Reviews Of Different Books

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REVIEWS Sumitra Mangesh Katre, Dictionary of Panini. Three volumes. (Deccan College Building Centenary and Silver Jubilee Series, vols. 53, 62, 63.) Poona, Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, 1968, 1969. Pp. 716 Rs. 30. This dictionary of Panini is the second of Prof. Katre's Paninian Studies, the first of which (Poona, 1967) consisted of a transliterated text of the Astadhyayi. The present work is to be followed by an English translation of Panini's grammar. This dictionary is intended to meet the needs of those scholars who deal with the interpretation of the Astadhyayi with reference to modern linguistics (p. 9). It differs from previous works of similar naturel in that the vocabulary in question has been dealt with on three levels. First, all the words used by Panini in his sutras are listed with translations and references. Secondly, Katre gives items which are derived by these rules and the constituent members of which are directly given therein. And thirdly he includes items used to illustrate the operations of these rules in the Kasikavstti. Moreover, "... no specific reference is made in the dictionary to the operational side of the rules which will form part of the intended English translation". (p. g) 1 The most closely comparable index is that of V. S. Pathak and V.S. Chitrao, Word Index to Panini-Sutra-Patha and Parisistas, (Poona, 1935). Cf. also, O. Bohtlingk, Panini's Grammatik (repr., Hildesheim, 1964), pp. 146*-192* (Erklarung der grammatischen Elemente), 193*-296* (Panini's Wortschatz). K. V. Abhyankar's A Dictionary of Sanskrit Grammar (Baroda, 1961) neither limits itself to Panini nor gives full references. Renou's Terminologie grammaticale du sanskrit (Paris, 1957) is the most compendious terminological treatment of Indian grammar but does not deal with Panini's its or the vocabulary derived by his rules in any detail. ? Prof. Katre places particular reliance on the Kasika, saying (p. 10) that it, "... seems to have preserved the original tradition from Patanjali downwards". This is a very strong statement in view of what we know of the vicissitudes of Paninian grammar before Bhartshari (Vak yapadiya 2.478, cf. Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary 3.285-7 [1874]= KI. Schr. 154-7) and of the Kasika's modification of the Astadhyayi following Candra (see Kielhorn, Ind. Ant. 15.183-5 = Kl. Schr. 244-6). I think it would have been sufficient to express confidence in the need to use vyttis, the most commonly used one of which is the Kasika. 3 For example, nit (p. 226) is merely glossed "containing n as an exponential marker" without saying for what operations items are so marked. But Prof. Katre does not always follow this convention. For example, on p. 261 the entry dit is followed by "containing d as exponential marker; before an affix containing this marker, final vowel and following consonants are elided".

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44 REVIEWS I have no doubt that this dictionary will prove extremely useful to scholars interested in Indian grammarians. I offer the following comments on individual entries in the hope that they will enhance its usefulness. 3: a-karty- 'not an agent'. On the same page, a-karmadharaya- is glossed 'other than a karmadharaya compound'. The two compounds a-karty- and a-karmadharayado not differ in formation; and they are commonly paraphrased in the same way (e.g., Kas. 3.3.19: karti-varjite karake, 6.2.130: karmadharaya-varjite). 3: a-karma-ka 'intransitive'. Among the references given are 3.4.69 (lah karmani ca bhave cakarmakebhyah) and 1.4.52 (gati-buddhi-pratyavasanartha-sabda-karmakarmakanam a-si-karta sa nau). The first states that L-members (abstracts to be replaced by finite verb endings and participial affixes, see below re p. 486)'are introduced after verb roots (3.1.92: dhatoh) when either an agent (karty) or an object (karman) is to be denoted and also, after verbs which are a-karmaka, when the base meaning of the verb (bhava)" is to be denoted by the form derived. 3.4.69, on the other hand, provides that the agent of a noncausal verb (of an action denoted by a root not containing the causal marker nic) is classed as the object of a causal when the verbs in question are: those denoting movement (gati), thought (buddhi), eating (pratyavasana), those whose object is a sound (sabda-karman), and those which are a-karmaka. Now, as far as rule 3.4.69 is concerned, a-karmaka refers to verbs which, in a given utterance being derived, are not accompanied by an object. For example, pac 'cook' can be accompanied by an object or not; to denote that someone is cooking a rice gruel one may say either odanam pacati or odanah pacyate, with the verb endings (ti, te as replacements of the L-member lat) denoting either an agent or an object. But one may also say 'cooking is taking place', in which case the impersonal pacyate is used, with the verb ending introduced to denote bhava. But now consider the following causal sentences: pacayati devadattena "he has Devadatta cook', asayati devadattam 'he has D. remain seated'. In the second sentence Devadatta, the agent of the noncausal action (aste devadattah 'D. is seated') is classed as object of the causal action by 1.4.52, since as 'be seated' is intransitive (a-karmaka). But for the derivation of a sentence such as pacyate devadattena 'D. is cooking' (lit. 'it is being cooked by D.') pac is equally a-karmaka, so that one might derive *pacayati devadattam. This is avoided if a-karmaka in 1.4.52 refers to verbs denoting actions which never are accompanied by a direct object. See SK 540 and, for further references, Lingua 25.221(1970). I may note here that on p. 543 Prof. Katre glosses sabda-karman as 'sound making; a sound or noise'. But in both rules given as references (1.4.52 and 1.3.34: veh sabda-karmanah) karman means not 'making' or 'action' but 'object'; cf. Kas. 1.3.34: karma-sabda iha karakabhidhayi na kriyavacanah 'The item karman here denotes (a) karaka (i.e., object), it does not denote an action (as it does in some sutras).' 4 Page references to the work under discussion are followed by Prof. Katre's glosses, in single quotation marks. I have modified the typographic conventions to the following extent: entries which appear in the work in bold face appear here in italics; neither bold face nor italic capitals, which Prof. Katre uses to indicate markers (its) and sounds used for ease of pronunciation, respectively, are here shown. In Sanskrit items other than Prof. Katre's entries, roman type is used to indicate markers. Three arabic numerals separated by full stops (e.g., 1.1.1) refer to rules of Panini's grammar. The following abbreviations are used: Bhasya or Bh.: Patanjali's Mahabhasya (references made to volume, page, and line of Kielhorn's edition), Kas.: Kasika-vrtti (whose numerotation is also followed in referring to Paninian rules), Nyasa: Jinendrabuddhi's Kasika-vivarana-panjika, PM: Haradatta's Pada-manjari, Pr.: Kaiyata's Pradipa (volume and page of the edition published by Motilal Banarsidass [Delhi, 1967), the only edition available to me when writing this), SK: Bhattoji's Siddhanta-kaumudi (rules cited according to the serial numerotation). 5 See Katre, 422; for a discussion of the term bhava see also Lingua 25:2

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REVIEWS 45 6: agati-1 'absence of movement'. A reference is given to 7.3.42 (sader a-gatau tah [nau 36, argasya 6.4.1]). This rule states that the -d of the presuffixal base (anga) sad is replaced by t when the causal affix ni follows, provided sad is used in a meaning other than movement (a-gatau); e.g., satayati'crushes, destroys' but sadayati gah drives the cows'. Cf. Kas.: sader angasyagatav arthe varttamanasya takaradeso bhavati nau paratah. 10: arga-1 'base, stem'. It would have been better and more precise to follow the definition given in 1.4.13 (yasmat pratyaya-vidhis tadadi pratyaye'ngam): given a unit X after which (yasmat) an affix is introduced (pratyaya-vidhih), the unit beginning with X and followed by the affix is called anga. For example, the ending mas (replacing the L-member lrt) is introduced after kr 'do', then, between this ending and the root is introduced the affix sya augmented with it (-isya-): kar-isya-mas. Since the affix mas was introduced after kr, the unit beginning with it, that is, karisya-, is the anga relative to mas. Therefore, rule 7.3.101 (ato dirgho yani (sarvadhatuke 95, angasya 6.4.1]) applies, whereby the final vowel -a of an anga before such an affix is replaced by a long vowel: karisyamas (1st pl. fut.). I may note here also that on p. 390 under pratyaya-vidhi Prof. Katre glosses 'the operation or rule set up for applying the suffix'. This could be improved. For vidhi in pratyaya-vidhi clearly means 'introduction by rule', so that the phrase yasmat pratyaya-vidhih is equivalent to yasmat pratyayo vidhiyate 'after which an affix is introduced (by rule)'. And this is indeed the way the rule is generally paraphrased; see, e.g., Kas. 1.4.13. * 14: a-n-it 'other than the exponential marker n, in the expression a-n-n-it 1.2.1'. a-n-n-it 'other than the exponential markers n and n 1.2.1'. It would be useful to make clear that annit is a bahuvrihi compound refering to affixes (pratyaya). The rule in question (gan-kutadibhyo'nnin nit) states that after certain roots affixes which are not marked with n or n are treated as marked with n. 15: ata 'the augment a- prefixed to verbal stems in imperfect, pluperfect, aorist and conditional'. at 'the augment a before personal endings -s and -t of let'. On p. 109 there is an entry if2 'the augment -i- added at the beginning of ardhadhatuka suffixes'. I think it would have been better to gloss ata and at3 in a similar way. For, in the Paninian system such augments are indeed considered the initial of the resultant augmented sequence, not merely items prefixed to and occurring before items. This is provided by rule 1.1.46 (ady-antau ta-k-itau), which states that augments marked with t and k respectively are initial and final of the items to which they are added. Consider, for example, the derivation of the agent noun lav-its- (lu 'cut'). The affix trc follows the root: lu-tr. Since trc is classed as an ardhadhatuka (3.4.113: ardhadhatukam sesah) and begins with one of the sounds denoted by the term val, it receives the augment it (7.2.35: ardhadhatukasyed valadeh): lu-its-. Now, the -u of lu should be replaced by guna, that is, o (7.3.84: sarvadhatukardhadhatukayoh (gunah 82]) and then this o should be replaced by av (6.1.78: eco'y-ay-ay-avah (aci 77]) in order to arrive at lav-its-. But, for 7.3.84 to apply, the root must occur immediately before the ardhadhatuka affix. Unless the augment is actually constitutes part of the affix, this is not true. 16: a-tad-artha- 'not having the same meaning'. Two references are given, to rules 6.2.156 (ya-yatoscatadarthe (nano guna-pratisedhe 155, antah 143]) and 6.3.53 (pad yaty a-tad-arthe (padasya 52]). The first is a complex accentual rule which I will not discuss except to say that a-tad-arthe has the same value there as in 6.3.53. This rule states that pada- 'feet' is replaced by pad- before the affix yat; a-tad-arthe states a condition under which this replacement does not take place. Now consider two other rules: 4.4.83: vidhyaty a-dhanusa (tad 76, yat 75), 5.4.25: padarghabhyam ca (tadarthye yat 24). These are rules for deriving secondary nominal bases by taddhita affixation. 4.4.83 states that the affix yat occurs after a nominal + accusative ending (tad) to 6 Nominal endings (sup) contained in derived nominal bases (and also in derived roots) are deleted by 2.4.71: supo dhatu-pratipadikayoh (luk 58).

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46 REVIEWS derive a nominal meaning 'pierces X' (tad vidhyati). Hence, giving pada- as the value of X, we obtain a taddhita derivative pada-ya- which is equivalent in meaning to padau vidhyanti (sarkarah) '(pebbles) which cut the feet'. Rule 5.4.25 provides that yat is affixed to pada- + dative ending to form a derivative meaning 'intended for ...' (tadarthye); thus pada-ya- is equivalent to padartham (udakam) '(water) for the feet'. 6.3.53 applies to the result of 4.3.83 to yield padya- (padyah sarkara"), but it also forbids replacing pada- by pad- in the derivative obtained by 5.4.25 (padyam udakam).? For 6.3.53 states that this replacement does not occur when the affix yat has been introduced in the meaning "intended for X'; a-tad-arthe thus means 'except in the (meaning condition) 'intended for ...'" Prof. Katre correctly translates tadarthya-on p. 274 as 'the being intended for that. 16:a-taddhita-luk- 'an elision unconnected with a taddhita suffix'. This occurs in 5.4. 92: gor a-taddhita-luki (tac 91), which states that the affix tac occurs after a tatpurusa compound ending in go 'cow, bullock' and gives as an additional part of the rule a-taddhita-luki. Now, by 2.1.51 taddhitarthottarapada-samahare ca [dik-samkhye]) is derived the tatpurusa compound dasa-go- 'comglomerate of ten cows', which, by 5.4.92, receives the affix tac to yield dasa-gava-. The unit dasa-go- is further classed as a subtype of tatpurusa compound, namely the type called dvigu (2.1.52: samkhya-purvo dviguh). Consider now another derivation. Rule 5.1.37 (tena kritam (thak 19]) provides for affixing thak to a sequence X + instrumental (tena) to form a taddhita derivative meaning 'bought with X'. And 5.1.28 (adhyardha-purva-dvigor lug a-samjnayam) states that a taddhita affix introduced by a rule under the section headed by 5.1.19 is deleted under certain conditions, among them that it occur after a dvigu. Hence, with the deletion of thak, we obtain dasa-go- 'bought for ten cows'. And it is such a derivative which is refered to by a-taddhita-luki in 5.4.92: the compound is such as contains at one stage a taddhita replaced by zero (luk), so that tac is not added to it. Thus dasa-gu-8 contrasts with dasa-gaya-. 19: a-darsana- 'non-appearance, dis-appearance'. Though this gloss is correct for three of the four rules given as references, it is not correct for 5.4.76 (misprinted as 5.4.96), where a-darsana- means 'other than eye'. The rule in question (aksno'darsanat [ac 75]) provides for adding ac to a compound ending in the item aksi- when it is used in a meaning other than 'eye'. This is noted by commentators, e.g., Kas. caksuhparyaya-vacano darsana-sabdah "The item darsana here is (used as) a synonym of caksus ('eye').' 20: ad-upadesa-'an expression terminating in short a'. This gloss is more appropriate for the Skt. ad-anta and fails to take note of the term upadesa. ad-upadesa- should be 'which ends in short a at the stage of teaching (upadesa)', that is, before grammatical operations apply to an item. 21: a-dravya-prakarsa- 'non-excellence or non-prominence of matter'. From this gloss it appears that Prof. Katre analyzes the compound as dravyasyaprakarsah instead of a-dravyasya (=dravya-bhinnasya) prakarsah 'excellence of a non-thing (other than a thing)'. The latter alone is correct. The rule in question (5.4.11: kim-et-tin-avyayaghad amy a-dravya-prakarse) states that the affix am is introduced after certain items terminating in tarap, tamap (denoted by the term gha) and states a semantic condition. The items are: kim (interrogative pronoun), items ending in e-, verb forms (terminating in a finite verb ending, denoted by tin), and indeclinables (avyaya, see below re p. 69). 7 The -a of pada- is deleted before the taddhita affix -ya- by 6.4.148 (yasyeti ca [lopah 147, taddhite 144]). 8 By 2.4.1 (dvigur ekavacanam) a dvigu compound such as dasa-gava-, dasa-go- is treated as singular; and by 2.4.17 (sa napumsakam) it is also neuter. 1.2.47 (hrasvo napumsake pratipadikasya) then states that the final vowel of a neuter nominal base is replaced by a short vowel: dasa-go - dasa-gu-.

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REVIEWS 47 Now consider two forms: ucsaistamam 'very high up', ucsaistamah (parvatah) "highest (mountain)'. The latter is an adjective here referring to a mountain, so that the excellence involved is relative to a thing (dravya). This is not true of ucsaistamam, an adverb. The rule states a-dravya-prakarse to prevent the affixation of am in cases like ucsaistamah. This is the way commentators have interpreted the rule. For example, Kas. 5.4.11 asks a-dravya-prakarsa iti kim 'To what end (does Panini say) a-dravyaprakarse?' and answers by citing examples where am is excluded by this: ucsaistarah (a higher ...'), ucsaistamah. Similarly, Nyasa on 5.4.11 introduces a possible objection to be explained away; the objection is: nanu ca dravyasya na prakarso'stitatha ca bhasya uktam na vai dravyasya prakarso'stiti/ atah pratisedho 'narthakah 'But there is no excellence of a thing; thus it is said in the Bhasya (cf. ad 5.3.55: 11.413.7), "Indeed, there is no excellence of a thing (only of properties of things);" hence the negation (a-dravya prakarse) is useless.' 22: adhikarana-1 'government, case relationship'. adhikarana-2 'sense of the locative case; receptacle; support'. adhikarana-3 'substance, thing, object'. adhikarana-vacin 'indicating case relationship'. 'Locus' is the technical meaning of adhikarana, as defined by 1.4.45: adharo'dhikaranam 'A locus (substratum: adhara) is assigned the name) adhikarana'. This technical usage appears in rules such as 2.3.36 (saptamy adhikarane ca), which states that the seventh triplet of nominal endings (saptami) is introduced after a nominal base when a locus is to be denoted; e.g., kata aste 'he is seated on a mat', with the locative ending -i after kata (kate). The term adhikarana is also used by Panini in a nontechnical sense, meaning 'thing' (dravya). Thus rule 2.4.13 (vipratisiddham can-adhikarana-vaci (ekavacanam 1, dvandvah 2]) provides that a dvandva compound consisting of items denoting opposites (vipratisiddham) is optionally treated as singular provided the items do not denote things (an-adhikarana-vaci); e.g., sitosnam 'hot and cold' (nt. sg.) but sitosne (udake) 'hot and cold (waters)' (nt. du.). In his -commentary on 1.1.23, Patanjali (Bh. I.81.11-15) directly contrasts these two usages using rules 2.3.36 and 2.4.13 as examples of the use of a term in both technical or artificial (krtrima) and nontechnical or nonartificial (akrtrima) values: tathadharo'dhikaranam iti krtrimadhikarana-samjnal adhikarana-pradesesu cobhaya-gatir bhavati: saptamy adhikarane ceti krtrimasya grahanam, vipratisiddham can-adhikarana-vacity akstrimasya. This eliminates one example for Katre's entry adhikarana--vacin-; though on p. 22 he gives this as a case where adhikarana- means 'case relationship', on p. 27 he correctly glosses an-adhikarana-vacin- 'not signifying a substance and refers to 2.4.13. The other two references for adhikarana--vacin- are also to be eliminated. The rules in question are 2.2.13: adhikarana-vacina ca (sasthi 8, na 10) and 2.3.68: adhikarana-vacinas ca (sasthi 50). In connection with these another rule has to be considered: 3.4.76: kto'dhikarane ca dhrauvya-gati-pratyavasanarthebhyah. This states that the affix kta is introduced not only when agent or bhava is to be denoted but also (ca) when a locus (adhikarana) is to be denoted, kta being affixed to roots which are intransitive (dhrauvya- 'fixedness') and those which denote movement (gati) or eating (pratyavasana). Rule 2.3.68 then provides that, when a participial such as asita (as 'be seated') derived by 3.476 is used, the sixth triplet of nominal endings (sasthi) -- the genitive endings - is introduced after a nominal to denote an agent: idam esam asitam 'this is where they (gen. pl. esam) sit'. And 2.2.13 states that a genitive form by 2.3.68 does not form a compound with such a participial. These references clearly belong under the entry adhikarana-2. For adhikarana-1 government, case relationship', in the compound samanadhikarana-, one reference is given on p. 22, rule 1.2.42. An additional six references appear in the addenda (p. 650): 2.1.49, 2.2.11, 3.2.124, 6.3.34 (misprinted as 6.1.34), 6.3.46, and 8.1.73. On p. 586 appear the entries samanadhikarana-1 'grammatical agreement in case with', for which the references are 3.2.124 and 6.3.34 (the misprint 6.1.34 appears here again), and samanadhikarana-2 'being in the same case relation with', for which the references are 1.4.105, 1.2.42, 2.1.49, 2.2.11,

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48 REVIEWS lected if the kar is the same as low, re p. 133) 6.3.46, and 8.1.73. There are thus eight rules in which the meanings 'government, case relationship' are attributed to adhikarana-. Rule 1.4.105 (yusmady upapade samanadhikarane sthaniny api madhyamah) is one of a series of rules stating cooccurrence restrictions whereby a proper set of endings is chosen among all the finite verb endings (see IIJ 12.229 [1970]). The set of endings called madhyama (see below, re p. 122: uttama-) is selected if the karaka (see below, re p. 173: karaka-, karaka-madhya-) denoted by the verb ending(s) is the same as that of a potentially used (sthaniny api) cooccurring (upapada 'subjoined item', see below, re p. 133) pronoun yusmad (2nd person pronoun). That is, if an agent (karty) or object (karman) denoted by verb endings in general is also denoted by yusmad the madhyama endings are selected; e.g., tvam gacchasi 'you are going contains the madhyama ending -si denoting the same agent as tvam (which replaces yusmad). Commentators are clear on this point: Bh. I.354.6: yusmadi sadhane "when (if) yusmad is the sadhana (i.e., karaka), Kas. 1.4.105: samanadhikarane samanabhidheye tulya-karake '(By) samanadhikarane (is meant) "when (the verb ending and the upapada) have the same denotation (samanabhidheye)", (that is,) "when they (refer to the same karaka".' Clearly there is no question here of anything but coreference. If by 'case relationship' Prof. Katre here means the role played by a given thing with respect to an action this is acceptable. But it is not overly clear, since adhikarana- 'substance is listed separately. Again, let us consider rule 1.2.42 (tatpurusah samanadhikaranah karmadharayah), which defines the class of compounds called karmadharaya. A tatpurusa compound which is samanadhikarana is a karmadharaya; e.g., nilotpala 'blue-lotus' equivalent to nilam utpalam 'blue lotus'. In this case one can speak of the same case: both the adjective nilam and the noun utpalam are nominative singular neuter. But now consider what is said in the Bhasya regarding rule 1.2.42. Katyayana here argues against the definition, claiming it is improper, and he argues on the basis of meaning. For the relation of samanadhikaranya to obtain it is necessary to have two items with distinct meanings, which are then samanadhikarana with each other. But a tatpurusa compound has a single meaning. Therefore, if the rule states, 'a tatpurusa which is samanadhikarana is (termed) karmadharaya' it is an improper definition; vt. 1: tatpurusas samanadhikaranah karmadharaya iti cet samasaikarthatvad a-prasiddhih. The second varttika proposes to set things in order by stating: siddham tu pada-samanadhikaranyat 'All is in order, since (we will state that) there is samanadhikaranya of padas (syntactic items which enter into composition).' In his commentary on the Bhasya ad 1.2.42 Kaiyata also clearly states what is at issue (Pr. I.2.37b): bhinna-pravstti-nimitta-prayuktasyanekasya sabdasyaikasminn arthe vrttih samanadhikaranyam ucyate.' (By) samanadhikaranya is meant the occurrence of more than one item referring to a single thing, each item having a distinct base meaning." In its comments on 1.2.42 the Kas. also reflects the view that samanadhikarana means 'having the same denotatum in a context)': adhikarana-sabdo 'bhidheya-vacil samanadhikaranah samanabhidheyah; similarly, Nyasa, PM ad 3.2.124. And in Kas. ad 2.1.49 we find a statement almost identical with that cited above from the Pradipa: bhinna-pravrtti-nimittasya sabdasyaikasminn arthe vsttih samanadhikaranyam. Finally, consider a statement made by Patanjali in a discussion having nothing to do with case. In the discussion of 1.3.1 it is suggested that a verb root (dhatu) be defined semantically as that which denotes an action (kriya-vacana, Bh. I.254.13: kriya-vacano dhatuh). Patanjali then asks how one knows that roots such as pac 'cook' denote actions (Bh. I.(254.20): katham punar jnayate kriyavacanah pac-adaya iti), to which the answer is: such items are samanadhikarana with kr * I use the term "base meaning" here to render the Skt. pravstti-nimitta-, lit. 'cause (nimitta) of (an item's) occurring (as denoting a given thing)'. This generally refers to the generic property (jati); for example, the pravrtti-nimitta of nila 'blue' is nilatva 'blueness', that of ghata 'jug' ghatatva.

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REVIEWS 'do' (whence kriya); for example, if one asks, 'What is he doing?', one answer is, 'He is cooking'; Bh. I.254.20-21 : yad esam karotina samanadhikaranyam/ kim karoti pacati. What is clearly meant is that all verb roots denote particular actions, while kr denotes activity in general, so that all roots can be said to have a denotation in common with kr. In effect, in all the instances of Prof. Katre's adhikarana-1 'government, case relation' it is proper to say that the gloss should be 'thing denoted' and that samanadhikarana refers to items which, in a given context, refer to the same thing. To be sure, in the case of adjectives and the nouns they qualify, samanadhikaranya entails an identity of endings. But this is more properly viewed as the linguistic expression of samanadhikaranya. This term is thus most closely comparable to abheda 'identity of Nyaya grammatical works. For example, in his Vyutpattivada Gadadhara notes that identity appears (bhasate) to the cognition through a linguistic expression as obtaining between that which is brought to cognition (upasthapitasya) by a syntactic item X(padena, e.g., nilah'a blue ...') and the denotatum of a nominal base Y (pratipadikarthe, e.g., jug, the denotatum of ghata) on condition that X have the same ending as Y (sva-samana-vibhaktikena) or that X immediately precede Y (svavyavahita-purvavartina);10 e.g., nilo ghatah (A) blue jug', nila-ghatah. 23: adhista-'=satkarapurvako vyaparah Kas. 'instruction given by a teacher solicited for it'. In rule 3.3.161 (vidhinimantranamantranadhista-samprasna-prarthanesu lir), misprinted as 3.3.61, the proper meaning for adhista is 'respectful command', one of the meanings which condition the use of optative endings. That the term denotes a type of command is clear from the Bhasya, where Patanjali asks what is the distinction between adhista and vidhi 'injunction, command'; he notes that vidhi is a mere charging of someone to do something, while adhista is a respectful command; Bh. II.165.10-11: vidhy-adhistayoh ko visesah, vidhir nama presanam adhistam nama sat-kara-purvika vyaparana ... adhista is a respectful causing to do.' This is the meaning of adhista also in 3.3.166 (adhiste ca [lot 165]), which provides for the use of imperative endings when adhista is to be denoted and the particle sma is used. The Kas. gives as one example for this rule arga sma rajan manavakam adhyapaya 'Do teach the lad, oh king' and vyaparah of the Kas.'s gloss ad 3.3.161 is properly interpreted as an action noun of the causative vyaparayati 'has do ...', as noted in PM ad loc. (ny-antad er ac). In rule 5.1.80 (tam adhisto ... [kalat 78]) adhista is a participle referring to one who has been respectfully commanded, and Kas. glosses accordingly: adhistah sat-krtya vyaparitah. 28: an-abhyasa- 'lacking reduplication, non-reduplicated'. The term is thus taken as a bahuvrihi compound referring to a root (dhatu). Though this is possible, it should be noted that this is not the interpretation found in commentaries which give detailed explanations and paraphrases of rules. Kas. ad 6.1.8 glosses anabhyasasya dhator avayavasya 'of that part of a root which is other than a reduplicated syllable'; similarly SK 2177, commenting on which the Balamanorama explicitly says abhyasa-bhinnasya. 33: an-udatta- 'accentless'. There should actually be three entries in accord with Prof. Katre's procedure in the rest of this book: anudatta-1 'a low-pitched vowel', anudatta-2 '(an item) which contains (a) low-pitched vowel(s)' [anudatto (-a) yasmin), and anudatta-3 (an item) which contains no high-pitched vowel' [nodatto yasmin). The first term is the technical term defined by 1.2.30: nicair anudattah [ac 27). The second appears, for example, in 7.2.10: ekaca upadese'nudattat (net 8), which con10 Vyutpattivada, ed. Jayadeva Misra, 3rd ed. (Allahabad, 1953), pp. 7-8: abhedas ca pratipadikarthe sva-samana-vibhaktikena svavyavahita-purva-varttina sa padenopasthapitasyaiva samsarga-maryadaya bhasate yatha nilo ghato nila-ghatam anayety adau ghatadau niladeu. Note that I say samanadhikaranya 'is most closely comparable to abheda', not that the former is identical with the latter. The former as discussed here is a relation between linguistic items, the latter is a relation between the denotata of such items.

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50 REVIEWS nudatta in 6:1.190 lotte nudatta iti vaktare could not get t travenes 7.2.35 (see above, re p. 15). One of the provisions of the rule is that after a root which is taught as containing a low-pitched vowel an ardhadhatuka affix does not receive the augment it; e.g., from dukln the agent noun comparable to lav-its-is kar-tr-. An example of anudatta-3 is 6.1.190 (anudatte ca). This is an accentual rule stating that the first vowel of reduplicated forms of roots (abhyastanam adih, 6.1.189) is high pitched (udatta, 6.1.159) before a verb ending replacing an L-member and which does not contain a high-pitched vowel; e.g., dadati 'gives' (root da). As Patanjali notes (Bh. III.113.21-22) anudatta in 6:1.190 is to be interpreted as meaning 'in which an udatta vowel does not occur' (avidyamanodatte'nudatta iti vaktavyam). Otherwise, in a form such as dadhat (as in ma hi sma dadhat 'let him not put') one could not get the proper accentuation by the rule, since -t does not contain a low-pitched vowel. 33: anu-desa-"one to one correspondence'. This gives the import of the rule in which the term occurs rather than an accurate gloss of the term itself. The rule in question is 1.3.10: yatha-samkhyam anudesah samanam. This states that, when two sequences of items are stated in connection with an operation and both contain the same number of items, the subsequent enumeration is related to the former in order. For example, 6.1.78 (see above, re p. 15) uses the term ec to denote the vowels e, o, ai, au and states the substitutes ay, ay, ay, av; substituenda and substituentia are related in order, so that ay replaces e, etc. Anudesa- means 'subsequent enumeration with reference to items such as the substitutes of 6.1.78. 39: antadivat (simultaneously) serving as the word-final (of the preceding) and word-initial (of the following) expressions'. The term is used in 6.1.85 (antadivac ca) and has to do with rules which provide a single replacement for two contiguous items (6.1.84: ekah purva-parayoh). But there is no limitation to word-final contexts. For example, given pa-a-anti (root pa 'drink', presential affix sap and 3rd pl. ending -anti), rule 6.1.97 (ato gune [apadantat 96, para-rupam 94]) applies so that -21-a2 yields -az-: pa-anti. At this stage, 7.3.78 (pa ... piba ... [siti 75]) should apply to replace pa with piba: piba-anti + pibanti. But this rule applies when the root occurs before an affix marked with s (sit) such as sap. By letting the single vowel -az- be treated as though it were the final (antavat) of the previous unit, -anti resulting from -a-anti is treated as marked with s. But there is no word final involved. 42: a-pancami- 'other than the ablative (case)'. But on p. 346 pancami- is glossed 'endings of the fifth or ablative case'. I think it would be preferable to give a single gloss which is strictly in accord with Paninian usage. The terms prathama 'Ist', dvitiya '2nd', trtiya "3rd', caturthi '4th', pancami '5th', sasthi '6th', and saptami '7th' refer only to triplets (trika) of nominal endings; e.g., prathama refers to the endings su, au, jas, dvitiya to am, aut, sas, etc. Some modification in this direction is desirable for all the entries of this nature. 47: a-purva-nipata- 'other than occupying the first place'. Reference is made to 1.2.44. But on p. 336, sv. nipata 'particle', again 1.2.44 is referred to. This rule has nothing to do with particles. It provides that certain items are classed as upasarjana (see below, re p. 135) except with respect to occurring in prior position (a-purva-nipate), that is, though they are upasarjana, they do not, like others of this class, occur as prior members of compounds. 52: abhyasa- 'the first syllable of a reduplicated verbal base'. Though this is the technical meaning of abhyasa, valid in most rules, the term has a nontechnical meaning in rule 1.3.71, which is given as a reference. Here it means "repetition'; cf. Kas. ad loc.: abhyasah punah punah karanam avrttih. 69: avyaya- 'an indeclinable word'. This gloss is in accord with the definition of an avyaya as an item which does not undergo modification for gender, cases denoted by different endings, or number (Bh. 1.96.13: na vyetity avyayam, 1.96.16-17: sadrsam trisu lirgesu sarvasu ca vibhaktisul vacanesu ca sarvesu yan na vyeti tad avyayam). But this is not true in Panini's system. For the compound type called avyayibhava (Katre,

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REVIEWS 51 p. 70: 'an indeclinable compound') also belongs to the avyaya class (1.1.41: avyayibhavas ca (avyayam 37]). After an avyayibhava in -a, nominal endings of the fifth triplet of endings are not deleted or replaced by -am, as are other endings in this environment (2.4.83: navyayibhavad ato'm tv a-pancamyah); and -am replaces the third and seventh triplets only optionally (2.4.84: trtiya-saptamyor bahulam); e.g., abl. upakumbhad anaya 'bring (it) from near the pot', loc. upakumbhe dhehi 'put (it) near the pot' from the avyayibhava upakumbha. I would accept the use of 'indeclinable' as a term sanctioned by usage, but some clarification is in order. 75: a-samdhi- 'want of euphonic union or connection'. However, in the rule referred to, 6.2.154, the meaning is rather 'contract, agreement'. Prof. Katre correctly glosses, p. 582, sam-dhi- 'agreement on oath'. 76: a-surya- 'sunless'. 77: asuryam-pasya- 'not seeing the sun'. The negative a- in a-suryam-pasya- is syntactically connected with the verb, the compound being an equivalent of na suryam pasyanti 'do not see the sun'. a-surya- is an example of what is called an a-samartha-samasa, a compound (samasa) whose members are not (a-) syntactically and semantically connected (samartha); normally composition takes place only with items so related. I think it would have been better to leave a-surya- without a gloss, merely referring to the entry a-suryam-pasya-. 77: a-stri- 'other than feminine'. In 3.3.94 (striyam ktin) stri- means 'femininity' with respect to gender; the rule states that ktin is affixed to roots to form feminine action nouns, e.g., kr-ti-. In 1.4.4, on the other hand, stri-is used to refer to the item 'stri-'(Kas. stri-sabdam varjayitva 'excepting the item stri'). And in 3.1.94 stri- is used to refer to a section heading; see Pratidanam (Festschrift F. B. J. Kuiper), pp. 451-2. On p. 620 Prof. Katre does make two separate entries: stri? 'feminine gender and stri2 'the expression stri'. 78: asmad- 'base of the first person pronoun plural'. Similarly, p. 470, yusmad'base of the second person pronoun in pl. number'. It is worth noting that in Panini's system asmad- and yusmad- are simply the 1st and 2nd person pronouns, which, after various replacements, yield the singular forms also. See below, re p. 148. 88. atmane-pada- 'the middle voice', But on p. 353 the term parasmai-pada- is glossed 'the personal endings of the active voice'. The latter is correct; both these terms denote sets of verb endings. 91: a-desa- 'substitute morpheme'. This term should rather be glossed simply 'substitute' or 'replacement'. For example, the au which replaces the -v of div- 'heaven' (7.1.84: diva aut) is an adesa; see IIJ 12.233 (1970). 92: adyanta-vat-'1. (mfn.) having beginning and end; 2. ind. as if it were the beginning and end'. A single rule is given as reference, 1.1.21: ady-anta-vad ekasmin. Consider rule 7.3.102: supi ca (ato dirgho yani 101, angasya 6.4.1). This states that -a is replaced by the long vowel (dirgha) -a before one of the sounds denoted by yan, among them y, these sounds being initials of nominal endings (sup). This rule comes under the heading of 6.4.1, so that it applies to a presuffixal base. Now, rule 1.1.72 (yena vidhis tad-antasya) provides that an item X used (as a qualifier) in stating an operation denotes both itself and the unit ending in it (tad-anta). Hence at of 7.3.102 denotes the presuffixal base ending in -a; e.g., purusa-ya purusaya 'to the man'. Now consider the derivation of the inst.-dat.-abl. du. abhyam ... them'. At one stage of derivation we have a-bhyam. In order for 7.3.102 to apply so that a- be replaced by aa special provision has to be made, since a- is not here the final of a larger unit. This provision is made by 'rule 1.1.21, which states that a single sound (eka) is treated as though it were the initial (adi) or final (anta) of a larger unit. Prof. Katre's two glosses are incompatible. The first apparently takes vat to be the possessive affix (matup, with replacement), the latter interprets vat as the affix vati. Only the latter is correct; rule 5.1.116 (tatra tasyeva (vatih 115]) allows for introducing vati after a nominal + locative ending (tatra) to obtain a derivative meaning 'as there' (tatreva), and this is

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REVIEWS the rule invoked to explain -yat of 1.1.21 by commentators: Kas. saptamy-arthe vatih. 96: a-mredita- 'reduplication'. This is not strictly in accord with Panini's definition. Rule 8.1.1 (sarvasya dve) is a heading which provides that, under the conditions given in subsequent rules, an entire item (sarva) is doubled. 8.1.2 (tasya param amreditam) then states that the second (param 'subsequent) of the two items thus obtained is termed amredita; e.g., in jalpati jalpati 'constantly chatters' and purusah puruso nidhanam upaiti 'all men go unto death' (see below, re p. 335) the second jalpati and purusah are amredita. 122: uttama-2 'the first person'. But prathama-2 (p. 391) is accompanied by the gloss 'the endings of the first person' and on p. 436 madhyama-2 is glossed 'the endings of the second person'. The first entry should be modified to accord with the last two: these are all terms denoting sets of verb endings. See below, re p. 148. 123: upa-pada- 'a word standing near or accompanying another to which it is subordinated'. Though 'cooccurring item' is a perfectly justifiable gloss for this item (cf., e.g., Kas. 1.3.77: samipe sruyamanam sabdantaram upapadam) and is valid in rules such as 1.3.77, 1.4.105 (see above, re p. 22), it should be noted that it is also a technical term defined by Panini. Rule 3.1.92 (tatropapadam saptami-stham) provides that what is stated in the locative (saptami-stha) in rules of the section headed by 3.1.91 (dhatoh 'after a root) is termed upa-pada. For example, 3.2.1 (karmany an) contains the locative karmani of karman 'object'; it provides that an is affixed to a root construed with an upa-pada denoting an object. And rule 2.2.19 (upa-padam a-tin) then provides for compounding such a nominal upa-pada with the syntactically related verb derivative, the compound not alternating with a sentential expression containing the same items (2.2.17: nityan). Thus, by 3.2.1, an is affixed to kr to yield kar-a'maker', which forms a compound with, e.g., kumbha + acc.: kumbha-kara- (with deleted acc., see ftn. 6) 'pot maker'; this is equivalent to kumbhan karoti 'makes pots' but does not have an alternant expression *kumbhan karah consisting of kumbha + acc. and kar-a. 135: upa-sarjana- 'subordinate, secondary'. Here again, though this gloss is perfectly justified, it should be noted that Panini both uses the term in this sense and defines a class of upa-sarjanas. The two such definition rules are 1.2.43 (prathama-nirdistam samasa upasarjanam) and 1.2.44 (eka-vibhakti capurvanipate). The first states that what is stated in the nominative (prathama-nirdista 'stated with the first triplet of nominal endings') in the section of rules for compounds (samasa) is upa-sarjana. The second rule provides for classing as upa-sarjana an item which, in the derivation of a compound, always has the same set of nominal endings (eka-vibhakti). This rule also has a qualification: such an item is upa-sarjana except with respect to occupying prior position (a-purva-nipata). Now, by 2.2.30 (upasarjanam purvam) an upa-sarjana generally occurs as prior member of a compound. For example, 2.2.8 (sasthi) provides for a nominal + genitive (sasthi) to compound with a syntactically related item; further, sasthi is a nominative form, so that the nominal + genitive is upa-sarjana, hence occurs as prior member; thus, to tad- + gen. and purusa-s (tasya purusah) corresponds the compound tat-purusa-. 2.2.18 (ku-gati-pradayah) provides for a compound from items such as nis and syntactically related items; e.g., nis-kausambi'gone from Kausambi' (kausambya niskrantah). Since kausambi- is always followed by the ablative ending in whatever sentence corresponds to the compound, it is upa-sarjanaby 1.2.44. But by the same rule it does not occupy prior position; this is preserved for nis, which is also upa-sarjana, since pradayah 'pra etc. (including nis)' is stated in the nominative. The reason for classing kausambi- is to allow -i to be replaced by the short vowel -i: nis-kausambih; see Pratidanam, p. 451. Now consider the derivation of compounds of the dvandva type. 2.2.29 (carthe dvandvah [anekam 28]) provides that multiple syntactically related items may be compounded to form a derivative in the meaning '... and ...', such a compound being termed dvandva. Thus is derived, for

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REVIEWS example, apisala-paniniyah 'students of Apisali and students of Panini'. Accentual rules are formulated to show which of the vowels in a compound is high pitched. One such rule is 6.2.36 (acaryopasarjanascantevasi (prakrtya purva-padam 1]), which states that the prior syntactic item (purva-pada) of a dvandva retains its original accentuation (prakstya) if the compound consists of items denoting antevasins who are acaryopasarjana. This can only mean (cf. Nyasa ad loc.) that the principal meaning of a compound such as that cited above is a conjunction of antevasins while the subordinate (upasarjana) meaning is certain teachers (acarya), that is, the compound denotes antevasins qualified as being students of certain teachers. The technical meaning of upa-sarjana by 1.2.43, 44 is not appropriate here. 148: eka-vacana- 'the singular number'. dvi-vacana- (p. 315) is glossed 'the dual and its endings' and bahu-vacana- has the gloss (p. 409) 'the plural number'. Here again a distinction should have been made between the two distinct values of these terms. By 1.4.101 (tinas trini trini prathama-madhyamottamah) each set of three verb endings (tin) within the parasmaipada and atmanepada sets of endings is called, in order, prathama, madhyama, and uttama. The first three endings, tip, tas, and jhi are thus termed both parasmaipada and prathama. Within such a triplet the first, second, and third endings are respectively called ekavacana, dvivacana, and bahuvacana by 1.4.102 (tany ekavacana-dvivacana-bahuvacanany ekasah); thus, tip is ekavacana, tas is dvivacana, and jhi (which yields -anti, -ati by 7.1.3, 4) is bahuvacana. Rule 1.4.102 (supah) further states that within each of the seven triplets of nominal endings (denoted by sup) the first, second, and third are respectively termed ekavacana, dvivacana, and bahuvacana; thus the endings su, au, jas, which constitute the first triplet, bear these respective names. These terms are used in their technical value in various rules which need not be taken up here; see IIJ 12.229 (1970) for examples. But now consider the following rules: 7.2.92: yuvavau dvivacane, 7.2.97: tva-mav ekavacane, 7.2.98: pratyayottara-padayos ca. The first rule pertains to the derivation of dual forms such as nom.-acc. yuvam, avam (1st person, 2nd person); e.g., yusmad-au + yusmad-am (7.1.28) > yuva-ad-am (7.2.97) + yuva-aa-am (7.2.87, 88) + yuvaaam (6.1.97) + yuvaam (6.1.101) + yuvam (6.1.107); similarly, avam < asmad-au. The second rule pertains to the derivation of forms such as the acc. tvam, mam; e.g., yusmad-am - tva-ad-am + tva-aa-am ... - tvam. In these rules one could say, possibly, that dvivacane means 'before a dvivacana ending' and ekavacane means 'before an ekavacana ending'; the replacement of the yusm-, asm- of yusmad-, asmad- by yuva-, ava-, tva-, ma- would then occur before such endings. But the third rule being considered speaks against this. For this rule states that the replacements provided in 7.2.97 also (ca) take effect when the items in question occur before an affix (pratyaya) or a subsequent member of a compound (uttara-pada); e.g., tvad-iya- 'yours', tvat-putra- 'your son'. Here the items yusmad-, asmad- do not occur before ekavacana endings, since these have been deleted within the derivative nominals (see above, ftn. 6 and Journal of Indian Philosophy 1.72, ftn. 65 [1970]). The term eka-vacana which carries into 7.2.98 from 7.2.97 is, then, to be analyzed as a compound (as shown) meaning 'expression of one'; similarly, dvi-vacana in 7.2.92 means 'expression of two' and eka-vacana in 2.4.1 (see above, re p. 22) also has a value distinct from that assigned by 1.4.102, 103. 164: The reference to 3.1.17 belongs under the entry karana-2 'doing, making, effecting' rather than under karana-1 'idea expressed by the inst. case; instrumentality, the means or instrument by which an action is effected'. 165: karty-1 'the agent of an action; subject of a sentence'. This is apt to lead to confusion, hence it would have been better to give only the first gloss. 173: kara-3 a suffix added after a phoneme'. No reference is given. In vt. 3 ad 3.3.108 (varnat karah) Katyayana states that the affix kara is introduced after a sound (varna) to form a nominal which denotes that sound; e.g., a-kara 'the sound a'. Similarly, vt. 2 (ik-stipau dhatu-nirdese) states that ik and stip are affixed to roots, yielding derivatives

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54 REVIEWS which refer to the roots; e.g., ad-i (ad 'eat'), as-ti (as 'be'). Though Panini does in fact use ad-i (2.4.72), as-ti (2.4.52), and other such forms, he does not formulate a rule to introduce the affixes ik, stip for such derivatives. Hence, these affixes are properly not listed in Prof. Katre's dictionary. But neither should kara be listed. 173: karaka-madhya- 'between two cases'. On the same page karaka- is accompanied by the gloss 'instrumental in bringing about the action denoted by the verb; the notion of a case'. Together these entries leave unclear exactly what is meant by karaka-madhya-; see IIJ 12.238 (1970) for the rule in which the term occurs and an example of the usage for which it accounts. 187: krtya-1 'the class of affixes forming the future passive participle'. Although krtya affixes generally are introduced in derivative nominals denoting direct objects (karman) or bhava (3.4.70), it should be noted that such affixes occur in other types of derivatives also. For example, yat occurs in vah-ya-, which denotes a means of transportation (3.1.102: vahyam karanam); this item does not mean 'fit to bear or to be borne, fit to draw or to be drawn' (thus Katre, p. 507). 216: gotra-l 'technical term for an affix used for forming patronymics or matronymics; the grandson and his descendants'. I think it would have been useful to separate the references for the two glosses. Strictly speaking, gotra- need be interpreted as denoting affixes only in three rules, 4.1.94, 4.2.39, 4.3.80. 4.1.162 (apatyam pautraprabhrti gotram) defines gotra as denoting a descendant starting from the grandson. And this usage applies in 2.4.63, 4.1.78, 89, 93, 98, 4.2.111. In 4.3.126, 5.1.134 gotrais used to denote nominal bases which are patronymics, and in 6.2.69 the term is used with reference to a second member of a compound having this meaning. Moreover, in 4.2.39, 4.3.80, according to commentators, gotra does not have the meaning assigned it by 4.1.162 but rather denotes any descendant. 245: jani-karts- 'progenitor, procreator, bringing into being; the agent of jani'. In the only rule given as reference (1.4.30) the appropriate meaning is 'agent of coming into being'. 246: jayya- 'to be conquered or gained'. In the rule referred to (6.1.81, misprinted as 6.1.87) and the one given in the addenda (5.1.93, p. 689) this item means 'which can be conquered'. On p. 199 ksayya- is correctly glossed '(anything) that can be destroyed or removed' and reference is made to 6.1.81, where Panini explicitly says: that jayya-, ksayya- are used in the meaning 'which can be ...' (sakyarthe). 270: ta-para- 'followed or preceded by the phoneme t'. The twofold interpretation of this term as 'followed by t' (tah paro yasmat) and 'following t' (tat parah) is, to be sure, entertained in all the major commentaries. But it is equally clear that the only interpretation which does not lead to great difficulties and overly subtle argumentation to avoid these (e.g., claiming that what is taken to be t is really d) is the first. 335: nitya- 'fixed, necessary, obligatory'. One of the references given is 8.1.4: nityavipsayoh, which provides for the doubling of items under the condition that the meanings nitya and vipsa are to be conveyed by the speaker. This rule serves for deriving such sequences as jalpati jalpati, purusah puruso nidhanam upaiti, for which see above, re p. 96. But here nitya does not mean 'permanent, fixed'; as Patanjali notes (ad 8.1.4, III.364.26) it means here 'constant repetition' (abhiksnya); the rule thus refers to actions which an agent constantly performs (Kas. ad 8.1.4: yam kriyam karta pradhanyenanuparaman karoti tan nityam). Nor does vipsa in 8.1.4 mean simply "repetition' (thus Katre, p. 525). The term is used with reference to the total pervasion (vi-ap) of objects by properties or actions, which pervasion the speaker wishes to convey, as in the example 'all men go unto death'; cf. Bh. ad 8.1.4 (II.365.2-6). 486: lar 'the personal endings of the imperfect'. lat 'the personal endings of the present tense'. Similarly, p. 488: lin 'the personal endings of the Potential (Optative) and Benedictive moods'. lit 'the personal endings of the Perfect; the Perfect Tense'. p. 490: lun 'the personal endings of the Aorist'. lut 'the personal endings of the Peri

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REVIEWS 55 hrastic Future'. p. 491: Irt 'personal endings of the Future'. let 'the personal endings of the (Vedic) Subjunctive'. lot 'the personal endings of the Imperative'. On p. 491 should be added lrn (3.3.139), the L-member introduced in deriving conditionals. All such L-members are replaced by personal endings, themselves subject to further substitutions depending on which L is at their origin (3.4.77-112). And Panini does indeed use such L's to denote endings which replace them. For example, 3.4.113 (tin sit sarva-dhatukam) assigns to the class of sarvadhatuka those post-radical affixes which are marked with s and the finite endings denoted by tin; 3.4.114 (see above, re p. 15) classes as ardhadhatuka the remaining (sesa) post-radical affixes. And 3.4.115 (lit ca) is a particular rule contravening 3.4.113; it states that lit also (ca) is ardhadhatuka. Obviously, here lit must then denote the endings which replace it; cf. Kas.: lid-adesas tin ardhadhatuka-samjno bhavati. But this is certainly not always the case. Rule 3.2.124 (latah satr-sanacau ...)11 states that lat is replaced by sats or sanac, participial affixes. Now, these are marked with s, which must have a purpose. And the only purpose possible is the classification of the affixes as sarvadhatuka by 3.4.113. But, if sats, for example, were a replacement of a finite ending such as tip, it would be marked with s merely by virtue of having replaced an ending so marked (1.1.56: sthanivad adeso'n-alvidhau); it is for this reason, for example, that Panini specifically states that the imperative ending hi replacing sip is not marked with p (3.4.87: ser hy a-pic ca). Moreover, considering sats to be a replacement of endings such as tip raises insurmountable problems regarding accentual rules. In general, the first vowel of an affix (pratyaya) is high pitched (3.1.3: ady-udattasca); thus, -at- (sats). But nominal affixes (sup) and affixes marked with p (pit) have low pitched vowels (3.1.4: anudattau suppitau); thus, ta (inst. sg. ending), tip. Now consider the derivation of a participial form such as lunata 'cutting'. If sats replaces lat directly and not an ending such as tip, lunat- is derived as follows: lu-lat + lu-at + lu-na-at (3.1.81) + lu-n-at (6.4.112). This base is then followed by the affix a, which is low pitched. Rule 6.1.173 (satur a-numo nady-aj-adi) then applies to let the ending a be high pitched: lunata. This rule provides that such an ending is high pitched if it follows a unit ending in sats which has not been augmented with num (-ant.) and whose last vowel is high pitched (antodattat 6.1.169). lu-n-at-a meets these conditions. If, on the other hand, sats replaces tip etc., we immediately run into a problem. Given lu-lat + lu-ti, we have to decide whether ti should condition the introduction of sna (as in the 3rd sg. pres. lunati) or should be replaced by sats, which, since it is also sarvadhatuka, will also condition the introduction of sna. The decision to have ti replaced by sats first must be arbitrary. Further, once we progress to the stage lu-na-at (with low pitched -at replacing tip) + lu-n-at, we must invoke an additional rule to let -at be accented as shown; 6.1.161 (anudattasya ca yatrodattalopah) provides for replacing an anudatta by an udatta if it conditions the deletion of a high pitched vowel. Though we can thus arrive at lu-n-at-, it is only at a cost; the alternative derivation involves an arbitrary decision and prolixity. But this is not all. For it is impossible to follow the alternative derivation if one is to correctly arrive at a form such as sunvata 'pressing'. Even making the arbitrary decision noted above, so that we can somehow arrive at su-nu-at, we cannot reach the required su-nv-at. For here rule 6.1.161 cannot apply. The only rule which could possibly apply is 8.2.4 (udatta-svaritayor yanah svarito'nudattasya); and this only provides for replacing, in the present instance, the low pitched vowel of -at by a circumflex vowel after the semivowel -v- which has replaced -u-. From the above it follows necessarily that lat in 3.2.124 cannot denote finite verb endings. 532: vaiyakarana- 'relating to grammar, grammatical; (m) a grammarian'. In the only rule given as reference (6.3.7) the term means 'grammarian'. It occurs as part of 11 See Lingua 25.214.(1970), where I inadvertently left out a note stating that satr, sanac were there treated as replacements of finite forms only for purposes of presentation.

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56 REVIEWS the compound vaiyakaranakhya, which Prof. Katre glosses (p. 532) 'a technical term in grammar'. A more precise gloss would be 'a term which (only) grammarians use (normally)'; cf. Kas. ad loc.: yaya samjnaya vaiyakarana eva vyavaharanti. vaiyakarana is derived in the meaning 'who studies (knows) grammar' by 4.2.59: tad adhite tad veda. The task of a lexicographer dealing with a work such as Panini's is extremely difficult, for it is at times impossible to give a brief yet fully accurate gloss for terms which have no exact counterparts in Western grammatical traditions. I personally think what is needed is an encyclopedic kosa similar to the magnificent multivolume Mimamsa-kosa and Dharma-kosa, tracing the history of terminology with full textual citations from all major grammarians and English paraphrases. Such a massive work is possibly without the reach of a single scholar. In the meantime, I personally am and I think the whole scholarly community should be thankful to Prof. Katre for his effort to make a bit easier entry into the Paninian tradition.12 University of Pennsylvania "George Cardona H.-O. Feistel, Das Vorspiel auf dem Theater. Ein Beitrag zur Fruhgeschichte des klassischen indischen Schauspiels. Diss. Tubingen 1969. Diese Arbeit H.-O. Feistels, welche sich klugerweise auf einen einzigen Themenkreis, den des purvaramga, beschrankt, fuhrt uns deutlich die Schwierigkeiten vor Augen, die sich der Text- und Inhaltsanalyse des Bharata-Natyasastral entgegenstellen. Behindernd fur unser Verstandnis des Ns sind nicht allein die weitgehend schlechte Uberlieferung beider Rezensionen, die Aufsplitterung alterer Kontextschichten durch Interpolationen und weiter der Umstand, dass viele Fachbezeichnungen teils unzulanglich, teils uberhaupt nicht erklart sind. Noch schwerer wiegt, dass sich zwischen dem Textkern des NS und dem klassischen indischen Drama die zeitliche Kluft von Jahrhunderten auftut und eine Uberprufung der im NS u.a. gerade auch fur das Vorspiel gegebenen Instruktionen nicht ohne weiteres moglich erscheint. Erschwert wird ein Vergleichen des purvaramga-Abschnittes des Ns mit den Gegebenheiten des klassichen Dramas vor allem dadurch, dass stets nur die zuletzt zur Auffuhrung kommenden Glieder (amga) des Vorspiels einen festen Bestandteil der Dichtung, d.h. des Werkes des jeweiligen Schauspielverfassers dargestellt haben, wahrend die zahlreichen einleitenden Teile kaum jemals fixiert gewesen, sondern zur Ganze der Improvisationskunst des Theaterensembles und dessen Vorstands, des sutradhara, anheimgestellt waren. Im klassischen Drama umfasst der vom Dichter geschriebene Teil bekanntlich die nandi, das unmittelbar auf die nandi - nandyante - folgende Zwiegesprach zwischen Theaterdirektor und Schauspielerin (nati) und die prastavana, doch verdient beachtet zu werden, dass, zum Unterschied von dem im NS skizzierten Vorspiel, in dieses "klassische" Zwiegesprach auch Glieder eingefugt wurden, die in alterer Zeit noch ganz deutlich dem Kompetenzbereich des sutradhara angehort hatten. Wenn auch sicher scheint, dass in der Zeit nach Bharata die Grenze zwischen improvisiertem und gedichtetem Teil des purvaramga langsam zugunsten des Schauspielverfassers verruckt worden war, schweben wir betreffend der ersten, einleitenden und auch im klassischen Drama noch vom sutradhara produzierten Vorspielglieder - einer Reihe grosstenteils musikalischer Vorbereitungen - noch so gut wie im Dunklen. 12 This was written while I was a fellow of the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, California, to the director of which, O. Meredith Wilson, I express my sincere thanks. 1 Im folgenden NS.

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REVIEWS 57 Wahrend zu vermuten ist, dass Bhasa, der viel Altes bewahrt hat, noch lange hinausgezogene technische Praliminarien kennt (Einsingen der Sanger und Sangerinnen, Stimmen der Instrumente usw.; Feistel II, SS 25), durfen wir beim eigentlich klassischen Schauspiel mit einer Einleitung rechnen, die nicht ganz so umstandlich war (Feistel II, SS 26) Meines Erachtens sind viele Kurzungen und Abweichungen von der Praxis des NS u.a. daraus erklarbar, dass das "Theaterstuck", die zu betrachtende Dichtung (drsya), erst langsam und sicherlich erst nach Bharata in den Rang eines vollig selbststandigen, rein poetischen Genres aufgeruckt war, was naturlich zur Eliminierung einer Reihe von altertumlichen, teils zeremoniellen, teils gesanglich-tanzerisch-musikalischen Elementen gefuhrt hat. Von Bedeutung ist ferner, dass wir das klassische indische Schauspiel als grosstenteils hofische Dichtung einschatzen mussen. Es reprasentiert ein Theater, das zwar aus Volksstuck, Posse, Tanzauffuhrung, Schattenspiel u.a. hervorgegangen war, sich in seiner endgultigen Ausgestaltung aber doch stark von diesen in teilweise ganz anderen Gesellschaftsschichten verankerten, vielfach mehr volkstumlichen Formen entfernt hat. Die These Feistels, dass das Theatervorspiel innerhalb des Zeitraums zwischen N$ und etwa Kalidasa mehrere - seiner Ansicht nach vier - Entwicklungsstufen durchlaufen hat, ist somit durchaus plausibel, doch ergeben die wenigen Vergleichspunkte, die der Verf. zum Zwecke einer genaueren Periodisierung auszunutzen bestrebt war, kaum wesentlich Neues. Uber bisher Bekanntes gehen seine Ausfuhrungen zur absoluten Chronologie (II, $ 40) der indischen Theatergeschichte eigentlich allein in der zeitlichen Einordnung der von ihm bearbeiteten Kap. V (1.-2. Halfte des 1. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.) und Kap. XX (ca. Mitte des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.) des NS hinaus. Seine sonst durchaus grundliche und wohldurchdachte Untersuchung zerfallt in zwei Teile. Wahrend der erste eine kritische Textausgabe und Ubersetzung der das Vorspiel behandelnden Abschnitte des NS (V und XX, 25-36) zu bieten versucht, wertet der zweite Teil aus, was in den Anmerkungen zum ersten prazisiert werden konnte. Obwohl der Verf. als sein hauptsachlichstes Anliegen - vielleicht zu unrecht - die Konstituierung des Textes betrachtet, ist m. E. sehr zu bedauern, dass, insbesondere in Teil II ("Zusammenfassung und Auswertung der Ergebnisse", S. 111 ff.), fast samtliche Gesichtspunkte in denkbar kurzester Form zur Darstellung kommen, der Erorterung die erwunschte grossere Spannweite fehlt und auch nirgends die Frage gestellt wird, wieweit die so sparlich fliessenden Quellen noch durch Angaben in anderen, gar nicht der Buhnentechnik gewidmeten Texten, etwa solchen der kavyaLiteratur (ich denke hier vor allem an Bana) oder deren Kommentare, erganzt werden konnen. Auch sind nicht wenige Feststellungen nur Nutzbarmachung bzw. Weiterfuhrung von Erkenntnissen P. Thiemes, an dessen ausgezeichneter, hier oft zitierter Darstellung des indischen Theaters Feistels Dissertation inspiriert worden war. Wirklich neu und in gewisser Weise bahnbrechend erscheint mir dagegen der Beitrag, den der Verf. zur Deutung von utthapana liefert. Wahrend man bisher geneigt war, dieses Vorspielglied als die Aufrichtung des Banners Indras, des jarjara, zu interpretieren (so u.a. S. Konow und J. Gonda), bringt Feistel gewichtige Argumente gegen die Annahme vor, dass "der Jarjara fest auf der Buhne aufgestellt worden sei, und dass das Glied eben davon seinen Namen erhalten habe". Wie der Verf. in II, SS 10 ausfuhrt, "spielt der Jarjara als 'Vernichter der Widerstande' beim Vorspiel eine nicht unbedeutende Rolle, doch bleibt er nach den detaillierten Angaben' von N$ 5.59 sqq stets in der Hand, zeitweilig des einen Begleiters, zeitweilig in der des Sutradhara selbst, der mit ihm Bewegungen ausfuhrt, ihn senkt und wieder aufrichtet (5.81, 113, 121). Nach 5.121 gibt er ihn dann wieder dem einen Begleiter zuruck, und da eine gegenteilige Angabe fehlt, muss angenommen werden, dass dieser am Ende des Vorspiels mit dem Jarjara in der Hand abgeht." Dazu kommt, dass in NS V, 22 als Objekt des Verbs 2 Das indische Theater, in: Fernostliches Theater, hrsggb. v. H. Kindermann (Stuttgart, 1966).

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58 REVIEWS utthapayanti nicht jarjaram, sondern prayogam gebraucht wird, was nahelegt, dass utthapana terminus technicus nicht fur jarjarotthapana, sondern prayogotthapana ist. Feistel behalt im Deutschen den Ausdruck "Aufstellung" bei, doch entsprache "Antrieb" oder "Belebung" dem eigentlichen Sinn von utthapana besser. Eine Auffuhrung kann schwerlich "aufgestellt", wohl aber vorangetrieben und in Gang gebracht werden. In der Tat spricht m. E. vieles dafur, dass mit utthapana jenes Glied des Vorspiels gemeint ist, mit dessen Hilfe - nach allen voraufgegangenen weitschweifigen Praliminarien - die Auffuhrung des Schauspiels endlich in Gang kommt. Dabei wird verstandlich, dass die zeremonielle Handhabung des die Befreiung von Hindernissen symbolisierenden jarjara gerade im utthapana, einem relativ spat eingeordneten Vorspielglied, das als solches bereits in die Nahe des Spielanfangs (rarigadvara) geruckt ist, ihren rechten Platz finden musste. Die in Teil I dargebotene Textgestaltung mit Lesarten, Ubersetzung und Anmerkungen (S. 13ff.) verrat sehr viel Sorgfalt. Feistels Ubertragung wirkt zwar sprachlich umstandlich, weist sich jedoch als entschieden vollstandiger aus als die von M. Ghosh, die sowohl luckenhaft als auch an zahlreichen Stellen bloss beilaufig ist. Volle Gewahr fur die Richtigkeit kann allerdings auch Feistel nicht bieten. Sehr anschaulich bestatigt der im Anhang zusammengestellte "Index der technischen Benennungen und anderer wichtiger Sanskrit-Begriffe" (S. 143 ff.), dass die Kapitel V und XX des NS an musiktheoretischen und ubrigen Fachbezeichnungen geradezu wimmeln. Da ihre Bedeutung vielfach gar nicht bestimmt werden kann, stehen so manche Lesarten und nicht wenige Formulierungen des Verf. schon a priori in Frage und bleibt vieles Vermutung. Auch in der Frage der Textinterpolationen, die zweifellos zahlreich sind, gelangt Feistel nur selten zu sicheren Schlussen. Die Ubersetzung sowohl der NS-Strophen als auch zahlreicher Zitate aus Abhinavaguptas Abhinavabharati ist so wortgetreu wie nur moglich. Allzu haufig ubertragt der Autor "hyperkorrekt", indem z.B. fast jedes skt, hi als deutsch ja oder allerdings, jedes skt. tu als aber (in V, 1021, 102b und 103a gar dreimal hintereinander), jedes skt. bhavet als durfte sein/werden usw. mitubersetzt wird. Wiedergaben dieser Art entstellen den Sinn und werden selbst der Aussage des Sanskrittextes nur in vereinzelten Fallen gerecht. An Ubersetzungsfehlern bzw. Fehlinterpretationen seien hier nur berichtigt: hrstamanasah (V, 1) Feistel: zufriedenen Geistes. Statt: frohen Sinnes. yatha natyasya vai janma jarjarasya ca sambhavah / vighnanam samanam caiva devatanam ca pujanam // tad asmabhih srutam sarvam grhitva cavadharitam / nikhilena yathatattvam icchamo veditum punah | purvarangam mahatejah sarvalaksanasamyutam / (V, 2-4a) Feistel: Die Geburt des Schauspiels, und Statt: Wie die Geburt des Schauspiels, die Entstehung des Jarjara, ebenfalls die die Entstehung des jarjara, die Beruhigung 3 Zu beachten ist, dass utthapayati auch antreiben, in Gang bringen, beleben bedeutet. * The Natyasastra ( A Treatise on Ancient Indian Dramaturgy and Histrionics) ascribed to Bharata-Muni, Vol. I (Chapters I-XXVII). Completely translated for the first time etc., (Calcutta, 19672). 5 Hinsichtlich der Moglichkeit, diese termini eventuell aus der Praxis erklaren zu konnen, s. Einleitung, S. 10f. 6 tu bezeichnet z.B. an vielen Stellen allein den Wechsel des Themas, ubt also keineswegs eine immer so stark adversative Funktion aus wie aber; vgl. hierzu u.a. J. S. Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, SS 441.

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REVIEWS 59 der Hindernisse und die Verehrung der Gottheiten (vor sich gegangen), dies alles haben wir gehort und festgehalten. (Nun), o Glanzvoller, wunschen wir aber, ganz und wahrheitsgemass, das Vorspiel (purvaranga), versehen mit allen Merkmalen, kennenzulernen. Beschwichtigung der Widerstande und die Verehrung der Gottheiten - wie wir in der Tat das alles gehort haben, und es (jetzt) verstehen, nachdem wir es ergriffen ha- ben, (so) mochten wir weiter vollstandig und wahrheitsgetreu kennenlernen - das Vorspiel (purvaranga) zusammen mit al- len (seinen Kennzeichen, o Glanzvoller. raudrao (V, 27 und 128) Feistel: furchterregender (27), schreck- licher (128) (Geschmack). upaksepena ... siddhena (V, 29) Feistel: mittels einer auspiziosen Anspie- lung. Statt: (Stimmung des Zorns. Statt: mittels einer wirksamen (d.h. die Wirkung nicht verfehlenden Anspielung. ya gatir yac ca cestitam / lokalokasya jagatah (V, 57 B mu. K) Feistel: was die Gehbewegungen, was die Statt: Lauf und Treiben der Welt und (sonstigen) Bewegungen der irdischen und Nicht-Welt. der nichtirdischen Welt sind. yatha hy apaprayogas tu prayukto dahati ksanat (V, 168) Feistel: wie (ein Schauspiel, das als) fal- Statt: wie ein schlecht in Szene gesetztes sche Auffuhrung aufgefuhrt wird, in (Vorspiel), (wenn) aufgefuhrt, sofort vereinem Moment verbrennt. brennt. Eine bessere Lesart als das ausserst fragwurdige ekapadam gibt fur V, 130 - im kritischen Apparat gar nicht erwahnt - ekapade (so bei Ghosh"). - Eine offensichtliche Entgleisung ist die Wiedergabe von Palapakhya arambhah in einer zur Erklarung von V, 18a aus der Abhinavabharati herangezogenen Stelle als "Anfang' ist ... ein Sprechen von Vogelgezwitscher", das zu "arambha, (auch) alapa genannt" korrigiert werden muss. Aus dem Zitat geht hervor, dass alapa, das "Einsingen" oder "Einspielen", heute einer der auch im Abendland gelaufigsten Termini klassischer indischer Musik, bereits Abhinavagupta als Synonym fur arambha bekannt war. In Ubereinstimmung mit dem eingangs Gesagten darf freilich nicht verkannt werden, dass der Bewaltigung eines so schwer zu bemeisternden Themas wie das vom Verf. gewahlte, welches sehr viel Scharfsinn, Belesenheit und nicht zuletzt philologische Vielseitigkeit fordert, schon von vorneherein Grenzen gesetzt sind. Die in Wirklichkeit unverkennbar ernsten Bemuhungen Feistels werden erst an der Schwierigkeit seines Stoffes ermessbar. Seine Arbeit - eine Vielzahl von Hypothesen - stellt bloss einen Versuch dat, doch scheint mir wunschenswert, dass derselbe weitergefuhrt werden und zur Inangriffnahme ahnlicher Studien anregen moge. Stockholm Siegfried Lienhard 7 The Natyasastra ascribed to Bharata-Muni. Vol. I (Chapters I-XXVII). Edited with an Introduction and Various Readings, (Calcutta, 1967). 8 Wohl nach Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dict., das s.v. auch the singing or twittering of birds, Kathas, anfuhrt.

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60 REVIEWS Adam Hohenberger, Das Bhavisyapurana (=Munchener Indologische Studien, Bd. 5), Wiesbaden, 1967. XV, 143 S. DM 24, In unserem Jahrhundert hat sich die Zahl der durch Publikation zuganglich gewordenen altindischen Texte erheblich vermehrt, wahrend die Fahigkeit der Philologen zur Lekture grosser Textmassen im Durchschnitt erheblich zuruckgegangen ist. Jeder Versuch, einen umfangreichen Text durch Inhaltsangaben zu erschliessen, muss also als sehr verdienstlich betrachtet werden. Im vorliegenden Falle sind wir nicht nur dem Autor fur seine Arbeit zu Dank verpflichtet, sondern auch dem Herausgeber H. Hoffmann dafur, dass er sie posthum veroffentlicht hat. Die Inhaltsangaben sind verschiedenartig. Buch I (Brahmaparvan), Buch II (Madhyamaparvan) und Buch IV (Uttaraparvan) sind nur durch eine Liste von AdhyayaUberschriften erfasst, welche unter dem Titel "Das Bhavisya-Purana als Rechtsbuch' erscheint (pp. 107-125). Der Hauptakzent liegt auf dem spater eingefugten uberwiegend historischen Buch III (Pratisargaparvan), dessen Inhalt sehr ausfuhrlich, teils in Form einer Prosaubersetzung, berichtet wird (pp. 9-106). Wie aus den einleitenden Bemerkungen von H. Hoffmann (pp. I-XV) zu ersehen ist, liegt dessen Hauptinteresse auf gewissen Partien von Buch III, namlich Umdichtungen der Genesis (III 1, 3, 95-1,5,21), einer Nennung des Moses als Musa (III 1,5,30), sowie mehrerer in den historischen Partien enthaltenen Erwahnungen von Jesus unter den Namen Isaputra (III 3,2,23 4,22,73), Masiha (III 3,2,25.30), Isamasiha (III 3,2,31 3,3,32). Th. Aufrecht hatte die der Genesis entstammenden Passagen als Falschungen des Autors der Edition von 1897 erklart, desgleichen die historischen Teile, in welchen er die Namen von Timiralinga, Akabara, Homayus als die von Timur, Akbar, Humayun identifizierte (ZDMG 57,1903, p. 276ff.). Aufrechts Identifikation wurde von J. J. Meyer erganzt: "Wie hatte er [= Aufrecht] sich erst entsetzt, wenn er mehr gelesen und ... selbst die Konigin Vikatavati (sicherlich Viktoria) gefunden hatte" (WZKM 43,1936, p. 1). Die Arbeit von J. J. Meyer ist weder Hohenberger noch -- was weniger leicht zu verstehen ist -- H. Hoffmann bekannt geworden. Hohenberger, der die Herrscherliste des BhP nur bis auf den Daitya Nadara 'Nadir-Shah' verfolgt (p. 25), glaubt, dass die judisch-christlichen Reminiszenzen bei einer letzten Bearbeitung im 18. Jahrhundert eingefugt worden seien (p. 7). Hoffmann jedoch bezeichnet das Urteil des beruhmten Aufrecht uberhaupt als "oberflachlich" (p. VI). Nach seiner Auffassung waren vielmehr die Jesus-Stellen des BhP das Produkt einer synkretistischen Saka-Religion, die stark durch iranischen Mithraismus beeinflusst sei, und sie liessen auch Beziehungen zur Gnosis und zum zentralasiatischen Manichaismus erkennen (p. IX, IX8; inzwischen weiter ausgefuhrt in dem Artikel "Kalacakra Studies I', Centr. As. Journ. 13,1969, p. 68ff.). Die Argumente fur Verwurzelung im iranischen Mithraismus scheinen mit des Isaputra, d.h. Jesu, Aufforderung pujayed isam suryamandale samsthitam III 3,2,29 und mit dem auf die Religion der britischen Seefahrer bezuglichen satyavratam ... suryatatparam III 4,22,73 erschopft zu sein. Das ist aber nicht die einzige Schwache von Hoffmanns Darlegungen. Aus der Isaputramati, der Lehre des Isaputra 'Jesus' (III 4,22,73) wird p. IX irrtumlich eine "Lehre des Isa, welche Namensform auch... im Kalacakra Tantra als Transkription von Jesus benutzt wird". Einfaches lsa bedeutet im BhP nicht 'Jesus', sondern vielmehr 'Gott, der Herr'. Mit pujayed lsam III 3,2,29 fordert Isaputra 'Jesus' den Menschen auf, Isa 'Gott zu verehren. Das erkennt man leicht in III 3,3,24, wo sich der Geist Mohammeds bzw. Mahmuds auf den Befehl des Isa beruft, womit ohne Zweifel nicht der Befehl Jesu, sondern derjenige Allahs gemeint ist. Vom rein indischen Isa 'Gott' (mit Isaputra 'Jesus') zu trennen ist das semitische Isa 'Jesus'. Es tritt nur im Kompositum Isamasiha Jesus Messias' auf, das bei Hoffmann a.a.O., p. 70ff. wiederholt falsch mit a statt a geschrieben erscheint, was sehr irrefuhrend wirkt.

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REVIEWS 61 Bedenklich ist die Interpretation von Hunadesa (III 3,2,22) als Bezeichnung von Zentralasien. Ein Text des Jahres 1880, in welchem Hunadesa im Sinne von 'Europa gebraucht wird, im Gegensatz zu Hindudesa 'Indien', findet sich in JRAS 1944, pl. XVIII (Text A). Nicht sehr einleuchtend ist schon aus diesem Grund Hoffmanns Versuch, von Hunadesasya madhye ... svetavastrakam ... Isaputram III 3,2,22f. eine Brucke zu alter zentralasiatisch-manichaischer Jesusverehrung zu schlagen. Der Vergleich mit dem einer wirklich alten Prophetenliste entnommenen Musesau svetavastri 'Moses, Jesus und der Weissgekleidete' Kalacakra I 152 verbessert die Situation nicht, denn da bezieht sich svetavastri nach Hoffmanns eigener Darlegung auf Mani. H. Hoffmann weist selbst darauf hin, dass das in den Puranas als Name einer fremden Dynastie gelaufige Gurunda (korrekt Murunda) im BhP die Englander bezeichne: Glossen wie sande 'Sonntag' und siksati 'sechzig' (III 1,5,37) geben beredtes Zeugnis von dieser Merkwurdigkeit. Doch legt Hoffmann andererseits grosses Gewicht auf den Umstand, dass die Gurunda mit dem Attribut bauddhamarginah versehen werden (III 4,22,73.89). Das soll bedeuten dem Weg der Buddhisten folgend', und es soll in seiner Kombination mit Gurunda in eine weit vor der englischen Periode Indiens liegende Zeit fuhren (p. IX f.). Doch hat der Autor des Textes das Wort sicher nicht auf die Buddhisten bezogen, wie sich aus seiner Stellung unmittelbar vor Isaputramate samsthah 'Christen' in III 4,22,73 ergibt. Vielleicht ist bauddhamargin vielmehr als Synonym von buddhimant verwendet (cf. mlecchadese buddhimanto nara vai mlecchadharminah III 1,5,39). Mit der fur einen Philologen naheliegenden Frage, ob das Wort anderweitig nachweisbar ist, hat sich Hoffmann offensichtlich nicht beschaftigt. Der Verdacht, dass es sich bei den fraglichen Partien des BhP um ein modernes Machwerk handelt, konnte hochstens durch den Nachweis handschriftlicher Quellen beseitigt werden. Doch durfte ein solcher Nachweis unmoglich sein. Man braucht sich nur einmal die Belege des Namens Vikata zu betrachten. Einmal steht Vikata als Name des Landes der Konigin Vikatavati 'Victoria', also als Name von England (III 4,22,75). Ein anderesmal erscheint er als Name eines Affen, des Vorfahren der Gurundah ... Isaputramate samsthah 'der christlichen Englander' (III 4,22,73). Ein drittesmal begegnet er uns in der Reihe der Inselaffen Vikata, Vrjila, Jala, Varalina, Simhala, Java, Sumatra. Hier ist Varalina offensichtlich eine Reminiszenz an einen Kaiser Wilhelm, ahnelt es doch auffallend dem indischen Namen fur Berlin (Hindi Barlin, Skr. * Baralina). Nicht alles, was in Sanskrit geschrieben ist, muss alt sein! Helmut Humbach Klaus L. Janert und N. Narasimhan Poti, Indische und Nepalische Handschriften. Teil 2 (= Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Band II, 2). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH., 1970. 359 pp., 17 pl. (one in colour), 4deg. DM 148.-. The second volume of the catalogue of Indian manuscripts follows the same principles as the previously published volumes one (1962) and three (1967). The manuscripts described in this volume belong to the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Marburg und Berlin, the Linden Museum in Stuttgart and the Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek in Gottingen. The manuscripts are grouped under the following headings: 1. Vedische Literatur; 2. Epische Literatur; 3. Tantra; 4. Smsti; 5. Formaler Kultus (Mantra, Namavali, Stotra); 6. Praktischer Kultus (Namaskara, Puja, Vidhi); 7. Dharmanibandha; 8. Klassische Dichtung; 9. Historik; 10. Biographisches; 11. Philosophie; 12. Grammatik; 13. Lexikon und Worterklarung; 14. Poetik; 15. Metrik; 16. Medizin und Erotik; 17. Astronomie; 18. Astrologie; 19. Zeichendeutung; 20. Nalayira-prabandha. Several manuscripts contain more than one text. Each text is

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62 REVIEWS separately catalogued. The texts are numbered from 496 to 1000. Many manuscripts are from Nepal and Kashmir. Some are important for the study of Buddhism and Kashmirian Sivaism. In many cases it is not easy to determine exactly the title and the author of a work. The authors have taken great pains to solve these problems as far as possible. Of great value are the detailed references to catalogues of manuscripts and to other works. For editions of texts, the authors generally refer to the catalogues of the India Office Library and the British Museum. The following references may be added: 644-646 Kumaratantra, cf. J. Filliozat, "Le Kumaratantra de Ravana", JA, 1935, I, pp. 1-66; id., Le Kumaratantra de Ravana et les textes paralleles indiens, tibetains, chinois, cambodgien et arabe (Paris, 1937)(cf. F. Weller, OLZ, 1939, pp. 181-187); 661 Amoghapasahrdaya, cf. R.O. Meisezahl, The Amoghapasahsdaya-dharani", Monumenta Nipponica, XVII (1962), pp. 265-328;id., "The Amoghapasahsdaya Manuscripts formerly kept in the Reiunji temple and its collateral texts in Tibetan transliteration", Studies of Esoteric Buddhism and Tantrism (Koyasan, 1965), pp. 179-216 (Seiren Matsunami's A Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tokyo University Library, Tokyo, 1965, p. 187 refers to an article by Meisezahl in volume 3 of the Proceedings of the Okurayama Oriental Research Institute, but Meisezahl's article appeared in the Monumenta Nipponica); 685-686 Mahimnahstava, cf. W. Norman Brown, The Mahimnastava or Praise of Shiva's Greatness (Poona, 1965). Janert's preface announces a fourth volume and comprehensive indices to the four volumes. One cannot but admire the energy and the scholarship of Janert and his co-workers, to whom all Indologists are greatly indebted. The Franz Steiner Verlag deserves high praise for the beautiful production of this volume. Australian National University J. W. de Jong Journal of Indian Philosophy, Editor: Bimal K. Matilal, Volume 1, No. 1. (October 1970). Dordrecht, D. Reidel Publishing Company, 110 p. The first issue of the Journal of Indian Philosophy announces its program in an editorial, from which I quote the following paragraph: "The field of our contributions will be bound by the limits of rational inquiry; we will avoid questions that lie in the fields of theology and mystical experience. Our method will be, in a very general sense, analytical and comparative, and we will aim at a rigorous precision in the translation of terms and statements." One may query the possibility of tracing the limits of rational enquiry without excluding what is perhaps the most valuable part of Indian thought. However, although the editors underline the importance of Indian analytical philosophy, they do not seem to be too exclusive, for the text on the flap of the journal declares that philosophy includes such subjects as the philosophy of language, ethics, religion and aesthetics as well as logic. Moreover, contributions in such fields as Jainism, Tantrism and Kashmir Saivism are invited. The issue contains three papers read at a symposium which discussed the problem of 'empty' subject terms in logic: Karl H. Potter, "Realism, Speech-Acts, and Truth-Gaps in Indian and Western Philosophy", pp. 13-21; A. C. S. McDermott, "Empty Subject Terms in Late Buddhist Logic", pp. 22-29; B. K. Matilal, "Reference and Existence in Nyaya and Buddhist Logic", pp. 83-110. The last article gives a penetrating analysis of the controversy on this point between Udayana and his Buddhist opponent Jnanasrimitra. George Cardona has contributed an article on "Some Principles of Panini's Grammar" (pp. 40-74) in which he studies four basic principles applied by Panini. Although this article cannot be said to fall within the field of the philosophy of language, one must be glad to see it included in this journal. It is much more important to understand how Panini proceeded than to make philosophical statements about his grammar.

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REVIEWS 63 A rather neglected text is studied by C.D. C. Priestley in his "Emptiness in the Satyasiddhi" which examines the section of nirodhasatya in Harivarman's work. The exact title of this work is not known. Several scholars prefer Tattvasiddhi (cf. L. de La Vallee Poussin, MCB, V. 1937, p. 7).1 Tuvia Gelblum contributes a review article of G. J. Larson's Classical Samkhya (Delhi, 1969) in which he draws attention to the meaning 'whole, entire, perfect' for kevala: "Samkhya and Sartre" (pp. 75-82). A. K. Warder takes Rajasekhara's account of the divisions of vac as starting point for his article on "The Description of Indian Philosophy" (pp. 4-12). Most articles in this issue are excellent; if this standard is maintained, one will look forward with great expectations to the future issues of this new journal. Australian National University J. W. de Jong A. W. Macdonald et Marcelle Lalou, L'aeuvre de Jean Przyluski (= Collection Jean Przyluski, Tome I). Paris, Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1970. xii + 139 pp. Jean Przyluski (1885-1944) etait un infatigable remueur d'idees. Ses premiers grands travaux portent sur le bouddhisme mais, en meme temps il publiait une serie d'articles sur les emprunts aux langues austro-asiatiques dans le vocabulaire indo-aryen. Le champ de ses recherches s'elargit ensuite de plus en plus: influences iraniennes dans la pensee indienne, la Grande Deesse, le symbolisme des monuments bouddhiques, l'hittite, etc. Son premier article parut en 1908. Son ouvrage posthume sur la Grande Deesse fut publie en 1950. La bibliographie analytique, compilee par M. A. A. Macdonald, comprend 185 numeros (pp. 1-68). Elle suit l'ordre chronologique de publication. Tous les livres et articles sont analyses dans des notices qui en resument le contenu. Beaucoup de travaux de Przyluski avaient deja ete analyses par M. C. Regamey dans sa Bibliographie analytique des travaux relatifs aux elements anaryens dans la civilisation et les langues de l'Inde (BEFEO, 34, 1935, pp. 429-566). D'autre part, Marcelle Lalou avait consacre de nombreuses notices a ses publications, relatives au bouddhisme, dans la Bibliographie bouddhique. Toutefois, la tache de M. Macdonald etait loin d'etre aisee. On doit lui savoir gre d'avoir consacre tant d'efforts a ce travail qui permet de s'orienter rapidement dans l'aeuvre de Przyluski. La bibliographie analytique est suivie d'un index etabli par Marcelle Lalou (pp. 69-133). On doit admirer une fois de plus la patience et la devotion qui caracterisent les travaux bibliographiques de Marcelle Lalou. Son index est un repertoire complet de tous les themes etudies par Przyluski. On ne peut qu'exprimer son regret que Marcelle Lalou n'ait pas pu voir la parution de cet ouvrage, consacre a la memoire de son maitre et ami. Dans les abreviations il y a deux petites corrections a apporter: lire Orientalistische pour Orientalische, et Revue hittite et asianique pour Revue hittite et asiatique. Australian National University J. W. de Jong 1 In some Tun- huang texts the title Ch'eng-shih lun is written with the radical 149 in cl'eng (cf. Lionel Giles, Descriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Manuscripts from Tunhuang in the British Museum, London, 1957, No. 4332; Fukuhara Ryogon, Jojitsuron no

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64 REVIEWS Oskar von Hinuber, Studien zur Kasussyntax des Pali, besonders des Vinaya-pitaka (= Munchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft, Beiheft, Neue Folge, 2). Munchen, J. Kitzinger, 1968. 340 pp. Dr. Oskar von Hinuber's study of the syntax of the cases in the Vinaya-pitaka fills an important lacuna in the field of Pali grammar. It is certainly the most important publication to appear since Hans Hendriksen's Syntax of the infinite verb-forms of Pali (Copenhagen, 1944). The studies by H. O. de A. Wijesekera and A. Fahs, mentioned by von Hinuber in his introduction, are not easily accessible. No use has been made by him of A. K. Warder's Introduction to Pali (London, 1963) which pays more attention to syntax than other grammars. The choice of the Vinaya with the exception of the Parivara is an excellent one because it contains probably more ancient parts than other Tipitaka texts. Moreover, the interpretation of the Vinaya-pitaka is often far from easy. Von Hinuber intended his work to be at the same time a syntactic commentary on the Vinaya and, as such, it is of great use for a better understanding of this often difficult text. Although it is mainly based upon the Vinaya, other Pali texts are also taken into account especially with regard to more difficult problems of Pali syntax. Von Hinuber critically examines the translations of the Vinaya by Rhys Davids and Oldenberg and by Miss Horner; in quite a few places he arrives at a better understanding of the text. His text emendations are generally convincing as for instance the emendation of papato and patita into papata (3 p. sg.aor.) cf. pp. 45-46. Lexicographical problems are also studied by him, as for instance the meaning of ciraciram 'rarely' (p. 95). In a few places von Hinuber refers to the Sanskrit fragments of other Vinayas but they have not been of much help to him. Apart from the Pratimoksas of the Sarvastivadin, the Mulasarvastivadin and the Mahasamghika (badly edited by Pachow and Mishra), only some fragments of the Vibhanga of one school, the Sarvastivadin, are available. However, the Chinese canon contains complete versions of the Vinayas of five schools. In many cases, the Vinaya texts of the different schools have much in common. It must have been of particular importance to transmit the Vinaya rules as faithfully as possible. In studying the Pali Vinaya it is not possible to leave the other Vinayas entirely out of consideration. Of course, the Chinese versions can offer but little help in the study of the syntax of the Pali Vinaya. However, in places which are difficult to understand because the text is evidently corrupt or the meaning of a word not very well known, it may be useful to compare the Pali text with parallel passages in the Chinese versions of the Vinayas. An interpretation of a Pali passage, which is not confirmed by parallel passages in other Vinayas cannot be accepted without reservations. One must of course be aware of the fact that the Chinese translations must be handled with extreme caution. Their usefulness resides in the fact that one can compare the texts of four Vinayas (Mahisasaka, Mahasamghika, Dharmaguptaka and Sarvastivadin). The Vinaya of the Mulasarvastivadin is of lesser importance in this respect. Moreover, the Chinese versions, by the fact that they are translations, offer an interpretation of the text, which is quite often of greater value than the one to be found in Buddhaghosa's Samantapasadika. In discussing the existence of an absolute nominative in Pali, von Hinuber examines Vin. II.167.15 ff. viharaggena gahenta vihara ussadiyimsu ... anujanami bhikkhave anubhagam pi datum (pp. 28-30). Von Hinuber proposes to read ussarayimsu and to consider vihara as a corruption for vihare. His translation is as follows: "Nach der Zahl der Lager (die Monche) ergreifen lassend, schicken sie (die Wohnplatzanweiser) (die Monche) zu den Lagern weg." According to him ussareti means 'vertreiben, wegschicken' (Vin. I.276.8) or 'auswerfen' (Vin. II.237.32). He assumes the same meaning 'wegschicken' for Vin. IV.99.9 khadaniyam ussadiyittha"das Essen wurde weggeschickt". Von Hinuber remarks that the manuscript tradition confuses ussad- and ussar- and

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REVIEWS 65 adds that, according to the lists of roots, both roots have the same meaning (gati, gamana). I do not think that the last argument is very strong because the dhatupathas have the habit of explaining many roots by gati. In Vin. II.237.29-30 (yam hoti mahasamudde matam kunapam tam khippam neva tiram vaheti thalam ussareti) ussareti seems preferable, cf. Thieme (ZDMG, 111, p. 116) who translates samuddavicihi thale ussaritam by "was von den Wogen des Meers ans Festland geschnellt (geworfen) ist". Von Hinuber's translation of Vin. II.167.15ff. does not explain why, after the distribution of the viharas, a supplementary portion (anubhaga) is distributed to the monks. As to his translation of Vin. IV.99.9 no Vinaya mentions the fact that the food is sent back. The food is being kept for Upananda and is not distributed to the other monks. In both places ussad- seems to have the meaning of 'to put aside' which corresponds quite well to Sanskrit utsadayati. Therefore I would like to suggest to read in Vin. II.167.18 vihare ussadayimsu "they put aside viharas (which were not distributed)", and to translate khadaniyam ussadiyittha by "the food was put aside", rejecting Buddhaghosa's explanation, quoted by von Hinuber (p. 30, n.1). Von Hinuber studies at length a difficult passage relating to the patimokkhuddesa: Vin. I.112.11-12 nidanam uddisitva avasesam sutena savetabbam (pp. 176-177). It is not possible to explain sutena. In order to solve this difficulty von Hinuber reads sute na "der Rest ist nicht zu rezitieren, da er (bei fruheren Uposatha-Feiern) gehort ist". The same passage occurs in the Posadhavastu of the Mulasarvastivadavinaya (Gilgit Manuscripts, III, 4, p. 94.10-11): nidanam uddisya avasistam srutena sravayanti. I have not consulted the Tibetan version which probably would only give a literal translation. However, one would expect a negation to have left traces in the Chinese versions of the Vinaya. In three of them (Mahisasaka, Mahasamghika, Dharmaguptaka) the text has "the rest is always heard by the samgha"; the Sarvastivadavinaya has "the rest was previously heard by the samgha". I am afraid that the Chinese versions do not help us to understand the Pali text but, in any case, one must draw attention to the fact that none of them contains a negation. For tamkhanika (Vin. III.139.9) von Hinuber proposes a new interpretation 'Augenblick' and rejects the traditional interpretation 'harlot, temporary wife, Hure' (pp. 194196). Von Hinuber adds that probably already the Vibhanga commentary has misunderstood the word. The Pali text mentions as the tenth of ten kinds of wives the muhuttika (139.25) and explains muhuttika nama tamkhanika vuccati (140.7). There seems therefore no doubt that the commentary has understood tamkhanika to mean 'a temporary wife'. This meaning certainly fits the context. In V.1 Udayin acts as a gobetween for two young girls. In V.2 he acts as go-between for a vesiya and the rule adds to jayattane va jarattane va the words antamaso tamkhanikaya pi. In this episode the monks say: katham hi nama ayyo Udayi tamkhanikam sancarittam samapajjissati (138.33). Von Hipuber translates: "Wie kann der Herr Udayi in eine zeitweilige Vermittlung geraten." The word tamkhanikam is absent from the same formula in the previous episode: katham hi nama ayasma Udayi sancarittam samapajjissati (137.29-30). There seems no reason for the addition of a word, meaning 'temporary', in 138.33. However, this difficulty does not arise if one translates as Miss Horner: "How can the venerable Udayin act as a go-between for a temporary wife?" Etymologically the meaning 'temporary wife' for tamkhanika 'one for that moment' is unobjectionable. Von Hinuber refers to tatksana- in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit as meaning a shorter period than ksana. However, the text of the Divyavadana is certainly corrupt because, according to other Buddhist texts, 120 ksana make one tatksana (cf. T. Watters, On Yuang Chwang's Travels in India, I, London, 1904, p. 143; L. de La Vallee Poussin, 1 Seven kinds of wives are enumerated in the Vinayas of the Mulasarvastivadin and the Sarvastivadin, cf. Mahavyutpatti Nos. 9448-9454 and V. Rosen, Der Vinayavibhanga zum Bhiksupratimoksam der Sarvastivadins (1959) p. 61, n. 5, where one must omit balena anupraskandya and add tatksanika.

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66 REVIEWS L'Abhidharmakosa, III, Paris-Louvain, 1926, p. 179). Moreover tatksana seems to occur only in enumerations of measures of time. The Chinese Vinayas render tatksanika as 'a single meeting', 'a momentary one', etc. The text of the Sarvastivadavinaya (antatas tadksanam api) is probably corrupt. In this case the Mulasarvastivadavinaya has clearly preserved the true reading - (antatas tat)ksanikayam api. A last remark concerning dassanaya (von Hinuber, p. 224). According to von Hinuber a gen.obj. is used in the case of a pl., an acc. in the case of a sg. This rule is not confirmed by the texts, cf. DN II.140.12-13 te mayam labhama manobhavaniye bhikkhu dassanaya; AN III.317-319 cha samaya manobhavaniyassa bhikkhuno dassanaya upasamkamitum. It would be possible to consider that, in the first example, the acc. depends on labhama (cf. von Hinuber, p. 193), but it seems more probable to admit that the acc. depends on dassanaya as in other examples. Von Hinuber's book contains a wealth of information. The above remarks are only meant to show how it stimulates discussion with the author in the rare cases in which one cannot completely agree with him. It is to be hoped that von Hinuber will also undertake a study of the syntax of late Pali, the desirability of which is mentioned in his introduction. Australian National University J. W. de Jong Vladimir Miltner, Theory of Hindi Syntax. Descriptive, Generative, Transformational. The Hague-Paris, Mouton, 1970. As the title shows, this short monograph of only seventy-two pages attempts to present a new system of Hindi syntax, which, as one might expect, would aim to fulfill theoretical as well as practical requirements. Athough the present publication hardly can be considered to be more than a rough sketch drafted in a hurry, the author himself appears to be fully convinced that he has achieved a most extraordinary and revolutionary task. As a matter of fact, his theory of syntax was the product (or by-product, see p. 7) of merely three months of the hardships and pleasures which are unnecessarily depicted at large in the Preface. Here, and on numerous other places, the author exhibits a selfcomplacency which is both immature and painful. Miltner's system of Hindi syntax pivots on the -in structural linguistics - well-known concept of the tagmeme (or sentence part). Interpreted as the Cartesian product of tagmemic function (F) and tagmemic functor (f), the tagmeme may according to Miltner in theory be symbolized as Ff, in practice, however, by formulae like S 31, that is 31 = adjectival participle, intransitive or passive functioning as S = subject, or P 82, that is 82 = substitute, substantival-adjectival (i.e. demonstrative, interrogative or indefinite pronoun) functioning as P = predicate. Thus Miltner's symbols indicate not only the specific lexical class like noun, pronoun, adjective etc. used in a given context, but also its syntactic role as subject, predicate or object of a sentence or sentence-part. The author distinguishes altogether four tagmemic functions (F), namely P (predicate), S (subject), O (object) and M (modifier) - the last badly defined as "any other tagmemic function which is not identic with the functions just delimitated" - and nine classes (including many sub-classes) of tagmemic functors (f) expressed by figures as for example 2 = non-participial verbal tenses and imperative, 21 = intransitive and passive, 22 = transitive or 4 = other nominal forms of verbs, 41 = verbal substantives (gerundia), 411 = intransitive and passive, 412 = transitive, 42 = agent nouns, 421 = intransitive and passive, 422 = transitive. In order to facilitate understanding, it would have been commendable to, at least at a later stage, rewrite the symbol Ff as

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REVIEWS F{P,S,O,M}f{1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9}. Miltner defines his syntactic devices as the "adequate interpretation and classification" of the syntactic units he recognizes, that is to say, tagmeme, syntagma and sentence. The syntagma, a doubtlessly very useful concept, consists of a pair of two tagmemes of one utterance, which, if related immediately, form an endosyntagma, or if related by means of one or more intermediary tagmemes, become an exosyntagma (not dealt with in this work). Much less convincing and, in fact, very vague is, however, the conception of sentence, the last and most complicated syntactic unit, which our author regards to be an interconcatenation of one tagmeme functioning as predicate (Pf) and at least one more tagmeme functioning differently. A sentence like larki hamsi, "the girl laughed", is according to Miltner's system to be rendered as P 321 : S 1 (that is, P = adjectival participle in a non-ergative construction, S = substantive), whilst commonly accepted transformational-generative grammar would derive the same utterance from S + NP + VP by the extension of VP into VP - MV + Aux which, when represented graphically, would yield the diagram: NP MV Aux hams -1 larki The description of syntactic units as shown by the author benefits assuredly by the brevity of its tagmeme symbols, but suffers on many, in my estimation essential points. When adopting this system of sentence-analysis, generation and transformation, the student will have to be already aforehand wellversed in Hindi, and even then will find the method unwieldy, since the majority of operations requires the constant consultation of the list of tagmemic functors given on p. 20f. Though Miltner's monograph may, in a very general way, be of interest to linguists, the possibilities of using it practically for producing any possible and correct Hindi sentence appears to me utterly limited. A student conversant with Hindi and as such fully capable of distinguishing the lexical classes of the language and the syntactic functions performed by these classes, will scarcely deepen his insight by means of an interpretation of, for example, donom mitra haim, 'the two are friends', as the syntagma P 1.21 : S 533 (that is, P = substantive +non-participial verbal tense, intransitive, and S=collective numeral), nor will a beginner, still unable to apply the rules of this system, profit from it. It is, of course, far from my thoughts to deny that new approaches to language description are feasible as well as desirable. What seems to be absolutely requisite to me is, however, that any new theory of syntax also, or perhaps above all, includes heuristic values. It is deplorable to state that Miltner's discussions do not offer such values. Thus the research-worker on Hindi will derive very little advantage from it. Moreover, Miltner's theory of syntax, though highly abstract, is deficient in depth. No scope is given to deep structure analysis, nor are the order of words, which is of much greater importance in NIA than in OIA and MIA, or verb-compounds and 1 This fact is also expressed in other words as: The set of sentences is the Cartesian product resulting from the interconcatenation of the set of Pf tagmemes and the set of Pf tagmemes or the syntagmas (both endosyntagmas and exosyntagmas) which do not contain Pf tagmemes, that is, any sentence = Pf (Pf")" (p.36). 2 Cf. Y. Kachru, An Introduction to Hindi Syntax (Urbana 1966), p. 95. 3 The Structure of English (London, 1957), reprint.

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68 REVIEWS irregular constructions like anacoluthon, contamination etc. taken into consideration. In addition to that one more surprising fact is to be noted. For good reasons descriptive and transformational grammar does make a point of selecting for its purposes an as homogeneous corpus as possible, a procedure which naturally requires much care and most often restricts itself to material taken from only one period or only one type of language usage (one of the most consequent examples being Ch. C. Fries's analysis of Modern English: based exclusively on telephone-conversations between educated Americans). To this Miltner attaches no value at all. His corpus, altogether "7000 sentences selected at random from ten representative Hindi texts" (p. 33), mixes prose with versified sources, passages from modern writers in Standard Hindi (khariboli) with examples in bazaru hindi and even quotations from works in (classical) brajbhasa. None of the sentences is translated, and no references are given as to verse number, page or edition. To the more useful parts of the monograph belong the table showing the co-occurrence (Miltner: cooccurrence of tagmemic functions and functors (p. 50) and the doubtlessly well-elaborated catalogue of functors presented on p. 20f. The latter is, like many other statements in this book, purely prescriptive, since the author has waived the discussion of possible operations and criteria on the basis of which the list was built up. Stockholm Siegfried Lienhard D. L. Snellgrove, Four Lamas of Dolpo. Autobiographies of Four Tibetan Lamas (15th-18th centuries), I: Introduction and Translations. Oxford, Bruno Cassirer, 1967. ix + 302 pp., 46 pl., 2 maps. 84/-: II: Tibetan Texts and Commentaries. ibid., 1967. 345 pp. 130/.- (Distributors: Luzac & Co., London.) Dolpo in North-Western Nepal was first visited by D. L. Snellgrove in 1956 (cf. Himalayan Pilgrimage, 1961, pp. 70-162). He made a second visit to Dolpo during 1960 and 1961. It was part of Western Tibet until the end of the eighteenth century, but since its conquest by the Gurkhas it has become more isolated and religious life there has deteriorated. However, the four lamas, whose biographies are edited and translated by Snellgrove in these two volumes, lived during a period in which religious life in Dolpo must have been similar to that in other regions of Tibet. For this reason the interest of these biographies is not limited to the history of Tibetan Buddhism in Dolpo alone. Tibetan literature is rich in biographies, called rnam-thar "deliverance in Tibetan. W. Y. Evans-Wentz published in 1928 a translation of Milarepa's biography (Tibet's Great Yogi Milarepa, O.U.P.) and an abridged rendering of Bu-ston's life, accompanied by a reproduction of the Tibetan text, was published in 1966 by D. Seyfort Ruegg (The Life of Bu ston rin po che, Roma, 1966). Both Milarepa and Bu-ston are prominent figures in the history of Tibetan Buddhism whereas the four Dolpo lamas are only of local significance. As such, however, they are probably more representative of the many lamas whose deeds have been recorded by pious pupils, than Milarepa and Bu-ston. The first volume contains an introduction which describes the geography and history of Dolpo (The Land and its People, pp. 1-16), a sketch of Tibetan Buddhism as immediately relevant to the four biographies (Philosophy and Religion, pp. 17-34), an account of Snellgrove's sojourn in Dolpo (Life in Dolpo 1960-61, pp. 34-68) and information on the four biographies (The Four Biographies, pp. 68-77). The introduction is followed by the translation of the four biographies (pp. 79-273), Tibetan indices of divinities (pp. 274-277), of texts and rituals (pp. 278-282), of personal names (pp. 282

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REVIEWS 69 291) and a general index (pp. 292-302). Volume two contains a photographic reproduction of the Tibetan text in dbu-med script (pp. 11-290), transliterated extracts without translation (pp. 291-295), transliterated extracts with translation (pp. 296-313), notes to the first volume (pp. 314-315), alphabet and system of transliteration (pp. 316-317), examples of abbreviated words (pp. 318-324) and a glossary (pp. 325-345). The texts in volume two do not reproduce the original manuscripts used by Snellgrove, but are new manuscripts written by Tibetan scribes under his supervision. According to Snellgrove the original manuscripts contain many scribal errors which had to be corrected. A reproduction of a few pages of the original manuscripts would have been useful in showing the nature of these errors. However, it would have been impossible to reproduce completely the original manuscripts. Snellgrove's decision to reproduce rewritten manuscripts is undoubtedly the best solution even if sometimes one would like to compare the original manuscripts. In a few cases a correction seems required. To quote a few examples, taken from the first pages of the first biography: 1.3.10 sgro-'dogs spyad. Read sgro-'dogs bcad, cf. 1.10.8, 10.17, 31.10 etc. 1.4.2 dgra-gnen sogs-kyi chags-sdan spans-nas Idum-bu mdzad-pa'i tshul "so abandoning attachment to friends and aversion to enemies, I acted the same towards all." (Note: "I made it all of one piece.") (S.). Vol. II, p. 314 S. proposes the translation: "I acted humbly towards all." Read ldom-bu, cf. I.21.1-2 dgra-gnen sogs-kyi chags-sdan spars-te Idom-bu mdzad-pa'i tshul "avoiding hatred to enemies and attachment to friends, he lived the life of a beggar." (S.). 1.7.1 bka'-drin la 'khor mtha' med-pa'i "whose gracious kindness was unlimited." (S.). Read 'khor thabs med-pa'i, cf. II.17.12-13 bka'-drin la 'khor-ba'i thabs-med"there can be no way of repaying his kindness." (S.). In 1.36.14 the Ms has thabs-med but S. translates mtha'-med: "The graciousness of my lama would be seen to be quite boundless." In I.37.5-6 bka'-drin-la 'khor mtha'-med-pa'i one must make the same correction. It is certainly necessary for Western scholars of Tibetan to have a good knowledge of the dbu-med script. When written by a careless writer, this script is often not easy to read. The manuscripts in volume two are carefully written and present few problems to the reader. In a few cases Snellgrove's readings have to be corrected: 1.8.3 chu-chu-bo (vol. II, p. 291). 1.9.14 Inga-sna (vol. II, p. 292). 1.9.21 rva-rva'i (vol. II, p. 292). 1.9.21 rdzogs-par--rdzogs-pa (vol. II, p. 292). II.33.21 glu-ru len-cin; S. "obtained from the serpents". S. seems to have read klu-ru. II.36.12 bzhol-gzol (vol. II, p. 302). II.56.20 brkyed-bskyed (vol. II, p. 310). III.7.17 bka'-'grel-dka'-'grel. IV. 2.14-15 bTsan-thang-sgo-bzhi-- Btsan-than gor-ma. (The index has both names. Cf. vol. I, p. 289, nos. 529 and 530. In no. 530 sgo is mis-spelt sgro., IV.4.1 rTsod-ma-rTsod-mo. IV. 29.22 Grags Yongs-rdzong-brag yars-rdzon. IV. 41.7 Ling-brgyan-Min-brgyan. In the notes to the first volume (vol. II, pp. 314-315), Snellgrove draws attention to words and phrases omitted in translation. One must add the following passages: 1.3.2-3 gdul-bya mchog dan 'brir-rnams la gzugs-sku rnam-gnis dan||. I.5.18-19 bla-ma grubthob rnams-kyis kyan mkha'-'gro dros yin-par lur-bstan-par gda'). 1.12.3-4 ma-ni bka''bum/. I.24.13 grub rgyal-mal. I.26.18-19 bla-ma rin-po-che gu-ru drag-dmar dros-su mthon-zin/. 1.36.2-3 mgon-ser tshar bcu-gcig/. 1.63.3-4 grub-thob man-po bzugs-pa'i gnas/ dpal mtha'-dkar gyi sgrub-gnas-su. II.11.3 snan rtse-ba. II.28.17-18 lo-gsum son 1 1.62 (p. 72) and III.62 (p.234) must be interchanged. 3 Roman figures refer to the four biographies, Arabic figures to page and line of the Tibetan text. The following abbreviations have been used: C.G. = Chos-kyi grags-pa's Tibetan-Tibetan-Chinese Dictionary (Peking, 1957); Das = S. C. Das, A TibetanEnglish Dictionary (Calcutta, 1902); J. = Jaschke's Tibetan-English Dictionary (London, 1881); Myy. = Mahavyutpatti; S. = Snellgrove; Sum. = Sumatiratna's TibetanMongolian Dictionary (Ulaanbaatar, 1959).

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70 REVIEWS mtshams-grol ston-gyi tshogs-'khor byas-sin bsdad yod-pa'il. II.63.1-2 khyad-par sdebdag sku-khams mi-bde 'dug-pa la/. II.95.6 gzan-yan glo-bo stod-smad se-rib yan dan. II.95.11 phyi-rten-gyi logs-re-la 'dom-pa lna-lna yod-pa'il. II.96.1 sgrib-gnis byan-ba'i phyir). II.96.4 gzim-mal-du (cf. III.65.8 gzim-mal sku-'dra, S. "a life-size image for his accustomed seat".). III.30.9 nas de chan-du tshos gsuns/. III.53.15 gzigs-snan mdzad-pas/. III.65.5 rdul-tshon dan ras-bris-kyi dkyil-khor-dul. IV.1.20-2.1. snon-bsags las-grub rkyen-gyis byed-pa las//. IV.9.10-11 nas 'brab-kyin 'dug-pas. IV.34.16-17 de-nas tshedpag-med grub-pa'i rgyal-mo'i bsnen-pa la zla-ba gsum). IV.37.21 'gro-ba kun-sgrol. IV.39.14 tin-kyu dan si-min rnams-la. IV.49.8 phyag-chen. IV.50.2 rdor-sems brgyartsa'i sku-than gcig/. IV.50.7-8 rig-'dzin 'gyur-med rdo-rje'i rten-gter-'byun gi rnam-thar/. In reading Tibetan texts it is not always easy to distinguish proper names. It seems to me that kha-rag, blo-ba and grol-mtshams must not be explained as place-names. 1.12.11 blo'o kha-rag bdud-kyi yul-der "in the devil's own land, Kha-rag of Lo" (S.). Sum. translates kha-rag with aman kurumui 'to speak against, vilify' (1, p. 163). Probably kha-rag is a variant of kha-drag-pa, Skt. mukhara (Mvy. 2481). I propose to translate this phrase as follows: "In Lo, the land of the devil of slander". 1.59.8-9 blo-ba'i sna-dus dan mig-ltos "the customs and conventions of Lo" (S.). Lo is never written blo-ba in the texts which have blo-bo or blo'o. Here blo-ba = blo. The text relates that the Khang-dkar officials were the cause of urging the thought of lama Merit Intellect to religion: "In the first place if they had not caused trouble, it would have been difficult to settle down to religion on account of the na-dus and migItos of my mind." Both sna-dus and mig-ltos occur only in this place. S. explains snadus as 'prevailing conditions, customs' and mig-ltos as 'conventions' (cf. Glossary, pp. 336 and 339). Sum, translates mig-ltos with ujemji 'aspect, judgment' (II, p. 427). I do not know how to explain sna-dus. IV.22.21-22 dus-su dpyid-chos gnis-pa grol-mtshams drun-ram-pa bkra-sis "in the second spring term Doctor bKra-shis of sGrol-mtshams" (S.). IV.25.21-22 dbyar-chos gnis-pa grol-mtshams 'or-rlon dbon-po don-grub "Then in the second summer term the nephew Aim-Winner of 'Or-rlon of Grol-mtshams." (S.). In both places the text has grol-mtshams and not sgrol-mtshams: "After the second spring term". "after the second summer term" (cf. 23.14 man-ja grol-mtshams: S. "at the end of the general tea-offering"). The biographies quote a great number of texts. Identification of Tibetan texts is often difficult because they usually possess several titles, and are generally quoted only by an abridged title. Snellgrove has identified some of them in the notes to the translation and others in the index of texts and rituals. However, many have been left without identification. For instance, the biographies quote twice the "Sutra of the Briny River" (Ba-tshva-can chu-klun-gi mdo). Snellgrove does not give any information on this text. One wonders whether he considered a note superfluous. Or is the absence of information due to the fact that this text was unknown to him and his informants? In several cases the information, given by Snellgrove, is incomplete or incorrect: III.8.4. 'dul-ba lun-sde bzi "the 'Four Agamas'" (S.). (See also vol. I, p. 281, no. 205). For the 'Four Agamas of the Vinaya' see Blue Annals, II, p. 490. III.8.5-6 sa-rii-bus mdzad-pai bstan-bcos chos-kyi phun-po la sogs-pa mion-pa sde-bdun "the 'Treatise of Sariputra', the Seven Sections of the Abhidharma, the Elemental Components and so on" (S.). Sariputra's Dharmaskandha is the first of the seven Abhidharma treatises, cf. L. de La Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu "Introduction" (Paris-Louvain, 1931), p. XXIX. III.8.6-7 mron-pa kun-las btus-pa "the 'Abhidharma Compendium"" (S.). Tibetan translation of the Abhidharmasamuccaya. III.8.8 gtam-tshogs "the 'Collection of Stories'" (S.). Gtam renders Skt. parikatha, cf. P. Cordier, Catalogue du fonds tibetain, 3e partie (Paris, 1915), pp. 422-423. III.8.11 sdom-gsum-kyi rab-tu phye-ba'i bstan-bcos. Omitted in S.'s translation.

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REVIEWS 71 Composed by Sa-skya pan-chen Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan (1182-1251), cf. Blue Annals, II, p. 607. IV.8.7 brgya-togser gsum dan gzuns-chen sgra-lna "canonical texts" (S.). For brgyatog-gser see S., vol. I, p.236, n. 1: sgra is probably a mistake for grva, cf. Blue Annals, I, p. 107 (gzuns grva-lna = Pancaraksa); C.G. s.v. grva-lna IV. 17.18-19: the text mentions four chapters of the Abhidharmakosa: phun-po, khams, 'jig-rten and phra-rgyas; phun-po is probably a mistake for dban-po, the title of the second chapter. S. translates phra-rgyas as "the subtle and vast elements" but phra-rgyas renders Sanskrit anusaya, the title of the fifth chapter. IV. 25.3: myan- das "the state of nirvana (S.). Myan- das refers here to the Mahaparinirvanasutra (Sde-dge, No. 120). One reads Snellgrove's translation with great pleasure and profit. His rendering of religious terms is felicitous and his translation of complicated Tibetan phrases clear and precise. Snellgrove translates proper names and technical terms but the Tibetan terms are all listed in the indices. I have some doubts about the appropriateness of rendering bodhisattva as 'would-be buddha' and would have preferred 'future buddha' or 'potential buddha' but, usually, Snellgrove's English equivalents are unobjectionable. The Glossary contains a very useful list of words which are not well explained in the existing dictionaries. Snellgrove notes in each case when an explanation has been given by a Tibetan informant and which words belong to the Dolpo dialect. Some information could have been found in Sumatiratna's dictionary which he does not appear to have used. It is perhaps the most comprehensive of all Tibetan dictionaries and has the added merit of supplying Mongolian translations. For instance the word keg (Glossary, p. 325) is explained by Sumatiratna as indicating the element 'wood' (modun maqabud). Chos-kyi grags-pa explains it as a technical term in astrology indicating a critical juncture. Sku-'gag (Glossary, p. 326) is given in Sumatiratna as equivalent to rin-'gag (cf. J., p. 529). Perhaps Snellgrove could have supplied some additional information in his glossary. To quote one example: chos-'brel = 'sacrament' (Glossary, p. 331). One wonders what is meant with the term 'sacrament' in the context of Tibetan Buddhism. I was puzzled by the meaning of this term in studying Sagaster's translation of the Subud Erike (cf. IIJ, XIII, 1971, p. 219). Snellgrove's translation confirms the fact that this term has a religious meaning but it does not explain it sufficiently. However, one must be grateful to Snellgrove for a glossary which clearly makes a contribution to Tibetan lexicography. One cannot but express the greatest admiration for Snellgrove's excellent translation. I have compared the Tibetan text from beginning to end and learnt much from his rendering of difficult passages. In a few places one can perhaps suggest a different interpretation. The following remarks contain a discussion of some passages in the four biographies. Perhaps they may be of some use in preparing a second edition of the translation which will certainly be required in due course. I.3.8 thun-mon gi rnam-thar che-lon tsam-zig snar-ba yi-ger bkod-na "If my ordinary doings, which are quite brief, are set down in writing" (S.). In the glossary S. explains che-lon as 'briefly, in essence'. C.G. has che-lon tsam = rags-rim tsam 'in outline'. Here che-lor refers to the writing of his life: "If my ordinary life-story is written out in outline", cf. III.66.2 che-lon-zig yi-ger bkod-pa. 1.20.13 tsam-pa tshon-pa "A fair supply of tsamba" (S.). For the meaning of tshon-pa S. refers to tshon-po 'fat' (Glossary, p. 340). More probably tshon-pa is a graphic variant of mtshon-pa, cf. J., p. 457a mtshon-pa 'a handful. 1.26.20 spu-sad"a single hair" (S.). According to C. G. spu-sad = gos-kyi spu smyugsad 'a brush made of bamboo for the hairs of clothes'. See J., p. 428b: smyug-bsad 'comb made of bamboo'. I.31.11-12 'od-gsal snar-ba'i nin-mo "the clear light appeared as daylight" (S.) - "the day on which the clear light appeared".

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72 REVIEWS 1.41.15 ces srid-thabs byas-tshe" When I had reasoned thus." (S.) The preceding passage relates that lama Merit Intellect offers meat and chang to the chief men of the Khangdkar and makes a speech to them. According to C.G. sri-thabs = ser-sna'i sems-pas bza'-btun nun-du gton-ba 'to offer little food and drink with an avaricious mind'. Perhaps one must correct sri-thabs to sri-btab which S. translates with commission, duty' (Glossary, p. 344). 1.42.20-21 lab-phyi'i phyogs no mi-ses-pa'i sa-phyogs gcig-tu 'gro-dgos "Shall I go to Lab-phyi? Or shall I go to some unknown place?" (S.) - "Shall I go to some unknown place in Lab-phyi?" 1.56.18 phyis log-yor-ba'i chad-mdo byas "afterwards I decided to come back to Dolpo."(S.) - "I agreed to come back later", cf. Sum. I, p. 617: chad-mdo byas-so-boljibai; F. D. Lessing, Mongolian-English Dictionary, p. 119: bolju- 'to agree on, make an appointment, etc.; Das, p. 408: chad-mdo 'to promise, contract. See also IV.31.6 'gro-dgos-pa'i 'chad-mdo. II.12.13 dar-cig 'jam 'dug "all was still for a moment." (S.). The same expression occurs in II.23.4 dar-zig 'jam; S. "for a moment I was united with them." I do not understand the exact meaning of 'jam in this context. II.19.12-13 'di-ltar byas-na mi-'grigs-pa'i thabs-med"If one establishes ... in this way, it will not do." (S.) - "If one establishes ... in this way, it is not possible that it will not succeed." II.22.5-6 snar-med-pa'i ltad-mo yan cun-zad mthor|/ ses-kyi gnas-rnams la snar-bas mos-sin yid-ches-par byun-no "we saw sights unseen before. The people of Shey believed in us more devotedly than ever." (S.) - "we saw some sights unseen before. More than before we devotedly put our trust in the holy places of Shey." II.22.14 bden-med-kyi nams-kyis thams-cad la thog-rdzis byed-pa zig byun-ro "I had overwhelming confidence with regard to all states of non-substantial being." (S.) - "By means of the notion of non-substantiality I suppressed all (impressions of dread and fear)." See Sum., I., p. 943 thog-brdzis-degere-ece daruqu 'to suppress from above'. For S.'s explanation see Glossary, p. 333. II.24.11-12 'gro-'dug spyod-lam yan bar-snan la byed-pa 'dug-pas "They moved in their seated posture and their course went up to the heavens." (S.)- "They were moving around and sitting in the air." II.38.10 'o-rgyal. S. translates here 'o-rgyal with 'inconvenient' (cf. also Glossary, p. 342). It is of course the same word as 'o-brgyal which is given in the dictionaries. In IV.26.2 S. translates 'o-rgyal accordingly with 'tiring'. It is rather misleading to list a word 'o-rgyal 'inconvenient' in a glossary without pointing out that this meaning is required in a special context and that 'o-rgyal is a variant of 'o-brgyal. II.41.7 bsnen-bkur 'bul-ba'i spob-pa-med-med-kyi "I have no ambition for the honour you do me." (S.) - "I have no courage (or eloquence) to offer respect." II.47.13-14 mi-yon-ba'i tshul-snan phul-yan; "Although I submitted that there were too many people." (S.) - "Although I explained that it would not be possible." II.61.2-5 chan dan bud-med 'di-gnis/ tshans-spyod 'phrog-pa'i jag-pal byams-kyan dug-bzin rin-du spon-ba'i go-cha skyed-mdzod "Wine and women, these two - Are the robbers who steal away your good conduct. - Keeping far off from loved ones like poison - Let this be your protective armour!" (S.) - "... your good conduct. Though they are dear to you - Keep far off from them as from poison - ..." II.83.13-15 sor-ba'i tshul mdzad-nas thog-gsum yod-pa'i sar brag-la brdabs/ de-nas mar brag-ron la bud "[the pot) seemed to slip from his hand and striking on the cliffs (which descended) in three great steps, it went down to the gorge of the Red Crag." (S.) - "the pot slipped from his hand and hit the rock near the third storey; then it went down and fell in the gorge between the rocks." II.84.2 skun-ma bstan-na ni mnon-mtshan ches yon-bar 'dug "If the theft were revealed our shame would be very great." (S.) - "If the theft were revealed, it would come out in

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REVIEWS 73 the open." See Sum., I, p. 529: mron-mtshan-can-ilerkei temdegtu clearly marked'; C.G.: mnon-mtshan-can-lkog-tu ma-yin-par mnon-sum-du gser-dnul sogs-kyi bya-ba byed-pa-po ste rnam-'byed las-so "It is said in the Vinayavibhanga: 'Not secretly, but openly do gold, silver, etc. fulfill their function.'." II.84.7-8 kha-san dge-slon u-rgyan-la rgod chen-po byun "Yesterday a great disaster befell the monk Urgyan." (S.) - "Yesterday the monk Urgyan suffered Rgod = god 'loss, damage. 11.86.11 Itag-tshan chun-ba (tshun-ba in the text) "uncircumspect" (S.), cf. Glossary, p. 332. Sum. I. p. 863: Itag-tshan-kucun 'force'. 11.96.5 bzar-drug la-sogs sman sna-tshogs "the six'good things', various medicaments" (S.) - "various medicaments such as the six 'good things', etc." The six 'good ones' are listed by Sum., cf. II. p. 776. III.22.12 sna-len byas-pa "gave me this escort" (S.). In III.49.16-17, IV.30.3 and IV.44.12 S. translates sna-len in the same way. In IV.19.21 he translates sna-len bzan-po with "they looked after me very well." In all passages sna-len has the meaning 'welcome, reception' for which see Sum., 1, p. 1228: sna-len - uytuly-a 'reception'; C.G., p. 487: sna-len - bsu-ba 'welcome'. III.25.18-19 de-nas bzun-ste/ gzugs-sku chos-dbyins-su ma thim-bar "From then on his manifestation faded away into universal space." (S.) - "From then on until his body passed away into the absolute sphere." III.31.2 dgon-pa'i che-ba brjod-pa man-po mdzad'dug-pa "and that many great things had been told about these monasteries." (S.) - "and he greatly extolled these monasteries." III.35.17 rdo-che rdog-po gcig "a heap of stones" (S.) - "a single stone", cf. III.44.9 nas rdog-gcig "a single grain of barley" (S.). III.41.19 sras-po "your brother" (S.) - "your son". III.46.18-19 bslab-gsum la gces-spras-su mdzad-pa "who were the adornments of the triple doctrine" (S.) - "who cherish the three teachings", cf. C.G. p. 234: gces-spras byed - sems-la phans-par byed 'to cherish in one's mind'; Das, s.v. gces-spres; J., s.v. spra-ba. III.48.12-13 thugs-sin-tu 'phran-zin 'ga'-yar (MS. yar)-gyis kun-slor byed-pa byun "He himself was very upset and some of the others became excited" (S.) - "He was very worried but some (monks) reassured him", cf. Sum., II, p. 158: sems-'phran - qarasun 'to be chagrined', emgenisun 'to worry'; kun-slor means 'causing to rise, to get up', here 'to encourage, reassure'. III.50.6 ses-kyi khyun-lun-ma "a woman of Khyung-lung" (S.) - "Khyun-lur-ma from Ses". 111.50.13 grod-pa la tog-tse brgyabs "He was struck in the stomach" (S.) - "He was struck with a hoe in the stomach." IV.1.7 mnam-med thub-dban 'gyur-med dad-pas rab-tu mchod "We worship you in faith, O changeless Sage without peer!" (S.) - "We worship you, O Sage without peer, with unchanging faith." IV.5.17 min-la bsod-nams min-'dzoms "Her name was Sonam-dzom." (S.). The MS. has min- dzoms. Perhaps this is a mistake for g.yan-'dzom, cf. IV.7.7. IV.14.18-19 khyed-kyi char-ba de na-la 'bor-ba mkhyen-mkhyen "You have left your rug with me. Now have mercy!" (S.) - "Have mercy and leave your rug with me." cf. IV.51.7 thugs-dam la bzugs-pa mkhyen-mkhyen "please let your thoughts rest." (S.). IV.31.17 skar-ma'i so-ma rnams "Some men and women from Karma" (S.) - "the novices from Karma", cf. 31.11. IV.33.7-8 rus-gsin-pa "good" (S.) (cf. Glossary, p. 343). Sum., II, p. 933: rus-sin ni snin-rus-te snin-stobs 'energy'. IV.39.8-10 khyad-par-du rgyal-po sar-pas dgon-par dar-po che man-du btsugs-sin// na'i gzim-chun dan bla-bran-du 'bul-ba rgya-nom-pa dan|| grva-ba rnams-la zans-nag

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74 REVIEWS re-re dari// mtshams-pa rnams la zans-nag do-do la sogs-pa gnar-sbyin rgya-nom-pa gnar-zin "The Eastern King in particular put up many flag-masts for the monasteries and made considerable offerings for my house and quarters, as well as giving a copper coin to each monk and two such coins to those who were in solitary meditation. We made large distributions with these and other gifts." (S.) - "The Eastern King in particular put up many flag-masts for the monasteries and made large gifts consisting of considerable distributions for my house and quarters, a copper coin to each monk and two such coins for those who were in solitary meditation, etc." IV.45.1-2 gur-zig gnan byur-bas/ bdagis kyan lan-rnams rim-pa bzin-du zus-pas "he recited a religious song. I asked him questions and received answers in an orderly manner." (S.) - "he recited a song. I supplied the answers in the right order." IV.50.10 dkar-po rgyan-grags "I gave presents to the keepers of the great conch" (S.)"I presented a conch-shell, the sound of which carried up to two miles" (probably dkar-po = dur-dkar, cf. J., s.v. dun). Australian National University J. W. de Jong The 'Sutra of the Causes and Effects of Actions' in Sogdian. Edited by D. N. MacKenzie (= London Oriental Series, volume 22). London, Oxford University Press, 1970. xiii + 77 pp. PS3.25. The Sogdian version of the 'Sutra of the Causes and Effects' has been studied by many specialists. D. N. MacKenzie's new edition and translation takes into account the work done by his predecessors. The vocabulary includes new materials and interpretations. It is very convenient to have in one volume text, translation and a vocabulary. For the translation of the Chinese text it will still be necessary to consult R. Gauthiot and P. Pelliot's edition, Le Sutra des causes et des effets (Paris, 1920, 1926, 1928). The Sogdian version is based upon the Chinese text, an apocryphal sutra which was composed before 695 A. D. This sutra must have been very popular. Several manuscripts of it have been found in Tun-huang. It has been translated not only in Sogdian but also in Tibetan by the famous Chos-grub who died about 865 A. D. (cf. P. Demieville, "Recents travaux sur Touen-houang", TP, 56, 1970, pp. 49-50). Fragments of this translation have also been found in Tun-huang (cf. Louis de La Vallee Poussin, Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts from Tun-huang, O.U.P., 1962, Nos. 220-221 and 335,2). The Kanjur contains a second translation entitled Dge-ba dan mi dge-ba'i las-kyi rnam-par smin-pa bstan-pa'i mdo. According to Pelliot this translation is independent from Chos-grub's translation and adheres less closely to the Chinese text (op.cit., Tome second, premier fascicule, pp. X-XI). The editors of the tani Kanjur Catalogue (Kyoto, 1930-1932) remark that it is written in a clumsy style. It is also much shorter than Chos-grub's translation: eight folios as against twelve folios in the Peking edition). It must be left to Sogdian specialists to discuss the new interpretations proposed by MacKenzie. Several points have already been discussed by Martin Schwartz in his review (BSOAS, 34, 1971, pp. 411-415). There is still scope also for further study of the Chinese text and the two Tibetan versions. Pelliot has made use of the Chinese text in the Zoku zokyo and of two manuscripts: MS. Pelliot 2922 and British Museum Stein 714 (cf. Lionel Giles, Descriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Manuscripts from Tunhuang, London, 1957, p. 161, no. 5403). Pelliot has reproduced the text, printed in the Zoku zokyo. The same text has been reprinted in vol. 85 of the Taisho Daizokyo (No. 2881) with the addition of a few variants taken from a Tun-huang manuscript. As far as I know, no Tun-huang manuscript has been published. A critical edition of the Tunhuang manuscripts would be very welcome. Also the two Tibetan translations have yet

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REVIEWS to be edited on the basis of the Kanjur editions and the Tun-huang manuscripts mentioned above. A careful study of the manuscripts of the Chinese text and of the two Tibetan translations will probably be useful for an understanding of difficult passages in the Sogdian version. Australian National University J. W. de Jong Dravidian Linguistics (Seminar Papers), Proceedings of the Seminar on Comparative Dravidian, held at the Annamalai University, Annamalainagar, January 11-14, 1968. Ed. by S. Agesthialingom and N. Kumaraswami Raja (= Annamalai University Dept. of Linguistics Publication, No. 17), Annamalainagar, 1969, 279 pp. K. V. Subbaiya and L. V. Ramaswami Aiyar are the two names of Indian scholars who, in the first half of our century, emerged as very outstanding contributors to comparative Dravidian studies and who, together with Western scholars - J. Vinson, J. Bloch, E. H. Tuttle, P. Meile, F. B.J. Kuiper, A. Master, and, above all, T. Burrow, and M. B. Emeneau - laid the foundations for solid comparative and historical scholarship in the field of Dravidian. This first stage of building up solid grounds reached its peak when Burrow and Emenau published their Dravidian Etymological Dictionary and its Supplement (Oxford, 1961, 1968). The cornerstones and the main points of departure were set to indicate basic trends of and directions for further studies.1 In the late sixties, new names of a younger generation of Indian scholars emerged (many of them former students of Burrow, Emeneau, Bh. Krishnamurti and V. I. Subramoniam); most of them gathered round the Centre of Advanced Study in Linguistics, Annamalai University. The collection under review represents the result of a seminar conducted under the auspices of the Centre in January 1968. As a whole, the collection is "most impressive and substantial", as Emeneau says. However, it contains papers of different value and of varying impact. Some of them break new paths and represent lasting contributions to the field, like Krishnamurti's "Dravidian Nasals in Brahui" or Subrahmanyam's "The Central Dravidian Languages"; others are of more ephemeral nature, like Schiffman's "Language Change and Language Distance" or Kameswari's lexicostatistic approach to Dravidian. In toto, there are eighteen papers in the collection. Five of them are dedicated exclusively to phonology (of Telugu, Yerukala, Kodagu and Brahui). Seven papers deal with grammar - problems of morphology and syntax. There is a phonological plus morphological treatment of Parji, One of the papers is of a dialectological character, one deals with the classificatory problems, one describes "new" Dravidian languages, and two papers deal with chronological questions. Of the phonological papers, probably the most important is Krishnamurti's treatment of the reflexes of Dravidian nasals in Brahui (pp. 65-74). Br. d- is established as the regular reflex of PDr. *n- in six definitive etymologies (*neyttV:r/*nett Vr 'blood', *ne:r. *ner-V-nal 'yesterday', *ne:r : *ner-V-'to cut off', *ne:r 'sun, time', *ni:r 'water', *ne:r 'who'). In seven items, PDr. *n- > Br. n-. The development *n- > Br. d- is in 1 Apart from linguistics, there are other aspects of "Dravidian" India which are at present being very actively studied (though undoubtedly linguistic interests are in the forefront), so that one may indeed speak nowadays of Dravidology as an important field of Oriental studies. Important "discoveries" were made and substantial contributions published in the fields of social anthropology, politology, history, but less interest has been shown so far in Dravidian textology, textual criticism and philology, not to speak of literary history and Literaturwissenschaft which are almost totally lacking. of Oriental studies. Importancial anthropology, politology, and philology, not to

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76 REVIEWS complementation with *n-> Br. n-: the former occurs before front vowels, the latter before non-front vowels. Thus these developments represent a split of the PDr. *n-into d- and n- in CD in Brahui. According to Krishnamurti, the exception to the above - the 2nd pers.sg.pron. ni: - may be probably explained as *di: > ni: by analogical restoration. PDr *n-> Br.n-, and, possibly, PDr. *m-[front vowel > Br. b-, *m-[nonfront vowel > Br. m-. This second part of Krishnamurti's paper is rather tentative, but the hypothesis is attractive. The other very important phonological paper is N. Kumaraswami Raja's "PostNasal Voiceless Plosives in Telugu" (pp. 75-84), which developed later into his extremely interesting monograph Post-Nasal Voiceless Plosives in Dravidian (Annamalainagar, 1969), and which contains his formula *NPP developing into NP in Tamil, Malayalam, and NB in Telugu, Kannada. Ta.-Ma. "drop the nasal before the plosive", while Te. and Ka. "simplify the geminate plosive as a single voiceless plosive". Though the formula as such is very tempting, I would - like P. S. Subrahmanyam - strongly object to the phonological pattern of the reconstructed sequence *NPP, and the whole seems to me to be too 'neat' and regular - rather a device to oblige than the reflection of the actual state of affairs. On pp. 187-204, G. Srinivasavarma gives a brief account of the phonology of Yerukalas, the basket weaving Koravas of Andhra, and P. Kothandaraman deals with Kodagu vowels, specifically with the opposition centralized: non-centralized vowels (pp. 233-247). It is interesting to compare this good account of Kodagu vowels with a more detailed and sophisticated treatment by Emeneau (JAOS, 90, 1, 1970, 145-158), and with a treatment of a similar feature in the Irula language by the present reviewer (IIJ, XIII-2, 113-122). While both above-mentioned authors agree that there are two centralized vowels, I and e, both short and long, in Kodagu, there seem to be four centralized vowel-phonemes, viz. I u e o, in Irula. M. Kandappa Chetty traces the developments of PDr *nr in Telugu to nd, nd, ndr and r>rin a very accomplished and solid paper, giving both rich synchronic data and historical insights. S. Agesthialingom approaches the passive in Dravidian from the positions of the "classical" Chomskian transformational grammar, explaining the relation between active and passive sentences. I believe that the contention of TG that active and passive. have the same "meaning" and can be derived from the same underlying sentence is valid not for the analysis of grammar, but only for the analysis of the extralinguistic, objective reality; there, indeed, agens and patiens have the same "meaning", but this "sameness" exists only outside language proper, it is extragrammatical, "pre-linguistic". It depends on the attitude of the speaker (and this belongs to the sphere of language) whether the outcome is an active or a passive construction; some language may prefer passive to active, and there may be languages which "permit" only "passive" (Basque?). However, apart from this criticism of the basic theoretical assumptions, I quite agree with the conclusion of the author of this paper that there is a basic difference between patitta patam which is not passive, and patikkappatta patam, which is passive. Not even in terms of TG could these two be considered the same, as the author has demonstrated. I would say that in the phrase patitta patam 'the lesson which (someone) read', the logical and the grammatical object are the same, while in the phrase patikkappatta patam 'the lesson that was read (by someone)', the attitude of the speaker may be expressed by 'patiens - agens', that is, the logical (pre-grammatical", "prelinguistic") object is conceived as the grammatical subject. This may be demonstrated also by the grammatical agreement valid for the "underlying" sentences which according to Agesthialingom are different: : Cf. E. Coseriu, Einfuhrung in die Transformationelle Grammatik (Tubingen, 1970).

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REVIEWS 77 'agreement (1) (yaro) pafattaip patittarkal - patitta patam agens patiens action ("logical" level) Subject Object Verb.Pred. (grammatical" level) 'agreement (2) (yaralo) patam patikkappattatu - patikkappatta patam agens patiens action ("logical" level) {agens] Subject Verb.Pred. ("grammatical" level) It is of course another matter that both phrases can become grammatical subjects if embedded in a higher structure. What is important is the relevance for the translation of such constructions (cf. the excellent Note 13 in the reviewed paper). While e.g. nan patitta patam should be translated "correctly" as 'the lesson which I read', ennal patikkappatta patam should be translated "passively", i.e. 'the lesson read by me'. S. V. Shanmugam's "Inflectional increments in Dravidian" is a good inventory, well documented, one of the first solid studies in Dravidian derivational morphology. What we miss is a general summary discussion of the whole problem of "inflectional increments" ("empty morphs", the cariyai of native Tamil grammars). According to the author, it is necessary to reconstruct, for PDr, the 'augments' *-an-, *-1-, *-in-, .*-a- and *-It-. The other grammatical papers deal with "evidence for a locative case in Telugu" (Andree Sjoberg), adjectives in Kurukh (G. Vijayavenugopal), gender in Dravidian (A. S. Kedilaya), the classification of Tamil and Malayalam verb (R. E. Asher) and Dravidian numeral constructions (G. K. Panikkar). Panikkar's paper does not aim at a reconstruction of Proto-Dravidian numerals, but investigates the underlying structure of numeral phrases. The paper is interesting, though I fail to see a number of points; why, e.g., bring the Soviet linguist Marr into the discussion (totally irrelevant). Asher deals very carefully and most ably with the intricate problem of Tamil and Malayalam verb-classification. The paper has, indeed, broader significance - the relationship between formal and informal Tamil and Malayalam is discussed. If sufficiently complex rules are accepted, the verbal roots of formal Tamil can be reduced to three groups (Lisker, 1951), and those of certain types of colloquial Tamil to two (Asher, 1966). It is interesting that A. K. Ramanujan and E. Annamalai have reached an analogical conclusion, eliminating "middle" verbs and setting up two classes of "weak" and "strong" verbs for colloquial Tamil (personal communication). I have not found H. Schiffman's short paper on "Language Change and Language Distance" very satisfactory. Most of it seems to me to be just a matter of using fashionable jargon for obvious truths (like the fact that Tamil and Malayalam are closer than Tamil and Kannada); and I find the last statement of the paper not only arrogant but untrue ("The task facing comparative Dravidianists is now to write generative grammars of the various languages, and compare them according to the above-mentioned criteria. All other methods of comparison are doomed to failure"). Generative grammars, i.e. transformational linguistics, has until now been far from demonstrating its usefulness in comparative and historical studies. On the contrary, all other methods of comparison (historical and genetic, typological) have at least produced some results. I do not think we are "doomed to fail" if we do not accept Schiffman's criteria. S. Bhattacharya deals somewhat vaguely and in very general terms with "new Dravidian languages" (pp. 139-161), i.e. newly "discovered" uncultivated Dravidian speeches. And T. M. Kameswari gives a lexicostatistic strategy for the chronology of Dravidian languages. One can hardly agree with some of the results: e.g. the approximate period of divergence of Tamil and Kannada must have been much earlier than 400-1000 A.D.

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78 REVIEWS One of the most important papers in the whole lot is P. S. Subrahmanyam's "The Central Dravidian Languages", published simultaneously in JAOS, 89, 4 (1969), 739-750. The JAOS version is slightly more careful and detailed. Subrahmanyam comes to a very convincing conclusion setting up two major Central Dravidian groups, Proto-Telugu-Kui and Proto-Kolami-Parji, with a different and "higher" node assigned to Gondi than in Krishnamurti's Central Dravidian family tree diagram (in Current Trends in Linguistics, 5, 1969, p. 327). Telugu, according to Subrahmanyam, split off first from the proto-stage of the seven languages (Telugu, Gondi, Konda, Kui, Kuvi, Pengo, Manda), and the other six remained together for a considerable period of time. Telugu and Gondi share an important and exclusive innovation; this Subrahmanyam explains as a result of the operation of the "wave process" after the separation of Telugu and Gondi (the two languages being still geographically contiguous even after their separation). As a whole the volume is a very valuable contribution to Dravidian linguistics and manifests the lively activities of the Centre of Advanced Study in Linguistics at the Annamalai University. We do hope that this volume will soon be followed by another, which will contain the proceedings of the second seminar on Dravidian linguistics, held at Annamalai in 1969. K. Zvelebil International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics (IJDL), Vol. 1, Number 1, January 1972. Edited and published by V. I. Subramoniam, Department of Linguistics, University of Kerala, Trivandrum. Pp. iii + 195. Single number $3.00, annual subscription $5.00. In the First All India Conference of Dravidian linguists (University of Kerala, June, 1971) the need for an international journal for Dravidian linguistics was emphatically expressed, and less than a year afterwards, such journal actually appeared, a biannual expected to be published in January and June of each year. The present reviewer had been among those who, as far back as in 1957, 1958, again in 1964, and in the subsequent years, raised their voice to express the need for a journal of this kind, for they rightly foresaw an unprecedented bloom of Dravidian studies in the second half of this century. It is therefore with great satisfaction that the first issue of this journal is reviewed, and in the hope that the energetic personality of the editor, with the support of an international editorial board and of the syndicate of Kerala University will guarantee smooth and regular publication of the journal and high quality of the contributions. The first issue is promising enough. Apart from S. K. Chatterji's "Address to the Dravidian Linguists" (1-17), wise and rich in thought, there are nine research papers, two notes, and one review. The research papers deal with various aspects of linguistics, not only Dravidian. In fact, two of the papers have nothing at all to do with Dravidian directly: J. D. Singh's "Panini's Theory of Language" (80-96), a paper which, I am afraid, does not belong to the best among the lot and contains a few doubtful statements (e.g. p. 84 bottom), and Ray S. Jackendorff's interesting "Speculations on Presentences and Determiners" (112-36), which attempts to explore the parallelisms between noun phrases and sentences. Zvelebil's paper (97-111) inspired by W. L. Chafe's semantic model, and Pike's and Gordon's paper developing further the tagme theory (56-79) are both theoretical papers but, unlike Singh and Jackendorff, the authors exemplify their statements with illustrations from Dravidian languages. For comparative Dravidianists, the most thrilling statement of Pike and Gordon is the one in footnote 1, p. 78: "Dhangar is a Dravidian language, and is a dialect of the Kudux

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REVIEWS (i.e. Kunux, Kurukh, K.Z.) of India, but is spoken by people living in the Dhanusa district of Southern Nepal. About 10.000 persons in Nepal speak the language (National Census report, Part II, p. 20, Table 8, 1961)." Unfortunately, one does not see much of it in the very meagre illustrations which occur in this highly theoretical paper. From what one can see, though, it indeed looks like a Kulux dialect, cf. Kur. as: Dh. aas that man, Kur. asge (Hahn) dat.: Dh. aasge id., Kus. kukos (Hahn) boy: Dh. kukkos male child, Kur. alla dog: Dh. alla (DED 2377), Kus. mankha, Malt. mangu buffalo: Dh. manxa, Kur. khedd foot: Dh. xeDD (DED 165) id., Kur. Dh. xekk (DED 1683) id., Kur. kira, Malt. kire (DED 1350): Dh. kuRa hunger, Kur. mandar (Ta. maruntu, DED 3863): Dh. mandar medicine. Some of these items (e.g. DED 1350) occur only in Kunux, Malto and Dhangar, i.e. only in Proto-North East Dravidian. Cf. also such correspondences as Dh. enghai my: Kur. enghai, and the agreement in verb-terminations, e.g. -d-an pres.1.m.s., -d-as pres.3.m.s.; and the plural marker --- gutThi of Dh. and -guthi of Kunux. Zvelebil quotes a few Tamil and Telugu examples in his effort to show that Chafe's 'balanced view of language may be applied profitably to Dravidian structure. T. Burrow (pp. 18-25) has discussed the Dravidian words for 'horse': kutirai (DED 1423), probably a South Dravidian item to be derived from kuti 'to jump, leap' (though Burrow does not discuss anywhere the derivational apparatus of this item; should we posit two derivative suffixes, -r and -ai?). DED 3268 Ta.Ma. pari is a verb-noun of pari 'to run, gallop'. DED 3917 Ta. ma, Te. mavu are specialized meanings of 'animal, beast'. Ta. puravi (classical poetry) has no cognates, and kissai seems to be only lexical. Burrow then discusses at some length the Sanskrit ghotaka- 'horse', and concludes that the word is of Prakrit origin (cf. its earliest form in the Jaina texts, viz. ghodaga-), and that it has no connection with any of the above mentioned Dravidian items. While discussing the Te. gurramu, he suggests that this is likely to be a loanword from Indo-Aryan. However, I still believe that a Dravidian etymology of this Telugu word cannot be dismissed, particularly if we proceed to derive it by a series of ordered rules from kutirai, i.e. *kutiray. By rule nu. 1, we would get *kutiray > *kutray on account of accent. The second rule would be a monophthongization rule resulting in *kutra. The third rule would account for the voicing (as in so many Te. words which manifest spontaneous voicing), resulting in *gudra. An assimilation rule would produce *gurra with an alternative *gurra, and finally the addition of the very productive Te. suffix -mu would result in the actual form gurramu. This is of course not so simple and straightforward as an Indo-Aryan borrowing, but a lot more probable, with each step accounted for by a rule. Burrow finally shows that the "primitive" Dravidian word for horse is the one occurring only in Old Tamil and Brahui, viz. Ta. ivuli, Br. hulli. The comparison of the two is not such an obvious equation" as Burrow thinks (p. 24), but is indeed not ruled out. If he is right, two important conclusions may be drawn from his paper: first, it would once again show that we must regard ancient Tamil literary texts as an invaluable mine of linguistic information; second, it would support the North Western 'origins of the Dravidiants, for the horse is not native to South India, and if Dravidian had "originated" in the South we would expect it not have a word for 'horse'. Bright's paper "The Enunciative Vowel" (26-55) sums up very ably one of the more complicated problems of Dravidian phonology. According to his conclusions, from an early period, a rule has operated in most languages which adds a vowel after "most consonants" when a consonant or pause follows. The quality of this vowel is "basically" non-front, non-low, and unrounded. It is usually not basic, but predictable by rule. In my book Comparative Dravidian Phonology (1970, 53, 1.13-1.41) I have characterised the final u as non-morphemic, obligatory "and therefore fully predictable". Bright's approach is, however, generative, while mine was traditionally structuralist. V. I. Subramoniam (137-43) has dealt with rules of nasal assimilation in Malayalam.

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80 REVIEWS A minor detail which I may offer as comment: on p. 140, the author writes that he "could not locate any genuine instance for regressive assimilation of nt > nt in Ta". I have found a few instances in Ta. dialects, e.g. in Dindigul Ta. cariyenru realized as (s@ri:nti). In a lucid, excellent paper, L. Lisker again discusses the complicated question of stops and gemination in Tamil (144-50). Finally, there is a very interesting paper on "phonological formulae for verbal suffixes in Malayalam" by V. R. Prabodhacharan Nayar (151-59). S. M. Kamil Al-Quadri's "All About Brahui", reprinted obviously from the Pakistan Quarterly, is indeed rather curious. It contains some valuable(?) information mainly on modern Brahui literature and on the folk-poetry of the Brahui minstrels; on the other hand, it makes such very odd statements as "Brahui may or may not be descended from Dravidian" (161). It is as amusing as its title suggests. Its author quotes his own "voluminous research work on Brahui Language and Literature", which is under print in Quetta. Let us wait and see. Pity that there are so many misprints in this issue of the journal! They are almost countless. But we believe that Prof. V. I. Subramoniam, with the resoluteness which is so characteristic of him, will, with the help of the other editors and of the printers succeed in eliminating these shortcomings, as he has promised in the preface. University of Utrecht Kamil V. Zvelebil MISCELLANEOUS COMMUNICATIONS SCHMIDT, HANNS-PETER, sec vol. I, p. 180, Now Proffessor at the University of Cali fornia, Los Angeles. Publication: Brhaspati und Indra, Untersuchungen zur vedi schen Mythologie und Kulturgeschichte (Wiesbaden, 1968). ROLLAND, PIERRE, ne le 2 mai 1940 a Santec, Finistere, France. Agrege de Lettres Classiques, Paris 1966. Docteur de Troisieme Cycle en Sanskrit, Aix-en-Provence 1970. Etudes d'indologie et de linguistique indo-europeenne a Paris, Aix-enProvence, Gottingen, Tubingen et Erlangen. Missions en Inde. Bourse Alexander von Humboldt 1971-1972. Depuis 1969 chercheur au Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, a Aix-en-Provence. Publications: Un rituel domestique vedique, le Varahagshyasutra, 1971. Articles dans diverses revues scientifiques, specialement le Journal Asiatique, et contributions a des volumes d'hommages.