 131. civabhajaka, 59, 205. civara, 126, 138, 237; - bha jaka, 59, 140, 206;--nidahaka, 59, 140, 205, 206; -patiggahaka, 59, 140, 205, 206. Civaravaggo, 237. ciyaya, 36. Cloth, the purpose behind the use of, 137. codetabbo, 217. colapatta, 134. Confession, Buddhist, 191n. Conversion, Jaina ceremony of, i3, 78n. Converts, precepts for the, 89. Conze, Prof. Edward, 30, 244. Council, first Buddhist, 204, 218; of Pataliputra, 7; second Buddhist, 65n, 220. Culapanthaka, 99. Cullavagga, 2, 60, 81, 140. cusama, 145. cunna, 111. Custodians, of monastic discipline, 197, 199. Dabba, 205, 219, 224. dagala, 175, 187. daha, 102, 148. daka, 49, 116 ; -rasam, 116. darsamasaga, 36. damsana, 36. damsanatthayae, 182. dana, 86. danda, 15, 19. danta, 21, 119. dappa, 95. darisana, 106, 208. Darsa, 159. daru, 21, 119. dasa, 44, 102. dasadosavivajjiya, 110. dasalaksanaparva, 192. dasamena, 224. dasasikkha pada, 89 Dasasrutaskandha, 209, 234, 236, 237 ; -niryukti, 172. Dasasuyakkhandha, 6. Dasavaikalikasutra, 11, 115. Dasaveyaliya, 6, 73, 236, 237. dattis, 122. Deo, Dr. S. B., 8, 117n, 201, 202, 209, 210, 212n. Desaraga, 131. desatena, 102. desavagasiyn, 94. Devadatta, 66, 67, 68, 107. devasannatti, 100. Devindatthava, 6. dhai, 111 dhajabad dhacora, 102. Dhamma, 40-42, 48, 50, 73, 75, 85, 86, 89, 90, 93, 160, 162, 204, 216, 218, 219, 224, 232. Dhammadhara, 59, 204. Dhammapa la, 2, 73. Dhammasami, 4. Dhammasangani, 2. dhammopagarana, 19. dhannaphalarasam, 116. dhanuggaha, 149. dharana, 60, 214, 222. Dharmaghosa, 32. Dharmasastras, 169. Dha tukatha, 2. dhovana, 117n. dhoya, 117n. dhoyam, 131. dhruvasila, 169. dhumapana, 145. dhutangas, 43, 64, 67, 68, 92. dhuvaloo, 35.

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INDEX 263 Digambaras, 5, 14n, 15, 15n, 19, 80, Eraval, 23. 81, 129n, 130, 192, 230. Eravati, 189. digancha, 36. esana, 17, 33, 25, 112. Dighanikaya, 2. Faith, Buddhist, 40; Jaina, 81. dikkha, 7in. Food, allowed to the mendicants, diksa, choti-72; badi--72. 110 ; prescribed for the disam (anudisam) viharai, 94. Buddhist mendicants, 49; Diseases and cures, 55. process of eating, 129 ; purpose disiuvaya, 94. of taking, 121 ; quantity of 121; ditthi, 97, 180, 218. storing up articles of, 127 ; way ditthisula, 148. of receiving, 125. Ditthivaya, 5 Food and drink, proper and imdivicamma, 149. proper articles of, 114. dosa, 93. gaccha, 25, 26, 200, 201, 201n, 202. dosagati, 207. gadrabha, 144. Draupadi, 247. gahaka, patirupe, 154. Dress, prescribed for the Buddhist gahapati-civara, 53, 129. mendicants, 52. Gajjala, 131. dubbhasita, 216, 219, 238. galagandi, 101. dubhikkhamsi, 189. galantakodha, 149. dugullani, 131. gamatena, 102. dugunchapattitam, 137. gana, 25, 25n, 26n, 38, 58, 59, 197, dugunchia, 114. 199, 200, 200n, 201, 202, 207, dui, 111. 211, 231n, 233, 243 ; --bhojani, dukkata, 216, 219, 238. 49, 112; -dhara, 26, 27, 28n, 88, dukkha, 41; -nirodha, 41;-nirodha 171, 197, 207 ; -hara, 210, gaminipatipada, 41;-samudaya, 210n; -pratibaddha, 233. Duties and obligations, 89. ganamganiya, 25n. Dutipalasaka, 87. ganavacchedaka, 26, 27, 186. Dutt, Dr. N, 8, 213. ganavacchedin, 152. Dutt, Dr. S., 8, 220, 221n. ganavaccheini, 212. duttha, 95, 102, 231;- paranciya, gana vaccheiya, 207, 211, 212n, 226. 231. ganda, 101, 160. dutthagahanika, 146. gandabadha, 146. dutthalla, 228n. gandhalepa, 146. duvalasamena, 224. gandi, 101, 148. dvevacika, 85. Ganga, 23, 189. Dyeing, materials and the process ganin, 26, 27, 80, 153, 207, 210 ; of, 132. -sampaya, 210, 211. Eating, the time of, 122. ganini, 212. egatthamena, 224. Ganivijja, 6. ekasanika ngam, 43, 67. garahia, 114. 41.

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264 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM hatthachinna, 102. hatthakamma, 231. hatthatalam, 233. garatthiya, 133. Gargi, 81. garha, 166. garudhamma, 41, 82. gatatta, 63. Gautami, Mahaprajapati, 41, 82, 88, 212. gelanne, 182. geruka, 14, 145. gharadinnakabadha, 146. ghatikataha, 50, 119. ghee, 149, 150. ghusulinti, 113. Gihivinaya, 93. gilana, 38, 180. gilasani, 148. gocchaga, 14, 121. gosisa, 149. Gotama, 62. gotta, 42. goyarabhoyana, 110. goyari, 123. guha, 54, 140, 160, 183. Gujarat, 245. yuliya. 149. gulodaka, 49, 116. gumma, 202. Gunasilakacaitya, 78. gunavvayas, 93, 94. guptis, 16, 35, 36, 91. guru, 16, 19, 37, 45, 152, 193n, 223;-parivara, 26, 202. gurugatarao, 224. guruo, 224. gutha, 146. guvvini, 101, 113. haliddi, 144. hammiya, 54, 58, 140, 160, 183. harapuda, 119. Hardy, Prof. R. S., 8, 71n. Hari, 114 haritakikhanda, 55n. Haritasamhita, 247. hatthindu, 113. Hedonism, 63. Heretics, 243; Buddhists' relation with, 47; conversion of, 88; conversion of-into the Buddhist Order, 48; Jaina attitude towards, 29. Hierarchy, of officers, 198;Buddhist, 98, 106, 203, 205; Jaina, 207, 212, 223, 235, 238. Himalayas, 244. himsa, 25. Hindu, community, 118. Hinduism, 244. hingu, 144. hingulaka, 144. hiranna, 119. Hiranyakesin, 159. hiripattitam, 137. Horner, 1. B., 8. ihaloga, 100. Iksavaku, 114, inayaka, 102. India, 244, 245; ancient, 144. Indrabhuti, 14n, 77, 210. iriya, 33, 35; Itivuttaka, 2. itthi, 36. itvara, 37. patha, 13, 80, 127. Jacobi, Prof. H., 8, 26, 201, 202. jadda, 102. Jagara Thera, 3. jahajaya, 15. Jain, Dr. H. L., 8. Jainism, 8, 30, 73, 77, 84, 87, 88, 90n, 101, 118, 136, 144, 159, 166, 167, 178, 190, 201n, 239, 243, 244, 246. jalla, 36. Jamali, 78. jambu, 116.

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Jambuddivapannatti, 5. Jamuna, 189. jangiyam, 130. jantaghara, 54, 142; -vattam, 142n. Japan, 244. jara, 102, 148. jaradubbala, 104. jaria, 113. Jataka, 2. Java, 244. jayana, 36. Jayanti, 88. kammakilesa, 93. kammas, 180. kammavaca, 161, 214, 215. kamsa, 50, 119. jataruparajata, 65n;-patiggahana, 90. kana, 102. Jatilas, 48, 62, 73, 75, 88. jatithera, 152. Jauna, 23. Jetavanavihara, 185. Jenta, 99. jie, 222. Jinakalpika, 21, 35, 123, 130. jinas, 80. Jinavijayaji, Muni, 8. jiraka, 116n. jiramani, 116n. Jitthagani, 210. Jivabhigama, 5. Jivaka, 88, 129. Jivakakomarabhacca, 147. Jiyakappa, 6. jhana, 38, 92. jhimiya, 148. joga, 111. Jurisprudence, Buddhist, 154, INDEX Jyestha, 171n. kaca, 50, 119. kacchu, 149. kaddama, 188. kahana, 80. kakka, 150. kakuttepaka, 45, 103. Kalakacarya, 192. ka lalona, 145. kalanjana, 145. 18 kalapratikramana, 16. Kalpasutra, 83, 115. Kalyanavijaya Gani, Pt, 8, 178n. kambala, 14, 21, 53, 130, 131. kamji, 115. kancuka, 131, 135. kanda, 18, 116. kandu, 145, 148; -paticchadim, 53, 134, 136. kannaveyana, 148. kanikka, 149. kaniya, 118. Kankhayojana, 4; Mahatika, 4, Kankhavitarani, 3; abhinavatika, 4;-ganthi, 4; -tika, 3. Kapadia, Prof. H. R., 5n, 8. kapalla, 145. Kapilavastu, 41, 81, 177. Kappa, 6. kappasa, 53, 144. kappasikam, 130. Kappavadamsiao, 6. kappiyabhumi, 52, 127. kappiyakaraka, 52, 128. kappiyakuti, 54, 142. karakabhedaka, 102. karmas, 62. Kartika, 23, 138, 171, 172. 265 kasa, 102, 148. kas ahata, 102. kasaya, 14, 43, 53, 131. Kassapa, 99; brothers, 66; the naked ascetic, 63. Kathavatthu, 2. kathina, 53, 135, 137, 138, 152-55, 234. kathinuddhara, 136. katukarohini, 144.

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266 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Katyayana Srautasutra, 159. kausagga, 92, 238. Kausambi, 88, 177. kavala, 122. kaveyyam, 111. kaya, 36; -bandhana, 44; -duggandha, 145; -kilesa, 37. Kayaha, 131. kayotsarga, 16, 166, 167. Kern, Prof. H., 8, 72. Kesakambala, 131. Kesi, 14n. khajjabhajaka, 59, 205. khalupacchabhattikangam, 43, 67. khamavana (ksama pana), 191. khanatena, 102. khandhakarani, 135. khandharajana, 132. khanja, 102. khanti, 36. khara, 175. khettatikamta, 122. khittacitta, 154. khoma, 53, 130. khomiyam, 130. khuddaga, 13. Khuddakanikaya, 2, 43. Khuddakapatha, 2. Khuddakasikkha, 4; abhinavatika, 4; -tika, 4 khuddiya, 13, 38. khujiya, 148. khujja, 102. Khujjasobhita, 100. kicca, 218. kidibha, 149. kilasa, 101, 146 kimikuttha, 149 Kisagotami, 99 kitam, 131. kiva, 103. kodha, 148. koha, 111. kolacunna, 115. Koliyakassapa, 4. Kosambiji, 55n. koseyya, 53, 130. kotikkhata, 101. kotthaka, 54, 97, 142. kriyavada, 61. kriyavadins, 62. krosa, 24, 124, 184. ksama, 192. kucchikimiya, 150. kucchisula, 148. kudamuha, 187. kuhana, 111. kukkudamamsa, 147. kukkudiandapamana, 122. kukucca, 97, 180. kula, 26, 26n, 38, 200, 200, 201, 202; -dusaka, 216. Kumbhaka, 84. kundi, 15. kuni, 102. Kupika, 88. kuniya, 148. kunta, 101, 102. kunthu, 182. kusa, 53, 131, 165. kutaja, 144. kuttha, 101, 146, 148. laghava, 36. lahuka-apatti, 220. lahuo, 224. lahusatarao, 224. lahutarao, 224. lakkhanahata, 102. lakkhanam, 111. lapana, 111. Lassen, Prof., 90n. lau, 21, 119. Law, Dr. B.C., 3, 8, 214n. Lay-disciples, coversion of, 85.

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leva, 115. Life, corporate, 186. likhitaka, 102. ling adibhedam, 231. Literature, exegetical, 6, 7; Indian, 118; Pali, 141. lobha, 111. loddha, 150. loha, 50. Lohitaka, 217. lohitamocana, 146. lohituppadaka, 45, 104. lohiyavacca, 148n. Lokayatas, 61, 66. lonasovira, 145. lonasoviraka, 116, 116n. loya, 35, 186. maccha, 144. Macdonell, In. Mackenzie, Col., 8. maddava, 36. madhu, 144. madhugolaka, 49. madhukapuppharasam, 116. madhumeha, 148. Magadha, 88, 147, 159, 178. Magahi, 116n, 175n. mahabhutas, 61. Mahakappin, 56, 164. mahalliya, 38. Mahanisiha, 6. Mahapaccakkhana, 6. Mahapanthaka, 99. mahaparinibbana, 179, maha pataka, 105, 246. INDEX 267 Mahavira, 7, 14n, 19, 26-7, 48, 61n, 73-4, 77, 77n, 78, 78n, 80, 83, 87, 107, 129, 129n, 130, 171, 173, 176-79, 197, 200, 210, 212. Mahasami, 4. mahathera, 42, 89, 89n, 204n. mahatheri, 42. Mahavagga, 1, 57, 64, 65, 85, 129, 139, 141, 144, 164, 213. Mahavajirabuddhi, of Ceylon, 4. Mahavinayasangahappakarana, 4. mahavratas, 35, 35n. mahavvaya, 31, 90, 90n, 94; panca-, 90. Mahayasa, 4. Mahi, 23, 189. mahusittha, 188. mai, 211. Maitreyi, 81. majja, 145. maijarakada, 147. Majjhima Janapada, 214. Majjhimanikaya, 2. majjhima patibada, 43, 64, Makkhaligosala, 61n. malayani, 131. mallaga, 175n. mallaka, 175n. mallaya, 175, 175n. mallayatiga, 187. Malli (the nineteenth Tirthan kara), 81n, 83, 84. malorika, 121. mamsa, 117. mana, 36. mana, 111. manatta, 47, 82, 97, 186, 213, 215, 215n, 218, 232, 234. Manava, 100. mandala, 26. mandali, 202. mandapa, 54, 142. mangala, 80. mangalamantra, 13. mani, 50, 119. Mankula-parvata, 177. manta, 111. Manu, 84, 118, 212n, 247.

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268 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM manussaviggaha, 231. mardava, 192. Margasirsa, 172. Materialists, 61, 66. Ma tika dhara, 59, 204. Matikas, 59, 204. Matikatthakatha, 3. matisampaya, 211. matta, 113. mattika, 50, 119, 145n, 146. mattiya, 21, 119. matughataka, 45, 104, 154. Maudaglyayana, 88. maya, 111. Megha, 78, 88. mehuna, 90, 231. Mettiya, 219, 224. Milindapanho, 3. Mithila, 83, 84, 178. Mlecchas, 22. moca, 116. Moggallana, 75; of Ceylon, 4. moha, 93. mohagatim, 207. moksa, 74. Monachism, 119; Buddhist, 197; Indian, 71: Jaina. 1, 7, 85. Monastic, administration, 197, 228; administration in the Buddhist Order, 58; community as a whole, 244; discipline (Jaina), 183; life (Buddhist), 100. 19: observances in the Buddhist Order, 55, 160; origin and development of the Jaina --System, 77; rules (Jaina), 11, of a, 14; the requisites of a, 17. Monkhood, 106; defined, 11 (Jaina). Monks, conversion of, 74. Monks and nuns, mutual relation between, 28 (Jaina); relation between, 46 (Buddhist). moyavaitta, 100. Mrgavati, 88. muddhasala, 148. mudha, 95, 102. muga, 102; -badhira, 102. mugga, 49, 116. muhapotti, 14, 15, 21, 134. mukhapunchana-colaka, 134. mula, 18, 37, 116, 222, 223, 229, 232, 238. Mulacara, 7. mulakamma, 111. mularajana, 132. Mulasikkha, 4; -abhinavalika, 4; -tika, 4. Mulasatras, 6, 25, 27, 28, 136, 202, 231. mula yapatikassana, 97, 180, 218. mula yapatikassanaraho, 162. munis, Brahmanical, 243. musavada, 89. musavaya, 90. Mutta, 100. mutta, 146. muttaharitaka, 146. mutti, 36. muya, 148. Mysore, 245. nabhipramana, 188. nabhoga, 95. naccagitavaditavisukadassana, 89. Nadikassapa, 99. * Nagendra, 202. nagina, 19, 130. Nala, 177. Nalanda, 144, 177, 178. 12. Mongolia, 244. Monier Williams, ln. Monk (Jaina), conditions for life, 12; daily duties of a, 14; moral life of the, 33; relation with laymen, 29; signs of a, 15: the appearance and the outfit

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nalika, 188. nana, 106, 208. nanatthayae, 182. Nandaka, 88. Nandi, 6. napumsaka, 103. Nata clan, 74. Natydharmakathanga, 7. nattamala, 144. natthukamma, 145, 145n. INDEX natti, 60, 76, 162, 197, 214, 217, 220, 221, 221n. natticatutthakamma, 75n, 214; -upasampada, 75, 79, 80. nattidutiyakamma, 75n, 214, 215. nava, 183. navakammika, 54, 59, 140, 187, 206, 226. navakotiparisuddha, 110. navanita, 144. Nayadhammakahao, 5. Neminatha, 12n, 100, 100n. nessajjikangam, 43, 67. nibbatobijam, 116. Niddesa, 2. Nigantha, 48, 62, 84, 87; -pataputta, 61, 61n. Niganthi, 84. niggantha, 14. nigganthi, 14. Nigrodharama, 81. nijjaratthana, 35n. nijjuhana, 231n. Nikayas, 48, 62, 67, 93. nikkhamana, 71n. niksepa, 165. nimantana, 205. nimba, 144. nimmanimalasa, 101. ninda, 166. nippesikata, 111. nirjara, 62. niruha, 148. nirvana, 179. Niryavalio, 5, Niryuktis, 25, 142, 183. Nistha, 6. nisihiya, 36. Nisitha (sutra), 229, 232, 234, 236, 237. 269 nisraya, 108. nissaggiya, 60, 138, 216, 219; pacittiya, 228, 229, 236, 237. nissaya, 42, 46, 48, 64, 65, 68, 77, 91, 94, 95, 96, 106-109, 140, 180, 225, 226. nissayakamma, 217. Nivrtti, 202. nivviena, 224. niyalabaddha, 113. Nunhood, Jaina, 12. Nuns, conversion of, 80; the Jaina Order of, 27. obaddha, 103. Offences and punishments, 215. Officers (Buddhist), in-charge of food and drink, 205; in-charge of lodging places, 206; incharge of robes, 205; of the Buddhist Order, 59. Oghanijjutti, 6. Oghaniryukti, 136, 175. okacchiya, 135. Oldenberg, Prof. H., 8, 71-73, 203. omane, 182. omoyariya, 170, 182. Order (Brahmanical) 71; (Buddhist), 1, 43, 47, 48, 54-57, 59, 66, 71, 79, 80, 84, 92, 95, 101, 103-5, 110, 119, 127, 134, 137, 138, 140, 144, 150, 152, 153, 156, 170, 172, 173, 176, 181, 182, 186, 197,

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270 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM 202, 203, 212, 213, 224, 239, palima, 39, 39n, 92, 94; abambha243; admission to the, 40; vajiana--,94; bhadda--,38; bhadivision of the, 128; form- duttara-, 38; canda-, 38; ation of the, 40; rules and dainsanam, 94; javamajjha--38; regulations of the, 68; mahabhadda-,38; moya-, 38; (Jaina), 1, 2, 4, 5, 12, 13, padima-, 94; posaha.., 94; 17, 33, 71, 72, 77, 80, 84, 85, sacillaharavajjana-,94; sa maiya 90, 91, 95, 97, 103-5, 110, 121, -, 94; savvaobhadda--,38; saya123, 131, 133, 134, 150, 170, marainbhavaijana-,94; samana172, 173, 176, 181, 182, 186, bhuya --, 94; subhadda--, 38; 187, 190, 197, 202, 207, 224- uditthabhattavajjar.a--, 94; vaira26, 231, 239; constitution of majjha-, 38; vaya-, 94; the, 197; formation of the, 11. bhikkhupatima, 39, 39n; ahoraiya Orissa, 85. ---, 39; althamiya--; 39; cauma siya osaha, 148. --, 39; dasadasamiva -., 39; docca Ovava iya, 5. sattara indiya -, 39; doma siya-, pabbajja, 40, 45, 60, 71, 71n, 72, 39; egaraiya --, 39; masiya-, 39; 74, 83, 103, 105, 186, 213; navanaramiyam, 39; padhama authority conpetent to confer, sattar a indiya , 39; pasicama siya 45; tisaranagamana-40. ---, 39; tacca sattaraindiya - , 39; pabbajaniya, 180;--kamma, 216, 217. timasiya-, 39. pabbajjita, 42, 89. padipucchana, 16. pabbavata, 146. padissuta, 100. pacchana, 148. pagaria, 113. pacchimika, 57, 171, 172. Painpas, 6. Pachow, Dr., 229. pajju sana, 191, 192, 194. Pacittiya, 2. pakkamati, 154. paciltiya, 60, 216, 219, 228-30, 234. pakkava, 144. 37. pakkha, 53. Pacitya diyojana, 4. pakkhahata, 45, 102. pada, 119. pakkhika, 205. padabhanjana, 146. Pakudhakaccayana, 61n. padachinna, 102. palibodhas, 154. padala, 121, 134, 187. Palimuttakavinayasangaha, 4. padamagga, 29. palukimiya, 150. padaphalana, 146. pama, 149. thadhama-pausammi, 172. pamada, 95. padiggaha, 21, 78, 119. pamatta, 231. patihariya, 151. pansukula, 53, 139, 155; -civara, padikkamana, 37, 186, 193, 222,229, 48, 64, 68, 128. 230, 235, 238, 240. pamsukulikangan, 43, 67. padilehana, 31. panaivaya, 90.

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INDEX 271 panatipata, 89. pancadasi, 165. Pancakappa, 6. pancanuvvaiyam, 87. Pancavaggiya, 40, 64, 66, 74, 107. Pancavastuka, 79, 80. pandaka, 103, 154, 162, 217. Pandava, 247. Panduka, 217. pandumattika, 132. pandurogabadha, 146. pangu, 101. pangula, 102. Panhava garanain, 5. panipaya, 15. panitabhojanani, 115. paniyavarika, 205. panna, 36. pannattikusala, 208. Pannavana, 5. papakamma, 93. patharogi, 101. papasamacara, 216. papikaya ditthiya, appatinissagge ukkhittaka, 154. Parajika, 2. parajika, 60, 215, 219, 228n, 228 32, 236, 240. Parajikakandayojana, 4. parampara bhojana, 49, 112. paranciya, 37, 222, 223, 229-31, 231n, 240. parayaya, 208, 209, paribhanda, 120. paribhoga, 17. pariccha, 80. pariggaha, 63, 90. parihara, 223, 225, 227, 230, 233, 234, 240; -vicuddhi, 233, 234. parijunna, 100. parijunne, 130 parikkhara, 44, 98, --colaka, 134. Parileyyaka, 177. parimitopadhi, 152. parisaha, 19, 36, 39, 92;-vattiyam, 137. parityaga, 230n. Parivara, 2. parivasa, 73, 88, 97, 180, 186, 213, 215, 215n, 218, 223, 232, 234, 240; apaticchanna, 215; paticchanna --215, 215n, 218; samodhana--, 215, 218; suddhanta-215, 218. parivena, 54, 97, 142. parivusie, 130. pariyattana, 16. pariyaya, 225, 226, 233, 238, 239. Parava (the twenty-third Tirthai kara), 14n, 28, 74, 83, 129n; followers of, 133. parva, 165-67. pasada, 54, 140, 160, 179, 183. pasata, 145n. pasavanavisaya, 38. patidesaniya, 60, 216, 219, 228-30, 234, 235, 237, 240. Patimokkha, 3, 47, 56, 59, 60, 92, 106, 160, 162-64, 166, 167, 180, 183, 203, 217, 225; Bhikkhu-, 228; Bhikkhuni--,228; -pada thavannana, 4; --visodhani, 4. patinivasa, 96. patinnatakarana, 219, 220. patipadika, 205. Patisambhidamagga, 2. patisaraniya, 180;--kamma, 216,217. patola, 144. patra, 21, 119. palta, 50, 118, 131. patla, 134. pattabandha, 121. pattaggahapaka, 206. pattapindikangan, 43, 67. pattarajana, 132.

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272 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM pattathavika, 120. Patthana, 2. pattunnani, 131. paurnamasa, 159. pausadha, 165-67. Pava, 178. pavarana, 43, 55, 58, 135, 174, 191, 191n, 194. pavarani, 131. pavalti, 207, 211. pavattini, 105, 212. pavvayanakusala, 208. pavvayaveha, 79. paya, 14, 21, 119. payaccitta, 37. payalehinia, 187. payapadilehanja, 121. payapunchana, 14, 15, 21. payatthavana, 121. payogasampaya, 211. pesa, 131. Petavatthu, 2. phaddaya, 202. phalabhajaka, 59, 205. phalaka, 131. phalarajana, 132. phalika, 50, 119. Phaliya, 131. phanahatthaka, 102. phanita, 144. pharusaka, 116. picchiya, 15. pidhasappi, 148. pilaga, 150. pilaka, 145. pindacarikavatta, 50, 122. Pindanij jutti, 6. Pindaniryukti, 115. pindapatikangan, 43, 67. pindiyo lopabhojana, 48, 64, 68, 110. pippala, 144. pippalaga, 21. Pitakas, 2, 3, 40, 87. pittajara, 147, 148n, 149. pitthakhadaniya, 49, 1:16. pitughataka, 45, 104, 154. pivasa, 36. pokkharani, 54, 142. Polity, laws of, 197, 198; Buddhist, 213; Jaina; 222. Poranatika, 4. porisi, 15, 16, 19, 122, 128; attha--, 193, 193n; sutta--, 193, 193n. posadha, 165, 192. posaha, 159, 165, 168; pakkhiya--, 165; --sala, 165. posahovavasa, 94. pottayam, 20, 130. potthaka, 131. Pottila, 100, 100n. ppayosa, 95. Prabhavati, 84. Practices (Buddhist), ascetic, 43. prajna, 40. Prasenajita, 88. pratikramana, 13, 19, 39, 80, 127, 166, 167; uttamartha-, 167. pratimas, 38, 39; bhiksu--, 36. Pratimoksa, 197, 198, 215, 228, 229, 230, 232, 236, 238-40. pratipada, 174. pratyakhyana, 166. prausadha, 165. pravartini, 26, 27, 94, 152. prayascittas, 133, 153, 166, 197, 198, 222, 223, 228, 230, 234 36, 239. Precepts, prescribed for the Buddhists, 42. Priesthood, Buddhist, 199; Jaina, 200-2, 212. Prsthacampa, 177. puccha, 80. pudhavikaiya, 30.

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INDEX 273 Pug galapannatti, 2. Punabbasuka, 217. punarvratopasthapana, 223. Pupna, 212. puppharajana, 132. Pupphiao, 6. Puranakassapa, 61n. Puranamasa, 159. puraokattu (katurii viharai, 94. puraopalibaddha, 100. purimaddhena, 224. purimika, 57, 171, purisadusaka, 103. purnima, 167. Puspakala, 83. putapaka, 148. putimutta, 55, 55n, 91, 144; bhesajja, 48, 65, 68, 144. puya vaitta, 100. Radha, 177. raibhoyana, 231. rainia, 226. rainnakula, 114. rajabhata, 44. Rajagsha, 78, 140, 176-79, 185, rajananippaka, 145n. Rajasthan, 245. Rajayatana, 85. Rajimati, 12n, 100, 100n. rajoharana, 13. Rajupalika, 74. - rasanjana, 145. Tasapariccaga, 37. rasatyaga, 39. rattam, 131. Ratthapala, 99. rayadutthe, 182. rayaharana, 14, 15, 78, 80. rayansi, 148. Rayapasenaijja, 5. rayapinda, 18. 19 rayavagari, 103. Recluse, characteristics of a Jaina, 62. Reed, Mr. E. A., 65. Renow, Prof. Louis, 191n, 238. Renunciation, causes of, 12,44, 99. Requisites, ownership, succession, distribution and exchange of the, 151. Residence, and bed prescribed for the Buddhist mendicants, 54; conditions for permanent trans fer of the, 181. Retreat, causes of the Institution of the, 170; how to enter upon the 174; indispensability of the, 176; occasions for the interruption of the, 179; periods and their duration, 171; places fit for observing the, 183; sangha-kamma performed during the, 186; some privileges due to the institution of the, 186; some special features of the Jaina, 188; the Jaina and the Buddhist, 190. Rg. Veda, 1. Rhys Davids, In, 8, 108. ririya, 119. Robes, laying aside of, 137; materi al and colour of, 130; materials for, 138; number of, 133; prep ration of, 132; size of, 136. Rockhill, Prof.., 8. roga, 36, 101. roginita, 100. Roja Malla, 88. rosa, 100 Rsabha (the first Tirthankara), 27, 83. Rsipatana, 85, 176. rukkhamula, 54.

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274 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM rukkhamulasena sana, 48, 64, 68, 140. Sakula, 99. rukkhamulikangan, 43, 67. sakunavijja, 111. rukkhasusira, 183. Sakyan, 41, 82. rukkhavitabhiya, 183. Sakyaputtiya, monks, i83. rupiya, 50, 119. Sakyas, 48. sabala, 25. salaka, 197, 221;-bhatta, 205; sabbakanha, 131. --ggahapaka, 221. sabbalohita, 131. Sala tree, 74. sabbamahana maratta, 131. samacari, 2012 sabbamaharangaratta, 131. samadhi, 40. sabbamanjittha, 131. samaiya, 94. sabbanila, 131. samana, 169. sabbapita, 131. samanasamvasaka, 202. sabhaya, 188. sa manera, 13, 42, 60, 95, 106, 154, sacca, 36. 156, 162, 179, 203, 213, 217; saccapainna vavahara, 224. - pesaka, 59, 204. Sadavana, 74. sa maneri, 42, 47, 95, 156, 162, 179. saddhana, 230, 231. Samannaphalasutta, 62. saddhiviharika, 42, 45, 89n, 95. samanopasaga, 85. sadguru, 239. samanopasiga, 85. sadhus, 80. Samantapasadika, 3, 174;- yojana, 3. sadlahu, 239. samapatti, 219. sagariyapinda, 11in. Samavati, 88. sahammiyanan, 233. Samavayanga (sutra), 5, 27, 35, 106, Sahampati, Brahma, 74. 171, 207, 211. sahas, 201. samayika, 13, 80, 166, 167. Sa hasra Amravana, 81. sambhogas, 25, 26, 200-2. sahassakara, 95. samgarapavvajja, 100, sahu, 14. Samhitas, 247. sahuni, 14. Samitigutta, 100. saiksamana, 89n. samitis, 33, 35, 91. sajjatari, 22. samjama, 36. sajjayarapinda, 18. sankama, 29. sajjhaya, 16, 38. samkha, 21. sajjulasa, 144 sankhadi, 18. sakanrajappaka, 221. samkita, 95. sakha, 26, 201, 202. samlehana, 182. Sakkaputtiya, 91; monks, 131. samlekhana, 37. sakkarapameha, 101. samlinaya, 37. sakkarapurakkhara, 36. sammukhavinaya, 218, 219. sakkuli, 115. samodhani, 215. Sakra, 84. samodhanaparivasa, 223,

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sampadhumitam, 131. samstara, 165. Samth ara, 6. samudda, 145. samukkasana, 231n. samvara, 62. samvatsari, 192. sam nega, 99. samyama, 30, 33, 192. Samyuttanikaya, 2. sara-bhanga, 53. sanam-bhangam, 130. sanayam, 20, 130. Sangha, 1. 2, 3, 38, 45, 48, 57-59, 75-77, 82, 89, 90, 93, 104-6, 129, 141, 151, 152, 154-6, 160, 164, 170, 171, 173, 180, 181, 197-200, 206, 213-17, 219-21, 224-26, 232, 243;-bhatta, 205; -bheda, 45;-bhedaka, 104, 105; entry into the, 100;-kusala, 208; parivra jaka -,89; samana-, 85; samani-85;-sampaya, 211. sanghadi, 135. sangha disesa, 60, 215, 218, 219, 228n, 228-30, 232-34, 240. sangha-kammas, 58-60, 79, 105, 181, 186, 199, 213, 215, 219, 232; semi-, 106; transaction of nondisciplinary and non-disputatious, 214, 215. Sangharakkhita, 4. sangharamas, 199. sanghati, 53, 133, 136, 137. Sanghavi, Pt. Shri Sukhalalji, 168. Sanjayavelatthiputta, 61n. sankamite, 182. Sankritya yana, Mahapandita Rahula, 8, INDEX santara cheda, 223. santaracheya, 239. santaruttara 14n. santharaya, 175. santhava, 111. sapadanacarikangam, 43, 67. sappa, 182. sappi, 144. Saranatha, 85, 176. saranita, 100. Saratthadipanitika, 3. Sarau, 23, 189. saretabbo, 217. Sariputra, 88. Sariputta, 75; of Ceylon, 3, 4, disciple of, 4. sarirasampaya, 211. sariravoccheyanatthae, 16. Sarvasiddhantasangraha, 61. Sarvastivada, 3. sasa, 102, 148. Sasta, 222. Satapatha Brahmana, 159. sativinaya, 219, 220. satiyaggahapaka, 59, 206. sattasikk havvaiyam, 87, sattha, 183;-vasena, 172. satthakamma, 146. satthaparinata, 22. sattucunna, 115. satya, 192. sauca, 192. savaga, 85;-sangha, 85. savaka, 1. saviga, 85;-sangha, 85. savika, 1. 275 Schubring, Dr. W., 8, 130, 211n. Scriptures, Jaina, 30, 39, 99, 165. sedakamma, 146. seha, 13, 42, 89, 95, 105, 207. sehabhumi, 89. sehanipphediya, 104. sekhasammatani kulani, 49, 112, 114. sejja, 36. sejjatari, 143. sejjayara, 114;-pinda, 114n. sekha, 13, 89n, 95.

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276 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM sekhiya, 60, 228-30, 237, 237n, 240. Sisa, 50. sela, 21, 119. sisa, 119. Sela, 99. sisabadha, 145n.. Senaka, 99. sisabhita pa, 145, 145n. senasanaggahapaka, 59, 206. sisaga, 119. Senasanakkhandhaka, 140. Sisterhood, 134. senasonapannapaka, 59, 206. sitaloli, 146. senasanavattam, 142. Sivabhuti, Sahasramalla, 12n, Seniority and succession, problems 100, 100n. of, 224. Sivananda, 88. setthi, 140, 145n. siveyyaka, 129. Seyyasaka, 217. siya, 36. siddhas, 13, 80, 84. Smotis, Brahmapical, 247. Siddhasenaganin, 165. Soma, sacrifice, 159. Siga lovadasutta, 43, 93. Sopakolivisa, 64. Siha, 88. Sopaka, 100. sijsatari, 193. sosa, 101, 146. sikkhamana, 42, 95, 162, 179. sosanikangan, 43, 67. sikkhapaccakkhataka, 154, 162. sota njana, 145. sikkhapada, 42, 43, 90, 90n, 93, sotapatti, 219. 162, 162n. . Sources, Brahmanical, 1,61, 159, sikkha vvayas, 93, 94. 169, 245; Buddhist, 1, 2, 77, sila, 86, 218. 99, 102, 103, 109, 132,- 136, sila, 40. 150, 159, 170, 174; Jaina, 2, silika, 148. 61, 77, 102, 104, 109, 114, 121, silivaya, 148. 136, 150, 159, 170, 174, sima, 56, 60, 160, 161, 164, 199, sovanna, 50, 119. 213-15; Christian equivalent of, 161. sramana-brahmanas, 93. Simalankarasangaha, 4; --tika, 4. Sramanas, 184. simbali, 116. sramanera, 89n simga, 21. sramaneri, 89n, Simsumaragiri, 177. sravaka, 93 ; -sangha, 93. sindhava, 145. Sravana, 171, 171n, 175. sinehapana, 148. Sravasti, 88, 177, 178, 185. singa, 119. sravika, 93 ; ---sangha, 93. singilonakappa, 128n. Srenika, 88. singivera, 144. Stevenson, Mrs. S., 8. sipadi, 101. Sthanangasutra, 27, 100, 106, 131, sipatika, 144, 207, 231. siraveha, 148. Sthapatyaputra, 78, 89. sirobatthi, 148. sthavarakaya, 31.

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INDEX 277 sthavira, 152. Sthavirakalpikas, 21, 35, 123, 128. suddhant a, 215. Sudhamma, 217. Sudharma, 88. Sudras, 81. sue, 222. sui, 21. sui, 101. suin, 130. Suka, 89. sukara, 144. sukkambara samana, 131, 132. Sumangala, 100 ; -mata, 100. Sumangalappasadani, 4. Sunita, 100 suniya, 148. supinan, 111, Supriya, 88. suramerayamajjapamada, 89. suri, 26. Suriyapannatti, 5. susuka, 144. Sutra, period, 247. Sutrakstanga, 61, 62. sutta, recitation of a, 57, 180. sultan, 130. Sultanipata, 2, 43. Suttantika, 59, 204 Sutta (pitaka) 2, 3. Suttas, 201. suvanna, 119. suvina, 100. Suyagalanga, 5, 237. suyasampaya, 210. Svetambaras, 5, 14n, 15, 19, 27, 80, 81, 83, 129n, 130, 192. tacarajana, 132. tacchana, 148. tadappagaran, 130. tadubhaya, 37, 222, 229, 236. tajjaniya, 180, 186; -kumma, 216, 217. . taka, 144. takapanni, 114. takapatti, 144 takka, 115, 116n. takkara, 102. Taksabila, 144. takurs, 114. tembaloha, 50, 119. tanaphasa, 36. Tandulaveyaliya, 6. tapa, 30, 36, 39, 92, 107, 166, 192, 238; abhintara-, 37; bahira , 37. tapovinaya, 166. tappana, 148. Tapussa, 41, 85. taraccha, 150. tassapapiyyasika, 219, 221, 221n. Tathagata, 74, 218. tau, 119. tava, 36, 37, 106, 208, 222, 229, 230, 238. Teacher, Buddhist, 98; Jaina, 98. Teachers and disciples, 94; rela tion between (Buddhist), 45. tecivarikangam, 43, 67. tela, 144. telapaka, 145. terasi, 113. Terasakannatika, 4. teu, 182 teukaiya, 31. Texts, Buddhist, 85, 100; Indian religious, 107; Jaina, 100, 115, 117, 137, 148, 233, 239; Pali, 61. Thananga, 5. thandila, 184. thandilassasati, 183. thera, 14, 38, 42, 89, 89n, 126, 152, 162, 204, 204n, 205, 225.

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278. STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM Theragatha, 2, 44. Theravada, 3, 40, 179. Theravadins, 79. theri, 14, 42. Therigatha, 2, 44. thevira, 113. theyyasanva saka, 45, 104, 154. thullaccaya, 216, 219, 238, 238n. thullakacchu, 145. tigiccha, 111. tikotiparisuddha, 110. tinavattharaka, 219, 222. tin duka, 116. Tipitaka, 43, 49, 246. Tipitakalankara, 4. tipu, 50, 119. tiracchanagata, 45, 104, 154. tiracchanavijja, 231. tirida, 20, 131. Tiriyapabbata, 4. Tirtharikara, 73, 74, 77, 210, 246. Tirtharkarahood, 81, 246. tisaranagamana, 75. tithi, 165. titthiya, 50, 129, 131, 160, 168. titthiyapakkan taka, 45, 104, 154. Tittirajataka, 225. Traditions, Jaina, 212. trasakaya, 31. Trayastrirsa, 177. tulasi, 144. tumba, 189. tumbaga, 116. tumbakataha, 50, 119. tundiya, 120. tuya vaitta, 100. tyaga, 192. ubbahika, 197, 220, 221. Ubbiri, 99. ubhatobyanjanaka, 103, 154. ubbhida, 145. uccasayanamahasayana, 89. ucchurasa, 49, 116. ucchvasas, 238. uc carapasavana, 36. uccaraprasravana, 33. udaka, 161. udakasambhinna, 49, 116. udakas atika, 44, 53, 134. Udana, 2. udapana, 51, 142. udaravatabadha, 145. udari, 148. Uddakaramaputta, 74. uddesabhatta, 205. uddesiyapinda, 18. uddhavata, 149. Udena, 88. udgama, 17. udra, 131. udubaddha, 189. uggama, 112. uggahanantaga, 134. uggakula, 114. uggamuppayanesanasuparisuddha, 110. uijana, 185. Ukkala, 85. ukkhepanija, 180;--kamma, 216, 217. ulukapakkha, 131. Umasvati, 165. ummataka, 154. ummatta, 102, 113. Universities, Buddhist, 144. unodariya, 39. unoyariya, 37. upadhyaya, 24, 26, 27, 73, 80, 94, 182, 235, 238. Upadhye, Dr. A. N., 8. upajihaya, 41, 45, 46, 75-77, 95, 96, 103, 106, 203, 204, 219, 226; qualifications of, 59. Upaka, 73. Upali, 59, 88, 204.

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Upangas, 5. Upanisad, 247. Upanisadic, 81. upasampa, 71n. upasampada, 45, 71-73, 75-77, 83, 103, 105, 186, 204, 213, 214, 217, 225; authority competent to confer, 45. upasampada pekkha, 76, 105. upasampanna, 42, 71n, 89. INDEX upasaka, 41, 85, 165, 179, 180; duties of a Jaina, 87. upasika, 41, 85, 179, 180. upasthapana, 72. upatthanasala, 51, 52, 54, 97, 125, upavasatha, 159, 167; in the Vedic tradition, 168. uposutha, 43, 47, 48, 55, 58, 82, 92, 109, 112, 159-63, 163n, 164-67, 168n, 174, 186, 191, 203, 205, 213, 214, 238, 243; adhitthana--, 57; ariya-, 57, 164; Brahmanical, 159; gopalaka-, 57, 164, 166; in Jainism, 165; in the Sramanic tradition, 168; -kamma, 163; nigantha-, 57, 164; parisuddhi-, 57, 162, 164; pre-Sramapic origin, 168; sangha--, 57, 164; sanghasamaggi-, 57, 164; types of, 57. uposathagara; 56, 160, 161. Uposathakkhandhaka, 164. uposathika, 205. Uppalavanna, 99. uppatam, 111. uppayanadosa, 111. Uruvela Kassapa, 99, 156. usagga, 80. usina, 36. uvabhogaparibhogaparimana, 94. uvajjhaya, 38, 207, 208, 208n, 209, 211, 212, 214. Uvasagadasao, 5. uvasagge, 16. uvasampaya, 94. 127, 142. upavasa, 159, 167; in the Sramanic uvattana, 150. tradition, 168. uvatthavana, 72. uvvattana, 148. uyara, 148. usira, 144. utpada, 17. utsarga, 165. Uttaradhyayana(sutra), 15, 90. 98, 133. Uttarajjhayana, 6. uttarasanga, 53, 133, 136. Uttaravinicchoya, 4. uttarimanussadhamma, 231, 236, 237. utthana, 182 279 vaca, 144. vacanasampaya, 211. vacanisampaya, 211. vacattha, 144. vaccakuti, 54, 97, 142; -vattam, 142n. vacchanubandhita, 100. Vacissara, 4. vadabha, 101, 102. vaha, 36. vahi, 102. Vaidya, Dr P.L., 8. Vaira, 12. Vaisali, 41, 82, 88, 176-78. Vaisnava, 118. Vaisya, 114. vaiyavrtya, 39. vaja, 183. Vajirabuddhitika, 4. Vajra, 202. Vajrasena, 202. vak, 36.

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280 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM vaka, 131. valakambala, 131. valua, 188. vamana, 148. vamana, 102. vammika, 161. vana, 150, vanassaikaiya, 31. vandana, 166. Vanhidasao, 6. Vanijyagrama, 87, 88, 177, 178. vanimaga, 111. vara, 117n. varadhovana, 117, 117n. varnasramadharma, 246, Varttaka, 32. vasa, 150. Vasabhaksatriya, 88. vasattana, 187, 189. Vasetthi, 99, 100, 100n. vassa, 58, 172-75, 180, 182, 185-87. Vassa vasa, 23, 43, 48, 55, 57, 82, 172, 176, 178, 10, 191, 206, 235, 243; universality of the custom among Indian mendicant Orders, 169. vassikasatika, 53, 134, 136, 187. Vassupanayikakkhandhaka, 174. Vasumati, 77. vata, 150. vatabadha, 145. vatie, 103. Vattagamani, of Ceylon, 2. vau, 182. vaukaiya, 31. Vavahara, 6, 222. vayaga, 207, 211. vayana, 16. vea vacca, 38. vedanatta, 154. Vedanga, the term, In. Vedic, 81; lore, 247. vegacchi, 135. veluriya, 50, 119. Veluvanavihara, 185. Veranja, 177. vevaggi, 101. vevai, 148. Vibhanga, 2. vibhitaka, 144. Vidyadhara, 202. vigadipadibaddha, 95. vihagagai, 100. vihara, 54, 55, 57, 58, 88, 96-98, 140-142, 144, 160, 174, 179, 183, 206. vijja, 111. vikalabhojana, 89. vikriis, 115, 150. vilanga, 144. Vimalasara, 4. vimamsa, 95. Vimanavatthu, 2. Vimativinodani Tika, 4. vinaya, the second internal austerity of the Jainas, 37, 166. Vinaya, 59, 86, 93, 162, 204, 218, 219, 224, 243, 244; background of the Buddhist, 61; Buddhist, 68, 176; meaning and scope of the word, 1; nature of the, 64; Pali, 96, 108, 169-71, 174, 181, 205; rules, 66; salient features of Buddhist, 40. Vinayadhara, 59, 105, 204. Vinayaganthi, 4. Vinayaganthipada, 4. Vinayagulhatthadipani, 4. Vinayalankara Anutika, 4. Vinayalankaratika, 4. Vinaya (pitaka), 2, 3, 6, 50, 60, 65, 67, 197, 213, 232, 244. Vinayasamutthanadipani, 4. Vinayasangaha, 4.

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Vinayasangaha-atthakatha, 4. Vinayasutta, 98. Vinayatthamanjusa, 3. Vinayavinicchaya, 4; -tika, 4. Vipakasutra, 148. Viratihava, 6. virecana, 146. vireyana, 148. viriya, 106, 208. Visakha, 88. visapana, 146. Visuddhimagga, 141. vitaragas, 13, 80. viusagga, 37, 38, 222, 229, 230. vivada, 218. Vivagasuya, 5. vivajjia, 113. vivataka, 221. INDEX vivega, 37, 222, 229, 230, 237, 240. Viyahapannatti (also called Bhaga vaisuya), 5. 281 vrati, 165. vuddha, 104, 113. vuggahiya, 95. Vyavahara (sutra), 209, 210, 229, 233, 234, 236, 237, 246. Weber, 5n, 7n. Williams, M.M., 159n. Winternitz, Prof. M., 5n, 8. Yagnavalkya, 212n. yagu, 49, 114; -bhajaka, 59, 205. Yaksini, 83. Yamaka, 2. Yasa, 40, 41, 75, 86, 88, 218. yatatta, 63. yatha santhatikangam, 45, 67. yatidharmas, 35, 36. 91. vatis, Brahmanical, 243. yebhuyyasika, 218, 219, 221. yojana, 24, 124, 139, 161, 184.

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ERRATA Read Page Line 12 12n 13 14n employing treatise sometimes Mahavira this humble Bhasya prati kramana of the Parsva's later aupagrahika sanayam , arhatula perversion of the month acarya as old as circumstances should consenting to others the Pitakas order, requisites allowed Burma the Buddha religious retreat regard monks vested Residence Navakammika upatthanasala cures uposathagara The Mahavagga (rain-retreat) In place of emplying trealise somestimes Mahavara that this humble Bka sya pratikramna to the Parsva's latter aupagrahika sanayarn arhatula pervertion on the month acaraya an old as circustances sould consenting others tbe pitakas order requisites alloyed Berma Buddha religions retreal regards momks vasted Recidence Narakammika (upatthanasala curses uposothagara Mahavagga rain-retreat)

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30 80 25 88 92 97 The Sutrakyta nga The Bhagavadgita the Buddhist Sangha (antara pikadhamma) presence a good number of monks like the Buddhist, Tirthankarahood alam Ananda jataruparajatapatiggahana parisahas Order of their own. vacc akuti hatthachinnan it held up qualities summum bonum karaniyo mulaka mma Similarly jiramani fore Mahavagga as it was identical this occur little fourfold allowable to the cunama purgatives already nigantha connection the section months getting good Prsthacampa ERRATA Sutrakytanga 6124 Bhagavadagita the Bundhist Sangha antara yikadhamma presencc a good number of monks, it, like the Buddhist, 30-31 Thirthankarahood 81 alm 82n Ananda 27 jataruparajatupatiggahana 90 parisahas 4-5 Order of their ... 92 last line vaccakuti hatthacinnan 102 held it up 105 abilities 106 snmmum bonum 107 karaniyo 108n muulakamma 111 Similary 115 jiramani 116n force Mchavagga 129 as was 129 indentical 129n chis 129n accur 130 littie 130n fourfould 133 allowable the 133 chunama 145 pergatives 148n alredy 151 nigntha 164 connection 167 the the section 170 moths 172 getting a good 176 Prsthacama 177 123

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284 STUDIES IN BUDDHIST AND JAINA MONACHISM during the there are its other ekacaryaparivarah Gaccha sakha samanasamvasaka Chedasutras, Avas N Ayariya desoasyastiti Canon pariva sa bad conduct A patt a dhikarana Santara Cheda Seniority omission Pacittiya Dubbhasita ka yotsarga asceticism perhaps during the the there is is other ekacaryaparivarah Gaccha sakha samana samva saka Chedasutras Ayas N Aariya desoasyastiti Canon with parsvasa had conduct Apattadhikarana Santara Gheda Senioriy emission Pcittiya Dubba sita ka yotsraga asceticsism herhaps 184 188n 201 201n 202 202 202 208 208n 210n 211n 212 215n 216 218 223 224 235 236 238 238 243 244

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