Political History of Northern India

Author(s): Gulabchandra Chaudhary
Publisher: Sohanlal Jain Dharm Pracharak Samiti Amrutsar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001744/1

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF NORTHERN INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES (C. 650 A.D. to 1300 A.D.) BY DR. GULAB CHANDRA CHOUDHARY M.A. (Pali & Indian History & Culture), Ph.D. (B.H.U.) Vyakaranacarya, Pali Acarya, Nyaya-Kavyatirtha, Siddhanta-Sastri, Sahitya-ratna Professor of Prakrit and Jainology, Research Institute of Prakrit Jainology and Ahimsa, Muzaffarpur (N. Bihar) WITH A FOREWORD BY DR. VASUDEVA SARANA AGRAWALA M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt. Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi SOHANLAL JAINDHARMA PRACHARAK SAMITI AMRITSAR (INDIA)

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OPINIONS "... In this thesis approved for the Ph.D. degree of B. H. U. Varanasi in 1954 the author has utilised mainly the Jain sources with a view to reconstruct, examine, check up or supplement the political history of the various dynasties from the 7th to 12th centuries A.D. It is a painstaking study in which maximum material relating to the subject has been brought together from many a source, ... in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa.... The political history of most of the dynasties is already known from other literary and epigraphic sources but in this specialised work it will be seen what light the Jain sources throw on the dynasty as a whole or on the individual rulers, their achievements and principal political events of their reigns. In this study a happy combination is the attention paid to geography with respect to the original seat of the particular royal family, its capital or the identification of ancient place names, e.g. Kalyana-Kataka (pp. 218-223). Part II of the thesis appertains to a study of the polity and administration which evolved during this important period... I pay tribute to this study which covers a wide range of literary and epigraphic sources and which gives evidence of careful and accurate presentation of the material." DR. V. S. AGRAWALA From the FOREWORD "A very interesting and useful piece of historical and literary research. The author has put in good deal of industry and the book is a valuable treatise." PROF. N. A. NIKAM, Ex-Vice-Chancellor, University of Mysore Price Rs. 24.00 For Private & Personal use only

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF NORTHERN INDIA

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF NORTHERN INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES (C. 650 A.D. to 1300 a.d.) BY DR. GULAB CHANDRA CHOUDHARY M.A. (Pali & Indian History & Culture), Ph.D. (B.H.U.) Vyakaranacarya, Pali-Acarya, Nyaya-Kavyatirtha, Siddhanta-Sastri, Sahitya-ratna Professor of Prakrit and Jainology, Research Institute of Prakrit Jainology and Ahimsa, Muzaffarpur (N. Bihar) WITH A FOREWORD BY DR. VASUDEVA SARANA AGRAWALA M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt. Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi SOHANLAL JAINDHARMA PRACHARAK SAMITI AMRITSAR (INDIA)

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A thesis approved for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient Indian History and Culture by the Banaras Hindu University All Rights Reserved. Printed by L. S. Doraiswamy, Manager, W.Q. Judge Press (International Book House (Private) Ltd.), 1, B. P. Wadia Road, Bangalore-4, and published by Shri Harjas Rai Jain, B.A. (Hons.), Secretary, Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti, Amritsar (India).

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DEDICATED TO THE AFFECTIONATE MEMORY OF MY REVERED PARENTS THE LATE P. L. CHOUDHARY AND THE LATE SONA BAI JAIN AND TO MY ESTEEMED TEACHERS THE LATE PROF. DR. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D.LITT, AND PROF. DR. RAJ BALI PANDEYA, M.A., D.LITT, WHO HAVE MADE ME WHAT I AM

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE The present volume, the "Political History of Northern India from Jaina Sources" covering a period from c. 650 A.D. to 1300 A.D., is the publication of a thesis by Dr. Gulab Chandra Choudhary, the Singhi Research Scholar of the Samiti, for PH.D. Degree of the Banaras Hindu University. Originally the thesis was intended to cover economic and social survey also of the period but as the political side alone covered a volume, that attempt was given up as too big for a single thesis. Had it been possible or when it may be possible to do so, the publishers hope that a fascinating story may be unfolded like the chapter on Administration and Polity in the present volume. The Jaina writers were always interested in their contemporary world and the people. They recorded such life and currents and reproduced faithfully the Culture of the people of other Religions also. Hence there is an additional value in studying Jaina Literature in all its branches written by Jainas from time to time in the languages of their periods. This Samiti is interesting itself for the last many years in the compilation of a History of Jaina Literature, attempting to disclose the Jainas' sum of contribution to the Culture and History of India, their motherland. While concluding the Samiti takes pleasure in recording their thanks to the Singhi Brothers, M/s. Rajendra Singh and Narendra Singh of Calcutta for providing the sinews of the Scholarship. They also thanks the Press and the Secretary of the Jaina Mission Society, Shri K. Parasmal, for their arduous help in the publication of this book. The publishers cannot close this note without recording their gratitude to Dr. V. S. Agrawala who has not only written the foreword of this book but has been a leading light also in Samiti's work. PUBLISHERS Amritsar 8-4-1963

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"taM (saccaM) logammi sArabhUyaM // " Truth alone matters (praznavyAkaraNa sUtra-dvitIya saMvara dvAra)

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FOREWORD Indian History is like the mighty stream of the Ganga flowing from the High Himalayas of Cultural ideals to the ocean of the people's life. In it are mingled the waters of many tributaries, viz., the cultural traditions of the diverse peoples and religions inhabiting the soil of India. Each one of them has its contribution to make to the history, culture, religion, literature and art of this land. Amongst them three streams are distinctly recognised, vis., Vedic, Buddhist and Jain. The Vedic literature through Sanskrit was first to come within the purview of modern scholars, specially westerns, since the time of Franz Bocc who first discovered Sanskrit in 1808 with its full implications for comparative linguistic mythology etc. Buddhism through Pali takes the second rank which widens the horizon of Indology in many of its important brarches. Its literature was published with an unprecedented gusto and many distinguished savants devoted themselves to the preparation of critical Pali texts, their translation and the extraction of maximum information relating to ancient Indian religion, philosophy, literature and history. The Pali Text Society rendered yeoman's service in establishing Buddhist studies on a permanent footing. The third great branch in the form of Jainology somehow did not receive the impetus or recognition which it deserved by virtue of its very extensive Agamic literature in the form of the scriptural texts in Ardhamagadhi and the voluminous Prakrit and Sanskrit commentaries as well as a body of other literature of high value. The result was that the Jain tradition could not contribute its share to the understanding of the culture of the country on the one hand and to the elucidation of the special thought enshrined in the Jain tradition. It has a history of about 25 centuries and a wide extension covering all parts of the country. Fortunately the time has now come when a dynamic movement is being witnessed for the rehabilitation of the Jain literature and cultural tradition in the form of textual editing, interpretation, lexicographical presentation and its gradual introduction into the orbit of academic studies. Both Jain and non-Jain scholars are taking their due share in this noble task. As such it gives me great pleasure to welcome my enthusiastic friend Sri Gulab Chandra Choudhary into the field of Jain studies with his first publication entitled 'Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources.' In this thesis approved for the PH.D. Degree of the Banaras Hindu University in 1954 the author has utilized mainly the Jain sources with a view to reconstruct, examine, check up or supplement the political history of the various dynasties from the 7th to 13th century A.D., i.c., from the time of Harsa to that of

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X Vaghelas. It is a very painstaking study in which maximum material relating to the subject has been brought together from many a source, viz., Carita and Prabandha literature, Kathd or narrative literature, Kavya literature in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa. Prasastis or colophons to important manuscripts Pattavalis or traditional lists of teachers and pupils of the Jain Church and finally the most important of them all inscriptions which furnish reliable data regarding the chronological sequence of dynasties and rulers. The dynasties of Madhya Desa include the Pusyabhuti of Thanesvar and Yasovarman and his successors as well as the Gurjara-Pratiharas and the Gahadavalas of Kannoj and Kasi. The dynasties of eastern India treated here include the Palas of Magadha, the Senas of Bangal and the Kesaris of Kalinga. The story of the royal dynasties of Central India about whom the Jain sources furnish a valuable hand-out of information, includes the Candelas of Khajuraho, the Kacchapaghatas of Gwalior, the Kalacuri of Dahal or Cedi, the Paramaras of Malava with their conspicuous contribution to the literature and art of India. The scene then shifts to Rajasthan where supplementary light on the history of Cahamanas of Sakambhari, Rana. thambor, Naddula and Jalore is forthcoming, together with other dynasties in that area, viz., the Guhila-putras of Mewar, the Rastrakutas of Hast kundi, the Paramaras of Banswara, Candravati and Kiradu. Amongst the well known dynasties of Saurastra are included the Cavadas of Anahillapura, the Caulukyas of Gujarat including such great names as Mularaj, Jayasingh Siddharaja, Kumarapala and Bholu Bhima, the Vaghela branch of the Caulukyas including Lavanaprasada, his son Viradhavala, and the two Minister-brothers Vastupala and Tejahpala and finally the Cahamana rulers of Lata including Sindhuraj. The political history of most of the dynasties is already known from other literary and epigraphic sources but in this specialised work it will be seen what light the Jain sources throw on the dynasty as a whole or on the individual rulers, their achievements and principal political events of the reigns. In this study a happy combination is the attention paid to geography with respect to the original seat of the particular royal family, its capital cr the identification of ancient place names, e.g., Kalyana-kataka (pp. 218-223). Part II of the thesis appertains to a study of the polity and administration which evolved during this important period in which the position of the king, his council ministers, organisation of the central and provincial administration, the status of Samanta rulers and the local governments functioning in the Capital cities and towns and villages are all studied with careful analysis of their precise features. I pay my tribute to this study which covers a wide

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xi range of literary and epigraphic sources and which gives evidence of careful and accurate presentation of the material. The thesis will serve as a supplementary source for reconstructing the history of Mediaeval India with special reference to local history. A similar attempt with regard to the history of Southern India from Jain inscriptions and literature of which the evidence is equally abundant needs to be undertaken, and a third volume devoted mainly to cultural history in all aspects from Jain sources would go a long way to complete the menu offered by the Jain side. Ultimately all these are but the various strands in the story of Indian civilization, each contributing its own spectrum line in this radiant picture. Banaras Hindu University VASUDEVA S. AGRAWALA 8-3-1963 B-i

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PREFACE This thesis aims at bringing together and assessing the Jain Sources towards the reconstruction of the Political History of Northern India Circa 650 A.D. to Circa 1300 A.D. In dynastic histories of Northern India, so far written, some of the Jain Sources were used but casually and incompletely. In the following pages it has been endeavoured to collect all possible data available from the Jain Sources. No doubt, this attempt is sectional and focuses light from only one quarter, but it does substantially help in forming a com prehensive picture of India's past. Its value, however, is supplementary to other attempts which have been made in writing the political history of Northern India. The scope of the thesis includes the fixing of the chronological position of various dynasties and individual rulers, discussion of genealogical sequence, description of wars and conquests, administration, patronage to art and litera ture and personal achievements of individual rulers belonging to different dynasties. In the part II of this work, an attempt has been made to reconstruct and review the Jain political concepts and administrative ideas prevalent traditionally and practically, during the period under discussion. The Jain Sources mainly used in this thesis may be mentioned under two heads: A. Literary, including (1) the Caritas and Prabandhas, (2) Narrative Literature, (3) Literature on Polity, (4) Miscellaneous Literature, (5) Pattuvali(s) and (6) Prasasti(s) (Colophons); B. Epigraphical, including (1) Eulogies, (2) Donations and Grants, (3) Dedications and (4) Memorials, both official and private. Attempts have also been made to throw new light on the following topics: Ama Nagavaloka of Kanyakubja, the so-called Ayudha dynasty, the date of the Pratihara king Vinayakapala, the date of the accession of the Paramara Bhoja, the early history of the Cahamanas and Guhilotas, identification of Avantiprabhu of the Arthuna inscription of the Banswara Paramara dynasty, the chronological position of Adbhuta Krsparaja on the basis of a Jain inscrip tion from Diyana near Mt. Abu. The history of the Caulukya dynasty of Anahilavada has been thoroughly revised in the light of the Jain Sources. In part IT of the thesis special emphasis has been laid on Jainistic approach towards problems relating to polity and administration. The treatment under various heads mentioned above is both independent and corroborative and confirmatory.

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xiv The present writer has derived help from large number of original works which are extensively quoted in the course of this thesis. His indebtedness to varicus authors in this field is also great. It is not possible to mention all of them here; acknowledgment of their help has been made mostly in the footnotes. Like all those students who are first introduced to the world of scholarship by their teachers, the author is deeply indebted to his revered teacher Dr. Raj Bali Pandeya, M.A., D.LITT., ex-Principal, College of Indology, Banaras Hindu University, and at present Professor and Head of the Department, Ancient Indian History and Culture, University of Jabalpur, M.P., whose valuable guidance and sympathetic attitude have greatly helped him in the preparation and completion of this work, to whom this work is also dedicated. In this connection he also cannot forget his revered teacher the departed savant Dr. A. S. Altekar, M.A., LL.B., D.LITT., who kindly initiated and inspired him for the study and researches in the Indological field, to whom also this work is dedicated. The author was fortunate enough to receive unbounded favour from the great savant Dr. V. S. Agrawala, M.A., PH.D., D.LITT., of Banaras Hindu University, whose occasional help gave him insight in the subject. His debt of gratitude has immensely increased on account of his crowning this humble work with his learned Foreword. The author feels much thankful to Dr. Pt. Sukhalalji Sanghavi, Acarya Jinavijaya Muni, the late Pt. Nathuram Premi, Dr. Hiralal Jain and Dr. A. N. Upadhye, the doyens of Jain studies from whose critical editions and learned introductions of Jain texts the author has obtained much help and to whom like other students of Jainology, he looks forward as the beacon-light and perennial source of help and inspiration. Their timely and proper advice at the time of the All India Oriental Conference at Lucknow, curved the line of the author to achieve this present goal and saved him from going astray. As pointed out in the Publishers' Note the thesis was intended to cover the Cultural aspects also of the period but it was abandoned with the view it was too big for a single thesis. The author has keen desire and looks forward to the favourable circumstances for prosecution of his study on the other aspects from Jain Sources left by him. The author can never forget Pandit Dalsukh Malavania, Director, L. D. Bharatiya Sanskriti Vidya Mandir, Ahmedabad from whom he received constant light and unfailing inspiration and all sorts of assistance during the

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XV period of writing this thesis. To Dr. M. D. Shastri, Professor Jayachandra Vidvalankar, Rev. Bhikkhu J. Kashyap, Dr. A. K. Narain, Dr. Subhadra Jha and Pt. Phool Chandra Shastri also the author is much obliged, who gave him all loving encouragement during the period of his stay at Varanasi and thereafter when his spirits were drooping. The author as a research Scholar in the Banaras Hindu University was the recipient of the Singhi Jain Scholarship from the Parsvanath Vidyashrama for two and half years, which made his stay and work at the University possible. He has derived much help from the well-equipped and beautiful library of the Vidyashrama which will ever attract the Scholars engaged in the study of Jainological subjects. The author does not find suitable words to express his deep indebtedness and sincere thanks to the authorities of the said Institution and especially to Lala Harjas Rai Jain, B.A., Hon. Secretary and to Pt. Krishna Chandracharya who always took keen interest in this work and imparted all sorts of kind help and affectionate stimuli including the provision they made for its publication. The author also likes to record his thanks to his nephew Kailash Candra Choudhary and his son Pramod Kumar Choudhary who have assisted him in preparing the Indices. Finally, he has to thank his wife Mrs. Kusuma Devi Choudhary who cheerfully put up with all domestic worries and enabled him to devote his times to the present study. In conclusion, the author craves the readers' indulgence for any lapses and errors, typographical or other, that may still be found in the book, in spite of his best efforts to weed them out. Muzaffarpur, G. C. CHOUDHARY

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ROMAN EQUIVALENTS OF NAGARI LETTERS Vowels hoy - TO au am Consonants

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ABBREVIATIONS BI BV DV AAK Ain-i-Akbari, Tran, by Blochmann and Jarret. ABORI Annals Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona (India). APJLS Arbuda Pracina Jain Lekha-sandoh. ASI Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report. ASI, WC Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle. ASR Archaeological Survey Reports by Cunningham. Bhavanagar Prakyt and Sanskrit Inscriptions. BI Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta. BG Bombay Gazetteer. BSS Bombay Sanskrit Series. Bharatiya Vidya. DHNI Dynastic History of Northern India, Vols. I & II by H. C. Ray, Calcutta. Dvyasraya-kavya. EI Epigraphia Indica, Elliot History of India as told by its own Historians by H. M. Elliot and Dowson. GMRI Gujaratano Madhyakalina Rajput Itihasa by D. K. Sastri. GOS Gaekwad's Oriental Series : II Naranarayanananda. VII Vasanta-vilasa-mahakavya. IX Moharaja-parajaya. X Hammira-mada-mardana. XI Udayasundari-katha. HIG Historical Inscriptions of Gujarata, ed. by G. V. Acharya. HMK Hammira-mahakavya. HR History of Raja putana, by G. H. Ojha, Ajmer. HSS Haridasa Sanskrt Series. IA Indian Antiquary. IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly. JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society. JASB Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bengal. JBBRAS Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. JBORS Journal of the Bihar Orissa Research Society. JDL Journal of the Department of Letters, University of Calcutta.

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xviii JLS JRAS JSI JSLS JSS KPr. Kuc MA MASB MDJG NC NIA NSP PC PCa PK PJLS PPS Pra. DV PTOC PV RMR SJGM Jain Lekha-sangraha Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London. Jain Sahityano Itihas. Jain Sila Lekha-sangraha. Jain Sahitya Sansod haka. Kumara pala-Prabandha, by Jinamanda nagani. Kumarapala-Carita, by Jayasimhasuri. Mirat-e-Ahmedi. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society, Bengal. Manikya candra Digambar Jain Granthamala. Navasaha sanka-carita. New Indian Antiquary. Nirnaya Sagar Press, Bombay. Prabandha-cintamani (SJGM I). Prabhavaka-carita ( , XIII). Prabandha-kosa ( VI). Pracina Jain Lekha-sangraha. Puralana Prabandha-sangraha (SJGM II). Prakyta Dvyasraya-kavya. Proceedings and Transactions of the Oriental Conference (India). Prihviraja-Vijaya by Jayanaka. Rajaputana Museum Report. Singhi Jain Granthamala. I Prabandha-cintamani. II Puratana Prabandha-sangraha. VI Prabandha-kosa. X Vividha Tirtha-kalpa XIII Prabhavaka-carita. XVII Byhat-Kathakusa. XVIII Jain Pustaka Prasasti-sangraha. Sukrta Sankirtana. Tarikh-i-Firista. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa. Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Also known as Vienna Oriental Journal. Zitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischnen Gesellschaft. SS TF VTK WZKM ZDMG

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CONTENTS PAGE Dedication Publishers' Note Foreword Pretace Roman Equivalents of Nagari Letters List of Abbreviations ix xiii xvi xvii PART I - POLITICAL HISTORY 1- 12 1-10 Chapter I. CLASSIFICATION AND THE VALUATION OF THE SOURCES A. LITERARY SOURCES (1) The Caritas and Prabandhas-1; (2) Narrative Literature-4; (3) Literature on Polity-6; (4) Miscellaneous Literature-8; (5) Pattavali(s)-9; (6) Prasasti(s) (colophons)-9; B. INSCRIPTIONS 10-12 II. 13- 34 13-14 14-17 17-28 17 Poet 28-34 35- 52 35-46 THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA BACKGROUND I. Pusyabhuti(s) Harsa II. Yasovarman and his successors Yasovarman Lineage-18; Period-19; Conquests-19; Vakpati-20. Ama Nagavaloka III. Ayudha Family: A concoction III. THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA (Continued) I. The Gurjara Pratiharas Origin Jodhpur Branch The Fratiharag of Avanti Vatsaraja Nagabhatta II Bhoja I Mahipala Vinayakapala alias Mahipala Mahendrapala Devapala Rajya pala II. The Gahalavalas Candradeva Govindacandra Vijayacandra Jayacandra Hariscandra 46-52 C-i

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XX PAGE 53-64 53-57 63 54 Capital Poet Sri Harsa IV. THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA I. The Palas Origin Location Kings Dharmapala Devapala Rajyapala Mahipala I II. The Senas of Bengal Origin Laksmanasena III. The Kesari Dynasty of Kalinga (Orissa) 57 58-C3 58 61 63-64 65- 84 65-71 71-80 71-77 72 V. THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA I. The Candellas Yasovarman Dhanga Ganda and Vidyadhara Madanavarman Paramardi Viravarmadeva II. The Kacchapaghatas A. The Kacchapaghatas of Gwalior Laksmana Vajradaman Mingalaraja Kirtiraja Padmapala Mahipala The dates from Kirtipala to Padmapala Yasodeva, the author of the Inscription B. The Kacchapaghatas of Dubkunda III. The Kalacuris of Dabala Gangeyadeva Laksmi Karga Gaya Karna 81-84 81 83 85-120 85-120 VI. THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA (Contd ) The Paramaras Their hold over Malava Origin Paramaras of Malava Siyaka Vakpati Munja Sindhuraja Bhoja I

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xxi PAGE (i) His date of accession-96; (ii) His extensive conquests-98; (iii) His death-103; (iv) Foundation of Dhara-104; (v) As a patron of learning-105; (vi) His munificence-105; (vii) As a scholar-106; (viii) His religion-107. Jayasimha and Udayaditya Jagadeva (Laksmadeva) Naravarman Yasovarman Ballala Vindhyavarman Subhatavarman Arjunavarman Devapala Jaitugideva Jayavarman II Bhoja II Remarks 108 108 109 in 113 114 115 115 117 118 119 119 119 121-170 121 121 123 125 125 125 126 126 1.8 VII. THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHAN The Cahamanas Origin Their original seat I. Cahamanas of Sakambhari Canamana Vasudeva Samanta His successors Vigraharaja II Durlabharaja II His successors Durlabharaja III Vigrabaraja III Ptthviraja I Ajayadeva Arnoraja Arnoraja's successors Vigraharaja IV Fith viraja II Somesvara Pethviraja III Hariraja II. The Cahamanas of Ranathambhor Govindaraja Balhana Prahlada Viranarayana and Vagbhata Jaitrasimha Hammiradeva III. The Cahamanas of Naddula 128 128 129 130 130 130 131 133 133 135 135 136 141 142 142 142 143 144 144 144 147

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Xxii PAGE 147 199 149 150 150 150 Laksmana Sobhita Baliraja Mahendra Ahila Anahilla Balaprasada Jind utaja Psthvipala Yojaka Asaraja Ratnapala Rayapala Katukaraja Alhanadeva Kelhana IV. The Cahamanas of Jalor Kirtipala Samarasimha Udayasimha Cacigadeva Samantasimha 150 151 151 152 153 153 156 159 159 160 165 167 171-199 171-179 171 172 172 172 173 173 174 175 176 VIII. THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHAN (Contd.) I. The Gubila putras or Gubilotas A. Guhilas of Mewar Founder of the dynasty Bhatrpatta Allata Saktikumara His successors Samantasimha From Kumarasimha to Padmasimha Jaitrasimha Tejasimha Samarasimha His successors B. Guhilaputras of Natuladagika II. The Rastrakutas of Hastikundi III. Paramaras of Bansawara (Vagada) IV. Paramaras of Candravati and Arbuda Adbhuta Klsnaraja Dharanivaraha Mahipala alias Devaraja Dhandhuka Vikramasimha Yasodha vala Dharavarsa Prahladanadeva Somasinha 178 179 180-183 183-185 186-197 187 188 168 188 190 191 191 193 194

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xxiii PAGS 194 194 195 197-199 198 200-212 200 200 201 202 204 206 206 209 210-212 212-297 .. 213 215 218 218 223 225 Kanhadadeva Visaladeva Concluding remarks V. Paramaras of Kiradu Members of this branch IX. THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA I. The ca adas of Anhilapur Early account and position Early reference Parentage Certain problems Foundation of Anahilapataka Genealogy and Chronology Vasaraja Yogaraja (i) Wrong identification confuted-210; (ii) His suc cessors-211. II. The Caulukyas (Solankis) of Gujarata Mularaja's ancestors Origin of the family The Original seat of the family Identification of Kalyanakataka From Bhuyaraja to Raji Mularaja (i) His reign-226; (ii) His achievements-227; (iii) Identi fication of Barappa-2.0. Camunda, Vallabharaja an Durlabharaja Identification of Sindhuraja Bhima I Karna Jayasimha Siddharaja (i) His age at the time of his accession-246; (ii) His early reign-247; (iii) His achievements-249; (iv) The date of the conquest over Malava-252; (v) Four great things-252; (vi) Mahayatra-255 ; (vii) Gr at Lake-256 ; (viii) Anahilapatana-257; (ix) Hemacandra and other scholars-268; (x) Great personalities-258; (xi) Identification of Jaga deva-260; (xii) His religion-261; (xiii) His popularity-262. Kumarapala (i) His parentage-262; (ii) Early days-263; (iii) Accession-265; (iv) Reign Period-266; (v) Conquests-266; (vi) His ministers-275; (vii) His Generals-277; (viii) His Court-278; (ix) Religion and Reforms-279; (x) His Family-283; (xi) His character-284. Ajayapala (i) His conquests-283; (ii) Reign period-288; (iii) His death-288. Mularaja II kuima II Polit.cal disorder in his reign-291 232 233 2 37 241 246 262 262-284 285 ... 288 292

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X. DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA (Contd.) I. The Vaghela Branch of the Caulukyas Early History Lavana Prasada Appointment of Vastupala and Tejahpala Achievements of Father and Son (Viradhavala) The Ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala Death of Viradhavala Dispute over succession Death of Vastupala Death of Bhima II xxiv Visaladeva Arjunadeva Sarangadeva Karnadeva II. The Cahamanas of Lata Sindhuraja Samkha alias Sangrama simha Chapter XI. STATE AND ADMINISTRATION General Condition of the period I. Origin and conception of the State II. Seven constituents of State III. The King PART II Education and discipline of the King Succession Titles of Kings and queens Position of the King Coronation Personal Safety of the King Duties of the King Rights and Privileges of the King Daily Routine Various checks and balances Abdication Dethronement Prince and other members of the Royal family King's personal officers Functions of the King (1) Executive, (2) Military, (3) Judicial. IV. Council of Ministers (Mantri-Parisad) Composition of the Council Qualification of the Councillors Councillors-hereditary Functions of Cabinet ::::: ::::: :::::::::::::: ::::: 298 299 303 303 307 310 311 313 314 315 317 317 320 322-325 323 323 329 330 332 298-322 PAGE 329-381 333-348 334 337 338 339 339 340 340 342 343 344 845 345 345 346 346 348-354 348 360 352 352

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V. Organization of the Central Government Prime Minister Ministers Aksapatalika or Mahaksapatalika Duta Other officers VI. Provincial Administration VII. Feudatories or Samantas VIII. District Administration IX. The City Administration Pancakula Subdivisions and other lower limits. The term Bhukti Guilds (Gesthi(s) or Sreni(s)) X. The Local Government Municipalities Village Administration Mahattara and Mahattama Pancakula XI. Revenue and Finance Administration Sources of Revenue Other Sources of Income XXV Expenditure Accounts Department XII. Law and Justice Court Juries Evidence Oath Punishment XIII. Military Administration Army organisation Vyuha Diplomacy War officers Weapons Sixfold policy Peace and treaties Ethics of war XIV. Public Works Department Appendix (List of Jain inscriptions) Bibliography Index I General II of Inscriptions III of Colophons Corrigenda and Addenda ::::: 354 355 356 356 356 356 357 359 360 361 362 362 363 364 364 365 366 368 368 368 369 370 370 370 370 372 373 374 375 377 377 378 379 383 393 401 437 440 443 PAGE 354-356 361-363 363-365 365-368 369-372 372-379 380-381

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PART I POLITICAL HISTORY

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CHAPTER I CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES The jain sources of the political history of our period (7th cent.-13th cent.) can be divided, for the sake of convenience, under two broad heads and several sub-heads. The two main heads may be called Literary and Inscriptional. A-LITERARY SOURCES: The Jain literature of this period is very extensive and varied, and numerous references of political value are scattered in it. The material available may be divided under the following sub-heads: (1) Caritas and Prabandhas, (2) Narrative Literature, (3) the Literature on Polity, (4) Miscellaneous Literature, (5) the Pattavalis, and (6) the Prasastis or the colophons of the books. (1) The Caritas and Prabandhas: This head also can be divided into three categories: (i) mythological, (ii) biographical and (iii) chronicles. The Caritas are generally of the above three characters, while the Prabandhas are of the character of biographies and chronicles. (i) Mythological: Like Brahmanas, Jains also have got their mythological personages, whose accounts are given in their Caritas and Puranas. These personages are called sixty-three Salaka Purucas (24 Tirthankaras, 12 Cakravartins, 9 Baladevas, 9 Vasudevas and 9 Prativasudevas). The works wherein the lives of these great men are depicted, are called Puranas and sometimes also Caritas by the Digambaras, while among the Swetambaras they go by the name of Caritas only. Carita is a wider term, while the Puranas signify the lives of the ancient men. Some of the works of this category may be mentioned here, viz., the Padma-Purana, the Harivansa-purana, the Adi-purana, the Trisasti-salakapurusa carita, the Parlvanatha carita, the Mahavira carita and so on. These works do not, however, consist merely of life-stories of celebrated personages and saints and the episodes concerning them, but they also throw a flood of light on contemporary historical and cultural events and movements. For example, the Harivansapuraya of Jinasena of Vardhamanapura in Kathiavara contains very valuable information of historical importance in the concluding verses. It mentions the names of the contemporary kings of the period (composed in 783 A.D.). It has preserved an unbroken geneology of the Jain teachers from Lord Mahavira onwards. It also contains a succinct chronological history of Avanti. It mentions

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the Rasabha family or tribe to which Vikramaditya belonged though it does not refer to Vikramaditya by name. It supplies information about the reigning periods of certain dynasties after the death of Mahavira up to the Gupta dynasty and Kalki. It also reveals how the political characteristic of the period was generally of a feudal pattern. The Adi-purana describes in fair agreement with the corresponding Brahmanical rites, the Samskaras, consecrations, which accompany the life of an individual from his conception to his death. Short treatises on town planning, origin of the State, king's consecration, duties and art of governing are found there. Similarly, other works of this type of the period, while narrating the lives of great men, occasionally give out the full picture of the time. The Trisasti-salakapurusa carita varies greatly in extent and interest. It gives a good social picture of the time and, side by side, refers to the political conditions and ideas on the polity of the time. Its Parvan X, entitled Mahavira carita, contains the life-story of Mahavira, which is important from the historical point of view regarding the king Srenika Bimbisara, a contemporary of Mahavira and Buddha. In the form of a prophecy by Mahavira, Hemacandra also describes in a lengthy passage the ideal reign of his pious pupil, king Kumarapala, who ascended the throne after 1669 years of the Nirvana of Mahavira. Several other Jain Mahakavyas like Dvisandhana kavya of Dhananjaya, the Dharmasarmabhyudaya of Haricandra, the Neminirvana kavya of Vagbhata,' and others occasionally throw welcome light on the political ideas of the time. Apart from the isolated references scattered in the vast mythological literature of the Jains, the other two categories of this class, viz., biographies and chronicles directly contribute some definite information to our knowledge of history. (ii) Biographical: It is fortunate that some Jain writers of our period based their literary works on the lives of their royal patrons. Like the Harsa carita of Banabhatta, Gaudavaho of Vakpati and Vikramankadeva of Bilhana, some of the biographical works composed by the Jains, for instance, the Kumarapala carita or Prakrit Dvyasraya-kavya of Hemacandra, Hammiramahakavya of Nayacandrasuri, Sukrta-samkirtana of Arisimha, Sukrtakirti-kallolini of Udayaprabha, Vasanta-vilasa of Balacandra and Vastupala Tejahpala prasasti of Jayasimha are of this kind. Among other biographical works may be mentioned the Kumarapala carita of another Jayasimha. Several 1 All the three are published in Kavyamala Series, N. S. Press, Bombay.

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CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES other works of the same title by various Jain writers, Vastupala carita of Jinaharsagani, and Kumara pala-prabandha of Jinamandanagani also deserve notice. These and other works of the same category cannot be regarded as genuine history, although they contain valuable historical information. Their object was the glorification of the king rather than painting out the true picture of his life and times and they were mostly conceived of by their authors not as historical texts, but primarily as media of showing their literary skill and talent. These biographies, however, throw a flood of light on the history of Gujarata and the neighbouring kingdoms. (iii) Chronicles: The Jain writers of Gujarata have preserved some chronicles of their time. The Sansket Dvyasraya-kavya of Hemacandra may be regarded as a glaring instance of this category. This work, along with certain portions of other biographical works, enables us to trace the history of Gujarata from the Cavadas up to the Vaghela kings with fullness of detail, such as is not available to us for reconstructing the history of any other kingdom in ancient India except Kashmir. In this category we may include the Jain Prabandhas also. This kind of literature, though produced late in time, is based on old authentic traditions of the country and presents a realistic picture of the period. While the Caritas are the legendary biographies of Tirthankaras, Cakravartins and Rsis of the hoary past, the Prabandhas are the compilations of stories and anecdotes about historical personalities--laymen as well as monks. They may be regarded as of semi-historical character and should not be entirely rejected as historical sources. Their narrations can be checked up by the study of the contemporary literary and epigraphical sources. The Prabhavaka carita of Prabhacandra, which is a continuation of Hemacandra's Parisista Parvan, the Prabandha cintamani of Merutunga (1306 A.D.), the Prabandha-kosa of Raja Sekhara (1349 A.D.), the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha edited by Muni Jinavijaya Ji, which may be included in this class, are treasure houses of stories and fables as well as historical anecdotes. The Prabhavaka-carita deals with 23 influential monks, significant among them being Virasuri, Santisuri, Mahendrasuri, and Abhayasuri. About eight learned monks out of them lived at the time of the Calukyas. While describing their lives the author has given glimpses of the political and cultural life of the period. The Prabandha-cintamani provides a very reliable source for the history of Gujarata which is not available elsewhere. This book has been made the very

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES basis of their works by the authors of the Rasamala and the Bombay Gazetteer, Volume I. The Prabandha-kosa contains the life stories of 24 persons, namely, 10 Jain teachers (including Hemacandra), 4 poets, 7 kings and 3 other personages. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha is a collection of various small and big Prabandhas. It has certain peculiar and important prabandhas like Bhojagangeya-Prabandha, Dharadhvansa-Prabandha, Pithviraja-Prabandha and Nadula-Lakhan-Prabandha. This much can be said on the importance of the Prabandhas that no history of mediaeval India can be considered complete without utilising the material available in them. Certain Jain works written in the style of dramatic plays may also be regarded as the chronicles of our period. They are the Moharajaparajaya of Yasahpala, the Hammira-mada-mardana of Jayasimha and the Rambhamanjari of Nayacandra. The first mentioned work depicts the social, religious and political life of Gujarata. The second one throws light on the mutual relationships of the kings and the kingdoms that existed at the time of Viradhavala (Vaghela). And the third constitutes an important source of the history of Gahadavalas. (2) Narrative Literature: "Jain literature, both canonical and still more non-canonical, is the very store house of popular stories, fairy tales and all kinds of narrative poetry."1 The Jain monks and authors have always been more fond of telling tales than historians. They have produced a vast literature of this type in prose and verse, in Sanskrt, Prakst and Apabhransa. From this branch of literature we may obtain a better knowledge of the real life of common people than from other branches of literature. This category includes many kathas, akhyanas and caritas. The works written on them mostly deal with the lives of individual religious heroes such as Jivandhara, Yasodhara, Karakandu, Nagakumara and Sripala; then there are edifying tales of pious house-holders and ladies who devoted themselves to the observance of certain vows and religious practices; there are short biographies of ascetic heroes well known in early literature and lastly, there are tales of retribution, illustrating the rewards and punishments of good and bad deeds here and hereafter. The matter in all these stories consists in the motives and the doctrinal preachings. Some heroes are drawn 1 Winternitz: The Jains in the History of Indian Literature, Ahmedabad, 1946, p. 9.

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CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES from earlier literature, some from popular legends and some may be imaginary; the setting, however, is legendary. The chief object of most of these tales is to edify Jainism and impress on the minds of readers the greatness and power of Jain religion and, thus, propagate in society the religio-moral ideals upheld by Jainism. These are not purely dogmatic or ethical discourses, but, after all, they are tales; and as such they are strewn with similar topics which also provide instruction and often give agreeable entertainment. Though various stories are invariably embedded in the biographical literature in the Puranas and Caritas, there are separate treatises full of interesting stories. We can divide them into two sections according to their form. The first one represents the tales presented in a romantic form (akhyayika) and independent Kathanakas in ornate poems. The second one is represented by the compilations of tales or the Katha-kosa. In the first type may be included works like Tarangavati of Padaliptasuri, (the original of which is lost but a shorter version of it in Prakst gathas under the title Tarangalola is preserved), the Samaraicca-kaha of Haribhadra in Prakst prose with gathas, a magnificent prose romance; the Upamitabhava prapanca-kaiha of Siddharsi, the first elaborate Sanskrt allegory, and the Bhavisatta-katha of Dhanapala, a romantic epic in Apabhransa. While these novels are original Jain productions, the Kuvalayamala of Udyotanasuri (8th century), the Yasastila ka of the Digambara Somadeva (959 A.D.), the Tilakamanjari of another Dhanapala (c. 1010 A.D.) which gives the geneology of the Paramaras and the Gadya-cintamani of Odayadeva (10th cent.) are mostly composed on the line of classical novels like Bana's Kadambari. In the category of Kathanakas may be included works like Kalakacarya-kathanuka, the Uttama-carita-kathanaka, the Campaka sresthi-kathanaka, Mrgavati-carita and so on. These Kathanakas are generally written in a kind of popular Sanskrt, that is, the Sanskrt influenced by vernaculars. The second type of narrative literature includes a large number of works which are collections of tales, often with a frame-story such as the Sam yaktva-Kaumudi, sometimes under the name of Kathakosas, some are dated and others are without dates by known and unknown authors. Dr. A. N. Upadhye has enumerated several such Katha-kosas in his learned Introduction to the "Brhat Katha-kosa" under the title "Compilations of Kathanakas: A Survey." We also get information about many more Katha-kosas 1 Brhatkatha-kosa, (SJGM, XVII), Introduction, p. 37.

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6 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES from the Jinaratna kosa compiled by Prof. H. D. Velenkara. Religious and didactic instructions through stories are the main purpose of these compilations and they are designed to shape the reader into an ideal householder. They depict the life and manners of the different classes of Indian Society and in full accordance with reality. Hence, the Jain narrative literature, in the huge mass of Indian literature, is one of the most precious sources, not only of folk-lore in the most comprehensive sense of the term, but also of the history of Indian civilization. (3) Literature on Polity: The Jain authors of our period have also paid special attention to Arthasastra (Polity) which is a worldly science. It is a matter of satisfaction that they have at least two works of importance on Political Science: the Nitivakyamrta' of Somadevasuri, the celebrated author of the Yasastilaka (c. 959 A.D.), and the Lagkvarhannitisastra of Hemacandra." Nitivakyamrta (the Nectar of the Sayings of Polity) is a handy book. It is a mixture of ethics and politics in short sutras or aphorisms: It is independent in many details, but it is also a colourless compendium of earlier political thoughts. After the Arthatastra of Kautilya and the Nitisara of Kamandaka, it is the only work which can very well be placed in the rank of the above two. The study of this work may help us a good deal to understand the Arthasastra of Kautilya. Somadeva was contemporary of the GurjaraPratihara king Mahendrapala II as he refers to him by name in his Yasastilaka-campu. It is not unlikely that he came into contact with Mahendrapala II (before 940-948 A.D.) of Kanauj and at his instance composed the Nitivakyamrta as is declared in an anonymous commentary. It is a note-worthy feature of Somadeva as a political thinker that he divests himself of his Jain beliefs and principles while dealing with the problems of State; he follows the universal tradition. Prof. Jolly has given a number of parallel texts from this work and Kautilya's Arthasastra. From these it appears as if Nitivakyamrta largely and unduly copied from Kautilya or wrote a kind of paraphrase of it, but estimating the book as a whole, it may be stated that it is really different from Kautilya and very far from being a mere copy of it. It is true that Somadeva has incorporated some passages literally or almost literally from Kautilya and 1 Published in MDJG., N. XXII. 2 Ahmedabad, 1906. * Kavyamala (N.S.P. Bombay) No. 70, I, vs 1 & 220; Pt. Premi, Jain Sahitya aur Itihasa, pp. 67-9. * Raghavan, NIA., VI, pp. 67-9.

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CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES paraphrased some other passages from him. It seems that in that age, which politically was rather decadent, Somadeva cries "back to Kautilya." But above all, the character of the two books is quite different. The work of Kautilya is a pure Arthasastra in which Dharma is recognised only in so far as it may also help the acquirement of artha, while in the Nitivakyumpta the term Niti is used not only in the sense of "political wisdom" but also of "moral conduct." And the whole work is not like KautilyaArthasastra, a practical hand-book of politics and economics, but rather a book of good counsels for kings. Even when in Nitivakyamrto the same subjects are treated as in the Arthasastra of Kautilya, we find that Somadeva gives more general rules of conduct where Kautilya emphasises the details of political practice. What is primarily important to Kautilya is more or less of secondary importance to Somadeva." Frequently, Somadeva taps other sources and from the commentary available on the work we get about 20 new writers on Arthasastra whose names are not found in other places. Probably, they are all later than Kautilya. and Kamandaka as they do not figure either in the code or the epitome. But he puts all this matter in such a way and shows such a dexterity in weaving out all these ideas and adding some of his own that he has placed himself in the rank of original thinkers. His work may be regarded as an index to the political temper of his age. Another work named Laghvarhannitisastra is supposed to have been. composed by the celebrated author, Hemacandra, and is an extract of a larger work in Prakrt, the Brahadarhannitisastra, which Hemacandra wrote for king Kumarapala of Gujarata. This work has more the character of a Dharmasastra (law) than that of a Nitidstra (polity). But the main topics of the Nitisastra proper are generally found here. The first part (Adhikara) contains instructions and rules of conduct for kings, ministers, generals and other state officials. This is somewhat different from what we find in the Arthalastra of Kautilya and other Nitildstras. The second part (Adhikara), too, has much in common with the chapter on the six methods of politics ($adgunya) as described in the Kautilya-Arthasastra and elsewhere. Niti is said to be threefold, consisting of war, punishment and judicial procedure. In the third Adhikara the Vyavahara or civil and criminal Law is treated in the same way as in Manu's Law book. The fourth and last Adhikara deals 7 1 Winternitz, The Jains in the History of Indian Literature, (Ahmedabad), p. 38.

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES with Prayascitta. In this chapter it is interesting to find all the Brahmanic penances, such as Pancagavya and others, side by side with such prayaScittas as the worship of Jina and pilgrimage to Jain sanctuaries (Tirthayatra). On the whole, there can be little doubt, that the State under Kumarapala, in spite of the king's inclinations towards Jainism, rested on a Brahmanic foundation and the Jain teachers who wished to gain influence in the government were prudent enough to respect the Brahmanic institutions and views of life. They contented themselves in tempering Brahmanism here and there with Jain ethics. Besides these two works, many ideas on political science, though not of primary importance, are scattered throughout the Jain Kavyas in the form of teachings or pieces of advice imparted to sons or pupils by their parents or teachers or in the form of descriptions of state-craft, morality or ethics. (4) Miscellaneous Literature: The Jain writers have also made most valuable contributions to scientific, technical and other branches of Indian literature. They certainly throw some light on the political history of the period. For example, the Ganaratnamahodadhi, a work on Sansket grammar mentions the religion and the title of Bhoja; it can also be utilised for the history of Siddharaja Jayasimha. The Sanskat grammar of Malayagiri records the victory of Kumarapala over Arnoraja; the Sabdanusasana of Hemacandra refers to the war of Siddharaja Jayasimha with Malava. Certain works on poetics and dramaturgy of the period are also of some importance. For example, Kavyanusasana of Vagbhata, son of Nemikumara, the Vagbhatalankara of another Vagbhata, son of Soma and the Candonusasana of Hemacandra possess certain verses of historical importance regarding the Calukya emperor, Jayasimha. The Pravacana Pariksa preserves the geneology of the Cavalas, the Calukyas and the Vaghelas amidst its religious discourses. The Vividhatirtha-kalpa, composed by Jinaprabhasuri, is a good work on Jain pilgrimage. It is an important work on Indian geography and history of the period. It records certain historical events also, such as the invasion of Somanath by Mahmud of Ghazni, the death of Psthviraja, the invasion of Gujarat and its neighbouring states by Ala-ud-Din. The authenticity of the work is proved by the fact that the author of the work was in close touch with Muhammada Shah, the successor of Ala-ud-Din. Its account, therefore, may be regarded as a contemporary one. 1 Ibid., p. 51.

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CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES The above are some of the important sources. Similarly there is lying at vast body of miscellaneous literature of considerable historical value contained in the Jain Bhandaras. 9 (5) Pattavalis: They are the extant chronological works written in various languages such as Sanskrt, Prakrt, Kannad etc. They record a succession of important persons, e.g., saints, rulers, merchant-princes since the Nirvana of Mahavira up to the middle ages. The Jain writers have preserved a large mass of this type of literature. The Pattavali-samuccaya edited by Muni Darsanavijaya Ji, Tapagaccha Pattavali, Khartaragaccha pattavali, all of them belonging to the Swetambara sect and certain pattavali of the Digambara sect published in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, the Jain Hitaisi, Vol. II, and the Jain Siddhanta Bhaskara Vol. I, deserve particular mention here. Among them, the most important for our period is the Vicarasreni or the Theravali of Merutunga. It gives the geneological list of the Cavadas, Caulukyas and Vaghelas with chronology. As these works were meant to be chronological draped with dynastic lists and sketches, we do not expect biographical details from them. They, however, do not suffer from poetic imageries and exaggerations. (6) Prasastis (Colophons): Most of the Jain works of our period are. dated and attached with valuable colophons. These colophons contain important geneological lists of Jain teachers, references to contemporary rulers, their ministers, generals, important officials and pious men and women who liberally contributed to get those works composed. They are very valuable sources of the chronological history of India. They may be regarded to some extent as important and reliable as the stone records. and copper plates for the socio-religious history of the period concerned. The only difference worth mentioning between the two is, that while the former are written on perishable materials like paper and palm leaves, the latter are engraved on imperishable materials like stone and metals. But as far as the details and constructions are concerned, both are one and the same from the historical point of view. The Prasastis are of two varieties. The first is related with the author himself and the second with the copyist. In the author's pralasti, the author records his due gratitude to previous authors, pays his homage to his teachers, gives their pedigrees, narrates his gana and gaccha, date and place of composition and the name of the ruling king and his officials. Thus as contemporary records, they are a very important source for the reconstruction of the political and social history of the country. They also furnish information about the religious and literary activities of the time. 2

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10 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES In the second variety we get information about the donor, his family, pedigree, caste and clan. This variety of colophons may be useful for writing the social history of the period. Extensive literary activities in the reigns of the Paramaras, Cahamanas, Caulukyas and Guhilotas created a large mass of prasastis. On account of their great historical value, certain separate collections have also been published. Special mention in this connection may be made here of the catalogues of MSS of Jain Bhandaras at Patan, Jesalamer, Limbadi, Baroda and Ahmadabad, the Jain Pustaka-Prasasti-sangraha edited by Muni Jinavijaya Ji, the Prasasti-sangraha from Ahmadabad, a Prasastisangraha edited by K. Bhujbali Sastri and the Prasasti-sangraha by Kastoor Chand Kasalivala. B-INSCRIPTIONS: We have a large number of Jain inscriptions of our period to reconstruct ancient Indian history. They are mostly found engraved on the pedestals of images, rocks or stone pillars and copper plates. Most of them are dated. As they are written or engraved on the material of imperishable nature, they do not suffer any modification and alteration to which literary works are often exposed. Therefore, the information they contain is of primary importance. Most of the Jain inscriptions have been composed by the Jain teachers. They are met with generally in religious places and Jain temples, but some of the inscriptions, although composed by Jain teachers, have also been found in temples or places other than Jain. For example, the Sundha Hill inscription composed by Jayamangala of Brhadgaccha is found in the Camunda temple of that place;' the Cittorgarh inscription of Kumarapala composed by the Digambara Ramakirti is found in the Mokalji temple at Cittorgarh.? Similarly the Gwalior Sasabahu inscription of Kacchapaghatas composed by Yasodeva Digambara3 and Ghaghasa and Cirwa inscription of the Guhilots composed by Ratnaprabhasurit may also be numbered among them. It is not to be supposed that they were removed from the Jain possessions to these places, but, contrary to this, they were purposely composed by the Jain teachers for the use of people other than the Jains, for we know there is nothing in them which relates them to Jains except 1 EI, IX, pp. 70-79. 2 EI., II, pp. 421-24. 3 IA., XV, pp. 33-36. * RMR., 1927, p. 3 and WZKM, XXI, pp. 142-62,

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CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES the name, pedigree or gana, gaccha of the Jain teachers in the concluding verses. Even the invocatory verses of these inscriptions are not dedicated to the Jain gods and goddesses. They usually invoke the non-Jain deities with certain exceptions marked with 'Om Sarvajnaya Namah' or 'Padmanathaya namab'. These facts eloquently testify to the catholicity of the Jain teachers. We have included all these inscriptions among our sources. We find the Jain epigraphs recorded from the very early period of Indian history and they are of considerable historical significance. They are not confined to a particular period or locality. But the inscriptions used here are generally found in Central and Western parts of India. About the importance of some of the Jain inscriptions it may be said. that they are the only source regarding certain dynasties. For example, the Gwalior and Dubkunda branches of the Kacchapaghatas and the Hathundi branch of northern Rastrakutas are known from these inscriptions only. The Jain inscriptions of our period may be broadly divided into two classes, official and private. By far the largest number of these inscriptions are of private character. The official records, though small in number, are in most cases, the Prasastis, i.e., eulogies of kings written by their court poets or temple or land grants or charters, viz., the Aihole inscription of Pulikesin (II), the Calukya king, written by the Jain poet Ravikirti', the Vadanagar Prasasti of Kumarapala, composed by the Jain poet Sripala3, the Sasabahu temple inscription of Mahipala, the Kacchapaghata prince, composed by the Jain Yasodeva", the Dubkunda inscription of Vikramasimha of the same family composed by the Jain Vijayakirti', the Bijapur inscription of Dhavala Rastrakuta", the Sundha Hill inscription of CacigaCahamana composed by Jayamangala" and so many others belong exactly to this class. We have shown their importance in their proper places. 11 The Jain records of private character cover a wide range from a short votive inscription of two or three words to highly poetical compositions, glorifying an individual or family. They throw light on various aspects of society. In certain cases they throw direct light on the political history of the period as they are issued from persons closely associated with a royal family. For example, most of the inscriptions found from Mt. Abu, Girnara 1 EI., VI, pp. 1 ff. EI., I., pp. 296-305. 3 IA., XV. pp. 33-36. 4 EI., II.,pp. 232-40. 5 EI., X, pp. 17 ff. 6 EI., IX. pp. 70-79.

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12 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES and Satrunjaya in Northern India and the inscriptions found from SravanaVelgola in Southern India belong to this class. Most of them are issued by governors of provinces, generals or ministers of states and by brothers or sons of kings in their private capacity. A good many are engraved on the image pedestals of gods or on religious buildings recording pious donations. These constitute the chief sources of fixing the dates of these images or buildings and have proved of immense help in tracing the evolution of art and religion and determining their general conditions in any specified period. Certain separate collections of the Jain inscriptions have been published by scholars. The Prachina Jain Lekha-sangraha by Muni Jinavijaya Ji, the Jain Lekha-sangraha in three parts published by Puranacandra Nahar, the Jain Silalekhasangraha in three parts published by the Manikyacandra Dig Jain Granthmala, the Arbuda Prachina Jain Lekha-sangraha in five parts by Muni Jayanta Vijaya Ji, the Jain Dhatupratima Lekha-sangraha by Buddhisagarasuri, the Prachina Lekha-sangraha by Vijayadharmasuri, the Jain Dhatu Pratima Lekha by Muni Kantisagar, and so many other collections deserve to be mentioned here. On the whole, it may be said that the Jain inscriptions of our period are of great value in supplementing the sources of the ancient history of India. Some of them refer to ruling kings otherwise unknown and many of them supply dates of kings in a specified or unspecified era. They have enabled the historians to reconstruct the history of certain localities on a solid basis.

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CHAPTER II THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA BACKGROUND: We know from epigraphic as well as literary sources that the imperial Gupta power came to its end in A.D. 455, though it lingered on up to the middle of the sixth century A.D. and thereafter disappeared, not to survive again. The incursions of the Hunas and the uprising of the Pusyabhutis which began from the latter half of the fifth century remained unabated till the disappearance of the Gupta empire and hence it created a period of disorder and chaos. The main consequence of this situation was the total absence of any strong central power in the then Indian politics. There were also signs of degeneration and of dissension in the imperial line itself and the devotion of the more loyal feudatories could not save the empire from dissolution. Towards the close of the fifth century and early in the sixth century A.D. the TIuna power rapidly spread over N.W. and Central India. It is said that the Hunas were a race of savage barbarians who came from the steppes of Central Asia and had in the fifth century A.D. spread in devastating hordes over some of the fertile provinces of the Roman empire in the west and the Gupta empire in India. Their early raids into India were repulsed by Skandagupta, but they renewed their attacks when the great emperor was no more. Toramana and his son Mihirakula are the two Huna leaders famous in ancient Indian history who led the Huna incursions on Indian soil. Mihirakula is known to us from inscriptions and coins as well as from the accounts of Yuan-Chwang and Kalhana. Apart from these accounts some of the stories regarding the Kalkiraja preserved in Jain literature bear witness to Mihirakula's tyrannical rule. Jain author Jinasena (8th cent. A.D.) in his Harivansa-purana assigned forty-two years to Kalkiraja after the reign of 231 years of the Guptas. Kalkiraja has rightly been identified with Mihirakula by the late 1 Tiloy Pannatti, I, Vs. 101-106. 2 Chap. 60, Vs. 491-492 : HTTTTTTU YATAt a Jaya, ekaviMzazca varSANi kAlavidbhirudAhRtaM / dvicattvAriMzadevAtaH kalkirAjasya rAjatA, tato'jitaMjayo rAjA syaadindrpursNsthitH|| See also, Tiloy Pannatti, I, Vs. 95-99.

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14 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Dr. K. B. Pathak3 Besides the Hupas, the new aspirants for imperial power were mainly Yasodharman of Malava, Maukharis of Kanyakubja and the Pusyabhutis of Thaneswar. All these new emerging powers at the outset of their career were bound to wage wars against the devastating Hupas who had seized a large portion of the Gupta empire and were threatening to establish their hold in the Madhyadesa. Out of this confusion and struggle arose the famous dynasty of the Pusyabhutis of Thaneswar near Kuruksetra, which succeeded in arresting the growth of the power of Maukharis and establishing a powerful kingdom near the territory of the Hunas. Such was the condition in the closing decades of the sixth century. I. PUSYABHUTIS Harsa: Among the rulers of the Pusyabhuti dynasty only Harsa (-vardhana), the greatest of his line, is mentioned in the Jain sources. The first document which throws light on Harsa is the Aihole inscription of Ravikirti of the time of Pulikesin II, dated 556 Saka or A.D. 634. It contains an eulogistic account of the Calukya family and especially of the numerous and wide conquest of the great Calukya emperor Pulikesin II, also called Satyaraja," just as the Allahabad Pillar inscription describes the conquests of the Gupta emperor Samudragupta. There is no reason to suppose that the account given by the poet is either false or exaggerated. We know from this inscription a number of dynasties that ruled in the Deccan in the beginning of the seventh century A.D., as we know from the Allahabad inscription of the dynasties that ruled in India in the beginning of the fourth century A.D. This inscription clearly states that Pulikesin was the emperor of almost the whole of Southern India as from other sources we know that Harsavardhan was the emperor of almost the whole of Northern India at the same time." The verse number twenty-three of this inscription, with regard to the greatest achievement of Pulikesin II, states that he forced Harsa, the paramount sovereign of Northern India, whose military success was otherwise 1 Jaina Hitaisi, Vol. 13, No. 12 Kalki Avalara Ki Aitihasikata, and Gupta Rajaon Ka kala, Mihirakula aur Kalki. samarasaMsaktasakalottara pathezvarazrIharSavardhana parAjayopalabdhaparamezvarAparanAmadheyaH zrIvabho mhaaraajaadhiraajH| 2 EI., VI, pp. 1-10 3 IA., VI, p. 828:

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 15 unbroken, to retire discomfited. The verse states thus: "Harsa, whose lotus feet were arrayed with the rays of the jewels of the diadems of hosts of feudatories prosperous with unmeasured might, through Pulikesin had his joy (Harsa) melted away by fear, having become loathsome with his rows of lordly elephants fallen in battle." Another verse (24) in the same description shows that the scene of the battle must have been somewhere about the Vindhya and the banks of the Reva (Narmada) forming the northern limits of the empire of Pulikesin, where his large armies were encamped and had checked the progress of Harsa." This Jain evidence is corroborated by other contemporary documents. During the period 618-627, the Chinese chroniclers record serious disturbances in India, and Siladitya (Harsa) is represented as punishing the kings of the four parts of the country. What specific contests are meant is not made clear either by the Chinese writers or the grants of Harsa himself issued between A.D. 628 and 631. But the Aihole inscription is the first document from which we know that some time before 634 A.D. Harsa marched southwards as far as Narmada. The statement of the Jain inscription has been remarkably confirmed by the account of the famous Chinese traveller Yuan-Chwang: "the great king siladitya at this time was invading east and west and countries far and near were owning allegiance to him, but Ma-ha-lacha (i.e. Maharastra) refused to become subject to him under its great king Pulikesin II."3 That the two emperors met in actual fight is also stated in the Life of Yuan-Chwang: "Siladitya Raja, boasting of his skill and invariable success of his generals, filled with confidence himself, marched at the head of his troops to contend with this prince (Pulikesin II) but he was unable to prevail or subjugate him, although he has gathered troops from the five Indias and the best generals from all countries.''4 The date of the inscription is given in verses 33 and 34 in two eras -- the Saka 556 and the Bharata War, 3735 which corresponds to the Christian 1 El., VI. pp. 6-10 V. 23: 3TH EHETTE PITCATHRITT, mkuttmnnimyuuraakraantpaadaarvindH| yudhipatitagajendrAnIkabIbhatsabhUto, bhayavigalitaharSo yena cAkAri hrssH|| 2 Ibid., V. 24: T a t tat, faraugai: 1972 197,02:1 adhikataramarAjatsvena tejomahinA, zikharibhiribhAvoM varmaNA sparddhayeva // 3 Watters, II, p. 239. 4 Beal, Life of Yuan Chwang, P. 147.

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16 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES year 634-35. Many scholars doubt the accuracy of the date of this inscription' but the probability of the date in question can be judged from the account of the Chinese traveller. Further corroborations of this defeat of Harsa by Palikesin are obtained from many other inscriptions of this dynasty in which Pulikesin has always been referred to as defeating the glorious Sri Harsa, the lord of the whole northern country in consequence of which he acquired the second title of Paramesvara.? Regarding the date of Harsa's conflict with Pulikesin what we know from this inscription is simply that it happened before 634-35, the date of the Aihole inscription. Yuan Chwang's statement, that the engagement took place when Harsa was invading remote countries, further shows that it was probably after his eastern campaigns and conquests. Some scholars, from the earliest and the latest limits of the conquest of Harsa, i.e. 625-634), have assigned the year 630 A.D. as the probable date of the event. What was the cause of this serious conflict? The answer to this query probably lies in the Aihole inscription, which informs us that "subdued by his (Pulikesin's) splendour, the Latas, Malavas, and Gurjaras became, as it were, teachers of how feudatories subdued by force ought to behave."4 Commenting on this passage, Dr. Kielhorn remarked that the powers mentioned above, being impressed by the majesty and power of Pulikesin had voluntarily submitted to him or sought his protection. This must surely have been when they were threatened by the aggressions of the Kanauj king and Pulikesin willingly helped them in their distress. The confederacy thus formed was a formidable one, "resulting in Harsa's complete discomfiture." The Aihole inscription also throws some light on Harsa as a mighty ruler. It is mentioned that he was a suzerain lord to whom the host of wealthy feudatories owned allegiance and who had an army of lordly elephants. This indicates that Harsa enjoyed paramountcy over a large number of kings in Northern India. 1 JBBRAS., XIV, 1878-80, pp. 16 ff. 2 IA., VI & VIII. 3 ABORI, XIII (1932), pp. 300-06. 4 El., VI, pp. 6-10, V.22: A TTAT FFI GITATSAJFT: daNDopanatasAmantacaryAcAryA ivAbhavan 5 They are obviously to be identified with the Broach and Valabhi kingdoms. 6 El., VI. pp. 6-10, V. 22. quoted above. ? Ibid., V. 24 : 377fafa Has TETHETH foretariaatt ! yudhi patitagajendrAnIka etc.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA Harsa was not only a ruler but he was also a celebrated author and liberal patron of learning. Among the literary luminaries of his court Bana, Mayura and Manatunga have been frequently referred to in Jain literature. There are several interesting stories regarding the cordial relation between him and Bana and Mayura. Bana is said to be the son-in-law of the poet Mayura. Mayura was the celebrated author of Suryasataka. Harsa himself was a good poet. Soddala invariably mentions him along with the other poet kings, (Kavindraisca Vikramaditya-Sriharsa-Munja-Bhojadevadibhupalaih.) The Jain poet Svayambhu of the 8th century mentions Sri Harsa as a poet well versed while his court poet Bana as verbose. Svayambhu says: 'Siriharisen Niyaunitti', which reminds us of the line 'Sriharso Nipuno Kaviriti' of the famous dramatic work Naganand which is supposed to have been composed by King Harsa himself. Sriharsa mentioned by this carly poet of the eighth century A.D. cannot be the later poet Sri Harsa, a famous author of Naisadhiya carita who is obviously much later in age than the poet Svayambhu himself. In the Prabhavaka-carita of the thirteenth century A.D. Varanasi is mentioned as the capital of Sri Harsa. A suggestion may be made here that it might have been regarded as a second capital city of Harsa." II YASOVARMAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS Yasovarman: The Jainas have no record of the death of Harsa and of his successor on the throne of Kanauj. The earliest monarch whose name has been recorded in literature and also in the Nalanda inscription after the death of Harsa is Yasovarman. On the career and exploits of this king sufficient light has been thrown by two well known works, viz., Gaudavaho of Vakpati and 1 P.C., p. 44: P O RT -qfosat........... #T: FICART et lbdhprtisstthaavbhuutaam| PC A., p. 112: AHTarafa PPS., P. 15: TT git af ATT TA HETATI TET PETIT Tat Etat tadanurUpaM bANanAmAnaM kvimudvaahitaa| 2 GOS., XI, p. 150 3 Svayambhu, Ritthanemicariu, I, 144 4 SJGM, XIII, p. 112: qzt arrola ATETEA 1a: get, tatra zrIharSadevAkhyo rAjA na tu kalaMkabhRt / 5 EI., XX, pp. 39-40.

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18 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Rajatarangini of Kalhaya. Some Jain works also cast side-lights on his chronology and successors. Mention may be made here of some of the important works like Prabhavaka-carita of Prabhacandra, Prabandha-kosa of Rajasekhara, Bappabhatti-Suri-carita of Manikyasuri, Vividhateerthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri and Tapagacchapattavali of Dharmasagargani. Though these Jain works are not contemporary records records like like the Gaudavaho, the material preserved by continuous tradition in them contains details of historical character.1 These Jain works range from the thirteenth to the fourteenth century A.D. As regards the authoritativeness of contents of the works, the authors themselves say that they have taken their narratives from the tradition handed down by learned men as well as by previous works. And from the point of view of history such a tradition coming about six or seven generations later cannot be absolutely discarded. Among these works the life of Bappabhattisuri contains the material for our purpose and may be regarded as a reliable source for the chronology of Yasovarman and his successors. Lineage: The question of the lineage of Yasovarman is still shrouded. in mystery. Vakpati the author of the Gaudavaho praises him as "an ornament to the Lunar race of kings." Cunningham thinks that he is a descendant of the Maukharis, having the common termination varman of the dynasty, but the Jain works on the other hand, represent Yasovarman as "the illustrious ruler of Kanyakubja, who was the head-jewel of the famous dynasty of Candragupta, and who made illustrious the already illustrious family of the Mauryas. It is interesting to add that the Prabhavaka carita (13th cent. A.D.) also described Yasovarman as having descended from and been a bright ornament in the family of Candragupta. But the 1 Aiyangar, S. K., Ancient India, (1941), p. 345 ff. See also JBBRAS, III, May, 1928, pp. 103. 2 (i) PCA (SJGM, XIII), p. 1: aggagaara: angings affigi upadhusyetivRttAni varNayiSye kimanyapi (ii) PK., (SJGM, VI) P. idAnIM vayaM gurumulatAnAM vistIrNAnAM rasAdayAnAM catu viMzateH prabandhAnAM saMgrahaM kurvANAH smaH / Gaudavaho (S. P. Pandit's ed.). Vs. 1064-65. See also Introduction p. XXXIX. . ASIR., XV, p. 164; See also E.A. Pires, The Maukharis, pp. 136-375 IA., IX, pp. 171, 181, Bappabhattisuri carita, V. 13. * Vs. 45-46 : varyamauryamahAgotrasambhUtasya mahAzruteH zrI candraguptabhUpAlavaMzamuktAmanizriyaH / kAnyakubjayazovarmabhUpateH 1

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA kings of the Maurya dynasty did not take names ending in Varman. It may be said that the family names and surnames may change in course of a long period of time. We, however, have no other evidence to corroborate the Jain statement. Period: As regards the period of the reign of Yasovarman, while other sources are draped in vagueness, the Jain writers supply us a fairly correct clue. Most of them state that he was ruling in V.E. 800 or 743 A.D. and Prabhacandra and Rajasekharasuri, the authors of the Prabhavaka-carita and the Prabandha kosa respectively, lead us a step further. They inform us that a Jain saint named Bappabhatti, who was initiated as a monk in V.E. 807 converted to Jainism, Amaraja, the son and successor of Yasovarman. Bappabhatti was next raised to the dignity of Suri in V.E. 811 after his royal disciple had ascended the throne. It is thus evident that Yasovarman must have died some time between the years 807 V.E. and 811 V.E." corresponding to 750 and 753 A.D. i.e. about the year 752. The probability of these dates is confirmed by what is said of Yasovarman in Kalhana's Rajatarangini and is further corroborated from the Chinese history of the Tang period." Conquest: Though we know much of the conquering expeditions of Yasovarman from other sources, Jain sources, however, do not provide us any such material. The main source of these expeditions is the Gaudavaho, a Prakrt poem of Vakpatiraja, which mentions that King Yasovarman invaded the country of Gauda and killed the king. But strange enough no name of the king of that country is mentioned there. Over this historians have conjectured much and according to some" the king of Gauda was Jivitagupta II and according to others he was most probably Rajaraja Bhatta of the Khadga dynasty. The Bappabhatti-carita on the other hand clearly says that at one time previously another Dharma of Bengal was defeated by Yasovarman and ultimately killed in the battle field. Vakpatiraja himself was taken prisoner, 1 PCA., XI, pp. 80-82 (SJGM, XIII). V. 28: gang fut a fammetea: 1 saptAdhike rAdhazukla tRtIyAdivase gurau // * Ibid. V. 115 ekAdazAdhike tatra jAte varSazatASTake / vikramAtso'bhavatsUriH kRSNacaitrASTamIdine // See also PK., pp. 27, 29 (SJGM., VI). See also the Collected works of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, II, p. 432. Aiyangar, S. K. Ancient India and South Indian History and Culture, I. (1941), pp. 366-367. Banerji, R. D. Mem. As. Soc. Beng., V, N. 3, p. 43. Basak, R. G. The History of North-East India, p. 208. 19

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20 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES carried over to Kanauj and was kept in prison there. He then composed the poem, Gaudavaho and presenting it to the king he secured his release from prison. Who was this Dharma and to which dynasty he belonged we certainly do not know. But we may infer that he must have been different from the King Dharmapala of the Pala dynasty, the period of whose reign is much later than that of Yasovarman. Perhaps he may be one of the kings among the two or three predecessors of Dharmapala whose names are given in the Tibetan list between Gopala and Dharmapala.? Poet Vakpati: As regards the literary activities of Yasovarman, he was depicted as a poet and patron of letters by Rajatarangini of Kalhana and others. But on this point the Jain sources do not throw much light. They, however, associate Yasovarman with the poet Vakpatiraja. Hitherto we had known of Vakpatiraja only from what is contained in the Rajatarangini of Kalhana. The Bappabhatti-carita throws a good deal more light upon the life and work of Vakpatiraja. Vakpati is described as "the head jewel of the Ksatriyas and born of the Paramara clan." He is described in one place a Samantanayaka, chief of the Samantas. In another place he is described as chief of the Brahmavids (those versed in Brahmanical learning and philosophy). He was a poet at the court of a king, Dharma of Bengal, a predecessor of Dharmapala II. Yasovarman undertook an invasion of Bengal, defeated Dharma in war and subsequently killed him in battle. Vakpati was among the prisoners whom Yasovarman kept in prison after his victorious return to Kanyakubja. He composed the Gaudavadha celebrating the exploit apparently of Yasovarman's invasion of Bengal and thus secured release from prison. In all probability, he took himself away from Kanauj and returned to the court 1 PCA., XI, p. 908 (SJGM, XIII), Vs. 463 & 464 : ___ yazovarmanRpodharmamanyadA caabhyssennyt| tasmAd dviguNatantrastaM bhUpaM yuddhe'vadhItbalI // tadA vAkpatirAjazca bandhe taM niveshtH| kAvyaM gauDabadhaM kRtvA tasmAcca svamamocayat // 2 Gopal : 660-705 A.D., Devapala, 705-753 A.D.: See Appendix, History of Medieval Indian Logic, S.C. Vidyabhusana. 3 Cf. PCA., p. 96, V. 394: TATTHETITFHT: TATTI tasya vAkpatirAjosti vidvAn nirupamaprabhaH // See also PK., p. 35: TARIM TE HET AT TATA * TETEN smaayyo| There is no doubt that the tradition was a confused one. But it is likely that he may be an earlier member of the famous Paramara king of this name. 4 PC A., P. 102, V. 567: JETTATA THERYTHI 5 Ibid., p. 104 V. 602: 9799ATTS (TET I g arai

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA of Bengal and was much respected court-poet in the court of Dharmapala of Bengal himself. He felt at one time that Dharmapala did not show him the respect due to his position because of the intrigues of Vardhanakunjara, a Buddhist teacher and controversialist who had some influence with Dharmapala. Therefore he retired from Bengal and reached the court of Amaraja the son and successor of Yasovarman, where he became very soon a favourite of king Amaraja and Bappabhattisuri. He lived at the court as a highly honoured poet, and composed during his stay there two poems, Gauda Bandha (a different work from Gaudavadha) and Madra-mahi-vijaya (conquest of Madra country, East Punjab), both of them apparently in honour of Ama, who doubled his enmity in consequence. After some time, feeling dissatisfied that Ama was not up to the height of his position in respect of his conduct he retired to Mathura. He was a staunch Vaisnava and was about to put an end to himself by a process of religious starvation when he was rescued from imminent death by Bappabhatti's intervention. It is said that he became a convert to Jainisin and after undergoing severe penances in Mathura voluntarily starved himself to death (anasana) in accordance with the Jain rule for men desirous of making a good end. These are the details regarding the life of Vakpatiraja which have not been available from other sources. As regards the details of this tradition, we have no other sources of verification and confirmation. But it must be said that there is nothing which goes against this tradition. A not very long duration of time between the events described and the recording of these traditions is certainly in favour of the correctness of the account. Ama Nagavaloka: According to the Jain sources Yasovarman was succeeded by his son Ama and Ama by his son Dunduka and Dunduka by his son Bhoja. We know nothing about these successors of Yasovarman from other sources and, therefore, it gives special importance to the Jain sources. Almost all Jain works written on the life of Bappabhattisuri unanimously associate Suri with king Ama," and state that Yasovarman was succeeded by his son Ama, born of Yasodevi during the temporary exile caused by the 1 Ibid., XI, (SJGM, XIII), 463-477. 2 Ibid., XX, (SJGM, XVII), pp. 99-105. 3 (i) Pattavali-Samuccaya, edited by Muni Darsanvijaya, p. 52 -- in the Tapagaccha Pattavali: yenAmarAjA pratibodhitaH (ii) Jinaprabhasuri, Vividhateerthakalpa, (SJGM, X), p. 19: AmarAyaseviya kamakamaleNa siribppbhttttsrinnaa| (iii) A Patlavali by Ravivardhana gani, V.E. 1739.

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22 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES jealousy of a co-wife' and Bappabhatti was his preceptor who taught him all the seventy-two arts and converted him to Jainism. The story of Bappabhattisuri is a long one, written for the purpose of glorification of Bappabhattisuri and of King Ama in his association. We get, however, some remarkable historical materials from the story. It is stated there, firstly, that King Ama bore the title Nagavaloka' conferred upon him by Bappabhattisuri due to his taking hold of a poisonous cobra which succeeded in killing a mongoose in fight. By this title the king became known thereafter the world over.Secondly, it alleged there that King Ama, during a considerable period of his reign, was at enmity with the ruler of Bengal, who is stated to have been known by the name Dharma and Dharmabhupala or Dharmabhupa almost certainly Dharmapala of Bengal. Dharma actually states himself, in the course of the narrative, that, having been thwarted several times, it became difficult for him to control his long cherished feeling of enmity to King Ama of Kanauj. Thirdly it states a long period of King Ama's reign from V.E. 800 to 890 or A.D. 743 to 833-34. These are some of the points which are to be discussed here in the light of the other available sources. As regards the first and third points a confusion arises from the history and chronology of Gurjara-Pratihara dynasty, which records a king Nagabhata bearing the title Nagavaloka whose known date from the inscription is V.E. 872 or 815 A.D. The period, therefore, seems to correspond with Ama-Nagavaloka, since he died in A.D. 853. The confusion increases still further when we look into the possible grounds for identification. We know from the narrative that Ama-Nagavaloka had a son by name Dunduka who had a son Bhoja. Similarly Nagabhata II had for his son Ramabhadra and had a grandson who too bore the name of Bhoja. Thus both of them had a grandson by name Bhoja, but the names of the sons differ. On the basis of this resemblance many scholars have attempted to 1 PCA., XI, (SJGM, XIII), Vs. 53 & 54. sA'vadIt tAtapAdAnAM kimakathyaM tata: prabho, shriikaanykubjbhuupaalyshovrmkuttumbinii| ahaM sute'tra garbhasthe saMpanyAM matsarodayAt , purA labhya varaM prArthya nRpAnnirvAsitAsmyaham / 2 Ibid., V. 73: tarat si a anahitaart 3 Ibid., V. 188: TIE RIETI I TESTI tataH prabhRtyanenApi nAmnA vikhyAtimApa sH|| * PCA., XI, V. 168: SETARIST ATTE: tadAbAnAta yadA pazcAt yAti tanme tirskRtiH|| 5 Ibid., V. 719 & 721: ferat anfort aige Tradit 7 TECI zrImAn nAgAvalokAkhyo rAjA prApa divaM tadA // 6 Jodhpur Stone inscription. EI., IX, pp. 198-200,

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 23 identify King Ama Nagavaloka with Nagabhata II. But having considered this ground inadequate for the proposed identification, we are here trying to examine the whole matter. In this attempt we should go to review the history of the time in respect of Kanauj, of Bengal and of Rastrakutas and Gurjaras, which may throw light upon the point in issue. We have already known the last limit of the reign of the King Yasovarman of Kanauj from the Bappabhatti-carita which is approximately 75051 A.D. and which tallies well with the dates deduced from Rajatarangini and the Chinese Annals of Tang dynasty. After Yasovarman the throne of Kanauj was occupied by his son and successor, Ama-Nagavaloka, for a long period from 752 A.D. to 833 A.D. according to the Bappabhatti-carita. But within long period scholars have placed a king named Indraraja or Indrayudha on the throne of Kanauj in Saka year 705 of 783-84 A.D. on the basis of a passage in the Jain Harivansa and a reference made in the late Bhagalpur grant of Narayanapala. Dr. R. S. Tripathi, in his History of Kanauj, held the view that by the year 815 A.D. the throne of Kanauj was occupied by the Pratihara King Nagabhata II on the strength of the Buckala inscription and the undated Gwalior Prasasti of Bhoja. Thus we see three or four kings on the throne of Kanauj in this long period according to the generally accepted views of historians, while the Bappabhatti carita assigns this long period of 752-833 A.D. to the one King Ama only. Leaving apart this knotty problem of the Kanauj history for a while, we come to the history of Bengal of that period. It is generally accepted by historians that the first three kings of the Pala dynasty, i.e. Gopal, Dharmapala and Devapala, ruled within the period from circa 750 to circa 870 A.D. This assigned period mostly concords with the reign of Ama. From the Jain sources we do not know any activities of these kings except those of Dharamapala, who, it is said, had long cherished inveterate feelings of enmity to King Ama. This would mean that he made several aggressive attempts on Kanauj and was repulsed in his efforts. One of the most glorious achievements of Dharmapala, according to the Pala inscriptions, was the defeat of an Indraraja of Kanauj,4 and the installation of another ruler Cakra 1 El., XIV, p. 179, fn. 3 ; See also J DL., X, p. 46. 2 MDJG, XXXIII, Pt. II, Canto. LXVI, V. 52: zAkeSvandazateSu saptasu zataM paJcottareSUttarAm / Grant TTTF EHBUTTTS staat er etc. 3 pp. 232-33 4 Bhagalpur copper plates of Narayanapala, V.3, Ed. in I A., XV, pp. 305, 307. See also Khalimpur Copper plates of Dharmapala, V. 12, EI., IV, p. 252.

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24 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES yudha by name upon the throne of Kanauj. We have other references to Indraraja from the Baroda platest of Karkaraja and from the Jain Harivansa of Jinasena. The Baroda plates inform us that Indraraja was a son of the Rastrakuta king Dhruva; whom he had left in-charge of Latesvara Mandala. And according to the Harivansa Indrayudha was the ruler of the north in Saka year 705 or 783-84 A.D. We, however, do not know the date of this Indraraja from the inscription of the Pala dynasty. The date provided by the Rastrakuta inscription and by the Harivansa of Jinasena may not be perhaps applicable in the case of Indraraja of the Pala inscription owing to the doubtfulness of the identity of Indrayudha of the north and Indraraja in charge of Latesvara Mandala. In my opinion there is strong possibility of the identification of this Indraraja with King Ama-Nagavaloka of Kanauj, the object of Dharmapala's deep-rooted animosity. Before going to propose the identification of Ama with Indraraja we have to clear another confusion arising from the title 'Nagavaloka' which led certain scholars to identify Ama with Nagabhata II. For this, we have to refer to the history of the Gurjara-Pratihara dynasty of our period. We know from the Harivansa that in Saka 705 or 783-4 A.D. King Vatsaraja was ruling in Avanti. He has been identified with the powerful Gurjara Pratihara King Vatsaraja, father of Nagabhata II. The earliest known date of Nagabhata II is V.E. 872 or 815 A.D. (Buckala inscription), but we have no evidence to fix the year of his accession. Whether Nagabhata II bore the title 'Nagavaloka' we have no direct reference. The late Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar is the first scholar to infer that Nagavaloka mentioned in the Pathari pillar inscription dated V.E. 917 or 861 A.D. and in the Cahamana inscription of Vigraharaja dated V.E. 1030 or 973 A.D. is identical with Nagabhata II. But these assumptions would have been justified if we could have equated without uncertainty, the title 'Nagavaloka' connected with Nagabhata II. On one hand there is no direct evidence that Nagabhata II actually bore that title, and, on the other, there is a definite statement that Amaraja of Kanaus was known by the title 'Nagavaloka.' Therefore the title "Nagavaloka' cannot be applied to Pratihara Nagabhata II. The next point in question is whether Nagabhata II occupied the throne of Kanauj in his life time or not. Dr. R. S. Tripathi holds the view that the 1 IA., XII, PP. 159-163. 2 EI., IX, pp. 198-200. 3 EI. II, pp.121, 126 : 3779: sf TFTE STATTFE TISHI zrImAnnAgAvalokapravaranRpasabhAlabdhavIrapratiSThaH //

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA defeat of Cakrayudha was evidently followed by the annexation of the kingdom and the transfer of the Pratihara capital to Kanauj. But there is no reliable evidence in support of this view. The only evidence in favour of the theory that Nagabhata II transferred his capital to Kanauj is a statement in the Prabhavaka Carita that Nagavaloka of Kanyakubja, the grand-father of Bhoja, died in V.E. 890. This view is obviously based upon the presupposed and misunderstood identification of Nagavaloka with Nagabhata II. As a matter of fact, the only extant dated record of Nagabhata II is found in Buckala in the Jodhpur division and the locality is said to have formed a part of his kingdom proper (Sva-Visaya). Therefore the points of the death, the locality and the date of Nagavaloka should not be applied in the case of Nagabhata II. Now from the above discussion it comes out that neither the identification of Nagavaloka with Nagabhata II on the conjectural basis nor the transference of the Pratihara capital from Avanti to Kanauj (for which we have no proof) conflicts with the period of the reign of king Ama Nagavaloka. The only problem to be discussed then is that of Indraraja on the throne of Kanauj. We know from the Bhagalpur copper platese that Dharmapala defeated Indraraja of Kanauj. As stated elsewhere this Indraraja may be identified neither with Indraraja of Rastrakuta inscription of Baroda nor with Indrayudha of the Jain Harivansa of Jinasena. About the identification of Indraraja with the latter certain scholars expressly put forth their views. Dr. R. C. Majumdar opines: "It has been generally assumed that this Indraraja is identical with Indrayudha mentioned in a passage of the Jain Harivansa. But apart from the close resemblance in the two names, there is no other reason to establish this identity. For, there is absolutely no evidence to show that Indrayudha ever ruled at Kanauj, the term "in the north" being not merely vague and undefinite, but hardly applicable to "Kanauj," when spoken with reference to Wadhwan in Kathiawar.3 But he is inclined to identify Indraraja of Pala inscriptions with Rastrakuta Indraraja of Latesvara Mandala, brother of Govinda III. He says "on the other hand we know that Rastrakuta Indraraja, brother of Govinda III was a contemporary of Dharmapala. The Baroda plates of Karkaraja inform us that Dhruva had conquered the basin of the Ganga and Yamuna and that Indra was appointed by his brother to rule over the Latesvara Mandala, 1 History of Kanauj, p. 232-233. 2 IA., XV, pp. 305, 307, V. 3. 3 JDL., X, p. 37 fn.

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26 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES which may mean the northern possessions of the Rastrakutas with the province of Lata as a centre. The probability, therefore, is that it was by defeating the Rastrakuta prince Indraraja that Dharmapala regained Kanyakubja and bestowed it upon Cakrayudha who was probably kept out of his possessions by the Rastrakuta power. In any case it seems to me that with the available data it is more reasonable to identify Indraraja of the Bhagalpur copper plates with the Rastrakuta prince of the same name than with Indrayudha mentioned in the Harivansa.1 But expressing my difference of opinion on this point with the learned scholar, I may say that it is a forced assumption due to absence of any other alternative, and this alternative is furnished by the Jain work Prabhavaka Carita in the shape of AmaNagavaloka, whose identification with Indraraja of Bhagalpur copper plates seems more likely. Before attempting to place any arguments over the proposed identification, I want to discuss here the difficulties in case of the identification with Rastrakuta Indraraja. We know that Indraraja was merely in-charge of the Lata-mandala and nothing farther north. It is generally assumed that, that province was reconquered by Govinda III and handed over to his brother Indra. But no record, contemporary or later, attributes the conquest of that province to him. The word 'Isvara' in the expression 'Taddattalatesvaramandalasya' which occurs in the Baroda plates may well be due to metrical exigencies. It may be pointed out that the Baroda plates of Dhruva II use the expression "Latiyam mandalam yastanaya iva nijasvami dattam raraksa'. The fact, that the donee in the Pimpri plates of Dhruva is a resident of Jambusara, would also suggest that southern Gujarata was included in the Rastrakuta kingdom before the accession of Govinda III.2 The question, however, of the appointment to rule northern possessions does not arise. Moreover, the Rastrakuta records do not claim the conquest of Kanauj at this time. Though the Sanjan record refers to the resounding of the Himalayan caves by the noise made at the times of the bath of the army of Govind in the Ganga, it is however possible that this may be merely a poetic exaggeration and the army of Govinda may not have marched much beyond the Ganga-Jamuna Doab. And since Kanauj was not conquered, the probability of defeating a Rastrakuta prince Indraraja and from him capturing the Kanyakubja by Dharmapala does not arise. On the other hand, we have another alternative to prove the validity of the Bhagalpur copper plates. This alterna 1 Ibid., p. 37 2 Altekar, A.D., The Rastrakutas and Their Times, p. 70, fn. 65. 3 Ibid., p. 66 fn. 52.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 27 tive in all probability we may have in identifying the Ama Nagavaloka with Indraraja of the Pala inscription. Indraraja is most likely the second name of Ama. The popular or family names like Mihira, Siluka, Jhota etc., borne by the kings of that period lead us to this assumption. The late Dr. V. A. Smith assumed in the fourth edition of the Early History of India, that the ruler of Kanauj whom Jayapida of Kashmir defeated and whose throne he is said to have carried in the Rajataranginit was probably Vajrayudha, referred to as ruler of Kanauj by Rajasekhara in his Karpuramanjari." And thereafter he infers in this connection that the form of names of Vajrayudha of the Kar puramanjari, Indrayudha of the Harivansa and Cakrayudha of the Pala and Pratihara inscriptions may suggest that all the three monarchs belonged to the same line. Since the date of Vajrayudha is not known, therefore, facing the difficulty in placing him anywhere, he put him before Indrayudha. Thus he made out a separate dynasty. But he has hardly any support other than the statements of Kashmir chronicle. It states an invasion made by Jayapida over Kanauj. If the Bappa-Bhatti Carita is to be believed, it must have taken place in the reign of Amaraja himself. Here we may assume that Vajrayudha may have been another name of Amaraja. A question, however, may arise here as to why this Bappa-Bhatti Carita does not furnish any information regarding the historical incident that led to the dethronement of Indraraja from the kingdom of Kanauj at the hands of Dharmapala mentioned in the Pala inscriptions. In reply it may safely be said that the work is primarily the life of Bappa-Bhatti-suri and the other characters that figure in it do so only to the extent that they coordinate with the career of Bappa-Bhatti. If, therefore, we find none of the historical incidents mentioned in the Pala inscriptions or in other inscriptions of the time referred to in it, it would be reasonable not to ascribe it to either the ignorance or the perversity of the writer as they lay outside his particular sphere of work. It emerges, now, from the above discussion that it is more reasonable to regard Indraraja as Amaraja under reference whom Cakrayudha supplanted according to the Pala inscription. Cakrayudha must be regarded as a rival claimant to the throne whose claims received support from Dharmapala. The Bappa-Bhatti Carita may not be regarded as altogether silent on the matter. Dharmapala says openly that it was a long cherished object of his life to defeat Amaraja of Kanauj, only that he had not the good fortune 1 Rajatarangini, I., BK., IV, V. 471 (Stein Konow, p. 163) 2 III, p. pp. 74 and 266 (Stein Konow and Lanman's edition).

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28 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES to give effect to his cherished aim successfully. If so the only inference that seems to be the possibility is that Dharmapala defeated Amaraja and displaced him just for a while by placing Cakrayudha on the throne. Amaraja, however, soon after turned out Carkrayudha and occupied the throne again, all Dharmapala's exertions being unable to place Cakrayudha again on the throne of Kanauj. That probably is the question when both Dharma and Cakra voluntarily rendered submission to Govinda. The Bappa-Bhatti Carita and the Prabandhakosa indicate that Ama held his court at Gopagiri (Gwalior), but according to the Prabhavaka Carita he, like his father Yasovarman, reigned at Kanaujo and not altogether at Gopagiri. Whatever be the truth, the importance of the tradition probably lies in showing that the region of Gwalior formed part of the dominions of Kanauj at this time. He is also represented as going to the Jain holy places like Stambhatirtha (Combay), Vimalgiri (Palitana), Raivatagiri (Girnar) and Prabhasa (Patan), etc.3 From the narrative of the Bappa Bhatti we may safely conclude that the King Ama was a very religious man and was unable to revive the past glory of the kingdom of Kanauj. Though its glory had departed yet the position of Kanauj was so important that it continued to enjoy pre-eminence among the kingdoms of the North. It was, therefore, probably during the reign of Ama, that king Jayapida of Kashmira, the Rastrakuta king Dhruva and the Pala king Dharmapala unsuccessfully invaded the territories of Kanauj. Ama was succeeded by his son Dunduka who according to the Prabhavaka Carita was murdered by his son Bhoja. After this event we have no information whatsoever regarding the descendants of Amaraja. It seems that during the weak rule of Dunduka, Kanauj was occupied by the Pratiharas. 111. AYUDHA FAMILY: A CONCOCTION This dynasty is supposed to have consisted of three kings. The ground of the discovery of this dynasty is only the likeness in the name-ending of 1 PK., (SJGM, VI), p. 28 ff. : 3773 IT utafif I 2 PCA., XI, Vs. 116, 117: THETAHENTO TATUT14:1 To: vah: 919 F ouye na: 11 3 Ibid., XI, p. 108. 4 PCA., (SJGM, XIII), p. IIO, V. 756: TET T FITTI jaghAna hRdaye ghAtaistribhistai/japUrakaiH //

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 29 Vajrayudha, Indrayudha and Cakrayudha. Curiously enough, they are known from sources quite different from one another. As I have already discussed elsewhere the identity of Vajrayudha,' this point need not be raised here again. As regards the two, the identification of their family is still a matter of controversy. We know about Cakrayudha from Pala as well as from the Gurjara Pratihara and the Rastrakuta records but for Indrayudha there is only one source and that is the following verse from the Jain HariVansa of Jinasena: Sakesvabdasatesu satpatsu disam Pancottaresuttaram Patindrayudhanamni Krsnaar pa je Srivallabhe daksinam Purvam srimadavanti bhubhiti nrpe Vatsadi (dhi) raje param Saurya (ra) namadhimandale (lam) Jayayute vire varahevati Kalyunaih purivardhamana vipulasrivardhamane pure? The credit for bringing to light this passage goes to the late Dr. K. B. Pathak. This verse, however, has been the subject of a considerable amount of discussion and even of differing interpretations. This simply states that Jinasena wrote his Harivansa at Vardhamanapura in Saka year 705 or 783 A.D., when Indrayudha was ruling in the north, Srivallabha, the son of Krisnanspa, in the south, Vatsaraja, the king of Avanti, in the east and Vira Jayavaraha over the Sauramandala in the west. In this verse the author who was a resident of Wadhwan in Gujarat wishes to define his position in place and time. The time datum is quite precisely the Saka year 705. The place is defined equally precisely as in the province (Adhimandala) of Gujarata land of the Suras of Sauryas. The work was completed in the region of the valiant king Jayavaraha; that disposes of the first and the last lines. The intervening two lines have reference to the political disposition of India at the time with reference to Wadhwan in Kathiawar. Before attempting any identification of the rulers mentioned in the intervening two lines, I propose here to discuss the various interpretations given by eminent scholars. Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar thinks in his 'History of the Deccan' that the prince of Vatsa was the ruler in the west, whose capital must have been Kausambi the modern Kosam near Allahabad, and who had grown haughty by his conquest of a king of the Gauda country. He must be the same as that vanquished by Nirupama, who having driven 1 See supra pp. 39-40. 2 Canto LXVI, V. 52 and 53.

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES him into the impassable desert of Marwar, had carried away the two state umbrellas which he (Vatsaraja) had won from the Gauda king. Following him his son Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar translates this verse as follows: "In the east, the illustrious king of Avanti, in the west king Vatsaraja (and) in the territory of the Sauryas, the victorious and the brave Varaha." Later on, Mr. R. Chanda, Prof. R. D. Banerji and Stein Konow accepted this translation. Dr. V. A. Smith also accepted it, but he remarked that the translation has been the subject of disputea Dr. S. K. Aiyangar, the exponent of the above theory, argues "there is no reason for us whatever to imagine that the directions here indicated are with reference to Wadhwan or for equating Vatsadhiraja with the ruler of Avanti which seems to be contradicted by the statements in inscriptions and other records referable to his time and to the period immediately following. Whoever the Avanti ruler was, he certainly was not Vatsadhiraja or any one of his successors. It becomes thus obvious that the interpretations put upon the verse are forced, as the conclusions drawn therefrom lend to palpable historical absurdities. We have to take the meaning of the verse plainly. Indrayudha was ruling in the north, Srivallabha, son of Krsna in the south, a king of Avanti was the dominant ruler in the east and Vatsaraja was the most influential in the west. Beyond this the verse gives us no warrant to proceed."3 Later on he states in the conclusion, that Jinasena perhaps has made two important omissions in the above verse. The first is that while mentioning Indra yudha as the ruler of the North, he makes no mention of as to who the ruler of Kanauj at that time was. Kanauj having been the head-quarters of an imperial sovereign upto the date of the death of Yasovarman, the omission of any mention is certainly very significant. Filling this omission then he identifies Indrayudha with the king Amaraja of Kanauj of the time. The second omission in his opinion is that there is no mention whatsoever of the ruler of Bengal while simply stating that the east was ruled by the king of Malava in the year Saka 705 or 783 A.D. Then he assumed that the ruler of the east was Dharmapala, a powerful ruler of Bengal, whose influence prevailed westwards; his name figures in the Rastrakuta inscriptions of the period among those against whom the Rastrakutas intervened in the politics of the north But all these far-fetched assumptions based on the distortion of the i Bhandarkar, Collected Works, III, pp. 89-90. 2 JDL., X, p. 24. 3 Aiyangar, S. K., Ancient India ( 1941 ), pp. 368-369. * Ibid., p. 370.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 31 simple meaning of the verse, are hardly applicable to the above proposition when spoken with reference to Wadhwan in Kathiawar. On the face of it we should seek the appropriate identification suitable to the four directions from Wadhwan, the residence of the author. Commenting on this verse Dr. Fleet observed that "the work was finished in Saka Sanivat 705 (expired)-(A.D. 783-84), when there were reigning in various directions determined with reference to a town named Vardhamanapura, which is to be identified with the modern Wadhwan in the Jhalavad division of Kathiawar: in the north Indrayudha; in the east Vatsaraja, the king of Avanti (Ujjain); and in the west Varaha or Jayavaraha, in the territory of the Sauryas. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, later on in view of the new light thrown by the Sanjan plates, changed his opinion and accepted the correctness of Dr. Fleet's translation. Now the chief point to be noticed in Dr. Fleet's translation is that it gives the king's personal name in each case. Let us then identify each of the kings of each direction. As regards Indrayudha, it is generally assumed that he was king of Kanauj, but certain scholars doubt this identification. I have shown elsewhere that Indrayudha of the Harivarsa could not probably be the ruler of Kanauj. Moreover, the term 'in the north' is not merely vague and indefinite, but hardly applicable to Kanauj when taken with reference to Wadhwan in Kathiawar. In my opinion Indrayudha must have been the ruler of some territory north from Wadhwan. We know a king entitled Indraraja from the Baroda plates who was in charge of Latesvaramandala. Scholars generally assumed that Indraraja of Baroda plates is almost identical with Indraraja, ruler of Kanauj mentioned in the Bhagalpur copper plates. But to me it does not seem plausible. I have, however, elsewhere expressed my opinion. It appears more likely that the Rastrakuta king Indraraja of the Baroda plates and Indrayudha of the Harivansa are identical. The Baroda plates of Karkaraja inform us that Dhruva appointed his son Indraraja to rule over the Latesvara-mandala, which seems to mean the northern possessions of the Rastrakutas with the province of Lata as the centre. Now the question arises: Why does Jinasena not call him the ruler of Lata-mandala instead of calling him the ruler of the north? Lata is certainly not in the north of Wadhwan. Is there any significance in mention i Fleet, EI., VI, pp. 195-196; See also JRAS., 1904, p. 644. 2 EI., XVIII, p. 239. 3 See supra p. 37. 4 See supra p. 38.

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES ing Indrayudha or Indraraja as the king of the north? Is there any indication to assume that in the Saka year 705 or 783-4 A.D. Rastrakuta Indraraja was the ruler of the north? Is there any relation with the ruler of the south, mentioned by Jinasena as Srivallabha, son of Krsnanspa, who is certainly a Rastaakuta ruler? For all these queries we should go to the history of the Rastaakuta dynasty. The Rastrakuta documents inform us that Dantidurga's uncle and successor Kssna I had two sons namely Govinda II and Dhruva I. According to the statement of Jinasena, one who was called Srivallabha, was the ruler of the south in the Saka year 705 or 783 A.D. The Paithan plates of Govinda III mention Srivallabha, as an epithet of Govinda II and Kalivallabha as that of Dhruva. But Sravanabelgola Inscription No. 24, which is an almost contemporary document, describes the father of Stambha i.e. Dhruva, as Srivaliabha. Another contemporary record from Matakari in Mysore district refers to Dharavarsa Srivallabha as the overlord of Kambarasa, proving thereby that Dhruva was known both by the epithets of Srivallabha and Kalivallabha. Since Srivallabha was thus the epithet of both Govinda II and his immediate successor Dhruva, Srivallabha mentioned by Jinasena as ruling in 783 A.D. can be either Govinda or Dhruva. But since the latest known date of Govinda II is 779 A.D. from the Dhulia plates, it may be reasonably assumed that Srivallabha, who is mentioned by Jinasena as ruling over the south in 783 A.D., may have been Dhruva rather than Govinda II At the time of his accession in c. 780 A.D. Dhruva was a mature man of about 50; for when the Dhulia plates were issued in 779 A.D. his son was a grown up man invested with the Pancamahasabdas and taking an active part in administration. Dhruva had a number of sons. The names of four of them are known as Stambha Ranavaloka (Kambarasa in Canarese), Karka Suvarnavarsa, Govinda II and Indra. Stambha was a viceroy of Gangawadi and Karka an administrator of Khanadesa even before his father's accession. Govinda, who was the ablest and worthiest among them was selected by Dhruva for succession and Indra was later on put in charge of Gujarata province. Dhruva died some time between April, 793 A.D. and May, 794 A.D.2 Dhruva is regarded as the usurper of the throne of his elder brother who was a weak and vicious ruler. After his accession Dhruva must have 1 Altekar, Dr. A. S., The Rastrakutas and Their Times, pp. 52-53. 2 Ibid., p. 58.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 33 spent some time in consolidating his position by compelling the rebel feudatories who were about to overflow his brother's yoke, to recognise his sovereignty. Then he proceeded to punish those who had sided with his brother in the war of succession. Indrayudha or Indra mentioned by Jinasena as the ruler of the north was really the son of Dhruva, whom he appointed as the administrator of Lata-mandala or the north speaking in term of Jinasena, after the conquest of the north. The real motive of the northern campaign of Dhruva seems to have been to teach a lesson to Vatsaraja, who had tried to espouse the cause of Govinda II.' This Vatsaraja is the same whom Jinasena mentions in the line third of his verse, as the king of Avanti in the east. (Purvam srimadavantibhubhrti nr pe Vatsadhiraje). He has been accepted on all hands to be identical with the monarch of the same name mentioned in the Gurjara Pratihara inscriptions as the predecessor of Nagabhata II. From some time anterior to Jinasena, the city of Avanti or Ujjaini was regarded as the seat of power of Gurjara-Pratiharas. The support for this view may be found in verse occurring in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsa I, dated in the Saka year 793 or 871 A.D. It states: "Hiranyagarbham rajanyairujjayinyam yadasitam, Pratihari krtam yena Gurjaresadi rajakam," i.e., by whom kings such as the Gurjara lord and others were made door-keepers when in Ujjayini, the (great gift called) Hiranyagarbha was completed by the Ksatriyas.? Vatsaraja was the powerful ruler of the Pratihara dynasty. His first known date from a Prakit Jain work Kuvalayamala of Udyotanasuri is the Saka year 700 or 778-79 A.D. when he was regarded as the ruler of Jalor (Jabalipur) in Marwar. His second known date furnished by Jinasena of Wadhwan is the Saka year 705 or 783-84 A.D. when he mentioned the ruler of the east at Avanti. These two dates furnished by the Jain teachers are very significant. Jalor is directly in the north from Wadhwan. From these two different dates related with different places it may safely be assumed that five years earlier than Jinasena's statement Vatsaraja had been the ruler of the north; while, in the time of Jinasena, he became the ruler of the 1 See Bhor Museum copper plates, EI., XXII, N. 28, V. 21. 2 EI., XVIII, pp. 243, 252, V. 9. 3 Jain Sahitya Samsodhaka, III, p. 180, V. 25-26 : sagakAle bolINe barisANa sattahiM gaehiM, ekadiNe NUNehiM raiyA avaraNha belaae| parabhaibhirahibhaMgopaNa IyaNa rohiNI kalAcaMdo, sirivaccharAyaNAmo NarahatthI patthivo jaiyA / /

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34 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES east and the ruler of the north became Indrayudha. The reasons of this change, it can be said, are not wanting. It has been said above that Dhruva's real motive of the northern campaign was to teach the lesson to Vatsaraja who had tried to espouse the cause of Govinda II and, for this very reason, he attacked Vatsaraja and conquered his possession of the north and appointed his son Indra as the administrator. All these sudden changes of kingdoms within a short period of the time, say between 780-783, must have been fresh in the mind of Jinasena when he depicted the political conditions prevailing during his time in the four directions. Now it may reasonably be concluded that Indrayudha of the Jain Harivansa is identical only with Indra Rastrakuta and not with Indraraja, ruler of Kanauj, as mentioned in the Bhagalpur copper plates of the Pala dynasty. In view of the foregoing discussion it is difficult to maintain the existence of the Ayudha dynasty of Kanauj, consisting of Vajrayudha, Indrayudha and Cakrayudha. Really speaking, Cakrayudha was the only king who can be safely located at Kanyakubja. The gap between Yasovarman and the Pratiharas has been filled in by Ama Nagavaloka of the Jain traditions, who distinguished himself in religious and cultural fields, but was politically weak, which led to the invasions of Madhyadesa by the Rastrakutas, the Palas, the Pratiharas and the kings of Kashmir.

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CHAPTER III THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA (continued) I. THE GURJARA PRATIHARAS The Gurjara Pratiharas played a very important part in ancient Indian History. The earliest reference to them found in the Jain sources is the famous Aihole inscription (A.D. 634) of Ravikirti, a contemporary of Pulikesin II, in which they are mentioned along with the Latas and the Malavas. Banabhatta in his Harsa Carita also refers to the Gurjaras whom Prabhakaravardhana kept in terror. Apart from these, the various references to the Gurjaras in the records of the seventh century indicate that their dynasty must have been a powerful one. Certain place names like Gujranwala, Gujarat, Gujarakhan in the Punjab and Gujargar, the name of one of the northern districts of Madhyabharat denote the early inhabitance of the tribe. The land between these -- the territory corresponding to the northern and western Rajputana-is referred to in some inscriptions of the ninth century A.D. as Gurjaratras and must, therefore, be assumed as a settlement of the Gurjaras. As regards their early settlement we have no definite information from the Jain sources but we can infer, from a reference made in the Jain Inscription of Ravikirti from Aihole, wherein Gurjaras are mentioned along with the Latas and the Malavas, that they occupied a territory contiguous to these two provinces. One Jain author, Udyotanasuri, by way of mentioning the date of completion of his work states that in Saka year 700 or 778 A.D. the territory in which his residence Javalipur or Jalor (Marwar) was situated, had been ruled by a king Vatsaraja. This Vatsaraja has been rightly accepted on all hands as a member of the Gurjara Pratihara dynasty. One more definite information is furnished by a Jain inscription from Ghatiyala near Jodhpur in the N.W. directions, in which it is stated that in V.E. 1 El., VI, p. 1: Tata qe Z H15 TTT: 2 Harsa Carita, p. 120 (N. S. Press) Eu furcat prior TETETTTI gAMdhArAdhipa gandhadvipakUTapAkalo, lATapATava pATaccaro mAlavalakSmI latA prshuH| 3 JBBRAS., XXI, p. 414. * El., VI, p. I. 5 JSS., III, Pt. II, p. 180, Vs. 25-26; See supra p. 49. & TA., XV, pp. 141-42; BG., I, Pt. II, p. 197, ft. 2.

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36 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES 918 or 861 A.D., a chief Kakkuka, of Pratihara dynasty founded a Jain temple and made it over to a Jain community of Gaccha Dhaneswara.' All these references from the early seventh to the ninth century show that the Pratiharas were already settled in the N.W. Rajasthana areas. Origin: Who were these Gurjara-Pratiharas? Regarding this question. we have no particular information. Some scholars regard them as of foreign origin and argue that the personal names of the earlier rulers found in the Jain inscription from Ghatiyala as well as in other inscriptions of this dynasty are outlandish. This much may be said on this point that there are no outlandish names. They are Prakrt and Apabhransa forms of Sanskrt terms. These Gurjaras were divided among certain clans and one of them was called Pratihara. It should be kept in mind in this connection that the term 'Gurjara' primarily bears a racial signification, rather than a geographical sense. For this we have the testimony of a south Indian Jain poet Pampa, who expressly calls Mahipala 'Gurjararaja"." This epithet could hardly be applied to him, if the term Gurjararaja bore a geographical sense denoting what after all was only a small portion of Mahipala's vast territories. This fact is curiously confirmed by a Rajor inscription of Mathandeva dated V.E. 1016 or 959 A.D. wherein he is described as belonging to the Gurjara-Pratihara lineage, since the phrase "Gurjara-Pratiharanvayah" occurring in it must be interpreted to mean 'Pratihara clan of the Gurjaras'." The two Jain inscriptions along with the other inscriptions of this dynasty, however, suggest a different kind of origin. The Ghatiyala inscription (in Prakrt) of Kakkuka says: "Rahutilao Padiharo asi siri Lakkhanotti Ramassa Tena Padiharavanso samunai attha sampatto." 'Sri Laksmana, the ornament of Raghu dynasty, was the door-keeper (Pratihara) of Rama. Through him this dynasty of Pratiharas reached the growth."" JRAS., 1895., pp. 513-21: Tripathi, Dr. R. S.: History of Kanauj, p. 221. See infra p. 62: The term may be interpreted in the light of the official statements of the family. Gurjara-Pratihara means 'Pratihara family from Gurjaratra.' 4 EI., III, p. 266; See also IA, XL, p. 22. JRAS., 1895, p. 513. ff. V. 2. Cf. Jodhpur Ins. of Pratihara Bauk, EI., XVIII, pp. 87 ff. V. 4: yAtrA rAmabhadrasya prAtihArya kRtaM yataH zrIpratIhAra vaMzo'yamatazconnItimApnuyAt //

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 37 Another Jain inscription of Vatsaraja from Osia in Jodhpur division says: "Tasyakarsat kila premna Laksmanah Pratiharatam Tatobhavat Pratihura vanso Rama samudbhavah." 'Laksmaya, a brother of Rama, out of affection, performed the duty of door-keeper (Pratiharatam). So the Pratihara dynasty originated from him'.1 Thus in both the records the name Pratihara is derived from a memorable event in the life of Laksmana. This shows that the clan is said to be descended from the same epic hero and thereby considered as a genuine indigenous one. According to the available sources historians have divided this dynasty into two branches:--the one is the Jodhpur branch and the other is the Ujjain branch which later on shifted to Kanauj. Fortunately we have definite information about each of the branches. Jodhpur Branch: For this branch of dynasty we have a Jain inscription of Kakkuka from Ghatiyala, which is one of the five Ghatiyala inscriptions published in JRAS., 1895, p. 513 ff. This inscription fortunately bears the date V.E. 918 or 861 A.D. and treats of the same line of Pratihara chiefs which is eulogised in the Jodhpur inscription of Bauka, dated V.E. 894. But it has some additional value because it corrects and adds to the information which has been drawn from that inscription and also because by far the greater part of it nearly upto the end of line 20, is written in Maharastri Prakst. Its proper object is to record (in verse 22 and 23) that a chief named Kakkuka founded a Jain temple and made it over to a Jain community of Gaccha Dhaneswara. But it tells us also in the verses (19-21) that the same chief on the day of Wednesday, the second lunar day of the bright half of Caitra of the year 918 (apparently the Vikrama era) while moon was in Naksatra Hasta, established a market at the village of Rohinikupa and erected two pillars, one at the same village and the other at Maddora. And by way of introduction it gives (in verses 3-6) the following genealogy of Kakkuka. Brahmana Haricandra and his wife Bhadra who was of the Ksatriya caste had a son Rajjila. His son was Narabhata; his son Nagabhata (Nahad) his son Tata; his son Yasovardhan; his son Canduka; his son Silluka; his son Jhota; his son Bhilluka; his son Kakka and his son from Durlabhadevi was Kakkuka. 1 EI., XVIII, pp. 95-97 and pp. 107-110, V. 6. Cj. Gwalior Prasasti of Bhoj, Ibid., p. 99, V. 3.

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38 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES With the exception of Durlabhadevi and her son Kakkuka all these persons were known to us already (some under slightly different names) from the Jodhpur inscription of Bauka. But the present inscription shows that Yasovardhana was the son of Tata, not as has been wrongly inferred from the Jodhpur inscription, of Tata's younger brother Bhoja, who is here omitted; and that the son of Silluka (Siluka or Siluka) was Jhota, not Jharovara. According to the Jodhpur inscription Kakka had another son named Bauka from the Maharajni Padmini. He, of course, must have been a brother of Kakkuka, who in the present inscription is described as the son of Kakka and Durlabhadevi. As the date of the Jodhpur inscription is read V.E. 894 by Dr. R. C. Majumdar, it appears that Kakkuka, whose present inscription contains a date of the year 918, would have been the step-brother and successor of Bauka. Thus the above inscription furnishes us with a line of kings extending over twelve generations. Dr. Majumdar suggests that if 25 years be given as an average for each generation, the total reign-period of the dynasty would be about 300 years. As the known date of Kakkuka is V.E. 918 or 861 A.D. and that of his step-brother Bauka, Samvat 894 or 837 A.D. the founder of the dynasty, Haricandra, may be placed at 550 A.D.2 It may, of course, be argued, in the absence of pompous and high sounding titles in the inscription, of this line of rulers, that they were only small feudatory chiefs, but the light thrown by the other inscription of this dynasty, i.e., Jodhpur inscription of Bauka, dated 840 A.D., proves otherwise.3 This inscription eulogises Kakkuka much, but does not furnish any details regarding his predecessors. It does not also inform us the name of his step-brother Bauka. It, besides referring to his great power in general, makes specific reference to the provinces of Marumada, Stravani, Valla, and also Gurjaratra as forming part of his dominions. Though we know from the Daulatapura plates that in 843 A.D. Gurjaratra was under the possessions of Bhoja (I) a king of another line of Pratiharas, the inscriptions of Kakkuka show that Bhoja had lost it again and even as late as 861 A.D. the disputed territory was in the possession of the Pratihara family of Jodhpur. 1 JDL., X, pp. 6-7. 2 Ibid. pp. 7-8 3 EI., XVIII, p. 87 ff. 4 JDL., X, p. 48.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 39 The Pratiharas of Avanti: As a matter of fact, this dynasty was closely allied to the ruling dynasty of Jodhpur for both possessed the common tradition of being descended from Laksmana, the brother of Rama; both traced the common name Pratihara to the fact that the hero once served as a door-keeper to his elder brother Rama. Certain Jain sources, however, throw some light on this branch also. As to when the Pratiharas came to Avanti is not known directly from the Jain sources, but we can infer from the Aihole inscription of the Jain poet Ravikirti that they had their own entity along with the Latas and the Malavas (Lata Malava Gurjarah). Probably by seeking an alliance with, or protection from the Calukya Pulikesin II, they retained their independence. The separate mention of the Malava in this reference, however, denotes that Malava was not occupied by the Pratiharas at the time of the poet Ravikirti (634 A.D.). The Arab historians inform us that during the first two quarters of the 8th century the invasion of the Arabs was checked in the east by a new power near Ujjain. Scholars have suggested that this new power was no other than that of the Pratihara kings of Avanti. This indicates that the Pratiharas had occupied Malava and established their sway in the beginning of the second quarter of the 8th century A.D. The fact that the Gurjara Pratiharas were settled in Malava, is also supported by a remarkable passage occurring in the colophon of the Harivansa of Jinasena, (Purvam srimadavanti bhubhiti npe Vatsadhiraje). It is stated here that at the time of completion of its composition, that is, in the Saka year 705 or 783 A.D., at Wardhamanapur, modern Wadhwan in the Jhalavad division of Kathiawar, there were ruling four kings in the four directions, among them in the east was Vatsaraja, the ruler of Avanti. This Vatsaraja has been identified with the monarch of the same name belonging to the Gurjara Pratihara family. The verse number nine of the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsa I, dated in the Saka year 793 or 871 A.D., points to a Gurjara Pratihara kingdom at Ujjain. Thus it may easily be surmised that Ujjain or Avanti became the citadel of this dynasty during this period. As regards the geneology of this line of the Pratiharas we have no records in the Jain sources but we have certain stray references which may be regarded as an important contribution to Indian history. 1 Elliot, History of India, pp. 126, 442; See also JDL., X. p. 21. 2 See supra, p. 49.

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40 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Vatsaraja: Regarding Vatsaraja there are two more references besides the Harivansa. The one is from Kuvalayamala of Udyotanasuri which states that he composed his work in Jabalipur (modern Jallor in Marwar) one day before the end of Saka year 700 or 778 A.D. At that time Vatsaraja was the ruler. The stanza runs thus: Parabhadabhiudibhango, Paraiyana rohinikalacando Siri Vaccharaya namo narahatthi patthivojaia. i.e. Adoration to the valorous king Vatsaraja who is frown to the enemies and is lovely to the lovers as moon is for his consort Rohini.' The other one is the Osia inscription, dated V.E. 1013 or 956-7 A.D., which is engraved in the Porch of a Jain temple and indicates its existence in the time of Vatsaraja. The inscription consists of 28 lines, but is much mutilated. It begins by invoking the blessings of the first Tirthankara Rsabhanath, the son of Nabhi and of the last Tirthankara Mahavira, the son of Siddhartha. Then it is stated that Rama, the destroyer of Ravana, had a brother named Laksmana who did the duties of his door-keeper (Pratihara) and hence arose from the latter the Pratihara dynasty. In this dynasty there was a king named Vatsaraja. In his kingdom was situated the extensive city of Ukesa i.e. Osia and in the heart of this city stood the temple of Mahavira. So far the contents of the inscription are clear, but from the remaining mutilated portion we can glean only two things as certain. The first is that this mandapa, in which the inscription is found, had fallen into disrepair and on the request of the temple committee (Gosthi) a merchant called Jindaka renovated it. Secondly, the date of this renovation is the 3rd day of the bright half of Phalguna of the Vikrama year 1013. The temple thus existed during the reign of Vatsaraja who belonged to the Pratihara dynasty and its Mandapa was rebuilt in V.E. 1013 (A.D. 956). These two references along with the reference found in the Harivansa show that Vatsaraja was ruling over an extensive kingdom though he was called the ruler of Avanti (Avuntibhubhrt). Regarding Vatsaraja one more point emerges here. From the Harivansa it appears that while the king Vatsaraja was the ruler at Avanti, the territory north of Wadhwan was ruled by a king named Indrayudha in Saka year 705 or 783 A.D. And five years prior to this date in Saka year 1 SS., III, Pt. II, p. 181, V. 21. 2 ASI., Ann. Re., 1908-9, p. 108 The text is published in Jain Lekha Sangarah, Pt. I. (P.C. Nahar), pp. 192-194.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 700 or 778 A.D., we are informed that the territory in which Javalipur, residence of the author of Kuvalayamala, was situated, was ruled by Vatsaraja, which is evidently north of Wadhwan. The reasons for this sudden change within five years (778-783 A.D.) are known to us from the Rastrakuta records. The verse number twenty-one of the Bhore State museum copper plates of Dharavarsa Dhruvaraja, dated Saka year 702 or 780 A.D., informs us that Dhruva subdued all those rebels who opposed him in the capture of power from his elder brother. Among these rebels one was the king of Malava (Malavesa). The then king of Malava country was Vatsaraja a fact which is supported by the Radhanpur plates and the Wani grants of Govinda III.2 These records expressly bear testimony to the struggle of Dhruva with Vatsaraja. The Baroda plates of Karkaraja also confirm that the Rastrakuta king had actually proceeded so far and appointed his son Indraraja administrator of the northern possessions with Head Quarters at Lata (Lateswaramandala).3 I have suggested elsewhere the possibility of identifying Indraraja with Indrayudha mentioned in the Harivansa. If so the occupation of the territory north of Wadhwan by Indrayudha, son of Dhruva, must have taken place between Saka year 702 or 780 A.D. and 705 or 783 A.D. Thus the above two Jain references in collaboration with the above facts, yield this important information. The fact that Vatsaraja was a powerful ruler is supported by those emphatical adjectives - Srimad, Bhubhrt, Nrpa, and Adhiraja (paramount sovereign), given in the passage of the Harivansa and Parabhadabhaudibhango, and Narahatthi, the virudas given to Vatsaraja in the Kuvalayamala of Udyotanasuri; and all these are mostly corroborated with what is spoken about him in the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja." NAGABHATA II: As to who was the son and successor of Vatsaraja is not known to us from the Jain sources, but from the lists of the kings given in the inscriptions of the dynasty, it is sure that he was Nagabhata II. About this king some scholars assume that he bore the title Nagavaloka and as such 1 El., XXII, N. 28, V. 21: ftrizitafaniraharjat Asasi, prAjyAnAnayatisma tAn kSitimRto yaH praatiraajyaanpi| 2 El., VI, p. 248. 3 See supra p. 46. 4 See supra p. 38. 5 EI., XVIIT, P. 99 ff. Vs. 6, 7.

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42 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES he is identical with the king Ama Nagavaloka of Kanauj mentioned in the Prabhavaka Carita, and henceforth, Kanauj continued to be the capital of the dynasty. I have refuted this very assumption elsewhere and I have to say here that there is no evidence to support that Nagabhata II really transferred his capital to Kanauj. If any transfer of the capital was effected, it must have been done by the time of later Pratiharas when the dynasty of Yasovarman at Kanauj was totally extinguished about the year 836 A.D. BHOJA I: The successors of Nagabhata II are known as generally ruling in Kanyakubja. The frequent attacks from the Rastrakutas and other powers from west compelled the Pratiharas to transfer their capital from Ujjaini to kanauj. Nagabhata's grand-son Bhoja (I) is regarded as ruling from Kanauj.? We have fortunately one Jain inscription from Deogarh which furnishes us one of the earliest dates of the period of reign of Bhojadeva of Kanauj. This inscription has been discovered, engraved, on a pillar belonging to a Jain temple in the village Deogarh in the Lalitpur sub-division of the district Jhansi (U.P.). The pillar which contained ten lines of writing was caused to be made (or set up) near the temple of the holy (Jain Arhat) santinath by Deva, a disciple of the Acarya Kamaladeva, and it was completed in V.E. 919 (A.D. 862), in the reign of the Paramabhattaraku Maharajadhiraja Parameswara, the glorious Bhojadeva, while Luacchagira was governed by the Mahasamanta or great feudatory Visnuram to whom the five Mahasabdas had been granted by Bhojadeva. The pillar was made by the Gosthika Vajuagagak. The last line gives us both in words and figures the year of the Saka era 784.3 "This inscription indicates the full sovereignty of Bhoja and the feudal system of his reign. That Bhoja was a most powerful king of the dynasty is shown by this inscription referring to his befitting titles. MAHIPALA: Among the later Pratiharas we have reference to two kings in the Jain sources: one is Mahipala and the other is Vinayakapala. A Kanarese Jain poet Pampa in his work, Vikramarjunavijaya or Pampa-Bharata, writing about Mahipala, states: "Plucked from the Ghurjararaja's arms the goddess of victory, whom, though desirous of keeping, he had held too loosely. Mahipala fled as if struck by thunder i See supra pp. 35, 36. 2 Barah copper plate inscription dated in V. E. 893 (A.D. 836). EI., XIX, pp. 15-19. SEI., IV, pp. 309-310; THETTE. HETTATTET ft 5127 THT kalyANavijayarAjye tatpradattapaJcamahAzabdamahAsAmanta zrI viSNurAma paribhujyamAne luacchAgire zrIzAntyA. yatana saMnidhe zrI devAcAryaziSyena zrIdevena kArayitaM idaM stambham /

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA bolts, staying neither to eat, nor to rest, nor pick himself up; while Narasimha pursuing bathed his horses at the junction of the Ganga." The above reference is made in connection with an expedition against Kanauj carried on by the Kastrakuta Indra III, probably having been accompanied by his feudatory chief Narasimha Calukya. As the year of Indra III's coronation is specified 915 A.D. in the Nausari grant and his successor is known from the Dandapur (Dharwad district) inscription to have been ruling in 918," we may infer that this struggle referred to above must have taken place sometime between the years 916 and 917 A.D. Besides this, we know from the Asni inscription that Mahipala was ruling in V.E. 974 or 917 A.D. From the Balabharata of the celebrated poet Rajasekhara, it appears that Mahipala must have been a strong ruler among the later Pratiharas.* Vinayakapala was the other name of Mahipala: The name of Vinayakapala occurs in the colophon of the Brhat Kathakola of the Jain poet Harisena. He states that "in the prosperous reign of 'Vinayadikapala' he wrote this Kosa in Vikrama Era 989 or Saka 853, the year being Khara which is twentyfourth in enumeration." The poet Marisena was living near about Wadhwan and his calculation is according to the northern cycle. It appears that the book was finished sometime between fifteenth October 931 and thirteenth March, 932 A.D. Who was this king and whom did he succeed? There are several inscriptions which give his dates. According to the plates of the Bengal Asiatic Society he was ruling in 931 A.D." The Rakhetra stone inscription discovered in the village of that name near Canderi in Gwalior says that Vinayakapala constructed certain water-works at an immense cost in the year V.E. 999-1000 or 94243 A.D. In an inscription from Partapgarh in southern Rajasthana, dated 1 Ed. Lewis Rice (Bangalore, 1898), pp. 3. 4: Karnataka Sabdanusasana, p. 26: JRAS., N.S. XIV, (1882) p. 20, * Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 415. 3 Ibid., p. 417. 4 See T, 7. Carl Cappeller's edition (1885), p. 2. 43 * Vs. It-13 of Colophon (SJGM.): Thong ting By are, vikramAdityakAlasya pariNAmamidaM sphuTam / zateSTakeSu vispaSTaM paJcazatyadhikeSu ca zakakAlasya satyasya pariNAmamidaM bhave / saMvatsare caturviMze vartamAne kharAdhipe, vinayAdikapAlasya rAjye zakropamAnake / 6 IA., XV, p. 140. 7 Ann, Re. ASI., 1924-25,

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44 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES 1003 or 946 A.D., he is described as the father of Mahendrapala (II)." It appears, therefore, that the name of the contemporary king mentioned in a peculiar way by Harisena would be Vinayakapala. Explaining the reading 'Vinayadikapalasya' of the text, Dr. A. N. Upadhye, the learned editor of the Brhat Kathakosa, stated that "the text would give the name Vinayapala or Vinayakapala while the king's name is Vinayakapala. The author seems to have been in the habit of using K-suffix, but, in all probability, the original reading might have been Vinayadika palasya (apparently meaningless, if one is not aware of the name of the king) which gives the name Vinayakapala. He further assumes that it is quite likely that Vinayadi was easily corrected into Vinayadi by some copyist, who could not make out any thing from Vinayadi and who thought that his was a meaningful improvement of Vinaya into Vinaya." I may, however, humbly suggest here that the reading should be corrected as Vinayakadipalasya instead of the correction Vinayadikapalasya, which is certainly more meaningful in the light of the History of the Pratiharas of Kanauj. Dr. Kielhorn and Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar and following them the other scholars held the view that Vinayakapala, Herambapala and Ksitipala are the various names of the one Mahipala, son of Mahendrapala and the successor of Bhoja (II). In this context if we interpret the reading as Vinayakadipalasya, it certainly denotes that a pala having such names as Vinayaka-Adi=Vinayaka etc., naturally comes out as Mahipala. The king referred to by Harisena was certainly a suzerain king and not any local chief and this is implied by the adjective 'Sakropamanake'. Leaving this controversy aside, we can conclude this much from the above reference that the Vardhamanapura in the Jalavad division of Kathiawar was included in the Pratihara empire in A.D), 931. Before this there are the Haddala copper plates dated Saka 836 of the Capa-mahasamantadhipati Dharani-Varaha, a feudatory of the Rajadhiraja Mahipaladeva, issued from Vardhaman. Pratihara empire was a big one, extending from Kathiawar to the borders of Bihar and the "Government was more or less feudal in nature and its rapid dissolution was due to the centrifugal tendency which is still observable among the Rajputs." MAHENDRAPALA II: Mahipala had two sons Mahendrapala II and 1 EI., XIV, pp. 176-186. 2 Brhat Kathakosa, Introduction, p. 122. (SJGM., XVII). % See for full discussion - JDL., X, pp. 59-62; H. C. Ray, DHNI., Pt. I., No. 572-576; R. S. Tripathi, History of Kanauj, pp. 258-59.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 45 Devapala. He was succeeded by Mahendrapala II whose short reign could be placed between 940 and 948 A.D. The celebrated author Somadeva was his contemporary. He refers to him by name in the opening and concluding verses of the first chapter of his monumental work Yasastilaka Campul and at his instance composed the Nitivakyamyta as is declared in some anonymous commentary. It is said that before this he had composed a work named Trivarga-Mahendra-Malatisanjalpa, dealing with Dharma Artha and Kama perhaps in the form of dialogue between king Mahendra and charioteer Malati. Nothing more is known about this king from the Jain sources in the present state of our knowledge. DEVAPALA: Mahendrapala II was succeeded by Devapala in c. 948 A.D. About Devapala we infer from an unpublished, damaged and fragmentary inscription in a small Jain temple at Ahar near Udaipur that he was killed by the Guhilota Allata in a fight. Nothing further is known about him from the Jain sources.' RAJYAPALA: In the third generation of Mahipala alias Vinayakapala, appears, among several successors, one Rajyapala. A Jain inscription from Dubkunda, dated V.E. 1145 (A.D. 1088) of the reign of the Kacchapaghata Vikramasimha, refers to one Rajyapala. We learn from it that Vikramasimha's grand-father Arjuna, "being anxious to serve the illustrious Vidyadharadeva, had fiercely slain in a great battle the illustrious Rajyapala with many showers of arrows that pierced his neckbone." The event is probably referred to in the Mahoba inscription which represents Vidyadhara as having caused the destruction of the king of Kanauj." These two statements when jointly defined, tell us undoubtedly that this Rajyapala was the Gurjara Pratihara, king of Kanauj, whose name has been spelt by Arab historians as Rajaybal. Thus Rajyapala was a contemporary of the Candella Vidyadhara and the Kacchapaghata Arjuna. The date of his accession given by the historians is 1018 A.D. 1 Kavyamala (N.S.P.) No. 70, 1901. 2 Raghavan, NIA., vi, pp. 67-9. 3 Pt. Premi, Jain Sahitya aur Itihasa, 2nd ed., p. 178. 4 See infra p. 219. Chapter on the Guhilotas. 5 EI., II, pp. 233-237. line 12.; See infra on the Kacchapaghatas : vidyAdharadevakAryanirataH zrIrAjyapAlaM htthaat| kaNThAsyacchidanekabANanivarhatvA mahatyAhave // * Ibid., I, pp. 219, 222, V. 22: fareftFTTTT ? DNNI., Pt. I, p. 598.

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES After Rajyapala, we do not know of his successor from the Jain sources. Thus the following kings of the dynasty are known from the Jain sources. Jodhpur Branch Avanti Branch Harichandra Vatsaraja Rajjila Narabhata Tata Bhoja 1 Yasovardhana Chanduka Silluka Mahipala alias Vinayakapala Jhota Mahendrapala II Bhilluka Devapala Kakka Kakkuka Rajyapala II. THE GAHADAVALAS After Rajyapala as we know from other sources, the Gurjara Pratihara dynasty could not survive long. The vast territory over which they ruled was naturally captured by the new rising powers in all directions. Soon after the disappearance of the Pratiharas, we hear from available Jain sources that the Haihayas of Dahala ruled for some time over Kanauj empire. But the territory ruled over by them was captured very soon by a suddenly emerged dynasty of the Gahadavalas. The Jain sources throw some light on the following five rulers of the dynasty. They are 1 SIGM., II, p. 20: Tat: 70:- TT attoreitafa TRATT: ......etc.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 47 Candradeva, his grandson Govindacandra, his son Vijayacandra, his son Jayacandra and his son Hariscandra. Origin: The origin of the Gahalavalas is one of the most controversial topics in Indian history and the dynasty is tossed between the aboriginal Bharas on the one side and the Lunar race on the other.' So far as the Jain sources are concerned they regard the Gahadavalas as belonging to the famous Rastrakuta family. In the Puratana Prabandha Sangraha JaitraCandra (Jayacandra), the son of Vijayacandra, is mentioned as Rastrakutiya." Candradeva: As regards the individual kings of the dynasty, the first in the list is Candradeva whose reign is generally assigned to the period between c. 1040 and 1100 A.D. He seems to be the contemporary of the king Bhoja of Dhara (c. 1010-1056 A.D.). In one place the Prabandha Cintamani states that when Bhoja went out for conquests "the king of Kanyakubja is here bent double.!'We can safely infer from this statement that the contemporary king of the then ruling dynasty may be Candradeva. It is important to note here that Bhoja's name occurs in the Barahi plates of the Gahadavala dynasty and this would not have much significance if he had not made some incursions in the north and for a time established his supremacy over Kanauj. His son and successor Madanacandra known from sources other than the Jain is omitted in the texts under consideration. Govindacandra: Madanacandra's son and successor, Govindacandra, figures more prominently in the Prabandha Kosa. "In the eastern city of Varanasi there was a king by name Govindacandra. He was the enjoyer of scent consisting of the pleasure of youth in the inner apartment peopled by seven hundred and fifty damsels)." Here his romantic side only is emphasised and his military and political achievements known from the other sources are passed over. But it tries to compensate when it narrates the concluding act of Govindacandra's life in the following words: 1 Tripathi, Dr. R. S. : History of Kanauj, 198-99. 2 SGM., II, p. 88: TT >> ITFT e n #77 To FIFTI 3 SJGM., I, p. 31: cottas : fe fataya: uports Tout 15 AT THE prasarabhayabharavyAkulo raajlokH| 4 1A., XIV, p. 105, line 3. 5 SJGM., VI, p. 54: Ezgi arti FETAH TET I 4o [3778:] purI yauvnrsprimlgraahii|

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48 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES "After having given his kingdom to him (Jayacandra? Vijayacandra) and having followed the description of Yoga obtained the highest state of existence."1 From some other sources it appears that Govindacandra waged several wars with his contemporaries. A Jain work Rambhamanjari of Nayacandra refers to the fact that he achieved a victory against Dasarna on the day. of his grandson Jayacandra's birth. Govindacandra perhaps maintained diplomatic relations with other kings. According to the Prabandha Cintamani Siddharaja Jayasimha sent a messenger to the lord of Kasi. Govindacandra, (c. 1112-1155 A.D.) most probably, was the contemporary of the Gujarat ruler Jayasimha Siddharaja, and thus the ruler of Kasi, at this time when Siddharaja sent his messenger, must have been Govinda candra and not his grandson, Jayacandra (c. 1170-94 A.D.). The latter is anachronistically recorded in the Prabandha Cintamani." The two colophons of the MSS obtained from the Jain Bhandaras give the two dates. The colophon of the Vasavadatta mentions V.E. 1207 when the book was copied in Rudrapalli in the prosperous reign of Rajasri Govindacandradeva. The colophon of the Katantra Vyakarana mentions V.E. 1207 when the book was copied by Vijayananda at Purarahupura in the prosperous reign of Srimad Govindacandra, while his son Srimad Vijayacandra was ruling the province of Vadahara (near Varanasi) on the south bank of the Gatiga. Vijayacandra: Govindacandra's son was Vijayacandra" who was also sometimes called, according to the Rambhamanjari, Malladeva. We have seen from a colophon that he was sharing in his father's administration as a governor of a province. In the Prabandha Kosa, Govindacandra's son is called jayantacandra, which is apparently wrong. Jayanta or Jaitra were the other names of Jayacandra, the grandson of Govindacandra. 1 Thid., p. 54. tasmai rAjyaM dattvA yogaM prapadya paralokamasAdhayat / 2 Bom, Ed. (1899). p. 4 pitAmahena tajjanmadine dazArNadezeSu prAptaM prabalaM yavanasaimyaM jitaM ataeva tannAma jayacandraH / SJGM, I. p. 74 kadAcit siddharAjasya vAgmIkaJcit......... * pRcchateti dUSaNamuktam / 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 106, N. 62. * Ibid., N. 63 dinakara zatamiti saMkhye aSTAdhikAbdayukte zrImaGgovindacandra devarAjye jAhalyA dakSiNakule zrImadvijayacandradeva bhrdeshbhujymaane......| Recently a copper plate of this King dated 1166 A.D. has been discovered from village Sonhal near Sasaram (Bihar) and is kept in the Patna Museum. Bom. Ed. (1899), P. 4.

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 49 Vijayacandra does not appear as powerful a ruler as his father. According to Prakrta Dvyasraya-mahakavya of Hemacandra, Caulukya Kumarapala, in the course of his glorious career, devastated Kanyakubja and terrified its sovereign. The reign of Kumarapala is generally assigned to the period from c. 1144 to 1172 A.D., and if there be any truth in the above statement, the event must have occurred during the period of Vijayacandra. Kumarapala's earlier contemporary Gahadavala king Govindacandra was so powerful that this occurrence concerning him is well nigh impossible. Jayacandra: Vijayacandra was succeeded by his son Jayacandra whose mother according to the Rambhamanjari of Nayacandra was queen Candralekha.? According to the Canda Bardai, Jayacandra was born of Anangapal's eldest daughter Sundari Devi, Rajasekharasurit and Nayacandra record his name as Jayantacandra and Jaitracandra respectively. Merutunga calls him Jayacandra. In the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha Jayacandra and Jaitracandra both names occur. It is alleged that Jayacandra was given this name on account of his grandfather having achieved a victory over the Dasarna country on the very day of his birth. According to Merutunga and Nayacandra, Jayacandra bore the epithet of 'Pangu' or 'Dala Pangula' from the circumstances that he maintained stupendous forces.* Canda Bardai states that his army was so vast that in the march "the van had reached its ground ere the rear had moved off." Jayacandra is credited with so many victories over his contemporary powers until he was completely defeated by Sihabuddin of Ghor. He had 1 Canto VI, V. 79, p. 209, Ed. S. P. Pandit (Bombay, 1900): lukkiajasamullUria payAvamullukia meiNi kaahii| gholanti tuhaseNA bhayaghuliaM kannaujjesaM // 2 p. 4. SETT: WHAT $77 3 Raso. Vs. 881-82, p. 134 (Syam Sundardas edition). 4 Prabandha kosa (SJGM., VI), p. 54: Ega 74 7472 : ( #fatara:) 5 SJGM., I, p. 113: 3727 Afaitaf y a 24:1 6 SJGM., II, pp. 88, 89, 90 : 747754971: 7 Rambhamanjari, Act I, p. 4: FAT THE Eagy a 70 yansainyaM jitaM ata eva tannAma jaitrcndrH| 8 SGM., I, P. 113: iuffa fa TTT I gat Titi TITH AUT STAFE T TET TE THERA I Rambhamanjari, I, p. 6: ITEETTI pNguviruddhaarkH| 9 Tod's, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, II, p. 936.

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50 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES a great diplomatic minister named Vidyadhara. With his help he attacked the Gauda king Laksmanasena? and the Candella king Paramardi. The Rambhu-manjari affirms that Jayacandra's arms were like pillars to tie down the elephant-like goddess of Madanavarman's royal fortune, which proves that he attacked the Candella king, the predecessor of Paramardi some time as a prince. But from the context of the prabandhas it appears that all the attacks were changed in treaties and did not create any bitterness. Nayacandra states in his work Rambha-manjari, that Jayacandra had destroyed the Yavanas. This view receives full support by the Purusa-pariksa of Vidyapati. According to the prabandha literature one of the inveterate enemies of Jayacandra was Cauhan king Prithviraja, on whose death he felt great joy." The cause of enmity is not mentioned in the prabandha literature. The friction between Jayacandra and Prithviraja has been generally regarded as the chief cause which led Sihabuddin Ghori's invasion of India resulting in the fall of both. The following tradition in the prabandhas accounts for Sihabuddin's invasion of Gahadavala empire: "A concubine of Jayacandra named Suhavadevi, having got refusal from the king of her son's claim for the throne and hence being desirous of killing her husband, summoned the Mlecchas."8 According to the Puratana Prabandha sangraha. Suratrana Sahabdin (Sihabuddin), having conquered Prithviraja, was staying in Yoganipur (Delhi), when Suhavadevi, the concubine of Jayacandra sent message to him to come there when she asked for. After two years she called him. In the first attack Suratrana (Sihabuddin) was defeated. With the advice of his wife he appointed certain Mahammada, son of Ahammada, as his general and won the battle. "In the 10th of the bright fortnight of the month Caitra in V.E. 1248, Suratrana captured 1 SJGM., II, p. 88: 948-:1 2 Ibid., p. 88. 3 Ibid., p. 90. 4 Act I, pp. 5-6: TTTTTTTHGITT: ATT HETTA iera1945 TULEET Tnstmbhaaymaanbaahudnnddsy| 5 Act I, p. 5: Ares7978177T: 1 6 Eng. Tran. Nerulkar's Edition, Chap. IV, pp. 146-47. ? SJGM., II, p. 89: 7: quattra feira vistazo quftra 8 PC., p. 114 (SJGM., I): geriat o f e tic Trucat feat 79: HATT ETTHET TIED # yra fa alat fa feat F leganti See also the Prabandha kosa ( SJGM. II), p. 57. 9 SJGM., II, p. 89: IST quattra faze sforang? fiergi: 1

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THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA 51 Banaras."1 Though we do not accept the entire story as true without any independent corroboration, the date referred to in the Puratana Prabandha sangraha seems more probable or very near to the date assigned to the invasion of Sihabuddin against Jayacandra. According to the Taj-ul-Maasir, Sihabuddin marched against Jayacandra in 590 Hijri or 1194 A.D.2 Hariscandra: According to the Prabandha-kosa Meghacandra was Jayacandra's son, perhaps born from the chief queen Karpuradevi. He was killed in a battle with Moslems. But the name of Jayacandra's son found in the Gahadavala records is Hariscandra," who, it seems, ruled the kingdom for some time. Meghacandra of the prabandhas might be the second name of Hariscandra. Capital: The Jain sources refer to Varanasi as the only capital of the Gahadavalas and they do not mention Kanyakubja as one of their capitals. The reason behind this seems to be that the seat of the Gahadavalas was Varanasi which did not lose its importance even after the occupation of Kanyakubja by them. The Jain writer had a special interest in Varanasi on account of its religious importance for Jains. Even the Brahmanical writer did not minimise the importance of Varanasi, and they called the Gahadavalas as the ruler of Varanasi and Kanyakubja. Varanasi really occupied a place of importance in the Gahadavala dominions which led even the Muslim writers sometimes to regard the Gahadavalas as the 'Rai of Banaras'. According to the Puratana Prabandha sangraha, the length of Varanasi at that time was twelve yojanas and breadth nine yojanas.? We are told in one place that the area of the territory over which Jayacandra 1 Ibid., pp. 89, 90: ETI U14: 491fa:... TRUTH:... Hayat mahammada dalapatizca kRtH| saMvat 1248 varSe caitrasudi 10 dine vArANasImAdAya suratrANaH pravezaM kartR rea: 1 2 Elliot, History of India, II, p. 222. 3 (i) SJGM., VI, p. 54: 4977: PATTERI (ii) PPS., pp. 89, 90: o: Frankie 4 Ibid. p. 90: is fait a fa79: 1 5 EI., X, pp. 94, 98-99. 6 Elliot, History of India, II, p. 223; from a recently discovered copper plate of King Vijayacandra, it appears, that Varanasi at that time was one of the two capitals of the kings of this dynasty. 7 SJGM., II, 88: Frontent artroreitget augalaiturf aTE31137TATI

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES was ruling was 700 yojanas (square)." Poet Sriharsa: Jayacandra's name will be ever remembered in the history of Samsket literature for patronising the renowned poet Sriharsa, son of Hira by Mamalladevi. The Jain Rajasekhara in his Prabandha-kosa, states that his father Hira once was defeated by a court poet. But Sriharsa, in due course, having defeated his father's adversary established his prestige. However, one of Jayacandra's wives named Suhavadevi had envy with him.? The statement that Sriharsa was in the court of Jayacandra is confirmed by the poet himself. Sriharsa, in the colophon of his chief work Naisadhiya carita states that he was honoured by the king of Kanyakubja with a pair of betel-leaves," perhaps it was a custom with Hindu Rajas to welcome men of eminence in this way. Thus the following kings of this dynasty are known from the Jain sources: Candradeva Govindacandra Vijayacandra Jayacandra Hariscandra alias Meghacandra 1 SIGM., VI, 117: STAT I STIT FTTFTTTS These are hackneyed numbers which very vaguely referred to the extent of the territories. 2 Harsakavi-prabandha, pp. 54-57. 3 Naisadhiya Caritam, ed, Sivadatta (Bombay, 1919), XXII, p. 528 : tAmbUladvayamAsanaM ca labhate yaH kAnyakubjezvarAt /

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I. THE PALAS We neither know the condition of Eastern India after the downfall of the imperial Guptas nor do we catch any glimpse of the time of Harsa from the Jain sources. They also do not supply any reference regarding Sasanka and later Guptas and have no record of the anarchy which prevailed before the foundation of the Pala dynasty. The Pala dynasty which emerges about the middle of the eighth century A.D., was a single ruling dynasty for about four centuries in Bengal. It is said that the first ruler of this dynasty, Gopala, was an elected king, for which, however, there is no Jain support. On the other hand, we have several references to Dharmapala who is generally regarded as the son and successor of Gopala. Origin: Before proceeding to any detail, we should first enquire into the origin or ancestry of the Palas. In a Campu kavya called Udayasundarikatha, composed by the poet Soddala (a friend of some of the Jain scholars. of Gujarat in the eleventh century A.D.), Dharmapala is said to have belonged to the family of Mandhata. As Mandhata is a well known Puranic king of the Solar Race, this reference supports the view that the Palas belonged to the Solar Race, which is corroborated by the statements made in the Kamauli copper plates of Vaidyadeva. Vaidyadeva was originally the minister of a Pala king Vigrahapala III. This Vigrahapala is stated there to have belonged to the Solar dynasty. Strangely enough we do not find any mythical pedigree of the dynasty in the Pala records. Perhaps one of the reasons why no reference to the origin and caste of the Palas occurs in their own records is that they were Buddhists and did not care much to adopt Brahmanical institutions or traditions. It should be observed, however, that early Buddhist tradition does not betray any aversion to tracing the origin of Buddhist republican tribes and dynasties etc. CHAPTER IV THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA 1 GOS., XI. p. 155. Soddala's Jain friends were Swetambara Candanacarya, Khadgacarya, Vijayasimhacarya, and Mahakirti Digambara. Ibid. p. 4 balIyasA saptAGgasamapreNottarApathasyAminA mAndhAtRvaMzaprabhaveNa bhUnRtA dharmapAlena 3 Ep. Ind., II. p. 350.

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES to the Solar or other ancient races. Bengal was the citadel of Buddhism at that time. It is said in the Prabhavaka-carita that there was a great Buddhist controversialist, by name Vardhamanakunjara, in the court of the king Dharmapala and he had great influence upon the king. It seems that Buddhism must have been enjoying the patronage of the Pala king. The copper-plates of the Palas begin with an invocation to the Lord Buddha and many kings of the dynasty are known to have been great patrons of Buddhism. The silence of the Palas on their origin may indicate their rise from a low or unimportant family. But it is simply a negative inference. Location: As regards the exact location of the Pala kingdom we have no definite information from the Jain sources. It is referred to only that they were called the kings of the Gauda country. The capital city of Dharmapala is said to have been Laksanavati (Lakhanauti.)? It is, however, generally accepted that the city of Laksanavati was founded by the king Laksmanasena of the Sena dynasty. It may be suggested here that it was perhaps renamed. Kings: As to who was the first king of this dynasty we have no information from the Jain sources. A certain Gopala is generally regarded as the founder of the dynasty. According to the inscriptions of the Palas he was a king elected by people to recover the country from anarchy. The Prabhavaka-carita mentions a certain Dharma different from Dharmapala, who was attacked and killed in a battle by king Yasovarma of Kanauj.? It seems that he must have been one of the rulers whose names are mentioned in the Tibetan lists as the predecessors of Dharmapala. Vakpatiraja, the renowned author of the Gaudavaho, was formerly in the court of this king Dharma. He was among the captives whom Yasovarman kept in prison after his victorious return at Kanauj. Vakpati composed the Gaudavaho, celebrating the exploit of Yasovarman's invasion of Bengal and thus got released from the prison. Dharmapala: It is generally accepted by historians that Dharmapala was a son and successor of Gopala, but on this point, Jain sources do not 1 SJGM., XIII, p. 96: V. 392 : araquery art Tha __dharmaH saMvAhayAmAsa gISpatiM vAsavo yathA // 2 Ibid., p. 85, V. 162.: Fit: maiscargata : zrIlakSaNAvatIpuryAM prApArAmAvanItalam // 3 Ibid., p. 98, V. 463 : siaha 22 ja tasmAdviguNatantrastaM bhUpaM yuddhe'vadhIt balI // 4 See supra, p. 20.

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THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA yield any information. Dharmapala was contemporary of king Ama, the son and successor of Yasovarman. He is mentioned in the Bappabhatti carita by different names as Dharma, Dharmabhupa or Dharmabhupala which are certainly the names of Dharmapala of Bengal. He is said to have long cherished a feeling of enmity with the king Ama of Kanauj, which became an undying passion. This indicates that he made several aggressive attempts on Kanauj and was baulked in his efforts. The reason for this undying enmity was obvious. It is noted above that one Gauda king was killed by the father of king Ama. It was probably this disgrace to his family that was rankling in the heart of the Bengal ruler, contemporary of Ama. We already know from other sources that Dharmapala's efforts to overthrow the Kanauj ruler and bring Kanauj under his influence was more or less a permanent factor of his foreign policy. But, if the Bappabhatti-carita is to be believed, he was not able to carry it out during the life time of Ama. We have already identified this Ama with king Indraraja of the Bhagalpur copper plates of Dharmapala.2 How long the Pala kings ruled is a matter of controversy. According to the Tibetan lists, Gopala reigned from 660 to 705 A.D., Devapala 705753 A.D., Rasapala 750-765 A.D. and Dharmapala 765-825 A.D. According to Dr. H. C. Ray, Gopala reigned from 765 A.D. to 769 A.D., Dharmapala from 769 to 801 A.D., and Devapala from 801 A.D. to 840 A.D. Dr. R. C. Majumdar in his History of Bengal assumes that Gopala reigned from 750 A.D. to 770 A.D., Dharmapala 770-810 A.D. and Devapala 810-850 A.D. But all these are based on assumptions, which may not be correct, because there are no contemporary records to check them. The ground of assumption is mostly some of the dated records of other dynasties and undated records of the Pala dynasty. Regarding the period of the reign of Dharmapala we may safely deduce from the above mentioned Jain work that he ruled almost as long as king Ama of Kanauj (752 A.D.-833 A.D.). According to the Tibetan. historian, Taranath, he ruled for sixty-four years, while the Kalimpur copper-plates show that he reigned for at least thirty-two years. From the Pala and other contemporary inscriptions it appears that Dharmapala must have been a powerful ruler of the time. Fortunately, we have got an independent positive evidence in support of the view that SJGM, XIII, p. 85. V. 168 paraM me'khyAmarAjena durpraho vigrahAgrahaH / tadAvAnAt yadA pazcAd yAti tanme tiraskRtiH // See supra, pp. 26-27. 55

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56 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES he held the position of a suzerain king in northern India. In the Udayasundari-katha, the king Dharmapala is referred to as 'Uttara pathaswami' or Lord of Uttarapatha.' This Dharmapala can only be referred to the Pala emperor of that name-the expression 'Pafica Gauda' is also possibly reminiscent of the Gauda empire of Dharmapala. The Bappabhatti-carita also throws some light over the personal history of king Dharmapala. He was a great lover and patron of learning. Though he was by faith a Buddhist, he equally respected the scholars of other sects. Jain savant like Bappabhatti and the poet Vakpati of the Brahmanical sect were no less regarded in his court than the Buddhist saints and writers. He was also very fond of scholarly debates. A debate of such a type was held in his court which lasted for six months.2 Devapala: Dharmapala was succeeded by his son Devapala and the latter by his son Vigrahapala I. As regards Devapala we have no direct reference to him in the Jain sources, but in this connection we have an interesting reference to a Pala ruler, Yuvaraja by name, in the Udayasundari katha. We learn from this work that a famous poet Abhinanda by name graced his court." The Rama carita, composed by this poet (Abhinanda), gives more details about Yuvaraja who is described as a great conqueror. He had the epithet Haravarsa and was the son of Vikramasila. He is also referred to as the ornament of the Pala family founded by Dharmapala. These epithets leave no doubt that Yuvaraja Haravarsa belonged to the Pala family of Bengal. According to the Udayasundarikatha, he was a powerful ruler, a statement which is also corroborated by the Rama carita. The question, therefore, naturally arises whether he is to be identified with a known Pala king, or regarded as a ruler over some territory outside Bengal or Bihar. It has been suggested by certain scholars that Vikramasila, the father of Yuvaraja I, was but another name of Dharmapala who founded the Vikramasila monastery and Haravarsa is identical with Devapala." Regarding Vigrahapala I, we have perhaps no reference in the Jain sources. He was succeeded by his son Narayanapala. Rajyapala: Narayanapala died about 908 A.D. and was succeeded by his son Rajyapala. Rajyapala's son was called Gopala II. Several records 1 See supra, p. 53. fn. 2. SJGM., XIII, pp. 94-7. 3 GOS., IVL, p. 2. Palakula candra, Palakula pradipa etc., Dharmapala kula kairava Kananendu. Chap. I., V. 110, p. 10. R. C. Majumdar: History of Bengal, Pt. I, Chap. VI, p. 123.

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57 of these kings have been found in Magadha. Among these records one Jain inscription has so far been discovered regarding king Rajyapala. It was found incised on a pillar at Baragaon near Bihar Shariff (Patna District) on the site of old Nalanda. The pillar and the record appear to have belonged to an ancient Jain temple. The inscription consists of five lines. of incorrect Samskrt and records the visit of one Vaidyanath, son of Manorath, of the Vahikakula, to a temple in the month of Marga (sirsa) in the 24th year of the reign of the illustrious Rajapala (Rajyapala). This inscription shows that, in the 24th year of reign of Rajyapala (c. 91135 A.D.), the Patna district and possibly Monghyr, Bhagalpur and the Santal Pargana also were included in the Pala territory. Makipala 1: Among the later Palas, Mahipala I (c. 988-1038 A.D.) appears to be of some importance. The Jain sources have certain references regarding this king. According to Hemacandra, a king of Anga country was amongst the claimants of the queen Durlabhadevi at the time of her svayamvara, with whom the Caulukya king Durlabha, who later married her, had to fight. This Durlabha ascended the throne of Anahilapataka about 1009-10 A.D. The rival king of Anga country, therefore, most likely seems to have been this Mahipala whose reign falls at the end of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century.2 THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA The Prabhavaka carita also records in one place that a certain Dharma of Kaula sect, having defeated some top-ranking poets in various places, appeared at the court of Bhoja of Dhara. In this connection it says that Dharma of the Kaula sect defeated Sambhu in the metropolis of Gauda Mahamahipa. This Gauda king Mahamahipa is certainly the king Mahipala I of the Pala dynasty the period of whose reign coincides with that of king Bhoja I of Dhara (c. 1010 A.D.-1054 A.D.). We, however, do not know of the other members of the dynasty from Jain sources. Thus the known kings of this family are: Dharmapala Rajyapala T Mahipala 1 IA., XLVII, p. 111. The pillar is now in a modern Jain temple at Baragaon; See also JBORS., Dec, 1928, p. 489. DHNI., 11, pp. 945-46. 3 SJGM., XIII, p. 147, V. 256: etc. zambhugADa mahAmahI pakaTake 8

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES II. THE SENAS OF BENGAL After having reigned on the soil of Bengal successfully for about four centuries the Palas began to decline and on their extinction arose a dynasty named Sena. The Jain sources throw welcome light on this dynasty. Origin: From the records of the Sena dynasty it appears that they sprang from the family of the Karnata Ksatriyas. For instance, the Deopara Stone inscription of Vijayasena tells us that in the family of the moon were born the southern rulers (Daksinatya Ksaunindra) Virasena and others. In the Sena family (Sena-anvaye) was born Samantasena, the Kulasirodama of the Brahma-Ksatriyas, who slaughtered the wicked robbers of the wealth of Karnata (Karnata Laksmi Luntakanam). In the Madhainagar grant of Laksmanasena, Samanta Sena is described as the head garland (kulasirodama) of the Karnata Ksatriyas. In the Ballalacarita of Ananda Bhatta (10th cent.) it is said that the Senas of Bengal sprang from the descendants of Virasena and were higher in rank than the Ksatriya, being Brahma-Ksatriyas like the Pandavas. From these passages it is clear that the ancestors of the Senas came from Karnata in Deccan and settled in Radha, in West Bengal. Taking into consideration this fact when we look to the Jain literature and certain Jain epigraphs of that period we find certain terms as Senasangha, Senagana, Senanvaya, and several names ending in Sena in the Karnata country. The earliest reference occurs in the Mulgunda inscription of the time of the Rastrakuta king Krsna II, dated 902-5 A.D. It states that a temple of Jina was founded in the city of Mulgunda in the Dhavala visaya and records some grants to that temple. These grants were given in trust (for the temple) to a Jain teacher named Kanakasena of the Sena lineage (Senanvaya) and a disciple of Virasena who apparently had been the chief disciple of an acarya named Kumarasena. Taking these three generations of teachers covering at least half a century, we are in a position to assert that the Sena family flourished in the Dhavalavisaya (modern Dharwar district) as early as the middle of the 9th 1 EI., I, p. 307, Vs. 4-5 and 8. 2 JASB., 1901, V, (N.S.) p. 471, V. 4. 3 Ballala carita, Ed. by H. P. Sastri, Calcutta, Chap. XII, p. 55; Trans. by the same 1901, P. 48. 4 EI., XIII, p. 193.

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THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA 59 century A.D. The next reference to the Sena family occurs in the Honwad Stone inscription" of the time of the western Calukya king Somesvara I, dated 1054 A.D. It refers to three teachers, viz., Brahmasena, his disciple Aryasena and the latter's disciple Mahasena. The feet of the first are said to have been adored by a number of kings while the third was preceptor of a feudatory chief of the Calukya dynasty, and author of the inscription referred to above. It thus appears that a Sena family enjoyed influence and prestige during the first half of the 11th century A.D. In the Sravana Belgola epigraph of the western Ganga chief Marasimha II, it is told that he preserved the doctrine of Jina, founded various Jain temples and, eventually, left his throne and ended his days in the practice of religion at Bankapur (in the Dharwar district), at the feet of a Jain teacher, Ajitasena Bhattaraka. According to the Camundaraya purana, Camundaraya who was the minister of Marasimha II and was born in the Brahma-ksatra race, was a pupil of this Ajitasena. As Marasimha's reign extends from 964 A.D. to 975 A.D. Ajitasena must have flourished in the latter half of the 10th century A.D. The Sravana Belgola record of Mallisena refers to a number of Jain teachers with names ending in Sena, such as Kumarasena I, Kumarasena II, Puspasena, Hemasena, Gunasena, Ajitasena and Mallisena. The time of all these teachers has been assigned to a period from 9th to 10th century by scholars. From the above references it may be said with a degree of certainty that a Sena family flourished in the Karnata country during a period ranging from the 9th to the 11th century A.D. If we compare all these Jain references with those referred to above regarding the origin of the Sena dynasty we can well deduce that the ancestors of the Senas and the members of the Sena family of Karnata came out of a common stock and their race was Brahma-ksatriya. The fact that the Senas of Dharwar were Jains while the Sena kings of Bengal were Saivas need not stand in the way of the proposed identification. The change of religion is not an unfamiliar feature of Indian society. The religious revolution in Karnataka in the eleventh and twelfth 1 TA., XIX, p. 271. 2 PTOC., II (Calcutta), p. 344. : EI., V, p. 171: greta ARTETETT stargarafaretas etc. * EI., III, p. 184 ff. * Dr. Hiralal, Silalekha sangraha, I, Introduction, 152.

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60 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES centuries A.D., which ultimately led to the foundation of the Vira-Saiva or Lingayat sect, may have changed the creed of the Jain family into Saivism. The conversion of the Calukya prince Jayasimha II (c. 1018-1042 A.D.) from Jainism to Saivism is an interesting example on the point. It is most likely that some members of the Sena family, influenced by the conversion of the ruling dynasty to Saivism, embraced the new creed. It may again be argued that the Sena family or religious teachers could hardly have anything to do with the Sena family wielding political powers. But we can cite several instances which may show the possibility of the transformation of religious teachers to the founders of political powers. Haricand, the founder of the Pratihara dynasty, was a Brahmana, proficient in Vedas." Another example of Mayurasarma, the founder of the Kadamba dynasty, originally a devotee to the study of the Vedas and the performer of sacrificial rites, shows that in South also, creed or caste was not regarded as hindrance to a military career.3 The fact that Samantasena, one of the ancestors of the Senas, is called Brahmavadi in the Deopara inscription and that he retired in his old age to a hermitage on the bank of the Ganga, where even parrots knew by note the text of the Vedas, seems to support the conclusion that he too like Haricand and Mayurasarma, was a Brahmana and sprang up from a line of teachers, but due to certain circumstances he adopted a Ksatriya's life and soon gained prominence by acts of bravery in battles. From the 8th verse of the Deopara inscription we learn that Samantasena defeated the hostile forces that were plundering the Karnata country. The western Calukya inscriptions refer to the fact that shortly before 1060 A.D. the Cola king, Rajendra Deva, penetrated into the Dharwar district and burned the Jain temples but was eventually defeated and killed." It is not unlikely that Samantasena distinguished himself on this occasion by warding off the foreign attacks, and that this was the turning point in the fortunes of the family. This would give a satisfactory explanation to the puzzling word Brahma-ksatriya applied to him. In the Deopara inscription of Vijayasena, which is one of the earliest documents of the Senas, they still remembered their Brahmin origin. But the prefix Brahma gradually TEJ: TERTAT JE: 1 PTOC., II ( Calcutta ), 1922, p. 345. 2 EI., XVIII, p. 87., V. 6: Q af: fa 3 EI., VIII, pp. 31, 32, Vs. 4-20. 4 DHNI., I, p. 356. 5 BG., I, Pt. II, p. 442.

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THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA disappears in their records. In the Barrackpur grant of the same king, Samantasena is there already the head-ornament of only the Ksatriyas. Scholars suggest that Samantasena or one of his predecessors came to Bengal from the far-off province of Karnata in the train of the Calukya prince Vikramaditya when the latter invaded N.E. India during c. 1044-68 A.D. The Jain sources, however, do not throw any light on the early kings of the dynasty. Laksmanasena: Among the later rulers of the Sena dynasty, the Jain chroniclers of the western India mention the name of Laksmanasena (11791206 A.D.) with his ministers Kumaradeva and Umapatidhara. The Prabandha cintamani states that 'in the country of Gauda in the city of Laksmanavati, a king of the name of Laksmannasena ruled for a long time and his kingdom was administered by the minister Umapatidhara who was a treasure-house of all intelligence. But the king became blind with passion and contracted the disgraceful stain of association with a Matangi (woman of a very low caste, untouchable community). "Umapatidhara, having found himself unable to restrain his master, wrote up secretly certain stanzas in the notice-board of the council-pavilion in order to admonish him in another way. But the king got offended and developed secret hatred against the minister and wished to get rid of him. The king planned to kill Umapatidhara but he saved himself through his intelligence. The king on the other hand repented of his foolish act and gradually abandoned that evil practice and made Umapatidhara once more his minister." Fortunately we have a reference to Umapatidhara in the Gita-Govinda of Jayadeva as one among the several court poets of Laksmanasena. The Sadukti Karyamrta quotes about ninety verses of Umapatidhara. The name of Umapatidhara occurs also as the author of a prasasti in the Deopara inscription of Vijayasena, the father of Vallalasena. The authorship of the Madhainagar copper plates of Laksmanasena has sometimes been credited by certain scholars to him. Deopara inscription informs us that Umapati 61 1 Majumdar, R.C., (Dr.), The Origin of the Sena Kings, in PTOC., II p. 346-47: See also History of Bengal, Edited by the same, pp. 208-09. 2 SJGM., I. pp. 112-13: lakSmaNasenomApatidharayoH prabandhaH - adha gauDadeze lasaNAvalAM nagaryA zrIlakSmaNaseno nAma nRpatirumApatidharanAmnA sacivena sarvabuddhinidhAnena cintyamAnaviraM rAjyaM cakAra / sa tvanekamattamAtaMga sainyasaGgAdiva madenAndhatAM dadhAno mAtaMgIsaGgapaGkakalaMkabhAjanamajani / 3 V. 4. EI., I., pp. 305-15.

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62 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES dhara lived during the reign of Vijayasena of the Sena dynasty. If any reliance can be placed on the tradition recorded by Merutunga in his Prabandha cintamani, then he lived in the successive reigns of Vijayasena, his son and his grand-son. Another Jain Work Prabandha-kosa composed by Rajasekharasuri records the story of king Laksmanasena and his minister Kumaradeva. It states: "In the east there was a city called Laksnavati. There lived a mighty and righteous king Laksmanasena. He had a minister named Kumaradeva, man of wisdom, valour and devotion, and as dear as his (king's) life. He had an extensive kingdom and a huge army. He had his contemporary adversary in the person of king Jayantacandra, king of Varanasi, who had a minister named Vidyadhara, ranking first among the noble-minded, the givers of food and the speakers of truth.2 Once the king Jayantacandra solemnly declared to attack and seize the capital of Laksmanasena, otherwise he would remain in the fort as long as the capital was not captured and would realize a compensation of a hundred thousand gold pieces. Accordingly he attacked and besieged the capital of Laksmanasena and the siege continued for eighteen days, which resulted in a lot of trouble to the ruler and his subjects. But through the intelligence and skill of the minister Kumaradeva that adversity was warded off without payment of compensation and thus the king and his subjects were saved."'3 The Puratana Prabandha sangraha in its Jayacandra prabandha records the same story but in an abridged form." As to who Kumaradeva was, we do not know from any other source. The History of Bengal refers to one Kumaracandra who was an avadhuta of Vikramapuri Vihara of Bengal in Eastern Magadha and was responsible for three Tantric Panjikas (commentaries) preserved in Tibetan. One more reference to a Kumaravajra occurs in that book. But we cannot, in the present state of our knowledge, hazard any identification. All these references regarding Laksmanasena, show that he was a powerful contemporary of Jayacandra whose reign is assigned from 1170 1 History of Bengal (Ed. R. C. Majumdar), p. 65; See also Prabandha cintamani (Tr. by Tawney), Preface, XVIII. 2 mahecchAnAM annadAtRNAM satyavAdinAM ca prthmH| 3 SJGM., VI, pp. 88-90: JETTET H or: raad 7 T7: 1 4 SJGM., II, p. 88.

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THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA to 1194 A.D. We know from the history of the Senas that his kingdom extended in the west up to the border of the Gaya district. It was, therefore, quite natural for the Senas to come in conflict with the ruler of Varanasi i.e. the Gahadavalas. We have no records about the successors of Laksmanasena but the Puratana Prabandha sangraha records a king Ratnapunja, descendant of king Laksmanasena of Lakhanapuri. Nothing particular is mentioned about this king." 63 III. THE KESARI DYNASTY OF KALINGA (ORISSA) Among the later dynasties which ruled over Kalinga in the early mediaeval period one was the Kesari dynasty. From the history of Orissa it appears that it was a minor dynasty and details regarding it are not known yet to the historians. Fortunately we have two small Jain epigraphs of Udyotakesari, one of the rulers of the dynasty. These records were found in the caves of Udayagiri Khandagiri hills near Bhuvaneswar in Orissa. The first inscription discovered in the cave called Lalitendu Kesari's cave or Lion gate, was incised in the fifth year of the reign of Udyotakesarideva." It is engraved on the back wall of the cave at a height of about thirty or forty feet from the floor of the cave above a group of Jain images of the Digambera sect. The record consists of five lines of characters of the tenth century A.D. and the language used is very incorrect Samskrt.3 Apart from recording the year of Udyotakesari's reign this inscription preserves certain additional information of note. Firstly, it records. the ancient name of Khandagiri as Kumaraparvata. The Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela also mentions the same name (Kumariparvata) of the hills. Thus it seems that up to the 10th or the 11th century A.D. the hill was known as the Kumara or Kumariparvata. Secondly, the word Isana (Skt. Isana) in the second line, most probably connotes here a temple while its usual meaning is Siva. Thirdly, the word 'Opa' in the fourth line refers most probably to the numerous rock cut reservoirs on hills. Fourthly, the word 'Udyota' in the third line, which means 'caused to shine', indicates that the wells and temples of the Tirthankaras were p. 84 zrImAtAprabandhaH / 2 zrI udyotakezarivijayarAjyasaMvat 5 / 3 Ep. Ind., XIII, pp. 165-66, No. XVI.

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64 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES repaired. Lastly, this inscription with other inscriptions found in that area denote that in that area several Jain monks were residing and carrying on their religious duties rigorously.1 The second record, discovered on the inner side of the architrave of the Navamuni cave, was incised in the 18th year of the reign of the same ruler. It contains three lines and has been very clearly engraved. This inscription is particularly marked with certain honorific words" for the king which are absent in the former one, thereby certainly denoting that Udyotakesari wielded great power. The Udyotakesari of these inscriptions has been identified with the prince of the same name whose Bhuvanesvara inscription, dated in his 18th year, was edited by Princep as early as 1838. The name Udyotakesari is also found in the Sonapur grant of Somavamsi Kumara Somesvaradeva of Kosala. According to the identification given by scholars all these princes bearing the name of Udyotakesari were identical.* According to the historians, kings with the names ending in Kesarin belong to a Kesarivarsa which has been identified with the Kesarivamsa of the Madla Panji, an Orissan chronicle. Certain scholars assume that this dynasty is a branch of the Somavarsa of Kosala.* The discovery of most of the inscriptions of Udyotakesarin near Bhuvaneswar certainly denotes the transference of the seat of the Somavamsi kingdom from Sambalpur region to the sea board of Orissa. 1 Ibid. : * Ibid, zrI kumAra parvatasthAne jirNa isaNa udyotita tasmin thAne catuviMzatitIrthakara sthApita pratiSThAkA hari opa jasanandika etc. DHNI., Pt. 1, pp. 410-12. 4 Ibid., p. 409. : zrImad udyotakesaridevasya pravardhamAne vijayarAjye saMvat 18 zrI AryasaMgha pratibaddhagRhakula vinirgatadezIgaNAcAryazrIkulacandra bhaTTArakasya ziSyazubhacandrasya /

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I. THE CANDELLAS. The origin of the Candellas is recorded neither in the Jain works nor in other works known to us. It appears from traditions and epigraphic evidences that the first few princes of the dynasty were feudatories of the great Pratihara emperors of Kanyakubja. Most of the inscriptions of the early kings of the dynasty found at Khajuraho denote that their original home was Kharjurvaha and its surrounding area. Yalovarman 1: As regards the individual kings of the dynasty the earliest mentioned in the Jain sources is Yasovarma. He is called in the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha as the king Kalyana-kataka.' I have shown elsewhere that Kalyapa-kataka of the prabandha writers is most probably Kalinjar, the capital of the Candella kings." If the assumption is right, this Yasovarman mentioned in the above work must have been one of the two Yasovarmans of the dynasty. It is said about him that he kept tied the bell of Justice (Nyayaghanta) in the door of his palace. Law and Justice to him was above all things." Once the family deity thought of testing him on this point, and he proved his love of Justice by sacrificing his son. CHAPTER V THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA. This Yasovarman, who must have been the famous father of the great king Dhanga, considerably extended the boundaries of the Candella kingdom and acquired a fame which found a place in the records of his son. The prabandha writers have done their duty in preserving the anecdotes of his fame in their works. He may not be the Yasovarman II, son of Madanavarman, who died before his father. We have fortunately several Jain inscriptions of the Candella kings which help us considerably in fixing their chronology. Dhanga: The next king who appears in the Jain inscription discovered from Khajuraho is Dhaiga, son of Yasovarman I. This inscription is kalyANa kaTakepure yazovarmanRpatistena dhavalagRhahAre nyAyapaTA 1 SJGM., II, pp. 107-08: baddhA / See infra, Chap. on the Caulukyas. 3 Ibid., mama nyAya eva mahAn / EI., I, pp 135-36. 9

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES carved on the left door jamb of the temple of Jinanath. It consists of eleven lines of Samskrt, partly in prose and partly in verse. The inscription begins with Om and then gives the date V.E. 1011. It records a number of gifts made by one Pahilla who was held in honour by Dhangaraja' and was devoted to the lord of the Jinas. The gifts mainly consist of various gardens (Vataka). 66 This inscription shows that the Candellas from the time of Dhanga were practically independent and owned no suzerainty. The temples of Khajuraho, which are considered as 'the finest group of Hindu temples. in Northern India and are usually assigned to the tenth and eleventh centuries, bear evidence to the splendour and progress of the Candellas in the arts of peace." Some of these structures certainly belong to the reign of Dhanga. The temple of Jinanath is one of the fine edifices of the time of Dhanga. Ganda and Vidyadhara: Dhanga was succeeded by his son Ganda and the latter by his son Vidyadhara. We have some intelligence regarding Vidyadhara from a Jain inscription of Dubkund (A.D. 1088). That inscription informs us that Kacchapaghata rulers of that place were his feudatories and his power, perhaps in the west, extended along the east bank of the river Cambal. Madanavarman: After Vidyadhara we have no account of the three. succeeding generations in the Jain sources. In the fourth generation of Vidyadhara appears Madanavarman from whom, we have, fortunately, six dated Jain epigraphs. The two Jain image inscriptions in the temple of the village Papaura near Tikamgarh district (Madhya-Pradesa) are dated V.E. 1202 (A.D. 1144-45), in the reign of Madanavarmadeva." The two Jain image inscriptions from Khajuraho are dated in V.E. 1205 (A.D. 1147-48) and 1215 (A.D. 1157-58) respectively. The former two do not contain the name of the reigning king; but they refer to the sons of the Sresthi Panidhara of the Grahapati family (anvaya) which is well known from the other inscription of Kokkala of V.E. 1058. The latter two refer to the "Madanavarmadevasya pravardhamanavijayarajye," in in the increasing victorious reign of Madanavarma. Lastly, we have two more Jain image 1 bhAMgarAjena mAnya praNamati jinanAtho'yaM bhavyapAhilanAma / Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 1910, II, pp. 49 ff.; 140 ff. 3 See infra, on the Kacchapaghatas, 4 Nathuram Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihas, p. 193. EI., I., pp. 151-153.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 67 inscriptions from Mahoba, dated respectively V.E. 1211 (A.D. 1155) and 1221 (A.D. 1163), in the reign of Madanavarmadeva. From the above inscriptions it may safely be inferred that Madanavarman's kingdom was prosperous and vast, extending from Mahoba to Tikamgarh district. It may be gathered from these references that the Candella power had reached beyond the Betwa in the S.W. and advanced into the Paramara territory in Malava. This is why Madanavarman's successor Paramardi bore the title 'Dasarnadhipati." This achievement of the Candellas in this direction seems to have brought them into contact with the Caulukyas of Anahilapataka. The Jain chroniclers of Western India refer to the wars between Madanavarman and Siddharaja Jayasimha and later on with Kumarapala. Regarding the struggle with Jayasimha Siddharaja we are informed from the Duyasraya-kavya that Jayasimha (c. 1094-1144 A.D.) conquered Ujjainit and in his records and colophons of MSS. we actually find his title Avantinath. The Kirti-kaumudi refers to the migration of Jayasimha from Dhara to Kalinjara." The Kumarapala-carita confirms this fact and states that Madanavarman, paying a good ransom of ninety-six crores of gold coins to Jayasimha, purchased the peace. This statement of the Jain authors is further corroborated with that of a Kalinjara stone epigraph that Madanavarman in an instant defeated the king of Gurjaras, as Krsna in former times defeated Kamsa.? Scholars generally identify this Gurjaresa with Gujarat king Siddharaja. There is an interesting story in the Prabandha-kosa regarding the struggle between Caulukya Jayasimha and Candella Madanavarman which may be summarised as follows: Once in the court of Siddharaja Jayasimha came an itinerary att: 1 ASR., XXI, p. 49, plate XII, A. 2 Ibid., II, p. 448, N. 25. 3 TA., XIX, p. 354. 4 Canto 14, Vs. 72-73: JATE Alstofa grut path ATZTE: AIRTE culukyoguptAva:psIttaM yazovarmabhUpaM / 5 Canto, 2, V. 33 : 0 2T ZEE: 1 ___ praaghuurgkmissaaddnnddmhobkptirddau| & Canto 1, V. 42: ETTEITERUG HarrachaHUT: 1 koTI SaNNavatiM hemnA ystnmaanmivaadde| JASB., 1848, XVII, Pt. I., p. 778, line 14. 8 BG., I. Pt. I., p. 178.

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES who comparing the court of Jayasimha with that of Madanavarman gave a beautiful description of Mahoba. To testify the statement of that person, the king sent his minister to get the real information from Mahoba and hearing its corroboration on his return, Jayasimha, out of jealousy took to an incursion on Mahoba, the capital of Madanavarman. When the news of this incursion reached Mahoba, Madanavarman was sporting with his thousand of damsels. When asked by ministers he reported: "Is he the same Jayasimha who stood for twelve years beseiging the city of Dhara? He seems to be a very obstinate king. Ask him whether he wants money or land. If he wants money give him as much as he wants. If he wants land, we are prepared to wage a war." Jayasimha on hearing this message, was much astonished and demanded a tribute of ninety-six crores of gold coins, which he was instantly paid up. Thereafter Jayasimha sought a personal interview with king Madanavarman which was readily granted. This sight of pomp and splendour displayed by the king dismayed Jayasinha exceedingly. Though this anecdote is highly exaggerated, yet it shows that Madanavarman was a prosperous ruler and indulged too much in the amorous pastimes. Another war of Madanavarman with the Caulukya king Kumarapala is also recorded by the Jains. Hemacandra in his Prakit Dvyasraya-kavya states that "having seen the wondering army of Kumarapala, the ruler of Dasarna country was terrified to death. The wealth of the vast capital was carried away by his soldiers and several generals of that king (ruler of Dasarna) met with death at their hands." Though this statement does not clearly mention the name of the ruler of Dasarna, we may, however, infer that Madanavarman (c. 1129-63 A.D.) and his successor Paramardi (c. 1163-1202 A.D.) were the two contemporary kings of Kumarapala (1144 73 A.D.). We have seen that they were the Candella kings who really held 1 SJGM., VI, pp. 91-93: #7777972: ? Ibid.: # Art HT: 247271 AT ATTET T homara Taifa 3 p. 210, Vs. 80-84: 594CERTAT FAT3T AHH H FET @ GOOTT vivaTTamAgo bhae mrii| The Prabhavaka-carita (SJGM. XIII, p. 206) records this struggle in a reverse way. It states that once king of Kalyana-kataka (identified as Kalanjara ), started an incursion on Kumarapala. He was feared due to this sudden attack. The enemy, however, died within seven days.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 69 sway over Dasarna (E. Malava). Therefore the king in this context who died terror-stricken, must have been Madanavarman who, due to his oldage, may have been unable to encounter the army of Kumarapala and died of fear. Paramardi on the other hand was a strong ruler and there seems to be no possibility of the above quoted accident during his reign. The fact that Kumarapala then extended his dominion upto Dasarna is proved by his two inscriptions dated V.E. 1220 (A.D. 1163) and V.E. 1222 (A.D. 1166), found Kumarapala then extended his dominion upto Dasarna is proved by his two inscriptions dated V.E. 1220 (A.D. 1163) and V.E. 1222 (A.D. 1166), found at Udayapur in the Eastern Malava. This also proves the possibility of the above conflict. His relationship with the neighbouring king of the Gahalavala dynasty was also not a cordial one. We know from a statement recorded in the Rambha-manjuri of Nayacandra that Jayacandra as a prince had inflicted a defeat on Madanavarman." Anyway, whatever may have been the intention of that statement, it is certain that both of them were on hostile terms. A Jain inscription from Ahara in the Tikamgarh district states that a city, by name Madanesasagarapur was founded by him after his name. Paramardi: From the Candella grants it appears that Madanavarman was immediately succeeded by Paramardi. We have fortunately one image inscription from Mahoba of his period. It records the dedications of the image in V.E. 1224 (A.D. 1168), in the 'Pravardhamana-kalyana-vijayarajya' of Paramardideva. We learn from the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha that Paramardi bore an epithet which made Jayacandra Gahadavala envious of him. Therefore, he attacked him and besieged his capital by name Kalyanakataka." From this anecdote we may conclude that from the time of Paramardi's predecessor Madanavarman both the kingdoms were hostile. We are also informed that Paramardi "was involved in war with Prithviraja, the king of the Sapadalaksa country, and in the ensuing con 1 1A., XVIII, p. 341-44. 2 See supra p. 50. 3 See, infra p. 70. 4 ASR., XXI, p. 74, plate XXIII, G. 5 SJGM., II p. 90: The Aez 31948 1967 ataclarifat mit para: zratvA zrI jayacandro'sahamAnastadupari ssainyshccaal| taddezabhanaM kurvANaH kalyANakaTakanAnI rAjadhAnIHTFTTH STOTI

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70 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES flict his army was defeated and he became a fugitive." This statement of Merutunga is strikingly corroborated by the Madanpur inscription and Cand's Raso from which we know that he sustained a reverse in 1182-83 A.D. at the hands of Prithviraja Cauhan, who occupied Mahoba and other fortresses in Bundelkhanda. But Paramardi escaped and afterwards recovered the lost ground. In 1202 A.D. he encountered the attack of Qutb-ud-Din and a little after he died. We have fortunately one Jain inscription, dated V.E. 1237 (A.D. 1181), of his reign. It has been engraved on the pedestal of a Jain colossus of the Lord Santinath at Ahara in the district of Tikamgarh, Madhya Pradesa. It consists of 9 lines in Sanskst. It records a pedigree of a Jain merchant named Jahad of Grahapati family who installed that colossus in the temple at Madanesasagarapura in the prosperous reign of Srimad Paramardideva. This inscription shows that there was a city by name Madanesasagarapur, perhaps, founded after the name of king Madanavarman. Paramardi was succeeded by his son Trailokyavarman who ruled for thirty-six years. Unluckily, we have no information about this king in the Jain sources, but about his son Viravarmadeva we have two Jain inscriptions recently discovered. This first inscription has been found in the temple of Santinath near the Ajayapala tank at Ajaigarh in Panna District, Madhya Pradesa. The inscription consists of three lines in Samsket dated V.E. 1331 (A.D. 1275) in the reign of illustrious Viravarmadeva. Perhaps it records the foundation of the temple by Acarya Kumudacandra. The second inscription has been found in the image pedestal of Santinath at Ajayagarh. This inscription consists of four lines in the Samskrt and records the installation of an image of santinath by a gentleman named Sodala in the prosperous reign of the illustrious Viravarmadeva in the year V.E. 1335 (A.D. 1278). These two Jain epigraphs along with the other published seven records of Viravarmadeva show that he was a king of some note and was the ruler of his ancestral territories. 1 SJGM., I., p. 116: 7 ITE Siterea la TT >> grattista Tar: HTTTA ez: a Tisa afa af .......... 9 TETTHETIHI 2 ASI., Wc., 1903-04, p. 55. 3 Premi Abhinandana Grantha, p. 625. 4 I am indebted to Mr. V. S. Pathak of the Banaras Hindu University for supplying these two inscriptions.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 71 About the history of the successors of Viravarmadeva the Jain sources are almost silent. Thus the following kings have come to light from the Jain sources:-- Yasovarman I Dhanga (A.D. 954) kh Vidyadhara (A.D. 1019) Madanavarman (A.D. 1129-1163) Paramardi (A.D. 1167-1202) Viravarmadeva (A.D. 1261--1286) II. THE KACCHAPAGHATAS The Kacchapaghatas were among those aspirants who became independent after the disintegration of the Gurjara-Pratihara power. There epi. graphic records show that they were masters of the area around Eastern Rajasthan and the region of Gwalior. They appear to be ruling over the small principalities of Gwalior, Dubkunda and Narwar. Two of these branches are known from the Jain inscriptions. THE KACCHAPAGHATAS OF GWALIOR: The history of this branch of the Kacchapaghatas is mainly known from he Sasabahu temple inscription of Mahipala composed by a Jain author Yasodeva Digambararka.' (the sun of Digambaras, a well known sect of the Jains) who is also called in another inscription of this branch, as the Nirgranthanath (the master of the Nirgranthas).This inscription has been found engraved on a slab inside the 1 TA., XV, pp. 33-46. 2 Ibid., p. 201-2, V, 23; a term used for the followers of Mahavira and in latter centuries only applied to the Digambara Jains.

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72 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES larger of the two temples called Sasabahu ka Dehra in the fortress of Gwalior. It is a large inscription containing 42 lines consisting of 112 Samskst verses and is dated V.E. 1150, in the reign of the eighth member of this branch by names Mahipala. It belongs to a temple of Visnu and has nothing to do with the Jains except that its author is a Jain. It, however, opens with the salutation of Padmanatha," a word which according to scholars, is the local name of Visnu. But in my opinion, in spite of its being the local name of Visnu, its use here by a Jain author may be interpreted as a pun which has double meaning: the one may be Visnu as assumed by the scholars, and the other may be the sixth Tirthankara of the Jains called by that name, whom the author invokes. The inscription devotes 4 verses invoking Aniruddha, the Lord of Usa, perhaps the family deity of Mahipala. Though the inscription is a large one, it, however, gives very little information of historical importance. It gives the following account of the seven predecessors of Mahipala. Laksmana: It states that the first prince of the line was Laksmana who is described as 'Kacchapaghata vamsa tilaka' and 'Ksaunipati' and an object of reverence for all princes. He is also said to have wielded his bow, promoted the welfare of his subjects and unaided like Prthu made the earth obedient to his will, and by his force extirpated even mighty princes." Nothing definite of his political achievements is mentioned in this inscription. Vajradaman: Vajradaman was the son of Laksmana who is said to have defeated the then ruler of Gadhinagara and conquered the fort of Gopadri.* This prince seems to be of some importance. We have a small inscription incisd on the pedestal of the Jain image dated V.E. 1034, from Suhaniya near Gwalior, which gives the name Sri Vajradama Maharajadhiraja." If this Vajradaman is identified with Vajradaman, the son of Laksmana, as generally held by scholars we get fortunately the date of his reign as V.E. 1034.6 The Gadhinagara of the inscription should be identified on the evidence of mythology with Kanyakubja (Kanauj). The ruler 1 sikatsiu. 9940 2 319 FTA: 4CH7171 : V. 5. frateEHFTTT.......725414F : airciaga : etc. 4 TEEMUTTA:...... TAHIT...... ...... Frauf ETT Tatatatata...... 5 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha II, p. 94. N. 1431. 6 DHNI., II, p. 823. ? Tripathi, Dr. R. S. History of Kanauj, p. 12.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA of Kanauj at that time was the Pratihara Vijayapala (c. 959 A.D.-988 A.D.). It appears that by defeating him Vajradaman captured the fort of Gwalior. It, however, seems more probable that during the period of the weak rulers of the Pratihara dynasty, the Kacchapaghatas carved out their principality near about Gwalior. The title Maharajadhiraja assumed by Vajradaman shows that he enjoyed sovereignty for some time. Since we know from the inscriptions of the Candellas that in Dhanga's reign (c. 954-1002 A.D.) their power reached up to the mountain called Gopagiri," we may assume that Vajradaman must have accepted the suzerainty of his more powerful eastern neighbour. In this light the title Maharajadhiraja of Vajradaman should not be regarded as inconsistent, for we know that in that period the feudatories also bore that title." Mangalaraja: Vajradaman was succeeded succeeded by Mangalaraja. He is said to have scattered his enemies as the thousand-rayed (sun) dispels darkness. As he ever offered worship to the Lord (Isvara), so he was worshipped by thousands of great lords. An undated Ukha Mandir stone inscription at Bayana near Bharatapur in Rajasthan also refers to one Mangalaraja. On the basis of the script of the record, the scholars assumed that Mangalaraja of the Ukha mandir inscription is identical with this Mangalaraja of the Sasabahu inscription. The relationship of Mangalaraja with his predecessor is not mentioned in the inscription. Kirtiraja: Mangalaraja was succeeded by Kirtiraja whose relationship with him is not indicated in the inscription. The record states that he "conquered in battle the countless hosts of the prince of Malava. When he (Malava prince) had met with defeat, the villagers surrounded their houses with the multitude of spears which through fear had fallen from the hands (of his soldiers) in every direction." He is also credited as a builder of a wonderful temple of Siva in the town of Simhapaniya. Unfortunately no dated record of this prince has yet been discovered from that region. 1 Ibid., p. 276. 2 EI., I, p. 129, V. 45. Rajor stone inscription of Mathanadeva dated V. E. 1016 (A. D. 960); EI., III, pp. 263 ff. * V. 8 tatoripudhvAnta sahasradhAmA nRpo'bhavanmaMgala rAjanAmA / 5 IA., XIV, pp. 9-10. 6 Ibid., p. 9. : . Vs. 9-10 zrI kIrtirAjo nRpatistato'bhUyasya mAlava bhUmipasya / * * . * V. 11 adbhutaH siMhapAnIyanagare yena kAritaH / 10 73 .... prAsAdaH pArvatIpateH /

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74 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Muladeva: Kirtiraja was succeeded by his son Muladeva who is also called Bhuvanapala and Trailokyamalla." His body was decorated with the irreproachable marks of a universal sovereign. No political events of his reign are recorded in this inscription. Muladeva was succeeded by Devapala, his son from his queen Devabrata. Devapala is also known as Aparajita. He is said to have surpassed Karna by his generosity, the son of Partha by his knowledge of the bow and Dharmaraja by his truthfulness. Padmapala: Muladeva was succeeded by his son Padamapala who was like Mandhata, the ornament of universal sovereigns. He waged wars in all quarters, his armies are said to have marched even to the southernmost point of India. It is said that during his reign he built a temple of Hari (Visnu), who was named after him Padmanatha. He died young. "He when still a youth, through the adversity of fortune, obtained a seat on the lap of Sankrandana (Indra)," thus states the inscription. Manipala: Mahipala succeeded Padmapala. He is also known as Bhuvanaikamalla, who being described as son of Suryapala and bhrata of Padmapala, probably was a cousin of the latter. No political event of note is known about him from the inscription except that a prince of the Gandharvas was defeated by him in a war. As the Sasabahu inscription is dated V.E. 1150 (the temple at which it is put up was only completed immediately after his coronotion), we may suppose that the latter event took place not long before V.E. 1150 (A.D. 1093). Mahipala's minister was Gaura. The Dates from Kirtiraja to Padmapala: As we have no dated records from Kirtiraja to Padmapala, we may, however, assign some approximate dates to these princes on the basis of the Sasabahu inscription. As the known date of Mahipala from the inscription is V.E. 1150 (A.D. 1093) and as he is the fourth in lineal descent from Kirtiraja, if we assign for the sake of convenience 20 years for each of the kings and ten years for Padmapala as he died young and some eight years to Mahipala before the inscription was actually dated, we may thus subtract 78 years from V.E. 1150 and would get V.E. 1072 (A.D. 1015) as the approximate date of 1 Vs. 12-13 2 V. 12. 3 V. 14: et qaat Je gaatfattati ditt 4 Vs. 15-17 5 Vs. 31-67. 6 yasya gIrvANamantrI ca gauro'bhvt| 1474:

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 7 Kirtiraja. He, therefore, may be assigned to a period V.E. 1072-1092 (A.D. 1015-35) and thus he becomes a contemporary of the Candella Vidyadhara (1019 A.D.) and the Paramara Bhoja (999-1055 A.D.). He is said to have defeated a Malava king who may possibly be identified with king Bhoja. In the Dubkunda Jain inscription Bhoja is said to have surrendered to the Kacchapaghata Abhimanyu. We also know from the Candella inscription as well as the Dubkunda Jain inscription that the Kacchapaghatas were the feudatories of the Candellas," and it is most probable that, with the assistance of the Candellas, they defeated the Paramara king Bhoja. It is recorded in a Candella inscription that 'Bhoja worshipped Vidyadhara, full of fear like a pupil' which certainly indicates here that Kirtiraja, a contemporary of Vidyadhara, must have won battle against the powerful Malava ruler, not without the assistance of his sovereign, the Candella king. According to our suggestion the reign of Kirtiraja's son Muladeva may be assigned to the period from 1092 to 1112 V.E. (1035-55 A.D.). The statement that "his body was decorated with the auspicious marks of a universal sovereign," shows that he might have gained some sort of sovereignty during his period. We, however, have the ground to infer this fact. As it is generally supposed that the period between the reigns of Vidyadhara (1019 A.D.) and Kirtivarman (1098 A.D.) is one of the darkest chapters in the history of the Candellas, during their weak rule, it is likely that Muladeva must have gained independence by repudiating the suzerainty of the Candella. His other two names, viz., Bhuvanapala and Trailokyamalla, show him a man of power. His one name Trailokyamalla, most probably adopted after the imitation of the names of the kings belonging to the Calukya dynasty of Kalyani, shows some sort of contact between the two kings of the period. Devapala's period in the above way may also be assigned from V.E. 1112 to V.E. 1132 (A.D. 1055-1075) and the period of his son Padmapala as calculated above would be from V.E. 1132 to 1142 (A.D. 1075-1085). The period of Padmapala's successor Mahipala may have begun from V.E. 1142. We have a definite date of the commencement of his reign from the Sasabahu inscription, that is, V.E. 1150 (1093 A.D.), when the temple of Hari (Padmanath) was completed, and as a fragmentary Jain inscription from Gwalior, composed by the same Yasodeva Nirgranthanatha, dated V.E. 1161 1 See infra p. 78. 2 See infra p. 79. 3 EI., I, pp. 219 and 222. V. 22. 4 DHNI., II, pp. 694 ff.

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76 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES informs us that Mahipala died some time before that date, we may assign him a period from c. V.E. 1142 (A.D. 1085) to V.E. 1161, a period of 19 years. His second name Bhuvanaikamalla, like one borne by the princes of the Calukya dynasty of Kalyani, further confirms our assumption that the Kacchapaghatas must have had some contact with the rulers of Kalyani. We, thus, have two inscriptions concerning his reign, both composed by the Jain author Yasodeva. Many verses in the Sasabahu inscription contain a fulsome praise of king Mahipala, a practice so common among Indian poets. The main object of the inscription is to record the completion of the half-finished temple of Hari by Mahipala soon after his coronation which he had promised to complete. Verses 71-102 mostly give the detailed list of the charitable institutions connected with the temple, the portions of his revenue devoted by him to the erection of the temple buildings, the idols that he gave to the shrines, the ornaments he presented to them, the arrangements he made and the implements he furnished for their worship. Yasodeva, the author of the inscription: The author says about himself that he is a Digambararka (a sun among the Digambaras), who enjoys the friendship of the sage (suri) Manikantha in which Pratapalankesvaravac shares and who is poet in all languages. The inscription mentions that its letters were written by this poet who was well versed in all languages, and the prasasti was composed by Manikantha by order of the king. I do not understand what is meant by these two statements. It is strange that the writer of the letters is a poet in all languages while the composer Manikantha seems to have been an ordinary poet, for, nothing is said of him in the inscription. In my opinion it seems more probable that Manikantha, while enjoying the patronage of king Mahipala and carrying out his order to compose a prasasti, may have given the ideas to the poet and the poet, on behalf of his friend Manikantha, may have composed it, or we may also assume that Manikantha himself attempted to compose it hurriedly at first and gave it to Yasodeva for correction and improvement. Thus the real composer of the prasasti appears to be Yasodeva. The second inscription almost settles the date of the death of Mahipala. Stanza 23 records that this inscription was composed by Nirgranthanatha Yasodeva. It has been found in the fortress of Gwalior and mentions the Kacchapaghata princes from Bhuvanapala (who is the fifth of 1 IA., XV, pp. 201-202. 2 pratApalaMkezvara vAdvitIyAM vibhratsuhattA mnniknntthsuureH| azeSabhASAsukavirlilekha vrnnaanyshodevdigmbraarkH| 3 nRpAjJayA racitA maNikaNThena prshstiriymujjvlaa|

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA this branch) to Mahipala. The latter is said there as the adhipati of Gopalikera (probably the original form and the immediate source of the modern name Gwalior). The inscription is fragmentary. Verses 7-9 seem to refer to the death of Mahipala, and must have recorded the name of his successor; but unfortunately it is not found in the portion preserved. The object of this inscription is to record the setting up of a linga when 1161 years had elapsed from the reign of Vikramarka.1 77 We do not know of the successors of Mahipala from the Jain sources. The Kacchapaghatas of Dubkunda: The history of the Dubkunda branch of the dynasty is also known from a Jain inscription. This inscription is a large one and was discovered in the ruins of a temple at Dubkunda in a dense forest on the left bank of the river Kunu, 76 miles to the south-west of Gwalior. It consists of 61 lines in Samskrt opening with 'Om Om Namo Vitaragaya' and 6 verses invoking the Jain Tirthankaras Rsabhanath, Santinath, Candraprabha, Sanmati (Mahavira), sage Gotama and the goddess of Scripture (Srutadevata). The inscription is fortunately dated V.E. 1145 (A.D. 1088), in the reign of Vikramasimha. The object of the inscription is to record the grant made by Maharajadhiraja Vikramasimha to a temple. From the genealogy of Kacchapaghatas given in this inscription we know of the following kings: Yuvaraja; his son Arjuna; his son Abhimanyu; his son Vijayapala and his son Vikramasimha. The record introduces them as follows: "There was an ornament of the Kacchapaghata family, and a son of the illustrious Yuvaraja, who was white with fame that spread abroad in the three worlds, the illustrious prince (Bhupati) Arjuna, a leader of a formidable army of unparalleled splendour, a prince whom even the ocean did not equal in depth, and a bow-man who by his skill in archery had completely vanquished the earth. Having, anxious to serve the illustrious Vidyadhara-deva, fiercely slain in a great battle the illustrious Rajyapala, with many showers of arrows that pierced his neckbones, he unceasingly filled all the three worlds with his imperishable fame, brilliant like pearl strings and like the orb of the moon and the foam of the sea."3 1 IA., XV, pp. 201-202. 2 EI., II, pp. 232-240. 3 EI, II, pp. 233, 237, lines 10 - 13 : AsItkacchapaghAtavaMzatilakastrailokyaniryadyazaH / pANDu zrIyuvarAjasnurasamadyudbhImasenAnugaH // [ Contd.]

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78 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES "Having powerfully vanquished in battle even the victorious Abhimanyu valued other princes as lightly as a straw. Since the highly intelligent king, the illustrious Bhoja, has widely celebrated the skill which he showed in his marvellous management of horses and chariots, and in the use of powerful weapons, what sage in the three worlds would be able to describe the qualities of this prince, who put to flight haughty. adversaries by the fear inspired by the mere sight of his umbrella?"" These passages refer to the three important rulers, i.e., Rajyapala, Vidyadhara and Bhoja in connection with the three rulers of the dynasty respectively. The identification of Rajyapala and Vidyadhara with the Gurjara-Pratihara (A.D. 1018) and Candella (A.D. 1019) princes of the same name is generally accepted. It seems that the fame and prestige gained. by Arjuna in destroying Rajyapala, must have laid the foundations of his family's fortune. As he is called 'Bhupati' he may have carved out a small principality round about the present Dubkund on the river Kunu. This record also denotes that Arjuna was a feudatory of Vidyadhara who is described by Ibnu'l-Athir as the most powerful prince of his time. It appears that the Dubkunda branch first grew into prominence under the great Candella Vidyadhara. Bhoja of this record is generally identified with the Paramara king of that name (c. 999-55 A.D.). As we know from the Candella inscription that zrImAnarjunabhUpatiH patirapAmapyApa tattulyatAM / no gAmbhIryaguNena nirjitajaMga ( da ) nvIdhanurvidyayA // zrI vidyAdhara devakAryanirataH zrI rAjyapAla haThAt / kaNThA sthicchidane vANa nivarhatvA mahatyAhave / / DiNDIrAvalicandra maNDala milanmuktAkalApojjvalaistrailokyaM sakalaM yazobhiracalairyo'jastramApUrayat // Ibid. lines 17-19 sununugaM vijayinopyAjI vijityorjitaM / jAto'smAdabhimanyuranyanRpatInAmanyamAnastRNam // yasyAdbhutavAhavAhana mahAzastraprayogAdiSu / prAvINyaM pravikatthitaM prathumati zrIbhojapRthvIbhujA // cchatrAlokanamAtra jAtabhayato dRptAribhaGgaprada syAsya syAdguNavarNane tribhuvane ko labdhavarNaH prabhuH // 3 [ Contd.] 2 See supra pp. 45 and 66. Chap. on the Gurjara Pratiharas and Candellas. * zrI vidyAdhara devakAryanirataH / * DHNI., I, p. 593: II, pp. 677-78.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 79 *Bhoja was worshipping Vidyadhara full of fear like a pupil," it seems that he might have been under the command of Abhimanyu, whose father was a feudatory of the Candellas. Bhoja's defeat by Kirtiraja of Gwalior branch of the Kacchapaghata also confirms this fact.? Nothing definite is stated about Abhimanyu's son Vijayapala in the Dubkunda inscription. Another Jain inscription called Bayana Stone inscription refers to one Adhiraja Vijaya. This was discovered on a pilaster of a Jain temple, now used by Muslims as a mosque, in the town of Bayana near Bharatapur, in Rajasthan. It contains 18 lines, opening with 'Om Om Namah Siddhebhyah,' It then records that in the kingdom of king Adhiraja Vijaya (line 5) in the city of Sripatha, there was a Jain teacher (suri) named Mahesvara, a leader of the Svetambar belonging to the Kamyaka gaccha, who occupied the seat of Visnusuri. It records that Mahesvarasuri passed away when V.E. 1100 was drawing to its close. The prasasti was incised by Sadhu Sarvadeva in V.E. 1100 (A.D. 1043). Kielhorn had identified this Adhiraja Vijaya with the Kacchapaghata prince of that name referred to in the Dubkunda inscription. It thus denotes that the Bayana region was conquered by this branch some time before 1044 A.D. from the Gwalior branch, one of whose inscriptions, dated in the reign of Mangalaraja (c. 955-1015 A.D.), was discovered in 'Ukha mandir' at Bayana. Vijayapala's son and successor was Vikramasimha. Nothing particular is recorded of him in the Dubkunda inscription. From line 31 upto the end, the Dubkunda inscription is also important from the social and religious point of view. It gives the genealogy of Rsi and Dahada, two Jain traders, on whom Vikramasimha had conferred the rank of Sresthins in the town Cadobha (modern Dubkunda). The Sresthin Jasuka, their grandfather, is described as the head of a family or guild of merchants which had come from Jayasapura. Lines 39-48 contain an account of some Jain sages belonging to the Latavagata-gana, the last of whom, Vijayakirti, not only composed this inscription, but also induced the people to build the temple at which the inscription was afterwards engraved. One 1 EI., I., pp. 219-222., V. 22. 2 See supra p. 75. 3 IA., XIV, pp. 8-10. Lines 6-II and 17-18. 4 lbid. 5 Ibid.

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80 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES of these sages, the Guru Santisena, teacher of Vijayakirti, is said to have held a sabha before king Bhojadeva and defeated hundreds of disputants who had assailed Ambarasena and other learned men. The prose passage, commencing in line 54, records that the Maharajadhiraja Vikramasimha 'for the building of the temple and for keeping it in good repair, as well as for purpose of worship, assigned a tax of one vinsopaka on each goni (of grain) and gave a piece of land in the village of Mahacakra, capable of being sown with four goais of wheat, and a garden with a well to the east of Rajakadraha; and that he also provided a certain amount of oil for lamps and for annointing the bodies of holy men. The prasasti was written on stone by Udayaraja and engraved by the Silakuta Tilhana. The date V.E. 1145 (A.D. 1088) comes in the last line. It seems that Vikramasimha was the last prince of this branch. No successor is known of him from any source. The members of the Kacchapaghatas from the Jain sources are the following: The Gwalior Branch The Dubkunda Branch (c. 950-1100 A.D.) (c. 1000-1100 A.D.) Yuvaraja (c. 1000) Laksmana (950-75) Vajradaman (c. 975-95) Arjuna (c. 1015-35 A.D.) Abhimanyu (c. 1035-44 A.D.) Mangalaraja (c. 995-1015) Kirtiraja (c. 1015-35) Vijayapala (c. 1044-70) Vikramasimha (c. 1070-1100) Muladeva alias Bhuvanapala and Trailokyapala (c. 1035-55) Devapala (c. 1055-75) Padmapala (c. 1075-80) Mahipala alias Bhuvanaikamalla (c. 1080-1100) 1 goNImprati vizopakaM godhUmagoNIcatuSTavApayogyakSetraM ca mahAcakragrAmabhamau rajakadrahapUrva digbhAgavATikAM vApisamanvitAm / 2 pradIpamunijanazarIrAbhyaMjanArtha karaghaTikAdvayaM ca dattavAn /

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA III. THE KALACURIS OF DAHALA The Kalacuri is an important branch of the Haihayas, a very ancient race, which traces its origin from Sahasrarjuna. They have been referred to in the epigraphs from the sixth century A.D. down to the 15th century. Their early capital was at Mandhata," which later came to be known as Mahismati. The earliest reference to the Kalacuris during our period is found in the Jain inscription of Ravikirti from Aihole (634 A.D.), wherein it is stated that the Calukya king Mangalesa defeated them in the course of an expedition to the north. It seems that at that time the pressure of their power was felt in the Deccan. But during the later period, they extended their sway farther to the north upto the Tarai and it became possible only after the gradual decline and downfall of the Gurjara Pratiharas. Gangeyadeva: We learn from the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha that Gaigeya Kumara, a prominent ruler of the dynasty, is called lord of Varanasi (Varanasipati) whose reign is generally assigned from c. 1019 A.D. to 1041 A.D.4 It is known from the history of the dynasty that Gangeyadeva was a powerful monarch of the Dahala branch of Kalacuris. The Piawan rock inscription shows that Gangeyadeva succeeded his father named Kokalla II as a king of Dahala," and supports the extension of his power upto the Ganga in the north. The fact that Varanasi was in possession of Ganga (Gangeya) is remarkably confirmed by the Moslem historians. Abu Baihaqi tells us in his work, the Tarikh-i-Subuktigin, that when Ahmed Niyaltigin, (c. 1030-40 A.D.) invaded Banaras (c. 1034 A.D.), that city belonged to the territory of Ganga. The increasing power of Gangeyadeva caused much anxiety to the contemporary king Paramara Bhoja. The Bhoja-Gangeya-prabandha of the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha refers to a defeat of Gangeyadeva at the hands of king Bhoja. It states that once Gangeyadeva of Varanasi invaded astrideritaan 1 DV., Canto IX, V. 39 records that Puranic version : dhvaaptaayte| 2 DHNI., II, pp. 738-39. 3 EI., VI, p. 2: 3patata Torta care sati 4 SJGM., II, p. 20: PRAT: Tor: 1 5 ASR., XXI, pp. 112-13 and plate XXVIII. 6 DHNI., II, p. 773. 11

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82 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Bhoja, lord of Malava, with huge army. Bhoja also offered a good defence. But through certain diplomatic tactics, Bhoja found the way and assaulted Gangeya. Gangeya was captured and taken away to Dhara. This statement of the Jain chroniclers is strikingly confirmed by the Parijatamanjari of Madana which refers to the fact that the Paramara king) Bhoja (c. 101055 A.D.) had his desires speedily fulfilled for a long time at the festive defeat of Gangeya (Gangeya-bhangotsava). Hultzsch rightly identified this prince with the Kalacuri Gangeya of Tripuri. Laksmi karna: Gangeyadeva was succeeded by his son Karna, born from queen Demati." He is also known as Laksmikarna. The names of his two immediate successors, Yasahkarna and Gayakarna, perhaps, show that Laksmikarna was his real name. But in records he is introduced by the shortened form Karna. The Jain chroniclers depict him as one of the greatest Indian conquerors. He maintained and perhaps enhanced the glory of his kingdom inherited from his father. The following description of this prince is given by Forbes, a foremost historian of Gujarata, whose most of the accounts are based on the statements of the Jain chroniclers. "At that time the Raja, named Kurun, reigned in Dahul Land, the modern Tipera, and over the sacred city of Kashee or Banaras. He was the son of Queen Demut, distinguished for her religious observances, who lost her life in giving him birth. Being born under a good star, this king extended his territory towards all four points of the compass. One hundred and thirty-six kings worshipped the lotus-feet of Kurun." In the same context, the author of Rasamala records the tradition that "envious of the fame of the lord of Oojain, Kurun prepared to attack Bhoja and in that connection arranged an interview with Bheemadeva at a frontier village, and procured from him a promise that he would make a diversion by attacking Malava from the west. Bhoja associated 1 PPS., p. 20: 141 arrotetora: ... T 941) ... ga ATATZT AS4Fmisi af 415 ... 39: 1 4477 ... "TH12 TUHT : 1 ? DHNI., II, p. 774. 3 PC., p. 49: Easitet sit Actat Erificati T... THE HCHATTI * EI., I. p. 222, V. 26 of a Candella inscription from Mahoba. 6 Cf. ftadikafa af: 47: wt 16UTIT PC., p. 51. * Ibid., p. 51: TR ft TIFY fare AEST FESTETTU fretetadIyasImanagare zrI karNaH zrI bhImamajUhavat /

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 83 with the two kings and unable from indisposition to take the field against them, contented himself with occupying by his troops the mountain passes leading into his country. Damara was at this time employed by his sovereign as his representative in the camp of Raja Kurun.? Bheema dispatched a messenger to Damara for intelligence and the ambassador taught him a verse which he repeated on his return to the king of Goozarat: "The fruit on the mango tree is fully ripened, the stalk has become loosened, with much wind the bough shakes, the end I know not.''3 When Bheema heard this verse he determined upon remaining inactive. Then Forbes records that "having informed of the death of Bhoja, Kurun Raja advanced upon Dhar, which he destroyed taking possession of the Royal treasury." Then we learn from the same narrative that Bhima's minister Damara imprisoned Karna for some time in order to realise the booty. Karna then arranged to give him one golden canopy and the revenue of the temple of Lord Siva. The Jain monk Hemacandra states that Bhima I made an incursion on Karna of Cedi, but Karna offered the golden canopy which was the bloomed fame (Samjulla-kirti)of Bhoja to him, made an alliance with him." The fact that Bhoja was jointly attacked by the kings of Gurjara, Kalacuris and Karnata is also supported by the Nagpur Stone inscription of the Paramaras. Gayakarna: Laksmikarna was succeeded by his son Yasahkarna about whom we have no account in Jain sources. He was succeeded by his son Gayakarna. Regarding this king also we have nothing to say except that 1 Cf. Ibid., p. 51: 379T TETT T TXIT Haurrat 21 T 29 famiondarpaviSo bbhuuv| 2 Ibid., p. 51: eft vtA:Forfforartit H ararenie THE 27T1=1371919 khapuruSeNa pprcch| 3 Ibid., p. 51: 37725 947 faoi fare HH5T Taviti sAhAmahaNasIlA na yANimo kjprinnaamo|| 4 Ibid., p. 52: 15 TTf fearrasaraf ST FA TETT bhaMga sUtrayatoparudhya nRpatibhImaH shaayiikRtH|| tabhRtyena ca dAmareNa jagRhe bndiikRtaatkrnnto| haimI maNDapikA gaNAdhipayutaH zrInIlakaNThezvaraH // 5 DV., Vs. 1-57: IX at they are for TFHTELI zrIvAsotphullapadmAbhA haraspari kRzazriyam // 6 El., pp. 185, 192, V. 32.

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84 there is an anecdote which relates an attack on Gujarata by a Karpa in the time of Kumarapala. The Prabandha-cintamani of Merutunga tells us: POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES "Once when the Caulukya Kumarapala of Anahilapataka was going on a pilgrimage, he was informed by a couple of messengers (Yugalika), who came from a foreign country that Karpa, king of Dahala, was marching against him. His forehead was beaded with drops or perspiration, and he abandoned, out of fear, his desire of being head of the congregation, and came with the minister Vagbhata and blamed himself at the feet of Hemacandra. The story runs that the Jain sage assured his disciple that in the 12th watch from this time your mind will be relieved. At the appointed time Kumarapala was informed that 'Karna had gone. to heaven'.2 Karna, we are told, was making a march at night, seated on an elephant, and allowed his eyes to close in sleep, and while he was in this state, a gold chain that he wore on his neck, caught in a banyan. tree, and hanged him, and so he died." Since the reign of Kumarapala ranged between c. 1144-73 A.D., his contemporary king of Dahala referred to as Karga must be Gayakarna. As regards the details of the story we should not place any reliance without independent corroboration. This much we may infer from the story that Gayakarna might have started this attack in his old age and before reaching his destiny he collapsed. We know nothing about his successors from the Jain sources. Thus Gangeya, Laksmikarna, and Gayakarna, the only three kings of the dynasty, are known from the Jain sources of our period. 1 PC., PP. 92, 93 : tvAM prati DAhaladezIyakarNanRpatirupaiti .... * Ibid: samAgatayugalikayA zrIkarNe divaMgata iti vijJaptaH / - kumArapAlAdi prabandhe tIrthayAtrA prabandhaH )

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CHAPTER VI THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA (continued) THE PARAMARAS. After the decline of the Gurjara Pratibara power started and before the throne of Kanauj was occupied by the kings of the Gahadavala dynasty, the political power in Avanti shifted into the hands of the Paramara kings. We know that the region of Malava was for a long time a veritable bone of contention between the Pratiharas and their inveterate enemies, the Rastrakutas of Manyakheta, who conquered it during the northward incursion of Dhruva Nirupama, Govinda III, Indra III and Krsna III. None of them could, however, hold Ujjain permanently. We know from the Pratapagarh inscription that upto V.E. 1003 (946 A.D.) the territory of Malava was under the control of the Pratihara rulers. After this it seems that the sway of the Pratiharas totally disappeared from Malava and Western India. Their hold over Malava: The first recorded date of the Paramara rulers is obtained from the Harasola copper plates grant, wherein Siyaka, the father and predecessor of Vakapati II, is described as ruling over that region in V.E. 1005 (949 A.D.). The last date for Siyaka is V.E. 1029 as known from the Jain Dhanapala's Paiyalacchi-kosa, wherein it is stated that Dhanapala prepared the work in V.E. 1029 when Manyakheta was looted by the king of Malava." This fact is corroborated by that of the Udayapur (Gwalior) prasastio wherefrom we know that this king of Malava was no other than Siyaka, as it is stated there in verse No. 12 that Siyaka took away the wealth of king Khottiga of Manyakheta. Since the period from 949 to 972 A.D. assigned to Siyaka is regarded as a period of the decadence of the Pratihara monarchy, it seems that Siyaka availed of the favourable chances during this period to increase his power by occupying the province of Malava. Origin: The Jain poet Dhanapala, who was one of the court poets of king Munja and his successors, tracing out the genealogy of the Paramaras, states: "The Gurjaras of the mountain Abu still sing the glory of the king 1 V. 276: fa lse E 350TYTIR HEFRAI mAlavaNarindadhANIe lUDie mnnnnkheddmmi|| 2 EI., I., p. 234 ff.

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86 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Paramara who sprang from the fire-pit of the sage Vasistha, who was defeated by Visvamitra'.' This, the then prevalent mythological version of Paramara origin, is also attested by the Udayapur prasasti, wherein in Vs. 5-6 it is stated that once Visvamitra robbed the cow of the sage Vasistha. This action enraged the sage and then, out of his supernatural power, he created a man from his sacrificial pit, who later on killed (mara) the foes (paran) and got back the cow. This fact is also corroborated by the Navasahasanka-carita of the poet Padmagupta (Parimala) and from various bardic and epigraphic traditions, which agree in tracing the origin of the Paramaras from a fire-pit on Mt. Abu. European and Indian scholars have interpreted this myth to mean that the Paramaras belonged to the Hupa Gurjara stocks and after the performance of some fire ceremony, they became fit to be admitted into the Hindu caste-system. But the discovery of the Harasola copper plates1 sets aside this speculation. The earliest records which contain the reference to the fire-pitorigin, mostly belong to about the middle of the eleventh century A.D., while the Harasola copper plates are nearly a century older and do not refer to this origin. On the contrary they plainly state that Bappairaja (Vakpatiraja I) was descended from the family (kula) of the Rastrakuta Akalavarsa (Krsna III). From this it can be concluded that the Paramaras were members of the Rastrakuta race and they originally belonged to the Deccan. A question naturally arises here: what was the motive in hiding or omitting the descent from such an illustrious race? The answer to this question is not wanting in history and certain indirect references from the Jain sources throw light on this point. One Jain inscription from Sravana Belagola of the time of the Ganga prince Marasimha, dated the Saka year 896 (974 A.D.), informs us that he (Marasimha) conquered the northern regions for Krsna III and thereby acquired the title of the king of Gujarata.5 1 Tilakamanjari, V. 39 vAziSThaiH sma kRtastrayo varazatairastyagnikuNDovo / bhUpAla: paramAra ityabhidhayA khyAto mahImaNDale || adyApyudrata harSagadradagiro gAyanti yasyArbude / vizvAmitrajayojjhitasya bhujayorvisphUrjitaM gurjarAH // 2 EI., I., p. 234. 3 I., V. 8. 4 PTOC. (Madras), 1924, pp. 303-08; EI., XIX, pp. 236 ff. 6 EI., V, p. 179: kRSNarAjottaradigvijaya viditagurjarAdhirAjasya / See also Jain Silalekha Sangraha, Pt. I, Ed. by Dr. H.L. Jain, p. 17.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA The Holkari inscriptions No. 23 and 33 dated 968 and 965 A.D. respectively, refer to two Marasimha's captains, Sudrakayya and Goggiyamma, as Ujjayinibhupaigas. We know from the Harasola inscription that the north Gujarata and Malava were ruled by Siyaka Paramara during this period. It seems that formerly he was appointed by Krsna III to rule those provinces but, due to certain favourable circumstances he thought to become independent. The above references indicate that Krsna III had led an expedition to suppress Siyaka. Thus an intense hostility was roused and we learn from the Paiyalacchi of Dhanapala that (in retaliation) Siyaka sacked the city of Manyakheta and looted the wealth (of Khottiga, the successor of Krsna III).2 87 It seems now plausible that the consequent hostility between the two families and other subsequent wars between them in later times which created bitterness and disgust, may be regarded as the supreme reason for suppressing the origin from the southern Rastrakutas." We find the Paramara families ruling over various regions of Western India but from the Jain sources we know only of the Paramaras of Malava, Arbuda, Banswara, and Kiradu. They will be described in different chapters according to their regions. PARAMARAS OF MALAVA From Dhanapala's Tilakamanjari as well as from the literary and epigraphic sources of the Paramaras we learn that an eponymous Paramara was the first man of the dynasty but from Harasola plates, Bapparaja appears to be the historical person. The Tilakamanjari mentions Vairisimha (II) as the first historical personage. Speaking about him the poet Dhanapala says: "he was a parasu to cut the creeper in the form drawing lines upon the check of the wives of the enemies and was like a wall of shore of four-seas to break the teeth of strong military elephants." Then he states that Vairisimha was succeeded by his son Sriharsa or Siyaka who was the abode of Sri.5 1 EI., XIX, p. 287. 2 V. 276 : mAlavaNarindadhANIe lUDie maNNakheDammi / 3 DHNI., Pt. II, p. 842. 4 Kavyamala, LXXXV, p. 5. V. 40: tasminnabhUdripukalatrakapolapatra / vallIvitAnaparazuparamAra vaMzaH // zrIvairisiMha iti durdhara sainyadanti / dantAgrabhinna caturarNavakUlabhittiH // [s] Ibid, V. 41 tatrAbhUdrasatiH zriyAmaparayA zrIharSa ityAkhyayA bhUpaH kharvitavairigarvamahimA zrI sIyakaH /

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Siyaka begot two sons, first Vakpatiraja alias Munja and second Sindhuraja. Speaking of Vakpatiraja the poet says that he was the first among the heroes and through the prowess of his bow he had measured all the four parts of the world. About Sindhuraja he states that he was a man of great fame, a leader of heroes and a lion for the line of rutting elephants of Indra.? Sindhuraja had a son named Bhoja whose feet were full of auspicious signs and whom considering affectionately very fit for the abode of majesty, the king Vakpatiraja alias Munja annointed on the throne."3 Dhanapala was a prominent poet. He lived at the court of king Bhoja and for the gratification of the king he composed a romance entitled Tilakamanjari.* The poet speaking about himself says that he was honoured in the court by king Munja who conferred on him the title 'Sarasvati. The two Jain inscriptions, the one found in the Luniga temple dated V.E. 1287 and the other found in the Vimal temple dated V.E. 1378 (which also records the event of V.E. 1080), both at the Mt. Abu, supply us the genealogy of the Paramaras of Arbuda. Having referred to the eponymous Paramara in the same manner as described above, the one records Dhumaraja as the original and remote member of the branch and the other states Kanhadadeva (Krsnadeva). In the opinion of scholars both are the names of the same king, Dhuma and Kssna being synonyms. They also assume that this Kanhadadeva or Dhumaraja may be Krsnaraja from whom Vakpati II traces his descent in his grants. If this assumption is right, we have one more though a remote member of this branch from the Jain sources. 1 Ibid., V. 42: tasya ....sutH| siMho....zrI sindhuraajo'bhvt| zrImadvAkpatirAjadeva nRptiviiraagrnniirgrjH| 2 V. 42: tasyodagrayazaH samastasubhaTanAmAgragAmI sutH| siMhodurdarazakrasindhuratateH zrI sindhurAjo' bhvt| ekAdhijyacaturjitAbdhivalayAvicchinnabhUryasya sH| zrImadvAkpati rAjadevanRpatirvI rAgragIragrajaH / 3 V. 43: AkIrNAdhritalaH sarojakalazacchatrAdibhilAJchanaiH / tasyAjAyatamAMsalAyatabhujaH zrI bhojaityAtmajaH / prItyA yogya iti pratApavasatiH khyAtena mujaakhyyaa| yaH sve vAkpatirAjabhUmipatinA rAjye'bhiSikta: svayam // * V. 50: niHzeSa vAGmayavido'pi jinAgamoktAH zrotuM kathA: smupjaatkutuuhlsy| tasyAvadAtacaritasya vinodahetoH rAjJaH sphuTAdbhutarasA racitA katheyam // 5 V.53: ....srvvidyaabdhinaa| zrImujena sarasvatIti sadasi kSoNIbhRtA vyaahRtH|| B Arbuda Pra. Jain-Lekha, Pt. II., pp. 2, 99. see also EI., VIII, pp. 200-04, 208-19%; and IX, pp. 151, 155-56.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 07 All this is the Jain account regarding the genealogy of the Paramaras. According to the other literary and epigraphic sources Upendraraja alias Kis@araja; then Vairisimha l; then Siyaka I; then Vakpatiraja I alias Bappairaja appear to be the personages before Vairisimha of the Jain account. Upendraraja alias Klsnaraja is the same as Dhumaraja or Kanhadadeva of the Jain inscription. It seems, however, that Vairisimha and his successors Siyaka and Munja etc., were more important figures than the other predecessors. That is why they have been recorded by all. The revised genealogy of the Paramaras according to the Jain sources from the first member upto Bhoja is thus arranged: Paramara Krsnaraja alias Dhumaraja Vairisimha Siyaka Vakpatiraja, Munja Sindhuraja Bhoja Siyaka: We do not know much of Vairisimha and his activities except what is reported of him in the Tilakamanjari. His son Siyaka seems to be a more powerful ruler than his father and to him are attributed all the merits of raising the glory of the newly founded dynasty. He is said to have defeated all the adversaries who opposed him in his war of independence, and threw up the yoke of his sovereign Rastrakutas. We have seen above that according to Paiyalacchi he sacked and plundered Manyakheta, the capital city of Rastrakutas in retaliation. According to Buhler he was also known as Simhabhata in Merutunga's Prabandha-cintamani. The various recensions of Prabandha-cintamani suggest that he was also known as Simhadantabhata and Sriharsa. In the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha he is called as Simha.? Buhler assumed that the complete name probably was Harsasimha (Harakhsimha). The Tilakamanjari retains Sriharsa and Sri Siyaka as the names of Siyaka. Philologically Siyaka appears to be a half Prakstic corruption of Simhaka. 1 See supra p. 87. 2 SJGM., II, p. 13. 3 EI., I., p. 225. 12

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90 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The Harasola plates give him an earliest date as V.E. 1005 or 949 A.D. and describe him as Mahamandalika, which means he was a feudatory chief of the Rastrakutas. His date, supplied by Paiyalacchi, is as V.E. 1029, the year when the poet Dhanapala composed his work for his sister Sundari and when Manyakheta was sacked and looted by the Malava king. All this shows that he reigned for about twenty-five years. Vakpati Munja: The earliest known date of Siyaka's successor Vakpati II from his inscription is V.E. 1031 (c. 975 A.D.). There is a long and interesting story regarding Munja in the Prabandha-cintamani, which is as follows: "Long ago in the very country of Malava a king named Simhabhata of the race of Paramara, as he was roaming about on his royal circuit, saw in the midst of a thicket of reeds a certain male child of exceeding beauty that had been just born. He took it up as lovingly as if it were his own son and made it over to his queen. The child was named Munja with reference to his origin. After that, a son was born to the king named Sindhala." It is further narrated that having been attracted by the good qualities of Munja, Simhabhata did not lessen his love towards him and decided to bestow his kingdom on him. Accordingly Munja was enthroned and he conquered the earth by his valour. Then he entrusted the rein of kingdom to his minister named Rudraditya and enjoyed for a long time. pleasure. His step-brother, Sindhala, once disobeyed the orders of Munja; accordingly he banished him; Sindhala came to Gujarata. There he contacted with a ghost and with his help he in a peculiar way acquired a district from king Munja which brought him much revenue. But again he showed his haughtiness, for which he had his eyes put out by Munja and was confined to a wooden cage. He begot a son named Bhoja. Bhoja studied all the sciences of Statecraft. When king Munja learnt from the horoscope of Bhoja that he would inherit the kingdom depriving his son he ordered secretly to execute Bhoja. But Bhoja managed to escape from the gallows of his executioners and subsequently sent a stanza to the king through the executioners, upon reading which the king regretted much. There 1 See supra p. 85. 2 See supra p. 85. 3 IA., VI, pp. 48-53. 4 PC., Tr. Tawney, p. 30.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA after Bhoja was brought before the presence of the king Munja and he honoured him with the dignity of a crown prince.1 91 A similar story with certain variations is recorded in the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha also. Strangely enough it also finds a place in the Ain-i-Akbari of Abul-Fazal." Though the whole story cannot be accepted as historical, yet it contains some useful materials. This story attempts to explain the name of Munja with reference to an event which seems a mere myth. Sindhuraja, from this story, seems to be a step-brother of Munja. The name of his minister Rudraditya is corroborated from other sources and he seems to be an historical figure. In the early stages of Munja's career, his relations with his brother do not seem to have been cordial. It is recorded that Munja had a son who was destined to be deprived of the throne by Bhoja. But being pleased with his merits, Munja appointed him as an heir apparent. Regarding his son we have no information from any other sources. Munja is depicted here as a sensualist also. The contemporary account of the Tilakamanjari simply states that Siyaka was succeeded by his son Vakpatiraja whose younger brother was Sri Sindhuraja or Sindhala who had a son named Bhoja. Since Vakpati begot no son, he having found Bhoja fit to rule over his kingdom, annointed him as his heir apparent." Vakpati Munja was a great warrior. Certain literary sources as well as epigraphic evidences may be adduced in support of his gallantry. A Jain inscription from Hathund known as Bijapur Stone inscription of Northern Rastrakuta Dhavala, informs us that Munjaraja fought with Mularaja Caulukya (A.D. 961-96), Dhavala (Rastrakuta of Hathundi, c. 980 A.D.) and Saktikumara, Guhila prince of Mewar (c. 977 A.D.). It states that Mularaja, like the ruler of Marwar, had to flee before Munja like a timid deer. The Rastrakuta Dhavala claims that he gave shelter to the armies of the king of Mewar and of the lord of the Gurjaras when Munjaraja had destroyed Aghata, the pride of Medapata." Another Jain inscription, namely, Sundha hill inscription of the Cahamana Caciga refers 1 PC., PP. 425 muJjarAjaprabandhaH / SJGM, II, p. 13 gujarAjaprabandhaH / AAK., II, p. 215, but the name of Munja's foster-father is given as 'Bijainand'. 4 See supra p. 88. 5 EI., X, pp. 17 ff., V. 10.

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92 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES to Baliraja, one of his predecessors, as one who defeated an army of Munjaraja.' It seems that Munjaraja extended his sway over some parts of Marwar. Merutunga records his last campaign of Southern India in his Prabandha-cintamani, where he met his tragic end, as follows: "As the king of the Telinga country, named Tailapadeva, harassed Munja, by sending raiders into his country, he determined to march against him, though his prime-minister (mahamatya) Rudraditya, who was seized with illness, endeavoured to dissuade him. The minister conjured him to make the river Godavari the utmost limit of his expedition, and not to advance beyond it; but he looked upon Tailapa with contempt, as he had defeated him six times before. In his overweening confidence he crossed the river and pitched his camp on the other side. When Rudraditya heard what the king had done, he augured that some mischief would result from his headstrong conduct and he himself entered the flames of a funeral pile. Then Tailapa by force and fraud cut Munja's army to pieces and took king Munja prisoner, binding him with a rope of reed (Munja). He was put in the prison and confined in a cage of wood and waited upon by Tailapa's sister Mlnalavati with whom he formed a marriage-union. His ministers, who had arrived subsequently dug a tunnel to the place where he was imprisoned, and made an appointment with him." The story next proceeds to relate that "Munja urged by his love to Monalavati revealed his plans to her, and the latter betrayed them to her brother. As a result of this, Tailapa had him bound with cords and taken about to beg from house to house for his food. Then the king had Munja put to death and his head fixed on a stake in the courtyard of the palace and by keeping it continually covered with thick sour milk, he gratified his anger." Historically this story is certainly important but not in its full details. In the first place, it relates that Vakpati waged wars for a long time and was killed by Tailapa II, the Calukya king of Kalyana. This fact is confirmed by the two records of Vikramaditya VI (c. 1055-1126 A.D.) wherein it is stated that Taila II killed the valiant Munja. The Ain-i-Akbari also records the tradition that Munja lost his life in the wars of the Deccan. In 1 EI., IX, pp. 70 ff. 2 PC., Tr. by Tawney, pp. 33-36. 3 IA., XXI, pp. 167-68.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 93 the second place, it refers to the fact that Vakpati had really a minister named Rudraditya. This also finds support from his Ujjain grant of 980 A.D.' Dr. Buhler has pointed out the date of this event with the help of a colophon of the Jain Amitagati's Subhasita-ratna-sandoha, which relates that it was composed during the reign of Munja in V.E. 1050 (A.D. 993-94), and Tailapa II died shortly before or actually in the Saka year 919, i.e., 997-998 A.D., which is the first year of his successor. The death of Munja, therefore, must have taken place in one of the three years, 994-996 A.D. We have seen above that the earliest known date of Siyaka's successor Vakpati (II) is V.E. 1031 (974 A.D.). It appears, therefore, that he must have ruled about twenty-two years. So far as his romantic career is concerned we have several verses in Apabhramsa composed soon after his death and preserved in the Jain prabandhas which confirm the fact. Perhaps they are taken from an Apabhraisa work Munjarasa which is believed to have belonged to the eleventh century. The Prabandha-cintamani states: "During this stage of his life, he was devoted to a certain lady and he used to mount a camel named Girikalla and travel twelve yojanas and return in the night. Later, his passion cooled down and she sent him a message thus: "Munja, the rope has fallen; fool, you do not see it. The clouds of Asadha are roaring, the ground will now be slimy." It has already been pointed out that Munja while he was in the prison, fell in love with Tailapa's widow sister, Mlnalavati. When both were looking in a mirror, the elderly widow desponded on account of her wrinkled face. Upon this Munja said, "Msnalavati, do not weep over departed youth. Sugarcandy, even if broken into a thousand pieces, will taste sweet."4 Later on he mourns much over his fallen fortune. He says: "I have lost my elephants and chariots, I have lost my horses; I have lost my 1 1A., XIV, pp. 159-161. 2 V. 922: THE CAT fi fata, e aq fort wafat fe anayei samApte paJcamyAmavati dharaNIM muJjanRpatau, site pakSe pauSe budhahitamidaM zAstramanagham // 3 SJGM, I, p. 21, in fn.: fat gaght FRITAT TOTT E ITANTE yojinI nizi prayAti pratyAyAti c| tayA samaM vizleSe jAte imaM dodhakamapraiSIt mujaSaDallA doraDI pekkhisi na gmaari| AsaDhi ghaNa gajjII cikkhilihose abaari| 4 Ibid., p. 23: SI TE 593 TouTu jai sakkara sayakhaNDa thiya toI sa mIThI cuuri|

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94 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES footmen, servants have I none. So, Rudraditya sitting in heaven, invites me eagerly to join him."1 When Mrnalavati offered alms to Munja he says, "Mlnalavati, if wisdom after the event is the same as before it, no one would be overcome by calamity."2 Msnalavati replies, "When luck turned, even the tenheaded king (Ravana), the master of seas and the lord of the forts of Lanka, was destroyed. Therefore, Munja, do not grieve." Vakpati Munja was not a mere ruler and gay lover. Several Samskst, Prakst, and Apabhramsa verses ascribed to him are preserved in the Prabandha-cintamani and in the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha. Some of these verses are regarded as belonging to the old forms of modern Hindi." He also liberally patronised men of letters. He honoured them with various titles. The Tilakamasjari informs us that its author Dhanapala was conferred a title 'Sarasvati' by the king 'Sri Munja' in his court." The Prabhavakacarita refers to Dhanapala as the adopted son of Munja (Sri Munjas ya pratipannasutah). Dhanapala who was the author of the Paiyalacchi, and the T'ilaramanjari, Amitagati, the author of the Subhasita-ratna-sandoha and various works, Padmagupta, the author of the Nava Sahasanka-carita, Dhananjaya, the author of Dasarupaka, his brother Dhanika, the author of Dasarupavaloka, Halayudha, the commentator on Pingala's work on metrics, were among the jewels that adorned the court of Vakpati Munja. Moreover, Ujjaini attracted the best scholars of the country and from that time onward, it became the centre of learning. When Munja was to be executed, he was asked to call in mind his favourite god. He mournfully recited a verse: "Laksmi will return to Govinda, Virasri to the house of the heroes; but now that Munja is no more the storehouse of Fame, Goddess of learning will be without support." 1 SJGM, I, p. 23: 174 13 TE TU OCT 14 9777461f firea saggaTTiya kari mantaNauM muhu~tA ruddAicca // 2 SJGM, I, p. 24: TTFF TC ataq5 ETTEI bhagga khaI so bhaji gau muJja ma karasi visaau|| 3 Ibid., p. 23, V. 34: Hat Theys +45575 AT Afa fent als muMja bhaNai muNAlavai vidhana ver3haI koii|| 4 D. K. Jain, Apabhramsa-prakasa, p. 202. 6 V. 53: See supra p. 88. & PC., p. 25: Jantufera a attitaitaa gate muje yazaH puJja nirAlambA srsvtii|

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 95 Several verses are found in the Samskst as well as the Prakst literature which were composed to mourn the sad demise of Vakpati Munja. They are reminiscent of the fame, prosperity and honour of this great king. Sindhuraja: Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintamani states that after the death of Munja, Bhoja was placed on the throne: "Then the ministers in the country of Malava, hearing that event, placed Bhoja--the son of Munja's brother, on the throne." A contemporary Jain account, Tilakamanjari, states that "having found fit to govern the kingdom Munja himself annointed Bhoja." But in the light of the other contemporary references the above statements do not seem to be true. Padmagupta, a court poet of Sindhuraja writes in his Navasahasanka-carita that 'Munja placed the world in Sindhuraja's arm which was marked by scars of bow-string. This fact is also confirmed by the Udayapur prasasti.The Jain inscription, known as Kalvan plates of Yasovarman of the time of Bhoja, while giving the succession from Siyaka to Bhoja refers to Sindhuraja as the successor of Vakpatiraja (Munja): 'Devotee of the feet of Vakpatirajadeva was Sindhuraja who had covered all the boundaries upto the sea by his fame, which was praised by the enemies, conquered in the several fierce battles."5 All this shows that he actually succeeded his brother Munja. It appears that Sindhuraja hardly had the personality or ability of his brother though Padmagupta highly praised him. We, however, have certain Jain accounts of Sindhuraja's war with the neighbouring Caulukya kings. The famous Vadanagar prasasti of Kumarapala composed by a Jain poet Sripala states: "Sindhuraja fled away together with his own elephants that were cowed by the smell of rut of Camundaraja's elephant inhaling even from afar." It denotes that Sindhuraja advanced on Patana but ultimately withdrew. A quite later Jain writer Jayasimhasuri mentions in his Kumarapala 1 SGM., I., p. 25: 374 A usd guarafa aflata THT TTFUS bhissicyt| ? See supra p. 88. 3 NC., XI., 98: gt ATRITT ureaatfata: 1 mauvI kiNAGkavatyasya pRthvI doNi nivezitA // * EI., I., pp. 235, 237, V, 16. 5 EI., XIX, p. 61: eft alifaria Terera: 3 .... TAUTETTEJA: etc. EI., I., pp. 296-305: renta a 91416 TAETISIEN.... for TTSTETT naSTaH kSoNIpatiyathAsya yazasAM gandho'pi nirvaasitH|

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES carita that 'Camundaraja killed Sindhuraja in the battle'.' This isolated reference, however, has no support. The commentary of Duydiraya-kavya, which is the earlier literary authority, states that on the way of the pilgrimage to Varanasi, Camundaraja had been deprived of the royal insignia by the people of Malava, thereupon he returned back to Anahilapattana and ordered his son Vallabha to invade Malava country. His son did it but, after investing the fortification of Dhara, he died of smallpox. Since Sindhuraja was the contemporary of Camundaraja, these events must have occurred in his reign. His Reign Period: How long Sindhuraja ruled over Malava we do. not know from the Jain sources. It has been referred to by a Jain work. named Subhasita-ratna-sandoka of Amitagati that the last date of Munja was 994 A.D., and we have assigned the year of his death, approximately, 995 A.D. We have not yet come across any dates of the reign of Sindhuraja. The latest date of his son and successor, Bhoja, known from a published grant found at Modesa, is 1011 A.D. The Jain writer Merutunga gives 'fifty-five years, seven months and three days,' as the period of the reign of Bhoja. The earliest known date of Bhoja's successor Jayasimha is 1055 A.D. In view of this, Bhoja's succession might have occurred in 999 A.D. The description and date of the Modesa grant give more probability to this year. In the light of the above chronology we may assign only three or four years. (c. 995-998 A.D.) to the reign of Sindhuraja. 96 Bhoja: His Date of Accession discussed: Bhoja, the magnificent king of India, came on the throne of Ujjayani or Dhara in the prime of his life. The question of the early limit of his reign has been considered as a perplexed one by scholars. Buhler, on the basis of the then available data, has pointed out that Bhoja fought with the Calukya Jayasimha of Deccan some time between 1011 A.D. and 1019 A.D. As Padmagupta, who probably composed his work in c. 1005 A.D., does not refer to Bhoja, he thereupon thought that Bhoja at that time had not reached the age of 16, the Indian age of majority. He, therefore, 1 KC. Canto I, V. 32: rAje cAmuNDarAjo'tha yazcAmuNDAvaroddhuraH / sindhurendramivonmattaM sindhurAjaM mRdhe'vadhIt // DV. Canto 7, V. 31, 43 and commentary on them. See supra p. 93. BV., V, pp. 37-40. 5 SJGM., I., p. 22: paJcAzatpacavarSANi mAsAH sapta dinatrayam / bhoktavyaM bhojarAjena sagaurDa dakSiNApatham //

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 97 concluded that he came to the throne in c. 1010 A.D. or even somewhat later.1 Uptill now this theory, however, held the ground. But the discovery of the Modesa-grant sets aside all the previous assumptions. This grant is important in many respects: (1) It gives the earliest known date of king Bhoja's reign; (2) it refers to a new prince of Bhoja named Vatsaraja; (3) it shows that Mohadavasaka district was under the Paramaras even as late as the time of king Bhoja. This grant refers to V.E. 1067 when paramabhattaraka, maharajadhiraja paramesvara Bhojadeva was ruling. It begins with Siyaka II who was the real founder of the dynasty. This newly discovered grant, however, settles many problems. Firstly, it denotes that Vatsaraja, the son of Bhoja, who was in charge of the administration in the year of V.E. 1067 (A.D. 1010) must have been at least of the age of eighteen or sixteen. Secondly, Bhoja at that time must have reached the age of 36 or 34, for his son who may be about 16 or 18 years old, might have been born from him at the age of 18 which is an approximate Indian age to beget a child. Thirdly, it denotes that Bhoja must have been crowned king as early as five or six years. His full-fledged titles denote this fact. If we reconcile, at the present state of our knowledge, our assumptions with that of Buhler who gives probable date to Padmagupta's composition 1005 A.D., wherein Bhoja has not been referred to, we may deduce easily that Bhoja's accession may have taken place by the year 1005 A.D. Fourthly, it gives more probability to the period assigned by the Jain author Merutunga to the reign of Bhoja stated above and which concerns us here more. According to the Jain Subhasila, the author of the Bhoja-prabandha, the earliest limit of Bhoja's reign is V.E. 10782 (1021 A.D.), which is obviously wrong without having any support. As regards the lower limit of the reign of Bhoja his successor Jayasimha's grant known as the Mandhata-grant shows that Bhoja must have died in or before V.E. 1112 (A.D. 1055-56). Buhler, on the other hand, mainly relying on the statement of Bilhana that on his journey from Kashmir to various places in Northern India, Dhara cried to him "Bhoja is my king,"4 assumes the death of Bhoja must have occurred some time after the year 1062 A.D. It may be said here in this connection that 1 EI, I, pp. 232-33 ; See also DHNI., II, p. 866. 2 Bhoja-prabandha, V. 8: ATTUTTET I varSe muMjapade bhojabhUpaH paTTe niveshitH|| 3 EI., III, pp. 46-50. 4 Vikramankadeva-carita, XVIII, 96. 5 EI., I, p. 233. 13

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98 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Bilhana's statement is merely a poetic exaggeration and reliance can be put on it when we have a stronger evidence in the form of an inscription j.e., the Mandhata grant. His extensive conquest: Bhoja, in the span of fifty-five years of his life as a great king, waged several wars, did several benevolent works, promoted various branches of learning and, at last, left several monuments to commemorate his achievements. His several wars with the neighbouring kings have been recorded in the Jain works. Among the eastern neighbours he comes into conflict with the Kalacuri Gangeya (1010-1042 A.D.) but makes him his friend. It has already been pointed out that Gangeya came from the one side and Bhoja encountered him from the other and, by means of intrigues, Bhoja encaged him and then took him away to his capital, honoured him and, at last, made him his friend." In the south, his early two invasions, the one of Karnataka and the other on Konkana, and a later invasion on Karnataka have been recorded by the Jains. The Jain Rajavallabha in his Bhoja-carita says: "Once some time after the accession of Bhoja, Kusumavati, the wife of the late Munja made to perform a drama in which a scene of murder of Munja by Tailapa was staged. This scene enraged Bhoja and, to retaliate for his uncle's death, he attacked Tailapa with a huge army. In the battle Tailapa was captured and Bhoja treated him brutely as he had treated his uncle." As Tailapa died in V.E. 1054 (A.D. 997), the possibility of Bhoja's invasion cannot be ruled out here, because we have seen that at the time of accession (c. 999 A.D. or 1005 A.D.) Bhoja was 24 or 30 years old and in A.D. 997 he might have been a young man of 22. A man of this age could easily lead the army against his enemy. Perhaps he attacked Tailapa in accordance with the order of his father Sindhuraja who was ruling then. It seems that in the above battle Bhoja did not gain much. Next time he invaded Karnataka through Konkana. Though he could not (10101019 A.D.) succeed in defeating the Calukya Jayasimha II, he, at any rate, annexed Konkana, a part of the enemy's territory, to his kingdom. The victory was celebrated in the capital, Ujjayani (Konkana vijayaparvani). A Jain inscription known as the Kalvan plates of Yasovarman 1 SJGM., II, p. 20: Bhoja-Gangeya-prabandha. 2 Bhoja-carita of Rajavallabha, I, 50-56. 3 EI., XVIII, pp. 320-25.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA confirms the fact that the sway of Bhoja spread over Konkana. This grant is unfortunately undated and belongs to a Jain temple. It begins with an eulogy of the Paramara Bhojadeva of Dhara and his ancestry from Siyaka (II). We are then told that through Bhoja's favour the illustrious Yakovarman had obtained the town of Selluka and was enjoying 1,500 villages. The grant is made by a Samanta of the Ganga family in favour of a Jain temple in Svetapada country (identified with the northern portion of the Nasik district). bordering on Konkapa.1 99 Bhima I, the Caulukya, an ambitious ruler of Gujarata, was trying to extend his empire towards the north and in that attempt he pressed Dhandhuka, a Paramara prince of Candravati (c. 1027-A.D.) the feudatory of Bhoja, to pay him homage. A Jain inscription from the Vimala. temple at the Mt. Abu informs us that Dhandhuka who was averse from rendering homage to Bhima took refuge with king Bhoja. This attempt of Bhima was resented by Bhoja who diverted his attention towards the west. The Jains record the one of his western campaigns of the time: The Prabandha-cintamani relates that "when Bhima was busy with the campaign of Sindh, the Digambara Kulacandra, Commander-in-chief of Bhoja's army, arrived with the officers and sacked the august city of Anahilla, and having caused cowries to be sown at the gate of the clocktower of the palace, extorted a record of victory. 'Kulacandra's loot' became proverbial there since that day. He returned to the country of Malava with that record of victory and related the whole story to king Bhoja." This narrative shows that Bhima submitted to Bhoja. Since this war took place. at that time when Bhima was engaged in Sindha with Mahmud who invaded Somanath in 1025 A.D., the sack of Patana may be placed very near to that year, say, about 1026 or 1027 A.D. The Prabandha-cintamani further narrates that, after his submission to Bhoja, Bhima established a diplomatic relation with Bhoja. He sent his diplomatic minister Damara or Damodara to the court of Bhoja. It 1 EI., XIX, pp. 69-75. 2 SJGM., I, p. 32: itazva sindhudezavijayavyApRte zrI bhIme [sa digambara ] samasta sAmantaiH samaM sametya zrImadaNahilapurabhaGgaM kRttvA dhavalagRhaghaTikAdvAre kaparddakAn vApayitvA jayapatraM jagrAha / tadAdikulacandreNa suSitamiti sarvatra kSitI khyAtirAsIt / sa jayapatramAdAya mAlavamaNDale gataH zrIbhojAya taM vRttAntaM vijJApayat / * SJGM, I, p. 33 athAnyasminvarSe zrIbhImastaM DAmaraM preSayitukAmo vArttAdi zikSayan Aste / 3

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100 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES seems from the narration that he lived there for several years before the incident of 1038-39 A.D., when he instigated Bhoja to invade the south. During these years of diplomatic relations Bhima consolidated his position. He made an alliance with the powerful king Karna of Dahal who later on proved him of great help in defeating Bhoja. Bhoja then diverted his attention towards the north but there he received a set-back. The Jain inscription from Dubkunda of the time of the Kacchapaghata Vikramasinha refers to that "Abhimanyu (c. 1035-44 A.D.), one of the predecessors of Vikramasimha who highly praised the skill shown in the management of horses and chariots by the very intelligent king, the illustrious Bhoja." This statement shows that to Abhimanyu he submitted and paid his subservience. The Sasabahu inscription (V.E. 1150) composed by the Jain Yasodeva also informs us that Kirtiraja Kachavaha also defeated Bhoja, the king of Malava. As we know that these Kacchapaghatas were the feudatories of the Candellas and a Candella inscription described Bhoja as worshipping Vidyadhara 'full of fear like a pupil', we may assume that through the assistance of the Candellas he must have received this set-back. In the N.W. also Bhoja made an incursion. The Jain authority known as the Sundha Hill inscription of Cacigadeva narrates that Cahamana Anahilla of Naddula defeated his army and killed Sadha, a general (dandadhisa) of the Malava king Bhoja in the battle. But we know from other sources that the Naddula king soon submitted. Bhoja was already Master of the Citrakuta fort and built there a temple to 'Tribhuvana Narayana'.4 The engagement of Bhoja in the north made his southern and western enemies bold and they raised their heads against him again. Bhoja prepared himself to punish them. Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintamani states: "In a certain year, owing to a failure of rain, it became impossible to obtain grain and grass and king Bhima was informed by his representatives that king Bhoja for this very reason was preparing for an invasion. This made him anxious, and he gave orders to his diplo 1 See supra, p. 78: Chapter on the Kacchapaghatas. 2 EI., IX, pp. 70 ff. 3 RMR., 1917, pp. 2-3. Ibid.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA matic agent Damara to this effect." It is further narrated that Damara diverted the attentions of Bhoja from Gujarata by getting a drama performed in which Munja's death at the hands of Tailapa II was staged. In this act a certain angry king tried to make Tailapa, who had secured himself a comfortable corner in the prison, get up. Tailapa replies "I have an ancestral holding here. Why should I leave my own home at the bidding of a new-comer like you?" At first sight Bhoja was pleased with the flattery and praised Damara for which he received from him a prompt reply-King, the display of wit is, no doubt, extraordinary, but for the ignorance that this actor shows with regard to the history of the hero of the tale, for this mighty king Tailapadeva is recognized by having the head of the king Munja fixed on a stake'. Thus stung by his sarcasm Bhoja gave up the intention of invading Gujarata and invaded Karnataka." 101 This story, however, has little factual value. Moreover, there is no in - scriptional evidence to confirm it. Merutunga, on the other hand, informs us that Bhoja did not actually invade the Deccan in hot haste. He says: "Hearing that a very strong force was coming under the banner of Tailapa Bhoja became very much perturbed and at this juncture Damara came to him and showing him a forged rescript from his king informed Bhoja that Bhima had reached Bhogapura. This news perplexed him more. It was to him like the sprinkling of salt on a wound. Bhoja entreatingly asked Damara "You must, by hook or by crook, prevent your master from coming here during the current year". Bhoja presented him a male and a female elephants to appease Bhima." 1 SJGM., I, p. 30 : atha kasminnapi saMvatsare anuSThibhAvAt kaNatRNAnAmaprAptayA duHsthe deze sthAnapuruSaibhajAgamaM jJApitaH zrI bhImazcintAprapanno dAmaranAmAnaM sandhivigrahikamAdizat / yatkimapi daNDaM datvAsminvarSe zrIbhoja ihAgacchannivAraNIyaH / 2 Ibid., p. 31: dApanAdanu samastarAjaviDambana nATake'bhinIyamAne sakopa : kospi bhUpaH kArAgAramantarA puraH sthitaM susthitaM tailapaM tenoce ahamihAnvayavAsI kathamAgantuka bhavahAyasA .... nijaM padamujjhAmi iti vihasya nRpo dAmaraM prati nATakarasAvatAraM prazaMsastenAbhidadhe -- deva atizayinyapi rasAvatAre dhignaTasya kathAnAyakavRttAntAnabhihatAm / yathA zrItelapadevarAjA zalikAprotamujarAjazirasA pratIyate iti / tadaiva tilaGgadezaM prati prayANamakarot / 3 atha tailapadevasyAtibalamAyAntamAkarNya vyAkulaM zrIbhojaM sa dAmara : samAyAtakalpitarAjAdezadarzanapUrvaM bhogapure zrIbhImaM samAyAtaM vijJApayAmAsa / tayA tadvarttayA kSate kSAranikSepasadRkSayA vilakSI3 [ Contd.]

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102 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES This episode reminds us that by that time Bhoja must have been much tired by his constant warfare with his neighbouring kings. He might have become old too, perhaps more than 64 years old. His two enemies Bhima of Anahillapatan and Kalacuri Karna were getting restive. Bhoja, however, had to play his lost drama with them. The rivalry between Bhima and Bhoja was not merely political, it was cultural too. Many anecdotes preserved in the Prabandha-cintamani as well as the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha relate several events which reveal the state of affairs fairly. Bhima attempted to kill Bhoja several times. Merutunga records that at one time when Bhoja was worshipping his family goddess in a temple in the suburb of Dhara, he was surprised and nearly captured by a party of Gujarata cavalry. At last with Karna of Dahala and the Calukya Somesvara, Bhima formed a confederacy to kill Bhoja and in it he succeeded at last. Bhima allured Karna, having promised him the half of Bhoja's kingdom. Thus Prabandha-cintamani in a different version relates a story. It runs thus: "Karna feeling jealous of Bhoja's fame and other paraphernalia demanded either war or acceptance of his supremacy by Bhoja. But Bhoja, being afraid of breaking his promise, remained silent. Then Karna set out with 137 kings to make war on Bhoja and at the same time he invited Bhima to attack Malava in the rear, promising him the half of Bhoja's kingdom. Then king Bhoja being attacked by those two kings, lost his pride, as a snake, overcome with a charm, loses its poison. And then a sudden malady took hold of Bhoja. Nobody was allowed to enter the door of Bhoja's fort. The king Bhima sent his servant to his own diplomatic agent Damara in order to ascertain the condition of Bhoja." When 3 [ Contd.] kriyamANaH zrIbhojarAjA daamrmbhydhaat| asminvarSe tvayA svasvAmI kathaJcanApIhAgacchannivArya iti.. ..hastinIsahitaM hastinamupAyane upAdAya pattane zrIbhImaM pritossyaamaas| 1 Ibid., p. 48: 373991 997: 1 2 Ibid., pp. 49-50: ft ign: Af fari afa ETIT S UTEI .... 27bhoja dUtamukhena nimNtryaamaas| tataH svapratijJAbhaGgabhIrulivamaNDalaprabhustathA prayAtum prabhUSNustUSNIAratzi .... Forfataista : STT: 717771 aft7 ftbhojarAjyArddha pratizrutya mAlavamaNDalapANighAtAya nissImatadIyanagare zrIkarNaH zrIbhImamajUhavat / atha [Contd.)

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA Bhoja expired, Karna broke down the fort and took all the wealth of Bhoja, whereupon Bhima sent the following order to Damara: "you must give me either half of the kingdom stipulated for, duly obtaining it. from Karna, or your own head." Accordingly he entered the royal pavilion with thirty-two foot soldiers and took Karna prisoner, when he was asleep in the middle of the day. Then Karna placed in one division a shrine of the gods, and in the other all the property of the kingdom and said to Damara "Take whichever half you please." Then Damara took the shrine and made a present of it to Bhima." Though the whole story cannot be taken as true, yet certain facts mentioned in it need our consideration. Damara of this legend is certainly identical with Damodara mentioned by Hemacandra. That Bhima attacked Karna and his minister, having taken the golden shrine, the bloomed fame of Bhoja, and made peace with Karpa is also stated by Hemacandra in his Dvyakrayakavya. But, unfortunately, we have no documentary evidence to prove this joint attack of Bhima and Karna on Bhoja and his sudden death. The Vadanagar-prasasti composed by the Jain Sripala states on the other hand Bhima's attack over Dhara, the city of Malava emperor." His death: Regarding the death of Bhoja, the Jain chroniclers have no definite statement. The Prabandha-cintamani in one place states that "the king Bhoja being attacked by those two kings, lost his pride, as a snake, overcome with a charm, loses its poison, and then a sudden disease took hold of Bhoja and he was hidden by the people." From this statement certain scholars inferred that Bhoja died during a joint attack on Dhara by the 103 [Contd.] / tAbhyAM narendrAbhyAM mantreNAkrAnto vyAla iva bhUpAlo vigalitadarpaviSo babhUva / Akasmike saMjAte bhojapurapATave ... zrIbhIma .. dAmaraM bhojavRttAntajJAnAya svapuruSeNa papraccha atha tasmin zrIbhoje divamupeyuSitadvRttAntavidAkarNena taddurgama durgabhaMgAdanu samagrAyAM zrIbhojalakSmyAmupAttAyAM zrI bhImena dAmaraH AdiSTaH yacchrI karNAvayA matparikalpitaM rAjyArddha nijazizo vopanetavyaM / iti rAjAdezaM vidhitsu dvAtriMzatA pattibhiH samaM gurUdare pravizya madhyAnhakAle prasuptaM zrIkaNa vAnye jagrAha / atha tena rAjJA ekasmin vibhAge nIlakaNTha cintAmaNigaNAdhipapramukha devatAvasare nirNIte'parasminnuttarArddhe samastarAjya vastUni svecchayaikramarddhamAdasvetyabhihite zrIbhImarAjAdezAdevatAvasaramAdAya zrIbhImAyopAyanIcakAra / Canto IX, V. 57. samphulakIrttirbhojasya svarNamaNDa pikAmimAm / zrIvAsorapadmAbhAM harAparikRzazriyam // --- 2 EI., II, p. 297, V. 9. 3 PC., p. 51.; See also supra, p. 102.

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104 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Caulukya Bhima I and Karna, the Kalacuri king. But in another place, the same work, however, relates: "Then Bhoja, as his journey to the other world drew nigh, performed the religious duties appropriate to the occasion, and gave the following order "After my death, my hands are to be placed outside my chariot" and then went to heaven." This indicates his natural death. This seems plausible also to me, because the Prabandha-cintamani refers to the fact that "then Karna, hearing of that occurrence, broke down the fort and took all the wealth of Bhoja." It seeins that in the former attack king Bhoja was only defeated but not captured and the shock of this defeat, probably, resulted in his death. The Puratana Prabandha-sangraha states that Bhoja died of diarrhoea. 3 Bhoja bore the title Tribhuvana-Narayana. A Jain work on grammar, namely, the Ganaratna-mahodadhi, refers to this title as Triloka-Narayana, which is the same; Triloka and Tribhuvana being synonyms. He was also called as Dharesvara and Malavacakravarti. Foundation of Dhara: According to the Jain prabandhas, Bhoja founded the city of Dhara. Merutunga relates one story: "When Bhoja was listening to the reading of a treatise on law he heard of Radhavedha of Arjuna. He thought to practise it and thus succeeded in performing the world-famed Radhavedha. Then he arranged a festival to show his skill, which was attended by all the citizens. But an oilman and a tailor did not come, out of contempt. Being asked they themselves showed their skill in that art and in this way they lowered the king's pride. They said: "King Bhoja, I know why you performed the cleaving of Radha. It was because Your Majesty could not tolerate an opposite to Dhara." In these words he was praised by the learned and being desirous of laying out a new city he founded it after the name of a prostitute named Dhara who showed him an accurate plan." UFISATIET 1 DHNI., II, 869. 2 Ibid., p. 51: Ha: alar#9992: agrau here: samastarAjalokasya vitIrya mama paJcatvAnantaraM matkarau vimaanaadvhirvidheyau| 3 SJGM., II, p. 20: HTET SEIT: 1 4 p. 277. 5 Vadanagar prasasti of Kumarapala : V.9. & SJGM., I, pp. 31-32: Ya Tare: 1

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 105 To this legend we need not attach much importance, because Udayapurprasasti informs us that Vairisimha, an ancestor of Bhoja, made the name of Dhara etymologically fit by killing the enemies with the edge of the sword. As a patron oj learning: King Bhoja figures in the Indian literature and folklore not merely as a warrior in various campaigns but is also renowned for his liberally patronising Art and Literature just as his illustrious uncle was. He made, however, his name immortal by promoting various cultural activities. His court was graced by a group of eminent contemporary Indian scholars. They were known as the jewels of the court (sabharatna). Merutunga, in his Bhima-Bhoja-prabandha- mentions the names of some of them, such as, Magha, Sita, Dhanapala, Sobhana muni, Manatunga, Bana, Mayura, Rajasekhara. The Bhoja-prabandha adds Damodara, Kalidasa, and Bhavabhuti. But some of the names, it seems, are anachronisms. For example, the poets Bana, Mayura, Manatunga, Magha, Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti and Rajasekhara could not have been certainly contemporaries of Bhoja. We know from the history of Samskrt literature that Bana, Mayura and Manatunga were almost contemporaries of Harsavardhana; Bhavabhuti was in the court of Yasovarman of Kanauj; and Rajasekhara flourished under MahendraPala of Kanauj; the rest lived earlier than Bhoja. Merutunga also informs us that the poetess Sita was in his court but according to the statement of the Navasahasar ka-carila, she lived in the court of Krsnaraja, one of the forefathers of Bhoja. His munificence: His love of learning and literature inspired him so much that he occasionally distributed his wealth among the erudites to promote their cause. He bestowed rich gifts upon the person who composed even an ordinary stanza. His munificences are recorded in the Jain prabandhas in the form of several anecdotes, only few abstracts from which are reproduced below: One night a certain thief cut a tunnel beneath the wall of the palace and entered the treasure-room where the king was sleeping. The king suddenly awoke at the mid-night hour and seeing the moon recently risen in sky "like the rising of his literary sea," there arose from his lips this half stanza: Agraferat 2 TIETTI 1 EI., I., p. 234: Tat Tua 2 Pt. Pp. 34-35. 9 Navasahasarka-carita, XI., V. 77: era una vita agafaa gaan hanumateva yazasA yasyAladhyata saagrH||

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106 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES "What appears on the body of the moon like a strip of cloud They assert is a hare but I think it does not wear that form." The thief replied: "But I think that the moon has its body well marked with the brands of a hundred scares of the meteor strokes of the side looks of the maidens who are parted from the foes you have killed." The thief was rewarded by the king very generously for this. On one occasion when the king was going round on his daily circuit, he happened to reach the bank of the river, where he saw a Brahmana, fording the river with a load of fire-wood on his head. The king asked. him in a quarter stanza: "How deep is the water, O Braahmana?" The Brahmana completed the line with"O King, it is knee deep." The king continued- "How were you reduced to this state?" The Brahmana replied "Now everywhere are there patrons like you." The king gave a large present to that poor Brahmana. On a subsequent occasion a family consisting of a father, mother, son, daughter and a wretched one-eyed maid servant, all learned, were waiting at the gate eager for an interview with the king. They were. admitted and the king gave each of them a quarter couplet to complete, which they did wisely. The king rewarded them and took the daughter as his wife.1 As a scholar: King Bhoja was a great scholar and a skilful poet himself. He is said to have composed about two dozen works on various subjects, such as medicine, astronomy, religion, grammar, architecture, alamkara, lexicography, arts etc. It is, however, doubtful that in the midst of his incessant military activities Bhoja found time to write so many books himself. It may be possible that some of them were composed by the literary men of his court and later on ascribed to him. By his magnificent generosity Bhoja encouraged the poets to compose literary works. We have seen that the Jain Dhanapala wrote his Tilakamanjari for the gratification of Bhoja." 1 Ibid., p. 27. 2 See supra p. 88.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 107 The completion of stanzas (samasya-purti) was one of poetic fashions of the day and it is said that Bhoja was daily surrounded by a hundred scholars who were skilled in this type of poetic composition.' The display of poetic repartee became part of diplomatic conversation also, mostly between Bhoja and Bhima I Caulukya. Bhoja was very proud of the learning and poetic skill of the scholars of his country and contemptuous of those of Gujarat. Once he remarked to the Gujarata consul in his court: "not one of your most famous scholars is fit to be weighed in the balance with a cowherd of my land." A huge production of the Jain literature and other literatures during his period shows the multifarious activities of Bhoja to promote the cause of learning. Several Jain authors like Prabhacandra, Dhanapala, santisena, Mahendrasuri. etc., flourished during his reign. Bhoja was also a just man. He always heard the complaints of his subjects and tried to remove them, He freely moved among his people to know their distress His religion: Bhoja was a Saivite. A Jain work on grammar, namely, the Ganaratna-mahodadhi, relates: "Though your forefathers Vairisimha etc., were devotees of Siva, you only have realised the god Siva. This statement confirms the above fact. He, however, always respected the learned men ir respective of caste and creed. A Jain inscription from Sravanabelgola informs us that the feet of the Jain monk, Prabhacandra were worshipped by king Bhoja of Dhara." A second Jain inscription from Dubkund of the time of the Kacchapaghata king Vikramasimha mentions that the Jain preceptor santisena defeated all those (Ambarasena etc.) scholars in the court of the 1 PC., pp. 35-43: 975qfosatara: -- at TTTI 2 PC., p. 28: ART trei HA a aa .... tharraigatraat 7191 .... 3 PC., p. 45: 375giamia Hatzitsgut: Trosa: Sf 7 THTELI * See, Mahendrasuri-caritam, Suracarya-caritam, in PCA., pp. 138-60. PC., pp. 47-49. Bijapuraka-prabandha, Iksurasa prabandha and Gopaghiniprabandha. . Taddhita Ganadhyaya, IV, p. 163: aigzag Sa starfreifey ws: .vilAsinIvovIpatinA kalau yadyaloki loke'tramRgAMkamauliH / 7 MDG., XXVIII, p. V. 17: tere TTFUFThara HEZI R .... stheyAt paNDitapuNDarIkataraNi shriimaanprbhaacndrmaa|

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108 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES king Bhoja who showed dishonour to the Jain scholars.' Merutunga and Prabhacandra amply refer to the discussions between the Jain Dhanapala and Bhoja, which indicates how tolerant in religious matters Bhoja was. SUCCESSORS OF BHOJA: Jayasimha and Udayaditya: From the Modesa grant referred to above we have already known that Bhoja had a son by name Vatsaraja. We, however, know nothing of him from any sources. It seems that he predeceased his father, The Mandhata grant dated V.E. 1112 and the Panhera Stone inscription dated V.E. 1116,4 both belonging to the reign of Jayasimha, inform us that Jayasimha, as a successor of Bhoja, ruled Malava for four years. But the Udayapur and the Nagpur prasastis of the Paramaras do not mention the name of Jayasimha. According to them Udayaditya was the successor of Bhoja. It seems that they have omitted the name of Jayasimha. The Jain chroniclers, however, did not record the names of the two kings. Jagaddeva (Laksmadeva): Udayaditya's son Jagaddeva is known from the Jainad (Jainath) inscription found in the N.E. of the Hyderabad State. He is referred to there as the son of Udayaditya and paternal nephew of Bhoja and conquering the country of the Andhras. Recently three of his coins have been found in Madhya Pradesa. From their fabric and type the coins appear to be South Indian. It seems that he ruled over Deccan. According to the Rasamala, Jagaddeva was one of the two sons of Udayaditya born from Solanki queen. On account of a palace intrigue he left Malava and entered in the services of Caulukya Jayasimha. He served him for 18 years but when the king advanced to attack Dhara he quitted his service and returned to his father, who soon after invested him with 'the royal authority." The Jain prabandhas also mention a Jagaddeva. While the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha speaks of him as belonging to the Paramara 1 El., II, p. 239, lines 44-45: Arfarat garagut ft27) TOI sabhyeSvambarasenapaNDitaziroratnAdiSUdyanmadAn // yo'nekAn zatazo vyajeSTa paTutAbhISTodyamI vaadinH| zAstrAmbhonidhipArago'bhavadata: zrIzAntiSego guruH // 2 PC., pp. 36-42: 479150CaEra: 1 3 EI., III, pp. 45-50. 4 ASI., 1916-17, pp. 19-20 5 The Annual Report, Hyderabad Arch. Sur., 1927-28, pp. 23-24. 8 PTOC., 1926, Pt. III, pp. 57-58. 7 Rasamala, I, Chap. VIII, p. 117.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA family and in the association of king Siddharaja Jayasimha,' the Prabandhacintamani, however, does not know him as a Paramara but mentions him with Jayasimha Caulukya of Gujarata, and king Paramardi of Kuntala country.2 I have elsewhere shown that a Jagaddeva of the Jain prabandhas may be taken as identical with the prince of the same name of the Santara family of the south, most probably the son of the sister of Mayanalla, the mother of Jayasimha Siddharaja, and not with Jagaddeva Paramara." It is true that Jagaddeva was an historical person proved by the Jainad inscription but the statement of the Rasamala, which speaks of him as belonging to the court of Jayasimha Siddharaja, is based on an erroneous tradition, for we know that the historical Jagaddeva whose approximate period is V.E. 1143-1160, is very senior to Jayasimha Siddharaja (V.E. 1150-1199). Most probably it seems that the chroniclers of Gujarata confused this Jagaddeva with another Jagaddeva of the later period. According to certain scholars Jagaddeva was a viruda of Laksmadeva who is mentioned in the Nagpur prasasti as one of the two sons of Udayaditya. The Prabandhacintamani states that Jagaddeva was given a province to rule by king Paramardi of Kuntala. It also records some stories regarding his great abilities. The same inscription tells us that Laksmadeva was succeeded by his brother. Naravarman." Naravarman (1094-1133 A.D.): Naravarman, in the Jain literature, has been shown on hostile terms with the Gurjara king Jayasimha (1094-1144 A.D.) and two or three Cahamana kings. Merutunga says: "Once king Jayasimha was absent from his capital on his pilgrimage. Yasovarman, the king of Malava, taking advantage of the opportunity, began to overrun Gujarata. His minister Santu asked him on what condition he would return. He said, 'I will return if you make over to me the merit which your master has gained by his pilgrimage to the shrine of the god of Somesvara'. Santu, having washed the king's feet, threw into the hollow of his hand a handful of water, as a sign of the trans 109 1 SJGM., II, p. 25 : nirNItadinopari jayasiMhadevena jagaddevasya paramAra vaMzodbhavasya paTTabandha: kRtaH / 2 Ibid., I., p. 114: atha jagaddevakSatriyaH zrIsiddhacakravarttinA sammAnyo zrIparamahinA samAhUtaH kuntalamaNDalamavApya .... 3 Chap. on the Caulukyas. DHNI., II, p. 878. EI., II., pp. 186-88. .....

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110 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES ference of that merit, and thus he induced the king to return. When Siddharaja Jayasimha returned he became angry." This episode most probably contains the historical fact. We know that, after the death of Bhoja, the rivalry between Paramara and Caulukya family increased considerably. Bhoja's two or three successors could not revive the glory of Ujjayani again, but they continued the struggle with Caulukyas. Naravarman and his son Yasovarman both were the contemporaries of Jayasimha. This above-mentioned event seems to have occurred in the reign of Naravarman though Merutunga connects it with the reign of Yasoyarman the son of Naravarman, which seems to be a mistake. Moreover, Yasovarman was a weak ruler and he was defeated by Jayasimha. So this event can be placed in his reign. Several other Jain authorities like the Kumarapalacarita of Tayasimhasuri, the Kumara pala-prabandha of Jinamandanagan and the Prabandha-kosa of Rajasekhara refer to this struggle between Naravarman and Jayasimha.? They state that in this struggle Naravarman was imprisoned by Jayasimha, which seems a poetic fancy, for the earlier work Kirtikaumudi refers to the fact that Jayasimha captured the city of Dhara of Naravarman, and the Talwara inscription informs us that Jayasimha humbled the pride of Naravarman. Most probably allied to the above quoted episode is another episode recorded in the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha. It runs as follows: "Once wrath prevailed between Jayasimha and the minister Santu (perhaps on account of his surrender to Naravarman). Thereupon santu left Patana in high resentment and went to Dhara with bag and baggage. Jayasimha sent his man in disguise to get the first-hand knowledge of his activities. santu while living there in Malava did not shake his allegiance to his previous lord and the land. 1 SJGM., I., pp. 58-59 : garrafast T&T Arad yra 344HTU alamanca e paga?' a : etc. ? (i) Canto 1, v, 17 27 7a 4a: 4 affia (ii) P. 8. (iii) pp. 90-91: fet que afatetaafu Hasar TERREI dvAdazavarSANi jayasiMhasya khaDgoniSpratyAkAro'sthAt naravarmacarmaghaTitameva pratyAkAraM karomi iti pratijJAvazAt / ata eva hastyArUDhaM naravaNiM bhUmau paatyaamaas| vitastimAtra crmaahistkmudtiitrt| atrAntare pradhAnairvijJaptam-rAjan ! rAjA'vadhya eveti niitivcH| tasmAnmoktamo' yam tato muktaH sH| muktvA kASThapiJjare kssiptH| naravarmacAnyacarmAbhyAM siddharAjena nija kRpANe pratyAkAraH kaarit:|

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 111 He told the Malava king that his king is aggrieved due to some unknown reason. He would call him back in a few days. Jayasimha, on the other side, expressed repentance and invited santu to return. The old minister accepting this invitation returned but on his way he died at Ahada, near Udayapur." This episode confirms the above event and shows that it must have occurred at the early period of both the kings. A Jain inscription from Bijolia of the Cahamana Somesvara informs us that Ajayadeva (c. 1105 A.D.), one of the ancestors of Somesvara, captured one Sollana, a commander-in-chief (Dandanayakavara) of Malava alive, in the field of battle. Naravarman, most probably, was the contemporary of Ajayaraja and Sollana. His general might have been defeated by Ajayaraja. The same inscription informs us that Ajayaraja's son Arnoraja showed disrespect to one who called Nirvana Narayana, and brought him to humiliation. This Nirvana Narayana has been identified by scholars with Naravarman who was a contemporary of both Ajayaraja and Arnoraja. The Puratana Prabandhasangraha states in one place that Naravarman was defeated three times by Visaladeva (Cahamana ruler Vigraharaja III, c. 1100 A.D.)* which seems to have been recorded by mistake in place of the above-narrated defeat. The same book calls Naravarman as Viveka Narayana." It appears that Naravarman might have been a saintly king. His two epithets Nirvana Narayana and Viveka Narayana fairly connote this meaning. Yasovarman: Naravarman before the year 1133 A.D. was succeeded by his son Yasovarman. In his reign the hostility with Caulukya Jayasimha resulted in a disastrous misfortune to the Paramaras. Jayasimha with huge preparation invaded the Malava country. It was the time of the beginning of Yasovarman's reign. He involved him in a long-drawn war of twelve years. The contemporary authority Hemacandra states: Jayasimha advanced towards Malava with slow speed. In the way he subdued all the petty princes. The Bhillas offered him their services. Then he encamped his garrison by the bank of Sipra and sacked the city * SJGM., II, p. 79. 2 EI., XXVI, pp. 84-112, V. 15: fegy alamat sa mentiranti zrImatsollaNadaNDanAyakavaraH sNgraamrNgaagrnne| 3 V. 17: Tati ufahrad gerai farafuarcia nyakkArAcaraNena bhaMgakaraNaM zrIdevarAja prti| * SGM., II., p. 79: anf ist an arra SA 5 Ibid.: faitTOT TATATATHan faa katafa: 1

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112 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES of Dhara. Yasovarman, being frightened, remained in the fort of Dhara and closed all the gates and put sharpened arrows on them. Jayasimha with the help of an elephant by name Yasahpatah broke open all the gates. Yasovarman fled from Dhara. Jayasimha pursued him. "This Caulukya hero of renown, like unto a dancer, wielding his blade in battle, seized Malava's field-fleeing monarch, who from Dhara had fled." Merutunga gives us detailed description of the capture of Dhara: "The king started on an expedition to that country of Malavas. There a war of twelve years' duration took place in which the king was victorious and he took this vow: 'I will not eat today until I have captured the fort of Dhara'. The ministers and the foot soldiers killed the Paramara Rajputas by five hundred at a time, but still were unable to fulfil the king's vow by the end of the day; so he had to fulfil it in an equivocal manner by breaking into Dhara made of meal. Then the king was desirous of turning back and he revealed it to the minister Munjala. Munjala, at last, got ready a plan to break the fort. The king was informed. He led his army to the southern gate of the fort and reckless of the fact that the fort was hard to enter, he with the help of a mighty elephant named Yasahpatala driven by mahut Samala got broken the iron bar. The gates were then opened. But in this effort the elephant died and a temple of Ganapati was created in his memory in the village Vadasara. Siddharaja then captured Yasovarman, established there his sovereignty and returned to Patana.? This battle of Dhara must have been won before the year V.E. 1192 (c. 1135 A.D.) because a colophon of the Jain MS namely, the Nava pada laghuvrtti, informs us that at that time Jayasimha bore the title of Avantinatha. The Gala grant,* dated V.E. 1193 (c. 1136 A.D.), confirms this fact. I DV., Canto 14. Vs. 12-18: STOFFD and a fanats TE Tantai Tanga Tua , etc. 2 SJGM., I., pp. 58-59: qfa: YTTARIT 1 7 771qe & Tasauf fang saMjAyamAne sati kathaMcit dhArAdurgabhaMga kartumaprabhUSNuH atra mayA dhArAbhaMgAntaraM bhoktavyamitikRtapratijJo dinAnte'pi kartamakSamatayA sacivaH kANikyAM dhArAyAM bhajyamAnAyAM pattibhiH paramAraputre vipadyamAne-itthaM prapaJcAt nRpaH pratijJAmApUrya akRtakRtyayA pazcAdvyAghuTitumicchurmuJjAlasacivaM jJApayAmAsa.. ..gif fame 373: qzariy tafa Farge HATE:... .775: fereat 91I : gHeren Tan faqat aaTA ... 12 alat fatehuaaart, etc. 3 SJGM., XVIII, p. 103: 877 9969 g ....fa....379- 7778zrIjayasiMhadevakalyANavijayarAjye evaM kAle pravarttamAne / . * 1A., X, pp. 158-180.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 113 These continuous wars with the Caulukyas ruined the fortunes of the Paramaras. It is believed that the Paramaras never fully recovered from that blow which destroyed Bhoja and his empire, till at last the last campaign with Jayasimha so shattered their energies that they could not regain their pristine glory even after the death of Jayasimha. Yasovarman continued to rule as a maharaja--a puppet ruler-over a petty principality on the banks of Kali Sindhu till 1142 A.D. He was succeeded by his son Jayavarman, who was dethroned by another son Ajayavarman in 1144 A.D. The third son Laksmivarman and his successors also continued to rule over a principality in Malava between 1144 and 1200 A.D. Unfortunately, we have no account of all these successors in the Jain sources. From the inscriptions of Jayasimha it appears that he was the lord of the whole territory from Pancamahal to the Betwa. After the expiry of Jayasimha, during the reign of his successor Kumarapala, we learn that a certain Ballala was ruler over Avanti-Malava. " Ballala (1243-1244 A.D.): The Dvyasraya-kavya relates that Kumarapala advanced to subdue Ballala after defeating Cahamana Anna. The reason why he advanced to attack Ballala is given by Hemacandra in a passage. He states that before Anna advanced upon the frontier of Gujarat he formed an alliance with Ballala, the king of Avanti, and it was arranged that both the powers should simultaneously attack the Caulukya kingdom from the north and the east. Kumarapala himself proceeded to overcome Anna and sent his two generals to check Ballala. When he returned to his capital, he was informed that his two generals had gone over to the king of Ujjain, Ballala, and he was advancing towards Anahillapura. Thereupon Kumarapala attacked and totally defeated him. The Vasanta-vilasa: also refers to Kumarapala's victory over Ballala while the Kirti-kaumudit informs us that the latter was beheaded by Kumarapala. A Jain inscription from Mt. Abu informs us that "the Paramara 1 DV, XVI, p. 269, V. 8: ad Sh T ara araRTUTETTE: pratIcyarAT pANinipIDanArthamudIcyarANnItyati divymNtrii| 2 Ibid., XIX, p. 540, Vs. 97-98: rkssobhipshubhirdaamaanibhiraulpibhirvRtH| zrImataiH zrImataizcA, ballAlo darpato'bhyagAt // zamIvatyAbhijityAbhyAM zaikhAvatyena caiSate / kRtyau bibheda sAmantau nAnA vijayakRSNakau // 3 III, V. 29, p. 12: TUISET fast et sa: #galai * BG., I, Pt. I, p. 185. 15

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114 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Yasodhavala of Candravati quickly killed Ballala, the lord of Malava, when he had learnt that he had become hostile to the Caulukya king Kumarapala." The identification of this lord of Malava has been made with Ballala mentioned in the Vadnagar prasasti (V.E. 1208). From this it appears that Ballala must have lost his life between c. 1144 and 1151 A.D. The identification of this Ballala is a matter of great controversy. Keilhorn assumes that after the crushing defeat of Yasovarma, a brave and diligent man by name Ballala of unknown lineage might have usurped some parts of Malava. Mr. C...V: Vaidya.conjectures that it is a viruda (second name) of Jayavarman, the first son of Yasovarman. There are, however, hypotheses. Strangely enough, we do not find his name among the epigraphs of Malava. .. But it is quite certain that Jayavarman was overpowered by more than one king. The Candella Madanavarman (1128-1193 A.D.) is mentioned in his records that 'he defeated the Malava king'. * Jagadekamalla (1139-1150 A.D.), the Calukya of Kalyani assisted by the Hoysala Narasimha I also claims that 'he subdued Malava monarch?.5 Between 1143 and 1144 A.D. Jayavarman, however, was on the throne of Malava. There are certain kings named as Ballala among the Hoysalas of Mysore and it is likely that he may have been one of them, as viceroy or feudatory of Jagadekamalla II. After Jayavarman his succession was divided in his younger brothers Ajayavarman and Laksmivarman. Ajayavarman carved out a principality of his own by capturing some portion of the territory. We, however, do not know of them from the Jain sources. Vindhyavarman (1192 A.D.): Ajayavarman's son and successor Vindhyavarman appears to have recovered Dhara which had been lost to his family since the day of Yasovarman. The copper plate grant of his grandson Arjunavarman inforins us that his long arm was eager to extirpate the Gurjaras. The recovery of Dhara must have been made about V.E. 1249. (A.D. 1192) because we are informed from the colophon of a Jain work Sagara 1 EI., VIII, pp. 211-215, V. 35: 4149 Cetatea: .... yazcaulukyakumArapAlanRpatipratyarthitAmAgatam / mattvA sattvarameva mAlavapatiM ballAlamAlabdhavAn // 2 EI, I, p. 293. 3 V.N. Reu, Raja-Bhoja, p. 321. 4 EI.; I, p. 198, V. 15. 5 Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 58, 153. & D. C. Ganguly, History of Paramaras, p. 132.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA 115 dharmamrta of Asadhara that the author's father Salakhana (Sallaksana) "on account of the fear of the loss of his virtues came from the Sapadalaksa country, infested by the Mlecchas to Malava-mandala, which was full of vigour of the trivargas increased by the scent of the arms of king Vindhya."1 Commenting on the Mlecchas, the author himself says that he meant 'Sihab-ud-Din Turuska-raja'. We, however, know from history that the invasion of Sihab-udDin over that land had occurred in V.E. 1249 (A.D. 1192). According to the same authority Mahakavi Bilhana served as the Sandhivigrahikamantri of Vindhyavarman.We have fortunately an inscription of this minister dated in the reign of his master, found at Mandapadurga (mod. Mandu). There are many Bilhanas in the Samskrt literature and this Bilhana is apparently different from Bilhana, the author of the Vikramankadeva-carita. Subhatavarman: Vindhyavarman was succeeded by his son Subhatavarman known in the Jain chronicles as Sohada. Merutunga in one place relates that during the reign of the Caulukya Bhima II "the Malava king Sohada advanced to the border of Gujarata, with the intention of devastating the country." It, however, seems that he did not get a singular success. The grants of his successors confirm the statement of the Jain author. This shows that at that time the position of the Paramaras had become so well consolidated that they became able to invade their rivals. Arjunavarman (c. 1211-1216 A.D.): Subhatavarman's son and successor was Arjunavarman. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions that he destroyed the country of Gujarata. This statement is confirmed by the grants of his successors and by Sridhara prasasti of Bhima II, dated V.E. 1 V. 5: F ata 4916 hafa trAsadvindhyanarendradoH parimalasphUrjastrivargaujasi // prApto mAlavamaNDale bahuparIvAraH purImAvasan / yo dhArAmapaThajinapramitivAkzAstre mhaaviirtH|| - Sagara-dharmamsta (MJGS.), p. I. 2 Ibid., V. 7. 8 Paramaras of Dhara and Malava, by Luard and Lele, p. 37: vindhyavarmanRpateH prasAdabhUH sAndhivigrahikabilhaNaH kviH| 4 PC., p. 97: THRRTHQ Tref gatot si HESHTA Hteaua sana mare TACATIST: si: .... 5 El., IX, pp. 108, 114. & PC., p. 97: Tag da deyatur sitta HT TARGETAFISHIRI

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116 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES 1273 (1216 A.D.). The Sridhara prasasti says that Sridhara, by the process of the mantras, withheld Devapattana shaken by the elephants of Malava. But the king who was defeated, was not actually Bhima II. He was, perhaps, Jayasimha (Jayantasimha), sometime usurper of the throne of Bhima II. according to the Parijatamanjari. During his reign the Jain poet Asadhara went to reside in Nalakacchapura (mod. Nalacha, near Dhara).? We learn from Asadhara that Dhara was then a great centre of learning. These wars and strifes did not mar the traditions of Dhara coming down from the time of the great kings Vakpatiraja Munia and Bhoja. Asadhara got his education there and taught several pupils, prominent among them were Visalakirti, Vinayacandra and royal preceptor (Rajaguru) Madana. His son Cahada was a favourite man of king Arjuna.* We have three grants of his reign ranging from V.E. 1267 to 1272 (A.D. 1211-15). The Bhopal grant (ii), dated V.E. 1272, was composed by the Rajaguru Madana with permission of the Mahasandhivigrahika Raja Sallakhana, (Sallaksana)." This Sallakhana is probably identical with the father of Asadhara of that name. Rajaguru Madana is the same as the pupil of Asadhara. This Madana composed two more grants and a drama entitled Parijatamanjari or Vijayasri as a prasasti to Arjunavarman. It has been found incised on a slab attached to the northern wall of the Kamal Maula mosque at Dhara. From this drama we know that king Arjunavarman himself was a great literary man. He wrote a commentary on the Amarusataka. The Parijatamanjari calls him as the incarnation of Bhoja which is not far from truth. Arjunavarman was also a great patron of scholars. He honoured them and appointed them to dignified posts. We know from two royal grants of the king that the poet Bilhana was also his Sandhivigrahika (the minister of 1 EI., II, p. 437, V. 42. 2 Asadhara, Anagara-dharmamyata's colophon, V. 8: zrImadarjunabhUpAlarAjye shraavksNkule| jinadharmodayArtha yo nalakacchapure'vasat / #JATE ETAFHET, Asadhara in his Dharmamyta-ti ka. See Sagara. dharmamyta, Introduction, pp. 3-4: Thanh TTSJETT Han-JAOS., VII, pp. 39-40, No. 23. * Colophon of the Anagara-dharmamyta V. 2. 5 JAOS., VII, pp. 25-31 ; see also Pracina-lekhamala, Pt. I, pp. 6, 7: racitamidaM mahAsAndhivigrahikaM rAjasalakkhaNasammatena rAjaguruNA madanena / & EI., VIII, pp. 96-122,

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA war and peace).1 Asadhara was on cordial terms with the poet and was once called Sarasvatiputra by him.* Devapala (c. 1218-36 A.D.): Arjunavarman was succeeded some time before V.E. 1275 by Devapala. The Jain scholar Asadhara survived Arjunavarman and finished his Jinayajnakalpa during the reign of Devapala. It was completed in V.E. 1285 (A.D. 1228). According to the same scholar he was also called Sahasamalla. Jayasimhasuri, the author of the Hummira-mada-mardana refers to an incident of Devapala's reign. He tells us that in alliance with the Yadava king Simhana (Singhapa, A.D. 121047) he made a joint attack on Viradhavala, the Vaghela chief of Dholka, but due to the ability of the spies appointed by Vastupala, the minister of the Vaghela chief, dissensions arose in the camps of the allied monarchs and the calamity was averted." It is not possible to identify this Devapala from the Jain sources. But fortunately we have four inscriptions of his reign ranging from V.E. 1275 to 1289. The first Harsauda stone inscription is dated V.E. 1275 (A.D. 1218)." The second Mandhata grant, dated V.E. 1282 (A.D. 1225), is, however, the most important. It throws light on the lineage of Devapala and informs us that it was composed by Rajaguru Madana with the assent of the Mahasandhivigrahika Pandita Bilhana. The third and fourth inscriptions are from Udayapur, which merely record the years V.E. 1286 (c. 1229 A.D.) and 1289 (c. 1232 A.D.) in the victorious reign of Devapala. The Mandhata plates distinctly state that Devapala was the son of Hariscandra. In 1 JAOS., VII, pp. 377-82, 32-34, respectively. Colophon of Anagdra-dharmamrta, Vs. 6-7: 117 AzAdhara tvaM mayi viddhi siddhaM.... sarasvatIputratayA.... bihRNena kavI zinA / V. 20, in the colophon of the Jinayajakalpa: fremad adardagTqueravetIteSu AzvinasitAnnyadivase sAhasamahAparAkhyasya zrI devapAlanRpateH pramArakulazekharasya saurAjye, nalakacchapure siddho grantho'yaM neminAthacaityagrahe / 4 GOS., Act I, p. 6 : ( 1 ) asmAnpratiprayANakAya praguNIbabhUva mAlavamahIndurapyakRtaprayANopakramam ityakasmAkamAkasmikaH sarvato'pi saMkaTa saMghaTaH / matpramodanATikA naTI vijayaparibhogasammukhI yadi zrIvastupAlasyaiva zemuSI / (ii) Ibid., Act II, p. 18: calio mAlavammi meiNInA ho / siri devapAlo vi tassa sammuhaMjjeva parAvaDido ! 5 IA., XX, pp. 310-12. Ibid., IX, pp. 103-17. IA., XX, p. 83. zrI siMhanabhUpatiH tadetavighaTanabhaTI

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118 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the opinion of Keilhorn Hariscandra was the son of Mahakumara Laksmivarman, a brother of Ajayavarman, who was the originator of the line to which Arjunavarman belonged. The same scholar assumes that the line of Laksmivarman never regarded the line of Ajayavarman as the line of legitimate rulers of Malava. And it was perhaps due to the absence of any male heirs of Arjunavarman that the throne was occupied by Devapala. Thus the line of Arjunavarman or more appropriately of Ajayavarman ceased to exist. The Mandhata grant also indicates that Madana, the preceptor of Arjunavarman, continued to serve in that capacity under the new king. Likewise, Bilhana, who served the previous kings, appears also to have retained the post of minister of peace and war under the new administration. This also to a certain extent indicates that the transference of power had been made peacefully or with the consent of all the members of the court of the previous king. The Jain sources, however, give no account of this event. Jaitugideva (1239-43 A.D.): Devapala's son Jaitugideva succeeded him. He had the viruda Bala-Narayana. The Jain poet Asadhara survived Devapala and completed his Trisasti-smrti in V.E. 1292 (c. 1235 A.D.), his Sagara-dharmamrta in V.E. 1296 (c. 1239 A.D.) and his Anagaradharmamrta in V.E. 1300 (c. 1243 A.D.)* in the time of the new king. A Jain work Karmavipaka-tika was also written during his reign in V.E. 1295 at Nalakacchapur. It seems that Nalakacchapur was a great centre of Jain scholars at that time." No inscriptions of this king have yet been discovered. The Cirwa inscription of Samarasimha (V.E. 1330) informs us that Ibid., p. 311. 2 Vs. 12-13, in the colophon: Parera Ar treedt water i pramAra vNshvaarthiindudevpaalnRpaatmje|| zrImajjaitugideve'si sthAnAvantInavatyalam / grantho'yaM dvinavadvayekavikramArka smaatyye|| 3 Vs. 20-21 in the colophon: 785 THE ISHSFATTI TIkeyabhavyakumudacandrikenyuditA budhaiH| SaNNavadvayekasaMkhyAnavikramAMkasamAtyaye // 4 V. 31, in the colophon: paragrauiatra zrImajjaitugideve'si sthAmnAvantInavatyalam // nalakacchapure shriimnnemicaityaalye'sidht| vikramAbdazateSveSA trayodazasu kaartike| 5 SJGM., XVIII, p. 120, 791 9884 av tek STHF5776548 HET TG1 acostat HERTETETT RICO Faroe T . . . . 37TATETOT F anat... Saati 8 ASI., Wc., 1905, p. 12 and also in ibid., 1913, p. 56.

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THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA Jaitrasimha Guhila (c. 1213-1256) fought with the Malava king. I have elsewhere shown that the Malava king might have been Jaitugideva, who is -almost a contemporary of the Guhila Jaitrasimha.1 Jayavarman II (1256-1260 A.D.): Jaitugi was succeeded by his younger brother (anuja) Jayavarman II. We have one inscription of this king amongst the Jain sources. It is called Modi stone inscription, found in a Jain temple at Modi, Indore Division, Madhya Pradesh. The record is fragmentary. It is dated V.E. 1314 and refers itself to the reign of (Paramara) Jayavarmadeva. We have two more inscriptions of his reign: one from Rahatgadh in the Sagar district (M.P.) dated in V.E. 1312 (c. 1256 A.D.) in victorious reign of Jayavarmadeva and the other Mandhata grant dated V.E. 1317 (c. 1260 A.D.). The latter gives the names of his father and brother. These inscriptions show that Jayavarman (II) ruled at Dhara at least from V.E. 1312 to 1317 (c. 1256-60 A.D.). History knows two or three more princes of this dynasty ruling later, but in the Jain sources, except Bhoja II, they find no mention. 119 Bhoja 11: The Hammira-mahakavya of Nayacandra tells us that the Cahamana prince Hammira (c. 1283-1301 A.D.), in the course of his digvijaya defeated Bhoja of Dhara, encamped in Ujjayani and worshipped at the temple of Mahakala. Scholars conjectured that he might be a successor of Arjunavarman II, but they did not know the exact relationship of the two. According to the Muslim chroniclers he embraced Muhammadanism. Remarks: One thing appears from the history of the later Paramaras that even in the time of rapid succession of the kings, the literary stream of Dhara was not disturbed and it always received the generous patronage of the kings. The scholars, in spite of political disturbances, were devoted to serve the cause of learning in its various branches. During this period scholars were honoured with high posts in the state. Religion and caste were no barriers to promotion. On account of generous patronage the state was 1 See infra, the chapter on Guhilotas. * IX, Vs. 17, 18 2 tato maNDalakudurgAtkaramAdAya satvaram / at ari acari ari enkai u paramArAnvayaprauDho bhojo bhoja ivAparaH / tatrAmbhojamivAnena rAjJA mlAnimanIyata //

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120 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES full of scholars. It was a period of glorious literary productions to which the Jains along with others contributed their share. The following members of the Paramara dynasty are known from the Jain sources: Paramara Krsnaraja alias Dhumaraja Vairisimha Siyaka (II) Vakpatiraja, Munja Sindhuraja Bhoja I Naravarman Jugaddeva alias Laksmadeva Yasovarman Vindhyavarman Subhatavarman alias Sohada Arjunavarman Devapala Jayatugideva Jayavarman II Bhoja II

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CHAPTER VII THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA THE CAHAMANAS The Jains supply valuable information about the history of Cahamanas, though not as amply as about the history of the Paramaras already dealt with or of the Caulukyas to be traced later. Origin: There are nearly one hundred inscriptions belonging to this family including many Jain inscriptions. Some of them throw light on the origin of this family. A Jain inscription from Bijolia dated V.E. 1226 (A.D. 1170) of the time of Psthviraja's father Somesvara, gives the genealogy of this dynasty from a Cahamana, the eponymous prince, born from the Suryamandala to whom the Prthviraja-vijaya and Hammira-mahakavya of the Jain Nayacandrasuri trace the origin. The Sundha Hill inscription, composed by the Jain teacher Jayamangala of Bihadgaccha, dated V.E. 1319, records that 'formerly there was a hero Cahamana, a source of joy to the great Rsi Vatsa'.? The Bijolia inscription, after Cahamana, mentions one Visnu or Vasudeva and then, in the 12th verse it refers to 'a vipra named Samanta belonging to Vatsa gotra'3 Thus these two Jain inscriptions associate the one or the other member of this branch with the holy Vatsa, certainly a Vedic Rsi, who was born in the Solar race of the Aryans. This fact can also be confirmed by a number of other inscriptions of the dynasty, for instance, the Sevaoi copper plate, dated 1119 A.D. described the originator of the Cahamana dynasty as belonging to Solar race of the Ksatriyas. The Jain work Hammira-mahakavya of Nayacandrasuri, the grandson of the spiritual adviser of Hammira of Ranathambhora (c. 1283-1301 A.D.), records the tradition as follows: "Once upon a time, Brahma wandered in search of a holy place where to hold a sacrifice. The lotus which he held in his hand fell on 1 El., XXVI, pp. 84-112, V. 10 : 27 Arafatfatisalat: 1 2 Ibid., IX, p. 70 ff. V. 4: HEHETETayit....geam TITA daityatimiraH zrIcAhamAnaH puraa| 3 Ibid., XXVI, Vs. II-12: saraqitutHITYAT TAHTIST ofta antsta facuit:1 vipraH zrIvatsagotre'bhUdahicchatrapure puraa| sAmanto'nantasAmantaH pUrNatalle nRpastataH / 4 Ibid., XI, pp. 304 ff. 16

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122 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the ground as if unable to bear the superior beauty of the lotus-like palm of the god.' The god from this circumstance regarded the spot where the lotus fell as an auspicious one, and there, freed from anxiety, commenced the sacrifice. Anticipating persecution from Danavas, the god remembered the thousand-rayed one (the Sun), when a being, his face surrounded by a halo of radiance, came down from the orb of the Sun. Him, the destroyer, Brahma appointed to the work of protecting the sacrifice. From that day the place where the lotus fell has been called Puskara and he who came down from the Sun, the Cohan." "By the name of Cohan, this prince became the shoot of the family tree, served by the poets; famous in the three worlds; the bearer in abundance of human pearls. In this family rose many a monarch surrounded by a halo of glory whose lives, beautified with the triple acquisition, are able to destroy mountains of sins.?3 A similar tale has been narrated by the Pithviraja-vijaya of Jayanaka, according to whom, an eponymous Cahamana was the originator of the dynasty. Thus all the above quoted authorities more or less agree that the first member Cahamana of this clan comes out of the Solar orb (Sauryamandala). The Jain sources do not contain the theory of the origin of Agnikula or Lunar race as known from other sources. The late Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, however, put forward yet another theory of the Brahma origin of the Cahamanas on the basis of the Bijolia inscription noted above. He assumes that, as Samanta, an early Cahamana prince, is said to have been a vipra of Srivatsa gotra in the Bijolia inscription, he must have belonged to a priestly class of some foreign tribe which 1 Canto I, Vs. 14-15: 75 goj 777 sasi tog fauna tha: S I prativatpaSkaramAzupANipadmAtparAbhUtamivAsya bhaasaa|| tata: zubhaM sthAna midaM vibhAvya prArabdha yjnyoympaastdainyH| niHzaMkya bhIti danujavrajebhyaH smerasya sasmAra shsrrshmeH|| 2 Ibid., Vs. 16-17: Brangiossatset Hat Tay: YHTETHESTA: 1 taM cAbhiSicyAzvadasIya rakSAvidhau vyadhAdeSa makhaM sukhena // papAta yatpuSkaramatra pANe: khyAtaM tataH puSkaratIrthametat / yaccAyamAgAdatha cAhamAnaH pumAnato'khyAyi sa caahmaanH| 3 Ibid., V. 25: regg Fra STEHTITREFT Herennia: Er gaafarsda FETITEGA TRUFFT etc. 4 JRAS., 1913, p. 264. 5 Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 123 afterwards merged into Ksatriya caste by changing the priestly pursuits for martial ones. In his opinion Samanta was really a convert. But the term vipra in question is open to various interpretations. The following is the revised translation of the verse: 'A vipra named Samanta having numerous feudatory princes was born or descended in Vatsa gotra at Ahicchatrapur, after him came the prince Purnatalla'.? According to Mr. Karna, who has re-edited this inscription, the use of the term vipra in connection with a ruling prince decidedly of the Ksatriya stock, is found not only in this inscription but also in many others of various ruling dynasties where the princes are sometimes called vipra and sometimes mahideva. In his opinion such usage has nothing to do with the origin or blood of the princes and seems to have some bearing on their divine habits which they might have acquired. Even today the application of the term maharaju, undoubtedly a princely title, to a Brahmana is not infrequent.3 The fact that the Ksatriyas had certain gotras like Vatsa, Bharadvaja, Vasistha etc., is very well known to the scholars. We will see elsewhere that Hemacandra mentions the Caulukyas of the Bharadvaja gotra.* Their original seat: The 11th verse of the above inscription gives a description of Sakambhara (sakambhari) the guardian deity of the Cahamana race, born as the mother of Visnu (Vasudeva). It is stated in the Prthviraja-vijaya and Hammira-mahakavyae that Vasudeva carved out his principality around the lake Sakambhara (Sambhara) or Puskaratirtha which region is said here to have become his mother (Janiva) or mother-country. Most of the scholars, on the assumption that Samanta was the earliest member of the family and he was born in Ahicchatrapur, regard Ahicchatrapur as the original seat of the family. This assumption of theirs is based only on the erroneous interpretation of the previous two verses (10 and 11 of the Bijolia record) in which Cahamana and Vasudeva are recorded as the earliest members of the family and their seat as Sakambhari (modern 1 IA., XL, p. 26. ? EI., XXVI, p. 87. 3 Ibid., p. 88. 4 DV., Canto VI, V. 7: ATE TIETA att tayott uttuGgaparvatapayodharabhArabhunnA zAkAmbharAjani janIva tato'pi vissnnoH| 6 Canto III and IV: HMK., I, 17: ca na: grattack! 7 Bijolia Inscription V. 12: fast: itaasuf25297 ATI 8 DHNI., II, pp. 1053-54.

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124 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES lake Sambhara). Moreover, we have the testimony of the two literary works noted above which without mentioning Ahicchatra, associate the rise of the Cahamanas with the lake Sakambhari (sambhara or Puskaratirtha)) situated on the border of the Jodhpur and Jaipur divisions. In order to show more evidences, we have the earliest inscriptions of the tribe so far discovered, the provenance of which and the identification of some of the places mentioned therein demonstrate that the Sakambhari region was, from the very beginning, the cradle of this race. The identification of Ahicchatrapur which is stated here' as the original seat of the government of Samanta has been also a subject of much discussion. Some scholars like Bhagavanlal Indraji and Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, on the assumption that the original home of the Cahamanas is also called Sapadalaksa, are inclined to regard this word as the original Samskrt of the modern word Sivalika, which is a range of hills below Dehra Dun in the Saharanpur district, U.P. and thus, according to them, this Ahicchatrapur must have been a town in that region in the upper Ganga-Jumna Valley, from where the dynasty migrated southwards. Pt. G. H. Ojha, on the evidence of an inscription, which states that Ahicchatrapur was the capital of Jangludesa (Jangaladesa), has identified it with Nagpur (modern Nagapur in the Jodhpur division), as Naga and Ahi being the synonymous terms. In the Jain literature of the eleventh and later centuries Cahamanas were called the kings of Jangala. Kumarapala, according to the Vasanta-vilasa, fought with Jangalesa Arnoraja.4 This Jangala country has been identified with the region now known as Bikaner and the northern Marwar. We, now, on the basis of the above facts and on the evidences gathered from the earlier inscriptions, can say that Ahicchatrapur must have been at that time in the Sakambhari-pradesa where Visnu (Vasudeva), the predecessor of Samanta, had carved out his principality There are several branches of the Cahamanas ruling over various places. The following branches are known from the Jain sources: (1) Cahamanas of Sakambhari, (2) Cahamanas of Ranastambhapura, (3) Cahamanas of Naddula, (4) Cahamanas of Javalipura and (5) Cahamanas of Lata. Except the last one all other branches ruled in Rajasthana. 1 V. II. 2 EI., XXVI, p. 89. 3 Ojha, Nagari pracarini-patrika, Vol. II, Part III; JASB., 1922, p. 289. 4 GOS., VII, Canto III, Vs. 2, 9, 32. See also Sukyta-samkirtana, Canto II, V. 43.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 125 1. CAHAMANAS OF SAKAMBHARI We have three important sources about this dynasty in the Jain historical materials. The first is the Jain inscription from Bijolia noted above and the other two are the Hammiru-mahakavya of Nayacandrasuri and the Prabundha-kosa of Rajasekharasuri, though the literary sources are not of primary importance. The Jain inscription from Bijolia, a village in Mewar about 100 miles from the capital (Udaipur), is the most important and peculiar inscription among hundreds of inscriptions of the Cahamana dynasty. Though it is a later authority dated V.E. 1226 (c. 1169 A.D.) of the reign of Somesvara, it, however, gives the name of 29 predecessors of Somesvara. It is an almost complete and trustworthy authority over the dynasty. This inscription testifies the genealogical lists supplied by the Pythviraja-vijaya-mahakavya composed in c. 1200 A.D. Cahamana: This is a very long inscription, but its verses from 10 to 28 only contain a genealogical list of the Cahamanas of Sakambhari. From the 10th verse of this inscription, the first person appears to have been the illustrious Cahamana. It may be said here that almost all the scholars regard that the genealogy according to this inscription begins from Samanta. According to them the compound expression 'sri Cahamana Ksitirajavamsa' in the first quarter of verse 10 means 'Sri Cahamana eva Ksitirajavamsa" the royal or princely dynasty known as Cahamana. But they forget one point in this respect that this compound should also mean 'Sri Cahamanasya Ksitira javansa' in which case the present genealogy suggests itself to start from Cahamana." The Pythviraja-vijaya and Hammira-mahakavya also begin this genealogy from Cahamana. Vasudeva: The second person of this branch, who has been regarded as historical, is Visnu* described in the 11th verse who, according to the other authorities, may be taken as identical with Vasudeva. The author of this inscription is said to have been fond of employing variants in the case of proper names both geographical as well as genealogical. He has evidently referred to Vasudeva by the variant Visnu. This Visnu (Vasudeva) of the 1 El., XXVI, pp. 84-112. 2 Ibid., Introduction, p. 87. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 263: HMK., Canto I, V. 17. HETTAT greita naista racont: 1 4 See supra, p. 121. 5 JRAS., 1913, p. 263: HMK., Canto I, V. 27.

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126 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES inscription has totally escaped the attention of the scholars. The word 'tatopi' towards the end of this verse should indicate that there a mention is made of some prince in descent from the one mentioned in the previous verse, who is undoubtedly Visnu or Vasudeva, and thus proves that Cahamana in the foregoing verse is used as the name of a prince and not as a mere family title. This Vasudeva is said to have carved out a principality around the lake Sakambhara." The Hammira-mahakavya eulogises this prince much, but gives no historical information. The Prabandha-kosa assigns him the date V.E. 608 for which we have no support. Samanta: The second historical person appears to be Samanta in the 12th verse who is said to have had numerous feudatory princes. This prince has been regarded as the very first ruler of the Bijolia inscription by all the scholars, but taking Cahamana as the first prince on this list as already discussed above, this prince may be regarded third in order of succession. He, of course, may be considered to be the first prince of this line, who, most probably, established himself on the firm ground in his ancestral land and maintained his position as a ruler. Nothing else is known of hin from any other sources. His Successors: After him came the princes Purnatalla, Jayaraja, Vigrahanspa, Candana, Gopendraka, Durlabha, Guvaka, Sasinspa, Guvaka, Candana, Bappayaraja, Vindhyanapati, Simharaja, Vigraha, Durlabha (II) Gundu and his younger brother Viryarama. In the 13th verse these princes are simply enumerated and no mention is made regarding the relationship of each other. The genealogical list supplied by the two Jain works the Himmira-mahakavya and the Prabandha-kosa, does not tally in most of the cases and the relationship and succession of these kings recorded in them cannot be taken as reliable, for they have no other epigraphical or literary support. We, however, have some information from the Pithviraja-vijaya and Harsa Stone inscription dated 973 A.D., regarding their relationship. Thus Jayaraja was the son of Samanta, Vigrahanrpa and Candra were respectively the son and grand-son of Jayaraja, Gopendraka was the brother of Candra and fa algaa: 1 1 EI., XXVI, PP, 84-112, V. II. 2 SJGM., VI, p. 133: 897 FOC 3 El., XXVI, pp. 84-112, V, 12. 4 Ibid., V. 13. 5 EI., II, pp. 116-30.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 127 Durlabha was Candra's son, i.e., Gopendraka's nephew. Gopendraka of this list seems to be identical with Govindaraja of the list given by the Prabandha-kosa, who is said to have been a predecessor of Durlabha and to have defeated one Suratrana (Sultan) Vegavarisa. Durlabharaja is stated in the Psthviraja-vijaya to have been succeeded by his son Govindaraja who is identical with Guvaka of our inscription and of the Harsa Stone inscription. Guvaka was succeeded by Candraraja whom our inscription calls Sasinspa, which may be taken as synonymous with Candraraja. His son was Guvaka (II) who is styled in our inscription as Guvaka. He was succeeded by his son Candana who is said to have slain in the battle a Tomara prince called Rudra in the Harsa Stone inscription. His son and successor was Vappayaraja who is styled as Vakpatiraja or Vakpati in the Harsa Stone inscription and the Pythviraja-vijaya respectively. He had a title of Maharaja and put to flight one Tantrapala according to the Harsa Stone inscription. His successor was Vindhyanfpati, who has not been regarded as a separate prince by scholars due to erroneous reading of the text. But the text on the rock is in the dual form 'Vappayara ja-Vindhyany pati' which means two separate princes. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar assumes him as the successor of Vappayaraja. Nothing is known of Vindhyanopati from any sources. He had two sons Simharaja and Laksmana. The younger son Laksmana was the founder of Naddala branch of the Cahamanas known from the Nadol Jain copper plates (V.E. 1218). Vakpati, however, was succeeded by his elder son, Simharaja. According to the Prabandha-kosa's genealogy Simharaja defeated Hajji-ud-Din at Jethana (Jethana 20 miles from Ajmer). The Hammira-mahakavya says that Simharaja killed the Musalaman general named Hatim." The Harsa Stone inscription and the Pythviraja-vijaya mention him as a great warrior, and as one 'who defeated the Tomara leader together with Lavana and annihilated in war the rulers in every direction'.S 1 JRAS., 1913, p. 265: CET15: 2 SJGM., VI, p. 133 : game anafuata 8 El., XXVI, p. 90. 4 I A., 1913. p. 58 ff. 5 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangrah, 1, p. 210, Vs. 2-3. & SJGM., VI, p. 133: Hetterature tracta FI grupafasan ? Canto I, V. 102: Tata ra afai 749fa faraufsatraat 8 EI., II, p. 127.

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128 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Vigraharaja II (c. 973 A.D.): Simharaja was succeeded by his son Vigraharaja II. According to the Jain prabandhas he was a contemporary of Mularaja Caulukya (c. 961-96 A.D.). We have elsewhere described a war of this king with Mularaja. It is stated in the Prabandha-cintamani that Mularaja was attacked simultaneously by the general Barappa and the ruler of Sakambhari. Mularaja with the advice of his ministers took shelter in the fort of Kantha. According to the Hammira-mahakavya, Vigraharaja killed Mularaja and devastated the country of Gujarata.I have shown elsewhere that the truth lies between the two statements, that is, Mularaja was really defeated by him. The Pythviraja-vijaya also confirms this view. The Harsa Stone inscription of his reign assigns him the date V.E. 1030 (c. 973 A.D.).4 Durlabharaja: After him came his younger brother Durlabharaja. A Jain authority known as the Bijapur Stone inscription (V.E. 1053) informs us that he harassed the Naddula prince Mahendra who sought shelter with Dhavala, the Rastrakuta prince of Hathundi." His Successors: He was succeeded by his son Govindaraja who is styled in the Bijolia Stone inscription as well as in the two literary sources as Gandu. The Prabandha-kosa credits him with a victory over Sultan Mahmud, but we have no support for this statement. Govindaraja was succeeded by his son Vakpati II about whom it is said in the Pythviraja-vijaya that he killed Aghata king Ambaprasada.' He was succeeded by his younger brother Viryarama who is stated by the Pythviraja-vijaya to have been killed by the Paramara Bhoja--lord of Avanti (c. 999-1055 A.D.). Dr. Bhandarkar assumes that he was one of the sons of Gundu,' while Dr. Ray calls him the son of Vakpati.10 gor 1 SGM., I, p. 16. 2 Canto II, V. 9: FSTTTT t fast at T i paranta 3 See infra, Chap. IX, II. 4 EI., II, pp. 127 ff. 5 El., x, pp. 17 ff. V. 11: RicSHTaryfsedigreinte .... THICHE senAnIriva nItipauruSaparo naiSItparA nirvtim| See also HIG., III, N. 238 A., p. 237. & SJGM., VI, p. 133, N. 16. 7 JRAS., 1913, p. 268 and fn. 3, Canto V. Vs. 59-60, 8 Canto V, 67. 9 EI., XXVI, p. go ff. 10 DHNI., II, p. 1069.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHAN 129 Viryarama was succeeded by his younger brother Camundaraja. The Bijolia inscription also ascribes him as younger brother of Viryarama. The word anuja is given for him in the end of the 13th verse. It is also suggested that the word anuja has also to be construed with the first word Camunda mentioned in the next verse. Camunda is definitely stated in the Pythviraja-vijaya to be the brother of Viryarama." He is said in the Prabandha-kosa to have destroyed a Sultan. The Hammira-mahakavya gives the name of that Sultan as Hejama-d-din. After Camunda, in the 14th verse, come in order Ranakavara Singhat, his brother Dusala and Visala. After him his son Psthviraja and thereafter his son Ajayadeva. Durlabharaja III: The name of Ranakavara Singhat, we do not find elsewhere. His successor was his brother Dusala who is called Durlabha or Durlabharaja III in the Pythviraja-vijaya and the Hammira-mahakavya." As to whose son he was, we do not know from the present epigraph. The Pythviraja-vijaya calls him the son of Viryarama, but Dr. Bhandarkar regards him as the son of Camunda. He is here stated to be the brother of Singhat and if he was the son of Camunda as Dr. Bhandarkar believes, then Singhat whose relation with his predecessor is not yet known was also an elder son of Camunda.? The Hammira-mahakavya states that Durlabharaja killed Karna in the battles and the Prabandha-kosa relates that Dusala having tied the king of Gujarata brought him to Ajmer and made him to sell the whey (takram). We, however, have no support for these statements. The Prthviraja-vijaya on the other hand attributes this war between Udayaditya of Malava (c. 1059-87 A.D.) and Karna (c. 1064-94 A.D.) in i V. 14. 2 Canto I, V. 68. 3 SIGM., VI, p. 133 : Canto II, V. 24: : 17 TAHAT TETTE atat * Bijolia Inscription, V. 14. 6 Canto II, V. 25. Canto V, V. 69. ? EI., XXVI, p. 90 ff. & Canto II, V, 31: A FIZO AT PUTT J O H Tft Start 9:1 SJGM., VI, p. 133: aa fet tradaramata: 1 354 EHTED kaaraapitH| Talat

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130 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES which Karya was defeated by the assistance of Vigraharaja (Visaladeva) III, the successor of Dusala.1 Vigrakaraja III: His successor was Visaladeva, who is called Vigraharaja III in the Pythviraja-vijaya2 and Visvala in the Hammiramahakavya. The present inscription gives Rajadevi as the name of his queen. According to the Hammira-mahakavya he killed Sihab-ud-din and liberated the authority of Malava king troubled by the Mlecchas." The Prabandha-kosa depicts him as a lustful prince who outraged the modesty of a chaste Brahmana woman. She cursed him and he died with several sores in the body. Prthviraja 1: His successor was his son Ppthviraja I who is also called Brhat (Great) Prthviraja in the Prabandha-kosa.' His queen's name is given as Rasalladevi in our inscription. The Prabandha-kosa states that he was the breaker of arms of the Sultan Vagulishah. The only one inscription of his reign dated V.E. 1162 (c. 1105 A.D.) has been found in Revasa, Jaipur division.' A jayadeva: Psthviraja was succeeded by his son Ajayaraja who is also called Ajayadeva'' in the Bijolia inscription, Salhana in the Pythvirajavijaya and Alhana in the Hammira-mahakavya and Prabandha-kosa.11 His queen's name is recorded as Somalladevi. Our Jain record from Bijolia states that he killed three heroes, viz., Caciga, Sindhula and Yasoraja.'2 These heroes have been associated by the learned editor of this inscription 1 Canto V, Vs. 76-78: ARIE T : 1 jigAya gUrjaraM karNa tamazvaM prApya mAlavaH / / See also infra, on the Caulukya of Gujarata. 2 Ibid. 3 Canto II, V. 33. 4 Bijolia Inscription, V. 14: aglatt acist dazat: itaatit: 1 5 Canto II, V. 37. 6 SJGM., VI. p. 133: Fitq; HETATI atquni fa .... 7 Ibid., p. 133: 22 qacacat 5:1 8 Ibid., HEETTITAE 9 ASI., Wc., 1906-10, P. 52. 10 EI., XXVI, p. 93, V. 14: TCHETSATT AT: agla: 1 11 PV., Canto V. 83: HK., Canto II, V. 41; SJGM., VI. p. 133. 12 V. 15: EL RETTET kSipraM dUra kRtAntavakrakuhare zrImArgadurdAnvitam //

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 131 with localities of srimargga and Durdda noted in this inscription. According to him Srimargga is the variant of Sripatha which has been identified by Fleet with modern Bayana in the Bharatapur district, and Durdda may be identified with modern Duddai or Dudhai in the Central India. It seems from the identifications of the localities that Ajayadeva must have defeated these heroes in his northward and eastward campaigns. The word 'Vira' (Hero) shows probably that they did not belong to any of the principal ruling families, but may have been feudatories of an inferior rank of some one of them. This record also refers to his other achievements which states that Ajayadeva captured in battle Sulhana, the commander-in-chief of the army, and tied him to a camel in the field of battle.? The Pithvirajavijaya also confirms this fact by stating that Ajayaraja defeated Sulhana, the king of Malava.? As we know there was no king ruling in Malava during this period, scholars assume that he might have been a general of that name of the then Paramara prince, possibly Naravarman (1094-1133 A.D.) ruling over Malava.The Pithviraja-vijaya and the Prabandha-kosa regard him as the founder of the city of Ajayameru, now known as Ajmer." Ajayadeva may be regarded as the first powerful king of this lineage who took the initiative in enlarging his kingdom and carving out a path for his descendants for further expansion. He had also issued silver and copper coins which bore the legend of sri Somaladevi, a variant of the name of Ajayadeva's queen Somalladevi mentioned in our inscription. Arnoraja (c. 1139-1153 A.D.): Arnoraja as the son of Ajayadeva succeeded his father. We have fortunately one colophon of the Jain MS named Avasyakasutra-niryukti of his reign, dated V.E. 1198 (1142 A.D.). This may be connected with his early reign. It gives him the titles Samastarajavali-samalan krta-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara, which shows him a powerful king from the very beginning of his reign. He seems to have been a great warrior. The 16th verse of the Bijolia Jain record highly eulogises him and the next verse refers to his victory over certain 1 EL, XXVI, p. 93. * V. 15: SAATESUGUSalac: HTTHRITITUTI Hata FIFA: FRH .... Part 1 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 272. 4 EI., XXVI, p. 93. * SIGM., VI. p. 133. 35251: 37 S TART": SJGM., XVIII, p. 105.

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132 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES kingdoms. In the first half of it, we are informed that this prince resorted to retaliation against the kingdoms of Kusa and Varana." Kusa as the name of a kingdom, may denote Kusasthala of Kanauj. Varana is the well-known ancient name of Bulandasahara near Delhi. The identification of these two places shows that he extended his dominion farther eastwards from Duddai and northwards from Bayana, the two places already occupied by his father noted above. The next half of the verse informs us that Arnoraja had shown disrespect to one who was called Nirvana Narayana and thus brought him to humiliation. Nirvana Narayana as we already know was the epithet of the Paramara prince Naravarman (1094-1133 A.D.) who was a contemporary of both Ajayadeva and Arnoraja. He has been referred to in the concluding portion of the verse by name Devaraja, because he also has been called Nirvana Narayana. Consequently he was looked upon as Devaraja, lord of gods.* Arnoraja might have attacked and subdued him either independently or he might have assisted his father-in-law Siddharaja Jayasimha who waged war against Naravarman in order to avenge himself of the latter's attack on his capital when he was on a pilgrimage to Somanath. The fact has already been referred to elsewhere." The Prabandha-cintamani states that Jayasimha Caulukya gave back Sapadalaksa with several lacs to humbled Anaka king. The Dvyasrayakavya simply states that Ana of Sapadalaksa bent his head before the Caulukya Jayasimha (c. 1094-1144 A.D.)." The Kirti-kaumudi confirms the fact by stating that Jayasimha differed from Visnu in this respect, that while Visnu conquered Arnoraja (Ocean) and took his daughter Laksmi, Siddharaja Jayasimha conquered Arnoraja (king of Ajmer) but gave his own daughter to him in marriage. The commentator of the Prthvirajavijaya refers to the name of his daughter as Kancanadevi.' This marriage 1 V. 17: 774 FTRU Ta Tipita 2 EI., XXVI, p. 93. 3 V. 17: agi qaraganda faforar nyakkArAcaraNena bhaMgakaraNaM zrIdevarAja prti|| 4 El., XXVI, p. 94. 5 See supra pp. 110-III, Chapter on the Paramaras of Malava 6 SJGM., I, p. 76: HT: RETETT TART GT: 1 ?DV., Canto XVI, V. 20 and XVIII, V. 103. 8 Canto II, Vs. 27-29, p. II. 9 PV. p. 198.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 133 was regarded by the scholars as a matrimonial alliance to end the hostility between the two neighbouring dynasties. The Duyasraya-kavya and the subsequent Jain works record that the hostilities with the Caulukyas seems to have broken out afresh with the accession of Kumarapala. This war has been referred to in detail elsewhere. The Dvyasraya-kavya mentions that Arnoraja brought peace by giving his daughter Jalhana to Kumarapala. The Psthviraja-vijaya states that he also completely vanquished the Musalmans (Matangas) who came across the desert and in order to purify the place where the Musalmans had fallen, the king constructed a lake and filled it with the river Candra.? The Hammira-mahakavya calls him Anala and says that he dug a tank, a merit to the forest of Puskara. Arnoraja's successors: The Bijolia inscription mentions Vigraharaja as a son and successor of Arnoraja but he does not seem to be an immediate successor of his father. The Pithviraja-vijaya refers to Sudhava, the queen of Arnoraja, giving birth to three sons, who were different from one another as the three Gunas (sattva, rajas, tamas). The name of the first son is, however, not mentioned there. The poet simply states about him that he rendered to his father the same service as Bhtgu's son Parasurama had rendered to his mother and went out like the wick of a lamp leaving behind an evil smell. This denotes that the eldest son must have killed his father. His name seems to be Jagadeva as referred to by the two Jain works Hammira-mahakavya and Prabandha-kosa which mention him as the successor of Analadeva and predecessor of Visaladeva (Vigraharaja IV).? He must have occupied the throne for some time. Except his eulogy nothing else is mentioned about him in the Jain works. He was succeeded by his younger brother Vigraharaja. Vigraharaja (1153-1164 A.D.): The inscriptions of Jagadeva's reign show that he ruled from V.E. 1210 to 1220.8 The colophon of a 1 See infra, Chapter on the Caulukya of Gujarata. 2 DV., Canto, XIX, Vs. 1-60. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 274. 4 Canto II, V. 51. 5 El., XXVI, pp. 84-112, V. 18. * PV., Canto VI, pp. 197 ff.; JRAS., 1913, p. 274. 7 Canto II, V. 52; SJGM., VI, p. 113. 8 DHNI., II, pp. 1074-76.

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134 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Jain MS named Upadesapada-tika, dated V.E. 1212, informs us that the work was composed in the prosperous reign of "Samastarajavalivira jita-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja Vigraharajadeva."1 This shows that he was a powerful monarch. Our Bijolia inscription ascribes to him a number of campaigns which he won. The verses from 20 to 22 refer to his victories thus: "Sajjana, the only wicked person on earth, took his way towards the home of Kstanta (the god of death); and Kuntapala, the keeper of lance, came to a state of utter lancelessness. He due to his resentment made Javalipur, the city of flames; Pallika, an insignificant village; and Naddula like a bed of reeds. He made his fame to take rest on each street of towns and on each roof of dwellings, which was fatigued due to the capture of Dhillik, and was lagging behind owing to the acquisition of Asika."2 Sajjana of the above description has been identified with the dandadhipati Sajjanah, governor of Saurastra in the time of Jayasimha and Kumarapala. This reminds one of the hostility between Kumarapala and Vigraharaja, who must have avenged the defeat of his father Arnoraja by Kumarapala noted above, by killing the governor Sajjana, who was quite old at that time. Kuntapala has been identified with the Paramara prince of Kiralu by that name, whom, according to the Mahanota Nainisi, Kirtipala, son of Alhana, a feudatory of Kumarapala, defeated." Kuntapala was thus a contemporary of Alhana and Vigraharaja. Vigraharaja is said to have burnt his city Javalipur (Jallor). Pallika of the inscription is identical with modern Pali in Jodhpur.Naddula is modern Nadola which at that time was a capital of the Cahamana prince Alhana, a feudatory of Kumarapala. His allegiance to Kumarapala must have caused the indignation to Vigraharaja who devastat 1 SJM., XXIII, p. 107. 2 kRtAntapathasajo'bhUt sajano sjnobhuvH| vaikutaM kuntapAlo'gAhyato vai kuntpaalkH|| jAvAlipuraM jvAlApuraM kRtA palikApi pallIva / naDvalatulyaM roSAnnaddalaM yena zauryeNa // pratolyAM ca balabhyAM ca yena vizrAmitaM yshH| DhillikAgrahaNazrAntamAzikAlAbhalabhitam / / 3 EI., XXVI, p. 94; see also supra p. 133. 4 Ibid., p. 94. 5 Ibid. * See infra, Chapter on the Caulukyas of Gujarata.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 135 ed Nadol. Dhillika is modern Delhi and Asika is identical with modern Hansi. Both were the cities of Tomara prince Anangapala III ruling at that time. This last conquest reminds us that Vigraharaja aimed at completing the victory over northern part of his territory, started by his grandfather Ajayadeva and successfully carried out by his father Arnoraja. From the other records we know that he was a paramount sovereign ruling over the whole of Hindustan lying between the Himalaya and Vindhya." Our inscription has revealed as to how he actually gained the paramountcy. By this extension he naturally came into contact and conflict with the Yaminis of Gazani and the Punjab. The Prabandha-kosa regards him as a conqueror of the Turuskas. Vigraharaja was also a man of letters. He wrote a drama entitled Harakeli. His court poet Somadeva also wrote a drama, Lalitavigraharaja, about him describing his love affairs. The Prabandha-cintamani calls him Kavi-bandhava.* Pithviraja 11: The Bijolia inscription states that Vigraharaja was succeeded by his elder brother's son, Ppthviraja (II). But the Prthvirajavijaya and the Jain work Prabandha-kosa mention Apara or Amara Gangeya as the son and successor of Vigraharaja, young and unmarried. Thus the throne passed on to Pithviraja. The Prabandha-kosa gives his other name Panthadadeva. According to Bijolia inscription he was very charitable, and donated a village named Morajhari to Parsvanatha, the erection of whose temple the Bijolia inscription records. From his inscriptions we get his period from V.E. 1224 to 1226 (1167-1169 A.D.). Somesvara (1170-77 A.D.): Psthviraja, son of Jagadeva, was succeeded by his third uncle Somesvara, whom we know from the Prthvirajavijaya's commentary, as a son of Arnoraja from his queen Kancanadevi the daughter of the Caulukya Jayasimha Siddharaja. Canto VII of the Prihviraja-vijaya describes that Kumarapala, the nephew of Jayasimha, made his name significant by bringing up the Kumara (young) Somesvara. 1 EI., XXVI, p. 94. 2 TA., XIX, pp. 215-19, Delhi Siwalika Pillar inscription. 3 SJGM., VI, p. 133: tha: TFSETI 4 Ibid., I, p. 90. 5 JRAS., 1913, p. 276; SJGM., VI, p. 133. & SJGM., VI, P. 134. 7 Vs. 23-25. 8 DHNI., II, pp. 1078-80.

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136 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Kumarapala always kept Somesvara near himself. Somesvara with his own sword cut off the head of the Raja of Konkana during Kumarapala's invasion of that country. Somesvara married Karpuradevi, daughter of the king of Tripuri.' The Hammira-mahakavya also mentions this marriage.? From them were born the princes Psthviraja and Hariraja. After the death of Psthviraja II the ministers brought him to the Sapadalaksa country and placed him on the throne. The Bijolia epigraph also appears to support the fact of passing his youth in the Caulukya court by saying that he obtained his paternal kingdom through the grace of Somesvara* (Somesvarallabdharajyah), the famous god in Saurastra, who was the tutelary deity of the Caulukya princes. This inscription, however, does not mention any political event of his reign except that he earned through valour the viruda of Pratapalankesvara and that he with a desire to gain heaven endowed Parsvanatha on the bank of the Reva with a village named Revana in sasana (absolute charity). It is worth noticing that this prince as well as his predecessor both donated a village each to this god. The Bijolia inscription is dated in the year V.E. 1226 when the erection of the temple was finished. It was perhaps the first year of the reign of Somesvara. Thus, Psthviraja II's donation must have been made when the image was already installed and his successor Somesvara made his donation when the deity was enshrined in the temple. We know about the duration of his reign from his inscriptions which extend from V.E. 1226 to 1234 (c. 1169-1177 A.D.), but the Prabandhakosa mentions V.E. 1236 (A.D. 1179) as the date of accession of his son and successor Psthviraja.' He, therefore, might have ruled upto that year. Prthviraja III (1179-1192 A.D.): The Pythviraja-vijaya says: "So before leaving this world he (Somesvara) had appointed the Devi or the queen (Karpuradevi) to protect his son in his childhood." This shows that Prthviraja was minor at the time of the death of Somesvara. According to the Hammira-mahakavya, when Prthviraja had acquired proficiency in 1 JRAS., 1913, p. 275. 2 Canto II, V. 72. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 275. 4 V. 26. 5 V. 27. 6 V. 28. - SJGM., I, p. 134: Ceas: H. 3736 TET! S JRAS., 1913, p. 277.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 137 letters and arms, Somesvara installed him on the throne and himself retiring from the world died in the practice of the Yoga. His inscriptions give us dates from V.E. 1236 to 1245 (c. 1179-1189), but the two Jain works, the Vividha-tirtha-kalpa and the Prabandha-kosa, state that this hero died in V.E. 1248 (1192 A.D.).? The period, therefore, may be assigned to him from V.E. 1236 to 1248. The Jain sources have recorded only two of his struggles, the one with the Candella king Paramardi and the other with Sihab-ud-din Ghori. The Prabandha-cintimani states that he defeated the king Paramardi and made him fugitive. We have shown elsewhere that this statement of the Jain author has been corroborated by the Madanpur inscriptions of Prthviraja which state that he had invaded and plundered a large portion of thc Candella territory beyond the Betwa.The Jain prabandhas also refer to the enmity between Psthviraja and Jayacandra but they have not stated any cause behind it." The war with the Sultan of Gazani is amply described by the Prabandhacintamani, Puratana-prabandha-sangraha and the Hammira-mahakavya, The Prabandha-cintamani states: "Pithviraja repulsed from his city thrice seven times the king of the Mlecchas, but nevertheless that very king came for the twentysecond time to the capital of Psthyiraja and encamped there with his formidable army." It is said that a hero by name Tunga entered the camp of the enemy through a stratagem, killed the enemy and caused his army to be fled. It is further stated that the son of that Mleccha king remembering his father's feud invaded the Sapadalaksa country but he was driven away and Psthviraja went in pursuit of him. A minister named Somesvara tried to dissuade him, but the king, erroneously supposing that he favoured the enemy, cut off his ears. Somes. i Canto II, V. 77. 2 SJGM., X, p. 45: FREMT 376 () WHEE 877891 FESTTTF5989 PERCE@rafa TIETSTOUT CEVI I Ibid., VI, p. 134., ait: 3786 a: 1 3 See supra p. 69; Merutunga, in his Prabandha-cintamani, makes confusion between Paramardi, who is identical with the Calukya Vikramaditya VI of the Daccan, and the king of this name of the Candella dynasty. He associates Paramardi with Siddharaja Jayasimha in one place, and connects him with Psthviraja elsewhere. (SJGM., I, p. 116). 4 ASR., XX, No. 9, and XXI. 5 See supra, p. 50 Chapter on the Gahadavalas. 18

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138 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES vara was incensed against that king on account of that cruelty and called the Mlecchas to invade the country of Sapadalaksa. This time Pothviraja was captured and taken away to the Mleccha country. He then was put to death by cutting off his head with an axe. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha states: "Psthviraja was ruling at Yoganipur (Delhi); he had a spearman named Pratapasimha and the minister Kainvasa (Kadambavasa). Both of them were on hostile terms. Once the king of Turuskas at Garjanaka (Gazani), in hostility with Psthviraja, invaded Yoganipur. He, however, was captured alive by Pothviraja but through the order of the mother of Pithviraja he was released. Pratapasimha, the spearman, used to go to Gazani to realise the taxes levied over it. Once he distributed the coins of gold among the destitutes in the name of ill-stars of the king Psthviraja. By this and other acts he became very favourite to Psthviraja. In order to avenge the enmity with minister Kainvasa he falsely complained to the king that this minister every now and then calls the Turuskas to attack us. Thereupon, the king wanted to kill the minister but he failed in his attempt. This plot, however, became known to the bard named Candabaliddika. The bard, by means of two stanzas, tried to show the higher qualities of the minister Kainvasa, but the king did not heed. He dismissed the services of the minister and expelled the bard. Then a new minister was appointed. The king had imprisoned a nephew of Pratapasimha whom he did not release. Pratapasimha, thereupon, called upon the Sultan to invade the land of Psthviraja. At one occasion he suddenly attacked him and killed many Cahamana heroes. Prthviraja fled away mounted on his horse named Natarambha, but he was caught while escaping. Fettered he was brought before the Sultan at Yoganipur (then in the possession of Sultan) and was asked what he would do if he should set him free. He told that he had released him (Sultan seven times; he may, therefore, be set free for one time. This request, however, was rejected. At certain occasion, Psthviraja, in the same condition, planned to kill Sultan; he, however, failed and contrary to this he was with great cruelty put to death by Sultan in V.E. 1246. The Hammira-mahakavya relates a long story of this battle: 1 SJGM., I, pp. 116-118. ? SJGM., I, PP. 116-118.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 139 "The kings of the west suffering greatly at the hands of Sihab-uddin came to Pithviraja headed by Govindaraja. They reported the matter of the harassment at the hand of Sihab-ud-din who had destroyed the kings, pillaged and burnt most of their cities, defiled their women and reduced them altogether to a miserable plight. Sihab-ud-din had, at that time, established his capital at Multan. Prthviraja, filled with anger, set out for Multan with an efficient army. In the battle which ensued Ppthviraja took Sihab-ud-din captive. He obliged the haughty Muhammadan on his knees to ask forgiveness. Then he allowed him to go free to Multan. Sihab-ud-din, though not ill-treated, felt bitterly mortified at the defeat he had sustained. Seven times after this he advanced on Psthviraja to avenge his defeat, each time with greater preparations than before, but each time was signally defeated by Psthviraja. Eight times he invaded with the aid of the king of Ghataika (modern Kumberi) and at once captured Delhi. The inhabitants were panic-stricken and fled from the city in every direction. Psthviraja at that time was surprised, but, elated with his former victories, encountered the enemy with small force. This time Sihab-ud-din won over from their allegiance, the king's master of the horse and the royal musicians, with promises of large sums of money. He then sent a large number of his Muhammadans secretly to the enemy's camp, who entered it early in the morning. All was now uproar and confusion in the king's camp. While the king's followers were thus preparing to meet their assailants, the disloyal master of the king's horse, as advised by his seducers, saddled and brought forth a horse styled Natyarambha (leader of the dance) and when the king had mounted the musicians began to play upon their instruments tunes that were the king's favourites. At this the royal horse began to dance proudly. The king was diverted with this performance for a time and forgot the all-important business of the moment. The Muslims took advantage of this opportunity and made a vigorous attack. The Rajputs under these circumstances could do little. Seeing this, Psthviraja alighted from his horse and came on the ground. With the sword in his hand he cut down many Muslims. Meanwhile a Muslim, taking the king unawares, threw from behind his bow round his neck and drew the king prostrate to the ground, while others bound him captive. From this time the royal captive refused all food and rest.

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140 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Prthviraja, before he set out to encounter Sihab-ud-din, had commanded Udayaraja to follow him to attack the enemy. Udayaraja reached the battlefield just about the time when Prthviraja had been taken as captive. Udayaraja, at last, laid siege to the city of Yoginipur and set before the gates for a whole month fighting day and night. One day during the siege, it was suggested to Sihab-ud-din that he should release Prthviraja for once, who had several times taken him captive and then dismissed him with honours. Sihab-ud-din was not pleased with this idea, and ordered that Prthviraja should be taken into the fortress. Prthviraja, a few days after this, breathed his last and went to heaven. Udayaraja with all his followers died fighting,1 How far these descriptions of the war given by the Jain writers are correct, we have no documentary evidences or other literary sources to corroborate. At any rate, some of the facts narrated therein have really something to their support. The minister Kainvasa is certainly an historical person as he is identical with Kadambavasa mentioned in the Prtkviraja-vijaya. Candabaliddika was the famous court bard of Prthviraja who is supposed to have been the writer of the famous bardic poem Prthviraja-raso, The two stanzas (in Apabhramsa) spoken by him in the praise of Kainvasa are found in the present Prthviraja-raso with slight changes, which also indicate that a pretty good portion of the present Prthviraja-raso must have been composed in those early days." To the fact that Sihab-ud-din made several invasions, in number twenty-one or seven, we have no contemporary evidences, but the fact that he invaded once before the final battle was fought, is proved by the testi mony of the Pythviraja-vijaya, which states that due to the skill of Kadambavasa, the minister, the Ghori has been vanquished without any imperial effort. The Muslim accounts also support that in the first battle the Sultan-iGhazi was wounded by Govindarai of Delhi and that he returned to Ghazni chased by the victorious Cahamanas." He, however, in the last battle, fought in A.H. 588 (A.D. 1192) came with completely reorganised forces. Rai Pithora, who was riding an elephant, dismounted and got upon a horse and 1 Canto III, Vs. I-72. 2 JRAS., 1913. p. 277. * SJGM., II, Introduction, pp. 8-9. 3 4 JRAS., 1913, p. 280. 5 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, I, pp. 475-76.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 141 fled from the field until, in the neighbourhood of the Sarsuti, he was taken prisoner and they despatched him to hell, and Govindarai of Delhi was slain in the engagements. The seat of government, Ajmer, with the whole of the territory, such as Hansi, Sarsuti and other tracts, was subjugated. We have no evidence that Prthviraja was ruling at that time at Yoginipur (Delhi), but Delhi was, no doubt, under his dominion. The battle was fought, according to the Jain sources, in the year V.E. 1248,2 a fact which finds support from the Muslim sources too. They record the year 588 H. corresponding to A.D. 1292 (V.E. 1248). The manner in which Prthviraja ended his life also finds support from the Muslim sources. According to the Taj-ul-Ma'asir, he appears to have been taken prisoner but managed to obtain his release or at least immunity from punishment. But on account of his ancient hatred against the Muslims, he appears to have been detected in some intrigues. Orders were, therefore, issued for his death; the sword severed his head from his body.3 We find some of the copper coins with the legend Psthvirajadeva on one side and Sultan Muhammad Sam on the other which would suggest that Psthviraja might have remained for some time as a captive or vassal of Sihab-ud-din, and during that period he must have got time for intrigue. This war practically annihilated the fortunes of the Cahamanas of Sakambhari. Hariraja (1193-1195 A.D.): The Prabandha-kosa and the Hammiramahakavya state that Prthviraja was succeeded by Hariraja.* According to the Pythviraja-vijaya Hariraja was the brother of Prthviraja. The Hammira-mahakavya says that when Hariraja learnt the sad news of the death of Psthviraja his sorrow knew no bounds. With tears gushing from the eyes, he performed the funeral ceremonies for the deceased monarch and then ascended the throne. It is further stated that he was a lustful man. He spent most of his time among dancing girls. Most of his revenues were squandered on musicians and dancers and nothing was left to pay the salaries of the servants of the state, who naturally were disgusted with the king and his manners. His subjects were dissatisfied. At last he was attacked by Sihab-ud-din. As a last resort, Hariraja determined to perform the 1 Ibid., pp. 465-69. 2 SJGM., X, p. 45 : Ibid., VI, p. 134, See supra, p. 137. 3 Elliot, II, p. 214- 15. 4 SIGM, VI, p. 134; HMK., Canto III, V. 74.

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142 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Saka. He gathered together all the members of his family, and ascended the funeral pile along with them and so went to the other world. The Tantoli image inscription discovered in the estate of the same name, in the district of Ajmer dated V.E. 1251 (c. 1194 A.D.) in the reign of Hariraja," shows the correctness of the tradition recorded by the Hammira-mahakavya of Nayacandra. The Taj-ul-Ma'asir of Hasan Nizami says that in A.D. 1193 Hariraja drove out Pithviraja's son (Govindaraja) from the throne of Ajmer on which Sihab-ud-din had placed him after Psthviraja's death and not only proclaimed his independence but also advanced towards Delhi to recover it from Qutb-ud-din Aibak. It was in A.D. 1199 that Hariraja was finally defeated and Ajmer was annexed by Qutb-ud-din. II. THE CAHAMANAS OF RANATHAMBHOR Govindaraja: The Hammira-mahakavya states that after the death of Hariraja, his followers resolved to abandon the country and go and live under the protection of Govindaraja, the son of Psthviraja who, after his exile from the kingdom by his father, had acquired a new kingdom through his valour and established his capital at Ranathambhor. We have already seen from the Muslim account that it was Hariraja who drove out Psthviraja's son from the throne of Ajmer," which is, most probably, a fact. The above statement shows the Ranastambhapur branch of the Cahamanas was established by Govindaraja after the death of Hariraja. Nothing is known of him from any sources. The Prabandha-kosa refers to his another name Rajadeva. Balhana: After Govindaraja, Balhana succeeded to the throne, says the Hammira-inahakavya. The Prabandha-kosa also confirms it." Balhana had two sons, Prahlada, the elder, and Vagbhata, the younger. Balhana ruled for some time as a feudatory of Shams-ud-din Iltutmish. The fact has 1 Canto III, Vs. and Canto IV, Vs. I-19. 2 RMR., 1911-12, pp. 2, 5. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 268, fn. 16; EI., XIX, p. 47. 4 Canto IV, Vs, 20-26. 5 DHNI., II, p. 1093, fn, 5. 6 SJGM., VI, p. 134. ? Canto IV, Vs. 32 ; SJGM., VI, p. 134.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA been corroborated by the Manglana stone inscription dated V.E. 1272 (1215 A.D.). According to the Prabandha-kosa his title was Babariyala." Prahlada: Prahlada was a just king. He ruled mildly; his subjects were contented. He was very fond of hunting lions and he died too in that venture." The Prabandha-kosa, however, does not record his name. Viranarayana and Vagbhata: Viranarayana, the son of Prahlada, succeeded Prahlada. It is stated that from his very childhood he was naughty and unmanageable. The Hammira-mahakavya refers to a war between him and the Muslim prince Jalal-ud-din at the time of the former's marriage; but neither party obtained success. After some time Jalal-ud-din determined to entrap him into his power by a stratagem and he succeeded. Before any event took place, there was some misunderstanding between Viranarayana and his uncle Vagbhata, and, thereupon, the latter left the place and departed for Malava. Jalal-ud-din availed of the opportunity, invited Viranarayana at Yoginipur and received him with great pomp and show. After a few days' hospitality, however, the prince was poisoned and he died. The Muslim prince captured Rapathambhor and sent a message to the king of Malava to kill Vagbhata but Vagbhata discovered the plot. He murdered the king of Malava and with the assistance of the Rajputas and Kharpuras (a Mangol tribe) attacked and captured Ranathambhor.* It was Vagbhata's policy to station large forces at different posts along the frontier and thus to keep off his enemies. He died after a happy reign of twelve years." Some scholars identify this Jalal-ud-din of Yoginipur mentioned in the Hammira-mahahavya, with Shams-ud-din Iltutmish (1211-36 A.D.), whose officers, according to the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, took the impregnable fort in 623 A.H. (1226 A.D.). This assumption is also confirmed by the Jain work Prabandha-kosa which states that Viranarayana died in the war with the Turuska Samasadin (Samus-ud-din.) Nothing is known about the prince of Malava who was killed by Vagbhata for the history of that region during 1 IA., 1912, pp. 85-98. 2 P. 134. 143 3 HMK., Canto IV, Vs. 43-72. 4 Canto IV, Vs. 72-126. 5 Ibid., V. 129. DHNI., II, p. 1095. SJGM. VI. p. 134 vIranArAyaNaH tu samasadIna yuddhe mRtaH /

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144 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the last quarter of the 13th century is extremely obscure. The fact that Vagbhata was really a ruler of Ranathambhor is proved by the Balvan stone inscription of Hammira, the last Cahamana prince of this line. The Prabandha-kosa and the Muslim Chronicles mention his name as Bahadadeva.? The Jain sources are not aware of his war with Ulugh Khan recorded by the Muslim Chronicles. Jaitrasimha: The Hammira-mahakavya and the Prabandha-kosa state that Jaitrasimhadeva succeeded his father, Vagbhata. No political event of his period is recorded in the Jain sources. His queen's name was Hiradevi." From her he had three sons Hammira, Suratrana and Virama. All of them were great warriors. In course of time, finding that his sons were now able to relieve him from the burden of government, Jaitrasimha one day talked over the matter with Hammira and after giving him excellent advice as to how he was to behave, he gave over the charge of the state to him and himself went to live in the forest. This happened in Samvat 1339 (A.D. 1283). Hammiradeva (1283-1301 A.D.): The Hammira-mahakavya records that Hammira ascended the throne in V.E. 1339 (A.D. 1283) and died in the 18th year of his reign (A.D. 1301), while the Prabandha-kosa mentions V.E. 1342 (A.D. 1286) as the year of his accession to the throne and V.E. 1358 (1301 A.D.) the year of his death in the battle.10 The Tarikh-i-Alai also gives the date of his death as A.H. 700 (1301 A.D.).11 From his Balvan stone inscription we, however, get the date V.E. 1345 (1289 A.D.).12 1 EI., XIX, p. 49., V. 6. 2 SJGM., VI. p. 134. Tes: ASISITI 3 Eliiot, Vol. II, pp. 370-71. 4 Canto IV, V. 131 ; SJGM., VI, p. 134. 5 Ibid., V. 133. 6 Ibid., Vs. 148-159. 7 Canto VIII, Vs. 72-105, 106. 8 Ibid., V, 56. JT Harga HTA A12 pauSyAM tithau helidine sapuSye daivjnynirdissttvle'lilgne|| 9 Introductory, p. 47. 10 SJGM., VI, p. 134: 197 238 TETTI 336 y a : 11 Ed., by M. Habib, Bombay, 1931. 12 EI., XIX, pp. 45-52.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 145 The Hammira-mahakasya, which has been composed after the name of this hero, gives an extensive description of his conquests as follows: "He first came in conflict with Raja Arjuna of Sarasapura and defeating him reduced to submissiion." This war is corroborated by his Balwan inscription noted above. Then in a series of wars he subjugated the princes of Gadhamandala, Bhoja of Dhara, the king of Medapata, the king of Abu, Tribhuvanadeva of Kankroli.? We, however, have no support for this statement. During these expeditions he visited several holy places like Ujjain where he worshipped Mahakala; Abu where he worshipped Rsabhadeva and paid his devotion to Acalesvara; Puskara where he worshipped Adivaraha. He plundered the cities of his enemies and recovered from them many rich gifts. After having accomplished these brilliant successes Hammira returned to his capital and was received pompously by his officers.3 After some days he performed a sacrifice called the Koti Yajna and sumptuously feasted the Brahmanas and gave them handsome daksinas. To crown all these religious performances he observed munivrata for a whole month." In the meantime Allavadina (Ala-ud-din), the ruler of Delhi, ordered his younger brother Ulugh Khan to invade the land of Cahamanas, on the plea that Hammira had ceased to pay the tribute, which his father used to pay. According to same authority Hammira was attacked three times by that Muslim king. In the first battle, Hammira's able generals repulsed the attack of the enemy near the Hindavata pass, but Bhimasimha, one of the two generals of Hammira, was wounded, and killed. Hammira, when he heard of the death of his general Bhimasimha, punished another general Dharmasimha for deserting him and made him blind. Dismissing him from the service he appointed a person by name Bhoja for that post." Then began the dissensions and treachery in the Cahamana court. Radhadevi, a courtesan, played a part to restore Dharmasimha to his former post. Neglected in many ways, Bhoja joined 1 Canto IX, Vs. 15, 16. 2 Ibid., Vs. 17-47. 3 Ibid., V. 52. 4 Ibid., Vs. 77-99. 5 Ibid., Vs. 100-103. . Ibid., Vs. 106-149. 7 Ibid., Vs. 151-154. 8 Ibid., 155-174.

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146 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the Muslim king and instigated him to invade the country.' This time. Ulugh Khan invaded Hammira's country with an army of 100,000 horses. The Rajputs, however, fought this battle with great strategy and caused the enemy to flee. The estate of treacherous Bhoja was also captured." Thus, dejected by these two defeats, Ala-ud-din called upon all the subordinate princes to join him in a war against Hammira. This time, with this mighty concourse, Nasarat Khan and Ulugh Khan, the two brothers, started for Rapathambhor." In a desperate struggle, NasaratKhan was killed." Alarmed by the critical situation, Ala-ud-din himself came and led the army to the gates of Rapathambhor's fort and besieged it. But all his attempts to take the fort were frustrated. Then he began with his schemes of seduction and broke open some of the keymen of Hammira to his side. In the meanwhile, all the provisions ex hausted in the fort. Harassed by the interval intrigues and thus deserted by all the faithful servants, Hammira sallied out of the fort and fell upon the enemy. Before this all the females of his family perished on the funeral piles. A deadly hand-to-hand struggle ensued. All his heroes. fell fighting. Lastly, fell the mighty Hammira pierced with hundred arrows. Disdaining to fall in the hands of enemy, he severed his head from his body with his own hand and thus terminated his existence. He died in the 18th year of his reign, in the month of Sravana. The Muslim sources lend support to the above account given by the Hammira-mahakavya. In his Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi, Barani relates that the attack on Rapathambhor began as early as the reign of Jalal-ud-din Firuz (1290-1296 A.D.). The Sultan in A.H. 689 (A.D. 1290) led an army to Ranathambhor. The Rai of the place, with his Rawats and followers and with their wives and children, took refuge in the fort of Rapathambhor. The Sultan wanted to besiege and conquer the fort, but finding that it could not 1 Canto X, Vs. 8-31. 2 Ibid. Ibid., 36-68. 4 Ibid., V. 88. Canto XI, V. 7. 6 Ibid., V, 105. 7 Ibid., V. 103. Ibid., Vs. 29-89. Canto XIII, Vs. 1-125.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA be done without the loss of many precious Muslim lives, he raised the siege and departed to Delhi next day. Ala-ud-din (1296-1316 A.D.) soon after his accession renewed the efforts of his uncle to take the fort. During the first attempt in 1300 A.D. when Ulugh Khan and Nasarat Khan were besieging the fort, the latter was fatally wounded by a stone and died two or three days after. It was only after repeated attempts that the Sultan succeeded in reducing Ranathambhor. He slew Hammirdeo and placed the fort and all his territories under the charge of Ulugh Khan." A contemporary writer, Amir Khusrau, in his Tarikh-i-Alai, describes in some detail the siege of Rapathambhor. He says that Hindus bravely resisted all the attempts of the Muslims to capture the fort till no provisions remained in the fort. The Rai, seeing no hope of success, one night, lit a fire at the top of the hill and threw the women and children into the flames. Thereafter, with a band of a few devoted followers, he rushed upon the enemy and died fighting bravely. The strong fort fell to the enemy on the 3rd Zilkada A.H. 700 (July, 1301 A.D.)." Thus ended the last prince of Cahamana dynasty. We know nothing about his successors from the Jain sources. III. THE CAHAMANAS OF NADDULA Besides the stray references in the Jain literature we have more than a dozen Jain inscriptions belonging to this branch of the dynasty, which have enabled us to construct its history on some solid basis. Laksmana: There are two Jain records which provide the most valuable sources of information about the relations of this branch with the main line of Sakambhari. The Jain record, known as the Nadol copper plates grant of Rajaputra Kirtipala, dated V.E. 1218, traces its genealogy to Laksmapa, the son of Vakpatiraja Cahamana of Sakambhari. Another Jain record, the Sundha hill inscription (V.E. 1319), calls Laksmana as Sakambharindra." We know from the Bijolia Jain inscription and the Prthvirajavijaya-mahakavya that Vakpatiraja was succeeded by his son, Simharaja. The epithet Sakambharindra with Laksmana shows that he also might have been a claimant to the throne of Sakambhari being another son of Vakpatiraja. Elliot, III, pp. 178-79. 2 Ibid., pp. 146 ff. and 171-177. P. C. Nahar Jain Lekha-sangraha, I., pp. 210-211. 4 Ibid., pp. 70 ff.; see also ibid., pp. 253-58. See supra, p. 127. 147

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148 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES in the Puratana-prabandha A romantic story is narrated about him sangraha which runs as follows: Lakhana (Laksmana) migrated from his ancesral home in search of a new dominion. It states that: Lakhana went abroad to earn his livelihood with his wife and a servant of low caste. On his way he took rest in a temple at Naddulapura. He killed at night, some of the men of Meda tribe who used to create trouble in that locality. He was established there by the people whom he had protected and thus he, by his influence, carved out a principality around it. He married there a daughter of a rich mercant. The sons born from her were classed as merchants and the sons born from his former wife were classed as Ksatriyas. This statement of the Prabandha is strikingly corroborated by an inscription on the Suraj-pol at Nadol, which is reported to have been erected by him, contains his name, showing the authenticity of the tradition that he really established himself in that town. The fort of Nadol, which bears his name and which is said to have been constructed by him, also connects him with Nacdula. Two records have been referred to by Tod which give us his dates as V.E. 1024 (c. 967 A.D.) and 1039 (c. 982 A.D.). No political event of his reign has been recorded by the Jain sources. Sobhita: Laksmana had two sons. One was Sobhita or Sohiya, adorned with all the qualities and best among the kings and the other was Vigrahapala according to the Jain copper plate from Nadol. The Sundha hill record states that he had taken away the glory of the Lord of Himadribhava (i.e., Mt. Abu). We know that the Paramaras of Candravati were ruling over the region of Abu at that time. In my opinion the king of Abu may have been the successor of Adbhuta-Krsnaraja I, whose known date is V.E. 1024 (967 A.D.). He may be the contemporary of Laksmana, the father of Sobhita. Baliraja: Sobhita was succeeded by his son Baliraja, who was an abode of depth and patience according to the Sundha hill inscription. The same authority credits him a victory over the army of Munjaraja, undoubtedly i SjGM., II, pp. 101-2. 2 DHNI., II, p. 1105. 3 EI., XI, p. 66 ff., V. 2. * Ibid., XI, pp. 76-77, V. 7.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA the Malava Paramara of that name (c. 974-95 A.D.). The Bijapur Jain inscription from Hathundi-shows the possibility of this conflict between the two by stating that Munja attacked the confederacy of kings at Medapata and destroyed Aghata. Baliraja may have been one of the members of confederacy. Makendra: Since Baliraja had no son, he was succeeded by his uncle's son Mahendra." This Mahendra is identical with the prince of that name mentioned in the Bijapur Jain inscription from Hathundi. He is stated there to have taken refuge with the Rastrakuta prince Dhavala (c. 997 A.D.), when he was troubled by Durlabharaja.1 This Durlabharaja has been identified with the Cahamana prince mentioned by that name in the Harsa stone inscription dated V.E. 1030. The Dvasraya-kavya states that Mahendra of Naddula gave his two daughters to the Caulukya Durlabha (1110-22 A.D.) and his brother Nagaraja." Ahila: Mahendra had two sons by name Asvapala and Anahilla. Asvapala's son was Ahila who, according to the Sundha hill inscription, is credited with a victory over an army of the Gurjara king Bhima' (c. 1022-64 A.D.). The names of Asvapala and Ahila have not been mentioned in the two Jain copper plates of V.E. 1218. But, if we read with the aid of the Sundha hill inscription, we must come to the above conclusion. 149 Anahilla: Since Ahila had no son, therefore, he was succeeded by his uncle Anahilla. The Sundha hill inscription informs us that he also defeated king Bhima, undoubtedly the Caulukya Bhima I." This shows that the rivalry with the Caulukyas continued during his reign. The same authority further states that he captured Sakambhari, killed the general (dandadhika) Sadha of the Malava king Bhoja (999-55 A.D.) and defeated the army of the strong Turuskas." These statements of the Sundha record show that this powerful king came in conflict with the three imperial powers of the time. They were Cahamanas of Sakambhari, the Caulukyas of Aphilavada and the 1 Ibid., V. 7. 2 EI., X, p. 17 ff., V. 10; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 234. 3 EI., IX, pp. 76-77. 4 EI., X. pp. 17 ff., V. II. 5 EI., II, pp. 116-130. See infra, Chapter on the Caulukya of Gujarata. EI., IX, pp. 76-77, Vs. 12, 13. 8 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 14. 9 Ibid., V. 17.

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150 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Paramaras of Malava. The struggle with the Cahamanas of Sakambhari seems to have been a retaliation for his father Mahendra. Victory over Turuskas indicates that he encountered Mahmud of Ghazni, when in 1024 A.D. he was advancing towards Patana, on his way to Somanath. The temporary achievements of this king, though made the fortunes of the family for sometime bright, were followed by evil consequences from which his successors suffered. Balaprasada: Anahilla had two sons Balaprasada and Jinduraja. He was succeeded by his elder son Balaprasada. The Sundha hill inscription contains a veiled information which indicates that Balaprasada had accepted the suzerainty of king Bhima.' It states that he got released a prince named Krsnadeva from prison pressing hard to Bhima by means of rubbing the feet (Caranayugalimardanavyajatah). We have elsewhere identified this Klsnaraja with Krsnaraja, the Paramara prince of Abu. Jinduraja: Balaprasada was followed by his brother Jinduraja who according to the Sundha hill inscription fought victoriously at Sandera (modern Sanderao in the Jodhpur division).3 With whom he fought is not mentioned in the inscription. He might have been a prince of the neighbourhood. Pythvipala: Jinduraja had three sons Psthvipala, Jojalla or Yojaka and Asaraja. He, however, was succeeded by his elder son Psthvipala who according to the above authority had defeated the army of Karna, apparently the Caulukya king, son of Bhima 1.4 Perhaps Psthviraja had done this by way of helping the Paramara ruler Udayaditya of Malava." Vojaka: Yojaka 'or Jojalla succeeded his brother Psthvipala whom the Caulukya king Karna reduced to vassalage on account of his brother Pithvipala's anti-friendly policy. The Sundha hill inscription mentions this event in a figurative term. Yojaka took joy in Anahillapura with his white umberella. One of his two inscriptions gives him the date V.E. 1147 (c. 1019 A.D.). 1 Ibid., V. 18. 2 See iufra, Chapter on the Caulukya of Gujarata. 3 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 20. 4 Ibid., V. 22. 6 See infra, Chapter on the Caulukya of Gujarata * V. 24: Saratan faTTaf: TFTTEGTETA I

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 151 Asaraja: After the death of Yojaka, his brother Asaraja, who was also called Asaraja, Asvaraja or Asvaka, succeeded him.' We have fortunately two dated Jain inscriptions of his reign from Sevadi (Jodhpur). The inscription number one is found engraved on the lintel of the doorway of Mahavira temple. It mentions Asvaraja as the Maharajadhiraja and his son Katukaraja as Yuvaraja. It gives the reigning year V.E. 1167 corresponding to the year 1110 A.R.? The other one has been found carved on the lintel of another cell in the front corridor of the temple of Mahavira at Sevadi. It gives the names of the predecessors of Katukaraja from Anahila; then his son Jinda and grandson Asvaraja. Katukaraja is recorded there to have granted annually 8 drammas to the Jain Thallaka of Sanderaka gaccha for the worship of Santinatha in V.E. 1172 (c. 1115 A.D.). The temple is said to be situated in the Bhukti of Katukaraja. These inscriptions show that Asvaraja's son Katukaraja as a yuvara ja helped him in the government." The Sundha hill inscription informs us that Asaraja gave assistance to Siddharaja, no doubt Caulukya emperor Jayasimha Siddharaja, in the land of Malava." This help was rendered perhaps in the struggle with Yasovarman. His another record known as Bali stone inscription is dated in the victorious reign of Jayasimhadeva in V.E. 1200 and refers to Asvaka as subsisting on his lotus feet. This shows that he was a feudatory of Jayasimha Siddharaja (c. 1094-1144 A.D.). From his inscriptions it appears that he ruled from V.E. 1167 to 1200 (1130-1143 A.D.) and enjoyed a long reign. It should be observed here that all the three inscriptions of his reign were discovered around Bali, in the Jodhpur division. Ratna pula: It, however, appears from the discovery of the Sevadi grant of Ratnapala dated V.E. 1176 (c. 1119 A.D.) that his long reign must have been interrupted by another claimant of the throne of Naddula. This grant records the genealogy of Ratnapala from Laksmana down to Psthvi 1 EI, IX, p. 66 ff., V. 4. 2 EL., XI, pp. 28-30; P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, 1, p. 226. 3 Ibid., pp. 30-32; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 226. 4 V. 26: t3ITITE THT HAA.... sAhAyyaM mAlavAnAM yadasikRtaM vIkSya siddhaadhiraajH| 5 EI., IX, pp. 32-33. & EI., XI, pp. 304-13.

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152 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES pala which shows that he was the son of Prthvipala, one of the elder brothers of Asaraja. The grant is dated in the reign of Maharajadhriraja Ratnapala at Naddula. This grant indicates that Asaraja had been ousted by his nephew Ratnapala or he did not rule at all from Naddula. The ousting seems likely to have occurred from the fact that we have no inscriptions of Ratnapala dated earlier than V.E. 1176 (1119 A.D.). The sudden appearance of this record in between those dated records of Asaraja must have some significance related to the fact of his ousting. The fact that Asaraja could not recover his lost throne, is proved by several Jain inscriptions of Ratnapala's son Maharajadhiraja Rayapala. The acceptance of vassalage to Jayasimha Siddharaja by Asaraja may have some connection with the attempts to recover the throne through the help of Jayasimha but it seems that it too proved futile. Rayapala: Nothing is known of Ratnapala from the Jain sources. Ratnapala was succeeded by his son Rayapala, though the Jain inscriptions do not mention even the name of Ratnapala, their relationship, however, has been established by the Mandor inscription. We have five dated Jain inscriptions of his reign bearing the dates from V.E. 1189 to 1202 (c. 1132-1145 A.D.), discovered from Nadlai in the Jodhpur division. They are given here in chronological order. The inscription (i) dated V.E. 1189 (c. 1132 A.D.) has been found incised on the lintel of two pillars in the. Sabhamandapa of a Jain temple of Adinatha. It records as grant made by Rudrapala and Amrapala, sons of Maharajadhiraja Rayapala conjunctly with their mother the queen Minaladevi.? The inscription (ii) has been discovered on a pillar in the temple of Neminatha. It records a gift by the Guhila Thakura Rajadeva for the worship of Neminatha in the reign of M. Rayapala. It bears the date V.E. 1195 (c. 1138 A.D.). The inscription (iii) bears the date V.E. 1200 (1143 A.D.) in the reign of M. Rayapala. It was found in the Adinatha temple. The epigraph (iv) is also dated in the same year as number (iii) and found engraved in the 1 DHNI., II, p. 2110. 2 EI., XI., p. 69, fn. I; also ibid., p. 307. 3 Ibid., pp. 34-36; Jain Lekha-sangraha, 1, p. 213. 4 Ibid., pp. 37-41; Jain Lekha-sangraha, p. 217. 5 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, p. 213.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 153 lintel in the same temple. It records a gift to the temple of Mahavira in the reign of the above king. The inscription is discovered on the same lintel as No. 4. It also records some joint gifts to the temple of Mahavira in the reign of the same king. It gives us the date V.E. 1202 (c. 1145 A.D.).2 These inscriptions show that his regin extended over a period of 13 years. We have three more inscriptions other than the Jain ones. They, however, do not give any specific information or dates. Unfortunately we do not find any indication of his political career from these inscriptions. Nevertheless we have the names of his queen and two sons recorded in one inscription. Nothing is known about them from any other sources, Katukaraja: Katukaraja, the son of Asaraja, was sharing the government with his father as we have mentioned above. We know the last date of his father as V.E. 1200. An inscription from Sevadi dated Simha Samvat 31 corresponding to V.E. 1200 (1143 A.D.) informs us that Katudeva still existed and had succeeded in capturing the ancestral seat, some time before that date. This inscription states that, in the above-noted years Katudeva was reigning at Nadol and his son, Yuvaraja Jayatasiha, was in charge of Samipati. After the above we have no Jain inscriptions of the members of this branch up to V.E. 1218 (c. 1161 A.D.) from Nadula. Instead of this we have discovered several inscriptions of Kumarapala Caulukya from that area. A Jain inscription dated V.E. 1213 in the reign of Kumarapala Caulukya informs us that the latter was the sovereign monarch of that territory.4 Several other inscriptions ranging from V.E. 1209 to 1216 definitely inform us that the principality of Nadol was governed by Kumarapala through his generals or governors. Alhanadeva: Asaraja had two sons Katukaraja and Alhanadeva. The latter is known as Alahadeva or Ahladana. We have already spoken of Katukaraja. The two copper plates Jain grants from Nadol, bearing the date V.E. 1218 (c. 1161 A.D.), informs us that Alhana was ruling over Nadol. 1 Ibid., pp. 213-14; see also El., XI, pp. 41-42. 2 Ibid., p. 214; see also ibid. 3 El., XI, pp. 33-34. 4 1A., XXXXI, p. 202 ; See also HIG., III, N. 148, K. pp., 168, 169. 5 HIG., Pt. III, pp. 170-176. * EI, IX, pp. 63-66. 20

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154 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES We have other inscriptions of this prince from Kiradu of the year V.E. 1209 (c. 1152 A.D.) and from Jhamvaria of the year V.E. 1216 (c. 1162 A.D.). The Kiradu inscription states that Maharaja Alhanadeva, who had obtained Kiratakupa, Latarhada and Siva through the favour of his sovereign (prabhu) on the above date on the day of Sivaratri, issued injunctions to the Mahajanas, Tambulikas and other subjects forbidding the slaughter of living beings on the 8th, 11th and 14th days of both fortnights of every month in the three towns mentioned above, on pains of capital punishment. This edict is called Amariruli (edict of non-slaughter). It also specified a scale of punishment for Brahmanas, priests, ministers and others. It was issued by the king with the approval of Maharajaputra Kelhana and Gajasimha 3 This inscription is very important from the historical as well as religious points of view. It gives us certain clues to the political events that occurred at that time. We know from the history of the Caulukyas that Kumarapala at the very start of his reign had to encounter his formidable enemy, the Cahamana ruler Arnoraja of Sakambhari. After having defeated him he might have thought to put a check upon all the growing and intriguing powers to the north of his territory. The Cahamanas of Nadol might have been among those powers. In consolidating his kingdom Kumarapala might have deprived them of their sovereignty. The reason for doing this seems most probably that Alhana's father Asaraja was the feudatory of Jayasimha, who disdained Kumarapala (Asaraja might have put certain hindrances in his way to obtaining the throne) and his cousin Ratnapala as well as his son Rayapala both were enjoying the sovereign power at Nadol. Both of them were, perhaps, a menace to Kumarapala in extending his imperial power. He, therefore, did his best to suppress them. The absence of the inscriptions of their successors in the area of Nadol confirms the fact that their power was for some time in abeyance." It was perhaps Alhana who, by the year V.E. 1209, got a small part of the territory of his ancestors from Kumarapala. The Kiralu stone inscrip 1 Ibid., XI, pp. 43-46. 2 JASB., 1916, pp. 101-102. 3 Ibid., IX, pp. 66-70. 4 See also HIG., II, p. 49 N. 148. 5 DHNI., II, p. 1115.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 155 lion (V.E. 1209) rightly demonstrates this. As to how he got this, we have certain indirect information from the Jain authority, the Sundha hill inscription. He is stated there to have aided the Gurjara king in putting down disturbances in the mountainous parts of Saurastra.The Nadol Jain copper plates grant of V.E. 1218 also refers to it. It was probably for this faithful service to his sovereign that he got a small principality. And our two subsequent copper plates Jain grants both dated V.E. 1218 (1161 A.D.) suggest that by that year he had pleased Kumarapala so much as to get his ancestral principality of Nadols restored to him. Below is the description of the two copper plates, Jain grants from Nadol:-- The first grant was discovered by Colonel Tod who presented it to the Royal Asiatic Society, London. It is a lengthy grant of 38 lines. It begins with Om namah Sarvajnaya and adoration to lord Mahavira. Then it traces the genealogy of Alhanadeva from Laksmana, omitting Ratnapala and Rayapala. It records that Maharaja Alhanadeva of Naddula in V.E. 1218 (c. 1161 A.D.), after worshipping the Sun and Isana and making gifts to Brahmanas and Gurus, granted a monthly sum of 5 drammas to a Jain temple of Mahavira belonging to Sanderaka gaccha from the office of custom-house in the Naddula talapada.* The second one was found in the possession of the Mahajanas. It is also a lengthy one, engraved on the two copper plates. It opens with Om Svasti and adoration to Brahma, Sridhara and Sankara in the form of Jains who are always free from passion. It then narrates the pedigree of this family from Vakpatiraja of Sakambhari to Rajakula Alhanadeva (omitting Ratnapala and Rayapala) and his three sons Kumara Kelhanadeva, Gajasimha and Kirtipala from his queen Analladevi of the Rastrauda family. It records that Alhana and Kelhana were pleased to give to Rajaputra Kirtipala 12 villages, adjoining to Naddulai (modern Nadlai). Kirtipala on the other hand granted a yearly sum of two drammas from each of his 12 villages to the Jina Mahavira at Nadlulai." These two Jain grants are very important from the genealogical point of view. Besides this they give the names of Alhama's three sons and queen 1 V. 33: frit arce fata F0ZAPOTETIETA T ET. etc. 2 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 210. V. 5: 379TE UPTOR SUTTET TIETTI 3 DHNI., II, p. 1117. 4 EI., IX, pp. 63-66; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, pp. 208-209, N. 839. 5 Ibid., pp. 66-70; ibid., pp. 210-211, N. 840.

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156 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES of Rastrauda family, most probably of the Hathundi branch of Rastrakutas. It also informs us that Alhana bore the ordinary title Maharaja. Though these grants do not refer to the sovereign king Kumarapala's name, the title Maharaja suggests to us that Alhana still continued to be subservient to him. Kelhana (1161-1192 A.D.): Alhana was succeeded by his elder son Kelhana. We are informed by the second grant of Nadol described above that, before V.E. 1218, Alhana made him in charge of his reign and with his father, Kelhana, gave 12 villages to his younger brother Kirtipala.? The Prabandha-kosa states that "the Cahamana king Anaka (Arnoraja) while attacking Kumarapala Caulukya created a split between Kumarapala and his allegiant vassals like Kelhana and others of Naddula by offering them large sums of money.3 The Dvyasraya-kavya also states that Kisna and Vijaya, the two Samantas of Kumarapala, had gone to the side of Arnoraja: Krsna of this statement has been identified by scholars with the Cahamana Kelhana. These statements from our Jain works confirm the conjecture which we have already made that Kumarapala put a check upon all the intriguing powers to the north of his territory and deprived the Caham nas of Naddula of their sovereignty. This statement also shows that Kelhana might have advanced in age when he succeeded his father, for we know that the war with Arnoraja had been fought before V.E. 1207 (c. 1150 A.D.), and according to the above statements Kelhana shared in it, which would mean that Kelhana was at that time an influential hero, most probably more than 24 years old. We have six dated Jain inscriptions of his reign. Below they are described in chronological order. (1) Sanderava stone inscription bearing the date V.E. 1221 (c. 1164 A.D.), was found incised on a lintel in the Sabha-mandapa of the temple of Mahavira. It records that in the reign of Kelhana, the queenmother Analladevi granted one plough of land of the Mulanayaka (chief deity) Sri Mahavira of Sanderaka gaccha. Others also granted so many gifts. 1 Ibid., Vs. 6 and 7. 2 Ibid., Vs. 8 and 9. 3 SJGM., V. I, p. 51. 4 Chunnilal Modi, Sanskrt Dvyasraya Kavyaman, Madhyakalina Gujaratani Samajika sthiti, p. 40. * EI, IX, p. 46-49: Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 229.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 157 (2) & (3) The two Lalrai stone inscriptions were discovered from the ruins of the Jain temple at Lalrai near Bali in Jodhpur division. Both bear the same date V.E. 1233 (1136 A.D.). The first states that in the reign of Kelhanadeva at Naddula the sons of Kirtipala named Rajaputras Lakhanapala and Abhayapala who were also the owners of Sinanava made a grant conjointly with the queen Mahibaladevi, in the presence of the village Pancakula for celebrating the festival of the God Santinatha. The second one is also a grant to the lord Santinatha in connection with the festivals of the Gujaras. It records the Rajaputra Lakhanapala and Abhayapala as the Bhoktas of Samnanaka. (4) Sanderava stone inscription (ii) bearing the date V.E. 1236 of the reign of Maharajadhiraja Kelhanadeva, has been found carved on a pillar in the Sabhamanda pa at the temple of Santinatha. It records the gift of a column and a house to the Tirthankara Parsvanatha worshipped at Sanderaka in the Bhukti of the queen Jalhana by Ralha and Palha.? (5) Saciyaya Mata inscription has been discovered at Osia in the temple of the family goddess of Osavala Jain named Sancika or Saciyayadevi, bearing the same date as No. 4 (V.E. 1236). It records the management of the temple of the said goddess made by the Gosthika people in the reign of Kelhanadeva. It also refers to his two sons Kumarasimha and Simhavikrama and younger brother Kirtipala. It also mentions Dharavarsa--most probably the Paramara chief of Candravati, (6) Paladi stone inscription has been discovered at Palasi near Sirohi. It is dated V.E. 1249 (c. 1192 A.D.) in the reign of Maharajadhiraja Kelhana. It records his son's name as Sri Jayatasimhadeva. It is a grant made to lord Mahavira by the Pancakulas, Valhana and others. These six inscriptions range from V.E. 1221 to 1249 (c. 1164-1192 A.D.). They, however, do not throw any light on the political career of Kelhana. We have six more inscriptions other than the Jain ones; they also do not record any achievement to his credit. An inscription from Bamnera bears a date only one year earlier than the Jain inscription of V.E. 1 Ibid., IX, pp. 49-51; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 231. 2 Ibid., pp. 51-52 ; Jain Lekha-sangraha, p. 229, 3 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, 198. No. 804. 4 Ibid., p. 73 ; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 265.

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158 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES 1220 (1263 A.D.) The other inscription from Nadlai bearing the date. V.E. 1228 (c. 1171 A.D.) shows that Kelhana was the feudatory of the Caulukya Kumarapala. The Saciyaya Mata inscription from Osia gives the name of his two sons who were in charge of Mandavyapura (Mandor). There Kirtipala is referred to Rajyavahaka (director of government). Dharavarsa is said there to have owed allegiance to Kelhana. An inscription from the village Jhalodi (Sirohi) bearing the dates V.E. 1252 and 1255, refers to Dharavarsa as the joy of the Paramara of the Candravati whose chief queen, Srigaradevi, was the daughter of the Mandalapati Kelhana. These two Jain epigraphs certainly show some relations between Kelhana and Dharavarsa. Dharavarsa the Paramara of Abu and Chandravati was a feudatory of the Caulukyas and so was Kelhana. Both, it seems, were connected with each other by a matrimonial alliance. Some light is thrown upon his political achievements from the famous Jain source the Sundha hill inscription, which states that Kelhana defeated the Deccan king Bhillama and after destroying the power of Turuskas, erected a golden Torana like a diadem for the abode of the holy Somesa. The Deccan king has rightly been identified with the Devagiri Yadava king Bhillama (c. 1187-91 A.D.) whose Gadag inscription is dated A.D. 1191. The Turuska king may be identified with Mu'izz-uddin Muhammad Ghuri (1173-1192 A.D.), whose reign makes him contemporary of Kelhana (1163-1192 A.D.). The conflict with Muslims is also testified by the Prthviraja-vijaya." Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar assumes that Kelhava fought with Muslims as a feudatory of Mularaja II (1176-1178 A.D.) which seems more probable." Kelhana had a son named Jayatasimha, known from the Paladi Jain inscription dated V.E. 1249. The Jain sources, however, are silent about the political history of Jayatasimha and his descendants. 1 Ibid., VIII, pp. 207-208. EI., XI, pp. 47-48. Arbudas Pr. Jain Lekha-sandoha, Pt. V, pp. 108-109, N. 311. 34. 4 V. 5 EI., IX, pp. 72-77. 6 See supra, p. 140. GMRI., p. 382.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHNA 159 IV. THE CAHAMANAS OF JALOR This branch of the dynasty was found by Kirtipala, one of the three sons of Alhana. In the later Jain inscriptions of his descendants this branch is called the Sonigaras? which may be said to have been derived from Suvarnagiri, the name of the hill fort of Jalor mentioned in some of the inscriptions of Samantasimha (1282-1302 A.D.) of this branch. Kirtipala: The Sundha hill inscription informs us that "as a Rajyesvara of Naddulai Kirtipala took his residence at Javalipura.When he took to his new residence cannot be known from the Jain sources but a Jain inscription of his son Samarasimha from Jalor, bearing the date V.E. 1239 (c. 1182 A.D.),t definitely shows that some time before or by that time Kirtipala must have shifted his residence to Jalor. The Jain grant from Nadol of the date V.E. 1218 (c. 1160 A.D.) and a Jain inscription from the temple of Saciyaya Mata at Osia dated V.E. 1236 (c. 1179 A.D.)" inform us that Kirtipala took part in the administration of his father and elder brother. As early as V.E. 1218 (c. 1160 A.D.) he had obtained 12 villages from his father and brother Kelhana over which he ruled. We also know from some of the inscriptions of Kelhana that Kirtipala was quite advanced in age, for his sons by the time V..E. 1233 (c. 1175 A.D.) were already enjoying the ownership of some of the villages, and they must have been over eighteen, the age of majority. The term Rajyesvara mentioned in the Sundha hill inscription may mean the Lord of the Kingdom of Nadol, but this literal meaning of the terni may not be applied here to Kirtipala who could not succeeed to the throne of Nadol in the lifetime of his elder brother or before transferring his residence to Jalor, for we know from the Jain inscription at Paladi noticed above that his eldest brother Kelhana was really the occupant of the throne of Nacol up to V.E. 1249 (1192 A.D.), which is certainly a later date by more than ten years, than the date of shifting the residence to Jalor by Kirtipala. The above term may also indicate that he might have been a claimant for the throne of Nadol, but this question does not arise before the death of Kelhana who was the real occupant or 1 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 205 N. 730. 2 Ibid., p. 240, No. 903. 3 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 36. * EI., XI. pp. 52-54; Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, p. 238. 5 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 198. 6 V. 36: TEST ferrarcari raggi frete tu:

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160 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES claimant of the throne. In my opinion the appropriate sense of the term. may be the highest honourable title to a man of the royal family who assisted in the administration in various capacities. Like the title 'Sarvesvara' to Lavanaprasada in the time of the Caulukya king Bhima II, this title might have some significance with Kirtipala who with his sons. assisted his elder brother by way of participating in the administration and various wars. From the Saciyaya Mata Jain inscription of Kelhana noted above dated V.E. 1236 (c. 1176 A.D.) and from the Jalor inscription of Samarasimha bearing the date V.E. 1239 (c. 1182 A.D.), it appears that Kirtipala must have shifted his residence between these two dates. As regards the political achievements of Kirtipala, Sundha hill inscription throws some light. It states that "he pierced with arrows a Kiratakuta prince by name Asala and defeated the army of Turuskas at Kasahrda."" Kiratakupa of this statement is obviously modern Kiradu. The Muhanota Nainisi informs us that when Kitu or Kirtipala Cahamana took possession of Jalor, the ruling prince there was the Paramara Kuntapala. We are informed by the Bijolia inscription that Vigraharaja (III), the Cahamana of Sakambhari, reduced him to a state of utter lancelessness and even set fire to his capital town Javalipur. Vigraharaja, as we know, was a contemporary of the Caulukya Kumarapala (c. 1144-73 A.D.) and so were Alhana and his two sons Kelhana and Kirtipala. This hard stroke at the hands of Vigraharaja must have rendered Kuntapala very weak and that was the reason why Kirtipala took no time in turning him out of Jalor soon after and establishing himself there as the founder of the Sonigara branch. The other place, Kasahrada, where Kirtipala defeated the army of Turuskas has been identified by Dr. Bhandarkar with the village named Kayadra (Sirohi) at the fort of Mt. Abu. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions the place by name. Godaraghatta. It seems that Kirtipala by way of assisting Mularaja II (1176-78 A.D.) must have fought with the Turuskas." Samarasimha: Kirtipala predeceased his elder brother Kelhaya who ruled upto 1192 A.D. and was succeeded by his son Samarasimha in V.E. 1 V. 36. 2 EI., XI, p. 74. EI., XXXVI, p. 84-112, V. 21. 4 EI., XI, p. 72; see also Vol. IX, p. 73. SJGM., I, p. 97. G GMRI., p. 342.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 161 1239 (1182 A.D.). He had two other sons, viz., Lakhanapala and Abhayapala and a daughter named Rudaladevi. Rudaladevi is stated in the Sundha hill inscription to have built a temple of Siva at Jalor. We have the following two dated Jain inscriptions of the reign of Samarasimha, both from Jalor. The first inscription was found incised on the two lintels of an old mosque, now used as the Topakhana. It begins with the adoration to Nabheya (Rsabhanatha), and gives the name of Anahila, then Alhana and Kirtipala in the pedigree of Samarasimha. This inscription bears the date V.E. 1239 (c. 1182 A.D.) in the reign of Maharaja Somasimhadeva, when his son Jojjala was also participating in administration. It records that a mandapa was constructed by Setha Yasovira of the srimala caste conjointly with his brothers and all the members of the gosthi.2 The second one was also found on a lintel in the second storey of the same Topakhana. It bears four dates. In V.E. 1221 Kumarapala Caulukya built a temple named Kumara-vihara on the fort by name Kancanagiri (Suvarnagiri) at Jalor and in V.E. 1242 that temple was rebuilt by the Bhandari Yasovira in accordance with the orders of the Cahamana Samarasimha in V.E. 1242 (c. 1185 A.D.). With the two other later dates referred to there, we have no concern here.3 From these inscriptions we have two dates of Samarasimha, one V.E. 1239 and other 1242 (1182 and 1185 A.D.). They are not politically important. Only his son Jojjala's name appears in the first inscription, who participated in his administration. The Sundha hill inscription gives more information about him. It states that he built extensive ramparts on the Kancanacala (Suvarnagiri) and founded a town Samarapur. He also weighed himself against gold on the Soma festival. Udayasimha: The Sundha inscription informs us that Samarasimha was succeeded by his son Udayasimha. But a Jain inscription from the Vimala temple at Mt. Arbuda dated V.E. 1378 mentions Mahanasimha as the son of Samarasimha. This Mahanasimha has been identified with 1 V. 41. 2 EI., XI, 52-54; Jain Lekha-sangraha I, pp. 238-39. 3 Ibid., p. 55; Ibid., p. 239. 4 Vs. 38, 40. 5 V. 42. 6 Arbud Pr. Jain Lekha-Sandoha, Pt. IV, p. 4. 21

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162 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Manavasimha known from another inscription found at the temple of Acalesvara of the same place bearing the date V.E. 1377. Both these Abu inscriptions supply us a genealogical list of Mahanasimha. His son and successor was Pratapamalla who was succeeded by his grandson Vijada. Vijada is said to have founded the Devada branch of the Cahamanas. The Jain inscription from Abu states that Vijada was the master of Marusthalimandala (Marwar). The same authority informs us that Vijada had three sons, but the Acalesvara inscription from Abu informs us that he had four sons, Lavanyakarna, Lundha, Laksmana and Lunavarman. When Lavanyakarna expired he was succeeded by his brother Lundha, who is said, in the Abu inscription of Vimala temple, to have defeated the powerful enemies and established his seat of power at Abu and with the help of his two sons ruled over that territory. We have shown elsewhere on the basis of this statement that Lundha and his two sons turned out the Paramaras of Candravati. We have, by way of introducing Mahanasimha, given some introduction of his successors. The Devada branch established by them flourished later than the thirteenth century. So we need not discuss it here. . Mahanasinha of the Abu Jain inscription seems to be the eldest brother of Udayasimha and possibly preceded him as a ruler of Jalor. We have no other information about Mahanasimha from the Jain sources. Udayasimha succeeded the throne of Jalor about V.E. 1262 (c. 1205). No dated Jain inscription of his reign has yet been discovered but from the literary sources of Jains, it appears that he enjoyed a long reign of more than 40 years. A colophon of a Jain MS. of the Nirbhayabhima-vyayoga, composed by the poet Ramacandra written in the reign of Maharajakula Udayasimhadeva, gives us one of his dates which is V.E. 1306 (c. 1243 A.D.). Jinadattasuri also wrote his Viveka-vilasa in the reign of Udayasimha but he does not give us any date.? The Sundha hill inscription enumerates several places over which Udayasimha ruled. They are, Naddula (Nadol), Javalipura (Jalor), Mandavya 1 EI, IX, p. 794. 2 V. 16. 3 Vs. 20-23 * See infra Chapter VIII, section on the Paramaras of Candravati. 5 Bhinmal stone inscription: BG., I, pp. 474-75, No. III. 6 SJGM., XVIII, p. 124, N. 202. ? EI., XI, p. 76: Bhandarkar's Search for Sanskrit MSS., for 1883-84, p. 156.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA pura (mod. Mandor), Vagbhatameru (mod. Barmer), Suracandra (mod. Surcand), Ratnahrada, Kheda (mod. Kher), Ramasainya (mod. Ramsen), Srimala (mod. Bhinmal), Ratnapura, Satyapura (mod. Sanchor) and others.1 This list demonstrates his extensive territory from Sanchor and Jalor in the south to Mandor in the north, comprising Nadol, the capital of his ancestors. The same authority mentions that his queen was Prahladanadevi who bore him two sons, Cacigadeva and Camundaraja.2 The Prabandha-kosa states that Udayasimha had a daughter who was married to Virama, the brother of the Dholka prince Viradhavala. The same authority indicates that Udayasimha was a feudatory of the prince Viradhavala. The Hammira-madamardana mentions one Udayasimha of Maru country as assisting Viradhavala (c. 1219-44 A.D.) against a Muslim invader. The Udayasimha of that Jain work may rightly be identified with this Udayasimha. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha records an interesting story of a struggle between the Caulukya Visaladeva and Udayasimha: "Nagada, was the minister of Visaladeva and Yasovira was that of Udayasimha. Nagada in his early life was obliged by an act of Yasovira and he promised him to repay that obligation. When the conflict started between the two masters, the ministers by their mutual understanding averted that calamity and saved the kingdoms. The same authority states that once the Turuskas, having destroyed Gujarata, returning on the way encamped at the village Sirana. Udayasimha fought there with them and made them flee. The chief Mallika by name Aibuka was killed there. After this event Sultana Jalaladin (Jalal'ud-din) invaded that country in V.E. 1310 and encamped on the top of the Suvarnagiri. This caused great anxiety to Udayasimha. He asked his son Bapada to make a treaty with the Suratrana. He went to him and a treaty was purchased on payment of 36 drammas." 16 As regards the confirmation of these facts we learn from the Sundha hill inscription that Udayasimha curbed the pride of Turuskas, which was not 1 V. 43. 2 V. 45. 163 "SJGM., VI, p. 125. 4 GOS., X, Act II, p. 11, V. 8. SJGM, II, pp. 49-51. 6 Ibid., p. 51 maMtriyazovIraprabandhaH /

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164 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES conquered by the Gurjara kings, and put an end to Sindhuraja." This shows that there must have taken place some skirmishes between him and the Gurjara king Visaladeva. Nagada and Yasovira were no doubt the historical persons proved by the epigraphical as well as literary evidences. Before saying anything about Turuskas, it would be better to identify Sindhuraja of the Sundha hill inscription. According to Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar he is identical with the late Cahamana Sindhuraja who is mentioned in the Hammira-madamardana as the father of Sangramasimha or Sankha. Dr. H. C. Ray thinks that there is a possibility of a king of Sindhu country which was not very far from the boundary of Udayasimha's kingdom. Except this we have no other information about this king. The struggle with the Turuskas is also supported by the Hammiramadamardana and the Muslim accounts. The former confirms this fact by stating the invasion of the Milacchikara which has been corroborated with the military campaign of the Delhi Sultan Iltutmish which he undertook in 1226 A.D.4 Hasan Nizami relates that the Delhi Sultan Shams-ud-din invaded Jalor some time between 1211 A.D. and 1216 A.D. It is further asfirmed that Udi Sah, the accursed, took to the four walls of Jaleswar, an extremely strong fortress, the gates of which had never been opened by any conqueror. When the place was invaded by Shams-ud-din, Udi Sah requested some of the chiefs of the royal army to intercede for his forgiveness etc. The Rai presented to him a rich tribute and the Sultan then returned to Delhi." But if we read the statement of the Hammira-madamardana with that of the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha, it appears that the struggle still went on and about 1226 A.D. Iltutmish undertook another campaign in which he is reported to have captured Mandor which was under the possession of Udayasimha according to the Sundha hill inscription. The Prabandha-kosa states that Udayasimha killed his son-in-law, in accordance with the order of Vastupala, the minister of Baghelas, but we have no support for the statement. On the other hand, we know from the Sundha hill inscription that it was Caciga, the son of Udayasimha, who killed 1 V. 46. 2 EI., XI. p. 76; GOS., X, p. 5. 3 DHNI., II, p. 1129, fn. 12. 4 See infra, Chapter X on Vaghelas. 5 Elliot, II, p. 238; See also T. F. Briggs' Trans., Vol. I, p. 207. 6 SJGM., VI, p. 125.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 165 Virama." The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha also confirms the fact.? Udayasimha is said to have been a scholar conversant with the great works of Bharat and others and to have built two Siva temples at Javalipura according to the Sundha hill inscription. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha mentions the name of one of his sons, Bapada, who may be identical with Vahadasimha mentioned in one of the Bhinmal inscriptions." Cacigadeva: The Sundha hill inscription says that Caciga succeeded his father. We have four dated Jain inscriptions of his reign. The first is the famous Sundha hill inscription of the date V.E. 1319 (A.D. 1262). It is a most important record, which helps us in constructing the history of this branch throughout. It was found engraved on the stone slab in the temple of Camunda at Sundha hill about 10 miles north of Jasavantapura in the district of same name in Jodhpur division. Though it is composed by a Jain suri Jayamangala of BIhadgaccha, it, however, begins with invocation to Sambhu and Parvati. It gives the genealogy of Caciga from the eponymous Cahamana, who was a source of great joy to the Rsi Vatsa. It gives valuable information about the individual kings of this branch which had not been recorded by the other authorities. The purpose of the inscription is to record certain religious deeds of Caciga. He is stated there to have remitted certain taxes at Srimala, granted funds at the city of Ramasainya for the worship of the god Vigrahaditya and visited the Sundhadri, where he established a mandapa at the temple of the goddess Camunda, known by the name of Aghatesvari.? The second one bearing the date V.E. 1323 (1264 A.D.) has been found at Jalor in the Topakhana. It records a gift given by Mah. Narapati to one Candana-Vihara belonging to Nanakagaccha in the reign of Maharaja Cacigadeva when Mahamatya Jaksadeva was transacting the business of seal. 1 EI, IX, pp. 76-77, V. 50. 2 SJGM., II, p. 67. 3 V. 46. 4 SJGM., II, p. 51. 5 BG., I, Pt. I, p. 481 ff. 6 V. 48. ? EL., IX, pp. 76-77, 8 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 240, No. 903.

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166 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The third one has been found at Ratnapura in the Jasavantapura, Jodhpur division, bearing the date V.E. 1333 (c. 1277 A.D.). It records that Mahantak Ghina, Udala and others granted a land to meet the expenses of the festival of Parsvanatha in the prosperous reign of Mahamandale vara Raja Sri Caciga when the prime-minister Jakha (Jaksadeva) and others were on duty 1 The fourth one was found at Bhinmal on the bank of Jaikop lake, incised in a fallen pillar. It is also dated V.E. 1333. It records that in the reign of Maharajakula Cacigadeva, during the term of office of the Panca mahantaka Gajasiha and others, the Naigama Kayastha Subhata made a grant for worshipping and services to the Tirthankara Mahavira.2 These inscriptions give us dates for his reign from V.E. 1319 to 1333 (c. 1262-1277 A.D.). But an inscription from Bhinmal other than the Jain ones informs us that he ruled from V.E. 1318 to V.E. 1334 (c. 1278 A.D.). Regarding his political achievements we get some light from the Sundha hill inscription. Caciga is stated there "to have destroyed the roaring Gurjara lord Virama, hated the enemy Salya, taken delight in felling the shaking Patuka, deprived the colour of Sanga and behaved like a thunderbolt to the mountain-the furious Nahara." We know of Virama of this statement, as a brother of Viradhavala from the Jain prabandhas, who was prevented from succeeding his brother Viradhavala due to the intrigues of the minister Vastupala. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha also states that Sri Caciga of Javalipur killed Virama at Sainvadighat. The identification of Salya is very difficult for we have no information about him from any sources. Patuka may be to some extent identical with Pataka mentioned in the Puritana-prabandha-sangraha as an inhabitant and rich man of the village. Palli in Marumandala. He seems from the story narrated there to have been an ordinary chief. Sanga of the Sundha hill inscription may be identified with one Sangana of Vamanasthali who is said to have been killed by Viradhavala. Caciga most probably was a feudatory of Viradhavala. The Ratnapur 1 Ibid., p. 248, No. 935. 2 BG., I, Pt. I, pp. 480-481, No. XII. 3 Ibid., pp. 481-83. No. XIII. 4 V. 50. 5 See infra, Chapter, X, section on Vaghelas. 6 SJGM., II, p. 67. 7 Ibid., II, p. 82. 8 SJGM.. VI, pp. 103-104.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 167 Jain inscription refers to him as Mahamandalesvara. We may assume here that he may have assisted Viradhavala in defeating Sangana. About Nahara we, unfortunately, have no information from other sources. Samanlasimha: According to the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha Cacigadeva was succeeded by Samantasimha. We have, fortunately, six dated Jain inscriptions of his reign ranging from V.E. 1345 to 1359 (1288-1302 A.D.). They are as follows: The first inscription bearing the date V.E. 1345 (1288 A.D.) has been found engraved on the pillar in the temple of Mataji at Hathundi in the district of Godwar (Jodhpur). It records that in the reign of Maharajakula Sri Samantasimha when Maharaja Lalana and others were in charge of Srikarana, an annual gift of 24 drammas was given for the worship of Lord Mahavira by Hemaka at the village Hathundi in the Naduula mandala." The second record was found at Ratnapur in the district of Jasavantapura at Jodhpura. It is dated in V.E. 1248 in the reign of Maharajakula Sri Samantasimha. It gives a detailed description of the grant made by the people of Gosthika for the worship of Parsvanatha.* The third one was found at Varmeda in the temple of Dharmanatha on the lintel of a Sabhamandapa. It records a gift given for the worship of two protecting religious deities related to the first Tirthankara at the Vahadameru (Varmeda) in the year 1352 during the reign of Maharajakula Samantasimha The fourth one of the same date has been found at the village Juna near Vadmera in Jodhpura division and records the same thing. The fifth record has been discovered at Jalor in the Topakhana bearing the date V.E. 1353 (c. 1296 A.D.). It records a grant made by Narapati with the other members of family for the welfare of his wife Nayakadevi to a temple of Parsvanatha at Suvarnagiri in the reign of Maharajakula Samantasimha when his son, Kanhadadeva, as subsisting on his lotus feet, was bearing the burden of administration.? 1 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 240, No. 903. 2 SJGM., II, p. 102: alfaTCT THE FFFUCT 3TTI 3 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 233, No. 897. 4 Ibid., p. 249, No. 936. 5 Ibid., p. 244, No. 918. 6 Ibid., p. 179, No. 749. ? Ibid., p. 240, No. 903.

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168 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The sixth epigraph has been found at Vaghina (Sirohi). It bears the date V.E. 1359 (1302 A.D.) in the prosperous reign of Maharaja Samantasimha. It records several small gifts at the festival of procession of Lord Santinatha at the village Vaghsina. From these Jain inscriptions we, however, do not get any substantial information of political importance about his reign. They also do not throw any light on the relationship between Caciga and Samantasimha. Moreover, they also do not mention the name of his father. The Prabandha-kosa, however, mentions that Samantapala, Anantapala and Trilokasimha, the three brothers of the same mother, were the sons (Dayada) of Udayasimha of Javalipura." If Samantapala of this Jain work be taken to be identical with Samantasimha of the inscription we may say that Samantasimha was the son of Udayasimha and thus a brother of Caciga. We know his early date V.E. 1339 (1282 A.D.) from a Bhinmal inscription which is other than the Jain one. Thus, it seems that he ruled from V.E. 1339 to 1359, a period of 20 years. According to the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha his son Kanhacadeva succeeded him. This Kanhadadeva can be identified with Kanerdeo, the Raja of Jalor who was a feudatory of Ala'ud-din Khalji (A.D. 1296-1316). Thus the Cahamana king known from the Jain sources are as follows. 1 Ibid., 267, No. 959. 2 SJGM., VI, p. 105. 3 BG., I, Pt. I, pp. 483-84, No. XIV. * SJGM., II, p. 102. $ EI., XI, p. 77; TF. Brigg's trans. Vol. I, p. 370 ff.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 169 I. The Cahamanas of Sakambhari II. The Cahamanas of Ranathambhor Cahamana Vasudeva Samantaraja Purnatalla Jayaraja Vigrahanlpa I Govindaraja (the son of Pythviraja) Gopendraka Balhana Candra Durlabha 1 Guvaka I Sasinrpa Guvaka II Candana Bappayaraja Vindhyanrpati Prahlada Jaitrasimha Vagbhata Hammira Virama Simharaja Laksmana Vigraha II Durlabha II Gundu Viryarama Camunda Simhata Durlabha II Visaladeva III Prthviraja I Ajayaraja Arnoraja Somesvara Jagadeva Visala IV Prthviraja II Apara Gangeya Prthviraja III Hariraja 22

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170 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES III. The Cahamanas of Naddula IV. The Cahamanas of Javalipura Sobhita Vigrahapala Kirtipala Samarasimha Baliraja Mahendra Udayasimha Mahanasimha Pratapamalla Vijada Asvapala Anahilla Caciga Samantasimha Balaprasada Jinduraja Kanhadadeva Pithvipala Jojalla Asaraja Rayapala Katukaraja Alhanadeva Kelhana Gajasiinha Kirtipala

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CHAPTER VIII 1. THE GUHILAPUTRAS OR GUHILOTAS The Jain sources also possess certain information regarding the history of Guhilotas. They, however, have no record of the origin of the family nor do they give correct genealogical list of some early members of the dynasty. Before dealing with the individual members of the dynasty we should know their early history. They are said to have been an ancient tribe. They originally belonged to Gujarata. Their earliest member Guhadatta (Guhita) flourished in c. 550 A.D. They seem to have migrated to Mewar as early as the first quarter of the 8th century A.D. and one of their early members, namely Bappa, was first to migrate. At first they were the feudatories of the Mauryas of Citor, then of Gurjara Pratiharas of Kanauj, and after the downfall of Gurjara Pratiharas of Kanauj, they were vassals of the three imperial powers, the Caulukyas of Anahilapattana, the Paramaras of Malava and the Cabamanas of Sakambhari. Their early attempts to secure a sovereign position were frustrated by the growing strength of these three powers. There are three sain inscriptions that confirm this fact. The Bijapur Jain inscription of Rastrakuta Dhavala states that the Paramara Munja vanquished Saktikumara, the Guhilot of Medapata. The capital Aghata (mod. Ahad) near Udaipur was also plundered. Saktikumara sought asylum with the Rastrakuta prince Dhavala of Hastikundi.? The Cirwa inscription composed by a Jain monk Ratnaprabhasuri informs us that the Malava Paramara Bhoja occupied Citor.3 The Citorgarh inscription of Kumarapala, composed by the Jain Ramakirti shows that Mewar was included within the Caulukya dominions during the first half of the 12th century. These facts show that they could get no chance to become independent sovereign rulers. But soon after the disintegration of the Paramara and Caulukya powers, they no doubt had certain opportunities to establish themselves as sovereigns. This tribe was scattered in various places and it established several principalities. Thus they were naturally divided among several branches. We, however, know something of Guhilaputras of Mewar and Naduladagika from Jain sources. 1 DHNI., II, pp. 1153-63. 2 EI., X, P. 17, ff. V. Io. 3 W2KM., XXI, PP. 142-62. 4 EI., II, p. 421. 5 DHNI., II, p. 1162.

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172 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES GUHILAS OF MEWAR: Founder of the Dynasty: As regards the genealogy of this branch we get some information from a Jain epigraph known as Rainpur Jain temple inscription of Kumbha bearing the date V.E. 1496 (1439 A.D.). It mentions Sri Bappa as first member of the dynasty followed by Guhila. This, however, seems to be erroneous, for, the earlier records of the family ascribe Guhila as the founder of this dynasty. Our two Jain inscriptions support this view. The Cirwa stone inscription of V.E. 1330 mentions Padmasimha, one of the members of this branch to have been born many years after Bappa of the Guhilangaja vamsa.The Citor stone inscription of V.E. 1335 states that Maharajakula Samarasimha was the ornament of the Guhila family. Thus they established the fact that Guhila, not Bappa, was the original member. Moreover, the Atpur epigraph of Saktikumara (V.E. 1034), the earliest record of this branch, supplies a regular genealogy of the family and traces the pedigree from Guhadatta." Besides this the list of those members who preceded Allata is not recorded correctly by the Rainpur Jain inscription. We know from other sources that 16 members preceded Allata, while this inscription mentions only 8 members before him without giving their correct succession which is rightly known from earlier inscriptions. Bharti patta: We, however, have no information about 16 predecessors of Allata from the Jain sources except that about Bhartapatta II, who founded the city of Bhartspura identical with the modern village of Bhatevar, which has given the name Bhartepuriya to a Jain Gaccha." Allata: Bhartspatta II is said to have been succeeded by his son Allata, according to the Ahar Saranesvara temple inscription of Allata dated V.E. 1008 (951 A.D.). The late G. H, Ojha refers to a damaged and fragmentary undated Jain inscription discovered in a small Jain temple at Ahar connected with Allata.? It states that Allata killed in fight his powerful enemy Devapala and also speaks of one Aksapatalika Mayura whose name 1 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, p. 165, No. 700. 2 WZKM., XXI, pp. 142-62. 3 JASB., Pt. I, pp. 18 and 48. 4 IA., XXXIX, pp. 186-91. 5 Vijayadharmasuri, Pracina Lekha-sangraha, p. 12, No. 39. 6 BI., pp. 67-69; I A., LVIII. p. 162. 7 HR., II, p. 428.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 173 occurs in the above Saranesvara inscription of Allata. Considering the period of Allata (951-953 A.D.) certain scholars have identified Devapala of this inscription with the Kanauj Pratihara of that name (c. 948 A.D.), son of Mahipala.1 Though we have no definite evidence to confirm this fact yet it is certain that Devapala was not a very powerful prince. Saktikumara: Allata was succeeded by Naravahana and he was succeeded by Saktikumara according to the Rainpur Jain inscription; but the Atpur (Ahur) inscription of Saktikumara, V.E. 1034 (c. 977 A.D.) inserts one Salivahana as father and predecessor of Saktikumara.? We know nothing of Naravahana and Salivahana from the Jain sources. Of the reign of Saktikumara we have two Jain inscriptions discovered at Ahar (Udaipur), though they are undated. Their period can be assigned with the help of another inscription of his reign dated V.E. 1034 (c. 977 A.D.) from the same place. Nothing particular of political importance has been recorded by these Jain inscriptions. But we know from the Bijapur Jain inscription that this prince was defeated by the Paramara ruler Munja and was protected by the Rastrakuta prince Dhavala." His Successors: Saktikumara was succeeded by his son Ambaprasada but the Rainpur Jain inscription omits his name and places his brother Sucivarman immediately after Saktikumara whereas the Citor inscription of V.E. 1331 mentions Ambaprasada as successor of Saktikumara and predecessor of Sucivarman. The Prthviraja-vijaya states that the Cahamana Vakpatiraja II killed him with his army. Sucivarman succeeded his brother Ambaprasada. After him in order of succession come ten princes, Kirtipala, Jogaraja, Vairata, Vamsapala, Vairisimha, Virasimha, Arisimha, Codasimha, Vikramasimha, Ranasimha, Ksemasimha, Samantasimha. But the accuracy of this order is very difficult to ascertain from the other sources. Moreover, none of the princes preceding Samantasimha appears to have been of importance and not a single inscription of these princes has been discovered. On the other hand, we know from the three Jain authorities noticed above that during this period from V.E. 1034 (c. 977 A.D.), the known I DHNI, 1, pp. 587 ff. 2 1 A., XXXIX. 186, ff. 3 HR., II, 434-437. 4 See infra, p. 181. 5 I A., XXII, pp. 80-81. 6 JRAS., 1913, p. 269. ? P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 164, No. 700. 8 See supra, p. 171.

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POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES date of the Caulukya Kumarapala, the land of Mewar was occupied by the Paramaras and Caulukyas. It is very strange to note that Ramakirti in his Citorgarh inscription of Kumarapala dated V.E. 1209 does not even hint at the existence of Guhila State.' Perhaps this would mean that during this period Guhilas had been reduced to such an insignificant position as not to deserve any mention in a record of royal victories. 174 Samantasimha: Onwards from Samantasimha we now reach the definite ground of information. The Jain inscription from Rainpur states. that Samantasimha succeeded Ksemasimhha who is known from other sources as the father of Samantasimha. Among his seven dated inscriptions discovered, we have one Jain inscription from Sanderava bearing the date V.E. 1258 (A.D. 1202)2 It has been found engraved there on a pillar of a Jain temple of Mahavira. This Jain inscription, as well as others, gives us dates of his reign from V.E. 1228 to 1258 (1171-1202 A.D.) but they do not yield any information regarding his political achievements. A Jain inscription from Lupiga temple at Mt. Abu dated V.E. 1287 (1230 A.D.) refers to one Samantasimha who is said there to have broken the power of the Gurjara king but could not succeed due to the offence made by Prahladana, the younger brother of the Candravati Paramara Dharavarsa (c. 1163-1219 A.D.). We have identified this Samantasimha with the above-noted Samantasimha of the Guhila family, whose period synchronizes with that of Prahladana. The Gurjara king has been identified with the Caulukya Ajayapala (1173-76A.D.). This fact revealed by the Jain inscription indicates that after the death of Kumarapala, Samantasimha Guhilota tried to recover Citor which was in the possession of Kumarapala. From Kumarasimha to Padmasimha: The Rainpur Jain inscription states that Samantasimha was succeeded by Kumarasimha who according to Acalesvara temple inscription of Mt. Abu (V.E. 1342) was the younger brother of Samantasimha." The same Jain authority mentions Mathanasimha as the successor of Kumarasimha who is stated as the son of Kumarasimha in the Acalesvara temple inscriptiion of Mt. Abu. Mathanasimha was succeeded by his son Padmasimha. Nothing is known about these princes 1 EI., II, pp. 421 ff. 2 ASI., WC, 1916-17, pp. 65-66; EI., XX, Appendix, p. 64, No. 446. 3 Ibid. EI., III, pp. 200-04, and 208-19. 5 See infra, Chapter IX, II, the Caulukyas of Gujarata. 6 IA., XVI, p. 345.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 175 except the information about Mathanasimha furnished by the Jain Ratnaprabhasuri in the Cirwa inscription. It is stated that Mathanasimha appointed Uddharana of the Tantarada family to the post of the Talaraksa of the city of Nagadraha (Nagada). Uddharana had eight sons of whom the eldest, Yogaraja, was appointed as Talara in the same city of Padmasimha. Jaitrasimha: Padmasimha was followed by his son Jaitrasimha of whose reign we have two dated colophons of the Jain MSS. The colophon of the MS. of the Dasavaikalika-sutra bearing the date V.E. 1284 (c. 1227 A.D.) was written at Aghatadurga (mod. Ahar) in the reign of Jaitrasimha. It gives to him the title Samastarajavali-samalankyta, Maharajadhiraja, and mentions the name of his Mahamatya Jagatsimha as carrying on the administration of the seals. The second colophon of the MS named Paksikavrtti was written at the same place in the year V.E. 1309 (c. 1256 A.D.) in the reign of the same king. It gives him the title of Maharajadhiraja Bhagavannarayana and Daksina-uttaradhisa-manamardana and mentions his heir-apparent's name Tejasimha. Vilhana was in charge of transacting the business of the seal.* These two colophons record the two dates of his reign V.E. 1284 and 1309, but his two inscriptions give him two early dates V.E. 1270 and 1299. As we shall see that a colophon of the Jain MS. gives V.E. 1317 (1260 A.D.) as the date to his son, it is most probable that his reign must have ended before that date -- some time between c. 1218 and 1260 A.D. Hence we may assign him a period of reign of more than 40 years. The titles mentioned above show him to be a powerful king who exerted considerable influence. By V.E. 1309 his son also began to participate in his administration. Ratnaprabhasuri in his Cirwa inscription informs us that "the pride of Jaitrasimha has never been lowered by the princes of Malava, Gurjara, Maru, Jangala and the Mlecchas". Regarding the struggle with the prince of Malava the same authority states that Madana, the grandson of Yogaraja, as officer of Padmasimha, fought in the battlefield of Uttunaka on behalf of Jesala against the Pancagundika Jaitramalla. We may, however, identify 1 WZKM., XXI, p. 142 ff. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 116. 3 Prasasti-sangraha, Pt. I; see also SJGM., XVIII, p. 125. 4 WZKM., XXI, p. 142 ff. V.6. 5 WZKM., XXXI, p. 142 ff. V. 6.

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176 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Jesala with the Guhila prince Jaitrasimha and Jaitramalla with the Malava prince Jaitugideva (1239-43 A.D.), both of them being contemporaries. As regards the conflict with the prince of Guriara, we are informed by the Hammira-mada-mardana that in the joint effort of Viradhavala Caulukya against the Turuskas the Mewar king Jayatala could not join on account of the pride of his valour. The reference to the struggle with the princes of Maru and Jangala indicates that he must have fought with the successors of the Cahamana Pethviraja II and his brother Hariraja. The Abu Acalesvara temple inscription of Samarasimha dated V.E. 13422 informs us that Jaitrasimha destroyed the Cahamana of Nadol, most probably the Javalipura Cahamana Udayasimha who is said to have possessed Nadol also. The war with the lord of Mlecchas may be confirmed by the statement of the Hammiramada-mardana, which describes in detail the invasion of the territories of Jayatala the lord of Mewar by the Turuskaviras under Milicchikara. The late Pt. Ojha pointed out this Milicchikara to be identical with the Sultan Iltutmash (1211-36 A.D.) who bore the title of Amir Shikar.3 The Cirwa inscription referring to this war states that Pamparaja, a son of Yogaraja, the Talara appointed by Padmasimha at Nagadraha, was killed when that city was destroyed by the soldiers of the Suratrana.4 It seems that both the Jain authors of the above-noted work and the inscription refer to the same invasion. The Hammira-mada-mardana, however, shows that this prince of Mewar could not have been defeated by the Turuskas. We have elsewhere discussed, on the basis of the Cirwa inscription, a struggle of Jaitrasimha with Tribhuvanapala Caulukya. These struggles naturally indicate that Jaitrasimha was a powerful ruler and ruled for a considerable period of time. Tejasimha: Tejasimha was the son and successor of Jaitrasimha of whose reign we have three dated Jain records. The first is a colophon from the Jain MS. named the Sravaka Pratikramana-sutra Curni bearing the date V.E. 1317. It was written at Aghata by Kamalacandra, disciple of Ramacandra in the prosperous 1 See infra, Chapter, IX, II, the Caulukyas of Gujarata. 2 HIG., III, No. 252. p. 71 ff. 3 HR., II, p. 467. 4 WZKM., XXI, p. 157, V. 16. 5 See infra, Chapter, IX, II, the Caulukyas of Gujarata. 6 Ibid. 7 SJGM., XVIII, p. 126.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 177 reign of Tejasimha who was adorned with the titles Maharajadhiraja, Paraniesvara, Paramabhattaraka, Umapati-varalabdha, Praudhapratapasamalarkyta while his Mahamatya Samudhara was in charge of transacting the business of seal. The second one is an inscription dated V.E. 1322 (c. 1265 A.D.). It was composed by the Ratnaprabhasuri of Caitragaccha and has been found in the village of Ghaghsa near Citor. It traces the genealogy of Tejasimha from Padmasimha. The third one, an epigraph dated V.E. 1324 (c. 1267 A.D.) has been discovered at Citor engraved on a stone fixed on an arch of the bridge on the Gambhiri river near Citor. It is said that this stone originally belonged to the temple of Mahavira, at the Talahattika of Citrakutamahadurga. It mentions Hemacandrasuri and others of the Caitragaccha in the reign of the Maharaja Sri Tejasimhadeva." From the above three Jain records we get the dates of Jayasimha's reign ranging from V.E. 1317 to 1334 (c. 1260-67 A.D.). One colophon of 1309 of the reign of Jaitrasimha informs us that Tejasisha was a crown prince of Jaitrasimha which shows he was participating in the administration of his father. His titles given in the Jain colophon indicate that he must have enjoyed sovereign power and owed allegiance to none. The adoption of the epithet Umapativaralabdha-praudhapratapa of the Caulukya rulers shows that after the death of Bhima II (1178-1241) the sovereignty of the western India must have been divided between the two powers, the Vaghelas, the successors of Bhima's kingdom, and the Guhilotas of Mewar. He was a contemporary of Vaghela prince Visaladeva. Our Ratnaprabhasuri in the Cirwa inscription says that he was honoured by Visvaladeva and Tejasimhadeva both.' Tejasimha is mentioned in the Rainpur Jain inscription as Tejasvisiinha." He was followed by his son Samarasimha of whose reign we have two dated Jain records. The first epigraph is the Cirwa stone inscription composed by the Jain Ratnaprabhasuri of Caitragaccha bearing the date V.E. 1330 (c. 1273 A.D.). It was found engraved on the outside of the door of the 1 RMR., 1927, p. p. 3. 2 Ibid., 1923, p. 3; JASB., LV. Pt, I, pp. 46-47. 3 See supra p. 175. 4 DHNI., II, p. II91-92. 5 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, 165.

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178 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES temple of Visnu at the village Cirwa, situated at a distance of 10 miles from Udaipur to the north of it. It traces the genealogy of Samarasimha from Padmasisha who is said there to have been born many years after Bappa of the Guhilangaja vamsa. It also gives the genealogy and history of the Talara Yogaraja of Tantarada family, whose ancestors were serving the Guhilas from the time of Mathanasimha in various capacities. The purpose of description is to record the erection of a temple of Siva by Yogaraja in the village of Cirakupa near Nagadraha (mod. Nagda) and certain grants made by his grandson Madana and his mother Hiru. The second inscription of V.E. 1335 has been discovered incised on a lintel of a Jain temple in the fort of Citor. The purpose of the inscription is to record the erection of a temple of Syama-Parsvanatha by Jayatalladevi, the queen of Tejasimha and the mother of Samarasimha and a grant of land made by Samarasimha to construct a monastery for Pradyumnasuri. Samarasimha is mentioned there as Maharajakula and the ornament of the Guhila family. From these inscription we get two dates of his reign, viz., V.E. 1330 and 1335. But the other published inscriptions of his period dated V.E. 1334, 1356 and 1358 show that he, like his grandfather, enjoyed a long reign of more than 28 years from V.E. 1330 to 1358 (1273-1301 A.D.). Though we have no information regarding his political achievements from these inscriptions, a contemporary Jain writer Jinaprabhasuri, the author of Vividha-tirtha-kalpa, informs us that when Ulugh Khan the younger brother of Ala-ud-din proceeded on his expedition against Gujarata in V.E. 1356 (c. 1299 A.D.) 3 Samarasimha, the king of Citrakuta, saved his country from devastation by paying homage to him. This fact is not stated by the Muslim historians, but it is reliable since it comes from a contemporary authority. The Rainpur Jain inscription of V.E. 1496 mentions Bhuvanasimha who was conqueror of the Cahamana Kituka and the Suratrana Ala-ud-din. But from the other sources it appears that Ratnasimha, the son of Samarasimha, was the successor of his father. His inscription dated V.E. 1359 (1302 A.D.) 1 WZKM., XXI, p. 142 ff. 2 IA., XXII, pp. 80-81 ; see also HR., II, p. 479. 3 DHNI., II, p. 1195. 4 SJGM., X, P. 30: fpecieaf FACITEIT TOE TE RE 7 fait

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 179 proves it. The name of Bhuvanasimha occurs in the Sisoda branch of Guhilotas." The statement regarding him from the Jain inscription referred to above, however, finds no support from other sources. It seems that he might have been a contemporary of Samarasimha, but it is certain that he did not succeed Samarasimha. According to the same Jain inscription Bhuvanasisha was succeeded by his son Jayasimha but the late Pt. Ojha places Bhimasimha between the two. The same Jain record states that Jayasimha was succeeded by Laksmanasimha, the conqueror of the Malava king Goga. Laksmanasimha was followed by Ajayasimha, who, in his turn, was succeeded by his brother Arisimha. The Kumbhalagadh inscription of V.E. 1517 seems to indicate that Laksmanasimha, after the surrender of Ratnasimha to Ala-ud-din, was raised to the throne of Mewar and so he and his sons reigned for a period before their deaths. Guhila-putras of Naduladagika: Only one member of this branch is known from the three dated Jain inscriptions of the reign of the Naddula Cahamana Rayapala (c. 1132-45 A.D.). The Nadlai stone inscription bearing the date V.E. 1195 from the Jain temple of Neminatha, already described elsewhere," mentions one Thakkura Rajadeva, son of Rauta (Rajaputra) Uddharana of the Guhila family who is stated to have granted 1/20th part of the income derived from the goods going to or coming from Naduladagika. It ends with the sign-manual of the donor-Svahastoyam Sabhijnana pur. vakam Rau Rajadeva. The other two Jain inscriptions from Nadlai dated V.E. 1200 and 1202 respectively of the same Cahamana Rayapala also refer to the gifts donated by one Rauta Rajadeva who in consideration of the matter of locality and time may be taken to be identical with that of the above inscription of the date V.E. 1195.7 Except his name and donations nothing more is known about him. 1 RMR., 1927, p. 3. 2 DHNI., II, p. 1205. 3 Jain Lekha-sangraha, p. 165, No. 700. 4 DHNI., II, P, 1205, 5 See supra, p. 152. 6 EI., XI, pp. 36-37; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 217. ? Ibid., pp. 41-43; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 213.

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180 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES II. THE RASTRAKUTAS OF HASTIKUNDI During the Rastrakuta invasion of Northern India certain Rastrakuta chiefs settled in Northern India and from them sprang several petty dynasties about which fortunately we have information from several inscriptions found in Northern India. About one of the branches of this family which settled in Rajasthana we know from a Jain inscription. This branch is named by the historians ast the Rastrakutas of Hastikundi. The inscription is called Bijapur stone inscription of Dhavala and it was discovered in a Jain temple situated in a lonely place about two miles from village Bijapur in the Bali district of the Jodhpur division.' It consists of two separate records incised on the same stone. The first contains twenty-two lines and is dated V.E. 1053 (997 A.D.) and the second eleven lines and is dated V.E. 996 (949 A.D.). Both seem independent of each other and open with the praise of Jain Tirthankaras or Jain religion.2 Verse 3 of the first record refers to a royal family but, unfortunately, the name of the family is lost. From verse 3 of the second record we know that the name of the family, definitely, was Rastrakuta. In verse 4, we are introduced to prince Harivarman and his wife Ruchi. From Harivarman sprang Vidagdha (v. 5) and from Vidagdha, Mammata (v. 8); from Mammata came Dhavala (v. 9) and Dhavala's son was Balaprasada (v. 19). The second part of the inscription seems older and it records only the first three members of the dynasty. The object of this inscription is to show that Vidagdharaja built a caitya grave at Hastikundi for his guru Balabhadra. The former prince in V.E. 973 granted certain donations, two-third of the proceeds of which was to go to the Jina (Arkat) and one-third to the guru Balabhadra as Vidyadhana. The grants were renewed by Mammata in V.E. 996. The nature of grant is described in verses 8-17. The first record supplies us certain material of historical value. It states that Dhavala gave shelter to the armies of a king whose name is lost. 1 JASB., 1893, Pt. I, pp. 308-14; EI., X, p. 17 ff; the full text of the inscription is also published in the Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, p. 233, No. 898 (Calcutta). +- EI., X, p. 18, V. paravAdidarpamathanaM jinendravarazAsanaM jayati / 3 . . raassttrkuuttkulkaannklpvRkssH| 4. V. 14 AdAnAde tasmAdbhAgadvayamarhataH vRtaM guruNA / zeSatRtIyabhAgo vidyAdhanamAtmano vihitaH //

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 181 and those of the lord of the Gurjaras when Munjaraja destroyed Aghata, the pride of Medapata (Mewar) and caused them to flee. This Munjaraja is correctly identified by Kielhorn with the Paramara Vakpati-Munja (c. 97497 A.D.)." The lord of Gurjaras referred to here was most probably the Caulukya Mularaja I of Gujarata (c. 961-96 A.D.) mentioned in verse 12. The prince whose name is lost was possibly a Guhila ruler of Medapata. Aghata which Mularaja destroyed is likely to be Ahada near the present Udaipur station from which a well-known Guhalot clan derives its name, Ahadia. Verse 11 refers to one Mahendra to whom Dhavala offered protection against Durlabharaja. Durlabharaja is identified by Kielhorn with the brother of the Cahamana Vigraharaja of Harsa inscription dated V.E. 1030.5 The same scholar pointed out that Mahendra must be the son of Vigrahapala of the same name of the Nadaula branch of the Cahamana dynasty. In verse 12 Dhavala is said to have given support to Dharanivaraha whose power had been completely exterminated by Mularaja. Pandit Ramkarana, the editor of the inscription, has suggested ten possibilities of the identification of Dharanivaraha with the Paramara king of that name, who is said to have been the ruler of Navakot in Marwar. These references certainly show the importance of this Rastrakuta family and their importance was in some respects due to their position. The frontiers of the Cauluk yas, the Cahamana and the Paramara kingdoms were attached to the borders of their kingdom and everyone naturally was seeking assistance from them whenever threatened by another. The inscription is also important from the social and religious point of view. It refers to Vasudeva who was the preceptor of Vidagdharaja and who imparted to the prince spiritual knowledge and induced him to erect a temple dedicated to the Jina in the town of Hastikundi. It refers to a gold i V. 10 : FIT TE FTTH: TFZfHT HE #EYT HERII janye rAjanyajanye janayati janatAjaM raNaM muMjarAje // zrImANa praNaSTahariNe iva bhiyA gUrjareze vinsstte| tatsainyAnAM zaraNyo haririva zaraNe yaH surANAM babhUva // 2 JASB., 1893, LXII, Pt. I, 311 ; see supra p. 91. 3 Ibid., see infra, Chapter IX, II. * EI., X, p. 19; see supra p. 173. Section on the Guhilotas. 5 JASB., 1893, LXII, Pt. I, p. 311. 6 Ibid., sce supra, p. 149. ? EI., X, p. 19.

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182 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES weighing of the prince, and the donation of the weighed gold of which twothirds were allotted to the Jina and the remainder to the Jain preceptor.1 Verse 33 of the first record refers to a Gosthi of Hastikundi which renovated the temple of the first Tirthankara, built by Vidagdharaja. After the renovation Santibhadra in V.E. 1053 (A.D. 997) installed the image of Tirthankara. The names of certain members of the Gosthi are enumerated in the last of the first record. Verses 8-17 of the second record describe the nature of the grant made by the prince Mammata and renewed by his son Vidagdharaja. The description is as follows: (1) One rupee for each twenty loads carried for sale; (2) One rupee on each cart filled (whether going from or by the village); (3) One karsa for ghata at each oil mill; (4) Thirteen collikas of betel leaves by the bhattas; (5) Pellaka pellaka by the gamblers; (6) One adhaka (24 seers) of wheat and barley from each araghatta, i.e., well with a water wheel; (7) Five palas for pedda (?); (8) One Vinfopaka coin for each bhara (2,000 palas);2 (9) ten palas from each bhara of articles, such as cotton, copper, saffron, gum resin, madder and so forth, and (10) One mayaka for each dropa of wheat, mung, barley, salt, rala and such other objects which can be measured." The date of donation made by Vidagdharaja is given as V.E. 973 (816 A.D.). Thus the known kings from the Jain inscription of this family are as follows: 1 V. 7 of the 1st record dAnena tulitapalinA tulAdi dAnasya yena doSAya / bhAgadvaya vyatIryata bhAgazcAcAryavaryAya // rUpaka eko devo vahatAmiha viMzateH pravahaNAnAM / dharma ..... kraya vikraye ca tathA // V. 8. saMbhRta gaMyA deyastathA vahantyAzvarUpakaH zreSThaH / ghANe ghaTe ja karSo deyaH sarveNa paripATyA // zrI mahalokadattapAtrANAM cohakA trayodazikA | pelaka pelakametat dyUtakaraiH zAsane deyam // 3 deyaM palAzapATaka. godhUma mudralavaNa. ...etc., V. 17 V. 13. 4 Ibid., V. 19. * V. 9. V. 10.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA Harivarman Vidagdha I Mammata Dhavala T Balaprasada III. PARAMARAS OF BANSWARA (VAGADA) The two Jain inscription discovered near Arthuna, village about 28 miles to the west of Banswara in Rajasthana, indicate that a line of the Paramaras was ruling over this area also. The first epigraph is much defaced. It was found in a Jain temple of Arthuna and fortunately is dated 1159 V.E. (1102 A.D.)-perhaps in the reign of Camundaraja.1 The second one was found in a very good condition at the same place and is preserved in the Rajputana Museum. This inscription contains thirtyone lines of writing and records the installation of an image of lord Vrsabha (Adinatha) in V.E. 1109 in the reign of Vijayaraja. The inscription opens with the 'Om namah Vitaragaya' and devotes one verse in adoration of the Jina. In verse 2 the genealogy of Vijayaraja is given. It states that in the Paramara clan was born a person by name Srimandalika, who killed the commandar Kanha and Sindhuraja. From him was born Camundaraja, who destroyed by various means the king of Avanti in the Sthali (Vagada) country. Camundaraja's son was Vijayaraja in whose reign the epigraphs were engraved. Verse 26 informs us that the name of Arthuna was Utthunaka.' 1 Raj. Mu. Rep., 1915, p. 2. EI. XXI p. 50. V. 25 varSa sahase yAte SaSThayuttarazatena saMyukte / 183 vikramabhAnoH kAle sthalI viSayamavati sati vijayarAjye // Ibid., AsIcchrIparamAra vaMzajanitaH zrImaNDalIkAbhiyaH / kanhasya dhvajinIpaternidhanakRcchrIsindhurAjasya ca // jajJe kIrtilatAlabAlaka itazcAmuNDarAjo nRpo / yo'vantiprabhusAdhanAni bahuzo iMtirama deze sthalI (sthAyAm ) / zrI vijayarAjanAmA tasya suto jayati vitatayazaH // * Tbid. usthUNakanagare'sminniha jagatI (yaa)|

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184 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Mandali ka and Camundaraja: The defeated persons whose names appear in the inscription are the commander Kanha, Sindhuraja and Avantiprabhu. The Panhera stone inscription of Mandalika dated V.E. 1116 (c. 1059 A.D.)' informs us that Mandalika captured in the battle the commander Kanha with his horses and elephants and handed him over to Jayasimha. The identity of this Kanha is, however, not known. As regards Sindhuraja, Dr. Barnett guessed that this Sindhuraja could not be identified with the Malava Paramara of that name who ruled in c. 994-1010 A.D. It may be assumed that by Sindhuraja here is meant a king of Sind? Another Arthuna inscription of Camundaraja dated V.E. 1136 (c. 1080 A.D.) also refers to that Camundaraja who gloriously overcame one Sindhuraja. It is more likely that Camundaraja may have undertaken an expedition to the lower Indus valley under his father Mandalika. Identification of Avanti-prabhu: Regarding the Avanti-prabhu, it may be conjectured here that at that time the king of Avanti was Udayaditya, younger brother of Bhoja I (c. 1060-1087 A.D.). We know from the history of the Paramaras of Malava line that Udayaditya usurped the Malava crown by ousting the lawful successor of Bhoja. The Panhera inscription furnishes us a proof that Jayasimha, who was most probably the son of Bhoja, was ruling in c. 1055-60 A.D. This inscription also informs us that Mandalika, father of Camundaraja, was his feudatory. In the light of this fact it appears that Camundaraja (c. 1080-1102 A.D.) must have taken the cause of his father's sovereign and attacked Udayaditya in retaliation. This Arthuna Jain inscription in my opinion gives some definite indication on this point. In the opinion of Dr. H. C. Ray this Avanti-prabhu was probably the Caulukya Jayasimha Siddharaja (c. 1094-1144 A.D.) who invaded and conquered Malava and assumed the title of Avantinatha. His opinion, however, does not seem correct for we have the chronology of the events related to Jayasimha that he never took the title 'Avantinatha' before 1136 A.D. At that time Camundaraja was dead. Therefore the clash with Jayasimha could not be a possibility. There was a difference of more than thirty-four years between the two events, the one relating to the assumption of the title 'Avantinatha' and the other to the death of Camundaraja. 1 ASI.. 1916-17, pp. 19-20, Raj. Mu. Rep., 1917, pp. 2--3. 2 EI., XIV. pp. 295-300. 3 Ibid. 4 ASI., 1916-17, pp. 19-20. 5 DHNI., II, p. 923, fn. 4.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA Vijayaraja: For Vijayaraja, the son and successor of Camundaraja, we have a date from the above inscription, i.e., V.E. 1166 (c. 1109 A.D.). The other inscription of his reign was discovered engraved on an image of Hanuman at the same place dated V.E. 1165 (c. 1108 A.D.). Besides these two Jain inscriptions, we know something more about the earlier members of the dynasty from three inscriptions other than the Jain. ones. The Panhera stone inscription referred to above describes the origin of the Paramaras from the fire-pit on Mt. Abu and praises the five Paramara princes of Malava, viz., Siyaka, Munjadeva, Sindhuraja, Bhoja and Jayasimha. Then comes the following genealogy of the local branch, Dhanika and his brother of unknown name. From this unknown brother was born Cacca whose son's name is lost; his son was Satyaraja and Satyaraja's sons were Limbaraja and Mandalika. The Arthuna inscription of Camundaraja referred to above (other than the Jain one) gives some names; from the fire-pit of Vasistha on Arbuda sprang Paramara; in his lineage were born. two brothers, Vairisimha and Dambarasimha; in the line of Dambarasimha was born Kamsadeva (Kakkadeva); then his son Candapa; his son Satyaraja; his son Mandanadeva and his son Camundaraja. From the above description it appears that the Banswara Paramaras, like the Abu Paramaras, were a branch of the main line ruling in Lata and Malava. The Banswara section claimed descent from Dambarasimha, a brother. of Vairisimha. What happened to this branch after the reign of Camundaraja's son Vijayaraja we have no account. According to the late Dr. G. H. Ojha, they were gradually ousted from this region by the rising power of the Guhilas of Mewar. The genealogy of this branch as known from the Jain sources is as follows: 24 185 Mandalika Camundaraja T Vijayaraja

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186 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES IV. PARAMARAS OF CANDRAVATI AND ARBUDA Though we have stray references in the Jain literature to this branch of the Paramaras, fortunately, we have several Jain inscriptions which have helped us in bringing several members of this branch to light. The earliest source of information about this branch of the Paramaras is the Vasantagadha stone inscription of the Paramara Purnapala dated V.E. 1099. The Jain inscriptions, though belonging to a later period, help us in constructing the history of this branch. The Jhalodi temple inscription dated V.E. 1255, which is the earliest among the Jain inscriptions of this line, informs us that valorous Dharavarsa, joy of the Paramara clan, was ruling at Candravati.' Another Jain inscription discovered from the Luna temple at Mt. Abu dated V.E. 1282 (A.D. 1230) traces the origin of this branch in the same way as we have seen in the Tilakamanjari of the main line. The third one called the Vimala temple inscription, dated V.E. 1378 (A.D. 1322), tells us the same kind of origin. The Prabhavaka-carita and Prabandha-kosa call the king of Candravati Paramara. The first historical person of this branch according to the Luna temple inscription is Dhumaraja;3 and according to the Vimala temple inscription, Kanhada-deva. Both seem to be Prakrtised form of Kssna-deva. In the opinion of some scholars Dhumaraja is most likely identical with Kanhadadeva; both Dhuma and Kisna, being synonymous terms, signify darkness." The Vasantagadha stone inscription of the Paramara Purnapala, dated V.E. 1099 (A.D. 1042), mentions Utpalaraja as the first man of the dynasty. Certain scholars on the assumption that Vakpatiraja II bore the second name Utpalaraja maintain that Utpalaraja of Vasantagadha inscription is identical with Vakpati II (c. 975-90 A.D.). This, however, seems improbable for we ali 1 Arbuda, Jain Lekha-sandoha, P. IV, p. 108, V. 2: a tria f pramArakalaharSe. aSTAdazazatadezotaMse ca cndrvtiidNge| 2 Ibid., P. II, p. 97, V. 32: T: afts THEP ETICHA: 1 pradyotAdhikadehadIdhitibharaH kopyaaviraasiinnrH|| taM mattvA paramAraNaikara sikaM sa vyAjahAra zrute rAdhAraH paramAra ityajani tannAmnA'tha tsyaanvyH|| 3 Ibid., V. 33: TT TT3: TH THE "Ibid., p. 2, V. 4: ai Fracaat: gar azeite FATC: 5 H. C. Ray, DHNI., II, p. 913, fn. 4. 6 EI., IX, pp. 10-15.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 187 have a date V.E. 1059 (c. 1002 A.D.) for Mahipala, a descendant of Utpalaraja, who flourished after three or four generations and in a gap of twelve years the periods of two or three reigning kings might not easily accommodated. Moreover, we have a Jain inscription of Krsparaja, dated V.E. 1024 (c. 967 A.D.), from village Diyana in the Sirohi District. The Krsnaraja of this inscription is supposed to be Adbhuta Krsnaraja, the grandson of Utpalaraja, whose date falls eight years earlier than that of Vakpati II (conjectured to be Utpalaraja by scholars). The identification, therefore, does not seem plausible. The Vasantagadha inscription shows that Utpalaraja's son was Aranyaraja and Aranyaraja's son was Adbhuta Krsnaraja. We know nothing about them. Adbhuta Krsnaraja: The Jain inscription from Diyana near Mt. Abu, which was found in the temple of Santinatha on its girth engraved on a pillar, records that an image of Vardhamana (Mahavira) was installed by a Gosthi of Vistitaka clan in V.E. 1024(c. 967 A.D.) in the reign of king Krsnaraja.? Though the family name of king is not mentioned there, it seems probable, if we take into consideration the matter of locality which was under the rule of the Paramaras of Arbuda during this period, that he must have been identical with Adbhuta Krsna, son of Aranyaraja. In the opinion of Dr. H. C. Ray, "Adbhuta Krsna may be identical with the hero Kanh deva whose name occurs as that of one of the Abu Paramaras in the Mt. Vimala temple inscription." He, however, remarks that "it is more likely that the person meant in the Arbuda inscription was the prince Krsnaraja from whom Vakpati II traces his descent in his grants." Dharanivaraha (c. 995 A.D.): Dharanivaraha is said to have succeeded Adbhuta Krsnaraja. Though from the Vasantagadha inscription we do not know of him, the information obtained from the Jain inscriptions certainly establishes this fact. The Bijapur Jain inscription of the Rastrakuta Dhavala (c. 980 A.D.) states that Dharanivaraha, when attacked by the powerful Caulukya king Mularaja, took shelter of Dhavala." Dharani 1 Arbuda-pracinc Jain Lekha-sandoha, Pt. V, No 486, p. 168: ABS TEST zrIvardhamAnasya kAritaM surUpaM muktaye vimbaM kRSNarAje mahIpatau ASADhazuddha SaSThayAM samAsahasre jinaiH samabhyadhike (2078) 2 Ibid. 3 DHNI., II, p. 909. 4 EI., X, pp. 17-24, V. 12.

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188 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES varaha of this inscription has been a subject of dispute among scholars. Prof. Kielhorn assumed that he was a scion of a Cudasama family of Junagarh. But his assumption has no support. According to Muni JinaVijayaji he might have been a member of the Paramara dynasty of Arbuda." Pt. V. N. Reu assumes on the basis of the evidences from Kiradu and Vasantagadha inscriptions that Dharapivaraha might have been the fifth member of the Paramara branch of Arbuda between Krsnaraja and Mahipala. Pt. G. H. Ojha and Dr. Bhandarkar accept him as the son of the former and the father of the latter." This Dharanivaraha may also be taken to be identical with Arbudesvara mentioned in the Dvyasraya-kavya in relation to the attack over Graharipu. Hemacandra states that as an ally of Mularaja, Arbudesvara and the king of Srimal accompanied him in the war of Surastra. The commentator, Abhayatilakagani, refers to the two kings as being identical." Mahipala alias Devaraja: Dharanivaraha was succeeded by Mahipala whose date we have as V.E. 1059 (c. 1002 A.D.) from a grant. He had another name Devaraja, for, the son of his son Dhandhuka, Krsnaraja (II), is mentioned in his Bhinmal inscription as the grandson of Devaraja. The Jain work Prabhavaka-carita mentions one Devaraja of the family of Dhumaraja who was ruling at Srimal (i.e., Bhinmal) and who was the contemporary of Camundaraja (A.D. 996-1010). This Devaraja of the Jain work seems more probably identical with Devaraja of the said inscription and may be the other name of Mahipala of the Vasantagadha inscription. Mahipala was succeeded by his son Dhandhuka. Dhandhuka: This Dhandhuka, in the opinion of scholars, is identical with the Abu Paramara of that name mentioned in the Jain inscription 1 Ibid., p. 17. 2 Pracina Jain Lekha-sangraha, p. 204. Bharatavarsa-ka Pracina-rajavamsa, Pt. III, p. 92. 4 HR., I, pp. 171-72; EI., XX. Appendix, p. 20, No. 123. 5 DV., V, Vs. 42-45 sakIrti sArjavaM bhartubhUyAdityarbudezvaraH / sanAmArInahan pratyaryanurUpaM kRtAyudhaH etc. Commentary on V. 45 zrImAlavasya bhimAlAparanAnnaH pUjito'dhipo'rbudezvaraH / 6 G. H. Ojha, Rajaputana-ka-Itihas (Hindi), I, V. 172. 7 BG., I, pp. 472-73. 4 SJGM., XIII, p. 127: puraM zrImAlamiyasti zrIdhUmarAjavaMzIyaH kumudAmodimaNDalaH / rAjAtra devarAjo'sti taraMgitanayodadhiH // . ...

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJDHANA of Vimala temple, from whom the genealogy given in the record begins.1 The Vimala temple record states that Dhandhukaraja, lord of the town of Candravati, was born in the family of Paramara Kanhacadeva.? This Dhandhuka, "averse from rendering homage to the (Caulukya) king Bhima I (c. 1022-64 A.D.) and to escape from that anger, took refuge with king Bhoja, the lord of Dhara (c. 999-1055 A.D.)." The inscription, after this statement, abruptly introduces the Pragvata Vimala, the Dandapati of Bhima I at Arbuda, and refers to the building of a temple of Rsabha (yugadi bhart! yugadi Jina, Adinatha) by him on the top of the mountain in V.E. 1088 (1031 A.D.), which seems to indicate that Vimala became the Caulukya governor of this region after ousting the Paramara Dhandhuka who was probably the vassal of Bhoja. But the Vasantagadha inscription of Purnapala shows that the Paramaras were not permanently ousted from the Abu region. We have no information about Purnapala in the Jain sources, but the Vasantagadha inscription dated V.E. 1099 (A.D. 1042) and a Bhadunda stone inscription dated V.E. 1102 (c. 1045 A.D.)4 inform us that he was ruling Arbuda Mandala during this period. Purnapala was possibly succeeded by Krsnaraja II. From the Bhinmal stone inscription dated V.E. 1117 (c. 1060 A.D.), we know that he was a son of Dhandhuka. He, therefore, appears to be a brother of Purnapala. The Jain sources are silent about him. After him we have no history of this branch of the Paramaras for the next fifty years. We do not know what happened to them from the Jain sources. Then comes a Jain inscription to our rescue. The inscription was discovered in the Luna temple at Mt. Abu and is dated V.E. 1287 (A.D. 1230). It gives us the following genealogical list of these later Abu Paramaras of the time of Bhima II (c. 1178-1241 A.D.). 1 EI, IX, p. 151, 155-56, V. 4, 2 Ibid., V. 5: T HOSATS: FIT: R E ITHI candrAvatI purIzaH samajani viiraangiidhndhuH|| 3 Ibid., V. 6: whither GET THETAT: FIFTTH: 1 narezaroSAcca tato manakhI dhArAdhipaM bhojanRpaM prapede / / See also SJGM., II, pp. 51-52, Vimala-vasahika-prabandha. 4 JBRAS., XXIII, p. 78 ff. 5 Bom. Gar., Pt. I, pp. 472-73. 6 EL., VIII, pp. 205-04, 208-19; see also Arbuda-pracina Jain Lekha sandoha, Pt. II, pp. 92-109.

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190 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES From the sacrificial fire-pit of Vasistha on Mt. Arbuda emerged the following: 1. Paramara: In that lineage 2. Dhumaraja: Then there were 3. Dhandhuka, 4. Dhruvabhata and others: In their lineage 5. Ramadeva, 6. Yasodhavala, 7. Dharavarsa, 8. Prahladana, 9. Somasimha, 10. Krsnaraja, 11. Visaladeva. The above three names at the top of the list appear to be the same as found in the Vasantagadha inscription, for example, the Paramara is the common eponymous personage. Dhumaraja is the same as Kanhadadeva of the Vimala temple inscription referred to above, who has been identified with the prince Krsparaja from whom Vakpati II traces his descent in his grants. Dhundhuka of this inscription is possibly the same as the father of Purnapala of the Vasantagadha inscription. We do not know of Dhruvabhata etc., mentioned in the inscription. This line, however, begins with Ramadeva' who, in the opinion of scholars, was the relative of Krsnaraja II (c. 1060-67 A.D.). Vikramasimha: Ramadeva was succeeded by his brother Vikramasimha. The Dvyasraya-kavya relates that when Kumarapala attacked the Cahamana Arnoraja, Vikramasimha accompanied him. It, however, seems that he had gone over to the enemy. The Prabhavaka-carita elaborately describes Vikramasimha's treacherous designs as to how he disobeyed his master Kumarapala and neglected his ministers' advice; how he plotted to murder the king; how Kumarapala escaped in the battle of twelve years, how he imprisoned him and installed Ramadeva's son, Yasodhavala, on the throne 1 Ibid., No. 25 : atheha zrImadaNahilapATake caulukya kulakamalarAjahaMsa zrIbha0 (bhImadeva) vijayarAjye / * Canto XVI, V. 33 tAM pArvatI kSmAM kRruNIya pa yshobhmaanaamvitetythoce| pattiH svakIyo nRpatergahIyapadAtiyugvikramasiMhanAmA // mahArAjAdhirAja

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA of Candravati.' The Kumarapala-carita refers to this event in these words: the Caulukya king Kumarapala suppressed the rebellion of Vikramasimha the lord of Candravati and having imprisoned him, installed his nephew Yasodhavala in his place." Yasodhavala: Yasodhavala of the above two Jain works is, undoubtedly, identical with the prince of that name mentioned as the son of Ramadeva in the Luna temple epigraph of Mt. Abu. It is referred to there that he killed Ballala, the lord of Malava, when the latter became hostile to the Caulukya prince. It appears, therefore, that he was a vassal of Kumarapala (c. 114473 A.D.). The above references prove that Vikramasimha was a brother of Ramadeva and might have been placed in Candravati as his feudatory by Jayasimha Siddharaja (c. 1094-1144 A.D.). The period, known from the inscriptions of Yasodhavala, is from V.E. 1202 to 1208 (A.D. 1146-1152). Dharavarsa: According to the same Jain inscription Yasodhavala was succeeded by his son Dharavarsa who claimed to have defeated the lord of Koikana, no doubt, in the interests of his sovereign the Caulukya Kumarapala. The name of this Konkanadhisa is mentioned in the Dvyasrayakavya as Mallikarjuna, as a southern enemy of Kumarapala. The late Pt. G. H. Ojha has discovered so far fourteen stone inscriptions and one copper plate ranging from V.E. 1220 (c. 1163 A.D.) to V.E. 1276 (c. 1219 A.D.), on the reign of Dharavarsa. We have fortunately two Jain inscriptions and one colophon of the Jnatadharmakatha-Ratnacuda-katha for the date of his reign besides stray literary references. SJGM., XIII, pp. 199-202 : tathA zrIrAmadevAkhya tadbhAturnandanaM nRpaH / zrIyazodhavalaM candrAvatyAtranyavIvizat // * IV, Vs. 452, 53 hakkAvizveti caulukyaH sthApayAmAsa taM vA / narakAvAsavatklezamaye kArAgrahAntare // tadaiva tasya bhrAtRvyaM rAmadevasutaM prabhuH / yazodharalanAmAnaM cakre candrAvatIpatim // "EI., VIII, pp. 211-16, V. 35: mAlabdhavAn / yacIlukyakumArapAlanRpatipratyarthitAmAgatam & Ibid, V. 36: zatruzreNIgala vidalanoni nitriMzadhArI / dhArAvarSaH samajanisutastasya vizvaprazasyaH / krodhAkAntapradhanavasudhAnidhale yatra jAtAzvotanneotpala jalakaNAH kauMkaNAdhIzapatnyaH // 1 B.S. Series, No, LX, Canto VI, V. 65: (pujiyalajira gujarehi jIhAvio tehi ) / 191 .. ballAla AroliyasaramAlAvamAlagomalli ajjugorAyA

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192 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The colophon gives us the date V.E. 1221, when that work was copied in the reign of the king Dharavarsa who enjoyed the pleasure of king Kumarapala of Anahillapataka.' The two inscriptions are as follows: I. Jhalodi inscription was found in a Jain temple at Jhalodi in the Sirohi district (Rajasthana). It opens with the invocation of the lord Vardhamana (Mahavira). It records the erection of a satka-catustika in V.E. 1252 when the king Dharavarsa was ruling at Candravati. The inscription mentions his wife's name as Stigaradevi, a daughter of Kelhanadeva (Nadol Cahamana). It also refers to V.E. 1255 (A.D. 1198) when all the people of Gostha erected a door for their benediction. The inscription was composed by one Tilakaprabhasuri." II. Arasana inscription was found in a temple at Arasana in the Sirohi District of Rajasthan. It records that in V.E. 1276 (A.D. 1219) an image of Sumatinatha was installed in the victorious reign of Sri Dharavarsa, Mandalika Surasambhu (Mandalesvara). The colophon mentioned above shows that he was a feudatory chief of Kumarapala. The Arasana inscription also refers to him as a feudatory chief. The other so many inscriptions indicate that his reign was a long one of fifty-six years (c. 1163-1219 A.D.), and he enjoyed it as a loyal feudatory of no less than four Caulukya kings from Kumarapala (c. 1144-73 A.D.) to Bhima II (c. 1178-1241 A.D.). The Prabandha-kosa states: 'One Vastupala, the worthy minister of Viradhavala, was informed that Suratrana Mojadina (Sultana Sihab-ud-din) was advancing westward from Delhi. It was felt that they might invade the land of Gujarata through the pass of Arbuda. Viradhavala feared very much because he knew that all the powerful kings like Jayacandra and Psthviraja were killed by these Muslim invaders. Vastupala, on the other hand, quickly made ready to check them and ordered Dharavarsa, ... PIATTOTUOTAT 1 SJGM., XVIII, p. 109: a 3383 FACUTEZITE CTETESTETTANEET .... Pergi 2 Arbuda-Lekha-sandoha, IV, No. 311, p. 108. 3 Ibid., No. 21, p. 6.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 193 a feudatory in charge of the Arbuda, to restrict their further advance, who on his part did it. As to when this event took place is the query before us. The younger brother of Dharavarsa by name Prahladanadeva composed a play, Parthaparakrama, in which it is stated that Dharavarsa repulsed the mighty assault by the Cahamana Psthviraja (III), the king of Jangala. We know from the chronology of the Cahamanas that Prthviraja was slain by Sihab-ud-din in V.E. 1249 (A.D. 1193) and Jayacand in V.E. 1251 (A.D. 1195). The date of Dharavarsa from the inscriptions is known as V.E. 1276 (c. 1218 A.D.). If the statement of the Jain author is reliable the event must have taken place before V.E. 1276. We, however, have no other corroboratory evidences for this fact. Mojadina is regarded to be the other name of Sihabud-din by scholars. The mention of his name, however, does not seem probable in that period for his existence is proved between 1173-1206 A.D. when Vastupala was not the minister of Viradhavala. Prahladanadeva: The same Luna temple inscription informs us that Dharavarsa had a younger brother by name Prahladana who defended the Gurjara king when the latter's power was broken in the battle by (Guhila) Samantasimha." The Gurjara king referred to in the inscription has been rightly identified with the Caulukya king Ajayapala (c. 1173-76 A.D.). The Prabandha-kosa and the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha state that "Rana Prahladana, the founder of Prahladanapura, of the Paramara family, bearing the title Kurcala Sarasvati, was in the company of Kumarapala Caulukya at the time of a religious journey. It is believed that he wrote a one-act play named Partha-parakrama. He was a man of various accomplishments. 1 SJGM., VI, p. 117: ! fexta: asiat aiurea 40 fotat FERIHET cAlitam / arbudagiridizA yavanAH prvekssynti| idaM zrutvA dhArAvarSAyAbaMdagirinAyakAya svasevakAya F7TTCT 929.... a ani See also for the full discussion JSS., III, Pt. I, pp. 153-60. 2 EI., VIII, pp. 211-16, V. 38: Hrafi Grafata: zrIgurjara kSitiparakSaNadakSiNAsi / / prhlaadnstdnujodnujottmaariH| cAritramatra punarujjvalayAMcakAra / 3 EI., VIII, p. 205: PRETH THETAUS ITTFetitafaaaa Te TRG HETTTHIRTS SHIHETTATE.... 25

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194 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Somasimha: The same inscription, when read with another inscription of the same temple and of the same year, reveals that in 1287 V.E. (c. 1230 A.D.) Somasimha, the son of Dharavarsa, was still ruling at Candravati as feudatory of Bhima II. It is said in the inscription in the form of praise that Somasimha derived the merit of bravery from his father and learning from his uncle and charitability from both. The two colophons of the Jain MSS give two dates of his reign. The colophon of the Kulakaprakarana written at Candravati which bears the date V.E, 1279 states him simply Sri Somasimha. But the colophon of the Rsabhadeva-carita, which was written at Prahladanapura in the prosperous reign of Somasimha, bearing the date V.E. 1289, gives him the titles: Samastarajavali-samalankrtamchara jadhiraja. Kanhadadeva: His son and successor was Krsnaraja (III), whose name was also Kanhadadeva according to the other Jain inscription of the same date. Visaladeva: Our two Jain inscriptions, one from the village Dattani near Mt. Abu and another from the Vimala temple at Mt. Arbud, inform us that Candravati was still in possession of this branch. The Dattani village inscription, engraved on a pillar of a dilapidated Jain temple, records that "In the prosperous reign of the illustrious Sarangadeva (Caulukya) when Maharajadhiraja Visaladeva was prosperously ruling at Candravati in V.E. 1345 on Vaisakha 8th of the bright fortnight on Friday, Pratapasri and Sri Hemadeva of the Paramara clan bestowed two fields for the expenses of lord Parsvanatha.? The Vimala temple inscription is found engraved on a stone in the outer wall of the temple No. 13 in the corridor, at Mt. Arbud. It states that in V.E. 1350 in prosperous reign of (so many titles) illustrious Ibid., V. 40: erragatsi wala na fregat :1 pitRtaH zaurya vidyAM pitRvyakAddAnamubhayato jagRhe / / 2 Ibid. 3 Prasasti-sangraha ( Ahmedabad), Pt. I, p. 83, No. 132. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 118, No. 153. 5 Ibid., pp. 211-16, V. 42: Tata T: fte,sor: itsura atset 6 El., VIII, p. 206: t raatara 15 afgaa aur TT TETTES....! 7 Arbuda-pracina Jain Lekha-sandoha, Pt. V, pp. 21-22.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 195 Sarangadeva, when all the state business was transacted by the primeminister Vadhuya, Maharajakula (Governor) illustrious Visaladeva who lived on the pleasure of his sovereign king, bestows a land grant in the region of Astadasasatamandala (around Mt. Abu)." Then comes the description of the land grant.1 From these inscriptions it appears that Visaladeva was a most loyal feudatory of the Caulukya Sarangadeva (1275-95 A.D.) who ruled at Candravati, but we do not hear of him from any other sources. His relations with Krsnaraja (III) are not known. We do not know of the other successors of Visaladeva from the Jain sources. Pt. G. H. Ojha refers to a Pratapasimha Paramara known from the Patanarayana stone inscription wherein he comes in the third generation from Krsnaraja (III)." The inscription gives the date V.E. 1344, which concords with the date of Visaladeva. Though his relations with Visaladeva or Krsnaraja are not known, we may, however, assume that he may have been the brother of Visaladeva for his date V.E. 1344 mostly coincides with Visaladeva's. Another Vimala temple inscription of V.E. 1278 informs us that the Cahamana Luniga with his two sons named Tejasimha and Tihunaka ruled over the Mt. Abu. From the genealogy given in the same inscription it seems that he belonged to the Nadol branch of Cahamanas. This shows that transference of power may have occurred between V.E. 1350 (1293 A.D.) and V.E. 1378 (1321 A.D.). Concluding remarks: Taking into consideration the whole account of this family it may be said that all the members of this branch were feudatories of one or the other sovereign king of that time. Formerly they were the vassals of the main line of Malava and in the war between the Caulukya and the Paramaras of Malava they ever sided with them. But the continuous struggle between these powers reduced them to insignificance. That is why we find a gap of fifty years during which no trace of them is available. After that they emerged suddenly as feudatories of the Caulukyas of Gujarata and ungrudgingly served them unto the last. Whoever might be the king 1 Ibid., Pt. II, p. 8. 2 I A., 1916, pp. 77-80. 3 EI., IX, p. 79 ff.: ATARIF H AT HET TOETSEEREMTETTEI arbadagirIzarAjyaM nyAyanidhiH pAlayAmAsa /

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196 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES on the throne of Anahilapatana they paid him their homage. Though Vikramasimha disowned his allegiance to Kumarapala, he also got at the end his due punishment. We see several rapid changes and transference of power after Kumarapala on the throne of Anahilapatana, but we never see any change in the allegiance of the members of this line. Dharavarsa, the long-lived feudatory who survived his four sovereign kings, was the most faithful man who served all of them with equal vigour. His noble brother Prahladanadeva was a man of various attainments. Their territory was situated between the two powerful kingdomsSapadalaksa and Anahilavada, therefore, there was no opportunity to extend it. They waged several wars on behalf of their sovereign kings with the other powerful kings like Prthviraja and Sihab-ud-din but they never sustained any reverse. A member of this branch, Yasodhavala, led a successful expedition to the distant Konkan. Perhaps they maintained a good military force. This family held its sway over the Mt. Arbud for more than three centuries of the Christian era with certain gaps. During this period the territory came to be called Astadasasati province whose other name was Asosittana according to Kinsaria stone inscription. They made the region quite prosperous. It, however, appears from their inscriptions as well as literary sources that they ever linked their fate with their sovereign kings, the Caulukyas, and with their fall at last they disappeared totally. This small but promising family has a unique position in the history of India. The genealogy of this branch according to the Jain sources may be constructed as follows: Dhumaraja - Kanhadadeva Adbhuta - Krsnaraja Dharanivaraha Devaraja (alias Mahipala) Dhandhuka Kisnaraja II a gap of fifty years Dhruvabhata and others

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Ramadeva Visaladeva Pratapasimha THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA Dhruvabhata and others Dharavarsa Somasimha Krsnaraja III Vikramasitisha Yasodhavala V. PARAMARAS OF KIRADU This branch of the Paramaras has been known from a damaged inscription found at Kiradu in the Jodhpur division of Rajasthana. It consists of 26 lines in Sarhskrt incised on a pillar of a temple of Siva. It is fortunately dated V.E. 1218 (A.D. 1162) in the reign of Somesvara Paramara who was a feudatory of Kumarapala Caulukya.1 The inscription begins with 'Om namah Sarvajndya'; therefore, it has been taken here as a Jain source. After the invocation of Sarvajna, it devotes two verses to the praise of God Siva, who was the family deity of the Caulukyas. .... Pralhadana In verse 3 is traced the origin of the Paramaras from the sacrificial pit on Mt. Abu, as we usually find concerning the origin of the other branches of the Paramaras. In verse 4 it is stated that there were a number of kings in that dynasty among whom was a powerful king by name Sindhuraja who ruled over Marumandala. Prof. Ganguly suggests his identification with Sindhuraja (c. 996-999 A.D.) of Malava line. In verse 5 the next name is given by Dr. Bhandarkar as Usala (Utpala) and by Dr. Ganguly as Dusala." The next two verses are too much damaged. In 1 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, pp. 251-53; HIG., III, No. 149 B, pp. 173-76. 2 : / * Tbid. vaziSThabhUSiterbudabhUdhare suramyAM 3 Ibid. : tatrAnekamahI / sindhurAjo mahArAjasamabhUnmarumaNDale / 197 .... paramArANAM vaMzo'yanalakuNDataH // 4JBORS., XVIII, 1932, p 40 ff. EI., Appendix, 43, No, 312; JBORS., XVIII, p. 40 ff.

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198 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES verse 8 occurs the name of Dharanidhara who according to Pt. Ojha and Dr. Bhandarkar is identical with Dharapivaraha, the son of Adbhuta Krstaraja of the Arbuda branch.' From him was born Devaraaja (v. 9). The name Devaraja is the other name of Mahipala of the Arbuda branch of the Paramaras. Then in line 11 Durlabharaja is line 11 Durlabharaja is mentioned and after him the name of Dhandhuka occurs. It is said of him that he became ruler of Marumandala after propitiating Durlabharaja. We also know of Dhandhuka from the Vimala Jain temple inscription of Mt. Abu, that he, "averse from rendering homage to the Caulukya king Bhima I, took refuge with king Bhoja of Dhara." As Durlabharaja was the predecessor of Bhima I, it appears in this context, from this inscription, that Dhandhuka's antagonism with Bhima I began from the time of Durlabharaja Caulukya. Both the Caulukya kings seem to be contemporaries of Dhandhuka. Members of this branch: From verse 13 begins the reference to the real members of this branch. The names of the members are Krsnaraja, Socaraja, Udayaraja, and Somesvara. Pt. Ojha thinks that Socaraja was the son of the Abu Paramara Krsna II (1060-67 A.D.). Nothing is known about Socaraja from the inscription, but he is accepted as the founder of the branch by all scholars. Regarding Udayaraja, the next member, it is said that he subdued the countries of Coda, Gauda, Karpata and Malava. His son and successor was Somesvara. He is said to have regained his lost kingdom in V.E. 1199 (c. 1142 A.D.) through the assistance of the Caulukya king Jayasimha Siddharaja according to one reading and he regained the lost city of Sindhurajapura through the assistance of the above king according to another reading. The inscription next mentions that in V.E. 1205 in the time of Kumarapala, Somesvara consecrated a temple." In V.E. 1218 Somesvara is said to have taken 1,700 horses and the forts of Tapukotta and Navasara from the Sindhuraja Jojjaka and made him a feudatory of Kumarapala and 1 Ibid., p. 40 ff.; HR., I, pp. 171-72. 2 zrIdurlabharAjo'pi rAjendro raMjito dhndhukH| . 3 See supra, p. 189. 4 kRSNarAjo mahAzabda vibhUSitaH / tatputra socarAjAkhyaH etc. 5 Vs. 15, 16. EI., XX, Appendix, p. 47, No. 312. HIG., III, No. 149 B, pp. 173-76. 8 V. 21: yena durgAravIryeNa bhUSitaM marumaNDalam // punardvAdazasaMkhyeSu paMcAdhikazateSvalaM, kumArapAlabhUpAtsupratiSThitamidaM kRtam //

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA again settled there. From these statements it appears that Somesvara himself was a feudatory of both the Caulukya emperors. Regarding Sindhuraja Jojjaka we know nothing from other sources. It should be noted here that we have another inscription dated V.E. 1209 from Kiradu, of Nadol Cahamana Alhapadeva, who was also a feudatory of Kumarapala." The inscription shows that Kiradu was in possession of Alhana through the favour of Kumarapala. From this it would be assumed that some time after V.E. 1205 Somesvara was temporarily ousted from the Kiradu region and was again restored some time after before V.E. 1218, the date of the inscription. Nothing more is known about Somesvara and his succession from any sources. Thus the following princes are known from the inscription: Sindhuraja Usala or Disala X X Dharanivaraha Devaraja Dhundhuka Krsnaraja II Socaraja Udayaraja Somesvara V.E. 1218 (1161 A.D.) V. 3. 24-26 bahuzaH seva kI kRtya caulukyajagatIpateH / punaH saMsthApayAmAsa teSu dezeSu jajakam || 2 HIG., II, No. 148, 49. 199

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CHAPTER IX THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA I. THE CAVADA OF ANAHILAPUR The Capa or Capotkata or Cavotkata is the well-known Ksatriya tribe which we come across during the seventh and eighth centuries of the Christian era. Cavada is the popular version of the above Sanskrtised form of the name of this tribe. Early account and position: The earliest mention of the Capas is found in the Brahma-siddhanta of Brahmagupta who wrote it at Bhinamala in 628 A.D. When Yuan-Chwang visited Bhinamala about the year 642 A.D. a young Ksatriya was ruling there. The Navasari plates of Pulakesi Avanijanasraya dated 470 A.D. also have a reference to this dynasty. There they are mentioned after Saindhavas, Kacchelas and Saurastras and before Mauryas and Gurjaras. Thus it seems that they at that time were somewhere on the border of Kaccha, Kathiawara and Gujarata. The same plates record. that they were troubled by the Arabs. They appear to have been a very powerful people and resisted the invasion on their country by the Arabs. But in the beginning of the eighth century (c. 712 A.D.) the incessant raids of the Arabs, it seems, compelled them to transfer their capital from Bhinamala to Paficasara. In the opinion of the late Pt. G. H. Ojha, they were attacked at Bhinamala. Pancasara, at present, is a small village near Radhanapur on the border of the Ranna of Kaccha. The reference to Cavotkata in the Navasari plates also suggests their position at that time, which mostly falls upon Pancasara. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions Pancasara in the region of Vadiyara where Vanaraja Cavada was born." The land between 4 1_HR., pp. 56 and 131 : zrIcApavaMzatilake zrIvyAghramukhe nRpe paJcAzat saMyuktairvarSazataiH paJcabhiratItaiH brAhmasphuTasiddhAntaH kRto brahmaguptena / * ABORI, X, p. 13 taralatArataravAridArItoditasaindhavakarachaha saurASTracA ghoTakamorya gurjarAdi rAjye niHzeSadAkSiNAtyakSitipatijigISayA dakSiNApathapradeza prathameva navasArikA viSayaprasAdhanAyAgate samarazirasi vijite taajikaaniike| 3 Ibid. Rajaputana-ka Itihas, Pt. I, p. 146. D. K. Shastri, Gujaratano Madhyakalin Rajaputa Itihas, Pt. I, p. 50. 6 SJGM., I, p. 12 : gurjarabhuvi vadiyArA bhidhAnadeze paJcAzaragrAme cApotkaTavaMzyam etc. 1

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA Kaccha and Gujarata from the Ranna of Kaccha up to Radhanapur is called the region of Vadiyara. This almost tallies with the reference to the Navasara plates wherein the position of Cavadas is mentioned. The Jain chroniclers mostly attach them with their capital Pancasara. Before going to deal with the history of this family we may say frankly that we have no contemporary epigraphs of the Cavadas to corroborate the facts derived from the Jain and other sources. 201 All the literary sources on the Cavadas may be divided into three classes. They are: (i) the bardic version contained in the Ratnamala (c. 1230 A.D.) of Krspakavi; (ii) the Brahmanical version contained in the Dharmaranya-mahatmya and (iii) the Jain version as found in the Prabandhacintamani and other prabandhas. All of them belong to the twelfth and later centuries while the family was ruling in the period two centuries earlier (c. 750-956 A.D.). Nevertheless, the tradition recorded by the chroniclers of Gujarata should not be discarded on this ground. It is an important family, because it forms a link between the early and later mediaeval periods of Gujarata. Early reference: The prabandha writers trace the starting-point of the rise of this Capotkata family to Vanaraja of Pancasara who in his later life founded the city of Anahillapura. The earliest reference to this family is found in the Vadanagar Prasasti of Kumarapala dated V.E. 1208 (A.D. 1152). This inscription confirms the fact that the Cavadas were ruling at Anhilavada in the tenth century, for it states that Mularaja gained Anahilla. pura by overthrowing the Cavada. An Apabhramsa work Neminaka-cariu of Haribhadrasuri contains the earliest reference to Vanaraja in its colophon dated V.E. 1216 (c. 1160 A.D.). It denotes the way in which Vanaraja tried to make his city prosperous and strengthened his kingdom. It states: In the town of Gambhuya there was an elderly rich merchant by name Thakkura Ninnaya, whom Vanaraja honoured as a father (Janayabuddhia). Once he requested Ninnaya to reside in his own capital of Apahillapataka. There Ninnaya built a temple of Rsabha, the first Tirthammkara of the Jainas. This Ninnaya's son named Lahara 1 EI., I, p. 293. Sanathumara-caritam: A section from Haribhadra's Neminaha-cariu edited by H. Jacoby, 152 AdA avasara jaga buDI cAkkaDarAya lAlio vasio evaM ca Thie sAmiya je jANasi taM karijAsu / 26

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202 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES became a general of the armies of Vanaraja. Lahara went to the Vindhya Mountains and caught many elephants. Lahara presented his elephants to Vanaraja who being satisfied with his work rewarded him with the grant of the village Sandathala. From this statement we may imagine as to how Vanaraja got the help of powerful and rich persons in strengthening his army and treasury. Another Jain work the Moharaja-parajaya of Yasahpala referring to the Cavada in general states that they were addicted to drinking liquors excessively." It also records that "formerly the king Sri Vanaraja observing the good features of the land founded a city on it." In the same play Kumarapala is addressed as one enjoying the kingship earned by Sri Vanaraja.* The same tale is recorded in the Dvyasraya-kavya of Hemacandra and in the Prabandha-cintamani of Merutunga. Abhayatilakagani, the learned commentator of the Duyasraya-kavya, frankly says that it is a 'Loka Sruti', i.e., the hearsay of the people.? Parentage: From the early references to Vanaraja we now come to his parentage which furnishes certain clues to the early history of the family. It is stated in one place in the Prabandha-cintamani that Cavada belonged to the Haihaya race. Regarding the parentage of Vanaraja, however, opinions differ. The Prabandha-cintamani states: "A part of Kanyakubja (Kingdom) was Gurjara dharitri. There in the village of Pancasara in the province of Vadiyara a mother placed his son of Capotkata clan in a cradle under a tree called Vana and 1 Introduction of Kavyanusasana, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. ciii. 2 GOS, IX, V. 47, p. 108: 5490 Ft 13TT etc. 3 Ibid., Act III, p. 67. 4 Ibid., Act IV, p. 108. 5 Canto I, V. 4. 6 SJGM., I, p. 13: 3721 PRESTATT 154rtata atagtight: AHS FAITT: .... BTOTERAIH TE: Framaragia a: gelatine JEST TOUTER-TORTET FEITHGTI: tatastAM bhuvamAvedayAmi ityabhidhAya jAlivRkSasamIpe gatvA .... bhuvaM drshyaamaas| tatra praveze aNahillapuramiti nAmnA ngrm| DV., Canto I, p. 8: TEA TISTE FagriafariT STEFTAH 719107 8: .... tatraiva cANahilena vanarAjarAjaH puranivezaM svanAmnA kArita iti lokshrutiH| 8 SJGM., I, p. 16: a an E TUTTI fart gia: uraat RUTIET....

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 203 herself went to gather fuel. By the way a Jain monk named Silagunasuri came there and observed that the shade of the tree, even though it was afternoon, was not bending. Thinking that this was due to mysterious powers of the boy who would become a Jinasasana prabhavaka i.e., a propagator of the Jain faith, he brought him from the mother by giving her the means of subsistence." Then he was brought up by Ganini (head nun) Viramati and was given the name of Vanaraja. When he was eight years old he was asked to look after the holy things so that they might not be damaged by rats. He did this by killing them with arrows. The Jain monk foresaw from his horoscope that he was to become a great king and so he was returned to his mother. Vanaraja lived with his maternal uncle who was leading the life of a bandit. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha does not mention his mother's name and states a somewhat different tale: In the village of Ambasana, there lived two brothers named Canda and Camunda of the Capotkata clan. An astrologer informed them that the child which the wife of Camunda was bearing in the womb, when born, would kill Canda. So she was abandoned. She went to Pancasara where she made her livelihood by gathering fuel and other things. The Silagunasuri, who had gone out, saw the shade of Vana tree uninclined. He, therefore, considered the boy as an auspicious one. The mother was given shelter in a caitya or temple where he resided. The bardic version Ratnamala of Krsnakavi narrates: "Jayasekhara, the king of Cavada family of Pancasara, was attacked by Bhuvada of Kalyana-kataka in the Kanyakubja province in V.E. 752 (A.D. 695). The city of Pancasara was besieged by the attacking army. The siege continued for fifty-two days. When Jayasekhara saw that he could no longer hold against the enemy he sent away his queen Rupasundari who was pregnant to a forest nearby with her brother Surapala, who was his general, but afterwards turned to be an outlaw. Jayasekhara died fighting. In the forest Rupasundari delivered a son 1 Ibid., p. 12: HTTSTE qarat: 1 2 Ibid. 3 Vanarajavyttam, p. 12: 3 areaI1077 z u sThuifTet TRIOT OTH ... A PREMI : A1 TTEETH TETT BESTAT safe etc.

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204 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES who was named as Vanaraja. Bhuvada grew fond of Gujarat but was induced to return to his capital under pressure from his general."'1 The Dharmaran ya-mahatmya supplies some more details: "When seven hundred years had elapsed after Vikrama, Ama, the ruler of Kanauj, drove out the king of Khetakapura, then the capital of Gujarata, and occupied the land. At that time, Dhruvapata, a descendant of the Solar race, ruled over Valabhi. Ama gave one daughter in marriage to the king of Valabhi and another to the king of Lata. The ruler of Kanauj converted both his sons-in-law to Buddhism and gave Gujarat to his daughter in dowry. It was, therefore, annexed to Valabhi. The Brahmanas, thereupon, left the country and sought refuge with Jayasekhara of Pancasara. The king of Valabhi, therefore, invited his fatherin-law Ama to attack Jayasekhara, which he did. Jayasekhara met heroic death in the battle. Aksata, the queen of Jayasekhara, was sent to a forest, where the Brahmanas gave her asylum and forecasted a royal future for her son."2 From all these stories it comes out that the prabandhas and other literature are not unanimous about the parentage of Vanaraja. But it is certain that Vanaraja was connected with Pancasara in the earlier part of his life. Certain Problems: In order to discover the historical truth in these legends, certain points require elucidation. According to the Prabandhacintamani noted above Gujarata was a part of Kanyakubja country at the time of Vanaraja's birth. And accoring to the Ratnamala, which Forbes follows, king Jayasekhara was slain by Solankee king Bhuvada of Kalyanakataka. Our prabandha writers know two Kalyana-katakas as one in the Kanyakubja country and the other in the Deccan. They, however, never know any of the Kalyana-katakas in the sense of the capital of Solankee Raja Bhuvada. Certain scholars conjecture that Bhuvala may have been a corrupted form of Bhuvanasraya, a name given to the Calukya king Vijayaditya of Badami (A.D. 696-733) and by Kalyana the author, undoubtedly, means Kalyana of Deccan, the capital of later Calukyas. But it was founded by the year A.D. 1053. It, therefore, seems that the writer of the Ratnamala is involved in an anachronism. Since, according to the Navasari plates, 1 Rasamala, I, pp. 26-36. 2 The legends are mentioned briefly by V. K. Shastri in Forbes Rasamala (G. Ed.), I, 34.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 205 Pancasara was destroyed by the Arabs, the bardic version, the Ratnamala, may not be taken as reliable in this respect.' Besides this anachronism if we consider the case of Pancasara as forming part of Kanyakubja at the time of the birth of Vanaraja (V.E. 752A.D. 696), there is one more anachronism. We know from the history that the kingdom of Kanauj was under a chaotic condition after the death of Harsavardhana. The only king before the advent of the Pratiharas at Kanyakubja was Yasovarman. But it is not mentioned anywhere that the northern Gujarata was under his dominion. If at any time Gujarata formed a part of Kanyakubja kingdom, it was during the reign of the later Pratiharas of Kanauj. It, therefore, seems that the later tradition has been wrongly recorded by the Jain prabandhas, like the early one, which is obviously an anachronism. This anachronism may be explained further. Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintamani records a legend which seems to have contained some historical facts concealed in it. It states as to how a king of Kanyakubja married the daughter of a king of Gujarat; how Vanaraja was appointed to collect from Gujarat the marriage cess which the king of Kanyakubja had given to his daughter by way of dowry; how Vanaraja collected the cess and gave the collections to a deputation from Kanyakubja; how he waylaid it and secured the money which he used for consolidating his power. The Dharmaranya-mahatmya also states that when the boy grew up he organized a band of bandits and when the revenue collectors of the king of Kanauj were proceeding to Kanauj with the collections he fell upon them and robbed them of the treasure. We have to think in this connection as to who the king of Kanyakubja was whose revenue was collected in that early period in Gujarat. We have seen that Gujarat was under the sway of the later Gurjara Pratiharas of Kanauj. The period to which they belonged is quite later than that of Vanaraja. If we go to the history of the predecessors of the Pratiharas of Kanauj, we certainly get some solutions to this puzzle. We are told that a forefather of the above Pratiharas, by name Nagabhata I (c. 725-750 A.D.) was laying the foundation of future greatness of the Pratihara empire somewhere in the Marumandala, who is said 1 Rasamala, I, Appendix to Chapter II, p. 36. 2 SJGM., I, p. 12: 314 3 1grata TE ATISI: garit: ATHEMATITETAART kaJcukasambaMdhe pitRpradattagurjaradezasyodgrahaNahetave samAgatena selbhRdvnraajaabhidhaanshckre| SaNmAsI yAvaddezamugrAhya . ... svadarzaprati prasthitaM paJcakulaM saurASTrAbhidhAnaghATe vanarAjo nihatya aNahilapuramiti nAmnA nagaraM nivezayAmAsa /

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206 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES to have defeated a vast army of Mlecchas. This period is also regarded as one of continuous raids by Arabs. The events relating to the king of Kanyakubja recorded in the above legends seem to indicate that Nagabhata I may have been the king with whom the Cavadas of Pancasara might have come in conflict and who seems to have been confused by the above chroniclers with his successors, who ruled the dominion from Kanauj. The ruin of his fortune led Vanaraja to become an outlaw against the Pratiharas and avenge himself by robbing and killing the officers of the king. When he had sufficient means, he founded a kingdom with Anahilavala as its capital. Foundation of Anahilapatana: The prabandhas state that the city of Anabilavada was founded by Vanaraja after a shepherd named Anahila who had pointed out a spot where a hare was chased by dog. The Prabandhacintamuni gives V.E. 802 (746 A.D.) as the date of Vanaraja's installation while in the Vicarasreni, V.E. 821 ( 765 A.D.) is given as the date of the foundation of the city. The Dharmaran ya records the date of foundation of the city as V.E. 802. According to Mr. Ramlal Modi who has worked on the chronology of Cavalas the year V.E. 802 seems to be correct. The city also contains some relics of the Cavada rule.* Genealogy and chronology: According to the prabandhas and other literary sources the family of Vanaraja consisted of eight members who ruled for 196 years. The period of their reign begins from V.E. 802 (746 A.D.) and ends in the year V.E. 998 (941 A.D.). As regards the individual members of the dynasty, their succession and duration of reign, we have several authorities at our disposal. They, however, differ so much that it is very difficult to reconcile them. The following works for the genealogy may be consulted here: (1) the Prabandha-cintamani, (2) the Sukrtasankirtana, (3) the Sukrta-kartikallolini, (4) the Vicarasreni, (5) the Kumarapala-prabandha, (6) the Dharmaranya, (7) the Ratnamala, (8) the Mirat-e-Ahmadi, (9) the Pravacana-pariksa, (10) the Rajavali-kosthaka and (11) the bardic Copadas. 1 Gwalior Ins. of Bhoja I, EI., XVIII, p. 99 ff., V. 4. 2 JSS., II, No. 4: p. 9: T. 68390.... STARTTT: itaas: t3ruthillpurmvsthaapyt| 3 Canto 66, V. 85. 4 Kantamala, foundation date of Patana, p. 156.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 207 As regards the early limit of the reign of the Cavadas we have to consider the date of Vanaraja. The Prabandha-cintamani does not mention the date of birth of Vanaraja but it records V.E. 862 (805 A.D.) as the date of his death when he was 109 years and some months old. If we subtract 109 from 862 we get V.E. 753 (A.D. 697) is the date of birth of Vanaraja. According to the same authority he was appointed at the age of 50 in the year V.E. 802 (746 A.D.) when he founded the city of Anahillapura. In the foregoing pages we have discussed that by the year 740 A.D. (Navasari plates) the Cavadas of Pancasara were attacked by the Arabs. Vanaraja at that time may have been 44 years old for he was 50 years of age in the year 746 A.D. The Prabandha-cintamani states that when Vanaraja was a child in the cradle, his mother was very poor, and she collected the fuel. The Ratnamale and Dharmaranya inform us that the king of Pancasara was killed by the king of Kanauj (suggested by me as Nagabhata I) and then was born Vanaraja. If the long age of 109 years of Vanaraja be accepted, this would mean that the misfortune of the family might have befallen in the year of his birth i.e., V.E. 752 (698 A.D.). This period is obviously quite earlier than that of the Navasari plates which proves the existence of Cavada at Pancasara in 739 A.D., and then that of Nagabhata I (725-756 A.D.). In the above light it seems that there is some mistake in recording the rather unusually long age of 109 years of Vanaraja. Moreover, the coronation year V.E. 802 (746 A.D.) of Vanaraja also seems rather improbable. When we reconcile the statement of the Prabandhacintaniani with the Navasari plates and Nagabhata I, the year 746 A.D. (V.E. 802) seems more probably the date of birth of Vanaraja. The Vicarasreni gives us V.E. 821 (A.D. 764) as the foundation date of Anahillapur by Vanaraja." By that time he must have been nineteen years old which seems to me as the coronation date. The foundation of Anahilavada by Vanaraja is a matter of controversy. One Jain authority Jinaprabha in the Vividha-tirtha-kalpa states that the city was built on the site of a town known as Lakharama, which is stated to have been founded in V.E. 502 (446 A.D.). It seems, however, xt1221*#afyat Pos cap a TRIHA 1 SJGM., I, pp. 13-14: raajyaabhissekH| ? JSS., II, No. 3, p. 9. 3 SJGM., X, p. 51: aikkaMtesu sNvutto| TARTA al 1991 a 13 dayaTugay aftan (402)

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208 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES that Vanaraja might have been born at that place and thus all the credit of foundation of the city might have been given to him. On the other hand, if we accept the traditional age of Vanaraja i.e., 109 years, we should then assume that at the time of the Arab attack at Pancasara, Vanaraja must have been near about 43 years and lived on with his father. At that time, perhaps, they might have survived from the sweeping attack of the Arabs, but when his father was slain by Nagabhata I, he might have led a life of an outlaw against the reigning power. In that case all the events relating to the birth of Vanaraja would be regarded as mere myth. On the whole, these arguments regarding the early date of the Cavana are based on mere hypothesis and we have no documentary evidence for it. But about the last date of this family we have an epigraphical evidence. The Sambhara stone inscription of Jayasimha Siddharaja states that at the expiry of 998 years from Vikrama, Muladeva came to the crest of the earth in the Caulukya dynasty. The Vicarasreni gives us V.E. 1017 as the last limit of the Cavada reign, and as the accession date of the Caulukya Mularaja." From these two statements, it appears that while the Sambhara inscription of Jayasimha Siddharaja records the date of Mularaja's birth, 998 A.D., the Vicarasreni states the year of his accession which according to it is V.E. 1017. The following is the dynastic tree of the Cavadas:-- Jayasekhara Vanaraja Yogaraja Ratnaditya Vairisimha Ksemaraja Camunda Rahada or Ghaghada Bhuvada 1 TA., 1929, pp. 234-36. 2 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA Vanaraja: The Prabandha-cintamani records the tradition that Vanaraja founded the city by building a Dhavalagrha (white house, i.e. a royal court or palace) under a Jali tree. The Tilaka ceremony was performed by his adopted sister Sridevi. He made Jamba, a merchant, his Mahamatya (the chief-minister). It has been already mentioned above that according to Neminaha-cariu, Lahara, son of Ninnaya, was the general of the armies of Vanaraja. We learn from the Prabandha-cintamani that Vanaraja invited Silagunasuri from Pancasara and showed his gratitude by requesting him to occupy his throne and accept his whole kingdom, which naturally the sage refused. At his suggestion, however, he built a Caitya-a temple-which was known as the Pancasara caitya in which the idol of Parswanatha brought from Pancasara was installed. He also built another temple in honour of the goddess Kanteswari or Kanthesvari known as Kantelvari-prasada.* Arisimha also refers to the former temple as if it were a mountain. The Prabandha-cintamani states that Vanaraja ruled for 59 years and some months. The Vicarasreni assigns him 60 years." We have no information as to the extent of his dominions. From the above narratives, Vanaraja appears in his early life as a cruel man killing and plundering here and there and behaving like a rebel. In spite of this he was possessed of certain good qualities which enabled him to win the support of powerful and rich persons in strengthening his army and treasury. He was a promising man and he fulfilled the promises he made to others in his early life of a vagabond. He seems also to have been a man with a sense of gratitude. He gave the name of his capital after the name of a person who showed him a piece of land which he was searching for. His ministers were those persons who helped him in his early life. Even his Tilaka ceremony was performed by that lady who gave him food and dress. His leaning towards the Jain monks was natural because he and his mother. were blessed by them. It is said in the Prabhavaka-carita that he gave certain rights to Caityavasi monks (by whom he was benefited) as against 1 SJGM, I, 13: pratipannabhaginIM zriyAdevImAhUya tathA kRtatilakaH / 2 Ibid: sajAmbAbhidhAno vaNigmahAmAtyazcakre / 209 * Tbid.: paJcAsaragrAmataH zrIzIlaguNasUrIn sbhktimaaniiy| A Ibid. zrIpArzvanAthapratimAlaMkRtaM paJcAkharA midhAnaM caityaM nijArAdhakaM mUrtisametaM ca kArayAmAsa / dhavalagRhe kaNTezvarIprAsAdazca kAritaH / P. 13 : saM. 803 pUrva niruddhaM varSa 69 mAsa, dina 21 zrImanarAjena rAjyaM kRtam / JSS., II, No. 3-4, p. 9. 27

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210 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the Suvihita monks.1 He was certainly a dauntless man and his kingly qualities assisted him to regain the fortune of his family which was ruthlessly destroyed by the enemies. Yogaraja: According to the Sukyta-samkirtana, Prabandha-cintamani and Vicarasreni, Vanaraja was succeeded by his son Yogaraja. He has been assigned a reign of 10 years in the A and D MSS of the Prabandhacintamazi and 35 years and a life of 120 years, in the other MSS of the same work"; while the Vicarasreni gives only 9 years for his reign. If we accept the version of A-D MSS, which agrees approximately with that of the Vicarasregi in different regnal years and in order of succession with those of the Sukyta-sankirtana and Vicarasreni, we can deduct twenty-five years. from 120 years of his life. That will give him a life of about 95 years. Wrong Identification Confuted: This Yogaraja has been identified by Messrs. Diksit and Diskalkar with Yogaraja of Harsola grants of Siyaka dated V.E. 1005 (949 A.D.). This identification is obviously wrong as the last date of Yogaraja Cavada falls in V.E. 897 (842 A.D.) which is an early period of about 100 years. To rectify this error they assume that either there may have been one more Yogaraja after Ghaghada Cavada whose name is not recorded by the Jain chroniclers or Yogaraja may be another name of Samantasimha (V.E. 930-938) who was killed by Mularaja Caulukya. But their assumption has no support at all. Mr. Ramlal Modi, on the other hand, assumes that Avanivarman alias Yoga, a feudatory of Mahendrapala Pratihara, may have been identical with Yogaraja Cavada. But the date revealed by the inscriptions of Avanivarman (V.E. 956) shows that he belonged to a later period. Thus this identification also does not seem to be correct. Merutunga gives the following information: "Once during his reign, ships of a foreign king laden with rich cargo were driven by storm to Somanatha Pattana in Saurastra. His son Ksemaraja requested his father, the king, to permit him to take possession of these foreign ships. He told him that there are in them 1 SJGM., XIII, p. SJGM, I, p. 14 3 Ibid., p. 14: (i) 136, Vs. 71-81. saMvat 862 varSe zrIyogarAjasya rAjyAbhiSekaH / niruddhavarSa 1 mAsa 1 dina zrI yogarAjena rAjyaM kRtam / (ii) anena yogarAjanAnA rAjJA varSa 35 rAjyaM kRtam viMzatyadhikavarSazate pUgaiMcitApravezaH kRtaH / 4 * JSS., II, No. 3-4. p. 9 PTOC., 1924. (Madras), pp. 303-08. IA., XV, pp. 140-41. tatpuMtraNa yogarAjena varSa 9 kRtam /

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 211 a thousand, spirited horses and elephants, eighteen in number, and crores of other things. All these will go to their own country through our country. If Your Majesty will give the order, I will bring them to you.'i When this proposal had been made to king, he forbade the attempt, But Ksemaraja and his brothers, thinking that the king had grown senile, took possession of this foreign property as it was being carried through the boundary of their kingdom. This may be the boundary between Kathiawar and main land Gujarata. When Yogaraja heard this news, he was deeply affected by this misdeed of his sons. He told them, "When in foreign countries, kings praise the government of all sovereigns, they say scornfully that in the land of Gujarat there is a government of robbers. When we are informed of this and similar facts by our representatives in their reports, we are afflicted, because we do, to certain extent, feel despondent on account of our ancestors." 2 After saying this he fasted unto death for the sins of his sons. He is said to have built a temple of the goddess Yogisvari.3 Yogaraja's Successors: He had three sons by names Ratnaditya, Vairisimha and Ksemaraja. Ksemaraja was succeeded by his son Camundaraja. According to the Prabandha-cintamani his name was Bhuyada. Camundaraja was followed by his son Ghaghada who is also called Ahada by the Sukrta-sankirtana. The last king is called Bhuyagad in the A-D MSS of the Prabandha-cintamani and Samantasimha in the present edition of the same. He is also called Bhubhata by the Sukrta-sankirtana and Puad by the Vicarasreni. Agada built two temples, one was known as Agadesvara-prasada probably dedicated to Siva and the other known as Kantesvariprasadas dedicated to the goddess Kantesvari in whose honour, as we have seen, Vanaraja had also built a temple. The last king built a temple known as Bhuyagadesvara-prasada. He built also a rampart round Anahilapura, to protect the city. Thus it appears that Capotkatas were great builders. According to Merutunga the last king Samantasimha, who is Bhuyada 3402017: SJGM., I, p. 14: Baracteet 113: Auf alcada faqja zrI somezvarapattane smaagtaani| 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.: 37 HEIRAT steam HIT: : 1 * Rasamala, Pt. I, Appendix, Chapter III, p. 45. 5 Ibid., p. 15: 39 Tai gaf Zugaret Fidati 6 Ibid.: BET TIET H ETTYTATS: Fa: 4 TARI

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212 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES or Puad in other works, was murdered by his sister's son.1 The Vicarasreni is, however, silent on this point. The Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasuri confirms the view.? The Vadanagara prasasti of Kumarapala dated 1152 A.D. informs us that the Capotkatas were overthrown by Mularaja.3 According to a verse quoted in the Prabandha-cintamani, "this kingdom of the Gurjaras, even from the time of king Vanaraja, was established with the Jain mantras (counsels), its foes indeed has no cause to rejoice."4 It is a question as to how much of this claim is historically correct. The official religion of the kings was, no doubt, Saivism and Saktism (they built many temples of these deities), but the influential persons in the state, the rich merchants like Ninnaya, his son Lahara, chief-minister Jamba etc. were probably most of them Jains. Thus the Jains occupied high posts in the state. So, from this point of view, the claim may be regarded valid at least partially. But as far as the political life of Capotkatas is concerned there is nothing characteristically Jain. II. THE CAULUKYAS (SOLANKIS) OF GUJARATA. Unlike the other dynasties we have copious Jain material for the political and social history of the Caulukyas of Gujarata. The Jain writers of Gujarata were more careful to record almost every incident of this family. It seems that they had developed greater historical sense during this age. The period of nearly three centuries and a half (961-1304 A.D.) over which the members of this dynasty ruled, is regarded as the most flourishing period of the Jain religion and its literature. The Jain writers were mostly associated with the state and government of that period and the information we get from them naturally presents before us a true picture of the age as far as it goes. The capital of this family from the very beginning (from Mularaja) up to the end, was Anahilapataka,5 sometimes known as Anahillapura or Anhilapatana also. Before the establishment of the Caulukyas, Cavadas were ruling there, but they were the master of only a small principality. 1 PC., p. 16: fandt HIGOAT OTT A HERE HI ya 40 2 Canto I, V. 30, p. I: Hraft IGS GATE 27: Tear FETE FESTETT PATCI 3 El., I, p. 293. 4 SJGM., I, p. 13: TTTTTH THE FIFTRATI jainaistu sthApitaM maMtraistadadveSI naiva nndti| 5 DV., Canto I, V. 4: 11 W AlfaTVETTE HI

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA Caulukyas, unlike them, developed that small principality into an empire in which Gujarata reached the climax of its glory. We have seen in relation to the Gurjara Pratiharas that the land of Gujarat formed a part of the great Pratihara empire at least up to c. 982 A.D. The colophon of the Aradhanakathakosa referred to above clearly supplies us this information.1 Mularaja's Ancestors: The first member of this dynasty unanimously accepted is Mularaja who made the fortune of this clan bright. Several Jain authorities indisputably refer to his father's name as Raji. The Prabandhacintamani records an interesting story relating to Raji and his two brothers, The story runs thus: "The three brothers by name Raji, Bija, and Dandaka born of the same mother and sons of Munjaladeva of the family of the king Bhuyaraja previously mentioned (as the ruler of Kalyana-kataka in the country of the Kanyakubja) went on pilgrimage to Somanatha and paid their adorations to Him. On their return they were looking at the king Bhuyadadeva, while engaged in the amusement of horse race. When the king gave the horse a stroke with the whip, the Ksatriya named Raji who was dressed as a pilgrim was annoyed with that cut which was given inopportunely. He shook his head, and said, 'Alas, Alas. When the king asked him the reason of his behaviour, he praised the particular pace performed by the horse, and considering it not inappropriate, said 'when you gave the horse a cut with the whip you made my heart bleed.' The story further states that the king. Bhuvada, being pleased, gave his sister's hands to the prince Raji, thinking that he was of high birth. In due course his sister became pregnant and in the last stage she died suddenly. The ministers, thinking that if they did not take some steps the child would die also, performed the caesarian operation and took the child out of her womb. The child was given the name Mularaja being born under the nahgatra Mula. This prince by his general popularity due to his beautiful complexion and by his valour extended the sway of his maternal uncle. Under such circumstances, the king Bhaiyada, when intoxicated, used to have him crowned king and used again to depose him when he became sober, from that time forth a Capotakata gift has become a proverbial test. Being disappointed every day in this way, he made ready his followers, he killed Bhuiyada and became king in reality." 1 SJGM., XVII, p. 255. SJGM., I, pp. 15-16 : mUlarAjaprabandhaH / 213

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214 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The Kumarapala-prabandha and an older prabandha name some of the ancestors of Mularaja as follows:-Bhuyada, Karmaditya, Candraditya, Somaditya, Bhuvanaditya, and Raji. Bhaumaditya of this list seems to be identical with Musjala.1 The Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhastri, however, gives a different ancestry. "In the city of Madhupadma (possibly mod. Mathura) certain Caulukya, the noble Ksatriya, established a kingdom. From him sprung the Caulukya family famous in the world. In the succession there was born a king named Simhavikrama, who had a son by name Harivikrama. Then there became 85 kings in the succeeding generations. Then a descendant named Sahajarama arose in that family who had a son Dadaka or Dandakka who got a victory over the king of Pipasa. His successor was the king Kancivyala who was succeeded by the king Raji. He married the sister of the Gurjara king, Samantasimha, by name Lila; the son of both was Mularaja. This Malaraja killed his maternal uncle and occupied the throne of the Gujaras by force." According to certain scholars Kafcivyala of the above list is probably identical with Munjala mentioned in the Prabandha-cintamani as the grandfather of Millaraja. According to them Kancivyala literally means the Vyala of Kafici that is the mad elephant, tiger or king of Kanci (apparently in the south) and it might have been an honorific title of Munjala in praise of some of his exploits in the south. Our earlier literary source, the Dvyasraya-kavya, records only Malaraja's father's name as Raji, having called Mularaja as Rajibha and Rajinandana2 which means son of Raji and in one place it states that Mularaja was the son of the brother of Dadhaka. The learned commentator of the Dvyasraya-kavya, however, gives the names of the three brother's as Raji, Bija and Dadhaka as mentioned in the Prabandha-cintamani.3 But that kavya is silent about the other facts. Arisimha in his Sukyta-samhirtana states that after Bhubhata his sister's son came to his throne.4 From the above quotations some truth may be disentangled, for they certainly contain some elements of the fact. Mularaja's father is, undoubt 1 BV., 1939, I, p. 85. * DV., IV, V. 63 gopucchIM to camUM zatruH samarakItoM rAjinandanena / 3 Ibid., Canto 3, V. 99 and commentary on it: rAjerapatyaM mUlarAja zrI jayostu bhrAtuSputraH / * Canto II, V. x pade'tha tasyAjani bhAganeya cIlukyavaMzArNavapUrNacandraH / zrImUlarAjaH pratikUlarAjasamUla nirmUlanabaddhamUla // fenfay

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 215 edly, a historical figure. In one of his inscriptions Raji is styled as Maharajadhiraja or Raja. The Prabandha-cintamari, Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimha and earlier than the two, the Sukrta-samkirtana, mention Mularaja as the sister's son of the last Cavada prince from whom he captured Anahilavada. For his relation to the Cavada princes, we have no documentary evidence. The Vadanagor prasasti composed by the Jain Sripala dated 1152 A.D., however, confirms that Mularaja certainly took the kingdom from the Cavadas. The copper plates grant of a Jain temple known as the Varunasarmaka grant of Yuvaraja Camunda dated V. E. 1033 (977 A.D.) refers to the name of one of the forefathers of the dynasty as "Caulkika rajavamsatilaka Srivyalakanti.''3 This reference reminds us of the name Kancikavyala which occurs in the Kumarapala-carita as the grandfather of Mularaja and who, on the other hand, has been identified with Muajala of the Prabandha-cintamani. His grandfather Musijala alias Vyalakanti, therefore, seems also to be a historical figure. From all the above references, we may safely derive the conclusion that Raji was a descendant or son of Vyalakanci or Kancikavyala or Munjala or Bhaumaditya, who in his turn was descended from Bhuyada or Bhuyaraja. Before going to present any identification of this man we should inquire about the origin of the family and its original home. Origin of the Family: It is very difficult to discover the one and real name of the family. We find several variants in the inscriptional as well as literary sources. Our earlier Jain authority known as Varunasarmaka grant of Camunda of 977 A.D. refers to 'Culkika' as the name of the family.4 Two other Jain inscriptions from the Mt. Abu, of about th 13 century, state that they were known as Caulukyas. Several other Jain inscriptions discovered at the Mt. Girnar and near Khambata repeat the same name of the family. To confirm the later version of our Jain inscriptions we have an early authority other than the Jain, known as copper plates grant of Trilocanapala of Lata, dated 1050 A. D. which refers to the family name as the Caulukya.? In the Sanskrt Jain literature Hemacandra and later 1 IA., VI, p. 191 ff. etc. 2 EI., I, pp. 296,301, V. 5. 3 HIG., Pt. III, p. 155. 4 Ibid. * Ibid., Pt. II, pp. 125, 137. 6 Ibid. Pt. III, pp. 15, 36, 90, 103. 7 Ibid., Pt. III, miscellaneous inscriptions, p. 52.

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216 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES writers prefer 'Caulukyas' as the form of the family name. But some of our Jain Prakrt works mention them as Calukkas.2 We, however, know from the early inscriptions (other than the Jain) belonging to the tenth century that they were called by several variants such as Calukika, Culukika, etc.3 The Jain grant of the same period referred to above gives another variant Caulkika. Whatever may be the variants of the name we can say on the basis of the Jain inscriptional as well as literary sources that downward to the eleventh century the word Caulukya is found generally preferred and adopted. Referring to the etymological meaning of the word 'Caulukya' the Jain sources record the traditional myth of the origin of the Caulukyas. Several Jain authorities like the Vadanagar Prasasti of 1151 A.D., a Jain inscription of Khambata of the 13th century, the commentary of the Dvya sraya-kavya Vasanta-vilasa, Vastupala-Tejapala-prasasti and the Prabandha-cintamani etc. can be quoted as references. They all state that " once God Brahma who was approached, while he was engaged in performing his Sandhya devotions, by the gods with a request to create a hero to put an end to the increasing evil in the world, looked steadily into his Culuka and as a result, a hero named Culuka sprang up from it. From him sprang a race, renowned as Caulukya." 4 This kind of legend, however, can easily be described from the historical point of view. It seems, however, that the authors of this period were in the habit of investing any name with a myth while attempting an etymological elucidation of words. As regards their race there are certain references in the Jain sources. Hemacandra in the ninth canto of his Dvyasraya-kavya referring to the long conversation between the envoy of Bhima and the Kalacuri king Karna states that Bhima was praised by Karna as belonging to the Lunar race and he also sang at that time the greatness of Pururava etc., the early members of the race. Having followed Hemacandra, Jinaharsagani in his Vastupalacarita calls Bhima I as the ornament of the Lunar race. It may be commented on this point that they are simply recording the tradition. 1 DV., Canto I, p. 39, 13THAT | Sukyta-samkirtana, p. 1o: arrastra :.... 2 GOS., LXXVI, pp. 212, 254. 3 D. K. Sastri, Gujaratano Madhyakalina Itihasa, I, pp. 118, 119. 4 Cf. Vadanagar Prasasti V. 2. DV., Canto I, Commentary of V. 2: culuke saMdhyAvandanAya vidhAtrAmbunAbhRte haste bhavo iti ye culukyaaH| 5 Canto 9, Vs. 40-59. Cf. V. 42: A HASTtitit frati & I, V. 79: 7THOTHORS gaf 591Hall

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 217 Certain scholars on the basis of analogy in the forms of the words 'Calukya' and 'Caulukya', regard all the Calukyas as belonging to one stock. According to them the early Calukyas of Badami, and the two later Calukyas (the one from Kalyani known as the Western Calukyas and the other from Vengi called the Eastern Calukyas) as well as the Caulukyas of Gujarat must have had their common origin? But the analogy of the form of names does not prove their assumptions fully correct for each of them traces their origin differently. The kings of the early Calukya dynasty of Badami do not record any supernatural origin of their family. They traced themselves up to their first ancestor in a quite human order. The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi, on the other hand, traced their origin of the Lunar dynasty2 and the migration from the north. Regarding the origin of the Western Calukyas the grants of Vikramaditya VI claim them as being of Lunar origin3 while the Jain poet Ranna, the court poet of Tailapa II, in the introduction to his poem, the Gada yuddha, mentions their origin from Ayodhyapura, "the lord of Ayodhyapura." 4 Bilhana, the court poet of Vikramaditya VI gives a similar story of supernatural origin of the Caulukyas as we have seen regarding the Caulukyas of Gujarata, that is from the palm (Culuka) of Brahma, and states that at first they ruled in Ayodhya, but afterwards they came to Deccan. Regarding the Caulukyas of Gujarata we have seen that Hemacandra also maintains the view of their Lunar origin. All these beliefs about the origin of the Caulukyas lead us to draw certain important conclusions. We know from history that these later Calukya kingdoms including that of Gujarata were founded in the later part of the tenth century after the disruption of the two great empires, the Rastrakuta in the Deccan and the Pratihara in the north. This also we know that the later Calukyas of Deccan were the feudatories of the Rastrakuta emperors. In this connection we should also keep in mind the spirit of the age. During this age we find that all these usurpers of the previous kingdoms, in order to establish their supremacy over the mass whom they intended to rule, and over other contemporary ruling dynastiesthe Cahamanas and the Paramaras-invented their origins from supernatural or mythological personages and their court poets coloured the theory in their poetic fancies. 1 BG., I, Pt. I, p. 156. 2 El., VI, pp. 347-61. 3 TA., XXI, pp. 167-68. 4 IA., XI, pp. 43-45. * Vikramankadeva-carita, Canto I, pp. 4-7. 28

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218 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES At any rate, from the stories of their origin, we may discover certain common features lying in them. For instance, as we see the theory of birth of the original ancestors of the Western Calukyas of Kalyani from the palm of Bramha, similar anecdotes we find about the Caulukyas of Gujarata. As we notice the descent of later Calukyas from the Lunar race, similarly we get information from Hemacandra's Dvya sraya-kavya about the Caulukyas of Gujarata also. As we find their migration from the north, similarly we find from the narration of the Jain writers that the Caulukyas of Gujarat came from the north. One point must be noticed here in this connection that all these common traits are found in the contemporary inscriptions and literature from 11th century downwards. From the foregoing discussion we may very well conjecture something about their common origin. We, however, cannot say more on this point in the present state of our knowledge. Let us now decide the question of the original home of the Caulukyas of Gujarata. The Original Seat of the Fanily: From the two Jain authorities, i.e., the Prabandha-cintamani and the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasuri quoted above, it appears that the ancestors of Mularaja came from the north. The former states that the three brothers Raji, Bija, and Dandaka, sons of Munjaladeva of the family of the king Bhuyaraja, a ruler of Kalyana-kataka in the country of Kanyakubja, went on a pilgrimage to Somanath."1 The latter states that in the city of Madhupadma certain Culukya, the noble ksatriya, established a kingdom. From him sprang the Caulukya family. Madhupadma is certainly identical with modern Mathura. One of his descendants, by name Dadaka, won a victory over the king of Pipasa, whose identification is still a matter of investigation. These references tempt one to guess that their original seat may have been in the north. Identification of Kalyana-kataka : The statement of the Prabandha. cintamani has drawn the attention of scholars. There is difference of opinion regarding that statement. The main point of dispute among scholars is Kalyana-kataka and its identification. Forbes and Elphinstone hold the view that this Kalyana-kataka is identical with Kalyana, the capital of Western Calukyas, which was founded in the later half of the eleventh century and which here is anachronistically mentioned. There is no important place of the name of Kalyana in Kanauj. They, therefore, regard the Caulukyas as of southern origin.3 Dr. Buhler, Dr. D. R. Bandarkar 1 See supra, p. 213. 2 See supra p. 214. 9 Rasamala, I, p. 56.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 219 and Pandit Bhagavan Lal Indraji assume that Caulukyas came from the north and Kalyana-kataka must be in the north. Buhler relates that "if Kalyana-kataka is identical with Kalyana of Deccan, there must be another Kalyana-kataka by that name in northern India also." He says that "this name is by no means uncommon. Two towns of this name are well known and of great antiquity, viz., Kalyana near Bombay, the Kalliene of the Greeks and Kalyana in the Deccan."1 Dr. Bhandarkar, going a step further, states: "And the traditions are unanimous in saying that his father Raji came from Kalyana-kataka in Kanyakubja. It is very likely that Kanyakubja denotes Kanauj itself. We have seen that Kanauj was known by the name Mahodaya. And Mahodaya and Kalyana arc identical in meaning. In the copper plates of the Pratiharas Mahodaya is called a Skandhavara. Skandhavara and Kataka again are synonymous terms. Hence Kalya??a-kataka is equivalent to Mahodaya-Skandhavara so far as the meaning goes. And as Hindu authors are in the habit of speaking about the same kings and cities in terms different but equivalent in meaning, it is highly probable that by Kalyana-kataka in the Kanyakubja country Kanauj is meant."'2 Having followed Dr. Bhandarkar, K. M. Munshi identifies Bhuyaraja of the prabandhas with Bhoja Pratihara of Kanyakubja.3 We, however, have nothing to say about these assumptions made by the scholars. But the identification of Kalyana-kataka and Bhuyaraja requires some fresh investigations. Let us now try to see whether our prabandhas throw any additional light on this topic. The Puratana Prabandha-sangraha states: "Once Jayacandra, feeling jealousy about the pompous titles of Paramardi, invaded him with big garrison. He reached his capital by name Kalyana-kata ka, devastating the country." The Gahadavala Jayacandra's rivalry with Paramardi shows that Paramardi is certainly identical with the Candella king of that name. His capital was called Kalyana-kataka. In another place, the same authority states: 1 JA., VI, pp. 182-83. 2 JBBRAS., XXI, pp. 427-28. 3 The Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, Pt. III, p. 74. * See su bra p. 69.

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220 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES "there was a king by name Yasovarman in the city of Kalyanakataka. He tied a bell of justice on the door of his palace."1 I have elsewhere shown that this Yasovarman is identical with the powerful Candella ruler Yasovarman, the father of Dhanga. Hence it comes out that Kalyana-kataka was the name of the Candella capital. The Prabhavaka-carita in relation to the Caulukya Kumarapala states: "Once the king of Kalyana-kataka, having known that Kumarapala is leaned towards Jainism and thus is weak, he invaded him with large military."2 I have elsewhere equated this king of Kalyana-kataka with the Candella king Madanavarman who encountered the army of Kumarapala in the Dasarna country most probably in this old age. Thus we have obtained another testimony for Kalyana-kataka as the capital of the Candellas. About its location we are informed from a book of tales by name Hitopadesa that there was a hunter in the 'Visaya' of Kalyana-kataka named Bhairava. Once he in search of a dear entered the Mt. Vindhya 3 This story tells us that Kalyana-kataka was in or near the Vindhyas. From the above references it appears that Kalyana-kataka in the Mt. Vindhyas was once regarded as the capital of the Candellas. In proposing the identification of this Kalyana-kataka we may say that it might have been the same as the Kalanjara. Following the argument of Dr. Bhandarkar that the Hindu writers were in the habit of using terms different but equivalent in meaning, we may assume that Kalyana-kataka most probably is Kalanjara (kataka). Kalyana means Siva (the great God Siva). And Siva and Kalanjara are identical in meaning. Hence Kataka of Kalyana is equivalent to Kalanjarakataka, which once formed a province of the Kanyakubja kingdom. Bhuyaraja, a king mentioned in the Prabandha-cintamani, is also stated to be the king of Kalyana-kataka in the country of Kanyakubja. The story recorded in the prabandhas may be summarised here as follows: "In the country of Kanyakubja, in the capital city of Kalyanakataka there was a king by name Bhuyaraja. Once he fell in love with the wife of his servant, without knowing her as maid-servant. When he came to know, he cut through his hands in atonement and went to vital city in 10 whe 1 SIGM., II, p. 107; see supra, p. 63. 2 Ibid., XIII, p. 206; see also supra, p. 68 fn. III. 8 HSS., XXXVIII, p. 31: TETEP 2110T-FEATTETE FNAFashrit rencat.... 4 Brah, copper-plate of Bhoja EI., XIX, pp. 15-19. S H 214: # $ACT

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 221 the temple of Mahakaladeva in Malava province and devoted himslef to the god. Then the king made over to the god the land and appointed the Paramara princes to guard it."1 This story certainly contains certain facts of historical importance. Firstly, it denotes the position of Kalyana-kataka at the time when Bhuyaraja was ruling, as Kalyana-kataka forming a part of the country of Kanauj. Secondly, Malava country was under the ruler of Kalyana-kataka. Thirdly and lastly, Bhuyaraja gave Malava to Paramaras, which may be interpreted as containing a veiled information of the rising of the Paramaras into power and the capture of Malava by the Paramaras from Bhuyaraja. In order to derive some more significances from the above conclusions we should go to the history of that period. We know that in the first half of the tenth century of the Christian era, the rivalry between Northern Gurjara Pratiharas and Southern Rastrakutas reached its climax and it ultimately resulted in the disruption of the Gurjara-Pratiharas of Kanyakubja. The last two blows successively dealt by the Rastrakutas, one in 915 A.D. and the other in 940 A.D., ruined the empire of the Pratiharas. The Paramaras were the vassals of the Rastrakutas between 910 A.D. and 940 A.D. and they occupied the modern Gujarata to the south of Sarasvati, west Malava, and Surastra, which means they captured it virtually from the imperial Pratiharas. Nevertheless, as subordinates to the Rastrakutas they were holding there the post of the viceroy. But in the middle of the tenth century they became independent by throwing off the yoke of the imperial Rastrakutas. If the episode of Bhuyaraja of Kalyana-kataka is to be believed, it has certainly a connection with the rising power of the Paramaras of this period. In the light of this fact, we may assume that Bhuyaraja may have been the Governor of the Pratiharas or the Rastrakutas, and was formerly transacting his business from Kalyana-kataka and then from Ujjaini where his power was captured by the early members of the Paramara family. Let us first suppose that he might have been a feudatory of the imperial Pratiharas and in that case he might have ruled from Kalyana-kataka in I SJGM., I, pp. 11-12: itsad 15972: Efeigiama para kalyANakaTakanAmni rAjadhAnInagare bhuyarAja iti rAjA rAjyaM kurvan .... / atha pratyUSe tAn yAmikAn sacivaiH nigRhyamANAn nivArya mAlavamaNDale mahAkAladevaprasAde gatvA svayaM devmaaraadhyNststhau| devAdezAbhujadvaye lagne sati taM mAlavadezaM sAntaHpuraM tasmai devAya dattvA tadrakSAdhikRtAn paramArarAjaputrAn niyojya svayameva taapsiidiikssaamniicke| 2 The Harsola grant and the Modesa grant refered to in the Chapter of the Paramaras of Malava.

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222 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the interest of his sovereign kings of Kanyakubja. At his time Malava formed a part of the Gurjara Pratihara empire. The story informs us that Bhuyaraja had gone to Malava and he gave it to the Princes of the Paramara family who were appointed there as the guards. This statement indicates that he was in charge of the Malava country under the Gurjara Pratiharas and certainly under force or threat he relinquished his authority in favour of the Paramaras or he might have been killed in that affair. As to when this event took place we have to depend on other evidences. According to the Vicarasreni, the accession date of Mularaja is known as V.E. 1017 (c. 961 A.D.).1 If we go back some 20 years, or thereabout, we may find an approximate date, that is, 941 A.D., when his father Raji was ousted from Malava and must have entered into Gujarata. Again we give 25 years to each of the two predecessors of Raji, i.e., to his fathar Munjala and grandfather Bhuyaraja respectively, then subtracting 50 years we get c. 891 A.D. or thereabout, the early limit of the time of Bhiyaraja, which tallies mostly with the period when the Paramara power started its growth. Vairisimha II is the first man about whom it is said that he conquered the city of Dhara. "By that king Dhara was indicated, when he slew crowd of his enemies with the edge of sword." 2 This pun on Dhara may indicate that Dhara was conquered by him. The period of Vairisirha is assigned to c. 910-940 A.D. or some time early to that, which mostly coincides with the period of Bhuyaraja, c. 891-916 A.D. conjectured above. Scholars are of one opinion on the point that the Paramara captured the seat of Malava from the Gurjara Pratiharas during their declining days.3 This fact, however, confirms our above conclusion. As to which race or clan this Bhiyaraja, who has been supposed to be a feudatory of the Gurjara Pratiharas, belonged, we have no information from the Prabandha-cintamari. But, supposing that his descendants call themselves as the Caulukyas, he might have been a Caulukya. In this connection we may further assume that he may have been a scion of a small branch of Caulukyas which in the early stages of these Caulukyas was lurking somewhere in Ayodhya or Mathura, the place from which the migration of other Calukyas has been supposed. Thus from the above discussion it appears that the ancestors of the Caulukyas of Gujarata might have hailed from the north and the original seat of the family might have been in Kalyana-kataka (modern Kalanjara) in Mt. Vindhya. 1 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9. 2 EI., I, pp. 223-38, V. II. 3 DHNI., II, p. 846.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 223 As regards the other alternative that "they were the feudatories of the Rastrakutas," it may be said that this possibility also cannot be ruled out, for, we know there were so many Calukya feudatory chiefs of the Rastrakutas. They came from Deccan to fight against Kanauj on behalf of the Rastrakutas. We have shown elsewhere on the evidence of the Jain authority, the poet Pampa, that Calukya Narasimha fought for Indra III as one of his generals and defeated Mahipala I (914-943 A.D.) of Kanauj in 915 A.D.1 We also know that Krsna III (c. 940-56 A.D.) made the last Rastrakuta attack on the Pratihara empire of Kanauj. The forts of Kalanjara and Citrakuta were occupied by the Rastrakuta army and the Gurjara-Pratihara emperor lost all hope of capturing them. An inscription found at Jura near Maihar in Madhya-pradesa testifies to the above statement. The Rastrakutas continued to hold these forts for about ten years but they were reconquered by the Candella king Yasovarman sometime before 953 A.D.3 The Caluk yas, in these two last struggles and in so many previous struggles of Northern India, must have been left behind by their lords, the Rastrakuta emperors, to govern the newly won territory of Kalanjara (identical with Kalyana-kataka). In the case of this alternative we may suppose that in the previous wars certain Calukyas, settled in Kalyana-kataka, must have been driven away by the imperial Pratiharas and they on their turn might have migrated to Malava and from Malava to Gujarata where they ultimately got settled. Thus our assumption in both ways proves the association of Mularaja and his ancestors, undoubtedly, with the north and with Kalyana-kataka. In the end, we may say that all these hypotheses based on certain arguments lead us to draw the above conclusions. But where the truth lies, we do not know in the present state of our knowledge. From Bhuyaraja to Raji: Bhuyaraja seems to be the historical personage of the dynasty. He was certainly the great grandfather of Mularaja as we have shown from the chronology. From the word "Purvokta Bhuyarajavainsa" 4 it should not be taken that Bhuyaraja was a remote member of the dynasty, for Merutunga informs us that he was the contemporary of the Paramaras and most probably of Vairisimha II. According to the downward order of the other names after Bhuyaraja 1 See supra, pp. 42-43, Chapter on the Gurjara Pratiharas. 2 Altekar, Dr. A.S., The Rastrakutas and Their Times, p. 113. 3 Ibid. * SJGM., I P. 15: H15994:

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224 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES were Sri Daddaka known from the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasuri and Somaditya from the Kumarapala-prabandha. It is said in the Kumarapala-carita that he defeated a king of Pipasa country. The country of Pipasa has not been identified yet. It seems, however, that it must be lying somewhere between Kalyana-kataka (modern Kalanjar) and Malava, for it was the region over which Bhuyaraja ruled. He was succeeded by his son Munjala who also has been called as Kancikavyala 3 in the Kumarapala-carita and Bhaumaditya in the Kumarapala-prabandha. 4 The Varunasarmaka Jain grant also refers to him as Sri Vyalakanti. The term Kancikavyala or Vyalakanti may be interpreted as meaning the Vyala of Kanci or Kanti--that is the mad elephant, tiger or the king of Kanci. It is, therefore, likely that Kancivyala might have been an honorific title of Munjala extrolling some of his exploits in southern India. Munjala had three sons by name Raji, Bija and Dandaka. They were the brothers from the same mother. I have quoted previously the story of Raji and his brothers, which shows how they went on a pilgrimage to Somanath; how they returned to Anahillapura disguised as a mendicant; how Raji showed his skill in the Horse Race and how he managed to marry the sister of the then ruling king Samanthasimha of the Cavada clan.5 About the historicity of Raji we are on firm ground because we find his name mentioned in the epigraphs of Mularajo, He is styled there as Maharajadhiraja. From the Kadi grant of Mularaja dated V. E, 1043 (c. 987 A.D.) it appears that his father was simply feudatory. It also appears from it that he might have been ruling somewhere in the north Gujarata after migrating from Malava as a petty vassal. Bhuyaraja, his son and grandson all were the staunch followers of Saivism. Bhuyaraja was in Kalanjara, one of the seats of Lord Siva. He went for atonement to another seat of Lord Siva, that is, Ujjayini.? His grandson Raji and his brother went on a pilgrimage to Somanath.8 All 1 BV., (1939), 1, 85. 2 Canto I, V. 26: 3fairuta STT TE: 35 FTTETTHET: 1 yaH pipAsAkhyarASTrezaM gajasiMha ivAjayat // 3 Canto I, V. 27: 15: FFTSHEFYHY H EI 4 BV., 1937, I, 85. 5 See supra p. 214. 6 EI., VI, pp. 180 ff., line 6. ? PC., p. II. See also supra p. 220. 8 lbid., p. 15.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 225 these references compel us to believe that they were Saivites. This also explains why to the end of the family Siva was their family deity. Mularaja (c. 961-996 A.D.): Mularaja succeeded his father Raji. With his reign we reach a firm ground for we get several inscriptions and copious literary material about his reign. He was the first king of the dynasty who aspired to transform his small principality into an empire. The words of the Vadanagar Prasasti uttered about him are quite eloquent : "Illustrious Mularaja, who stepped on the diadems of princes, was a priceless pearl to enhance the splendour of the fame of his family. He made the fortune of the kingdom of the Capotkata princes, whom he took captive at his will, an object of enjoyment for the multitude, of the learned, of his relatives, of the Brahmanas, bards and servants."'1 We may say that the real founder of this dynasty at Gujarata was Mularaja. He won the kingdom by his valour and strength. A Jain inscription known as Varunasarmaka grant of Yuvaraja Camunda dated V.E. 1033 (A.D. 977) compares Mularaja with Indra and calls him the son of the descendant of Srivyalakanci, who belonged to the royal family of Caulukika. He was married to Madhavi, the daughter of king Bhoja of the Cahamana family.2 According to Hemacandra his family was of the Lunar line and the gotra was Bharadvaja.3 The statement that Mularaja killed his maternal uncle and took possession of Anahilapatana, which we came across in the Prabandha-cintamani,4 finds no support either from the Jain sources or from sources other than the Jain ones. The Sukrta-samkirtana and the Sukrtakirti-kallolini, authorities earlier than the Prabandha-cintamaai, mention him as the sister's son of the last Cavada prince, 5 but they do not record the murder of that king by Mularaja. The earliest among the above quoted authorities, the Duyasraya-kavya, is almost silent about the relations of Mularaja with the Cavadas. The name of Mularaja's mother is recorded by the Prabandha-cintamani and the Kumarapala-prabandha as Liladevi but the Duyasraya-kavya calls Mularaja as 'Candikamata', which has been explained by the commentator that his mother was Candaladevi.6 Hence his mother's name seems to be 1 EI., I, pp. 296-305, Vs. 4-5. 2 BV., 1739, I, 80. 3 DV., VI, 7: ATR a Hariat tayuaTTI 4 SJGM., I, p. 16: fast an a rea l ga THE 6 SS., Canto II, V. I; SKK., p. 71 (GOS, X): mate: praat het af H IGI qu: (V. 23.). 8 DV., I, V. 188: 105 H arla qatt a 29

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226 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES uncertain. According to the Kadi grant of his reign, his paternal and maternal sides were pure white like the wings of the royal swan, which shows that his mother did not come from drunken and degenerated ancestors as the later Cavadas were supposed to be. His Reign: The three copper plate grants of Mularaja assign him a reign of 21 years, the first grant from Baroda being dated V.E. 1030 (c. 974 A.D.) and the third Belara grant V.E. 1051 (c. 995 A.D.)2 The Vicarasreni assigns 35 years for his reign, extending from V.E. 1017 as his accession date to V.E. 1052 as his successor's date.3 The Prabandha-cintamani, on the other hand, gives V. E. 998 as the date of Mularaja's accession and V.E. 1053 for that of his son Camunda and thus assigns him 55 years. Here the two Jain authorities are not unanimous. Though according to some scholars the Sambhara inscriptions of Jayasinha Siddharaja confirms the view recorded by the Prabandha-cintamani as it states that after the expiry of 998 years from Vikrama, Muladeva came to the crest of the earth in this dynasty, in my opinion they have misunderstood the statement of the inscription. The inscription actually states that in V.E. 998 Mularaja came on the earth which may mean that he was born in that year, which certainly was not the year of his accession. Thus the Sambhara inscription gives us the year of his birth. In the light of the inscription, we may say that the year given by the Prabandha-cintamazi is the year of his birth and not that of his accession. The year 998 V.E. given there as the year of accession seems to be wrong. The statement of the Vicarasreni seems to be reasonable for Mularaja, if born in V.E. 998, could easily get accession after 19 years in V.E. 1017, at the age of his majority. The Prabandhas have preserved several legends about the victorious achievements of the founder of the Caulukya dynasty. To Hemacandra he was Visnu, Siva and Brahma. We, however, have four inscriptions of his reign to corroborate or confute the statements referred to by the Jain historians. The dates of these inscriptions range from 974 A.D. (V.E. 1030) to 995 A.D. (V.E. 1051), while his reign begins actually from 961 A.D. Thus we have no records of the early period covering about 14 years of his reign. The first grant known as Baroda grant of the date 974 A.D. informs us that 1 1 A., VI, pp. 191-93: T&T TO PAZN927: 1 2 DHNI., II, p. 942-43. 3 JSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9. 4 SJGM., I., pp. 10-20. 6 TA., 1929, pp. 234-36, V. 6. & DV., Canto I, V. 138.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA he carved out a principality in Sarasvata mandala by his own prowess.1 This would mean that for about thirty years Mularaja sat quiet in Sarasvata mandala. 227 His Achievements: After consolidating his position, Mularaja began his conquests. Naturally, first he came in conflict with the neighbouring kings. According to the Jain sources he came in conflict with the daily growing power of the Paramaras in the South. Mularaja was the junior. contemporary of Siyaka II and senior to his successor and son Muja (974-996 A.D.). I have already elsewhere (on the basis of the Bijapur stone inscription of the Rastrakutas of Hathundi) stated that Munja attacked Mularaja. Malaraja together with the ruler of Mewar had to flee before him, 'like timid deer.' Dhavala (the Rastrakuta prince of Hathundi, (c. 980 A.D.) gave shelter to the armies of both the kings. According to the Jain inscription referred to above it seems that Mularaja did not gain much in this struggle. Two other wars, one with the king of Surastra and the other with his ally Laksa of Kaccha have been recorded by the Jain chroniclers. Hemacandra in his Dvyasraya-kavya, connecting these two wars in one episode, states that once Jehula, the Mahapradhana of Mularaja, told him all the mischiefs of Graharipu in detail such as his harassment of pilgrims and the sacrilege of the holy places by killing and eating sacred animals and hist treatment of defeated enemies as unworthy of a ksatriya etc. Upon this Malaraja decided to punish him and accordingly he attacked Graharipu of of Vamanasthali (modern Vanthali, 9 miles west of Junagadh). This battle took place on the bank of the river Jambumati, which has been rightly identified with the river Jambari in Kathiawar. The same authority further says that in that combat Mularaja threw Graharipu (down from his elephant, tied him with ropes and made him prisoner. Then Laksa, the king of Kaccha and an ally of Graharipu chased Mularaja but was killed. then and there. At last Graharipu, on the request of his queens was released." Hemacandra has given the description of this war in great detail. He has devoted full four cantos of his work to this war. The struggles with Graharipu and Laksa referred to find above no epigraphic support; and strangely enough the war with Graharipu is mentioned 1 WZKM., V, p. 300, 2 See supra p. 181. 3 Ramalal Modi, Sanskrit Dvyasraya Mai Madhyakalina Gujaratani Samajika Sthili, pp. 66-67. 4 Cantos 2-5.

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228 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES nowhere except the Duyasraya-kavya, but all the subsequent writers refer to this war as a war with Laksa probably because he was killed in the battle. The Prabandha-cintamani also without referring to Graharipu mentions a war with Laksaraja, the king of Kaccha. It relates that "this prince was the son of Phoolad and Kamalata, the daughter of Paramara king Kirtiraja and owing to the boon of Yasoraja, whom he had propitiated, he was altogether invincible. He repulsed eleven times the army of the king Mularaja. But in the twelfth encounter Mularaja besieged him at Kapilakoti, killed him in single combat and trod on the flowing beard of his foe."1 Though all the chroniclers like the authors of the Sukrta-sarikirtana and the Prabandha-cintamani refer to this war after the two wars with the king of Sapadalaksa and king of Lata it seems that hostility with the king of Kaccha might have begun long before the joint invasion of the above two. For Mularaja was already the master of the Eastern Kaccha. Mularaja waged another war with the king of Sindhu. Hemacandra states that there was one king of Sindhu among the other kings who fought in league with Graharipu against Mularaja?. According to the Sukrtakirti-kallolin 3 and the Vastupala-Tejahpala-prasasti4 he was defeated by Mularaja. As they mention no name of the Sindhu ruler, it seems he might have been in all probability, a petty chieftain of the Eastern Sindhu delta. Hemacandra also describes the battle between Mularaja and the ruler of Lata, Dvarappa or Barappa. This war has been recorded by the later Jain writers also. Hemacandra states: 'Once Barappa sent an ominous elephant to Mularaja as a present, but by this act Mularaja was highly enraged. Mularaja and his son Camundaraja with large garrison crossed the river Sabharamati (mod. Sabaramati) and entering Lata they defeated and killed Barappa.' 5 The Kirti-kaumudi refers to this war with Barappa. It, however, calls i SGM., I, pp. 18-19: Tarza: arata: Fagfagfa: qafe Birth varaprasAdAtsarvato'pyajeyaH ekAdazakRtvastrAsitazrImUlarAjasainyaH .... kasminnavasare kapilakoTTadurgasthita eva meth: ai fat .... FOTO T I .... 3727 a: .... HIPOT PET FUTE. .. 2 Canto IV, V. 89: 3 orecitat FTA: IFUTE fefer RITISATTI 3 V. 24: aaria ferrugia Jangasit.... F EH...etc. 4 V. 6: 5:44: 4989 5 DV., Canto VI, Vs. 6, 44, 99: (6) 1936 : 37 etc. (44) 427 etc. (99) HEST sretrats etc.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 229 Barappa the general of the king Lata.1 The Sukrta-samkirtana also records the defect, of Barappa but strangely enough, it calls Barappa, the Dandanatha-general or governor of the king of Kanyakubja.2 The Prabandhacintamani, on the other hand, describes it somewhat differently. It calls Barappa a general of the king of Telangadesa and states that Mularaja was simultaneously attacked on one side by the king of Sapadalaksa and on the other by Barappa. The following is the abridged version of the Prabandhacintamani.3 "On a certain occasion, the king of the country of Sapadalaksa came to the border of the land of Gujarat to attack Mularaja. At the same time arrived Barappa, the general of the monarch that ruled over the Tilanga country." Mularaja consulted his ministers. They said to him, "If you throw yourself into the fort of Kantha and tide over some days, when the Navaratra festival comes, the king of Sapadalaksa will go to his capital of Sakambhari to worship his family goddess. In that interval we will conquer the general named Barappa and after him the king of Sapadalaksa also." Though the king whiled away some time, at the time of Navaratra, without taking care of his ministers' advices he attacked the king of Sapadalaksa. It is stated in the course of the narrative that Mularaja, mounting a splendid female camel, unexpectedly entered the camp of his enemy and said to him: "When I was thinking whether on this terrestrial globe, there was any king heroic enough to stand against me in battle or not, you arrived exactly in accordance with my wishes. But as flies alight in swarms at meal time, this general of the king of the land of Tilanga, who is named Tailapa, has come to conquer me, So I have come to ask you to abstain from attacking me in the rear and similar operations, while I am engaged in chastising him." Telling him this he returned soon and with the army he fell upon the camp of the general Barappa. He killed him and captured his horses and returned back." 1 Canto II, V. 3: paper THEAF241864: 1 durvAraM bArapaM hatvA hAstikaM yaH samagrahIt // 2 Canto II, V. 5: fizy: 979fa Freethazat FRIVE 1971 3 SJGM.,1, p. 16: HEH317 7415 : alagta: USHTU SITTEET smaajgaam| tadyogapadyena narapatestilaGgadezIyarAjJo bArapanAma senaaptirupaayyau| zrImUlarAjena sacivaiH saha vimRzaMstairuce zrIkanthAdurge pravizya kiyantyapi dinAnyativAhayantAm .. .. tasminnavasare zrIbArapanAma Farfisai ....THETTET HTETA a fogaitadion.... HII , fa....

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230 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Identification of Barappa: As regards the identification of Barappa we have certain conflicting statements of the Jain scholars. Hemacandra says that he was the king of Lata and the Sukrta-samkirtana calls him as the general of the king of the land of Telanga, who is named Tailapa; and Kirti-kaumudi simply mentions him as the general of the king of Lata. The historians have taken the statement of Merutunga as correct and assume that the king of Telingana is no other than Taila II.1 Though there is no doubt that Taila II was once the ruler of Telingana, yet Mularaja's political relationship with Taila II (973-997 A.D.) has been misunderstood. The idea of an ill-feeling between these two contemporary rulers has been supposed wholly on the assumption that Barappa, who attacked Sarasvatamandala, was a general of Taila II. But we think that Merutunga is wrong in mentioning Tailapa as the king of Telingana and overlord of Barappa in the same voice, for we know from the Surat grant of Trilocanapala that Barappa was born in the family of Calukya and was related by marriage to the Rastrakuta king of Kanyakubja. He obtained Latadesa not by conquest, but through his wise and politic rule; he won the hearts of the people and destroyed the enemies of the realm.2 So it is highly probable that Barappa was related to the Rastrakutas and had nothing to do with Taila II. We have already seen that once the Rastrakutas were holding the fort of Kalanjara and Citrakuta situated in the country of Kanyakubja.3 We also know from the Karhad plates of Krsna III (c. 940-56 A.D.) that the pressure of the Rastrakutas increased much on Gujarat and Kathiawar in the middle of the tenth century. In view of these facts it seems most probable that Barappa might have been a general of Kisna III, related to him by marriage, might have accompanied him during his expedition to the Kanauj empire and probably taken active part in the conquest of Citrakuta and Kalanjara, subsequently he might have been sent to recover Gujarat or appointed governor there. So 'Kanyakubjamahibhujo' of the Sukrta-sam kirtana probably meant the Rastrakutas who on the other hand were also the kings of Telingana before 973 A.D. Therefore, Meruturga's statement that Tailapa was the king of Telingana and overlord of Barappa is apparently wrong, and not that of Arisimha, the author of Sukrta-samkirtana. It appears that Merutunga might have been misled by the notion that in later years of his reign Taila conquered Telingana and very likely become famous as the king of that country. Barappa's 1 DHNI., II, p. 938. 2 1A., XII, pp. 199-200. 3 See supra P, 223. 4 DHNI ITD 024.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 231 invasion over Sarasvatamandala, therefore, should not be taken as the indication of a hostile feeling between Mularaja and Taila as so far has been supposed. The early Jain works mention no war with the Sapadalaksa ruler referred to by Meruturga. Hemacandra, on the other hand, refers to one king of Maru as Mularaja's ally in his fight against Graharipu. Anyhow this king of Sapadalaksa has been accepted on all hands as the Cahamana prince Vigraharaja who was contemporary of Mularaja and is known also from the Harsa stone inscription dated 973 A.D. On this incident, however, the later Jain authors are not unanimous. Merutunga says that due to Mularaja's bravery, Vigraharaja returned a while Nayacandra in the Hammira-mahakavya states that Vigraharaja killed Mularaja and conquered the country. It is very difficult to take these statements as trustworthy. According to the Pythviraja-vijaya, "Mularaja took refuge in the fort by name Kanthadurga". This statement, however, proves that the truth lies midway between the two statements of Jaina authors. Merutuvga represents Mularaja visiting the Cahamana's camp and requesting him to abstain from attacking him in the rear while he was engaged with Barappa."5 It seems that Mularaja was really defeated but on his submission the Cahamana prince did not press his advantage. The fact that Mularaja might have been attacked simultaneously by Barappa and the ruler of Sakambhari, and that he was unable to resist them and took shelter in the Kantha Durga, as referred to by the Prabandhacintamani, also finds support in the Kadi grant dated 987 A.D., which tells us that Mularaja resembled "Tryambaka (Siva) since he took up his residence on a mountain just as the god dwells on the Mount (Kailasa ). Dr. Buhler, interpreting it, states that Anahilapataka, the residence of Mularaja, was situated in an entirely flat sandy country, and not even within fifty miles of any hill; the inference might be made here that the Prasastikara "in his anxiety to find points of resemblance between his patron and the various gods, found nothing more to the purpose than Mularaja's temporary stay on the hill of Kantha which he boldly compared to Siva's residing on Kailasa."'7 1 DV., Canto V.. 2 PC., p. 17: apieforfattf#Telia vita augalia:.... 3 Canto II, V.9: BSTIT HASTUSTE Karnata 4 Canto V, V. 51: 7 JTIFTTT ( ) Jenis Taferata: .... hatari 5 PC., p. 17: See also supra p. 229. * IA., VI, pp. 183-84, 191-92, lines 2-3. ? Ibid.

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232 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Mularaja is also credited with having defeated one Dharanivaraha. A Jaina inscription known as the Bijapura stone inscription of the Rastrakuta Dhavala informs us that "Mularaja had a powerful army and was intoxicated with pride" and when Dharanivaraha was attacked by him, he sought shelter with Dhavala. I have elsewhere identified Dharanivaraha with the Paramara ruler of Arbuda. From the above descriptions we, however, may easily draw a picture of the political situation of India in that period. Mularaja's reign falls in that time when the Paramaras, the Cahamanas, the Calukyas and the Guhilotas were struggling to obtain mastery over Western India. Mularaja, while struggling with these powers, also consolidated his kingdom to some extent. Ultimately he died in 996 A.D., having ruled for fifty-five years. 3 From the epigraphic records as well as from the Jain chronicles, it appears that Mularaja was a great devotee of Somanatha and he built several temples of that god in his kingdom. According to the Prabandhacintamani4 and Sukrta-samkirtana) he used to go every Monday to Somesvara Patdana. It is said that he built three famous temples: the first Munjaladevaprasad in honour of his grandfather the second Tripurusaprasad to perpetuate the memory of three brothers Raji, Dadhaka and Bija who were the Adipurusa i.e. the original persons of the dynasty, and the third Mularajavasahika on his own name. As to some dignified personages of the reign of Mularaja we heard from the Dvya sraya-kavya that Jambaka and Jehula were his chief ministers, and from the colophon of the Neminahacariu we learn that one Vira of the Pragvata family was a minister in charge of the Tankasala, that is, the mint, where coins were made bearing the image of Laksmi.? The great ascetic Kanthadi and his disciple Vayajalladeva referred to in the Prabandha-cintamani may also be mentioned as two opposite types of Yogis who represent peculiar religious attitudes which affected the religious consciousness of Gujarata. Camunda, Vallabharaja and Durlabharaja : (996 A.D.-1022 A.D.): Mularaja was succeded by his son Camundaraja. The Dvyasraya-kavya states 1 EI., X, PP. 17-24, V. 12. 2 See supra p. 187, Chapter on the Paramaras of Arbuda. 3 See supra, p. 226. 4 SJGM., I, p. 17: faci fachant statica na arut....I 5 Canto II, p. 10 : 4577417: a HR 37: Athare sforit att: Canto II, V. 56. ? Sanatkumara-caritram, section from Haribhadra's Neminaha-cariu, ed. by H. Jacobi, Introduction, VI. ff. S SJGM., I, P. 18.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 233 that Mularaja, after consulting his ministers, purohitas and astrologers, gave the throne to his son Camunda and himself retired to Sristhala, that is, Siddhapura on the bank of Sarasvati, and ended his life by sacrificing his body to fire.1 The Sukrta-sankirtana and the Prabandha-cintamani3 support this statement. According to the Prabandha-cintamani Camundaraja was enthroned in V.E. 1050. He reigned for about 13 years. We have also stated that he accompanied his father in the war of Lata. Identification of Sindhuraja : We have also described at length the wars of Camundaraja with the Paramara Sindhuraja while dealing with the history of the Paramaras,5 Certain scholars hold the view that by Sindhuraja is meant the king of Sindha. For the sake of argument they state that Mularaja once fought a Sindhuraja who might have been a king of Sindha. They also cite an instance from the Arthuna stone inscription of the Paramara Camundaraja (A.D. 1080) where Sindhuraja has been taken as the "prince of Sindha."6 But this view of scholars is hardly convincing, for the Vadanagar prasasti, which informs us about the struggle of Camunda with Sindhuraja, also expressly states that Sindhuraja was a Ksoni pati.? If we take the literal meaning of Sindhuraja as Raja of Sindhu, the adjective Ksoni pati seems to be useless. When we take the word Sindhuraja as a proper name with the adjective Ksonipati, then alone the use of the two words would be justified. According to Kielhorn he was possibly the king of Sindha, but more probably Sindhuraja of Malava.8 As Munja seems to have died sometime between 994 and 996 A.D. there is no inherent contradiction in Sindhuraja's being a contemporary of Camunda.9 The struggle with Sindhuraja Paramaras shows that the Paramara hostility which started from the time of Mularaja continued in future. The Muslim chroniclers like Ain-i-A kabari assign to Camunda a reign of 13 years, but the Mirat-i-Ahmadi10 gives 12 years and some months. In 1 Canto VI, V. 107. 2 II, V. 7. 3 SJGM., p. 19. * See supra p. 228. 5 See supra pp. 95-96. * See supra p. 184, on the Paramaras of Banswada. ? EI, I, pp. 296-305, V. 6: THEUTT A: TATI naSTaH kSoNIpatiyathAsya yazasA gandho'pi ni zitaH // 8 EI, I, pp. 277, 302 and 481. 9 See supra pp. 92-93. 10 AAK., II, p. 200 ; MA., translated by Bird, p. 143. 30

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234 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES view of this approximate agreement of the Jain and Muslim chronicles, we may assign to Camunda a reign of 12 or 13 years and place him between c. 996-1009 A.D. According to the Dvyasraya-kavya he had three sons: Vallabharaja, Durlabharaja and Nagaraja. Referring to their education, Hemacandra mentions their training and proficiency in managing horses and elephants.1 Regarding the birth of these princes we have significant information from the Prabhavaka-carita. It relates that Camundaraja was very much troubled by the fact that his queens always suffered from miscarriage. He expressed his agony to his minister named Vira. Vira went to consult his religious preceptor Viracarya, and obtained some fragrant powder which was to be sprinkled on the queens. After this treatment Vallabharaja and other sons were born. According to the same authority Camundaraja was already under the influence of the Jain teacher Viracarya? and he issued a grant to a Jain temple.3 Hemacandra refers to in his Dvyasraya-kavya that the eldest prince Vallabharaja with the permission of king Camundaraja led an expedition against Malava but on the way he died of small-pox. His generals very tactfully retreated with the army and came back to Anahillapura. The king was deeply touched with this sad incident and retired to the holy place of Suktatirtha on the bank of Narmada after giving the crown to his second son Durlabharaja. Abhayatilakagani, the learned commentator of the Dvyasraya-kavya, records a different tale. He says that Camundaraja became sexually very loose, so his sister Vacinidevi managed to remove him from the throne and gave it to Vallabharaja. Camundaraja, under this disgrace, proceeded on a pilgrimage to Banaras. By the way the Raja of Malava plundered his umbrella and other insignia of royalty. He returned to Anahillapur and asked his son Vallabha to march against Malava. The commentator further says that as such an incident would be unworthy of a dignified person like Camundaraja, it was suggested by saying that "he took the permission of his father."5 We may, however, derive some factual value from this story of the commentator if we read it in connection with the above statement that his queens always miscarried. It may be guessed 1 Canto VII, Vs. 1-31. 2 SIGM., XIII, pp. 131-32, Vs. 136-148. 3 HIG., Pt. III, No. 136 A.; Puravani ne Lekho, P, 154. 4 Ibid., V. 31, and its commentary. 5 Ibid. 6 SJGM., XIII (PCA), p. 131, V. 140: Erat na mena praraf

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 235 from this that Camundaraja might have suffered from some foul sexual disease. The Prabandha-cintamani, however, attaches this anecdote of pilgrimage with Durlabharaja. It states: "Being himself desirous of travelling to Banaras as he longed to perform devotions in a holy place, he reached the country of Malava. There he was called upon by the king Munja to give the umbrella and cowries and the other insignia of royalty, and to continue his journey in the dress of pilgrim or to fight his way through. When this message was delivered to him, he perceived that an obstacle to his religious resolution had arisen in his path and after impressing the circumstances in the strongest terms on king Bhima, he went to the holy place in the dress of a pilgrim and gained paradise. From that day forth their was rooted enmity between the kings of Gujarata and Malava.1 According to the A-MS of the Prabandha-cintamani, Sri Camundaraja built two temples presumably of Siva, one was known as Candanathadeva prasada and the other Cacinesvara prasada. The second one might have been built to perpetuate the memory of his sister Cacinidevi.2 Camundaraja was succeeded according to the Prabandha-cintamani by his eldest son Vallabharaja in V.E. 1065. This king after investing the fortress of Dhara in the country of Malava, died of small-pox. He acquired the titles "subduer of kings, as Siva subdued the god of Love (Raja-madanasanker ) and shaker of world (Jagajjampana). He reigned only for six months.3 The Vadanagar prasasti also mentions Vallabharaja as son and successor of Camundaraja.4 The Muslim chroniclers like Abul-Fazl and Ali Muhammad Khan assign him a reign of six and seven months respectively.5 This support of Muslim tradition seems to indicate that the Jain chroniclers were right in giving a short reign to Vallabha. His war with the ruler of Malava is also confirmed by the Vadanagar prasasti.6 The ruler of Malava is probably to be identical with Bhoja (c. 999-1055 A.D.) the nephew of the Paramara Munja. The fact that he died so soon and was succeeded in the course of the same year by his brother Durlabha seems to explain the omission of his name in some of the later Caulukya inscriptions. fatlar: : 1 I SJGM., I, p. 20 : 7a:qua Arvatah: yergatat 2 Ibid.: 31 sit r .... 3 Ibid.: HE R STT TTED 4 EI., I, p. 296-305, V. 7. 5 AAK., II, p. 260; MA., Text, p. 29, Trans. p. 143. 6 EI., I, p. 296-305, V. 7.

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236 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The Prabandha-cintamani records that Durlabharaja was a crowned king in V.E. 1065. He ruled for twelve years. The Vicarasreni, giving the list of Mularaja's successors, omits Camundaraja and refers to Vallabharaja as his son who ruled for fourteen years (V.E. 1052-66); his brother Durlabha twelve years (V.E. 1066-78). According to the Kharatara gaccha-pattavali, Durlabha was alive in V.E. 1080 when a religious debate took place in his court between Jinesvarasuri and Caityavasis, but this date seems to be fictitious for we know by all means that after V.E. 1078 Durlabha was not alive. Moreover, regarding the exact date of that debate, the Jain authorities are not themselves unanimous.3 Durlabharaja got constructed a lake named Durlabhasara. According to the A-MS of the same work he also built a palace of seven stories, with a clock-tower and a stable for elephants at Pattan and a temple of Madan Samkara for the welfare of his brother Vallabharaja, and Durlabhasara after his name. According to the Dvya sraya-karya, Durlabharaja and his younger brother Nagaraja married Durlabhadevi and Laksmi the two sisters of Mahendraraja of Maru country respectively. It is stated there that Durlabhadevi was won by Durlabha in a svayarivara; but to retain possession of the princess he had to fight a number of other claimants, among whom were the kings of Anga, Kasi, Avanti, Cedidesa, Kurudesa, Hunadesa, Mathura and Vindhya 5 Abul-Fazl assigns to Durlabha a reign of eleven years and six months, while Ali Muhammad Khan gives him only eight years. As Merutunga and Abul-Fazl nearly agree in assigning him a period of about twelve years we may refer him to the period c. 1010-22 A.D. The Sukrta-sankirtana depicts him as a man of high character. He was full of justice and not accessible to the wives of others."'? The Vadanagar prasastie and the Kirti-kaumudi' also confirm the fact. He was the first Caulukya king who admitted the Jain sadhus to his court at Asahilavada. 10 2 ad 1 SJGM., I, p. 20 : A-MS. : .2048 FATAT TESIHAT: 1 a rAjyaM kRtm| 2 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9. 3 Jain Katha Kosa Prakarana (SJGM., XI.), introduction, p. 42 ff. 4 SJGM., I, p. 20. 5 DV., Canto VII, Vs. 66-106. 6 AAK., II, p. 260; MA., translation, p. 143. ? Canto II, V, 15: 37H52T FERTTT: wat as SHs: 1 8 EI, I, pp. 296-305. 9 Canto II, V. 14. 10 GOS., LXXVI, p. 794 : HTTF#42 STAIR ESTETT 94194; 1

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 237 Bhima I (1022-64 A.D.): Durlabharaja was succeeded by his nephew Bhima. The Duyasraya-kavya says: "Nagaraja the younger brother had a son named Bhima, and both Nagaraja and Durlabha thought that they were discharged from the parental debt (Pitr Rna) of producing a son. This shows that Durlabha had no issue and adopted Bhima as his heir. Durlabha brought up Bhima very affectionately. The education of Bhima is also described there. He became a master of gymnastics. Durlabha asked Bhima to accept the throne which he first refused. He requested that his father Nagaraja should be made king. Both the brothers, however, pressed him and he ascended throne; both Durlabha and Naga dedicated themselves to religious life and died soon after.2 Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintamani gives Bhima 42 or 43 years' reign from V.E. 1077-78 to 1120 (c. 1021-1064 A.D.).3 The Muslim chroniclers also allot him a reign of 42 years. We, therefore, may with certainty assign him to the period c. 1022-64 A.D. From the four published epigraphic records of the reign of Bhima we also get the date from c. 1029 to 1062 A.D.; the first being the Radhanpur grant dated V.E. 1086 (A.D. 1029) and the last the Abu stone inscription dated V.E. 1119 (A.D. 1062).5 The last one is a Jaina epigraph and is incised at the Vimala temple on Mt. Abu, in the Sirohi District, Rajasthana. It is a short inscription of a minister of the Caulukya Bhima 1.8 Bhima was an ambitious and powerful king. He followed the footsteps of Mularaja and extended the boundaries of his kingdom. He had to struggle, on one hand, with fierce foreign invaders like Mahmud and, on the other hand, with the native rulers like the Paramaras and the Cahamanas. Within two years of Bhima's coming to the throne Mahmud invaded Somanatha. The record of this invasion is mostly preserved by the Muslim historians but two references of this raid are found in the Jain sources also. The one we get from the Satya puriya Sri Mahavira Utsaha, an Apabhramsa poem of Dhanapala and the other from the Vividhatirtha-kalpa of Jinaprabha Suri. The poet Dhanapala states that Srimala country, Anahilavada, Candra 1 DV., Canto VIII, V.2: TETEPTAT Tai gal ST ANTISTATI 2 Ibid., Canto VIII, Vs.. 9-22. 3 SJGM., I, pp. 53-54: 80 909091227 XA1H 30 FOC 1150 F741 (B.P. 313) 8o 2006 et staitaa au XP T HEIR 4 A AK., p. 260: MA., translation, p. 143. 5 DHNI., II, pp. 948-949. & EI., IX, p. 148.

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238 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES vati, Soratha, Devala vada and Somesvara were looted by Turks.1 According to Muni Jina Vijayaji the poet Dhanapala of this poem is identical with the author of the Tilakamanjari of the same name. Thus, this is an almost contemporaneous account. The Satyapura-kalpa of the Vividhatirtha-kalpa refers to the looting of Gurjara country by Gajjanavi, i.e., the lord of Gazani in V.E. 1081 (A.D.1025). Both these references are obviously to the expedition of Mahamud Gazani. About this invasion the other Gujarati authors from Hemacandra downwards, except the two quoted above, are almost silent. It is also strange to know that Al-utbi, a sort of private secretary to Mahmud, does not mention the sacking of Somanath in his work Tarikha-i-Yamini. He wrote a good account of Mahmud's biography and lived for four years after this event. After two hundred years, the first Muslim historian who mentioned this event was Ibu Asir (c. 1230 A.D.). This shows that the expedition against Somanath might have been an insignificant event unworthy to receive the attention of the early writers. The modern historians, however, have put much reliance on the records of the later Muslim writers, but they maintained the view that Mahmud's invasion had no permanent effect on the history of Gujarat. The Mundaka and Radhanapur grants show that Bhima was in safe possession of his capital Anahilavada. The Duya srya-karya also mentions another struggle of Bhima with the Sindha king Hammuka.3 It is recorded that Bhima was informed by his spies that the king of Sindha was planning to murder him. "He has also subdued the ruler of Sivasana. He has a powerful cavalry and can vanquish whom he wants. He corrupts your friends." Bhima after consulting the ministers marched against Sindha. He crossed the mighty stream of the river Sindhu by building a bridge accross it and defeated and conquered the king of Sindha, Hammuka. 4 Though we have no epigraphic evidence to support the struggle with the ruler of Sindha, it is likely that Bhima, like his predecessors Mularaja and Camunda, fought with the ruler of Sindha, and carried on the policy laid down by the founder of the dynasty. H. Fer Falang sa lasaret Hr HITTI FRUTTrret (200) famiA 1 JSS., III, No. III, p. 1, Vs. 3-4: HAR.... E .... 2 SJGM., X, p. 29: NAS JE micchraajo| 3 JSS., III, pp. 252-57. 4 DHNI., II, p. 962. 5 DV., Canto VIII, Vs. 52-56. 8 Ibid.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 239 His greatest rival was king Bhoja with whom he was engaged for a long time in cold wars, political as well as cultural. We have already discussed at length on the evidence of the Jain sources how Bhima troubled Dhanduka, the Paramara ruler of Abu, who was a feudatory of king Bhoja and how Bhoja became angry with him; how Kulacandra attacked Patana when Bhima was himself engaged in the war of Sindha. We have also stated the skilful devices of Damara, the diplomat minister of Bhima, who watched all kinds of activities of Bhoja. We have also referred to his incursion on the Kalacuri king, Karna, in whose alliance, later, Bhima attempted to deliver a lasting blow upon the kingdom of Bhoja in which he succeeded.2 So far as our confirmatory evidences are concerned we may cite the Vadanagar prasasti which distinctly states that Bhima's horses quickly gained Dhara; the capital of the emperor of Malava. There is, however, no evidence to show that Karna was defeated by Bhima. One more struggle of Bhima has been recorded by a Jain inscription about which the Jain chroniclers are almost silent. The Sundha hill inscription (V.E. 1309 )" composed by a Jain teacher by name Jayamangala of BIhadgaccha states that the Naddula prince Ahila and his paternal uncle Anahilla defeated the Gurjara king, Bhima. In the Jain inscription it is stated that the latter's son Balaprasad compelled Bhima to liberate a king named Krsna-deva from prison. Kielhorn has rightly identified this Krsnadeva with the Paramara king of that name who ruled in Abu c. 1060-67 A.D.? A Jain inscription in the Vimala temple on Mt. Abu shows that Abu was ruled by Vimala, the dandapati of Bhima (I) in V.E. 1088 (c. 1031 A.D.) Leaving aside these accounts of the wars of Bhima if we study the prabandha literature we find how culturally Gujarata was progressing under Bhima. The Prabhavaka-carita informs us that poets and dialecticians of different sects from different parts of India visits the capital of Gurjaradesa. The intellectual rivalry between Dhara and Anahillapur was keen and Bhima and Bhoja were always jealous to preserve the intellectual status of their courts. .... 1 SJGM., I, pp. 28-30 ; See supra, p. 101. 2 See supra, p. 102; Chapter on the Paramaras. 3 El., I, pp. 296-305, V. 9: 1977. ...feqsi reafiri 4 El., Vol. 9, p. 90 ff. 5 Ibid., Vs. 13-14: Vaala VAHUS: THUN : V. 13. notera azt.... 6 Ibid., V. 18: WHAT turenet.... FeaT4791 7 BG., I, P. I, 472-74.

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240 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Bhima like his forefathers was a Saivite but his liberal policy in religion helped the Jain scholars to show their talent in various fields of literature. We learn from the Prabhavaka-carita that Suracarya and Santisuri distinguished themselves in intellectual contests and they often went to other kingdoms to engage in such contests in behalf of their country. Suracarya was a cousin of the king Bhima, being the son of his maternal uncle Sangramasiinha, a prince of Marudesa. Santisuri was a great literary man. He composed a commentary on the Uttaradhayana-sutra with whose help Vadi Devasuri defeated the Digambara dialectician Kumudacandra in the time of Jayasimha. It appears Santisuri was responsible for starting a school of logic amongst the Jains. Abhayadevasuri, the author of that big commentary on the Sanmati-tarka of Siddhasena Divakara known as Vadamaharnava, was the teacher of Santisuri. It is stated that 32 students studied Pramana sastra under Santisuri. According to the same authority another scholar Buddhisagara of that period wrote a work on Samskrit grammar which is named after him. Jinesvara composed a work on logic.4 Another important figure of the age is poet Dharma who is often referred to as the Kaula Kavi Dharma. He is also reputed to have defeated several scholars in intellectual combats in other countries.5 We also know some important persons of Bhima's reign. The prabandha literature refers to Somesvara as his purohita and Damara or Damodara as his minister of peace and war. Many of the stories in the Prabandhacintamani turn round the uncommon wit and intelligence of this Damara. From the Vimala temple inscription we know that Vimala was the danlapati of Bhima.? This Vimala was one of the two sons of Vira, a minister of Durlabharaja about whom we know from the colophon of the Neminaha-cariu. Bhima continued the policy of his predecessor regarding the building of temples. According to the Prabandha-cintamai he built three temples named Bhimesvaraprasada, Bhattarika Bbiruani prasada and Bala Milaraja's 1 SJGM., XIII, p. 152-60 : H TTRagi Ibid., pp. 178-79. 3 Ibid., pp. 133-37: arigatsufan Rahi 4 Ibid., p. 162 ff. : 3744aafiagi 5 Ibid., p. 147, V. 256. 6 SJGM., 1: 1: 1 ? Arbud Prabandha Jain Lekha Sangraha, II, p. 3: 19 HHa arra a 7 vimalo mhaamtiH| kRto'rbudaM dnnddptiH| & Sanatkumara-caritaTM: A section from Haribhadra's Neminaha-cariu ed. by H. Jacobi, Introduction, vi ff.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA prasada.1 Bhima had three sons from his three queens. One of the sons named Malaraja died at an early age in whose memory Bhima built a Saiva temple. The other two sons were Ksemaraja and Karna born from Caulukadevi and Udayamati respectively. According to the Dvyasraya-kavya the throne was first offered to Ksemaraja who appears to have been the elder of the two. but he refused to accept it on the ground that he wanted to dedicate himself to religious pursuits and induced his father to crown Karna.a After Bhima's death Ksemaraja retired to Mandukesvara near Dadhisthali on the bank of Sarasvati to perform penances. This village of Dadhisthala was granted to Kumara Devaprasada so that he might attend upon his father Ksemaraja in his penances there."4 According to the Prabandha-cintamani Bhima married Udayamati, the daughter of Naravahana Khengara of Surastra by whom Karma was born." The same authority states that Bhima attracted by her chastity married at hetaera by name Cauladevi, Bauladevi or Bakuladevi by whom he had a son. Ksemaraja or Haripala. His third son was Mularaja. He was very compassionate for the people and got them relieved from payment of taxes. He died in his youth. Bhima erected a temple Tripurasaprasada for the welfare of prince Mularaja.? Karna (1064-94 A.D.): Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintamani refers to the fact that the coronation of Karna took place in V.E. 1120 (c. 1064 A.D.) in the month of Caitra and that he ruled till the year 1150 V.E. (c. 1094 A.D.) covering a period of 29 years 8 months and 21 days.8 The Vicarasreni assigns him 30 years from V.E. 1120 to 1150. The Muslim writers like Abu'l-Fazl and Ali Mohammad Khan assign him a reign of 31 years.10 Thus all the chroniclers with little difference are approximately in agreement. We may safely place Karma in the period c. 1164-74 A.D. From the two copper 1 SJGM., I, p. 53. 2 SJGM., I, pp. 53 and 77. 3 Canto IX, Vs. 70-77. 4 Ibid., Vs. 76-77. SJGM, I. p. 54 zrI udayamatinAmnyA tadrAcyA naravAhanakhaMgAra sutayA 6 Ibid., p. 77 SJGM., I, p. 53. 8 SJGM., I, p. 54 rAjyAbhiSekaH saMjAtaH / P. 55: JSS., II, p. 9: 9 241 10 MA., translation, p. 143: AAK., II, p. 260. 31 atha saM0 1120 caitravadi 7 some hastanakSale mInalagge zrI karNadevasya saM0 1150 varSe pauSavadi 3 zanau zrIsiddharAjasya paTTAbhiSekaH 9930 grita. .. sutazrIka devarAjyaM va. 30 // 1 .... ....

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242 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES plate grants of his reign we have two dates V.E. 1131 (A.D. 1075) and V.E. 1148 (A.D. 1092).1 The Jain sources other than the Duyasraya-kavya record the valorous deeds of the king. The Sukrta-sar kirtana states that Karna led an expedition against Malava and inflicted a defeat on the king. He brought with him an image of Nilakantha (God Siva) from Dhara.2 Who was this king of Malava? We know from other sources that after Bhoja his son Jayasimha ruled over Malava from 1153 A.D. to 1160 A.D. and he was succeeded by his uncle Udayaditya. It seems, therefore, that Udayaditya might have been a contemporary of Karna, whom, according to the above authority, he defeated. But the statement of the Sukrta-sarikirtana does not seem to be entirely free from fault, for the Prabandha-cintamani credits Bhima, the father of Karna, with bringing the image of Siva from Malava.3 And according to the Pythriraia-vijaya Udayaditya with the help of the Cahamana Vigraharaja (III) defeated the Caulukya Karna. This statement of the Pithviraja-vijaya contradicts the statement of the Sukrta-sai kirtana. The Jain inscription known as the Sundha hill inscription records the fact that Plthvipala defeated the army of Karna. It seems that Prthvipala also helped Udayaditya in the battle. The Hammira-maha kavya of Nayacandrasuri states that the Cahamana king Durlabharaja killed Karma in the battle and the Prabandha-kosa mentions that Dusala, having tied the king of Gujarata, brought him to Ajmer and made him to sell whey (Takram).? We, however, have no support for these latter versions of the event. On the other hand the early authority, Pythviraja-vijaya, says that this war was waged between Karna and Udayaditya in which Vigraharaja III assisted Udayaditya. Karna soon recovered from the blow inflicted upon him by Udayaditya and his allies. He attacked the Naddula Cahamana and defeated Sri Yojaka, the brother of Prthvipala, who had helped Udayaditya and reduced 1 HIG., II, pp. 18-27. 2 Canto II, V. 23: fra en T arant : f 570571 tanmUni sindhuprathitAdhvasaMkhyaM praiSIdyazaH khaM bhuvntrye'pi|| 3 See supra pp. 102-3. 4 Canto V, Vs. 76-78: Himaal a rhaaalala: jigAya gUrjaraM karNa tamazvaM prApya maalvH|| 6 EI., XI, pp. 76-77: qualis f ile afaRTITCHTH 1 pratyakSoruvidhiH sagurjarapateH karNasya sainyaaphH|| 6 Canto II, V. 31: ftuad 7 fart Teuff Taart 1 7 SJGM., VI, p. 133: aa Jafaragtata: 3464 AATSTIG:

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 243 him to vassalage. The Sundha hill inscription informs us that Yojaka took joy in Anahilapura with his white umbrella.1 The Jains are quite silent about his another expedition on Lata as known from the other sources. The Sukrta-samkirtana also refers to Karna's victory in Sindha for which we have no support.3 Another expedition of Karna is referred to in the Prabandha-cintamani. It states that Karna attacked a Bhilla named Asa dwelling at Asapalli (identified with modern Asaval near Ahmedabad), who was king of over six lacs. On the omen of Bhairavadevi he built there a temple to the goddess called Kocaraba and after conquering the Bhilla, he installed there in a temple the goddess Jayanti, and also he built the temple of Karnesvara, adorned with the lake of Karnasagara. He founded the city of Karnavati and reigned from there. In Pattana he got built the temple of Karnameru.4 According to the Prabandha-cintamani Karna went to invade Asapalli after coronating Jayasimha and he found there a city named Karnavati and reigned there himself. According to the Kumarapala-prabandha and the Kumarapala-carita of Caritrasundargani,7 he went to reside at A sapalli because it was not proper that two kings lived in one place. According to the Dvyasraya-kavya Karna, having enthroned Jayasimha, meditating on the god Visnu, went to heaven.8 In the face of these conflicting statements of the Jain authors this much may safely be inferred that Karma, during his lifetime, annexed the province of Khetaka ma:dala containing a dense forest and Bhilla settlements and thus linked up the North and South Gujjrata into one. The foundation of Karnavati was laid only a few years before his death. Most of the accounts about Karna describe the uncommon beauty of his person charming to women and his love romances. The Karnasundarinatika of poet Bilhana was composed on the love episodes of Karna. The 1 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 24: 15 atriarhaitata 4014: zvatAtapatreNa virAjamAnaH zaktyANahillAkhyapure'pi reme // 2 EI., I, p. 316 ff. 3 Canto II, V. 23: JAG F fetareadej Tata: Tahsia 4 SJGM., I, p. 55: Pa IFTTTEIT HTATSHIRT ZAHUTYF.... Forfangi face FT T Tre FR etc. 5 Ibid. 6 P. 5. ? Canto I, V. 29. & Canto XI, V. 3: Fetal Rurt am fossartet etc.

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244 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Dvyasraya-kavya and the Prabandha-cintamani describe at length the marriage of Mayanalla with Karna. The Duyasraya-kavya refers to Mayanalla as the daughter of the king Jayakesi of Candrapur, born in Kadamba family. According to the Prabandha-cintamani Jayakesi was the son of Subhakesi, the king of Karnata. This Subhakesi has been identified with Sasthadeva, the third king of the Kadamba dynasty of Goa. But Jayakesi was not the king of Karnataka. He was most probably a friend of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya, the ruler of Karnataka, Jayakesi, on the other hand, is regarded the king of Koukana, the capital of which was modern Goa. An inscription of his reign dated 1051 A.D. was discovered in Goa. He died in 1075 A.D. Thus, he was a contemporary of the Caulukya Karma.3 As to how they were married, there is an interesting story in the Prabandha-cintamani. It states : "Once she merely on hearing the name of Somesvara mentioned by some votaries of Siva remembered her former birth. She said to herself: 'In a former life I was a Brahmani, I set out to worship Somesvara and reached the town of Bahuloda but being unable to pay the duty levied there, I was not allowed to proceed further and in despair I expressed the earnest desire that in my next birth I might bring about the remission of that duty. I died and was born in this family.' This was her recollection with regard to her former birth. In order to fulfil her desire she determined to marry the king of Gujarata. Her father accordingly asked Karna through his ministers to accept the gift of his daughter Mayanalladevi's hand. But Karna, having heard of her ugliness, was indifferent to her. But her father, on account of her obstinate determination sent her to Karna, as a maiden choosing her own husband. Then Karna having himself secretly observed the fact of her ugliness, became altogether neglectful of her. Accordingly Mayanalladevi and her eight companions made up their minds to sacrifice their 1 DV., Canto IX, V. 89-170 and SJGM., I, p. 54. * DV., Canto IX, V. 99-100 and 153. 3 Kadambakula, p. 166. * SIGM., I, p. 54: 1 FTTH ATTAA Tahit garage The CE prAgbhAve brAhmaNI dvAdazamAsopavAsAn kRtvA pratyekaM dvAdazavastUni tadudyApane dattvA zrIsemezvaranamasyAkRte prasthitA bahaloDanagaramAgatA tatvaraM dAtumakSamayA'grato gantumalabhamAnA tannirvedAdaha--AgAmini janmani asya karasya mocayitrI bhUyAsamiti kRtanidAnA vipadyAtrakulejAteti puurvbhvsmRtiH| atha bahuloDamocanAya sa gurjarezvaraM pravaraM varaM kAmayamAnA taM vRttAntaM pitre nivedyaamaas| atha jayakezirAjAnaM vyatikaraM jJAtvA aa EU: .. .. 9 # 3727 sito .... cita a .... AT .... pitA svayamvara prAhiNot / .... mAtRbhaktyA tAM parigIya zrIkarNaH pazcAddaSTimAtreNApi na saMbhavayAmAsa /

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 245 lives in order to compass the death of the king; but Karna's mother Udayamati, hearing of these intentions, and not being able to witness their death, made vow to live or die with them. Karna, on the other hand, forced by these circumstances, married Mayanalla." The Duyasraya-kavya, however, does not record the story of the former birth. But it tells us that on looking at the portraits of each other both Mayanalla and Karna became so much attracted that they determined to marry each other. The match was arranged and Mayanalla came to Anahillapur to marry Karma with a big dowry of elephants etc., given by her father. She was secretly observed there by Karna. Thereupon she determined to die if Karna did not marry her. Karna heard this news from the female friends of Mayanalla and married her.1 From both the above statements it appears that due to certain reason she was determined to marry Karna. It seems that she might have been ugly or otherwise undesirable. Karna must have first refused to marry her but later on he consented under the threat of suicide. The Prabandha-cintamani further states that Karna had great dislike fo Mayanalla. His minister Munjala, finding out from the chamberlain that the king was in love with a woman of low rank, dressed up Mayanalladevi in her clothes and ornaments and sent her, after the usual monthly ablution, secretly to take the place of that woman. As the king supposed that she was that woman, he received her ardently and she became pregnant etc. The son born from Mayanalla was named Jayasimha 2 From the Jain sources we also get information about his ministers. Dhavalaka, the son of Vimala's brother Mantri Nadha, known from a Prakrta work Malli-cariu (Canto 3) composed by Haribhadrasuri, was one of the ministers. From the Prabandha-cintamayi 4 and from the colophon of the Yoga-drsti-samuccaya composed in the year V.E. 1146 (c. 1089 A.D.)5 we know that Munjala was also his minister who, by that time, as referred to in 1 DV., Canto IX, Vs. 89-172. ? SJGM., I, pp. 54-55 : 34CT FF75427TH THATE Z hrat e vijJAya tadveSadhAriNIM mayaNaladevImeva RtusnAtAM rahati praahinnot| tAmeva striyaM jAnatA nRpatinA saprema bhujyamAnAyAstasyAM AdhAnaM smjni| tadA ca tayA saMketajJApanAya nRpakarAnnAmAGkitamaGgalIyarka nijAGgalyAM nyadhAthi sulagne jAtasya tasya sUnornRpatirjayasiMha iti nAma nirmme| 3 JSI., p. 279. 4 SJGM., I, p. 54. 5 SJGM., XVIII, p. 99: FAILS TENEHT: rcfplaar -- hribhdrsy| saM0 1146 kArtika sudi karNadevakalyANavijayarAjye-mahAmAtya muMjAlapaTTakAvasthite....

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246 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the colophon, had become the chief minister. Sampatkara, a chief known in the prabandhas as Santu Mantri, was also a chief minister. According to the play Karnasundari-natika, he was the patron of the poet Bilhana.2 Karna was a great builder. He got temples, tanks and cities constructed. His activities have been referred to in their due course. The family of Kara professed Saivism, but we know from the Duyasraya-kavya that he died peacefully as a Brahmavadi and Harismari. It appears, therefore, that in the later part of his reign he became a Vaisnava. Jayasimha Siddharaja (1094-1144 A.D.) His age at the time of his accession: The age of Jayasimha at the time of his accession is a point disputed by Jain writers. According to the Prabandha-cintamani he was three years old when he ascended the throne. The Kumarapala-prabandha of Jinamandanagani follows the Prabandha-cintamani,5 but the Kumarapala-carita of Caritrasundaragani states that at the time of accession Jayasimha was eight years old. The Puratana-prabandhasangraha is also of the same opinion and relates that Jayasimha was trained for rulership by the minister Santu even when he was eight years old.? The contemporary writer Hemacandra in his Dvyasraya-kavya gives a different account. Referring to Jayasimha, he states : "Jayasiinha, when he grew up, went to the banks of the Sarasvati to play and became an expert in the art of war. He also learnt how to control elephant. When he attained youth, Karna got him crowned king. The old king also advised him to protect the four varnas; to keep the traditions of his ancestors; to behave kindly to his cousin Devaprasada. Then Karna went to heaven with his mind fixed on God Visnu.''8 From this statement it appears that Jayasimha at the time of accession must have been 16 or 18 years old. 1 SJGM., I, pp. 56-57. 2 JSI., p. 220. 3 Canto XI, V. III. * SIGM., I, p. 55: aislamisto: HTH: THIT: TATUT: FAETHAHDOLI 5 Ku. Pr., p. 5. 6 Canto I, V. 27. SIGM., II, p. 35: fiefheasgaldt tanit F G: 1 garfoi a sAntUmatriNA guNazreNiM niitH| 8. DV., Canto XI, Vs. 47-III.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 247 In V.E. 1150, in the month of Pauga, the coronation of Siddharaja took place.1 The Prabandha-cintamani gives Jayasimha a reign of 49 years from V.E. 1150 to 1199 (c. 1094-1143 A.D.). The Vicarasreni assigns him the same period. According to the Muslim authorities he ruled for 50 years. We find support for this view from the Bali stone inscription of Jayasimha dated V.E. 1200 (c. 1144 A.D.)." His early reign: When Jayasimha ascended the throne the political condition of the kingdom of Anahilapatana was quite sound. His forefathers from Mularaja down to Bhima fought with the rulers of Sakambhari, Sindh, Naddula, Malava, Saurastra, Lata, Cutch and Arbuda Mandal, but only the last three provinces came within the influence of Anahilavada as a critical estimate of the contemporary inscriptions and the Jain chronicles show. Bhima annexed Candravati, though his success in Malava was not of much value. According to the Navasari plates of Karna, Karna captured a small principality of Lata, and it became a part of Anahilavada kingdom. Jayasimha was a great warrior. On the basis of whatever he inherited from his predecessors, he built a great empire in which the glory of Gujarata reached its summit. It, however, appears from the Dvyasraya-kavya and the Prabandha-cintamani that at the time of Jayasimha's coronation court intrigues and violence were rampant. Hemacandra tells a story that soon after Karna's death Devaprasada of the senior branch committed suicide after enjoining his son Tribhuvanapala to the paternal care of Jayasinha." This statement of Hemacandra according to the scholars refers to certain concealed facts. They conjecture that Devaprasada, son of Ksemaraja and of a senior line, made an attempt for succession but lost his life. This inference may be supported by the fact that his son Tribhuvanapala does not appear during the reign of Jayasimha; perhaps he was also killed and his grandson Kumarapala was persecuted by Jayasimha for thirty years. During the whole of his long reign Jayasimha was bitterly hostile to this branch which appears to have attempted to wrest the succession." 1 SJGM., I, p. 55 : saM0 1150 varSe pauSavadi 3 zanau zravaNanakSatre vRSalagne zrIsiddharAjasya paTTAbhiSekaH / 2 Ibid., p. 76 : saMvat 1150 pUrva zrIsiddharAja jayasiMhadevena varSa 49 rAjyaM kRtam / 3 JSS., II. No. 4, p. 9. 4 AAK., II, p. 260; MA., translation, p. 143. 5 EI., XI, pp. 32-33. 8 DV., Canto XI, Vs. 115-116. DHNI., II, p. 968; GMRI., p.

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248 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The Prabandha-cintamani relates that when Karna had gone to heaven, Madanapala, the brother of the queen Udayamati, behaved in an unbecoming way. Once he imprisoned the royal physician named Lila and extorted thirty-two thousand from him. Then Jayasimha by a device of the minister Santu killed the tyrannical Madanapala.1 We have no Jain inscriptions for his reign but the other nine published inscriptions give us dates ranging from c. 1127 to 1143 A.D. Fortunately we have several colophons of Jain MSS, which may be regarded as valuable contemporary records and throw welcome light on his reign. The colophon of the Nisithi-curni dated V.E. 1157 (c. 1100 A.D.),2 that is, seven years after the accession of Jayasimha to the throne, refers to the king simply as Sri Jayasimhadevarajye' i.e. in the reign of Sri Jayasimha. The name of the king without title shows his less influential stage. It seems that at that time Jayasimha was simply an occupant of the throne. After three years we have another colophon of Jain MS. by name Adinatha-carita dated V.E. 1160 (A.D. 1104 ),3 which shows that Jayasimha's sway extended upto Cambay. Again after four years we find another colophon of the Jiva Samasa-vrtti dated V.E. 1164 (c. 1108 A.D.)* Jayasimha is described there as 'Samastarajavali-virajita-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara Sri Jayasimhadeva-kalyanavijayarajye' i.e., in the prosperous reign of the emperor Jayasimha surrounded by several kings. At that time king Jayasimha might have wielded the sceptre with full powers. The next colophon of the A vasyaka-sutra dated V.E. 1166 (c. 1110 A.D.)5 gives Jayasimha the significant title 'Tribhuvana Ganda,' which would mean the Guardian of the Three Worlds. We may assume from this that Jayasimha's military activities might have begun by this time and that he was exercising full sovereign powers. The colophon of the Panca-vastuka dated in the month of Phalguna of V.E. 11796 retains the same titles with an addition 'Srimat. It also states that Santuka was then the Mahamatya or chief minister. Another colophon of the Uttaradhyayana-sutra dated in the month of Bhadrapada of the 1 SJGM., I, p. 55. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 99: HTG HETER: 3240371afc queat in mot jayasiMhadevavijayarAjye zrIbhRgukacchanivAsinA jinacaraNArAdhanatatpareNa .... nizIthicUrNipustaka likhitm| 3 Catalogue of MSS. from Jesalamera, p. 45, fn. 3: fwfwaar verAT UT I fatti faj afin etc. * SJGM., XVIII P. 100. 5 Ibid., p. 100: 9988917 Pinoy TTSTERTE 2: TTI3 stagfieza Fatih.. 6 Ibid., p. 65: 9999 goraf 98 at AFTER HERTATETTA itaalaYarius traff i c .... Herfaget

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 249 same year, records that at that time the chief minister was Asuka; it would mean that Santuk had retired. The king had an additional title of Siddhacakravartin. The provenance of certain colophons and inscriptions shows that he must have held sway over large portions of Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, besides Gujarata, Kathiawar and Cutch. His achievements : The main event during the early part of his reign was an attack on Anahilla pura by Naravarman, the king of Malava, when Jayasinha had been on a pilgrimage to Somanath with his mother Mayanalla. So Sampatakara or Santu who was in charge of the capital had to make peace with the invader by giving Jayasimha's merit of pilgrimage to Somanatha. When Jayasimha returned he resolved to revenge this insult by waging war against Malava. From the victory in this war it appears Jayasimha bore the titles of sovereign ruler 'Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara '3 and also assumed the title of 'Tribhuvanaganda.'4 Merutunga indicates that one of the most important acts of the queen-mother Mayanalladevi on the occasion of the pilgrimage was the abolition of the tax at Bahuloda, which yielded seventy-two lacs to the royal treasury.5 Next war of Jayasimha was against the ruler of Surasyra. Hemacandra in his Siddha-hema-vyakarana refers to the victory over Surastra (Ajayat Siddhah Saurastran). A detailed description of this account is found in the Kirti-kaumudi, in the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha and Prabandha-cintamaai. The Kirti-kaumudi states that Jayasimha crushed the very powerful Khergara of Surastra in the battle as a lion kills an elephant.? The Vividhatirtha-kalpa also gives the name as Khengararaya,8 and so does the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha.9 The Prabandha-cintamani, however, refers to him by 1 Idid., p. 101: 9999 TETCE .... 3 TAOTREZITE FIFTETST TEITIT samastanijarAjAvalIsamalaMkRta mahArAjAdhirAja-paramezvara-tribhuvanagaDa zrIsiddhacakravarti zrImajayasiMhadevakalyANavijayarAjye zrI zrIkaraNe mahAmAtya zrIAzukraH sakalavyApArAn kroti| 2 See supra p. 112, Chapter on the Paramaras of Malava. 3 SJGM., XVIII, p. 101. 4 Ibid., XVIII, p. 65. 5 Ibid., I, p. 58: Taa yrs #TATT 471 Dale fritt JUHTA aratai foneta: Taraf gia stal 151 735414.... Tatalager.... fase 988 Pagh, HII: Far etc. 6 Puratatva (Gujarati), IV, p. 67. 7 Canto II, V. 25. 8 SJGM., X, p. 9: T TATYTITTT firdaur TRT SET UT JUSTIET STEHTI e SJGM., II, pp. 34-35. 32

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250 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES name as Abhira ruler Navaghana. Having suffered defeat eleven times at the hands of Navaghana, Jayasimha marched from his capital again for the twelfth time after getting Vardhana and other cities under him, duly protected by newly built-up ramparts. In the ensuing engagement he killed Navaghana and appointed Sajjana as his Da dadhipati to look over the affairs of Surastra. The king of Surastra is called Khengara, by several authorities, while the Prabandha-cintama si in its prose portion refers to him as Navaghana and in its verses he is referred to as Khengara. Thus it mixes Navaghana with Khengara. Navaghana was the grandfather of Khengara 3 Hence the statement of the Prabundha-cintamazi in this connection is apparenty wrong. As to when this event took place we do not know. Dr. Bhagavanlal Indraji on the basis of an inscription of Sajjana in the temple of Neminath at Girnar dated V.E. 1176 (A.D. 1120) assumes that Sajjana was a governor of Surastra by that time. But it is alleged that there is, however, only one inscription of Jayasimha's time in Girnara which bears no date and does not mention Sajjana 5 The Vividha-tirtha-kalpa, on the other hand, refers to Sajjana as the governor of the place who built a temple of Neminatha in V.E. 1185 (c. 1129 A.D.)6 The Revantagiri-rasu also confirms this statement. The Prabhavaka-carita clearly states that Saurastra was in the charge of Sajjana for nine years.8 The assumption of Pt. Bhagavanlal Indraji, therefore, seems to be correct. According to the Prabandha-cintama i Sajjana spent three years' revenue in building the temple. If any reliance be put on the account of the Prabandha-cintamani we can say that Sajjana was the governor of Surastra 1 Ibid., I, pp. 64-65: 3197 fogTIGTITSUTATAITHTHTTC# Avata.JA: OFICETYT quia aa.... ha etc. 2 Ibid., p. 65, V. 148: HE FET TUTTI sauM SaMgArihi prANa ki na vaisAnari homiiiN|| 3 Glory That Was Gurjardesh, III, p. 168. 4 BG., I, Pt. I, pp. 177-186. 5 R. C. Parikha, Kavyanusasana, Vol. II, Pt. I, Introduction, p. clxxxii. 6 SJGM., X, p. 9. ? Revantagiri-rasu, Kadavaka, 1, V.9: IFRAE asts art4a-81 af uddhariu sAjaNi nrsehri| 8 SJGM., XIII, p. 195, V. 333 : 379 H a ETHI : :1 Aruroha giri jI madrAkSaM ca jinAlayam // 9 SJGM., I, p. 64: QT FATE TOT TIETIEST SITHEFT 47 tahtarity kASThamayaM prAsAdamapanIya nUtanaH zailamayaH prAsAda: kaaritH|

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA in V.E. 1181-82 (c. 1125-26 A.D.). Sura tra, therefore might have been conquered before A.D. 1125-26. The Dohad inscription of the reign of Jayasimha dated V.E. 1196 (c. 1140 A.D.) tells us that the lords of Surastra and Malava1 were thrown into prison by Jayasimha. According to the Dvyasrava-kavya the first achievement of Jayasimha might have been his fight with Barbaraka who was troubling the sages of the time. It is said that he had come with his men as far as Sristhalapura (Siddhapur) on the Sarasvati and devastated the holy place and the temple of Svayambhu Rudra etc. He was assisted by the younger brother of the king of Antardhanadesa. As the followers of Barbaraka are described as Raksasas he might have been a leader of some non-aryan tribe. Dr. Bhagavanlal Indraji conjectures the modern Babarias of Babariavada in the South Kathiawar to be the descendants of Barbaraka. Hemacandra states that in the first encounter Jayasimha's army could not stand, and Jayasimha imperilled his life as he rushed forward alone and struck a blow on the head of Barbaraka with his sword which broke into two. Then they wrestled with each other and Barbaraka was overpowered and imprisoned. But on the request of Barbaraka's wife, Pingalika, he was released and henceforth became an adherent of the king. This defeat of Barbaraka has also been referred to by a Jain work, namely, Vagbhatalankara, which states: 'He defeated in battle, Barbaraka the naktamcara that is Raksasa.' The commentator on that work confirms this by stating Jayasimha as 'Babbar-jignu." According to Jinamandana, the author of the Kumarapala-prabandha, Jayasimha acquired the title 'Siddharaja by subduing Barbaraka.' The Ujjain fragmentary stone inscription dated V.E. 1196 refers to Varbaraka-jisnu as one of the titles of Jayasimha. Jayasinha was called Siddha because he subjugated Barbaraka. We are informed from a Jain colophon of Navapadalaghu-vytti dated in the month of Jyestha of V.E. 1192 (c. 1135 A.D.) that Jayasimha assumed one more title Avantinatha. Prior to this colophon we have another colophon still earlier by three months, in the month of Phalguna of V.E. 1191 1 IA., X, pp. 158 - 60 : zrIjayasiMhadevo'sti bhUpo gurjaramaNDale / yena kArAgRhe kSiptI murASTra mAlavezvarI // DV., Canto XII, Vs. 5-90 and Canto XIII, V. 2. * Chapter IV, V. 125 yena naktaMcaraH so'ri yuddhe varako jitaH / 3 4 Ibid., p. 17: jaya jaya babbara ji... . bhUpa jysiNh....| * siddha parvakA siddharAjastato'bhavat / ASI., WC., 1921, pp. 54-55. SJGM., XVIII, p. 103 vijayarAjya evaM kAle pravartamAne.. 251 saM0 1992 jyeSThamudi . . . avantInAtha zrIjaya siMhadeva kalyANa

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252 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES (c. 1135 A.D.), where he is mentioned by only those titles as are mentioned previously. The sudden appearance of this new title has some significance. We have already referred to one war of Jayasimha with the Malava king Naravarman. We have also discussed in detail about this war and another war with Naravarman's son, Yasovarman, in the context of the history of the Paramaras. So we need not repeat all the description here. The Sundha Hill inscription composed by the Jain monk, Jayamaugala, states that Jayasimha was assisted in this war of Malava by the Naddula Cahamana Asaraja. The date of the conquest over Malava : As to when this war took place, we have certain clues as afforded by the Jain sources. We have seen above the two Jain works. The early prasasti written in the month of Phalguna, that is three months earlier, does not refer to the title 'Avantinatha,' but the colophon of the month Jyestha confers upon him the title of 'Avantinatha.' It seems the final battle must have been won within these three months. The Gala inscription of Jayasiri ha dated V.E. 1193 (c. 1137 A.D.) also mentions among the other titles of Jayasimha, the title Avantinatha, that is, Lord of Avanti. The Lalwada Ganapati image inscription tells us that Jayasimha humbled the pride of Naravarman, while the Dohad pillar inscription states that he threw into prison the ruler of Malava.5 The Vadanagar Prasasti of Kumarapala also mentions that Jayasimha fettered the proud king of Malava.. Jayasimha, on becoming the lord of Avanti, came into contact with the Candellas, the Kalacuri and probably the Gahadavalas. I have refered to a struggle of Jayasimha with Candella Madanayarma while dealing with the Candellas.? In that war Jayasimha except detaining a substantial tribute, did not gain much meterial advantage and the war ended in a friendly alliance.8 As regards the relation with Kalacuri the Prabandha-cintamani states 1 Ibid., p. 103: 9939 ad que c H STUT 7957 A. T. 19. 7. T. T. zrIbhuvanagaMDa siddhacakravarti shriijysiNhdeven| ? See supra pp. 109-110. 3 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 26: ita HTAT FAT AY TUTAFIRA Try: sAhAyya mAlavAnAM bhuvi yadasi kRtaM vIkSya siddhaadhiraajH|| 4 JBRAS., XXV, 1917-21, PP. 322-24. 5 DHNI., II, p. 966. * El., I, p. 293 ff. V. II. ? See supra, p. 68. & SJGM., I, p. 64: 3797 FIAT Stecarietata: afferierna: etc,

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 253 that the king of the country of Dahala wrote to Jayasimha a letter of alliance. The king of Dahala was probably the Kalacuri Yasah-karna (c. 1073-1126 A.D.).1 Regarding the Gahadavala, the same authority states that Jayasinha maintained diplomatic relations with Jayacandra, 'king of Banaras.'? But the name of the Gahadavala king Jayacandra (c. 1170-93 A.D.) given in this connection appears to be a mistake for Govindacandra (c. 1114-55 A.D.). After referring to these victorious campaigns of Jayasimha, the Jain sources mention three more struggles. The Chandonusasana of Hemacandra3 and a treatise on alankara by Vagbhata state that Jayasimha defeated Sindhuraja. Simhadevagaai, the commentator of the Vagbhatalankara, states that he was Sindhudesadhipa, i.e., the Lord of Sindha. We do not know who this king of Sindhudesa was. The Kirti-kaumudi states : Sarkha asks Vastupala to hand over Combay to him, as this city was subject to his father (Pitybhukti), while Vastupala answers him that it was taken by Nepasimha, after fighting with Simha, who was assisted by cavalry men.'' Muni Jinavijayaji conjectures that Sindhuraja was the same as according to the Hammira-madamardana and Vasanta-vilasa was the father of Saukha. Narasimha of the Kirti-kaumudi is undoubtedly Jayasimha.5 According to the late Pt. Ojha, Sindhuraja in the above reference is the same as has been referred to in a Kiradu inscription of A.D. 1252.6 The Dohad inscription of Jayasimha of 1140 A.D. contains the reference of this war, therefore, this must have taken place before that time.? Another war with the king of Sapadalaksa is referred to by the Prabandha-cintamani. It states, "He returned Sapadalaksa with several lacs to the humbled Anaka king."8 The Kirti-kaumudi of Somesvara also confirms the fact and states that Jayasimha gave his daughter to the Cahamana.' 1 Ibid., p. 74: FIFTHGT154 ar Fhlaganle 779TATI FETETT etc. 2 P. 12. 3 Chapter 4, V. 129. Canto II, Vs. 26-27. - R. C. Parikha, Kavyanusasana, Introduction, p. clxxx. 6 Prasthan (Guj.), Vol. VIII, No. 4, p. 226. ?IA., X, p. 158 ff. V. 2 : 3F9Scaufata f ia r : 1 8 SJGM., I, p. 476. 9 Canto 2, Vs. 27-29: 3 T TETTHET 3719771 Teter great autreze fawal etc.

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254 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES This Anaka has been rightly identified with King Arnoraja or Ana (1189-1153 A.D.), the son of Ajayaraja. An inscription from Sambhara confirms the fact that Anaka was under the influence of Jayasimba.1 Regarding his southern campaign we have information from the Jain sources. Jinamandanagani in his Kumarapala-prabandha writes 'The sword whose edge was chewed in by Jayasimha before the Yoginis coming from the Himalayas were brought from the Paramardi ruler of Kalyana-kataka." A Jain MS refers to an expedition of Jayasimha to Devagiri from which he proceeded to Paithan which submitted to him. He induced certain families called Virajas or Viravanijas who appear to have been silk weavers to accompany him to Pattan and stay there. The glories of Patan are then recounted to the Virajas.3 The contemporary king of Jayasimha at Kalyana-kataka at that time was Vikramaditya VI who bore the title of Paramardi. An inscription of Jayasimha from Talwar too speaks about his humbling the pride of Paramardi.4 A Jain inscription from Kolhapur of Saka era 1058 (A.D. 1136) mentions the Viravanijas, a commercial class of South India. I have elsewhere said that Jayasimha took an incursion of Southern India accompanied by Jagaddeva. The Kolhapur-prabandha, in the Prabandha-cintamani, reveals his influence over that region. All these references, epigraphic as well as literary, confirm the fact that Jayasimha might have invaded the Caulukya dominion and after marching upto Paithan might have returned, coming into friendly terms with Vikramaditya VI. From the above stated nearly ten struggles, Jayasimha appears to have been a great king. He ruled as an unchallenged master of the imperial Gujarata from Sambhara to the frontiers of Konkana. His empire comprised modern Gujarata including Lata, Saurastra, Kaccha, some parts of Rajasthana, Malava and Central India. His epigraphs and the colophons of the MSS of his time show that he bore four promiscuous titles, such as Tribhuvanaganda, Siddha-cakravarti, Avantinatha and Barbarakajisnu, His greatness does not lie in the conquests only, but also in his building of architectural VI. 1 1 A. (1929), pp. 234-36. 2 P. 7 3 Bhandarkar, R.G., Rep. of Search of San. MSS during the year 1883-84, p. ro ff. Original p. 314. 4 RMR., 1915, p. 2. 5 EI., XIX, p. 30 ff. & See infra, p. 261. 7 SJGM., I, p. 73.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 255 works and his multifarious cultural activities, which impressed much his contemporaries and succeeding generations, thus immortalising his name in the annals of India. Four great things : The Prabandha-cintamani quotes a verse which tells us that Jayasimha accomplished four great things which nobody could do. They were -- the temple of Maha Rudrakala at Siddhapur, the great artificial lake (Sahasvalinga) at Patan; the great pilgrimage to Somesvara on foot (Mahayatra); great place (Mahasthana), most probably the Danasala built near the lake Sahasralinga -- a sort of free boarding and lodging place for students. Mahayatra: The Duyasraya-kavya, in its fifteenth canto, refers to all these things. It states that in Siddhapura on the banks of the river Sarasvati he built Rudra Mahalaya. At the same place he also built a temple of the last Arhat, i.e., Mahavira, and properly honoured the Arhatsangha 3' After this he proceeded to his pilgrimage to Somanatha on foot. In Devapattana he was received by Audumbari Ganda who was in charge of the city. The king worshipped Siva and requested him a son. Upon this Sambhu told him touching his hairy head, 'your brother Tribhuvanapala's son Kumara pala will be the king after you,' and disappeared.? From Somanatha Jayasimha went to Raivataka mountain and paid his reverence to Neminatha, the twenty-second Jain Tirthankara.8 After that he went to Satrunjaya and there he worshipped Nabheya, the first Tirthankara. He founded a city, Simhapura (mod. Sihor), near Satrunjaya and granted it with other villages to Brahmanas.10 Then he returned to his capital and performed sacrifices and removed the doubts which arose regarding certain rituals. 11 He also gave daksinas to Brahmanas. After this for his Ista i SjGM., I, p. 75. 2 DV., XV, V. 15. 3 Ibid., Vs. 16-17. 4 Ibid., V. 18. 5 Ibid., Vs. 37-38. & Ibid., V. 53. 7 Ibid., Vs. 54-56 : f gry: CAT TYTETI tvadbhAtrIyaH tribhuvanapAla puno'sti dhUH kSamaH // kumArapAla so'zvIyastvadante kSamA dhrissyti| 54tratarea ei....11 8 Ibid., Vs. 61-88. Ibid., Vs. 89-95. 10 Ibid., Vs. 97-98. 11 Ibid., V. 108.

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256 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES parti he constructed the Great Lake (Mahasara). On the outskirts of this Lake were Satrasalas for the Brahmanas for sacrificial purposes, one hundred and eight temples of goddesses, a temple of Dasavatara of Visnu, Mathas to house students and teachers well-versed in different branches of learning. We have separate descriptions of all these four excellent things in the Jain prabandhas. The Prabandha-cintamani tells us that Jayasimha built the Rudra Mahakala-prasada twenty-three hands in measurement; perhaps it was the inner hall in which the principal image was seated. In the temple, before the image of god Siva, there were statues of asvapatis, gajapatis, narapatis and in front of these statues the statue of Jayasimha was erected praying with folded hands so that the temple might never suffer any destruction. The same authority further relates that when the flag was hoisted on that temple, the flags from the Jain temples were lowered. An unpublished prabandha informs us that minister Aliga was in charge of building the Rudra Mahalaya. He also built there a Rajavihara temple at his own expense. Thereupon the king became pleased with him and granted him several villages in V.E. 1198 (A.D. 1142). From this statement we may infer that Jayasimha might have commenced the building of Rudra Mahalaya after his conquest of Malava in V.E. 1192 (A.D. 1136) and it took him six years to complete the work.4 Great Lake: The Sukrta-samkirtana calls it Siddhasara. According to other Jain authorities like the Vasanta-vilasa, Moharaja-parajaya and Hammira-mada-mardana there was only one lake near Anahillapatana constructed by Durlabharaja. According to the Sarasvati-purana this Durlabha lake once dried up. Jayasimha was very anxious to get it filled with water again. The Prabhavaka-carita states that the poet Sripala wrote a prasasti of Durlabharaja-sara (lake) while the Prabandha-cintamani states that he wrote that of Sahasralinga lake.? The poet Sripala, un 1 Ibid., V. 114. 2 Ibid., V. 115-122. 3 SJGM., I, p. 61: TEFTANT STAIC FIZHI 17 g 3991 gajapati narapati....mRrtI kArayitvA tatpuro yojitAJjaliM svAM mUrti nirmApya dezabhaMge'pi tAn prAsAdasyAbhoM yAcitavAn tasya prAsAdasya dhvajAropaprastAve sarveSAmapi jainaprAsAdAnAM patAkAvarohaM kAritavAn / 4 Karyanusasana, Introduction, p. clxxxviii 5 Canto II, V. 35: Tilfa fugat: RTI 6 D. K. Sastri, GMRI., I, p. 258. ? SJGM., XIII, p. 190, V. 205: BESHATITE NEGATS, etc. (ii) Ibid., I, p. 61: stal T HaftaTTa falari orcit etc.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 257 doubtedly, was the contemporary of Jayasimha. We, therefore, reconciling all the references, may say that Jayasimha might have repaired or expanded the lake constructed by his ancestors. The Sukita-savr kirtana states that Jayasimha erected a Kirtistambha after his world conquests. Fortunately a stone column of Kirtistambha has been discovered in which a prasasti by Sripala is engraved. 2 Anahilapatana : Asahilapatana in his days was the centre of all kinds of activities, as Dhara or Ujjayini was in the days of Bhoja. It was a city of temples, planned like a Svastika and surrounded by a high wall with towers and bastions of stones. It was a city full of wealth. Its commercial and maritime activities were carried on by the merchants through Cambay. The rich of the city had their mansions with gardens, lovely with flowers. Its citizens both male and female were cultured. The people were liberal, hospitable, brave and adventurous.3 Siddharaja made Anahilapatana the home of learning also. The religious zeal with which the Jain sadhus have preserved their MSS gives a fine picture of the intellectual activities of Pasana. The Brahmanas led all such activities and were the special objects of royal munificence. They were the architects of Patana's cultural greatness. Hemacandra also gives a short picture of the religious and educational life of Patana. Jayasimha established schools for the study of Jyotisasastra, Nyayasastra and the Puranas. Jayasimha encouraged students and scholars for the advancement of learning by distributing prizes and stipends. Hemacandra: The great Jain monk Hemacandra had a lasting influence on him. He became, first of all, court Pandit and then court annalist. On the instance of the king Hemacandra wrote a monumental work on grammar naming it after the king and himself-Siddha-Hema-V yakarana.? Hemacandra enjoyed the royal friendship and got full help and encouragement from the king in his vast literary output. As a contemporary court FETT 3771 i Canto II, V. 37: Papet er a t THETAT 2 Prasthana (Gujarati), XII, No. 5, p. 293. 3 DV., Canto I, Vs. 4-134. - Ibid., Canto XV, Vs. 115, 121; I, Vs. 7-39. 5 Ibid., Canto I, Vs. 46-65. & SJGM., XIII, p. 186, Vs. 112-115. ? Ibid. I, pp. 60-61. 8 Ibid., XIII, p. 186, Vs. 103-110. 33

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258 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES annalist Hemacandra has given a good description of Jayasinha's prosperous reign in his Dvyasraya-kavya. The prabandha literature describes many more anecdotes about Jayasimha's relations with Hemacandra. Hemacandra appears to be a moral guide of Jayasimha. Scholars: Besides Hemacandra there were other scholars in the court of Jayasimha. The poet laureate, Sripala, wrote the Vairocana-parajaya and several other prasastis. He called himself as Jayasimha's adopted brother (pratipanna-bandhu). According to Somaprabhacarya Siddharaja Jayasimha called Sripala as Kavindra and brother. 2 The poet Vagbhata, the author of the Vagbhatalankara, Jayamangalacarya, the author of the Kavisiksa,Vardhamanasuri who wrote the Ganaratnamahodadhi, a work on grammar,5 were among the other scholars who flourished in his reign. Great personalities : Among the great personalities and political figures of his reign, we can quote several names. The queen mother Mayanalla, the old minister Santu or Sampatkar, Munjala, Asuka Dadaka, Mahadeva, and Udayana are well-known figures in Jain sources. We have referred to Mayanalla in the context of Karna. Mayanalla, after the death of Karna, brought up the young king Jayasimha with the help of the minister Santu. She also devoted her life to religion and went often on pilgrimage to Somanath. One of her religious deeds was the removal of pilgrim tax of Somanath through her son. It is said the tax yielded seventy-two lakhs to the royal treasury. She was a great woman. Her influence was great in shaping the early life of Jayasimha. She lived a long life and saw her son fully prosperous and died at an advanced age, a little before the conquest of Malava in 1135 A.D. A verse from the Prabandha-kosa shows as to how Jayasimha loved his mother: "No woman should bear a son like me whom fate brought the greatest of his cherished wishes, only when his mother was no more." 1 EI., I, p. 300: TERZETTE: stagi: 997y: zrIpAlanAmAkavicakravartI prazAstimetAmakarotprazastAm // 2 Kumarapala-pratibodha Prasasti : tragaofa: Fatom sa zarafai 3 Kavyamala, XLVIII. 4 Peterson report 1882-83, p. 80, Introduction, p. 31. 5 Jain Sahityano Itihas, p. 255. 1 SJGM., I, p. 57. 2 Ibid., VI, p. 115: F r a Fria Tigaie THI bRhadbhAgyaphalaM yasya mRtamAturanantaram / /

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 259 Santu was the son of Varnag and Sompuri and native of Baroda. He was the first governor of Lata under Karna. Later he was appointed as the chief minister.2 He was patron of the poet Bilhana. According to him Santu was always engrossed in state affairs. He had no time even to talk to his children or his young wives. He was a master of statecraft. In the early part of Jayasimha's reign he was the prime-minister. Jayasimha received his training under his able guidance. He wielded supreme power till 1123 A.D." Then in wrath he resigned the post. He left Patan and went to Dhara. Jayasimha expressed his repentance and requested Santu to return. On his way back he died at Ahada, near Udaipur.5 From the colophon of the Drsti-samuccaya we know that Munjala was a Mahamatya of Karna in V.E. 1146 (1090 A.D.)6 and according to the Prabandhacintamani, he was in the confidence of Karna and Minaladevi.? From the same work it also appears that he also accompanied Jayasimha in the last war of Dhara and managed to capture Dhara. At his suggestion a wooden sword instead of a real sword was given to Yasovarman. He was primeminister then. If the statement of the Prabandha-cintamani is true Munjala must have lived a long life at least till 1135 A.D. His post of prime-ministership seems to be doubtful for we know that in the reign of Karna, Santu was the prime-minister and the other Mahamatyas after Santu were found discharging the duties of the office in the reign of Jayasirnha. It seems Mahamatya might have been a mere title. Another colophon of the Jain MS informs us that in V.E. 1179 (1123 A.D.) Asuka occupied the position of the chief minister. Jayasimha at his suggestion took the pilgrimage to Satrunjaya.10 The Prabhavakacarita and Mudrita-kumudacandra state that Asuka was present at the debate between Digambar Kumudacandra and Devasuri.11 A colophon of V.E. 1191 (1135 A.D.) informs us that Mahattama 1 See supra p. 246. 2 PC., p. 57: 3771 ARATAT HETARI: 1 3 Prologue of the Karnasundari. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 65. 5 Ibid., II, pp. 31-32. 6 Ibid., XVIII, p. 99. ? Ibid., I, pp. 54-55. 8 Ibid., I, pp. 58-59. , SJGM., XVIII, p. IOI. 10 Jain Sahityano Itinas, p. 247. 11 SJGM., XIII, Devasuri, p. 181, V. 270; MK., Act 3.

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260 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Gangala was in charge of the state affairs. His reference is also found in the context of the debate between Kumudacandra and Devasuri.2 This debate took place in V.E. 1081 and at that time Gangala was in charge of court or legal documents.3 We do not find the reference to the minister Dadaka in the Jain sources. His son Mahadeva was a general in the army and from a Jain colophon of V.E. 1208 it appears that he became the trusted minister of Kumarapala. Minister Udayana was in charge of the port of Cambay.5 His role was comparatively less important. The commentator Simhadevagani of the Vagbhatalankara informs us that the author Vagbhata was also the minister of Jayasimha.6 Mr. M. D. Desai, the author of the Jain Sahityano Itihas, refers to two more ministers, Ananda and his son Pithvipala.? The fact that Prthvipala was the minister in the reign of Kumarapala is known from a colophon of a Jain MS, the Mallinatha-carita.8 His father Ananda was also chief-minister who is referred to in the Pali record of V.E. 1201. Chief-minister Prthvipala is said there to be the son of chief-minister Ananda. The ministers Santu, Munjala and Udayana built after their names Santu-vasahika, Munjala-vasahika and Udayana-vihara respectively. Identification of Jagadeva: The Jain prabandhas refer to one Jagadeva in the court of Jayasimha. According to the Kirti-kaumudi "he was a city warden of the Gurjaras. He guarded the city and no enemy dared to enter in it. Without him the Rajyalaksmi of the Gurjaras happened to be in wretched condition."'10 This statement, however, does not clearly show either in whose reign he held that post or to which clan he belonged. The Prabandha-cintamaai says that Jagadeva was a Ksatriya and was respected by Jayasimha. He was a hero of three qualities. He went to king Para 1 Ibid., XVIII, P, 103, No. 38. 2 Ibid., XIII, Devasuri, V. 172. 3 Ibid. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 106. 5 Ibid., I, p. 77: Frutat e TEC 479 THT: 1 8 Kavyamala, XLVIII, p. 148. 7 P. 228. 8 GOS., XXXVII. 9 Pracina Jaina Lekha-sangraha, No. 381. 10 Canto II, V. 99: fear AHHTETT ita fita RITEERI yatrAsthite vetriNi zaMkitairna dviSTaiH praviSTe puri gurjarANAm //

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA mardi of Kuntala country, having left Siddharaja. He regarded the wife of Paramardi as his sister. He repulsed the attack of the king of Srimala who invaded the country of Paramardi.1 The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha refers to Jagadeva of the Paramara clan who was an associate of Jayasimha." The Bardic tradition records Jagadeva as a Paramara. Among these conflicting references we have to decide as to who this Jagadeva was. We have shown elsewhere that Jagadeva the associate of Jayasithha could not be a Paramara ruler. His association with Paramardi tempts to suggest us that he must have been a man of Southern India. Pt. Bhagawanlal Indraji suggests that this Jagadeva might have been identical with the son of the sister of the Kadamba Jayakesi's mother." This Jayakesi was the king of Goa and the nephew of queen Mayanalla, the mother of Jayasinha Siddharaja. It is probable that he might have lived with Jayasimha for some time and later on he might have gone to Calukya king Parama (Paramardi) Jagadekamalla (V.E. 1174-1206). Jagadeva was the name of one of the vassals of this Calukya king. Jagadeva belonged to the Santara family and bore the title Tribhuvanamalla. He was in charge of Mahisura Mandala (Mysore) and lived also in the reign of Taila III, the successor of Parama.4 261 This conjecture seems to have been true. Jagadeva of Santarakula might have come over to Patana in relation to queen Mayapalla. The Prabandha-cintamani records him as Trividha Veera which may be taken as the synonym of Tribhuvanamalla. We have an inscription of Jagadeva dated V.E. 1206, which indicates that after the death of Jayasimha in V.E. 1199 he went to the south in the service of Paramardi. In some respects, therefore, the statements of the Prabandha-cintamani are reliable." His religion: His family religion was Saivism but he had great respect for other religions also. He made a pilgrimage to Somanath, no doubt, but he also visited Raivataka and Satrunjaya, the two holy places of the Jains." According to the Prabandha-cintamani he honoured and recognised all the branches of philosophy. He treated equally all the followers of different 1 SJGM., I, pp. 114-116. 2 Ibid., II, p. 25.1 D. K. Sastri, Aitihasika Sambodhana, p. 62. BG., I, Pt. I, p. 172 and Pt. II, p. 488. * A detailed discussion has been made in the Aitikasika Samsodhana (Gujarati) by D. K. Sastri under the head 'Jagadeva Paramara,' pp. 51-64. 6 See supra p. 255. 7 ' SJGM., I, p. 70 : sarvadarzanamAnyatAprabandhaH /

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262 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES religions. According to a Jain work of V.E. 1191 he had declared no injury to animals on the day of ekadasi etc.? His popularity : Jayasimha, as a ruler, loved his subjects very much. He went in disguise every day on his tours to know the complaints of his people and was very fond of mixing up with them. Several anecdotes are recorded by the Jain Prabandhas.2 He was a man of high character and was never allured by anybody's wealth. He was generous too. Once he gave 16 lakhs to a rich man having 84 lakhs so that he might be able to hoist the flag of the rich man of a crore. His long reign was marked by an era named Simha started by him. His Atru inscription is dated in the year 14 of this era. The Dvyasraya-kavya also refers to this era. Though enjoying a vast empire and long reign and all other kinds of favourable circumstances, Jayasimha was constantly tormented by the sorrow that he had no son. Several attempts of entreating the gods failed to give him a son. It is narrated in the chronicles that God Mahadeva himself told him that "his brother Tribhuvanapala's son Kumarapala should sit on his throne." The last days of Jayasimha are described in the Duya sraya-kavya that Jayasimha, remembering the words of the god Somanatha that Kumarapala was to succeed him after his death, tried selfrealisation.. "Contemplating Paramesthins (supreme gods) he went to the city of Indra."? According to the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha after the death of Jayasimha his sandals reigned for eighteen days.? This shows that it took some time before the new king was elected. Kumarapala (1144-1174 A.D.) His parentage: All authorities are unanimous in stating Kumara pala's accession after Jayasimha, but he did not inherit it in the usual manner. Kumarapala was Jayasimha's near relative but we do not know why Jayasimha was averse to the succession of Kumarapala. According to the Duyasraya-kavya Bhima had a son named Ksemaraja who was older than 1 Dharmopadesamala of Vijayasimha : yasyopadezAdakhilA ca deze siddhAdhipaH shriijysiNhdevH| ekAdazImukhyadineSvamArimakArayacchAsanadAnapUrvAm / 2 SJGM., I, pp. 71-73. 3 Ibid., p. 71. 4 GOS., Moharaja-parajaya, Act 3, Kubera's Palace. 5 R. C. Modi, Madhyakalina Gujaratani Samajika Sthiiti, pp. 76-77 & DV., Canto XV, Vs. 123-124: FATTO 3 far hathattam Tag etc ? SJGM., II, p. 45: 3TPGT trufaa fega: CT SUCITETIT T 15 94 TIA TEATIF ATO UGT: --Ku. Pra.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA Karna. Ksemaraja, being of religious temperament, did not accept the throne and it naturally went to Karpa Keemaraja had a son named Devaprasada who was living under the care of Karna. After the death of Karna, leaving his son Tribhuvanapala under the patronage of Jayasithha, he too died not long after Karna on Sarasvati. Jayasiihha treated Tribhuvanapala as his own son.1 Kumarapala was a son of this Tribhuvanapala. The fragmentary Citorgadh stone inscription of Kumarapala also confirms the above statement. The genealogy of Kumarapala given by Somaprabhacarya in his Kumarapala-pratibodha also approves this.3 The Prabandha-cintamani, however, gives a different version. According to it Bhima married a prostitute named Cauladevi who was at Pattana, and was famous for her beauty and merit. Bhima placed her in his harem. Her son was Haripala, his son was Tribhuvanapala and his son was Kumarapala. As Kumarapala was of low birth, Siddharaja could not bear the idea of his inheriting the throne and was always on the look-out for an opportunity to compass his destruction. According to the same authority Siddharaja had adopted as his son the prince named Cahadakumara who in the same work is called as the younger brother of the minister Bahada. From the Jain chronicles it appears that during the closing years of Jayasimha's reign his court was divided into two factions.6 His early days: The Kumarapala-carita tells us that owing to his hatred of Kumarapala, Jayasimha killed the latter's father Tribhuvanapala and thus compelled Kumarapala to become a fugitive. Kumarapala, on DV., Canto V. 2 EI., XX, p. 209. 3 GOS., XIV, p. 5. 4 .. * SJGM, I, p. 77 zrImadaNahilapura patane vRhati zrI bhImadevarAjye sAmrAjyaM pratipAlayati zrI bhImezvarapure bakulAdevInAzrI [paNyAganA patanaprasiddhaM guNapAtraM rUpapAtre catasyAsto pravRttimavagamyatAmantaHpurenyadhAt / tadaMgajo haripALadevastatsuta tribhuvanapAlaH tatputraH kumArapAladevaH / bhavadanantaramayaM nRpo bhaviSyati iti siddhanRpo vijJaptaH tasmin hInajAtAvityasahiSNutayA vinAzAvasaraM satatamanveSayAmAsa / & Ibid. p. 79 cAhaDanAma kumAraH zrIsiddharAjapratipannaputraH / * Ibid., p. 78. 7 : KC, III, 67 ft. kumArapAla rAjyA matvA dvidveSa taM prati / mitrAdIn ghAtayitvA taM ghAtayAmIti badhdadhIH // aghAtayat tribhuvanapAlaM sa preSya ghAtakAn tAvatsva jIvitaMmuktthA... zrImanbhuktvA dadhisthayAM tvaM dezAntaramAzraya / tato bhuktvA dadhisthalyAM svIyAM bhopAlade priyAm // bhrAtrAdyaparivAraM ca kumAro niragAnnizi // 263 * /

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264 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the advice of his brother-in-law Kanhadadeva, wandered in distant countries for a long time. His adventurous early travels, however, are referred to by several authorities. According to the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha when Kumarapala left Anahillapura, through fear of murder, he was about twenty years old. He travelled in various parts of India and went on pilgrimage to Kedarnath seven times. He had to travel in disguise for thirty years. He proceeded to Anahillapura when he heard of Jayasimha's death in the shop of a shoemaker at Ujjayini.l The Prabandha-cintamani states: "Kumarapala was so closely pursued that he was at last compelled to take shelter with the great minister Udayana at Cambay. The latter was persuaded to help Kumarapala in his escape by the prediction of the Jain monk Hemacandra that Kumarapala would be crowned as a king in V.E. 1199, on the second day of Kartika, on Sunday in the naksatra of Hasta. It is stated there that Kumarapala being astonished by this prediction said to the monk: "If this is true, then you shall be king and I will be the dust of your feet." When Kumara pala made this promise, the hermit exclaimed, "What have I to do with desire for a kingdom that leads to hell? Let it be so. But you must be grateful and must not forget this speech and must always be devoted to the law of Jina." Kumarapala reverently accepted this admonition and took leave of him. It is said when Kumara pala was pursued by the soldiers of Jayasimha he was helped in various ways by Hemacandra. The contemporary reference to his wandering, we have in the Moharaja-parajaya of Yasa hpala wherein it is stated that "He wandered all over the earth out of a sheer spirit of adventure."3 The description of his wanderings is found in somewhat greater detail in the Prabandha literature which seems more or less fictitious. I SJGM., II, p. 38: sf fatlaraqaata: 1911 firari Har THI ETmakarot evaM tasya dezAntare 30 varSANi jAtAni kadAcidujayinyAM carmakAragRhe siddhezo vinaSTaH zrutaH tataH pttnmaagtH| 2 SJGM., I, pp. 77-78: no a faI JUFATIO Off-477 Frihatief he sitsematpArzva zambalaM yaacitumaagtH| taM pauSadhazALAsthitamAkarNya tatrAgate tamminnudayanena pRSTaH zrI hemacandrAcAryaH prAha .... saM0 1199 barSe kArtika 2 rakhI hastanakSatre yadibhavataH paTTAbhiSeko na bhavati tadA'taHparaM nimittA TERTIA: ....79: ET 9799 Tha: 37 q oru: .... 3 GOS., IX, Act I, p. 28: : 97.00 asut NATH TAUTSELI

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 265 His accession: According to the Kumarapala-carita Jayasimha died suddenly within seven days of the arrival of Kumarapala at Anahilapatana.1 Certain scholars on the basis of this statement infer that there was some hand of Kumarapala and his party in the death of Jayasimha. But, fortunately, we have an eye-witness account in the form of a colophon of the Prakrt Jain work, Muni-suvratasvami-carita of Sricandrasuri, which shows how a voluntary death was embraced by Jayasimha by fasting. Another contemporary of Kumarapala, Somaprabhasuri, in his Kumarapala-pratibodha, records the following account of his accession to the throne: "When Jayasimha went to heaven to make friends with the king of the gods, earth became sad as lotuses do when the sun sets. Then the ministers, who surpassed the teacher of gods-Brhaspati -in intelligence, seeing the kingdom without a protector began to converse like this (then follows the genealogy of Kumarapala from Bhima I): 'His (Tribhuvanapala's) son named Kumarapala is bright, of a pleasant face and like Indra in splendour. He is liberal, brave and a protector of the helpless. He is endowed with all royal qualities, therefore let us make him a king in deference to others possessing no merits. Thus consulting with one another and seeking unanimity with palmists and astrologers etc., Kumarapala was installed on the throne by the ministers. The whole world became satisfied."' According to Merutunga after Jayasimha's death Kanhadadeva made his forces ready for battle and played the part of a king-maker. It appears that including him there were three candidates for the throne. Kumarapala was at this time 50 years old. Once in power, he proved to be a vigorous and effective ruler. Merutunga tells us that "Kumarapala on account of his mature age and the discernment that he acquired by wandering about in foreign countries, himself held the reins of government and thereby gave offence to the old royal servants." They planned to kill him, but he got the clue of this plot and dismissed those ministers to the city of Yama. He did not hesitate to tadaiva 1 KC, Canto III, Vs. 446448 saptadinyAM kumAraitadrAjyaM bhAvi tava bha... daivayogena ciraM bhuktvA mahImimA, jayasiMhamahIjAni devabhUyaM samAsadat / 2 DHNI., II, V. 976. 3 * GOS., LXXVI, Cat, of MSS. at Patan, pp. 314-322: aha saggacAlIsa diNAI pAliUNaM samAhiNANasaNaM / dhammajhANaparAyaNa cinto jo parabhavaM patto // 5 GOS., XIV, Kumarapala-pratibodha, p. 5. SJGM., I, p. 78, par. 129. 34

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266 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES punish even his brother-in-law who was once instrumental in getting him. the throne and who afterwards had become haughty and contemptuous. Kumarapala first gave him warning which he did not heed, then by the order of the king he was blinded and his limbs were broken by his athletes. After this most of his officers, taking the lesson that the king should not be taken lightly, submitted to him. According to the same authority Cahada, the adopted son of Jayasimha, escaped and with a section of the royal army took service under the king of Sapadalaksa. The Kumarapala-carita informs us that Kumarapala, after his coronation, made Bhopalladevi his Pattarani and Udayana his chief minister.3 This Udayana was, no doubt, the same man who had helped him to escape from the fury of Jayasimha at Cambay. Within two or three years of his early reign Kumarapala restored order in his kingdom, consolidated his power and its empire reached its zenith. Reign period: The Prabandha-cintamani gives him a reign of 31 years from V.E. 1199 to 1230.4 The Mirat-i-Ahmadi assigns him a reign of 30 years and 6 months, while Ain-i-Ahabari records only 23 years. The Vicarasreni allots him a reign from 1199 to 1229 V.E. The Bali inscription of his predecessor is dated V.E. 1200.7 and the Nadalai stone inscription of Kumarapala refers to his date V.E. 12288 and the Udaipur inscription of his successors Ajayapala is found bearing the date V.E. 1229.9 From these it appears that the Vicarasreni and Prabandha-cintamani do not represent the true tradition regarding the upper and lower limits of his reign. His conquests: His extensive conquests prove that Kumarapala was a great warrior like his predecessor. Hemacandra in his Samhskyt and Prakyt Dvyasraya-kavya records an account of his several wars. In his Samskrt Dvyasraya-kavya he refers to his two wars, one with king Anna of Sapadalaksa and the other with Ballala of Malava. He states that looking at the energy and vigilance of their sovereign, neighbouring chieftains like those 1 lbid., pp. 78-79: sa prauDhatayA dezAntaraparibhramaNanaipuNyena rAjyazAsti svayaMkurvan rAjavRddhAnAmarocamAnasteH sambhUya vyApAdayituM vyavasitaH / sAndhakAra gopureSu nyasteSu. * tAni pradhAnAnyantakapurI prAhiNot / Ibid, p. 79 cAhanAmA kumAra sapAdalakSIyabhUpateH pattibhAvaM babhAra / KC., III, V. 478. * SJGM, I, P. 95 4 MA., Trans., p. 1436 AAK., II, P. 260. 7 EI., XI, pp. 32-33. 8 EI., XI, pp. 47-48. IA., XVIII, pp. 344-48. saM0 1199 varSapUrva 21 zrIkumArapAladevena rAjyaM kRtam /

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 267 of Mahiyas (according to the commentary ruler of Godraha) and Rastriyas attended him. Then the king Anna with the other kings of the north arose suddenly against Kumarapala. The commentary explains the reason of this sudden occurrence by saying that, after the death of Jayasimha, Ama, supposing the government to be new and Kumarapala to be weak, attacked him. According to the Prabandha-cintamani the king of Sapadalaksa was instigated to attack the frontiers of Gujarata by Cahada, the adopted son of Jayasimha. "Cahada, desiring to make war on Kumarapala, having won to his side all the officers in those parts with bribes, false honour and gift and bringing with him the king of the Sapadalaksa country with a formidable army, arrived on the borders of Gujarat." Kumara pala encountered the attack. It further relates that at first the position of Kumarapala in the battle was serious. He observed his soldiers disobeying his orders, even his driver of the royal elephant refusing to follow him. He saw everywhere corruption in the army. But in the end, through his personal bravery and skill, he was able to overpower his enemy. Cahada was captured by his foot-man while Anna was wounded with an iron dart.3 The Duyasrya-kavya states: "A secret emissary of Kumarapala came and informed him that within a day Anna would be attacking the boundary of his kingdom. Some of Kumarapala's former allies including Cahada, the head of the elephant section of his army had joined the enemy and the king of Gonarda, that is Ballala, who was Kumara pala's vassal, had also joined the enemy. The king curbing his anger considered the whole situation calmly and resolved upon his strategy. He sent his general, according to the commentary, a Brahmana by name Kakka against Ballala and himself marched against Anna. On his way, at Mt. Arbud, Kumarapala was received by his vassal Vikramasimha who treacherously wanted to kill Kumarapala. But Kumarapala, due to his constant vigilance, saved his life.5 1 DV., Canto XVI, V. 6: HEARTET SEAT 1497 37 ata ya 45771 * Ibid., V. 7: 37TTTTTETES TERTETtorer toray: 2 Anno nRpo'sminmadato'tipArAvArINanAgaH sahasA vyaruddha / Commentary: gafaz ajta asiaa FATTCHA yara fazia TOHTA SEFtarkitaM tena saha virodhaM cakAra / 3 SJGM., I, pp. 70-80. 4 DV., Canto XVI, Vs. 13-23: 7777 .... JEST R EUS: 1 Commentary on the V. 17: fitotisa....379,- Taut a s 5 SJGM., XIII, pp. 199-200, Vs. 487-516.

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268 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES In the battle Cahada was taken prisoner and Arnoraja was wounded. As a result the king of Sakambhari submitted and gave his daughter in marriage to Kumarapala.1 This victory over Arnoraja is also recorded in the Vasanta-vilasa, Vastupala-Tejah-pala-prasasti,3 Sukrtakirtikallolini, Prabhavaka-carita, Kumarapala-prabandha, Prabandha-kosa' and Kumarapala-carita This struggle with Arnoraja is also supported by a Jain inscription from Citodagarha composed by Ramakirti, the head of Digambar Jains of V.E. 1207 (c. 1150 A.D.). According to this inscription, Sajjana the Dandanayaka assisted Kumarapala in this war. This also shows that the country of Sapadalaksa, over which Arporaja ruled, was devastated. Kumarapala with his victorious army then encamped at Salipura near modern Citor in Udaipur District. He accompanied by his new father-in-law Arnoraja and his general Sajjana went to worship Samides vara a Citor. He made there a gift of a village to the temple while the Dandanayaka Sajjana donated an oil mill.9 According to this inscription this war must have ended in V.E. 1207 (c. 1150 A.D.), for a colophon of a Jain MS, the Pujavidhanal of V.E. 1208 (A.D. 1151) among other titles of Kumarapala, refers to the title Praudhapratapa-nijabhujavinirjita, rananganopatta, Sakambharibhupala, which must have been borne by Kumarapala after this war. Several other colophons of Jain MSS mention this title in the following eloquent terms: Sapadalaksarastra-vana-dahana-davanam," Mahahavasangrama-nirvyudha pratijna-praudha; nijabhujara angana-nirjita Sakambharibhupala, 12 which remind us that the war with Arporaja was an important one in the life of Kumarapala. In the inscriptions of Kumarapala as well as his vassals this battle has been. recorded prominently,13 1 DV., Canto XIX, Vs. 1-35. 2 GOS., VII, III, 29. This work refers to the Cahamana king as king of Jangala. 3 GOS., X. p. 58 ff. V. 25. Ibid., Appendix, II, p. 67 ff. V. 61. SJGM., XIII, pp. 199-200. 6 P. 40. Ibid., VI. p. Canto IV, Vs. 213-446. 9 EI., IX, p. 12 ff. 10 SJGM., XVIII, p. 106. 11 Ibid., p. 107. 12 Ibid., p. 109. 13 GMRI., pp. 288-289; DHNI., II, p. 988,

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 269 The later Jain writers differ in some minor details of this war. According to the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasuri, the cause of this war was an insult to Kumara pala's sister, Devaladevi, by her husband Armoraja, the ruler of Sapadalaksa country. She is said to have left the Cahamana kingdom and complained to her brother who invaded and defeated him, but at the end he again seated him on his throne. This statement, however, has no support. Moreover, I have elsewhere shown that the story of Devaladevi as a sister of Kumarapala is mere creation of Jayasimhasuri.2 Kumarapala waged another war with the Malava ruler, Ballala. We are informed in the Duyasraya-kavya that Ballala, the vassal of Kumarapala, had joined the enemy. He sent his general Kakka against Ballala. When the Caulukya king returned to his city a messenger from the general came and informed him that two of his vassals, Vijaya and Krsnaka, proved treacherous and joined the enemy. At the first stage it was felt that the army was almost corrupted. But thanks to the general's ability that all turned well. The soldiers arranging themselves in the shape of "two-boat" attacked the enemy whose army was in the shape of a half-boat, the other half being destroyed. The hero of Avanti the driver of whose elephant was killed, was thrown from his elephant by a group of five kings in the presence of the general. Ballala, however, was killed by some wicked Brahmanas before the general could stop it.3 Vijaya and Krsna, the two vassals of this statement, have been identified with the Guhila prince Vijayasimha of Mewar and Kelhana, the Cahamana of Nadola respectively by Chunnilal Modi. I have shown elsewhere the justification in the identification of Krsna with Kelhana, but Vijaya of this statement cannot be identified with the Guhila Vijaya (1108-1116 A.D.) whose period falls quite earlier than Kumarapala. According to a Jain inscription at Mt. Abu, Yasodhavala, the Paramara of Abu, was also a military commander in this war. The Vasanta-vilasa also confirms the victory of Kumarapala over Ballala. The Kirti-kaumudi informs us that Ballala was beheaded by Kumarapala.? 1 KC., Chapter IV, Vs. 170 ff. ? See infra under his family.' 3 DV., Canto XIX, Vs. 95-126. - Samskyta Dvyasraya-kovyama Madhyakalina Gujaratani Samajika Sthiti, P. 40; see supra p. 156. 6 EI., VIII, pp. 210-11, V. 35: ITHT pai era rada: 1 yazcaulukyakumArapAlanRpati pratyarthitAmAgataM, matvA satvarameva mAlavapatiM ballAlamAlabdhavAn // & GOS., III, V. 29: EF E DEGUST: Freizei ? Canto 2, V. 48.

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270 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The above statements of the Jain chroniclers are strikingly confirmed by the Vera val inscription of Bhava-BIhaspati (A.D. 1169) which refers to Kumarapala as a lion to jump on the heads of (those) elephants - Ballala, the king of Dhara. I have elsewhere shown who this Ballala was, and how he came to Malava.? From the Prabhavaka-carita we know that on his return from the conquest of Sapadalaksa, Kumarapala came to Candravati and punished Vikramasimha, a feudatory, for his disloyalty. He imprisoned the ruler and gave his principality to his nephew Yasodhavala, son of Ramadeva,who helped him in the war against Ballala. The Kumarapala-carita also supports this statement. Apart from these wars in quick succession Kumarapala waged two more wars. The one was with Mallikarjuna, the ruler of Kaunkana (Konkana), and the other was against Sumbara, the chief of Surastra. As regards the first war we have a contemporary account in the Prakyt Dvyasraya-kavya.5 It states that on one occasion Sandhivigrahika reported to the king his success in the war with Mallikarjuna of Konkana. He also sent fulsome description of the chosen ranks of the Korkana army. He referred to his bravery which would make one forget the valour of the famous fifty-two horses. He further stated the name of the capital city as Thana (modern Thana near Bombay) from which the enemy came out riding his elephant. Then a bloody war ensued between the hostile armies. The enemy's elephant was pierced by the arrows of the Gurjaras, so also the lotus-like head of the Lord of Konkana was cut off by the soldiers and so on. He concluded : "You have earned the royal power of Konkana consisting of seven departments. Thus enjoying the south, you are joined to the Sri of Srinagara, Tilarga and Kanci." We have further proof of this war from the Luna temple inscription of Mt. Abu (V.E. 1287). It states that, when Dharavarsa inflamed with anger held his ground in the battlefield, the wives of the Lord of Konkana shed drops of tears from their lotus-like eyes.? The chronicles, however, do not mention Dharavarsa's name in this connection. 1 BI., pp. 180-93. 2 See supra, pp. 113-14. 3 SJGM., XIII, p. 202, Vs. 565-580. 4 KC., IV, pp. 421-52 5 Pra. DV., Canto VI, Vs. 41-42. * Ibid., Vs. 71-72: fazla31 FEATSA931 ? EI., VIII, p. 216, V. 36. ST E etc.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA The later Prabandhas describe this elaborately.1 The Prabandha-cintamani throws more light on this episode. It relates that once Kumarapala heard a bard bestowing on the king of the country of Konkana the biruda of Raja-pitamaha. Deeply indignant he looked round the [assembly and, finding Amrabhata (also known as Ambada, a son of the prime-minister Udayana) willing to lead an army to destroy that semblance of a king, appointed the general of the army and despatched him with all his chieftains.2 Somaprabhasuri, a contemporary author, confirms this information of the Prabandha-cintamani by saying that Kumarapala used to win victories even with Vanija generals of the army like Ambada. Ambada marched to Konkana without any break and encamped on the further bank of the river Kanavini. Then he was suddenly attacked and put to flight by Mallikarjuna. Ambada returned feeling disgraced, but on his request Kumarapala sent him a new army and other samantas. Ambada now crossed the river by planning a bridge across it and when the unequal fight began Ambada carefully spotted Mallikarjuna and approached him. He managed to mount Mallikarjuna's elephant and threw him down, when other samantas or chiefs where engaged in looting the city, he cut off the head of Mallikarjuna and wrapped it in gold and, after establishing the authority of Caulukya sovereign, presented it to his lord at Anahillapur. Kumarapala, thereupon, conferred the title Raja-pitamaha on Ambada. According to the Pythviraja-vijaya Mallikarjuna was killed by Cahamana Somesvara, who was at that time living at Kumarapala's court.5 This Mallikarjuna has been rightly identified with the Silahara prince of that name for whom we have inscriptions dated Saka 1078 (A.D. 1156) and 1082 (A.D. 1160) respectively. That these Silaharas generally bore this title 'Raja-pitamaha', is also known from the history. Pt. Bhagawanlal conjec 1 PC., Hem-suri-pra: V. 723, 724: KC. of Jayasimha, Canto IV, Vs. 455-531; KP., 38, 39: KC., of Carita-Sunder, Canto IV; Suk.-samkirtana, Canto II, V. 43: Vasantavilasa, Canto 3, V. 29 etc. 2 SJGM., I, pp. 80-81: cauvayacakravartI kI jaNadezIya malikArjunAbhidhAnarAzo mAgadhena 'rAja pitAmaha' iti virudamabhidhIyamAnamAkarNya tadasahiSNutayA sabhAM nibhAlayannRpacittavidA maMtriNAmbaDena tannRpaM prati prayANAya dalanAyakIkRtya pacagaprasAdaM datyA samastasAmanteH samaM visasarja / GOS., XIV, p. 47 HEMI BA NA ATS: | vaNijairapi jIvante daNDeorambaDAdibhiH // 4 SJGM., I, p. 81: tasmindeze caulukyacakravartinaH AjJAM dApayan tadavadAtaprItena / rAzA zrImukhena rAjapitAmaha iti virudaM dade // 271 . 5 JRAS., 1913, pp. 274-75. GMRI., II, p. 294.

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272 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES tures that this war must have taken place between 1160 and 1162 A.D., for Mallikarjuna's successor Aparaditya has his inscription of the date of Saka 1084 (A.D. 1162). But his inference is not correct, for we have one colophon of the Jain MS named Prthvicandra-carita of V.E. 1212 (A.D. 1155) which gives Kumarapala a title 'Karnatarayamanamardanakaram. This title shows that Kumarapala must have won the victory over Mallikarjuna before V.E. 1212 (1155 A.D.) The above-mentioned three wars find their mention in the contemporary Jain literature, as well as in the epigraphs and colophons of the Jain MSS. But the war with the king of Surastra is found mentioned in the later Prabandhas only. The Prabandha-cintamani states that this war was led by the prime minister Udayana. It is said that at first Udayana went to worship the feet of Lord Rsabha on the Vimala mountain and sent all the heads of provinces to march on ahead of him. "After that, he marched on and reached the encampment of his army, and an engagement took place with that hostile chief. As the king's force was defeated by his enemies, the great Udayana himself rose up to fight. Then his body was mangled by the blows of the enemy and he was carried to his quarters weeping bitterly. Seeing his end near he expressed his desire for the temple of Satrunjaya to be restored, for which a satisfactory assurance was given to him.3 The Prabandha-cintamani states that Kumarapala's brother named Kirtipala went to encounter the king of Saurastra. Udayana went to held him with an army from Cambay. In this war Udayana was mortally wounded. He had cherished a desire of erecting the temple of Adinatha of stone at Satrunjaya which at that time was made of wood. He, therefore, could not breathe his lost. On Kirtipala's assurance that his son Vagbhata would fulfil his desire, he expired peacefully. Accordingly Vagbhata restored the temple in V.E. 1213.4 The Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasuri describes that in this battle the army of Udayana was defeated and in the dual Udayana killed the king of Saurastra and gave the throne to his son. Minister Udayana, while returning, fainted in the way, but regaining his consciousness he expressed his desire to restore the temple of Satrunjaya before other feudatories which was fulfilled afterwards by his sons in V.E. 1211.5 1 Ibid., p. 295. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 107. 3 SJGM., I, 86-87. 4 Ibid., XIII, Hemacandrasuri-caritam, Vs. 430-450 and 762-64. 5 KC., VIII, Vs. 477-520 and 642.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 273 Who was this king of Saurastra ? The various MSS of the Prabandhacintamani give several variants of his name such as Saursara, Sausara, Susara and Sumbara. The Prabhavaka-carita refers to his name as Navaghana.2 The Kumarapala-carita names him as Samarasa. Pt. Bhagawanlal suggests that the Surastra chieftain was possibly some Gohalvad Mehra chief, and he may have belonged to the family of Abhira Cudasama chiefs of Junagarh who had been giving trouble to the Caulukyas since the days of Mularaja. This war must have been fought before V.E. 1209 (A.D. 1152), for we know from the Sundba hill stone inscription, which is no doubt a Jain authority, that Naddula Cahamana Alhana helped Kumarapala in suppressing a revolt in mountainous parts of Saurastra (Girau Saurastre).5 A Kiradu inscription of Alhana of V.E. 1209 (A.D. 1152) informs us that Alhana 'by the grace of his sovereign Lord Maharajadhiraja Paramabhattaraka Kumara pala' had obtained a principality consisting of Kiradu in Jodhpur division, Raddhada and Siva in Marwar when Mahadeva the Nagara Brahmana was the prime minister at Patan.6 Pt. Bhagawanlal calculates that this war must have taken place some time in 1149 A.D. (V.E. 1205) on the ground of the Jaina Prabandhas wherein it is stated that the repairs of the temple of Satrunjaya as wished by Udayana were finished in V.E. 1211 (A.D. 1154). It seems that the repairs must have started four or five years back from the date of restoration. The chroniclers of Gujarata as well as the epigraphs of the Caulukyas record only the victories of their kings and maintain silence about their defeats. Some of the facts, however, we may know from the records of the neighbouring kings. A Jain inscription from Bijolia of Someswara dated V.E. 1226 records that the Cahamana Vigraharaja, the son of Arnoraja, invaded the Naddula Cahamana Alhana, devastated Naddula and burnt Jabalipura.8 This inscription indicates that Vigraharaja had retaliated for the former defeat of his father Arnoraja, and since Kumarapala was a powerful ruler, he instead of attacking him, attacked his feudatory Alhana. The Praklt section of Duyasraya-kavya also records briefly the exploits i SJGM., I, p. 86, fn. 5. 2 Ibid., XIII, p. 198; V. 431: getreftat faces 779- 27TH 3 KC., VIII, V. 475. 4 BG., I, Pt. I, p. 186. 6 EI., XI, p. 70 ff. 8 EI, IX, p. 68. ? BG., I, Pt. I, p. 186. 8 EI, XXVI, p. 84-112, V. 21: sleifsgt valogt at fe #fu qata etc. 35

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274 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES of Kumarapala's army in other parts of the country. Several princes of other countries tendered submission to Kumarapala. They were the princes of Javana, Kanyakubja, Varanasi, Magadha, Gauda, Dasarna, Cedi, Mathura and finally the king of Jangala, the Turuska ruler Mohammada and the emperor of Delhi.1 Jayasininhasuri also in the Kumarapala-carita gives an elaborate descrip. tion of his digvijaya. He indicates in a poem the limits of Kumarapala's digvijaya upto the Ganges in the east, the Vindhyas in the south, Sindhu in the west and the Turuska (land) in the north. Within these limits during his victorious campaign he subdued the princes of Javalipura (Jalor). Sapadalaksa, Kurumandala, Madhyadesa, Malava, Pancala, Abhira-visaya, Vindhya area, Lata, Saurastra, Kaccha, Pancanada, Multan and the Saka country. Though the statement seems to be exaggerated, we however, know that some of them were really subdued by Kumarapala. We have in connection with the Candellas described a war with king Madanavarma whose territory extended upto Dasarna and who in his old age fought a battle with Kumarapala at Dasarna. The Prabhavaka-carita also records. this war. It states that the king of Kalyana-kataka once proceeded to attack Kumarapala but he died on the way. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions. one invasion by a Dahala king named Karna against Kumarapala. The report of this invasion took Kumarapala by surprise and he was in a state of total harassment, knowing not what to do. But as Karna was marching by night, seated on the forehead of an elephant, eyes closed in sleep, a gold chain that he wore on his neck was caught in a banyan tree and he was hanged to death. If this story is true king Karma must be the Dahala Kalacuri Gaya Karya who ruled about 1151 A.D. But we have no epigraphical evidence for this story. From the statements of the Dvyasraya-kavya and Kumarapala-carita it, however, appears that in the time of Kumarapala Gurjara empire was of considerable extent and the king enjoyed a wider influence over a large part of the country as never known before. 1 Pr. DV., Canto VI, Vs. 74-106. * KC, IV, V. 117 2 See also K. Pr. 35-36; Hemacandra, Mahavira-carita: XII, 52; Sukrtakirtikallolini (GOS., X), V. 60. 3 KC., IV, 1-118. 5 See supra p. 68. SJGM., I, p. 92. AgaMgamaindrImA vindhyaM yAmyAmAsindhu pazcimAm / AnurukaM ca kIberI caulukyaH sAdhayiSyati ||

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 275 T . Most of the inscriptions belonging to Kumarapala's reign discovered uptil now are those of his samantas or vassals. The Mangrol inscription of V.E. 1202 (A.D. 1146) refers to Muluka (of Gohila family as Kumarapala's vassal.1 The two Kiradu inscriptions dated respectively V.E. 1205 (A.D. 1149) and V.E. 1218 (A.D. 1162), inform us that Somesvara of the Paramara family was his feudatory chief.2 From the Tejahpala temple inscription at Mt. Abu of V.E. 1218 (A.D. 1162) we know that Yasodhavala and Dharavarsa Paramara family were under his suzerainty.3 Kelhana and Kirtipala of the Cauhana family were Kumarapala's samantas. The above account gives us some idea about the extent of the Gurjara Empire at the time of Caulukya Kumarapala. His ministers: After his accession, Kumarapala, according to the Prabandha-cintama;ii, appointed his benefactor Bahada (Vagbhata), the son of Udayana, as his first prime minister, but the later writers such as Jayasimbasuri, Jinamandanagani? and other Prabandha writers state that Udayana was raised to the prime ministership and his son Bahada was appointed as a minister in charge of various royal duties. Unfortunately, regarding the prime ministership of Udayana, we have no reference in the contemporary or early literature. Bahada was, no doubt, a minister according to the Dvyasraya-kavya.8 The Nadol copper plate of V.E. 1213 also confirms this, but there is no mention either in the contemporary literature or in epigraphs. We know also another Vagbhata as the author of an alankara treatise, who flourished in the reign of Jayasimha Siddharaja. The commentator on his work calls him as a son of Soma. 10 According to 1 BI., pp. 158-60. 2 Nahar - Jaina Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, pp. 252-53; See also EI., XX, Appendix, p. 47, No. 372; BI., PP. 172-73. 3 El., VIII, p. 216, V. 36. 4 See supra pp. 156-160. 5 SJGM., I, p. 79: a var afarrag: situades: vaizdiHI FETE maatyshcke| * KC., Canto II, V. 476. ? K. Pra., p. 34: TEATTET TIT Lafraai 32442 HETATRICE CU Tga aprI: sakalarAjakAryeSu vyaapaaritH| 8 DV., Canto XX, Vs. 91-92. "IA., 1912, p. 203: ETHIETTES estzijazot at 7.CHTESTTTTT ....! 10 Karvamala, No. 48. Commentary on V. 148 and Vs. 45, 76, 81, 85, 125, 132 etc,

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276 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the Prabhavaka-carita he constructed a Jain temple in V.E. 1178.1 The religious activities of Udayana's son, Bahada or Vagbhata, are elaborately narrated in the Prabhavaka-carita? as well as in the later Prabandhas. Aimrabhata or Amhada was the other minister of Kumarapala about whom we know from the Dvyasraya-kavya and Kumarapala-pratibodha that he invaded Konkana and killed Mallikarjuna.3 He was most probably the son of Udayana and brother of Bahada from his step-mother. Udayana's third son was Canada who was also a minister of Kumarapala. According to the Prabandha-cintamani he was in charge of the invasion over the Sapadalaksa country. The Udayapur inscription of V.E. 1222 mentions one Cahada who was in charge of the military in Malava,5 Apart from these, some of the ministers are known from the Jain prasastis (colophons). A colophon of the Jain MS entitled Pujavidhana, informs that in V.E. 1208 one Mahadeva was the prime minister of Kumarapala. The Kiradu stone pillar inscription of the date V.E. 1209 also refers to Mahadeva as in charge of the signet, the seal, etc.7 The Bali inscription dated 1216 V.E. also confirms the statement. According to the Ujjain fragmentary stone inscription of Jayasimha, dated 1195 V.E. (c. 1138 A.D.), Malava was ruled at this time by Mahadeva, the son of Dadaka of the Nagara race. His father, according to the same inscription, was also prime minister of Jayasimha, 'the keeper of the seal at Anahilapataka.'9 This shows that Mahadeva may have been the prime minister from the very beginning of Kumarapala's reign, to V.E. 1216. It also appears from the abovementioned Nadol copper plate that, from V.E. 1216 to V.E. 1218, Bahada may have been functioning as the prime minister. From a colophon of the Kalpacurni dated V.E. 1218 (c. 1161 A.D.) we know that another prime minister, by name Yasodhavala, was in charge of the signet, the seal etc. 10 The Udayana stone inscription of the reign of Kumara pala dated V.E. 1220 (A.D. 1163) also refers to the Mahamatya Yasodhavala as managing the i SGM., XUI, p. 173, Vs. 67-73 in the Vadidevasuri-caritam. 2 Ibid., Hemacandrasuri-caritam, pp, 199-211. 3 See supra p. 270. 4 SJGM., p. 94: 3787 ZFEHETET A91Ce fa 750lid o tar 172 PUTTGFAT TESTAT .... ERTAT167 farfastei 5 IA., XVIII, p. 344; HIG., Pt. II, No. 151. 6 SJGM., XVIII, p. 106. ? HIG, Pt. II, No. 148. 8 Ibid., III, No. 149 A. 9 Ibid., III, No. 144 A.; 1A., XLII, p. 258. 10 SJGM., XVIII, p. 109.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 277 affairs of the state. According to another colophon of Jnata-Dharma Kathadisadanga-prakarana, dated V.E. 1225 (c. 1168 A.D.), a Mahamatya Kumarasimha was in charge of the state affairs. This Kumarasimha is referred to as one of the seven sons of minister Bahada in the Girnar fragmentary stone inscription. From the two other prasastis we know that Mahattama Vadhuyana and Samanta) were the ministers in V.E. 1227 and 1228 respectively. A colophon of Apabhramsa work Mallinaha-cariu refers to prime minister Prthvipala. This minister repaired the Vimala Jain temple of Mt. Abu.? Among other ministers Kapardi is mentioned in the Prabandha-cintamani. It is said that at his suggestion Kumarapala, even at the age of fifty, learnt Sainskrt grammar. Kapardi was also a friend of Hemacandra.8 When Vagbhata (Bahada) was attending to the building of the temple at Satrunjaya near which he founded a town named after him, he gave the charge of his post to this Kapardin.' Kapardi was one of those persons who accompanied Kumarapala in his pilgrimage. He is called Bhandagarika Kapardin by the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha.10 In the Prabandha-kosa of Rajasekhara he is stated to have been a leader amongst poets and donors.11 Kapardin was given the post of prime ministership by Ajayapala, the successor of Kumarapala. Even though warned by Maruka who knew the significance of omens, he accepted the post. He was later on arrested and killed by Ajayapala in his palace.12 It seems that these numerous ministers were all in charge of various departments of the provinces and they were called ministers and sometimes were made prime ministers. Some of them also held posts of generals and led the armies during wars. His generals: About Kumarapala's generals we have also some information. The Dvyasraya-kavya mentions the Gurjara-Brahmasenani, whom the II A., XVIII, p. 383. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 110. 3 HIG., III, No. 208. SJGM., XVIII, p. 110. 5 Ibid., p. III. 6 GOS., XXXVII, p. 79. - Arbuda Prabandha Jain Lekha-sandoha, Pt. II, p. 39, No. 72, V.E. 1206. 8 SJGM., I, pp. 88-89: Garai 751 Totaqcafea q111 a FRIpyupAdhyAyasya samIpe mAtRkApAThAtprabhRti zAstrANyArabhyaikena varSeNa vRttikAvyatrayamadhItam / 9 SJGM., I, p. 87. 10 Ibid., II, p. 43. 11 Ibid., VI, p. 48: watat ciami guf 103 107f#: 90 13 Ibid., I, p. 96.

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278 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES commentator Abhayatilakagani identified with Kakka. He crushed the rebellion of Ballala. A Jain inscription from Citorgarh composed by Digambara Ramakirti refers to Dandanayaka Sajjana who accompanied Kumarapala in his expedition against Anaka. This Sajjana is probably the same as was appointed the governor of Saurastra by Jayasinha and according to the Vividha Tirtha-kalpa built a temple on Girnar mountain in V.E. 1185 (A.D. 1129). If he be the same person he must have been very old at the time of Kumarapala's expedition. According to the colophon of the Prthvicandra-carita of the date V.E. 1212 (c. 1155 A.D.) there was a powerful general by name Vosari, who was ruling the region of Lata between the rivers Mahi and Damana with full rights. He was by caste a Brahmana and was once the companion of Kumara pala in the time of his distress. In the days of his fugitive life he followed Kumarapala like a shadow and wandered with him through villages and forests. It is said in the Prabandhas regarding Kumarapala's life that, after accession, Kumarapala appointed him as a great general to rule over Lata country.5 We, however, do not find his name either in any contemporary literature or in epigraphs. From a Jain inscription of V.E. 1213 found at Ghanerava6 we hear of Dandanayaka Vaijalladeva of Kumarapala. He is also known as Vaija or Vajayaladeva. We have two other inscriptions about him of the dates V.E. 1210 and 1216 from Bhatunda and Bali (both in Jodhpur division) respectively. He was ruling over Naddula territory which belonged to the feudatory Cahamana family. According to an inscription of Ajaya pala Caulukya, dated V.E. 1231, he is mentioned as a Mahama walesvara (Governor) ruling over Narmadatata, i.e., Lata country. We also know from the Jain sources some of the important personages, such as Purohits like Savvadeva, Somesvara and Amiga, an astrologer like Indra and a man in charge of charitable institutes like Abhayakumara." His court: In the court of Kumarapala besides his ministers, general and feudatories, there were several religious teachers, scholars, poets and 1 DV., XIX, V. 125. 2 EI., II, p. 422. 3 SJGM., X, p. 9. 4 Ibid., XVIII, p. 107. 5 Ibid., XVIII, Introduction, p. 18. 6 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 218 7 AIS., WC., 1907, p. 52, 8 EI., XVIII, p. 8o. 9 GMRI., p. 323.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 279 wealthy men. Foremost among the scholars was Jain monk Hemacandra. He carried on multifarious religious activities with his headquarters at Anahilapataka. Round him was a circle of eminent scholars. Most of them were his pupils. Poet Ramacandra, who wrote several works, was his chief pupil. Poet Sripala and his son Siddhapala also were the eminent poets of the time. 1 His religion and reforms: In his Dvyasraya-kavya Hemacandra states that soon after the wars were over Kumara pala prohibited killing of animals in Gujarat. The king published the edict to protect animals and he gave up the custom of confiscating the property of those who died without leaving behind an heir.3 Later on he rebuilt the temple of Siva at Kedara, or Kedaranatha in Garhwal4 and at Devapattana in Kathiawar.5 He erected two temples of Parsvanatha, one at Anahilavada and another at Devapattana named Kumaravihara. The last two events of Kumarapala's reign mentioned in the Duyasraya-kavya are the building of a temple of Siva in Anahilavada? and the foundation of a new era after his name.8 The Mahavira-carita of Hemacandra states that, after the acquaintance with the great teacher Hemacandra, he heard with great delight the noble sermon about the law from his lips and then he took the minor vows and strove for their fulfilment and so on. These statements clearly show that Kumarapala was inclined towards the Jainism. The later Prabandhas, however, claim that Kumara pala gave up Saivism to embrace Jainism. The conversion of the king is allegorically mentioned as his marriage with princess Krpasundari, i.e., the beautiful Mercy, the daughter of Dharmaraja and Viratidevi. According to the quotation of Jinamandana from the Moharaja-parajaya this marriage took place in V.E. 1216, Marga, Sudi 2.10 Since the Moharaja-parajaya was written a few years after the death of 1 M. D. Deasi, Jain Sahityano Itihas, Pt. III, Chapters 4-7. 2 DV., Canto XX, Vs. 5-37: 799 a gor r a ATTE #Fitchy: 1 3 Ibid., Vs. 38-88: TERTETESI eat gat g: a * #: 1 atha prajA nandayitaika ekAmamAtyamaikamiti nyadikSat // - Ibid., Vs. 90-93. * Ibid., V. 94. 6 Ibid., Vs. 98-100. 7 Ibid., V. IOI. 8 Ibid., V. 102: TOPriau fai dari TT $ Canto XII, Vs. 45-96. 10 Life of Hemacandra, p. 90: a hujayr: Hyrcaf: 9894 ATT su. 2 dine pANiM jagrAha kumArapAlaH /

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280 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Kumarapala between V.E. 1229 and 1232, this date, therefore, must be taken as authentic. We may also add to this that Kumarapala received the title Paramasravaka, i.e., the most eager hearer of the Jain doctrine. This is known from colophon of the MS of a Jain work named Jnatadharma-katha and also from the Ratnacuda-katha, which was written five years later in 1221 (1164 A.D.).1 The Jalor inscription of the same year calls Kumarapala Paramarhata. The Moharaja-parajaya specially emphasises Kumarapala's prohibition of the four vyasanas and abolition of the rule by which the property of those who died heirless was confiscated by the state. It states that the king through his dandapasikas suppressed the people who had excessive indulgence in gambling, meat-eating, wine-drinking, butchery, robbery and adultery. But it is strange that prostitution does not find mention among these sins. Gambling, it appears, was very common amongst the nobles, princes and general public. The names of five kinds of gambling are given in the Moharaja-parajaya, viz., (i) Ambhiya, (ii) Nalaya, (iii) Caturanga, (iv) Aksa and (v) Varada. Severe punishments were prescribed for the habitual gamblers; for instance some had their hands, feet and ears chopped off ; of others the eyes were removed and of some all the limbs were to be cut off. The same authority, referring to the names of the men of the highest families amongst the habitual gamblers, shows that gambling was deeply rooted at that time in the society and was resulting in certain bad consequences. We are further told in that connection that certain persons were so much addicted to gambling that they did not stop even if their father, mother, or any other relatives died. According to the same authority the various sects like the Kaul, Kapalika, Rahamana, Ghatacataka and Mari were indulging in animal slaughter.6 The great portion of the Kumarapala-pratibodha of Somaprabha, another contemporary work, describes the Jain teaching given to the king by Hemacandra and sets forth Kumarapala's prohibiting the slaughter of animals, meat-eating, gambling and prostitution. The most interesting effect of Jain teaching on the king was his withdrawal of the right of 1 SJGM., XVIII, p. 109: 9739 Fagic u Jarca te thote area .... FETTAT777777. PARTIDO ....I 2 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-samgraha, I, p. 239, No. 899: T hefTatragurjaradharAdhIzvara-paramAIta-caulukyamahArAjAdhirAja-zrIkumArapAladeva .... / 3 GOS., IX, Act III, p. 55 ff: The fact ra nga CETTE * Ibid., p. 83: a a a aacurtai taa paa aa ari 5 Ibid., Act IV, V. II. 6 Ibid., V. 22 ff.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 281 the state to confiscate the property of those who died childless (mita-dhanafaharana-nisedha. The Vasanta-vilasa also refers to this edict.2 The Prabandha-cintamani records that the king assumed the title of 'Paramarhata' after listening to the teachings of Mahavira; that he requested Hemacandra to write some of the scholarly works for him; that he got erected 14,140 Jain temples and that he accepted the twelve vows of Jainism.3 Jayasimhasuri in the Kumarapala-carita describes the religious zeal of Kumarapala in six cantos. He states that on the advice of Hemacandra he first gave up eating meat and drinking wines and at the instance of the monk he went to Somanath accompanied by him (Hemacandra) and worshipped Siva ; Hemacandra then caused Siva to appear and praise the Jain religion. As a result of this Kumarapala accepted the abhaksaniyama and fixed his mind on Jainism. It further records the religious discourses between the king and the sage and final acceptance of Sraddha-dharma from Hemacandra and prohibition of non-injury of beings in his kingdom. The same authority informs us that the order became effective in Surastra, Lata, Malava, Abhira, Medapata, Meru and even in Sapadalaksadesa.? The decree was enforced with such regour that a merchant of Sapadalaksa for killing a louse that was sucking his blood like a raksasa, was arrested like a thief and compelled to give up all his property for the foundation of a sanctuary for lice (Yukavihara).8 The slaughter of goats on Navaratras was restricted and the king even sent ministers to Kasi to suppress injury to animals. The king also went to various Jain sacred places on pilgrimage and established caityas and temples and offered various donations. In the tenth section of the above work we are told that he conferred upon his Guru the title of Kalikala-sarvajna' and, after selecting Ajayapala as his successor, died soon after Hemacandra's death. The above-described statements are amply corroborated by those of the other Prabandhas. 1 GOS., XIV, pp. 13-16. 2 Ibid., VII, Canto IV, V. 28: Affrar TITTEEtsig farsaeti fyra TIHTEITI yastvantasaptavyasano'pi saptarAjyAsAvyasanI bbhuuv| 3 SJGM., I, p. 86: usaga) 79: Tarafta 5.... Jayag aft A a :1 * Cantos V, X. 5 KC., Canto V, V. 24 ff. * Ibid., VII, V. 577 ff. ? Ibid., VII, Vs. 581-82. Ibid., VII, V. 588 ff. ; see also SJGM., I, p. 91. . Ibid., X, V. 106. 36

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282 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES We, however, have no information from the epigraphs of Kumarapala that he actually prohibited killing of animals, but from the two inscription of his feudatories, we have some information. The undated inscription of Girijadevi, the queen of Punapaksadeva, the feudatory of Kumarapala of Naddula, prohibits only killing on the 11th, 14th and 15th of every month. In a similar inscription of 1153 A.D. found at Kiradu, Alhanadeva, the viceroy of Kumarapala prohibits killing of life on 8th, 11th and 14th of every month on a penalty of five drammas in ordinary cases and one dramma in the case of a servant of the king. Despite his devotion to Jainism, Kumarapala did not completely forget the old cult of his family. In Dvyasraya-kavya Hemacandra himself speaks of the restoration of the temple of Sivakedaranatha, and of Somanatha following the proclamation of the law of protection and also of the building of a Kumarapalesvara in ANhilavad, built at a still later time after the construction of the Kumaraviharas (Jain temples) in Anhilavad and in Devapattana. 3 The reasons behind the erection of Kumarapalesvara are very peculiar. Mahadeva, says Hemacandra, appeared himself to Kumarapala in a dream, announced to him that he was satisfied with his services and expressed his desires to reside in Anhilavad. From these facts one can conclude that Kumara pala despite all his devotion to Hemacandra and despite his adoption to the Jain faith, never totally denied help to the Saivites. He might have forced them to give up their bloody sacrifices but he permitted the temple priests and the ascetics to their allowances from the royal treasury. There must, have been times when he again drew nearer to Saiva faith and worshipped Siva as well as Jina. Such wavering and such mixing of faiths is not unusual in India and such things have happened in old times to other kings also, who had attached themselves to heterodox sects, as, for example, Harsavardhana, the well-known king of Kanoj.5 The court of Kumarapala was adorned not only by the Jain ministers like Udayana Bahada and Jain monk Hemacandra and so on, but also equally well by Saiva minister Kapardin and Saiva teacher Devabodhi. The latter is supposed to have been a spiritual adviser to Kumarapala even after his conversion. From the old habits of the king it appears that he could not 1 HIG., Pt. III, No. 155 A, p. 178. 2 Ibid., Pt. II, No. 148, pp. 48-49. 3 See supra p. 279. 4 DV., Canto XX, V. II: wat fa aa aah, fotel a ye ziyaret etc. 5 SJGM., XI, Life of Hemacandra, p. 46.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 283 leave his earlier association with Saivite ascetics. In the words of Buhler we may say that it is the peculiar tendency of Indian character to reconcile sharp contradictions in different religious systems by conceiving and explaining the same as merely various forms of the same fundamental truth. In the twelfth century we may see that the Brahmanical gods of Trimurti were identified with the Jinas and that probably Hemacandra himself made use of an identification in the beginning of his attempts at Kumarapala's conversion to his doctrine. It was then quite natural that his convert afterwards worshipped Siva along with Jina. We may perhaps also asssume that Hemacandra fully concurred in that, for otherwise he could have hardly described so impartially the Saivite temples built by his patron and pupil.1 Moreover, the Udayapur stone pillar inscription of V.E. 1222 (1166 A.D.)2 and the Veravala stone inscription of Bhava BIhaspati of V.E. 1225 (A.D. 1169 )3 describe him as a devotee of Siva. Fortunately, a colophon of a Jain MS Jnatadharmakathadi-sadanga-vivarana (V.E. 1225) also supports the above view of the two epigraphs by stating the title Umapativaralabdha-prasada. From the above-narrated circumstances it appears that Hemacandra did not offer any serious opposition to Kumara pala's Saivite tendencies and could not wholly lure Kumarapala away from Saivism, but he succeeded to some extent in inducing him to observe constantly the most important Jain vows and in exerting a great influence over the government. Gujarata did not, of course, become a Jain empire in the sense that the majority of its population were converted to Jainism. But the edicts against the killing of animals, against spirituous drink, against gambling were successfully enforced and, thus, some of the most important tenets of Jainism came to be rooted into the life of everyone.5 His family: Regarding the family and relatives of Kumarapala we learn that he had two brothers, by name Mahipala and Kartipala, perhaps, elder than he was. The later Prabandhas like the Puratana-prabandhasangraha and the Kumarapala-prabandha refer to his sister. We have already seen that his brother-in-law Kanhadadeva was the king-maker,8 but regarding his second sister early Prabandhas are silent. We find among 1 Ibid., pp. 46-47. 2 IA., XVIII, pp. 343-44. 3 HIG., Pt. II, No. 155, p. 60. * SJGM., XVIII, p. 110. 5 SJGM., XI, p. 47. & Kumarapala-prabandha, p. 18. I SJGM., II, p. 38; Kumarapala-prabandha p. 40. 8 SJGM., T, P. 78.

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284 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the later prabandha literature and in Jayasimha's Kumarapala-carita an interesting story about Devaladevi. It is said that Devaladevi was married to Cahamana king Arnoraja. She was a devotee of the Jain monks. Once in the dice-playing he said in a joke that he was killing bald-headed monks. Probably his intention was to mock the Jain monks. This occurrence enraged Devaladevi and she asked him never to utter the word 'kill' because his brother had stopped killing totally. But this simple talk developed into a hot dispute and Devaladevi feeling insulted left the Cahamana kingdom. The event caused a war in which Armoraja was defeated. This story, however, does not find place in the early and contemporary records. We know that Arnoraja had two queens, the one by name Sulocana, who was the daughter of the king of Marudesa and the other by name Kancanadevi the daughter of king Jayasimha Caulukya and mother of Somesvara, the father of Prthviraja III. The Kirti-kaumudi records that Arnoraja was defeated by Jayasimha and later on was married to his daughter. The Pythviraja-vijaya also confirms this fact. In the light of these revelations the episode about Devaladevi narrated above, seems to be a more fabrication devised by later chroniclers. The name of the chief queen of Kumarapala is mentioned as Bhopaladevi. His other queens were Jalhana, daughter of the Cahamana Anaka and Padmavati. His character: Kumarapala was a man of strong character and morality. His daily time table as depicted in the Duyasraya-kavya and the Kumarapala-pratibodha confirms this fact.5 He was most popular among his subjects. Both the prominent sects of the time, the Jain and the Saiva, derived encouragement from him. Like Asoka or Akbar he possessed religious tolerance and was impartial in the management of his affairs. Though he observed some of the Jain vows and promulgated some of them for the well-being of his subjects yet he did not try to come in the way of other religions. His impartiality in the matter of religion is further attested by the Jain authors through the Jain colophons which claim him as a devotee of both the religions. Among so many colophons, at least five refer to him as one who has conquered all kings by the grace of Uma or Parvati, i.e., Siva, and 1 KC., Canto IV. Vs. 173-174. 2 See supra p. 132. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 2. 4 Itihas Sammelan, Nibandha-samgraha (Gujarati), 1943, Dr. Dasaratha Sarma's article on " Kumarapala ki Bahana Devaladevi. 5 Pr. DV., Cantos I-2; GOS., XIV, pp. 422-443.

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 285 more than five state him as the promotor or the Jain law, Parama-Sravaka (good Jain devotee) or Paramarhata. These colophons are certainly contemporary records ranging mostly from V.E. 1208 to 1228. Kumarapala, unfortunately, had no direct male heir to succeed him. According to the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimha he, before his death, discussed with Hemacandra the question and seems to have selected Pratapamalla, the son of his daughter. The Prabandha-kosa tells us that the question was discussed among the trio-Hemacandra, Abhada and Kumarapala himself, and Hemacandra advised him to give his throne to his daughter's son, Pratapamalla, but Abhada objected. This discussion was overheard by Balacandra, a pupil of Hemacandra. Since there was a feud between the pupils also regarding the royal succession, Balacandra, a rebel and a friend of Ajayapala, disclosed everything to him. This made Ajayapala stir revolt and poison Kumarapala, thirty-two days after the death of Hemacandra. 2 The Kumarapala-prabandha of Jinamandanagani also records a similar tale.3 Ajayapala's wickedly poisoning his sovereign is recorded in the Ain-i Akbarit also. The reign of Jayasimha and his successor Kumarapala may be regarded as the golden period of Gujarata. Both of them brought within the power of Anahilavada the whole of Malava and parts of Rajasthana including the kingdom of Sakambhari in Marwar and Mewar, while they continued their sway over Saurastra, Lata and Cutch. During their time the influence of Gujarata was felt most, both politically and culturally, and it continued to be felt during the reign of Ajayapala. Aiayapala (1173-1176): Most of the Prabandhas and inscriptions are silent regarding the relationship between Kumarapala and Ajayapala, but the Vicarasreni5 tells us that Ajayapala was the son of Mahipala, a brother of Kumarapala. This statement is supported by the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasuri which calls Ajayapala the nephew of Kumarapala. The Ain-i-Akbari also states that Ajayapala was the nephew of Kumarapala.? 1 KC., Canto X, Vs. 107-114. SJGM., VI, p. 98. 3 Kumara pala-prabandha, p. 113. 4 AAK., II, p. 263. 5 JSS., III, Pt. IV, p. 9: da: TRIAE fait 39a .... Thagara 3752915 devasya saM0 1232 varSe phA. su0 12 niruddhaM rAjyaM va. 3 mA. 2 * KC., Canto X, V. III: +27 %! FRUIFH Hai 7 AAK., II, p. 260.

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286 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES According to the Prabandha-cintamani Ajayadeva or Ajayapala after mounting the throne began to destroy the temples built by his predecessor. It also records that the King entreated minister Kapardin most earnestly to fill the post of the prime-minister, and he gave his consent after consulting some favourable omens. When he took charge of the prime-ministership and returned to his house he was suddenly arrested by the king in the night and put to death by being thrown into a boiling cauldron. After this it also refers to two more incidents: firstly, this 'low villain of a king' murdered the Jain poet, Ramacandra, the author of a hundred works and the chief pupil of Ramacandra forcibly seating him on a heated plate of copper1; secondly, he urged Amrabhata, the son of Udayana and former minister of Kumarapala, to submit to him humbling by prostrating before him, but he refused to obey him and said: "In this birth I do obeisance to him who is without passion as a god, to the sage Hemacandra as a teacher and to Kumarapala as a master." Thereupon the king became angry and said, "Prepare for battle." Amrabhata first worshipped the image of the Jina and then "sweeping away from his own mansion the retainers of the king like a heap of chaff, with the wind of his own soldiers, he penetrated as far as the clock-house and passed into existence as a god being emulously chosen by the Apsaras who came to behold that wondrous sight." 2 Last two events show certainly the anti-Jain policy of Ajayadeva; but these are not recorded in the earlier works like the Sukyta-samkirtana and the contemporary Jain works like Moharaaja-parajaya. Yasahpala, the author of the latter work, states therein that his father, Dhanadeva, was a Mantrin and he described himself as a swan at the lotus-feet of Chakravarti Ajayadeva. It appears from the play that the author himself was Paramarhata and a governor or resident of Tharapadra. This shows that Ajayadeva might not have been a bitter enemy of Jainism as reported by the later works. It might be possible that he did not shower great favour on Jainism and, in contrast to his predecessor, practically did nothing for Jainism. That is why he is painted as an anti-Jain monarch. His conquests: Merutunga records no achievements of Ajayapala. 1 SJGM., I, pp. 96-97 ajayadeve pUrvajaprasAdAn vidhvaMsayati sati zrIkapardimaMtrI mahAmAtya padaM dAtumatyarthamabhyarthitaH nizi nRpatinA vikRtaH samAnapratiSThairabhibhavitumArabdhaH kaTAhikAyAM prakSepakAle agafa: vyApAdayAJcakre / rAmacandrastu tena bhUSApasadena vyApAdayAJcakre / SJGM., I, p. 97 nijasopAhArAH parigRhaM nijabhaTavAtena tuSanikara mitra vikiran ghaTikAgRhe prAptaH apsarobhirahaM pUrvakayA priyamANo devabhUyaM 1 * GOS.. IX. Introduction. .... ....

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THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA 287 Some seven verses, describing his achievements, are found inserted in the (P) MS. of the Prabandha-cintamani which seems to be taken from the Kirtikaumudi. They narrate the following: "After Kumarapala, there was a king by name Ajayapala who like a wishing tree removed world's poverty by means of gold. Who putting the feet on the neck of the king of Jangala snatched from him the golden canopy with powerful elephants." In another verse it is stated that "he, always giving the alms, punishing the kings and marrying the women, made all the three qualities (triguna) equal."1 One thing, however, comes out from the above verses that he had defeated the king of Jangala country (modern Ajmer region). This statement is further corroborated by that of the Sukrta-sankirtanao and the Vasanta-vilasa.3 The Patan grant of Bhima II dated V.E. 1256 (c. 1199 A.D.) also confirms the fact. The king of Jangala country may be identified with the Cahamana prince Somesvara (V.E. 1226-1234-c. 1170-1177 A.D.) formerly a feudatory of Jayasimha and Kumarapala.5 There is some evidence to show that Ajayapala was engaged in a war with the rising Guhilas of the Rajasthan. From a Jain inscription of the Luna temple at Mt. Abu dated V.E. 1287 we learn that the younger brother of the Paramara king Dharavarsa by name Prahladana, defended the illustrious Gurjara king when his power had been broken on the battlefield by Samantasimha. We know that Dharavarsa (V.E. 1220-1276) had been a vassal of the Caulukya kings and he naturally sided with the Gurjara king in the war. The Surathotsava of Somesvara also mentions that Ajayadeva was very much afflicted in the war with Samantasiinha.? According to Luders, Samantasimha of the above inscription is identical with the Guhila Samantasimha whose name is found in two inscriptions of Mt. Abu.8 The inscriptions of this Guhila prince, however, give him the dates V.E. 1228 1 SIGM., I, 96: T S9210SF95AHETT: .... etc. ? Canto II, V. 45: 19 TUOTT 97 Tatah HS1qET HATTRI sevAgato merurivAsthiratva jito bhRzaM yasya kRshprtaapH|| 3 GOS., VII, Canto III, V. 32: STRY GERT JOH....SAYS: 4 IA., XI, p. 71. 5 GMRI., p. 335. * EI., VIII, p. 211, V. 36: HafhE hafa fafafalerits: shriiguurjrkssitiprkssnndkssinnaasiH| 7 Canto XV, V. 32. & EI., VIII, p. 202.

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288 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES (c. 1171 A.D.) and 1236 (c. 1179 A.D.). These make him a contemporary of Ajayapala. He was most probably the contemporary of Kumarapala, Ajayapala and his two successors. His reign period: 'The Vicarasreni states that he reigned for three years and two months, from V.E, 1229 to 12322 and the Prabandha-cintamani also states that he ruled for three years, but beginning from V.E. 1230.3 The Muslim chronicles also assign him three years. The three epigraphic records of Ajayapala also show that he reigned at least for three years (V.E. 1229-32).5 His death: Regarding the death of Ajayapala, the Prabandha-cintamani says that he, the sinner against religious edifices, was stabbed to death with a knife by a pratihara (door-keeper) named Vayajaladeva, and being devoured by worms and suffering the tortures of hell every day, he passed into the invisible world. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha states that the mother of Vaijaladeva was a wanton woman and Ajayapala kept her in his palace in the darkness. Once Vaijaladeva came intoxicated to hear the king, who on his turn cut a slight joke, saying "go in the apartment but do not see the face." There he met with his mother. From this particular behaviour of king he decided to kill him and one evening he thus killed him with the help of one Dhangaka. Whatsoever might be the truth behind this story, the intention of the prabandha writer in inventing this story is, however, revealed by the concluding verse: "this was neither the crime of Dhanga nor the fear of the Samant Vaijala but it was only the result of that misdeed by which the great monk was tortured. This only shows that his murder might have had some connection with the anti-Jain religious policy of the king. Vaijaladeva of the above stories is most probably identical with the Cahamana Vayajaladeva who was a very influential officer of both Kumarapala and Ajayapala. Mularaja II (c. 1176-1178 A.D.): Ajayapala was succeeded by his son, Mularaja II, who is called Bala-Mularaja by Merutunga in his Prabandha 1 I A., 1924, p. 100. > JSS., III, Pt. IV, p. 9. 3 SJGM., I, p. 97: AAK., II, p. 260, MA., Trans., p. 143. 6 HIG., Pt. II and III, Nos. 156, 157 and 157 A. SJGM., I, p. 97: Tafada la YETTO SHATI HIHET (UT: etc. ? Ibid., II, p. 48: aturale a FTP OHTE #3 etc. 8 DHNI., II, V. 1003. 1 EN HET

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA cintamani. The same authority assigns him a reign of two years, beginning from V.E. 1233.1 The Vicarasreni styles him Laghu-Muladeva and gives him a period of two years, one month and two days from V.E. 1232 to 1234.2 The Muslim chronicles call him Lakhmul or Lakhu-Muladeo and allot him 8. or 20 years." This period, however, assigned to him is obviously wrong, for we know that his successor was on the throne before V.E. 1235. The Prabandha-cintamani states that after the accession, his mother, the queen Naiki, the daughter of king Paramardin (1146-1174 A.D.), taking her son in her lap, fought at Gadararghatta and conquered the king of Mlecchas by the aid of a mass or rain clouds that came out of season attracted by her virtue. The two other Jain works the Sukyta-samkirtana and Vasanta-vilasa(r) state that Muladeva even in childhood defeated the Muhammadans. These early references show that he might have been of the age of 15 or 16 which is the age of minority to a king, that is why he has been called as a child (minor). The fact that the Muslims were defeated is also confirmed by the Muslim writer, Minhaj-us-Siyar, who writes that Mohammad led his army through Uccha and Multan towards Naharwalah (Anahillapura). At that time the ruler of that place was a young king named Bhimadeva who possessed a powerful army and numerous elephants. In the battle Mohammadans were defeated in A.H. 574 (A.D. 1178). The Tavarikha-i-Firista also records that Muhammad Ghori from Multan went to the sandy desert of Gujarata. Prince Bhimadeva came to encounter him with a strong garrison and destroying the Muslims pushed them back." In the above descriptions of the Muslims it seems that the name of Bhimadava has mistakenly crept in in place of Mularaja. The reason for this might have been that after this war, the sudden death of Mularaja placed his younger brother Bhimadeva (II) on the throne and thus by mistake the credit has been given to him. The fact that the battle was fought by Muladeva is also confirmed by the Patan grant of Bhimadeva 4 SJGM. IP. 97 saM0 JSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9 289 2 rAjyaM varSa 2 mAsa 1 dina 2 / AAK., II, p. 260, SJGM., I, p. 97: asya mAtrA naikidelyA paramarddibhUpatisutayotsaMge zizuM sutaM nidhAya gADaranAmani ghATe saMgrAmaM kurbayA mleccharAjA etc. s Canto II, V. 46 mularAjaH / tuzvazIrSANi zizurjaya zrIlatAphalAnIya 1233 pUrva varSa 2 bAlamUlarAjena rAjyaM kRtam / tatastadaiva upaviSTa laghumUlarAjasya saM0 1234 caitramudi 14 niruddhaM gRhAt / * Canto III, V. 34: zrImUlarAjaH zizunApi yena mlecchAdhipo'kalpyata pAMzukalpaH / Elliot, II, p. 294-1 8 Brig's Firista, I, p. 170. 37

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290 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES dated V.E. 1256 (1199 A.D.) which refers to Mularajadeva who defeated unconquerable Garjanaka (a mere sanskritisation of the Ghaznavi) in the battle.1 A Jain authority, known as the Sundha hill inscription, also refers to a battle which was fought by the Cahamana Kelhana (V.E. 1221-1249) with the Turuskas (Muslims), whom his brother Kirtipala defeated at Kasaheda.2 Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar rightly conjectures that Kelhana might have assisted Mularaja (II) in the war with the Muslims, being a feudatory chief of the Caulukya sovereign. There is also reason to believe this statement, for during that period only one invasion of Muslims had taken place. The Prabandha-cintamani states that the mother of Mularaja was the daughter of Paramardin. This Paramardin has been rightly identified with the Kadamba ruler Paramardi or Sivacita who ruled from c. 1146 to 1174 A.D.3 The same authority states that this war was fought at the Gadararaghata and the Sundha inscription records that it was Kasahrda. This Kasahrda, how ever, may be identified with the Kayandra situated at the foot of Mt. Abu. It may be possible that the Gadararaghata was the other name of that place.5 The defeat of the Muslims in this way shows that the Caulukya empire might have been so much consolidated and knit together from the time of Siddharaja Jayasimha to that of Mularaja that even in the period of weak and rapid successions, the samantas did not shake off their loyalty to their sovereign; that is why a minor king like Mularaja II could secure the help from Kelhana. Bhima II (c. 1178-1221 A.D.): The Sukrta-samkirtana informs us that after Mularaja (II) Bhimadeva ascended the throne. He was his brother (bandhu). The Kirti-kaumudi further adds that he was his younger brother and came on the throne when he was a mere child.? The Prabandha-cintamani records that he mounted the throne in V.E. 1235 and ruled for 63 years. But according to the Vicarasreni Mularaja died in V.E. 1234 and immediately after him, Bhimadeva came to the throne and ruled till 1 IA., XI, pp. 71-73 : BERTH FUFFIT STR: 1 2 EI., IX, p. 70: afeita 1971 fa TOTETTO 3 BG., Pt. I, p. 195, Appendix II. 4 SJGM., I, p. 97. 6 GMRI., II, pp. 381-82. . Canto II, V. 48: staatsje fatiaa....asifASSHOFARI QY: 1 7 Canto II, V. 59. SJGM., I, 97: 9734 ad q@ satuthada 7756 CTI

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 291 V.E. 1900.1 The Kiralu stone inscription, dated V.E. 1235, shows that he was already on the throne before that date.2 It appears, therefore, that the statement of the Vicarabreni is more reliable in this respect. The latest date for his reign, from the Jain colophons as well as the Kadi inscription, is known as V.E. 1296 (c. 1238 A.D.). Thus the literary and epigraphic evidences agree in assigning Bhima a long reign. When Bhima II came to the throne the political condition of India was somewhat changed. The Muslim invasions had become the order of the day. The Muslims had already occupied some of the principalities inside India, No central power at that time existed to encounter their invasions. Several feudal lords were exerting for their independence. Weak rulers of Malava mounted and dismounted the throne in rapid succession. In the Sapadalaksa country (Ajmera) ruled Cahamana Pythviraja but he was too busy in wars with the Muslim as well as the other neighbouring kings like the Candellas and the Gahadavalas. Th e Candellas and the Gahadavalas were in a state of decadence. The power of Cedis was almost extinct. Moreover, Bhima was a weak ruler and his feudal lords were trying to capture power though he long survived as the nominal head. The Jain prabandhas have, unfortunately, preserved a very meagre account of his reign. We, however, have about a dozen colophons of the Jain MSS and three epigraphs from which we get an idea of his long reign. From the time of his accession up to V.E. 1246 (A.D. 1190) the Jain sources give no information about his reign. We know from Muslim sources (perhaps isolated ones that at first Muhammad Ghuri was defeated in the battle of Gujarat, but aftertwo years he invaded the country and punished the people. This, according to Jackson, is simply a way of the glorification of Muhammad Ghuri by a Muslim writer, for we have no further proof in support of this statement. A Jain prasasti of the Paryusana-kalba, 6 dated V.E. 1147, refers to his certain peculiar titles such as Jangamajanardana, Pratapa-caturbhuja with Samastarajavalivirajita and Umapativaralabdhaprasada. It also states that at that time Lata was under his prosperous rule, where Sobhanadeva was his dandanayaka and Ratnasimha was transacting the business of seal. Another Jain prasasti of Yogasastra-vrtti, dated V.E. 1251 IJSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9: Jana Tag A E71 Ja: TOTI zrIvIsaladeva 2 EI., XI, p. 72. 8 SJGM., XVIII, pp. 121-122. - Kadi grant (VI), IA., VI, pp. 206-08. 6 BG., I, Pt. I, p. 195, fn. 4. & SJGM., XVIII, p. 112.

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292 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES states that the composition was completed in Darbhavati (modern Dabhoi) in the Lata country.1 A third prasasti of Sadasitipraka, ana-vitti, dated V.E. 1258, relates that this work was written in Anahillapura in the reign of Samastarajavalivirajita M. R. Bhimadeva.2 The prasasti of V.E. 1247 noted above along with the other two prasastis shows that Bhima (II) must have become a strong and powerful ruler by that time and he must have been enjoying all the prestige and powers of his forefathers like Jayasimha and Kumarapala. By the year V.E. 1254, A.H. 593 (A.D. 1197), it is recorded by the Muslim historians that Qutb-ud-din Aibak, the great general of Muhammad Ghuri, invaded the city of Anahilavada. This war lasted for full three years, at last, Aibak occupied Patan and plundered the wealth of Gujarat.3 We, however, have no direct evidence of this disastrous war among the Jain sources. On the other hand, we have two prasastis of Jain composition written at Anahillapura some years after this event. The prasasti of the Sadasiti-prakarana, dated V.E. 1258 ( referred to above), gives him full sovereign titles 'Samastarajavalivirajita Maharajadhiraja' (adorned with the row of all kings, the king-emperor). The other one from Jayanti-vrtti, dated V.E. 1261, and written at Anahillapura in the prosperous reign of Bhimadeva (Kalyanavijayarajye) records him as Maharajadhiraja. From these prasastis it may be concluded that he was enjoying full sovereignty although he suffered a setback at the hands of foreigners. It, therefore, seems that, had the invasions of Muslims been felt much, they would have been mentioned in the Jain prasastis written during the subsequent period. After V.E. 1261 (A.D. 1204) we have no Jain prasastis from V.E. 1262 to 1294 (A.D. 1205-1237). The prasasti of the Jnatadharmasadanga-vrtti, dated in the beginning of V.E. 12955, attributes him simple title 'Maharaja' and states that the composition was finished in Anahilla pataka in the prosperous reign of Bhimadeva. During this long period of 33 years it appears that Bhima might have been reduced to an insignificant position and Anahilapatan might have been an unsafe place for the Jain monks to reside. That is why, perhaps, we do not find any work composed at Anahilapatan during this period which was otherwise enriched by the literary productions of the Jains. Fortunately, the Jains also record certain events of this period. They 1 SJGM., XVIII, p. 113. 2 Ibid. 3 Elliot, II, pp. 226-31. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 114. * Ibid., p. 28.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 293 mention the two invasions on Gujarata made by the Malava kings of that time. The Prabandha-cintamani states: "While he (Bhima) was reigning, the king of Malava named Sohada advanced to the border of Gujarata, with intention of devastating that country, but the minister of Bhimadeva went to meet him and addressed this couplet to him : ** Thy blaze of might, O sun of kings, gleams in the eastern quarter, But it will be extinguished, when thou shalt descend into the western region." When Sohada heard this disagreeable utterance of the minister he turned back again '.1 It seems from the narration that in this invasion Subhatavarman could not fulfil his desire of subduing Gujarata and "subsequently his son named the glorious Arjunadeva, quite defeated the realm of Gujarata' as mentioned by the same authority. Let us now decide when the series of these invasions took place. Although we have no direct information of the first war, still we may conjecture that the invasion would have occurred some years before V.E. 1267 (c. 1210 A.D.) which is the early known date of the accession of Arjunavarma from his copper plates. As regards the second invasion we have the Parijataman jari of Madana, the preceptor of Arjunavarma himself. It is a drama which deals with the love-affairs of Arjunavarma with Parijatamanjari or Vijayasri, the daughter of Gurjara king Jayasimha, who fell into Arjuna's hands after her father's defeat. There Jayasimha is referred to as Caulukyamahi-mahendra. According to historians this Jayasimha is most probably identical with the king of the same name who temporarily had usurped the throne of Bhima (II). From the narrative of the Parijatamanjari it appears that Jayasimha might properly have been installed as the king of Gujarata by the year 1210 A.D. and he was on the throne of Anahilapatana upto V.E 1280 (A.D. 1223) for the Kadi grants of his reign, dated V.E. 1280 (c. 1223 A.D.) have peen discovered. This war wirh Arjunavarma must have happened before V.E. 1275 (A.D. 1218 ) which is the earliest date of SJGM., I, p. 97: HET TSA TEU galut tarSah Atoaufa hafa Hall Atlama: .... gia faggyufa afstat.Of agai ibid.: T Q Tigerot AtHGCTAT TERORISTIRI See supra pp. 115-116, Chapter on Paramara of Malava; see also JASB., V, p. 378. IA. VI, p. 196; GHI., Pt. II, No. 165.

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294 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Devapala, the successor of Arjunavarma. Fortunately, we have a definite proof of this invasion in the Sridhara-prasasti dated V.E. 1273 (A.D. 1216) which states that Sridhara the Nagara general of Bhima, protected Devapasana (in Saurastra) from the elephant army of Malava. This shows that before V.E. 1273 (A.D. 1216) Arjunavarman, the ruling prince of Malava, penetrated into Gujarata upto Saurastra. Jayasimha, the then ruler of Anahilapatana, might have been defeated near Parvaparvata (modern Pavagadh) as stated in the drama Parijataman jari. From these two references we may assume that this invasion must have been made sometime before V.E. 1273 (A.D. 1216). The matrimonial alliance with the king of Malava, j.e., Arjunavarman, made the position of Jayasimha somewhat strong and Bhima was reduced to become ordinary ruler of Saurastra. According to the Hammira-mada-mardana, Bhimasimha was the Samantamani of Saurastra.3 The Bhimasimha has been identified with Bhima II, the Caulukya, who might have been residing in Saurastra during the period of his rainy days. Unfortunately, we have no information regarding Jayasinha in the Jain sources but the conditions of that time as depicted in the Vasanta-vilasa and the Sukrta-samkirtana throws some light on the point. The Sukrta-sankirtana states that Bhima II was very charitable and extravagant. His kingdom was being devoured by his powerful mandalikas whom he was unable to control, Bhima was thus filled with anxiety about the fate of his kingdom. Similarly, the Vasanta-vilasa relates that Bima was unable to control his kingdom on account of his weakness and his mandalikas ( feudatories) began to rule over the country. Armoraja, son of Dhavala of the Caulukya race, sticking to the king's side annihilated the refractory chiefs and protected the kingdom. The Kadi grant of Bhima dated V.E.1283 (A.D. 1226) shows that Bhima had won back his throne at Anahilapataka sometime before that year.? Since we have no published Jain prasasti of this period we cannot furnish a definite proof for this from the Jain MS. referred to above that by the year V.E. 1225 he was again ruling over Anahillapataka as bearing ordinary title Maharaja. The two other Upadesakandali-vrtti and 1 See supra p. . 3 EI., II, p. 437, V. 42. : HMM. (GOS., X), p. II: THET: GIZARA HOT that: * The Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, III, p. 213. 6 Canto II, V. 51: Face Tata Tatatrafegaranty 2:1 balakavalitabhUmImaNDalo mnnddleshaishcirmupcitcintaacaantcintaantro'bhuut| . Canto III, V. 37: 90 Talcaha.... atafsetT: 1 I A., VI, pp. 199-200.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 295 Sangrahani-tika, both dated V.E. 1296, bear witness that Bhima had again become, a sovereign ruler, though for a short period, assuming the grandiloquent title 'Samastarajavalisamalankyta Maharajadhiraja.'1 We have fortunately three Jain inscriptions of his reign. The Girnar inscription of V.E. 1256 was found engraved on both sides of a niche containing the image of Nandisvara to the north-west of the temple of Sangrama Soni. This epigraph records that the son of the general (dandanayaka) of the Caulukya king Kumarapala, named Abhayad, was very much devoted to the Jain religion. His son Vasnatapala for the merits of his parents caused to be made an image of Nandisvara on the Ujjayanta hill, consecrated by Devendrasuri, disciple of Jinesvara, disciple of Candrasuri. It is to be noted that though the inscription is dated V.E. 1256, i.e., in the reign of Bhima II, his name is not given in the inscription.2 Another inscription from Somanatha of the year 125 (x) contains the description of the capital Asahillapataka growing rich under its famous sovereigns. In the 4th line king Mularaja is mentioned and then without mentioning the intervening rulers the records switch on in the 6th line to the king Bhima II to whose reign the record belongs. Nothing is particularly mentioned about his reign in this inscription. The third inscription of 1287 has been found engraved on a white slab built into a niche in the corridors of the shrine of Neminatha on Mt. Abu which is generally known as the temple of Vastupala and Tejahpala. It mentions two of the feudatories of his reign. One was Mahamandalesvara Rajakula Somasimha of the Paramara family of Abu. It is said that while Somasimha was reigning Tejahpala got built in the village Deulavada on the top of Mt. Arbuda, the temple of the holy Neminatha, called Lunasimha Vasahika, for the increase of the glory and merit of his wife Anupamadevi, and his son Lunasimha. Another feudatory is mentioned there by name Mahamandalesvara Ranaka Lavanaprasada and his son Viradhavala of the Caulukya kula, who obtained Gurjaratramandala by the favour of the aforesaid M. Bhimadeva. Tejahpala is said there as conducting the whole business of the seal of Viradhavala.4 Besides these inscriptions there are so many Jain inscriptions of the 1 SIGM., XVIII, pp. 121-122. 2 Poona Orientalist, I, No. 4, p. 45. 3 Ibid., II, No. 4, p. 122. * EI, VIII, pp. 204-07 and 219-22.

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296 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES reign of Bhima II, but they practically belong to ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala. All these Jain inscriptions and the colophons noted above certainly furnish some information about Bhima's ministers, generals and feudatories. The colophon of V.E. 1247 of Jain MS refers to Sobhanadeva as the general (dandanayaka) and Ratnasimha as the mahattama. The inscription of V.E. 1256 records Abhayada and Vasantapala as the son and the grandson respectively of the dandanayaka of Kumarapala. The Abu inscription of V.E. 1287 mentions that Somasimha of the Paramara family of Abu and Lavanaprasada and his son Viradhavala were the feudatories of Bhima. One colophon of V.E. 1296 records that Viramadeva was the Mahamandalesvara Ranaka in Vidyutpura in the reign of Bbima.? This Viramadeva has been taken as identical with the son of Lavanaprasada noted above. Another colophon of V.E. 1296 refers to one mahamatya and dandanayaka Sritata, in charge of the seal and insignia.3 The Uncha inscription of Ajayapala (V.E. 1231 ) also mentions this Tata as dandanayaka. It seems that by that time when the colophon was written he must have been very old. Thus we know from the Jain sources the following members of this branch: Bhuyaraja Raji Mularaja I Camundaraja Cacinidevi Vallabharaja Durlabharaja Nagadeva Bhimadeva 1 Bhimadeva I Mularaja Ksemaraja Karna Devaprasada Jayasimha Tribhuvanapala 1 SGM., XVIII, p. 112. 2 Ibid., p. 122. 3 Ibid., p. 121. * HIG., JII, No. 157 a.

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38 THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA Tribhuvanapala Jayasimha I Kirtipala Kumarapala Mahipala Ajayapala Mularaja Bhimadeva II Tribhuvanapala 297

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CHAPTER X DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA (Continued) III. THE VAGHELA BRANCH OF THE CAULUKYAS We have copious material for this branch in our Jain sources. The Jains have overlooked the long reign of Bhima II in favour of this branch. The reason for this may be attributed to the fact that in them they had found better patrons of their religion, literature and society. Early History: The early history of the Vaghela branch starts from a certain Dhavala who was the husband of Kumarapala's mother's sister and belonged to the Caulukya clan. From them was born a son named Arnoraja who was popularly known as Anaka also. According to Sukrta-sajikistana, Kumarapala, pleased with his services, made him his feudatory lord and gave him the town of Bhimapalli (about ten miles S.W. of Anahilapura) to rule. The Sukrta-kirti-kallolini also supports this statement. The same authority refers to the fact that Arnaraja killed the chiefs of Medapata and Candravatipura. The Prabandha-cintamani records the name of the village given to Arnoraja as Vyaghrapalli whence his descendants received the epithet of the Vaghelas. It appears from the Jain chronicles that Anaka enjoyed a long vassalage of the Caulukyas from Kumarapala to Bhima (II). The Vasanta-vilasa states that Bhima II was unable to control his kingdom on account of his weakness and his mazdalikas (feudatories) began to rule over the country. Armoraja, sticking to the king's side, annihilated them and protected the kingdom. This Armoraja or Anaka is quite different from Armoraja or Anna, the ruler of Sakambhari. His son was Lavana 1 SJGM., I, p. 94: 371717H ATTE: 1 SS. Canto III, V. 15: 145FFFATTITA: sfregatas: geg u t THEY=: 1 2 SS., Canto III, V. 18: Agret fatiza HAAT DAERA: __ akAri kAraNaM zrINAM bhiimvlliipurprbhuH|| 3 GOS., X, p. 78, V. 74. * Ibid., V. 75: TRGUSZTHA HET rataatgraat etc. 5 SJGM., I, p. 98: 999812 A G: 1 6 Canto III, Vs. 37-38: i plagiats a ferrara HUEFT: rarakSa tAmakSatavRttamarNorAjazculukyo dhavalAMgajanmA //

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 299 prasada.1 The Sukyta-sanii kirtana states that once Kumarapala appeared in a dream to his grandson Bhima and directed him to appoint Lavanaprasada as Sarvesvara (vice-regent) and his son Viradhavala as his heirapparent: Next day in the court in the presence of the nobles when Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala entered, the king said to Lavanaprasada : "Your father Armoraja seated me on the throne. You should, therefore, uphold my power as Sarvesvara, and your son Viradhavala as my heir-apparent." 2 The Sukrta-kirti-kallolini mentions that Bhima II, considering that Arnoraja once was an object of Kumarapala's favour and that he made him king, entrusted his kingdom to his son Layanaprasada.3 The fact that Lavanaprasada was Sarvesvara of Bhima is confirmed by the Girnara inscription of V.E. 1288 found over the west doors of the temple of Vastupala and Tejahpala. As to when he was raised to that high post we have definite information from that inscription. It refers to the fact that in V.E. 1276 Vastupala and Tejahpala were appointed with the power of Sarvesvara to carry on the business of the seal in Dhavalakka and other cities in the Gurjara-mandala by the Maharaja Sri Viradhavala, son of (Caulukya-kula-prakasanaika-martanda) Maharajadhiraja Lavanaprasada. This shows that before V.E. 1276 Lavanaprasada must have been appointed as Sarvesvara. Buhler infers, however, from the title Sarvesvara that Lavanaprasada and his son might have thrown away the suzerainty of Bhima in that year and assumed that title.5 But this assumption does not seem probable for we know from a Jain inscription of V.E. 1287 noted above that Lavanaprasada was simply a Mahamandalesvara and Ranaka at that time. The same inscription also confers the same title on his son Viradhavala. Moreover, the colophon of the Jain MS V yakarara-tippapakaiit of 1 SJGM., I, p. 98: HATCHT: STESSUTIHIGPIT TELI FITI 2 Canto III, Vs. 15-39: IETOT ET afgre I yuvarAjo'stu me vIradhavalo dhavalo gunnaiH|| 3 GOS., X, p. 78, V. 24: T utar TUSI arNorAja nyadhatta nRpati mAmetadIya: pitaa| matvaivaM lavaNaprasAdanRpatau kSmAbhArameva vyadhAt / 4 HIG, Pt. III, No. 207, pp. 14-16: Traxfame ur etc. 5 IA., XXXI (1902), pp. 477-495. 6 El., VIII, p. 204 ff.

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300 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES V.E. 1288 mentions him simply Ranaka, And the two other colophons of the Jain MSS, dated V.E. 1276 and 1298, state that his second son Virama and his grandson Visaladeva, were called Mahamandalesvara, Maha-Ranaka.2 This shows that this line of Vaghelas, most probably, could not throw the suzerainty of Bhima II upto V.E. 1298 as attested by the Jain sources. The peculiar title 'Sarvesvara' suggests that Lavanaprasada might have been holding a post like the Pesavas in the time of the Marathas.3 As to how and in what circumstances the title was conferred we do not know. The prabandha literature, however, records several events of the time of Bhima in which Lavanaprasada and his son had shown their bravery and skill in saving the kingdom of Bhima. Perhaps, as a reward for these services, Bhima might have conferred on him the title 'Sarvesvara.' By V.E. 1276 Lavanaprasada seems to have approached the age of 70, for we know from the Udaypur inscription of Ajayapala dated V.E. 1229 that he was appointed there as an officer by Ajayapala. At that time he must have been at least some 20 or 22 years old and as a promising man he must have obtained that post at an early age. We may place his birth, therefore, in V.E. 1299 or 1207. He lived long for we have the year V.E. 1288 as one of his dates from a colophon of the Jain MS noted above. He perhaps lived longer, at least till V.E. 1295 or 1300. The events described in the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha and other prabandhas reveal that he enjoyed a life of nearly ninety years or more. We have already seen that Arnoraja, the father of Lavanaprasada, assisted Bhima II in subduing the enemies which he did perhaps, in the early part of his reign. Lavanaprasada also followed the footsteps of his father. At the time of the accession of Bhima in V.E. 1234 both the father and the son were simply feudatories of Vyaghrapalli or Bhimapalli. But due to their constant services to Bhima their status was raised. Lavanaprasada, by V.E. 1276, actually became Mahamandalesvara, having established his principality around Dhavalakka (modern Dholka) which stretched upto Cambay between the Savaramati and the Narmada. The city of Dhavalakka was founded after the name of Dhavala, the grandfather of Lavanaprasada. There is an interesting story in the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha which 1 Prasasti-samgraha ( Ahmedabad), p. 85, No. 144. 2 SJGM., XVIII, PP. 122-123. 3 GMRI. (Guj.), p. 367. 4 HIG., Pt. II, No. 156, pp. 69-72.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 301 throws light on the early relationship of Lavanaprasada and his father with Bhima II. It narrates that once Ranaka Anaka of Vyaghrapalli having been insulted by Bhima went to the frontier. He was called again respectfully but he refused to come back by saying that as he had lost his kingdom, what he would do by turning back. He would remain as an ordinary footman and spend his life by olaga (begging). His son Lunapasa (Lavanaprasada) used to carry water in the leather vassals. Lunapasa had two wives and from them two sons by name Virama and Viradhavala. He ousted the mother of Virama with the son. She was held by Tribhuvanasimha of Mahta village. Lavanaprasada once in the evening went to kill Tribhuvanasimha in his house. He, at that time, was being served for his evening meal when he asked his new wife to call Virama without whom he could not take the meal. Lavanaprasada thought that though he has held his wife he loved his son so much that he could not kill him. Soon after this thought came to his mind, he appeared before him (Tribhuvanasimha). After the acquaintance they became friends. Tribhuvanasiunha feasted him and offered clothes. After some time Bhima raised Lavanaprasada to the post of Ranaka and he began to look after the affairs of the government. The king, however, became unnerved when Lavanaprasada established the full control over the kingdom and after the death of Bhima he became king.1 This story certainly reveals certain realistic facts for which, unfortunately, we have no contemporary evidences. It relates that due to unknown reasons the relationship between Bhima and Anaka deteriorated which made the early life of Lavanaprasa da miserable. At the time of the accession of Bhima Lavanaprasada might have been more than 25 years old. From the story related above and from a story recorded in the Prabandha-cintamani,2 it appears that his wife, in that miserable condition, fled away from Lavanaprasada and was held up by others. At that time Lavanaprasada had a son by name Virama from his wife. The Prabandha 1 SJGM., II, p. 54: 1998 TTT 11FT HRATTATTAT TAHFT Ta: parigraheNAkArito nAyAti / rAjyaM vinaSTaM Agatya kiM karomi . . . . itaH sa krameNa bhImadevena rANakaH kRtaH sa rAjyacintAM kartuM prvRttH| nRpastu svayaM vikalaH atha lavaNaprasAdena rAjyamAtmAyattaM kRtam ito rAjJi divaM a parfum ara: 1 atta: quitaiata: etc. 2 SJGM., I, p. 98: gega: 91537219S; attua: 1 ALAT #67733t aarAjanAmno bhaginIpateH paTTakilasya bhaginyAM vipannAyAM.... zizunA vIradhavalena samaM tatra gatA satI tena gRhiNI cakre / etc.

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302 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES cintamani states that through his wife, Madanarajni, he had a son named Viradhavala. It is stated there that when Viradhavala developed some intellect, he grew ashamed of his mother's character and leaving her he joined his father Lavanaprasada. From this event we may assume that by V.E. 1234 Viradhavala must have been born and might have been 3 or 4 years old. He might have left his mother at the age of some consciousness, say, at the age of 8 or 10 years, which means in about V.E. 1240. Thus we may put his birth in V.E. 1230 or some time before or after it. This also would signify that he was born to Lavanaprasada at the age of about 21 or 23, which is not unlikely. The fact that Lavanaprasada was reduced to insignificance may be confirmed by the silence maintained by epigraphical as well as colophonic evidences from V.E. 1276. The inscription from Girnara of V.E. 1288, however, breaks the silence and styles Viradhavala as Maharaja and Lavanaprasada as Maharajadhiraja.2 They appointed Vastupala and Tejahpala as their ministers in V.E. 1276. At that time Viradhavala might have been about 45 years old and his father Lavanaprasada more than 65 years old. We know from other sources that during this period the throne of Anahilapataka was usurped by Jayasimha and the condition of Bhima became precarious. His feudatories were everywhere trying to overthrow his suzerainty. He turned to wise and elderly Lavanaprasada and made him Sarvesvara (vice-regent) to regain the last splendour of the kingdom of Gujarata. Thus Bhima remained the nominal head of the state but real rulers of Gujarata were father and son-Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala, They, however, were faithful to the throne of Anahilapataka and neither usurped the throne nor styled themselves as Maharajadhiraja. They, however, remained content with their title of Mahamandalesvara. Lavanaprasada seems to have remained at the court and was all-powerful there while his son Viradhavala freely ruled at Dholka. Gujarata had more or less triumphed by the valour of Viradhavala, the loyalty of Lavanaprasada and the statesmanship of Vastupala.4 Ibid., p. 98: 37277 atyta ir atsaftalarda FATTI-FITATUTstadgRhaM tyaktvA nijameva janaka sisseve| 2 HIG., Pt. III, No. 207, pp. 14-18. This is the only instance where they were styled by such title. The purpose seems to be to honorify them or to praise them. 3 See supra p. 293. 4K. M. Munshi, The Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, III, p. 217.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 303 Appointment of Vastupala and Tejahpala: Before we deal with the political achievements of the reign let us say something about the appointment of the two ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala, who were the real architects of the Dholka kingdom. The Vasanta-vilasa states that once the Rajalaksmi appeared to Viradhavala in a dream and asked him to appoint the two brothers of Pragvata family as his Mantriyugma. The Kirti-kaumudi and the Prabandha-cintamani state that Virad havala requested them to take the charge of premiership. The two brothers came to Dholka and were appointed by Viradhavala. Some of the Jain writers, however, do not agree to this point. The Sukrta-sam kirtana, the Sukrta-kirtikallolini and the Vastupala-Tejahpala-prasasti inform us that the two brothers were already in the service of Bhima and that he had given them to Viradhavala at his request.3 Vastupala in his work Naranarayanananda states that he accepted the dependence of Bhima's minister, which supports the latter view.4 Vastupala was in charge of the administration of the whole state.5 Achievements of father and son: Various struggles made by Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala show that they came into conflict mostly with the neighbouring feudatories of Bhima, who were creating disorder and chaos, The Dabhoi prasasti of V.E. 1311 informs us that Lavanaprasada came into conflict with a strong enemy near Vadavana. The Prabandhacintamani states that this struggle was with Sobhanadeva, the father-in-law of Viradhavala. He was on one side and Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala were on the other side. In this battle Viradhavala was fatally wounded. This battle is called the battle of Pancagrama.? The Prabandha-kosa says that Lavanaprasada and Viradha vala with the minister Vastupala went to Vamanasthali, punishing in the way the lords of Vardhamanapura and Gohilavati. They fought there with Viradhavala's two brothers-in-law, Sangana and Camunda. In this war Viradha vala killed his brothers-in-law 1 GOS., VII, Canto III, Vs. 51-65. 2 Canto III, Vs. 51-78; SJGM., I, pp. 98-99. 3 Canto III, Vs. 57-60: TRI FART Hauit at .... GOS., X, p. 83, V. 119: 3772 UTC teftfuata fagforeta: Appendix, p. 63, V. 51: tar sifagafa itatago at zrIbhImabhujA dattau vittamAtmamivAtmanaH / / 4 GOS., Canto XVI, V. 35: Ta patala razarazne 21 5 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. xv. 6 EI., I, p. 26, V. 13. ? SJGM., I, p. 104: 397398T ZUH ATTHIETTI: ....

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304 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES and looted their property in cash and kind.1 In both the prabandha works it is stated that Viradhavala's queen Jayataladevi went to advocate the cause of her husband before her father and brothers but she failed in her efforts. The Prabandha-kosa records another war with the Pratihara Bhimasiinha of Bhadresvara. Viradhavala first made peace with Bhadresvara and later on when opportunity came he extirpated Bhimasimha. Whatever be the truth behind these stories, the fact that Lavanaprasada held his sway over Saurastra is proved by the Girnar inscription of V.E. 1288 (1231 A.D.).3 The battle with Bhimasimha and with the ruler of Pancagrama is also supported by Jayasimhasuri in his Hammira-madamardana. The Dabhoi inscription of V.E. 1311 mentioned above supports the war of Vadavana.5 It is difficult to date the wars of Saurastra but it may safely be surmised that they must have occurred after the appointment of Vastupala in V.E. 1276 (1220 A.D.) and before Vastupala's pilgrimage to Satrunjaya at Girnara in V.E. 1277 (1221 A.D.)6 In the same year it appears that Viradhvala invaded Cambay also and defeated its chief, the Cahamana prince, Sangramasimha or Sarkha. It is said that the Yadava king of Devagiri invaded Lata and reached the northern banks of the Narmada, but Sankha drove him back with the timely help of Devapala the king of Malava (1218 A.D.). Next year, the Yadava king again invaded Lata. The brave Sarkha was taken prisoner and brought to Devagiri. But he acquired influence over the Yadava king and a treaty was signed between the two and Devapala. Sankha was restored to his kingdom. It was during the temporary absence of Sarkha that Viradhavala captured Cambay and put there Vastupala as its governor.? The Vasanta-vilasa also records a battle with the king of Marwar in which Lavanaprasada was accompanied by Viradhavala.8 The Kirti-kaumudi supports this statement and states that the battle was fought with the four kings of Marwar. Lavanaprasada, however, entered into a treaty with 1 SJGM., VI, p. 103-104. 2 Ibid., pp. 104-106. 3 HIG., Pt. III, p. 14 ff. * GOS., X, Act I, p. 7 and Act II, p. II. 5 EI., I, p. 26, V. 13. 6 SJGM., I, p. 100: 379 ogrou a HATI sitgegria HEAT YTHI 7 See infra, the Cahamanas of Lata. 8 GOS., VII, Canto V, V. 15: Arrate an Ard: afTetfa: 1 tatravIradhavalo'pi balopakrAntavairinigamaH sa jgaam||

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 305 these princes. I have elsewhere shown that one of them was Jalor Cahamana Udayasinha who is credited in the Sundha hill inscription to have remained unconquerable by Gurjara king. * The Hammira-mada-mardana refers to another conflict with Cahamana Sankha who invaded Cambay, the territory occupied by Viradhavala.3 The Vasanta-vilasa also states that when Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala were engaged with Yadava Simhana and the Marwar kings, Sankha, taking advantage of this critical position, demanded the surrender of Cambay from Vastupala. He threatened the minister and tempted him with bribes, but all his efforts proved of no avail. A fierce battle took place between Vastupala and Sankha, in which the latter suffered a crushing defeat. The Sukrta-kirti-kallolini also supports this wars. The Prabandha-cintamani and the Prabandha-kosa attribute some other causes of this war which I have described elsewhere. The Prabandha-kosa records yet another war of Viradhavala with the feudatory of Godhra. It refers to the name of this chief as Ghughula.? The Hammira-mada-mardana mentions the name of this chief as Vikramaditya.8 The Kirti-kaumudi, a contemporary work, also supports this event.8 According to the Prabandha-kosa this struggle was led by minister Tejahpala. 10 Ghughula is stated to have looted the traders coming from Gujarata. Tejahpala captured him and took away his large property. We, however, have no support of this statement from any other sources. Another important struggle with the Yadava king of Deccan is also recorded by the Jain chroniclers. It is stated that attracted by the internal mismanagement of Gurjara empire, the Yadava king ran over the territories of Gujarata adjoining his countries and at the best could reach as far as Broach. The Kirti-kaumudi records one attack of Simhana as far as the banks of the Narmada when Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala were engaged in putting down the rebellion of the Marwar kings.11 The Hammira-mada 1 Canto IV, V. 55. 2 EI., IX, pp. 76-77. 3 GOS., X, pp. 5-6 and 16. 4 GOS., VII, Canto V, Vs. 16-109. 5 Ibid., X, p. 86. Vs. 138-140. & See infra, the Cahamanas of Lata. ? SJGM., IV, p. 107. 8 GOS., X, Act II, p. II. 9 Canto V, V. 257. 10 SJGM., IV, p. 107. 11 Canto IV, V. 69. 39

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306 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES mardana states that at that time he was invited by Sankha.1 The same drama relates another invasion of Simhana as far as the banks of the Tapti, when Viradhavala was engaged in repulsing an attack of the Mohammadans. The Vasanta-vilasa, besides the invasion mentioned by Kirti-kaumudi, refers to another invasion as far as Broach, when Sankha was taken prisoner.3 The Lekhapancasika of an unknown author gives an illustration of the form of a treaty or an alliance signed between Simhana and Viradhavala. For the struggle with the Yadava king Simhana, we have confirmatory evidences also from the inscriptions of Yadava kings. According to the Amblem inscription, one of Simhana's earlier expeditions was led by his Brahmana general Kholesvara.5 Fleet has suggested that the expedition took place in the time of Lavanaprasada who was the chief-minister of Bhima II. Simhana was the king of Devagiri who ruled from A.D. 1210 to 1247.6 The Hammira-mada-mardana states that Viradhavala came into conflict with the Mleccha Cakravartin. Dharavarsa the Paramara of Abu, Udayasimha, the Cahamana ruler of Jalor (1206-1249 A.D.), Somasiinha, the son of Dharavarsa (c. 1230-36), all these princes of Maru country and Bbimasimha of Saurastra joined him against the Mlecchas. The same authority records the fact that Jayatala (Jaitrasimha 1213-1252 A.D.), the lord of Medapata, who in his pride had not joined Viradhavala, was invaded by Hammira. His capital, Nagadraha (mod. Nagda), was plundered and destroyed by the Turuskas. The people through terror preferred dying at their own hands. Some fell into wells, some set fire to their houses and burnt themselves, some hanged themselves, while others filled with anger fell on the enemy.8 The approach of Viradhavala and the intrigues of his spies at the end compelled the Muslim prince to flee away to Mathura." Then Viradhavala returned to Dholka, his heart filled with joy at the flight of the Turuskas, passing on his way back through Mt. Abu, Candravati the capital of the Paramara kings, the sacred river Sarasvati, Anhilvad, the 1 GOS., X, Act I, p. 5: THOHETTfaaa: 1 2 Ibid., Act II, pp. 14-15. 3 GOS., VII, Canto V, V. 42: PATTATICCATI FIT JE WATT 4 Ibid., XIV, p. 52. 5 DHNI., II, pp. 1031-32. 6 BG., I, Pt. II, p. 525. ? GOS., X, Act II, p. 21, V. 8: AFTER AFHENTERTAITHE Tar dizo'STajetuM sphuTamaSTabAhutribhiH smetairbhvtprbhunH|| 8 Ibid., Act III, pp. 30-31. 9 Ibid., Act IV, p. 36, V. 3.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 307 capital of Gurjara king and Karsavati on the Sabarmati. Viradhavala gave the credit to his minister Vastupala. In the opinion of Pt. Gourisankar H. Ojha, for the most part, the above description is exaggerated.2 But the fact that Jayatala came into conflict with Turks is proved by his two Jain inscriptions from Cirwa and Ghaghasa and by the Mt. Abu inscription of Samarasimha. They record that Jaitrasiinha defeated the Turks and saved Gujarata from their attacks.3 The Hammira-mada-mardana speaks of one Milacchikara with whose army the soldiers of Viradhavala fought, Pt. Ojha has suggested that the name is the corruption of Amir-i-Sikara, a title conferred by Qutb'ud-Din on Iltutmish whose time falls in V.E. 1266-1293 (1210-1236 A.D.).5 There is no direct reference to the time when the struggle occurred. But it seems that it must have been fought before V.E. 1286 (1229 A.D.), the date of the composition of the Hammira-mada-mardana and after V.E. 1279 (1222 A.D.), when Nagadraha, the capital of Jayatala, was still undevastated by the enemy. The Prabandha-kosa states that Vastupala defeated the army of Sultan Mozz'ud-Din.? I have elsewhere shown the possibility of this war. The name of Mozz'ud-Din, however, does not seem probable in that period for his existence is proved between 1173-1206 A.D. when Vastupala was not the minister of Viradhavala.9 The Ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala: We have seen that these two brothers were appointed as ministers in V.E. 1276 by Viradhavala. With their able guidance Viradhavala fought several wars mentioned above. The Jains have several inscriptions and literary compositions on the two ministers. According to them Vastupala and his brother were born of a 1 Ibid., Act V. 2 HI., Pt. I, p. 466. 3 Ibid., p. 460. * GOS., X, Act IV, p. 35. 5 HI., p. 467. 6 GMRI., P. 381. ? SJGM., VI, p. 117. 8 See supra p. 164. GMRI., P. 467. Certain scholars assume that the struggle with Muslims recorded by the Prabandha-kosa is most probably the same as mentioned in the Hammira-mada-mardana (Vastupalano Vidyamandala ane Bijo Lekha (Guj.), pub. by the Jain Office, Bhavanagar).

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308 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES high Jain family of Pattana. Their great-grandfather, Candapa, is described as the son of the assembly of councillors and of fiery splendour. His son, Candaprasada, was one of the ministers of Siddharaja. His son Soma was the officer in charge of the treasury of Siddharaja. His son Asvaraja also held some position in the state and had the favour of the Caulukya king. He married Kumaradevi, daughter of Abhu, who also held the high position of Dandanayaka.1 The Prabandha-cintamani says that Kumaradevi was a handsome young widow.2 Asvaraja had four sons Luniga, Malladeva, Vastupala and Tejahpala.3 Luniga and Malladeva perhaps died young. 4 Thus the parents of Vastupala were of a high class family with power and position. Their father had made several pilgrimages to Mts. Satrunjaya and Girnara) and in one of the pilgrimages of V.E. 1249 they too as young boys accompanied their father. We may assume from this that they were born in V.E. 1240-42. After their appointment as the ministers of Viradhavala both the brothers made a pilgrimage in V.E. 1277.7 The position of the two ministers was quite unique. They enjoyed the full confidence of Viradhavala. Vastupala had the administration of the whole kingdom in his hand, while Tejahpala had the ministerial seal of the whole state. Each of them had a son. Jaitrasimha, the son of Vastupala, held the governorship of Cambay (V.E. 1279) 8 and Lunasimha was governor under Visaladeva.9 These two brothers were valiant warriors and possessed a statesmanship of very high order. Then they came to power, the condition of Gujarata was very precarious. It was harassed by enemies without and within. Parts of India were in the grip of mighty and unscrupulous foreigners who looked upon Gujarata very covetously. But they saved their country from the calamity which had befallen it and established a strong and well regulated Government. It was a great fortune of the Vaghelas that they got two such able statesmen to lay the foundation of their kingdom. The Jain chronicles depict them as the real rulers of the 1 Sukrta-sankirtana, Canto III, pp. 24-25, Vs. 45-51; Vasanta-vilasa, Canto III, Vs. 53-63. 2 SJGM., I, p. 98: Fr & ATT Flataia Gracia 3 HIG., III, No. 207, p. 14; Girnar inscription of V.E. 1288. 4 Ibid., III, No. 106, p. 4, Vs. 8-II. 5 GOS., VII, Canto III, V. 59. 6 Ibid., VII, Introduction, p. XI, ft. (I); Watson Museum Rajkote inscriptions. ? SJGM., I, p. 100; HIG., III, No. 207, p. 14. 8 HIG., III, No. 207, p. 14. 9 SJGM.. XVIII, p. 123.

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THE DYNSATIES OF SAURASTRA 309 Caulukya kingdom and give all credit for its administration and survival to them. Whatever may be their actual role in the affairs of Gujarata, a number of inscriptions and monuments at Abu, Girnar and Satrusijaya proclaim them as the moving spirit of Jainism. They did much for Jainism under the Vaghelas. Under Kumarapala, Jainism not only secured the royal patronage, but made itself felt throughout the length and breadth of Gujarata, but it declined under Ajayapala and never regained that status under the succeeding kings. It, however, gained some amount of success and prosperity not known before, under the Vaghela ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala. In one verse of the Sukrta-sain kirtana there is a reference to various qualities of Vastupala. He was well versed in arms, learning, wealth and in the field of battle.3 His bravery is demonstrated in the battle of Cambay with Sankha. He was a scholar and composed a poem entitled Naranarayanananda. He was a patron of learning. Several Jain and non-Jain scholars Arisimha, Balacandrasuri, Somesvara, Jayasinhasuri, Udayaprabha, etc. flourished under his liberal prtronage.4 The Sukrta-sainkirtana, Vasanta-vilasa and Sukrta-kirti-kallolini and Naranarayanananda-kavya and all the contemporary works and several inscriptions from Mts. Girnar and Abu describe the numerous charitable and building activities of the two ministers. They built many temples, wells, tanks, resting houses for Yatis, gardens and places for drinking water and supplied golden staffs to many temples. Mts. Satrunjaya, Girnar aud Abu were, however, marked out by them for spending their immense wealth.5 These activities were not limited to Jainism only but they were extended to other religions also. Vastupala had installed (somewhere) two images of the consorts of Surya, Ratnadevi and Rajadevi. He also built a mandapa of the temple of Ganesvara in the village of Ganuli in V.E. 1291.6 In the Sukrta-sankirtana several works of this type are described.? Somesvara in his work Kirti-kaumudi states : "It cannot be said about this Jain minister that he did not worship the gods Sankara and Visnu and equally it also cannot be said that he 1 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. xv; see also, The Glory That Was Gurjaradesa Pt. III, V. p. 216. 2 H. D. Sankalia, Archeology of Gujarata, p. 42. 3 Canto III, V. 43: T: The aqua : 4 GMRI., pp. 286-287. 5 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. xvi. 6 GMRI., p. 393 ; see also Archeology of Gujarata, pp. 214, 226. ? See its introduction,

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310 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES could not honour the Brahmanas by his charity."1 It is said that both the brothers spent in all, three hundred crores and fourteen lakhs in public works. As a devout Jain Vastupala made several pilgrimages during the tenure of his ministership. One of them he made in V.E. 1277 and eleven others between V.E. 1283 and 1293. It seems that between V.E. 1278 and 1293 he constructed all the public works. The poet, Somesvara, in the Girnar inscription of V.E. 1288, comparing Vastupala first with Karma regarding generosity, says: "After Bhoja died and Munja became a king in the heaven, if there was any man who removed the distress of the afflicted he was Vastupala.3 Death of Viradhavala: Viradhavala must have died sometime before V.E. 1295, for a colophon of a Jain MS. Yogasara informs us that Visaladeva, his son, was Mahamandalesvara Ranaka Visaladeva, 4 which would mean he died before that date. It is said in the Prabandha-cintamani that Viradhavala,was fatally wounded in the battle of Pancagrama and could not survive that wound. The same authority further states that when Viradhavala died, owing to his excessive popularity, 120 followers elected to burn themselves with his corpse, after that, Tejahpala set guards on the cemetery and prevented that eager desire of the people. The Puratanaprabandha-sangraha states that he embraced a religious death having dived himself in a pool at the holy place Matoda.? The Prabandha-kosa, on the other hand, refers to Viradhavala to have been seized by an incurable disease and died thereof.8 The Rajavali-kostaka composed in V.E. 1587 states that Viradhavala died in V.E. 1294.9 i Canto IV, V. 40: rad H ATHTHAT I TT! Saitsta : der TAF#: l 2 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. xvi. 3 HIG., Pt. III, p. 16, V. 4. 97 LOTO TTSI: T dvizvopakRtivrataM carati yatkarNena cIrNaM puraa| Atat HH5 ta etc. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 121. 5 Ibid., I, p. 104. 6 Ibid., I, p. 104: 772 afheL THET face acTHIRTIITETUT TETT fa tai zatena sahagamanaM ckre| ? Ibid., VI, p. 66. 8 Ibid., VI, p. 124 : sitetetaatsfahrten z FCA 9 GMRI., P. 390.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 311 Dispute over succession: The succession seems to have been disputed between his son Visala and brother Virama. His son Visaladeva, known from the Jain prabandhas, has also been testified by the Cintra stone inscription of V.E. 1343 which states that Viradhavala had two sons Pratapamalla and Visaladeva. Pratapamalla predeceased his father while Visala succeeded him.1 Viramadeva is also known from Puratana-prabandha-sangraha as the son of Lavanaprasada from his second wife.2 We do not know his early activities from any other sources. He, however, appears in the two inscriptions of Bhima II, dated V.E. 1295 and 1296, as the son of Lunapasa (Lavanaprasada), and as one who got constructed the temple of Viramesvara.3 A colophon of the Jain MS. Sangrahani-tika, of the date V.E. 1296, mentions him as Mahamandalesvara ranaka. We have already seen that in the colophons of V.E. 1295 and 1298 Visala is also mentioned as mahamandalesvara, ranaka. These colophons seem to indicate that the kingdom for a time was divided between the nephew and uncle. It is stated in the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha that when Viradhavala was dying a religious death he was filled with an anxiety about his son Visala. He revealed it to his minister Tejahpala : "After me the kingdom would go to Virama and Visala would be troubled. Put the water in my hand, I shall offer my kingdom to Visala." The minister accordingly did and Viradhavala died peacefuly.5 Accordingly to the Prabandha-kosa, Virama was the son of Viradhavala. He is depicted there as a man of loose temper, whom Viradhavala established in the village Virama. He, therefore, became hostile to his father. Visala, the other son, was very affectionate to Viradhavala. Virama attempted to capture the throne but before his attempt Vastupala established Visala on the throne. Then Vastupala with Visala attacked Virama. A fierce battle was fought. Virama fled away to Javalipur in the hope of help from his father-in-law, Udayasimha, but Vastupala warned the latter not to give him shelter, otherwise his life and kingdom would be endangered. He asked him to kill Virama. The bowmen of Udayasimha pierced him with arrows and sent his head to Visala. 1 HIG., III, No. 222, p. 79 ff. V.8. 2 SJGM., II, p. 54. 3 HIG., II, Nos. 201 and 202, pp. 159 and 162. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 122. 5 SJGM., II, p. 66. 6 SJGM., VI, p. 125.

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312 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Whatever may be the truth behind the war of this succession, it is, however, a fact that Virama was not a son of Viradhavala for the epigraphical evidences regard him as the son of Lanaprasada and hence a brother of Viradhavala.1 A story of the war of succession is narrated in the Puratana-prabandhasangraha, which, in my opinion, may be considered more reliable than the story recorded in the Prabandha-kosa. It states: "After the death of Viradhavala Lunaprasada asked Tejahpala as to who should be made king, whether Viradhavala's son (who was then an infant) or Virama. The minister gave his consent in favour of Visala. Thereupon Virama striking Lavanaprasada by his foot asked him whether he had still hope of ruling the kingdom, whether he wanted to see him also dying, and thus saying he left him. This act of Virama enraged Lavanaprasada much and he asked Nagada to bring Visala as soon as possible. Then Lavanaprasada marked Visala with tilaka and seated him on the throne with great ceremony. Virama stood there murmuring and was kept aside by the order of Visala. Visala also thought with the advice of Tejahpala that the old Lavanaprasada still had affection for Virama, he, therefore, wanted to poison him secretly. Lavanaprasada, on the other hand, also thought that he had done wrong and next day he would give his throne to Virama. He ordered the gate-keeper not to allow any one to enter in his house. But Visala in spite of the restriction entered in and asked Lavanaprasada to drink soon the nectar that he had brought. Lavanaprasada hesitatingly drank it and soon after expired. The title 'Rajasthapanacarya' 'the king-maker' was conferred upon Tejahpala. Visala then turned his mind towards Virama. He outwardly showed his respect to Virama and told him that he was ready to leave his kingdom if Virama aspired for it. This unexpected honour lowered the pride of Virama and he asked only five big and particular cities to be handed over to him with three lakhs of Drammas per year (for his maintenance). Visala accepted this demand. His minister skilfully constructed five villages having similar names to those cities, in the suburb of the capital and were given to him. He raised great objections and threatened to escape in case his demand was not met with. He was then killed by Visala while he was escaping towards the country of Malava, 1 See supra, p. 311. 2 SJGM., II, p. 67.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 313 This story shows that Lavanaprasada outlived Viradhavala. He wanted to enthrone his second son, Virama, but his plans were frustrated by minister Tejahpala. He, perhaps, was poisoned by Visala. Visala while capturing the power removed all sorts of thorns in his way. He allured Virama and then killed him. As to when these intrigues prevailed we have no direct information, but we may assume from the two Jain colophons quoted above, that they might have started in V.E. 1295 and continued till V.E. 1300, when Visala occupied the throne of Patan and became a full-powered king. Death of Vastupala: After the death of Viradhavala Vastupala could not live long. Within two years he also died. The contemporary authority, the Vasanta-vilasa, states that in the fifth bright fortnight of Magha in V.E. 1 296 Vastupala, after consoling his wife Lalitadevi, his son Jaitrasiraha and his brother Tejahpala, left this mortal body. The Prabandha-kosaputs the date of his death in V.E. 1298 and the place as Ankevaliya, but this statement cannot be regarded as correct in the light of the above contemporary statement. After the death of Vastupala, Visaladeva made Tejahpala the prime minister who according to a Jain colophon enjoyed that post upto V.E. 1303.3 The statement of the Prabandha-kosa that Visaladeva made Nagada the prime minister when Vastupala was alive, cannot be regarded as reliable in the light of the above view. The Prabandha-cintamani and the Prabandha-kosa state that Vastupala died in the way between Dhavalakka and Satrunjaya while he was on pilgrimage. The contemporary work Vasanta-vilasa, however, has no such statements. The Prabandha-kosa records that Visaladeva diminished the ministerial power of the two brothers. It, however, does not seem likely, for we know from the earlier work Prabandha-cintamani that Visaladeva got the throne in V.E. 1295 simply through Vastupala's favour and his kingdom was firmly established by him. According to Puratana-prabandha-sangraha, 1 GOS., VII, Canto XIV, V. 37: a faqutturafa sitiantatza: 1 FISIOCIET HET PA TUIFAIAST ATTIEN etc. 2 SJGM., VI, pp. 127-128: f iCIT 9886 a 91977 Barf3198 yAvata prApa etc.. 3 SJGM., XVIII, p. 124, No. 198. 4 Ibid., VI, p. 125. 6 Ibid., I, p. 105; ibid., VI, p. 128: T RITATETHET 1547 6 Ibid., VI, p. 125. ? Ibid., I, p. 104. 40

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314 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Tejahpala was considered to be the king-maker (Rajasthapanacarya).1 It is, therefore, not possible that Visaladeva could have wrested the ministerial seat from Tejah pala and given it to Nagada. Moreover, Visaladeva could not have done this, even if he had thought so, as his position could not have been firm and secure in the short period of one year when the ministers were so powerful and well established. In an inscription on Mt. Satrunjaya dated 1296, Tejahpala is called a mahamatya. The change in ministry perhaps was affected after the death of Tejahpala, which took place, according to Jinaharsagani, ten years after that of Vastupala, that is, in V.E. 1306.3 According to the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha, Tejahpala left Visaladeva in V.E. 1308 to go to heaven. In the colophon of a Jain MS the Acarangasutra-vrtti, dated V.E. 1303, Tejahpala is called a mahamatya in power at Anahillapura. In an old leaf of a paper MS, the dates of the death of the two brothers are given as V.E. 1296 and 1304 respectively. 6 Death of Bhima II: The old king Bhima still lingered on surrounded possibly by the imperial honours. Visala and Virama as his feudatories maintained the loyalty to him and his family. After the death of Vastupala, Bhima died within two years. According to the Prabandha-cintamani and the Pravacana-pariksa he ruled for 63 years from 1236. Thus, he died in V.E. 1298. After him, his son, Tribhuvanapala succeeded to the nominal kingship. The only Jain source about him is the Cirwa inscription of V.E. 1530, composed by Ratnaprabhasuri. This inscription relates that "Bala, the grandson of Yogaraja, the Talara of Nagada in the reign of Padmasimha went to heaven fighting in front of Jaitrasimha to capture Kottadaka from Ranaka Tribhuvana.? The Ranaka Tribhuvana of the record has been rightly identified with the Caulukya Tribhuvanapala. His contemporary 1 Ibid., II, p. 67: 9:15 TEEIT1910: gia para acaq 2 Pracina Jain Lekha Samgraha, No. 66: aliteit 998EUR ad astra Tisgate HETATI 25:910 #fa: etc. 3 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. viii. 4 SJGM., II, p. 68 : 721 330 cao hi 5:9100 HFR TF426Tf9a: 1 5 SJGM., XVIII, p. 124, No. 198. 6 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. viii: o 938EUR HT Quapa fata: saM0 1304 mahaM tejaHpAlo divNgtH|| 7 WZKM., XXI, pp. 142-62, V. 19: 54: ETA EU atstafengra: 1 tribhuvanarANakayuddhe jagAma yuddhAparaM lokam / /

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 315 was the Guhila prince Jaitrasimha (V.E. 1270-1309, 1273-1312 A.D.)1 This statement certainly indicates the struggle between the two. The later Jain work Pravacana-pariksa assigns four years for his reign, while a Pattavali gives two months twelve days only. The only copper plate of his reign discovered so far is dated V.E. 1299.3 Visaladeva: A colophon of the Jain MS Yogasastra noted above informs us that in V.E. 1295 Visaladeva was already enjoying the post of Mahamandalesvara and Maharanaka. Perhaps, he was raised to this post soon after the death of his father Viradhavala. The throne of Anahilapataka was still occupied by Bhima II, the inscriptions and colophons of MSS of his reign confirm this. Another colophon of Desi-namamala establishes the fact that in V.E. 1298 Visaladeva held the same post when Lunasimha, the son of minister Tejahpala, was governing the kingdom from Bharonca.5 The Vicarasreri states that Sri Viradhavalabandhu Sri Visaladeva succeeded to the throne of Patan in V.E. 1300.6 Another Jain work, the Pravacanapariksa, gives his accession date as V.E. 1302.7 But in presence of the early reference we may, however, discard the later statements. A definite proof of his kingship is furnished from a colophon of the Acaranga-niryukti which is dated as early as V.E. 1303 and invests him with the title Maharajadhiraja.8 The Jain prabandhas are almost silent about his achievements although he enjoyed a reign of 18 years. From other sources it appears that he was a military leader of great capacity. He fought a number of battles with the king of Malava, the two Yadava kings Sinhana and Kisna, and with the kings of Mewar and Karnataka.9 We have no Jain inscription of his reign, but several colophons of the Jain MSS so far discovered enable us to get some information about his ministers and generals. A colophon dated 1295 of a Jain MS tells us that Vijayasimha was dadadhipati (general) when Visaladeva was raised to the post of Mahamadalesvara Ranaka.10 The colophon dated 1298 states that i Rajaputana ka Itihas, I, p. 411, fn. I. 2 GMRI., P. 396. 3 I A., VI, p. 208. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 121. 5 Ibid. p. 123. 8 JSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9. ? P. 272. 8 SJGM., XVIII, p. 124. 9 GMRI., pp. 399-402. 10 SIGM., XVIII, p. 12I.

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316 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Lunasimha, the son of Tejahpala, was governor when Visala was ruling in the above capacity. The colophon of V.E. 1303 refers to Tejahpala as the prime minister of Visaladeva. The colophon of the date V.E. 1307 relates that Dhandha was mahattama (an high officer) of Visaladeva.3 The two colophons of the dates V.E. 1310 and 1313 record Nagada as prime minister of the state, 4 whom several Jain prabandhas also refer to. It seems that he was appointed as the chief minister after the death of Tejah pala. The Prabandha-kosa refers to some scholars at the court of Visaladeva. They were Somesvara, Arisimha, Amaracandsuri, Somaditya of Vamansthali, Kamaditya of Krsnanagara and Nanaka of Visalanagara. It is stated there that once Visaladeva called the poet Amara in the court through Thakkura Vaijala. The king honoured him. The poet recited two stanzas in praise of the king, which highly pleased him. Once his court poets presented for completion some 108 incomplete stanzas to poet Amara who easily completed them in no time and, thus, was praised by all.5 The story presents a lively picture of the court where the meeting of scholars was considered an important part of the court life. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha states that in V.E. 1315 there prevailed a famine in the reign of Visaladeva. Visaladeva called from Bhadre svara through Nagada a wealthy merchant by name Jagaduka to help him. It is said in the Jagadu-carita that the wealthy merchant did his best to remove the famine.? Perhaps, he had several storehouses of grain which he distributed among the famine-stricken people. 8 The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha refers to Visaladeva's wife by name Nagaladevi. It is said that she was very fond of music. She knew all sorts of musical modes. She wanted that her husband should also be proficient in music and ultimately she achieved her object.' Visaladeva died in V.E. 1318 and was succeeded by Arjunadeva. 1 Ibid., p. 123. 2 Ibid., p. 124. 3 Ibid., p. 124. 4 Ibid., pp. 125-126. 5 SJGM., VI, pp. 61-63: 37a(14302:1 6 Ibid., II, p. 80. praba. 187. 7 GMRI., p. 410. 8 SJGM., II, p. 80. 9 SJGM., II, p. 71.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 317 Arjunadeva (c. 1264-1274 A.D.): The Vicarasreni states that Visala deva was followed by Arjunadeva in the year V.E. 1318 (1261 A.D.) and ruled till V.E. 1331 (1274 A.D.)? But their relationship is not mentioned there. The Cintra prasasti of Sarangadeva dated V.E. 1343, reveals the fact that Arjunadeva was nephew of Visaladeva. The Jain work Pravacana-pariksa gives him the date from V.E. 1320 to 1333.3 His inscriptions range from 1320 to 1330 V.E. (1264-1273 A.D.) The Muslim historians attribute only 10 years for his reign.5 As the earliest known inscription of his successor is dated V.E. 1332,6 we assume that the date ascribed by the Vicara sreni is almost correct. The Jain prabandhas do not throw any light on his reign. We, however, have more than half a dozen colophons of Jain MSS ranging from V.E. 1318 to 1327,? which help us to fix his chronology correctly. These colophons refer to his titles as Maharajadhiraja Maharajasri and Samastarajavali-samalaikyta Maharajadhiraja and mention Srisoma as Maladeva as mahamalya (prime minister). We have also one Jain inscription of his reign known as the Girnar stone inscription, dated V.E. 1330. This inscription is found at the entrance of the Mandapa of Ganadhara situated in the west of the main temple of Neminatha. It records the grant of right of engraving (sutradharatvam ) in the temple of Neminatha and get other sacred places on the hill of Girnar to Sutradhara Haripala. It was engraved in the reign of Arjunadeva when Palha was transacting the business of the seal in Saurastra.8 Sarangadeva (1274-1296 A.D.): The Vicarasreni states that Arjunadeva was succeeded by Sarangadeva in V.E. 13319 who according to the Cintraprasasti was the son of Arjunadeva.10 His inscription shows that he ruled from V.E. 1332 to 1352 (1295-1296 A.D.). This roughly corroborates the statement of the Vicarasreni. The Muslim historians, however, assigned him a reign of 21 years.11 1 JSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9; aa: 338C ftaticaa: 1 8338 artida: 2 EI., I, p. 272, V. 9. 3 P. 272. 4 HIG., III, Nos. 217-219 A. 5 AAK., II, p. 260; MK, Trans. 159. 6 HIG, III, No. 220. 7 SJGM., XVIII, pp. 127-129. 8 Poona Orientalist, III, No. 1, P. 21; see also HIG., III, No. 219 A. 9 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9. 10 EI., I, pp. 271-87. 11 AAK., II, p. 260; MA. Trans., p. 159.

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318 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES The prabandha literature of the Jains is silent about the achievements of the king. We, however, have four published inscriptions and more than half a dozen colophons of the Jain MSS of his reign. The first Jain epigraph known as the Amarana inscription was found at Amarana in Kathiawar. This inscription is dated V.E. 1233 and throws some new light on the history of Sarangadeva: It refers to his pompous titles such as Malavadhara-dhumaketu (comet to the kingdom of Malava ) Gurjjaradharini-samuddharana, Saptama Cakravarti, Bhujabala-malla Maharaja. It records a grant of a garden to worship Sumatiswami, the fifth Jain Tirthanikara, made by a prince (name lost) son of Capotkata Ranaka Bhojadeva with the permission of Palha the the officer in charge of Saurastra and other Pancakulas. In this record, the first title given to Sarangadeva indicates that the traditional hostilities against the rulers of Malava were continued under him also. The second title shows that he had revived the fortune of the Gurjara country. The Saptama Cakravarti is no new title for him for we know that Bhima II bore it several times. Palha, officer in charge of the province, is the same whose name we find in the inscription of Arjunadeva, the father of Sarangadeva, dated V.E. 1330.4 This inscription also informs us that the Cavada family held sway over Kathiawara. The second inscription is a small one dated in V.E. 1345 found in a Jain temple at the village Dattani in Sirohi State, Rajasthana. It records that in the prosperous reign of Sri Saraigadeva and Maharajadhiraja Sri Visaladeva, ruling at Candrayati, Pratapasri and Hemasri bestowed two fields to meet the expenses in worship of Sri Parsvadeva.5 The third inscription is found in the Vimala temple at Mt. Abu. It is dated V.E. 1350. It gives many grandiloquent titles to Sarangadeva, the most important among them being Malavesavirithini-gajaghata-kumbhasthalavidaranaikapancanana and Abhinavasiddharaja. This inscription records that his feudatory chief Visaladeva, ruling at Astadasasatipradesa, issued a writ from Candrayati to levy taxes on merchants and traders to meet the expenses of the two temples of 1 SJGM., XVIII, pp. 128-133. 2 Puratattva (Guj.), I, Pt. i, pp. 37-41; see also Poona Orientalist, III, No, I, P. 23 3 HIG., II, Nos. 166, 170 and 186 etc. 4 Poona Orientalist, III, No. 1, p. 21. 6 Arbuda Pr. Jaina Lekha-sangraha, Pt. V, p. 19.

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 319 Vimala and Luniga at Mt. Abu. This epigraph mentions Sri Vadhuya as the prime minister of Sarangadeva who at that time was transacting the seal of the office.1 From the last two inscriptions it appears that the region of Candravati was under the suzerainty of Sarangadeva. A fourth Jain inscription known as Cambay stone inscription is dated V.E. 1352 (c. 1295 A.D.). It is an important inscription. It gives the genealogy of the Vaghelas. It also refers to Arjunadeva as having two sons, the elder one was called Ramadeva. Both sons shared in managing the state affairs in the lifetime of their father.2 The Muralidhara prasasti of V.E. 1354 also confirms the statement of the Cambay Jain inscription.3 We, however, do not know other activities of Ramadeva. Perhaps, he might have predeceased his father, for his younger brother, Sarangadeva, is mentioned by all the inscriptions as the successor of Arjunadeva. These Jain epigraphs show that Sarangadeva's kingdom extended from Kathiawara in the west to Malava in the east. We have already seen that two inscriptions, one Amarana and another Vimala temple inscriptions, give prominent place to the victory over the Mala va kings. But the name of the Malava king is not mentioned. The Muralidhara prasasti informs us that Sarangadeva compelled one Gogadeva to flee away from the battle. The late Pt. Tanasukharama Tripathi on this statement assumes that this Gogadeva is identical with Goga mentioned by the Tarikha Firista who was once a friend of Malava king and who later on became the master of the kingdom. In reference to the above two inscriptions we may assume that the Malava king, who was defeated tn the year V.E. 1331-32 by Sarangadeva, is no other than Gogaraja. The colophons of the Jain MSS of his reign range from V.E. 1327 to 1346. The colophon of V.E. 1327 mentions him as Maharajakumara, when he was appointed governor in Mudgavati. This shows that at that tim he as a crown prince shared in the administration of his father, which fact may be corroborated from the Cambay Jain inscription and the Muralidhara prasasti noted above. The colophon of the Adinatha-carita of V.E. 1339 refers to some of his pompous titles and mentions Srikanha as the 1 Poona Orientalist, III, No. 2, p. 69; see also HIG., III, No. 223 A. 2 CPSI., pp. 227-33. 3 Buddhiprakasa (Guj.), 1910, p. 77. 4 Ibid. 5 Reu, V.N. Raja Bhoja, pp. 228-29, fn. 334; GMRI., p. 419. * SJGM., XVIII, p. 128.

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320 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES prime minister. The colophon of the Uttaradhyayana-vytti of V.E. 1343 gives him the title Samastarajavali etc., and refers to his prime minister Madhusudana as transacting the business of the seal and it also mentions Mahattama (an officer) Srisoma.2 Another colophon of the Sthananga-sutra of V.E. 1346 states that Mahattama Sri Munjaladeva was an attached (Prativaddha) officer to Sarangadeva and Sri Sanga was an appointed officer by him.3 Besides these ministers we know from the two Jain inscriptions, one from Amarana and another from the Vimala temple, that Palha was in charge of Saurastra in V.E. 1333 and Vadhuya was the prime minister in V.E. 1350. Karadeva (c. 1297-1304 A.D.): The Vicarasrezzi says that Laghu Karna ascended the throne in V.E. 1353 and ruled till V.E. 1360 (1297-1304 AD.) The Muslim historians give 6 years 10 months and 15 days for his reign. The confirmation of the last date of Karna we find from a colophon of the Jain MS named Anuyogadvara-vytti which records that a wealthy merchant, Pethad, with his six brothers, consecrated an image of Lord Mahavira in the temple of the Neminatha at Mt. Abu in the year V.E. 1360, in the reign of Laghu Sri Karnadeva.5 From all the sources, it appears that Karnadeva was the last Vaghela king of Anhilavada. We have no detailed account of his reign from the Jain sources. We know from other sources that Madhava was his minister. The Vicarasreni and the Vividhatirthakalpa, the two almost contemporary Jain works, refer to an incident that the minister Madhava, a Nagara Brahmana, invited Ulukhan (Ulughkhan), the younger brother of Ala-'ud-Din, to Gujarata from Delhi. But both the authorities differ in the date. The Vicarasreni gives the year V.E. 1360, while the Vividhatirtha-kalpa gives the year V.E. 1356.6 We, however, have no contemporary evidence to check these dates. The subsequent authorities like Dharmaranya, and Kanhadade-prabandha agree that Madhava brought the Yavanas in Gujarata. The Muslim historians, 1 Ibid., P, 131. 2 Ibid., p. 131. 3 Ibid., p. 133. 4 JSS., II, Pt. IV, P. 9, V. 1360: 9343 bytu: 1 9340 FT HT171teado 316itat: 5 Prasasti-sangraha (Ahmedabad), Pt. II, p. 73. 6 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9: 9380 49T ATT fanitat: 1 SJGM., X, p. 30: STE TE F guapa sarato OT FITTE AT HOT ulukhAnanAmAdhijo dillIpurAo maMtimAdhavaperio gujaradharaM pttio|

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 321 however, do not record the name of Madhava. The Vividhatirtha-kalpa mentions the route through which Ulugh-khan made the invasion. It states that he started from Delhi to Gujarata. In the way Samarasimha, the king of Citor paid him tribute and saved his country Mewar from him. Then pillaging the Vagada country and cities like Modesa, etc., he reached Asavalli. The king Karna fled away. Then he proceeded to Somanatha and shattered the idol to pieces and carried away the booty in a cart to Delhi. He went to Vamanasthali, there he punished Ranaka Mandalika and established his order on Saurastra. He came back to Asavalli and destroyed a monastery, temples and shrines. In this description it is not clear from which place Karna fled away. Muni Jina Vijayaji commenting on this statement assumes that the statement is incomplete. It does not say whether Ulugh-khan invaded Patana or not. The Muslim historians, on the other hand, state that Ulugh-khan and Nusrat-khan with their Amirs and generals and large army marched against Gujarata. They took and plundered Nahorwala (Anahilayada) and all Gujarata. Karan Rai of Gujarata fled away from Naharwala and went to Ramdeo of Deogir. The wives and daughters, the treasure and elephants of Rai Karna fell into the hands of the Muhammadans.3 As to when the Muslims took patana is known, however, from the Jain sources. The Vicarasreni and Pravacana-pariksa give us the date V.E. 13604. A colophon of the Anuyogadvara-vrtti states that in V.E. 13605 Karna was ruling. The Vividhatirtha-kalpa, on the other hand, refers to the date V.E. 1356.6 Most of the Muslim historians, however, assign A.H. 697 or 698 (V.E. 1255 or 1256) to this invasion.? A Jain work, Nabhinandanoddhara-prabandha, gives a detailed description of this invasion made by Ulugh-khan. Regarding Karna it says that by the valour of Ala-ud-Din, Karna, the lord of Gujarata fled away and after wandering in other countries died a death of wretched man.8 We, however, CHA 1 SJGM., X, p. 30. ? Puratattva (Guj.), IV, p. 267. 9 Elliot, III, p. 163. 4 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9, Pravacana-pariksa, p. 272. 5 Prasasti-sangraha, p. 73, No. 269: HESTFASEBittu tap 17 MA (9360) Fyfa: 514 & SJGM., X, p. 30. ? GMRI., p. 436. 8 Puratattva (Guj.), IV, p. 272: JETZTETT: Fuzau tu warga: 1 naSTvA gato videzeSu bhrAnvA bho rNkvnmRtH| 41

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322 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES possess no information about his son, wife and other members of his family from the Jain sources. Thus we know from the Jain sources the following members of this branch: Arnoraja Lavanaprasada Viradhavala Virama Visaladeva Arjunadeva Sarangadeva Kainadeva II. THE CAHAMANAS OF LATA There are unfortunately no Jain sources regarding the earliest existence of Cahamanas in Lata. The Hansot grant of Bhartrvaddha is the only source which reveals that as early as the 8th century A.D. Lata was under the possession of the then ruling dynasty of Cahamanas. After that period nothing is known of them from any sources for about five centuries. But all of a sudden their existence in Lata in the thirteenth century is revealed by the Jain sources. A contemporary drama the Hammira-mada-mardana of Jayasimhasuri, frequently, refers to Sankha alias Sangramasinha, son of Sindhuraja, brother of Sinha, the Canamana king of Latadesa. He is described there as "Mandalesvara" and "Gurjaramahihandamandalahivar."1 His capital was at Broach. The Vasanta-vilasa of Balacandra states that the princes of Broach belonged to the Cahamana clana and as late as V.E. 1533, we TAREHE 1 GOS., X, 1920, p. 17: (i) afar AETTFT area: FAGETTI (ii) FTTHETHEREAS II 2 GOS., VII, 1917, p. 22: Tehrfata fasih panta: 4977 4a gari

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 323 find that there were municipalities of the Cahamanas in the Latadesa.1 Any how, we know of only two members of his branch. Sindhuraja: We know from the history of the Paramaras that Sindhuraja was a vassal of Arjunavarma of Malava (1211-15 A.D.).2 It appears from the inscriptions of the Yada vas (1169-1247 A.D.) that he was defeated several times by Yadava king Simhana. We have already referred to a struggle of Sindhuraja with Jayasimha Sindhuraja in which he is said to have been defeated. A Jain authority, known as the Sundha hill inscription (V.E. 1319), states that Udayasimha, the Cahamana prince of Jalor (1209-1249 AD.), killed Sindhuraja."5 The Hammira-mada-mardana states that Sargramasimha (Sankha) of Lata attacked Vastupala, the minister of Viradhavala, in retaliation of his father's enmity. We also know from the Jain prabandhas that Udayasimha was a feudatory of Viradhavala. The above two references, if jointly interpreted, show that Udayasimha, in collaboration of Viradhavala, killed Sindhuraja. Sindhuraja had a brother by name Simha, who was also a well known figure in the political circles of that time. We, however, do not know of him from the Jain sources except that he was also for sometime ruler of Lata (Latadesadhipati). Sankha alias Sangramasimha : Sindhuraja was succeeded by his son Sankha alias Sangramasimha. He appears to have been a good warrior. The Vasanta-vilasa informs us that he had repulsed an attack of the army of the Yadava king, Sinhana on the banks of the Narmada8. "Though attacked on one side by the sons of Arnoraja (Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala) the brave warrior Sankha, making the Malava king to interfere, repulsed an attack of the Yadava army which had been attracted by the conflict."9 The 1 GOS., VII, Introduction. 2 See supra, p. 115. 3 See supra p. 304. * See supra p. 253 5 EI, IX, pp. 76-77, V. 46: P ART : 6 GOS., X, p. 5: Thadathiwa: .... TAHERT 7 Ibid., p. 5: gledatira TRTI 8 GOS., VII, V. 42: FAHETATIE HAT Taarifa zia: 1 9 Ibid., Vs. 29-30: Talagafa iuitas .... facta: ASie ....! 15PZHIT, 7 ....!

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324 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES same authority informs us that Sankha was once taken prisoner and was shackled in the jail of the Yadava king. It is also said of him that images of twelve feudatory princes were tied to his left foot with a golden chain."2 The same work further says that once Viradhavala invaded the Lata country and captured Stambhatirtha (Cambay) by force 3 and appointed Vastupala to govern that territory. It happened during the temporary eclipse of Sankha who was perhaps under the imprisonment of the Yadava king. Sankha, thereupon, established his capital at Broach (Bhrgukaccha) and attacked Cambay with a mighty array of fource. In this war he was assisted by the Yadava king Sinhana, who was then on friendly terms with him and also with the Paramara ruler Devapala. But Vastupala through his skill foiled the plan. At last, Sankha was defeated and compelled to retire to Broach.? According to the Hammira-mada-mardana the cause of the war was the retaliation for his father's enmity by Sankha,s but the later Jain works give somewhat different reasons. The Prabandha-cintamani tells us that Vastupala had a quarrel with the sea-merchant, Saiyad, who called in to his help Mahasadhanika Sarkha from Broach.9 The Prabandhakosa and Jinaharsa's Vastupala-carita supply the names of the merchant sailors as Sadika and Sankha, chief of the port of Vadva, which is some five miles (from Bhavanagar.10 The cause of the quarrel is given as the insult done by Sadika to Vastupala in disregarding his authority.11 From these Jain sources it is clear that a branch of the Cahamana race was ruling at Broach. It also appears from the sources referred to above 1 Ibid., V. 42: Jalat 7ci 2 Ibid., V. 28: T hargaad T fagsra: 3 Ibid., Canto IV, V. 24: TFT arya: s lay #: 1 tadvigRhya samAdatta laGkAmitra rghuudvhH|| 4 Ibid., V. 25: Tyageutste fata: 1 tatpuraM vastupAlastu cirakAlamapAlayat // * Ibid., Canto V, V. 16: Tala glas To u t: 1 6 GOS., X, Act I, V. 13. ? Ibid., p. 18: 37717at M a pa: Tafe: 1 8 Ibid., p. 5: Arca Thea: 1 9 SIGM., I, p. 102: TEFTISEUT FHOTO #777 ata fag STAR zrIbhRgupurAnmahAsAdhanikaM zaMkhanAmAnaM zrIvastupAlaM prati bAlakAlarUpamAnItavAn / 10 SJGM., VI, p. 108, para 127. 11 Ibid. ; 393 FTTEBE ? afaatimit aj ila:, arfo ARTESTI

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THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA 325 that their position was not sound. Broach at that time was situated on the frontiers of the Caulukyas, Yadavas and the Paramaras and in the age of the dominance of these kingdoms, its position might have been insignificant. The rulers of that place were reduced to the rank of mere feudatories. Jayasimhasuri calls Sankha as mandalesvara while the Vasanta-vilasa speaks of him as bhupati. In the light of the above statements it seems very doubtful whether at any time they really enjoyed sovereign power. 1 GOS., VIT, p. 21, Vs. 18, 23.

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PART II STATE AND ADMINISTRATION

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CHAPTER XI STATE AND ADMINISTRATION General condition of the period: In the foregoing chapters we have discussed the dynastic history of Northern India on the basis of the available data from the Jain sources. From the time of Harsa upto the downfall of the Cahamanas, Caulukyas and Guhilotas, we have seen several ruling dynasties rising and falling on the horizon of Northern India. Some of them possessed a large territory which, in fact, may be called an empire having many subordinate feudal states under them. Thus from the Aihole inscription ( 634 A.D.) we learn that Harsa had several feudatories. The Devagadh inscription of Bhoja Pratihara (862 A.D.) shows that the Gurjara Pratiharas had also a number of powerful samantas.2 Likewise, the Paramaras, Caulukyas and other imperial powers were actually the lords of several feudatories. Hence an empire or a kingdom was largely a feudal organism. Suzerainty meant during this period a suzerainty over some feudatories. In this fashion every real kingdom was an empire. As the internal autonomy of the various regions of an empire was maintained, it partook of the nature of a confederation. The previous analysis of the Jain epigraphic and literary data of our period certainly have told us an identical tale. The political characteristic of our period is somewhat monotonous and stagnant. If we try to arrange all relevent Jain inscriptions and literary sources in the chronological as well as regional order, we actually fail to find out any notable changes or developments. Everywhere one may meet with the same conditions of suzerainty and vassalage; everywhere one can see the same despotism; everywhere the political constitution and administrative structure in those states were fundamentally similar. From the broad administrative point of view North India showed a unity but from the strict political standpoint it was conspicuously absent. Another characteristic of our period is that literature in polity during this period is lacking in originality, depth and movement. No original work of note has been composed on contemporary polity and working institutions. The Jain literature of this period, though extensive and magnificent, is, from the administrative view-point only, of secondary importance. It tells 1 El., VI, V. 23: 3TTRdlauferruthAhHT etc. * Ibid., IV, p. 309, No. 44. 42

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330 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES us little that is absolutely new, but it confirms in a most striking manner the conclusions to which other evidences lead. Let us discuss the political conception and ideas we get from these sources regarding the state and administration of the period. 1. Origin and conception of the state: Jinasena and other Jain authors of our period record the tradition which traces the origin of the state. In the Adi-purana, Jinasena (8th century) says that formerly on the earth there was a blissful state (bhogabhumi) where the people's worldly desires were very few. They got all they wanted, from the wish-yielding trees (kalpavyksas). Gradually, with the change of time, there was a fall from this ideal state. When all the wish-yielding trees were disappearing people were getting perplexed. The change in the universe caused havoc among them. They found several hindrances in the way of their life. They came to solve their difficulties before an eminent person of their age and he showed the timely solution of their daily problems. According to Jains there had been born twelve such eminent persons called patriarchs ( kulakaras) during the transition era. When all the wish-yielding trees entirely disappeared the Lord Rsabhadeva, the first exponent of Jainism, introduced six occupations : martial, agricultural, literary, artistic, commercial and industrial. He divided the people on earth into three classes, Ksatriya, Vaisya and Sudra according to their professions. There was no caste originally. He also established the system of law and order over the world. He planned and built villages and towns, grouping the former into circles of eight hundred, four hundred and two hundred. He created four great kings and placed under them a thousand smaller kings and feudatories. He founded the institutions of punishment and imprisonment. Formerly there was a light chastisement like mild rebuke, but in the changed circumstances some harsher punishments were needed. Jinasena says that for the preservation of man a coercive authority was essential. Nothing else could restrain the wicked from wicked ways. In the absence of coercion the world presents a condition of Matsya nyaya (the logic of the fish).5 Thus we find that a state of good order was established gradually. There was no divine creation or order. This Jainistic idea of origin of the state can strikingly be corroborated with ideas expressed in the 1 Adi-purana, III, Vs. 30-192; XVI, Vs. 130-190. 2 Ibid., III, Vs. 50-I90. 3 Ibid., XVI, Vs. 130-190. * Ibid., XVI, V. 241-257. 6 Ibid., XVI, V, 251-252,

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 331 Brahmanical and Buddhistic accounts. They both assert that for a long time after creation of society, there prevailed a golden age of harmony and happiness. Somehow there was a fall from this ideal state. The Agganna-suttanta of the Digha-nikayal says that formerly on the earth there were human beings who were made of mind and were selfluminous. They fed on rapture and traversed the air in abiding loveliness, Then a change occurred in the order of the universe. They worked somehow under the pressure of circumstances but disorder prevailed. Thereupon they gathered together and selected the most handsome, gracious and capable individual from amongst them and named him Mahajana-Sammata. The public requested him to become their king and put an end to the prevailing chaos, agreeing to give, him a part of their paddy in return of his serivices. This account shows that state originated in a social contract. The Mahabharata also reveals an identical tale by saying that after the fall of the Golden Age when the law of jungle prevailed, Brahma, the chief God, composed a treatise on Dharma, Artha, Kami and Moksa. It could not be enforced in the absence of a King. Then God Narayana by a fiat of his will created a son from his Tejas (Lustre) and named him Virajas. It was, however, Pithu the seventh descendant from Visnu who was crowned King and endowed with divine virtues, so that he might be a ruler. This account of the Mahabharata shows that the state was regarded as a divine institution. But the most striking feature of Jainistic view is to eliminate as far as possible the divine creation of the state. We know that Jainism does not regard any creator. It believes that an ordinary soul can become what is called Godhead through evolution. Accordingly, the political as well as other social institutions are the outcome of the changed circumstances. The patriarchs (kulakaras) were only the initiators of ways and means of life. Their mission was to educate the mass in the widest sense of the term. The government was more than protective and paternal. Pre-eminence on one side and need of guidance on the other were the two factors to establish certain relationships and we find that, in course of time, one was converted into the ruler and the other into the ruled. There is no indication that the government was instituted by any definite contract. The state is considered by a Jain author as the source of life and spirit, the aims of which are Dharma, Artha and Kama all combined. 1 Sacred Books of the Buddhists, IV, p. 77 ff. 2 Santiparva, Chap. 58. 3 Beniprasada, Theory of Government in Ancient India, pp. 224-225. * Nitiva., p. 7: 379 Afef ETAYOTI 193148:1

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332 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES From the statement of the (Adi-purana ) we find that the so called modern factors -- sovereignty, population and territory --- of the state were considered essential for the existence of the state in that remote age too. II. Seven constituents of state: Our ancient authors describe the seven constituents of the ancient Indian State. The Jain authors of our period also share this view with them. Somadeva (10th cent.) has elaborately described these constituents in his Nitivakyamyta but he has said nothing new regarding them. They are Svami (king), Amatya (ministry), Janapada (territory), Durga (fort), Kosa (treasury), Bala (army), Mitra (allies). These constituents are regarded as the limbs (Angas) of the body politic by the Indian thinkers. They more or less existed during our period in every state whether it was possessed by the sovereign rulers or feudal lords. Thus, for instance, Mularaja, the founder of the Caulukyan empire, had a ministry which he consulted at the time of the invasion over the Cahamana king, Vigraharaja (772 A.D.).2 He possessed a territorial state called Sarasvata-mandala. He had a fort named Kanthadurga where he took shelter at the time of invasion by his enemy. He had most probably a confederation of his allies which was destroyed by Munja in the country of Medapata.3 He maintained a large army with the help of which he attacked Varapa and Vigraharaja, and to maintain all these he possessed a good treasury also. Likewise, a feudal lord, the Paramara Dharavarsa who enjoyed long vassalage under the Caulukyas, had also a territorial state named Astottarasatidesa or Asossittan and possessed a standing army with which he assisted the Caulukyas from time to time. He had a good treasury to maintain his power and a ministry to govern his kingdom. He had allies like the Cahamana Kelhana whose daughter, Srgaradevi, he married. We also sce similar things with the imperial Paramaras, Cahamanas and other sovereign states and their feudatories from the Jain inscriptions and literature. To the dynasties described in the foregoing chapters which held the sway for a considerable period of time, these seven constituents must have been indispensable in their body politic, otherwise they could not exist and function properly for that period. Some of the limbs like king and ministers afaifa 1 Nitiva., Chapter 17-23. Cf. Kautilya V, 6, 96: FEAT Te 99101: 1 2 SJGM., I, pp. 16-17. 3 EI., X, p. 10 ff., V. 10. 4 See supra p. 192, section on Paramaras of Candravati.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 333 might have figured more prominent than others like forts and allies, but, without the mutual integration and co-operation of all these seven, no government of the state at that time could run efficiently. Some powerful states as referred to above tried to maintain a closeknit state and a balance in the several constituents of the state, but the country was partitioned into a large number of kingdoms. In the majority of states there was a distinct sign of disintegration. Theoretically the state was conceived as an organism, different limbs functioning in the interest of the whole body politic, but there was lack of proper harmony among the different constituents of state. Form of Government: The states in ancient India were divided into two forms, monarchical and republican. The republican form of Government, however, ceased to exist before the Gupta era. In our period we find only the monarchical form of Government. Let us now pass on to the polity of the state. III. The King: The king of our period is considered to be the pivot of government and is the centre of all political, military, administrative and judicial activities. Somadeva says that "without him not a single prakrti (constituent) can function properly, however, well it may be equipped."1 Vadibhasimha, another Jain author, says that the king is the very life of living beings and good and evil deeds done against him, certainly affect the fate of his subjects. Disloyalty towards him is indeed a great sin. The king is regarded as the supreme deity for he protects the mortals as well as the gods; the gods are not able to protect even themselves. A real king is he who is the repository of all the merits.3 A good king is expected to be a man of religious temperament, with good family traditions, endowed with pure character, dignity and valour. His livelihood should be based on righteous means. He should be free to wield his power of wrath and mercy 1 Nitiva. (MDG., XXII), p. 221: 3THFT SET: HTET 3719 Artta na zanavanti / 2 Ksatracudamani, Canto I, Vs. 46-48: rAjAnaH prANinAM prANAsteSu satsvave jIvanAt / tattatra sadasatkRtyaM hi loka eva kRtaM bhavet / / evaM rAjadruhAM hanta sarvadrohitvasaMbhave / rAjadhrageva kiM na syAtpaMcapAtakabhAjanam // rakSantyevAtra rAjAno devAn dehabhRto'pi ca / devAstu nAtmano'pyevaM rAjA hi paradevatA // 3 Nitivu., p. 57: TUG ATT JUTT a 9241

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334 and should be able to display the superiority of himself over others. Under such a king all the constituents of the state conduce to the desired results.2 Such an ideal Rajd or king is considered as an epoch-maker. Thus we see that most of the kings of our period like Harga, Yasovarman, Munja, Bhoja, Jayacandra Gahadvala, Prthviraja and most of the Caulukyan kings were illustrious instances of the ideal kings. POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Education and discipline of the King: mus. Somadeva has laid emphasis on the discipline of mind and body in the Vidyavrddhasamuddesa of his work. He lays down with all seriousness that the real brute on earth is an ignorant person, therefore, knowledge is the prime requisite in all affairs. He prefers anarchy to the rule of an ignoraWe know very well that all the previous authorities on politics, like Kautilya, Kamandaka and other lawgivers, had descanted on anarchy as the most terrible of all possible contingencies, but Somadeva, putting aside the tradition, prefers anarchy to the rule of an uneducated king. He further says that a prince, however well born, should not be installed as heirapparent unless he is otherwise qualified." A king should get himself taught in four branches of learning which deal with the knowledge of self (Anviksiki), Trayi or the knowledge of the four Vedas, Siksa, Kalpa, Vyakarana, Nirukta, Chanda, Jyotisa and Itihasa, Purana, Mimansa. Nyaya and Dharmasastra etc., Varta the science of agriculture, cattle-breeding and commerce and Dandaniti or the principles of politics.? Stressing the importance of these four Vidyas Somadeva says that one who studies Anviksiki examines with reason the strong and the weak. points of the practicable and impracticable and does not despair in calamities. and is not spoilt by good fortune. And as an intelligent man he obtains clearness of insight. By studying the Trayi he becomes exceedingly 1 Ibid., p. 180 : dhArmikaH kulAcArAbhijanavizuddhaH pratApavAnnayAnugatavRttizca svAmI / kopaprasAdayoH svatantratA AtmAtizayavardhanaM vA yasyAsti sa salAmI / svAbhimUlA sarvA prakRtayo bhavantyabhipretaprayojanA nAsvAmikA | 2 Ibid., p. 180 : 3 Ibid, p. 183 4 Ibid., p. 56: 5 Ibid., p. 56: pAlana duSTa nigrahaH / * Ibid.: asaMskAraratnamitra sujAtamapi rAjaputraM na nAyakapadAyAmananti etc. Ibid p.60 anvIkSakI yI vArtA daNDanItiriti cataso rAjavithAH / rAjA kAlasya kAraNam / navajJAnAtparaH pazurasti / varamarAjakaM bhuvanaM na mRkhoM rAjA / p. 61: anvIkSavayadhyAtmaviSaye trayI vedayajJAdiSu vArtA kRSikarmAdikA daNDanItiH sAdhu

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 335 confident with regard to the duties of the castes and stages of life. And he also knows the whole system of right and wrong. By studying the Varta properly he can make happy all his subjects and can achieve all the desired objects. By studying the Dandaniti he can control his subjects and can make flourishing all the three efforts (Trivarga).1 Somadeva defines the term Anviksiki in the same way as Kautilya: the Anviksiki consists of Sankhya, Yoga and Lokayata, but he adds that the Bauddha and the Jain systems are opposed to the Veda. Explaining the statement of the author, the commentary says: The Bauddha and Jain sastras are not included in the Anviksiki, because they are opposed to the Veda. The Lokayata also is opposed to the Veda, yet it has been included, because it is wanted for the care of the body etc. The necessity of the study of the Lokayata for the king is explained by Somadeva in the following words. "The vast means for carrying on the business of this world is the Lokayata. For a king who has studied the doctrines of the Lokayata strives to root out the thorns (the dangerous elements) of the kingdom. Even the actions of those who are nothing but ascetics, are not irreproachable. He who is given to mercifulness is not capable of preserving even goods that he holds in his hand. Who will not despise one who is only intent on peace of mind? Shame upon the man who cannot show wrath or favour according to his own will and power. He is dead even when he lives, who is not brave against his enemies. 4 Somadeva has given a detailed description of the Trayi and Varta but most of the points are quite in agreement with those dealt by his two predecessors, viz., Kautilya and Kamandaka. Regarding the Dandaniti (science of Government) he says that the end of it should be to protect the subject and not merely to draw money. In respect of Dandaniti he says that the punishment by a king ought to be like the ministration of medicine by a physician. He is a bad king and a bad physician who eagerly look out for disorders with a view to selfish gratification.5 These four sciences, besides their intrinsic value, serve to discipline 1 Ibid., p. 60, lines 56-59. 2 Ibid., p. 60: Hej DANN Frazetati dateat: xa: usate cara ara ilahi 3 Ibid., p. 76: EFETTIGT947 Pa I TOT gana TI 1731.FEF.T. nucchettuM ytte| na khalve kAntato yatInAmanavadyAsti kriyaa| ekAntena karatalagatamapi artha ra.kSa na kssmH| prazamai phacittaM ko nAma na pribhvti| aparAdhakAriSu zamo yatInAM bhUpa na nRpANAm etc. 4 Ibid., p. 77: Ja a t asi 5 Ibid., p. 103: TATOTT TOE: w.tagal a Tarta: VittnAya prajAsu dossmnvessyti|

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336 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES mind and character, and without training in them a king will perish like a goadless elephant. Apart from these, Somadeva gives certain other instructions. He warns the king against too much indulgence in Kama (Lust). The king is advised to practise Dharma, Artha and Kama proportionately without injuring the interests of one another. For him it is the only way to lead a happy life. He also advises the king to remain aloof from certain evils called vyasanas. Some of them are the sexual indulgence, intoxication, hunting, gambling, back biting and extravagance. He says that a single vyasana is enough to destroy a powerful king, even possessing four kinds of armies, what to say if all of them are combined.3 A good king should exert to eradicate these evils, keeping himself in the association of the learned men and away from the evil-doers. Somadeva prescribes only one substitute for learning. He says that even without studying these sciences one can gain knowledge by contacts with the society of learned men 5 who possess a high family tradition and are endowed with high moral character and purity by birth.6 Fortunately, during our period we find well educated kings. The Prabhavaka-carita says that Ama, the successor of Yasovarman, was a well trained king, proficient in all kinds or learning. He was taught by a learned scholar named Vappabhattisuri.? The Prabandha-cintamani says that Bhoja had studied all the treatises on king-craft, learnt the use of thirty-six weapons and attained the farther shore of the ocean of 72 accomplishments.8 Some of the princes of our period got their training under the able guidance of ministers. Thus we know that Jayasimha Siddharaja was trained by the minister Santu in state-craft.9 Several instances can be multiplied from the Jain sources, where the princes are seen to have been imparted training by their fathers and teachers to become ideal kings. 1 Ibid., p. 61: 317@TE OM TE TAT ETT TT TT facuta 2 Ibid., p. 33: anttajian Fru aaa aa: get 10 ar sarf aaai 3 Ibid., PP. 177, 179: HT: 1 garanfy TEDUZIVNI ST Forfa kiM punrnaassttaadshbhiH| 4 Ibid., p. 173: Fargadant: & fatti 5 Ibid., p. 62: 377thatatsia faf5 anfati aiciffhaihifa 8 Ibid., p. 68: d e JET TE T 17:1 ? SJGM., XIII, p. 82. * Ibid., I, p. 22: FECHAJTE: qafarge sigareta u FBTINTA: samastalakSaNalakSito vvRdhe| " SJGM., II, p. 35: 3194 ga A-TATT utenfor ita: 1

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 337 Succession: Somadeva states that a kingless country is better than one occupied by a foolish or uninstructed king. In the same tune he says that no prince should be installed as heir-apparent or successor, howsoever, he may be well born, unless he is otherwise qualified for the great trust.1 During our period this rule is maintained to some extent. We know from the Harsa-carita that Harsa was well qualified and was made king of Thaneswar; similarly the Paramara Munja, on account of the good qualities of his nephew, Bhoja, appointed him as his successor. Likewise, the Caulukya Durlabharaja installed his nephew Bhima I and he too installed his second son Karna instead of his first son Ksemaraja. Kumarapala is very well known to have won the throne due to his ability to become a good ruler. Somadeva prescribes the following order regarding succession. After the death of the king, his sons have the royal right to inherit the throne; in the absence of them, the brothers, and then step-brothers, and thereafter uncles and then the members of the family. In the absence of all of them the daughter's son and then a qualified outsider may be regarded as successor.5 Thus we find that this rule was followed during our period. The history of the Cahamanas of Sakambhari, Nadol and Jalor furnishes us with a number of instances. The succession, however, in our period was mostly limited to the family and it was regarded as hereditary. The peculiar feature appears to be that there was no law of primogeniture to regulate succession. Thus the Caulukya Karna succeeded his father when his elder brother was alive.. In the choice of a successor, sometimes the wish of departing king was respected. Thus, the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha states that, when Viradhavala was dying, he expressed his desire to give the throne to his son Visaladeva and not to his brother Virama, for he feared that his father Lavanaprasada might deprive his son of his right of succession to the throne.? Sometimes the question of succession was disputed and the choice fell against the wish of departing king. For this we have a glaring instance of Kumarapala. It is said that Jayasimha Siddharaja was totally against Kumarapala and he wanted even to kill him. But the choice was given to 1 Nitiva., P56. 2 Tilakamanjari, V. 43. 3 See supra, p. 241, Chap. on the Caulukyas. 4 See supra, p. 265. 5 Nitiva., p. 249: UTHIETATEA ETT atafala HYTTET TEYTTifa: ! & See supra, pp. 241-42. ? SJGM., II, p. 66. 43

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338 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Kumarapala against his wish, and it was due to the support of the ministry. or a powerful party at the court.1 Another instance is that of the Paramara Arjunavarman who was succeeded by Devapala of the line of the Mahakumara Laksmivarman of the same family. In this choice the ministry or the court party might have had a strong hand though we do not know that it was against the wish of Arjunavarman. These facts, besides proving that there was no law of primogeniture, prove that the support of either a powerful party at the court or of the ministers always counted much in the matter of succession. In the case of minority of the heir-apparent we find the queen mother holding the rein of the kingdom. The Prabandha-cintamani informs us that Naikadevi, the queen mother of Bala Mularaja (II), was in charge of the government and she gallantly fought a battle with the Muhammadans." The Prthviraja-Vijaya informs us that Kancanadevi, the mother of Pythviraja, transacted the business of the kingdom with the help of the minister Kainvasa (Kadambavasa) in the minority of Prthviraja. Titles of Kings and Queens: In the Mauryan period we hear of titles like Rajan, Maharaja and Kumara applicable to the kings and princes, but in the Gupta age we have. several titles which show that these titles were multiplied in course of time. In our period the same high-sounding titles as in the Gupta period have been found. Right from Harga to Guhilotas, the independent kings who happened to rise to paramountcy in the sense that they commanded the allegiance of a few feudatories used to take the title of Paramabhattaraka (the most worshipful master), Maharajadhiraja (supreme king of kings), Paramesvara (supreme lord), and Samastarajavali samalankyta (adorned by the row of kings). Thus the Devagarha Jain inscription of Bhoja Pratihara informs us that Bhoja assumed the title of Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja and Paramesvara. The colophons of the Jain MSS of the Cahamanas, Caulukyas and Guhilotas also reveal the same conclusion. These titles, however, invested the king with a divine prestige and right to rule over the people. The queens of these kings were generally entitled as devi or rajni. For example, Mayanalladevi was the name of the queen of Karna Caulukya." 1 See supra, p. 265. See supra, p. 117. 3 SJGM., I, p. 97. 4 See supra, p. 136. 5 EI., IV, p. 309. 6 SJGM., 1, p. 54.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 339 Somalladevi was the name of the queen of Ajayaraja Cahamana.1 Udayamati rajni was the queen of Bhima I.2 From this it appears that the queens of our period did not assume any high-sounding honorific titles. In the Jain literary works the chief queen of the king is called Rajamahisi or Pattarajni, but we have no confirmation of this from the epigraphical records. The sphere of influence of the queens, however, was limited to the pa lace only. The Position of the King: As regards the position of the king Somadeva says that the king is a great god; he bows only to his ancestors and teachers : all else have to salute him. It is difficult to disobey his resolutions. But a king should always be willing to receive advice and ministers should be prepared to offer sound advice.5 These statements of Somadeva along with the honorific title assumed by the kings of our period show that these were regarded by the public as divinities. It should be understood in this connection that such high veneration was due to the place he occupied and not to his person. Coronation: Before a new king was installed on the throne certain rituals and celebrations took place. Abhiseka or anointing was the first among them. The Jains, though they have no faith in the Vedic rituals, prescribe the simple process of anointing. The water from the Ganges, Sindhu and other rivers (sacred only in the belief of the Brahmanas) mixed with camphor and sandal and with the essence of many kinds of flowers was poured on the head of a king by other kings, feudatories, ministers, merchants, princes and other respectable citizens. The members of the eighteen guilds performed the anointing of the king's feet only. Thus, the Murdhabhisiktas only were regarded as the real kings of our period. On this auspicious occasion, the capital was astir with songs, music and dance. This ceremony sometimes was arranged by the retiring king and sometimes by the court party. The king had certain royal insignia like catra (royal umbrella ) and camara (a bushy tail of Chamar) and Simhasana (throne).? 1 EI, XXVI, pp. 84-112, V. 14. 2 SJGM., I, p. 54. 3 Nitiva., p. 63: TAP TH Tad Tid #AFIOTATT JATTE: 1 4 Ibid., p. 181: He: TETT:1 5 Ibid., p. 124: 1 TFT ausfawry aaral 6 Adi-purana, Canto XVI, Vs. 223-230. ? SJGM., I, p. 20: HTTFERTAEIG RHEIT

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340 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Personal safety of the King : We have seen what an important place was occupied by the king in the body politic of the state; therefore his safety, corporal as well as mental, was the chief duty of the state. Somadeva says that the safety of the monarch is the safety of the state; therefore, the king should employ as his personal attendants those persons whose fathers and grandfathers had been royal servants, those who bear close relationship to the king, those who are well trained and loyal and those who have rendered good services to the king. Foreigners who have not been honoured and the natives who have been once punished and re-employed should not be appointed to protect the king for their mind might change at times; even a mother is seen behaving like a raksasi.1 The king should be protected first from women, then from claimants (dayadas) and then the sons (princes).2 Somadeva, in the chapter of the Rajaraksasamuddesa deals with dangers coming from the above three. He depicts woman as the source of evil and as a bundle of craft and hypocrisy. Duties of the King : The monarchs of our period were not autocrats. They were fully conscious of their responsibilities and duties to the state and their subjects. The realization of trivarga was an ideal of a state and to attain this they persevered the ideal before themselves. The king was advised to follow Dharma, Artha and Kama in their moderate limitation without injuring the interests of each other.4 The first duty of the king was religious. Most of the kings of our period were followers of one or another religion of the time. They spent a large sum of money in the erection of temples out of devotion. But the most striking feature of our period is that they were never hostile to religions other than their own. They were indeed tolerant in their religious policies. Somadeva gives a full exposition of the religious duties of a king without deviating from the Brahmanical point of view. He says that the king 1 Nitiva., pp. 220, 221: Ta fala eta Hafa 313: Fax: 4722 FER TIET rkssyitvyH| ata evoktaM nayavidbhiH pitRpaitAmahaM mahAsaMbaMdhAnubaddhaM zikSitamanuraktaM kRtakarmaNAM ca janaM AsannaM kurviit| cittavikRte styvissyH| kiM na bhavati mAtrApi raaksssii| 2 Ibid., p. 222: dagtaat: fata 31479T ETTET 391430AS gra Ty strIbhyo rakSaNaM tato dAyAdebhyastataH putrebhyH| 3 Nitiva., p.7: 3727 yafeffT417 575714 4:1 * Ibid., p. 33: A ar an naai

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 341 has to fulfil his religious duties such as Darsa-purnamasa and other Brahmanical rites. He should apply himself to the study both of anviksiki and trayi. But he advised the king to acknowledge svadharma for different castes and stages of life. By protecting the svadharma of his subjects the king fulfils trivarga.1 The king is the monitor of those who transgress their svadharma.2 Svadharma is the particular duty of each individual, in every group. Though Somadeva on the whole acknowledges svadharma, yet he enumerates samana dharma, the duties common to all castes and groups. These are kindness, truthfulness, abstaining from the property of others, controlling one's desires, avoiding marriage against the order (of caste) and 'chastity with regard to forbidden women.' The king's duty is to promote these practices among his subjects. Protecting the svadharma and the samana-dharma of his subjects, the king receives one sixth of the fruits of the religious merits of his subjects. The next set of duties of the king is political or administrative, that is, the protection of life and property is the main duty of the king. The king is bound to see that order rightly prevails in society. He says: He is a king who takes the place of Indra towards the well disposed and the place of Yama against the ill-disposed. For, the king's duty is to punish the wicked and protect the learned and well behaved, not shaving his head or wearing matted hair. The king should adopt all the possible measures to protect the world, that alone is counted his true merit of kingship. To ensure life and order, he should wield his danda neither sternly nor tenderly but impartially.? Injustice is never to be tolerated, since it ruins all.8 Somadeva enumerates the persons who hinder the prosperity of the people and considers them as sources of apprehension to the subject. They are the thieves and robbers, state surveyors and evaluators, foresters and 1 Ibid., p. 87: A FT: TAR Sta fagur 2 Ibid., p. 88: d ai vont at JE: 3 Ibid., p. 85: T RIATHIEU Tafef927: viagjafatet faggy strISu brahmacaryamiti sarveSAM samAno dhrmH| * Ibid., P. 88: TICHIG: la TT TI THU THqIGI 5 Ibid., p. 42: ST glaset STAT TI I Faggiant: FETOTROSSA ca dharmaH na punaH ziromuNDanaM jaTAdhAraNAdikaM / * Ibid., p. 42: 7: quatalia F TFT ? Ibid., p. 102: 27710 quzq07 Tozzitia: 1 8 Ibid., p. 99: 37791er farina

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342 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES guards, state officers, hoarders and profiteers. If the king commands prestige and exercises a certain amount of sternness he can render them harmless. It is the foremost duty of a king to deal with them ruthlessly. Another duty of king is to protect the people from the calamities of all sorts. We learn from the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha that Visaladeva Vaghela averted a famine by timely help.3 The king also defended the country from foreign invasions and offered protection to the people from hostile incursions of his enemies. Yet another duty of the king was to patronise arts, education, etc. We learn that the Paramara kings from Munja to Jaitugideva were the patrons of learningJayasinha and Kumarapala were the great promoters of learning and arts. In short kings of this period did their best to achieve the happiness of their subjects which ultimately meant their own happiness and prosperity. In performing their duties the kings are advised to levy taxes according to the condition of the country, to speak words according to the occasion, to spend money according to the state income and to show their pomp and show according to their wealth and might. Rights and Privileges of the King: Somadeya says that king is the incarnation of tripurusamurli, therefore, he is the visible god in the world. In his youth (Kaumara) he is like God Brah man receiving the education in Gurukulas. After consecration he becomes like God Narayana pleasing the world with his virtues and, at the time of expeditions, he looks like God Pinakapani (Sankara). Thus the king enjoys a high status and dignity. He takes the place of Indra towards his favourites and the place of Yama against the wicked. He is advised to maintain his prestige and claims to be honoured.? Thus, we find in our period, that the king had full powers over the kingdom and his subjects. He, no doubt, ruled over his territory with the help and advice of a council of ministers who were his immediate advisers, but the ultimate responsibility of affairs as a whole rested with him. He 1 Ibid., p. 99: adhatna27592HI7faELENTITETUESHletfuzatgaFT rASTrasya knnttkaaH| 2 Ibid., p. 100: Cara TIB GET A T 471-T TIETFOTAT: 3 SJGM., II, p. 80. * SJGM., X, p. 30. 5 See supra, pp. 90-118, Chap. on the Paramaras. & Nitiva., p. 271: C : ara: argiTE TAUCERETH TITTET: : kaaryH| aizvaryAnurUpo prasAdo vidheyaH / ? Ibid., pp. 315-317.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 343 had all the despotic powers in deciding the policy in war or peace. He appointed all governors, generals and other important civil and military officers who were responsible to him alone. He had every right to deal with the treasonous officers and subjects without the least delay. Thus we see that Kumara pala punished Vikramasimha the Paramara of Candravatik and Hammira degraded and blinded Dharmasimha. He also distributed honorific offices and favours in recognition of meritorious services or literary and artistic works of distinction. We hear that Munja conferred on Dhanapala the title of Sarasvati 3 and Kumarapala conferred the title of Kalikalasarvajna on Hemacandra and on Ambada the title Rajapitamaha.4 The kings of our period had also certain rights to introduce new reforms and eliminate taxes, depriving the state of a large income. Thus, Kumarapala announced non-killing to all beings (amarighosana ) and withdrew the rights of the state to confiscate the property of those who died childless. 5 Jayasimha Siddharaja removed the tax known as Bahuloda which is said to have yielded 72 lakhs of rupees to the state. Though the king had so many rights yet he was advised to seek the counsel of his ministers and other high officers in matters of administration and in a state of emergency. It is also said that he should act according to the established laws and customs of the country. Daily Routine : Somadeva, in the chapter of the Divisanusthana of his work Nitiva kyamyta, describes the general rules of daily routine of a layman which consists of ethical teachings. But some glimpses of the king's daily routine are obtained from the Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala and the Kumarapala-Pratibodha of Somaprabhasuri also. From the description it appears that the king devoted the first quarter of the day in personal purification and devotion to gods and religious teachers and then he granted the interviews to all important persons and officers like religious Brahmanas, prime minister, secretaries, kings, feudatories, kinsmen and friends and other citizens. He held some sort of a private darbar with them. Here the king dealt with important and secret business of the state, discussed the matter with foreign 1 See supra p. 191. 2 See supra p. 145. 3 See supra p. 94. 4 See supra pp. 271 and 281. 5 See supra p. 279 ff. 6 See supra p. 258. ? Nitiva., pp. 251-258.

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344 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES ambassadors and gratified dependants and admirers. After this, on certain occasions, he visited the temples of the city and inspected the departments of public works. He returned at mid-day to his palace and, after giving food and alms to mendicants, took his meal surrounded by friends and pleasure companions. Then he retired to his picture galleries (danta valabhika) for enjoyment and relaxation. There he enjoyed music and poetic talks. In the afternoon he attended the general court (asthanamandapa) where he transacted the business of state, and also interviewed the foreign. kings and gave darkan to the general public who came to see him. Sometimes, purely as a part of royal duty, he attended wrestling matches, elephant fights and other such pastimes. Thus he passed the day and then. retired to sleep at last.1 Various checks and balances: Although the king was practically supreme in the administration of the state, the established laws of the land exercised considerable influence on royal despotism. Somadeva says that king should always be willing to receive advice and the minister should be prepared to offer sound advice. The king is advised not to outgo the counsel of his ministers for it is impolitic for a king to neglect the counsels of his ministers. Such a king will soon find himself overwhelmed by foes. His obstinacy will plunge him into ruin. These statements certainly show that the king in his administration is bound to take help of his ministers. Next, the kings of our period always respected the traditional laws of the land which were sacred and inviolable. If a king failed in his duty and acted in contravention, a conflict between the king and the people was inevitable. The next check over the king seems to be the feudal nobility and prominent persons of the state who, backed by the people, could defy the tyrannical rule of the king by raising an armed rebellion. Another check that influenced the king's policies, was the public opinion which was generally conveyed to the king through the state officials and spies. Sometimes, he himself went out to know the public opinion. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions three such kings viz., Bhoja Paramara, Kumarapala and Jayasihha Siddharaja who were always anxious to know the public opinion. By this, the king always remained conscious of the 1 Tilakamaijari (Kavyamala 85), pp. 62-71; Kumarapala-pratibodha, Canto PP. 422-443. 2 Nitiva., p. 57, sutra 39. * Ibid, p. 108: duSpraNIto hi daNDaH kAmakrodhAbhyAmajJAnAdvA sarvavidveSaM karoti / 3 4 SJGM., I, p. 48, fn. 75.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 345 rightful conduct of kingly duties. Moreover, an extensive decentralisation of government functions and powers invested in the village councils, town committees and district boards, also served as a check on king's royal prerogatives. Abdication : The king of ancient India in his old age generally preferred to abdicate the throne in favour of his heir and spent the rest of his life in religious devotions. The Jain sources have certainly recorded various cases of such abdications as occurred in our period. Thus the Prabhavakacarita records that the king Ama, son of Yasovarman of Kanauj, abdicated the throne in favour of his son Dunduka and devoted his life in religious devotions.1 The Duyasraya-karya says that Durlabharaja abdicated the throne in favour of his nephew Bhima and devoted his remaining life in religious pursuits. Similar was the case with Bhima I who abdicating himself gave the throne to his second son Karna.3 The Hammira-maha kavya also states that Jaitrasimha, the father of Hammira, gave over the charge of the state to him and himself went to live in the forest. Dethronement: A tyrant or vicious king, at times, was degraded or dethroned. Although the normal checks on king's prerogatives were either unexecuted or were altogether unknown during our period, yet a few cases can be cited in which kings were deposed. Camundaraja, the son of Mularaja (I) Caulukya, is said to have been deposed by his sister Vacinidevi who found him sexually very loose and gave the throne to his son Vallabharaja.5 Kumarapala, as a sovereign ruler, dethroned his feudatory Vikramasimha, the Paramara of Abu, who is said to have taken side with his enemy, namely, the Cahamana Arnoraja. Princes and other members of Royal Family: The princes were generally called rajaputra, kumara, nrpakumara, maharajakumara in the Jain literature and inscriptions. Thus from one of the Jain inscriptions of the Nadol Cahamana we know that Kirtipala was called rajaputra and in another inscription his sons Lakhanapala and 1 SGM., XIII, p. 108, V. 709. 2 DV., VIII, V. 20. 3 Ibid., IX, V. 74. 4 HMK., VIII, 54-57 and 106-108. 5 DV., VII, V. 31, commentary. * PCA., p. 202, Vs. 576-580. 44

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346 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Abhayapala were known as rajaputras. In the Tilakamaniari Harivahana is called nrpakumara.2 A Jain colophon refers to Sarangadeva as maharajakumara.3 The crown prince, after finishing his study, was made in-charge of an office to get experience in administration. We have certain instances from the Jain inscriptions and colophons where the princes shared in the administration of their father. The eldest son of a king who was generally regarded as heir-apparent was called yuvaraja, while others were known by other terms. The younger sons were sometimes granted certain portions of the state for their maintenance.5 Queens and princesses are seldom known to have taken part in the government. But sometimes we find that the Dowager queens assumed the reins of administration or led the army in the battle. Naikidevi, the mother of Mularaja II, may be cited here as an instance.6 King's Personal Officers : The Tilakaman jari presents a picture of the management of the Royal household. The palace and its surroundings (rajakula) were in charge of a trusted and experienced officer known as saudhapala. The entrance in and exit from the palace and royal camp were controlled by the dvarapala. The officers and interview seekers were taken before royal presence by an officer known as prati hara or maha pratihara. The king had a body-guard of his own called anrgaraksaka. The officer in-charge of the royal treasury and jewels was ratnakosadhyaksa. The officer of the bed-chamber was known as sayyapala. The officer in-charge of the gardens was called Udyana pala. The king had a special officer who was called rajavallabha in the Upamitibhavaprapanca-katha (p. 344), perhaps, he was equivalent to our modern private secretary. Some minor attendants were vetrudhari, catra-camara-grahaka, tambula-vahaka, and kancuki, in charge of harems.? Functions of the King: (1) Executive: The king of our period was considered to be the supreme head of the State. None of the constituents could work properly without him.8 Under him all the prakrtis worked well and produced all the 1 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, pp. 210, 231. 2 P. 88. 3 SJGM., XVIII, p. 128. 4 Ibid. 5 Jain Lekha-sangraha, 1, p. 128. 6 SJGM., I, p. 97. 7 Tilakamanjari, pp. 14, 15, 63, 73. 8 Nitiva., p. 180: 3767TH ET 791477: GT Stia Faretto 7 Traffa

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 347 desired ends. He appointed the well versed in their respective posts. Ministers were not allowed to undertake any enterprise without his order.? Thus, all the executive powers were invested in the king. He looked into state finance, collected dues and levied taxes. He also received petitions and sometimes issued orders for the guidance of his subjects. He punished the criminals and promulgated administrative reforms for the well-being of the people in general. He had under his direct control all the envoys and he gathered information from spies. (2) Military: Somadeva says that king should inspect his army with his own eyes; otherwise he loses prosperity and maintenance of order.5 The king of our period led his army in the field of battle and mostly the important campaigns were conducted by the king himself. His presence in the battlefield was the source of inspiration. The king was usually in the van where he served as an example of personal valour and gave encouragement to his men in arms.? He also appointed all military chiefs to their respective posts and bestowed prizes or promotions for their meritorious services. He also offered the maintenance to the families of those who died fighting in the battlefield. He was advised not to give the charge of military to only one general for he might create great trouble on a suitable occasion. 10 (3) Judicial: The king was the supreme court of appeal. He was the final authority in judicial matters. Nobody could overrule his judgment. 11 The king like Yama considered the punishment for culprits,12 The king 1 Ibid., p. 189: 7175 I 2 Ibid., p. 189: Thaa na # Trafai 3 See supra pp. 105 and 279. 4 Nitiva., p. 172. 3 Ibid., p. 214: FTTH tidigastad a 6 Ibid., p. 369: H: gratuit SGT2471 ? PC., p. 59; DV., Canto XVIII. 8 Nitiva., p. 364: HUTI I Tkaan: See supra p. 343. 9 Ibid., p. 369: TT SET FR Fafaa09HRT FIT, inta a A a f ar 19: TUT FT HETTATI Tag TT TT 9217TST TO IER 10 Ibid., p. 368 : & 11 Ibid., p. 302: naastynubndhH| 12 Ibid., p. 295: TTS sarai Aradf acFshatia i

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348 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES had to select such juries who never indulged in greed and favouritism.1 Thus, Somadeva informs us that the king administered justice in consultation with juries. The king administered justice according to the nature of an offence. He was like a measure-stick which showed heavy and light weights accordingly.2 The above account regarding the king corroborates our theory that the king was the pivot around which rotated all the activities of the kingdom. IV. Council of Ministers (Mantriparisad): The Nitivahyamyta of Somadeva along with certain Jain literary works and epigraphical data sheds some light on the nature and procedure of the council of ministers in our period. The Tilakaman jari had a technical term for the council as mantrimandala. Somadeva says that the king is bound to follow the dictates of the council, otherwise in the eye of the constitutional law he would cease to be the king. Thus we see Mularaja Caulukya consulted his ministers at the time of war with the Cahamana Vigraharaja and Barapa. Although the rulers of our period were not assisted by any popular assembly or constitutional ministers in the administration of the kingdom, they, however, had their ministers appointed by them who held their offices till the pleasure of the king. All the authorities on law have laid a great stress on the importance of mantriparisad. Somadeva says that without the council the king becomes an autocrat; he plans for ruin due to his hasty actions. With the help of the council of ministers, the king can achieve all the wishful objects." The Composition of the Council: During our period we find frequent mentions of prime ministers and ministers of the king in the Jain literature and contemporary inscriptions. They have been called mahamatyas, sacivas, rajavrddhas, buddhi-sacivas, 1 Ibid., p. 296: 2 Ibid., p. 295: guNadopayostulAdaNDasamo rAjA svaguNadoSAbhyAM Published in the Kavyamala 85 (N.S. Press), p. 16. * Nitivd, p. 114 maMtrapUrvaH sarvo'pyArambhaH kSitipatInAm / P. 124 : sa khalu no rAjA yo maMtriNo'tikramya varteta / * SJGM. 1, p. 16 sacitraiH saha vimRnanthe / Nitiva., p. 149: svatantraH sasArivat vinAzayati / lobhapakSapAtAbhyAmayathArthavAdinaH sabhyAH sabhApateH sadyo mAnArthahAniM labheran / gauravAve | / 7 Ibid, p. 130 bahusahAye rAzi prasIdanti sarva eva manorathAH / / 8 PC., p. 78 : rAjavRddhAnAmArocamAna: / * Tilakamanjari, p. 33.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 349 karya-sacivas and amatyavarya. This shows that there was definitely a council of ministers, the chief of which was called mahamatya. Somadeva, dealing with the strength of the council, puts the number of ministers at three, five or seven. Evidently he is thinking of very small states or feudatory domains of his time. We learn from the Hammira-mahakavya of Nayacandrasiri that the mantriparisad of Hammira was composed of eight members. We know from the Sukraniti and other works on Indian Polity that ministry should consist of ten, twelve, sixteen and twenty councillors. Perhaps, they were thinking of a big state. Somadeva, like Kautilya, does not want a council of a large number of ministers. He advances reasons by saying that king should not employ one minister alone, for, a single minister proceeds without restraint and in cases of complicated issues he remains helpless. In deliberating with two ministers the king may be overpowered by their combined action or imperilled by their mutual dissension. Ministers large in number show only their skill and due to their jealousy the king may not arrive at any decision. The king should take to that work alone which may ensure good results, without involving him into any risk or loss. In accordance with the nature of the work he may, whenever he deems it proper, deliberate with one or two ministers.3 Co-operation among the ministers is considered to be the best policy of the council, for it will prove a strong pillar to the state. Experts in different affairs of the state should be appointed in their respective posts, 5 for this would lead to a good counsel and decisive action. It is further emphasised that ministers should not be fools. What can blind men see? How can the blind lead the blind? Sometimes it may be that the counsel of fools accidentally leads to success, but after all it is a dangerous policy. To entrust the reins of a kingdom to fools is to raise an axe to kill oneself.? 1 HMK., X, PP. 33-34. 2 Nitiva., p. 128: 77: 179 T A TT: FT71:1 3 Ibid., p. 127: That 70:1 st Acta dvAvani maMtriNau na kAryoM dvau ma.le gau saMhatI rAjyaM vinaashytH| nigRhItau tau taM vanAzayataH | bahavo maMtrigaH paramparaM smtiikrssyaann| yadgugatanAyabahalaM bhAti tatkAryama puSTheyAm | yathoktaguNasamAyinyekasmin yugale vA maMtriNi na kozidoSaH / * Ibid., p. 129: 3777f pf 1977 hela 17 aguai 6 Ibid., p. 199: 17 70 ! 6 Ibid., pp. 132-133: 916 m GT - Ha HETI ETSIAI PASTATTET: 450 i kimandhenAkR yamANo'ndhaH panthAnaM prtipdyte| tadandhavartakIyam kAkatAlIyam vA ynmuurkhmNtraatkaarysiddhiH| ? Ibid., p. 135: F77977 T h a TOT TIPUHTEISTOT

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350 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES erally a sanare opposes The councils of the period generally consisted of the king and his prime minister and other councillors like purohita sandhivigrahikamatya, senapati, mahaksa patalika, and yuvaraja. But Somadeva opposes the inclusion of senapati or military officers in the council. He says, 'Military authorities should not be authorities in political conncils,' for he thinks that warmongering leaders have a natural hankering after war.'1 In advocating this view he has represented, perhaps, the contemporary politics. None the less, the senapati or head of the military was one of the most important officers. He sometimes held the post of Governor of some newly conquered province. The sandhivigrahika was also another notable functionary. On behalf of the king he signed the treaties and conducted the whole foreign negotiations.2 The priest or purohita was another great personage; his advice was not to be transgressed. The priest was instrumental in warding off natural or supernatural calamities. One of his chief duties was the training of the prince. The prince or heir-apparent of our period is occasionally seen participating in state administration. He, therefore, was also included in the council. Qualification of the Councillors : Though ministers were appointed by the king, the choice of ministers was by no means an easy job. Somadeva says that great has always been the power of ministers and cites Visnugupta (Kautilya) who raised Candragupta to the position of an emperor as a case in point. In the selection of the councillors, therefore, a king should exercise the utmost discretion. They should be chosen from amongst Brahmanas, Ksatriyas and Vaisyas. They must, however, be possessed of the following qualities: They should be native (svadesajam) by birth and not foreigners, for natives have a tendency to love their country. Love of one's own country is the highest and most tenacious of all prejudices.? Foreigners should not be entrusted with matter of finance and protection of life, for, after staying for 1 Ibid., p. 136: Tala t #1 for: Y: 1 Tat-tfaai ou ratur bhaktamapi bhuktaM na jIryati / ? SJGM., I, p. 30, Damar in the Bhoja-Bhima-prabandha. 3 Nitiva., p. 160-161 4 Ibid., p. 108: 21 IT for FTOHETCA s ia Pacis a: F1915798mvaapnoti| 5 Ibid., p. 107: Alagilleagar atat a TFCHT A BETTER : 1 8 Ibid., p. 108: ESTA FJAH ! ? Ibid., p. 108: 572TSH, HAETTIIN 12977240 HET, I

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION a while they abruptly run away or become adversaries.1 Councillors should be of a pure character for lack of character vitiates all personal merits and qualities. They should be born of high family for the low born person never feels shy after doing misdeeds. They must be free from all carnal passions (avyasanin), for passionate councillors are like mischievous. elephants. They should be reliable and courageous (avyabhicarin) for persons who cannot stand at the time of adversity are useless. They must be endowed with all theoretical and practical knowledge (adhitakhilavyavahara-tantra), for what is the use of those who do not know the interest of the king and cannot remove his difficulties. They should also understand the military problems (astrajnam), for how can they protect the kingdom if they do not possess knowledge of their own protection ?" Somadeva, however, does not prescribe any tests to ascertain the character of councillors. However, these are general rules for the selection of councillors. But in the selection of particular councillors like sandhivigrahika, purohita, senapati and others, Somadeva has laid some special Regarding a sandhivigrahika or an ambassador he says that the knowledge of grammar and logic, influential position, expressiveness, power of fluent talking, genius, discretionary power, knowledge of most of the languages and alphabets, knowledge of time, place and varjasrama, intelligence in rapid reading and writing, are the essential qualities of an ambassador. In describing the qualifications of purohita, Somadeva follows Kautilya. He says that the purohita should be a person whose family and character are highly spoken of, who is well educated in the Vedas and the six Angas, is skilful in reading portents, providential or accidental, is well versed in the science of government and who is obedient and who can prevent calamities, providential or human. 351 Regarding the send pati he says that he should be born of a high family, pure in character, endowed with genius, devotion, truthfulness, purity and Ibid. p. 186 nAgantuke parthAdhighara prANAdhikAro vAsti yaste khitvA gantAro'pakartAro vA 2 Ibid., p. 108, sutra 7. 3 Ibid., p. 109, sutra 8. 4 Ibid., p. 109, sutra 9. 5 Ibid., p. 109, sutra 10. 6 Ibid., p. 110: sutra 12. 7 Ibid., p. 110: sutra 13. 8 Ibid., p. 379. 9 Ibid., p. 160.

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352 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES valour, influential, possessing a large family, knowing how to use his policies and devices, trained in all sorts of vehicles, weapons, battles, alphabets languages. He should know his position as well as the position of enemies possess a giant and healthy body, beloved by all officers, be faithful to his master and to the interest of the country and be able to forbear all sorts of troubles and exertions, undaunted by the men either of his own acquaintance or his enemies. 1 Councillors Hereditary: One striking feature of our period is that the office of the councillors, sometimes designed as a matya and sometimes mantri, was generally hereditary. Generally their fathers and grand-fathers had been royal servants. Thus we find Vimala, the da danatha of the Caulukya Bhima I, had his long heritage from the time of Vanaraja.2 Vagbhata, Ambada and Mabadeva the ministers of Kumarapala were the sons of the former ministers. Somesvara, the purohita of Bhima II claimed his parentage in the service of the Caulukyas. Function of Cabinet : Somadeva says that every enterprise of the king should be preceded by deliberation with councillors.3 He, like Kautilya and Kamandaka, sets forth the pertinent duties of an intricate subject, to arrive at a correct decision on a known subject, to reinforce what is decided, to eradicate the doubts in a subject of doubtful nature and to get full knowledge of the implications of a subject which is only partially known. He further says that the failure of king's policy is the failure of the councillors' policy, so it is enjoined on the councillors to keep strict secrecy with regard to the discussions and decisions of the council, whatever they might be. Somadeva prescribes certain rules and regulations to maintain the secrecy. He forbids the holding of a council in open sky or in the places which echo to human voices. The persons whose relations have been offended should not be con THOUTE - 1 Ibid., p. 169. 2 See supra, p. 240, chapter on the Caulukyas. 3 Nitiva., p. 114: Harra: Hafsterra: feladata! 4 Ibid., p. 114: 37197RT 7979JUTTU 1 Aast cchedatamekadezadRSTasyAzeSopalabdhiriti maMtrasAdhyametat / 5 Ibid., p. 124: TESTE T Hlaunagaalanet * Ibid., p. 117: 3412 727 #9: 1 ? Ibid., p. 116: 371757 fagacele an an a l

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 353 AS. sulted. Uninvited persons should not be allowed to stay at the time of deliberations, for it is on record that counsel was sometimes betrayed ever by parrots and minas. The trouble arising from the leakage of counsel is seldom controlled.3 Celerity in execution is a safeguard of secrecy. The resolutions should be put as soon as possible into action, Action, indeed, is the very essence of deliberation. Mere knowledge of medicine does not cure the disease. Changes in the attitude, changes in countenance due to anger and love, intoxication, carelessness and talking in sleep and other evil habits are the causes of the betrayal of deliberations.5 At the time of deliberation there should be no hot discussions or random talks. Decisions unanimously reached and exercised with discretion easily lead towards the achievement of the object.? The essential duty of the councillors is to offer wholesome counsel. Let them not flatter or mislead their master. The king on his part should take their advice, for he is a bad king who neglects the advice of his councillors.8 In formulating a theory of a fivefold aspect of mantra or counsel, Somadeva follows Kautilya and Kamandaka. He says that the first aspect is the preliminary part of beginning an undertaking. This is, in other words, to find out what amount of support would be forthcoming once a plan was mooted. The second is the means to an end. This is how to tackle the problem and pool the resources in man-power and wealth and consider the best use to which they might be put. The third is the proper appropriation of the means according to place and time, for certain undertakings would bear fruit in a specified area and at a specific time. The fourth is, the counsel should remove the difficulties which would come in the 1 Ibid., p. 118: 37/1987 929 T fact a 21 JAAR 12 fauf 27#728:1 ; Ibid., p. 118: 7: E fai qutaranuf! 3 Ibid., p. 118: HTTECH ari gugalai yra * Ibid., p. 120: Chap] a atentat: FA 379Tera gigafek Hot Haare parijJAnAdeva vyAdhiprazamaH | 5 Ibid., p. 119: CHART HE: A1 Part 7 H ATTI I * Ibid., p. 122: Hatta fari faars: TOTT : / ? Ibid., p. 122: fata dripeat St Gianna HES: #rez Ferre #TFF | . Ibid., p. 123: 7 heret e341 Fruhf 2519AATSTfa! at FIAT g a yarare este afare: 1 45

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354 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES way of accomplishment. The fifth is the karya-siddhi or final success. This is the actual accomplishment of work undertaken.? V. The Organisation of the Central Government: Somadeva remarks that single handed, one can do nothing; therefore, to, maintain administrative efficiency a number of state officers is required.2 They help the king in matters of timely advice, revenue and wars. The Jain literature and inscriptions testify to the presence of a number of administrative officers. The central government thus had various officers. It was divided into different departments, each having its own head, though the supreme authority in all matters was always vested in the king. The central Secretariat which was responsible for running the entire machinery of the state was established at the capital city, the place of royal residence (rajadhani) and was called srikarana. The king's seat in this office was called karya sana.5 Prime Minister: The in-charge of the Secretariat, most probably, was the prime minister. The Vasanta-vilasa informs us that Viradhavala Vaghela appointed Vastupala and Tejahpala as the srikaranadhinathas (in-charge of srikarana). The position of the prime minister in our period was very important. We know from the Jain inscriptions and from a number of Jain colophons that he was in-charge of the management of state affairs (samastavya paran paripanthayati or srikaranadin samastavyaparan kurvati). He was also authorised to transact the royal seal and signet.8 Thus Jayasimha had Asuka and Gargila; Kumarapala, Mahadeva and Vadhuya; Jaitrasimha Guhila, Jaganasimha; Jaitugideva Paramara, Dharmadeva; Visaladeva Vaghela Nagada to serve as prime ministers and also to transact the royal seal and signet.9 Such a high dignitary was the prime minister that he could make or unmake the king. We find that Visaladeva Vaghela was installed on the 1 Ibid., p. 115: FUTARRru: T567AF9EET FJAHIT fafajar: 79siddhizceti paJcAMgo mNtrH|| 2 Ibid., p. 130 : at a TETAATH Fracht furat! 3 Ibid., p. 132. 4 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 233: To Higoare .... 6 Tilakamanjari, p. 19: TRUSTHEIR....Frete 1 6 Canto III, V. 69: 32THA: >>ATOTTTT2t etc. 71 A., XIL, p. 202; SJGM., XVIIT, PP. 103, 106, 109, 110 etc. & Ibid.: P ure FSHET379TTT of propria * SJGM., XVIII, pp. 101, 103, 106, 116, 120 and 125.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 335 throne by Tejahpala, who after this earned the title of Rajasthapanacarya 1 His name was also mentioned in the grants of the feudatory lords. He was called mahapradhana, jyayan-pradhana, pradhanamatya, pradhanamantri and mahamatya in the Jain sources. Thus, Laksmanasena had Umapatidhara; Jayacandra Gahadavala, Vidyadhara; Munja Paramara, Rudraditya ; Mahipala Kacchapaghata, Gaura; Jayasimha Siddharaja, Santu and Munjala and Kumarapala had Vagbhata and others. The king always consulted him on all important occasions but he was free to follow his advice. Sometimes he set aside his counsels and proceeded according to his own discretion. Thus we know from the Duyasraya that the prime minister of Armoraja advised him not to wage war with Kumara pala, but the latter refused to follow him. In the reign of the Caulukyas of Gujarata we find the term mahamatya applied to a number of ministers. Some of them were in-charge of the secretariat and some were councillors of the kings. Their rapid succession shows that they very often changed their portfolios. Sometimes the mahamatya is found ruling over a province. Thus Udayana was made in-charge of Cambay during the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha and Kumarapala and Samanta was in-charge of Balapadrapathaka during the reign of Kumarapala.5 Ministers: Under the prime ministers there were heads of several departments. In the Jain sources they are called amatyavarga, amatyavrddhas or rajavrddhas.? Somadeva says that income, expenditure, royal safety and maintenance of order are the chief concerns of these ministers.8 He holds the view that a person, quarrelsome by nature, belonging to a strong party, passionate, bad in character and coming from low family, unsubmissive, spend-thrift, foreigner and miser, should not be appointed as the minister or amatya.' Experts should be appointed as ministers in their respective posts, I SJGM., XVIII, pp. 120, 121; PC., p. 79: 311FSITETTAT FOTOT TYTT: 1 Tilakamanjari, p. 62. 2 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 211. 3 Canto XVIII, Vs. 15-37. 4 SJGM., I, p. 77. 5 Ibid., XVIII, P. III. & Tilakamanjari, PP. 17, 62. 7 PC., p. 78. 8 Nitiva., p. 185: 3717827: FTTHETH79190 THTITTAIETER: | ' Ibid., p. 180: Tipui ca 3777 THUGTAFITHR1224adafaismanyadezAyatamaticikagaM cAmAtyaM na kurvIta |

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356 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Fitness should be the only criterion for office. These ministers while holding their offices in the secretariat were also in charge of the business of the provinces and sometimes were called the ministers of these provinces. They also toured to inspect the affairs of the State. - Aksapalalika or Mahaksapatalika : Besides the ministers who held important portfolios in the centre, there was chief superintendent of Srikarana who was called aksapatalika or mahaksa patalika.He may be taken as equivalent to chief registrar, or inspector-general of records, in charge of the Record Office. He did all the business of seal relating to the drawing up of documents (pattaka). Duta: The foreign affairs of the State were under a minister who was called data. He examined all the terms of treaties and negotiated for peace and alliance. He had under him reporters and informers who enabled him to keep in touch with developments in foreign countries. In emergency he himself went to negotiate the matter of peace and war. In the Tilakamanjari he is called as pradhanaduta.5 Other Officers : Kosadhipa or kosadhyaksa was also an important functionary. He maintained the account of income and expenditure in the royal treasury. A Jain inscription refers to mahasahaniya as an officer. Perhaps, he was the great master of the stable.? Rajavaidya or the royal physician looked after the health of the king and the members of his family. The officer in charge of the jewels was known as pradhanaratna. dhyaksa.9 There was an officer in charge of sealing the letters of the king's command. The orders were sealed with lead of red colour. 10 There must have been, however, many more departments but the Jain sources of our period do not throw any light on them, VI. Provincial Administration: For administrative convenience, big kingdoms or empires were divided into a number of provinces which were given different names in different 1 Ibid., p. 60: 7 for a fait SGM., XVIII, p. 112, No. 108. 3 Tila kamanjari, p. 103: geferat 797fS#: Tart Tarifgara asta Nitiva., pp. 170-171: 377149157g ca hati * P. 82. * SJGM., I, p. 7. ? Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 226, No. 875. 8 PC., p. 55: O T : TIGAT: 1 , Tilakamanjari, p. 63. 10 Ibid., p. 70.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 357 states. During the Gupta period, the provinces of U.P. and Bengal were styled as bhukti, but in the later period we rarely come across the term bhukti, in that sense. The term mazdala in the sense of province was used in the kingdoms of the Caulukyas, Paramaras and Cahamanas. Thus, we know from the Jain sources that Saurastra, Lata, Avanti or Malava, Astadasasati (Asosittana)1 were the mandalas. The terms ekadesa or pranta was also used for a province in the Jain literature.2 The governors of provinces were usually called mahamandalesvara or mandaleswara. The appointment of the governors was entirely in the hands of the king. Qualified persons with administrative capacity were appointed to the post. Thus, we learn from the Jain colophons that Sobhanadeva was governor of Khetaka mandala during Jayasimha's time, while Vosari was the governor of Latadesa during Kumarapala's reign.3 Sometimes, princes or near kinsmen were appointed to this high post. Thus Prthviraja III appointed his so-called brother Yasoraja in Kumarabhukti at Asinagara. To rule over the newly conquered territories, generals were usually appointed. Thus Vimala dandanayaka was the governor of Arbuda during the reign of Caulukya Bhima 1,5 while Saurastra, during the reign of Jayasimha and Kumarapala, was ruled by its governor Sajjana and Nadol, during Kumarapala's time, by its Governor Vaijaladeva? The provincial governors exercised wide powers. They maintained regular armies at provincial headquarters and were responsible for the maintenance of internal peace and the protection of their territories from external invasion. Thus, Vastupala as a governor of Cambay averted the invasion made by Sankha with the timely help of the army.8 The Tilakaman jari states that the governors of provinces were satisfied by ministers in their administration. This shows that they had a sort of cabinet to consult now and then. VII. Feudatories or Samantas : Like these provinces there was a number of feudal states during our period, which owed allegiance to the permanent power. The chief of the 1 SJGM., XVIII, p. 107; SJGM., I, p. 16; Arbud Jain Lekha-sandoh, II, p. 8. ? PC., p. 12. 3 SJGM., pp. 103, 107. 4 SJGM. II, p. 86. * Arbud Lekha-sandoh, II, p. 3. & See supra, p. 278. 7 See supra, p. 278. & See supra, p. 305. P. 82: Aarefacerztraminiga famTHTA: 1

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358 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES feudal state was called samanta or mahasamanta, mandalika, mandaladhipati, or also mandalesvara.1 The etymological meaning of the word samanta is vicinity, which signifies nearness to the king's kinsmen and relatives or persons coming of such families as had rendered meritorious services in past or scions and representatives of dispossessed kingly families. In the Jain inscriptions and colophons of the MSS they are designated by various subordinate titles like maharaja, mahasamanta, mahasamantadhipati, mandalesvara, mahamandalesvara and mahamandalika and sometimes ranaka and thakkura. Sometimes they obtained the pancamahdsabda from the soverign. For instance the Devagadha Jain inscription informs us that the mahasamanta Vigonurama had been conferred the fanca-makasabda by Bhoja Pratihara the ruler of Kanauj. Most of these titles represent certain grades of feudatories. They appear to be always territorial lords. They were usually required to acknowledge their subordinate position in the official charters they issued by mentioning the name of the suzerain first. We have several Jain inscriptions of the reign of Kumarapala and the Cahamana of Nadol where samantas are seen owning the suzerainty of their feudal lords. They also attended the imperial courts not only on ceremonial occasions but also at periodical intervals. Several Jain literary works describe the imperial courts crowded by feudatories who came to pay personal homage to the emperor.4 The samantas maintained small armies and, occasionally, supplied them. to their sovereign in the time of war and, sometimes, they themselves were employed in the military service and led the army in the battle and served also in the capacity of ministers.5 For instance, Yasodhavala, the Paramara ruler of Candravati, supplied his army to his sovereign Kumarapala and led it to the battle of Kaunkana. A Jain colophon informs us that he also served. as a chief minister of Kumarapala for some time. Similarly, his two sons and grandsons served loyally the successors of Kumarapala with assistance of their military." Feudatories who rebelled and were defeated 1 EI., IV, p. 309 ff.; Vasanta-vilasa, pp. 12, 22; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 212. Ibid., IV, p. 309 ff. Ibid., IV: Jain Lekha-sangraha, I. pp. 211, 251, EI., XI, pp. 43-46. Trisastisalakapurusa-carita, I, V. 693; II, V. 6. Tilakamanjari, p. 63. 5 See supra, p. 195. Section on the Paramaras of Candravati. * Ibid. 7 Ibid.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 359 in war were subjected to a number of indignities. We have seen, for instance, that Kumarapala defeated and dethroned Vikramasimha Paramara, a feudatory, and seated his nephew upon the throne. Sometimes, we find instances of feudatories throwing away the imperial yoke and becoming independent during the weak rule of their sovereign. Thus the Guhilotas became independent of the sovereign.3 Several princes of the Nadol branch of the Cahamanas and Kacchapaghata Muladeva of Gwalior, a feudatory of the Candellas, may be mentioned here as examples. VIII. District Administration : Provinces or mandalas were divided into a number of districts called 'visaya'. The head of the visaya was naturally called visayapati or visayi* or probably, rajyacintakas in the Jain inscriptions. The headquarters of the visaya was known as mahasthana, or pattana. The visayapati collected government revenues and other cesses and maintained peace and order within his jurisdiction. The officers of the police department, known as dandapasikas or coroddharanikas, probably worked under the directions of the district officers. Leading persons or important representatives of the visayas and towns as maha janas, vi pras and gosthikas assisted district officers in the work of administration. The visayapati represented the king and hence he is called rajasthaniya in the inscriptions. The details of the district administration were looked after by a body of officers each in charge of a Department and most probably working under the control of the District Magistrate. The Kalvan Jain plates of Yasovarman of the time of Bhoja Paramara mention some of the heads of Departments and officers like the selaka (officer-in-charge of weapons ), the gramataka (officer-in-charge of the administration of the village as a whole), gokulika (superintendent of cattle stations), caurika (police officer-in-charge of thieves and robbers ), saulkika (superintendent of tolls and customs), dandapasika (chief of the police) pratirajyika?, mahattama (the head or the oldest men of a village), kutumbins 1 Ibid. 2 Ibid. See supra, p. 172. * Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 119, No. 804. 5 Jain Lekha Sangraha, I, p. 238, No. 899: Teres haga Dr. Bhandarkar, however, takes this term to mean a person looking after the administration of the kingdom. EI., XI, p. 53. 6 EI., XI, pp. 305, 310. 7 Ibid.

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360 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES (in all likelihood the leading men in the villages due to their wealth or sociai influence) and others. Subdivisions and other lower limits : The visaya was further divided into aharas; the aharas into pathakas; and the pathakas into gramas. For example, a Jain colophon refers to one Khetakahara under the district of the same name.2 Pathakas also have been referred to in the Jain colophons such as Dandavya pathaka, Valapadra pathaka etc.3 Ordinarily the limits of a visaya and those of a pathaka were fixed, but, at times, what was once a visaya was called a pathaka and vice versa, for example Gambhuta is once called a visaya and at another time a pathaka. We also find occasional references to the smaller units like pattala, dranga, mandali, sthali, padras and palli in our sources. A Jain inscription, dated V.E. 1350 from the Vimal temple at Abu, refers to Visaladeva Paramara enjoying a pattala in Astadasasatamandala. The Jhaloai inscription of the Paramara Dharavarsa refers to Candravati as the dranga, the ornament of the country of Asgadasasatadesa.6 Mandali in Varddhi pathaka? and Dadhisthali near Patan and Sthali near Radhanpur have also been referred to.8 Several padras also have been mentioned in the Jain colophons. These padras appear to have been important units of administration so much so that even royal princes and generals were put in charge of them.16 The reference of pallis also occurs in our sources such as Asapalli, Caharapalli, Vyaghrapalli, Pundrapalli etc.11 Palli generally denotes a very small village, especially a settlement of wild tribes.12 But in our inscriptions and colophons it does not seem to have been used in this sense for we know that there were far advanced villages where all kinds of religious and literary activities were going on. 1 EI., XIX, p. 69 ff.: 3 294a 1AZAastattitfe ZUSTIEFHETTATES 12T etc. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 103. 3 Ibid., pp. 110, III. 4 IA., VI, pp. 196, 198 and Vienna Oriental Journal, V, p. 300. 5 Arbud Jain Lekha-sandoha, 11, No. 2, p. 8. 6 Ibid. IV, No. 311. 7 SJGM., XVIII, pp. 110, III. 8 DV., IX, V. 77 and XIV, V, 24. SJGM., XVIII, Appendix VII, Arbud Jain Lekha-sandoha, V, Appendix VIII. 10 IA., 1913, p. 60. 11 SJGM., XVIII, p. 166 Appendix VII. 12 Monier Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 610; Abhidhana-Rajendra, V. 729.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 361 The term Bhukti : In a small kingdom like that of the Cahamanas of Nadol or Jalor we find a peculiar unit of administration which is known as bhukti. This term is used there in the sense which hardly means a province. Certain Jain inscriptions from Nadol show that the personal property of the members of the royal family was called bhukti and the official designation of the proprietor of the bhukti was bhokta. Sometimes more than one prince governed the same bhukti conjointly. Thus Rajaputra Lakhanapala and Abhayapala are known to have been the bhokty's of Sianava and Samanaka.2 Instances of bhuktis being assigned to queens are also obtained. Thus Jalhanadevi, the queen of Kelhanadeva, is said to have enjoyed one such bhukti.3 It seems that the princes governed their bhukti personally, while the queens might have done it through their agents. The personal property of the king was known as rajakiya bhoga or svabhoga.5 Thus the Sandera Jain inscription of Kelhanadeva, dated V.E. 1221, informs us that the queen mother Ananadevi donated some corn out of the king's estate. Some other peculiar units like dvadasaka, and caurasi were a kind of estates held by the princes. Thus Nadol Jain copper plate grant informs us that Rajaputra Kirtipala had received a group of 12 villages to rule from his father and elder brother.? IX. The City Administration: The capital of the king and some other important towns of the kingdom had their own administration. In the capital the king's orders mostly regulated the administration. But usual administration was under a committee whose chairman was puradhyaksa. Certain religious towns had also committees for their management. Thus, we know that under the puradhyaksa Garda the religious city of Devapattana was managed. The puradhyaksa was assisted by a number of officers in his administration. The protectors of city were known as nagara-raksakas,' who worked under the warden of the city, sometimes called as talara. The city warden's post was considered as an important one. Thus we know that Jagadeva, a favourite 1 EI., XI, pp. 49, 50; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 231. ? Ibid., Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 231. 3 Ibid., pp. 51-52; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 229. 4 Ibid., p. 47: Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 229. 5 IA., 1913, p. 60. & Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 210. ? DV., XV, V. 38. & Samaraicca-kaha, p. 270 ( Ahmedabad ed.) 9 Samaraicca-kaha, p. 270. 46

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362 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES of Jayasimha Siddharaja, was the city warden of Anahilapura, The Cirwa inscription composed by a Jain monk informs us that during the reign of Padmasimha Guhila, Yogaraja was the talara in the city of Nagadraha 2 The strorehouse (bhandagara ) of the city was under the officer styled as bhandagarika. The head of the police officers was known as dandapasika whose duty was to investigate the crimes of the city. The policemen were called rajapurusas. The judicial administration of the city was under a city magistrate called karanika,s who held his office in the council hall called as the pancakula.6 Pancakula: The term pancakula in our period is used in various senses. It is considered by scholars as signifying the representatives of wards and thus their congregation also came to be known as the pancakula. The commentator of the Nilivakyamrta states that the term karana significs the pancakula. Somadeva mentions the five composites of the karana or pancakula. They are (1) adayaka (who receives the state income), (2) nibandhaka (who maintains the accounts), (3) prutivandhaka (in-charge of seal), (4) nivigrahaka (finance minister) and (5) rajadhyaksa (head of the above four). From these functions of the karana we get an idea of the State exchequer. The term pancakula used in the story of Vanaraja as well as in other places in the Prabandha-cintamani? denotes that pancakula was a revenue officer of Government. Pancakula in the Samaraicca-kaha has been referred to as the Court with Juries. (P. 270). We shall also see that the pancakula has also been used in the sense of the village council. Guilds (gosthis or sreni): The Jain sources of our period throw a flood of light on guilds and their activities. Although we hear of their existence from the Gupta period, yet we find during our period their wider activities. Guilds or gosthis as they were called were a kind of corporations of professionals. Thus we find guilds of dancers, musicians, weavers, oilmen etc. Some of such corporations were also associated with the administration of the areas in which they 1 See supra, p. 260. 2 Moharaja-parajaya (GOS., IX), p. 78. 3 SJGM., I, p. 77. 4 Samaraiccakaha, p. 271. 5 Ibid., p. 271. 6 Pt. II, p. 66: HEART TATO VITETI ? SJGM., I, pp. 12, 57 and $2.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 363 flourished. Persons belonging to these groups were called gosthikas. The kings of our period are seen bestowing certain powers on these bodies. Thus, an inscription, dated V.E. 1348 of the reign of Samantasimha Cahamana of Jalor, informs us that gosthi was authorised to transact all the business of income and expenditure of hatta (market place). They are also entitled to form a body known as the institutions of bhattaka.2 In another Jain inscription from Ghatiyala, dated V.E. 918 of the reign of Kakkuka, we are told that the king authorised the bhattaka gosthi to protect the temple of Jina which he had built and donated.3 The gosthis of our period also enjoyed certain privileges. Thus, we know from a Jain inscription from Osia of Kelhanadeva, dated V.A. 1236, that the king made his grant before them, and the storehouse was kept under them. Another Jain inscription from Sevadi, dated V.E. 1198, informs us that gosthi possesses the power to impose restrictions.5 Hemacandra mentions many gosthis, eighteen in traditional number. It seems that a number of people of different sections were employed in different establishments in the city and belonged either to the government service or non-government service. They organised themselves into co-operation in order to be associated with the running of the local administration, X. The Local Government: The existence of the Local Government is also revealed from the Jain sources, although they do not give much account of their activities. Municipalities: Probably there were municipal bodies which controlled certain affairs of the town. Many Jain inscriptions from Western India mention mahajana-sabha and gramina sabha as two separate bodies. The Nadalai inscription, dated V.E. 1200 of the reign of Rayapala, mentions mahajana-gramina-janapada-samaksa.6 Another inscription of the same king found at the same place mentions that the mahajana, all combined, donated certain objects. It also differentiates mahajanas from others. The Sevadi Jain inscription, dated V.E. 1172, of the reign of Anahilla, shows that commander Yasodeva was ranked first in the king's court as well as in 1 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 236. 2 Ibid., p. 249. 3 Ibid., I, p. 261: atacul 12999 4 Ibid., I, p. 198. 5 Ibid., I, p. 227: 1187 SEAL G T: 67: 1 6 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 213. 7 Ibid., pp. 213, 214.

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364 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the committee of mahajanas.1 Yet another inscription of Pratihara Kakkuka, dated V.E. 918, states that a Hatt (market place) was inhabited by mahajanas, vipra and others. All these inferences show the existence of a body which may be called, in the modern sense of the term, municipality. From the above inscriptions we know that the council of this body consisted of important persons of the town such as mahajanas (respected persons), vipras and some of the members of gosthis (guilds). The important markets (haftas) of the towns were under the control of these municipalities. They were also authorised to impose taxes for religious gifts to temples and the Jain inscriptions recorded various such taxes. The Jain inscriptions record toll house (sulkamandapika) under the management of the town committee.3 Sometimes the dues of the Central Government in customs duties were collected by the town committee on its behalf; thus the pilgrim tax at Bahuloda in Gujarata which amounted to 72 lakhs was collected in the 12th century by the local municipality on behalf of the Central Government. The tax collector was called pancakula.5 The permanent secretary (karanika) was in-charge of the records and correspondence of the committee. Regarding other details such as selection and other functions of the committee we have no information from the Jain sources. The Village Administration: The village administration was usually managed under the supervision and direction of the village headman. In the Jain inscriptions and literature he is called graminaka, gramika, grama. kuta,? pastakila, mahattaka or mahantaka' during our period. Mahattara and Mahattama: The majority of the Jain inscriptions of our period refer to the mahattaras or mahattamas of a village.10 The two terms, though apparently representing the comparative and superlative degrees, have the same political significance as that of the elders. Their repeated mentions show that generally the elders of a village associated, it 1 Ibid., p. 227. 2 Ibid., p. 261. 3 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 215. 4 PC. (SJGM.), p. 57. Ibid., p. 57; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 233. 6 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 213. ? Nitiva., P, 99. 8 PC., p. 98. 9 Jain Silalekha-sangraha, I, p. 232-233. 10 Ibid., I, pp. 248, 249 and 266.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 365 seems informally, with the regular servants of Government in the management of rural affairs. Sometimes, they rose high and obtained recognition at the courts of suzerains and feudatories. Pancakula: Inscriptions from Western India, however, show that from c. 600 A.D. the village elders used to appoint a formal executive committee of their own. The Jain inscriptions also show a similar development in Rajasthana where the executive of the village assembly was known as pancakula. It, inost probably, worked under the guidance of a headman known as mahanta.1 The word pancakula has got a number of meanings, which have already been discussed elsewhere. Somadeva refers to the Village tribunals2 also. Beyond this scanty information we have no detailed accounts of village administration in the Jain sources. XI. Revenue and Finance Administration: The success of the Government of our period must have rested on the sound finance, for finance is said to be the very source of all achievements. The treasury of the king always serves an useful purpose in distress as well as prosperity.4 It is a sound government whose sources of revenue are abundant and items of disbursement are limited. The treasury should be full of precious metals like gold and silver and many other currencies.5 This treasury is the very life of the king. The king whose treasury is empty generally robs his subjects and then the kingdom is ruined.? Somadeva further stresses that it is the treasury and not the person of the king which is the real sovereign.8 He alone wins victory who has got wealth. Only he who has wealth is reckoned to be great and well-born. The wealth for the treasury should be acquired by lawful means, not illegally by bribes, etc. 10 ia #13: ; 1 Jain Silalekha-sangraha, I, pp. 233, 249, 266. 2 Nitiva., p. 202, Sutra 22. 3 Nitiva., p. 27: : qa safafe use: 1 4 Ibid., p. 202: 1: agiz 7795EUR TT7127ci 5 Ibid., p. 202. * Nitiva., p. 203: FIT e dai sitiad a TOTT: 1 ? Ibid., p. 203. 8 Ibid., p. 204: 131 a 7 atat 9 Ibid., p. 204. 10 Ibid., p. 183: 15 at FTFU #27 A TUTTI

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366 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES In the Amatya-samuddesa of the Nitivakyamrta the administration of revenue is put under a minister (amatya). Sources of Revenue: The splendours of the court, the salaries of the officers and establishments, the army and multifarious activities of the state, necessitated a vast revenue. According to Kautilya and Somadeva agriculture, cattle-breeding and trades were the main sources of revenue in ancient India. Their prosperity was the prosperity of the state itself.1 Revenue during our period was derived partly from taxation and partly from sources other than taxation. From sources other than the Jain we know that the land tax was the primary source of revenue, but as most of the Jain sources of the period are of religious character they seldom yield the name and kinds of the taxes levied on. It cannot be said with certainty what exactly was the share of the product from the land that was actually collected by the state. But it is reasonable to assume that the traditional of the produce was collected in the period under review. Land, however, was measured for the purpose of taxation, for the measurements of land are often given in the inscriptions of the time. Thus the Kalvan Jain plates of Yasovarman refer to nivartana, a kind of ancient measurement which is considered to be equal to 60 yards. Another measurement by seed capacity was also in vogue during this period. The Dubkund Jain inscription tells us that Vikramasimha donated a field whose length and breadth were specified by the seeds of wheat measured by four gonis. Sometimes dronas of seeds were also applied in measurement. We also find in the Jain inscriptions that fields had their names and were always mentioned in grants with their boundaries, the word for which is Aghaja. Villages are also described by their boundaries." Some of the grants made to the Jain temples, however, throw some light on the nature of taxes levied on to meet the expenses of the temple. The most important of such records is the Bijapur Jain inscription of the Rastrakuta Dhavala of Hathundi. It records the permanent (aksaya) endowments renewed by Vidagdharaja previously made by his father vArtA samRddhI sarvAH samRddhayo 1 Ibid., p. 93 : kRSiH pazupAlanaM vaNijyA ca vArtAM vezyAnAm / rAjJaH / Ibid, p. 88 paripAlako hi rAjA sarveSAM dharmazana proti ucchapabhAgadhAnena tapasvi no'pi saMbhAvayati // El., XIX, pp. 69-75. 4 lbid., II, pp. 232-240. 5 Ibid. Ibid., XIX, pp. 69-75.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 367 Mammata.1 The description is as follows: (1) One rupee for each twenty loads carried for sale, (2) One rupee on each cart filled (whether going from or by the village), (3) One karsa per ghat at each oil mill, (4) 13 collikas, of betel leaves by the bhattas, (5) pellaka-pellaka (?) by the gamblers (6) One adhaka (four seers) of wheat and barley from each araghatta, i.e., well with a water wheel, (7) five palas for pedda, (8) one vinsopaka coin for each bhara (2000 palas), (9) ten palas from each bhara of articles such as cotton, copper, saffron, gum and so forth, and (10) One mazaka for each drona of wheat, mung, barley and such other objects as can be measured. The chief need of temples was oil and incense. To meet the expenses of oil there are certain taxes recorded by the Jain inscription. From the Nadlai inscription of Nadol Cahamana Rajpal we get the information that two palikas (measure) of oil per ghanaka were given to the temple, perhaps, for daily2 use. These gifts were called dharmadayas or dharmayapradatti.3 From the above description an opinion can be formed that taxes of such nature also were levied to meet the expenses of the state. There were also taxes collected from guilds of merchants and artisan classes. There were organised associations of bankers, traders and merchants as could be seen from a number of Jain inscriptions found in Rajasthana and Western India. They were the wealthy classes of the state and paid good sums of money in the shape of taxes. The relationship between them and the state was cordial. The occurrence of the term mandapika such as Sulkamandapika, Vadarya-mandapika, Samipati-mandapika, in some Jain inscriptions and inscriptions other than the Jain and Jala-mandapika and Sthala-mandapika in the Puratana-prabandha-sangrahas shows regular custom houses in towns and elsewhere. The chief revenue was collected in kind and in some cases in cash. Though the taxes on trade brought in money yet the circulation of money in every state was very limited. Every trade transaction was carried on for the most part by barter, but references to coins are not wanting in the Jain literature and epigraphs. The Vasudeva-hindi mentions pana and karsapana, the two coins as means of exchange. i See supra, p. 182. 2 Jain Lekha-sangraha, pt. 1, p. 213. 3 Ibid. * Ibid., pp. 209, 212, 233. " SJGM., II, p. 56. * Bhavanagar edition, pp. 15, 257, 268.

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368 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES It also frequently refers to dinar (dinarious), a gold coin. The chief coin which our inscriptions mention is the dramma. The half dramma was called drammardha. The Bijapur Jain inscription of Dhavala (c. 980 A.D.)2 and several other inscriptions refer to the use of rupaka which in Mohammadan period came to be known as rupee, perhaps it was equal to one fourth of dramma. The minor coins that are mentioned are the vinsopaka, presumably the 20th part of dramma and the kapardika, kakini and varataka.3 Hemacandra in his Dvyasraya-kavya mentions some of the interesting coins. Among the minor coins he names surpa. One garland cost two surpas in those days. He also refers to prastha and bhagika, the latter being equal to about half a rupee in value. We also find mentioned there some valuable coins of gold. A coin is referred to as equal to 20 or 40 rupees, which seems to be made of heavy gold. Other gold coins mentioned are niska, vista and pala. Other Sources of Income: Unclaimed property and treasure were some other sources of income to the king. Thus, we learn that the Caulukya kings used co take the property of the deceased who had no sons after them in their estates. Large tributes from the feudatories and valuable presents from the merchants of other countries also yielded a profuse income to the state. Fines and forfeitures formed another plentiful source of income. Expenditure: The state had to employ so many paid officials to maintain the departments. Besides the expenditure of the royal household the king had to meet the pay and pension of the officials including the menials. A good sum of income was used up by the military department to maintain the soldiers, leaders, animals and other paraphernalia of the army. The kings of our period spent the state income for religious and benevolent purposes also as we see in the case of Bhoja, Paramara, Jayasimha Siddharaja, Kumarapala, and the illustrious ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala. Accounts Department: Somadeva emphasises that accounts of income and expenditure should be kept in an orderly manner and submitted periodically for audit and approval. If there be any discrepancy, it should be checked by the expert accountants. This department was a part of the 1 Ibid., p. 289. See supra, p. 182. S DV. Canto XVII, V. 88. 4 Ibid., Canto XVII, V. 48. * Ibid., Canto V, 94 and 100. * Ibid., Canto IV, V. 45, XVII, V. 83-84. ? Nitiva., p. 189: 37127674fagfaqet gaisa be : 1

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369 big secretariat (karana,) and consisted of the five officers: adayaka, nibandhaka, pratikantaka, vinigrahaka and Rajadhyaksa. The capital, free from inaccuracy in the debit and credit side, is known nibi. That nibi is to be checked through the accounts-books by the experts.3 The general term for the officials of finance department is niyogi. The king is advised to keep watch over them through spies or to transfer their duties frequently or to offer them royal honour so that they would not do any mischief." They should be accused very often so that they could not create any trouble. Thus accused they must have to yield immense wealth to the state. We, however, do not know much about the working method of this department from the Jain sources of our period. XII. Law and Justice Somadeva says: "A king should always try to get at sinners and criminals, at all those who are obstacles to the happiness of his people." Accordingly the kings of our period were the dispensers of justice. In our period we do not find kings making laws; perhaps, it was because of the Hindu view that the king had no legislative power. Traditional laws were already there and the kings had merely to execute them. Somadeva and other Jain writers are absolutely silent about the sources. of law which means that they seem to have agreed mostly to the views held by writers other than the Jain ones in this respect. STATE AND ADMINISTRATION Court: In the Nitivakyamrta, the court of law is named sabha and the Presiding Judge of the court is known as sabhapati. Assisting judges or juries are known sabhyas. But, in the Samaraicca-kaha the court is called pancakula (Court with Juries) and judge is called karanika," perhaps being an officer of the great karana (secretariat). Sometimes the throne room or audience hall of the king was also the house of justice. According to the 1 Ibid., p. 188 : AdAyakanibandhakapratikaNTakavinigrAhakarAjAdhyakSAH karaNAni / * Thid: AyavyayavizuddhaM dravyaM nIvI s Ibid. : nItrInibandhanapustaka grahaNapUrvakamAyavyayau vizodhayet / Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 209. * Ibid, p. 189: * Nttiva, p. 189: nityaparIkSA kAryaviparyayaH pratipattidAnaM ca niyogidhvarthagrahaNe pAyA: / nApIDitA niyogino duSTatraNA ivAntaH sAramudramanti / punaH punarabhiyogo niyogiSu mahIpatInAM vasudhArA // 7_Nitiva., p_42-43 : yo'nukUla pratikUlayorindrayamasthAnaM sa rAjA / rAjJo hi duSTanigrahaH ziSTaparipAlanaM ca dharmaH | Ibid., pp. 296-297: Sutra 5-7Ahmedabad edition, pp. 270-271. 47

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370 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Kumarapala-pratibodha of Somaprabhasuri, Kumarapala in the fourth prahara of the day (about 3 P.M.), took his seat on the throne in the royal court and attended the business of state, heard appeals from the people and passed judgments on them. Somadeva says that cases decided in the village tribunals or city tribunals should be put before the king for appeal,2 which shows there were other types of courts also. The king was the highest court of appeal and in all judicial matters the final decision rested with him. Written appeals to the king were allowed, says Vasudevahindas (c. 6th cent.) The term used for a law suit in our text is vyavahara. Juries: Somadeva refers to sabhyas with whose help the king (sabha pati) administered justice. It is said that a king should be careful to select them. The sabhyus should never indulge in greed and favouritism; they must always offer wholesome counsel to their sovereign. From this it appears that the sabhyas of Somadeva must have been juries of the court. Somadeva does not refer to any procedure which the court followed, in deciding the case.5 Evidence: But he prefers that the cases should be supported by documentary evidence. Bhukti (possession), saksi (witness) and sasana (deed or charter), these three were known as infallible evidences. The disputed possession and witness and false deed are always the point of controversy.6 Oath: Somadeva believes in oaths in deciding the case. In law courts, a Brahmana is to take the oath by touching his sacred thread or a piece of gold; a Ksatriya by touching a weapon, a jewel, or the ground etc.; a Vaisya by touching his ear or gold, a Sudra by touching milk or corn. The idea, we are told, is that the forms of oath should be according to the profession of the person concerned.? Like the Smytis the Nitivakyamyta knows ordeals as parts of judicial procedure.8 Punishment: It is one of the chief topics of political science. Its importance is enormous. But punishment by a king ought to be like the I GOS., XIV, Introduction, p. xiii. 2 Nitiva., P. 302: ath gt at T1 ER: 3 Bhavanagar edition, p. 253: FETTU IH TI 4 Nitiva., p. 302. 5 Ibid., pp. 295-296: B iat ! 6 Ibid., p. 298: : 18 T TARTE ? Ibid., pp. 305-307. 8 Ibid., p. 300.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 371 ministration of medicine by a physician. It should never be prostituted to monetary ends. He is a bad king and a bad physician who eagerly looks out for disorders with a view to obtaining selfish gratification.2 Unjust punishment recoils on the head of the monarch.3 Let us now see what the actual practice was. The Jain literature mentions various kinds of offences, amongst which robbery, adultery, and murder were the chief. Thieves were caught by a police man who was styled as rajapurusa and who presented them before the pancakula (Court with Juries). Delicate cases were referred to the ministers who, sometimes had the power to inflict even the capital punishment. The Trisasti salaka purusacarita refers to the rock of execution (vadhya-sila). The Brhatkatha of Harisena refers to some forms of public condemnation. A culprit had his head besmeared with ashes or shaved, leaving five tufts of hair, his property was confiscated, and, tied with pancavilva, he was driven through the town on the back of an ass. Presentation of black clothes, of a pair of black oxen and of dark (or iron) implements indicated contemptuous treatment. A messenger from an offensive party had his head clearly shaved and his ears and nose chopped off. Painters who committed crimes were deprived of their hands. The offenders of king were captured without any warrant by the police (dan lapasika) and punished instantly. Eight kinds of punishment are recorded in the Jain tradition. These are: expression of regret, prohibition, reproach, reprimand, confinement to a certain district, imprisonment, corporal punishment and fine.7 The Smrtis exempt Brahmanas from the capital and corporal punishment: instead of that they prescribe only banishment for them but the Ayhannitis gives the same privilege for women and ascetics also. It staies: "Even if they have committed a thousand crimes, a woman, a Bralinara and Ascetics should never be made to suffer capital punishment, nor cutting off of limbs, but only some simple punishment should be inflicted on them".9 Somadeva 1 Ibid. p. 102. 2 Ibid., p. 103. 3 Ibid., pp. 104, 105. Samaraicca-kaha, pp. 270, 271 (Ahmedabad ed.) 5 VI, 40. * Introduction, p. 88. ? Samaraicca-kaha, p. 358. 8 Arhanniti ( Ahmedabad, 1906). * Ibid.

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372 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES in certain passages seems to concede in particular sanctity to Brahmanas, but he has treated all as equal before the law. XIII. Military Administration The rulers of some of the dynasties of our period were maintaining good fighting forces to protect their kingdoms. The strength of such power is mentioned in some of the Jain works as well as in the works other than the Jain ones. It is stated in the Aihole Jain inscription that Harsa had an army of well trained elephants (gajendranika). The Kalacuri king, Gangeya, is reported to have an army of fourteen hundred of elephants, a cavalry containing five hundred thousand of horses and 21 hundred thousand of men.2 The Paramara king, Bhoja, encountered Gangeya with an army consisting of a cavalry of forty-four thousand horses, five hundred thousand men and two hundred elephants. The Prthviraja-prabandha refers to Prthviraja's army which possessed two hundred thousand of horses and an elephant corps of ten thousand and man power equal to fifteen hundred thousand. Similarly, the Prubandha-cintamani states that Jayacandra Gahadawala had such a vast army that being embarassed by it even he could not walk; he, therefore, bore the title 'Pangu'.5 Some of these statements, however, are fortunately corroborated by foreign writers. Firista informs us that the Cahamana army in the battle of Tarai comprised, besides in. fantry, two hundred thousand horses and three thousand elephants. Army organisation: From these references it appears that the army consisted of infantry, cavalry and elephants. Though we find chariots mentioned in the Jain literature, it probably refers to the conventional four arms or caturanga of the Indian army. The disappearance of chariots from India's military system, it seems, came during our period. Hemacandra, in his Dvyasraya-kavya, refers to six-fold division of the army, presumably based on the area or source of recruitment. The sadangas of the army were the hereditary troops (maula), mercenaries (bhrta), gild levies (srei), soldiers supplied by feudatory chiefs or allies (suhrd-balain), troops captured or won over from the enemy (dvisad-balam), and forest tribes (atavi-balam).? The 1 El., VI, pp. 1-10. 2 SJGM., II, p. 20. 3 Ibid. 4 SJGM., II, p. 87. 5 SJGM., I, p. 113. & Brigg's tr., Vol. I, pp. 176-177. ? DV., Canto VI, V. 71.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 373 earliest references to this six fold division occur in the Epics and the Arthasastra, but they are also found in the later works like the Kainandakiya and the Nitivakyamrtal and in the inscriptions ranging from the 6th to the 11th century. Somadeva refers to one more division of the army known as autsahika bala which, used by the conquering monarch at the time of his world conquest, was sure to destroy the enemy's force. The chief merit of this battallion was that it consisted of royal princes, knights, well versed in arms and loyal soldiers. He further adds that the energetic force (autsahika bala) should be gratified by riches and honour, without displeasing the hereditary forces,3 Among the six-fold division of the army, the hereditary division is considered to be the best, for it stands by in the time of distress, it never rebels even though punished and it always remains faithful and loyal to its monarch. It is the honour of the master that makes the forces fight, not the monetary gain.5 Negligence in inspection by the king himself, cut in the salary, ever late payment, carelessness on removing distress and no gratification in special occasions are the chief reasons for displeasure of the army. Vyuha: In those days, in a battle it was customary to divide the troops into different vyuhas (battle formations or array), where all the forces could be put in service to decide the issue sooner or later. Somadeva states that army, intelligence, land, favourableness of stars and superior efforts may be regarded as successful means to form the military array.? Fortifications and seigecraft are next in importance. Forts constituted an important link in the scheme of national defence. Somadeva says that in the absence of forts the position of the king, specially in the time of trouble, becomes shelterless like a ship-bird who goes astray on the sea.8 Weak rulers often take shelter in them. It is said that the king used to store all sorts of provisions and ammunitions there. We, however, have several references to the forts in our period. Dhara had a fort where Bhoja took shelter when he was invaded by the Kalacuri King, Karna, and Bhima 1 Niliva., XXII, p. 211, sutra 12 ff. 2 Ibid., p. 211, sutra 13. 3 Ibid., sutra 14. 4 Ibid., sutra 15. 6 Ibid., p. 113: 7 : TETIT a 991 FIFTFHT: & Ibid., p. 113, sutra 17. ? Ibid., p. 367. 8 Nitiva., p. 199: igitea un: zlata Traayaaparaarafa 7 19:/ * Ibid., p. 199, sutra 3.

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374 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Caulukya conjointly. The invading party generally laid siege to the fort and the victim king through his siegecraft whiled some time in order to get the chance to encounter the attack. Forts were mostly under the supervision of royal princes or trustworthy relatives of the king. The officer in charge of durga is ealled kottapala or kottaswami.? Diplomacy: During our period diplomacy also played an important role in warfare. The use of diplomatic agents like Dutas or ambassadors or caras or spies would have been very considerable. Somadeva is more in favour of diplomacy than war.3 Diplomatic agents or ambassadors should be loyal to their master, free from vices, well versed in duties, pure in character, profoundly wise, talented, compassionate, acquainted with the clue of others. They are classified into three catagories: nisystartha was one who had the full powers of negotiations, paramitartha was one who could not deviate from his instruction and sasanahara duta was merely to deliver the message and take back the reply.5 The envoy should study the ins and outs of the enemy's territory, the loyalty or otherwise of his officers through the persons who are close to them, behaving like their own man. He should not accept the grants and tributes presented by the enemy side.? An envoy was not to be molested on any account, he might talk as he liked but his life was sacred. Even when hostilities have started, the king should send his dutas and they were not to b: touched. During the period under review the dutas of the opposite party were respected. Thus, we learn from the Vasanta-vilasa that Vastupala did not insult the dula of Sankha who spoke bitterly.9 In ancient as in modern times, the ambassador was a licensed and open spy; during his stay at the foreign court, he was to cultivate friendly relations with a view to getting a clue to the real policy of the Government. He was to observe the general condition, estimate the State's resources in 1 See supra, p. 103. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 1o. 3 Nitiva., XXX, p. 345: afaya Q ATT77: TEY9911 4 Ibid., XIII, p. 170. 5 Ibid., XIII, p. 170. & Ibid., XIII, p. 170, sutra 170: Halogalaat CTD Jaragear etc. ? Ibid., XIII, sutra 15. 8 Ibid., XIII, sutras 17-20: 841717sfa 7 qaytaruva! 27argar: fall 9 GOS., VII, p. 22 ff.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 375 men and money and get first-hand information from his own spies about the condition of the defence and forts of the country. He was to send his reports to the home country. Thus, we learn from the Prabandha-cintama zi that Damara, the ambassador of Bhima I Caulukya was at the court of Bhoja Paramara, who did his best to serve his home country, Gujarata.1 A regular system of espionage was another feature of warfare. The spies were the eyes of the king to watch over his own circle and the circles other than his own.2 Ungreediness, smartness, truthfulness and thoughtfulness were the qualities of spies.3 These spies disguised themselves as ascetics, scholars, sorcerers, jugglers, foresters, snake-charmers, singers, dancers, tradesmen, artisans, astrologers, mathematicians, physicians, soldiers and so forth, roamed about in the country and gathered public opinion from every nook and corner. They were paid regularly. In their turn they showed their promptness in the discharge of their duties. The spies were also helpful to the king in the administration of justice. War Officers: The infantry was under the immediate charge of pattyadhyaksa. The cavalry was considered, par excellence, the mobile force. It was under asvapati who had masters of stables under him, known as sahaniya in Rajasthan. The Sevadi Jain inscription of V.E. 1167 mentions mahasahaniya Puavi.6 Elephants duly trained were particularly useful in siege, assault and bridging. The elephant corps was under a gajapati.? The army commander or general was known variously as mahadandadhipati, senapati, dandanatha, dadanayaka or dandadhipati. We have elsewhere narrated the qualifications of a true general. Thus, we learn from the Citorgadha inscription composed by Jain Ramkirti that Sajjan was dandanatha of Kumarapala. The Dhanerava Jain inscription dated V.E. 1213, mentions Vaijjaladeva as dandanayaka." These generals, sometimes, were made incharge of the newly conquered provinces and, sometimes, they held the portfolio of the Prime Minister, as Sobhanadeva was appointed to rule over 1 See supra, p. IOI. 2 Nitiva., p. 172: FAR AUTO Afanasan kefa framaiah ! 3 Ibid., p. 172, sutra 2. 4 Ibid., sutra 8. 6 Ibid., sutra 3. 6 EI., XI, p. 29. ? PC. (SJGM)., p. 61. 8 HIG., Part II, No. 146. * Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 218, No. 860.

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376 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES Latadesa in the time of Bhima II, and Sajjana over Saurastra; Sritata was danda pati as well as Prime Minister. But the general policy according to Somadeva was "Military authority should not be in political counsels." We may say in explaining this statement further that the war mongering, ammunition manufacturers and army commanders have no right to participate in the deliberations which are aimed at the establishment of enduring peace and order in the world. It is said that at the time of war, to lead the army by the king himself is like the A svamedha Sacrifice. The king of our period led the army in the battlefield as Bhoja did against Gangeya and Kumarapala against Arnoraja, Jayacandra against Paramardi and Pithviraja against Mohammad Ghori. Sometimes feudatories and sometimes generals also led the army as Yasodhavala Paramara, a feudatory of Kumarapala, invaded Konkana on behalf of his master and Gurjara-Brahma senani of Kumarapala attacked Ballala.8 We find references to the battle drums in the Jain literature. The Tilakamanjari calls them sannahapataha or samara-dakka or samarabheri, The king mostly rode on elephants. The members of the royal household, the minister and their families, also used to accompany the marching forces. The journey was made on elephants, on horses or in bullock carts. Vaidyas and physicians were kept with the army. At the moment of departure, battle drums, conches and other instruments were played upon. The Dvyasrya-kavya says that Jayasimha and his army used to cover about eight kosas (sixteen miles) in a day. They encamped at a suitable place, the encampment mostly happened to be like a small town where all the amenities were found. The Tilakaman jari gives a very beautiful description of an army on march where a prince in charge of that army observes some religious rites, proceeds on his way, and encamps at a sea-shore. There a description of an encampment is given elaborately. We find there a detailed description of a naval invasion also.8 1 SGM., XVIII, pp. 103, 112. ? Ibid., p. 121. 3 Nitiva., p. 136: TEISTOT TATOT: Fy: 1 * Ibid., p. 369: : :AUT ST2941 5 See supra, pp. 267-275. * See supra, pp. 267-275. 7 DV., Canto 14, Vs. 12-18. * Kavya mala Series, pp. 123-125.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 377 Weapons: The offensive weapons used in war were discus (cakra), bow (dhanusa) with various kinds of arrows (bana), sword (khad ga), battle axe (parasu), mace (gada), javelin (tomara), various kinds of spears ( kunta, bhallika and bhindimal), yantras such as catapult (silavarsana-yantra), a kind of rod (gospa,a), hundred-killer (sataghni) and so on.1 Some of the defensive weapons have also been mentioned such as, shield (varma), body armour (kavaca), helmets (sirastrana), neck-protector (ka rtha-traja), cover for the trunk (kurpasa), a coat extending as far below as the knuckles (kancuka), arrow averter (varaba za).2 Each of the fighting armies had its banner marked by certain auspicious signs. Thus, we learn that Jayasimha Siddharaja had a banner marked by Tamra Cud a (a kind of bird). If the banner fell or was snatched by the enemy it was considered to be a sign of defeat. Sixfold Policy: Since the universal conquest was not always possible, it was necessary to select best means for the promotion of the interest of the king as well as the state. For this purpose Somadeva, like his predecessors, refers to the following six measures of policy (sadgunya): alliance, war marching, halting, dividing the army and seeking protection.4 He has defined each of the measures and considered it to some extent. But nothing new he has to say about them. The ancient political writers have discussed the internal position and relation of the conquering state with the neighbouring states at the time of war. Like Kautilya and Kamandaka, the Jain author, Somadeva, has also stated the doctrine of mandala or circle of states though he does not discuss it elaborately.5 He simply enumerates the nine components of which the rajamandala consists, viz. udasina (neutral), madhyama (mediator), vijigisu (conquering king), ari (enemy), mitra (ally), parsnigraha (a rearward enemy), asara (friend of rearward enemy or rearward friend), akranda (a rearward friend), antardhi (king of concealed policy, almost foresters ).6 Defining these terms he mostly deals with the vijigisu or the conquering monarch, for he is the most important and chief component of a mandala. He is advised to extirpate such an enemy whose subjects are displeased with 1 Sanskrit Duyasraya Kavya ma Madhyakalina Gujaratani Samajika Sthiti, Chapter on Sainya and Sastrastra. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. * Nitiva., XXIX, PP. 323-325. 6 Ibid., p. 317 ff. 6 Ibid., p. 320, sutra 30. 48

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378 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES him, who is unjust, addicted to vices, and whose friends, ministers, feudatories and generals are dissentient.1 He should annihilate the enemy who is without shelter or weak in protection. If the enemy turns to be an ally he should be killed or deprived of all the prowess. He should consider his enemy who is elevated with the three constituent elements of regal power as a strong one, and devoid of these elements, as a weak one, and equal in them as an equal.2 The conquering monarch, decreasing in strength, should make a treaty by some agreement; if there be any violation of the treaty it should be corrected by swearing, etc.; and growing in strength, the conquering monarch should overcome his enemy if there be no agitation in his own camp.3 During our period, at the time of war, states were mostly divided into two or three groups. Some of the states sided with their friends and others joined the enemies. Some of them remained neutral. We know from the Bijapura Jain inscription of Dhavala of Hathundi that Dhavala was neutral and gave shelter to those who sought for it.4 Annexation and, sometimes, restoration of a rival's state were the policy of the day. For instance, Jayasiinha Siddharaja annexed the territory of Yasovarma Paramara and assumed the title of Avantinatha,5 while Mularaja restored Graharipu and made him an ally. Kumarapala, sometimes, annexed the territory of the Cahamanas of Naddula by appointing his generals to look after it and, some times, restored their territory on their accepting his suzerainty.? Peace and Treaties: Somadeva says that the earth is not the hereditary possession of any one; it is only enjoyed by the strong and powerful. Thus, he declares that war is inevitable. But, in the same voice, he also denounces the councillors and friends who advise a king to wage war or to leave the earth.9 He prefers diplomacy to an armed conflict, for diplomacy is more effective than force. 10 He further states that the objects which may be achieved by peaceful means should not be got by armed conflict,11 1 Ibid., p. 320, sutra 30. 2 Ibid., sutras 31, 32 and 33. 3 Ibid., sutras 50-51. 4 See supra, pp. 180-182. 5 See supra, p. 252. 6 See supra, p. 227. ? See supra, p. 151 ff. & Nitiva., p. 331: T ESTTAT FIRTI : f ata agar! 9 Ibid., p. 344 : f ait mai ar 7: THE GETI HAITI TI 10 Ibid., p. 346: 451 JRS STIET 17TTI 11 Ibid., p. 351: THE YEAT Wit!

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 379 The State-policy and heroic valour of the conquering monarch are mostly to add to his wealth and more so to add territory to the kingdom. To avoid conflict it is advised that a weak king may sign a treaty with a strong monarch offering him the income of the land, 2 for it is no good to fight with a hero. It is also advised that if victory in war be doubtful, peace must be concluded even with one equal in every respect.4 Thus, we learn from the above chapters dealing with the dynasties that most of the kings of our period followed the above instructions. The later Paramaras, being weak in rule, mostly remained in peace with the Caulukya king of Gujarata. Ethics of War: Like his predecessors, Kautilya and Kamandaka, Somadeva also divides conquest into three categories: (1) dharma-vijaya (battle according to the rules of dharma), (2) lobha-vijaya (battle through covetousness), (3) asura-vijaya (battle involving adharma).5 In another place, in the chapter of yuddha, Somadeva refers to kuta-yuddha and tusni danda, the two kinds of the conquest. By the first he means the attack pretended to be made over one, but made over another. And by the second he means the silent war by undesirable means such as the use of poison, incantation, etc. He does not, however, refer to dharma-yuddha as Kautilya does. Perhaps during our period, there was no conception or ideal of dharma-yuddha. Somadeva, however, like his predecessors, enjoins the diplomatic means of Sama, Upapradana (Dana) and Bheda as the precautionary measure to avoid war. He states that if the enemy be subdued by reconciliation the armed conflict should be avoided.? But as a true politician he says that if the only means to overcome the enemy be the armed conflict, to adopt the other diplomatic measures is like putting the oblation in the fire. A powerful king should not pardon the guilty one, for to pardon him is to court insult. 1 Ibid., p. 344. 2 Ibid., p. 330. 3 Ibid., p. 362. * Ibid., P. 326. 6 Ibid., p. 362, sutras 70-73. 6 Ibid., pp. sutras 90-91. ? Ibid., p. 351 : THESI EHTED 7 a 8 Ibid., p. 351 : TUSHTET Fagar aikana. Ibid., p. 338 : GRITORIES THAT H JETTAT: faceart: /

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380 POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES It is natural that in battle there would be a number of weak and wounded soldiers. It is said that a true leader of army should sympathise with them, comfort the wounded and encourage the weak. Somadeva says that the frightened and the unarmed should not be killed in battle. It is like killing a Brahmana. Treachery again should be avoided; it is a deadly sin.2 The held-up prisoners in war should be released with sympathy and honour.3 The king is entitled to make provisions for the family of persons deceased in battle in the service of the nation." Everywhere a soldier puts forth his best efforts not so much from prospects of monetary gain as for the honour expected from his master. They should be ready to lay down their lives to save their king on the battlefield. All the same, a ruler should be careful and punctual in paying his forces. What is the use of a cloud which does not rain in time?? XIV. Public Works Department The kings of our period were also interested in works of public utility. The Tilakamanjari in one place records that king Meghavahana ordered the artisans to restore the dilapidated temples at once; he asked the officer to fill up the empty charity houses with new provisions, beddings and medicines for travellers and patients; he asked the in-charge of the forest (udyanapala) to protect the trees planted on the sides of tanks and rivers.8 We learn from the prabandha literature that Bhoja employed hundred and seven vaidyas and physicians to serve the patients. He erected a bell-tower at the crossing so that a person by pulling the bell-string could approach the physician for free treatment. He insisted upon doctors, to cure patients suffering from acute diseases free of charge. He also provided all kinds of facilities to sufferers.9 We know that the Caulukya kings were very fond of digging tanks and lakes, erecting temples and towers equipped with sun-dials and bells. Three among the four great works of Jayasimha Siddharaja, the great temple, the great lake and the great charity house, were concerned 1 Ibid., p. 364: Jug vitae rei f Hafal 2 Ibid., p. 366. 3 Ibid , p. 364: Hatayag ng Heighed af: 1 4 Ibid., p. 369: TTT T RO ATTi Falchul92UTENTI RIIETE 1974 1 * Ibid., p. 213: 77277ef: gairt naga 741 TA FA: * Ibid., p. 369: UT FIT TART FT KITETU 1971 ? Ibid., pp. 214, 215: Jaci TaifaT: AFqaralara da Fe 9: 1 agai & Kavyamala Series, p. 65. >> SJGM., II, p. 22.

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STATE AND ADMINISTRATION 381 chiefly with public welfare. Setting up of many water-houses, construction of many rest-houses and excavation of numerous wells and tanks, which cost about three hundred crores and fourteen lakhs, were possible only due to the eudaemonistic efforts and altruistic zeal of Vastupala and Tejahpala, the minister of Viradhavala whom Balacandra-Suri has immortalised in the pages of the Vasanta-vilasa-mahakavya.2 There must have been officers to look after all these works, but we do not find any particular reference to them in the Jain sources of our period. i See supra, p. 255 ff. 2 GOS., VII, See Introduction to Vasanta-vilasa-mahakavya. 49

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APPENDIX List of the Jain inscriptions used as a source of information for the individual dynasty. Abbreviations : C.P. -- Copper-plates. C.R. -- Contemporary record. E.R. -- Early reference. I. - Image. Ins. -- Inscription, P. - Pillar, T. - Temple. S. -- Saka, & Stone inscription V.E. - Vikram Era.

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384 A.D. Serial No. Name of the Inscription Date in Indian Era Reference CHAPTER II I Pusyabhutis Aihole ins. of Pulakesin II (C.R. of Harsa) S. 556 634 EI, VI, 6-10; JSLS II, No. 108 CHAPTER III I Gurjara-Pratiharas (i) Jodhapur Branch Ghatiyala ins. of Kakkuka (ii) Avanti Branch Osia Jain T. ins. of Vatsaraja V.E. 918 861 JRAS, 1896, pp. 513 ff; JLS I, No. 945 V.E. 1013 956 ASI, Ann. Re. 1908-9 pp. 108 ff; JLS, I, No. 788 EI. IV, pp. 309-10; ASIR, X, p. 101; JSLS, II, No. 128 Deogarh Jain T.P. ins. of Bhoja I. V.E. 919 862 Circa 948 H.R. II, p. 428 Ahar Jain T. ins. of Allata (C.R. of Devapala) Dubkund S. ins. Vikramasimha (C.R. of Rajyapala) V.E. 1145 1 088 EI II, pp. 237-240; JSLS. II, No. 228 CHAPTER IV 24 yr. C. 935 IA XLVII, P. III; J BORS, 1928, p. 489 I Palas Nalanda Jain Temple p. ins. of Rajyapala II Senas of Bengal Mulgunda Jain S. ins, of Krsna II (Rastrakuta) (for E.R. of Senas) Sravana-velagola ins. Marasimha II (for E.R. of Senas) S. 824 903 EI, XIII, p. 193; JSLS, II, No. 137 S. 896 819 JSLS, I, No. 38

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385 A.D. Serial No. Name of the Inscription Date in Indian Era Reference C. 10th Cent. III Kesari Dyanasty Lalitendu Cave-of Udyotakesari(i) 5 Nava Muni Cave ins. of Udyotakesari(ii) 18 E.I, XIII, p. 165-66, No. XVI; PJLS, I. p. 43 C. 10th Cent. ibid; PJLS, I, p. 42 EI, I, pp. 135-136 Jain Sahitya aur Itihas, p. 193 ibid EI, I, pp. 151-153 ibid '16 17 CHAPTER V 1. Candellas Khajuraho Jain I. ins. of Dhanga V.E. 1011 954 Papaura Jain I. ins. of Madanavarma V.E. 1202 1145 ibid V.E. 1202 1145 Khajuraho Jain I. ins. of Madanavarma (i) V.E. 1205 1148 ibid (ii) V.E. 1215 1158 Mahoba Jain I. ins. of Mada navarma V.E. 1211 1154 ibid V.E. 1221 1164 Ahara Jain I. ins. of Paramardideva V.E. 1237 Ajaigarh Jain I, ins. of Viravarmadeva V.E. 1331 1274 Ajaigarh Jain I. ins. of Viravarmadeva V.E. 1335 1278 II Kacchapaghata (I) of Gwalior Suhaniya Jain I. ins. of Vajradaman V.E. 1034 977 Sasa bahu I. ins. of Mahipala V.E. 1150 1093 (II) of Dubkund Bayana S. Jain ins. of Vijayapala V.E. 1100 1043 Dubkund S. ins. of Vikramasimha V.E. 1145 1 088 ASR XXI, p. 49 ASR II, p. 448 Premi Abhi. Granth p. 625 1180 JLS. II, No. 1431 1.A. XV, pp. 33-46 25 1.A. XIV, pp. 8-10 EI, II, 237-240; JSLS, II, No. 228

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386 Serial A.D. Reference Name of the Inscription Date in Indian Era No. 26 CHAPTER VI (I) Paramaras Kalvan Jain T. C.P. of Yasovarman Calukya of the reign of Bhoja undated Modi Jain T.S. ins. V.E. 1312 1256-7 EI, XIX, pp. 69-75 27 CHAPTER VII V.E. 1226 1170 EI, XXVI, pp. 84-112 Cahamanas (II) of Sakambhari Bijolia Jain I. Rock ins. of Somesvara (III) of Naddula Sevadi Jain T. ins. of Asaraja(i) ibid (ii) V.E. 1167 V.E. 1172 1110 1115 30 1 132 EI, XI, pp. 28-30; JLS, I, No. 875 ibid, pp. 30-32; JLS, I, No. 876 EI, XI, pp. 34-36; JLS, I, No. 843; PJLS, II, No. 331 EI, XI, pp. 37-41; ILS, I, No. 857; PJLS, II, No. 332 EI, XI, pp. 4-42; JLS, I, No. 844 JLS, I, No. 845 JLS, I, No. 846 EI, XI, pp. 43-46; PJLS, II, No. 346 Nadlai Jain P. ins. of Rayapala (in the Adinath temple) (i) V.E. 1189 ibid (in the Neminath temple) (ii) V.E. 1195 Nadlai Adinath I. ins. of Rayapala (iii) V.E. 1200 ibid (iv) V.E. 1200 ibid (v) V.E. 1202 Kiralu S. ins. of Alhanadeva (i) V.E. 1209 Nadol C.P. Jain grants of Alhanadeva (ii) V.E. 1218 1138 1143 1143 1145 1152 1161 EI, IX, pp. 63-66; JLS, I, No. 839 EI, IX, pp. 66-70; JLS, I, No. 840 EI, IX, pp. 46-49; ILS, I, No. 883 V.E. 1218 38 39 1161 ibid (iii) Sanderava S. ins. of Kelhana (i) V.E. 1221 1164

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387 Serial A.D. Name of the Inscription Date in Indian Era Reference No. Lalrai S. ins. of Kelhana (ii) V.E. 1233 1176 ibid (iii) do do EI, IX, pp. 49-51; PILS, II, No. 347; JLS, I, No. 891 JLS, I, No. 892, PILS, II, No. 348 EI, IX, pp. 51-52; JLS, I, No. 884 1179 ILS, I, No. 804 Sanderava S. ins. of Kelhana (iv) V.E. 1236 Saciyaya Mata ins. of Kelhana (v) V.E. 1236 Gangana Jain I. ins. of Kelhana (vi) V.E. 1241 Paladi, S. ins. of Kelhana (vii) V.E. 1249 1184 1192 PILS, II, No. 429 EI, IX, p. 73; JLS, I, No. 955; PILS, II, No. 424 APJLS, II, No. 1 (ii), pp. 4ff EI, XI, pp. 52-54; PJLS, II, No. 351; ILS, I, No. 899, p. 238 EI, XI, pp. 55; PILS, II, 353; JLS, I, No. 899; p. 239 Vimala I. Jain ins. of Lusiga V.E. 1378 1321 (IV) of Jalor Jalor Topakhana Jain ins. of Samarasimha (i) V.E. 1239 1 182 do (ii) (i) V.E. 1221) 1164, (ii) 1242 11851 (iii) 1256 1199 (iv) 1268 1211) Sundha Hill S. ins. of Cacigadeya (i) V.E. 1319 1262 Jalor Topakhana Jain ins. of Caciga. deva (ii) V.E. 1323 1264 Ratnapur Jain ins. of Cacigadeva (iii) V.E. 1333 1276 Bhinamal P. Jain ins. of Cacigadeva (iv) V.E. 1333 Hathundi Mataji T. P. ins. of Samantasimha (i) V.E. 1345 1288 EI, IX, pp. 70-77; JLS, I, No. 903 JLS, I, No. 903 JLS, I, No. 935 B.G. I (i), pp. 480-481, No, XII 1276 JLS, I, No. 897

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388 Serial A.D. Reference Name of the Inscription Date in Indian Era No. S4 1291 JLS, I, No. 936 1285 TLS, I, No. 749 Ratnapur Jain ins. of Samantasimha (ii) V.E. 1348 Vermeda Jain T. ins. of Samantasimha (iii) V.E. 1352 Juna Jain T. ins. of Samantasimha (iv) V.E. 1352 Jalor Topakhana Tain ins. of Samantasimha (v) V.E. 1353 Vaghina Jain ins. of Samantasimha (vi) V.E. 1359 1285 JLS, I, No. 918 JLS, I, No. 903; PILS, II, No. 353 1296 58 1 302 JLS, I, No. 959 HR, II, p. 428 CHAPTER VIII I. Guhilotas 59 Ahar Jain T. ins. of Allata unated 60-61 Two Ahar Jain ins. Circa of Saktikumara V.E. 1034 977 Sanderava Jain T. P.ins, of Samantasimha V.E. 1258 1201 Ghaghasa S. ins. of Tejasimha (i) V.E. 1322 1265 Citor S. ins. of Tejasimha (ii) V.E. 1324 1267 62 HR, II, pp. 434_437 ASI, WC, 1916-17, pp. 65-66 EI, XX, No. 446 RMR, 1927, p. 3 RMR, 1923, p. 3; JASB, LV, part I, Pp. 46-47 EI, XXII, p. 285; WZKM, XXI, p. 142ff IA, XXII, pp. 80-81; HR, II, p. 479 1273 Cirwa S. ins. of Samarasimha (i) V.E. 1330 Citor Jain T. ins. of Samarasimha V.E. 1335 Rainpur (Ranakpur) Jain T. ins. of Rana Kumbha V.E. 1496 1278 1439 PILS, II, No. 307; TLS, I, No, 700

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389 A.D. Reference Serial No. Name of the Inscription Date in Indian Era 68 II. Rastrakutas of Hastikundi Bijapur Stone ins. V.E. 1053 of Dhavala V.E. 996 997 949 JASB, 1893, Pt. I, pp. 308-14; EI, X, p. 17ff; PILS, II, No. 318; ILS, I, No. 898; HIG, III, No. 238A 1102 RMR, 1915, p. 2 1109 EI, XXI, p. 50 967 III. Paramaras of Bansawara (Vagada) Arthuna Jain T. ins. of Camundaraja V.E. 1159 Arthuna Jain T. ins. of Vijayaraja V.E. 1166 IV. Paramaras of Candravati Diyana Jain T. P. ins. of Adbhuta Krsnaraja V.E. 1024 Vimala Jain T. ins. (from Abu) of Dhandhuka V E. 1088 Jhalodi Jain T. ins. V.E. 1252 of Dharavarsa (i) V.E. 1255 Arasana Jain T. ins. of Dharavarsa (ii) V.E. 1276 Luna Jain T. ins. of Somasimha (i) V.E. 1287 do (ii) V.E. 1287 of Kanhadadeva V.E. 1287 Dattani Jain T. P. ins. of Visaladeva V.E. 1345 Vimala Jain T. S. ins. (from Abu) of Visaladeva V.E. 1350 APJLS, V, No. 486 EI, IX, pp. 151; APILS, II, No. 1 ; BI, p. 36 PILS, II, No. 430; APILS, V. No. 311 1031 1195 1198 1219 1230 1230 APJLS, V, No. 21 EI, VIII, p. 211-16; APILS, II, No. 250 APILS, II, No. 251 1230 APJLS, 11, APILS, II, No. 251 1288 APILS, V, No. 55 APJLS, II, No. 2 PILS, II, No. 133; HIG, III, No. 233A ; Poona Orientalist III, No. 2, p. 69 1293 80 V Paramaras of Kiradu Kiradu Siva T. ins. of Somegvara V.E. 1218 JLS, I, No. 942; HIG, III, No. 149B. 1162

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Serial No. 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 888 89 90 91 92 93 Name of the Inscription Vimala Jain T. ins. (from Abu) of Bhima I (i) ibid (ii) Citorgadh S. ins. of Kumarapala Vadanagar Prasasti of Kumarapala Kiradu S. ins, of the reign of Kumarapala Nadol C.P. ins. of the reign of Kumarapala Kiradu Siva T.P. ins. of the reign of Kumarapala 390 II Caulukyas (Solankis) of Gujarata Varunasarmaka C.P. of Camundaraja Jalor Topakhana Jain ins. of the reign of Kumarapala Ratanpur Siva T.P. ins. of the reign of Kumarapala Junagadha S. ins.. of Kumarapala Girnar Jain T. ins. of the reign of Bhima II Somanath P. Jain ins. of Bhima II Date in Indian Era CHAPTER IX V.E. 1033 V.E. 1088 V.E. 1119 V.E. 1207 V.E. 1208 V.E. 1209 V.E. 1213 V.E. 1218 V.E. 1221 undated V.E. 1225 V.E. 1256 A.D. V.E. 125(x) 977 1031 1062 1150 1151 1152 1156 1161 1164 1169 1199 Reference HIG, III, No. 136A, pp. 154-155. APJLS, II, No. 1; PJLS, II, No. 132; EI, IX, p. 151-56. EI, IX, p. 148; EI, XIX Inscription of N. India, No. 137. EI, II, p. 421; HIG, II, No. 146. EI, I, 293: HIG, II, No. 147. EI, XI, pp. 43-44; HIG. 11, No. 148; PJLS, II, No. 346. LA. XXXXI, p. 202; HIG, III, No. 148K; JLS, I, No. 481. HIG, III, 149B; JLS, I, No. 942. EI, XI, pp. 55; PJLS, II, No. 352; JLS, I, No. 899 (ii). HIG, III, No. 55A; PJLS, II, No. 345. BI, Pt. 184, HIG, II, No. 154, Poona Orientalist, I, No. 4; HIG, III, No. 157E. Poona Orientalist, II, No. 4; HIG, III, No. 158A.

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391 A.D. Reference Serial No. 94 Name of the Inscription Date in Indian Era Luna T. Jain ins. (from Abu) of the reign of Bhima II. () ibid (i) V.E. 1287 V.E. 1287 1230 1230 EI, VIII, pp. 204 ff; HIG, II, No. 168; APILS, II, No. 251; PILS, II, No. 64. EI, VIII, pp. 204ff; HIG, II, No. 168; APILS, II, No. 251; PILS, II, No. 65. 95 CHAPTER X BI, p. 174; HIG, III, No. 206. V.E. 1267 1210 I Vaghelas 96 Delavada Adinath Jain T. ins. (from Abu) of the reign of Viradhavala 97-102 Giranara Jain T. ins. of the reign of Viradhavala, (i), (ii), (iii), (iv), (v) & (vi) 103 Girnara Neminath T. ins. of Arjunadeva HIG, III, Nos. 207-212 PJLS II, Nos. 38-43. V.E. 1288 1231 V.E, 1330 1273 Poona Orientalist, III, No. 1, p. 21; HIG, III, No. 219A, p. 210. Poona Orientalist, III, No. 1, p. 23; Puratattva I, pp. 37-41. 104 V.E. 1333 1276 105 Amarana S. Jain ins, of Sarangadeva (i) Dattani Jain T. ins, of Sarangadeva (ii) Vimala Jain T. ins. of the reign of Sarangadeva (iii) APILS, V., No. 55. V.E. 1345 1288 106 APILS, II, No. 2; PILS, II, No. 133; HIG, III, No. 223A; Poona Orientalist, III, No. 2, p. 69. V.E. 1350 1293 107 Cambay (Khambhata) Parsvanath Jain T. S. ins. of the reign of Sarangadeva (iv) V.E. 1352 1295 PJLS, II, No.449; BI, pp. 227-33.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY A. ORIGINAL JAIN SOURCES 1. Caritas and Prabandhas Arisimha : Sukrta-sankirtana, Jain Atmanand Sabha, Bhavanagar, 1917. Balacandra-suri: Vasantavilasa, GOS VII, 1917. Caritra-sundara : Kumarapala-carita, Atmanand-Granthamala, Bhaya nagar. Gunabhadra: Uttarapurana, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1954. Jaya-simha (13th Cent.): (i) Hammira-mada-mardana, GOS X, Baroda, 1920. (ii) Vastupala-Tejahpala Prasasti, GOS X - App. I, Baroda, 1920. Jayasimha-suri (14th Cent.): Kumarapala-carita, NSP, Bombay, 1926. Jina-vijaya-muni: Puratana-prabandha-sangraha, SJGM II, Calcutta, 1936 Jina-harsa-gani: Kumarapala-prabandha, Bhavanagar, V.E. 1971. Jina-sena : Adipurana, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1951. Jina-sena II : Harivansapurana, MDJG Series, Bombay, 1930. Kakka-suri: Nabhinandanoddhara-prabandha. Merutunga: Prabandha-cintamani, SJGM I, Calcutta, 1933. Eng. Trans. Wishing stone of Narrative by C. H. Tawney, BI, Calcutta, 1894-1901. Hema-candra: (i) Trisastisalakapurusa-caritam, Bhavanagar. (ii) Sanskyt Dvyasraya-kavya, 2 Vols. BSS. Poona, 1915. (iii) Prakrta Dvyasraya kavva, BSS Poona, 1936. Haribhadra: Sanat-Kumara-cariu, (under Neminahacariu) Ed. by H Jacobi, Munchen, 1921. Haricand : Dharmasarmabhyudaya, Kavyamala Series, NSP, Bombay. Nayacandra-suri: (i) Hammira-mahakavya, Ed. by N. J. Kirtane, Bombay, 1879. (ii) Rambha-manjari, Bombay, 1889. Prabha-candra: Prabhavaka-carita, SJGM XIII, Calcutta, 1940. Rajasekhara : Prabandha-kosa, SJGM VI, Calcutta, 1935. Rajavallabha: Bhoja-prabandha. Sarvanandasuri : Jagadu-carita, Bombay, 1895. Subhasila : Bhoja-prabandha, Bombay. Svayambhu: Ritthanemi-cariu (Extract published in the Jain Sahitya aur Itihas, Bombay, 1942). Udayaprabha: (i) Sukyta-kirtikallolini, GOS X, App. pp. 69-90. (ii) Dharmabhyudaya-mahakavya, SGJM, XXV, Bombay. Vastupala : Narayanananda, GOS II, Baroda, 1916. Vadibha-simha : Ksatra-cudamani, Ed. Kuppu Swami Sastri, Tanjore. Yasahpala : Moharaja-parajaya, GOS IX, 1918.

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394 Yasascandra: Mudrita-Kumudacandra, Yasovijaya Granthamala, Banaras, 1906. Ramacandra : Kumaravihara-sataka. II. Narrative Literature Dhanapala: Tilaka manjari, Kavyamala Series, N. 85, Bombay, 1938. Dhanapala : Bhavisatta-kaha, Ed. By H. Jacobi, Munchen, 1918. Harisena: Byhat-Kathakosa, SJGM XVII, Bombay, 1943. Haribhadra: Samaraicca-kaha, Ahmedabad, 1938. Sanghadasa-Gani: Vasudeva-hindi, Ed. by Muni-Punya-Vijayaji, Bhava nagar, 1931. Siddharsi: Upamitabhavaprapanca-katha, Ed. by H. Jacobi, BI, Calcutta, 1899-1914. Somadeva : Yasastilaka campu, Kavyamala Series, NSP, Bombay. III. Literature on Polity Jinasena : Adipurana, Chap. III & XVI. Somadeva: Nitivakyamyta, MDJG Series, No. 22, Bombay. Hema-candra : Laghu-Arhanniti, Ed. with a commentary in Gujarati, Ahmedabad, 1906. IV. Pattavalis Muni-Jina-Vijayaji: Kharataragaccha Pattavali, Calcutta, 1932. Ravivardhana : Pattavali-saroddhara. Merutunga : Vicarasreni, Pub. in JSS. II, No. 4. Darsana-vijaya: Pattavali-samuccaya, Viramgam, 1933. V. Miscellaneous Literatures Asadhara: (i) Anagaradharmamyta, MD JG Series, Bombay. (ii) Sagara dharmamyta, MD JG Series, Bombay. (iii) Jinayajnakalpa, MDJG Series, Bombay. (iv) Trisasti Smyti, MD JG Series, Bombay, Amitagati : Subhasitaratnasandoha (3rd Edn.), Kavyamala Series, Bombay, 1909. Dhananjaya: Namamala, Bombay, 1940. Dhanapala : Paiyalacchi, Ed. G. Buhler, Pub. Bhavanagar, V.S. 1973. Dharmasagara : Pravacana-pariksa, Surat, 1937. Hemacandra: (i) Chandonusasana, Bombay, 1912. (ii) Abhidhana cintamani, Yasovijaya Jain Granthamala No. 41, Banaras. (iii) Sabdanusasana, Yasovijaya Jain Granthamala, No. 41, Banaras, 1905. Jayasimha-suri: Dharmopadesamala-vivarana, SJGM XXVIII, Bombay, 1949. Jinaprabha-suri: Vividha-Tirtha-kalpa, SJGM X, 1934. Malayagiri : Sabdanusasana. Nemicandra-suri: Pravacana-saroddhara, Jamnagar, 1914. Somaprabha-suri: Kumarapala-pratibodha, GOS XIV, Baroda, 1920.

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395 Vagbhata : Vagbhatalankara, Kavyamala Series No. 48, Bombay, 1915. Vardhamana-suri: Ganaratnamahodadhi, Ed. by J. Eggelin, London, 1879. Yativrsabha: Tiloya Pannatti, I, Sholapur. * Colophons or Prasastis Amstlal Shah: Prasasti Sangraha, Ahmedabad, V.S. 1993. Muni-Jina-Vijayaji: Jain Pustaka Prasasti-sangraha, SJGM XVIII, 1943. Epigraphical Works Dr. Hiralal Jain : Jain Silalekha-sangraha I, MDJG XXVIII, Bombay, 1928. Muni-Jina-Vijayaji: (i) Pracina Jain Lekhamala, Ahmedabad. (ii) Pracina Jain Lekhasangraha, 2 Pts., Bhavanagar, 1921. Puranacandra Nahara: Jain Lekha-sangraha, 3 Vols. Calcutta, 1918-1929. Vijayamurti: Jain Silalekha-sangraha, Parts II & III, MDJG Series, Bombay. Vijayadharma-suri: Pracina Lekha-sangraha, Bhavanagar, 1929. B. ORIGINAL Sources OTHER THAN THE JAIN Bana: Harsa-carita, NSP, Bombay. Bilhana: (i) Vikramankadeva-carita, BSS. N. 14, 1875. (ii) Karnasundari Natika, NSP, Bombay, 1888. Canda Bardai: Pythriraja Raso, Nagari Pracarini, 1913. Muhanot Nainasi Ki Khyat, Vol. I, Trans. by Ram Narain Dugad, Nagari Pracarini, Banaras, V.S. 1982. Harsa: Nagananda, Banaras, 1937. Jayanaka : Prihviraja-vijaya, Ed. by S. K. Belvalkar, BI; New Series, Calcutta, 1914-1922. Kalhana: Rajatarangini, Ed. By M. A. Stein, Bombay, 1872, Trans., London, 1900. Kamandaka: Nitisara, Ed. by T. Gana pati Sastri in Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, 1912. Kautalya : Arthasastra, Ed. by Samasastri, Mysore, 1909. Madana: Parijata-manjari, Ed. by E. Multzch, Leipzig, 1906. Munjarasa. Narayana : Hitopadesa, NSP, Bombay. Prahladanadeva: Partha Parakrama-vyayoga, GOS IV, Baroda, 1917. Padmagupta : Navasahasanka-carita, BSS, 1895 (No. 53). Padmanabha: Kanhadadeva-prabandha. Rajasekhara : (i) Kavya-Mimansa, Haridas Sanskrit Series, Banaras.. (ii) Bala Ramayana and Bala Bharata, Kavyamala Series, Bombay (iii) Karpuramanjari, Ed. by Stein Konow, Trans. by Lanman Cambridge, 1901.

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396 Soddala: Udayasundari-katha, GOS XI, Baroda, 1920. Somesvara: (i) Kirti-kaumudi, BSS, Poona, XXV, 1883. (ii) Surathotsava, Kavyamala Series, NSP, Bombay, 1902. Vakpati: Gaudavaho, Ed. by S. P. Pandit, BSS, No. XXXIV, Poona, 1927. Vidyapati: Purusa-pariksa, Ed. and Trans. by Nerulkar, Bombay, 1914. Vigraharaja (Visaladeva): Harikeli Nataka, Part of text in Roman (IA,XX. 201-212) Ed. by F. Kielhorn, Gottinger, Festschrift, .1901, pp. 16-30. C. MUSLEM WORKS Abu'l Fazl: Ain-i-Akbari, 2 Vols. Eng. trans. by H. Blochmann BI, Calcutta. Ali-Mohammad : Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Ed. by Syed N. Ali, GOS, XXXIII, 1928. Alberuni: Tarikh-i-Hind, Eng. Trans. by E. C. Sachau Trubners Oriental Series, London, 1910. H. M. Elliot and John Dowson: History of India as told by its own Historians, 8 Vols. Aligarh, 1952. M. Q. Firista: Tarikh-i-Firista (Eng. Trans. by Briggs, Rise of the Mohammadan Power in India, 4 vols.), London, 1829. Minhaj-ud-din: Tabaquat-i-Nasiri H. G. Ravarty's Eng. trans, London, 1881. D. CHINESE WORKS Samuel Beal: (i) The Travels of Fa-hian. (ii) Hwui-li's Life of Yuan Chwang, London, 1911. Thomas Watters: On Yuan Chwang (Si-Yu-Ki), 1904. E. MODERN WORKS Aiyangar, K. V. Rangaswami: Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Polity, Madras, 1916. Aiyangar, S. R.: Ancient India, Vol. I, 1941. Altekar, A. S.: (1) The Rastrakutas and Their Times, Poona, 1932. (2) Towns and Cities in Ancient Gujarata and Kathiawar. (3) History of the Village Community in Western India, Bombay, 1927. (4) State and Government in Ancient India, Banaras, 1949. Apte, V. S.: Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Basak, R. G.: History of North-Eastern India, Calcutta, 1934. Beniprasad: (1) The Theory of Government in Ancient India (Post-Vedic), Indian Press, Allahabad, 1927. (2) The State in Ancient India, Allahabad, 1928.

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397 Bhandarkar, D. R.: Some Aspects of Ancient Hindu Polity, Banaras Hindu University, 1929. 50 Bhandarkar, R. G.: (1) Collected Works, Vols I-IV, Poona, 1927-1933. (2) Early History of Deccan, 3rd ed., Calcutta, 1928. Bhavanagar State: Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions. Buhler: Life of Hemacandra, SJGM, V. Cambridge History of India: Vol. III, Cambridge, 1928. Chakravarti, P. C.: The Art of War in Ancient India, Dacca, 1941. Dasgupta, S. N. (Ed.): A History of Sanskrit Literature, classical period, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1947. Desai, M. D.: Jain Sahityano Samksipta Itikas, Jain Svetamber Conference Office, Bombay, 1933. Diksitar, V. R. R.: (1) Hindu Administrative Institution, Madras, 1929. (2) Gupta Polity, Madras, 1952. (3) Mauryan Polity, Madras, 1932. Duff C. M.: The Chronology of India, Westminster, 1899. Forbes Rasa mala I, Oxford, 1924. Furgussion J. and Burgess: History of Indian and Eastern Architecture. London, 1910. Ganguly, D. C.: History of the Paramara dunasty, Dacca, 1933. Girijasankar Vallabhajt: Historical Inscriptions of Gujarata, 3 Vols. Forbes Gujarata Sabha, Bombay, 1933-42. Ghosal, (Dr.) U. N.: (1) Hindu Revenue System, Calcutta, 1923. (2) The Agrarian System in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1930. Guerinot, (Dr.) A.: (i) Essai De Bibliographic Jaina, Paris, 1906. (ii) Re pertoire d'Ephigraphic Jaina, Paris, 1908. Jain, C. L. Jain Bibliography, Bharati Jain Parisad, Calcutta, 1945. Jain Law, Bijanaur, 1928. Jain, C. R.: Jain, D. K. Apabhramsa prakasa, Banaras, 1950. Jain, (Dr.) J. C. Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jain Canons, New Book Company Ltd., Bombay, 1947. Jayaswal, K. P.: Kapadia, M. C.: Hindu Polity, Bangalore, 1943. Siddharsi, Bhavanagar, 1939. Keith, A.B.: (1) Sanskrit Drama, Oxford, 1954. (2) A History of Sanskrit Literature, Oxford, 1928. Krishnamachariar, M.: History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, Madras, 1937. Luard, C. E. and Lele, K. K.: Paramara of Dhara and Malwa (reprinted from the Dhar State Gazetteer), Bombay, 1908. Madhusudan Modi: Hema Samiksa (Gujarati).

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398 Majumdar, R. C.: (1) Ancient India, Banaras, 1952. (2) Corporate Life in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1922. (3) History of Bengal, Dacia, 1943. Monier Williams : Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford, 1899. Mukerjee, R. K.: (1) Harsa, Oxford, 1926. (2) Local Seif Government in Ancient India, Oxford, 1920. Munsi, K. M.: The Glory that was Gurjardesa, Bombay, 1944. Ojha, G. H.: Rajaputana ka Itihas (Hindi) (History of Rajaputana) Ajmer, 1936 ff. Parikha, R. C.: Kavyanusasan-Introduction, Vol. II, Bombay, 1938. Pires, E. A.: The Maukharis, Madras, 1934. Premi, Nathuram : Jain Sahitya aur Itihas, Bombay, 1942. Ray, H. C.: The Dynastic History of Northern India, 2 Vols., Calcutta, 1931, 1936. Reu, B. N.: (1) Raja Bhoja (Hindi), Allahabad. (2) Bharata ke Pracina Rajavania (Hindi). Sankalia, H. D.: (1) Archaeology of Gujarata, Bombay, 1941. (2) Studies in the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnology of Gujarata, Poona, 1949. Sastri, D. K.: Gujaratano Madhyakalina Rajaputa Itihas, 2 parts. Ahmedabad, 1939. Smith, V. A.: The Early History of India, th edition, Oxford, 1924. Stein Otto: The Jinistic Studies, Ahmedabad, 1948. Tod, Col. James: Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, 2 Vols. by Crooks, Oxford, 1914. Tripathi, Dr. R.S.: (1) History of Kanauj, Banaras, 1937. (2) History of Ancient India, Banaras, 1942. Vaidya, C.V.: History of Mediaeval Hindu India, 3 Vols., Poona, 1921-26. Vidyabhusan, S.C.: History of Mediaeval Indian Logic, Calcutta, 1921. Varni Abhinandana Grantha : Sagar (M.P.), V.S. 2006. Winternitz, M.: (1) History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, Calcutta, 1933. (2) The Jains in the History of Indian Literature, Ahmedabad, 1946. F. JOURNALS Anekanta (Hindi). Delhi. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. Bombay Gazetteer. Buddhi prakasa (Gujarati), 1910, 1915, 1933. Bharatiya Vidya (Hindi, Gujarati), Bombay. Indian Antiquary, Bombay.

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399 Indian Historical Quarterly. Jain Hitaisi (Hir di), Bombay. Jain Siddhanta Bhaskara (Hindi), Arrah. Jain Sahitya Sansodhaka (Hindi, Gujarati), Ahmedabad. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ireland, Great Britain, London. Journal of the Bihar Orissa Research Society, Patna. Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University, Calcutta. Journal of the American Oriental Society. Kantamala (Gujarati). Nagari Pracarini Patrika (Hindi), Varanasi. Prasthana (Gujarati). Puratattva (Gujarati), Poona Orientalist, Poona. Rajaputana Museum Reports. Vienna Oriental Journal. 50-a

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Page #431
A Agadesvara Prasada 211. Agganna-suttanta, 331. Aghata (Ahad), 91, 128, 149, 171, 176, 181. Aghata (boundary of a field), 366. Aghata-durga, 175. Aghatesvari (Camunda), 165. Agnikula, 122. Abhayatilakagani, 188, 202, 234, 278. Ahada (near Udaipur), 111, 176, 181, Abhidhana Rajendra, 360n. 259. Abhimanyu (Kacchapaghata), 75, 77- Ahada (Cavada), 211. 80, 100. Ahadia (Guhilot clan), 181. Ahammada, 50. Abhinanda, 56. INDEX (1) Abhada, 285. Abhaksaniya Yama, 281. Abhayada, 295, 296. Abhayadeva suri, 240. Abhayakumar, 278. Abhayapala, 157, 161, 346, 361. Abhayasuri, 3 Abhinava-Siddharaja, (t.) 318. Abhira, 273, 281. Abhira-Visaya, 274. Abhu, 308. Abu, Mt., 11, 99, 145, 185, 188, 237, Ahila (Cahamana), 149, 239. 267, 307. Ahladana (Cahamana), 153. Ahmada Niyaltigin, 81. Ahmedabad, 10. Abul Fazl, 91, 235-36, 241. Acalesvara, 145, 162, 174, 307. Adayaka, 362, 369. Adbhuta Krsnaraja, 148, 187, 198 Adhaka, 182, 367. Adhimandala (Province), 29. Adhiraja (t.), 41, 79. Adinath, 152, 189, 272. Adi-Purana, 1, 2, 330, 332. Adipuruza, 232. Adivarah, 145. Administrative Organisation, -Of central Government, 354-356. -Of Provincial Government 356 359. -Of District, 359. -Of Sub-Divisions, 360. Of city, 361. Of Local Government, 363. -Of Revenue and Finance, 365. Agada (Capotkata), 211. Ahara, 70. Ahara (near Udaipur), 45, 172, 173. Ahara (s)-(an unit,), 360. Ahicchatrapur, 123, 124. Aibak, 142, 293. Aibuka, 163. Aihole, 11, 14, 16, 35, 81, 372. Ain-i-Akbari, 91, 92, 233, 266, 285, 288, 289. Aitihasika-Saneodhana, 261n. Aiyangar (Dr.), S. K, 30. Ajaigarh, 70. Ajayadeva (Cahamana), 111, 129132, 135. Ajayameru (Ajmer), 131. Ajayapala (tank), 70. Ajayapala (Caulukys), 174, 193, 278, 281, 285, 287, 269, 308. Ajayaraja (Cahamana), 111, 130, 254, 339-same as Ajayadeva. Ajaya-simha, (Guhila), 179. Ajaya-varman (Paramara), 113, 114, 118, 120.

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INDEX Ajmer, 129, 131, 141, 142, 242. 151, 161, 170, 239, 363. Ajitasena (Bhattaraka), 59. Anahillavad, 149, 196, 201, 206, 215, Akalavarsa (Krsna III), 86. 306. Akbar, 284. Anahillapur (Anahilavad), 113, 201, Akranda, 377. 212, 362. Aksata (a queen), 204. Anahillapataka (Anahillavad), 57, 84, Aksapatalika, 172. 192, 201, 212, 276, 279. Ala-ud-Din, 8, 145-147, 168, 178-179. Anahillapatan (Anahillavad), 99, 100, 320. 102, 192, 196, 206. Alhana deva (Cahamana), 130, 134, -Foundation of, 206. 153-155, 159, 170, 199, 273. Anaka (Caulukya), 298, 299. Ali Muhammad Khan (writer), 235- Anaka (Cahamana Armoraja), 132, 236, 241. 133, 156, 253, 254, 284, 298, 301. Allahabad, 29. Analadeva (Cahamana), 133. Allata (Guhila), 45, 172, 173. Analladevi, 155, 156, 361. Allavadin (Ala-ud-Din), 145. Ananda, 260. Altekar (Dr.), A.S., 26, 32n, 223n. Anandabhatta, 58. Al-utbi, 238. Anangapala, 49, 135. Ama (Nagavaloka), 19-25, 27-28, 34, Anantapala, 168. 42, 55, 204, 336, 345. Ancient India and South Indian HisAmaracandra suri, 316. tory and culture, 18n, 19n, 30n. Amarana, 318, 319. Andhra (s), 108. Amarirudi, 154. Anga (Country), 57, 236. Amaru-sataka, 116. Aniruddha (puranic) 72. Amatya-samuddesa, 365. Ankevaliya, 313. Amatyavarya(s), 349, 355. Anna (Cahamana), 113, 254, 266, Amatya-vrddha(s), 355. 267, 298. Ambada (Amrabhata), 271, 343, 352, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, 377. 49n. Ambaprasada, 128, 173. Antardhanadesa, 251. Ambarasena, 80, 107. Antardhi, 377. Ambasana (village), 203. Anupamadevi, 295. Amblem, 306. Anviksiki, 334, 335. Amiga, 298. Apabhramsa, 4, 36, 93-94, 140, 201, Amir Khusrav, 147. 237 Amur-z-Shikar (t.), 176, 307. Apabhramba-Prakasa, 94n. Same as Milicchikura. Apara (Gangeya (Psthviraja, II), 135. Amitagati, 93. Aparaditya, 272. Amoghavarsa I, 33, 39. Aparajita, 74. Amrabhata (Ambada), 286. Arab(s), 200, 208. Amrapala, 151. Aradhana-kosa, 212. Anagara-Dharmamrta, 116n, 117n. Araghatta, 182, 367. Anahilla (Cahamana), 100, 149- Aranyaraja, 187.

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Arasana, 192. Arbuda, 185, 192, 196, 198, 232. Arbuda-mandala, 247. Arbuda-Pracina Jain Lekha-Sangraha, 12, 85, 88n, 158n, 1860189n, 192n, 194n, 277n, 318n, 357n, 360n. Arbudesvara, 188. Archaeology of Gujarata, 309. Arhanniti, 371. -Same as Laghvarhanniti. Arhat-Sangha, 255. Ari, 377. INDEX Arjuna (Pandava), 104. Arjuna (of Sarasapura), 145. Arjunadeva (Vaghela), 316, 317, 319, 322. Arisimha (poet), 2, 209, 230, 309, 316. Audumbari-Ganda, 255. Arisithha (Guhila), 173, 179. Autsahika-balam, 372. Arjunavarman (Paramara), 114-18, 120, 293-294, 323, 338. Arjunavarman II (Paramara), 119. Arnoraja (Cahamana), 8, 98, 99, 111, 124, 131-133, 135, 154, 156, 190, 253-254, 268, 273, 284, 294, 298, 301, 322, 323, 345, 355, 376. Arnoraja (Caulukya), 288-289. Arthasastra 6, 7, 373. Arthuna, 183-185, 233. Aryasena, 59. Arjuna (Kacchapaghata), 45, 77, 78, Avadhuta, 62. 80. Asa (Bhilla), 243. Asadhara (poet), 115-118. Asapalli (mod. Asaval), 243, 360. Asara, 377. Asaraja (Asvaraja or Asvaka Cahamana), 150-154, 170, 252, 308. Asavalli (Asaval), 321. Asika (Hansi), 134, 135. Asinagar, 357. Asoka, 284. Asossittan, 196, 332, 357. Astadakakatamandala (Asossittana), 195, 357, 360. Astadasasatidesa (Asossittana), 196, 318, 357, 360. Asthana-mandapa, 343. Asuka, 249, 258-259, 354 Asura-vijaya, 377. Asvamedha, 376. Asvapala (Cahamana), 149, 170. Asvapati, 375. Atavi-balam, 372. Atpur (Ahar), 172, 173. Atru, 262. Avanti, 1, 24, 29, 30, 33, 39, 113, 124, 236, 357. 403 Avantinath (t.), 67, 112, 184, 251, 252, 254, 269, 378. Avanti-prabhu, identification of, 184. Ayodhya, 217, 222. Ayudha (dynasty), 28-34. B Babariavada, 251. Babariyala (Balhana), 143. Babbar-Jiu, 251, 254. Badami, 204, 217. Bahada (Vagbhata), 263, 273, 275277, 282. Bahadadeva (Vagbhata Cahamana), 144. Bahuloda (tax.), 244, 249, 364. Baihaqi, A., 81. Bakuladevi, 241. Bala Bharata, 43. Balacandra (suri), 2, 180, 309, 322. Bala Mularaja, 240, 289, 338. Balapadra-pathaka, 355. Balaprasada, 150, 170, 180, 183, 239.

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404 INDEX Balhana (Cahamana), 142. Bhairava, 220. Bali, 151, 180, 247, 266, 276, 278. Bhairavadevi (Goddess), 243. Baliraja (Cahamana), 148-149, 170. Bhallika (Weapon), 377. Ballala, 112, 113, 120, 191, 266, 270, Bhandari, 161. 376. Bhandarkar (Dr.) D.R., 24, 30, 31, Ballalacarita, 58. 122, 124, 127-129, 158, 160, 164, Balvan, 143-145. 188, 197, 198, 218-220, 254, 290, Bamnera, 157. 259. Bana Bhatta, 2, 5, 17, 35, 105, 377. Bhandarkar (Dr.) R. G., 29. Banaras, 234-35, 253. Bhandagarika, 362. Banaras Hindu University, 70n. Bhara(s), (tribe), 47. Banerji, (Prof.) R.D., 30. Bhara (measurement), 182, 367. Bankapura, 59. Bharadvaja (gotra), 123, 225. Banswara (Vagada), 87, 183, 185. Bharatapur, 73, 131. Bapada (Vahadasimha), 163, 165. Bhanata-varsa ke Pracina Rajavamsa Bappa (Guhila), 171, 172, 178. 188n. Bappabhatti (suri), 18, 19, 21-22, 56. Bharata war, 15. Bappabhattisuri-carita, 18-20, 23, 27, Bhartrpatta II (Guhila), 172. 28, 55, 56. Bhartrpura, 172 Bappayaraja, 126-127, 169. Bhart;priya (Gaccha), 172. Barabaraka, 251. Bhartsvaddha, 322. Baragaon, 57. Bhatevar (village), 172 Barani, 146. Bhatta (s.), 182, 367. Barappa, 128, 228-231, 348. Bhattaka, 363. Barnett (Dr.), L.D., 184. Bhattarika Bhiruani Prasad, 240. Baroda, 10, 25, 26, 31, 226. Bhaumaditya, 214, 215, 224. Barrackpore, 61. Bhavabhuti, 105. Basak, R. G., 19n. Bhava-Bshaspati, 270, 283. Bauddha (Sastra), 335 Bhavanagar inscriptions, 270, 285n, Bauka, 38. 319n. Bauladevi, 241. Bhavisatta kaha, 5. Bayana, 73, 77, 79, 131, 132. Bheda, 379. Beal, S., 15n. Bhilla, 243. Bengal, 56. Bhillama (Yadava king), 158. Bengal Asiatic Society, 43. Bhilluka (Pratihara), 33, 46. Beniprasad (Dr.), 331n. Bhima I (Caulukya), 82-83, 99, 101Betwa, 67, 113, 137. 105, 107, 149, 150, 189, 198, 216, Bhadra, 37. 236, 239-242, 262, 337, 345, 352, Bhadresvara, 304. 357, 373, 375. Bhagalpur, 23, 25, 26, 31, 34. Bhima II (Caulukya), 115, 116, 160, Bhagavanlal Indraji, 124, 218, 250, 189, 192, 194, 289, 294, 296, 298, 251, 261, 271, 273. 300-303, 311, 315, 318, 352, 376. Bhagika, 368. Bhima-Bhoja-Prabandha, 105.

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INDEX 405 Bhima Simha (General), 145. Bijainand, 91n. Bhima Simha (Pratihara), 304. Bijapur (village), 180, 187. Bhimapalli, 298, 300. Bijolia, 121-125, 128, 131, 134-136. Bhimesvara-prasad, 240. Bikaner, 124. Bhindimal (a weapon), 377. Bilhana (poet), 2, 97, 98, 115-117, Bhinmal 165, 188-200. 217, 243, 246, 259. Bhogabhumi, 330. Biographical literature, 1, 2. Bhogapur, 101. Bombay, 270. Bhoja (Cahamana), 225. Bombay Gazetteer, 4, 185n, 166n, Bhoja (Paramara), 21-23, 28, 42, 46, 168n, 188n, 189n, 217n, 250n, 261n, 47, 57, 75, 78-80, 82-83, 89, 91, 95- 273n, 290n, 291n. 108, 110, 113, 116, 120, 128,145- Brahma, 122, 155. 146, 184-185, 198, 234, 239, 242, 310, Brahma Gupta, 200, 255, 257, 310. 334, 336, 344, 368, 372, 375. Brahma-ksatriya(s), 58-60. Bhoja II (Paramara), 119. Brahmana(s), 37, 60, 155, 255, 257, Bhoja (Pratilara), 219, 329, 338, 358. 310, 350, 370, 380. Bhoja-carita, 98n. Brahmasena, 59. Bhojadeva (Ranake), 318. Brahma-Siddhanta, 200. Bhoja Gangeya-prabandha, 4, 81, 98n. Brahmavadi, 60. Bhoja-prabandha, 97, 105. Brhad-Arhanniti-sastra, 7. Bhokta, 157, 361. Brhadgaccha, 10, 121, 165, 239. Bhopaladevi, 266, 284. Brhatkatha, 371. Bhrgu, 133. Brhat-kathakosa, 5, 43-44. Bhrgukaccha, 324. Bshaspati, 265. Bhrta, 372 Briggs, J., 164n, 168n, 289n, 372n. Bhubhata (Cavada), 211, 214. Broach, 322. Bhukti, 151, 357, 366, 370. Buckala, 23, 25. Bhuvada, 203, 204, 208. Buddhi-Prakasa (Journal), 319n. Bhuvanaditya, 214. Buddhisaciva, 348. Bhuvanaikamalla, 74, 76. Buddha-sagara (suri), 12, 240. Bhuvanapala, 74-76, 80. Buddhism, 54, 204. Bhuvana Simha (Guhila), 179. Buddhist tradition, 53. Bhuvanasraya, 204. Buddhist Account, 331. Bhuvanesvara, 63, 64. Buhler (Dr.), 89, 93, 97, 218, 219 Bhuyaraja, 213-215, 218, 222, 224, 283, 299. 296. Bulandasahar, 132. Bhuyad (Bhuyada-deva) 211, 213- Bundelkhanda, 70. 215.--See also Bhuyaraja. Bhuyagad-same as Bhuyad. Bhuyagadesvara-prasad, 211. Cacca, 185. Bihar, 56. Caciga (Cahamana), 11, 99, 100, 130, Biharsharif, 57. 163, 165, 168, 170. Bija, 213, 214, 218, 224, 232. Cacinesvari-prasada, 235. 51

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406 INDEX Cacinidevi, 235. 183-185. Cadobha (Dubkunda), 79. Camundaraya (general), 59. Cahada Kumar, 116, 263, 266-268. -Purana, 59. Cahamana (eponymous), 121, 165. Canda (R. Prasad), 30. Cahamana (s), 109, 111, 121-127, 140, Canda (Cavada), 203. 162, 164, 181, 329, 359, Candabaliddika, 138, 140. -of Sakambhari, 124-125, 141, 147, Canda-Bardai, 49. 149-150' 154, 160, 171, 173, 181, Candaladevi, 225. 193, 357. Candana, 126, 127, 169. -Of Ranasthambhapur, 124, 142- Candanacarya, 53n. 147. Candana-vihara, 165. ---Of Naddula, 124, 134, 147, 158, Candanathdeva Prasada, 235. 176, 178, 181, 192, 195, 199, 361, Candapa, 185, 307. 379. Candaprasada, 308. --Of Jalor, 11, 124, 159-168, 170, 179, Candella (s), 50, 65-71, 73, 75, 78, 100, 322. 137, 252, 291, 365. -Of Lata, 124, 322-325. Canderi, 43. Caharpalli, 360. Candikamata, 225. Caitragaccha, 177. Candra (Cahamana), 126, 169. Caitya (temple), 209. Candra (River), 133. n Caityavasi, 209. Candradeva (Gahadavala), 47, 52. Cakra, 377. Candraditya (Caulukya), 214. Cakravartin(s), 1, 3. Candra Gupta, 18, 350. Cakravarti(t.), 286. Candralekha, 49. Calukya (s), Candralekha (tirthankara), 77. --Of Badami, 11, 14, 204, 217. Candrapur, 244. -Of Kalyani, 43, 61, 75, 92, 204, Candra suri, 295. 217, 218, 223. Candravati, 186, 189, 191-192, 194, Calukika, 216 238, 247, 298, 306, 318, 343, 358, Calukka(s), 216. 360. Cambay (Khambhata), 28, 253, 260, Cand's Raso, 70. 266, 300, 304-305, 308-309, 319, Canduka, 37, 46. 324, 355, 357. Capa, 200. Campaka-Sresthi-kathanaka, 5. Capotkata (clan), 200-208, 211. Camunda (temple), 10. Cara(s), 374. Camunda (of Vamanasthali), 303. Carita(s), 1, 4, 5. Camunda (Capotkata), 203, 208, 211. Caritra-sundara-gani, 243, 246. Camundaraja (Paramara), 183, 185, Carl-Cappeller, 43n. 233. Cauladevi, 241. Camundaraja (Caulukya), 95, 96, Caulkika, 216, 225. 163, 188, 215, 226, 228, 232-254, Caulukadevi, 241, 263. 296, 345. Caulukya (a Ksatriya), 214. Camundaraja (Cahamana), 129, 169, Caulukya-s (Solanki), 8-9, 67-68, 84,

Page #437
INDEX 407 91, 95, 99, 107, 109, 114-115, 128, Dahada (trader), 79. 132-133, 135-136, 149-151, 153- Dahala, 82, 84, 102, 253, 274. 154, 156, 158, 160, 171, 174, 176, D. K. Jain-See Jain (Dr.) D. K. 187, 189, 191-199, 212-296, 329. D. K. Sastri, 204n, 261n. Caurasi (land-unit), 361. Daksinatya Ksaunindra, 58. Caurika, 359. Damara (Damodara), 83, 99-103, Cauro-dharanika, 359. 105, 239, 240, 278, 375 Cavada(s) 3, 8, 9, 200-208, 225, 318. Dambarasimha (Paramara), 185. Cedi (desa), 83, 236, 274, 291. Danava (s), 122. Central Asia, 13. Dandaka (Dadaka), 213, 214, 224. Central India, 65-120, 254. Dandadhipati(t.) 134, 250, 315, 375. Chandonusasana, 8, 253. Dandanath (t.), 375. Chatra-Camaragrahaka, 346. Dandanayaka (t.), 111, 268, 291, 295Chinese Annals, 23. 296, 308, 375. Cintra, 211, 317. Dandapati (t.), 189, 239, 240. Cirwa, 171-172, 175, 177-178. Dandapasika (police), 359, 362, 371. Citor (garh), 10, 171, 174, 177, 268, Dandapur, 43. 278. Dandavya-pathaka, 360. Citra-kuta (Cittor), 100, 223, 230. Dantavalabhika, 343. Citrakuta-mahadurga, 177. Dantidurga, 32. Coda (Country), 198. Darbhavati (Mod. Dabhoi), 292. Coda-Simha, 171. Darsanavijaya (Muni), 9. Cohan (Cahamana), 122. Darsa-Purnamasa, 341. Cola (dynasty), 60. Dasaratha Sharma (Dr.) 284n. Collika (s), 182. Dasarna, 48-49, 68,-69, 220, 274. Commentary Dasarupaka, 94. -On Sanmati-Tark, 240. Dasavatara, 256. -On Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 240. Dattani (village), 194. Copadas, 206. Daulatapura, 38. Copper coins, 141. Deccan (country), 58, 81. Cudasama, 188, 273. Dehra-Dun, 124. Culukika, 216. Delhi, 132, 141-142, 145, 164, 192, Cunnila! Modi, 269. 320-321. Cunningham, A., 18. Demati, 82 Cutch, 247, 285. Deogir (Devagiri), 254, 321. Deopara, 58, 60-61. D Devabodhi, 282. Dabhoi, 292, 303, 304. Devada (Cahamanas), 162. Dadaka (Cavada), 214, 218. Devagarh, 42, 329, 338, 358. Dadaka (minister), 258, 260, 276. Devaladevi, 269, 284. Daddaka (Dadaka), 224. Develavada, (village), 238, 295. Dadhaka (Dadaka), 214, 232. Devapala (Pratihara), 45-46, 172Dadhisthali, 241, 360, 173

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408 INDEX 80. Devapala (Paramara), 117-118, 294, Dharmapala, 19-23, 25-28, 30, 53-56. 304, 338. Dharmaraja (god), 74, 279. Devapala (Pala), 55-56. Dharmaranya, 201, 202, 205-207, 320. Devapala (Kacchapaghata), 74-75, Dharma-sagara gani, 18. Dharmasarmabhyudaya, 2. Devapattana, 116, 255, 279, 294, 361. Dharma simha, 145, 343. Devaprasada, 241, 246-247, 263, 296. Darma-vijaya, 379. Devaraja, (Candravati Paramara), Dharmaya-pradatti, 367. 188, 196, 198-199. Dharmopadesamala, 262n. Devaraja (Naravarman), 132. Dhavala (Dharwar), 58-59. Devasuri, 259, 260, Dhavala (Rastrakuta), 11, 91, 128, Devendra suri, 295. 149, 173, 180, 183, 227, 232, 294, Devi(t), 338. 298, 300, 366, 378. Dhanadeva, 286. Dhavalaka (minister), 245. Dhananjaya, 294. Dhavalakka, 299-300, 313. Dhanapala (poet), 5, 53, 85, 87-88, Dhillika, 134-135. 90, 94, 105-108, 237-238, 343. Dholka, 117, 163, 300, 302-303, 306. Dhandha (Mahattama), 316. Dhruva II, 25-26, 28, 31-34, 41, 85. Dhandhuka (Paramara), 99, 188-190, Dhruvabhata (Paramara), 190, 196. 196, 198-199, 239. Dhruvapata (of Valabhi), 204. Dhanesvara (gaccha), 37. Dhulia Plates, 32. Dhanga (Candella), 65-66, 71, 73, Dhumaraja (Paramara), 88, 120, 186, 220. 188, 190, 196. Dhangaka, 288. Digambara (sect), 9, 63, 719, 76, Dhanika, 94. 268. Dhanika (Paramara), 185. Digambararka (t.), 71. Dhanusa, 377. Digha-mikaya, 331. Dhara (city), 57, 67-68, 82-83, 97- Dinara, 368. 98, 102-105, 107-108, 112, 114, Diskalkar, 210. 116, 119, 145, 222, 239-240, 257, Diyana, 187. 259, 373. Dohad, 251-253. Dharadhvansa-prabandha, 4. Dramma(s), 151, 155, 163, 167, 282, Dharanidhara, 198. 312, 368. Dharanivaraha (Paramara), 181, Dranga, 360. 187-188, 198-199, 232. Drona (measurement), 182, 367. Dharavarsa (Rastrakuta), 32, 41. Dubkund, 111, 45, 66, 71, 75, 78-79, Dharavarsa (Paramara), 157, 158, 100, 366. 174, 186, 190-194, 196-197, 275, Dunduka (son of Ama), 21, 22, 28, 287, 306, 332. 345. Dharesvara, 104. Durga, 374. Dharma (Kaul), 57, 240. Dulabha I (Cahamana), 126-127, Dharmadaya, 367. 169. Dharmadeva, 354, Durlabha II (Cahamana), 126, 169,

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181. Durlabha III (Cahamana), 129, 169. Durlabharaja (Caulukya), 57, 149, 198, 232, 234-237, 240, 256, 296, 336, 345. Durlabhadevi, 37-38, 57, 236. Dusala, 197, 199, 242. Duta, 356, 374. Dvadasaka, 361. Dvarappa (Barappa), 228. Dvisad-balam, 372. INDEX Dvisandhana-kavya, 2. Dvyasraya-kavya, 2-3, 49, 67-68, 96, 103, 113, 132-133, 149, 156, 188, 190-191, 202, 214, 216, 218, 225, 227-228, 232, 234, 236-238, 241-247, 261, 255, 258, 262, 266-267 269, 270, 273-276, 279, 282, 284, 345-346, 355, 368, 372-376. Dynastics of Central India, 64-120. -Of Eastern India, 53-64. -Of Madhyadela, 13-52. -Of Rajasthana, 121-199. -Of Saurastra, 200-325. Dynasties of the Kanarese districts, 43n. Dynastic History of Northern India, I, 45n. Dynastic History of Northern India, II, 57, 60, 64n, 72n, 75n, 78n, 81n, 82n, 87, 97n, 109n, 128n, 133n, 135n, 142n, 143n, 148n, 164n, 171n, 173n, 177n, 184n, 186n, 187n, 222n, 226n, 230, 237n, 238n, 247n, 252n, 265n. E Ekadeka (land-unit), 357. Elphinstone, 218. Eastern Magadha, 62. F Festival of Parsvanath, 166, -Of Santinath, 157, 168. Fergusson, 66n. Firista (Tarikh-i-Pirista), 164, 168n, 289, 372. Fleet (Dr.), 31, 43n. Forbes, 204, 218. G Gada, 377. Gadararaghatta, 160, 289. Gadayuddha, 217. Gadha-mapdala, 145. Gadhinagar, 72. Gadya-cintamani, 5. Gahadavala (s), 4, 46-52, 63, 69, 85, 219, 252-253, 291, 334, 355, 372. Gajapati, 375. Gajasimha, 154-155, 166. Gajjanavi, 238. 409 Gala, 252. Gambhiri (river), 177. Gambhuta, (Vijaya & Pathak), 360. Gambhuya, 201. Ganapati, 112. Gayaratna-mahodadhi, 8, 107, 258. Ganda (Audumbari), 255. Gapda (Candella), 66. Gandharva (s), 74. Elliot, H. M., 39n, 51n, 141n, 144n, Ganini (Head nun), 203. 147, 164, 289n, 292. Ganuli (village), 309. Early History of India, 27. Eastern Calukyas of Vengi, 217. Ganga (river), 25-26, 43, 48, 60, 81, 274, 317, 339. Ganga (family), 59, 86, 99. Ganga (Gangeya), 81. Gangala (prime minister), 260, 354. Gangeyadeva, 81-82, 84, 96, 372, 376. Ganguly (Dr.) D. C., 114n, 197. Garjanaka (Gazani), 138, 290. Garwala, 279.

Page #440
410 Gaud (country), 3, 19, 29, 50, 54, 99, Gopalagiri (Gwalior), 28. Gopalikera (Gwalior), 77. Gopendraka, 126, 127, 169. Gospana, 377. 198, 361, 275. Gaudavaho, 2, 17, 18, 20, 54. Gauda-bandha, 21. Gauda-vadha (Gauda-vaho), 20, 21. Gostha, 192. Gaura (minister), 355. Gaya (district), 62. Gaya-Karna, 82-84, 274. Ghaghada (Cavada), 210, 211. Ghaghasi, 10, 177. Ghanaka, 367. Ghanerava, 278, 375. Ghat, 182, 367. Ghatacataka, 280. Ghataika (mod. Kumberi), 139. Ghatiyala, 35-37, 363. Ghipa, 166. Ghughula, 305. Girijadevi, 282. Girikalla (Camel), 93. Girnara (Mt.), 11, 277, 295, 299, 302, Gramika, 364. 304, 309-310, 317. Goa, 261. Gramina-sabha, 363. Graminaka, 364. Gita Govinda, 61. Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, 219n, Guhadatta (Guhila), 171, 172. 250n, 302n, 309. Guhila, 119, 152, 172-176, 179, 181, 287. Godavari, 92. Godag, 158. Godhra, 305. Godraha, 267. Goga, 170. Gogadeva, 319. Goggiyamma, 87. INDEX Gohalvad Mehra, 273. Gohila (Gubila), 275. Gohilavati, 303. Gokulika, 359. Gonarda, 267. Goni (measurement), 80. Gopagiri (Gwalior), 28, 73. Gopadri (Gwalior), 72, 73. Gopala, 20, 53-55. Gopala II, 56. Gosthi, 40, 182, 187, 362, 364. Gosthika, 42, 157, 167, 359. Gotama (sage), 77. Govinda (Krsna), 94. Govinda II (Rastrakuta), 32-34. Govida III, 25-26, 32, 85. Govinda Candra, 47, 48, 52. Govindarai (of Delhi), 140, 141. Govindaraja (Cahamana), 126-128, 139, 142, 169. Grahapati (anvaya), 66, 70. Graharipu, 188, 227-229, 231, 378. Grama (unit), 360. Gramakata, 364. Gramataka, 359. Guhilangaja (family), 172, 178. Guhilaputra (s), 171-179, 329, 338, Guhilot 10, 45, 171-179, 329, 338, 359. Gujarakhan, 35. Gujargar, 35. Gujaranwala, 35. Gujarata, 3, 7, 8, 35, 38, 115, 128-129, 163, 171, 200-201, 205, 211-212, 217, 254, 291, 293, 302, 305, 308309, 320-321, 364, 379. Gujaratano Madhyakalina Rajaputa Itihasa, 158n, 160, 200, 216n, 234n, 256n, 268n, 271n, 278n, 287n, 307n, 309n, 310n, 315n, 316n, 321. Guna(s), 133. Gunasena, 59.

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INDEX 411 52. H Gundu (Govindaraja), 126, 128, 169. Haripala (Sutradhara), 317. Gupta (dynasty), 2, 13. Hariraja (Cahamana), 136, 141-142, Gurjara(s), 16, 35, 83, 86, 114, 193, 176. 200, 212, 214, 239, 293. Harisena, 43, 44 Gurjara-Brahma-senani, 376. Hariscandra (Paramara), 117, 118. Gurjaradesa, 239. Hariscandra (Gahadavala), 47, 51. Gurjara-mandala, 299, 322n. Gurjara-Pratihara, 6, 22-24, 29, 33, Harivahana, 346. 35-36, 46, 71, 78, 85, 171, 205, 222, Harivansa-Purana, 1, 13, 21, 23, 25223, 329. 27, 29, 31, 39, 40. Gurjaratra, 35. Harivarman, 180, 183. Gurjaresa (Jaya Simha), 67. Hari-vikrama, 214. Guvaka I (Cahamana), 126, 127, 169. Harsa, 14-17, 53, 329, 334, 371, 372. Guvaka II, (Cahamana), 126, 169. Harsa-carita, 2, 3, 5, 337. Gwalior, 10, 11, 23, 28, 43, 71-73, 75, Harsakavi-prabandha, 52n. 77, 85, 359. Harsa simha, (Siyaka), 89., Harsa-vardhana (Harsa), 105, 204, 282. Habib, M., 144n. Hathigumpha, 63. Haddala, 44. Hathundi, 11, 91, 149, 156, 366, 378. Haihaya (s), 46, 81, 202. Hatim, 127. Haji-ud-Din, 127. Hatta, 363. Halayudha, 94. Hasan Nizami, 142, 164. Hammira (Cahamana), 119, 121, 144- Hajama-d-din (Sultan), 129. 146, 306, 343, 345. Hemaka, 167. Hammira-mada-mardana, 4, 117, Hemacandra, 2, 3, 6-8, 49, 57, 68, 83 163-164, 176, 253, 256, 294, 304- 84, 103, 111, 177, 188, 202, 204, 307, 322-324, 345. 215-217, 225-228, 230-231, 234, 238, Hammira-mahakavya, 2, 119, 121, 247, 249, 253, 257-258, 266, 274, 123, 125-130, 133, 135-138, 140- 276, 277, 279, 281, 282, 286, 343, 146, 231, 242, 349. 363, 368. Hammuka, 238. Hemacandra-suri-caritam, 272n, Hansi, 135, 141. 276n. Harakeli (Drama), 135. Hemasena, 59. Harakhasimha (Siyaka), 89. Himalaya, 135, 254. Haravarca, 56. Himadri-bhava (Mt. Abu), 148. Hari (temple), 74. Hindavata (Pass), 145. Haribhadra (suri), 5. Hindu temples, 66. Haribhadra II. (suri,), 201, 232, 245. Hindu Raja(s), 52. Haricandra (poet), 2. Hindustan, 135. Haricandra (Pratihara), 37-38, 46, Hira, 52. 60. Hiradevi, 144. Haripala, 341, 363. Hiralal (Dr.) Jain, 59.

Page #442
412 INDEX 41. 20n. See also Jain (Dr.) H. L. Indrayudha, 23, 25, 27, 29, 31-34, 40Hiranya-garbha, 33. Hiru, 178. Isana (temple), 63. Historical Inscriptions of Gujarata, Isana (Siva), 155. 198n, 199n, 215n, 234n, 242n, 282n, Inscriptions (of Jains), 1, 10, 283n, 288n, 299n, 300n, 302n, 304n, Ista-Purti, 255. 308n, 310, 311n, 317, 318n. History of Bengal, 55, 62. History of India, 39, 51n. Jackson, 291. History of Indian & Eastern Archi- Jacobi, H. 201n, 232, 240n. tecture, 66n. Jagaddeva (Laksmadeva), 108, 109. History of Kanauj, 23, 25n, 36, 44n, Jagaddeva (Santara), 108, 109, 254. 47n. Jagadekamalla (Calukya), 114. History of Mediaeval Indian Ingic, Jagadekamalla (Parmardi of Kun tala), 261. History of North-East India, 19n. Jagadeva (Santara), 260, 261, 361. History of Paramara Dynasty. 114n. Jagadeva (Cahamana), 133, 135. History of Rajaputana, 172n, 173n, 176n, 188n, 200n. Jagaduka, 316. Hitopadesa, 220. Jagajjampana, 235. H. Jacobi-see Jacobi, H. Jagat simha, 175. Horse Race, 224. Jahad (merchant), 70. Huna(s), 13, 14, 86. Jaikop Lake, 166. Hunadesa, 236. Jain Dhatu Pratima Lekha, 12. Hyderabad, 108. Jain Dhatu-Pratima Lekha sangraha, 12. Jain (Dr.) D. K, 94n. Ibn-Asir (Ibn-ul-Asir), 238. Jain Doctrine, 280. Ibnu-l-Athir, 78. Jain (Dr.) H. L., 86n. Iltutmish (Shams-ud-Din), 142-143, Jain Hitaisi, 9, 14n. 164, 176, 307. Jain Holy Places, 28, 281. Image of Hanuman, 185. Jain images, 63, 183, 189, 192, 295, -Of Laksmi, 232. 320. Jain Kathakosa-prakarana, 236. -Of Mahavira, 320. Jain Lekha-sangraha Pt. I, 12, 40n, --Of Nandisvara, 295. 129n, 147n, 149n, 156n161n, 165n, --Of Sumatinath, 192. 167n, 172n, 173n, 179n-180n, 197n, -Of Vardhamana, 189. 275, 278n, 286, 346, 356, 358n-Of Vrsabha, 183. 359n, 3631-364n, 369n. Indian Antiquary, 9. Jain Mantra(s), 212. Indra (God), 74, 225, 278. Jain Ministers, 282. Indra III (Rastrakuta), 43, 85, 223. Jain Monks, 64, 203, 209, 259. Indraraja (Indra), 25, 26, 32, 41. Jain Pustaka-prasasti-sangraha, 10.

Page #443
INDEX Jain Sahitya aur Itihasa, 45, 66n. Jain Sahityano Itihasa, 258, 259n, 266, 279n. Jain Sahitya Samsodhaka, 33n. Jains in the History of Indian Literature, 4, 7n. Jain Siddhanta Bhaskara, 9. Jain Silalekha sangraha, I, 86n, 364n, 365n. Jain Thallaka, 151. Jain temples, 40, 57, 60, 70, 151-153, 167, 172, 177-179, 187, 201, 240, 250, 255-256, 272, 279, 282, 295, 319, 320. Jaipur, 124, 130. Jaitra Candra (Jaya Candra), 47-49. Jaitramalla, (Jaitugideva Paramara), 175, 176. Jaitra Simha (Guhil), 119, 175-177, Jaya Simha II, 60, 98. 306-307, 314, 315, 354. Jaya-Simha (Gubila), 179. 313. Jaitra Simha (Cahamana), 144, 345. Jaitugideva (Paramara), 118-120, 175, 342, 354. Jakha (Jaksadeva), 166. Jaksadeva, 165. Jala-mandapika, 367. Jalal-ud-Din, 143, 146, 163. Jalhaya, 133, 157, 284, 361. Jalor, 33, 35, 40, 41, 134, 159-168, 273, 274, 280, 306, 311, 363. Jambari, 227. Jaitra Simha (son of Vastupala), 308, Jaya Simha (Caulukya), 8, 48, 67 68, 96-97, 109-111, 113, 116, 132, 135, 151-152, 177, 184, 191, 198, 208, 240, 243, 245-250, 260, 265, 275, 278, 284, 292, 294, 296, 336337, 342-344, 354-355, 357, 362, 368, 377-378. Jamba (Chief Minister), 209, 211. Jambaka (Chief Minister), 232. Jambumati, 227. Jambusara, 26. Jaya Candra (Gahadavala), 47-52, 62, 69, 137, 192-193, 219, 253, 334, 355, 372, 376. Jayacandra-prabandha, 62. Jayadeva, 60. Jayakesi (Kadamaba ruler), 244, 261. Jayamangala, 10, 11, 121, 165, 239, 252, 256. Jayanaka, 122. Jayanta Candra (Jaya Candra), 62. Jayanta-vijaya (Muni), 12. Jayanti (goddess), 243. Jayapida, 27, 28. Jayaraja, 126, 169. Jayasapura, 79. Jayasekhara, 203-204, 208. Jaya Simha (Paramara), 108, 184, 185, 242. Jangala (desa), 124, 175, 176, 274, Jesala (Gohila), 175, 176. 287. Jangalesa (Arnoraja), 124. Jasavantapura, 165-167. Jasuka (Sresthi), 79. Javana (Yauana), 274, 320. 52 413 Jaya Simha (suri), 2, 4, 110, 117, 212, 214-215, 218, 224, 269, 274-275, 281, 285, 309, 322, 324, 354. Jayatala (Jaitra Simha), 176, 306307. Jayatalladevi, 178. Jayata Simhadeva, 153, 157, 158. Jayavarman, (Paramara). II, 113, 114, 119, 120. Jehula (Prime-minister), 227, 332. Jesalamer (Jaisalmer), 10. Jethana, 127. Jhalavad, 31. Jhalodi (Sirohi), 158, 162. Jhamvaria, 153.

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414 INDEX Jhansi, 42. Kadi (village), 224-226, 231, 291, 294. Jharovara, 38. Kailash, 231. Jhota (Pratihara), 27, 37, 38, 46. Kainvasa (Kadambavasa), 138, 140, Jinanath (temple), 66. 338. Jinadatta suri, 162. Kakini, 368. Jinaharsa gani, 3, 216, 314, 324. Kakka, 34, 46, 267, Jina-Mandanagani, 3, 110, 246, 251, 269, 278. 254, 275, 279. Kakuka (Pratihara), 36-38, 46, 269, Jina-Prabha suri, 8, 18, 178, 207, 237. 363, 364. Jinaratna-kosa, 6. Kaiacuri(s), 81-84, 98, 102, 239, 252, Jina-sasana, 203. 272, 274, 372-373. Jinasena I, 330. Kalakacarya-kathanaka, 5. Jinasena II, 1, 13, 24-25, 29-30, 32- Kalanjara, 65, 67, 220, 223, 34, 39. 224, 230. Jinavijaya (muni), 3, 10, 11, 188, 238, Kalhana, 13, 18-20. 253, 321. Kalinga, 63. Jindaka, 40. Kalidasa, 105. Jinduraja, 150, 170. Kalikala-sarvajna, 281, 343. Jinesvara, 240, 295. Kali-Sindhu, 113. Jivandhara, 4. Kali-vallabha(t.), 32. Jivita Gupta II, 19. Kalki (raja), 2, 13. Jodhapur, 22, 25, 35-38, 124, 150, 152, Kalki Avatara ki Aitihasikata ete. 167, 180, 197. 14n. Jogaraja, 173 Kallience (Kalyana), 219. Jojalla (Yojaka), 150, 151, 161, 170. Kalvan, 98, 359, 366. Jojjaka (Sindhuraja), 198, 199. Kalyana, 218, 219. Jolly, (Prof.), J., 6. Kalyana-kataka, 65, 68-69, 75-76, Juna (village), 167. 203, 204, 213, 218-22, 224, 254, 274, Junagarh, 188, 273. Kalyani, 43, 61, 75, 92, 204, 217, 218, Jura (village), 223. 223. Jyayanpradhana, 355. Kamaditya, 316. Jyotisasastra, 257. Kamaladeva (Acarya), 42. Kamalata, 228. Kamalacandra, 176. K. Bhujabali Sastri, 10. Kamal Maula-mosque, 116. Kaccha, 200, 227, 228, 254, 275. Kamandaka, 6, 7, 334-335, 352, 353, Kacchapaghata(s), 10, 11, 45, 66, 71- 373, 379. 80, 100, 359. Kambaras, 32. Kachavaha (Kacchapaghata), 100. Kansa, 67. Kacchela (s), 200. Kassadeva (Kakkadeva Paramara), Kadambari, 5. 185. Kadamba (dynastry), 60, 244. Kamyaka-Gaccha, 79. Kadambakula, 244n. Kanauj, 6, 17, 42, 45, 47, 51, 55, 105, K

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INDEX 415 132, 223, 345. Karna-sundari (Natika), 243, 246, Kanakasena, 58. 259n. Kancanagiri (Suvarnagiri), 161. Karnavati 243, 306-307. Kanci, 270. Karnata (ka), 58-60, 83, 98, 198, Kancika-vyala, 214, 215, 224. 244, 315. Kanouka, 377. Karnata-ksatriya, 58, Kancuki, 346. Karnata-sabdanusasana, 43n. Kanha (Commander), 183, 184. Karnesvara, 243. Kanhadadeva 264, 365, 283. Karpuradevi, 51, 136. Kanhadadeva (Krsnadeva), 88, 167- Karsa, 181, 367. 168, 186, 189, 190. Karsapana, 367. Kanhadadeva (Krisnaraja III), 194. Karpura-manjari, 27. Kanhadade-Prabandha, 320. Karyasana, 354. Kanerdco, 168. Karya-saciva(s), 349. Kankroli, 145. Karya-siddhi, 354. Kantamala, 206n. Kasahrda, 160, 290. Kanti Sagara (muni), 12. Kasi, 236. Kanthadi (ascetic),232. Kasmir, 3, 27-28, 34, 97. Kanthadurga, 229, 231, 332. Kastoorcand Kasalivala, 10. Kantha-trana, 377. Katantra-vyakarana, 48. Kantesvari, 211. Katha(s), 4-5. -Prasada, 209. Katha-Kosa(s), 5. Kanyakubja, 18, 20, 25-30, 34, 65, 72, Kathanaka(s). 5. 202, 204, 205, 213, 220, 229, 230, Kathiawar, 25, 29-31, 200, 210, 227, 275. 318. Kapalika, 280. Katukaraja, 151, 152, 170. Kapardin, 277, 282. Kaul (sect), 57, 280. Kapardika (coin), 368. Kaunkana (Konkana), 270, 276, 358. Kapilakoti, 228. Kautilya, 6, 7, 334-335, 349, 351-353, Karakandu, 4. 366, 379. Karana, 369. Kausambi, 29. Karana Rai, (Karna Vaghela), 321. Kavaca, 377. Keramika, 362, 364, 369. Kavi-bandhava (Vigraharaja, IV), Karkaraja, 25, 31-32, 41. 135. Karna (of Epic), 74. Kavi-siksa, 258. Karna (Caulukya), 129-130, 150, Kavyamala (series), 2n, 6n, 258n, 241-248, 258-259, 263, 296, 337-338, 260, 275n, 376n, 380n. Kavyanusasana, 8, 250n, 253n. Karna (Gaya-Karna), 274. Kayadra (village), 160. Karna (Vaghela), 310, 320, 322. Kedarnath, 264, 279. Karnaditya, 214. Kelhana (deva), 154-160, 170, 192, Karna-meru, 243. 269, 275, 290, 332, 361, 363. Karna-sagara, 243, Kesari (dynasty), 63. 345.

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416 INDEX Khadga, 377. Konow, Stein, 27n, 30. Khadgacarya, 53n. Kosa, 376. Khadga dynasty, 19. Kosadhipa, 356. Khajuraho, 65-6. Kosadhyaksa, 356. Khambhata, 215, 216. Kosala, 64. Khanadesa, 32. Koti-Yajna, 145. Khandagiri, 63. Kottapala, 374. Khara (an era), 43. Kottadaka, 314. Kharataragaccha-pattavali, 9. Kottasvami, 374. Kharavela, 63. Krpasundari, 279. Kharjurvaha, 65. Kesna (of Epic), 67. Kharpuras (a Mangole tribe), 143. Krsna (yadava), 315. Kheda (mod. Khera), 163. Krsna (a feudatory), 156. Khengara, 6, 249, 250. Krsna I (Rastrakuta), 28, 30, 32. Khetakahara, 360. Krsna II, 58, 188-190, 198-199. Khetaka mandala, 243, 359. Krsna III, 85-87, 195, 197, 223, 230. Khetakapura, 204. Krsnadeva, 239. Kholesvara (General), 306. Krsna kavi, 201, 203. Khottiga, 85, 87. Krsnaka, 267. Kielhorn, 16, 44, 79, 114, 181, 188. Krsnanagara, 316. 233, 239. Krsnaraja (Paramara), 105, 120, 150. Kiradu, 134, 154, 160, 188, 197, 199, Kitanta, 134. 253, 275, 276, 282, 291. Ksatriya(s) 123, 148, 260, 350, 370. Kiratakupa (Kiradu), 154, 160. Ksema Simha, 173, 174. Kirti-Kaumudi, 67, 110, 113, 132, 228, Ksemaraja (Cavada), 208, 210, 211. 230, 236, 249, 253, 260, 269, 284, Ksemarara (Caulukya), 241, 247, 286, 290, 303-306, 309, 262, 263, 296, 337. Kirti-pala, 155-161, 171, 272, 275, Ksitipala, 44. 283, 290, 296, 345, 361. Kulacandra, 99, 239. Kirtiraja (Kacchapaghata), 73-75, Kulakara(s), 330. 80, 100. Kula-Sirodama (t.), 58. Kirtiraja (Paramara), 228. Kirti-stambha, 257. Kumara (t.), 338, 345. Kirti-varman, 75. Kumara (mt.) same as Kumari ParKitu (Kirtipala), 160. vata. Kituka (Cahamana), 178. Kumara-bhukti, 357. Kocaraba (goddess), 243. Kumara Candra (avadhuta), 62. Kokalla, 66. Kumara-deva, 61, 62. Kolhapur, 254. Kumaradevi, 308. --Prabandha, 254. Kumarapala, 7, 8, 11, 67-68, 95, 110, Konkana, 98, 99, 136, 191, 196, 244, 113-114, 124, 133-136, 153, 156, 158, 254. 160-161, 174, 190-193, 196-202, 220, Konkanadhisa, 191, 247, 255, 259-266, 277-287, 295-297,

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INDEX 417 308, 337-338, 342-345, 352-359, Anhanniti. 368, 370, 376, 378. Lahara, 201, 209, 212. Kumarapala-carita, 2, 67, 95, 110, Laharhada, 154. 191, 212, 214, 215, 218, 224, 246, Lakhaka-same as Laksa. 263, 265, 269-270, 272-274, 281, Lakhana (Laksmana), 148. 284-285. Lakhanapala, 157, 161, 345, 361. Kumarapalesvara, 282. Lakhanapuri, 63. Kumara pala ki Bahana Devaladevi Lakharama, 207. (article), 284n. Lakhmul (Mularaja II), 289. Kumarapala-prabandha, 206, 214. Lakhu Muladeva (Mularaja II), 289. 224, 225, 243, 246, 251, 254, 268, Laksa (king of Kaccha), 227-228. 283, 285. Laksamana (Kacchapaghata), 36, 37, Kumarapala-pratibodha, 258, 263, 39-40, 72, 80, 265, 276, 280, 284, 343, 344n, 370. Laksamana (Cahamana), 127, 147, Kumarasena I, 58, 59. 148, 151, 155. Kumarasena, II, 59. Laksamana (son of Vijada), 162. Kumara-Simha, 157, 174, 277. Laksamanasena, 50, 54, 58, 61-63, Kumaravajra, 63. 355. Kumara-vihara, 261, 279. Laksmi (goddess), 94, 132, 232. Kumari-parvata, 63. Laksmi (Queen), 236. Kumbha, 172. Laksmi-varman (Paramara), 113-114, Kumbhalagadh, 179. 118, 120, 337. Kumuda-candra (Acarya), 70. Laksnavati, 54, 62. Kumuda-candra suri, 240, 260. Lalana (Maharaja), 167. Kunu (river), 77, 78. Lalitadevi, 313. Kunta, 377. Latitapur, 42. Kuntala, 109, 261. Lolitavigraharaja (drama,), 135. Kuntapala, 160. Lalrai, 157. Kurcala Sarasvati, 199. Lalwada, 252. Kurpasa, 377. Lata, 16, 35, 185, 204, 228, 230, 247, Kurudesa, 236. 274, 278, 281, 285, 292, 304, 357, Kuru-mandala, 274. 376. Kurun (Karna), 82. Latavagada (Gaccha), 79. Kusa, 132 Latesvara-mandala, 25, 26, 31. Kusasthala, 132. Lavana (person), 127. Kusumavati, 98. Lavana-prasad, 295-296, 298-304, Kuta-Yuddha, 379. 311-313, 322-323, 337. Kutumbin, 359. Lavanya-karna, 162. Kuvalaya-mala, 5, 33, 41. Lekha-pancasika, 306. Lele, K. K., 115n. L Life of Hemacandra, 279n, 282n. Laghu Karn (Vaghela), 320. Life of Yuan Chwang, 15n. Laghvarhannitisastra, 6. 7-same as Lila (physician), 214, 248.

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418 INDEX Liladevi, 225. Madhyama, 377. Limbadi, 10. Madhya-Pradesa, 66, 70, 108, 119, Limbaraja, (Paramara), 185. 223, 349. Lingayata, 66. Madra (desa), 21. Literature on Polity, 1, 6. Madra-Mahivijaya, 21. Lobha-vijaya, 379. M. D. Desai, 260, 279n. Lokayata, 335. Magadha, 274. London, 155. Magha, 105. Luacchagira, 42. Mahabharata, 331. Luard C. E., 115n. Mahacakra (village), 80. Luders, H., 287. Mahadandadhipati, 375. Lunapasa (Lavana--prasad), 301. Mahadeva (minister), 258, 260, 273, Lunar race, 216, 277. 276, 282, 352, 354. Luna-simha, 308, 316. Mahadeva (god), 262, 282, --Vasahika, 295. Mahajana(s) (t.), 154, Luna-varman, 162. 359, 364. Lundha, 162. Mahajana-sabha, 363. Luniga (Cahamana), 185, 308. Mahajana-sammata, 331. Mahakala, 119, 145, 221. M Mahaksapatalika, 350, 356. Madala-panji, 64. Mahakumara (t), 118, 345. Madana (poet), 82, 116-118, 292. Ma-ha-la-cha (Maharastra), 15. Madana (officer), 175, 178. Maha-Mahipa, 57. Madanacandra (Gahadavala), 47. Mahammada, 50. Madanapala (brother of Udayamati), Mahamandalesvara(t.), 166-167, 278, 248. 299, 300, 302, 310-311, 315, 357 Madanapur, 70, 137. Mahamandalika (t.), 90. Madanarajni, 302. Mahamatya, 175, 177, 248, 25., 276, Madanasagarpur, 70. 314, 348-349, 353. Madana Sankar (temple), 235. Mahanasimha (Cahamana), 161, 162, Madana-varman (Candella). 50, 65- 170. 71, 220, 274. Mahantaka, 166, 364 Madana-varma-prabandha, 68n. Maha-Pradhana, 227, 355. Maddora, 37. Maha-Pratihara, 346. Madhava (Nagar-Brahmana), 320. Maharaja (t.), 113, 123, 127, 292, Madhavi, 225. 299, 302, 338, 358. Madhainagar, 61. Maharajadhiraja (t.), 73, 151-152, Madhupadma (Mathura), 214, 218. 157, 194, 215, 224, 249, 292, 299, Madhusudana, 320. 302, 338. Madhya-Bharata, 35. Maharaja kula (t.), 162, 166-167, Madhyadesa, 14, 34, 274. 172, 178, 195. Madhyakalina Gujaratani Samajika Mahara japutra (t.), 154. Sthiti, 262n. Maha Rajni (t.), 38,

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INDEX 419 Maha Ranaka (t.), 300, 315. Maihar, 223. Maharastri Praksti, 37. Majumdar (Dr.) R. C., 25, 38, 55, Maha Rudrakala, 255. 61, 62n. Maha-sabda (t.), 42. Malati, 45. Maha-Sadhanika (t.), 324. Malava, 8, 14, 16, 35, 39, 73, 82, 85, Maha-Sahaniya, 356, 375. 90, 143, 185, 198, 221, 223, 249, 254, Maha-Sandhivigrahika (t.), 116. 274, 281, 285, 294, 317, 257 Maha-Samanta (t.), 42, 358. Malava-Cakravarti (t), 104. Maha-Samantadhipati (t.), 44. Malava-dhara-Dhumaketu (t.), 318. Mahasara, 256. Malayagiri, 8. Mahasena, 59. Malladeva (Vijayacandra), 48. Mahasthana, 255, 350. Malladeva (Elder brother of VastuMahattaka, 364. pala), 308. Mahattama (an high officer), 259, Malli-cariu, 245. 277, 296, 316, 317, 359, 364. Mallikarjuna, 191, 270-272, 276. Mahattara, 364. Mamalladevi, 52. Mahavira, 1, 40, 71n, 151, 153, 155, Mammata, 180, 182, 183, 367. 156, 163, 166, 167, 281, 320. Manaka (measurement), 182, 367. Mahavira-carita, 1, 2, 274n, 279. Manatunga, 17, 105. Mahayatra, 255. Mandala (unit), 357. Mahendra (Cahamana), 128, 149, -(Theory) 377. 170, 181. Mandalapati(t.), 158. Mahendra-Pala II, 6, 44-46, 103, 210. Mandalesvara (t.), 192, 322, 325, 356, Mahendraraja, (of Marudesa), 236. 357 Mahendrasuri, 3, 107. Mandali, 360. Mahesvara (suri), 79. Mandalika (Paramara), 184, 115. Mahi (river), 278. Mandalika (t.), 298, 358. Mahibaladevi, 157. Mandalika Surasambhu (MandalMahideva (Brahmana), 123, esvara), 192. Mahipala (Kacchapaghata), 11, 71- Mandanadeva, 185. 77, 355. Mandapadurga (mod. Mandu), 115. Mahipala I, (Gurjara-Pratihara), 36. Mandapa of Ganadhara, 317. Mahipala II, (do), 42, 46, 173. Mandapika, 367. Mahipala (Paramara), 187-188. Mandavyapura (mod. Mandor), 158, Mahipala (Caulukya), 283, 285, 296. 162. Mahisura-mandala (Mysore), 261. Mandhata (puranic king), 53, 74. Mahismati (Mandhata), 81. Mandhata (town), 81. Mahiya(s), 267. Mandor, 162. Mahmud of Ghazani, 8, 99, 128, 150, Mandukesvara, 241. 227-238. Mangalaraja, 73, 79, 80, Mahoba, 45, 67-69. Mangalesa (Calukya king), 81. Mahodaya (Skandhavara), 219. Mangalana, 142. Mahta (village), 301. Mangrol, 275.

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420 Manikantha, 76. Manikyasuri, 18. Manorath, 57. Mantri, 303. 87. Marathas, 300. Manyakheta, 85, 89, 90. Marasimha II (Ganga chief), 59, 86- Mitra, 377. INDEX Marumada, 38. Marumandala, 166, 198, 205. Marwar, 30, 33, 91, 124, 285. Mataji temple, 167. Matakari, 32. Matangi, 61. Matanga (s), 133. Mathandeva, 36. Mari, 280. -Cakravartin, 306. Maru (desa), 163, 236, 240, 281, 285. Modi, Cunnilal, 156 n. Maruka, 277. Matsya-Nyaya, 330. Maukhari(s), 14, 18. 176, 307. Minala-devi, 152, 259. Minhaj-us-Siyar, 289. Mirat-i-Ahmedi, 206, 233, 266. Miscellaneous Literature, 1, 8. Modes (Mohadavasaka), 96, 97, 108, 221, 321. Mohammad (Muhammada Ghuri), 274, 289. Mohammada Ghori (Muhammad Ghuri), 376. Mohammadans (Muslims), 289, 306. Mokaraja Parajaya, 4, 202, 256, 262n, 264, 279, 280, 286n, 362n. Mathana Simha (Guhila), 174-175, Mojadina (Sihab-ud-Din), 192-193. Mokalaji temple, 10. 178. Mathura, 21, 218, 222, 236, 274, 306. Monghyr, 57. Matoda, 310. Mleccha (s), 50, 115, 206, 137-138, 306. Merutunga, 3, 9, 49, 62, 70, 89, 9697, 100-102, 104-105, 107-110, 112, 115, 202, 204, 210, 211, 223, 230, 231, 237, 247, 285, 288. Mewar, 91, 171, 174, 285, 315. Mihira, (Bhoja I, Pratihara), 27. Mihirakula, 13. Milicchikara (t. of Iltutmish), 164, Monier William, 360n. Maula (hereditary troop), 372. Maurya (s), 18, 19. Maurya(s) of Cittor, 171. Mayapalla, 109, 200, 244, 245, 249, Mudrita-kumuda-candra, 259. 258, 261, 338. Mayura (poet), 17, 105, 172. Mayurasarma (Kadamba), 60. Medapata, 19, 145, 149, 281, 306,332. Meghacandra, 51. Megha-vahana, 380. Morajhari (village), 135. Mozz' Ud-Din (Sihab-ud-Din), 307. Mrgavati-carita, 5. Mrnalavati, 92-94. Mudgavati, 319. Muhammadan(s), 139, 289, 321, 338. Muhammada Ghuri (Sihab-ud-Din), 158, 291, 292, 376. Muhammadanism, 199. Muhammada Shah, 8. Muhanota Nainasi ki Khyata, 134, 160. Mu'izz-ud-Din (Sihab-ud-Din), 158. Mula (Naksatra), 213. Muladeva (Kacchapaghata), 74, 74, 80, 359. Mula-nayaka, 156. Mularaja, 91, 128, 181, 187, 201, 210, 212-215, 222, 224-229, 232, 237,

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Muluka (Gohila), 275. Multan, 274. 241, 273, 290, 295-296, 332, 345- Nagadeva (same as Nagaraja), 296. 346, 348, 378. ( Nagadraha (mod. Nagda), 175-176, Mularaja II, 158, 160, 288, 290. Mularaja-Vasahika, 232. INDEX Munjaladeva-Prasad, 232, Munshi, K. M., 219. Muni-Vrata, 145. Munja (Paramara), 148-150, 171, 173, 181, 185, 227, 235, 310, 332, 334, 342-343, 355. Munjala (deva), 213-215, 218, 222, Nagaraja (Caulukya), 149, 234, 236, 237. 224, 245, 258-260, 320-355. Munjala (minister), 112. Munjaraja-Prabanda, 91n. Munjarasa, 93. Murdhabhisikta, 339. Musalamana (Muslims), 127, 133. Muslim (s), 119, 139-147, 158, 164, 233, 289-291, 317, 320, 321. Mysore, 32. Mythological Literature, 1. N Nabheya (Rsabhanath), 161, 255. Nabhinandanoddhara-prabandha, 321. Naddula (Nadol), 100, 134-135, 147, 151-152, 162, 167, 181, 239, 247, 273, 282, 378. 178, 306-307, 362. Nagakumar, 4. Nagaladevi, 316. Naganand, 17. Nagapur, 83, 108, 109. Nagapur (in Jodhapur), 124. Nagara (General), 294. Nagara-Brahmana, 273. 421 Nagara-Raksaka, 361. Nagari Pracarina Patriki, 124n. Nagaur (Nagapur), 124. Nagavaloka, 22-26, 41-42. Nahad (Pratihara), 37. Nahar, P.C., 40, 127n, 147n, 152n, 157, 159, 166, 167n, 172n, 173n, 275n. Nahar (a person), 166, 167. Nahorwala (Anahilavada), 287, 321. Naigama Kayastha, 166. Naikidevi, 289, 338, 346. Naisadhiya-carita, 52. Nalakacchapur (mod. Nalacha), 166. 118. Nalanda, 17, 57. Napaka (Scholar), 316. Nanaka gaccha, 165. Nandiwara, 195. Narabhata, 37, 46. Naduladagika, 171, 179. Naddulapura (Nadol), 148. Naddula Talapada, 155. Naddulai (mod. Nadlai), 155. Nadha (minister), 245. Naranarayanananda, 303, 309. Narapati (of Jalor), 165, 167. Narasimha (Calukya), 43, 223. Nadlai, 152, 155, 367. Nadola, 134-135, 148, 153, 345, 357- Narasimha, (Jayasimha), 253. 358, 361, 367. Nadala-Lakhan prabandha, 4. Nagabhata I, 205-206, 208. Nagabhata II, 22-25, 33, 41-42. Nagabhata (of Jodhapur), 37, 46. Nagada (minister), 163, 312-314, 316. Narasimha I (Hoyasala), 114. Naravihana (Guhila), 173. Naravahana (Khengara), 241. Naravarman (Paramara), 109-111, 120, 131-132, 249, 252. Narayana (god), 331, 342. 53

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422 INDEX Narayanapala, 56. Narmada, 15, 17, 234, 300, 304, 305, Odayadeva, 5. 327. Ojha (Pt). G.H., 124, 172, 176, 179, Narrative Literature, 1, 4. 188, 195, 198, 253, 307. Narwar, 71. Origin of the Sena kings, 61n. Nasarat Khan, 146-147, 321. Orissa, 63-64 Nasika, 99. Osavala Jain, 157. Natarambha (horse), 138, 139. Osia, 158 Navamuni Cave, 64. Navaghana (Abhira), 250. Navaratra (festival), 229, 281. P. C. Nahar--same as Nahar, P. C. Navasahasanka-carita, 86, 94, 95, Padalipta-suri, 5. 105. Padma Gupta (Parimala), 86, 94-95, Navasara (fort), 198. 97. Nayacandra (suri), 2, 4, 48-50, 69, Padmanath, 72, 74. 119, 121, 125, 142, 167, 231, 242, Padmapala, 74. 349. Padma-purana, 1. Neminath, 152 Padmasimha (Guhila), 172, 174-178, Neminaha cariu, 201, 209, 232, 240 Nemi-nirvana kavya, 2. Padmavati, 284. Nerulkar, 50n. Padmini, 38. Padra (s), (Land-unit), 360. Nibandhaka, 362, 369. Pahilla, 66. Nibandha-sangraha (Gujarati), 284n. Paithana, 254. Nibi (Nivi), 369. Paiyalacchi-kosa, 85, 87, 89-90, 94. Nilakantha, 242. Pala(s) (measurement), 182, 367. Ninnaya (merchant), 201, 209, 212 Pala (dynasty), 20, 23, 27, 53. Nirgranthanath, (t.), 71, 75, 76. Palha, 157, 317, 318. Nirupama, 29. Pali (4 village), 134. Nirvana-Narayana--(Naravarman), Palika(s), (measurement), 367. 111, 132. Palli (a village), 166. Nisrstartha, 37. Palli (land-unit), 360. Niska, 368. Pallika (Pali), 134. Nitisara, 6. Pampa (poet), 36, 223. Niti-vakyamrta, 6, 7, 45, 332, 348, Pampa-Bharata, 42. 362, 366, 369, 370, 372. Pamparaja (son of Yogaraja), 176. Nivartana, 366. Pana (coin), 367. Nivigrahaka, 362, 369. Panca-Gauda, 56. Nivogi, 369. Panca-grama, 303, 310. Northern Rastrakuta(s), 11, 180-183. Panca-gundika, 175. Nrpakumar (t.), 345. Panca-kula(s), 157, 318, 362, 364, Nyaya-ghanta, 65. 369, 371. Nyaya-sastra, 257. Pancala, 274. 10

Page #453
INDEX 423 Panca-mahala, 113. Parvati, 165. Panca-mahasabda (t.) 32, 358. Patan, 4, 95-96, 150, 236, 239, 254, Panca-Mahantaka(t),166. 257, 273, 315, 360. Pancanada, 274. Pathaka (Dr.) K. B., 14. Pancasara, 200-204, 207-209. Pathaka (Dr.) V. S., 70n. Pandava(s), 58. Pathaka (unit), 360. Pangu (t.), 372. Pattaka (documents), 356. Panidhara (sresthi), 66. Pattakila, 364. Panjab, 35. Pattala, 360. Panna (district), 70. Patta-rajm, 339. Panthadadeva (Psthiviraja II), 135 Pattavali(s), 1, 9, 21n. Papaura (village), 66. Pattavali-samuccaya, 9, 21n. Paramabhattaraka(t), 42, 97, 338. Pattyadhyaksa, 375. Paramara (eponymous), 86, 190. Patuka (or Pataka-richman), 166. Paramara(s), 22, 67, 121, 221. Pellaka-pellaka, 182, 367. - Of Malava, 85, 87-120, 171, 183, Pesava (s), 300. 185, 233, 235, 343. Pethad (merchant), 320. -Of Candravati, 87, 88, 99, 148, Phoolad, 228. 186-197, 232, 239, 275, 287, 306, Pinaka Pani (god), 342. 332. Pingala (prosody), 94. --of Banswara 87, 183-185. Of Kiradu, 87, 134, 160, 167-199. Pingalika, 251. Paramaras of Dhara and Malava, Pipasa (country), 214, 218, 224. 115n. Poona Orientalist, 295n, 317n, 319n. Paramardi (Candella), 50, 67-71, 137, Prabandha-cintamani, 3, 47-48, 61, 219, 254, 289, 376. 62, 89-95, 99-104, 109, 115, 128, Paramardi of Kuntala, 109, 261. 132, 135, 137, 160, 200-216, 218, Paramarhata (t.), 285. 220, 222, 225-229, 232-233, 235-237, Parama-Sravaka (t.), 285. 240--250, 252-253, 255-256, 259, Paramesvara, 16, 338. 260-61, 263-264, 266-267, 270, 272, Paramitartha, 374. 274-275, 277, 281, 285-290, 292, Parasu, 378. 298, 301-305, 308, 310, 324, 336, Prasurama, 133. 338, 344, 362, 372, 375. Parijatamanjari, 82, 116, 292. Prabandha-kosa, 3, 4, 18-19, 47-51, Parisista-parvan, 3. 62-63, 110, 126-131, 133, 135-137, Partha, 74. 141-144, 156, 163-164, 168, 186, 192, Partha-parakrama, 193. 193, 242, 258, 268, 273, 277, 285, Parsnigraha, 377. 304-305, 307, 310-313, 316, 324. Parsvadeva (Parsvanath), 318. Prabhacandra, 18, 107, 108. Parsvanath, 135, 136, 167. Prabhakara-vardhan, 34, 35. --carit, 1. Prabhasa (Patan), 28. Partapagarh, 43. Prabhavaka-carita, 3, 17-19, 25-28, Parva-parvata (mod. Pavagadh), 294. 42, 54, 57, 68, 94, 186, 188, 190, 53-a 62. andha-koks 372, 375, 324, 336

Page #454
424 INDEX 209, 220, 234, 239, 250, 256, 259, Psthu, 72, 331. 268, 270, 274, 276, 336, 345. Prthvipala (Cahamana), 150-151, Procana Lekha samgraha, 12, 172n. 170, 242. Pracina Jain Lekha-samgraha, 12, Pythvipala (minister), 260, 277. 188n 260n, 314n. Prthviraja, I, 130. Pradhana-duta, 356. Psthviraja, II, 135, 136, 176. Pradhana-mantri, 355. Prthviraja III, 8, 50, 69, 70, 121, 129, Pradhanamatya, 355. 136-141, 192-193, 196, 284, 291, Pradhana-ratnadhyaksa, 356. 334, 338, 357, 372, 376. Pradyumna-suri, 178. Pythviraja-prabandha, 4, 372. Pragvata-family, 187, 303. Prthviraja-Raso, 140. Prahara, 370. Pythviraja-vijaya-mahakavya, 121Prahlada, 142, 143. 123, 125-131, 133-134, 136, 140Prahladanadeva, 174, 190, 193, 196, 141, 147, 158, 173, 231, 242, 197, 287. 271, 284, 338. Prahladanadevi 163. Puad, 211, 212. Prahladanapura, 163. Pulikesin II, 14-16, 35, 39. Prakrta, 2, 4, 5, 36, 37, 265. Punapaksadeva, 282. Prakrti (constituent), 333. Pundrapalli,360. Pranta, 357. Puradhyaksa, 361. Prasasti(s), 1, 9. Purana(s), 1, 5. Prasasti-sangrah, 10, 194, 300, Purana Candra, Nahar, 12. 320. --See also Nahar, P.C. Prastha, 368. Purarahupura, 48. Prasthana (Gujarati journal), 253n., Puratana-prabandha-samgraha, 3, 4, 257n. 47, 49-51, 62-63, 65-69, 81, 89, Pratapgarh, 85. 91, 94, 102, 104, 108, 110, 111, 137Pratapalankesvara (t.), 136. 138, 142, 164-168, 193, 203, 219, Pratapamalla, 162, 170, 285, 311. 246, 249, 261-262, 264, 277, 283, Pratapasimha (spearman), 138. 288, 300, 310-313, 316, 337, 342, Pratapasimha (Paramara), 195, 196. 367. Pratapasri, 318. Puratattva (Gujarati), 249n, 318n, Pratihara (door-keeper), 36, 37, 40, Purnapala (Paramara), 186, 189. 346. Purnatalla, 126, 169. Pratihara (s), 23, 24, 28, 38-39, 43, 60, Purnhita, 350, 351. 65, 73, 173. Pururava, 216. - See also Gurjara-Pratihara. Purusa-Pariksa, 50. Prativandhaka, 362, 369. Puskara, 122, 123, 133. Pravacana-Pariksa, 8, 206, 314-317, Puspasena, 59. 321. Pusyabhuti(s), 13, 14. Premi Abhinandana Granth, 70n. Premi (Pt.), Nathuram, 45n, 66n. Princep, J., 64. Qutb-ud-Din, 70, 142, 293, 307.

Page #455
INDEX 425 R Rajasthana, 45, 73, 79, 124, 183, 237, R. C. Modi, 262n. 254, 365, 367. --see also Ramlal Modi Rajasthaniya, 359. R. C. Parikha, 250n, 253n. Rajasthapanacarya (t.), 312, 314, Raddhada, 273. 355. Radha (country), 58. Rajatarangini, 18-20, 27. Radhadevi, 145. Rajavali-kosthaka, 206, 310. -prabandha, 104. Rajavaidya, 356. Radhanpur, 41, 200, 237, 238, 360. Rajavallabha (suri), 98. Raghavan (Dr.) V., 45n. Raja Vallabha (special officer), 346. Raghu (dynasty), 36. Raja-vihara, 256. Rahada (or Ghaghada), 208. Rajavrddha(s), 346, 355. Rahamana, 280. Rajendradeva (Cola king), 60. Rai, 146. Raji, 213, 214, 218, 223, 224, 232, Rai Pithora, 140. 296. Raivataka (Mt.), 28, 255, 261. Rajibhu, 214. Raja Bhoja, 114n, 319n. Raji-nandana, 214. Rajadeva (Guhila Thakkura), 142. Rajjala, 37, 46. 152, 179. Rajn (t.), 338. Rajadevi, 130, 309. Rajpal (Rayapala, Cahamana), 367. Rajadhiraja (t.), 44. Rajya-Laksmi, 303. Rajadhyaksa, 362, 369. Rajyapala-(Pratihara), 45, 46, 77, Raja Guru, 116-117. 78. Rajyapala (Pala), 56, 57. Rajakadraha, 80. Rajyavahaka, 158. Rajakiya Bhoga, 361. Rajyesvara, 159. Rajakula (t.), 155. Ralha, 157. Rajakula, 346. Rama (god), 36, 37, 39, 40. Raja Madana Sanker (t.), 235. Ramabhadra, 22. Rajamahisi, 339. Ramacandra (poet), 162, 279, 286. Raja-mandala, 377. Ramacandra (teacher), 176. Rajan (t.), 338. Ramacarita, 56. Rajapitamaha (t.), 271, 343. Ramadeo (of Deogir), 321. Raja Purusa, 362, 371. Ramadeva (Paramara), 190-191, 197, Rajaputana, 35. 270. Rajaputana Ka Itihasa, 188n, 315n. Ramadeva (Vaghela), 319. ---see also History of Rajaputana. Ramakama, 181. Rajaputana Museum, 183. Ramakirti, 10, 171, 174, 268, 278, 375. Rajaputra (t.), 143, 345, 361. Ramalal Modi, 206, 210, 227n. Rajaraja Bhatta, 19. Ramasainya (Ramsen), 163, 165. Raja raksa samuddesa, 339. Rambha-manjari, 4, 48, 50, 69. Raja-sekhara (suri), 3, 18, 19, 42, 49, Ranaka(t), 229-301, 310, 311, 314, 52, 62, 110, 125, 165, 277. 315, 358.

Page #456
426 INDEX Ranakavara(t), 129. Ritthanemicariu, 17n. Ranasimha, 173. Rohini, 40. Rana-thambhore, 121, 146, 147. Rohinikupa, 37. Ranna (Poet), 217. Royal Asiatic Society, 155. Ranna of Kaccha, 200, 201. Rsabha (tirthankar), 40, 77, 145, 201, Rasabha (family), 2. 272, 330. Rasalladevi, 130. Rsi (trader), 79. Rasamala, 4, 82, 108, 109, 204n. 205n. Ruchi, 180. 218n. Rudaladevi, 161. Rasapala, 55. Rudra, 127. Rastrakuta (s), 23, 26, 29, 30, 32, 34, Rudraditya, 90-94, 355. 58, 87-89, 181, 217. Rudra-Mahakala-Prasad, 256. Rastrakutas of Hastikundi, 180-183. Rudra-Mahalaya, 255-256. Rastrakutas of Manyakheta, 85. Rudrapala, 152. Rastrakutas and Their Times, 26n. Rudrapalli, 48. 32n, 223n. Rupaka, (Coin), 182n, Rastrakutiya, 47. 368. Rastrauda (family), 155. Rupa-sundari, 203. Rastriyas, 267. Ratnadevi, 309. Ratnaditya, 208, 211. Sabarmati, 228, 300, 307. Ratnahrda, 163 Sabha, 369. Ratna-kosadhyaksa, 340. Sabha-mandapa, 152, 157, 167. Ratna-Mala, 201, 203, 204, 206-207. Sabha-pati, 369, 370. Ratnapala, 151-152, 154-155, 166. Sabharamati--same as Sabaramati. Ratna-Prabha suri, 10, 171, 176, 177, Sabdanusasana, 8. 314. Sahajarama (Caulukya), 214. Ratna-Punja, 63. Saciva(s), 348. Ratnapura, 163, 167. Saciyayadevi, 157-160. Ratnasimha, 178, 179, 291, 296. Sacred Books of the Buddhists, 331n. Rauta (Rajaputra), 179. Sadanga(s), 372. Revana, 136. Sadgunya, 377. Ravikirti, 11, 14, 39, 81. Sadha (General), 100, 149. Ravivardhana, 21n. Sadhu (t.), 79. Rawats, 146. Sadika, 324. Ray (Dr.) H. C., 128, 164, 184, 187. Sadukti-karnamata, 61. Rayapala (Cahamana) 152, 154, 170, Sagara-Dharmamrta, 115n, 116n. 179, 363. Sahaniya, 375. Reu, V. N., 114, 188. Saharanpur, 124. Reva (River), 15, 136. Sahasamalla, 117. Revantagiri Rasu, 250. Sahasrarjuna, 81. Revasa 130. Sahasralinga (lake), 255, 256. Rice, Lewis, 43n. Saindhava(s), 200.

Page #457
INDEX 427 Sainvadighat, 166. 179, 307, 321. Saiva (s), 59, 282. Samasadin (Samus-ud-Din, 143. Saivism, 60, 212, 224, 279, 283. Sambalapur, 64. Saivites, 107, 282-283. Sambhara, 123, 124. Saiyad, 324. Sambhu, 57, 165, 255. Sajjana (General), 134, 250, 268, 278, Samidhesvara, 268. 357, 375-376. Samipati-mandapika, 153, 367. Sakambhari, 123-128, 147, 149, 154- Samnanaka, 157, 361. 155, 231, 247, 268, 285, 298. Sampatkara (santu), 245. Sakambharindra, 147. Samus-ud-Din (Iltutmish), 142, 143, Sakrandana (Indra), 74. 164, 176. Saksi, 370. Samuddhara (prime-minister), 177. Sakti-kumara (Guhila), 91, 171-173. Samudra Gupta, 14. Saktism, 212 Samyaktva kaumudi, 5. Salakhana, (Sallaksana), 115-116. Sanatkumara-caritam, 201n, 232n, Salhana, 130. 240n. Salipura, 268. Sandathala, 202. Salivahana (Guhila), 173. Sandera (Sanderao), 150. Salya, 166. Sanderaka Gaccha, 151, 155, 156. Sama, 379. Sandhi-Vigrahika mantri, 115, 117, Samanadharma, 341. 270. Samanta-raja (Cahamana), 122-124, -Amatya 350-351. 126, 169. Sangu, same as Sangana. Samanta (minister), 277. Sangana (of Vamanasthali), 166-167, Samanta (t.), 20, 99, 275, 288, 355, 303. 358. Sangrama simha (Sankha), 240, 304. Samantanayaka, 20. Sangrama Soni, 295. Samantapala (Samantasimha), 168. Sankalia, (Dr.) H. D., 309n. Samantasena, 58, 60, 61. Sankara (god), 155, 309. Samanta simha (Cahamana), 159, Sankha (Sangrama-simha), 253, 309, 167, 170. 322-324, 325, 357, 374. Samanta simha (Guhila), 173-174, Samkhya, 335. 193, 287. Sanmati (Mahavira), 77. Samanta simha (Cavada), 210, 211, Sannaha-pataha, 376. 214, 224. Sanskrit Dyasraya kavya ma MadhSamara-bheri, 376. yakalina Gujaratani Samajika Samara-dakka, 376. Sthiti, 156, 227n, 269n, 377n. Samaraicca-kaha, 5, 361n, 362, 369. Sanskrit English Dictionary, 360n. Samarapur, 161. Santal Pargana, 57. Samarasa (king of Saurastra), 273. Santara family, 109, 361. Samara simha (Cahamana), 159-161, Santi-bhadra, 182. 170. Santinath (tirthankar), 77, 157, 170, Samara-simha (Guhila), 172, 176- 171.

Page #458
428 INDEX Santi-Parva, 331. santisena (guru), 80, 107. santi suri, 3, 240. Santu (Chief minister), 109-111, 245 246, 248, 258-260, 336, 355. Sapadalaksa (country), 69, 115, 124, 132, 136-138, 196, 228-229, 253, 266- 267, 274, 281, 291. Saptama Cakravarti (t.), 318. Sarangadeva, 195, 317-319, 322, 346. Sarasapur, 145. Sarasvata-mandala, 227, 230-231, 332. Sarasvati (t.) 88, 94, 343. Sarasvati (river), 221, 233, 246, 251, 263, 306. Sarasvati-Purana, 256. Sarva deva (sadhu), 79. Sarvadeva (purohita), 278. Sarvajna, 197. Sarvesvara (t.), 160, 299, 300, 302. Sasabahu ka Dehra, 72, 73. Sasana, 370. sasanahara, 374. Sasanka, 53. Sasinrpa (Candra), 126, 127, 169. Sastri, D. K., 216n. Sataghni, 377. Satka-Catustika (a construction), 192. Satrunjaya (Mt.), 12, 255, 259, 261, 272, 273, 277, 304, 308, 309, 313, 314. Satyu Puriya Sri Mahavira Utsaha, 237. Satyapura Kalpa, 238. Satyapura (Sanchor), 163. Satya-raja (Pulikesin II), 14. Satva-raja (Paramara of Banswara), 185. Saudha-pala, 346. Saulkika, 359. Saunsara-same as Sumbara. Saura-mandala, 29. Saurastra, 136, 155, 200, 210, 247, 254, 273, 274, 294, 357. Sausara-same as Sumbara. Savaramati-same as Sabaramati. Sayyapala, 346. Selaka (an officer), 359, Selluka (town,) 99. Sena (s) of Bengal, 58. -Sangha, 58. -Gana, 58. ---Anvaya, 58-61. Senapati, 350, 357, 375. Sevadi, 121, 151, 153, 363, 375. Seven constituent of State, 332. Shrine of Neminath, 295. Siddha-cakravarti (t.), 240, 254. Siddha-Hema-Vyakarana, 249, 257. Siddha-pala, 279. Siddha-pura, 233, 255-256. Siddharaja (t.), 112, 251, 261, 263, 308. Siddhartha, 40. Siddharsi, 5. Siddhasara, 256. Siddhasena-Divakara 240. Sihab-ud-Din of Ghor (MuhammadGhuri), 49-51, 115, 130, 137, 139 142, 193, 196. Siladitya (Harsa), 15. Silaguna suri, 202, 209, Silahara (family), 271. Sila-lekha-sangraha, 12, 59. Sila-Kuta, 80. Sila-varsana-yantra, 377. Silluka, 27, 37, 38, 46. Simha (era), 153, 262. Simha (Cahamana), 322. Simha (Paramara), 89. Simhabhata (Paramara), 89, 90. Simhadantabhata-same as Simha bhata. Simhadevagani, 253, 260.

Page #459
INDEX 429 Simhapur, 255. Sobhanadeva, 291, 296, 303, 357, 375. Simha-Vikrama (Cahamana), 157, Sobhita (Cahamana), 148. 214. Socaraja, 198, 199. Simhaka (Siyaka), 89. Soddala, 17, 70. Simhana (Yadava king), 117, 305-306, Sohada (Subhatavarman), 115, 292. 323-324. Sohiya (Sobhita), 148. Simha-Paniya, 73. Solanki (Caulukya), 108. Simha-raja (Cahamana), 126-128, Solar (race), 53, 54, 204. 169. Sollana, 111. Sinanava, 157, 361. Soma (an officer), 308. Sindhu (country), 164, 228, 247, 253, Soma (father of Vagbhata), 8, 275. 274, Somadeva, 5, 6, 7, 45, 135, 332-337, Sindhala (Sindhuraja), 90. 339-43, 347-351, 362, 364-365, 368Sindhu (river), 339. 369, 370-373, 376-380. Sindhula, 130. Somaditya, 214, 224, 316. Sindhuraja (Paramara), 88, 90-91, Somoladevi,-same as Somalladevi. 95-98, 120, 185, 197-198. Somalladevi 130, 131, 338. Sindhuraja (Commander), 183, 184. Somanath, 8, 99, 132, 150, 210, 213, Sindhuraja (Cahamana), 164, 322, 218, 224, 237-238, 249, 255, 258, 323. 261, 281-282, 321. Sindkuraja-identification, 233. Soma-Prabha (suri), 258, 583, 265, Sindhuraja (king of Sindha), 252. 271, 280, 343, 370. Sanghat (Cahamana), 129. Somapuri (mother of Santu), 259. Sirana, 163 Soma-simhadeva, 161. Sirastrana 377. Somasimha (Paramara), 190, 194, Sirohi, 157, 182, 237, 318. 197, 296, 306. Sisoda Branch of Guhilota(8), 179. Somavansi, 64. Sita, 105. Somesa (god), 158. Siva (god), 83, 107, 224, 279, 281-283. Somesvara (Somavansi), 64. Siva (a place), 273. Somesvara (Calukya), 59, 102. Siva (family deity), 197, 224. Somesvara (Cahamana), 121, 125, Sivacita, 290. 135-137, 271. Siva Kedarnath, 282. Somesvara (Paramara), 197-199, 275. Sivalika, 124. Somesvara (Pattana), 232, 238. Sivaratri, 154. Somesvara (god Somanath), 109, 244. Sivasana (a place), 238. Somesvara, (poet), 253, 287, 309-310, Siyaka I (Paramara), 87, 89. 316. Siyaka II (Paramara), 85, 89, 90, 93, Somesvara (purohita), 278. 97, 99, 120, 185, 227, Sonigara Branch, 159-160. Skanda Gupta, 13. Soratha, 238. Smith (Dr.) V. A., 27, 30. Southern Rastrakuta (s), 87, 221. Smrti(s), 370-371. Sravana-Velgola, 12, 86. Sobhana (muni), 105. Sreni, 632, 372. 54

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430 INDEX Sresthin (t.), 66, 79. Sricandra suri, 265. Sridevi, 209. Sridhara (Krsna), 155. Sriharsa (Siyaka), 87-89. Sriharsa (poet), 52. Srikanha, 319. Srikarana, 167, 354, 356. Srimala (a caste), 161. Srimala (Bhinmal), 163, 165, 188. 237. srimargga (Sripath), 131. Sri-Mandalika, 183. Srinagara, 270. Sripala (poet), 4, 11, 103, 256-258, 279. Sripath, 79, 131. Sri-Soma, 317, 320. Sristhalapura, 233, 251. Sri-Tata, 296, 376. Sri-Vallabha (t.), 29, 30. Sri-Vyalakanci (t.), 225. Grut a-devata, 77. Srngaradevi, 158, 192, 332. Stambha Ranavaloka, 32. Stambha-tirtha (Cambay), 28, 324. Statues of Asyapati etc. 256. Stein Konow, 27n,,30. Sthali (Vagada), 183. Sthali (land-unit), 360. Stravani, 38. Subhakesi, 244. Subha Sila, 97. Subhasita-Ratna-sandoha, 93-94, 96. Subhata (a person), 166. Subhatavarman (Paramara), 115, 120, 293. Sucivarman, 173. Sudhava, 133 Sudra, 370. Sudrakayya (Captain), 87. Suhaniya, 72. Suhavadevi, 50, 52. Suhrd-balam, 372. Sukta-tirtha, 234. Sukra-Niti, 379. Sukrta-kirti-kallolini, 2, 206, 225, 228 229, 268, 274n, 298-299, 303, 309. Sukyta-sarkirtana, 2, 124n, 206, 210 215, 216n, 225, 229-233, 236, 242, 211, 216, 225, 229-233, 236, 242, 243, 256-257, 286, 289, 290, 294, 298, 299, 303, 308n, 309. Sulhana, 131. Sulka-mandapika, 364, 367. Sulocana, 284. Sultan Muhammad Sam Sihab-ud Din), 141. Sultan of Gazani, 137, 128, 140. Sumati-svami, 318. Sumbara (Chief of Saurastra), 270, 273. Sun, 155. Sundari Devi, 49, 90. Sundhadri (mt.), 165. Suracand, 163. Suracarya, 240. Suraj-pol, 148. Sura-pala, 203. Surathotsava, 287. Surastra, 188, 221, 227, 249, 270, 281. Suratrana (Cahamana), 144. Suratrana (Sultan), 50, 176, 178, 192. Surpa, 368. Surya-mandala, 121, 167. Surya-Pala, 74. Surya-Sataka, 17. Susara, same as Sumbara. Sutradhara, 317. Suvarnagiri, 159, 163, 167. Suvihita Monks, 210. Suvarna-Varsa, 32. Svabhoga, 361. Svadharma, 341. Svastika, 257. Svayambhu (poet), 17.

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INDEX 431 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, 140n 143. Tailapa II (Calukya), 92, 98, 100 101, 217, 230, 237. Taj-ul-Ma'asur, 51, 141, 142. Tala-Hattika, 177. Talara, 175-176, 178, 361. T'ala-Raksa, 175. Talwar (a place), 254. Tambula-vahaka, 346. Tambulika(s), 154. Tamra-cuda, 377. Tanasukharam Tripathi, 319. Tang Period, 19. Tanksala, 232. Tantarada (family), 175, 178. Tantra pala, 127. Tantric Panjika, 62. Tanukotta, 198. Tapagaccha, Pattavali, 9, 18, 21n. Tapti, 306. Tata, 37-38, 46. Tarai, 81. Taranath, 55. Tarangavati, 5. Tarikh-i-Alai, 144, 147. Tarikh-i-Firista, 164n, 168n, 289, 372. Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi, 146. Tarikh-z-Subuktigin, 81. Tarikh-i-Yamini, 238. Tawney, C. H. (tr.), 90n. Tejasimha (Guhila), 175-177. Tejahpala, 295-296, 299, 302-303, 307, 310-316, 354-355, 368, 380. Tejasvisimha (Guhila), same as Tejasimha. Telangadesa, 229. Telangana (Teligadesa), 230. Telingana-same as Telangana, 162. Temple of --Adinath, 152, 272. --Acalsvara, 174. 54-a -Camunda, 10, 165. -Dasavatara, 256. -Dharmanath, 167. -Ganesvara, 309. --Jinanath, 66. -Luniga, 319. -Mahavira, 40, 151, 153, 155, 156, 174, 177, 255. -Maha Rudrakala, 255. -Mataji, 167. -Neminath, 162, 179, 250, 295, 317, 320. -Parsvanath, 136, 157, 167, 279. --Rsabha, 189, 201. -Saciyayamata, 159. Sangrama Soni, 295. -santinath, 42, 70,187, 157. --Satrunjaya, 272. -Siva, 161, 197, 279. -Svayambhu Rudra, 251. -Syama Parsvanath, 178. -Vimala, 240, 319. --Visnu, 178. Thakura, 152. Thakkura, 179, 201, 316, 358. Thana (Distt.), 270. Thanesvara, 14, 337. Tharapadra, 286. Theory of Government in Ancient India, 331n. Theravali, 9 Tihunaka, 195. Tikamagarh, 66-67, 69-70. Tikam Tilaka (a ceremony), 209. Tilaka-manjari, 5, 63, 71-72, 87, 89, 91, 94-95, 106, 186, 238, 339n, 343348, 356, 359, 371, 380. Tilaka-Prabhasuri, 192. Tilanga (country), 270. Tilhana (Silakuta), 80. Tiloya-pannatti, 13n. Tipera (Tripuri), 82.

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432. 268. Udala, 166. Tirthankara(s), 1, 3, 40, 63, 77, 157, Udaipur (Rajasthan), 45, 171, 178, 166, 167, 180, 182, 201, 255. Tod (Colonel), 49, 155. Tomara, 127, 135, 377. Topakhana, 161, 165, 167. Toramana, 13. Udayapur (E. Malava), 69, 84, 86, 95, 105, 108. Udayapur (Rajasthan), 43, 111, 172. Udayaditya, 108, 109, 120, 129, 150, 184, 242. Udayana, 258, 260, 264, 266, 271-272, 275-276, 282, 286, 355, 377. Trailokya-malla, 74, 75, 80. Trailokya-varman, 70. Trayi, 334, 335. Tribhuvanadeva, 145. Tribhuvana Ganda (t), 248-249, 254. Udayagiri-Khandagiri hills, 63. Tribhuvanamalla, 244, 261. Udayamati, 241, 248, 339. Tribhuvana-Narayana (Bhoja), 104. Udaya-Prabha, 2, 309. Tribhuvana-Narayana (temple), 100. Tribhuvana-pala (Caulukya), 176, Udaya-raja (Paramara), 198, 199. Udaya-raja (writer), 80. Udaya-raja (commander), 140. 247, 255, 263, 265. Tribhuvana pala II (Caulukya), 176, Udaya-Sundari-katha, 53, 55, 56. 296, 314. Uddharana (Guhila), 175, 179. Tribhuvanapala Ranaka-same as Tri- Udi-sab, 164. bhuvanapala II. Tribhuvana Simha, 301. Triloka-Narayana (Bhoja), 104. Trilokasimha, 168. T-murti, PS83. Tripathi (Dr.) R. S., 23, 24, 47n. Tripuri, 82, 136. Ujjaini, 33, 94, 96, 98, 110, 145, 221, 224, 257, 264. Tripurusa-Prasada, 233, 241. Tri Purusa-murti, 342. Trisasti-balaka-purusa-carita, 1, 2, Ukhi-mandir, 73, 79. Ujjayanta (hill), 295. Ukesa (Osia), 40. 358, 359, 371. Trivarga Mahendra-Malati-sanjalpa, 45. Trividha-Veeraft), 261. Tunga (hero), 137. Turuska (s), 135, 143, 149, 158, 160, 163-164 176, 274, 306. Turuskaraja (Sihab-ud-Din), 115. INDEX Turuska-Vira, 176. Tugni-danda, 379. Tryambaka (Siva), 231. U Uecha (a town), 280. Udayasimha (Cahamana), 161-164, 168, 170, 305, 311, 323. Udyanapala, 346, 380. Udyotakesari, 63, 64. Udyotanasuri, 5, 33, 35, 40, 41. Ulu-Khan, 144-147, 178, 320, 321. Uma or Parvati, 284. Umapatidhara, 61, 355. Upa-Pradhana, 379. Upamita-Bhava-Prapanca-Katha, 5, 346. Upadhye (Dr.) A. N., 5, 44. Upendraraja (Paramara), 89. Usa, 72. Usala (Utpala), 197, 199. Utpalarija, 186, 187. Uttama-carita-kathanaka, 5. Uttarapatha, 56. Uttunaka, 175, 183.

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INDEX 433 Vairisimha (Guhila), 173. Vairisinha (Cavada), 208, 211. Vacinidevi, 234, 345. Vaisnava, 21. Vadahara (village), 48. Vaisya (s), 350, 370. Vada-Maharnava(t), 240. Vajradaman, 72, 73, 80. Vadarya-Mandapika, 367. Vajrayudha, 27, 29-31, 134. Vadasar (village), 112. Vajuagagak, 42. Vadavana, 303, 304. Vakpati (poet), 2, 17, 19-21. Vadhuyana (minister), 277, 320, 354. Vakpati I (Paramara), 86, 89. Vadhya-Sila, 371. Vakpati II (Munja), 85, 88-95, 97n, Vadibha-Simha, 333. 98, 116, 120, 186-187, 190. Vadi-Devasuri, 240. Vakpati (Cahamana), 127-128, 147, Vadi-Devasuri-caritam, 276n. 155, 173. Vadiyara, 200, 201. Valabhi, 204. Vadva (port), 234. Valapadra-pathaka, 360. Vagada (country), 321. Valhana, 157. Vagbhata (Bahada), 84, 272, 277, Valla, 38. 3521355. Vallabharaja (Caulukya), 96, 232, Vagbhata (poet), 2, 9, 253, 258, 260. 234-235, 296, 345. Vagbhata (Cahamana), 142-144. Vallalasena (sena), 61. Vagbhatalankara, 8, 251, 253, 258, Vamanasthali, 166, 227, 303, 316, 321. 260. Vamsapala, 173. Vagbhata-Meru (Barmer), 163. Vanaraja (Cavada), 200-211, 352. Vaghela (s), 3, 9, 117, 177, 298-322, Vappabhattisuri, 336. 342, 354. Varabana, 377. Vaghina (in Sirohi), 168. Varana (Bulandasahara), 132. Vaguli-Sah, 130. Varanasi, 17, 47-48, 62-63, 81, 96, Vahada simha, 165. 275. Vahikakula, 57. Varapu. 332. Vaidya, C. V., 114. Varataka, 368. Vaidya(s), 376. Varbaraka-jisnu(t), 251. Vaidyadeva, 53. Vardhamana (Mahavira), 192. Vaidyanath, 57. Vardhamanapura, 1, 29, 54, 303. Vaija-same as Vaipuladeva. Vardhamana suri, 258. Vaijala (Thakkur), 316. Vardhana (city), 250. Vaijaladeva (Cahamana), 278, 288, Vardhana-Kunjara, 21. 357, 375. Vardhi-pathaka, 360. Vairata, 173. Varma, 377. Vairocana Parajaya, 258. Varnag, 259. Vairi simha I (Paramara), 89. Varta, 334, 335. Vairisimha II, 87, 89, 105, 107, 120, Vasanta-Vilasa, 2, 113, 124, 216, 253, 185, 222, 223. 256, 268-269, 281, 289, 294, 298,

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434 INDEX 303-304, 306, 309, 313, 322-323, 325, Vigraharaja-same as-Vigrahapala. 354, 374. Vigraharaja I, (Vigrahanpa), 126, Vasantapala, 295, 296. 169. Vasavadatta, 48, 51. Vigraharaja II (Cahamana), 126, 128, Vasistha (sage), 86, 185. 169, 231, 332, 348. Vasistha (gotra), 123. Vigraharaja III, 111, 130, 242,-Same Vastupala, 117, 164, 166, 192-193, 216, also Visaladeva. 253, 295-296, 299, 302-304, 307, Vigraharaja IV, 133-135, 273. 310-311, 313, 314, 323, 324, 357, Vijada (Cahamana), 162, 170. 368, 374, 380. Vijaya (Samanta), 156, 269. Vastupala-carita, 3, 324. Vijaya (Kacchapaghata), 79. Vastupala-Tajahpala-prasasti, 2, 216, Vijayacandra, 47-49, 52. 228, 268, 303. Vijayadharma suri, 12, 172n. Vasudeva (Cahamana), 123, 125, 126. Vijayaditya (Calukya), 104. Vasudeva (Preceptor), 181. Vijaya kirti, 11, 79, 80. Vasudeva-hindi, 367, 370. Vijayapala (Kacchapaghata), 77-80. Vatsa (Rsi), 121, 122, 165. Vijayapala (Pratihara), 73. Vatsaraja, 24, 29-31, 33, 35, 39-41, 97, Vijayaraja, 183, 185. 108, 111. Vijayasena (sena), 58, 60-62. Vayajaladeva (Yogi), 232. Vijaya-simha, 262n, 269, 315. Vayajaladeva-same as Vaijaladeva. Vijayasimhacarya, 53n. Veda(s), 60, 335. Vijayasri (Parijatamanjari), 116, 293. Vegavarisa (Sultan), 127. Vijigisu, 377. Velanker (Prof.) H. D., 6 Vikrama, 204, 208. Vermeda (Vahadameru), 167. Vikrama, 204, 208. Vetradhari, 346. Vikramaditya (founder of era), 2. Vicara Sreni, 9, 206-211, 222, 226, Vikramaditya IV (Calukya), 61, 92, 234-235, 241, 247, 266, 285-287, 289, 244, 254. 291, 315, 320-321. Vikramaditya (a chief), 305. Vidagdharaja, 180-183, 366. Vikramankadeva-carita, 2, 97, 115, Vidyabhusana, S. C., 20n. 217n. Vidyadhana, 180. Vikramapuri-vihara, 62. Vidyadhara (Candella), 45, 50, 66, Vikramarjuna vijaya, 42. 71, 75, 77-79, 100. Vikramarka (founder of era), 77. Vidyadhara (Minister), 62, 355. Vikrama sila, 56. Vidyapati, 50. Vikrama Simha (Kacchapaghata), 11, Vidya-vrddha-samuddesa, 334. 45, 77, 79, 80, 100, 107, 336. Vigrahaditya, 165. Vikrama Simha (Guhila), 173. Vigrahapala I, 56. Vikrama Simha (Paramara), 190Vigrahapala III, 53. 191, 196-197, 267, 270, 343, 345, 359. Vigrahapala (Cahamana of Nad- Vilhana, 175. dula), 148, 170, 181. Vimala, 189. 245, 352, 357.

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Vimalagiri Palitana) 28,272. Vimala-Vasahika-prabandha, 189n. Vinayacandra, 116. Vinayakapala (Pratihara), 43-46. Vindhya (Mt.), 135, 220, 222, 236, 274. Vindhya nrpati (Cahamana), 126, Visvamitra, 86. 127, 169. 300, 301, 310-315, 322, 337. Viramati (Head-nun), 203. Vira-Narayana, 143. INDEX Virasena, 58. Vira-Saiva, 60. Virasimha, 173. Vindhya varman (Paramara), 114, Viveka-Vilasa, 161. 115, 120. Vinsopaka, 182, 367. Vipra, 122, 123, 169. Vipra (s), 359, 364. Via (minister), 232, 234, 240. Viradhavala, 4, 117, 163-167, 176, 192-193, 295-307, 310-313, 315, 322-323, 337, 354, 380. Virajas (son of God Narayana), 331. Vrsabha (tirthankar), 183. Virajas-same as Vira-Vanijas. Vyaghrapalli, 298, 300, 301, 360. Vyalakanti (Munjala), 215, 224. Vyasana, 336. Vyuha, 373. Virasuri, 3. Viratidevi, 279. Viravanijas, 254. Vira-vermadeva (Candella), 70-71. Viryarama, 126, 128, 129, 169. Visala (Vigraharaja III), 111, 129, 130. 133. Vira Jayavaraha, 29, 30. Virama (Cahamana), 144. Virama (Vaghela), 163, 165, 166, 296, Watters, T. 15n. West Bengal, 58. Western Calukya(s), 217, 218. Winternitz, M. 4n., 7n. Visaladeva (Paramara), 190, 194196, 360. Visaladeva (Vaghela), 163, 164, 177, 300, 308, 310-315, 322, 337, 354. Visalakirti, 116. Visalanagara, 316. Visayapati, 359. Visnu (God), 72, 132, 309, 331. Visnu or Vasudeva (Cahamana), 121, 124-126. Visnu Gupta (Kautilya), 350. Vispuram, 42, 358. Vista, 368. Viveka-Narayana (t.), 111. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, 8, 18, 137, 178, 207, 237, 238, 245-250, 278, 320-321. Vosari, 357. W Wadhawan, 25, 30-33. 435 Y Yadavas of Devagiri, 304, 306. Yama, 341, 342, 347. Yamini(s) of Gazani, 135. Yasah-karna (Kalacuri), 82, 83, 253. Yafab-pala, 4, 222, 264, 286. Yasah-patah or Patala (Elephant), 112. Yasodeva (Digambara), 10, 11, 71, 75, 76, 100, 363. Yasodevi, 21. Yasodhara, 4. Yasodharman, 14. Yasodhavala (Paramara), 190-191, 196-197, 269-270, 275-276, 358, 376. Yasoraja (a hero), 130.

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436 INDEX Yasoraja, 228. -Bhandari, 161. Yasoraja (a brother of Prthviraja --Minister, 163. III), 357 Yasastilaka (Campu), 5, 6, 45. Yasovardhana, 37, 38, 46. Yoga, 48, 137, 335. Yasovarman (of Kanauj), 17-21, 23, Yogaraja (Talar), 175, 176, 314, 362. 25-26, 28, 30, 34, 42, 54, 105, 204, Yogaraja (Cavada), 208, 210-211. 334, 336, 345. Yogini, 254. Yasovarman I (Candella), 65, 71, Yoginipur (Delhi), 138, 140, 143. 219, 223. Yogisvari, 210. Yasovarman II, 65. Yojaka, 242, 243. Yasovarman (Paramara), 109-114, Yvan-Chwang, 13, 15, 16, 200. 120, 259, 378. Yuka-Vihara, 281. Yasovarman (Calukya), 98-99, 366. Yuvaraja (Pala), 56. Yasovira. Yuvaraj (Kacchapaghata), 77, 80. Setha, 161. Yuvaraja, 350.

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INDEX-(2) INSCRIPTIONS Inscription from : 127-131. 134...120: 1226), 121-125, Ahar Jain ic Wo: 1237), 70. 185 Acalesvara T. Abu (V.E. 1342), 174, 111, 149, 171, 173, 180 187, 227, 307. 232, 366, 368, 378. Ibid (V.E. 1377), 162. Bijolia S. Jain (V.E. 1226), 121-125, ahar Jain T. (V.E. 1237), 70. 127-131, 134-136, 160, 273. Ahar Jain (C. 948 A.D.), 43, 172. Buckala S. (V.E. 872), 23. Ibid (C. 977 A.D.), 173. Cintra S. (V.E. 1343), 311, 317. Ahar Saranesvara T. (V.E. 1008), Cirwa S. Jain (V.E. 1330), 10, 118, 172. 171, 172, 175, 177, 178, 307, 314, Aihole (S. 556), 11, 14, 16, 35, 81, 372. 362. Ajaigadh Jain (V.E. 1335), 70. Cittorgadh S. Jain (V.E. 1207), 10, Allahabad P. (Circa, 360 A.D.), 14. 171, 268, 278. Amarana Jain (V.E. 1333), 318, 319. Cittorgadh S. (V.E. 1331), 173. Amblem (C. 1232 A.D.), 306. Ibid (V.E. 1335), 172. Arthuna S. (V.E. 1136), 184, 185. Dabhoi (V.E. 1311), 303, 304. Arthuna Jain (V.E. 1159), 183, 184. Dandapur (918 A.D.), 43. Ibid (V.E. 1166), 183, 185. Dattani J. (V.E. 1345), 194, 318. Arasana Jain T. (V.E. 1276), 192. Daulatapura C.P. (V.E. 900), 38. Atpura (V.E. 1034), 172, 173. Deopara S. (C. 1150 A.D.), 58, 60-61. Bali (V.E. 1216), 247, 266, 276, 278. Devagadh Jain (V.E. 919), 42, 329, Balvan S. (V.E. 1345), 144-145. 338, 358. Barah C.P. (V.E. 893), 42n., 220n. Dhulia C.P. (S. 701) 32. Basahi C.P. (V.E. 1161), 47. Diyana Jain (V.E. 1024), 187. Baroda C.P. (S. 734), 24. Dohad (V.E. 1196), 251-253. Baroda C.P. (S. 757), 25, 26, 31. Dubkund S. Jain (V.E. 1145), 11, 45, Baroda Grant (V.E. 1030), 226. 66, 75, 78-79, 100, 366. Barrackpur (C. 1150 A.D.), 61. Gadag (1191 A.D.), 158. Bayana S. Jain (V.E. 1100), 79. Gala (V.E. 1193), 252. Belara (V.E. 1051), 226. Ghaghasa Jain (V.E. 1322), 177, 307. Bengala A.S. C.P. (V.E. 988), 43. Ghanerava (V.E. 1213), 278, 375. Bhagalpur C.P. (Yr. 17), 23, 25-26, Ghatiyala Jain (V.E. 918), 35-37, 363. 31, 34. Girnara Neminath I. (V.E. 1176), Bhatunda S. (V.E. 1102), 189. 250. Ibid (V.E. 1210), 278. Girnara (V.E. 1256), 295. Bhinamala (1060 A.D.), 189. Ibid (V.E. 1288), 299, 302, 304, 310. Ibid Jain (V.E. 1333), 166. Ibid Frag. (V.E. 1288), 277. Bhora Museum C.P. (S. 702), 33n., 41. Ibid (V.E. 1330), 317. Bijapura S. Jain (V.E. 1053), 11, 91, Gwalior S. (undated), 23, 37n. 55

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438 INDEX Haddala C.P. (S. 836), 44. Lalrai S. Jain (V.E. (1233), 157. Harsa S. (V.E.) 1030), 127, 128, 149, Lalwada Ganapati I. (V.E. 1196), 181, 231. 252. Harsauda S. (V.E. 1275), 117. Luna Jain T. from Abu (V.E. 1287), Harsola C.P. (V.E. 1005), 85-87, 90, 88, 174, 186, 191, 193, 275, 287, 295. 210, 221. Madanpur (V.E. 1239), 70, 137. Hathi Gumpha, (circa Ist or 2nd Madhainagar C.P. (undated), 61. B.C.), 63. Mahoba (V.E. 1211), 67. Hathundi Mataji T. (V.E. 1345), 167. Mandor (Circa V.E. 1180), 152. Holkari, (965 A.D.), 87. Mandhata (V.E. 1112), 97, 98, 108. Honwad S. (1054 A.D.), 59. Ibid (V.E. 1282), 117, 118. Jalor Topakhana Jain (V.E. 1239), Ibid (V.E. 1317), 119. 160-161. Mangalana S. (V.E. 1272), 143. Ibid (V.E. 1221), 161, 280. Modesa Grant (V.E. 1067), 96, 97, Ibid (V.E. 1323), 165. 108, 221, 321. Ibid (V.E. 1353), 167. Mongrol (V.E. 1202), 275. Jainad S. of Jagaddeva, 108. Modi S. (V.E. 1314), 119. Jhaloai (V.E. 1255), 186, 192, 360. Mulgunda (S. 824), 58. Jodhapur Jain (V.E. 918), 36n., 37-38. Muralidhara-Prasasti (V.E. 1354), Jodhapur S. (V.E. 954), 22n., 37. 319. Juna Jain (V.E. 1352), 167. Mundaka grant (V.E. 1086), 238. Jura (undated), 223. Nadlai Jain [I-V), (V.E. 1189-1202), Kadi grant (987 A.D.), 224-226, 231, 152, 363. 291, 294. Nadlai Jain [I-II), (V.E. 1200-1202), Kalinjar S. (V.E. 1258), 67. 179, 363. Kalvan C.P. (undated), 98, 359, 366. Nadol C.P. [I-II), (V.E. 1218), 127, Kamauli C.P. (V.E. 11623, 53. 153, 155, 147-148, 276, 345, 361. Karhad C.P. of Krsna III (S. 880), Nadol Surajpol (I-II], (V.E. 1024 & 230. 1039), 148. Kiradu S. Jain (V.E. 1209), 154, 160, Nagpur S. (V.E. 1161), 83, 108, 109. 188, 273, 275, 276, 282. Nalanda S. (undated), 17. Ibid (V.E. 1218), 197. Nalanda P. Jain (Yr. 24), 57. Ibid (V.E. 1235), 291. Nava Muni cave (Circa 10th cent.), Ibid (V.E. 1252), 253. 64, 65. Kolbapur Jain (S. 1058), 254. Navasari C.P. (470 A.D.), 200-201, Khajuraho (V.E. 1011), 65. 204, 207. Ibid (V.E. 1205), 67. Navasari C.P. (S. 738), 43. Ibid (V.E. 1215), 67. Navasari C.P. (S. 996), 247. Khalimpur C.P., 23n. Osia Jain T. (V.E. 1013), 40, 363. Kumbhalagadh (V.E. 1517), 179. Paladi S. (V.E. 1249), 157-159. Lalitendu cave Jain, (Circa 10th Pali Jain (V.E. 1201), 260. cent.), 64, 65. Paithan C.P. of Govinda III, 32.

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INDEX 439 Panhera S. (V.E. 1116), 108, 184, 185. Surat C.P. of Trilocanapala (S. Patan Grant (V.E. 1256), 287, 289. 972), 215, 230. Patanarayana S. (V.E. 1344), 195. Sravanabelagola (Circa 8th cent.), 32. Pathari P. (V.E. 917), 24. Ibid (S. 896), 59. Piawan Rock (1038 A.D.), 81. Ibid (Circa S. 1022), 107. Pimpari C.P. of Dhruva II, 26. Sridhara Prasasti (V.E. 1273), 115, Pratapagarh (V.E. 1003), 85. 116, 294. Radhanpur C.P. (S. 730), 41. Talwara (circa 1135 A.D.), 110, 254. Ibid (V.S. 1086), 237-238. Tantroli I. (V.E. 1251), 142. Rahatgadh (V.E. 1312), 119. Udayapur S. (of Udayaditya), 85, 86, Rainpur (Ranakpur), Jain T. (V.E. 95, 105, 108. 1496), 172-174, 177-178. Ibid (V.E. 1286-1289), 117. Rajorgadh S. (V.E. 1016), 36. Ibid (V.E. 1220), 276. Rakhetra S. (V.E. 999-1000), 43. Ibid (V.E. 1222), 283. Ratnapur Jain (V.E. 1333), 166-167. Ibid (V.E. 1229), 266, 300. Saciyaya Mata (V.E. 1236), 157-160. Ukha Mandir S. (undated), 73, 79. Sambhara S. (V.E. 998), 208, 226, 254. Ujjain Frag, S. (V.E. 1195), 251, 276. Sanderava S. [I-II), (V.E. 1221- Uncha (V.E. 1231), 296. 1236), 156-157, 174, 361. Vadanagar Prasasti (V.E. 1208), 11, Ibid (V.E. 1258), 174. 95, 103, 114, 201, 212, 215, 225, Sanjan C.P. (S. 793), 26, 33, 39. 233, 235, 236, 239, 252. Sasabahu T. (V.E. 1150), 10, 11, 71- Vaghina Jain (V.E. 1358), 168. 76, 100. Varunasarmaka grant (V.E. 1033), Satrunjaya J. (V.E. 1296), 314. 215, 225. Sevadi C.P. (V.E. 1167), 151, 363. Vasantagadh S. (V.E. 1099), 186-190. Ibid (V.E. 1172), 151, 375. Veravala (1189 A.D.), 270, 283. Ibid (V.E. 1176), 121, 151. Vermeda Jain (V.E. 1352), 167. Ibid (V.E. 1200), 153. Vimala Jain T. (V.E. 1088), 88, 99, Somanath Jain (V.E. 1250), 295. 189-190, 198, 239-240. Sonapur grant (Ciraa, 12th cent.), 64. lbid (V.E. 1119). 237. Suhaniya Jain 1, (V.E. 1034), 72. Ibid (V.E. 1206), 277. Sundha Hill (V.E. 1319), 5, 10, 11, 91, Ibid (V.E. 1350), 194, 318, 319, 360. 100, 121, 147-150, 154, 158-166, Ibid (V.E. 1378), 88, 161-162, 183, 234, 242, 243, 252, 273, 290, 305, 195. Wani C. P. (S. 730), 41. 323 55-a

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INDEX-(3) DATED COLOPHONS OF MSS. Colophon of Ms. - Acaranga-sutra vrtti (V.E. 1303), Munisuvrata swami-carita (circa 314, 315. V.E. 1199), 265. --Adinath-carita (V.E. 1160), 248. --Nava Padalaghu-vrtti (V.E. 1192), -Adinath-carita (V.E. 1339), 219. 112, 251. -Anangara dharmamata (VE. 1300), Nirbhaya-Bhima-vyayoga (V.E. 116n., 117n., 118n. 1306), 162. -Anuyogadvara vrtti (V.E. 1360), _Nisitha-curni (V.E. 1157), 248. 320, 321. -Paksika-vrtti (V.E. 1309), 175. -Avasyaka-sutra (V.E. 1166), 249. ---Avasyaka-sutra-niryukti (V.E. --Paiyalacci-kosa (V.E. 1029), 85. ---Panca-vastuka (V.E. 1179), 248. 1198), 131. --Paryusana-kalpa (V.E. 1147), 291. -Brhatkatha-kosa (S. 853), 43. -Pythvicandra-carita (V.E. 1212), Dasavaikalika-sutra (V.E. 1284), 272, 278. 175. -Pujavidhana (V.E. 1208), 268, 276. --Desinama-mala (V.E. 1298), 315. -Rsabhadeva-carita (V.E. 1289), --Dysti-samuccaya (V.E. 1146), 259. 194. -Marivansa-purana (S. 705), 29. -Sadasiti-prakarana-vrtti (V.E. -Jayanti-vrtti (V.E. 1261), 292. 1258), 292. - Jina-yajna-kalpa (V.E. 1285), -Sagaradharmamta (V.E. 1296), 117n. 115, 118. -Jiva-samasa-vrtti (V.E. 1164), 248. -Sangrahani-tika (V.E. 1296), 285, -Jnatadharmakatha-Ratnacuda 311. katha (V.E. 1221), 191, 280. --Sravaka-pratikramana sutra-curni Jnatadharma kathadi-sadanga (V.E. 1317), 176. prakrana (V.E. 1225), 277, 283. -Subhasita-ratna-sandoha (V.E. Ibid (V.E. 1295), 292. 1050), 93. --Sthananga-sutra (V.E. 1346), 320. -Kalpa-curni (V.E. 1218), 276. -Karmavipaka-tika (V.E. 1295), -Trisasti-smrti (V.E. 1292), 118. 118. -Upadesapada-tika (V.E. 1212), 134. -Katantra-vyakarna (V.E. 1207), - Upadesakandali-vrtti (V.E. 1296), 48. 294 --Kulaka-prakarana (V.E. 1279), -Uttaradhyayana-sutra (V.E. 1179). 194. -Mallinaha-cariu (Circa V.E. 1200), --Uttaradhyayana-vrtti (V.E. 1343). 260, 277. 320. 248.

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INDEX 441 -Vyakarana-tippanakam (V.E. 1288), 299. -Yogadysli-samuccaya (V.E. 1146), 245. -Yogasara (V.E. 1295), 310. --Kogasastra-urtti (V.E. 1251), 291. :-Yoga-sastra (V.E. 1295), 315.

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Page 23 0 4 4 2 2 2 2 2 8 10 14 15 15 21 23 24 24 25 26 22 222 = 26 27 29 33 33 35 36 36 36 37 40 Line 30 35 27 & 29 24 1 fn. 1, L.2 23 17 12 fn. 3 11 28 10 fn. 2 3 9 25 fn. 1 8 fn. 3 fn. 4 2 fn. 3 fn. 5 26 fn. 3 fn. 5 3 fn. 2 5 CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA fn. 1 fn. 2 fn. 3 For Vikramankadeva Calukyas Calukyas Jain Pathak3 mayUrA himself, marched. (Anasana) within long guvakAkhyA Latesvara undefinite alternative, and this alternative Altekar, A.D., of Ama satpatsu region pp. 39-40 of dispute P. 37 p. 38 overflow parabhaibhirabhiMgo paNa Supra p. 49 samunai attha infra p. 62 zronIti Tatobhavat Supra p. 49 was the ruler kSitimRto P. 46 P. 38 Read Vikramankadeva-carita Caulukyas Caulukyas Jains Pathak1 mayUkhA himself marched (sallekhand) within this long guvakAvyaH Lata indefinite alternative except one which Altekar A.S., of Ama, while his family name or popular name was Ama saptasu reign p. 27 of dispute. P. 26 pp. 26-27 overthrow parabhaDa bhiuDibhaMgo paNaIyaNa Supra p. 33 samunnai ettha infra p. 42 starfa Tatobhavat Supra p. 33. was the ruler of that territory kSitibhRto P. 31 P. 26

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444 Line For Reud 21 fn. 1 pp. 35, 36 17 Marisena 6 Vinayakapala fn. 4 infra p. 219 fn. 5 va.NThAsya 17 Barahi ruling the ... fn. 5 vaharadeza fn. 3 p. 350 Vardhamana Kunjara fn. 3 zambhugADa Samanta Sena 902-5 A.D. 22 from 9th to 10th Dubkund 8-9 Kumara pala .... found 26 Madanavarmadeva3 There fn. 2, L.2 latter 9 Muladeva Asterisk 1, 1, 2, 3 10 having informed 1 (see also DAHALA index) 21 Abu Baihaqi drops or 15 Harsola copper plates! 3 bhupangas the form drawing.... check V.E. 1080 fn. 2 21 enjoved for a long time, pleasure 32 Kalyana fn. 3, L.3 B ia p. 24-25 Harisena Vinayakapala infra pp. 172-173 kaNTha sthi Basahi ruling over the.... baDahara deza p. 358 Vardhanakunjara zambhugauDa Samantasena 902-3 A.D. from the 9th to the 10th Dubkund (with asterisk) (it is repetition of lines 6 & 7) Madanavarmadeva Their later Devapala 1, 2.3, 4. having been informed DAHALA 25 6 Abu-l-Fazl Baihaqi drops of Harsola copper plates bhujanga the form of drawing.... cheek 15 V.E. 1088 siMho durdhara enjoyed pleasure for a long time Kalyani asADhi

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445 Page Line For Read and reliance can nihatya P. 98 105 107 110 111 114 115 123 124 125 131 1 fn. 1 fn. 7 fn. 1 fn. 4 10 fn. 1, L. 2 23 19 133 13 28 fn. 2, L. 2 3 134 139 139 upadrayamANe bhagno'si There are, trAsa dve dhyanarendra become his mother (modern Nagapur testifies the no king Vigraharaja kuntapAlo'gAhyato of the harassment Eight times his ancient hatred succeeded Prahlada Krsnaraja A.R. as grant regin informs refers to it. (1136 A.D) Kiratakuta V.E. 1248 13 141 143 150 151 152 153 and no reliance can nihatya No. 55, p. 118. upadryabhANe bhagno'sta These are, trAsAdvindhyanarendra become like his mother. (modern Nagaur testifies to the no such king Vigraharaja IV kuntapAlo'gAdyato of harassment Eighth time. his old hatred succeeded him. Krsnadeva A.D. a grant reign inform refers to it. (1176 A.D.) Kiratakupa V.E. 1348 5 as 6 and 6 as 5. kings. below CHAPTER VIII, add DYANASTIES OF RAJASTHAN (Continued) Samarasimha :(before the line 28). 153 last 5 155 157 3 13 160 167 167 168 171 5.6. fn. last king 177 28 177 fn. 1 fn. 1, L. 3 P. P. 3 p. 3 181 THTUT GUTER 59 zrImANe praNaSTahariNa iva 56

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446 Page Line For Read 182 9 182 183 fn. 2, L. 4 11 20 185 186 187 189 11 3 16 21 fn. 2 fn. 3 191 192 193 194 fn. 1 fn. 2 fn. 5 fn. 7 195 197 16 prince Mammata.... son Vidagdharaja. E23 two Jain inscription V.E. 1109 three inscriptions. V.E. 1282 might not easily Bhadunda on the reign ....sandoha, IV, E.I., VIII etc. (whole) ibid V. 40, etc. ibid ibid pp. 21-22 1278 damaged inscription. jagaya vuDIye bending turned to be an outlaw. V. K. Shastri hands Gujaras three brother's is leaned Brah, referred to find above defect become succeded Paramaras By the way their was a crowned king. prince Vidagdharaja..... ....son Mammata. ghaTeca two Jain inscriptions V.E. 1166 (1109 A.D.) the inscriptions. V.E. 1287. might not be easily Bhatunda of the reign. . . . . . Sandoha, V, SJGM, VI, p. 48; SJGM, II, p. 43. fn. 3 of previous page ibid, V. 40, etc. (of fn. 1). EI, VIII, pp. 19-20. 1378 damaged Jain inscription. jaNayavuDIye shifting turned an outlaw. D. K. Shastri. hand Gurjaras three brothers. has leaned Barah referred to above find defeat became succeeded. Paramara On the way. there. was crowned king. 2. 201 203 31 fn. 2 204 213 25 214 17 28 220 8 fn. 4 227 229 230 34 2 last 232 last 233 234 235 236

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447 Page Line For Read 236 238 238 239 240 241 2 asterisk fn. 1 28 fn. 7 last 8 17 25 fn. fn. fn. 9 242 245 251 252 258 260 261 265 266 7 V.E. 1065 1, 2, 1, 2, 3, 4. bhaMje visits kRto'rbudaM 1164-74 1155 A.D. to 1160. fo V.E. 1196 avaha 1 and 2 (at the end) .... sangraha, No. 381 refers to Jagadeva by fasting Nadalai a Citor to a Jain.... But his held V.E. 1218 (A.D. 1162) Paramara family. The Udayana general Deasi ghoSaNA Meru regour must, have V.E. 1086. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. bhaMje visited kRto'buMde 1064-94 1055 A.D. To 1060 for V.E. 1195 adyeha 6 and 7. ....sangraha II, No. 381 refers to a Jagadeva. after fasting. Nadol. at Cittor. to the Luna T. Jain.... But this. help. V.E. 1287 (A.D. 1130). of Paramara family. The Udayapur. generals. Desai ghoSaNA Maru rigour. must have. 18 268 14 269 272 272 275 275 276 278 279 29 fn. 1 fn. 2 281 19 282 285 or 293 294 wirh Bima from the Jain. ... with Bhima from the Jain sources. But we can say definitely on the evidence of a prasasti of the Jain.... V.E. 1295 30 V.E. 1225 56-a

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Page 294 298 308 314 317 319 319 321 323 324 331 332 336 340 349 369 Pages Line 31 fn. 1 19 222 23 19 15 18 24 30 fn. 2 fn. 8 7 9 12 13 1 15 20 21 fn. 6 For The two other.... Supra, P. long vassalage of as the son of bhrAnvA Then they came 1236 Srisome as.... temple inscriptions. In reference to tim CPSI 448 Jayasimha Sindhuraja fource to give, him serivices (Adipurana) (772 A.D.) or learning persevered the ideal. zrAddha va zrotrisya 2 2 fn. 1 215-225 229, 233 & The Dynasties 235-288 of Rajasthana. Pratikanjaka Vinigrahaka pratika-Taka vi.grAhaka heading Read The two other Prasastis of the Jain MSS., namely Supra, pp. 115-116. long vassalage to as the sun of When they came V.E. 1236. Srisome as Mahattama and.... temple inscription. With reference to time. BI. bhrAtvA Jayasimha Siddharaja forces. to give him services. Adi-Purana (without brackets) (972 A.D.) of learning. persevered in the ideal zrAddha vA priya Pratibandhuka nibigraha ka pratipandhakanI vigrAhaka The Dynasties of Saurastra. (a) Capital initial letters in the following should be taken as small letters :Purana (p. 1, 1. 24), Samskaras (p. 2, 1. 5), Prabandha (p. 4, 1. 8, 9), Adhikara (p. 7, 1. 28, 31, 35, 36), Prayascitta (p. 8, 1. 1), Kavyas (p. 8,1 11), Pariksa (p. 8, 1. 28), Pattavali (p. 9, 1. 9), Namah (p. 11, 1. 4), Prasasti (p. 11, 1. 21), Nipuno (p. 17, 1. 11), Mundala (p. 24, 1. 4, 11; p. 25, 1..31, 35), Carita (p. 25, 1. 5; p. 26, 1. 11; p. 26, 1. II; p. 27, 1. 16, 19, 34; p. 28, 1. 8, 10, 25, p. 35, 1. 5; p. 42, 1. 2 etc), (Sua-Visaya) (p. 25, 1. 11); Vansa (p. 29, 1, 8), Parvam (p. 33, 1. 11); p. 39, 1. 23),

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449 Gaccha (p. 37, 1. 24), Naksatra (p. 37, 1. 26), Pratiharatam (p. 37, 1. 2), Gothi (p. 40, 1. 23), Mandupa (p. 40, 1. 27), Srimad, Bhabhrat, Nrpa, Adhiraja (p. 41, 1. 25), Parabhada (ibid, 1. 27), Narahatthi (ibid, 1. 42), Campu (p. 43, 1. 4), Sangraha (p. 47, 1. 7), Cintamani (ibid, 1. 14), Kosa (ibid, p. 1. 24), and other similar words in other pages. (b) Ordinary type of the following words should be taken as italics:Sanskaras (p. 2, 1. 6), Nirvana (p. 2, 1. 19, p. 9, 1. 7), Mahakavya(s) (p. 2, 1. 21), Prabandha(s) (p. 3, 1. 17), Satras (p. 6, 1. 17), Nitisastra (p. 7, I. 17), Kavya(s) (p. 8, 1. 11), Pattavali(s), (p. 9. 1. 10), Gana, Gaccha (p. 9, 1. 35; p. 11, 1. 1), Om Sarvajnaya Namah, Padmanathaya Namah (p. 11, 1. 4), Jain (p. 12, 1. 12), (Harsa), (p. 15, 1. 4). Suri (p. 19, 1. 12), Latesvara Mandala (p. 24, 1. 4; p. 41, 1. 17), Adhimandala (p. 27, 1. 24), Gaccha, (p. 37, 1. 24), Caritra (p. 37, 1. 25), Naksatra Hasta (p. 37, 1. 26), Lata Malava Gurjarah (p. 38, 1. 10); Pratihara (p. 40, l. 16), Mandapa (p. 40, I. 22, p. 40, 1. 27); Gosthi (p. 40, 1. 23), Phalguna (p. 40, 1. 25), Malavesa (p. 41, 1. 11), Jain Arhat (p. 42 1. 17), Acarya (p. 42, 1. 18), Gosthika (p. 42, 1. 23), Mahasabdas (p. 42, 1. 22), Mahasamanta (p. 42, 1. 21), Vinayakadipalasya, (p. 42, 1. 21), Vinaya-Adi (p. 44, 1. 22), Sakropamanake (p. 44, 1. 24), and similar other Prakrit and-Sanskrit words in other pages (see also Index - I). (c) Italics of the following words should be taken as ordinary type: Like (p. 5, 1. 27), Jinaprabhasuri (p. 18, 1. 5), Dharanivaraha (p. 44, 1. 29). (d) Wherever the following words occur, they should be taken as: kacchapaghata for kacchapaghata; Sripala for Sripala, Vaghela(s) for Vaghela and see also the Index - I for the correct spelling of the proper names.

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OPINIONS His dispassionate endeavour to construct a political history of the different dynasties that ruled in different parts of Northern India is a tribute to his learning. His thesis throws new light on numerous details which have so far remained unnoticed or draped in vagueness by others in the field and furnishes ample material for a harmonious reconstruction of history of Northern India. ... I have no doubtt hat this book will provide invaluable material for reconstruction of the history of Northern India and awaken new thoughts in the remodelling of our administrative machinery. HONOURABLE MR. JUSTICE T. K. TUKOL, Judge, High Court of Mysore Dr. Choudhary has produced a work which could have been made possible only by intensive research and great learning and which should claim the serious and critical attention of all historians in particular and historically minded people generally.... I am confident that this work will secure an abiding place for itself in the literature dealing with the history of our great and ancient country. ... HONOURABLE MR. JUSTICE I. N. MODI, Judge, High Court of Rajasthan Dr. Choudhary has assiduously collected in his Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources varied useful material from sources which would not normally fall into the hands of general historians, and presented the same in a systematic manner. It is an indispensable source book for serious students of Indian history. The author and publishers deserve our greetings. DR. A. N. UPADHYE, M.A., D.LITT., Kolhapur

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Extracts of Opinions on the Thesis of Dr. G. C. Choudhary, M.A., Ph.D. ... The present writer has shown in his thesis that in spite of what has been done by the "Purva Suris" in this respect, much can still be done, if one can strongly form his attention on a class of data not sufficiently utilised by them. The theme is a comprehensive one, and the author of the thesis has not only dealt with the Political History of Northern India in its different divisions in the ten chapters of Part I, but also attempted in its Part II to " reconstruct and review the Jain political concepts and administrative ideas prevalent traditionally and practically during the period."... His handling of the sources has been clever and at the same time circumspect. Some conclusions which have been drawn on their basis go against the usually accepted views.... There is no doubt that there is a great deal of originality in many of his theories.... One thing particularly praiseworthy in it is that it testifies to a great extent to his capacity for amassing a mass of materials in support of his own views or in refutation of the views of other scholars, with whom he does not agree. Part II of his thesis, which deals exhaustively with State and Administration as generally prevalent in northern India of the mediaeval period, is a distinct contribution and we would recommend the award of the Ph.D. degree of the Hindu University to him for this alone, though there are good points also in the other part of his work. Dr. J. N. BANERJEE, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., Calcutta 21st March 1954 DR. R. B. PANDEY, M.A., D.LITT., Varanasi The thesis is a meritorious and exhaustive work, surveying the data of Jain literarure for the reconstruction of the Political History of Northern India from c. 650 A.D. to 1300 A.D. The author has very fully utilised the vast Jain literature relating to his subject : the chronicles, the Prabandhas, the narrative literature, Pattavalis, Prasastis, inscriptions etc. He is well grounded both in Sanskrit and Prakrit and has critically utilised the data from a first-hand study of the marerial. The numerous quotations given in the original in the footnotes increase the value of the thesis.... Each king of these dynasties is taken in his chronological order, the Jain data about him are stated forth, when available, and their reliability is discussed in the light of other literary and epigraphical evidence available for study. In several cases the candidate has been able to draw upon fresh sources and gives us a more detailed and trustworthy picture of the situation. He does not show any undue partiality for the Jain sources as contrasted with non-Jain ones. His weighing of evidences is generally critical and impartial. It is but natural that where history is shrouded in obscurity and uncertainty the candidate's conclusions should be sometimes unacceptable. But a critical reader will have to record that in several places the candidate has been able to throw fresh light on history, especially about the period dealing with the Muslim invasion of the 11th and 12th centuries. 30th September 1954 Dr. A. S. ALTEKER, M.A., LL.B., D.LITT. Dr. G. C. Choudhary has utilised Jain sources for constructing a Political History of Northern India for 600 years ( between 7th and the 13th centuries, A.D.). This has led to valuable additions to our knowledge of that period. Dr. Choudhary has shown painstaking scholarship in putting together relevant details from Jain literary works. I particularly welcome his cotribution to political theory and practice. On these two topics, his analysis presents many new features and represents an original contribution to a growing literature dealing with statecraft in Ancient India. SHRI S. V. SOHONI, M.A., I.C.S., 21st January 1964 Editor, Indian Numismatic Chronicle Fear Pemalle www.jainelibra