Political History of Northern India

Author(s): Gulabchandra Chaudhary
Publisher: Sohanlal Jain Dharm Pracharak Samiti Amrutsar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001744/1

Page #1

POLITICAL HISTORY OF NORTHERN INDIA
FROM JAIN SOURCES (C. 650 A.D. to 1300 A.D.)
BY
DR. GULAB CHANDRA CHOUDHARY
M.A. (Pali & Indian History & Culture), Ph.D. (B.H.U.) Vyäkaraṇācārya, Páli Ācārya, Nyäya-Kāvyatirtha, Siddhānta-Šāstri, Sahitya-ratna
Professor of Prakrit and Jainology, Research Institute of Prakrit
Jainology and Ahimsa, Muzaffarpur (N. Bihar)
WITH A FOREWORD
BY
DR. VASUDEVA SARANA AGRAWALA
M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt. Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi
SOHANLAL JAINDHARMA PRACHARAK SAMITI
AMRITSAR (INDIA)

Page #2

OPINIONS
"... In this thesis approved for the Ph.D. degree of B. H. U. Varanasi in 1954 the author has utilised mainly the Jain sources with a view to reconstruct, examine, check up or supplement the political history of the various dynasties from the 7th to 12th centuries A.D. It is a painstaking study in which maximum material relating to the subject has been brought together from many a source, ... in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa.... The political history of most of the dynasties is already known from other literary and epigraphic sources but in this specialised work it will be seen what light the Jain sources throw on the dynasty as a whole or on the individual rulers, their achievements and principal political events of their reigns. In this study a happy combination is the attention paid to geography with respect to the original seat of the particular royal family, its capital or the identification of ancient place names, e.g. Kalyana-Kataka (pp. 218-223).
Part II of the thesis appertains to a study of the polity and administration which evolved during this important period...
I pay tribute to this study which covers a wide range of literary and epigraphic sources and which gives evidence of careful and accurate presentation of the material."
DR. V. S. AGRAWALA From the FOREWORD
"A very interesting and useful piece of historical and literary research. The author has put in good deal of industry and the book is a valuable treatise.”
PROF. N. A. NIKAM, Ex-Vice-Chancellor, University of Mysore
Price Rs. 24.00

Page #3

POLITICAL HISTORY OF NORTHERN INDIA

Page #4

Page #5

POLITICAL HISTORY OF
NORTHERN INDIA
FROM
JAIN SOURCES (C. 650 A.D. to 1300 a.d.)
BY DR. GULAB CHANDRA CHOUDHARY
M.A. (Pali & Indian History & Culture), Ph.D. (B.H.U.) Vyākaraṇācārya, Pāli-Acārya, Nyaya-Kavyatirtha, Siddhanta-Sastri, Sahitya-ratna
Professor of Prakrit and Jainology, Research Institute of Prakrit
Jainology and Ahimsa, Muzaffarpur (N. Bihar)
WITH A FOREWORD
BY
DR. VASUDEVA SARANA AGRAWALA
M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt. Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi
SOHANLAL JAINDHARMA PRACHARAK SAMITI
AMRITSAR (INDIA)

Page #6

A thesis approved for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient Indian History and Culture
by the Banaras Hindu University
All Rights Reserved.
Printed by L. S. Doraiswamy, Manager, W.Q. Judge Press (International Book House (Private) Ltd.), 1, B. P. Wadia Road, Bangalore-4, and published by Shri Harjas Rai Jain, B.A. (Hons.), Secretary, Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti, Amritsar (India).

Page #7

DEDICATED TO
THE AFFECTIONATE MEMORY OF MY REVERED PARENTS THE LATE P. L. CHOUDHARY
AND THE LATE SONA BAI JAIN
AND
TO MY ESTEEMED TEACHERS
THE LATE PROF. DR. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D.LITT,
AND
PROF. DR. RAJ BALI PANDEYA, M.A., D.LITT,
WHO HAVE MADE ME WHAT I AM

Page #8

Page #9

PUBLISHER'S NOTE
The present volume, the "Political History of Northern India from Jaina Sources” covering a period from c. 650 A.D. to 1300 A.D., is the publication of a thesis by Dr. Gulab Chandra Choudhary, the Singhi Research Scholar of the Samiti, for PH.D. Degree of the Banaras Hindu University. Originally the thesis was intended to cover economic and social survey also of the period but as the political side alone covered a volume, that attempt was given up as too big for a single thesis. Had it been possible or when it may be possible to do so, the publishers hope that a fascinating story may be unfolded like the chapter on Administration and Polity in the present volume.
The Jaina writers were always interested in their contemporary world and the people. They recorded such life and currents and reproduced faithfully the Culture of the people of other Religions also. Hence there is an additional value in studying Jaina Literature in all its branches written by Jainas from time to time in the languages of their periods. This Samiti is interesting itself for the last many years in the compilation of a History of Jaina Literature, attempting to disclose the Jainas' sum of contribution to the Culture and History of India, their motherland.
While concluding the Samiti takes pleasure in recording their thanks to the Singhi Brothers, M/s. Rajendra Singh and Narendra Singh of Calcutta for providing the sinews of the Scholarship. They also thanks the Press and the Secretary of the Jaina Mission Society, Shri K. Parasmal, for their arduous help in the publication of this book. The publishers cannot close this note without recording their gratitude to Dr. V. S. Agrawala who has not only written the foreword of this book but has been a leading light also in Samiti's work.
PUBLISHERS
Amritsar 8-4-1963

Page #10

"तं (सच्चं) लोगम्मि सारभूयं ॥" Truth alone matters
(प्रश्नव्याकरण सूत्र-द्वितीय संवर द्वार)

Page #11

FOREWORD Indian History is like the mighty stream of the Ganga flowing from the High Himälayas of Cultural ideals to the ocean of the people's life. In it are mingled the waters of many tributaries, viz., the cultural traditions of the diverse peoples and religions inhabiting the soil of India. Each one of them has its contribution to make to the history, culture, religion, literature and art of this land. Amongst them three streams are distinctly recognised, vis., Vedic, Buddhist and Jain. The Vedic literature through Sanskrit was first to come within the purview of modern scholars, specially westerns, since the time of Franz Bocc who first discovered Sanskrit in 1808 with its full implications for comparative linguistic mythology etc. Buddhism through Pali takes the second rank which widens the horizon of Indology in many of its important brarches. Its literature was published with an unprecedented gusto and many distinguished savants devoted themselves to the preparation of critical Pali texts, their translation and the extraction of maximum information relating to ancient Indian religion, philosophy, literature and history. The Pāli Text Society rendered yeoman's service in establishing Buddhist studies on a permanent footing.
The third great branch in the form of Jainology somehow did not receive the impetus or recognition which it deserved by virtue of its very extensive Āgamic literature in the form of the scriptural texts in Ardhamāgadhi and the voluminous Prākrit and Sanskrit commentaries as well as a body of other literature of high value. The result was that the Jain tradition could not contribute its share to the understanding of the culture of the country on the one hand and to the elucidation of the special thought enshrined in the Jain tradition. It has a history of about 25 centuries and a wide extension covering all parts of the country. Fortunately the time has now come when a dynamic movement is being witnessed for the rehabilitation of the Jain literature and cultural tradition in the form of textual editing, interpretation, lexicographical presentation and its gradual introduction into the orbit of academic studies. Both Jain and non-Jain scholars are taking their due share in this noble task.
As such it gives me great pleasure to welcome my enthusiastic friend Sri Gulab Chandra Choudhary into the field of Jain studies with his first publication entitled 'Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources.' In this thesis approved for the PH.D. Degree of the Banaras Hindu University in 1954 the author has utilized mainly the Jain sources with a view to reconstruct, examine, check up or supplement the political history of the various dynasties from the 7th to 13th century A.D., i.c., from the time of Harsa to that of

Page #12

X
Vaghelas. It is a very painstaking study in which maximum material relating to the subject has been brought together from many a source, viz., Carita and Prabandha literature, Kathd or narrative literature, Kavya literature in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa. Prasastis or colophons to important manuscripts Pattavalis or traditional lists of teachers and pupils of the Jain Church and finally the most important of them all inscriptions which furnish reliable data regarding the chronological sequence of dynasties and rulers.
The dynasties of Madhya Desa include the Puşyabhuti of Thanesvar and Yasovarman and his successors as well as the Gurjara-Pratihāras and the Gahadavālas of Kannoj and Käsi. The dynasties of eastern India treated here include the Palas of Magadha, the Senas of Bangal and the Kesaris of Kalinga. The story of the royal dynasties of Central India about whom the Jain sources furnish a valuable hand-out of information, includes the Candelas of Khajuraho, the Kacchapaghātas of Gwalior, the Kalacuri of Dahal or Cedi, the Paramāras of Malava with their conspicuous contribution to the literature and art of India. The scene then shifts to Rajasthan where supplementary light on the history of Cahamānas of Sakambhari, Rana. thambor, Naddula and Jalore is forthcoming, together with other dynasties in that area, viz., the Guhila-putras of Mewar, the Răştrakutas of Hast kundi, the Paramāras of Banswara, Candravati and Kiradu. Amongst the well known dynasties of Saurästra are included the Cavadas of Anahillapura, the Caulukyas of Gujarat including such great names as Mularaj, Jayasingh Siddharaja, Kumarapala and Bholu Bhima, the Vaghela branch of the Caulukyas including Lavanaprasada, his son Viradhavala, and the two Minister-brothers Vastupala and Tejaḥpāla and finally the Cähamāna rulers of Läta including Sindhuraj. The political history of most of the dynasties is already known from other literary and epigraphic sources but in this specialised work it will be seen what light the Jain sources throw on the dynasty as a whole or on the individual rulers, their achievements and principal political events of the reigns. In this study a happy combination is the attention paid to geography with respect to the original seat of the particular royal family, its capital cr the identification of ancient place names, e.g., Kalyaṇa-kataka (pp. 218-223).
Part II of the thesis appertains to a study of the polity and administration which evolved during this important period in which the position of the king, his council ministers, organisation of the central and provincial administration, the status of Samanta rulers and the local governments functioning in the Capital cities and towns and villages are all studied with careful analysis of their precise features. I pay my tribute to this study which covers a wide

Page #13

xi
range of literary and epigraphic sources and which gives evidence of careful and accurate presentation of the material. The thesis will serve as a supplementary source for reconstructing the history of Mediaeval India with special reference to local history.
A similar attempt with regard to the history of Southern India from Jain inscriptions and literature of which the evidence is equally abundant needs to be undertaken, and a third volume devoted mainly to cultural history in all aspects from Jain sources would go a long way to complete the menu offered by the Jain side. Ultimately all these are but the various strands in the story of Indian civilization, each contributing its own spectrum line in this radiant picture. Banaras Hindu University
VASUDEVA S. AGRAWALA 8-3-1963
B-i

Page #14

Page #15

PREFACE This thesis aims at bringing together and assessing the Jain Sources towards the reconstruction of the Political History of Northern India Circa 650 A.D. to Circa 1300 A.D. In dynastic histories of Northern India, so far written, some of the Jain Sources were used but casually and incompletely. In the following pages it has been endeavoured to collect all possible data available from the Jain Sources. No doubt, this attempt is sectional and focuses light from only one quarter, but it does substantially help in forming a com prehensive picture of India's past. Its value, however, is supplementary to other attempts which have been made in writing the political history of Northern India.
The scope of the thesis includes the fixing of the chronological position of various dynasties and individual rulers, discussion of genealogical sequence, description of wars and conquests, administration, patronage to art and litera ture and personal achievements of individual rulers belonging to different dynasties.
In the part II of this work, an attempt has been made to reconstruct and review the Jain political concepts and administrative ideas prevalent traditionally and practically, during the period under discussion.
The Jain Sources mainly used in this thesis may be mentioned under two heads: A. Literary, including (1) the Caritas and Prabandhas, (2) Narrative Literature, (3) Literature on Polity, (4) Miscellaneous Literature, (5) Pațțūvali(s) and (6) Prasasti(s) (Colophons); B. Epigraphical, including (1) Eulogies, (2) Donations and Grants, (3) Dedications and (4) Memorials, both official and private.
Attempts have also been made to throw new light on the following topics: Āma Nāgāvaloka of Kānyakubja, the so-called Ayudha dynasty, the date of the Pratīhāra king Vināyakapāla, the date of the accession of the Paramāra Bhoja, the early history of the Cāhamānas and Guhilotas, identification of Avantiprabhu of the Arthūna inscription of the Bānswārā Paramära dynasty, the chronological position of Adbhuta Krsparāja on the basis of a Jain inscrip tion from Diyānā near Mt. Abu. The history of the Caulukya dynasty of Anahilavāda has been thoroughly revised in the light of the Jain Sources. In part IT of the thesis special emphasis has been laid on Jainistic approach towards problems relating to polity and administration. The treatment under various heads mentioned above is both independent and corroborative and confirmatory.

Page #16

xiv
The present writer has derived help from large number of original works which are extensively quoted in the course of this thesis. His indebtedness to varicus authors in this field is also great. It is not possible to mention all of them here; acknowledgment of their help has been made mostly in the footnotes.
Like all those students who are first introduced to the world of scholarship by their teachers, the author is deeply indebted to his revered teacher Dr. Raj Bali Pandeya, M.A., D.LITT., ex-Principal, College of Indology, Banaras Hindu University, and at present Professor and Head of the Department, Ancient Indian History and Culture, University of Jabalpur, M.P., whose valuable guidance and sympathetic attitude have greatly helped him in the preparation and completion of this work, to whom this work is also dedicated. In this connection he also cannot forget his revered teacher the departed savant Dr. A. S. Altekar, M.A., LL.B., D.LITT., who kindly initiated and inspired him for the study and researches in the Indological field, to whom also this work is dedicated.
The author was fortunate enough to receive unbounded favour from the great savant Dr. V. S. Agrawala, M.A., PH.D., D.LITT., of Banaras Hindu University, whose occasional help gave him insight in the subject. His debt of gratitude has immensely increased on account of his crowning this humble work with his learned Foreword.
The author feels much thankful to Dr. Pt. Sukhalalji Sanghavī, Acārya Jinavijaya Muni, the late Pt. Nathuram Premi, Dr. Hiralal Jain and Dr. A. N. Upadhye, the doyens of Jain studies from whose critical editions and learned introductions of Jain texts the author has obtained much help and to whom like other students of Jainology, he looks forward as the beacon-light and perennial source of help and inspiration. Their timely and proper advice at the time of the All India Oriental Conference at Lucknow, curved the line of the author to achieve this present goal and saved him from going astray. As pointed out in the Publishers' Note the thesis was intended to cover the Cultural aspects also of the period but it was abandoned with the view it was too big for a single thesis. The author has keen desire and looks forward to the favourable circumstances for prosecution of his study on the other aspects from Jain Sources left by him.
The author can never forget Pandit Dalsukh Malavania, Director, L. D. Bharatiya Sanskriti Vidya Mandir, Ahmedabad from whom he received constant light and unfailing inspiration and all sorts of assistance during the

Page #17

XV
period of writing this thesis. To Dr. M. D. Shastri, Professor Jayachandra Vidvalankar, Rev. Bhikkhu J. Kashyap, Dr. A. K. Narain, Dr. Subhadra Jha and Pt. Phool Chandra Shastri also the author is much obliged, who gave him all loving encouragement during the period of his stay at Varanasi and thereafter when his spirits were drooping.
The author as a research Scholar in the Banaras Hindu University was the recipient of the Singhi Jain Scholarship from the Pārsvanāth Vidyāshrama for two and half years, which made his stay and work at the University possible. He has derived much help from the well-equipped and beautiful library of the Vidyāshrama which will ever attract the Scholars engaged in the study of Jainological subjects. The author does not find suitable words to express his deep indebtedness and sincere thanks to the authorities of the said Institution and especially to Lala Harjas Rai Jain, B.A., Hon. Secretary and to Pt. Krishna Chandrācharya who always took keen interest in this work and imparted all sorts of kind help and affectionate stimuli including the provision they made for its publication. The author also likes to record his thanks to his nephew Kailash Candra Choudhary and his son Pramod Kumar Choudhary who have assisted him in preparing the Indices. Finally, he has to thank his wife Mrs. Kusuma Devi Choudhary who cheerfully put up with all domestic worries and enabled him to devote his times to the present study.
In conclusion, the author craves the readers' indulgence for any lapses and errors, typographical or other, that may still be found in the book, in spite of his best efforts to weed them out. Muzaffarpur,
G. C. CHOUDHARY

Page #18

ROMAN EQUIVALENTS OF NAGARI LETTERS
Vowels
hoy - TO
au
am
Consonants

Page #19

ABBREVIATIONS
BI
BV
DV
AAK Ain-i-Akbari, Tran, by Blochmann and Jarret. ABORI Annals Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona (India). APJLS Arbuda Prācīna Jain Lekha-sandoh. ASI Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report. ASI, WC Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle. ASR Archaeological Survey Reports by Cunningham.
Bhāvanagar Prākyt and Sanskrit Inscriptions. BI Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta. BG Bombay Gazetteer. BSS Bombay Sanskrit Series.
Bhāratiya Vidyā. DHNI Dynastic History of Northern India, Vols. I & II by H. C. Ray,
Calcutta.
Dvyāśraya-kāvya. EI Epigraphia Indica, Elliot History of India as told by its own Historians by H. M. Elliot and
Dowson. GMRI Gujarātano Madhyakālina Rājput Itihāsa by D. K. Sastri. GOS Gaekwad's Oriental Series :
II Naranārāyaṇānanda. VII Vasantā-vilāsa-mahākāvya. IX Moharājā-parājaya. X Hammira-mada-mardana.
XI Udayasundari-kathā. HIG Historical Inscriptions of Gujarāta, ed. by G. V. Acharya. HMK Hammira-mahākāvya. HR History of Rāja pūtānā, by G. H. Ojha, Ajmer. HSS Haridāsa Sanskrt Series. IA
Indian Antiquary. IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly. JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society. JASB Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bengal. JBBRAS Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. JBORS Journal of the Bihar Orissa Research Society. JDL Journal of the Department of Letters, University of Calcutta.

Page #20

xviii
JLS JRAS JSI JSLS JSS KPr. Kuc MA MASB MDJG NC NIA NSP PC PCa
PK
PJLS PPS Pra. DV PTOC PV RMR SJGM
Jain Lekha-sangraha Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London. Jain Sahityano Itihas. Jain Sılā Lekha-sangraha. Jain Sahitya Sansod haka. Kumara pāla-Prabandha, by Jinamaņda nagani. Kumārapāla-Carita, by Jayasimhasūri. Mirāt-e-Ahmedi. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society, Bengal. Mānikya candra Digambar Jain Granthamälā. Navasāha sānka-carita. New Indian Antiquary. Nirņaya Sāgar Press, Bombay. Prabandha-cintāmani (SJGM I). Prabhāvaka-carita ( , XIII). Prabandha-kośa ( VI). Prācīna Jain Lekha-sangraha. Purālana Prabandha-sangraha (SJGM II). Prākyta Dvyāśraya-kavya. Proceedings and Transactions of the Oriental Conference (India). Prihvīrāja-Vijaya by Jayānaka. Rajaputānā Museum Report. Singhi Jain Granthamālā. I Prabandha-cintāmaņi. II Purātana Prabandha-sangraha. VI Prabandha-kośa. X Vividha Tirtha-kalpa XIII Prabhāvaka-carita. XVII Byhat-Kathākusa. XVIII Jain Pustaka Prasasti-sangraha. Sukrta Sankirtana. Tarikh-i-Firista. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa. Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Also known as Vienna Oriental Journal. Zitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischnen Gesellschaft.
SS TF VTK WZKM
ZDMG

Page #21

CONTENTS
PAGE
Dedication Publishers' Note Foreword Pretace Roman Equivalents of Nagari Letters List of Abbreviations
ix xiii xvi
xvii
PART I - POLITICAL HISTORY
1- 12
1-10
Chapter I. CLASSIFICATION AND THE VALUATION OF THE SOURCES A. LITERARY SOURCES
(1) The Caritas and Prabandhas-1; (2) Narrative Literature-4; (3) Literature on Polity-6; (4) Miscellaneous Literature-8; (5) Pattavali(s)-9;
(6) Prasasti(s) (colophons)-9; B. INSCRIPTIONS
10-12
II.
13- 34
13-14 14-17
17-28 17
Poet
28-34
35- 52
35-46
THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA BACKGROUND I. Puşyabhūti(s)
Harsa II. Yasovarman and his successors Yaśovarman
Lineage-18; Period-19; Conquests-19;
Vakpati-20. Ama Nāgāvaloka III. Ayudha Family: A concoction III. THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA (Continued)
I. The Gurjara Pratihāras
Origin Jodhpur Branch The Fratihårag of Avanti Vatsarāja Nāgabhatta II Bhoja I Mahipala Vinayakapāla alias Mahipala Mahendrapala Devapāla
Rajya pala II. The Gåhaļavālas
Candradeva Govindacandra Vijayacandra Jayacandra Hariscandra
46-52
C-i

Page #22

XX
PAGE
53-64
53-57
63
54
Capital
Poet Sri Harşa IV. THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA
I. The Palas
Origin Location Kings Dharmapāla Devapala Rajyapāla
Mahipala I II. The Senas of Bengal
Origin
Lakşmaņasena III. The Kesari Dynasty of Kalinga (Orissa)
57
58-C3 58 61 63-64
65- 84
65-71
71-80 71-77
72
V. THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
I. The Candellas
Yasovarman Dhanga Ganda and Vidyadhara Madanavarman Paramardi
Viravarmadeva II. The Kacchapaghātas A. The Kacchapaghātas of Gwalior
Lakşmaņa Vajradāman Mingalarāja Kirtirāja Padmapāla Mahipala The dates from Kirtipāla to Padmapāla
Yaśodeva, the author of the Inscription B. The Kacchapaghātas of Dubkunda III. The Kalacūris of Dåbala
Gāngeyadeva Lakşmi Karga Gaya Karna
81-84
81
83
85-120
85-120
VI. THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA (Contd )
The Paramāras Their hold over Mālava Origin Paramāras of Mālava Siyaka Väkpati Muñja Sindhurāja Bhoja I

Page #23

xxi
PAGE
(i) His date of accession-96; (ii) His extensive conquests-98; (iii) His death-103; (iv) Foundation of Dhārā-104; (v) As a patron of learning-105; (vi) His munificence-105; (vii) As a scholar-106;
(viii) His religion-107. Jayasimha and Udayaditya Jagadeva (Lakşmadeva) Naravarman Yasovarman Ballāla Vindhyavarman Subhatavarman Arjunavarman Devapala Jaitugideva Jayavarman II Bhoja II Remarks
108 108 109 in 113 114 115 115 117
118
119 119 119
121-170
121 121 123 125 125
125
126 126
1.8
VII. THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHAN
The Cahamānas Origin
Their original seat I. Cahamānas of Sākambhari
Cānamāna Vasudeva Samanta
His successors Vigraharaja II Durlabharāja II
His successors Durlabharāja III Vigrabarāja III Pţthvirāja I Ajayadeva Arnorāja Arnorāja's successors Vigraharāja IV Fith vīrāja II Someśvara Pệthvirāja III
Harirāja II. The Cāhamānas of Ranathambhor
Govindaraja Balhana Prahlāda Viranārāyaṇa and Vāgbhata Jaitrasimha
Hammiradeva III. The Cāhamānas of Naddūla
128 128 129 130 130 130 131
133
133 135 135 136
141
142 142 142 143 144 144 144 147

Page #24

Xxii
PAGE
147
199 149 150 150 150
Laksmana Sobhita Baliraja Mahendra Ahila Anahilla Balaprasada Jind utāja Pșthvipala Yojaka Āsarāja Ratnapala Rāyapāla Kațukarāja Alhaņadeva
Kelhaņa IV. The Cāhamănas of Jalor
Kirtipala Samarasimha Udayasimha Cācigadeva Samantasimha
150 151 151
152
153 153 156
159
159 160
165
167
171-199 171-179 171
172
172
172
173
173 174
175 176
VIII. THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHAN (Contd.)
I. The Gubila putras or Gubilotas A. Guhilas of Mewar
Founder of the dynasty Bhatrpatta Allata Saktikumāra
His successors Sämantasimha From Kumarasimha to Padmasiṁha Jaitrasimha Tejasimha Samarasimha
His successors B. Guhilaputras of Naţūladagikā II. The Răstrakūtas of Hastikundi III. Paramāras of Bansawara (Vågada) IV. Paramäras of Candravati and Arbuda
Adbhuta Kļşnarāja Dharanivaräha Mahipala alias Devaraja Dhandhuka Vikramasimha Yasodha vala Dhārāvarsa Prahladanadeva Somasinha
178
179 180-183 183-185 186-197
187
188 168 188 190 191 191 193 194

Page #25

xxiii
PAGS
194 194 195 197-199
198
200-212 200 200 201 202 204 206 206 209 210-212
212-297
..
213 215
218
218 223 225
Kảnhadadeva Visaladeva
Concluding remarks V. Paramāras of Kirādū
Members of this branch IX. THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
I. The ca adās of Anhilapur
Early account and position Early reference Parentage Certain problems Foundation of Anahilapātaka Genealogy and Chronology Vasarāja Yogaraja
(i) Wrong identification confuted-210; (ii) His suc
cessors-211. II. The Caulukyas (Solāńkis) of Gujarāta
Mūlarāja's ancestors Origin of the family The Original seat of the family Identification of Kalyanakataka From Bhūyarāja to Rāji Mūlarāja
(i) His reign-226; (ii) His achievements-227; (iii) Identi
fication of Barappa-2.0. Cảmunda, Vallabharāja an Durlabharaja Identification of Sindhurāja Bhima I Karna Jayasimha Siddharāja
(i) His age at the time of his accession-246; (ii) His early reign-247; (iii) His achievements-249; (iv) The date of the conquest over Mālava-252; (v) Four great things-252; (vi) Mahāyātra-255 ; (vii) Gr at Lake-256 ; (viii) Anahilapātana-257; (ix) Hemacandra and other scholars-268; (x) Great personalities-258; (xi) Identification of Jaga
deva-260; (xii) His religion-261; (xiii) His popularity-262. Kumārapala
(i) His parentage-262; (ii) Early days-263; (iii) Accession-265; (iv) Reign Period-266; (v) Conquests-266; (vi) His ministers-275; (vii) His Generals-277; (viii) His Court-278; (ix) Religion and Reforms-279; (x) His
Family-283; (xi) His character-284. Ajayapāla
(i) His conquests-283; (ii) Reign period-288; (iii) His
death-288. Mūlarāja II kuima II
Polit.cal disorder in his reign-291
232
233 2 37 241 246 262
262-284
285
...
288 292

Page #26

X. DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA (Contd.)
I. The Vaghela Branch of the Caulukyas Early History Lavana Prasada

Appointment of Vastupala and Tejaḥpāla
Achievements of Father and Son (Viradhavala)
The Ministers Vastupala and Tejaḥpāla Death of Viradhavala
Dispute over succession
Death of Vastupala
Death of Bhima II
xxiv
Visaladeva
Arjunadeva Sarangadeva
Karṇadeva
II. The Cahamānas of Lāta
Sindhurāja
Samkha alias Sangrama simha
Chapter
XI. STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
General Condition of the period
I. Origin and conception of the State
II. Seven constituents of State
III. The King
PART II
Education and discipline of the King Succession
Titles of Kings and queens
Position of the King
Coronation
Personal Safety of the King
Duties of the King
Rights and Privileges of the King
Daily Routine
Various checks and balances
Abdication
Dethronement
Prince and other members of the Royal family King's personal officers
Functions of the King
(1) Executive, (2) Military, (3) Judicial. IV. Council of Ministers (Mantri-Parisad) Composition of the Council Qualification of the Councillors Councillors-hereditary
Functions of Cabinet

:::::
:::::
::::::::::::::
:::::
298
299
303
303
307
310
311
313
314
315
317
317
320
322-325
323 323
329
330
332
298-322
PAGE
329-381
333-348
334
337
338
339
339
340
340
342
343
344
845
345
345
346
346
348-354 348
360 352
352

Page #27

V. Organization of the Central Government
Prime Minister
Ministers
Akṣapatalika or Mahākṣapaṭalika
Dūtā
Other officers
VI. Provincial Administration
VII. Feudatories or Samantas
VIII. District Administration
IX. The City Administration Pancakula
Subdivisions and other lower limits.
The term Bhukti
Guilds (Gesthi(s) or Śreni(s))
X. The Local Government Municipalities
Village Administration
Mahattara and Mahattama Pancakula

XI. Revenue and Finance Administration
Sources of Revenue
Other Sources of Income
XXV
Expenditure
Accounts Department
XII. Law and Justice
Court
Juries
Evidence
Oath
Punishment
XIII. Military Administration
Army organisation
Vyuha
Diplomacy
War officers
Weapons
Sixfold policy
Peace and treaties
Ethics of war
XIV. Public Works Department
Appendix (List of Jain inscriptions)
Bibliography
Index I General
II of Inscriptions III of Colophons Corrigenda and Addenda

:::::
354
355
356
356
356
356
357
359
360
361
362
362
363
364
364
365
366
368
368
368
369
370
370
370
370
372
373
374
375
377
377
378
379
383
393
401
437
440
443
PAGE 354-356
361-363
363-365
365-368
369-372
372-379
380-381

Page #28

Page #29

PART I
POLITICAL HISTORY

Page #30

Page #31

CHAPTER I
CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES
The jain sources of the political history of our period (7th cent.-13th cent.) can be divided, for the sake of convenience, under two broad heads and several sub-heads. The two main heads may be called Literary and Inscriptional.
A-LITERARY SOURCES:
The Jain literature of this period is very extensive and varied, and numerous references of political value are scattered in it. The material available may be divided under the following sub-heads: (1) Caritas and Prabandhas, (2) Narrative Literature, (3) the Literature on Polity, (4) Miscellaneous Literature, (5) the Paṭṭāvalis, and (6) the Prasastis or the colophons of the books.
(1) The Caritas and Prabandhas: This head also can be divided into three categories: (i) mythological, (ii) biographical and (iii) chronicles. The Caritas are generally of the above three characters, while the Prabandhas are of the character of biographies and chronicles.
(i) Mythological: Like Brahmanas, Jains also have got their mythological personages, whose accounts are given in their Caritas and Puraṇas. These personages are called sixty-three Salākā Puruças (24 Tirthankaras, 12 Cakravartins, 9 Baladevas, 9 Vasudevas and 9 Prativasudevas).
The works wherein the lives of these great men are depicted, are called Puranas and sometimes also Caritas by the Digambaras, while among the Swetambaras they go by the name of Caritas only. Carita is a wider term, while the Puranas signify the lives of the ancient men. Some of the works of this category may be mentioned here, viz., the Padma-Purana, the Harivansa-purana, the Adi-purana, the Trişaşți-salākāpuruşa carita, the Parlvanatha carita, the Mahavira carita and so on. These works do not, however, consist merely of life-stories of celebrated personages and saints and the episodes concerning them, but they also throw a flood of light on contemporary historical and cultural events and movements. For example, the Harivansapuraya of Jinasena of Vardhamanapura in Käthiävāra contains very valuable information of historical importance in the concluding verses. It mentions the names of the contemporary kings of the period (composed in 783 A.D.). It has preserved an unbroken geneology of the Jain teachers from Lord Mahāvīra onwards. It also contains a succinct chronological history of Avanti. It mentions

Page #32

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the Rāsabha family or tribe to which Vikramaditya belonged though it does not refer to Vikramāditya by name. It supplies information about the reigning periods of certain dynasties after the death of Mahāvīra up to the Gupta dynasty and Kalki. It also reveals how the political characteristic of the period was generally of a feudal pattern. The Adi-purāņa describes in fair agreement with the corresponding Brāhmanical rites, the Samskāras, consecrations, which accompany the life of an individual from his conception to his death. Short treatises on town planning, origin of the State, king's consecration, duties and art of governing are found there. Similarly, other works of this type of the period, while narrating the lives of great men, occasionally give out the full picture of the time.
The Trişaști-salākāpuruşa carita varies greatly in extent and interest. It gives a good social picture of the time and, side by side, refers to the political conditions and ideas on the polity of the time. Its Parvan X, entitled Mahāvīra carita, contains the life-story of Mahāvīra, which is important from the historical point of view regarding the king Śreņika Bimbisāra, a contemporary of Mahāvīra and Buddha. In the form of a prophecy by Mahāvīra, Hemacandra also describes in a lengthy passage the ideal reign of his pious pupil, king Kumārapāla, who ascended the throne after 1669 years of the Nirvāņa of Mahāvīra.
Several other Jain Mahākāvyas like Dvisandhāna kāvya of Dhananjaya, the Dharmaśarmābhyudaya of Haricandra, the Neminirvāna kāvya of Vāgbhata,' and others occasionally throw welcome light on the political ideas of the time.
Apart from the isolated references scattered in the vast mythological literature of the Jains, the other two categories of this class, viz., biographies and chronicles directly contribute some definite information to our knowledge of history.
(ii) Biographical: It is fortunate that some Jain writers of our period based their literary works on the lives of their royal patrons. Like the Harsa carita of Bānabhatta, Gaudavaho of Vākpati and Vikramānkadeva of Bilhana, some of the biographical works composed by the Jains, for instance, the Kumārapāla carita or Prakrit Dvyāśraya-kävya of Hemacandra, Hammīramahākāvya of Nayacandrasuri, Sukrta-samkirtana of Arisimha, Sukrtakīrti-kallolini of Udayaprabha, Vasanta-vilāsa of Bālacandra and Vastupāla Tejahpala praśasti of Jayasimha are of this kind. Among other biographical works may be mentioned the Kumārapāla carita of another Jayasimha. Several
1 All the three are published in Kāvyamālā Series, N. S. Press, Bombay.

Page #33

CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES
other works of the same title by various Jain writers, Vastupäla carita of Jinaharsagani, and Kumāra påla-prabandha of Jinamandanagani also deserve notice. These and other works of the same category cannot be regarded as genuine history, although they contain valuable historical information. Their object was the glorification of the king rather than painting out the true picture of his life and times and they were mostly conceived of by their authors not as historical texts, but primarily as media of showing their literary skill and talent. These biographies, however, throw a flood of light on the history of Gujarāta and the neighbouring kingdoms.
(iii) Chronicles: The Jain writers of Gujarāta have preserved some chronicles of their time. The Sanskệt Dvyāśraya-kävya of Hemacandra may be regarded as a glaring instance of this category. This work, along with certain portions of other biographical works, enables us to trace the history of Gujarăta from the Cāvadās up to the Vaghela kings with fullness of detail, such as is not available to us for reconstructing the history of any other kingdom in ancient India except Kashmir. In this category we may include the Jain Prabandhas also. This kind of literature, though produced late in time, is based on old authentic traditions of the country and presents a realistic picture of the period.
While the Caritas are the legendary biographies of Tirthankaras, Cakravartins and Rșis of the hoary past, the Prabandhas are the compilations of stories and anecdotes about historical personalities—laymen as well as monks. They may be regarded as of semi-historical character and should not be entirely rejected as historical sources. Their narrations can be checked up by the study of the contemporary literary and epigraphical sources.
The Prabhāvaka carita of Prabhācandra, which is a continuation of Hemacandra's Parisista Parvan, the Prabandha cintāmani of Merutunga (1306 A.D.), the Prabandha-kośa of Rāja Sekhara (1349 A.D.), the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha edited by Muni Jinavijaya Ji, which may be included in this class, are treasure houses of stories and fables as well as historical anecdotes.
The Prabhāvaka-carita deals with 23 influential monks, significant among them being Virasūri, Säntisūri, Mahendrasūri, and Abhayasuri. About eight learned monks out of them lived at the time of the Calukyas. While describing their lives the author has given glimpses of the political and cultural life of the period.
The Prabandha-cintamani provides a very reliable source for the history of Gujarāta which is not available elsewhere. This book has been made the very

Page #34

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
basis of their works by the authors of the Rāsamālā and the Bombay Gazetteer, Volume I.
The Prabandha-kośa contains the life stories of 24 persons, namely, 10 Jain teachers (including Hemacandra), 4 poets, 7 kings and 3 other personages.
The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha is a collection of various small and big Prabandhas. It has certain peculiar and important prabandhas like Bhojagängeya-Prabandha, Dhārādhvansa-Prabandha, Pịthvīrāja-Prabandha and Nādūla-Lakhan-Prabandha.
This much can be said on the importance of the Prabandhas that no history of mediæval India can be considered complete without utilising the material available in them.
Certain Jain works written in the style of dramatic plays may also be regarded as the chronicles of our period. They are the Moharājaparājaya of Yaśahpāla, the Hammira-mada-mardana of Jayasimha and the Rambhämanjarī of Nayacandra. The first mentioned work depicts the social, religious and political life of Gujarata. The second one throws light on the mutual relationships of the kings and the kingdoms that existed at the time of Viradhavala (Vaghela). And the third constitutes an important source of the history of Gähadavālas.
(2) Narrative Literature: "Jain literature, both canonical and still more non-canonical, is the very store house of popular stories, fairy tales and all kinds of narrative poetry."1 The Jain monks and authors have always been more fond of telling tales than historians. They have produced a vast literature of this type in prose and verse, in Sanskrt, Prākṣt and Apabhransa. From this branch of literature we may obtain a better knowledge of the real life of common people than from other branches of literature. This category includes many kathās, ākhyānas and caritas. The works written on them mostly deal with the lives of individual religious heroes such as Jivandhara, Yasodhara, Karakandu, Nägakumära and Sripāla; then there are edifying tales of pious house-holders and ladies who devoted themselves to the observance of certain vows and religious practices; there are short biographies of ascetic heroes well known in early literature and lastly, there are tales of retribution, illustrating the rewards and punishments of good and bad deeds here and hereafter. The matter in all these stories consists in the motives and the doctrinal preachings. Some heroes are drawn
1 Winternitz: The Jains in the History of Indian Literature, Ahmedabad, 1946, p. 9.

Page #35

CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES
from earlier literature, some from popular legends and some may be imaginary; the setting, however, is legendary. The chief object of most of these tales is to edify Jainism and impress on the minds of readers the greatness and power of Jain religion and, thus, propagate in society the religio-moral ideals upheld by Jainism. These are not purely dogmatic or ethical discourses, but, after all, they are tales; and as such they are strewn with similar topics which also provide instruction and often give agreeable entertainment.
Though various stories are invariably embedded in the biographical literature in the Purānas and Caritas, there are separate treatises full of interesting stories. We can divide them into two sections according to their form. The first one represents the tales presented in a romantic form (ākhyāyikā) and independent Kathānakas in ornate poems. The second one is represented by the compilations of tales or the Kathā-kośa. In the first type may be included works like Tarangāvati of Padaliptasūri, (the original of which is lost but a shorter version of it in Prākṣt gathas under the title Tarangalola is preserved), the Samarāicca-kahā of Haribhadra in Prākst prose with gãthas, a magnificent prose romance; the Upamitabhava prapancā-kaihá of Siddharşi, the first elaborate Sanskrt allegory, and the Bhavisatta-kathā of Dhanapāla, a romantic epic in Apabhransa. While these novels are original Jain productions, the Kuvalayamālā of Udyotanasūri (8th century), the Yaśastila ka of the Digambara Somadeva (959 A.D.), the Tilakamanjarī of another Dhanapāla (c. 1010 A.D.) which gives the geneology of the Paramāras and the Gadya-cintāmani of Odayadeva (10th cent.) are mostly composed on the line of classical novels like Bāņa's Kādambari. In the category of Kathānakas may be included works like Kālakācārya-kathānuka, the Uttama-carita-kathānaka, the Campaka sresthi-kathänaka, Mrgāvatī-carita and so on. These Kathānakas are generally written in a kind of popular Sanskrt, that is, the Sanskrt influenced by vernaculars.
The second type of narrative literature includes a large number of works which are collections of tales, often with a frame-story such as the Sam yaktva-Kaumudi, sometimes under the name of Kathākošas, some are dated and others are without dates by known and unknown authors. Dr. A. N. Upādhye has enumerated several such Kathā-kośas in his learned Introduction to the "Brhat Kathā-kośa" under the title "Compilations of Kathānakas: A Survey.” We also get information about many more Kathā-kośas
1 Brhatkathā-kosa, (SJGM, XVII), Introduction, p. 37.

Page #36

6
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
from the Jinaratna koša compiled by Prof. H. D. Velenkara. Religious and didactic instructions through stories are the main purpose of these compilations and they are designed to shape the reader into an ideal householder. They depict the life and manners of the different classes of Indian Society and in full accordance with reality. Hence, the Jain narrative literature, in the huge mass of Indian literature, is one of the most precious sources, not only of folk-lore in the most comprehensive sense of the term, but also of the history of Indian civilization.
(3) Literature on Polity: The Jain authors of our period have also paid special attention to Arthasästra (Polity) which is a worldly science. It is a matter of satisfaction that they have at least two works of importance on Political Science: the Nitiväkyämṛta' of Somadevasüri, the celebrated author of the Yasastilaka (c. 959 A.D.), and the Lagkvarhannitiśästra of Hemacandra."
Nitiväkyämṛta (the Nectar of the Sayings of Polity) is a handy book. It is a mixture of ethics and politics in short sutras or aphorisms: It is independent in many details, but it is also a colourless compendium of earlier political thoughts. After the Arthatastra of Kautilya and the Nitisära of Kamandaka, it is the only work which can very well be placed in the rank of the above two. The study of this work may help us a good deal to understand the Arthasástra of Kautilya. Somadeva was contemporary of the GurjaraPratihåra king Mahendrapala II as he refers to him by name in his Yasastilaka-campu. It is not unlikely that he came into contact with Mahendrapala II (before 940-948 A.D.) of Kanauj and at his instance composed the Nitiväkyämṛta as is declared in an anonymous commentary.
It is a note-worthy feature of Somadeva as a political thinker that he divests himself of his Jain beliefs and principles while dealing with the problems of State; he follows the universal tradition. Prof. Jolly has given a number of parallel texts from this work and Kautilya's Arthasästra. From these it appears as if Nitiväkyämṛta largely and unduly copied from Kautilya or wrote a kind of paraphrase of it, but estimating the book as a whole, it may be stated that it is really different from Kautilya and very far from being a mere copy of it. It is true that Somadeva has incorporated some passages literally or almost literally from Kautilya and
1 Published in MDJG., N. XXII.
2 Ahmedabad, 1906.
* Kavyamālā (N.S.P. Bombay) No. 70, I, vs 1 & 220; Pt. Premi, Jain Sahitya aur Itihasa, pp. 67-9.
• Raghavan, NIA., VI, pp. 67-9.

Page #37

CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES
paraphrased some other passages from him. It seems that in that age, which politically was rather decadent, Somadeva cries "back to Kautilya." But above all, the character of the two books is quite different. The work of Kautilya is a pure Arthasästra in which Dharma is recognised only in so far as it may also help the acquirement of artha, while in the Nitivākyumpta the term Niti is used not only in the sense of "political wisdom" but also of "moral conduct." And the whole work is not like KautilyaArthasastra, a practical hand-book of politics and economics, but rather a book of good counsels for kings. Even when in Nitiväkyämṛto the same subjects are treated as in the Arthasästra of Kautilya, we find that Somadeva gives more general rules of conduct where Kautilya emphasises the details of political practice. What is primarily important to Kautilya is more or less of secondary importance to Somadeva."
Frequently, Somadeva taps other sources and from the commentary available on the work we get about 20 new writers on Arthaśästra whose names are not found in other places. Probably, they are all later than Kautilya. and Kämandaka as they do not figure either in the code or the epitome. But he puts all this matter in such a way and shows such a dexterity in weaving out all these ideas and adding some of his own that he has placed himself in the rank of original thinkers. His work may be regarded as an index to the political temper of his age.
Another work named Laghvarhannitiśästra is supposed to have been. composed by the celebrated author, Hemacandra, and is an extract of a larger work in Präkṛt, the Brahadarhannitiśästra, which Hemacandra wrote for king Kumarapala of Gujarāta.
This work has more the character of a Dharmasastra (law) than that of a Nitidstra (polity). But the main topics of the Nitišästra proper are generally found here. The first part (Adhikara) contains instructions and rules of conduct for kings, ministers, generals and other state officials. This is somewhat different from what we find in the Arthalästra of Kautilya and other Nitildstras. The second part (Adhikära), too, has much in common with the chapter on the six methods of politics ($adgunya) as described in the Kautilya-Arthasästra and elsewhere. Niti is said to be threefold, consisting of war, punishment and judicial procedure. In the third Adhikara the Vyavahara or civil and criminal Law is treated in the same way as in Manu's Law book. The fourth and last Adhikara deals

7
1 Winternitz, The Jains in the History of Indian Literature, (Ahmedabad), p. 38.

Page #38

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
with Prāyaścitta. In this chapter it is interesting to find all the Brāhmanic penances, such as Pañcagavya and others, side by side with such prāyaŚcittas as the worship of Jina and pilgrimage to Jain sanctuaries (Tirthayātrā). On the whole, there can be little doubt, that the State under Kumārapāla, in spite of the king's inclinations towards Jainism, rested on a Brāhmanic foundation and the Jain teachers who wished to gain influence in the government were prudent enough to respect the Brāhmanic institutions and views of life. They contented themselves in tempering Brāhmanism here and there with Jain ethics.
Besides these two works, many ideas on political science, though not of primary importance, are scattered throughout the Jain Kāvyas in the form of teachings or pieces of advice imparted to sons or pupils by their parents or teachers or in the form of descriptions of state-craft, morality or ethics.
(4) Miscellaneous Literature: The Jain writers have also made most valuable contributions to scientific, technical and other branches of Indian literature. They certainly throw some light on the political history of the period. For example, the Ganaratnamahodadhi, a work on Sanskệt grammar mentions the religion and the title of Bhoja; it can also be utilised for the history of Siddharāja Jayasimha. The Sanskặt grammar of Malayagiri records the victory of Kumārapāla over Arnorāja; the Sabdānusāsana of Hemacandra refers to the war of Siddharāja Jayasimha with Mālavā.
Certain works on poetics and dramaturgy of the period are also of some importance. For example, Kavyānuśāsana of Vägbhața, son of Nemikumāra, the Vägbhațälankára of another Vãgbhata, son of Soma and the Candonušāsana of Hemacandra possess certain verses of historical importance regarding the Calukya emperor, Jayasimha.
The Pravacana Parikṣā preserves the geneology of the Cāvaļās, the Calukyas and the Vaghelas amidst its religious discourses.
The Vividhatirtha-kalpa, composed by Jinaprabhasūri, is a good work on Jain pilgrimage. It is an important work on Indian geography and history of the period. It records certain historical events also, such as the invasion of Somanāth by Mahmud of Ghazni, the death of Pșthvīrāja, the invasion of Gujarāt and its neighbouring states by Ala-ud-Din. The authenticity of the work is proved by the fact that the author of the work was in close touch with Muhammada Shah, the successor of Ala-ud-Din. Its account, therefore, may be regarded as a contemporary one.
1 Ibid., p. 51.

Page #39

CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES
The above are some of the important sources. Similarly there is lying at vast body of miscellaneous literature of considerable historical value contained in the Jain Bhandaras.
9
(5) Pattavalis: They are the extant chronological works written in various languages such as Sanskrt, Präkrt, Kannad etc. They record a succession of important persons, e.g., saints, rulers, merchant-princes since the Nirvana of Mahavira up to the middle ages. The Jain writers have preserved a large mass of this type of literature. The Paṭṭavali-samuccaya edited by Muni Darśanavijaya Ji, Tapagaccha Paṭṭāvali, Khartaragaccha pattavali, all of them belonging to the Swetambara sect and certain paṭṭāvali of the Digambara sect published in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, the Jain Hitaisi, Vol. II, and the Jain Siddhanta Bhaskara Vol. I, deserve particular mention here. Among them, the most important for our period is the Vicaraśreņi or the Theravali of Merutunga. It gives the geneological list of the Cavadas, Caulukyas and Vaghelas with chronology. As these works were meant to be chronological draped with dynastic lists and sketches, we do not expect biographical details from them. They, however, do not suffer from poetic imageries and exaggerations.
(6) Prasastis (Colophons): Most of the Jain works of our period are. dated and attached with valuable colophons. These colophons contain important geneological lists of Jain teachers, references to contemporary rulers, their ministers, generals, important officials and pious men and women who liberally contributed to get those works composed. They are very valuable sources of the chronological history of India. They may be regarded to some extent as important and reliable as the stone records. and copper plates for the socio-religious history of the period concerned. The only difference worth mentioning between the two is, that while the former are written on perishable materials like paper and palm leaves, the latter are engraved on imperishable materials like stone and metals. But as far as the details and constructions are concerned, both are one and the same from the historical point of view.

The Prasastis are of two varieties. The first is related with the author himself and the second with the copyist. In the author's pralasti, the author records his due gratitude to previous authors, pays his homage to his teachers, gives their pedigrees, narrates his gana and gaccha, date and place of composition and the name of the ruling king and his officials. Thus as contemporary records, they are a very important source for the reconstruction of the political and social history of the country. They also furnish information about the religious and literary activities of the time. 2

Page #40

10
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
In the second variety we get information about the donor, his family, pedigree, caste and clan. This variety of colophons may be useful for writing the social history of the period.
Extensive literary activities in the reigns of the Paramāras, Cāhamänas, Caulukyas and Guhilotas created a large mass of praśastis. On account of their great historical value, certain separate collections have also been published. Special mention in this connection may be made here of the catalogues of MSS of Jain Bhandāras at Pāțan, Jesalamer, Limbadi, Baroda and Ahmadabad, the Jain Pustaka-Prasasti-sangraha edited by Muni Jinavijaya Ji, the Prasasti-sangraha from Ahmadabad, a Prasastisangraha edited by K. Bhujbali Šāstri and the Praśasti-sangraha by Kastoor Chand Kāsalivāla. B-INSCRIPTIONS:
We have a large number of Jain inscriptions of our period to reconstruct ancient Indian history. They are mostly found engraved on the pedestals of images, rocks or stone pillars and copper plates. Most of them are dated. As they are written or engraved on the material of imperishable nature, they do not suffer any modification and alteration to which literary works are often exposed. Therefore, the information they contain is of primary importance.
Most of the Jain inscriptions have been composed by the Jain teachers. They are met with generally in religious places and Jain temples, but some of the inscriptions, although composed by Jain teachers, have also been found in temples or places other than Jain. For example, the Sundhā Hill inscription composed by Jayamangala of Brhadgaccha is found in the Cāmundā temple of that place;' the Cittorgarh inscription of Kumārapāla composed by the Digambara Rāmakīrti is found in the Mokalji temple at Cittorgarh.? Similarly the Gwalior Sāsabahů inscription of Kacchapaghātas composed by Yaśodeva Digambara3 and Ghāghasā and Cirwā inscription of the Guhilots composed by Ratnaprabhasūrit may also be numbered among them. It is not to be supposed that they were removed from the Jain possessions to these places, but, contrary to this, they were purposely composed by the Jain teachers for the use of people other than the Jains, for we know there is nothing in them which relates them to Jains except
1 EI, IX, pp. 70-79. 2 EI., II, pp. 421-24. 3 IA., XV, pp. 33-36. * RMR., 1927, p. 3 and WZKM, XXI, pp. 142-62,

Page #41

CLASSIFICATION AND VALUATION OF THE SOURCES
the name, pedigree or gana, gaccha of the Jain teachers in the concluding verses. Even the invocatory verses of these inscriptions are not dedicated to the Jain gods and goddesses. They usually invoke the non-Jain deities with certain exceptions marked with 'Om Sarvajñāya Namaḥ' or 'Padmanāthāya namab'. These facts eloquently testify to the catholicity of the Jain teachers. We have included all these inscriptions among our sources.
We find the Jain epigraphs recorded from the very early period of Indian history and they are of considerable historical significance. They are not confined to a particular period or locality. But the inscriptions used here are generally found in Central and Western parts of India.
About the importance of some of the Jain inscriptions it may be said. that they are the only source regarding certain dynasties. For example, the Gwalior and Dubkunda branches of the Kacchapaghātas and the Hathundi branch of northern Raṣṭrakūtas are known from these inscriptions only.
The Jain inscriptions of our period may be broadly divided into two classes, official and private. By far the largest number of these inscriptions are of private character. The official records, though small in number, are in most cases, the Prasastis, i.e., eulogies of kings written by their court poets or temple or land grants or charters, viz., the Aihole inscription of Pulikesin (II), the Calukya king, written by the Jain poet Ravikirti', the Vadanagar Prasasti of Kumarapala, composed by the Jain poet Sripala3, the Sasabahü temple inscription of Mahipala, the Kacchapaghata prince, composed by the Jain Yaśodeva", the Dubkunda inscription of Vikramasimha of the same family composed by the Jain Vijayakirti', the Bijapur inscription of Dhavala Rästraküța", the Sundhä Hill inscription of CâcigaCahamâna composed by Jayamangala" and so many others belong exactly to this class. We have shown their importance in their proper places.
11
The Jain records of private character cover a wide range from a short votive inscription of two or three words to highly poetical compositions, glorifying an individual or family. They throw light on various aspects of society. In certain cases they throw direct light on the political history of the period as they are issued from persons closely associated with a royal family. For example, most of the inscriptions found from Mt. Abu, Girnära
1 EI., VI, pp. 1 ff.
EI., I., pp. 296-305. 3 IA., XV. pp. 33-36.
4 EI., II.,pp. 232-40.
5 EI., X, pp. 17 ff.
6 EI., IX. pp. 70-79.

Page #42

12
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
and Satruñjaya in Northern India and the inscriptions found from SravanaVelgolā in Southern India belong to this class. Most of them are issued by governors of provinces, generals or ministers of states and by brothers or sons of kings in their private capacity. A good many are engraved on the image pedestals of gods or on religious buildings recording pious donations. These constitute the chief sources of fixing the dates of these images or buildings and have proved of immense help in tracing the evolution of art and religion and determining their general conditions in any specified period.
Certain separate collections of the Jain inscriptions have been published by scholars. The Prāchina Jain Lekha-sangraha by Muni Jinavijaya Ji, the Jain Lekha-sangraha in three parts published by Pūranacandra Nāhar, the Jain Silälekhasangraha in three parts published by the Manikyacandra Dig Jain Granthmālā, the Arbuda Prāchina Jain Lekha-sangraha in five parts by Muni Jayanta Vijaya Ji, the Jain Dhātupratimă Lekha-sangraha by Buddhisāgarasūri, the Prächina Lekha-sangraha by Vijayadharmasūri, the Jain Dhātu Pratima Lekha by Muni Kāntisāgar, and so many other collections deserve to be mentioned here.
On the whole, it may be said that the Jain inscriptions of our period are of great value in supplementing the sources of the ancient history of India. Some of them refer to ruling kings otherwise unknown and many of them supply dates of kings in a specified or unspecified era. They have enabled the historians to reconstruct the history of certain localities on a solid basis.

Page #43

CHAPTER II
THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
BACKGROUND:
We know from epigraphic as well as literary sources that the imperial Gupta power came to its end in A.D. 455, though it lingered on up to the middle of the sixth century A.D. and thereafter disappeared, not to survive again. The incursions of the Hūnas and the uprising of the Puşyabhūtis which began from the latter half of the fifth century remained unabated till the disappearance of the Gupta empire and hence it created a period of disorder and chaos. The main consequence of this situation was the total absence of any strong central power in the then Indian politics. There were also signs of degeneration and of dissension in the imperial line itself and the devotion of the more loyal feudatories could not save the empire from dissolution.
Towards the close of the fifth century and early in the sixth century A.D. the TIūna power rapidly spread over N.W. and Central India. It is said that the Hūņas were a race of savage barbarians who came from the steppes of Central Asia and had in the fifth century A.D. spread in devastating hordes over some of the fertile provinces of the Roman empire in the west and the Gupta empire in India. Their early raids into India were repulsed by Skandagupta, but they renewed their attacks when the great emperor was no more. Toramāna and his son Mihirakula are the two Hūna leaders famous in ancient Indian history who led the Hūna incursions on Indian soil. Mihirakula is known to us from inscriptions and coins as well as from the accounts of Yuan-Chwang and Kalhaņa.
Apart from these accounts some of the stories regarding the Kalkirāja preserved in Jain literature bear witness to Mihirakula's tyrannical rule. Jain author Jinasena (8th cent. A.D.) in his Harivansa-purāņa assigned forty-two years to Kalkirāja after the reign of 231 years of the Guptas. Kalkiräja has rightly been identified with Mihirakula by the late
1 Tiloy Pannatti, I, Vs. 101-106. 2 Chap. 60, Vs. 491-492 : HTTTTTTU YATAt a Jaya,
एकविंशश्च वर्षाणि कालविद्भिरुदाहृतं । द्विचत्त्वारिंशदेवातः कल्किराजस्य राजता,
ततोऽजितंजयो राजा स्यादिन्द्रपुरसंस्थितः॥ See also, Tiloy Pannatti, I, Vs. 95-99.

Page #44

14
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Dr. K. B. Pathak3
Besides the Hûpas, the new aspirants for imperial power were mainly Yasodharman of Mälava, Maukharis of Kanyakubja and the Puşyabhūtis of Thaneswar. All these new emerging powers at the outset of their career were bound to wage wars against the devastating Hūpas who had seized a large portion of the Gupta empire and were threatening to establish their hold in the Madhyadeśa.
Out of this confusion and struggle arose the famous dynasty of the Puşyabhūtis of Thaneswar near Kurukşetra, which succeeded in arresting the growth of the power of Maukharis and establishing a powerful kingdom near the territory of the Hunas. Such was the condition in the closing decades of the sixth century.
I. PUSYABHUTIS
Harsa: Among the rulers of the Puşyabhuti dynasty only Harşa (-vardhana), the greatest of his line, is mentioned in the Jain sources. The first document which throws light on Harsa is the Aihole inscription of Ravikirti of the time of Pulikesin II, dated 556 Saka or A.D. 634. It contains an eulogistic account of the Calukya family and especially of the numerous and wide conquest of the great Calukya emperor Pulikeśin II, also called Satyaraja," just as the Allähäbåd Pillar inscription describes the conquests of the Gupta emperor Samudragupta. There is no reason to suppose that the account given by the poet is either false or exaggerated. We know from this inscription a number of dynasties that ruled in the Deccan in the beginning of the seventh century A.D., as we know from the Allāhābād inscription of the dynasties that ruled in India in the beginning of the fourth century A.D. This inscription clearly states that Pulikeśin was the emperor of almost the whole of Southern India as from other sources we know that Harşavardhan was the emperor of almost the whole of Northern India at the same time."
The verse number twenty-three of this inscription, with regard to the greatest achievement of Pulikeśin II, states that he forced Harsa, the paramount sovereign of Northern India, whose military success was otherwise
1 Jaina Hitaişi, Vol. 13, No. 12 Kalki Avalara Ki Aitihäsikatä, and Gupta Rajaon Ka kāla, Mihirakula aur Kalki.
समरसंसक्तसकलोत्तर पथेश्वरश्रीहर्षवर्धन पराजयोपलब्धपरमेश्वरापरनामधेयः श्रीवभो महाराजाधिराजः।
2 EI., VI, pp. 1-10
3 IA., VI, p. 828:

Page #45

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
15
unbroken, to retire discomfited. The verse states thus: "Harșa, whose lotus feet were arrayed with the rays of the jewels of the diadems of hosts of feudatories prosperous with unmeasured might, through Pulikesin had his joy (Harşa) melted away by fear, having become loathsome with his rows of lordly elephants fallen in battle." Another verse (24) in the same description shows that the scene of the battle must have been somewhere about the Vindhya and the banks of the Revā (Narmadā) forming the northern limits of the empire of Pulikesin, where his large armies were encamped and had checked the progress of Harsa." This Jain evidence is corroborated by other contemporary documents. During the period 618-627, the Chinese chroniclers record serious disturbances in India, and Silāditya (Harşa) is represented as punishing the kings of the four parts of the country. What specific contests are meant is not made clear either by the Chinese writers or the grants of Harsa himself issued between A.D. 628 and 631. But the Aihole inscription is the first document from which we know that some time before 634 A.D. Harsa marched southwards as far as Narmadă. The statement of the Jain inscription has been remarkably confirmed by the account of the famous Chinese traveller Yuan-Chwang: "the great king silāditya at this time was invading east and west and countries far and near were owning allegiance to him, but Ma-ha-lacha (i.e. Mahārāstra) refused to become subject to him under its great king Pulikesin II.”3 That the two emperors met in actual fight is also stated in the Life of Yuan-Chwang: "Silāditya Rājā, boasting of his skill and invariable success of his generals, filled with confidence himself, marched at the head of his troops to contend with this prince (Pulikesin II) but he was unable to prevail or subjugate him, although he has gathered troops from the five Indias and the best generals from all countries.''4
The date of the inscription is given in verses 33 and 34 in two eras -- the Śaka 556 and the Bhārata War, 3735 which corresponds to the Christian
1 El., VI. pp. 6-10 V. 23: 3TH EHETTE PITCATHRITT,
मकुटमणिमयूराक्रान्तपादारविन्दः। युधिपतितगजेन्द्रानीकबीभत्सभूतो, भयविगलितहर्षो येन चाकारि हर्षः॥
2 Ibid., V. 24: T
a t tat, faraugai: 1972 197,02:1
अधिकतरमराजत्स्वेन तेजोमहिना, शिखरिभिरिभावों वर्मणा स्पर्द्धयेव ॥ 3 Watters, II, p. 239. 4 Beal, Life of Yuan Chwang, P. 147.

Page #46

16
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
year 634-35. Many scholars doubt the accuracy of the date of this inscription' but the probability of the date in question can be judged from the account of the Chinese traveller.
Further corroborations of this defeat of Harsa by Palikeśin are obtained from many other inscriptions of this dynasty in which Pulikesin has always been referred to as defeating the glorious Sri Harsa, the lord of the whole northern country in consequence of which he acquired the second title of Parameśvara.?
Regarding the date of Harsa's conflict with Pulikesin what we know from this inscription is simply that it happened before 634-35, the date of the Aihole inscription. Yuan Chwang's statement, that the engagement took place when Harsa was invading remote countries, further shows that it was probably after his eastern campaigns and conquests. Some scholars, from the earliest and the latest limits of the conquest of Harsa, i.e. 625-634), have assigned the year 630 A.D. as the probable date of the event.
What was the cause of this serious conflict? The answer to this query probably lies in the Aihole inscription, which informs us that "subdued by his (Pulikesin's) splendour, the Lāțas, Mālavās, and Gurjaras became, as it were, teachers of how feudatories subdued by force ought to behave."4 Commenting on this passage, Dr. Kielhorn remarked that the powers mentioned above, being impressed by the majesty and power of Pulikesin had voluntarily submitted to him or sought his protection. This must surely have been when they were threatened by the aggressions of the Kanauj king and Pulikesin willingly helped them in their distress. The confederacy thus formed was a formidable one, "resulting in Harşa's complete discomfiture."
The Aihole inscription also throws some light on Harsa as a mighty ruler. It is mentioned that he was a suzerain lord to whom the host of wealthy feudatories owned allegiance and who had an army of lordly elephants. This indicates that Harsa enjoyed paramountcy over a large number of kings in Northern India.
1 JBBRAS., XIV, 1878-80, pp. 16 ff. 2 IA., VI & VIII. 3 ABORI, XIII (1932), pp. 300-06. 4 El., VI, pp. 6-10, V.22: A TTAT FFI GITATSAJFT:
दण्डोपनतसामन्तचर्याचार्या इवाभवन् 5 They are obviously to be identified with the Broach and Valabhi kingdoms. 6 El., VI. pp. 6-10, V. 22. quoted above. ? Ibid., V. 24 : 377fafa Has TETHETH foretariaatt !
युधि पतितगजेन्द्रानीक etc.

Page #47

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
Harsa was not only a ruler but he was also a celebrated author and liberal patron of learning. Among the literary luminaries of his court Bāna, Mayūra and Manatunga have been frequently referred to in Jain literature. There are several interesting stories regarding the cordial relation between him and Bāna and Mayūra. Bāna is said to be the son-in-law of the poet Mayüra. Mayūra was the celebrated author of Süryaśataka. Harsa himself was a good poet. Söddala invariably mentions him along with the other poet kings, (Kavindraiśca Vikramaditya-Śrīharşa-Muñja-Bhojadevādibhüpālaih.) The Jain poet Svayambhū of the 8th century mentions Sri Harşa as a poet well versed while his court poet Bāna as verbose. Svayambhū says: 'Siriharisen Niyaunitti', which reminds us of the line 'Sriharso Nipuno Kaviriti' of the famous dramatic work Nāgānánd which is supposed to have been composed by King Harsa himself. Sriharsa mentioned by this carly poet of the eighth century A.D. cannot be the later poet Sri Harsa, a famous author of Naişadhiya carita who is obviously much later in age than the poet Svayambhū himself. In the Prabhāvaka-carita of the thirteenth century A.D. Vārāṇasi is mentioned as the capital of Sri Harsa. A suggestion may be made here that it might have been regarded as a second capital city of Harsa."
II YAŠOVARMAN AND HIS SUCCESSORS
Yašovarman: The Jainas have no record of the death of Harsa and of his successor on the throne of Kanauj. The earliest monarch whose name has been recorded in literature and also in the Nälandā inscription after the death of Harsa is Yaśovarman. On the career and exploits of this king sufficient light has been thrown by two well known works, viz., Gaudavaho of Vākpati and
1 P.C., p. 44: P O RT -qfosat........... #T: FICART et
लब्धप्रतिष्ठावभूताम्। PC A., p. 112: AHTarafa PPS., P. 15: TT git af ATT TA HETATI TET PETIT Tat Etat
तदनुरूपं बाणनामानं कविमुद्वाहिता। 2 GOS., XI, p. 150 3 Svayambhu, Ritthanemicariu, I, 144 4 SJGM, XIII, p. 112: qzt arrola ATETEA 1a: get,
तत्र श्रीहर्षदेवाख्यो राजा न तु कलंकभृत् । 5 EI., XX, pp. 39-40.

Page #48

18
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Rajatarangini of Kalhaya. Some Jain works also cast side-lights on his chronology and successors. Mention may be made here of some of the important works like Prabhavaka-carita of Prabhācandra, Prabandha-kosa of Rajasekhara, Bappabhatti-Suri-carita of Manikyasūri, Vividhateerthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri and Tapagacchapaṭṭāvali of Dharmasagargani. Though these Jain works are not contemporary records records like like the Gaudavaho, the material preserved by continuous tradition in them contains details of historical character.1 These Jain works range from the thirteenth to the fourteenth century A.D. As regards the authoritativeness of contents of the works, the authors themselves say that they have taken their narratives from the tradition handed down by learned men as well as by previous works. And from the point of view of history such a tradition coming about six or seven generations later cannot be absolutely discarded. Among these works the life of Bappabhattisūri contains the material for our purpose and may be regarded as a reliable source for the chronology of Yasovarman and his successors.
Lineage: The question of the lineage of Yaśovarman is still shrouded. in mystery. Väkpati the author of the Gauḍavaho praises him as "an ornament to the Lunar race of kings." Cunningham thinks that he is a descendant of the Maukharis, having the common termination varman of the dynasty, but the Jain works on the other hand, represent Yasovarman as "the illustrious ruler of Kanyakubja, who was the head-jewel of the famous dynasty of Candragupta, and who made illustrious the already illustrious family of the Mauryas. It is interesting to add that the Prabhavaka carita (13th cent. A.D.) also described Yašovarman as having descended from and been a bright ornament in the family of Candragupta. But the
1 Aiyangar, S. K., Ancient India, (1941), p. 345 ff. See also JBBRAS, III, May, 1928, pp. 103.
2
(i) PCA (SJGM, XIII), p. 1: aggagaara: angings affigi
उपधुस्येतिवृत्तानि वर्णयिष्ये किमन्यपि
(ii) PK., (SJGM, VI) P. इदानीं वयं गुरुमुलतानां विस्तीर्णानां रसादयानां चतु विंशतेः प्रबन्धानां संग्रहं कुर्वाणाः स्मः । Gaudavaho (S. P. Pandit's ed.). Vs. 1064-65. See also Introduction p. XXXIX.

.
ASIR., XV, p. 164; See also E.A. Pires, The Maukharis, pp. 136-375 IA., IX, pp. 171, 181, Bappabhaṭṭisüri carita, V. 13.
• Vs. 45-46 : वर्यमौर्यमहागोत्रसम्भूतस्य महाश्रुतेः श्री चन्द्रगुप्तभूपालवंशमुक्तामनिश्रियः ।
कान्यकुब्जयशोवर्मभूपतेः
1

Page #49

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
kings of the Maurya dynasty did not take names ending in Varman. It may be said that the family names and surnames may change in course of a long period of time. We, however, have no other evidence to corroborate the Jain statement.
Period: As regards the period of the reign of Yasovarman, while other sources are draped in vagueness, the Jain writers supply us a fairly correct clue. Most of them state that he was ruling in V.E. 800 or 743 A.D. and Prabhācandra and Rajasekharasūri, the authors of the Prabhavaka-carita and the Prabandha koša respectively, lead us a step further. They inform us that a Jain saint named Bappabhatti, who was initiated as a monk in V.E. 807 converted to Jainism, Amaräja, the son and successor of Yašovarman. Bappabhatti was next raised to the dignity of Suri in V.E. 811 after his royal disciple had ascended the throne. It is thus evident that Yašovarman must have died some time between the years 807 V.E. and 811 V.E." corresponding to 750 and 753 A.D. i.e. about the year 752. The probability of these dates is confirmed by what is said of Yašovarman in Kalhana's Rajatarangini and is further corroborated from the Chinese history of the Tang period." Conquest: Though we know much of the conquering expeditions of Yašovarman from other sources, Jain sources, however, do not provide us any such material. The main source of these expeditions is the Gauḍavaho, a Präkṛt poem of Väkpatiräja, which mentions that King Yašovarman invaded the country of Gauda and killed the king. But strange enough no name of the king of that country is mentioned there. Over this historians have conjectured much and according to some" the king of Gauda was Jivitagupta II and according to others he was most probably Rājarāja Bhatta of the Khadga dynasty. The Bappabhatti-carita on the other hand clearly says that at one time previously another Dharma of Bengal was defeated by Yašovarman and ultimately killed in the battle field. Väkpatiräja himself was taken prisoner,
1 PCA., XI, pp. 80-82 (SJGM, XIII). V. 28: gang fut à fammetea: 1 सप्ताधिके राधशुक्ल तृतीयादिवसे गुरौ ॥
• Ibid. V. 115 एकादशाधिके तत्र जाते वर्षशताष्टके । विक्रमात्सोऽभवत्सूरिः कृष्णचैत्राष्टमीदिने ॥
See also PK., pp. 27, 29 (SJGM., VI).
See also the Collected works of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, II, p. 432.
Aiyangar, S. K. Ancient India and South Indian History and Culture,
I. (1941), pp. 366-367.
Banerji, R. D. Mem. As. Soc. Beng., V, N. 3, p. 43. Basak, R. G. The History of North-East India, p. 208.
19

Page #50

20
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
carried over to Kanauj and was kept in prison there. He then composed the poem, Gaudavaho and presenting it to the king he secured his release from prison. Who was this Dharma and to which dynasty he belonged we certainly do not know. But we may infer that he must have been different from the King Dharmapăla of the Pāla dynasty, the period of whose reign is much later than that of Yasovarman. Perhaps he may be one of the kings among the two or three predecessors of Dharmapāla whose names are given in the Tibetan list between Gopāla and Dharmapāla.?
Poet Vākpati: As regards the literary activities of Yašovarman, he was depicted as a poet and patron of letters by Rājatarangini of Kalhaņa and others. But on this point the Jain sources do not throw much light. They, however, associate Yasovarman with the poet Väkpatirāja. Hitherto we had known of Vākpatirāja only from what is contained in the Rājatarangini of Kalhaņa. The Bappabhatti-carita throws a good deal more light upon the life and work of Vākpatirāja. Vākpati is described as "the head jewel of the Ksatriyas and born of the Paramāra clan." He is described in one place a Sāmantanāyaka, chief of the Sāmantas. In another place he is described as chief of the Brahmavids (those versed in Brāhmanical learning and philosophy). He was a poet at the court of a king, Dharma of Bengal, a predecessor of Dharmapāla II. Yasovarman undertook an invasion of Bengal, defeated Dharma in war and subsequently killed him in battle. Vākpati was among the prisoners whom Yasovarman kept in prison after his victorious return to Kānyakubja. He composed the Gaudavadha celebrating the exploit apparently of Yašovarman's invasion of Bengal and thus secured release from prison. In all probability, he took himself away from Kanauj and returned to the court 1 PCA., XI, p. 908 (SJGM, XIII), Vs. 463 & 464 : ___ यशोवर्मनृपोधर्ममन्यदा चाभ्यषेणयत्। तस्माद् द्विगुणतन्त्रस्तं भूपं युद्धेऽवधीत्बली ॥
तदा वाक्पतिराजश्च बन्धे तं निवेशतः। काव्यं गौडबधं कृत्वा तस्माच्च स्वममोचयत् ॥ 2 Gopal : 660-705 A.D., Devapāla, 705-753 A.D.: See Appendix, History of
Medieval Indian Logic, S.C. Vidyābhuşaņa. 3 Cf. PCA., p. 96, V. 394: TATTHETITFHT: TATTI
तस्य वाक्पतिराजोस्ति विद्वान् निरुपमप्रभः ॥ See also PK., p. 35: TARIM TE HET AT TATA * TETEN
समाययो। There is no doubt that the tradition was a confused one. But it is likely that he may be an earlier member of the famous Paramära king of this
name. 4 PC A., P. 102, V. 567: JETTATA THERYTHI 5 Ibid., p. 104 V. 602: 9799ATTS (TET I g arai

Page #51

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
of Bengal and was much respected court-poet in the court of Dharmapāla of Bengal himself. He felt at one time that Dharmapāla did not show him the respect due to his position because of the intrigues of Vardhanakuñjara, a Buddhist teacher and controversialist who had some influence with Dharmapāla. Therefore he retired from Bengal and reached the court of Amarāja the son and successor of Yasovarman, where he became very soon a favourite of king Amarāja and Bappabhattisūri. He lived at the court as a highly honoured poet, and composed during his stay there two poems, Gauda Bandha (a different work from Gaudavadha) and Madra-mahi-vijaya (conquest of Madra country, East Punjab), both of them apparently in honour of Ama, who doubled his enmity in consequence. After some time, feeling dissatisfied that Ama was not up to the height of his position in respect of his conduct he retired to Mathurā. He was a staunch Vaisnava and was about to put an end to himself by a process of religious starvation when he was rescued from imminent death by Bappabhatti's intervention. It is said that he became a convert to Jainisin and after undergoing severe penances in Mathurā voluntarily starved himself to death (anaśana) in accordance with the Jain rule for men desirous of making a good end. These are the details regarding the life of Väkpatirāja which have not been available from other sources. As regards the details of this tradition, we have no other sources of verification and confirmation. But it must be said that there is nothing which goes against this tradition. A not very long duration of time between the events described and the recording of these traditions is certainly in favour of the correctness of the account.
Ama Nāgāvaloka: According to the Jain sources Yaśovarman was succeeded by his son Ama and Ama by his son Dunduka and Dunduka by his son Bhoja. We know nothing about these successors of Yasovarman from other sources and, therefore, it gives special importance to the Jain sources. Almost all Jain works written on the life of Bappabhattisūri unanimously associate Süri with king Ama," and state that Yasovarman was succeeded by his son Āma, born of Yaśodevi during the temporary exile caused by the
1 Ibid., XI, (SJGM, XIII), 463-477. 2 Ibid., XX, (SJGM, XVII), pp. 99-105. 3 (i) Pattāvali-Samuccaya, edited by Muni Darśanvijaya, p. 52 -- in the
Tapagaccha Pattavali: येनामराजा प्रतिबोधितः (ii) Jinaprabhasūri, Vividhateerthakalpa, (SJGM, X), p. 19:
आमरायसेविय कमकमलेण सिरिबप्पभट्टसरिणा। (iii) A Patļāvali by Ravivardhana gani, V.E. 1739.

Page #52

22
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
jealousy of a co-wife' and Bappabhatti was his preceptor who taught him all the seventy-two arts and converted him to Jainism. The story of Bappabhattisūri is a long one, written for the purpose of glorification of Bappabhattisūri and of King Ama in his association. We get, however, some remarkable historical materials from the story. It is stated there, firstly, that King Ama bore the title Nāgāvaloka' conferred upon him by Bappabhattisūri due to his taking hold of a poisonous cobra which succeeded in killing a mongoose in fight. By this title the king became known thereafter the world over.Secondly, it alleged there that King Ama, during a considerable period of his reign, was at enmity with the ruler of Bengāl, who is stated to have been known by the name Dharma and Dharmabhūpala or Dharmabhupa almost certainly Dharmapāla of Bengal. Dharma actually states himself, in the course of the narrative, that, having been thwarted several times, it became difficult for him to control his long cherished feeling of enmity to King Āma of Kanauj. Thirdly it states a long period of King Ama's reign from V.E. 800 to 890 or A.D. 743 to 833-34.
These are some of the points which are to be discussed here in the light of the other available sources. As regards the first and third points a confusion arises from the history and chronology of Gurjara-Pratihāra dynasty, which records a king Nāgabhața bearing the title Nāgāvaloka whose known date from the inscription is V.E. 872 or 815 A.D. The period, therefore, seems to correspond with Ama-Nāgāvaloka, since he died in A.D. 853. The confusion increases still further when we look into the possible grounds for identification. We know from the narrative that Ama-Nāgāvaloka had a son by name Dunduka who had a son Bhoja. Similarly Nāgabhata II had for his son Rāmabhadra and had a grandson who too bore the name of Bhoja. Thus both of them had a grandson by name Bhoja, but the names of the sons differ. On the basis of this resemblance many scholars have attempted to 1 PCA., XI, (SJGM, XIII), Vs. 53 & 54.
साऽवदीत् तातपादानां किमकथ्यं तत: प्रभो, श्रीकान्यकुब्जभूपालयशोवर्मकुटुम्बिनी।
अहं सुतेऽत्र गर्भस्थे संपन्यां मत्सरोदयात् , पुरा लभ्य वरं प्रार्थ्य नृपान्निर्वासितास्म्यहम् । 2 Ibid., V. 73: tarat si a anahitaart 3 Ibid., V. 188: TIE RIETI I TESTI
ततः प्रभृत्यनेनापि नाम्ना विख्यातिमाप सः॥ * PCA., XI, V. 168: SETARIST ATTE:
तदाबानात यदा पश्चात् याति तन्मे तिरस्कृतिः॥ 5 Ibid., V. 719 & 721: ferat anfort aige Tradit 7 TECI
श्रीमान् नागावलोकाख्यो राजा प्राप दिवं तदा ॥ 6 Jodhpur Stone inscription. EI., IX, pp. 198-200,

Page #53

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
23
identify King Ama Nāgāvaloka with Nāgabhata II. But having considered this ground inadequate for the proposed identification, we are here trying to examine the whole matter. In this attempt we should go to review the history of the time in respect of Kanauj, of Bengal and of Rāştrakūtas and Gurjaras, which may throw light upon the point in issue.
We have already known the last limit of the reign of the King Yasovarman of Kanauj from the Bappabhatti-carita which is approximately 75051 A.D. and which tallies well with the dates deduced from Rajatarangini and the Chinese Annals of Tang dynasty. After Yašovarman the throne of Kanauj was occupied by his son and successor, Ama-Nāgāvaloka, for a long period from 752 A.D. to 833 A.D. according to the Bappabhațți-carita. But within long period scholars have placed a king named Indrarāja or Indrāyudha on the throne of Kanauj in Saka year 705 of 783-84 A.D. on the basis of a passage in the Jain Harivansa and a reference made in the late Bhāgalpur grant of Narāyanapāla. Dr. R. S. Tripāthi, in his History of Kanauj, held the view that by the year 815 A.D. the throne of Kanauj was occupied by the Pratihāra King Nāgabhata II on the strength of the Buckala inscription and the undated Gwalior Prasasti of Bhoja. Thus we see three or four kings on the throne of Kanauj in this long period according to the generally accepted views of historians, while the Bappabhatti carita assigns this long period of 752-833 A.D. to the one King Ama only.
Leaving apart this knotty problem of the Kanauj history for a while, we come to the history of Bengal of that period. It is generally accepted by historians that the first three kings of the Pāla dynasty, i.e. Gopal, Dharmapāla and Devapāla, ruled within the period from circa 750 to circa 870 A.D. This assigned period mostly concords with the reign of Ama. From the Jain sources we do not know any activities of these kings except those of Dharamapāla, who, it is said, had long cherished inveterate feelings of enmity to King Ama. This would mean that he made several aggressive attempts on Kanauj and was repulsed in his efforts. One of the most glorious achievements of Dharmapala, according to the Pāla inscriptions, was the defeat of an Indrarāja of Kanauj,4 and the installation of another ruler Cakrā
1 El., XIV, p. 179, fn. 3 ; See also J DL., X, p. 46. 2 MDJG, XXXIII, Pt. II, Canto. LXVI, V. 52:
शाकेष्वन्दशतेषु सप्तसु शतं पञ्चोत्तरेषूत्तराम् ।
Grant TTTF EHBUTTTS staat er etc. 3 pp. 232-33 4 Bhagalpur copper plates of Nārāyaṇapāla, V.3, Ed. in I A., XV, pp. 305, 307.
See also Khalimpur Copper plates of Dharmapāla, V. 12, EI., IV, p. 252.

Page #54

24
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
yudha by name upon the throne of Kanauj. We have other references to Indrarāja from the Baroda platest of Karkarāja and from the Jain Harivansa of Jinasena. The Baroda plates inform us that Indrarāja was a son of the Rāstrakūta king Dhruva; whom he had left in-charge of Lāțeśvara Mandala. And according to the Harivansa Indrāyudha was the ruler of the north in Saka year 705 or 783-84 A.D. We, however, do not know the date of this Indrarāja from the inscription of the Pāla dynasty. The date provided by the Rāştrakūta inscription and by the Harivansa of Jinasena may not be perhaps applicable in the case of Indrarăja of the Pāla inscription owing to the doubtfulness of the identity of Indrāyudha of the north and Indrarāja in charge of Lāțeśvara Mandala. In my opinion there is strong possibility of the identification of this Indrarāja with King Ama-Nāgāvaloka of Kanauj, the object of Dharmapāla's deep-rooted animosity.
Before going to propose the identification of Ama with Indrarāja we have to clear another confusion arising from the title 'Nāgāvaloka' which led certain scholars to identify Ama with Nagabhața II. For this, we have to refer to the history of the Gurjara-Pratihāra dynasty of our period. We know from the Harivansa that in Saka 705 or 783-4 A.D. King Vatsarāja was ruling in Avanti. He has been identified with the powerful Gurjara Pratīhāra King Vatsarāja, father of Nāgabhața II. The earliest known date of Nāgabhata II is V.E. 872 or 815 A.D. (Buckala inscription), but we have no evidence to fix the year of his accession. Whether Nāgabhata II bore the title 'Nāgāvaloka' we have no direct reference. The late Dr. D. R. Bhandārkar is the first scholar to infer that Nāgāvaloka mentioned in the Pathāri pillar inscription dated V.E. 917 or 861 A.D. and in the Cāhamāna inscription of Vigraharaja dated V.E. 1030 or 973 A.D. is identical with Nāgabhata II. But these assumptions would have been justified if we could have equated without uncertainty, the title 'Nāgāvaloka' connected with Nāgabhața II. On one hand there is no direct evidence that Nāgabhata II actually bore that title, and, on the other, there is a definite statement that Amaraja of Kanaus was known by the title 'Nāgāvaloka.' Therefore the title "Nāgāvaloka' cannot be applied to Pratīhāra Nāgabhata II.
The next point in question is whether Nāgabhata II occupied the throne of Kanauj in his life time or not. Dr. R. S. Tripathi holds the view that the
1 IA., XII, PP. 159-163. 2 EI., IX, pp. 198-200. 3 EI. II, pp.121, 126 : 3779: sf TFTE STATTFE TISHI
श्रीमान्नागावलोकप्रवरनृपसभालब्धवीरप्रतिष्ठः ॥

Page #55

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
defeat of Cakrāyudha was evidently followed by the annexation of the kingdom and the transfer of the Pratīhāra capital to Kanauj. But there is no reliable evidence in support of this view. The only evidence in favour of the theory that Nāgabhata II transferred his capital to Kanauj is a statement in the Prabhāvaka Carita that Nāgävaloka of Kanyakubja, the grand-father of Bhoja, died in V.E. 890. This view is obviously based upon the presupposed and misunderstood identification of Nāgāvaloka with Nāgabhața II. As a matter of fact, the only extant dated record of Nāgabhata II is found in Buckala in the Jodhpur division and the locality is said to have formed a part of his kingdom proper (Sva-Vişaya). Therefore the points of the death, the locality and the date of Nāgävaloka should not be applied in the case of Nāgabhata II.
Now from the above discussion it comes out that neither the identification of Nāgāvaloka with Nāgabhata II on the conjectural basis nor the transference of the Pratīhāra capital from Avanti to Kanauj (for which we have no proof) conflicts with the period of the reign of king Ama Nāgāvaloka.
The only problem to be discussed then is that of Indrarāja on the throne of Kanauj. We know from the Bhāgalpur copper platesể that Dharmapāla defeated Indrarāja of Kanauj. As stated elsewhere this Indrarāja may be identified neither with Indrarāja of Rāştrakūța inscription of Barodā nor with Indrāyudha of the Jain Harivansa of Jinasena. About the identification of Indrarāja with the latter certain scholars expressly put forth their views. Dr. R. C. Majumdar opines: "It has been generally assumed that this Indrarāja is identical with Indrāyudha mentioned in a passage of the Jain Harivansa. But apart from the close resemblance in the two names, there is no other reason to establish this identity. For, there is absolutely no evidence to show that Indrāyudha ever ruled at Kanauj, the term "in the north" being not merely vague and undefinite, but hardly applicable to "Kanauj," when spoken with reference to Wadhwān in Kāthiawār.3 But he is inclined to identify Indrarāja of Pāla inscriptions with Rāstrakūta Indrarāja of Lāteśvara Mandala, brother of Govinda III. He says "on the other hand we know that Răstrakūta Indrarāja, brother of Govinda III was a contemporary of Dharmapāla. The Barodā plates of Karkarāja inform us that Dhruva had conquered the basin of the Gangă and Yamunā and that Indra was appointed by his brother to rule over the Lāteśvara Mandala,
1 History of Kanauj, p. 232-233. 2 IA., XV, pp. 305, 307, V. 3. 3 JDL., X, p. 37 fn.

Page #56

26
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
which may mean the northern possessions of the Rāştrakūtas with the province of Lāta as a centre. The probability, therefore, is that it was by defeating the Răstrakūța prince Indrarāja that Dharmapāla regained Kānyakubja and bestowed it upon Cakrāyudha who was probably kept out of his possessions by the Răştrakūta power. In any case it seems to me that with the available data it is more reasonable to identify Indrarāja of the Bhāgalpur copper plates with the Rāstrakūța prince of the same name than with Indrāyudha mentioned in the Harivansa.1 But expressing my difference of opinion on this point with the learned scholar, I may say that it is a forced assumption due to absence of any other alternative, and this alternative is furnished by the Jain work Prabhāvaka Carita in the shape of ĀmaNāgāvaloka, whose identification with Indrarāja of Bhāgalpur copper plates seems more likely. Before attempting to place any arguments over the proposed identification, I want to discuss here the difficulties in case of the identification with Rāştrakūta Indrarāja. We know that Indrarāja was merely in-charge of the Lāța-mandala and nothing farther north. It is generally assumed that, that province was reconquered by Govinda III and handed over to his brother Indra. But no record, contemporary or later, attributes the conquest of that province to him. The word 'Íśvara' in the expression ‘Taddattalāțeśvaramandalasya' which occurs in the Baroda plates may well be due to metrical exigencies. It may be pointed out that the Baroda plates of Dhruva II use the expression "Lātiyam mandalam yastanaya iva nijasvāmi dattam rarakşa'. The fact, that the donee in the Pimpri plates of Dhruva is a resident of Jambusāra, would also suggest that southern Gujarāta was included in the Rästrakūta kingdom before the accession of Govinda III.2 The question, however, of the appointment to rule northern possessions does not arise. Moreover, the Rāstrakūta records do not claim the conquest of Kanauj at this time. Though the Sanjan record refers to the resounding of the Himālayan caves by the noise made at the times of the bath of the army of Govind in the Gangā, it is however possible that this may be merely a poetic exaggeration and the army of Govinda may not have marched much beyond the Gangā-Jamunā Doāb. And since Kanauj was not conquered, the probability of defeating a Rāstrakūta prince Indrarāja and from him capturing the Kānyakubja by Dharmapäla does not arise. On the other hand, we have another alternative to prove the validity of the Bhagalpur copper plates. This alterna
1 Ibid., p. 37 2 Altekar, A.D., The Rāstrakūtas and Their Times, p. 70, fn. 65. 3 Ibid., p. 66 fn. 52.

Page #57

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
27
tive in all probability we may have in identifying the Ama Nāgāvaloka with Indrarăja of the Pāla inscription. Indrarāja is most likely the second name of Ama. The popular or family names like Mihira, Siluka, Jhoța etc., borne by the kings of that period lead us to this assumption.
The late Dr. V. A. Smith assumed in the fourth edition of the Early History of India, that the ruler of Kanauj whom Jayāpida of Kashmir defeated and whose throne he is said to have carried in the Rājataranginīt was probably Vajräyudha, referred to as ruler of Kanauj by Rājaśekhara in his Karpuramañjari." And thereafter he infers in this connection that the form of names of Vajrāyudha of the Kar püramañjari, Indrāyudha of the Harivansa and Cakrāyudha of the Pāla and Pratihāra inscriptions may suggest that all the three monarchs belonged to the same line. Since the date of Vajrāyudha is not known, therefore, facing the difficulty in placing him anywhere, he put him before Indrāyudha. Thus he made out a separate dynasty. But he has hardly any support other than the statements of Kashmir chronicle. It states an invasion made by Jayāpīda over Kanauj. If the Bappa-Bhatți Carita is to be believed, it must have taken place in the reign of Amarāja himself. Here we may assume that Vajrāyudha may have been another name of Amarāja.
A question, however, may arise here as to why this Bappa-Bhatti Carita does not furnish any information regarding the historical incident that led to the dethronement of Indrarāja from the kingdom of Kanauj at the hands of Dharmapāla mentioned in the Pāla inscriptions. In reply it may safely be said that the work is primarily the life of Bappa-Bhatti-sūri and the other characters that figure in it do so only to the extent that they coordinate with the career of Bappa-Bhatti. If, therefore, we find none of the historical incidents mentioned in the Pāla inscriptions or in other inscriptions of the time referred to in it, it would be reasonable not to ascribe it to either the ignorance or the perversity of the writer as they lay outside his particular sphere of work.
It emerges, now, from the above discussion that it is more reasonable to regard Indrarāja as Āmarāja under reference whom Cakräyudha supplanted according to the Pāla inscription. Cakräyudha must be regarded as a rival claimant to the throne whose claims received support from Dharmapāla. The Bappa-Bhatti Carita may not be regarded as altogether silent on the matter. Dharmapāla says openly that it was a long cherished object of his life to defeat Amarāja of Kanauj, only that he had not the good fortune
1 Rājatarangini, I., BK., IV, V. 471 (Stein Konow, p. 163) 2 III, p. pp. 74 and 266 (Stein Konow and Lanman's edition).

Page #58

28
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
to give effect to his cherished aim successfully. If so the only inference that seems to be the possibility is that Dharmapāla defeated Amarāja and displaced him just for a while by placing Cakrāyudha on the throne. Amarāja, however, soon after turned out Carkrāyudha and occupied the throne again, all Dharmapala's exertions being unable to place Cakrāyudha again on the throne of Kanauj. That probably is the question when both Dharma and Cakra voluntarily rendered submission to Govinda.
The Bappa-Bhatti Carita and the Prabandhakośa indicate that Āma held his court at Gopagiri (Gwalior), but according to the Prabhāvaka Carita he, like his father Yaśovarman, reigned at Kanaujo and not altogether at Gopagiri. Whatever be the truth, the importance of the tradition probably lies in showing that the region of Gwalior formed part of the dominions of Kanauj at this time. He is also represented as going to the Jain holy places like Stambhatirtha (Combay), Vimalgiri (Pālitānā), Raivatagiri (Girnar) and Prabhāsa (Patan), etc.3
From the narrative of the Bappa Bhatti we may safely conclude that the King Ama was a very religious man and was unable to revive the past glory of the kingdom of Kanauj. Though its glory had departed yet the position of Kanauj was so important that it continued to enjoy pre-eminence among the kingdoms of the North. It was, therefore, probably during the reign of Ama, that king Jayāpida of Kashmira, the Rāșțrakūta king Dhruva and the Pāla king Dharmapāla unsuccessfully invaded the territories of Kanauj.
Āma was succeeded by his son Dunduka who according to the Prabhāvaka Carita was murdered by his son Bhoja. After this event we have no information whatsoever regarding the descendants of Amarãja. It seems that during the weak rule of Dunduka, Kanauj was occupied by the Pratīhāras.
111. AYUDHA FAMILY: A CONCOCTION This dynasty is supposed to have consisted of three kings. The ground of the discovery of this dynasty is only the likeness in the name-ending of
1 PK., (SJGM, VI), p. 28 ff. : 3773 IT utafif I 2 PCA., XI, Vs. 116, 117: THETAHENTO TATUT14:1
To: vah: 919 F ouye na: 11 3 Ibid., XI, p. 108. 4 PCA., (SJGM, XIII), p. IIO, V. 756: TET T FITTI
जघान हृदये घातैस्त्रिभिस्तै/जपूरकैः ॥

Page #59

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
29
Vajrāyudha, Indrāyudha and Cakrāyudha. Curiously enough, they are known from sources quite different from one another. As I have already discussed elsewhere the identity of Vajrāyudha,' this point need not be raised here again. As regards the two, the identification of their family is still a matter of controversy. We know about Cakräyudha from Pāla as well as from the Gurjara Pratīhāra and the Răstraküța records but for Indrāyudha there is only one source and that is the following verse from the Jain HariVansa of Jinasena:
Sakeșvabdaśateşu satpatsu diśam Pañcottareșūttarām Pätindrāyudhanāmni Krsnaar pa je Śrīvallabhe dakşinām Pürvām śrīmadavanti bhūbhịti nrpe Vatsādi (dhi) raje parām Sauryā (ra) nāmadhimandale (lam) Jayayute vire varähevati Kalyūnaiḥ purivardhamāna vipulasrivardhamāne pure?
The credit for bringing to light this passage goes to the late Dr. K. B. Pathak. This verse, however, has been the subject of a considerable amount of discussion and even of differing interpretations. This simply states that Jinasena wrote his Harivansa at Vardhamanapura in Saka year 705 or 783 A.D., when Indrāyudha was ruling in the north, Srivallabha, the son of Krişnanspa, in the south, Vatsarāja, the king of Avanti, in the east and Vira Jayavarāha over the Sauramandala in the west.
In this verse the author who was a resident of Wadhwan in Gujarat wishes to define his position in place and time. The time datum is quite precisely the Saka year 705. The place is defined equally precisely as in the province (Adhimandala) of Gujarata land of the Sūras of Sauryas. The work was completed in the region of the valiant king Jayavarāha; that disposes of the first and the last lines. The intervening two lines have reference to the political disposition of India at the time with reference to Wadhwān in Kathiāwār.
Before attempting any identification of the rulers mentioned in the intervening two lines, I propose here to discuss the various interpretations given by eminent scholars. Dr. R. G. Bhandārkar thinks in his 'History of the Deccan' that the prince of Vatsa was the ruler in the west, whose capital must have been Kaušāmbī the modern Kosam near Allahabad, and who had grown haughty by his conquest of a king of the Gauda country. He must be the same as that vanquished by Nirupama, who having driven
1 See supra pp. 39-40. 2 Canto LXVI, V. 52 and 53.

Page #60

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
him into the impassable desert of Marwar, had carried away the two state umbrellas which he (Vatsarāja) had won from the Gauda king. Following him his son Dr. D. R. Bhandārkar translates this verse as follows: "In the east, the illustrious king of Avanti, in the west king Vatsarāja (and) in the territory of the Sauryas, the victorious and the brave Varāha.” Later on, Mr. R. Chanda, Prof. R. D. Banerji and Stein Konow accepted this translation. Dr. V. A. Smith also accepted it, but he remarked that the translation has been the subject of disputea Dr. S. K. Aiyangar, the exponent of the above theory, argues “there is no reason for us whatever to imagine that the directions here indicated are with reference to Wadhwān or for equating Vatsādhiraja with the ruler of Avanti which seems to be contradicted by the statements in inscriptions and other records referable to his time and to the period immediately following. Whoever the Avanti ruler was, he certainly was not Vatsādhirāja or any one of his successors. It becomes thus obvious that the interpretations put upon the verse are forced, as the conclusions drawn therefrom lend to palpable historical absurdities. We have to take the meaning of the verse plainly. Indrāyudha was ruling in the north, Srivallabha, son of Krsna in the south, a king of Avanti was the dominant ruler in the east and Vatsarāja was the most influential in the west. Beyond this the verse gives us no warrant to proceed.”3 Later on he states in the conclusion, that Jinasena perhaps has made two important omissions in the above verse. The first is that while mentioning Indrā yudha as the ruler of the North, he makes no mention of as to who the ruler of Kanauj at that time was. Kanauj having been the head-quarters of an imperial sovereign upto the date of the death of Yaśovarman, the omission of any mention is certainly very significant. Filling this omission then he identifies Indrāyudha with the king Amarāja of Kanauj of the time. The second omission in his opinion is that there is no mention whatsoever of the ruler of Bengal while simply stating that the east was ruled by the king of Mālavā in the year Saka 705 or 783 A.D. Then he assumed that the ruler of the east was Dharmapala, a powerful ruler of Bengal, whose influence prevailed westwards; his name figures in the Rāstrakūța inscriptions of the period among those against whom the Răştrakūtas intervened in the politics of the north
But all these far-fetched assumptions based on the distortion of the
i Bhandārkar, Collected Works, III, pp. 89-90. 2 JDL., X, p. 24. 3 Aiyangar, S. K., Ancient India ( 1941 ), pp. 368-369. * Ibid., p. 370.

Page #61

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
31
simple meaning of the verse, are hardly applicable to the above proposition when spoken with reference to Wadhwān in Kathiāwār. On the face of it we should seek the appropriate identification suitable to the four directions from Wadhwān, the residence of the author.
Commenting on this verse Dr. Fleet observed that "the work was finished in Saka Sanivat 705 (expired)-(A.D. 783-84), when there were reigning in various directions determined with reference to a town named Vardhamānapura, which is to be identified with the modern Wadhwān in the Jhālāvād division of Kāțhiāwār: in the north Indrāyudha; in the east Vatsarāja, the king of Avanti (Ujjain); and in the west Varāha or Jayavarāha, in the territory of the Sauryas.
Dr. D. R. Bhandārkar, later on in view of the new light thrown by the Sanjan plates, changed his opinion and accepted the correctness of Dr. Fleet's translation. Now the chief point to be noticed in Dr. Fleet's translation is that it gives the king's personal name in each case.
Let us then identify each of the kings of each direction. As regards Indrāyudha, it is generally assumed that he was king of Kanauj, but certain scholars doubt this identification. I have shown elsewhere that Indrāyudha of the Harivarśa could not probably be the ruler of Kanauj. Moreover, the term 'in the north' is not merely vague and indefinite, but hardly applicable to Kanauj when taken with reference to Wadhwān in Kāthiāwăr. In my opinion Indrāyudha must have been the ruler of some territory north from Wadhwān. We know a king entitled Indrarāja from the Baroda plates who was in charge of Lāteśvaramandala. Scholars generally assumed that Indrarāja of Baroda plates is almost identical with Indrarāja, ruler of Kanauj mentioned in the Bhagalpur copper plates. But to me it does not seem plausible. I have, however, elsewhere expressed my opinion. It appears more likely that the Rāstrakūta king Indrarāja of the Baroda plates and Indrāyudha of the Harivansa are identical. The Baroda plates of Karkarāja inform us that Dhruva appointed his son Indrarāja to rule over the Lãţeśvara-mandala, which seems to mean the northern possessions of the Rāştrakūtas with the province of Lāta as the centre. Now the question arises: Why does Jinasena not call him the ruler of Lāța-mandala instead of calling him the ruler of the north? Lāța is certainly not in the north of Wadhwān. Is there any significance in mention
i Fleet, EI., VI, pp. 195-196; See also JRAS., 1904, p. 644. 2 EI., XVIII, p. 239. 3 See supra p. 37. 4 See supra p. 38.

Page #62

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
ing Indräyudha or Indrarāja as the king of the north? Is there any indication to assume that in the Saka year 705 or 783-4 A.D. Rāştrakūta Indrarāja was the ruler of the north? Is there any relation with the ruler of the south, mentioned by Jinasena as Srivallabha, son of Krşnanspa, who is certainly a Rāștặakūţa ruler? For all these queries we should go to the history of the Rāştặakūta dynasty.
The Rāştrakūta documents inform us that Dantidurga's uncle and successor Kșşņa I had two sons namely Govinda II and Dhruva I. According to the statement of Jinasena, one who was called Srivallabha, was the ruler of the south in the Saka year 705 or 783 A.D. The Paithān plates of Govinda III mention Śrīvallabha, as an epithet of Govinda II and Kalivallabha as that of Dhruva. But Sravanabelgola Inscription No. 24, which is an almost contemporary document, describes the father of Stambha i.e. Dhruva, as Srivaliabha. Another contemporary record from Māțakari in Mysore district refers to Dhārāvarsa Śrīvallabha as the overlord of Kambarasa, proving thereby that Dhruva was known both by the epithets of Srivallabha and Kalivallabha. Since Śrïvallabha was thus the epithet of both Govinda II and his immediate successor Dhruva, Srīvallabha mentioned by Jinasena as ruling in 783 A.D. can be either Govinda or Dhruva. But since the latest known date of Govinda II is 779 A.D. from the Dhūlia plates, it may be reasonably assumed that Srīvallabha, who is mentioned by Jinasena as ruling over the south in 783 A.D., may have been Dhruva rather than Govinda II
At the time of his accession in c. 780 A.D. Dhruva was a mature man of about 50; for when the Dhūlia plates were issued in 779 A.D. his son was a grown up man invested with the Pañcamahāśabdas and taking an active part in administration. Dhruva had a number of sons. The names of four of them are known as Stambha Raņāvaloka (Kambarasa in Canarese), Karka Suvarnavarşa, Govinda II and Indra. Stambha was a viceroy of Gangawādi and Karka an administrator of Khānadeśa even before his father's accession. Govinda, who was the ablest and worthiest among them was selected by Dhruva for succession and Indra was later on put in charge of Gujarāta province. Dhruva died some time between April, 793 A.D. and May, 794 A.D.2
Dhruva is regarded as the usurper of the throne of his elder brother who was a weak and vicious ruler. After his accession Dhruva must have
1 Altekar, Dr. A. S., The Rāstrakūtas and Their Times, pp. 52-53. 2 Ibid., p. 58.

Page #63

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
33
spent some time in consolidating his position by compelling the rebel feudatories who were about to overflow his brother's yoke, to recognise his sovereignty. Then he proceeded to punish those who had sided with his brother in the war of succession.
Indrāyudha or Indra mentioned by Jinasena as the ruler of the north was really the son of Dhruva, whom he appointed as the administrator of Lāța-mandala or the north speaking in term of Jinasena, after the conquest of the north. The real motive of the northern campaign of Dhruva seems to have been to teach a lesson to Vatsarāja, who had tried to espouse the cause of Govinda II.' This Vatsarāja is the same whom Jinasena mentions in the line third of his verse, as the king of Avanti in the east. (Purvām śrimadavantibhübhrti nr pe Vatsādhirāje). He has been accepted on all hands to be identical with the monarch of the same name mentioned in the Gurjara Pratihāra inscriptions as the predecessor of Nāgabhața II. From some time anterior to Jinasena, the city of Avanti or Ujjainī was regarded as the seat of power of Gurjara-Pratīhāras. The support for this view may be found in verse occurring in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsa I, dated in the Saka year 793 or 871 A.D. It states: "Hiranyagarbham rājanyairujjayinyām yadāsitam, Pratīhārī krtam yena Gurjareśādi rājakam," i.e., by whom kings such as the Gurjara lord and others were made door-keepers when in Ujjayinī, the (great gift called) Hiranyagarbha was completed by the Ksatriyas.?
Vatsarāja was the powerful ruler of the Pratīhāra dynasty. His first known date from a Prākịt Jain work Kuvalayamālā of Udyotanasūri is the Saka year 700 or 778-79 A.D. when he was regarded as the ruler of Jālor (Jābālipur) in Mārwar. His second known date furnished by Jinasena of Wadhwan is the Saka year 705 or 783-84 A.D. when he mentioned the ruler of the east at Avanti. These two dates furnished by the Jain teachers are very significant. Jālor is directly in the north from Wadhwān. From these two different dates related with different places it may safely be assumed that five years earlier than Jinasena's statement Vatsarāja had been the ruler of the north; while, in the time of Jinasena, he became the ruler of the
1 See Bhor Museum copper plates, EI., XXII, N. 28, V. 21. 2 EI., XVIII, pp. 243, 252, V. 9. 3 Jain Sahitya Samsodhaka, III, p. 180, V. 25-26 :
सगकाले बोलीणे बरिसाण सत्तहिं गएहिं, एकदिणे णूणेहिं रइया अवरण्ह बेलाए। परभइभिरहिभंगोपण ईयण रोहिणी कलाचंदो, सिरिवच्छरायणामो णरहत्थी पत्थिवो जइया ।।

Page #64

34
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
east and the ruler of the north became Indrāyudha. The reasons of this change, it can be said, are not wanting.
It has been said above that Dhruva's real motive of the northern campaign was to teach the lesson to Vatsarāja who had tried to espouse the cause of Govinda II and, for this very reason, he attacked Vatsarāja and conquered his possession of the north and appointed his son Indra as the administrator. All these sudden changes of kingdoms within a short period of the time, say between 780-783, must have been fresh in the mind of Jinasena when he depicted the political conditions prevailing during his time in the four directions.
Now it may reasonably be concluded that Indrāyudha of the Jain Harivansa is identical only with Indra Rāştrakūța and not with Indrarāja, ruler of Kanauj, as mentioned in the Bhāgalpur copper plates of the Pāla dynasty.
In view of the foregoing discussion it is difficult to maintain the existence of the Āyudha dynasty of Kanauj, consisting of Vajrāyudha, Indrāyudha and Cakrāyudha. Really speaking, Cakrāyudha was the only king who can be safely located at Kānyakubja. The gap between Yaśovarman and the Pratīhāras has been filled in by Ama Nägāvaloka of the Jain traditions, who distinguished himself in religious and cultural fields, but was politically weak, which led to the invasions of Madhyadeśa by the Rāştrakūtas, the Pālas, the Pratīhāras and the kings of Kashmir.

Page #65

CHAPTER III
THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA (continued)
I. THE GURJARA PRATĪHĀRAS
The Gurjara Pratihāras played a very important part in ancient Indian History. The earliest reference to them found in the Jain sources is the famous Aihole inscription (A.D. 634) of Ravikirti, a contemporary of Pulikesin II, in which they are mentioned along with the Lāțas and the Mālavās. Bānabhațța in his Harsa Carita also refers to the Gurjaras whom Prabhākaravardhana kept in terror. Apart from these, the various references to the Gurjaras in the records of the seventh century indicate that their dynasty must have been a powerful one. Certain place names like Gujrānwālā, Gujarat, Gūjarakhān in the Punjab and Gūjargar, the name of one of the northern districts of Madhyabhārat denote the early inhabitance of the tribe. The land between these — the territory corresponding to the northern and western Rajputānā-is referred to in some inscriptions of the ninth century A.D. as Gurjaratras and must, therefore, be assumed as a settlement of the Gurjaras.
As regards their early settlement we have no definite information from the Jain sources but we can infer, from a reference made in the Jain Inscription of Ravikīrti from Aihole, wherein Gurjaras are mentioned along with the Lātas and the Mālavas, that they occupied a territory contiguous to these two provinces. One Jain author, Udyotanasūri, by way of mentioning the date of completion of his work states that in Saka year 700 or 778 A.D. the territory in which his residence Jāvālipur or Jālor (Marwar) was situated, had been ruled by a king Vatsarāja. This Vatsarāja has been rightly accepted on all hands as a member of the Gurjara Pratīhāra dynasty. One more definite information is furnished by a Jain inscription from Ghatiyalā near Jodhpur in the N.W. directions, in which it is stated that in V.E.
1 El., VI, p. 1: Tata qe Z H15 TTT: 2 Harsa Carita, p. 120 (N. S. Press) Eu furcat prior TETETTTI
गांधाराधिप गन्धद्विपकूटपाकलो, लाटपाटव पाटच्चरो मालवलक्ष्मी लता परशुः। 3 JBBRAS., XXI, p. 414. * El., VI, p. I. 5 JSS., III, Pt. II, p. 180, Vs. 25-26; See supra p. 49. & TA., XV, pp. 141-42; BG., I, Pt. II, p. 197, ft. 2.

Page #66

36
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
918 or 861 A.D., a chief Kakkuka, of Pratihära dynasty founded a Jain temple and made it over to a Jain community of Gaccha Dhaneswara.' All these references from the early seventh to the ninth century show that the Pratihāras were already settled in the N.W. Rajasthana areas.
Origin: Who were these Gurjara-Pratihāras? Regarding this question. we have no particular information. Some scholars regard them as of foreign origin and argue that the personal names of the earlier rulers found in the Jain inscription from Ghațiyālā as well as in other inscriptions of this dynasty are outlandish. This much may be said on this point that there are no outlandish names. They are Präkṛt and Apabhrañsa forms of Saňskṛt terms.
These Gurjaras were divided among certain clans and one of them was called Pratihāra. It should be kept in mind in this connection that the term 'Gurjara' primarily bears a racial signification, rather than a geographical sense. For this we have the testimony of a south Indian Jain poet Pampa, who expressly calls Mahipala 'Gurjararāja"." This epithet could hardly be applied to him, if the term Gurjararaja bore a geographical sense denoting what after all was only a small portion of Mahipala's vast territories. This fact is curiously confirmed by a Råjor inscription of Mathandeva dated V.E. 1016 or 959 A.D. wherein he is described as belonging to the Gurjara-Pratihāra lineage, since the phrase "Gurjara-Pratihārānvayaḥ" occurring in it must be interpreted to mean 'Pratihara clan of the Gurjaras'."
The two Jain inscriptions along with the other inscriptions of this dynasty, however, suggest a different kind of origin. The Ghatiyālā inscription (in Präkrt) of Kakkuka says:
"Rahutilao Padihāro asi siri Lakkhanotti Rāmassa
Tena Padihāravanso samunai attha sampatto."
'Sri Lakṣmaṇa, the ornament of Raghu dynasty, was the door-keeper (Pratihära) of Rama. Through him this dynasty of Pratihāras reached the growth.""
JRAS., 1895., pp. 513-21:
Tripathi, Dr. R. S.: History of Kanauj, p. 221.
See infra p. 62: The term may be interpreted in the light of the official statements of the family. Gurjara-Pratihāra means 'Pratihāra family from Gurjaratră.'
4 EI., III, p. 266; See also IA, XL, p. 22.
JRAS., 1895, p. 513. ff. V. 2.
Cf. Jodhpur Ins. of Pratihara Bauk, EI., XVIII, pp. 87 ff. V. 4:

यात्रा रामभद्रस्य प्रातिहार्य कृतं यतः श्रीप्रतीहार वंशोऽयमतश्चोन्नीतिमाप्नुयात् ॥

Page #67

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
37
Another Jain inscription of Vātsarāja from Osiä in Jodhpur division says:
“Tasyäkarşat kila premnā Laksmanaḥ Pratihäratam Tatobhavät Pratihūra vanso Rāma samudbhavaḥ."
‘Lakşmaya, a brother of Rāma, out of affection, performed the duty of door-keeper (Pratihāratām). So the Pratīhāra dynasty originated from him'.1
Thus in both the records the name Pratīhāra is derived from a memorable event in the life of Laksmana. This shows that the clan is said to be descended from the same epic hero and thereby considered as a genuine indigenous one.
According to the available sources historians have divided this dynasty into two branches:—the one is the Jodhpur branch and the other is the Ujjain branch which later on shifted to Kanauj. Fortunately we have definite information about each of the branches.
Jodhpur Branch: For this branch of dynasty we have a Jain inscription of Kakkuka from Ghațiyālā, which is one of the five Ghațiyāla inscriptions published in JRAS., 1895, p. 513 ff. This inscription fortunately bears the date V.E. 918 or 861 A.D. and treats of the same line of Pratihāra chiefs which is eulogised in the Jodhpur inscription of Bauka, dated V.E. 894. But it has some additional value because it corrects and adds to the information which has been drawn from that inscription and also because by far the greater part of it nearly upto the end of line 20, is written in Mahārāştri Prākst.
Its proper object is to record (in verse 22 and 23) that a chief named Kakkuka founded a Jain temple and made it over to a Jain community of Gaccha Dhaneswara. But it tells us also in the verses (19-21) that the same chief on the day of Wednesday, the second lunar day of the bright half of Caitra of the year 918 (apparently the Vikrama era) while moon was in Nakşatra Hasta, established a market at the village of Rohiņīkūpa and erected two pillars, one at the same village and the other at Mäddora. And by way of introduction it gives (in verses 3-6) the following genealogy of Kakkuka.
Brāhmana Haricandra and his wife Bhadrã who was of the Ksatriya caste had a son Rajjila. His son was Narabhata; his son Nāgabhata (Nāhad) his son Tāta; his son Yaśovardhan; his son Canduka; his son Sīlluka; his son Jhoța; his son Bhilluka; his son Kakka and his son from Durlabhadevi was Kakkuka.
1 EI., XVIII, pp. 95-97 and pp. 107–110, V. 6. Cj. Gwalior Prasasti of Bhoj, Ibid., p. 99, V. 3.

Page #68

38
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
With the exception of Durlabhādevi and her son Kakkuka all these persons were known to us already (some under slightly different names) from the Jodhpur inscription of Bauka. But the present inscription shows that Yasovardhana was the son of Tāta, not as has been wrongly inferred from the Jodhpur inscription, of Tāta's younger brother Bhoja, who is here omitted; and that the son of Sīlluka (Siluka or Sīlūka) was Jhoța, not Jhařovara. According to the Jodhpur inscription Kakka had another son named Bauka from the Mahārājñi Padmini. He, of course, must have been a brother of Kakkuka, who in the present inscription is described as the son of Kakka and Durlabhadevi. As the date of the Jodhpur inscription is read V.E. 894 by Dr. R. C. Majumdar, it appears that Kakkuka, whose present inscription contains a date of the year 918, would have been the step-brother and successor of Bauka.
Thus the above inscription furnishes us with a line of kings extending over twelve generations. Dr. Majumdar suggests that if 25 years be given as an average for each generation, the total reign-period of the dynasty would be about 300 years. As the known date of Kakkuka is V.E. 918 or 861 A.D. and that of his step-brother Bauka, Samvat 894 or 837 A.D. the founder of the dynasty, Haricandra, may be placed at 550 A.D.2
It may, of course, be argued, in the absence of pompous and high sounding titles in the inscription, of this line of rulers, that they were only small feudatory chiefs, but the light thrown by the other inscription of this dynasty, i.e., Jodhpur inscription of Bauka, dated 840 A.D., proves otherwise.3
This inscription eulogises Kakkuka much, but does not furnish any details regarding his predecessors. It does not also inform us the name of his step-brother Bauka. It, besides referring to his great power in general, makes specific reference to the provinces of Marumada, Strāvaņi, Valla, and also Gurjaratrā as forming part of his dominions. Though we know from the Daulatapură plates that in 843 A.D. Gurjaratrā was under the possessions of Bhoja (I) a king of another line of Pratihāras, the inscriptions of Kakkuka show that Bhoja had lost it again and even as late as 861 A.D. the disputed territory was in the possession of the Pratīhāra family of Jodhpur.
1 JDL., X, pp. 6-7. 2 Ibid. pp. 7-8 3 EI., XVIII, p. 87 ff. 4 JDL., X, p. 48.

Page #69

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
39
The Pratīhāras of Avanti: As a matter of fact, this dynasty was closely allied to the ruling dynasty of Jodhpur for both possessed the common tradition of being descended from Laksmana, the brother of Rāma; both traced the common name Pratīhāra to the fact that the hero once served as a door-keeper to his elder brother Rāma.
Certain Jain sources, however, throw some light on this branch also.
As to when the Pratīhāras came to Avanti is not known directly from the Jain sources, but we can infer from the Aihole inscription of the Jain poet Ravikirti that they had their own entity along with the Lāțas and the Mālavas (Lāța Mälava Gurjarah). Probably by seeking an alliance with, or protection from the Cālukya Pulikesin II, they retained their independence. The separate mention of the Mālava in this reference, however, denotes that Mālava was not occupied by the Pratihäras at the time of the poet Ravikirti (634 A.D.).
The Arab historians inform us that during the first two quarters of the 8th century the invasion of the Arabs was checked in the east by a new power near Ujjain. Scholars have suggested that this new power was no other than that of the Pratihāra kings of Avanti. This indicates that the Pratīhāras had occupied Mālava and established their sway in the beginning of the second quarter of the 8th century A.D.
The fact that the Gurjara Pratīhāras were settled in Mālava, is also supported by a remarkable passage occurring in the colophon of the Harivansa of Jinasena, (Purväm śrīmadavanti bhübhịti npe Vatsādhirăje).
It is stated here that at the time of completion of its composition, that is, in the Saka year 705 or 783 A.D., at Wardhamānapur, modern Wadhwan in the Jhālāväd division of Kāthiāwār, there were ruling four kings in the four directions, among them in the east was Vatsarāja, the ruler of Avanti. This Vatsaräja has been identified with the monarch of the same name belonging to the Gurjara Pratīhāra family. The verse number nine of the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarşa I, dated in the Saka year 793 or 871 A.D., points to a Gurjara Pratihāra kingdom at Ujjain. Thus it may easily be surmised that Ujjain or Avanti became the citadel of this dynasty during this period.
As regards the geneology of this line of the Pratīhāras we have no records in the Jain sources but we have certain stray references which may be regarded as an important contribution to Indian history.
1 Elliot, History of India, pp. 126, 442; See also JDL., X. p. 21. 2 See supra, p. 49.

Page #70

40
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Vatsarāja: Regarding Vatsarāja there are two more references besides the Harivansa. The one is from Kuvalayamālā of Udyotanasūri which states that he composed his work in Jābālipur (modern Jāllor in Marwar) one day before the end of Saka year 700 or 778 A.D. At that time Vatsarāja was the ruler. The stanza runs thus:
Parabhadabhiudibhango, Paraiyana rohinikalācando Siri Vaccharāya nāmo narahatthi patthivojaiā.
i.e. Adoration to the valorous king Vatsarāja who is frown to the enemies and is lovely to the lovers as moon is for his consort Rohiņi.'
The other one is the Osiā inscription, dated V.E. 1013 or 956-7 A.D., which is engraved in the Porch of a Jain temple and indicates its existence in the time of Vatsarāja. The inscription consists of 28 lines, but is much mutilated. It begins by invoking the blessings of the first Tirthankara Rşabhanăth, the son of Nābhi and of the last Tirthankara Mahāvīra, the son of Siddhārtha. Then it is stated that Rāma, the destroyer of Rāvana, had a brother named Laksmana who did the duties of his door-keeper (Pratihāra) and hence arose from the latter the Pratīhāra dynasty. In this dynasty there was a king named Vatsarāja. In his kingdom was situated the extensive city of Ukeśa i.e. Osiä and in the heart of this city stood the temple of Mahāvīra. So far the contents of the inscription are clear, but from the remaining mutilated portion we can glean only two things as certain. The first is that this mandapa, in which the inscription is found, had fallen into disrepair and on the request of the temple committee (Goșthi) a merchant called Jindaka renovated it. Secondly, the date of this renovation is the 3rd day of the bright half of Phälguna of the Vikrama year 1013. The temple thus existed during the reign of Vatsarāja who belonged to the Pratihāra dynasty and its Mandapa was rebuilt in V.E. 1013 (A.D. 956).
These two references along with the reference found in the Harivansa show that Vatsarāja was ruling over an extensive kingdom though he was called the ruler of Avanti (Avuntibhübhrt).
Regarding Vatsarāja one more point emerges here. From the Harivansa it appears that while the king Vatsarāja was the ruler at Avanti, the territory north of Wadhwān was ruled by a king named Indrāyudha in Saka year 705 or 783 A.D. And five years prior to this date in Saka year
1 SS., III, Pt. II, p. 181, V. 21.
2 ASI., Ann. Re., 1908-9, p. 108 The text is published in Jain Lekha Sangarah, Pt. I. (P.C. Nahar), pp. 192-194.

Page #71

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
700 or 778 A.D., we are informed that the territory in which Jāvälipur, residence of the author of Kuvalayamālā, was situated, was ruled by Vatsarāja, which is evidently north of Wadhwān. The reasons for this sudden change within five years (778-783 A.D.) are known to us from the Răstrakūța records.
The verse number twenty-one of the Bhore State museum copper plates of Dhārāvarsa Dhruvarāja, dated Saka year 702 or 780 A.D., informs us that Dhruva subdued all those rebels who opposed him in the capture of power from his elder brother. Among these rebels one was the king of Mālavā (Mälaveśa). The then king of Mālavă country was Vatsarāja a fact which is supported by the Radhanpur plates and the Wani grants of Govinda III.2 These records expressly bear testimony to the struggle of Dhruva with Vatsarāja.
The Baroda plates of Karkarāja also confirm that the Rāstrakūta king had actually proceeded so far and appointed his son Indrarāja administrator of the northern possessions with Head Quarters at Lāța (Lāteswaramandala).3
I have suggested elsewhere the possibility of identifying Indrarāja with Indrāyudha mentioned in the Harivansa. If so the occupation of the territory north of Wadhwan by Indrāyudha, son of Dhruva, must have taken place between Saka year 702 or 780 A.D. and 705 or 783 A.D. Thus the above two Jain references in collaboration with the above facts, yield this important information.
The fact that Vatsarāja was a powerful ruler is supported by those emphatical adjectives - Srimad, Bhūbhrt, Nrpa, and Adhirāja (paramount sovereign), given in the passage of the Harivansa and Parabhadabhaudibhango, and Narahatthi, the virudas given to Vatsarāja in the Kuvalayamālā of Udyotanasúri; and all these are mostly corroborated with what is spoken about him in the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja."
NĀGABHAȚA II: As to who was the son and successor of Vatsarāja is not known to us from the Jain sources, but from the lists of the kings given in the inscriptions of the dynasty, it is sure that he was Nāgabhata II. About this king some scholars assume that he bore the title Nāgāvaloka and as such
1 El., XXII, N. 28, V. 21: ftrizitafaniraharjat Asasi,
प्राज्यानानयतिस्म तान् क्षितिमृतो यः प्रातिराज्यानपि। 2 El., VI, p. 248. 3 See supra p. 46. 4 See supra p. 38. 5 EI., XVIIT, P. 99 ff. Vs. 6, 7.

Page #72

42
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
he is identical with the king Ama Nāgāvaloka of Kanauj mentioned in the Prabhāvaka Carita, and henceforth, Kanauj continued to be the capital of the dynasty. I have refuted this very assumption elsewhere and I have to say here that there is no evidence to support that Nāgabhata II really transferred his capital to Kanauj. If any transfer of the capital was effected, it must have been done by the time of later Pratīhāras when the dynasty of Yasovarman at Kanauj was totally extinguished about the year 836 A.D.
BHOJA I: The successors of Nāgabhata II are known as generally ruling in Kānyakubja. The frequent attacks from the Rāştrakūtas and other powers from west compelled the Pratīhāras to transfer their capital from Ujjaini to kanauj. Nägabhata's grand-son Bhoja (I) is regarded as ruling from Kanauj.? We have fortunately one Jain inscription from Deogarh which furnishes us one of the earliest dates of the period of reign of Bhojadeva of Kanauj. This inscription has been discovered, engraved, on a pillar belonging to a Jain temple in the village Deogarh in the Lalitpur sub-division of the district Jhānsi (U.P.). The pillar which contained ten lines of writing was caused to be made (or set up) near the temple of the holy (Jain Arhat) śāntināth by Deva, a disciple of the Ācārya Kamaladeva, and it was completed in V.E. 919 (A.D. 862), in the reign of the Paramabhațțäraku Maharājādhiräja Parameswara, the glorious Bhojadeva, while Luacchägira was governed by the Mahāsāmanta or great feudatory Vişnurām to whom the five Mahāśabdas had been granted by Bhojadeva. The pillar was made by the Goşthika Vajuāgagāk. The last line gives us both in words and figures the year of the Saka era 784.3
"This inscription indicates the full sovereignty of Bhoja and the feudal system of his reign. That Bhoja was a most powerful king of the dynasty is shown by this inscription referring to his befitting titles.
MAHİPĀLA: Among the later Pratīhāras we have reference to two kings in the Jain sources: one is Mahīpāla and the other is Vināyakapāla. A Kanarese Jain poet Pampa in his work, Vikramārjunavijaya or Pampa-Bhārata, writing about Mahīpāla, states: "Plucked from the Ghurjararāja's arms the goddess of victory, whom, though desirous of keeping, he had held too loosely. Mahīpāla fled as if struck by thunder
i See supra pp. 35, 36.
2 Barah copper plate inscription dated in V. E. 893 (A.D. 836). EI., XIX, pp. 15-19.
SEI., IV, pp. 309-310; THETTE. HETTATTET ft 5127 THT कल्याणविजयराज्ये तत्प्रदत्तपञ्चमहाशब्दमहासामन्त श्री विष्णुराम परिभुज्यमाने लुअच्छागिरे श्रीशान्त्या. यतन संनिधे श्री देवाचार्यशिष्येन श्रीदेवेन कारयितं इदं स्तम्भम् ।

Page #73

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
bolts, staying neither to eat, nor to rest, nor pick himself up; while Narasimha pursuing bathed his horses at the junction of the Ganga." The above reference is made in connection with an expedition against Kanauj carried on by the Kastrakūta Indra III, probably having been accompanied by his feudatory chief Narasimha Calukya. As the year of Indra III's coronation is specified 915 A.D. in the Nausări grant and his successor is known from the Dandapur (Dharwad district) inscription to have been ruling in 918," we may infer that this struggle referred to above must have taken place sometime between the years 916 and 917 A.D. Besides this, we know from the Asni inscription that Mahipala was ruling in V.E. 974 or 917 A.D. From the Balabharata of the celebrated poet Räjasekhara, it appears that Mahipala must have been a strong ruler among the later Pratihāras.*
Vinayakapāla was the other name of Mahipala: The name of Vinayakapala occurs in the colophon of the Brhat Kathakola of the Jain poet Harisena. He states that "in the prosperous reign of 'Vinayadikapala' he wrote this Kosa in Vikrama Era 989 or Saka 853, the year being Khara which is twentyfourth in enumeration." The poet Marişena was living near about Wadhwan and his calculation is according to the northern cycle. It appears that the book was finished sometime between fifteenth October 931 and thirteenth March, 932 A.D.
Who was this king and whom did he succeed? There are several inscriptions which give his dates. According to the plates of the Bengal Asiatic Society he was ruling in 931 A.D." The Räkhetra stone inscription discovered in the village of that name near Canderi in Gwalior says that Vinayakapäla constructed certain water-works at an immense cost in the year V.E. 999-1000 or 94243 A.D. In an inscription from Partapgarh in southern Rajasthäna, dated
1 Ed. Lewis Rice (Bangalore, 1898), pp. 3. 4: Karnataka Sabdanusäsana, p. 26: JRAS., N.S. XIV, (1882) p. 20,
* Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 415.
3 Ibid., p. 417.
4 See T, 7. Carl Cappeller's edition (1885), p. 2.
43
* Vs. It-13 of Colophon (SJGM.): Thông ting By are,
विक्रमादित्यकालस्य परिणाममिदं स्फुटम् । शतेष्टकेषु विस्पष्टं पञ्चशत्यधिकेषु च शककालस्य सत्यस्य परिणाममिदं भवे । संवत्सरे चतुर्विंशे वर्तमाने खराधिपे, विनयादिकपालस्य राज्ये शक्रोपमानके ।
6 IA., XV, p. 140.
7 Ann, Re. ASI., 1924-25,

Page #74

44
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
1003 or 946 A.D., he is described as the father of Mahendrapāla (II)." It appears, therefore, that the name of the contemporary king mentioned in a peculiar way by Harişena would be Vināyakapāla. Explaining the reading 'Vinayādikapālasya' of the text, Dr. A. N. Upadhye, the learned editor of the Brhat Kathākośa, stated that "the text would give the name Vinayapāla or Vinayakapāla while the king's name is Vinayakapāla. The author seems to have been in the habit of using K-suffix, but, in all probability, the original reading might have been Vināyādika palasya (apparently meaningless, if one is not aware of the name of the king) which gives the name Vināyakapāla. He further assumes that it is quite likely that Vināyādi was easily corrected into Vinayādi by some copyist, who could not make out any thing from Vināyādi and who thought that his was a meaningful improvement of Vināya into Vinaya."
I may, however, humbly suggest here that the reading should be corrected as Vināyakädipālasya instead of the correction Vināyādikapālasya, which is certainly more meaningful in the light of the History of the Pratīhāras of Kanauj. Dr. Kielhorn and Prof. D. R. Bhandārkar and following them the other scholars held the view that Vināyakapāla, Herambapala and Kşitipāla are the various names of the one Mahīpāla, son of Mahendrapāla and the successor of Bhoja (II). In this context if we interpret the reading as Vināyakādipālasya, it certainly denotes that a pāla having such names as Vinayaka-Ādi=Vināyaka etc., naturally comes out as Mahipāla.
The king referred to by Harişena was certainly a suzerain king and not any local chief and this is implied by the adjective 'Sakropamānake'.
Leaving this controversy aside, we can conclude this much from the above reference that the Vardhamanapura in the Jälāväd division of Kathiawar was included in the Pratihăra empire in A.D), 931. Before this there are the Haddalā copper plates dated Saka 836 of the Cäpa-mahāsāmantādhipati Dharani-Varäha, a feudatory of the Rājādhirāja Mahīpāladeva, issued from Vardhamăn. Pratihāra empire was a big one, extending from Kāthiāwar to the borders of Bihar and the "Government was more or less feudal in nature and its rapid dissolution was due to the centrifugal tendency which is still observable among the Rajputs."
MAHENDRAPĀLA II: Mahīpāla had two sons Mahendrapāla II and
1 EI., XIV, pp. 176-186. 2 Brhat Kathākośa, Introduction, p. 122. (SJGM., XVII).
% See for full discussion - JDL., X, pp. 59-62; H. C. Ray, DHNI., Pt. I., No. 572-576; R. S. Tripathi, History of Kanauj, pp. 258-59.

Page #75

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
45
Devapāla. He was succeeded by Mahendrapāla II whose short reign could be placed between 940 and 948 A.D. The celebrated author Somadeva was his contemporary. He refers to him by name in the opening and concluding verses of the first chapter of his monumental work Yaśastilaka Campul and at his instance composed the Nitiväkyämyta as is declared in some anonymous commentary. It is said that before this he had composed a work named Trivarga-Mahendra-Mālatīsañjalpa, dealing with Dharma Artha and Käma perhaps in the form of dialogue between king Mahendra and charioteer Mālati. Nothing more is known about this king from the Jain sources in the present state of our knowledge.
DEVAPĀLA: Mahendrapāla II was succeeded by Devapāla in c. 948 A.D. About Devapāla we infer from an unpublished, damaged and fragmentary inscription in a small Jain temple at Ahār near Udaipur that he was killed by the Guhilota Allața in a fight. Nothing further is known about him from the Jain sources.'
RĀJYAPĀLA: In the third generation of Mahīpāla alias Vināyakapāla, appears, among several successors, one Rājyapāla. A Jain inscription from Dubkunda, dated V.E. 1145 (A.D. 1088) of the reign of the Kacchapaghāta Vikramasimha, refers to one Rājyapāla. We learn from it that Vikramasimha's grand-father Arjuna, "being anxious to serve the illustrious Vidyadharadeva, had fiercely slain in a great battle the illustrious Rājyapāla with many showers of arrows that pierced his neckbone." The event is probably referred to in the Mahobă inscription which represents Vidyādhara as having caused the destruction of the king of Kanauj." These two statements when jointly defined, tell us undoubtedly that this Rājyapāla was the Gurjara Pratīhāra, king of Kanauj, whose name has been spelt by Arab historians as Rājaybāl. Thus Rajyapāla was a contemporary of the Candella Vidyadhara and the Kacchapaghāța Arjuna. The date of his accession given by the historians is 1018 A.D.
1 Kāvyamāla (N.S.P.) No. 70, 1901. 2 Rāghavan, NIA., vi, pp. 67-9. 3 Pt. Premi, Jain Sahitya aur Itihasa, 2nd ed., p. 178. 4 See infra p. 219. Chapter on the Guhilotas. 5 EI., II, pp. 233-237. line 12.; See infra on the Kacchapaghatas :
विद्याधरदेवकार्यनिरतः श्रीराज्यपालं हठात्।
कण्ठास्यच्छिदनेकबाणनिवर्हत्वा महत्याहवे ॥ • Ibid., I, pp. 219, 222, V. 22: fareftFTTTT ? DNNI., Pt. I, p. 598.

Page #76

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
After Räjyapāla, we do not know of his successor from the Jain sources.
Thus the following kings of the dynasty are known from the Jain sources. Jodhpur Branch
Avanti Branch
Harichandra
Vatsarāja
Rajjila
Narabhata
Tāta
Bhoja 1
Yasovardhana
Chanduka
Sīlluka
Mahīpāla alias Vināyakapāla
Jhoța
Mahendrapāla II
Bhīlluka
Devapāla
Kakka
Kakkuka
Rājyapāla
II. THE GĀHADAVĀLAS
After Räjyapāla as we know from other sources, the Gurjara Pratihāra dynasty could not survive long. The vast territory over which they ruled was naturally captured by the new rising powers in all directions. Soon after the disappearance of the Pratīhāras, we hear from available Jain sources that the Haihayas of Dāhala ruled for some time over Kanauj empire. But the territory ruled over by them was captured very soon by a suddenly emerged dynasty of the Gāhadavälas. The Jain sources throw some light on the following five rulers of the dynasty. They are
1 SIGM., II, p. 20:
Tat: 70:- TT attoreitafa TRATT: ......etc.

Page #77

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
47
Candradeva, his grandson Govindacandra, his son Vijayacandra, his son Jayacandra and his son Hariscandra.
Origin: The origin of the Gāhaļavālas is one of the most controversial topics in Indian history and the dynasty is tossed between the aboriginal Bharas on the one side and the Lunar race on the other.' So far as the Jain sources are concerned they regard the Gáhadavālas as belonging to the famous Rāstrakūta family. In the Purātana Prabandha Sangraha JaitraCandra (Jayacandra), the son of Vijayacandra, is mentioned as Rāstrakūțiya.”
Candradeva: As regards the individual kings of the dynasty, the first in the list is Candradeva whose reign is generally assigned to the period between c. 1040 and 1100 A.D. He seems to be the contemporary of the king Bhoja of Dhārā (c. 1010-1056 A.D.). In one place the Prabandha Cintamani states that when Bhoja went out for conquests "the king of Kānyakubja is here bent double.!'We can safely infer from this statement that the contemporary king of the then ruling dynasty may be Candradeva. It is important to note here that Bhoja's name occurs in the Barahi plates of the Gahadavāla dynasty and this would not have much significance if he had not made some incursions in the north and for a time established his supremacy over Kanauj.
His son and successor Madanacandra known from sources other than the Jain is omitted in the texts under consideration.
Govindacandra: Madanacandra's son and successor, Govindacandra, figures more prominently in the Prabandha Kośa. "In the eastern city of Vārāṇasi there was a king by name Govindacandra. He was the enjoyer of scent consisting of the pleasure of youth in the inner apartment peopled by seven hundred and fifty damsels)." Here his romantic side only is emphasised and his military and political achievements known from the other sources are passed over. But it tries to compensate when it narrates the concluding act of Govindacandra's life in the following words:
1 Tripathi, Dr. R. S. : History of Kanauj, 198-99. 2 SGM., II, p. 88: TT »
İTFT e n #77 To FIFTI 3 SJGM., I, p. 31: cottas : fe fataya: uports Tout 15 AT THE
प्रसरभयभरव्याकुलो राजलोकः। 4 1A., XIV, p. 105, line 3. 5 SJGM., VI, p. 54: Ezgi arti FETAĦ TET I 4o [3778:]
पुरी यौवनरसपरिमलग्राही।

Page #78

48
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
"After having given his kingdom to him (Jayacandra? Vijayacandra) and having followed the description of Yoga obtained the highest state of existence."1
From some other sources it appears that Govindacandra waged several wars with his contemporaries. A Jain work Rambhämanjari of Nayacandra refers to the fact that he achieved a victory against Daśārna on the day. of his grandson Jayacandra's birth. Govindacandra perhaps maintained diplomatic relations with other kings. According to the Prabandha Cintämani Siddharāja Jayasimha sent a messenger to the lord of Käsi. Govindacandra, (c. 1112-1155 A.D.) most probably, was the contemporary of the Gujarat ruler Jayasimha Siddharāja, and thus the ruler of Kaši, at this time when Siddharaja sent his messenger, must have been Govinda candra and not his grandson, Jayacandra (c. 1170-94 A.D.). The latter is anachronistically recorded in the Prabandha Cintamani." The two colophons of the MSS obtained from the Jain Bhandaras give the two dates. The colophon of the Vasavadatta mentions V.E. 1207 when the book was copied in Rudrapalli in the prosperous reign of Räjäśri Govindacandradeva. The colophon of the Katantra Vyakarana mentions V.E. 1207 when the book was copied by Vijayananda at Purarāhupura in the prosperous reign of Srimad Govindacandra, while his son Srimad Vijayacandra was ruling the province of Vadahara (near Vārānasi) on the south bank of the Gatiga.
Vijayacandra: Govindacandra's son was Vijayacandra" who was also sometimes called, according to the Rambhämañjari, Malladeva. We have seen from a colophon that he was sharing in his father's administration as a governor of a province. In the Prabandha Koša, Govindacandra's son is called jayantacandra, which is apparently wrong. Jayanta or Jaitra were the other names of Jayacandra, the grandson of Govindacandra.
1 Thid., p. 54. तस्मै राज्यं दत्त्वा योगं प्रपद्य परलोकमसाधयत् ।
2 Bom, Ed. (1899). p. 4
पितामहेन तज्जन्मदिने दशार्णदेशेषु प्राप्तं प्रबलं यवनसैम्यं जितं अतएव तन्नाम जयचन्द्रः ।
SJGM, I. p. 74 कदाचित् सिद्धराजस्य वाग्मीकञ्चित्......... • पृच्छतेति दूषणमुक्तम् । 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 106, N. 62.
* Ibid., N. 63 दिनकर शतमिति संख्ये अष्टाधिकाब्दयुक्ते श्रीमङ्गोविन्दचन्द्र देवराज्ये जाहल्या दक्षिणकुले श्रीमद्विजयचन्द्रदेव बहरदेशभुज्यमाने......।
Recently a copper plate of this King dated 1166 A.D. has been discovered from village Sonhal near Sasaram (Bihar) and is kept in the Patna Museum. Bom. Ed. (1899), P. 4.

Page #79

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
49
Vijayacandra does not appear as powerful a ruler as his father. According to Prākrta Dvyāśraya-mahākāvya of Hemacandra, Caulukya Kumārapāla, in the course of his glorious career, devastated Kānyakubja and terrified its sovereign. The reign of Kumārapāla is generally assigned to the period from c. 1144 to 1172 A.D., and if there be any truth in the above statement, the event must have occurred during the period of Vijayacandra. Kumārapāla's earlier contemporary Gāhadavāla king Govindacandra was so powerful that this occurrence concerning him is well nigh impossible.
Jayacandra: Vijayacandra was succeeded by his son Jayacandra whose mother according to the Rambhāmañjarī of Nayacandra was queen Candralekhā.? According to the Canda Bardāi, Jayacandra was born of Anangapāl's eldest daughter Sundari Devi, Rājasekharasūrit and Nayacandra record his name as Jayantacandra and Jaitracandra respectively. Merutunga calls him Jayacandra. In the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha Jayacandra and Jaitracandra both names occur.
It is alleged that Jayacandra was given this name on account of his grandfather having achieved a victory over the Daśārņa country on the very day of his birth. According to Merutunga and Nayacandra, Jayacandra bore the epithet of 'Pangu' or 'Dala Pangula' from the circumstances that he maintained stupendous forces.* Canda Bardāi states that his army was so vast that in the march "the van had reached its ground ere the rear had moved off."
Jayacandra is credited with so many victories over his contemporary powers until he was completely defeated by Sihābuddin of Ghor. He had 1 Canto VI, V. 79, p. 209, Ed. S. P. Pandit (Bombay, 1900):
लुक्किअजसमुल्लूरिअ पयावमुल्लुकिअ मेइणि काही।
घोलन्ति तुहसेणा भयघुलिअं कन्नउज्जेसं ॥ 2 p. 4. SETT: WHAT $77 3 Rāso. Vs. 881-82, p. 134 (Syam Sundardas edition). 4 Prabandha kośa (SJGM., VI), p. 54: Ega 74 7472 : ( #fatara:) 5 SJGM., I, p. 113: 3727 Afaitaf y a 24:1 6 SJGM., II, pp. 88, 89, 90 : 747754971:
7 Rambhāmañjari, Act I, p. 4: FAT THE Eagy a 70 yanसैन्यं जितं अत एव तन्नाम जैत्रचन्द्रः।
8 SGM., I, P. 113: iuffa fa TTT I gat Titi TITH AUT STAFE T TET TE THERA I Rambhāmañjari, I, p. 6: ITEETTI पंगुविरुदधारकः।
9 Tod's, Annals and Antiquities of Rājasthan, II, p. 936.

Page #80

50
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
a great diplomatic minister named Vidyādhara. With his help he attacked the Gauda king Lakşmanasena? and the Candella king Paramardi. The Rambhū-manjarī affirms that Jayacandra's arms were like pillars to tie down the elephant-like goddess of Madanavarman's royal fortune, which proves that he attacked the Candella king, the predecessor of Paramardi some time as a prince. But from the context of the prabandhas it appears that all the attacks were changed in treaties and did not create any bitterness. Nayacandra states in his work Rambhā-mañjarī, that Jayacandra had destroyed the Yavanas. This view receives full support by the Puruşa-parikṣā of Vidyāpati. According to the prabandha literature one of the inveterate enemies of Jayacandra was Cauhān king Prithvīrāja, on whose death he felt great joy." The cause of enmity is not mentioned in the prabandha literature. The friction between Jayacandra and Prithvīrăja has been generally regarded as the chief cause which led Sihābuddin Ghori's invasion of India resulting in the fall of both. The following tradition in the prabandhas accounts for Sihābuddin's invasion of Gāhadavāla empire: "A concubine of Jayacandra named Sühavādevī, having got refusal from the king of her son's claim for the throne and hence being desirous of killing her husband, summoned the Mlecchas."8 According to the Purātana Prabandha sangraha. Suratrāņa Sahābdīn (Sihābuddin), having conquered Prithvirāja, was staying in Yoganīpur (Delhi), when Sūhavādevī, the concubine of Jayacandra sent message to him to come there when she asked for. After two years she called him. In the first attack Suratrāņa (Sihābuddin) was defeated. With the advice of his wife he appointed certain Mahammada, son of Ahammada, as his general and won the battle. “In the 10th of the bright fortnight of the month Caitra in V.E. 1248, Suratrāņa captured
1 SJGM., II, p. 88: 948-:1 2 Ibid., p. 88. 3 Ibid., p. 90.
4 Act I, pp. 5-6: TTTTTTTHGITT: ATT HETTA iera1945 TULEET Tनस्तम्भायमानबाहुदण्डस्य।
5 Act I, p. 5: Ares7978177T: 1 6 Eng. Tran. Nerulkar's Edition, Chap. IV, pp. 146-47. ? SJGM., II, p. 89: 7: quattrà feira vistazo quftra
8 PC., p. 114 (SJGM., I): geriat o f e tic Trucat feat 79: HATT ETTHET TIED # yra fa alat få feat F leganti See also the Prabandha kośa ( SJGM. II), p. 57.
9 SJGM., II, p. 89: IST quattrå faze sforang? fiergi: 1

Page #81

THE DYNASTIES OF MADHYADESA
51
Banaras."1 Though we do not accept the entire story as true without any independent corroboration, the date referred to in the Purātana Prabandha sangraha seems more probable or very near to the date assigned to the invasion of Sihābuddin against Jayacandra. According to the Taj-ul-Maasir, Sihābuddin marched against Jayacandra in 590 Hijri or 1194 A.D.2
Hariscandra: According to the Prabandha-kośa Meghacandra was Jayacandra's son, perhaps born from the chief queen Karpūradevi. He was killed in a battle with Moslems. But the name of Jayacandra's son found in the Gāhadavāla records is Hariscandra," who, it seems, ruled the kingdom for some time. Meghacandra of the prabandhas might be the second name of Hariscandra.
Capital: The Jain sources refer to Vārāṇasi as the only capital of the Gähadavālas and they do not mention Kānyakubja as one of their capitals. The reason behind this seems to be that the seat of the Gahadavālas was Vārānasi which did not lose its importance even after the occupation of Kānyakubja by them. The Jain writer had a special interest in Vārāṇasi on account of its religious importance for Jains. Even the Brāhmanical writer did not minimise the importance of Vārāṇasī, and they called the Gāhadavālas as the ruler of Vārāṇasī and Kanyakubja. Vārāṇasī really occupied a place of importance in the Gāhadavāla dominions which led even the Muslim writers sometimes to regard the Gāhadavālas as the 'Rai of Banaras'. According to the Purātana Prabandha sangraha, the length of Vārāṇasi at that time was twelve yojanas and breadth nine yojanas.? We are told in one place that the area of the territory over which Jayacandra
1 Ibid., pp. 89, 90: ETI U14: 491fa:... TRUTH:... Hayat महम्मद दलपतिश्च कृतः। संवत् १२४८ वर्षे चैत्रसुदि १० दिने वाराणसीमादाय सुरत्राणः प्रवेशं कर्तृ rea: 1
2 Elliot, History of India, II, p. 222. 3 (i) SJGM., VI, p. 54: 4977: PATTERI (ii) PPS., pp. 89, 90:
o: Frankie 4 Ibid. p. 90: is fait à fa79: 1 5 EI., X, pp. 94, 98-99.
6 Elliot, History of India, II, p. 223; from a recently discovered copper plate of King Vijayacandra, it appears, that Vārāṇasi at that time was one of the two capitals of the kings of this dynasty.
7 SJGM., II, 88: Frontent artroreitget augalaiturf aTE31137TATI

Page #82

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
was ruling was 700 yojanas (square)."
Poet Sriharşa: Jayacandra's name will be ever remembered in the history of Samskệt literature for patronising the renowned poet Sriharşa, son of Hira by Mamalladevī. The Jain Rājasekhara in his Prabandha-kośa, states that his father Hira once was defeated by a court poet. But Śriharşa, in due course, having defeated his father's adversary established his prestige. However, one of Jayacandra's wives named Sūhavādevi had envy with him.? The statement that Sriharşa was in the court of Jayacandra is confirmed by the poet himself. Sriharsa, in the colophon of his chief work Naişadhiya carita states that he was honoured by the king of Kānyakubja with a pair of betel-leaves," perhaps it was a custom with Hindu Rājās to welcome men of eminence in this way. Thus the following kings of this dynasty are known from the Jain sources:
Candradeva
Govindacandra
Vijayacandra
Jayacandra Hariscandra alias Meghacandra
1 SIGM., VI, 117: STAT I STIT FTTFTTTS
These are hackneyed numbers which very vaguely referred to the extent of the territories.
2 Harsakavi-prabandha, pp. 54-57.
3 Naişadhiya Caritam, ed, Sivadatta (Bombay, 1919), XXII, p. 528 : ताम्बूलद्वयमासनं च लभते यः कान्यकुब्जेश्वरात् ।

Page #83

I. THE PALAS
We neither know the condition of Eastern India after the downfall of the imperial Guptas nor do we catch any glimpse of the time of Harşa from the Jain sources. They also do not supply any reference regarding Sasanka and later Guptas and have no record of the anarchy which prevailed before the foundation of the Päla dynasty. The Pala dynasty which emerges about the middle of the eighth century A.D., was a single ruling dynasty for about four centuries in Bengal. It is said that the first ruler of this dynasty, Gopala, was an elected king, for which, however, there is no Jain support. On the other hand, we have several references to Dharmapăla who is generally regarded as the son and successor of Gopala.
Origin: Before proceeding to any detail, we should first enquire into the origin or ancestry of the Pälas. In a Campú kavya called Udayasundarikatha, composed by the poet Soddala (a friend of some of the Jain scholars. of Gujarat in the eleventh century A.D.), Dharmapala is said to have belonged to the family of Mändhätä. As Mandhātā is a well known Puranic king of the Solar Race, this reference supports the view that the Pālas belonged to the Solar Race, which is corroborated by the statements made in the Kamauli copper plates of Vaidyadeva. Vaidyadeva was originally the minister of a Pāla king Vigrahapala III. This Vigrahapala is stated there to have belonged to the Solar dynasty. Strangely enough we do not find any mythical pedigree of the dynasty in the Pala records. Perhaps one of the reasons why no reference to the origin and caste of the Pālas occurs in their own records is that they were Buddhists and did not care much to adopt Brahmanical institutions or traditions. It should be observed, however, that early Buddhist tradition does not betray any aversion to tracing the origin of Buddhist republican tribes and dynasties
etc.
CHAPTER IV
THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA
1 GOS., XI. p. 155. Soddala's Jain friends were Swetambara Candanăcārya, Khadgacārya, Vijayasimhācārya, and Mahākirti Digambara. Ibid. p. 4 बलीयसा सप्ताङ्गसमप्रेणोत्तरापथस्यामिना मान्धातृवंशप्रभवेण भूनृता धर्मपालेन
3
Ep. Ind., II. p. 350.

Page #84

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
to the Solar or other ancient races. Bengal was the citadel of Buddhism at that time. It is said in the Prabhāvaka-carita that there was a great Buddhist controversialist, by name Vardhamānakuñjara, in the court of the king Dharmapāla and he had great influence upon the king. It seems that Buddhism must have been enjoying the patronage of the Pāla king. The copper-plates of the Pālas begin with an invocation to the Lord Buddha and many kings of the dynasty are known to have been great patrons of Buddhism. The silence of the Pālas on their origin may indicate their rise from a low or unimportant family. But it is simply a negative inference.
Location: As regards the exact location of the Pāla kingdom we have no definite information from the Jain sources. It is referred to only that they were called the kings of the Gauda country. The capital city of Dharmapāla is said to have been Lakşaņāvati (Lakhanauti.)? It is, however, generally accepted that the city of Lakşaņāvati was founded by the king Laksmanasena of the Sena dynasty. It may be suggested here that it was perhaps renamed.
Kings: As to who was the first king of this dynasty we have no information from the Jain sources. A certain Gopāla is generally regarded as the founder of the dynasty. According to the inscriptions of the Palas he was a king elected by people to recover the country from anarchy. The Prabhāvaka-carita mentions a certain Dharma different from Dharmapāla, who was attacked and killed in a battle by king Yaśovarma of Kanauj.? It seems that he must have been one of the rulers whose names are mentioned in the Tibetan lists as the predecessors of Dharmapăla. Vākpatirāja, the renowned author of the Gaudavaho, was formerly in the court of this king Dharma. He was among the captives whom Yaśovarman kept in prison after his victorious return at Kanauj. Vākpati composed the Gaudavaho, celebrating the exploit of Yasovarman's invasion of Bengal and thus got released from the prison.
Dharmapāla: It is generally accepted by historians that Dharmapāla was a son and successor of Gopāla, but on this point, Jain sources do not
1 SJGM., XIII, p. 96: V. 392 : araquery art Tha
__धर्मः संवाहयामास गीष्पतिं वासवो यथा ॥ 2 Ibid., p. 85, V. 162.: Fit: maiscargata :
श्रीलक्षणावतीपुर्यां प्रापारामावनीतलम् ॥ 3 Ibid., p. 98, V. 463 : siaha 22 ja
तस्माद्विगुणतन्त्रस्तं भूपं युद्धेऽवधीत् बली ॥ 4 See supra, p. 20.

Page #85

THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA
yield any information. Dharmapala was contemporary of king Ama, the son and successor of Yašovarman. He is mentioned in the Bappabhatti carita by different names as Dharma, Dharmabhupa or Dharmabhūpāla which are certainly the names of Dharmapala of Bengal. He is said to have long cherished a feeling of enmity with the king Ama of Kanauj, which became an undying passion. This indicates that he made several aggressive attempts on Kanauj and was baulked in his efforts. The reason for this undying enmity was obvious. It is noted above that one Gauda king was killed by the father of king Ama. It was probably this disgrace to his family that was rankling in the heart of the Bengal ruler, contemporary of Ama. We already know from other sources that Dharmapala's efforts to overthrow the Kanauj ruler and bring Kanauj under his influence was more or less a permanent factor of his foreign policy. But, if the Bappabhatti-carita is to be believed, he was not able to carry it out during the life time of Ama. We have already identified this Ama with king Indrarāja of the Bhagalpur copper plates of Dharmapāla.2
How long the Päla kings ruled is a matter of controversy. According to the Tibetan lists, Gopala reigned from 660 to 705 A.D., Devapāla 705753 A.D., Rasapala 750-765 A.D. and Dharmapala 765-825 A.D. According to Dr. H. C. Ray, Gopala reigned from 765 A.D. to 769 A.D., Dharmapāla from 769 to 801 A.D., and Devapäla from 801 A.D. to 840 A.D. Dr. R. C. Majumdar in his History of Bengal assumes that Gopala reigned from 750 A.D. to 770 A.D., Dharmapala 770-810 A.D. and Devapāla 810-850 A.D. But all these are based on assumptions, which may not be correct, because there are no contemporary records to check them. The ground of assumption is mostly some of the dated records of other dynasties and undated records of the Päla dynasty.
Regarding the period of the reign of Dharmapala we may safely deduce from the above mentioned Jain work that he ruled almost as long as king Ama of Kanauj (752 A.D.-833 A.D.). According to the Tibetan. historian, Täränäth, he ruled for sixty-four years, while the Kalimpur copper-plates show that he reigned for at least thirty-two years.
From the Pala and other contemporary inscriptions it appears that Dharmapala must have been a powerful ruler of the time. Fortunately, we have got an independent positive evidence in support of the view that
SJGM, XIII, p. 85. V. 168 परं मेऽख्यामराजेन दुर्प्रहो विग्रहाग्रहः । तदावानात् यदा पश्चाद् याति तन्मे तिरस्कृतिः ॥
See supra, pp. 26-27.

55

Page #86

56
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
he held the position of a suzerain king in northern India. In the Udayasundari-katha, the king Dharmapäla is referred to as 'Uttara pathaswami' or Lord of Uttarapatha.' This Dharmapala can only be referred to the Pala emperor of that name-the expression 'Pafica Gauda' is also possibly reminiscent of the Gauda empire of Dharmapāla.
The Bappabhatti-carita also throws some light over the personal history of king Dharmapala. He was a great lover and patron of learning. Though he was by faith a Buddhist, he equally respected the scholars of other sects. Jain savant like Bappabhatti and the poet Väkpati of the Brahmanical sect were no less regarded in his court than the Buddhist saints and writers. He was also very fond of scholarly debates. A debate of such a type was held in his court which lasted for six months.2
Devapala: Dharmapala was succeeded by his son Devapāla and the latter by his son Vigrahapala I. As regards Devapäla we have no direct reference to him in the Jain sources, but in this connection we have an interesting reference to a Påla ruler, Yuvaraja by name, in the Udayasundari katha. We learn from this work that a famous poet Abhinanda by name graced his court." The Rama carita, composed by this poet (Abhinanda), gives more details about Yuvaraja who is described as a great conqueror. He had the epithet Haravarsa and was the son of Vikramašila. He is also referred to as the ornament of the Påla family founded by Dharmapala. These epithets leave no doubt that Yuvaraja Haravarṣa belonged to the Päla family of Bengal. According to the Udayasundarikatha, he was a powerful ruler, a statement which is also corroborated by the Rama carita. The question, therefore, naturally arises whether he is to be identified with a known Pāla king, or regarded as a ruler over some territory outside Bengal or Bihar. It has been suggested by certain scholars that Vikramasila, the father of Yuvaraja I, was but another name of Dharmapala who founded the Vikramašila monastery and Haravarsa is identical with Devapäla." Regarding Vigrahapala I, we have perhaps no reference in the Jain sources. He was succeeded by his son Nārāyaṇapāla.
Rajyapala: Nārāyaṇapāla died about 908 A.D. and was succeeded by his son Rajyapāla. Rajyapäla's son was called Gopala II. Several records
1 See supra, p. 53. fn. 2.
SJGM., XIII, pp. 94-7.
3 GOS., IVL, p. 2.
Palakula candra, Palakula pradipa etc., Dharmapāla kula kairava Kananendu. Chap. I., V. 110, p. 10.
R. C. Majumdar: History of Bengal, Pt. I, Chap. VI, p. 123.

Page #87

57
of these kings have been found in Magadha. Among these records one Jain inscription has so far been discovered regarding king Rajyapāla. It was found incised on a pillar at Baragãon near Bihar Shariff (Patna District) on the site of old Nālandā. The pillar and the record appear to have belonged to an ancient Jain temple. The inscription consists of five lines. of incorrect Samskṛt and records the visit of one Vaidyanath, son of Manorath, of the Vähikakula, to a temple in the month of Marga (śirşa) in the 24th year of the reign of the illustrious Rajapala (Rajyapāla). This inscription shows that, in the 24th year of reign of Rajyapala (c. 91135 A.D.), the Patna district and possibly Monghyr, Bhagalpur and the Santal Pargana also were included in the Pāla territory.
Makipala 1: Among the later Pälas, Mahipala I (c. 988-1038 A.D.) appears to be of some importance. The Jain sources have certain references regarding this king. According to Hemacandra, a king of Anga country was amongst the claimants of the queen Durlabhadevi at the time of her svayamvara, with whom the Caulukya king Durlabha, who later married her, had to fight. This Durlabha ascended the throne of Anahilapāṭaka about 1009-10 A.D. The rival king of Anga country, therefore, most likely seems to have been this Mahipala whose reign falls at the end of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century.2
THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA
The Prabhavaka carita also records in one place that a certain Dharma of Kaula sect, having defeated some top-ranking poets in various places, appeared at the court of Bhoja of Dhärä. In this connection it says that Dharma of the Kaula sect defeated Sambhu in the metropolis of Gauda Mahāmahipa. This Gauda king Mahämahipa is certainly the king Mahipala I of the Päla dynasty the period of whose reign coincides with that of king Bhoja I of Dhärä (c. 1010 A.D.-1054 A.D.).
We, however, do not know of the other members of the dynasty from Jain sources.

Thus the known kings of this family are:
Dharmapāla
Rājyapāla
T Mahipāla
1 IA., XLVII, p. 111. The pillar is now in a modern Jain temple at Baragaon; See also JBORS., Dec, 1928, p. 489.
DHNI., 11, pp. 945-46.
3 SJGM., XIII, p. 147, V. 256: etc.
शम्भुगाड महामही पकटके
8

Page #88

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
II. THE SENAS OF BENGAL
After having reigned on the soil of Bengal successfully for about four centuries the Pālas began to decline and on their extinction arose a dynasty named Sena.
The Jain sources throw welcome light on this dynasty.
Origin: From the records of the Sena dynasty it appears that they sprang from the family of the Karņāța Kșatriyas. For instance, the Deopara Stone inscription of Vijayasena tells us that in the family of the moon were born the southern rulers (Dākṣinātya Kșaunindra) Virasena and others. In the Sena family (Sena-anvaye) was born Samantasena, the Kulasirodāma of the Brahma-Ksatriyas, who slaughtered the wicked robbers of the wealth of Karņāța (Karnāța Lakşmi Lunțākānām). In the Madhainagar grant of Laksmanasena, Sāmanta Sena is described as the head garland (kulasirodāma) of the Karnāta Kşatriyas. In the Ballālacarita of Ananda Bhatta (10th cent.) it is said that the Senas of Bengal sprang from the descendants of Vīrasena and were higher in rank than the Ksatriya, being Brahma-Ksatriyas like the Pandavas. From these passages it is clear that the ancestors of the Senas came from Karnāța in Deccan and settled in Rādha, in West Bengal.
Taking into consideration this fact when we look to the Jain literature and certain Jain epigraphs of that period we find certain terms as Senasangha, Senagana, Senānvaya, and several names ending in Sena in the Karņāța country.
The earliest reference occurs in the Mulguņdā inscription of the time of the Rästrakūta king Krşņa II, dated 902-5 A.D. It states that a temple of Jina was founded in the city of Mulgunda in the Dhavala vişaya and records some grants to that temple. These grants were given in trust (for the temple) to a Jain teacher named Kanakasena of the Sena lineage (Senänvaya) and a disciple of Virasena who apparently had been the chief disciple of an ācārya named Kumārasena. Taking these three generations of teachers covering at least half a century, we are in a position to assert that the Sena family flourished in the Dhavalavişaya (modern Dhārwār district) as early as the middle of the 9th
1 EI., I, p. 307, Vs. 4-5 and 8. 2 JASB., 1901, V, (N.S.) p. 471, V. 4.
3 Ballāla carita, Ed. by H. P. Šāstri, Calcutta, Chap. XII, p. 55; Trans. by the same 1901, P. 48.
4 EI., XIII, p. 193.

Page #89

THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA
59
century A.D. The next reference to the Sena family occurs in the Honwad Stone inscription" of the time of the western Calukya king Someśvara I, dated 1054 A.D. It refers to three teachers, viz., Brahmasena, his disciple Āryasena and the latter's disciple Mahāsena. The feet of the first are said to have been adored by a number of kings while the third was preceptor of a feudatory chief of the Cālukya dynasty, and author of the inscription referred to above. It thus appears that a Sena family enjoyed influence and prestige during the first half of the 11th century A.D.
In the Sravana Belgola epigraph of the western Ganga chief Mārasimha II, it is told that he preserved the doctrine of Jina, founded various Jain temples and, eventually, left his throne and ended his days in the practice of religion at Bankāpur (in the Dharwar district), at the feet of a Jain teacher, Ajitasena Bhațţāraka. According to the Cāmundarāya purāna, Cāmundarāya who was the minister of Mārasimha II and was born in the Brahma-kșatra race, was a pupil of this Ajitasena. As Mārasimha's reign extends from 964 A.D. to 975 A.D. Ajitasena must have flourished in the latter half of the 10th century A.D.
The Sravana Belgola record of Mallişeņa refers to a number of Jain teachers with names ending in Sena, such as Kumārasena I, Kumārasena II, Puspasena, Hemasena, Gunasena, Ajitasena and Mallişeņa. The time of all these teachers has been assigned to a period from 9th to 10th century by scholars.
From the above references it may be said with a degree of certainty that a Sena family flourished in the Karnāța country during a period ranging from the 9th to the 11th century A.D.
If we compare all these Jain references with those referred to above regarding the origin of the Sena dynasty we can well deduce that the ancestors of the Senas and the members of the Sena family of Karņāța came out of a common stock and their race was Brahma-ksatriya.
The fact that the Senas of Dhārwār were Jains while the Sena kings of Bengal were Saivas need not stand in the way of the proposed identification. The change of religion is not an unfamiliar feature of Indian society. The religious revolution in Karnātaka in the eleventh and twelfth
1 TA., XIX, p. 271. 2 PTOC., II (Calcutta), p. 344. : EI., V, p. 171: greta ARTETETT stargarafaretas etc. * EI., III, p. 184 ff. • Dr. Hiralal, Silālekha sangraha, I, Introduction, 152.

Page #90

60
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
centuries A.D., which ultimately led to the foundation of the Vira-Saiva or Lingāyat sect, may have changed the creed of the Jain family into Saivism. The conversion of the Cālukya prince Jayasimha II (c. 1018-1042 A.D.) from Jainism to Saivism is an interesting example on the point. It is most likely that some members of the Sena family, influenced by the conversion of the ruling dynasty to Saivism, embraced the new creed.
It may again be argued that the Sena family or religious teachers could hardly have anything to do with the Sena family wielding political powers. But we can cite several instances which may show the possibility of the transformation of religious teachers to the founders of political powers. Haricand, the founder of the Pratihāra dynasty, was a Brāhmaṇa, proficient in Vedas.” Another example of Mayūraśarmā, the founder of the Kadamba dynasty, originally a devotee to the study of the Vedas and the performer of sacrificial rites, shows that in South also, creed or caste was not regarded as hindrance to a military career.3
The fact that Sämantasena, one of the ancestors of the Senas, is called Brahmavādi in the Deopārā inscription and that he retired in his old age to a hermitage on the bank of the Gangā, where even parrots knew by note the text of the Vedas, seems to support the conclusion that he too like Haricand and Mayūraśarma, was a Brāhmana and sprang up from a line of teachers, but due to certain circumstances he adopted a Ksatriya's life and soon gained prominence by acts of bravery in battles.
From the 8th verse of the Deopārā inscription we learn that Samantasena defeated the hostile forces that were plundering the Karņāța country. The western Cālukya inscriptions refer to the fact that shortly before 1060 A.D. the Cola king, Rājendra Deva, penetrated into the Dharwar district and burned the Jain temples but was eventually defeated and killed." It is not unlikely that Samantasena distinguished himself on this occasion by warding off the foreign attacks, and that this was the turning point in the fortunes of the family. This would give a satisfactory explanation to the puzzling word Brahma-kşatriya applied to him. In the Deopārā inscription of Vijayasena, which is one of the earliest documents of the Senas, they still remembered their Brahmin origin. But the prefix Brahma gradually
TEJ: TERTAT JE:
1 PTOC., II ( Calcutta ), 1922, p. 345. 2 EI., XVIII, p. 87., V. 6: Q af: fa 3 EI., VIII, pp. 31, 32, Vs. 4-20. 4 DHNI., I, p. 356. 5 BG., I, Pt. II, p. 442.

Page #91

THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA
disappears in their records. In the Barrackpur grant of the same king, Samantasena is there already the head-ornament of only the Ksatriyas.
Scholars suggest that Samantasena or one of his predecessors came to Bengal from the far-off province of Karnata in the train of the Călukya prince Vikramaditya when the latter invaded N.E. India during c. 1044-68 A.D.
The Jain sources, however, do not throw any light on the early kings of the dynasty.
Laksmanasena: Among the later rulers of the Sena dynasty, the Jain chroniclers of the western India mention the name of Lakṣmaṇasena (11791206 A.D.) with his ministers Kumāradeva and Umāpatidhara. The Prabandha cintamani states that 'in the country of Gauda in the city of Laksmanavati, a king of the name of Lakṣmaṇnasena ruled for a long time and his kingdom was administered by the minister Umapatidhara who was a treasure-house of all intelligence. But the king became blind with passion and contracted the disgraceful stain of association with a Matangi (woman of a very low caste, untouchable community).
"Umäpatidhara, having found himself unable to restrain his master, wrote up secretly certain stanzas in the notice-board of the council-pavilion in order to admonish him in another way. But the king got offended and developed secret hatred against the minister and wished to get rid of him. The king planned to kill Umapatidhara but he saved himself through his intelligence. The king on the other hand repented of his foolish act and gradually abandoned that evil practice and made Umapatidhara once more his minister."
Fortunately we have a reference to Umapatidhara in the Gita-Govinda of Jayadeva as one among the several court poets of Lakṣmaṇasena. The Sadukti Karyamṛta quotes about ninety verses of Umapatidhara. The name of Umapatidhara occurs also as the author of a prasasti in the Deopără inscription of Vijayasena, the father of Vallälasena. The authorship of the Madhainagar copper plates of Lakṣmaṇasena has sometimes been credited by certain scholars to him. Deopärä inscription informs us that Umäpati
61
1 Majumdar, R.C., (Dr.), The Origin of the Sena Kings, in PTOC., II p. 346-47: See also History of Bengal, Edited by the same, pp. 208-09.
2 SJGM., I. pp. 112-13: लक्ष्मणसेनोमापतिधरयोः प्रबन्धः - अध गौडदेशे लसणावलां नगर्या श्रीलक्ष्मणसेनो नाम नृपतिरुमापतिधरनाम्ना सचिवेन सर्वबुद्धिनिधानेन चिन्त्यमानविरं राज्यं चकार । स त्वनेकमत्तमातंग सैन्यसङ्गादिव मदेनान्धतां दधानो मातंगीसङ्गपङ्ककलंकभाजनमजनि ।
3 V. 4.
EI., I., pp. 305-15.

Page #92

62
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
dhara lived during the reign of Vijayasena of the Sena dynasty.
If any reliance can be placed on the tradition recorded by Merutunga in his Prabandha cintamani, then he lived in the successive reigns of Vijayasena, his son and his grand-son.
Another Jain Work Prabandha-kośa composed by Rājasekharasūri records the story of king Lakşmanasena and his minister Kumāradeva. It states:
"In the east there was a city called Laksnävati. There lived a mighty and righteous king Lakşmanasena. He had a minister named Kumāradeva, man of wisdom, valour and devotion, and as dear as his (king's) life. He had an extensive kingdom and a huge army. He had his contemporary adversary in the person of king Jayantacandra, king of Vārāṇasi, who had a minister named Vidyādhara, ranking first among the noble-minded, the givers of food and the speakers of truth.2 Once the king Jayantacandra solemnly declared to attack and seize the capital of Lakṣmaṇasena, otherwise he would remain in the fort as long as the capital was not captured and would realize a compensation of a hundred thousand gold pieces. Accordingly he attacked and besieged the capital of Laksmanasena and the siege continued for eighteen days, which resulted in a lot of trouble to the ruler and his subjects. But through the intelligence and skill of the minister Kumāradeva that adversity was warded off without payment of compensation and thus the king and his subjects were saved."'3
The Purātana Prabandha sangraha in its Jayacandra prabandha records the same story but in an abridged form."
As to who Kumāradeva was, we do not know from any other source. The History of Bengal refers to one Kumāracandra who was an avadhuta of Vikramapuri Vihāra of Bengal in Eastern Magadha and was responsible for three Tántric Panjikās (commentaries) preserved in Tibetan. One more reference to a Kumāravajra occurs in that book. But we cannot, in the present state of our knowledge, hazard any identification.
All these references regarding Laksmanasena, show that he was a powerful contemporary of Jayacandra whose reign is assigned from 1170
1 History of Bengal (Ed. R. C. Majumdar), p. 65; See also Prabandha cintāmani (Tr. by Tawney), Preface, XVIII.
2 महेच्छानां अन्नदातृणां सत्यवादिनां च प्रथमः। 3 SJGM., VI, pp. 88-90: JETTET H or: raad 7 T7: 1 4 SJGM., II, p. 88.

Page #93

THE DYNASTIES OF EASTERN INDIA
to 1194 A.D. We know from the history of the Senas that his kingdom extended in the west up to the border of the Gaya district. It was, therefore, quite natural for the Senas to come in conflict with the ruler of Vārāṇasi i.e. the Gahaḍavālas.
We have no records about the successors of Laksmanasena but the Puratana Prabandha sangraha records a king Ratnapuñja, descendant of king Laksmanasena of Lakhanapuri. Nothing particular is mentioned about this king."
63
III. THE KESARI DYNASTY OF KALINGA (ORISSA)
Among the later dynasties which ruled over Kalinga in the early mediaeval period one was the Kesari dynasty. From the history of Orissa it appears that it was a minor dynasty and details regarding it are not known yet to the historians.
Fortunately we have two small Jain epigraphs of Udyotakeśari, one of the rulers of the dynasty. These records were found in the caves of Udayagiri Khandagiri hills near Bhuvaneswar in Orissa. The first inscription discovered in the cave called Lalitendu Keśari's cave or Lion gate, was incised in the fifth year of the reign of Udyotakeśarideva." It is engraved on the back wall of the cave at a height of about thirty or forty feet from the floor of the cave above a group of Jain images of the Digambera sect. The record consists of five lines of characters of the tenth century A.D. and the language used is very incorrect Samskṛt.3
Apart from recording the year of Udyotakeśari's reign this inscription preserves certain additional information of note. Firstly, it records. the ancient name of Khandagiri as Kumāraparvata. The Hathīgumphä inscription of Kharavela also mentions the same name (Kumāriparvata) of the hills. Thus it seems that up to the 10th or the 11th century A.D. the hill was known as the Kumāra or Kumārīparvata. Secondly, the word Īsāna (Skt. Isana) in the second line, most probably connotes here a temple while its usual meaning is Siva. Thirdly, the word 'Opa' in the fourth line refers most probably to the numerous rock cut reservoirs on hills. Fourthly, the word 'Udyota' in the third line, which means 'caused to shine', indicates that the wells and temples of the Tirthankaras were
p. 84 श्रीमाताप्रबन्धः ।
2 श्री उद्योतकेशरिविजयराज्यसंवत् ५ ।
3 Ep. Ind., XIII, pp. 165-66, No. XVI.

Page #94

64
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
repaired. Lastly, this inscription with other inscriptions found in that area denote that in that area several Jain monks were residing and carrying on their religious duties rigorously.1
The second record, discovered on the inner side of the architrave of the Navamuni cave, was incised in the 18th year of the reign of the same ruler. It contains three lines and has been very clearly engraved. This inscription is particularly marked with certain honorific words" for the king which are absent in the former one, thereby certainly denoting that Udyotakesari wielded great power.
The Udyotakeśari of these inscriptions has been identified with the prince of the same name whose Bhuvanešvara inscription, dated in his 18th year, was edited by Princep as early as 1838. The name Udyotakesari is also found in the Sonapur grant of Somavamsi Kumāra Someśvaradeva of Kosala. According to the identification given by scholars all these princes bearing the name of Udyotakeśari were identical.*
According to the historians, kings with the names ending in Kesarin belong to a Keśarivarśa which has been identified with the Keśarivamsa of the Madla Panji, an Orissan chronicle. Certain scholars assume that this dynasty is a branch of the Somavarśa of Kosala.*
The discovery of most of the inscriptions of Udyotakesarin near Bhuvaneswar certainly denotes the transference of the seat of the Somavamsi kingdom from Sambalpur region to the sea board of Orissa.
1 Ibid.
:
• Ibid, श्री कुमार पर्वतस्थाने जिर्ण इसण उद्योतित तस्मिन् थाने चतुविंशतितीर्थकर स्थापित प्रतिष्ठाका हरि ओप जसनन्दिक etc.
DHNI., Pt. 1, pp. 410-12.
4 Ibid., p. 409. : श्रीमद् उद्योतकेसरिदेवस्य प्रवर्धमाने विजयराज्ये संवत् १८ श्री आर्यसंघ प्रतिबद्धगृहकुल विनिर्गतदेशीगणाचार्यश्रीकुलचन्द्र भट्टारकस्य शिष्यशुभचन्द्रस्य ।

Page #95

I. THE CANDELLAS.
The origin of the Candellas is recorded neither in the Jain works nor in other works known to us. It appears from traditions and epigraphic evidences that the first few princes of the dynasty were feudatories of the great Pratihära emperors of Kanyakubja. Most of the inscriptions of the early kings of the dynasty found at Khajuraho denote that their original home was Kharjūrvāha and its surrounding area.
Yalovarman 1: As regards the individual kings of the dynasty the earliest mentioned in the Jain sources is Yašovarma. He is called in the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha as the king Kalyāṇa-kataka.' I have shown elsewhere that Kalyāpa-kataka of the prabandha writers is most probably Kaliñjar, the capital of the Candella kings." If the assumption is right, this Yašovarman mentioned in the above work must have been one of the two Yaŝovarmans of the dynasty. It is said about him that he kept tied the bell of Justice (Nyayaghanța) in the door of his palace. Law and Justice to him was above all things." Once the family deity thought of testing him on this point, and he proved his love of Justice by sacrificing his son.
CHAPTER V
THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA.
This Yašovarman, who must have been the famous father of the great king Dhañga, considerably extended the boundaries of the Candella kingdom and acquired a fame which found a place in the records of his son. The prabandha writers have done their duty in preserving the anecdotes of his fame in their works. He may not be the Yašovarman II, son of Madanavarman, who died before his father.
We have fortunately several Jain inscriptions of the Candella kings which help us considerably in fixing their chronology.
Dhanga: The next king who appears in the Jain inscription discovered from Khajuraho is Dhaiga, son of Yašovarman I. This inscription is
कल्याण कटकेपुरे यशोवर्मनृपतिस्तेन धवलगृहहारे न्यायपटा
1 SJGM., II, pp. 107-08:
बद्धा ।

See infra, Chap. on the Caulukyas.
3 Ibid., मम न्याय एव महान् । EI., I, pp 135-36.
9

Page #96

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
carved on the left door jamb of the temple of Jinanäth. It consists of eleven lines of Samskṛt, partly in prose and partly in verse. The inscription begins with Om and then gives the date V.E. 1011. It records a number of gifts made by one Pähilla who was held in honour by Dhangaraja' and was devoted to the lord of the Jinas. The gifts mainly consist of various gardens (Vataka).
66
This inscription shows that the Candellas from the time of Dhanga were practically independent and owned no suzerainty. The temples of Khajuraho, which are considered as 'the finest group of Hindu temples. in Northern India and are usually assigned to the tenth and eleventh centuries, bear evidence to the splendour and progress of the Candellas in the arts of peace." Some of these structures certainly belong to the reign of Dhanga. The temple of Jinanath is one of the fine edifices of the time of Dhanga.
Ganda and Vidyadhara: Dhanga was succeeded by his son Ganda and the latter by his son Vidyadhara. We have some intelligence regarding Vidyadhara from a Jain inscription of Dubkund (A.D. 1088). That inscription informs us that Kacchapaghāta rulers of that place were his feudatories and his power, perhaps in the west, extended along the east bank of the river Cambal.
Madanavarman: After Vidyadhara we have no account of the three. succeeding generations in the Jain sources. In the fourth generation of Vidyadhara appears Madanavarman from whom, we have, fortunately, six dated Jain epigraphs. The two Jain image inscriptions in the temple of the village Papaură near Tikamgarh district (Madhya-Pradeśa) are dated V.E. 1202 (A.D. 1144-45), in the reign of Madanavarmadeva." The two Jain image inscriptions from Khajuraho are dated in V.E. 1205 (A.D. 1147-48) and 1215 (A.D. 1157-58) respectively. The former two do not contain the name of the reigning king; but they refer to the sons of the Sresthi Pāņidhara of the Grahapati family (anvaya) which is well known from the other inscription of Kokkala of V.E. 1058. The latter two refer to the "Madanavarmadevasya pravardhamānavijayarājye," in in the increasing victorious reign of Madanavarma. Lastly, we have two more Jain image
1 भांगराजेन मान्य प्रणमति जिननाथोऽयं भव्यपाहिलनाम ।
Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 1910, II, pp. 49 ff.;
140 ff.
3 See infra, on the Kacchapaghatas,
4 Nathurām Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihas, p. 193.
EI., I., pp. 151-153.

Page #97

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
67
inscriptions from Mahobā, dated respectively V.E. 1211 (A.D. 1155) and 1221 (A.D. 1163), in the reign of Madanavarmadeva.
From the above inscriptions it may safely be inferred that Madanavarman's kingdom was prosperous and vast, extending from Mahobā to Tikamgarh district. It may be gathered from these references that the Candella power had reached beyond the Betwa in the S.W. and advanced into the Paramāra territory in Mālavā. This is why Madanavarman's successor Paramardi bore the title 'Daśārņādhipati." This achievement of the Candellas in this direction seems to have brought them into contact with the Caulukyas of Anahilapāțaka. The Jain chroniclers of Western India refer to the wars between Madanavarman and Siddharāja Jayasiṁha and later on with Kumārapāla.
Regarding the struggle with Jayasimha Siddharāja we are informed from the Duyaśraya-kavya that Jayasimha (c. 1094-1144 A.D.) conquered Ujjainīt and in his records and colophons of MSS. we actually find his title Avantināth. The Kirti-kaumudi refers to the migration of Jayasimha from Dhārā to Kaliñjara." The Kumārapāla-carita confirms this fact and states that Madanavarman, paying a good ransom of ninety-six crores of gold coins to Jayasimha, purchased the peace. This statement of the Jain authors is further corroborated with that of a Kaliñjara stone epigraph that Madanavarman in an instant defeated the king of Gurjaras, as Křşņa in former times defeated Kamsa.? Scholars generally identify this Gurjaresa with Gujarāt king Siddharāja.
There is an interesting story in the Prabandha-kośa regarding the struggle between Caulukya Jayasimha and Candella Madanavarman which may be summarised as follows:
Once in the court of Siddharāja Jayasimha came an itinerary
att:
1 ASR., XXI, p. 49, plate XII, A. 2 Ibid., II, p. 448, N. 25. 3 TA., XIX, p. 354. 4 Canto 14, Vs. 72-73: JATE Alstofa grut path ATZTE: AIRTE
चुलुक्योगुप्ताव:प्सीत्तं यशोवर्मभूपं । 5 Canto, 2, V. 33 : 0 2T ZEE: 1
___ प्राघूर्गकमिषाद्दण्डमहोबकपतिर्ददौ। & Canto 1, V. 42: ETTEITERUG HarrachaHUT: 1
कोटी षण्णवतिं हेम्ना यस्तन्मानमिवाददे। JASB., 1848, XVII, Pt. I., p. 778, line 14. 8 BG., I. Pt. I., p. 178.

Page #98

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
who comparing the court of Jayasimha with that of Madanavarman gave a beautiful description of Mahobā. To testify the statement of that person, the king sent his minister to get the real information from Mahobā and hearing its corroboration on his return, Jayasimha, out of jealousy took to an incursion on Mahobā, the capital of Madanavarman. When the news of this incursion reached Mahobă, Madanavarman was sporting with his thousand of damsels. When asked by ministers he reported: "Is he the same Jayasimha who stood for twelve years beseiging the city of Dhārā? He seems to be a very obstinate king. Ask him whether he wants money or land. If he wants money give him as much as he wants. If he wants land, we are prepared to wage a war." Jayasimha on hearing this message, was much astonished and demanded a tribute of ninety-six crores of gold coins, which he was instantly paid up. Thereafter Jayasimha sought a personal interview with king Madanavarman which was readily granted. This sight of pomp and splendour displayed by the king dismayed Jayasinha exceedingly.
Though this anecdote is highly exaggerated, yet it shows that Madanavarman was a prosperous ruler and indulged too much in the amorous pastimes.
Another war of Madanavarman with the Caulukya king Kumārapāla is also recorded by the Jains. Hemacandra in his Prākıt Dvyāśraya-kāvya states that “having seen the wondering army of Kumārapāla, the ruler of Daśārņa country was terrified to death. The wealth of the vast capital was carried away by his soldiers and several generals of that king (ruler of Daśārna) met with death at their hands." Though this statement does not clearly mention the name of the ruler of Daśārna, we may, however, infer that Madanavarman (c. 1129-63 A.D.) and his successor Paramardi (c. 1163-1202 A.D.) were the two contemporary kings of Kumārapāla (1144 73 A.D.). We have seen that they were the Candella kings who really held
1 SJGM., VI, pp. 91-93: #7777972: ? Ibid.: # Art HT: 247271 AT ATTET T homara Taifa
3 p. 210, Vs. 80-84: 594CERTAT FAT3T AHH H FET @ GOOTT विवट्टमागो भए मरई। The Prabhāvaka-carita (SJGM. XIII, p. 206) records this struggle in a reverse way. It states that once king of Kalyāņa-kataka (identified as Kälanjara ), started an incursion on Kumārapāla. He was feared due to this sudden attack. The enemy, however, died within seven days.

Page #99

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
69
sway over Daśārņa (E. Mālavā). Therefore the king in this context who died terror-stricken, must have been Madanavarman who, due to his oldage, may have been unable to encounter the army of Kumārapāla and died of fear. Paramardi on the other hand was a strong ruler and there seems to be no possibility of the above quoted accident during his reign. The fact that Kumārapāla then extended his dominion upto Daśārna is proved by his two inscriptions dated V.E. 1220 (A.D. 1163) and V.E. 1222 (A.D. 1166), found Kumārapāla then extended his dominion upto Daśārna is proved by his two inscriptions dated V.E. 1220 (A.D. 1163) and V.E. 1222 (A.D. 1166), found at Udayapur in the Eastern Mālavā. This also proves the possibility of the above conflict. His relationship with the neighbouring king of the Gāhaļavāla dynasty was also not a cordial one. We know from a statement recorded in the Rambha-manjuri of Nayacandra that Jayacandra as a prince had inflicted a defeat on Madanavarman." Anyway, whatever may have been the intention of that statement, it is certain that both of them were on hostile terms.
A Jain inscription from Ahāra in the Tikamgarh district states that a city, by name Madaneśasāgarapur was founded by him after his name.
Paramardi: From the Candella grants it appears that Madanavarman was immediately succeeded by Paramardi. We have fortunately one image inscription from Mahobā of his period. It records the dedications of the image in V.E. 1224 (A.D. 1168), in the 'Pravardhamāna-kalyāņa-vijayarājya' of Paramardideva. We learn from the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha that Paramardi bore an epithet which made Jayacandra Gāhadavāla envious of him. Therefore, he attacked him and besieged his capital by name Kalyāņakațaka." From this anecdote we may conclude that from the time of Paramardi's predecessor Madanavarman both the kingdoms were hostile.
We are also informed that Paramardi "was involved in war with Prithvirāja, the king of the Sapädalakṣa country, and in the ensuing con
1 1A., XVIII, p. 341-44. 2 See supra p. 50. 3 See, infra p. 70. 4 ASR., XXI, p. 74, plate XXIII, G.
5 SJGM., II p. 90: The Aez 31948 1967 ataclarifat mit para: श्रत्वा श्री जयचन्द्रोऽसहमानस्तदुपरि ससैन्यश्चचाल। तद्देशभनं कुर्वाणः कल्याणकटकनानी राजधानीHTFTTH STOTI

Page #100

70
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
flict his army was defeated and he became a fugitive." This statement of Merutunga is strikingly corroborated by the Madanpur inscription and Cand's Rāso from which we know that he sustained a reverse in 1182-83 A.D. at the hands of Prithvirāja Cauhān, who occupied Mahobã and other fortresses in Bundelkhanda. But Paramardi escaped and afterwards recovered the lost ground. In 1202 A.D. he encountered the attack of Qutb-ud-Din and a little after he died.
We have fortunately one Jain inscription, dated V.E. 1237 (A.D. 1181), of his reign. It has been engraved on the pedestal of a Jain colossus of the Lord Säntināth at Ahära in the district of Tikamgarh, Madhya Pradeśa. It consists of 9 lines in Sanskst. It records a pedigree of a Jain merchant named Jāhad of Grahapati family who installed that colossus in the temple at Madaneśasāgarapura in the prosperous reign of Srimad Paramardideva.
This inscription shows that there was a city by name Madaneśasāgarapur, perhaps, founded after the name of king Madanavarman.
Paramardi was succeeded by his son Trailokyavarman who ruled for thirty-six years. Unluckily, we have no information about this king in the Jain sources, but about his son Viravarmadeva we have two Jain inscriptions recently discovered.
This first inscription has been found in the temple of Sāntināth near the Ajayapāla tank at Ajaigarh in Pannā District, Madhya Pradeśa. The inscription consists of three lines in Samskệt dated V.E. 1331 (A.D. 1275) in the reign of illustrious Vīravarmadeva. Perhaps it records the foundation of the temple by Ācārya Kumudacandra.
The second inscription has been found in the image pedestal of Santināth at Ajayagarh. This inscription consists of four lines in the Saṁskřt and records the installation of an image of śāntināth by a gentleman named Sodala in the prosperous reign of the illustrious Viravarmadeva in the year V.E. 1335 (A.D. 1278).
These two Jain epigraphs along with the other published seven records of Viravarmadeva show that he was a king of some note and was the ruler of his ancestral territories.
1 SJGM., I., p. 116: 7 ITE Siterea la TT » grattista Tar: HTTTA ez: a Tisa afa af .......... 9 TETTHETIHI
2 ASI., Wc., 1903-04, p. 55. 3 Premi Abhinandana Grantha, p. 625.
4 I am indebted to Mr. V. S. Pathak of the Banaras Hindu University for supplying these two inscriptions.

Page #101

THË DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
71
About the history of the successors of Viravarmadeva the Jain sources are almost silent.
Thus the following kings have come to light from the Jain sources:--
Yasovarman I
Dhanga (A.D. 954)
х
Vidyādhara (A.D. 1019)
Madanavarman (A.D. 1129-1163)
Paramardi
(A.D. 1167-1202)
Vīravarmadeva (A.D. 1261--1286)
II. THE KACCHAPAGHĀTAS
The Kacchapaghāțas were among those aspirants who became independent after the disintegration of the Gurjara-Pratīhāra power. There epi. graphic records show that they were masters of the area around Eastern Rājasthān and the region of Gwalior. They appear to be ruling over the small principalities of Gwalior, Dubkunda and Narwar. Two of these branches are known from the Jain inscriptions.
THE KACCHAPAGHĀȚAS OF GWALIOR: The history of this branch of the Kacchapaghāțas is mainly known from he Sāsabahü temple inscription of Mahipāla composed by a Jain author Yaśodeva Digambarärka.' (the sun of Digambaras, a well known sect of the Jains) who is also called in another inscription of this branch, as the Nirgranthanāth (the master of the Nirgranthas).This inscription has been found engraved on a slab inside the
1 TA., XV, pp. 33-46.
2 Ibid., p. 201-2, V, 23; a term used for the followers of Mahāvīra and in latter centuries only applied to the Digambara Jains.

Page #102

72
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
larger of the two temples called Sāsabahū kā Dehrā in the fortress of Gwalior. It is a large inscription containing 42 lines consisting of 112 Samskst verses and is dated V.E. 1150, in the reign of the eighth member of this branch by names Mahipāla. It belongs to a temple of Vişnu and has nothing to do with the Jains except that its author is a Jain. It, however, opens with the salutation of Padmanātha," a word which according to scholars, is the local name of Vişnu. But in my opinion, in spite of its being the local name of Vişnu, its use here by a Jain author may be interpreted as a pun which has double meaning: the one may be Vişnu as assumed by the scholars, and the other may be the sixth Tīrthankara of the Jains called by that name, whom the author invokes. The inscription devotes 4 verses invoking Aniruddha, the Lord of Uşā, perhaps the family deity of Mahipāla. Though the inscription is a large one, it, however, gives very little information of historical importance. It gives the following account of the seven predecessors of Mahīpāla.
Lakşmana: It states that the first prince of the line was Lakşmana who is described as 'Kacchapaghāța vamśa tilaka' and 'Kșaunīpati' and an object of reverence for all princes. He is also said to have wielded his bow, promoted the welfare of his subjects and unaided like Prțhu made the earth obedient to his will, and by his force extirpated even mighty princes." Nothing definite of his political achievements is mentioned in this inscription.
Vajradāman: Vajradāman was the son of Laksmana who is said to have defeated the then ruler of Gādhinagara and conquered the fort of Gopādri.* This prince seems to be of some importance. We have a small inscription incisd on the pedestal of the Jain image dated V.E. 1034, from Suhāniya near Gwalior, which gives the name Sri Vajradāma Mahārājādhirāja." If this Vajradāman is identified with Vajradāman, the son of Lakşmana, as generally held by scholars we get fortunately the date of his reign as V.E. 1034.6 The Gādhinagara of the inscription should be identified on the evidence of mythology with Kānyakubja (Kanauj). The ruler
1 sikatsíu. 9940 2 319 FTA: 4CH7171 : V. 5. frateEHFTTT.......725414F : airciaga : etc.
4 TEEMUTTA:...... TAHIT...... ...... Frauf ETT Tatatatata......
5 P. C. Nāhar, Jain Lekha-sangraha II, p. 94. N. 1431. 6 DHNI., II, p. 823. ? Tripathi, Dr. R. S. History of Kanauj, p. 12.

Page #103

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
of Kanauj at that time was the Pratihāra Vijayapāla (c. 959 A.D.-988 A.D.). It appears that by defeating him Vajradāman captured the fort of Gwalior. It, however, seems more probable that during the period of the weak rulers of the Pratihara dynasty, the Kacchapaghātas carved out their principality near about Gwalior. The title Mahārājādhirāja assumed by Vajradāman shows that he enjoyed sovereignty for some time. Since we know from the inscriptions of the Candellas that in Dhanga's reign (c. 954-1002 A.D.) their power reached up to the mountain called Gopagiri," we may assume that Vajradāman must have accepted the suzerainty of his more powerful eastern neighbour. In this light the title Mahārājādhiraja of Vajradāman should not be regarded as inconsistent, for we know that in that period the feudatories also bore that title."
Mangalaraja: Vajradāman was succeeded succeeded by Mangalaraja. He is said to have scattered his enemies as the thousand-rayed (sun) dispels darkness. As he ever offered worship to the Lord (Iśvara), so he was worshipped by thousands of great lords. An undated Ukha Mandir stone inscription at Bayānā near Bharatapur in Rājāsthān also refers to one Mangalaraja. On the basis of the script of the record, the scholars assumed that Mangalaraja of the Ukha mandir inscription is identical with this Mangalaraja of the Sasabahu inscription. The relationship of Mangalaraja with his predecessor is not mentioned in the inscription.
Kirtiraja: Mangalaraja was succeeded by Kirtirāja whose relationship with him is not indicated in the inscription. The record states that he "conquered in battle the countless hosts of the prince of Mälava. When he (Mālava prince) had met with defeat, the villagers surrounded their houses with the multitude of spears which through fear had fallen from the hands (of his soldiers) in every direction." He is also credited as a builder of a wonderful temple of Siva in the town of Simhapäniya. Unfortunately no dated record of this prince has yet been discovered from that region.
1 Ibid., p. 276.
2 EI., I, p. 129, V. 45.
Rajor stone inscription of Mathanadeva dated V. E. 1016 (A. D. 960); EI., III, pp. 263 ff.
• V. 8 ततोरिपुध्वान्त सहस्रधामा नृपोऽभवन्मंगल राजनामा ।
5 IA., XIV, pp. 9-10.
6 Ibid., p. 9.
: .
Vs. 9-10 श्री कीर्तिराजो नृपतिस्ततोऽभूयस्य मालव भूमिपस्य ।
• * .
• V. 11 अद्भुतः सिंहपानीयनगरे येन कारितः ।
10

73
.... प्रासादः पार्वतीपतेः ।

Page #104

74
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Müladeva: Kīrtiräja was succeeded by his son Müladeva who is also called Bhuvanapāla and Trailokyamalla." His body was decorated with the irreproachable marks of a universal sovereign. No political events of his reign are recorded in this inscription.
Müladeva was succeeded by Devapāla, his son from his queen Devabrata. Devapäla is also known as Aparājita. He is said to have surpassed Karna by his generosity, the son of Pārtha by his knowledge of the bow and Dharmarāja by his truthfulness.
Padmapāla: Mūladeva was succeeded by his son Padamapāla who was like Māndhāta, the ornament of universal sovereigns. He waged wars in all quarters, his armies are said to have marched even to the southernmost point of India. It is said that during his reign he built a temple of Hari (Vişnu), who was named after him Padmanātha. He died young. "He when still a youth, through the adversity of fortune, obtained a seat on the lap of Sankrandana (Indra)," thus states the inscription.
Manipāla: Mahīpāla succeeded Padmapāla. He is also known as Bhuvanaikamalla, who being described as son of Suryapāla and bhrātā of Padmapāla, probably was a cousin of the latter. No political event of note is known about him from the inscription except that a prince of the Gandharvas was defeated by him in a war. As the Sāsabahũ inscription is dated V.E. 1150 (the temple at which it is put up was only completed immediately after his coronotion), we may suppose that the latter event took place not long before V.E. 1150 (A.D. 1093). Mahīpāla's minister was Gaura.
The Dates from Kirtiraja to Padmapāla: As we have no dated records from Kirtirāja to Padmapāla, we may, however, assign some approximate dates to these princes on the basis of the Sāsabahü inscription. As the known date of Mahipāla from the inscription is V.E. 1150 (A.D. 1093) and as he is the fourth in lineal descent from Kirtirāja, if we assign for the sake of convenience 20 years for each of the kings and ten years for Padmapāla as he died young and some eight years to Mahīpāla before the inscription was actually dated, we may thus subtract 78 years from V.E. 1150 and would get V.E. 1072 (A.D. 1015) as the approximate date of
1 Vs. 12-13 2 V. 12. 3 V. 14: et qaat Je gaatfattati ditt 4 Vs. 15-17 5 Vs. 31-67. 6 यस्य गीर्वाणमन्त्री च गौरोऽभवत्।
1474:

Page #105

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
7
Kirtirāja. He, therefore, may be assigned to a period V.E. 1072-1092 (A.D. 1015-35) and thus he becomes a contemporary of the Candella Vidyādhara (1019 A.D.) and the Paramāra Bhoja (999-1055 A.D.). He is said to have defeated a Mālava king who may possibly be identified with king Bhoja. In the Dubkunda Jain inscription Bhoja is said to have surrendered to the Kacchapaghāța Abhimanyu. We also know from the Candella inscription as well as the Dubkunda Jain inscription that the Kacchapaghāțas were the feudatories of the Candellas," and it is most probable that, with the assistance of the Candellas, they defeated the Paramāra king Bhoja. It is recorded in a Candella inscription that 'Bhoja worshipped Vidyādhara, full of fear like a pupil' which certainly indicates here that Kīrtirāja, a contemporary of Vidyādhara, must have won battle against the powerful Mālava ruler, not without the assistance of his sovereign, the Candella king.
According to our suggestion the reign of Kirtirāja's son Mūladeva may be assigned to the period from 1092 to 1112 V.E. (1035-55 A.D.). The statement that "his body was decorated with the auspicious marks of a universal sovereign," shows that he might have gained some sort of sovereignty during his period. We, however, have the ground to infer this fact. As it is generally supposed that the period between the reigns of Vidyādhara (1019 A.D.) and Kirtivarman (1098 A.D.) is one of the darkest chapters in the history of the Candellas, during their weak rule, it is likely that Müladeva must have gained independence by repudiating the suzerainty of the Candella. His other two names, viz., Bhuvanapāla and Trailokyamalla, show him a man of power. His one name Trailokyamalla, most probably adopted after the imitation of the names of the kings belonging to the Cālukya dynasty of Kalyāņi, shows some sort of contact between the two kings of the period.
Devapāla's period in the above way may also be assigned from V.E. 1112 to V.E. 1132 (A.D. 1055-1075) and the period of his son Padmapāla as calculated above would be from V.E. 1132 to 1142 (A.D. 1075-1085). The period of Padmapāla's successor Mahīpāla may have begun from V.E. 1142. We have a definite date of the commencement of his reign from the Sāsabahū inscription, that is, V.E. 1150 (1093 A.D.), when the temple of Hari (Padmanāth) was completed, and as a fragmentary Jain inscription from Gwalior, composed by the same Yaśodeva Nirgranthanātha, dated V.E. 1161
1 See infra p. 78. 2 See infra p. 79. 3 EI., I, pp. 219 and 222. V. 22. 4 DHNI., II, pp. 694 ff.

Page #106

76
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
informs us that Mahipāla died some time before that date, we may assign him a period from c. V.E. 1142 (A.D. 1085) to V.E. 1161, a period of 19 years. His second name Bhuvanaikamalla, like one borne by the princes of the Cālukya dynasty of Kalyāni, further confirms our assumption that the Kacchapaghāțas must have had some contact with the rulers of Kalyāņi.
We, thus, have two inscriptions concerning his reign, both composed by the Jain author Yaśodeva. Many verses in the Sāsabahū inscription contain a fulsome praise of king Mahipāla, a practice so common among Indian poets. The main object of the inscription is to record the completion of the half-finished temple of Hari by Mahīpāla soon after his coronation which he had promised to complete. Verses 71-102 mostly give the detailed list of the charitable institutions connected with the temple, the portions of his revenue devoted by him to the erection of the temple buildings, the idols that he gave to the shrines, the ornaments he presented to them, the arrangements he made and the implements he furnished for their worship.
Yaśodeva, the author of the inscription: The author says about himself that he is a Digambarärka (a sun among the Digambaras), who enjoys the friendship of the sage (sūri) Manikantha in which Pratapalankeśvaravāc shares and who is poet in all languages. The inscription mentions that its letters were written by this poet who was well versed in all languages, and the praśasti was composed by Manikantha by order of the king. I do not understand what is meant by these two statements. It is strange that the writer of the letters is a poet in all languages while the composer Manikantha seems to have been an ordinary poet, for, nothing is said of him in the inscription. In my opinion it seems more probable that Manikantha, while enjoying the patronage of king Mahipāla and carrying out his order to compose a praśasti, may have given the ideas to the poet and the poet, on behalf of his friend Manikantha, may have composed it, or we may also assume that Manikantha himself attempted to compose it hurriedly at first and gave it to Yaśodeva for correction and improvement. Thus the real composer of the praśasti appears to be Yaśodeva.
The second inscription almost settles the date of the death of Mahīpāla. Stanza 23 records that this inscription was composed by Nirgranthanātha Yaśodeva. It has been found in the fortress of Gwalior and mentions the Kacchapaghāța princes from Bhuvanapāla (who is the fifth of
1 IA., XV, pp. 201-202. 2 प्रतापलंकेश्वर वाद्वितीयां विभ्रत्सुहत्ता मणिकण्ठसूरेः। अशेषभाषासुकविर्लिलेख वर्णान्यशोदेवदिगम्बरार्कः। 3 नृपाज्ञया रचिता मणिकण्ठेन प्रशस्तिरियमुज्ज्वला।

Page #107

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
this branch) to Mahipala. The latter is said there as the adhipati of Gopalikera (probably the original form and the immediate source of the modern name Gwalior). The inscription is fragmentary. Verses 7-9 seem to refer to the death of Mahipala, and must have recorded the name of his successor; but unfortunately it is not found in the portion preserved. The object of this inscription is to record the setting up of a linga when 1161 years had elapsed from the reign of Vikramärka.1
77
We do not know of the successors of Mahipala from the Jain sources. The Kacchapaghatas of Dubkunda: The history of the Dubkunda branch of the dynasty is also known from a Jain inscription. This inscription is a large one and was discovered in the ruins of a temple at Dubkunda in a dense forest on the left bank of the river Kunu, 76 miles to the south-west of Gwalior. It consists of 61 lines in Samskṛt opening with 'Om Om Namo Vitarāgāya' and 6 verses invoking the Jain Tirthankaras Rṣabhanath, Santinath, Candraprabha, Sanmati (Mahavira), sage Gotama and the goddess of Scripture (Srutadevata). The inscription is fortunately dated V.E. 1145 (A.D. 1088), in the reign of Vikramasimha. The object of the inscription is to record the grant made by Mahārājādhirāja Vikramasimha to a temple.
From the genealogy of Kacchapaghatas given in this inscription we know of the following kings:
Yuvaraja; his son Arjuna; his son Abhimanyu; his son Vijayapala and his son Vikramasimha.
The record introduces them as follows:
"There was an ornament of the Kacchapaghața family, and a son of the illustrious Yuvaraja, who was white with fame that spread abroad in the three worlds, the illustrious prince (Bhüpati) Arjuna, a leader of a formidable army of unparalleled splendour, a prince whom even the ocean did not equal in depth, and a bow-man who by his skill in archery had completely vanquished the earth. Having, anxious to serve the illustrious Vidyadhara-deva, fiercely slain in a great battle the illustrious Rajyapala, with many showers of arrows that pierced his neckbones, he unceasingly filled all the three worlds with his imperishable fame, brilliant like pearl strings and like the orb of the moon and the foam of the sea."3

1 IA., XV, pp. 201-202.
2 EI., II, pp. 232-240.
3 EI, II, pp. 233, 237, lines 10 - 13 : आसीत्कच्छपघातवंशतिलकस्त्रैलोक्यनिर्यद्यशः ।
पाण्डु श्रीयुवराजस्नुरसमद्युद्भीमसेनानुगः ॥ [ Contd.]

Page #108

78
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
"Having powerfully vanquished in battle even the victorious Abhimanyu valued other princes as lightly as a straw. Since the highly intelligent king, the illustrious Bhoja, has widely celebrated the skill which he showed in his marvellous management of horses and chariots, and in the use of powerful weapons, what sage in the three worlds would be able to describe the qualities of this prince, who put to flight haughty. adversaries by the fear inspired by the mere sight of his umbrella?""
These passages refer to the three important rulers, i.e., Rajyapala, Vidyadhara and Bhoja in connection with the three rulers of the dynasty respectively. The identification of Rajyapala and Vidyadhara with the Gurjara-Pratihära (A.D. 1018) and Candella (A.D. 1019) princes of the same name is generally accepted. It seems that the fame and prestige gained. by Arjuna in destroying Räjyapala, must have laid the foundations of his family's fortune. As he is called 'Bhüpati' he may have carved out a small principality round about the present Dubkund on the river Kunu. This record also denotes that Arjuna was a feudatory of Vidyadhara who is described by Ibnu'l-Athir as the most powerful prince of his time. It appears that the Dubkunda branch first grew into prominence under the great Candella Vidyadhara.
Bhoja of this record is generally identified with the Paramāra king of that name (c. 999-55 A.D.). As we know from the Candella inscription that
श्रीमानर्जुनभूपतिः पतिरपामप्याप तत्तुल्यतां । नो गाम्भीर्यगुणेन निर्जितजंग ( द ) न्वीधनुर्विद्यया ॥ श्री विद्याधर देवकार्यनिरतः श्री राज्यपाल हठात् । कण्ठा स्थिच्छिदने वाण निवर्हत्वा महत्याहवे ।। डिण्डीरावलिचन्द्र मण्डल मिलन्मुक्ताकलापोज्ज्वलैस्त्रैलोक्यं सकलं यशोभिरचलैर्योऽजस्त्रमापूरयत् ॥
Ibid. lines 17-19 सुनुनुगं विजयिनोप्याजी विजित्योर्जितं । जातोऽस्मादभिमन्युरन्यनृपतीनामन्यमानस्तृणम् ॥ यस्याद्भुतवाहवाहन महाशस्त्रप्रयोगादिषु ।
प्रावीण्यं प्रविकत्थितं प्रथुमति श्रीभोजपृथ्वीभुजा ॥ च्छत्रालोकनमात्र जातभयतो दृप्तारिभङ्गप्रद
स्यास्य स्याद्गुणवर्णने त्रिभुवने को लब्धवर्णः प्रभुः ॥
3 [ Contd.]
2 See supra pp. 45 and 66. Chap. on the Gurjara Pratihāras and Candellas.
• श्री विद्याधर देवकार्यनिरतः ।
* DHNI., I, p. 593: II, pp. 677-78.

Page #109

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
79
*Bhoja was worshipping Vidyadhara full of fear like a pupil," it seems that he might have been under the command of Abhimanyu, whose father was a feudatory of the Candellas. Bhoja's defeat by Kirtiraja of Gwālior branch of the Kacchapaghāța also confirms this fact.?
Nothing definite is stated about Abhimanyu's son Vijayapāla in the Dubkunda inscription.
Another Jain inscription called Bayănā Stone inscription refers to one Adhirāja Vijaya. This was discovered on a pilaster of a Jain temple, now used by Muslims as a mosque, in the town of Bayānā near Bharatapur, in Rājāsthăn. It contains 18 lines, opening with 'Om Om Namah Siddhebhyaḥ,' It then records that in the kingdom of king Adhirāja Vijaya (line 5) in the city of Sripatha, there was a Jain teacher (sūri) named Maheśvara, a leader of the Svetāmbar belonging to the Kāmyaka gaccha, who occupied the seat of Vişnusūri. It records that Maheśvarasūri passed away when V.E. 1100 was drawing to its close. The praśasti was incised by Sādhu Sarvadeva in V.E. 1100 (A.D. 1043).
Kielhorn had identified this Adhirāja Vijaya with the Kacchapaghāța prince of that name referred to in the Dubkunda inscription. It thus denotes that the Bayānā region was conquered by this branch some time before 1044 A.D. from the Gwālior branch, one of whose inscriptions, dated in the reign of Mangalarāja (c. 955-1015 A.D.), was discovered in 'Ukhā mandir' at Bayānā.
Vijayapāla's son and successor was Vikramasimha. Nothing particular is recorded of him in the Dubkunda inscription.
From line 31 upto the end, the Dubkunda inscription is also important from the social and religious point of view. It gives the genealogy of Rși and Dāhada, two Jain traders, on whom Vikramasimha had conferred the rank of Sreşthins in the town Cadobha (modern Dubkunda). The Sreșthin Jāsuka, their grandfather, is described as the head of a family or guild of merchants which had come from Jayasapura. Lines 39-48 contain an account of some Jain sages belonging to the Lātavāgața-gana, the last of whom, Vijayakirti, not only composed this inscription, but also induced the people to build the temple at which the inscription was afterwards engraved. One
1 EI., I., pp. 219-222., V. 22. 2 See supra p. 75. 3 IA., XIV, pp. 8-10. Lines 6-II and 17-18. 4 lbid. 5 Ibid.

Page #110

80
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
of these sages, the Guru Säntisena, teacher of Vijayakīrti, is said to have held a sabhā before king Bhojadeva and defeated hundreds of disputants who had assailed Ambaraşena and other learned men.
The prose passage, commencing in line 54, records that the Maharājādhirāja Vikramasimha 'for the building of the temple and for keeping it in good repair, as well as for purpose of worship, assigned a tax of one viņšopaka on each goņi (of grain) and gave a piece of land in the village of Mahācakra, capable of being sown with four goạis of wheat, and a garden with a well to the east of Rājakadraha; and that he also provided a certain amount of oil for lamps and for annointing the bodies of holy men. The praśasti was written on stone by Udayarāja and engraved by the Silākūța Tilhaņa. The date V.E. 1145 (A.D. 1088) comes in the last line.
It seems that Vikramasimha was the last prince of this branch. No successor is known of him from any source.
The members of the Kacchapaghātas from the Jain sources are the following:
The Gwalior Branch
The Dubkunda Branch
(c. 950-1100 A.D.)
(c. 1000-1100 A.D.) Yuvarāja (c. 1000)
Laksmana (950-75)
Vajradāman (c. 975-95)
Arjuna (c. 1015-35 A.D.)
Abhimanyu (c. 1035-44 A.D.)
Mangalarāja (c. 995-1015) Kīrtirāja (c. 1015-35)
Vijayapāla (c. 1044-70)
Vikramasimha (c. 1070-1100)
Mūladeva alias Bhuvanapāla
and Trailokyapāla
(c. 1035-55) Devapāla (c. 1055-75)
Padmapāla (c. 1075-80)
Mahipāla alias Bhuvanaikamalla
(c. 1080-1100)
1 गोणीम्प्रति विशोपकं गोधूमगोणीचतुष्टवापयोग्यक्षेत्रं च महाचक्रग्रामभमौ रजकद्रहपूर्व दिग्भागवाटिकां वापिसमन्विताम् ।
2 प्रदीपमुनिजनशरीराभ्यंजनार्थ करघटिकाद्वयं च दत्तवान् ।

Page #111

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
III. THE KALACŪRIS OF DĀHALA
The Kalacũri is an important branch of the Haihayas, a very ancient race, which traces its origin from Sahasrărjuna. They have been referred to in the epigraphs from the sixth century A.D. down to the 15th century. Their early capital was at Māndhātā,” which later came to be known as Māhişmati.
The earliest reference to the Kalacūris during our period is found in the Jain inscription of Ravikirti from Aihole (634 A.D.), wherein it is stated that the Cālukya king Mangaleśa defeated them in the course of an expedition to the north. It seems that at that time the pressure of their power was felt in the Deccan. But during the later period, they extended their sway farther to the north upto the Tarāi and it became possible only after the gradual decline and downfall of the Gurjara Pratīhāras.
Gängeyadeva: We learn from the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha that Găigeya Kumāra, a prominent ruler of the dynasty, is called lord of Vārānasi (Vārāṇasīpati) whose reign is generally assigned from c. 1019 A.D. to 1041 A.D.4
It is known from the history of the dynasty that Gāngeyadeva was a powerful monarch of the Dāhala branch of Kalacūris. The Piawān rock inscription shows that Gāngeyadeva succeeded his father named Kokalla II as a king of Dāhala," and supports the extension of his power upto the Gangā in the north. The fact that Vārāṇasi was in possession of Ganga (Gängeya) is remarkably confirmed by the Moslem historians. Abu Baihaqi tells us in his work, the Tarikh-i-Subuktigin, that when Ahmed Niyaltigin, (c. 1030-40 A.D.) invaded Banaras (c. 1034 A.D.), that city belonged to the territory of Ganga.
The increasing power of Gāngeyadeva caused much anxiety to the contemporary king Paramāra Bhoja. The Bhoja-Gängeya-prabandha of the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha refers to a defeat of Gāngeyadeva at the hands of king Bhoja. It states that once Gāngeyadeva of Vārāṇasī invaded
astrideritaan
1 DV., Canto IX, V. 39 records that Puranic version : ध्वापतायते।
2 DHNI., II, pp. 738-39. 3 EI., VI, p. 2: 3patata Torta care sati 4 SJGM., II, p. 20: PRAT: Tor: 1 5 ASR., XXI, pp. 112-13 and plate XXVIII. 6 DHNI., II, p. 773. 11

Page #112

82
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Bhoja, lord of Mälava, with huge army. Bhoja also offered a good defence. But through certain diplomatic tactics, Bhoja found the way and assaulted Gängeya. Gängeya was captured and taken away to Dhārā. This statement of the Jain chroniclers is strikingly confirmed by the Pārijātamañjari of Madana which refers to the fact that the Paramāra king) Bhoja (c. 101055 A.D.) had his desires speedily fulfilled for a long time at the festive defeat of Gängeya (Gängeya-bhangotsava). Hultzsch rightly identified this prince with the Kalacūri Gāngeya of Tripuri.
Lakşmi karna: Gängeyadeva was succeeded by his son Karņa, born from queen Demati.” He is also known as Lakşmikarna. The names of his two immediate successors, Yaśaḥkarna and Gayākarņa, perhaps, show that Lakşmīkarna was his real name. But in records he is introduced by the shortened form Karna.
The Jain chroniclers depict him as one of the greatest Indian conquerors. He maintained and perhaps enhanced the glory of his kingdom inherited from his father. The following description of this prince is given by Forbes, a foremost historian of Gujarāta, whose most of the accounts are based on the statements of the Jain chroniclers.
"At that time the Rājā, named Kurun, reigned in Dahul Land, the modern Tipera, and over the sacred city of Käshee or Banaras. He was the son of Queen Demut, distinguished for her religious observances, who lost her life in giving him birth. Being born under a good star, this king extended his territory towards all four points of the compass. One hundred and thirty-six kings worshipped the lotus-feet of Kurun." In the same context, the author of Rāsamālā records the tradition that "envious of the fame of the lord of Oojain, Kurun prepared to attack Bhoja and in that connection arranged an interview with Bheemadeva at a frontier village, and procured from him a promise that he would make a diversion by attacking Mālava from the west. Bhoja associated
1 PPS., p. 20: 141 arrotetora: ... T 941) ... ga ATATZT AS4Fmisi af 415 ... 39: 1
4477 ... "TH12 TUHT : 1 ? DHNI., II, p. 774. 3 PC., p. 49: Easitet sit Actat Erificati T...
THE HCHATTI
* EI., I. p. 222, V. 26 of a Candella inscription from Mahoba. 6 Cf. ftadikafa af: 47: wt 16UTIT PC., p. 51.
• Ibid., p. 51: TR ft TIFY fare AEST FESTETTU freteतदीयसीमनगरे श्री कर्णः श्री भीममजूहवत् ।

Page #113

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
83
with the two kings and unable from indisposition to take the field against them, contented himself with occupying by his troops the mountain passes leading into his country. Dāmara was at this time employed by his sovereign as his representative in the camp of Rājā Kurun.? Bheema dispatched a messenger to Dāmara for intelligence and the ambassador taught him a verse which he repeated on his return to the king of Goozarat: "The fruit on the mango tree is fully ripened, the stalk has become loosened, with much wind the bough shakes, the end I know not.''3 When Bheema heard this verse he determined upon remaining inactive. Then Forbes records that "having informed of the death of Bhoja, Kurun Rājā advanced upon Dhār, which he destroyed taking possession of the Royal treasury."
Then we learn from the same narrative that Bhima's minister Damara imprisoned Karna for some time in order to realise the booty. Karna then arranged to give him one golden canopy and the revenue of the temple of Lord Śiva. The Jain monk Hemacandra states that Bhima I made an incursion on Karņa of Cedi, but Karņa offered the golden canopy which was the bloomed fame (Samjulla-kīrti)of Bhoja to him, made an alliance with him.”
The fact that Bhoja was jointly attacked by the kings of Gurjara, Kalacūris and Karnāța is also supported by the Nāgpur Stone inscription of the Paramāras.
Gayākarna: Lakşmikarna was succeeded by his son Yaśaḥkarna about whom we have no account in Jain sources. He was succeeded by his son Gayākarna. Regarding this king also we have nothing to say except that
1 Cf. Ibid., p. 51: 379T TETT T TXIT Haurrat 21 T 29 famionदर्पविषो बभूव।
2 Ibid., p. 51: eft vtA:Forfforartit H ararenie THE 27T1=1371919 खपुरुषेण पप्रच्छ। 3 Ibid., p. 51: 37725 947 faoi fare HH5T Taviti
साहामहणसीला न याणिमो कजपरिणामो॥ 4 Ibid., p. 52: 15 TTf fearrasaraf ST FA TETT
भंग सूत्रयतोपरुध्य नृपतिभीमः सहायीकृतः॥ तभृत्येन च दामरेण जगृहे बन्दीकृतात्कर्णतो।
हैमी मण्डपिका गणाधिपयुतः श्रीनीलकण्ठेश्वरः ॥ 5 DV., Vs. 1-57: IX at they are for TFHTELI
श्रीवासोत्फुल्लपद्माभा हरस्परि कृशश्रियम् ॥ 6 El., pp. 185, 192, V. 32.

Page #114

84
there is an anecdote which relates an attack on Gujarăta by a Karpa in the time of Kumarapala. The Prabandha-cintamani of Merutunga tells us:
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
"Once when the Caulukya Kumarapala of Aṇahilapäṭaka was going on a pilgrimage, he was informed by a couple of messengers (Yugalikā), who came from a foreign country that Karpa, king of Dahala, was marching against him. His forehead was beaded with drops or perspiration, and he abandoned, out of fear, his desire of being head of the congregation, and came with the minister Vägbhața and blamed himself at the feet of Hemacandra. The story runs that the Jain sage assured his disciple that in the 12th watch from this time your mind will be relieved. At the appointed time Kumarapala was informed that 'Karna had gone. to heaven'.2 Karna, we are told, was making a march at night, seated on an elephant, and allowed his eyes to close in sleep, and while he was in this state, a gold chain that he wore on his neck, caught in a banyan. tree, and hanged him, and so he died."
Since the reign of Kumarapala ranged between c. 1144-73 A.D., his contemporary king of Dahala referred to as Karga must be Gayäkarna. As regards the details of the story we should not place any reliance without independent corroboration. This much we may infer from the story that Gayakarna might have started this attack in his old age and before reaching his destiny he collapsed.
We know nothing about his successors from the Jain sources.
Thus Gängeya, Lakşmikarna, and Gayākarna, the only three kings of the dynasty, are known from the Jain sources of our period.
1 PC., PP. 92, 93 : त्वां प्रति डाहलदेशीयकर्णनृपतिरुपैति ....
* Ibid: समागतयुगलिकया श्रीकर्णे दिवंगत इति विज्ञप्तः ।

- कुमारपालादि प्रबन्धे तीर्थयात्रा प्रबन्धः )

Page #115

CHAPTER VI THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA (continued)
THE PARAMĀRAS. After the decline of the Gurjara Pratibāra power started and before the throne of Kanauj was occupied by the kings of the Gāhadavāla dynasty, the political power in Avanti shifted into the hands of the Paramāra kings. We know that the region of Mālava was for a long time a veritable bone of contention between the Pratīhāras and their inveterate enemies, the Răştrakūtas of Mänyakheţa, who conquered it during the northward incursion of Dhruva Nirupama, Govinda III, Indra III and Krşna III. None of them could, however, hold Ujjain permanently. We know from the Pratāpagarh inscription that upto V.E. 1003 (946 A.D.) the territory of Mālava was under the control of the Pratihāra rulers. After this it seems that the sway of the Pratihāras totally disappeared from Mālava and Western India. Their hold over Mālava: The first recorded date of the Paramāra rulers is obtained from the Harasola copper plates grant, wherein Siyaka, the father and predecessor of Vākapati II, is described as ruling over that region in V.E. 1005 (949 A.D.). The last date for Siyaka is V.E. 1029 as known from the Jain Dhanapāla's Päiyalacchi-kośa, wherein it is stated that Dhanapala prepared the work in V.E. 1029 when Mānyakheța was looted by the king of Mālava." This fact is corroborated by that of the Udayapur (Gwalior) prasastio wherefrom we know that this king of Mālava was no other than Siyaka, as it is stated there in verse No. 12 that Sīyaka took away the wealth of king Khoțţiga of Mānyakheța. Since the period from 949 to 972 A.D. assigned to Siyaka is regarded as a period of the decadence of the Pratihāra monarchy, it seems that Siyaka availed of the favourable chances during this period to increase his power by occupying the province of Mālava. Origin: The Jain poet Dhanapāla, who was one of the court poets of king Muñja and his successors, tracing out the genealogy of the Paramāras, states:
"The Gurjaras of the mountain Abū still sing the glory of the king
1 V. 276: fa lse E 350TYTIR HEFRAI
मालवणरिन्दधाणीए लूडिए मण्णखेडम्मि॥ 2 EI., I., p. 234 ff.

Page #116

86
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Paramara who sprang from the fire-pit of the sage Vasistha, who was defeated by Visvamitra'.'
This, the then prevalent mythological version of Paramära origin, is also attested by the Udayapur prašasti, wherein in Vs. 5-6 it is stated that once Visvamitra robbed the cow of the sage Vasistha. This action enraged the sage and then, out of his supernatural power, he created a man from his sacrificial pit, who later on killed (mära) the foes (parān) and got back the cow. This fact is also corroborated by the Navasähasanka-carita of the poet Padmagupta (Parimala) and from various bardic and epigraphic traditions, which agree in tracing the origin of the Paramāras from a fire-pit on Mt. Abu. European and Indian scholars have interpreted this myth to mean that the Paramāras belonged to the Hüpa Gurjara stocks and after the performance of some fire ceremony, they became fit to be admitted into the Hindu caste-system.
But the discovery of the Harasola copper plates1 sets aside this speculation. The earliest records which contain the reference to the fire-pitorigin, mostly belong to about the middle of the eleventh century A.D., while the Harasola copper plates are nearly a century older and do not refer to this origin. On the contrary they plainly state that Bappairāja (Väkpatirāja I) was descended from the family (kula) of the Raṣṭrakūta Akālavarṣa (Krsna III). From this it can be concluded that the Paramāras were members of the Râşṭrakūta race and they originally belonged to the Deccan.
A question naturally arises here: what was the motive in hiding or omitting the descent from such an illustrious race? The answer to this question is not wanting in history and certain indirect references from the Jain sources throw light on this point. One Jain inscription from Sravana Belagola of the time of the Ganga prince Märasimha, dated the Saka year 896 (974 A.D.), informs us that he (Märasimha) conquered the northern regions for Kṛṣṇa III and thereby acquired the title of the king of Gujarata.5
1 Tilakamañjari, V. 39
वाशिष्ठैः स्म कृतस्त्रयो वरशतैरस्त्यग्निकुण्डोवो ।
भूपाल: परमार इत्यभिधया ख्यातो महीमण्डले || अद्याप्युद्रत हर्षगद्रदगिरो गायन्ति यस्यार्बुदे । विश्वामित्रजयोज्झितस्य भुजयोर्विस्फूर्जितं गुर्जराः ॥
2 EI., I., p. 234.
3 I., V. 8.
4 PTOC. (Madras), 1924, pp. 303-08; EI., XIX, pp. 236 ff.
6 EI., V, p. 179: कृष्णराजोत्तरदिग्विजय विदितगुर्जराधिराजस्य ।
See also Jain Silälekha Sangraha, Pt. I, Ed. by Dr. H.L. Jain, p. 17.

Page #117

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
The Holkari inscriptions No. 23 and 33 dated 968 and 965 A.D. respectively, refer to two Marasimha's captains, Sudrakayya and Goggiyamma, as Ujjayinibhupaigas. We know from the Harasola inscription that the north Gujarāta and Mälava were ruled by Siyaka Paramāra during this period. It seems that formerly he was appointed by Kṛṣṇa III to rule those provinces but, due to certain favourable circumstances he thought to become independent. The above references indicate that Krsna III had led an expedition to suppress Siyaka. Thus an intense hostility was roused and we learn from the Päiyalacchi of Dhanapala that (in retaliation) Siyaka sacked the city of Mänyakheta and looted the wealth (of Khottiga, the successor of Kṛṣṇa III).2
87
It seems now plausible that the consequent hostility between the two families and other subsequent wars between them in later times which created bitterness and disgust, may be regarded as the supreme reason for suppressing the origin from the southern Răştrakūtas."
We find the Paramāra families ruling over various regions of Western India but from the Jain sources we know only of the Paramāras of Malava, Arbuda, Banswārā, and Kirāḍu. They will be described in different chapters according to their regions.
PARAMARAS OF MALAVA
From Dhanapala's Tilakamañjari as well as from the literary and epigraphic sources of the Paramāras we learn that an eponymous Paramāra was the first man of the dynasty but from Harasola plates, Bapparāja appears to be the historical person.
The Tilakamanjari mentions Vairisimha (II) as the first historical personage. Speaking about him the poet Dhanapala says: "he was a parasu to cut the creeper in the form drawing lines upon the check of the wives of the enemies and was like a wall of shore of four-seas to break the teeth of strong military elephants." Then he states that Vairisimha was succeeded by his son Sriharṣa or Siyaka who was the abode of Sri.5

1 EI., XIX, p. 287.
2 V. 276 : मालवणरिन्दधाणीए लूडिए मण्णखेडम्मि ।
3 DHNI., Pt. II, p. 842.
4 Kävyamālā, LXXXV, p. 5. V. 40:
तस्मिन्नभूद्रिपुकलत्रकपोलपत्र । वल्लीवितानपरशुपरमार वंशः ॥ श्रीवैरिसिंह इति दुर्धर सैन्यदन्ति । दन्ताग्रभिन्न चतुरर्णवकूलभित्तिः ॥ [s] Ibid, V. 41 तत्राभूद्रसतिः श्रियामपरया श्रीहर्ष इत्याख्यया भूपः खर्वितवैरिगर्वमहिमा श्री सीयकः ।

Page #118

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Siyaka begot two sons, first Vākpatirāja alias Muñja and second Sindhurāja. Speaking of Vākpatirāja the poet says that he was the first among the heroes and through the prowess of his bow he had measured all the four parts of the world. About Sindhurāja he states that he was a man of great fame, a leader of heroes and a lion for the line of rutting elephants of Indra.? Sindhurāja had a son named Bhoja whose feet were full of auspicious signs and whom considering affectionately very fit for the abode of majesty, the king Vākpatirāja alias Muñja annointed on the throne.”3 Dhanapāla was a prominent poet. He lived at the court of king Bhoja and for the gratification of the king he composed a romance entitled Tilakamañjari.* The poet speaking about himself says that he was honoured in the court by king Muñja who conferred on him the title 'Sarasvati. The two Jain inscriptions, the one found in the Lūniga temple dated V.E. 1287 and the other found in the Vimal temple dated V.E. 1378 (which also records the event of V.E. 1080), both at the Mt. Ābū, supply us the genealogy of the Paramāras of Arbuda. Having referred to the eponymous Paramāra in the same manner as described above, the one records Dhūmarāja as the original and remote member of the branch and the other states Kānhadadeva (Krşnadeva). In the opinion of scholars both are the names of the same king, Dhūma and Kșşņa being synonyms. They also assume that this Kānhadadeva or Dhūmarāja may be Krsnarāja from whom Vākpati II traces his descent in his grants. If this assumption is right, we have one more though a remote member of this branch from the Jain sources.
1 Ibid., V. 42: तस्य ....सुतः। सिंहो....श्री सिन्धुराजोऽभवत्। श्रीमद्वाक्पतिराजदेव नृपतिवीराग्रणीरग्रजः।
2 V. 42: तस्योदग्रयशः समस्तसुभटनामाग्रगामी सुतः। सिंहोदुर्दरशक्रसिन्धुरततेः श्री सिन्धुराजोऽ भवत्। एकाधिज्यचतुर्जिताब्धिवलयाविच्छिन्नभूर्यस्य सः। श्रीमद्वाक्पति राजदेवनृपतिर्वी राग्रगीरग्रजः । 3 V. 43: आकीर्णाध्रितलः सरोजकलशच्छत्रादिभिलाञ्छनैः ।
तस्याजायतमांसलायतभुजः श्री भोजइत्यात्मजः । प्रीत्या योग्य इति प्रतापवसतिः ख्यातेन मुजाख्यया।
यः स्वे वाक्पतिराजभूमिपतिना राज्येऽभिषिक्त: स्वयम् ॥ • V. 50: निःशेष वाङ्मयविदोऽपि जिनागमोक्ताः श्रोतुं कथा: समुपजातकुतूहलस्य।
तस्यावदातचरितस्य विनोदहेतोः राज्ञः स्फुटाद्भुतरसा रचिता कथेयम् ॥ 5 V.53: ....सर्वविद्याब्धिना।
श्रीमुजेन सरस्वतीति सदसि क्षोणीभृता व्याहृतः॥ B Arbuda Pra. Jain-Lekha, Pt. II., pp. 2, 99. see also EI., VIII, pp. 200-04, 208-19%; and IX, pp. 151, 155-56.

Page #119

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
07
All this is the Jain account regarding the genealogy of the Paramāras. According to the other literary and epigraphic sources Upendrarāja alias Kịşəarāja; then Vairisimha l; then Siyaka I; then Vākpatirāja I alias Bappairāja appear to be the personages before Vairisimha of the Jain account. Upendrarāja alias Kļşnarāja is the same as Dhūmarāja or Kānhadadeva of the Jain inscription. It seems, however, that Vairisimha and his successors Siyaka and Muñja etc., were more important figures than the other predecessors. That is why they have been recorded by all.
The revised genealogy of the Paramāras according to the Jain sources from the first member upto Bhoja is thus arranged:
Paramāra Krsnarāja alias Dhūmarāja
Vairisimha
Sīyaka
Vākpatirāja, Muñja
Sindhuraja
Bhoja Siyaka: We do not know much of Vairisimha and his activities except what is reported of him in the Tilakamañjari. His son Siyaka seems to be a more powerful ruler than his father and to him are attributed all the merits of raising the glory of the newly founded dynasty. He is said to have defeated all the adversaries who opposed him in his war of independence, and threw up the yoke of his sovereign Rāştrakūtas. We have seen above that according to Paiyalacchi he sacked and plundered Manyakheța, the capital city of Rāştrakūtas in retaliation.
According to Bühler he was also known as Simhabhata in Merutunga's Prabandha-cintamani. The various recensions of Prabandha-cintāmaņi suggest that he was also known as Simhadantabhata and Śrīharşa. In the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha he is called as Siṁha.? Bühler assumed that the complete name probably was Harşasimha (Harakhsimha). The Tilakamañjari retains Sriharşa and Sri Siyaka as the names of Siyaka. Philologically Siyaka appears to be a half Prākştic corruption of Simhaka.
1 See supra p. 87. 2 SJGM., II, p. 13. 3 EI., I., p. 225. 12

Page #120

90
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The Harasola plates give him an earliest date as V.E. 1005 or 949 A.D. and describe him as Mahamandalika, which means he was a feudatory chief of the Rästrakūtas. His date, supplied by Paiyalacchi, is as V.E. 1029, the year when the poet Dhanapåla composed his work for his sister Sundari and when Mänyakheta was sacked and looted by the Malava king. All this shows that he reigned for about twenty-five years.
Vakpati Muñja: The earliest known date of Siyaka's successor Väkpati II from his inscription is V.E. 1031 (c. 975 A.D.). There is a long and interesting story regarding Muñja in the Prabandha-cintamani, which is as follows:
"Long ago in the very country of Mälava a king named Simhabhata of the race of Paramära, as he was roaming about on his royal circuit, saw in the midst of a thicket of reeds a certain male child of exceeding beauty that had been just born. He took it up as lovingly as if it were his own son and made it over to his queen. The child was named Muñja with reference to his origin. After that, a son was born to the king named Sindhala." It is further narrated that having been attracted by the good qualities of Muñja, Simhabhata did not lessen his love towards him and decided to bestow his kingdom on him. Accordingly Muñja was enthroned and he conquered the earth by his valour. Then he entrusted the rein of kingdom to his minister named Rudräditya and enjoyed for a long time. pleasure. His step-brother, Sindhala, once disobeyed the orders of Muñja; accordingly he banished him; Sindhala came to Gujarata. There he contacted with a ghost and with his help he in a peculiar way acquired a district from king Muñja which brought him much revenue. But again he showed his haughtiness, for which he had his eyes put out by Muñja and was confined to a wooden cage. He begot a son named Bhoja. Bhoja studied all the sciences of Statecraft. When king Muñja learnt from the horoscope of Bhoja that he would inherit the kingdom depriving his son he ordered secretly to execute Bhoja. But Bhoja managed to escape from the gallows of his executioners and subsequently sent a stanza to the king through the executioners, upon reading which the king regretted much. There
1 See supra p. 85.
2 See supra p. 85.
3
IA., VI, pp. 48-53.
4 PC., Tr. Tawney, p. 30.

Page #121

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
after Bhoja was brought before the presence of the king Muñja and he honoured him with the dignity of a crown prince.1
91
A similar story with certain variations is recorded in the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha also. Strangely enough it also finds a place in the Ain-i-Akbari of Abul-Fazal."
Though the whole story cannot be accepted as historical, yet it contains some useful materials. This story attempts to explain the name of Muñja with reference to an event which seems a mere myth. Sindhurāja, from this story, seems to be a step-brother of Muñja. The name of his minister Rudraditya is corroborated from other sources and he seems to be an historical figure. In the early stages of Muñja's career, his relations with his brother do not seem to have been cordial. It is recorded that Muñja had a son who was destined to be deprived of the throne by Bhoja. But being pleased with his merits, Muñja appointed him as an heir apparent. Regarding his son we have no information from any other sources. Muñja is depicted here as a sensualist also.
The contemporary account of the Tilakamañjarī simply states that Siyaka was succeeded by his son Väkpatirāja whose younger brother was Sri Sindhurāja or Sindhala who had a son named Bhoja. Since Vākpati begot no son, he having found Bhoja fit to rule over his kingdom, annointed him as his heir apparent."
Vākpati Muñja was a great warrior. Certain literary sources as well as epigraphic evidences may be adduced in support of his gallantry. A Jain inscription from Hathund known as Bijapur Stone inscription of Northern Rāṣṭrakūta Dhavala, informs us that Muñjarāja fought with Mularāja Caulukya (A.D. 961-96), Dhavala (Rāṣṭrakūta of Hathundi, c. 980 A.D.) and Saktikumāra, Guhila prince of Mewar (c. 977 A.D.). It states that Mûlarāja, like the ruler of Marwar, had to flee before Muñja like a timid deer. The Răstrakūta Dhavala claims that he gave shelter to the armies of the king of Mewar and of the lord of the Gurjaras when Muñjarāja had destroyed Aghäta, the pride of Medapäta." Another Jain inscription, namely, Sundha hill inscription of the Cahamana Căciga refers

1
PC., PP. 425 मुञ्जराजप्रबन्धः ।
SJGM, II, p. 13
गुजराजप्रबन्धः ।
AAK., II, p. 215, but the name of Muñja's foster-father is given as 'Bijainand'.
4 See supra p. 88.
5 EI., X, pp. 17 ff., V. 10.

Page #122

92
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
to Balirāja, one of his predecessors, as one who defeated an army of Muñjarāja.' It seems that Muñjarāja extended his sway over some parts of Marwar.
Merutunga records his last campaign of Southern India in his Prabandha-cintamani, where he met his tragic end, as follows:
"As the king of the Telinga country, named Tailapadeva, harassed Muñja, by sending raiders into his country, he determined to march against him, though his prime-minister (mahāmātya) Rudrāditya, who was seized with illness, endeavoured to dissuade him. The minister conjured him to make the river Godãvari the utmost limit of his expedition, and not to advance beyond it; but he looked upon Tailapa with contempt, as he had defeated him six times before. In his overweening confidence he crossed the river and pitched his camp on the other side. When Rudrāditya heard what the king had done, he augured that some mischief would result from his headstrong conduct and he himself entered the flames of a funeral pile. Then Tailapa by force and fraud cut Muñja's army to pieces and took king Muñja prisoner, binding him with a rope of reed (Muñja). He was put in the prison and confined in a cage of wood and waited upon by Tailapa's sister Mļņālavati with whom he formed a marriage-union. His ministers, who had arrived subsequently dug a tunnel to the place where he was imprisoned, and made an appointment with him.” The story next proceeds to relate that "Muñja urged by his love to Mộnālavati revealed his plans to her, and the latter betrayed them to her brother. As a result of this, Tailapa had him bound with cords and taken about to beg from house to house for his food. Then the king had Muñja put to death and his head fixed on a stake in the courtyard of the palace and by keeping it continually covered with thick sour milk, he gratified his anger."
Historically this story is certainly important but not in its full details. In the first place, it relates that Vākpati waged wars for a long time and was killed by Tailapa II, the Cälukya king of Kalyāņa. This fact is confirmed by the two records of Vikramāditya VI (c. 1055-1126 A.D.) wherein it is stated that Taila II killed the valiant Muñja. The Āin-i-Akbari also records the tradition that Muñja lost his life in the wars of the Deccan. In
1 EI., IX, pp. 70 ff. 2 PC., Tr. by Tawney, pp. 33-36. 3 IA., XXI, pp. 167-68.

Page #123

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
93
the second place, it refers to the fact that Vākpati had really a minister named Rudrāditya. This also finds support from his Ujjain grant of 980 A.D.' Dr. Bühler has pointed out the date of this event with the help of a colophon of the Jain Amitagati's Subhāṣita-ratna-sandoha, which relates that it was composed during the reign of Muñja in V.E. 1050 (A.D. 993-94), and Tailapa II died shortly before or actually in the Saka year 919, i.e., 997-998 A.D., which is the first year of his successor. The death of Muñja, therefore, must have taken place in one of the three years, 994-996 A.D. We have seen above that the earliest known date of Siyaka's successor Väkpati (II) is V.E. 1031 (974 A.D.). It appears, therefore, that he must have ruled about twenty-two years.
So far as his romantic career is concerned we have several verses in Apabhramśa composed soon after his death and preserved in the Jain prabandhas which confirm the fact. Perhaps they are taken from an Apabhraíśa work Munjarāsa which is believed to have belonged to the eleventh century. The Prabandha-cintamani states:
"During this stage of his life, he was devoted to a certain lady and he used to mount a camel named Girikalla and travel twelve yojanas and return in the night. Later, his passion cooled down and she sent him a message thus: "Muñja, the rope has fallen; fool, you do not see it. The clouds of Āsādha are roaring, the ground will now be slimy."
It has already been pointed out that Muñja while he was in the prison, fell in love with Tailapa's widow sister, Mļņālavatī. When both were looking in a mirror, the elderly widow desponded on account of her wrinkled face. Upon this Muñja said, "Mşņālavati, do not weep over departed youth. Sugarcandy, even if broken into a thousand pieces, will taste sweet."4
Later on he mourns much over his fallen fortune. He says: "I have lost my elephants and chariots, I have lost my horses; I have lost my
1 1A., XIV, pp. 159-161. 2 V. 922: THE CAT fi fata, è aq fort wafat fe anayei
समाप्ते पञ्चम्यामवति धरणीं मुञ्जनृपतौ, सिते पक्षे पौषे बुधहितमिदं शास्त्रमनघम् ॥ 3 SJGM, I, p. 21, in fn.: fat gaght FRITAT TOTT
E ITANTE योजिनी निशि प्रयाति प्रत्यायाति च। तया समं विश्लेषे जाते इमं दोधकमप्रैषीत्
मुजषडल्ला दोरडी पेक्खिसि न गमारि। आसढि घण गज्जीई चिक्खिलिहोसे अबारि। 4 Ibid., p. 23: SI TE 593 TouTu
जइ सक्कर सयखण्ड थिय तोई स मीठी चूरि।

Page #124

94
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
footmen, servants have I none. So, Rudrāditya sitting in heaven, invites me eagerly to join him.”1
When Mrņālavati offered alms to Muñja he says, "Mļņālavati, if wisdom after the event is the same as before it, no one would be overcome by calamity.”2 Mşņālavati replies, "When luck turned, even the tenheaded king (Rāvana), the master of seas and the lord of the forts of Lankā, was destroyed. Therefore, Muñja, do not grieve."
Vākpati Muñja was not a mere ruler and gay lover. Several Samskst, Prākst, and Apabhramśa verses ascribed to him are preserved in the Prabandha-cintamani and in the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha. Some of these verses are regarded as belonging to the old forms of modern Hindi." He also liberally patronised men of letters. He honoured them with various titles. The Tilakamasjarī informs us that its author Dhanapāla was conferred a title 'Sarasvatī' by the king 'Sri Muñja' in his court." The Prabhāvakacarita refers to Dhanapāla as the adopted son of Muñja (Sri Muñjas ya pratipannasutaḥ). Dhanapāla who was the author of the Paiyalacchi, and the T'ilaramañjari, Amitagati, the author of the Subhāṣita-ratna-sandoha and various works, Padmagupta, the author of the Nava Sāhasāńka-carita, Dhananjaya, the author of Dasarüpaka, his brother Dhanika, the author of Dasarüpāvaloka, Haläyudha, the commentator on Pingala's work on metrics, were among the jewels that adorned the court of Vākpati Muñja. Moreover, Ujjaini attracted the best scholars of the country and from that time onward, it became the centre of learning. When Muñja was to be executed, he was asked to call in mind his favourite god. He mournfully recited a verse:
"Lakşmi will return to Govinda, Viraśrī to the house of the heroes; but now that Muñja is no more the storehouse of Fame, Goddess of learning will be without support."
1 SJGM, I, p. 23: 174 13 TE TU OCT 14 9777461f firea
सग्गट्टिय करि मन्तणउं मुहुँता रुद्दाइच्च ॥ 2 SJGM, I, p. 24: TTFF TC ataq5 ETTEI
भग्ग खई सो भजि गउ मुञ्ज म करसि विसाउ॥ 3 Ibid., p. 23, V. 34: Hat Theys +45575 AT Afa fent als
मुंज भणइ मुणालवइ विधन वेढ़ई कोई॥ 4 D. K. Jain, Apabhramśa-prakāśa, p. 202. 6 V. 53: See supra p. 88. & PC., p. 25: Jantufera a attitaitaa
गते मुजे यशः पुञ्ज निरालम्बा सरस्वती।

Page #125

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
95
Several verses are found in the Saṁskst as well as the Prākst literature which were composed to mourn the sad demise of Vākpati Muñja. They are reminiscent of the fame, prosperity and honour of this great king.
Sindhurāja: Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintamani states that after the death of Muñja, Bhoja was placed on the throne: "Then the ministers in the country of Mālava, hearing that event, placed Bhoja--the son of Muñja's brother, on the throne." A contemporary Jain account, Tilakamañjarī, states that "having found fit to govern the kingdom Muñja himself annointed Bhoja." But in the light of the other contemporary references the above statements do not seem to be true. Padmagupta, a court poet of Sindhurāja writes in his Navasāhasänka-carita that 'Muñja placed the world in Sindhurāja's arm which was marked by scars of bow-string. This fact is also confirmed by the Udayapur prasasti.The Jain inscription, known as Kalvan plates of Yaśovarman of the time of Bhoja, while giving the succession from Siyaka to Bhoja refers to Sindhurāja as the successor of Vākpatirāja (Muñja): 'Devotee of the feet of Väkpatirājadeva was Sindhurāja who had covered all the boundaries upto the sea by his fame, which was praised by the enemies, conquered in the several fierce battles."5 All this shows that he actually succeeded his brother Muñja.
It appears that Sindhurāja hardly had the personality or ability of his brother though Padmagupta highly praised him. We, however, have certain Jain accounts of Sindhurāja's war with the neighbouring Caulukya kings. The famous Vadanagar prasasti of Kumārapāla composed by a Jain poet Śrīpāla states: “Sindhurāja fled away together with his own elephants that were cowed by the smell of rut of Cāmundarāja's elephant inhaling even from afar." It denotes that Sindhurāja advanced on Pätana but ultimately withdrew. A quite later Jain writer Jayasimhasūri mentions in his Kumārapāla
1 SGM., I., p. 25: 374 A usd guarafa aflata THT TTFUS भिषिच्यत्।
? See supra p. 88. 3 NC., XI., 98: gť ATRITT ureaatfata: 1
मौवी किणाङ्कवत्यस्य पृथ्वी दोणि निवेशिता ॥ * EI., I., pp. 235, 237, V, 16.
5 EI., XIX, p. 61: eft alifaria Terera: 3 .... TAUTETTEJA: etc.
EI., I., pp. 296-305: renta a 91416 TAETISIEN.... for TTSTETT नष्टः क्षोणीपतियथास्य यशसां गन्धोऽपि निर्वासितः।

Page #126

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
carita that 'Camundaräja killed Sindhuräja in the battle'.' This isolated reference, however, has no support. The commentary of Duydiraya-kävya, which is the earlier literary authority, states that on the way of the pilgrimage to Varanasi, Câmundaraja had been deprived of the royal insignia by the people of Malava, thereupon he returned back to Anahilapattana and ordered his son Vallabha to invade Mälava country. His son did it but, after investing the fortification of Dhārā, he died of smallpox. Since Sindhuraja was the contemporary of Camundarāja, these events must have occurred in his reign.
His Reign Period: How long Sindhurāja ruled over Malava we do. not know from the Jain sources. It has been referred to by a Jain work. named Subhasita-ratna-sandoka of Amitagati that the last date of Muñja was 994 A.D., and we have assigned the year of his death, approximately, 995 A.D. We have not yet come across any dates of the reign of Sindhuraja. The latest date of his son and successor, Bhoja, known from a published grant found at Modesã, is 1011 A.D. The Jain writer Merutunga gives 'fifty-five years, seven months and three days,' as the period of the reign of Bhoja. The earliest known date of Bhoja's successor Jayasimha is 1055 A.D. In view of this, Bhoja's succession might have occurred in 999 A.D. The description and date of the Modesã grant give more probability to this year. In the light of the above chronology we may assign only three or four years. (c. 995-998 A.D.) to the reign of Sindhuräja.
96
Bhoja:
His Date of Accession discussed: Bhoja, the magnificent king of India, came on the throne of Ujjayani or Dhārā in the prime of his life. The question of the early limit of his reign has been considered as a perplexed one by scholars. Bühler, on the basis of the then available data, has pointed out that Bhoja fought with the Calukya Jayasimha of Deccan some time between 1011 A.D. and 1019 A.D. As Padmagupta, who probably composed his work in c. 1005 A.D., does not refer to Bhoja, he thereupon thought that Bhoja at that time had not reached the age of 16, the Indian age of majority. He, therefore,
1 KC. Canto I, V. 32:
राजे चामुण्डराजोऽथ यश्चामुण्डावरोद्धुरः । सिन्धुरेन्द्रमिवोन्मत्तं सिन्धुराजं मृधेऽवधीत् ॥ DV. Canto 7, V. 31, 43 and commentary on them.
See supra p. 93. BV., V, pp. 37-40.
5 SJGM., I., p. 22:

पञ्चाशत्पचवर्षाणि मासाः सप्त दिनत्रयम् । भोक्तव्यं भोजराजेन सगौर्ड दक्षिणापथम् ॥

Page #127

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
97
concluded that he came to the throne in c. 1010 A.D. or even somewhat later.1 Uptill now this theory, however, held the ground. But the discovery of the Modesā-grant sets aside all the previous assumptions. This grant is important in many respects: (1) It gives the earliest known date of king Bhoja's reign; (2) it refers to a new prince of Bhoja named Vatsarāja; (3) it shows that Mohadavāsaka district was under the Paramāras even as late as the time of king Bhoja. This grant refers to V.E. 1067 when paramabhattāraka, mahārājādhirāja parameśvara Bhojadeva was ruling. It begins with Siyaka II who was the real founder of the dynasty.
This newly discovered grant, however, settles many problems. Firstly, it denotes that Vatsarāja, the son of Bhoja, who was in charge of the administration in the year of V.E. 1067 (A.D. 1010) must have been at least of the age of eighteen or sixteen. Secondly, Bhoja at that time must have reached the age of 36 or 34, for his son who may be about 16 or 18 years old, might have been born from him at the age of 18 which is an approximate Indian age to beget a child. Thirdly, it denotes that Bhoja must have been crowned king as early as five or six years. His full-fledged titles denote this fact. If we reconcile, at the present state of our knowledge, our assumptions with that of Bühler who gives probable date to Padmagupta's composition 1005 A.D., wherein Bhoja has not been referred to, we may deduce easily that Bhoja's accession may have taken place by the year 1005 A.D. Fourthly, it gives more probability to the period assigned by the Jain author Merutunga to the reign of Bhoja stated above and which concerns us here more.
According to the Jain Subhasila, the author of the Bhoja-prabandha, the earliest limit of Bhoja's reign is V.E. 10782 (1021 A.D.), which is obviously wrong without having any support.
As regards the lower limit of the reign of Bhoja his successor Jayasimha's grant known as the Māndhātā-grant shows that Bhoja must have died in or before V.E. 1112 (A.D. 1055-56). Bühler, on the other hand, mainly relying on the statement of Bilhana that on his journey from Kashmir to various places in Northern India, Dhārā cried to him "Bhoja is my king,"4 assumes the death of Bhoja must have occurred some time after the year 1062 A.D. It may be said here in this connection that
1 EI, I, pp. 232-33 ; See also DHNI., II, p. 866. 2 Bhoja-prabandha, V. 8: ATTUTTET
I वर्षे मुंजपदे भोजभूपः पट्टे निवेशितः।। 3 EI., III, pp. 46-50. 4 Vikramānkadeva-carita, XVIII, 96. 5 EI., I, p. 233.
13

Page #128

98
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Bilhana's statement is merely a poetic exaggeration and reliance can be put on it when we have a stronger evidence in the form of an inscription j.e., the Māndhātā grant. His extensive conquest: Bhoja, in the span of fifty-five years of his life as a great king, waged several wars, did several benevolent works, promoted various branches of learning and, at last, left several monuments to commemorate his achievements.
His several wars with the neighbouring kings have been recorded in the Jain works. Among the eastern neighbours he comes into conflict with the Kalacuri Gängeya (1010-1042 A.D.) but makes him his friend. It has already been pointed out that Gängeya came from the one side and Bhoja encountered him from the other and, by means of intrigues, Bhoja encaged him and then took him away to his capital, honoured him and, at last, made him his friend."
In the south, his early two invasions, the one of Karnāțaka and the other on Konkaņa, and a later invasion on Karnāțaka have been recorded by the Jains. The Jain Rājavallabha in his Bhoja-carita says:
"Once some time after the accession of Bhoja, Kusumavati, the wife of the late Muñja made to perform a drama in which a scene of murder of Muñja by Tailapa was staged. This scene enraged Bhoja and, to retaliate for his uncle's death, he attacked Tailapa with a huge army. In the battle Tailapa was captured and Bhoja treated him brutely as he had treated his uncle."
As Tailapa died in V.E. 1054 (A.D. 997), the possibility of Bhoja's invasion cannot be ruled out here, because we have seen that at the time of accession (c. 999 A.D. or 1005 A.D.) Bhoja was 24 or 30 years old and in A.D. 997 he might have been a young man of 22. A man of this age could easily lead the army against his enemy. Perhaps he attacked Tailapa in accordance with the order of his father Sindhurāja who was ruling then.
It seems that in the above battle Bhoja did not gain much. Next time he invaded Karnāțaka through Konkana. Though he could not (10101019 A.D.) succeed in defeating the Cālukya Jayasimha II, he, at any rate, annexed Konkana, a part of the enemy's territory, to his kingdom. The victory was celebrated in the capital, Ujjayani (Konkaņa vijayaparvani). A Jain inscription known as the Kalvan plates of Yasovarman
1 SJGM., II, p. 20: Bhoja-Gängeya-prabandha. 2 Bhoja-carita of Rājavallabha, I, 50-56. 3 EI., XVIII, pp. 320-25.

Page #129

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
confirms the fact that the sway of Bhoja spread over Końkana.
This grant is unfortunately undated and belongs to a Jain temple. It begins with an eulogy of the Paramära Bhojadeva of Dhärä and his ancestry from Siyaka (II). We are then told that through Bhoja's favour the illustrious Yakovarman had obtained the town of Selluka and was enjoying 1,500 villages. The grant is made by a Samanta of the Ganga family in favour of a Jain temple in Svetapada country (identified with the northern portion of the Nasik district). bordering on Końkapa.1
99
Bhima I, the Caulukya, an ambitious ruler of Gujarāta, was trying to extend his empire towards the north and in that attempt he pressed Dhandhuka, a Paramära prince of Candravati (c. 1027-A.D.) the feudatory of Bhoja, to pay him homage. A Jain inscription from the Vimala. temple at the Mt. Abû informs us that Dhandhuka who was averse from rendering homage to Bhima took refuge with king Bhoja. This attempt of Bhima was resented by Bhoja who diverted his attention towards the west. The Jains record the one of his western campaigns of the time: The Prabandha-cintamani relates that "when Bhima was busy with the campaign of Sindh, the Digambara Kulacandra, Commander-in-chief of Bhoja's army, arrived with the officers and sacked the august city of Anahilla, and having caused cowries to be sown at the gate of the clocktower of the palace, extorted a record of victory. 'Kulacandra's loot' became proverbial there since that day. He returned to the country of Mälava with that record of victory and related the whole story to king Bhoja." This narrative shows that Bhima submitted to Bhoja. Since this war took place. at that time when Bhima was engaged in Sindha with Mahmûd who invaded Somanath in 1025 A.D., the sack of Patana may be placed very near to that year, say, about 1026 or 1027 A.D.
The Prabandha-cintamani further narrates that, after his submission to Bhoja, Bhima established a diplomatic relation with Bhoja. He sent his diplomatic minister Damara or Damodara to the court of Bhoja. It

1 EI., XIX, pp. 69-75.
2 SJGM., I, p. 32: इतश्व सिन्धुदेशविजयव्यापृते श्री भीमे [स दिगम्बर ] समस्त सामन्तैः समं समेत्य श्रीमदणहिलपुरभङ्गं कृत्त्वा धवलगृहघटिकाद्वारे कपर्द्दकान् वापयित्वा जयपत्रं जग्राह । तदादिकुलचन्द्रेण सुषितमिति सर्वत्र क्षिती ख्यातिरासीत् । स जयपत्रमादाय मालवमण्डले गतः श्रीभोजाय तं वृत्तान्तं विज्ञापयत् ।
* SJGM, I, p. 33 अथान्यस्मिन्वर्षे श्रीभीमस्तं डामरं प्रेषयितुकामो वार्त्तादि शिक्षयन् आस्ते ।
3

Page #130

100
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
seems from the narration that he lived there for several years before the incident of 1038-39 A.D., when he instigated Bhoja to invade the south. During these years of diplomatic relations Bhima consolidated his position. He made an alliance with the powerful king Karņa of Dahal who later on proved him of great help in defeating Bhoja.
Bhoja then diverted his attention towards the north but there he received a set-back. The Jain inscription from Dubkunda of the time of the Kacchapaghāta Vikramasinha refers to that "Abhimanyu (c. 1035-44 A.D.), one of the predecessors of Vikramasimha who highly praised the skill shown in the management of horses and chariots by the very intelligent king, the illustrious Bhoja." This statement shows that to Abhimanyu he submitted and paid his subservience. The Sāsabahū inscription (V.E. 1150) composed by the Jain Yaśodeva also informs us that Kirtirāja Kachavāhā also defeated Bhoja, the king of Mālava. As we know that these Kacchapaghātas were the feudatories of the Candellas and a Candella inscription described Bhoja as worshipping Vidyadhara 'full of fear like a pupil', we may assume that through the assistance of the Candellas he must have received this set-back.
In the N.W. also Bhoja made an incursion. The Jain authority known as the Sundhā Hill inscription of Căcigadeva narrates that Cāhamāna Anahilla of Naddūla defeated his army and killed Sadha, a general (dandādhīša) of the Mālava king Bhoja in the battle. But we know from other sources that the Naddūla king soon submitted. Bhoja was already Master of the Citrakūta fort and built there a temple to 'Tribhuvana Nārāyana'.4
The engagement of Bhoja in the north made his southern and western enemies bold and they raised their heads against him again. Bhoja prepared himself to punish them. Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintāmaņi states:
"In a certain year, owing to a failure of rain, it became impossible to obtain grain and grass and king Bhima was informed by his representatives that king Bhoja for this very reason was preparing for an invasion. This made him anxious, and he gave orders to his diplo
1 See supra, p. 78: Chapter on the Kacchapaghātas. 2 EI., IX, pp. 70 ff. 3 RMR., 1917, pp. 2-3.
Ibid.

Page #131

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
matic agent Damara to this effect." It is further narrated that Damara diverted the attentions of Bhoja from Gujarāta by getting a drama performed in which Muñja's death at the hands of Tailapa II was staged. In this act a certain angry king tried to make Tailapa, who had secured himself a comfortable corner in the prison, get up. Tailapa replies "I have an ancestral holding here. Why should I leave my own home at the bidding of a new-comer like you?" At first sight Bhoja was pleased with the flattery and praised Damara for which he received from him a prompt reply-King, the display of wit is, no doubt, extraordinary, but for the ignorance that this actor shows with regard to the history of the hero of the tale, for this mighty king Tailapadeva is recognized by having the head of the king Muñja fixed on a stake'. Thus stung by his sarcasm Bhoja gave up the intention of invading Gujarāta and invaded Karnataka."
101
This story, however, has little factual value. Moreover, there is no in - scriptional evidence to confirm it. Merutunga, on the other hand, informs us that Bhoja did not actually invade the Deccan in hot haste. He says:
"Hearing that a very strong force was coming under the banner of Tailapa Bhoja became very much perturbed and at this juncture Damara came to him and showing him a forged rescript from his king informed Bhoja that Bhima had reached Bhogapura. This news perplexed him more. It was to him like the sprinkling of salt on a wound. Bhoja entreatingly asked Damara "You must, by hook or by crook, prevent your master from coming here during the current year". Bhoja presented him a male and a female elephants to appease Bhima."
1 SJGM., I, p. 30 : अथ कस्मिन्नपि संवत्सरे अनुष्ठिभावात् कणतृणानामप्राप्तया दुःस्थे देशे स्थानपुरुषैभजागमं ज्ञापितः श्री भीमश्चिन्ताप्रपन्नो दामरनामानं सन्धिविग्रहिकमादिशत् । यत्किमपि दण्डं दत्वास्मिन्वर्षे श्रीभोज इहागच्छन्निवारणीयः ।

2 Ibid., p. 31: दापनादनु समस्तराजविडम्बन नाटकेऽभिनीयमाने सकोप : कोsपि भूपः कारागारमन्तरा पुरः स्थितं सुस्थितं तैलपं तेनोचे अहमिहान्वयवासी कथमागन्तुक भवहायसा .... निजं पदमुज्झामि इति विहस्य नृपो दामरं प्रति नाटकरसावतारं प्रशंसस्तेनाभिदधे — देव अतिशयिन्यपि रसावतारे धिग्नटस्य कथानायकवृत्तान्तानभिहताम् । यथा श्रीतेलपदेवराजा शलिकाप्रोतमुजराजशिरसा प्रतीयते इति । तदैव तिलङ्गदेशं प्रति प्रयाणमकरोत् ।
3 अथ तैलपदेवस्यातिबलमायान्तमाकर्ण्य व्याकुलं श्रीभोजं स दामर : समायातकल्पितराजादेशदर्शनपूर्वं भोगपुरे श्रीभीमं समायातं विज्ञापयामास । तया तद्वर्त्तया क्षते क्षारनिक्षेपसदृक्षया विलक्षी3 [ Contd.]

Page #132

102
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
This episode reminds us that by that time Bhoja must have been much tired by his constant warfare with his neighbouring kings. He might have become old too, perhaps more than 64 years old.
His two enemies Bhima of Anahillapāțan and Kalacūri Karna were getting restive. Bhoja, however, had to play his lost drama with them. The rivalry between Bhima and Bhoja was not merely political, it was cultural too. Many anecdotes preserved in the Prabandha-cintāmaņi as well as the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha relate several events which reveal the state of affairs fairly.
Bhima attempted to kill Bhoja several times. Merutunga records that at one time when Bhoja was worshipping his family goddess in a temple in the suburb of Dhārā, he was surprised and nearly captured by a party of Gujarāta cavalry.
At last with Karņa of Dähala and the Cālukya Someśvara, Bhima formed a confederacy to kill Bhoja and in it he succeeded at last. Bhima allured Karna, having promised him the half of Bhoja's kingdom.
Thus Prabandha-cintamani in a different version relates a story. It runs thus:
"Karna feeling jealous of Bhoja's fame and other paraphernalia demanded either war or acceptance of his supremacy by Bhoja. But Bhoja, being afraid of breaking his promise, remained silent. Then Karņa set out with 137 kings to make war on Bhoja and at the same time he invited Bhima to attack Mālava in the rear, promising him the half of Bhoja's kingdom. Then king Bhoja being attacked by those two kings, lost his pride, as a snake, overcome with a charm, loses its poison. And then a sudden malady took hold of Bhoja. Nobody was allowed to enter the door of Bhoja's fort. The king Bhima sent his servant to his own diplomatic agent Dâmara in order to ascertain the condition of Bhoja.” When
3 [ Contd.] क्रियमाणः श्रीभोजराजा दामरमभ्यधात्। अस्मिन्वर्षे त्वया स्वस्वामी कथञ्चनापीहागच्छन्निवार्य इति.. ..हस्तिनीसहितं हस्तिनमुपायने उपादाय पत्तने श्रीभीमं परितोषयामास।
1 Ibid., p. 48: 373991 997: 1
2 Ibid., pp. 49-50: ft ign: Af fari afa ETIT S UTEI .... 27भोज दूतमुखेन निमंत्रयामास। ततः स्वप्रतिज्ञाभङ्गभीरुलिवमण्डलप्रभुस्तथा प्रयातुम् प्रभूष्णुस्तूष्णीAratzi .... Forfataista : STT: 717771 aft7 ftभोजराज्यार्द्ध प्रतिश्रुत्य मालवमण्डलपाणिघाताय निस्सीमतदीयनगरे श्रीकर्णः श्रीभीममजूहवत् । अथ
[Contd.)

Page #133

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
Bhoja expired, Karṇa broke down the fort and took all the wealth of Bhoja, whereupon Bhima sent the following order to Dāmara: "you must give me either half of the kingdom stipulated for, duly obtaining it. from Karna, or your own head." Accordingly he entered the royal pavilion with thirty-two foot soldiers and took Karna prisoner, when he was asleep in the middle of the day. Then Karna placed in one division a shrine of the gods, and in the other all the property of the kingdom and said to Damara "Take whichever half you please." Then Dàmara took the shrine and made a present of it to Bhima."
Though the whole story cannot be taken as true, yet certain facts mentioned in it need our consideration. Damara of this legend is certainly identical with Damodara mentioned by Hemacandra. That Bhima attacked Karna and his minister, having taken the golden shrine, the bloomed fame of Bhoja, and made peace with Karpa is also stated by Hemacandra in his Dvyäkrayakavya. But, unfortunately, we have no documentary evidence to prove this joint attack of Bhima and Karna on Bhoja and his sudden death. The Vadanagar-prašasti composed by the Jain Sripala states on the other hand Bhima's attack over Dhārā, the city of Malava emperor."
His death: Regarding the death of Bhoja, the Jain chroniclers have no definite statement. The Prabandha-cintamani in one place states that "the king Bhoja being attacked by those two kings, lost his pride, as a snake, overcome with a charm, loses its poison, and then a sudden disease took hold of Bhoja and he was hidden by the people." From this statement certain scholars inferred that Bhoja died during a joint attack on Dhārā by the
103
[Contd.]
।
ताभ्यां नरेन्द्राभ्यां मन्त्रेणाक्रान्तो व्याल इव भूपालो विगलितदर्पविषो बभूव । आकस्मिके संजाते भोजपुरपाटवे ... श्रीभीम .. दामरं भोजवृत्तान्तज्ञानाय स्वपुरुषेण पप्रच्छ अथ तस्मिन् श्रीभोजे दिवमुपेयुषितद्वृत्तान्तविदाकर्णेन तद्दुर्गम दुर्गभंगादनु समग्रायां श्रीभोजलक्ष्म्यामुपात्तायां श्री भीमेन दामरः आदिष्टः यच्छ्री कर्णावया मत्परिकल्पितं राज्यार्द्ध निजशिशो वोपनेतव्यं । इति राजादेशं विधित्सु द्वात्रिंशता पत्तिभिः समं गुरूदरे प्रविश्य मध्यान्हकाले प्रसुप्तं श्रीकण वान्ये जग्राह । अथ तेन राज्ञा एकस्मिन् विभागे नीलकण्ठ चिन्तामणिगणाधिपप्रमुख देवतावसरे निर्णीतेऽपरस्मिन्नुत्तरार्द्धे समस्तराज्य वस्तूनि स्वेच्छयैक्रमर्द्धमादस्वेत्यभिहिते श्रीभीमराजादेशादेवतावसरमादाय श्रीभीमायोपायनीचकार । Canto IX, V. 57. सम्फुलकीर्त्तिर्भोजस्य स्वर्णमण्ड पिकामिमाम् ।
श्रीवासोरपद्माभां हरापरिकृशश्रियम् ॥
---

2 EI., II, p. 297, V. 9.
3 PC., p. 51.; See also supra, p. 102.

Page #134

104
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Caulukya Bhima I and Karņa, the Kalacūri king. But in another place, the same work, however, relates:
“Then Bhoja, as his journey to the other world drew nigh, performed the religious duties appropriate to the occasion, and gave the following order “After my death, my hands are to be placed outside my chariot” and then went to heaven.”
This indicates his natural death. This seems plausible also to me, because the Prabandha-cintamani refers to the fact that "then Karna, hearing of that occurrence, broke down the fort and took all the wealth of Bhoja.” It seeins that in the former attack king Bhoja was only defeated but not captured and the shock of this defeat, probably, resulted in his death. The Purātana Prabandha-sangraha states that Bhoja died of diarrhoea. 3
Bhoja bore the title Tribhuvana-Nārāyana. A Jain work on grammar, namely, the Ganaratna-mahodadhi, refers to this title as Triloka-Nārāyaṇa, which is the same; Triloka and Tribhuvana being synonyms. He was also called as Dhāreśvara and Mälavacakravarti.
Foundation of Dhārā: According to the Jain prabandhas, Bhoja founded the city of Dhārā. Merutunga relates one story:
“When Bhoja was listening to the reading of a treatise on law he heard of Rādhāvedha of Arjuna. He thought to practise it and thus succeeded in performing the world-famed Rādhăvedha. Then he arranged a festival to show his skill, which was attended by all the citizens. But an oilman and a tailor did not come, out of contempt. Being asked they themselves showed their skill in that art and in this way they lowered the king's pride. They said: "King Bhoja, I know why you performed the cleaving of Rādhā. It was because Your Majesty could not tolerate an opposite to Dhārā.” In these words he was praised by the learned and being desirous of laying out a new city he founded it after the name of a prostitute named Dhārā who showed him an accurate plan."
UFISATIET
1 DHNI., II, 869.
2 Ibid., p. 51: Ha: alar#9992: agrau here: समस्तराजलोकस्य वितीर्य मम पञ्चत्वानन्तरं मत्करौ विमानाद्वहिर्विधेयौ।
3 SJGM., II, p. 20: HTET SEIT: 1 4 p. 277. 5 Vadanagar prasasti of Kumārapāla : V.9. & SJGM., I, pp. 31-32: Ya Tare: 1

Page #135

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
105
To this legend we need not attach much importance, because Udayapurprasasti informs us that Vairisimha, an ancestor of Bhoja, made the name of Dhārā etymologically fit by killing the enemies with the edge of the sword.
As a patron oj learning: King Bhoja figures in the Indian literature and folklore not merely as a warrior in various campaigns but is also renowned for his liberally patronising Art and Literature just as his illustrious uncle was. He made, however, his name immortal by promoting various cultural activities. His court was graced by a group of eminent contemporary Indian scholars. They were known as the jewels of the court (sabhāratna). Merutunga, in his Bhima-Bhoja-prabandha- mentions the names of some of them, such as, Māgha, Sitā, Dhanapāla, Sobhana muni, Mānatunga, Bāna, Mayūra, Rajasekhara. The Bhoja-prabandha adds Damodara, Kālidāsa, and Bhavabhūti. But some of the names, it seems, are anachronisms. For example, the poets Bāna, Mayūra, Mānatunga, Māgha, Kālidāsa, Bhavabhūti and Rājasekhara could not have been certainly contemporaries of Bhoja. We know from the history of Saṁskṛt literature that Bāņa, Mayūra and Mānatunga were almost contemporaries of Harşavardhana; Bhavabhūti was in the court of Yaśovarman of Kanauj; and Rajasekhara flourished under MahendraPala of Kanauj; the rest lived earlier than Bhoja. Merutunga also informs us that the poetess Sītā was in his court but according to the statement of the Navasāhasār ka-carila, she lived in the court of Krşņarāja, one of the forefathers of Bhoja.
His munificence: His love of learning and literature inspired him so much that he occasionally distributed his wealth among the erudites to promote their cause. He bestowed rich gifts upon the person who composed even an ordinary stanza. His munificences are recorded in the Jain prabandhas in the form of several anecdotes, only few abstracts from which are reproduced below:
One night a certain thief cut a tunnel beneath the wall of the palace and entered the treasure-room where the king was sleeping. The king suddenly awoke at the mid-night hour and seeing the moon recently risen in sky "like the rising of his literary sea," there arose from his lips this half stanza:
Agraferat 2
TIETTI
1 EI., I., p. 234: Tat Tua 2 Pt. Pp. 34-35. 9 Navasāhasärka-carita, XI., V. 77:
era una vita agafaa gaan हनुमतेव यशसा यस्यालध्यत सागरः॥

Page #136

106
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
"What appears on the body of the moon like a strip of cloud They assert is a hare but I think it does not wear that form." The thief replied:
"But I think that the moon has its body well marked with the brands of a hundred scares of the meteor strokes of the side looks of the maidens who are parted from the foes you have killed."
The thief was rewarded by the king very generously for this.
On one occasion when the king was going round on his daily circuit, he happened to reach the bank of the river, where he saw a Brāhmaṇa, fording the river with a load of fire-wood on his head. The king asked. him in a quarter stanza:
"How deep is the water, O Bräāhmaṇa?" The Brahmana completed the line with"O King, it is knee deep."
The king continued-
"How were you reduced to this state?" The Brahmana replied
"Now everywhere are there patrons like you." The king gave a large present to that poor Brāhmaṇa.
On a subsequent occasion a family consisting of a father, mother, son, daughter and a wretched one-eyed maid servant, all learned, were waiting at the gate eager for an interview with the king. They were. admitted and the king gave each of them a quarter couplet to complete, which they did wisely. The king rewarded them and took the daughter as his wife.1
As a scholar: King Bhoja was a great scholar and a skilful poet himself. He is said to have composed about two dozen works on various subjects, such as medicine, astronomy, religion, grammar, architecture, alaṁkära, lexicography, arts etc. It is, however, doubtful that in the midst of his incessant military activities Bhoja found time to write so many books himself. It may be possible that some of them were composed by the literary men of his court and later on ascribed to him.
By his magnificent generosity Bhoja encouraged the poets to compose literary works. We have seen that the Jain Dhanapala wrote his Tilakamañjari for the gratification of Bhoja."

1 Ibid., p. 27.
2 See supra p. 88.

Page #137

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
107
The completion of stanzas (samasyā-pürti) was one of poetic fashions of the day and it is said that Bhoja was daily surrounded by a hundred scholars who were skilled in this type of poetic composition.'
The display of poetic repartee became part of diplomatic conversation also, mostly between Bhoja and Bhima I Cāulukya.
Bhoja was very proud of the learning and poetic skill of the scholars of his country and contemptuous of those of Gujarat. Once he remarked to the Gujarata consul in his court: "not one of your most famous scholars is fit to be weighed in the balance with a cowherd of my land."
A huge production of the Jain literature and other literatures during his period shows the multifarious activities of Bhoja to promote the cause of learning. Several Jain authors like Prabhācandra, Dhanapāla, śāntişena, Mahendrasūri. etc., flourished during his reign. Bhoja was also a just man. He always heard the complaints of his subjects and tried to remove them, He freely moved among his people to know their distress
His religion: Bhoja was a Saivite. A Jain work on grammar, namely, the Ganaratna-mahodadhi, relates: "Though your forefathers Vairisimha etc., were devotees of Siva, you only have realised the god Śiva. This statement confirms the above fact. He, however, always respected the learned men ir respective of caste and creed. A Jain inscription from Sravanabelgolā informs us that the feet of the Jain monk, Prabhācandra were worshipped by king Bhoja of Dhārā." A second Jain inscription from Dubkund of the time of the Kacchapaghāta king Vikramasimha mentions that the Jain preceptor śāntisena defeated all those (Ambaraşena etc.) scholars in the court of the
1 PC., pp. 35-43: 975qfosatara: — at TTTI 2 PC., p. 28: ART trei HÁ a aa .... tharraigatraat 7191
.... 3 PC., p. 45: 375giamia Hatzitsgut: Trosa: Sf 7 THTELI • See, Mahendrasūri-caritam, Sūrācārya-caritam, in PCA., pp. 138-60.
PC., pp. 47-49. Bijapūraka-prabandha, Ikşurasa prabandha and Gopaghiņiprabandha.
. Taddhita Ganādhyāya, IV, p. 163: aigzag Sa starfreifey ws: .विलासिनीवोवीपतिना कलौ यद्यलोकि लोकेऽत्रमृगांकमौलिः । 7 MDG., XXVIII, p. V. 17: tere TTFUFThara HEZI
R .... स्थेयात् पण्डितपुण्डरीकतरणि श्रीमान्प्रभाचन्द्रमा।

Page #138

108
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
king Bhoja who showed dishonour to the Jain scholars.' Merutunga and Prabhācandra amply refer to the discussions between the Jain Dhanapala and Bhoja, which indicates how tolerant in religious matters Bhoja was.
SUCCESSORS OF BHOJA:
Jayasimha and Udayāditya: From the Modesā grant referred to above we have already known that Bhoja had a son by name Vatsarāja. We, however, know nothing of him from any sources. It seems that he predeceased his father,
The Māndhātā grant dated V.E. 1112 and the Panhera Stone inscription dated V.E. 1116,4 both belonging to the reign of Jayasimha, inform us that Jayasimha, as a successor of Bhoja, ruled Mālava for four years. But the Udayapur and the Nagpur praśastis of the Paramāras do not mention the name of Jayasimha. According to them Udayāditya was the successor of Bhoja. It seems that they have omitted the name of Jayasimha. The Jain chroniclers, however, did not record the names of the two kings.
Jagaddeva (Lakşmadeva): Udayāditya's son Jagaddeva is known from the Jainad (Jaināth) inscription found in the N.E. of the Hyderabad State. He is referred to there as the son of Udayāditya and paternal nephew of Bhoja and conquering the country of the Andhras. Recently three of his coins have been found in Madhya Pradeśa. From their fabric and type the coins appear to be South Indian. It seems that he ruled over Deccan. According to the Rāsamālā, Jagaddeva was one of the two sons of Udayāditya born from Solanki queen. On account of a palace intrigue he left Mālava and entered in the services of Caulukya Jayasimha. He served him for 18 years but when the king advanced to attack Dhārā he quitted his service and returned to his father, who soon after invested him with 'the royal authority." The Jain prabandhas also mention a Jagaddeva. While the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha speaks of him as belonging to the Paramāra
1 El., II, p. 239, lines 44-45: Arfarat garagüt ft27) TOI
सभ्येष्वम्बरसेनपण्डितशिरोरत्नादिषूद्यन्मदान् ॥ योऽनेकान् शतशो व्यजेष्ट पटुताभीष्टोद्यमी वादिनः।
शास्त्राम्भोनिधिपारगोऽभवदत: श्रीशान्तिषेगो गुरुः ॥ 2 PC., pp. 36-42: 479150CaEra: 1 3 EI., III, pp. 45-50. 4 ASI., 1916-17, pp. 19-20 5 The Annual Report, Hyderabad Arch. Sur., 1927-28, pp. 23-24. 8 PTOC., 1926, Pt. III, pp. 57-58. 7 Rāsamālā, I, Chap. VIII, p. 117.

Page #139

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
family and in the association of king Siddharaja Jayasimha,' the Prabandhacintamani, however, does not know him as a Paramāra but mentions him with Jayasimha Caulukya of Gujarāta, and king Paramardi of Kuntala country.2 I have elsewhere shown that a Jagaddeva of the Jain prabandhas may be taken as identical with the prince of the same name of the Santāra family of the south, most probably the son of the sister of Mayaṇalla, the mother of Jayasimha Siddharaja, and not with Jagaddeva Paramāra."
It is true that Jagaddeva was an historical person proved by the Jainad inscription but the statement of the Räsamälä, which speaks of him as belonging to the court of Jayasimha Siddharaja, is based on an erroneous tradition, for we know that the historical Jagaddeva whose approximate period is V.E. 1143-1160, is very senior to Jayasimha Siddharāja (V.E. 1150-1199). Most probably it seems that the chroniclers of Gujarăta confused this Jagaddeva with another Jagaddeva of the later period. According to certain scholars Jagaddeva was a viruda of Lakṣmadeva who is mentioned in the Nagpur prasasti as one of the two sons of Udayaditya. The Prabandhacintamani states that Jagaddeva was given a province to rule by king Paramardi of Kuntala. It also records some stories regarding his great abilities. The same inscription tells us that Laksmadeva was succeeded by his brother. Naravarman."
Naravarman (1094-1133 A.D.): Naravarman, in the Jain literature, has been shown on hostile terms with the Gurjara king Jayasimha (1094-1144 A.D.) and two or three Cähamana kings. Merutunga says:
"Once king Jayasimha was absent from his capital on his pilgrimage. Yasovarman, the king of Mälava, taking advantage of the opportunity, began to overrun Gujaräta. His minister Santu asked him on what condition he would return. He said, 'I will return if you make over to me the merit which your master has gained by his pilgrimage to the shrine of the god of Someśvara'. Säntu, having washed the king's feet, threw into the hollow of his hand a handful of water, as a sign of the trans
109
1 SJGM., II, p. 25 : निर्णीतदिनोपरि जयसिंहदेवेन जगद्देवस्य परमार वंशोद्भवस्य पट्टबन्ध:
कृतः ।
2 Ibid., I., p. 114: अथ जगद्देवक्षत्रियः श्रीसिद्धचक्रवर्त्तिना सम्मान्यो
श्रीपरमहिना
समाहूतः कुन्तलमण्डलमवाप्य ....
3 Chap. on the Cãulukyas. DHNI., II, p. 878. EI., II., pp. 186-88.

.....

Page #140

110
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
ference of that merit, and thus he induced the king to return. When Siddharāja Jayasimha returned he became angry.”
This episode most probably contains the historical fact. We know that, after the death of Bhoja, the rivalry between Paramāra and Caulukya family increased considerably. Bhoja's two or three successors could not revive the glory of Ujjayani again, but they continued the struggle with Caulukyas. Naravarman and his son Yaśovarman both were the contemporaries of Jayasimha. This above-mentioned event seems to have occurred in the reign of Naravarman though Merutunga connects it with the reign of Yaśoyarman the son of Naravarman, which seems to be a mistake. Moreover, Yasovarman was a weak ruler and he was defeated by Jayasimha. So this event can be placed in his reign. Several other Jain authorities like the Kumārapālacarita of Tayasimhasūri, the Kumāra pala-prabandha of Jinamandanagan and the Prabandha-kośa of Rājasekhara refer to this struggle between Naravarman and Jayasimha.? They state that in this struggle Naravarman was imprisoned by Jayasimha, which seems a poetic fancy, for the earlier work Kirtikaumudi refers to the fact that Jayasimha captured the city of Dhārā of Naravarman, and the Talwara inscription informs us that Jayasimha humbled the pride of Naravarman.
Most probably allied to the above quoted episode is another episode recorded in the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha. It runs as follows:
"Once wrath prevailed between Jayasimha and the minister Săntu (perhaps on account of his surrender to Naravarman). Thereupon śāntu left Pāțana in high resentment and went to Dhārā with bag and baggage. Jayasimha sent his man in disguise to get the first-hand knowledge of his activities. śāntu while living there in Mālava did not shake his allegiance to his previous lord and the land.
1 SJGM., I., pp. 58-59 : garrafast T&T Arad yra 344HTU alamanca e paga?' a : etc.
? (i) Canto 1, v, 17 27 7a 4a: 4 affia
(ii) P. 8. (iii) pp. 90-91: fet que afatetaafu Hasar TERREI द्वादशवर्षाणि जयसिंहस्य खड्गोनिष्प्रत्याकारोऽस्थात् नरवर्मचर्मघटितमेव प्रत्याकारं करोमि इति प्रतिज्ञावशात् । अत एव हस्त्यारूढं नरवणिं भूमौ पातयामास। वितस्तिमात्र चर्माहिसत्कमुदतीतरत्। अत्रान्तरे प्रधानैर्विज्ञप्तम्-राजन् ! राजाऽवध्य एवेति नीतिवचः। तस्मान्मोक्तमोऽ यम् ततो मुक्तः सः। मुक्त्वा काष्ठपिञ्जरे क्षिप्तः। नरवर्मचान्यचर्माभ्यां सिद्धराजेन निज कृपाणे प्रत्याकारः कारित:।

Page #141

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
111
He told the Mālava king that his king is aggrieved due to some unknown reason. He would call him back in a few days. Jayasimha, on the other side, expressed repentance and invited śāntu to return. The old minister accepting this invitation returned but on his way he died at Ahada, near Udayapur." This episode confirms the above event and shows that it must have occurred at the early period of both the kings.
A Jain inscription from Bijolia of the Cāhamāna Someśvara informs us that Ajayadeva (c. 1105 A.D.), one of the ancestors of Someśvara, captured one Sollana, a commander-in-chief (Dandanāyakavara) of Mālava alive, in the field of battle. Naravarman, most probably, was the contemporary of Ajayarāja and Sollana. His general might have been defeated by Ajayarāja. The same inscription informs us that Ajayarāja's son Arnorāja showed disrespect to one who called Nirvāņa Nārāyaṇa, and brought him to humiliation. This Nirvāṇa Nārāyana has been identified by scholars with Naravarman who was a contemporary of both Ajayarāja and Arnorāja. The Purātana Prabandhasangraha states in one place that Naravarman was defeated three times by Visaladeva (Cāhamāna ruler Vigraharāja III, c. 1100 A.D.)* which seems to have been recorded by mistake in place of the above-narrated defeat. The same book calls Naravarman as Viveka Nārāyana." It appears that Naravarman might have been a saintly king. His two epithets Nirvāṇa Nārāyana and Viveka Nārāyaṇa fairly connote this meaning.
Yaśovarman: Naravarman before the year 1133 A.D. was succeeded by his son Yasovarman. In his reign the hostility with Caulukya Jayasimha resulted in a disastrous misfortune to the Paramāras. Jayasimha with huge preparation invaded the Mälava country. It was the time of the beginning of Yasovarman's reign. He involved him in a long-drawn war of twelve years. The contemporary authority Hemacandra states:
Jayasimha advanced towards Mālava with slow speed. In the way he subdued all the petty princes. The Bhillas offered him their services. Then he encamped his garrison by the bank of Siprā and sacked the city
· SJGM., II, p. 79. 2 EI., XXVI, pp. 84-112, V. 15: fegy alamat sa mentiranti
श्रीमत्सोल्लणदण्डनायकवरः संग्रामरंगाग्रणे। 3 V. 17: Tati ufahrad gerai farafuarcia
न्यक्काराचरणेन भंगकरणं श्रीदेवराज प्रति। · SGM., II., p. 79: anf ist an arra SA 5 Ibid.: faitTOT TATATATHan faa katafa: 1

Page #142

112
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
of Dhārā. Yaśovarman, being frightened, remained in the fort of Dhārā and closed all the gates and put sharpened arrows on them. Jayasimha with the help of an elephant by name Yaśahpataḥ broke open all the gates. Yasovarman fled from Dhārā. Jayasimha pursued him. "This Caulukya hero of renown, like unto a dancer, wielding his blade in battle, seized Mālava's field-fleeing monarch, who from Dhārā had fled.”
Merutunga gives us detailed description of the capture of Dhārā:
"The king started on an expedition to that country of Mālavas. There a war of twelve years' duration took place in which the king was victorious and he took this vow: 'I will not eat today until I have captured the fort of Dhārā'. The ministers and the foot soldiers killed the Paramāra Rajputas by five hundred at a time, but still were unable to fulfil the king's vow by the end of the day; so he had to fulfil it in an equivocal manner by breaking into Dhārā made of meal. Then the king was desirous of turning back and he revealed it to the minister Muñjāla. Muñjāla, at last, got ready a plan to break the fort. The king was informed. He led his army to the southern gate of the fort and reckless of the fact that the fort was hard to enter, he with the help of a mighty elephant named Yaśaḥpatala driven by mahut Sämala got broken the iron bar. The gates were then opened. But in this effort the elephant died and a temple of Ganapati was created in his memory in the village Vadasara. Siddharăja then captured Yaśovarman, established there his sovereignty and returned to Pāțana.?
This battle of Dhārā must have been won before the year V.E. 1192 (c. 1135 A.D.) because a colophon of the Jain MS namely, the Nava pada laghuvrtti, informs us that at that time Jayasimha bore the title of Avantinātha. The Gālā grant,* dated V.E. 1193 (c. 1136 A.D.), confirms this fact. I DV., Canto 14. Vs. 12-18: STOFFD and a fanats
TË Tantai Tanga Tua , etc. 2 SJGM., I., pp. 58-59: qfa: YTTARIT 1 7 771qe & Tasauf fang संजायमाने सति कथंचित् धारादुर्गभंग कर्तुमप्रभूष्णुः अत्र मया धाराभंगान्तरं भोक्तव्यमितिकृतप्रतिज्ञो दिनान्तेऽपि कर्तमक्षमतया सचिवः काणिक्यां धारायां भज्यमानायां पत्तिभिः परमारपुत्रे विपद्यमाने-इत्थं प्रपञ्चात् नृपः प्रतिज्ञामापूर्य अकृतकृत्यया पश्चाद्व्याघुटितुमिच्छुर्मुञ्जालसचिवं ज्ञापयामास..
..gif fame 373: qzariy tafa Farge HATE:... .775: fereat 91I : gHeren Tan faqat aaTÀ ... 12 alat fatehuaaart, etc. 3 SJGM., XVIII, p. 103: 877 9969 g ....fa....379-
7778श्रीजयसिंहदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये एवं काले प्रवर्त्तमाने । . • 1A., X, pp. 158-180.

Page #143

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
113
These continuous wars with the Caulukyas ruined the fortunes of the Paramāras. It is believed that the Paramāras never fully recovered from that blow which destroyed Bhoja and his empire, till at last the last campaign with Jayasimha so shattered their energies that they could not regain their pristine glory even after the death of Jayasimha.
Yaśovarman continued to rule as a mahārāja--a puppet ruler-over a petty principality on the banks of Kāli Sindhu till 1142 A.D. He was succeeded by his son Jayavarman, who was dethroned by another son Ajayavarman in 1144 A.D. The third son Lakşmivarman and his successors also continued to rule over a principality in Mälava between 1144 and 1200 A.D. Unfortunately, we have no account of all these successors in the Jain sources.
From the inscriptions of Jayasimha it appears that he was the lord of the whole territory from Pañcamahal to the Betwa.
After the expiry of Jayasimha, during the reign of his successor Kumārapāla, we learn that a certain Ballāla was ruler over Avanti-Mālava. "
Ballāla (1243-1244 A.D.): The Dvyāśraya-kāvya relates that Kumārapāla advanced to subdue Ballāla after defeating Cāhamāna Anna. The reason why he advanced to attack Ballāla is given by Hemacandra in a passage. He states that before Anna advanced upon the frontier of Gujarat he formed an alliance with Ballāla, the king of Avanti, and it was arranged that both the powers should simultaneously attack the Caulukya kingdom from the north and the east. Kumārapāla himself proceeded to overcome Anna and sent his two generals to check Ballāla. When he returned to his capital, he was informed that his two generals had gone over to the king of Ujjain, Ballāla, and he was advancing towards Anahillapura. Thereupon Kumārapāla attacked and totally defeated him.
The Vasanta-vilāsa: also refers to Kumārapāla's victory over Ballāla while the Kirti-kaumudīt informs us that the latter was beheaded by Kumärapāla. A Jain inscription from Mt. Abū informs us that "the Paramāra
1 DV, XVI, p. 269, V. 8: ad Sh T ara araRTUTETTE:
प्रतीच्यराट् पाणिनिपीडनार्थमुदीच्यराण्नीत्यति दिव्यमंत्री। 2 Ibid., XIX, p. 540, Vs. 97-98:
रक्षोभिपशुभिर्दामानिभिरौलपिभिर्वृतः। श्रीमतैः श्रीमतैश्चा, बल्लालो दर्पतोऽभ्यगात् ॥ शमीवत्याभिजित्याभ्यां शैखावत्येन चैषते ।
कृत्यौ बिभेद सामन्तौ नाना विजयकृष्णकौ ॥ 3 III, V. 29, p. 12: TUISET fast et sa: #galai * BG., I, Pt. I, p. 185.
15

Page #144

114
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Yaśodhavala of Candrāvati quickly killed Ballāla, the lord of Mālava, when he had learnt that he had become hostile to the Caulukya king Kumārapāla." The identification of this lord of Mālava has been made with Ballāla mentioned in the Vadnagar praśasti (V.E. 1208). From this it appears that Ballāla must have lost his life between c. 1144 and 1151 A.D. The identification of this Ballāla is a matter of great controversy. Keilhorn assumes that after the crushing defeat of Yaśovarma, a brave and diligent man by name Ballāla of unknown lineage might have usurped some parts of Mālava. Mr. C...V: Vaidya.conjectures that it is a viruda (second name) of Jayavarman, the first son of Yasovarman. There are, however, hypotheses. Strangely enough, we do not find his name among the epigraphs of Mālava. ..
But it is quite certain that Jayavarman was overpowered by more than one king. The Candella Madanavarman (1128-1193 A.D.) is mentioned in his records that 'he defeated the Mālava king'. * Jagadekamalla (1139-1150 A.D.), the Cālukya of Kalyāņi assisted by the Hoysala Narasimha I also claims that 'he subdued Mālava monarch?.5 Between 1143 and 1144 A.D. Jayavarman, however, was on the throne of Mālava.
There are certain kings named as Ballāla among the Hoysalas of Mysore and it is likely that he may have been one of them, as viceroy or feudatory of Jagadekamalla II.
After Jayavarman his succession was divided in his younger brothers Ajayavarman and Lakşmīvarman. Ajayavarman carved out a principality of his own by capturing some portion of the territory. We, however, do not know of them from the Jain sources.
Vindhyavarman (1192 A.D.): Ajayavarman's son and successor Vindhyavarman appears to have recovered Dhārā which had been lost to his family since the day of Yašovarman. The copper plate grant of his grandson Arjunavarman inforins us that his long arm was eager to extirpate the Gurjaras. The recovery of Dhārā must have been made about V.E. 1249. (A.D. 1192) because we are informed from the colophon of a Jain work Sagara
1 EI., VIII, pp. 211-215, V. 35: 4149 Cetatea: ....
यश्चौलुक्यकुमारपालनृपतिप्रत्यर्थितामागतम् ।
मत्त्वा सत्त्वरमेव मालवपतिं बल्लालमालब्धवान् ॥ 2 EI, I, p. 293. 3 V.N. Reu, Rājā-Bhoja, p. 321. 4 EI.; I, p. 198, V. 15. 5 Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 58, 153. & D. C. Ganguly, History of Paramāras, p. 132.

Page #145

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
115
dharmāmrta of Āsādhara that the author's father Salakhana (Sallaksana) "on account of the fear of the loss of his virtues came from the Sapädalaksa country, infested by the Mlecchas to Mālava-mandala, which was full of vigour of the trivargas increased by the scent of the arms of king Vindhya."1 Commenting on the Mlecchas, the author himself says that he meant 'Sihāb-ud-Din Turuska-rāja'. We, however, know from history that the invasion of Sihāb-udDin over that land had occurred in V.E. 1249 (A.D. 1192). According to the same authority Mahākavi Bilhana served as the Sandhivigrahikamantri of Vindhyavarman.We have fortunately an inscription of this minister dated in the reign of his master, found at Mandapadurga (mod. Māndu). There are many Bilhaņas in the Saṁskṛt literature and this Bilhaņa is apparently different from Bilhana, the author of the Vikramānkadeva-carita.
Subhatavarman: Vindhyavarman was succeeded by his son Subhatavarman known in the Jain chronicles as Sohada. Merutunga in one place relates that during the reign of the Caulukya Bhima II "the Mālava king Sohada advanced to the border of Gujarāta, with the intention of devastating the country." It, however, seems that he did not get a singular success. The grants of his successors confirm the statement of the Jain author. This shows that at that time the position of the Paramāras had become so well consolidated that they became able to invade their rivals.
Arjunavarman (c. 1211-1216 A.D.): Subhatavarman's son and successor was Arjunavarman. The Prabandha-cintāmani mentions that he destroyed the country of Gujarāta. This statement is confirmed by the grants of his successors and by Sridhara prasasti of Bhīma II, dated V.E.
1 V. 5: F ata 4916
hafa त्रासद्विन्ध्यनरेन्द्रदोः परिमलस्फूर्जस्त्रिवर्गौजसि ॥ प्राप्तो मालवमण्डले बहुपरीवारः पुरीमावसन् । यो धारामपठजिनप्रमितिवाक्शास्त्रे महावीरतः॥
- Sāgāra-dharmāmsta (MJGS.), p. I. 2 Ibid., V. 7. 8 Paramāras of Dhārā and Mālava, by Luard and Lele, p. 37:
विन्ध्यवर्मनृपतेः प्रसादभूः सान्धिविग्रहिकबिल्हणः कविः। 4 PC., p. 97: THRRTHQ Tref gatot si HESHTA Hteaua sana mare TACATIST: si: ....
5 El., IX, pp. 108, 114. & PC., p. 97: Tag da deyàtur sitta HT TARGETAFISHIRI

Page #146

116
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
1273 (1216 A.D.). The Sridhara prasasti says that Sridhara, by the process of the mantras, withheld Devapattana shaken by the elephants of Mālava. But the king who was defeated, was not actually Bhima II. He was, perhaps, Jayasimha (Jayantasimha), sometime usurper of the throne of Bhima II. according to the Pārijātamañjari. During his reign the Jain poet Āsādhara went to reside in Nalakacchapura (mod. Nālachā, near Dhārā).? We learn from Āsādhara that Dhārā was then a great centre of learning. These wars and strifes did not mar the traditions of Dhārä coming down from the time of the great kings Vākpatirāja Muñia and Bhoja. Āsādhara got his education there and taught several pupils, prominent among them were Visālakīrti, Vinayacandra and royal preceptor (Rājaguru) Madana. His son Cāhada was a favourite man of king Arjuna.*
We have three grants of his reign ranging from V.E. 1267 to 1272 (A.D. 1211-15). The Bhopal grant (ii), dated V.E. 1272, was composed by the Rājaguru Madana with permission of the Mahāsāndhivigrahika Rājā Sallakhana, (Sallaksana)." This Sallakhana is probably identical with the father of Āśādhara of that name. Rājaguru Madana is the same as the pupil of Āśādhara. This Madana composed two more grants and a drama entitled Pārijātamañjarī or Vijayasri as a praśasti to Arjunavarman. It has been found incised on a slab attached to the northern wall of the Kamal Maulā mosque at Dhārā. From this drama we know that king Arjunavarman himself was a great literary man. He wrote a commentary on the Amaruśataka. The Pārijātamañjari calls him as the incarnation of Bhoja which is not far from truth. Arjunavarman was also a great patron of scholars. He honoured them and appointed them to dignified posts. We know from two royal grants of the king that the poet Bilhana was also his Sāndhivigrahika (the minister of
1 EI., II, p. 437, V. 42. 2 Āsādhara, Anagāra-dharmāmyata's colophon, V. 8:
श्रीमदर्जुनभूपालराज्ये श्रावकसंकुले।
जिनधर्मोदयार्थ यो नलकच्छपुरेऽवसत् । #JATE ETAFHET, Āsādhara in his Dharmāmyta-ți ka. See Sāgāra. dharmāmyta, Introduction, pp. 3-4: Thanh TTSJETT Han-JAOS., VII, pp. 39-40, No. 23.
• Colophon of the Anagāra-dharmāmyta V. 2.
5 JAOS., VII, pp. 25-31 ; see also Prācīna-lekhamālā, Pt. I, pp. 6, 7: रचितमिदं महासान्धिविग्रहिकं राजसलक्खणसम्मतेन राजगुरुणा मदनेन ।
& EI., VIII, pp. 96-122,

Page #147

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
war and peace).1 Aśādhara was on cordial terms with the poet and was once called Sarasvatiputra by him.*
Devapala (c. 1218-36 A.D.): Arjunavarman was succeeded some time before V.E. 1275 by Devapäla. The Jain scholar Aśädhara survived Arjunavarman and finished his Jinayajñakalpa during the reign of Devapåla. It was completed in V.E. 1285 (A.D. 1228). According to the same scholar he was also called Sahasamalla. Jayasimhasūri, the author of the Hummira-mada-mardana refers to an incident of Devapäla's reign. He tells us that in alliance with the Yadava king Simhana (Singhapa, A.D. 121047) he made a joint attack on Viradhavala, the Vaghela chief of Dholka, but due to the ability of the spies appointed by Vastupala, the minister of the Vaghela chief, dissensions arose in the camps of the allied monarchs and the calamity was averted."
It is not possible to identify this Devapāla from the Jain sources. But fortunately we have four inscriptions of his reign ranging from V.E. 1275 to 1289. The first Harsauda stone inscription is dated V.E. 1275 (A.D. 1218)." The second Mandhātā grant, dated V.E. 1282 (A.D. 1225), is, however, the most important. It throws light on the lineage of Devapäla and informs us that it was composed by Rajaguru Madana with the assent of the Mahāsāndhivigrahika Pandita Bilhana. The third and fourth inscriptions are from Udayapur, which merely record the years V.E. 1286 (c. 1229 A.D.) and 1289 (c. 1232 A.D.) in the victorious reign of Devapāla. The Mandhātā plates distinctly state that Devapāla was the son of Hariścandra. In
1 JAOS., VII, pp. 377-82, 32-34, respectively. Colophon of Anagdra-dharmamṛta, Vs. 6-7:
117
आशाधर त्वं मयि विद्धि सिद्धं.... सरस्वतीपुत्रतया.... बिहृणेन कवी शिना ।
V. 20, in the colophon of the Jinayajakalpa: fremad adardagTqueràveतीतेषु आश्विनसितान्न्यदिवसे साहसमहापराख्यस्य श्री देवपालनृपतेः प्रमारकुलशेखरस्य सौराज्ये, नलकच्छपुरे सिद्धो ग्रन्थोऽयं नेमिनाथचैत्यग्रहे ।
4 GOS., Act I, p. 6 : ( 1 ) अस्मान्प्रतिप्रयाणकाय प्रगुणीबभूव मालवमहीन्दुरप्यकृतप्रयाणोपक्रमम् इत्यकस्माकमाकस्मिकः सर्वतोऽपि संकट संघटः । मत्प्रमोदनाटिका नटी विजयपरिभोगसम्मुखी यदि श्रीवस्तुपालस्यैव शेमुषी ।
(ii) Ibid., Act II, p. 18:
चलिओ मालवम्मि मेइणीना हो ।
सिरि देवपालो वि तस्स सम्मुहंज्जेव परावडिदो !
5 IA., XX, pp. 310-12. Ibid., IX, pp. 103-17. IA., XX, p. 83.

श्री सिंहनभूपतिः तदेतविघटनभटी

Page #148

118
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES the opinion of Keilhorn Hariscandra was the son of Mahākumāra Lakşmivarman, a brother of Ajayavarman, who was the originator of the line to which Arjunavarman belonged. The same scholar assumes that the line of Lakşmīvarman never regarded the line of Ajayavarman as the line of legitimate rulers of Mālava. And it was perhaps due to the absence of any male heirs of Arjunavarman that the throne was occupied by Devapāla. Thus the line of Arjunavarman or more appropriately of Ajayavarman ceased to exist.
The Māndhātā grant also indicates that Madana, the preceptor of Arjunavarman, continued to serve in that capacity under the new king. Likewise, Bilhaņa, who served the previous kings, appears also to have retained the post of minister of peace and war under the new administration. This also to a certain extent indicates that the transference of power had been made peacefully or with the consent of all the members of the court of the previous king. The Jain sources, however, give no account of this event.
Jaitugideva (1239-43 A.D.): Devapāla's son Jaitugideva succeeded him. He had the viruda Bāla-Nārāyana. The Jain poet Āsādhara survived Devapāla and completed his Trişasti-smrti in V.E. 1292 (c. 1235 A.D.), his Sāgāra-dharmāmrta in V.E. 1296 (c. 1239 A.D.) and his Anagāradharmāmrta in V.E. 1300 (c. 1243 A.D.)* in the time of the new king. A Jain work Karmavipäka-ţikā was also written during his reign in V.E. 1295 at Nalakacchapur. It seems that Nalakacchapur was a great centre of Jain scholars at that time." No inscriptions of this king have yet been discovered. The Cirwa inscription of Samarasimha (V.E. 1330) informs us that
Ibid., p. 311. 2 Vs. 12–13, in the colophon: Parera Ar treedt water i
प्रमार वंशवार्थीन्दुदेवपालनृपात्मजे॥ श्रीमज्जैतुगिदेवेऽसि स्थानावन्तीनवत्यलम् ।
ग्रन्थोऽयं द्विनवद्वयेकविक्रमार्क समात्यये॥ 3 Vs. 20-21 in the colophon: 785 THE ISHSFATTI
टीकेयभव्यकुमुदचन्द्रिकेन्युदिता बुधैः।
षण्णवद्वयेकसंख्यानविक्रमांकसमात्यये ॥ 4 V. 31, in the colophon: parágrauiatra
श्रीमज्जैतुगिदेवेऽसि स्थाम्नावन्तीनवत्यलम् ॥ नलकच्छपुरे श्रीमन्नेमिचैत्यालयेऽसिधत्।
विक्रमाब्दशतेष्वेषा त्रयोदशसु कार्तिके। 5 SJGM., XVIII, p. 120, 791 9884 av tek STHF5776548 HET TG1 acostat HERTETETT RICO Faroe T . . . . 37TATÈTOT F anat... Saati
8 ASI., Wc., 1905, p. 12 and also in ibid., 1913, p. 56.

Page #149

THE DYNASTIES OF CENTRAL INDIA
Jaitrasimha Guhila (c. 1213-1256) fought with the Mälava king. I have elsewhere shown that the Mälava king might have been Jaitugideva, who is -almost a contemporary of the Guhila Jaitrasimha.1
Jayavarman II (1256-1260 A.D.): Jaitugi was succeeded by his younger brother (anuja) Jayavarman II. We have one inscription of this king amongst the Jain sources. It is called Modi stone inscription, found in a Jain temple at Modi, Indore Division, Madhya Pradesh. The record is fragmentary. It is dated V.E. 1314 and refers itself to the reign of (Paramāra) Jayavarmadeva. We have two more inscriptions of his reign: one from Rāhatgadh in the Sagar district (M.P.) dated in V.E. 1312 (c. 1256 A.D.) in victorious reign of Jayavarmadeva and the other Mändhätä grant dated V.E. 1317 (c. 1260 A.D.). The latter gives the names of his father and brother.
These inscriptions show that Jayavarman (II) ruled at Dhärä at least from V.E. 1312 to 1317 (c. 1256-60 A.D.).
History knows two or three more princes of this dynasty ruling later, but in the Jain sources, except Bhoja II, they find no mention.
119
Bhoja 11: The Hammira-mahäkävya of Nayacandra tells us that the Cahamāna prince Hammira (c. 1283-1301 A.D.), in the course of his digvijaya defeated Bhoja of Dhārā, encamped in Ujjayani and worshipped at the temple of Mahäkäla. Scholars conjectured that he might be a successor of Arjunavarman II, but they did not know the exact relationship of the two. According to the Muslim chroniclers he embraced Muhammadanism.
Remarks: One thing appears from the history of the later Paramāras that even in the time of rapid succession of the kings, the literary stream of Dhara was not disturbed and it always received the generous patronage of the kings. The scholars, in spite of political disturbances, were devoted to serve the cause of learning in its various branches. During this period scholars were honoured with high posts in the state. Religion and caste were no barriers to promotion. On account of generous patronage the state was
1 See infra, the chapter on Guhilotas.
* IX, Vs. 17, 18
2

ततो मण्डलकुदुर्गात्करमादाय सत्वरम् ।
at ari acari ari enkai u परमारान्वयप्रौढो भोजो भोज इवापरः । तत्राम्भोजमिवानेन राज्ञा म्लानिमनीयत ॥

Page #150

120
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
full of scholars. It was a period of glorious literary productions to which the Jains along with others contributed their share.
The following members of the Paramāra dynasty are known from the Jain sources:
Paramāra
Krsnarāja alias Dhūmarāja
Vairisimha
Sīyaka (II)
Vākpatirāja, Muñja
Sindhurāja
Bhoja I
Naravarman
Jugaddeva alias
Lakşmadeva
Yasovarman
Vindhyavarman
Subhatavarman alias Sohada
Arjunavarman
Devapāla
Jayatugideva
Jayavarman II
Bhoja II

Page #151

CHAPTER VII
THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
THE CĀHAMĀNAS
The Jains supply valuable information about the history of Cāhamănas, though not as amply as about the history of the Paramāras already dealt with or of the Caulukyas to be traced later.
Origin: There are nearly one hundred inscriptions belonging to this family including many Jain inscriptions. Some of them throw light on the origin of this family. A Jain inscription from Bijolia dated V.E. 1226 (A.D. 1170) of the time of Pșthvīrāja's father Someśvara, gives the genealogy of this dynasty from a Cāhamāna, the eponymous prince, born from the Süryamandala to whom the Přthvīrāja-vijaya and Hammira-mahākāvya of the Jain Nayacandrasūri trace the origin. The Sundhā Hill inscription, composed by the Jain teacher Jayamangala of Bịhadgaccha, dated V.E. 1319, records that 'formerly there was a hero Cāhamāna, a source of joy to the great Rși Vatsa'.? The Bijolia inscription, after Cāhamāna, mentions one Vişnu or Väsudeva and then, in the 12th verse it refers to 'a vipra named Sāmanta belonging to Vatsa gotra'3 Thus these two Jain inscriptions associate the one or the other member of this branch with the holy Vatsa, certainly a Vedic Rşi, who was born in the Solar race of the Aryans.
This fact can also be confirmed by a number of other inscriptions of the dynasty, for instance, the Seväời copper plate, dated 1119 A.D. described the originator of the Cāhamāna dynasty as belonging to Solar race of the Kşatriyas. The Jain work Hammira-mahākāvya of Nayacandrasūri, the grandson of the spiritual adviser of Hammīra of Ranathambhora (c. 1283-1301 A.D.), records the tradition as follows:
"Once upon a time, Brahmã wandered in search of a holy place where to hold a sacrifice. The lotus which he held in his hand fell on
1 El., XXVI, pp. 84-112, V. 10 : 27 Arafatfatisalat: 1 2 Ibid., IX, p. 70 ff. V. 4: HEHETETayit....geam TITA
दैत्यतिमिरः श्रीचाहमानः पुरा। 3 Ibid., XXVI, Vs. II-12: saraqitutHITYAT TAHTIST ofta antsta facuit:1
विप्रः श्रीवत्सगोत्रेऽभूदहिच्छत्रपुरे पुरा।
सामन्तोऽनन्तसामन्तः पूर्णतल्ले नृपस्ततः । 4 Ibid., XI, pp. 304 ff. 16

Page #152

122
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the ground as if unable to bear the superior beauty of the lotus-like palm of the god.' The god from this circumstance regarded the spot where the lotus fell as an auspicious one, and there, freed from anxiety, commenced the sacrifice. Anticipating persecution from Dānavas, the god remembered the thousand-rayed one (the Sun), when a being, his face surrounded by a halo of radiance, came down from the orb of the Sun. Him, the destroyer, Brahmă appointed to the work of protecting the sacrifice. From that day the place where the lotus fell has been called Puşkara and he who came down from the Sun, the Cohān." "By the name of Cohān, this prince became the shoot of the family tree, served by the poets; famous in the three worlds; the bearer in abundance of human pearls. In this family rose many a monarch surrounded by a halo of glory whose lives, beautified with the triple acquisition, are able to destroy mountains of sins.?3
A similar tale has been narrated by the Pịthviraja-vijaya of Jayānaka, according to whom, an eponymous Cāhamāna was the originator of the dynasty. Thus all the above quoted authorities more or less agree that the first member Cahamäna of this clan comes out of the Solar orb (Sauryamandala).
The Jain sources do not contain the theory of the origin of Agnikula or Lunar race as known from other sources.
The late Dr. D. R. Bhandārkar, however, put forward yet another theory of the Brahmā origin of the Cāhamānas on the basis of the Bijolia inscription noted above. He assumes that, as Samanta, an early Cāhamāna prince, is said to have been a vipra of Srivatsa gotra in the Bijolia inscription, he must have belonged to a priestly class of some foreign tribe which 1 Canto I, Vs. 14–15: 75 goj 777 sasi tog fauna tha: S I
प्रतिवत्पष्करमाशुपाणिपद्मात्पराभूतमिवास्य भासा॥ तत: शुभं स्थान मिदं विभाव्य प्रारब्ध यज्ञोयमपास्तदैन्यः।
निःशंक्य भीति दनुजव्रजेभ्यः स्मेरस्य सस्मार सहस्ररश्मेः॥ 2 Ibid., Vs. 16-17: Brangiossatset Hat Tay: YHTETHESTA: 1
तं चाभिषिच्याश्वदसीय रक्षाविधौ व्यधादेष मखं सुखेन ॥ पपात यत्पुष्करमत्र पाणे: ख्यातं ततः पुष्करतीर्थमेतत् ।
यच्चायमागादथ चाहमानः पुमानतोऽख्यायि स चाहमानः। 3 Ibid., V. 25: regg Fra STEHTİTREFT Herennia:
Er gaafarsda FETITEGA TRUFFT etc. 4 JRAS., 1913, p. 264. 5 Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rājasthān.

Page #153

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
123
afterwards merged into Kșatriya caste by changing the priestly pursuits for martial ones. In his opinion Sāmanta was really a convert.
But the term vipra in question is open to various interpretations. The following is the revised translation of the verse: 'A vipra named Sämanta having numerous feudatory princes was born or descended in Vatsa gotra at Ahicchatrapur, after him came the prince Pūrņatalla'.?
According to Mr. Karna, who has re-edited this inscription, the use of the term vipra in connection with a ruling prince decidedly of the Ksatriya stock, is found not only in this inscription but also in many others of various ruling dynasties where the princes are sometimes called vipra and sometimes mahideva. In his opinion such usage has nothing to do with the origin or blood of the princes and seems to have some bearing on their divine habits which they might have acquired. Even today the application of the term mahārāju, undoubtedly a princely title, to a Brahmana is not infrequent.3
The fact that the Ksatriyas had certain gotras like Vatsa, Bhāradvāja, Vašistha etc., is very well known to the scholars. We will see elsewhere that Hemacandra mentions the Caulukyas of the Bhāradvāja gotra.*
Their original seat: The 11th verse of the above inscription gives a description of Sākambharā (sākāmbhari) the guardian deity of the Cāhamāna race, born as the mother of Vişnu (Vāsudeva). It is stated in the Prthvirāja-vijaya and Hammira-mahākāvyae that Vāsudeva carved out his principality around the lake Sākambharā (Sambhara) or Puşkaratirtha which region is said here to have become his mother (Janīva) or mother-country.
Most of the scholars, on the assumption that Sāmanta was the earliest member of the family and he was born in Ahicchatrapur, regard Ahicchatrapur as the original seat of the family. This assumption of theirs is based only on the erroneous interpretation of the previous two verses (10 and 11 of the Bijolia record) in which Cāhamāna and Väsudeva are recorded as the earliest members of the family and their seat as Sākambharī (modern
1 IA., XL, p. 26. ? EI., XXVI, p. 87. 3 Ibid., p. 88. 4 DV., Canto VI, V. 7: ATE TIETĀ att tayott
उत्तुङ्गपर्वतपयोधरभारभुन्ना शाकाम्भराजनि जनीव ततोऽपि विष्णोः। 6 Canto III and IV: HMK., I, 17: cá na: grattack! 7 Bijolia Inscription V. 12: fast: itaasuf25297 ATI 8 DHNI., II, pp. 1053-54.

Page #154

124
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
lake Sāmbhara). Moreover, we have the testimony of the two literary works noted above which without mentioning Ahicchatra, associate the rise of the Cāhamānas with the lake Sākambhari (sāmbhara or Puşkaratirtha)) situated on the border of the Jodhpur and Jaipur divisions. In order to show more evidences, we have the earliest inscriptions of the tribe so far discovered, the provenance of which and the identification of some of the places mentioned therein demonstrate that the Sākambhari region was, from the very beginning, the cradle of this race.
The identification of Ahicchatrapur which is stated here' as the original seat of the government of Sāmanta has been also a subject of much discussion. Some scholars like Bhagavanlal Indraji and Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, on the assumption that the original home of the Cāhamānas is also called Sapādalakṣa, are inclined to regard this word as the original Samskřt of the modern word Sivālika, which is a range of hills below Dehra Dun in the Saharanpur district, U.P. and thus, according to them, this Ahicchatrapur must have been a town in that region in the upper Gangā-Jumnā Valley, from where the dynasty migrated southwards. Pt. G. H. Ojha, on the evidence of an inscription, which states that Ahicchatrapur was the capital of Jāngludeśa (Jāngaladeśa), has identified it with Nāgpur (modern Nagapur in the Jodhpur division), as Nāga and Ahi being the synonymous terms. In the Jain literature of the eleventh and later centuries Cāhamānas were called the kings of Jāngala. Kumārapāla, according to the Vasanta-vilāsa, fought with Jāngaleśa Arnorāja.4 This Jāngala country has been identified with the region now known as Bikaner and the northern Mārwār.
We, now, on the basis of the above facts and on the evidences gathered from the earlier inscriptions, can say that Ahicchatrapur must have been at that time in the Sākambhari-pradeśa where Vişnu (Vāsudeva), the predecessor of Sämanta, had carved out his principality
There are several branches of the Cāhamānas ruling over various places. The following branches are known from the Jain sources: (1) Cāhamānas of Sākambhari, (2) Cāhamānas of Ranastambhapura, (3) Cāhamānas of Naddula, (4) Cāhamänas of Jāvälipura and (5) Cāhamānas of Lāța. Except the last one all other branches ruled in Rājasthāna.
1 V. II. 2 EI., XXVI, p. 89. 3 Ojha, Nāgari pracārini-patrikā, Vol. II, Part III; JASB., 1922, p. 289. 4 GOS., VII, Canto III, Vs. 2, 9, 32. See also Sukyta-samkirtana, Canto II,
V. 43.

Page #155

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
125
1. CĀHAMĀNAS OF SĀKAMBHARI
We have three important sources about this dynasty in the Jain historical materials. The first is the Jain inscription from Bijolia noted above and the other two are the Hammiru-mahākāvya of Nayacandrasūri and the Prabundha-kośa of Rājasekharasüri, though the literary sources are not of primary importance.
The Jain inscription from Bijolia, a village in Mewar about 100 miles from the capital (Udaipur), is the most important and peculiar inscription among hundreds of inscriptions of the Cāhamāna dynasty. Though it is a later authority dated V.E. 1226 (c. 1169 A.D.) of the reign of Someśvara, it, however, gives the name of 29 predecessors of Someśvara. It is an almost complete and trustworthy authority over the dynasty. This inscription testifies the genealogical lists supplied by the Pythvīrāja-vijaya-mahakāvya composed in c. 1200 A.D.
Cahamāna: This is a very long inscription, but its verses from 10 to 28 only contain a genealogical list of the Cāhamānas of Sākambhari. From the 10th verse of this inscription, the first person appears to have been the illustrious Cāhamăna. It may be said here that almost all the scholars regard that the genealogy according to this inscription begins from Sāmanta. According to them the compound expression 'śri Cāhamāna Kșitirājavamśa' in the first quarter of verse 10 means 'Sri Cāhamāna eva Kșitirājavamsa" the royal or princely dynasty known as Cahamāna. But they forget one point in this respect that this compound should also mean 'Sri Cāhamānasya Ksitirä javansa' in which case the present genealogy suggests itself to start from Cahamāna.” The Pythvirāja-vijaya and Hammira-mahākāvya also begin this genealogy from Cāhamana.
Vasudeva: The second person of this branch, who has been regarded as historical, is Vişnu* described in the 11th verse who, according to the other authorities, may be taken as identical with Văsudeva. The author of this inscription is said to have been fond of employing variants in the case of proper names both geographical as well as genealogical. He has evidently referred to Vasudeva by the variant Vişnu. This Vişņu (Väsudeva) of the
1 El., XXVI, pp. 84-112. 2 Ibid., Introduction, p. 87. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 263: HMK., Canto I, V. 17. HETTAT greita naista racont: 1 4 See supra, p. 121. 5 JRAS., 1913, p. 263: HMK., Canto I, V. 27.

Page #156

126
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
inscription has totally escaped the attention of the scholars. The word 'tatopi' towards the end of this verse should indicate that there a mention is made of some prince in descent from the one mentioned in the previous verse, who is undoubtedly Vişnu or Väsudeva, and thus proves that Cāhamăna in the foregoing verse is used as the name of a prince and not as a mere family title. This Vāsudeva is said to have carved out a principality around the lake Sākambharā." The Hammira-mahākāvya eulogises this prince much, but gives no historical information. The Prabandha-kośa assigns him the date V.E. 608 for which we have no support.
Samanta: The second historical person appears to be Sāmanta in the 12th verse who is said to have had numerous feudatory princes. This prince has been regarded as the very first ruler of the Bijolia inscription by all the scholars, but taking Cāhamāna as the first prince on this list as already discussed above, this prince may be regarded third in order of succession. He, of course, may be considered to be the first prince of this line, who, most probably, established himself on the firm ground in his ancestral land and maintained his position as a ruler. Nothing else is known of hin from any other sources.
His Successors: After him came the princes Pūrņatalla, Jayaraja, Vigrahanspa, Candana, Gopendraka, Durlabha, Gūvaka, Sašinspa, Guvāka, Candana, Bappayarāja, Vindhyanặpati, Simharāja, Vigraha, Durlabha (II) Gundu and his younger brother Viryārāma.
In the 13th verse these princes are simply enumerated and no mention is made regarding the relationship of each other. The genealogical list supplied by the two Jain works the Himmira-mahākāvya and the Prabandha-kośa, does not tally in most of the cases and the relationship and succession of these kings recorded in them cannot be taken as reliable, for they have no other epigraphical or literary support. We, however, have some information from the Pịthvīrāja-vijaya and Harsa Stone inscription dated 973 A.D., regarding their relationship. Thus Jayarāja was the son of Sāmanta, Vigrahanrpa and Candra were respectively the son and grand-son of Jayarāja, Gopendraka was the brother of Candra and
fa
algaa: 1
1 EI., XXVI, PP, 84-112, V. II. 2 SJGM., VI, p. 133: 897 FOC 3 El., XXVI, pp. 84-112, V, 12. 4 Ibid., V. 13. 5 EI., II, pp. 116-30.

Page #157

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
127
Durlabha was Candra's son, i.e., Gopendraka's nephew. Gopendraka of this list seems to be identical with Govindarāja of the list given by the Prabandha-kośa, who is said to have been a predecessor of Durlabha and to have defeated one Suratrāņa (Sultan) Vegavarisa.
Durlabharāja is stated in the Pșthviraja-vijaya to have been succeeded by his son Govindarāja who is identical with Gūvaka of our inscription and of the Harşa Stone inscription. Gūvaka was succeeded by Candrarāja whom our inscription calls Saśinspa, which may be taken as synonymous with Candrarāja. His son was Gūvaka (II) who is styled in our inscription as Guvāka. He was succeeded by his son Candana who is said to have slain in the battle a Tomara prince called Rudra in the Harşa Stone inscription. His son and successor was Vappayarăja who is styled as Vākpatirāja or Vākpati in the Harsa Stone inscription and the Pythvīrāja-vijaya respectively. He had a title of Mahārāja and put to flight one Tantrapāla according to the Harșa Stone inscription. His successor was Vindhyanfpati, who has not been regarded as a separate prince by scholars due to erroneous reading of the text. But the text on the rock is in the dual form 'Vappayarā ja-Vindhyany pati' which means two separate princes. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar assumes him as the successor of Vappayarāja. Nothing is known of Vindhyanộpati from any sources. He had two sons Simharāja and Lakşmaņa. The younger son Laksmana was the founder of Naddala branch of the Cähamānas known from the Nadol Jain copper plates (V.E. 1218). Väkpati, however, was succeeded by his elder son, Simharāja. According to the Prabandha-kośa's genealogy Simharāja defeated Hajji-ud-Din at Jethāņa (Jethana 20 miles from Ajmer). The Hammira-mahākāvya says that Simharāja killed the Musalaman general named Hātim." The Harsa Stone inscription and the Pythvirāja-vijaya mention him as a great warrior, and as one 'who defeated the Tomara leader together with Lavana and annihilated in war the rulers in every direction'.S
1 JRAS., 1913, p. 265: CET15: 2 SJGM., VI, p. 133 : game anafuata 8 El., XXVI, p. 90. 4 I A., 1913. p. 58 ff. 5 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangrah, 1, p. 210, Vs. 2-3. & SJGM., VI, p. 133: Hetterature tracta FI grupafasan ? Canto I, V. 102: Tata ra afai 749fá faraufsatraat 8 EI., II, p. 127.

Page #158

128
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Vigraharāja II (c. 973 A.D.): Simharāja was succeeded by his son Vigraharāja II. According to the Jain prabandhas he was a contemporary of Mūlarāja Caulukya (c. 961-96 A.D.). We have elsewhere described a war of this king with Mülarāja. It is stated in the Prabandha-cintamani that Mūlarāja was attacked simultaneously by the general Bārappa and the ruler of Sākambhari. Mülarāja with the advice of his ministers took shelter in the fort of Kanthā. According to the Hammira-mahākāvya, Vigraharāja killed Mülarāja and devastated the country of Gujarata.I have shown elsewhere that the truth lies between the two statements, that is, Mülarāja was really defeated by him. The Pythviraja-vijaya also confirms this view. The Harsa Stone inscription of his reign assigns him the date V.E. 1030 (c. 973 A.D.).4
Durlabharāja: After him came his younger brother Durlabharāja. A Jain authority known as the Bijapur Stone inscription (V.E. 1053) informs us that he harassed the Naddula prince Mahendra who sought shelter with Dhavala, the Rāştrakūta prince of Hathundi."
His Successors: He was succeeded by his son Govindarāja who is styled in the Bijolia Stone inscription as well as in the two literary sources as Gandu. The Prabandha-kośa credits him with a victory over Sulțān Mahmūd, but we have no support for this statement. Govindarāja was succeeded by his son Väkpati II about whom it is said in the Pythvīrāja-vijaya that he killed Āghāta king Ambaprāsāda.' He was succeeded by his younger brother Vīryārāma who is stated by the Pythvīrāja-vijaya to have been killed by the Paramāra Bhoja--lord of Avanti (c. 999-1055 A.D.). Dr. Bhandarkar assumes that he was one of the sons of Gundu,' while Dr. Ray calls him the son of Vākpati.10
gor
1 SGM., I, p. 16. 2 Canto II, V. 9: FSTTTT t fast at T i paranta 3 See infra, Chap. IX, II. 4 EI., II, pp. 127 ff. 5 El., x, pp. 17 ff. V. 11: RicSHTaryfseðigreinte .... THICHÈ
सेनानीरिव नीतिपौरुषपरो नैषीत्परा निर्वतिम्। See also HIG., III, N. 238 A., p. 237. & SJGM., VI, p. 133, N. 16. 7 JRAS., 1913, p. 268 and fn. 3, Canto V. Vs. 59-60, 8 Canto V, 67. 9 EI., XXVI, p. go ff. 10 DHNI., II, p. 1069.

Page #159

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHAN
129
Vīryārāma was succeeded by his younger brother Cāmundarāja. The Bijolia inscription also ascribes him as younger brother of Vīryārāma. The word anuja is given for him in the end of the 13th verse. It is also suggested that the word anuja has also to be construed with the first word Cāmunda mentioned in the next verse. Cāmunda is definitely stated in the Pythviräja-vijaya to be the brother of Viryārāma.” He is said in the Prabandha-kośa to have destroyed a Sultan. The Hammira-mahākävya gives the name of that Sultan as Hejama-d-din.
After Cāmunda, in the 14th verse, come in order Rāņakavara Singhat, his brother Dusala and Visala. After him his son Pșthvīrāja and thereafter his son Ajayadeva.
Durlabharāja III: The name of Rāņakavara Singhat, we do not find elsewhere. His successor was his brother Düsala who is called Durlabha or Durlabharāja III in the Pythvīrāja-vijaya and the Hammira-mahākāvya." As to whose son he was, we do not know from the present epigraph. The Pythviraja-vijaya calls him the son of Vīryārāma, but Dr. Bhandarkar regards him as the son of Cāmunda. He is here stated to be the brother of Singhat and if he was the son of Cāmunda as Dr. Bhandarkar believes, then Singhat whose relation with his predecessor is not yet known was also an elder son of Cāmunda.? The Hammira-mahākávya states that Durlabharāja killed Karna in the battles and the Prabandha-kośa relates that Dūsala having tied the king of Gujarata brought him to Ajmer and made him to sell the whey (takram). We, however, have no support for these statements. The Prthvirāja-vijaya on the other hand attributes this war between Udayāditya of Mālava (c. 1059-87 A.D.) and Karna (c. 1064-94 A.D.) in
i V. 14. 2 Canto I, V. 68. 3 SIGM., VI, p. 133 : Canto II, V. 24:
: 17 TAHÁT TETTE atat
• Bijolia Inscription, V. 14. 6 Canto II, V. 25.
Canto V, V. 69. ? EI., XXVI, p. 90 ff. & Canto II, V, 31: A FIZO AT PUTT J O H Tft Start 9:1
SJGM., VI, p. 133: aa fet tradaramata: 1 354 EHTED कारापितः।
Talat

Page #160

130
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
which Karya was defeated by the assistance of Vigraharāja (Visaladeva) III, the successor of Dūsala.1
Vigrakarāja III: His successor was Visaladeva, who is called Vigraharāja III in the Pythviräja-vijaya2 and Visvala in the Hammiramahākāvya. The present inscription gives Räjadevi as the name of his queen. According to the Hammira-mahākāvya he killed Sihāb-ud-din and liberated the authority of Mālava king troubled by the Mlecchas." The Prabandha-kośa depicts him as a lustful prince who outraged the modesty of a chaste Brāhmaṇa woman. She cursed him and he died with several sores in the body.
Prthviraja 1: His successor was his son Ppthvirāja I who is also called Brhat (Great) Prthvīrāja in the Prabandha-kośa.' His queen's name is given as Rāsalladevi in our inscription. The Prabandha-kośa states that he was the breaker of arms of the Sultan Vagulīshāh. The only one inscription of his reign dated V.E. 1162 (c. 1105 A.D.) has been found in Revāsā, Jaipur division.'
A jayadeva: Pșthvirāja was succeeded by his son Ajayarāja who is also called Ajayadeva'' in the Bijolia inscription, Sālhaņa in the Pythvīrājavijaya and Alhana in the Hammīra-mahākāvya and Prabandha-kośa.11 His queen's name is recorded as Somalladevi. Our Jain record from Bijolia states that he killed three heroes, viz., Cāciga, Sindhula and Yaśorāja.'2 These heroes have been associated by the learned editor of this inscription
1 Canto V, Vs. 76-78: ARIE T : 1
जिगाय गूर्जरं कर्ण तमश्वं प्राप्य मालवः ।। See also infra, on the Caulukya of Gujarata. 2 Ibid. 3 Canto II, V. 33. 4 Bijolia Inscription, V. 14: aglatt acist dazat: itaatit: 1 5 Canto II, V. 37. 6 SJGM., VI. p. 133: Fitq; HETATI atquni fa .... 7 Ibid., p. 133: 22 qacacat 5:1 8 Ibid., HEETTITAE 9 ASI., Wc., 1906-10, P. 52. 10 EI., XXVI, p. 93, V. 14: TCHETSATT AT: agla: 1 11 PV., Canto V. 83: HK., Canto II, V. 41; SJGM., VI. p. 133. 12 V. 15: EL RETTET
क्षिप्रं दूर कृतान्तवक्रकुहरे श्रीमार्गदुर्दान्वितम् ॥

Page #161

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
131
with localities of śrīmārgga and Durdda noted in this inscription. According to him Śrimārgga is the variant of Sripatha which has been identified by Fleet with modern Bayānā in the Bharatapur district, and Durdda may be identified with modern Duddai or Dudhai in the Central India. It seems from the identifications of the localities that Ajayadeva must have defeated these heroes in his northward and eastward campaigns. The word 'Vira' (Hero) shows probably that they did not belong to any of the principal ruling families, but may have been feudatories of an inferior rank of some one of them. This record also refers to his other achievements which states that Ajayadeva captured in battle Sulhana, the commander-in-chief of the army, and tied him to a camel in the field of battle.? The Pịthvirājavijaya also confirms this fact by stating that Ajayarāja defeated Sulhana, the king of Mālava.? As we know there was no king ruling in Mālava during this period, scholars assume that he might have been a general of that name of the then Paramāra prince, possibly Naravarman (1094-1133 A.D.) ruling over Mālava.The Pịthvirāja-vijaya and the Prabandha-kośa regard him as the founder of the city of Ajayameru, now known as Ajmer."
Ajayadeva may be regarded as the first powerful king of this lineage who took the initiative in enlarging his kingdom and carving out a path for his descendants for further expansion. He had also issued silver and copper coins which bore the legend of śri Somalādevi, a variant of the name of Ajayadeva's queen Somalladevi mentioned in our inscription.
Arnorāja (c. 1139-1153 A.D.): Arnorāja as the son of Ajayadeva succeeded his father. We have fortunately one colophon of the Jain MS named Avaśyakasūtra-niryukti of his reign, dated V.E. 1198 (1142 A.D.). This may be connected with his early reign. It gives him the titles Samastaräjävali-samalan krta-paramabhattāraka-mahäräjādhiraja-parameśvara, which shows him a powerful king from the very beginning of his reign. He seems to have been a great warrior. The 16th verse of the Bijolia Jain record highly eulogises him and the next verse refers to his victory over certain
1 EL, XXVI, p. 93. * V. 15: SAATESUGUSalac: HTTHRITITŪTI
Hata FIFA: FRH .... Part 1 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 272. 4 EI., XXVI, p. 93. * SIGM., VI. p. 133. 35251: 37 S TART":
SJGM., XVIII, p. 105.

Page #162

132
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
kingdoms. In the first half of it, we are informed that this prince resorted to retaliation against the kingdoms of Kuśa and Vārana." Kuśa as the name of a kingdom, may denote Kuśasthala of Kanauj. Vārana is the well-known ancient name of Bulandaśahara near Delhi. The identification of these two places shows that he extended his dominion farther eastwards from Duddai and northwards from Bayānā, the two places already occupied by his father noted above.
The next half of the verse informs us that Arņorāja had shown disrespect to one who was called Nirvāņa Nārāyaṇa and thus brought him to humiliation. Nirvāņa Nārāyaṇa as we already know was the epithet of the Paramāra prince Naravarman (1094-1133 A.D.) who was a contemporary of both Ajayadeva and Arnorāja. He has been referred to in the concluding portion of the verse by name Devarāja, because he also has been called Nirvāņa Nārāyaṇa. Consequently he was looked upon as Devaraja, lord of gods.* Arnorāja might have attacked and subdued him either independently or he might have assisted his father-in-law Siddharāja Jayasimha who waged war against Naravarman in order to avenge himself of the latter's attack on his capital when he was on a pilgrimage to Somanāth. The fact has already been referred to elsewhere."
The Prabandha-cintāmaņi states that Jayasimha Caulukya gave back Sapādalakṣa with several lacs to humbled Āņāka king. The Dvyāśrayakävya simply states that Āņa of Sapädalaksa bent his head before the Caulukya Jayasimha (c. 1094-1144 A.D.)." The Kirti-kaumudi confirms the fact by stating that Jayasimha differed from Vişnu in this respect, that while Vişnu conquered Arnorāja (Ocean) and took his daughter Lakşmi, Siddharāja Jayasimha conquered Arņorāja (king of Ajmer) but gave his own daughter to him in marriage. The commentator of the Prthvirājavijaya refers to the name of his daughter as Kāncanadevi.' This marriage
1 V. 17: 774 FTRU Ta Tipita 2 EI., XXVI, p. 93. 3 V. 17: agi qaraganda faforar
न्यक्काराचरणेन भंगकरणं श्रीदेवराज प्रति॥ 4 El., XXVI, p. 94. 5 See supra pp. 110-III, Chapter on the Paramāras of Mälava 6 SJGM., I, p. 76: HT: RETETT TART GT: 1 ?DV., Canto XVI, V. 20 and XVIII, V. 103. 8 Canto II, Vs. 27-29, p. II. 9 PV. p. 198.

Page #163

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
133
was regarded by the scholars as a matrimonial alliance to end the hostility between the two neighbouring dynasties.
The Duyāśraya-kāvya and the subsequent Jain works record that the hostilities with the Caulukyas seems to have broken out afresh with the accession of Kumārapāla. This war has been referred to in detail elsewhere. The Dvyāśraya-kāvya mentions that Arņorāja brought peace by giving his daughter Jalhaņā to Kumārapāla.
The Pșthvīrāja-vijaya states that he also completely vanquished the Musalmans (Mātangas) who came across the desert and in order to purify the place where the Musalmans had fallen, the king constructed a lake and filled it with the river Candra.? The Hammira-mahākāvya calls him Anala and says that he dug a tank, a merit to the forest of Puşkara.
Arnorāja's successors: The Bijolia inscription mentions Vigraharăja as a son and successor of Arņorāja but he does not seem to be an immediate successor of his father. The Pịthviraja-vijaya refers to Sudhavā, the queen of Arņorāja, giving birth to three sons, who were different from one another as the three Gunas (sattva, rajas, tamas). The name of the first son is, however, not mentioned there. The poet simply states about him that he rendered to his father the same service as Bhțgu's son Paraśurāma had rendered to his mother and went out like the wick of a lamp leaving behind an evil smell. This denotes that the eldest son must have killed his father. His name seems to be Jagadeva as referred to by the two Jain works Hammira-mahākāvya and Prabandha-kośa which mention him as the successor of Analadeva and predecessor of Visaladeva (Vigraharāja IV).? He must have occupied the throne for some time. Except his eulogy nothing else is mentioned about him in the Jain works. He was succeeded by his younger brother Vigraharāja.
Vigraharāja (1153-1164 A.D.): The inscriptions of Jagadeva's reign show that he ruled from V.E. 1210 to 1220.8 The colophon of a
1 See infra, Chapter on the Caulukya of Gujarata. 2 DV., Canto, XIX, Vs. 1-60. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 274. 4 Canto II, V. 51. 5 El., XXVI, pp. 84-112, V. 18. • PV., Canto VI, pp. 197 ff.; JRAS., 1913, p. 274. 7 Canto II, V. 52; SJGM., VI, p. 113. 8 DHNI., II, pp. 1074-76.

Page #164

134
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Jain MS named Upadeśapada-ţikā, dated V.E. 1212, informs us that the work was composed in the prosperous reign of "Samastarājāvalivirä jita-paramabhattāraka-mahārājādhirāja Vigraharājadeva."1 This shows that he was a powerful monarch. Our Bijolia inscription ascribes to him a number of campaigns which he won. The verses from 20 to 22 refer to his victories thus:
"Sajjana, the only wicked person on earth, took his way towards the home of Kștānta (the god of death); and Kuntapāla, the keeper of lance, came to a state of utter lancelessness. He due to his resentment made Jāvālipur, the city of flames; Pallikā, an insignificant village; and Naddula like a bed of reeds. He made his fame to take rest on each street of towns and on each roof of dwellings, which was fatigued due to the capture of Dhillik, and was lagging behind owing to the acquisition of Asikā."2
Sajjana of the above description has been identified with the dandädhipati Sajjanah, governor of Saurāştra in the time of Jayasimha and Kumārapāla. This reminds one of the hostility between Kumārapāla and Vigraharāja, who must have avenged the defeat of his father Arņorāja by Kumārapāla noted above, by killing the governor Sajjana, who was quite old at that time. Kuntapāla has been identified with the Paramāra prince of Kirāļu by that name, whom, according to the Mahanota Naiņisi, Kirtipāla, son of Alhana, a feudatory of Kumārapāla, defeated." Kuntapāla was thus a contemporary of Alhaņa and Vigraharāja. Vigraharāja is said to have burnt his city Jāvālipur (Jallor). Pallikā of the inscription is identical with modern Pāli in Jodhpur.Naddūla is modern Nadola which at that time was a capital of the Cāhamāna prince Alhana, a feudatory of Kumārapāla. His allegiance to Kumārapāla must have caused the indignation to Vigraharāja who devastat
1 SJM., XXIII, p. 107. २ कृतान्तपथसजोऽभूत् सजनो सजनोभुवः। वैकुतं कुन्तपालोऽगाह्यतो वै कुन्तपालकः॥ जावालिपुरं ज्वालापुरं कृता पलिकापि पल्लीव । नड्वलतुल्यं रोषान्नद्दलं येन शौर्येण ॥ प्रतोल्यां च बलभ्यां च येन विश्रामितं यशः। ढिल्लिकाग्रहणश्रान्तमाशिकालाभलभितम् ।। 3 EI., XXVI, p. 94; see also supra p. 133. 4 Ibid., p. 94. 5 Ibid. * See infra, Chapter on the Caulukyas of Gujarata.

Page #165

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
135
ed Nadol. Dhillikā is modern Delhi and Asikā is identical with modern Hansi. Both were the cities of Tomara prince Anangapāla III ruling at that time. This last conquest reminds us that Vigraharāja aimed at completing the victory over northern part of his territory, started by his grandfather Ajayadeva and successfully carried out by his father Arņorāja. From the other records we know that he was a paramount sovereign ruling over the whole of Hindustan lying between the Himalaya and Vindhya.” Our inscription has revealed as to how he actually gained the paramountcy. By this extension he naturally came into contact and conflict with the Yaminis of Gazani and the Punjab. The Prabandha-kośa regards him as a conqueror of the Turuşkas.
Vigraharāja was also a man of letters. He wrote a drama entitled Harakeli. His court poet Somadeva also wrote a drama, Lalitavigraharāja, about him describing his love affairs. The Prabandha-cintāmaņi calls him Kavi-bāndhava.*
Pịthvirāja 11: The Bijolia inscription states that Vigraharāja was succeeded by his elder brother's son, Ppthvīrāja (II). But the Prthvīrājavijaya and the Jain work Prabandha-kośa mention Apara or Amara Gāngeya as the son and successor of Vigraharāja, young and unmarried. Thus the throne passed on to Pịthvīrāja. The Prabandha-kośa gives his other name Pānthadadeva. According to Bijolia inscription he was very charitable, and donated a village named Morajhari to Pārsvanātha, the erection of whose temple the Bijolia inscription records. From his inscriptions we get his period from V.E. 1224 to 1226 (1167-1169 A.D.).
Someśvara (1170-77 A.D.): Pșthvirāja, son of Jagadeva, was succeeded by his third uncle Someśvara, whom we know from the Prthvirājavijaya's commentary, as a son of Arņorāja from his queen Kāncanadevī the daughter of the Caulukya Jayasimha Siddharāja. Canto VII of the Prihvīrāja-vijaya describes that Kumārapāla, the nephew of Jayasimha, made his name significant by bringing up the Kumāra (young) Someśvara.
1 EI., XXVI, p. 94. 2 TA., XIX, pp. 215-19, Delhi Siwalika Pillar inscription. 3 SJGM., VI, p. 133: tha: TFSETI 4 Ibid., I, p. 90. 5 JRAS., 1913, p. 276; SJGM., VI, p. 133. & SJGM., VI, P. 134. 7 Vs. 23-25. 8 DHNI., II, pp. 1078-80.

Page #166

136
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Kumärapāla always kept Someśvara near himself. Someśvara with his own sword cut off the head of the Rājā of Konkana during Kumārapāla's invasion of that country. Someśvara married Karpūradevi, daughter of the king of Tripuri.' The Hammira-mahākāvya also mentions this marriage.? From them were born the princes Pșthvīrāja and Harirāja. After the death of Pșthvīrāja II the ministers brought him to the Sapādalaksa country and placed him on the throne. The Bijolia epigraph also appears to support the fact of passing his youth in the Caulukya court by saying that he obtained his paternal kingdom through the grace of Someśvara* (Someśvarāllabdharājyah), the famous god in Saurāșțra, who was the tutelary deity of the Caulukya princes. This inscription, however, does not mention any political event of his reign except that he earned through valour the viruda of Pratāpalankeśvara and that he with a desire to gain heaven endowed Pārśvanātha on the bank of the Revā with a village named Revaņā in śāsana (absolute charity). It is worth noticing that this prince as well as his predecessor both donated a village each to this god. The Bijolia inscription is dated in the year V.E. 1226 when the erection of the temple was finished. It was perhaps the first year of the reign of Someśvara. Thus, Pșthvīrāja II's donation must have been made when the image was already installed and his successor Someśvara made his donation when the deity was enshrined in the temple.
We know about the duration of his reign from his inscriptions which extend from V.E. 1226 to 1234 (c. 1169-1177 A.D.), but the Prabandhakośa mentions V.E. 1236 (A.D. 1179) as the date of accession of his son and successor Pșthvīrāja.' He, therefore, might have ruled upto that year.
Prthvīrāja III (1179-1192 A.D.): The Pythvīrāja-vijaya says: "So before leaving this world he (Someśvara) had appointed the Devī or the queen (Karpūradevi) to protect his son in his childhood." This shows that Prthvīrāja was minor at the time of the death of Someśvara. According to the Hammīra-mahākāvya, when Prthvīrāja had acquired proficiency in
1 JRAS., 1913, p. 275. 2 Canto II, V. 72. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 275. 4 V. 26. 5 V. 27. 6 V. 28. → SJGM., I, p. 134: Ceas: H. 3736 TET! S JRAS., 1913, p. 277.

Page #167

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
137
letters and arms, Someśvara installed him on the throne and himself retiring from the world died in the practice of the Yoga.
His inscriptions give us dates from V.E. 1236 to 1245 (c. 1179-1189), but the two Jain works, the Vividha-tirtha-kalpa and the Prabandha-kośa, state that this hero died in V.E. 1248 (1192 A.D.).? The period, therefore, may be assigned to him from V.E. 1236 to 1248.
The Jain sources have recorded only two of his struggles, the one with the Candella king Paramardi and the other with Sihāb-ud-din Ghori.
The Prabandha-cintīmaņi states that he defeated the king Paramardi and made him fugitive. We have shown elsewhere that this statement of the Jain author has been corroborated by the Madanpur inscriptions of Prthvirāja which state that he had invaded and plundered a large portion of thc Candella territory beyond the Betwa.The Jain prabandhas also refer to the enmity between Pșthvīrāja and Jayacandra but they have not stated any cause behind it."
The war with the Sultan of Gazani is amply described by the Prabandhacintāmani, Purátana-prabandha-sangraha and the Hammira-mahākāvya, The Prabandha-cintāmani states:
"Pịthvīrāja repulsed from his city thrice seven times the king of the Mlecchas, but nevertheless that very king came for the twentysecond time to the capital of Pșthyīrāja and encamped there with his formidable army.” It is said that a hero by name Tunga entered the camp of the enemy through a stratagem, killed the enemy and caused his army to be fled. It is further stated that the son of that Mleccha king remembering his father's feud invaded the Sapādalakşa country but he was driven away and Pșthvīrāja went in pursuit of him. A minister named Someśvara tried to dissuade him, but the king, erroneously supposing that he favoured the enemy, cut off his ears. Somes.
i Canto II, V. 77.
2 SJGM., X, p. 45: FREMT 376 () WHEE 877891 FESTTTF5989 PERCE@rafa TIETSTOUT CEVI I Ibid., VI, p. 134., ait: 3786 a: 1
3 See supra p. 69; Merutunga, in his Prabandha-cintāmaņi, makes confusion between Paramardi, who is identical with the Cālukya Vikramāditya VI of the Daccan, and the king of this name of the Candella dynasty. He associates Paramardi with Siddharāja Jayasimha in one place, and connects him with Pșthviraja elsewhere. (SJGM., I, p. 116).
4 ASR., XX, No. 9, and XXI. 5 See supra, p. 50 Chapter on the Gahadavālas.
18

Page #168

138
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
vara was incensed against that king on account of that cruelty and called the Mlecchas to invade the country of Sapädalaksa. This time Pộthviraja was captured and taken away to the Mleccha country. He
then was put to death by cutting off his head with an axe. The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha states:
"Pșthviraja was ruling at Yoganīpur (Delhi); he had a spearman named Pratāpasimha and the minister Kainvāsa (Kadambavāsa). Both of them were on hostile terms. Once the king of Turuşkas at Garjanaka (Gazani), in hostility with Pșthvīrāja, invaded Yoganīpur. He, however, was captured alive by Pộthvīrāja but through the order of the mother of Pịthvirāja he was released. Pratāpasimha, the spearman, used to go to Gazani to realise the taxes levied over it. Once he distributed the coins of gold among the destitutes in the name of ill-stars of the king Pșthvīrāja. By this and other acts he became very favourite to Pșthvīrāja. In order to avenge the enmity with minister Kainvāsa he falsely complained to the king that this minister every now and then calls the Turuşkas to attack us. Thereupon, the king wanted to kill the minister but he failed in his attempt. This plot, however, became known to the bard named Candabaliddika. The bard, by means of two stanzas, tried to show the higher qualities of the minister Kainvāsa, but the king did not heed. He dismissed the services of the minister and expelled the bard. Then a new minister was appointed. The king had imprisoned a nephew of Pratāpasimha whom he did not release. Pratāpasimha, thereupon, called upon the Sultan to invade the land of Pșthvīrāja. At one occasion he suddenly attacked him and killed many Cāhamāna heroes. Prthvīrāja fled away mounted on his horse named Națārambha, but he was caught while escaping. Fettered he was brought before the Sultan at Yoganipur (then in the possession of Sultan) and was asked what he would do if he should set him free. He told that he had released him (Sultan seven times; he may, therefore, be set free for one time. This request, however, was rejected. At certain occasion, Pșthvirāja, in the same condition, planned to kill Sultan; he, however, failed and contrary to this he was with great cruelty put to death by Sultan in V.E. 1246.
The Hammira-mahākāvya relates a long story of this battle:
1 SJGM., I, pp. 116-118. ? SJGM., I, PP. 116–118.

Page #169

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
139
"The kings of the west suffering greatly at the hands of Sihäb-uddin came to Pịthvīrāja headed by Govindarāja. They reported the matter of the harassment at the hand of Sihäb-ud-din who had destroyed the kings, pillaged and burnt most of their cities, defiled their women and reduced them altogether to a miserable plight. Sihāb-ud-din had, at that time, established his capital at Multan.
Přthvirāja, filled with anger, set out for Multan with an efficient army. In the battle which ensued Ppthvirāja took Sihāb-ud-din captive. He obliged the haughty Muhammadan on his knees to ask forgiveness. Then he allowed him to go free to Multan.
Sihāb-ud-din, though not ill-treated, felt bitterly mortified at the defeat he had sustained. Seven times after this he advanced on Pșthvirāja to avenge his defeat, each time with greater preparations than before, but each time was signally defeated by Pșthvirāja.
Eight times he invaded with the aid of the king of Ghataika (modern Kumberi) and at once captured Delhi. The inhabitants were panic-stricken and fled from the city in every direction. Pșthvīrāja at that time was surprised, but, elated with his former victories, encountered the enemy with small force. This time Sihāb-ud-din won over from their allegiance, the king's master of the horse and the royal musicians, with promises of large sums of money. He then sent a large number of his Muhammadans secretly to the enemy's camp, who entered it early in the morning. All was now uproar and confusion in the king's camp.
While the king's followers were thus preparing to meet their assailants, the disloyal master of the king's horse, as advised by his seducers, saddled and brought forth a horse styled Nāțyārambha (leader of the dance) and when the king had mounted the musicians began to play upon their instruments tunes that were the king's favourites. At this the royal horse began to dance proudly. The king was diverted with this performance for a time and forgot the all-important business of the moment.
The Muslims took advantage of this opportunity and made a vigorous attack. The Rajputs under these circumstances could do little. Seeing this, Pșthvīrāja alighted from his horse and came on the ground. With the sword in his hand he cut down many Muslims. Meanwhile a Muslim, taking the king unawares, threw from behind his bow round his neck and drew the king prostrate to the ground, while others bound him captive. From this time the royal captive refused all food and rest.

Page #170

140
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Prthvīrāja, before he set out to encounter Sihab-ud-din, had commanded Udayaraja to follow him to attack the enemy. Udayaraja reached the battlefield just about the time when Pṛthvīrāja had been taken as captive. Udayaraja, at last, laid siege to the city of Yoginipur and set before the gates for a whole month fighting day and night. One day during the siege, it was suggested to Sihäb-ud-din that he should release Prthviraja for once, who had several times taken him captive and then dismissed him with honours. Sihäb-ud-din was not pleased with this idea, and ordered that Prthvīrāja should be taken into the fortress. Prthviraja, a few days after this, breathed his last and went to heaven. Udayaraja with all his followers died fighting,1
How far these descriptions of the war given by the Jain writers are correct, we have no documentary evidences or other literary sources to corroborate. At any rate, some of the facts narrated therein have really something to their support.
The minister Kainväsa is certainly an historical person as he is identical with Kadambaväsa mentioned in the Pṛtkvīrāja-vijaya. Candabaliddika was the famous court bard of Prthviraja who is supposed to have been the writer of the famous bardic poem Prthviraja-räso, The two stanzas (in Apabhramsa) spoken by him in the praise of Kainväsa are found in the present Pṛthviraja-rāso with slight changes, which also indicate that a pretty good portion of the present Pṛthviraja-rāso must have been composed in those early days."
To the fact that Sihab-ud-din made several invasions, in number twenty-one or seven, we have no contemporary evidences, but the fact that he invaded once before the final battle was fought, is proved by the testi mony of the Pythviraja-vijaya, which states that due to the skill of Kadambaväsa, the minister, the Ghori has been vanquished without any imperial effort. The Muslim accounts also support that in the first battle the Sultan-iGhāzi was wounded by Govindarai of Delhi and that he returned to Ghazni chased by the victorious Cähamânas." He, however, in the last battle, fought in A.H. 588 (A.D. 1192) came with completely reorganised forces. Rai Pithora, who was riding an elephant, dismounted and got upon a horse and
1 Canto III, Vs. I-72.
2
JRAS., 1913. p. 277.
* SJGM., II, Introduction, pp. 8-9.
3
4 JRAS., 1913, p. 280.
5 Tabaqat-i-Näṣiri, I, pp. 475-76.

Page #171

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
141
fled from the field until, in the neighbourhood of the Sarsuti, he was taken prisoner and they despatched him to hell, and Govindarāi of Delhi was slain in the engagements. The seat of government, Ajmer, with the whole of the territory, such as Hansi, Sarsuti and other tracts, was subjugated.
We have no evidence that Prthvīrāja was ruling at that time at Yoginipur (Delhi), but Delhi was, no doubt, under his dominion.
The battle was fought, according to the Jain sources, in the year V.E. 1248,2 a fact which finds support from the Muslim sources too. They record the year 588 H. corresponding to A.D. 1292 (V.E. 1248).
The manner in which Přthvīrāja ended his life also finds support from the Muslim sources. According to the Taj-ul-Ma'āsir, he appears to have been taken prisoner but managed to obtain his release or at least immunity from punishment. But on account of his ancient hatred against the Muslims, he appears to have been detected in some intrigues. Orders were, therefore, issued for his death; the sword severed his head from his body.3
We find some of the copper coins with the legend Pșthvīrājadeva on one side and Sultan Muhammad Sām on the other which would suggest that Pșthvīrāja might have remained for some time as a captive or vassal of Sihāb-ud-din, and during that period he must have got time for intrigue.
This war practically annihilated the fortunes of the Cāhamānas of Sākambhari.
Hariräja (1193-1195 A.D.): The Prabandha-kośa and the Hammiramahākāvya state that Přthviraja was succeeded by Harirāja.* According to the Pythvirāja-vijaya Harirāja was the brother of Přthvīrāja. The Hammira-mahākāvya says that when Harirāja learnt the sad news of the death of Pșthviraja his sorrow knew no bounds. With tears gushing from the eyes, he performed the funeral ceremonies for the deceased monarch and then ascended the throne. It is further stated that he was a lustful man. He spent most of his time among dancing girls. Most of his revenues were squandered on musicians and dancers and nothing was left to pay the salaries of the servants of the state, who naturally were disgusted with the king and his manners. His subjects were dissatisfied. At last he was attacked by Sihāb-ud-din. As a last resort, Harirāja determined to perform the
1 Ibid., pp. 465-69. 2 SJGM., X, p. 45 : Ibid., VI, p. 134, See supra, p. 137. 3 Elliot, II, p. 214– 15. 4 SIGM, VI, p. 134; HMK., Canto III, V. 74.

Page #172

142
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Sāka. He gathered together all the members of his family, and ascended the funeral pile along with them and so went to the other world.
The Tantoli image inscription discovered in the estate of the same name, in the district of Ajmer dated V.E. 1251 (c. 1194 A.D.) in the reign of Harirāja,” shows the correctness of the tradition recorded by the Hammīra-mahākāvya of Nayacandra.
The Taj-ul-Ma'āsir of Hasan Nizāmī says that in A.D. 1193 Harirāja drove out Pịthvīrāja's son (Govindarāja) from the throne of Ajmer on which Sihāb-ud-din had placed him after Pșthvīrāja's death and not only proclaimed his independence but also advanced towards Delhi to recover it from Qutb-ud-din Aibak. It was in A.D. 1199 that Harirāja was finally defeated and Ajmer was annexed by Qutb-ud-din.
II. THE CĀHAMĀNAS OF RANATHAMBHOR
Govindarāja: The Hammira-mahākāvya states that after the death of Harirāja, his followers resolved to abandon the country and go and live under the protection of Govindarāja, the son of Pșthvīrāja who, after his exile from the kingdom by his father, had acquired a new kingdom through his valour and established his capital at Ranathambhor. We have already seen from the Muslim account that it was Harirāja who drove out Pșthvīrāja's son from the throne of Ajmer," which is, most probably, a fact.
The above statement shows the Ranastambhapur branch of the Cähamānas was established by Govindaraja after the death of Harirāja. Nothing is known of him from any sources. The Prabandha-kośa refers to his another name Rājadeva.
Balhana: After Govindarāja, Bālhana succeeded to the throne, says the Hammira-inahākāvya. The Prabandha-kośa also confirms it.” Bálhaņa had two sons, Prahlāda, the elder, and Vägbhata, the younger. Bālhana ruled for some time as a feudatory of Shams-ud-din Iltutmish. The fact has
1 Canto III, Vs. and Canto IV, Vs. I-19. 2 RMR., 1911-12, pp. 2, 5. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 268, fn. 16; EI., XIX, p. 47. 4 Canto IV, Vs, 20-26. 5 DHNI., II, p. 1093, fn, 5. 6 SJGM., VI, p. 134. ? Canto IV, Vs. 32 ; SJGM., VI, p. 134.

Page #173

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
been corroborated by the Manglänä stone inscription dated V.E. 1272 (1215 A.D.). According to the Prabandha-kosa his title was Bābarīyāla."
Prahlada: Prahlada was a just king. He ruled mildly; his subjects were contented. He was very fond of hunting lions and he died too in that venture." The Prabandha-koša, however, does not record his name.
Viranarayana and Vagbhața: Viranārāyaṇa, the son of Prahlada, succeeded Prahlada. It is stated that from his very childhood he was naughty and unmanageable. The Hammira-mahäkävya refers to a war between him and the Muslim prince Jalāl-ud-din at the time of the former's marriage; but neither party obtained success. After some time Jalāl-ud-din determined to entrap him into his power by a stratagem and he succeeded. Before any event took place, there was some misunderstanding between Viranarayana and his uncle Vägbhața, and, thereupon, the latter left the place and departed for Mälava. Jalal-ud-din availed of the opportunity, invited Viranarayana at Yoginipur and received him with great pomp and show. After a few days' hospitality, however, the prince was poisoned and he died. The Muslim prince captured Rapathambhor and sent a message to the king of Mälava to kill Vägbhata but Vägbhata discovered the plot. He murdered the king of Malava and with the assistance of the Rajputas and Kharpūras (a Mangol tribe) attacked and captured Ranathambhor.*
It was Vägbhata's policy to station large forces at different posts along the frontier and thus to keep off his enemies. He died after a happy reign of twelve years."
Some scholars identify this Jalal-ud-din of Yoginipur mentioned in the Hammira-mahāhāvya, with Shams-ud-din Iltutmish (1211-36 A.D.), whose officers, according to the Tabaqat-i-Näsiri, took the impregnable fort in 623 A.H. (1226 A.D.). This assumption is also confirmed by the Jain work Prabandha-kośa which states that Viranärāyaṇa died in the war with the Turuşka Samasadin (Samus-ud-din.) Nothing is known about the prince of Malava who was killed by Vägbhata for the history of that region during
1 IA., 1912, pp. 85-98.
2 P. 134.
143
3 HMK., Canto IV, Vs. 43-72.
4 Canto IV, Vs. 72-126.
5 Ibid., V. 129.
DHNI., II, p. 1095.
SJGM. VI. p. 134 वीरनारायणः तु समसदीन युद्धे मृतः ।

Page #174

144
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the last quarter of the 13th century is extremely obscure. The fact that Vägbhata was really a ruler of Ranathambhor is proved by the Balvan stone inscription of Hammira, the last Cāhamāna prince of this line. The Prabandha-kośa and the Muslim Chronicles mention his name as Bāhadadeva.?
The Jain sources are not aware of his war with Ulugh Khān recorded by the Muslim Chronicles.
Jaitrasimha: The Hammira-mahākāvya and the Prabandha-kośa state that Jaitrasimhadeva succeeded his father, Vägbhata. No political event of his period is recorded in the Jain sources. His queen's name was Hīrādevi." From her he had three sons Hammīra, Suratrāna and Virama. All of them were great warriors. In course of time, finding that his sons were now able to relieve him from the burden of government, Jaitrasimha one day talked over the matter with Hammira and after giving him excellent advice as to how he was to behave, he gave over the charge of the state to him and himself went to live in the forest. This happened in Şamvat 1339 (A.D. 1283).
Hammiradeva (1283-1301 A.D.): The Hammira-mahākāvya records that Hammira ascended the throne in V.E. 1339 (A.D. 1283) and died in the 18th year of his reign (A.D. 1301), while the Prabandha-kośa mentions V.E. 1342 (A.D. 1286) as the year of his accession to the throne and V.E. 1358 (1301 A.D.) the year of his death in the battle.10 The Tarikh-i-Alāi also gives the date of his death as A.H. 700 (1301 A.D.).11 From his Balvan stone inscription we, however, get the date V.E. 1345 (1289 A.D.).12
1 EI., XIX, p. 49., V. 6. 2 SJGM., VI. p. 134. Tes: ASISITI 3 Eliiot, Vol. II, pp. 370–71. 4 Canto IV, V. 131 ; SJGM., VI, p. 134. 5 Ibid., V. 133. 6 Ibid., Vs. 148-159. 7 Canto VIII, Vs. 72-105, 106. 8 Ibid., V, 56. JT Harga HTA A12
पौष्यां तिथौ हेलिदिने सपुष्ये दैवज्ञनिर्दिष्टवलेऽलिलग्ने॥ 9 Introductory, p. 47. 10 SJGM., VI, p. 134: 197 238 TETTI 336 y a : 11 Ed., by M. Habib, Bombay, 1931. 12 EI., XIX, pp. 45-52.

Page #175

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
145
The Hammira-mahākāsya, which has been composed after the name of this hero, gives an extensive description of his conquests as follows:
"He first came in conflict with Rājā Arjuna of Sarasapura and defeating him reduced to submissiion." This war is corroborated by his Balwan inscription noted above. Then in a series of wars he subjugated the princes of Gādhamandala, Bhoja of Dhārā, the king of Medapața, the king of Abu, Tribhuvanadeva of Kankroli.? We, however, have no support for this statement. During these expeditions he visited several holy places like Ujjain where he worshipped Mahākāla; Abu where he worshipped Rşabhadeva and paid his devotion to Acaleśvara; Puskara where he worshipped Ādivarāha. He plundered the cities of his enemies and recovered from them many rich gifts.
After having accomplished these brilliant successes Hammīra returned to his capital and was received pompously by his officers.3
After some days he performed a sacrifice called the Koți Yajña and sumptuously feasted the Brāhmanas and gave them handsome daksiņās. To crown all these religious performances he observed munivrata for a whole month."
In the meantime Allāvadīna (Alā-ud-din), the ruler of Delhi, ordered his younger brother Ulugh Khān to invade the land of Cāhamānas, on the plea that Hammīra had ceased to pay the tribute, which his father used to pay. According to same authority Hammira was attacked three times by that Muslim king. In the first battle, Hammīra's able generals repulsed the attack of the enemy near the Hindāvata pass, but Bhimasimha, one of the two generals of Hammira, was wounded, and killed. Hammīra, when he heard of the death of his general Bhīmasiṁha, punished another general Dharmasimha for deserting him and made him blind. Dismissing him from the service he appointed a person by name Bhoja for that post." Then began the dissensions and treachery in the Cāhamāna court. Rādhādevi, a courtesan, played a part to restore Dharmasimha to his former post. Neglected in many ways, Bhoja joined 1 Canto IX, Vs. 15, 16. 2 Ibid., Vs. 17-47. 3 Ibid., V. 52. 4 Ibid., Vs. 77-99. 5 Ibid., Vs. 100-103. . Ibid., Vs. 106-149. 7 Ibid., Vs. 151-154. 8 Ibid., 155-174.

Page #176

146
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the Muslim king and instigated him to invade the country.' This time. Ulugh Khan invaded Hammira's country with an army of 100,000 horses. The Rajputs, however, fought this battle with great strategy and caused the enemy to flee. The estate of treacherous Bhoja was also captured."
Thus, dejected by these two defeats, Alä-ud-din called upon all the subordinate princes to join him in a war against Hammira. This time, with this mighty concourse, Nasarat Khan and Ulugh Khan, the two brothers, started for Rapathambhor." In a desperate struggle, NasaratKhan was killed." Alarmed by the critical situation, Alä-ud-din himself came and led the army to the gates of Rapathambhor's fort and besieged it. But all his attempts to take the fort were frustrated. Then he began with his schemes of seduction and broke open some of the keymen of Hammira to his side. In the meanwhile, all the provisions ex hausted in the fort. Harassed by the interval intrigues and thus deserted by all the faithful servants, Hammīra sallied out of the fort and fell upon the enemy. Before this all the females of his family perished on the funeral piles. A deadly hand-to-hand struggle ensued. All his heroes. fell fighting. Lastly, fell the mighty Hammira pierced with hundred arrows. Disdaining to fall in the hands of enemy, he severed his head from his body with his own hand and thus terminated his existence. He died in the 18th year of his reign, in the month of Srāvana.
The Muslim sources lend support to the above account given by the Hammira-mahäkävya. In his Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi, Barani relates that the attack on Rapathambhor began as early as the reign of Jalal-ud-din Firuz (1290-1296 A.D.). The Sultan in A.H. 689 (A.D. 1290) led an army to Ranathambhor. The Rai of the place, with his Rawats and followers and with their wives and children, took refuge in the fort of Rapathambhor. The Sultan wanted to besiege and conquer the fort, but finding that it could not
1 Canto X, Vs. 8-31.
2 Ibid.
Ibid., 36-68.
4 Ibid., V. 88.
Canto XI, V. 7.
6 Ibid., V, 105.
7 Ibid., V. 103.

Ibid., Vs. 29-89.
Canto XIII, Vs. 1-125.

Page #177

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
be done without the loss of many precious Muslim lives, he raised the siege and departed to Delhi next day. Alä-ud-din (1296-1316 A.D.) soon after his accession renewed the efforts of his uncle to take the fort. During the first attempt in 1300 A.D. when Ulugh Khan and Nasarat Khän were besieging the fort, the latter was fatally wounded by a stone and died two or three days after. It was only after repeated attempts that the Sultan succeeded in reducing Ranathambhor. He slew Hammirdeo and placed the fort and all his territories under the charge of Ulugh Khan." A contemporary writer, Amir Khusrau, in his Tarikh-i-Alai, describes in some detail the siege of Rapathambhor. He says that Hindus bravely resisted all the attempts of the Muslims to capture the fort till no provisions remained in the fort. The Rai, seeing no hope of success, one night, lit a fire at the top of the hill and threw the women and children into the flames. Thereafter, with a band of a few devoted followers, he rushed upon the enemy and died fighting bravely. The strong fort fell to the enemy on the 3rd Zilkada A.H. 700 (July, 1301 A.D.)." Thus ended the last prince of Cähamana dynasty. We know nothing about his successors from the Jain sources.
III. THE CAHAMĀNAS OF NADDŪLA
Besides the stray references in the Jain literature we have more than a dozen Jain inscriptions belonging to this branch of the dynasty, which have enabled us to construct its history on some solid basis.
Laksmana: There are two Jain records which provide the most valuable sources of information about the relations of this branch with the main line of Sakambhari. The Jain record, known as the Nadol copper plates grant of Rajaputra Kirtipāla, dated V.E. 1218, traces its genealogy to Laksmapa, the son of Väkpatirāja Cähamäna of Säkambhari. Another Jain record, the Sundha hill inscription (V.E. 1319), calls Lakṣmaṇa as Sākambharindra." We know from the Bijolia Jain inscription and the Pṛthvirajavijaya-mahākavya that Vakpatirāja was succeeded by his son, Simharaja. The epithet Säkambharindra with Laksmana shows that he also might have been a claimant to the throne of Sakambhari being another son of Väkpatirāja.
Elliot, III, pp. 178-79.
2 Ibid., pp. 146 ff. and 171-177.
P. C. Nahar Jain Lekha-sangraha, I., pp. 210-211.
4 Ibid., pp. 70 ff.; see also ibid., pp. 253-58.
See supra, p. 127.
147

Page #178

148
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
in the Purātana-prabandha
A romantic story is narrated about him sangraha which runs as follows:
Lakhana (Lakşmana) migrated from his ancesral home in search of a new dominion. It states that: Lakhana went abroad to earn his livelihood with his wife and a servant of low caste. On his way he took rest in a temple at Naddulapura. He killed at night, some of the men of Meda tribe who used to create trouble in that locality. He was established there by the people whom he had protected and thus he, by his influence, carved out a principality around it. He married there a daughter of a rich mercant. The sons born from her were classed as merchants and the sons born from his former wife were classed as Ksatriyas.
This statement of the Prabandha is strikingly corroborated by an inscription on the Suraj-pol at Nadol, which is reported to have been erected by him, contains his name, showing the authenticity of the tradition that he really established himself in that town. The fort of Nadol, which bears his name and which is said to have been constructed by him, also connects him with Naçdūla. Two records have been referred to by Tod which give us his dates as V.E. 1024 (c. 967 A.D.) and 1039 (c. 982 A.D.). No political event of his reign has been recorded by the Jain sources.
Sobhita: Laksmana had two sons. One was Sobhita or Sohiya, adorned with all the qualities and best among the kings and the other was Vigrahapāla according to the Jain copper plate from Nadol. The Sundhā hill record states that he had taken away the glory of the Lord of Himädribhāva (i.e., Mt. Abū). We know that the Paramāras of Candrāvati were ruling over the region of Abu at that time. In my opinion the king of Abu may have been the successor of Adbhuta-Krşnarāja I, whose known date is V.E. 1024 (967 A.D.). He may be the contemporary of Lakşmaņa, the father of Sobhita.
Baliraja: Sobhita was succeeded by his son Balirāja, who was an abode of depth and patience according to the Sundhả hill inscription. The same authority credits him a victory over the army of Muñjarāja, undoubtedly
i SjGM., II, pp. 101-2. 2 DHNI., II, p. 1105. 3 EI., XI, p. 66 ff., V. 2. * Ibid., XI, pp. 76-77, V. 7.

Page #179

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
the Malava Paramara of that name (c. 974-95 A.D.). The Bijapur Jain inscription from Hathundi-shows the possibility of this conflict between the two by stating that Muñja attacked the confederacy of kings at Medapāța and destroyed Aghǎța. Balirāja may have been one of the members of confederacy.
Makendra: Since Baliraja had no son, he was succeeded by his uncle's son Mahendra." This Mahendra is identical with the prince of that name mentioned in the Bijapur Jain inscription from Hathundi. He is stated there to have taken refuge with the Raṣṭrakūta prince Dhavala (c. 997 A.D.), when he was troubled by Durlabharāja.1 This Durlabharaja has been identified with the Cahamana prince mentioned by that name in the Harṣa stone inscription dated V.E. 1030. The Dväśraya-kävya states that Mahendra of Naddüla gave his two daughters to the Caulukya Durlabha (1110-22 A.D.) and his brother Nagarāja."
Ahila: Mahendra had two sons by name Asvapāla and Aṇahilla. Aśvapala's son was Ahila who, according to the Sundha hill inscription, is credited with a victory over an army of the Gurjara king Bhima' (c. 1022-64 A.D.). The names of Asvapāla and Ahila have not been mentioned in the two Jain copper plates of V.E. 1218. But, if we read with the aid of the Sundhā hill inscription, we must come to the above conclusion.
149
Anahilla: Since Ahila had no son, therefore, he was succeeded by his uncle Anahilla. The Sundha hill inscription informs us that he also defeated king Bhima, undoubtedly the Caulukya Bhima I." This shows that the rivalry with the Caulukyas continued during his reign. The same authority further states that he captured Säkambhari, killed the general (dandadhika) Sadha of the Malava king Bhoja (999-55 A.D.) and defeated the army of the strong Turuşkas." These statements of the Sundhä record show that this powerful king came in conflict with the three imperial powers of the time. They were Cahamänas of Säkambhari, the Caulukyas of Aphilavada and the
1 Ibid., V. 7.
2 EI., X, p. 17 ff., V. 10; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 234.
3 EI., IX, pp. 76-77.
4 EI., X. pp. 17 ff., V. II.
5 EI., II, pp. 116-130.
See infra, Chapter on the Caulukya of Gujarata.
EI., IX, pp. 76-77, Vs. 12, 13.
8 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 14.
9 Ibid., V. 17.

Page #180

150
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Paramāras of Mälava. The struggle with the Cähamānas of Sākambhari seems to have been a retaliation for his father Mahendra. Victory over Turuskas indicates that he encountered Mahmud of Ghazni, when in 1024 A.D. he was advancing towards Pātana, on his way to Somanath. The temporary achievements of this king, though made the fortunes of the family for sometime bright, were followed by evil consequences from which his successors suffered.
Bālaprasāda: Anahilla had two sons Bālaprasāda and Jindurāja. He was succeeded by his elder son Bālaprasāda. The Sundhā hill inscription contains a veiled information which indicates that Bālaprasāda had accepted the suzerainty of king Bhíma.' It states that he got released a prince named Krşnadeva from prison pressing hard to Bhima by means of rubbing the feet (Caranayugalimardanavyājatah). We have elsewhere identified this Kļşnarāja with Krsnarāja, the Paramāra prince of Abu.
Jindurāja: Bālaprasāda was followed by his brother Jindurāja who according to the Sundhā hill inscription fought victoriously at Sanderā (modern Sanderao in the Jodhpur division).3 With whom he fought is not mentioned in the inscription. He might have been a prince of the neighbourhood.
Pythvipäla: Jindurāja had three sons Pșthvīpāla, Jojalla or Yojaka and Asarāja. He, however, was succeeded by his elder son Pșthvīpāla who according to the above authority had defeated the army of Karna, apparently the Caulukya king, son of Bhima 1.4 Perhaps Pșthvīrāja had done this by way of helping the Paramāra ruler Udayāditya of Mālavā."
Vojaka: Yojaka 'or Jojalla succeeded his brother Pșthvīpāla whom the Caulukya king Karna reduced to vassalage on account of his brother Pịthvīpāla's anti-friendly policy. The Sundhā hill inscription mentions this event in a figurative term. Yojaka took joy in Anahillapura with his white umberella. One of his two inscriptions gives him the date V.E. 1147 (c. 1019 A.D.).
1 Ibid., V. 18. 2 See iufra, Chapter on the Caulukya of Gujarāta. 3 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 20. 4 Ibid., V. 22. 6 See infra, Chapter on the Caulukya of Gujarata • V. 24: Saratan faTTaf: TFTTEGTETA I

Page #181

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
151
Asarāja: After the death of Yojaka, his brother Asarāja, who was also called Asarāja, Āsvarāja or Asvaka, succeeded him.' We have fortunately two dated Jain inscriptions of his reign from Sevādi (Jodhpur).
The inscription number one is found engraved on the lintel of the doorway of Mahavira temple. It mentions Asvarāja as the Mahārājādhirāja and his son Katukarāja as Yuvarāja. It gives the reigning year V.E. 1167 corresponding to the year 1110 A.R.? The other one has been found carved on the lintel of another cell in the front corridor of the temple of Mahāvīra at Sevādi. It gives the names of the predecessors of Katukarāja from Anahila; then his son Jinda and grandson Aśvarāja. Kațukarāja is recorded there to have granted annually 8 drammas to the Jain Thallaka of Sānderaka gaccha for the worship of Santinātha in V.E. 1172 (c. 1115 A.D.). The temple is said to be situated in the Bhukti of Kațukarāja.
These inscriptions show that Aśvarāja's son Kațukarāja as a yuvarā ja helped him in the government."
The Sundhā hill inscription informs us that Asarāja gave assistance to Siddharāja, no doubt Caulukya emperor Jayasimha Siddharāja, in the land of Mālava." This help was rendered perhaps in the struggle with Yaśovarman. His another record known as Bāli stone inscription is dated in the victorious reign of Jayasimhadeva in V.E. 1200 and refers to Aśvaka as subsisting on his lotus feet. This shows that he was a feudatory of Jayasimha Siddharāja (c. 1094-1144 A.D.). From his inscriptions it appears that he ruled from V.E. 1167 to 1200 (1130-1143 A.D.) and enjoyed a long reign. It should be observed here that all the three inscriptions of his reign were discovered around Bāli, in the Jodhpur division.
Ratna pūla: It, however, appears from the discovery of the Sevādi grant of Ratnapāla dated V.E. 1176 (c. 1119 A.D.) that his long reign must have been interrupted by another claimant of the throne of Naddūla. This grant records the genealogy of Ratnapāla from Lakşmana down to Pșthvi
1 EI, IX, p. 66 ff., V. 4. 2 EL., XI, pp. 28-30; P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, 1, p. 226. 3 Ibid., pp. 30-32; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 226. 4 V. 26: t3ITITE THT HAA....
साहाय्यं मालवानां यदसिकृतं वीक्ष्य सिद्धाधिराजः। 5 EI., IX, pp. 32-33. & EI., XI, pp. 304-13.

Page #182

152
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
påla which shows that he was the son of Přthvīpāla, one of the elder brothers of Asaraja. The grant is dated in the reign of Mahārājādhrirāja Ratnapāla at Naddūla. This grant indicates that Asarāja had been ousted by his nephew Ratnapäla or he did not rule at all from Naddūla. The ousting seems likely to have occurred from the fact that we have no inscriptions of Ratnapāla dated earlier than V.E. 1176 (1119 A.D.). The sudden appearance of this record in between those dated records of Āsarāja must have some significance related to the fact of his ousting. The fact that Asarāja could not recover his lost throne, is proved by several Jain inscriptions of Ratnapāla's son Mahārājādhirāja Rāyapala. The acceptance of vassalage to Jayasimha Siddharāja by Asarāja may have some connection with the attempts to recover the throne through the help of Jayasimha but it seems that it too proved futile.
Rāyapāla: Nothing is known of Ratnapäla from the Jain sources. Ratnapāla was succeeded by his son Rāyapāla, though the Jain inscriptions do not mention even the name of Ratnapāla, their relationship, however, has been established by the Mandor inscription.
We have five dated Jain inscriptions of his reign bearing the dates from V.E. 1189 to 1202 (c. 1132-1145 A.D.), discovered from Nadlãi in the Jodhpur division. They are given here in chronological order.
The inscription (i) dated V.E. 1189 (c. 1132 A.D.) has been found incised on the lintel of two pillars in the. Sabhāmandapa of a Jain temple of Adinātha. It records as grant made by Rudrapāla and Amrapāla, sons of Mahārājādhirãja Rayapala conjunctly with their mother the queen Miņaladevi.? The inscription (ii) has been discovered on a pillar in the temple of Neminātha. It records a gift by the Guhila Thakura Räjadeva for the worship of Neminātha in the reign of M. Rāyapāla. It bears the date V.E. 1195 (c. 1138 A.D.). The inscription (iii) bears the date V.E. 1200 (1143 A.D.) in the reign of M. Rāyapāla. It was found in the Ādinātha temple. The epigraph (iv) is also dated in the same year as number (iii) and found engraved in the
1 DHNI., II, p. 2110. 2 EI., XI., p. 69, fn. I; also ibid., p. 307. 3 Ibid., pp. 34-36; Jain Lekha-sangraha, 1, p. 213. 4 Ibid., pp. 37-41; Jain Lekha-sangraha, p. 217. 5 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, p. 213.

Page #183

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
153
lintel in the same temple. It records a gift to the temple of Mahāvira in the reign of the above king. The inscription is discovered on the same lintel as No. 4. It also records some joint gifts to the temple of Mahāvīra in the reign of the same king. It gives us the date V.E. 1202 (c. 1145 A.D.).2
These inscriptions show that his regin extended over a period of 13 years. We have three more inscriptions other than the Jain ones. They, however, do not give any specific information or dates. Unfortunately we do not find any indication of his political career from these inscriptions. Nevertheless we have the names of his queen and two sons recorded in one inscription. Nothing is known about them from any other sources,
Kațukarāja: Katukarāja, the son of Āsarāja, was sharing the government with his father as we have mentioned above. We know the last date of his father as V.E. 1200. An inscription from Sevādi dated Simha Samvat 31 corresponding to V.E. 1200 (1143 A.D.) informs us that Katudeva still existed and had succeeded in capturing the ancestral seat, some time before that date. This inscription states that, in the above-noted years Kațudeva was reigning at Nadol and his son, Yuvarāja Jayatasīha, was in charge of Samīpāti.
After the above we have no Jain inscriptions of the members of this branch up to V.E. 1218 (c. 1161 A.D.) from Nadūla. Instead of this we have discovered several inscriptions of Kumārapāla Caulukya from that area. A Jain inscription dated V.E. 1213 in the reign of Kumārapāla Caulukya informs us that the latter was the sovereign monarch of that territory.4 Several other inscriptions ranging from V.E. 1209 to 1216 definitely inform us that the principality of Nadol was governed by Kumārapāla through his generals or governors.
Alhanadeva: Asarāja had two sons Kațukarāja and Alhanadeva. The latter is known as Alahadeva or Ahlādana. We have already spoken of Kațukarāja. The two copper plates Jain grants from Nadol, bearing the date V.E. 1218 (c. 1161 A.D.), informs us that Alhana was ruling over Nadol.
1 Ibid., pp. 213-14; see also El., XI, pp. 41-42. 2 Ibid., p. 214; see also ibid. 3 El., XI, pp. 33-34. 4 1A., XXXXI, p. 202 ; See also HIG., III, N. 148, K. pp., 168, 169. 5 HIG., Pt. III, pp. 170-176. • EI, IX, pp. 63-66. 20

Page #184

154
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
We have other inscriptions of this prince from Kiradu of the year V.E. 1209 (c. 1152 A.D.) and from Jhamvaria of the year V.E. 1216 (c. 1162 A.D.).
The Kirädu inscription states that Mahäräja Alhaņadeva, who had obtained Kīrätakūpa, Latarhada and Siva through the favour of his sovereign (prabhu) on the above date on the day of Sivarātri, issued injunctions to the Mahājanas, Tambulikas and other subjects forbidding the slaughter of living beings on the 8th, 11th and 14th days of both fortnights of every month in the three towns mentioned above, on pains of capital punishment. This edict is called Amärirūļi (edict of non-slaughter). It also specified a scale of punishment for Brahmanas, priests, ministers and others. It was issued by the king with the approval of Mahārājaputra Kelhana and Gajasimha 3
This inscription is very important from the historical as well as religious points of view. It gives us certain clues to the political events that occurred at that time. We know from the history of the Caulukyas that Kumārapāla at the very start of his reign had to encounter his formidable enemy, the Cāhamāna ruler Arņorāja of Säkambhari. After having defeated him he might have thought to put a check upon all the growing and intriguing powers to the north of his territory. The Cāhamānas of Nadol might have been among those powers. In consolidating his kingdom Kumārapāla might have deprived them of their sovereignty. The reason for doing this seems most probably that Alhana's father Āsarāja was the feudatory of Jayasimha, who disdained Kumārapāla (Asarāja might have put certain hindrances in his way to obtaining the throne) and his cousin Ratnapāla as well as his son Rāyapāla both were enjoying the sovereign power at Nadol. Both of them were, perhaps, a menace to Kumārapāla in extending his imperial power. He, therefore, did his best to suppress them. The absence of the inscriptions of their successors in the area of Nadol confirms the fact that their power was for some time in abeyance."
It was perhaps Alhana who, by the year V.E. 1209, got a small part of the territory of his ancestors from Kumārapāla. The Kirāļu stone inscrip
1 Ibid., XI, pp. 43-46. 2 JASB., 1916, pp. 101-102. 3 Ibid., IX, pp. 66-70. 4 See also HIG., II, p. 49 N. 148. 5 DHNI., II, p. 1115.

Page #185

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
155
lion (V.E. 1209) rightly demonstrates this. As to how he got this, we have certain indirect information from the Jain authority, the Sundhā hill inscription. He is stated there to have aided the Gurjara king in putting down disturbances in the mountainous parts of Saurāṣtra.The Nadol Jain copper plates grant of V.E. 1218 also refers to it. It was probably for this faithful service to his sovereign that he got a small principality. And our two subsequent copper plates Jain grants both dated V.E. 1218 (1161 A.D.) suggest that by that year he had pleased Kumārapāla so much as to get his ancestral principality of Nadols restored to him.
Below is the description of the two copper plates, Jain grants from Nadol:--
The first grant was discovered by Colonel Tod who presented it to the Royal Asiatic Society, London. It is a lengthy grant of 38 lines. It begins with Om namaḥ Sarvajñāya and adoration to lord Mahāvīra. Then it traces the genealogy of Alhañadeva from Lakşmaņa, omitting Ratnapāla and Rāyapăla. It records that Mahārāja Ālhanadeva of Naddūla in V.E. 1218 (c. 1161 A.D.), after worshipping the Sun and Iśāna and making gifts to Brāhmaṇas and Gurus, granted a monthly sum of 5 drammas to a Jain temple of Mahāvīra belonging to Sānderaka gaccha from the office of custom-house in the Naddūla talapada.*
The second one was found in the possession of the Mahājanas. It is also a lengthy one, engraved on the two copper plates. It opens with Om Svasti and adoration to Brahma, Sridhara and Sankara in the form of Jains who are always free from passion. It then narrates the pedigree of this family from Vākpatirāja of Sākambharī to Rājakula Alhaņadeva (omitting Ratnapāla and Rāyapāla) and his three sons Kumāra Kelhanadeva, Gajasimha and Kirtipāla from his queen Ānalladevi of the Răşțrauda family. It records that Alhana and Kelhana were pleased to give to Rājaputra Kirtipāla 12 villages, adjoining to Naddūlai (modern Nadlai). Kirtipāla on the other hand granted a yearly sum of two drammas from each of his 12 villages to the Jina Mahāvīra at Nadļūlai."
These two Jain grants are very important from the genealogical point of view. Besides this they give the names of Alhama's three sons and queen
1 V. 33: frit arce fata F0ZAPOTETIETA T ET. etc. 2 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 210. V. 5: 379TE UPTOR SUTTET TIETTI 3 DHNI., II, p. 1117. 4 EI., IX, pp. 63-66; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, pp. 208–209, N. 839. 5 Ibid., pp. 66-70; ibid., pp. 210-211, N. 840.

Page #186

156
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
of Rāşțrauda family, most probably of the Hathundi branch of Rāştrakūtas. It also informs us that Alhana bore the ordinary title Mahārāja. Though these grants do not refer to the sovereign king Kumārapāla's name, the title Mahārāja suggests to us that Alhaņa still continued to be subservient to him.
Kelhana (1161-1192 A.D.): Ālhana was succeeded by his elder son Kelhaņa. We are informed by the second grant of Nadol described above that, before V.E. 1218, Alhana made him in charge of his reign and with his father, Kelhana, gave 12 villages to his younger brother Kirtipāla.? The Prabandha-kośa states that "the Cāhamāna king Anaka (Arnorāja) while attacking Kumārapāla Caulukya created a split between Kumārapāla and his allegiant vassals like Kelhana and others of Naddūla by offering them large sums of money.3 The Dvyāśraya-kavya also states that Kịşņa and Vijaya, the two Sāmantas of Kumārapāla, had gone to the side of Arnorāja: Krşna of this statement has been identified by scholars with the Cāhamāna Kelhaņa. These statements from our Jain works confirm the conjecture which we have already made that Kumārapāla put a check upon all the intriguing powers to the north of his territory and deprived the Cāham nas of Naddula of their sovereignty. This statement also shows that Kelhana might have advanced in age when he succeeded his father, for we know that the war with Arnorāja had been fought before V.E. 1207 (c. 1150 A.D.), and according to the above statements Kelhaņa shared in it, which would mean that Kelhana was at that time an influential hero, most probably more than 24 years old.
We have six dated Jain inscriptions of his reign. Below they are described in chronological order.
(1) Sānderāva stone inscription bearing the date V.E. 1221 (c. 1164 A.D.), was found incised on a lintel in the Sabhā-mandapa of the temple of Mahāvīra. It records that in the reign of Kelhana, the queenmother Analladevi granted one plough of land of the Mūlanāyaka (chief deity) Sri Mahāvira of Sānderaka gaccha. Others also granted so many gifts.
1 Ibid., Vs. 6 and 7. 2 Ibid., Vs. 8 and 9. 3 SJGM., V. I, p. 51.
4 Chunnilal Modi, Sanskrt Dvyāśraya Kavyamān, Madhyakālina Gujarātani Sāmājika sthiti, p. 40.
• EI, IX, p. 46-49: Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 229.

Page #187

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
157
(2) & (3) The two Lalrāi stone inscriptions were discovered from the ruins of the Jain temple at Lalrāi near Bāli in Jodhpur division. Both bear the same date V.E. 1233 (1136 A.D.). The first states that in the reign of Kelhaņadeva at Naddūla the sons of Kirtipāla named Rājaputras Lakhanapāla and Abhayapāla who were also the owners of Sināņava made a grant conjointly with the queen Mahibalādevī, in the presence of the village Pancakula for celebrating the festival of the God Säntinātha. The second one is also a grant to the lord Sāntinātha in connection with the festivals of the Gujaras. It records the Rājaputra Lakhanapāla and Abhayapāla as the Bhoktās of Samņāņaka.
(4) Sänderāva stone inscription (ii) bearing the date V.E. 1236 of the reign of Mahārājädhirāja Kelhanadeva, has been found carved on a pillar in the Sabhāmanda pa at the temple of Sāntinātha. It records the gift of a column and a house to the Tirthankara Pārsvanātha worshipped at Sänderaka in the Bhukti of the queen Jalhaņā by Rālha and Pālha.?
(5) Saciyāya Mātä inscription has been discovered at Osia in the temple of the family goddess of Osavāla Jain named Sancikā or Saciyāyadevi, bearing the same date as No. 4 (V.E. 1236). It records the management of the temple of the said goddess made by the Gosthika people in the reign of Kelhanadeva. It also refers to his two sons Kumārasimha and Simhavikrama and younger brother Kirtipäla. It also mentions Dhārāvarsa--most probably the Paramāra chief of Candrăvati,
(6) Päladi stone inscription has been discovered at Pālași near Sirohi. It is dated V.E. 1249 (c. 1192 A.D.) in the reign of Mahārājādhirāja Kelhana. It records his son's name as Sri Jayatasimhadeva. It is a grant made to lord Mahāvīra by the Pancakulas, Vālhaņa and others.
These six inscriptions range from V.E. 1221 to 1249 (c. 1164-1192 A.D.). They, however, do not throw any light on the political career of Kelhana. We have six more inscriptions other than the Jain ones; they also do not record any achievement to his credit. An inscription from Bamnera bears a date only one year earlier than the Jain inscription of V.E.
1 Ibid., IX, pp. 49-51; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 231. 2 Ibid., pp. 51-52 ; Jain Lekha-sangraha, p. 229, 3 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, 198. No. 804. 4 Ibid., p. 73 ; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 265.

Page #188

158
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
1220 (1263 A.D.) The other inscription from Nadlai bearing the date. V.E. 1228 (c. 1171 A.D.) shows that Kelhana was the feudatory of the Caulukya Kumarapala. The Saciyāya Mātā inscription from Osia gives the name of his two sons who were in charge of Manḍavyapura (Mandor). There Kirtipäla is referred to Rajyavahaka (director of government). Dhārāvarsa is said there to have owed allegiance to Kelhana. An inscription from the village Jhalodi (Sirohi) bearing the dates V.E. 1252 and 1255, refers to Dhārāvarșa as the joy of the Paramāra of the Candravati whose chief queen, Srigäradevi, was the daughter of the Mandalapati Kelhana. These two Jain epigraphs certainly show some relations between Kelhana and Dhärävarṣa. Dhārāvarșa the Paramāra of Abu and Chandrāvati was a feudatory of the Caulukyas and so was Kelhana. Both, it seems, were connected with each other by a matrimonial alliance.
Some light is thrown upon his political achievements from the famous Jain source the Sundhä hill inscription, which states that Kelhana defeated the Deccan king Bhillama and after destroying the power of Turuskas, erected a golden Torana like a diadem for the abode of the holy Someša. The Deccan king has rightly been identified with the Devagiri Yadava king Bhillama (c. 1187-91 A.D.) whose Gadag inscription is dated A.D. 1191. The Turuşka king may be identified with Mu'izz-uddin Muhammad Ghuri (1173-1192 A.D.), whose reign makes him contemporary of Kelhana (1163-1192 A.D.). The conflict with Muslims is also testified by the Pṛthviraja-vijaya." Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar assumes that Kelhava fought with Muslims as a feudatory of Mularāja II (1176-1178 A.D.) which seems more probable."
Kelhana had a son named Jayatasimha, known from the Paladi Jain inscription dated V.E. 1249. The Jain sources, however, are silent about the political history of Jayatasimha and his descendants.
1 Ibid., VIII, pp. 207-208.
EI., XI, pp. 47-48.
Arbudas Pr. Jain Lekha-sandoha, Pt. V, pp. 108-109, N. 311.
34.
4 V. 5 EI., IX, pp. 72-77.
6 See supra, p. 140. GMRI., p. 382.

Page #189

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHNA
159
IV. THE CĀHAMĀNAS OF JĀLOR This branch of the dynasty was found by Kirtipāla, one of the three sons of Alhaņa. In the later Jain inscriptions of his descendants this branch is called the Sonigarās? which may be said to have been derived from Suvarnagiri, the name of the hill fort of Jālor mentioned in some of the inscriptions of Samantasimha (1282-1302 A.D.) of this branch.
Kirtipāla: The Sundhā hill inscription informs us that "as a Rajyesvara of Naddūlai Kirtipāla took his residence at Jāvālipura.When he took to his new residence cannot be known from the Jain sources but a Jain inscription of his son Samarasimha from Jālor, bearing the date V.E. 1239 (c. 1182 A.D.),t definitely shows that some time before or by that time Kirtipāla must have shifted his residence to Jālor. The Jain grant from Nadol of the date V.E. 1218 (c. 1160 A.D.) and a Jain inscription from the temple of Saciyāya Mātā at Osia dated V.E. 1236 (c. 1179 A.D.)“ inform us that Kirtipāla took part in the administration of his father and elder brother. As early as V.E. 1218 (c. 1160 A.D.) he had obtained 12 villages from his father and brother Kelhana over which he ruled. We also know from some of the inscriptions of Kelhana that Kirtipāla was quite advanced in age, for his sons by the time V..E. 1233 (c. 1175 A.D.) were already enjoying the ownership of some of the villages, and they must have been over eighteen, the age of majority.
The term Räjyeśvara mentioned in the Sundhā hill inscription may mean the Lord of the Kingdom of Nādol, but this literal meaning of the terni may not be applied here to Kirtipāla who could not succeeed to the throne of Nádol in the lifetime of his elder brother or before transferring his residence to Jälor, for we know from the Jain inscription at Päladi noticed above that his eldest brother Kelhana was really the occupant of the throne of Nāçol up to V.E. 1249 (1192 A.D.), which is certainly a later date by more than ten years, than the date of shifting the residence to Jālor by Kirtipāla. The above term may also indicate that he might have been a claimant for the throne of Nádol, but this question does not arise before the death of Kelhana who was the real occupant or
1 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 205 N. 730. 2 Ibid., p. 240, No. 903. 3 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 36. * EI., XI. pp. 52-54; Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, p. 238. 5 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 198. 6 V. 36: TEST ferrarcari raggi frete tu:

Page #190

160
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
claimant of the throne. In my opinion the appropriate sense of the term. may be the highest honourable title to a man of the royal family who assisted in the administration in various capacities. Like the title 'Sarvesvara' to Lavaṇaprasada in the time of the Caulukya king Bhima II, this title might have some significance with Kirtipala who with his sons. assisted his elder brother by way of participating in the administration and various wars.
From the Saciyāya Mātā Jain inscription of Kelhana noted above dated V.E. 1236 (c. 1176 A.D.) and from the Jalor inscription of Samarasimha bearing the date V.E. 1239 (c. 1182 A.D.), it appears that Kirtipāla must have shifted his residence between these two dates.
As regards the political achievements of Kirtipāla, Sundhä hill inscription throws some light. It states that "he pierced with arrows a Kirātakūta prince by name Asala and defeated the army of Turuşkas at Kasahṛda."" Kiratakupa of this statement is obviously modern Kirädü. The Muhanota Nainisi informs us that when Kitu or Kirtipāla Cahamâna took possession of Jalor, the ruling prince there was the Paramāra Kuntapala. We are informed by the Bijolia inscription that Vigraharaja (III), the Cahamāna of Sākāmbhari, reduced him to a state of utter lancelessness and even set fire to his capital town Jävälipur. Vigraharaja, as we know, was a contemporary of the Caulukya Kumarapala (c. 1144-73 A.D.) and so were Ālhana and his two sons Kelhana and Kirtipāla. This hard stroke at the hands of Vigraharāja must have rendered Kuntapala very weak and that was the reason why Kirtipāla took no time in turning him out of Jalor soon after and establishing himself there as the founder of the Sonigārā branch. The other place, Käsährada, where Kirtipäla defeated the army of Turuşkas has been identified by Dr. Bhandarkar with the village named Kāyadrā (Sirohi) at the fort of Mt. Abu. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions the place by name. Godaraghatta. It seems that Kirtipala by way of assisting Mülarāja II (1176-78 A.D.) must have fought with the Turuskas."
Samarasimha: Kirtipäla predeceased his elder brother Kelhaya who ruled upto 1192 A.D. and was succeeded by his son Samarasimha in V.E.
1 V. 36.
2 EI., XI, p. 74.
EI., XXXVI, p. 84-112, V. 21.
4 EI., XI, p. 72; see also Vol. IX, p. 73.
SJGM., I, p. 97.
G GMRI., p. 342.

Page #191

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
161
1239 (1182 A.D.). He had two other sons, viz., Lakhanapāla and Abhayapāla and a daughter named Rudaladevi. Rudaladevī is stated in the Sundhā hill inscription to have built a temple of Siva at Jālor. We have the following two dated Jain inscriptions of the reign of Samarasimha, both from Jālor.
The first inscription was found incised on the two lintels of an old mosque, now used as the Topakhānā. It begins with the adoration to Nābheya (Rşabhanātha), and gives the name of Anahila, then Alhaņa and Kirtipāla in the pedigree of Samarasimha. This inscription bears the date V.E. 1239 (c. 1182 A.D.) in the reign of Mahārāja Somasimhadeva, when his son Jojjala was also participating in administration. It records that a mandapa was constructed by Setha Yaśovīra of the śrīmāla caste conjointly with his brothers and all the members of the
goșthi.2
The second one was also found on a lintel in the second storey of the same Topakhānā. It bears four dates. In V.E. 1221 Kumārapāla Caulukya built a temple named Kumāra-vihāra on the fort by name Kāñcanagiri (Suvarnagiri) at Jālor and in V.E. 1242 that temple was rebuilt by the Bhandāri Yasovira in accordance with the orders of the Cāhamāna Samarasimha in V.E. 1242 (c. 1185 A.D.). With the two other later dates referred to there, we have no concern here.3
From these inscriptions we have two dates of Samarasimha, one V.E. 1239 and other 1242 (1182 and 1185 A.D.). They are not politically important. Only his son Jojjala's name appears in the first inscription, who participated in his administration. The Sundhā hill inscription gives more information about him. It states that he built extensive ramparts on the Kāñcanācala (Suvarnagiri) and founded a town Samarapur. He also weighed himself against gold on the Soma festival.
Udayasimha: The Sundhā inscription informs us that Samarasimha was succeeded by his son Udayasimha. But a Jain inscription from the Vimala temple at Mt. Arbuda dated V.E. 1378 mentions Mahanasimha as the son of Samarasimha. This Mahanasimha has been identified with
1 V. 41. 2 EI., XI, 52-54; Jain Lekha-sangraha I, pp. 238–39. 3 Ibid., p. 55; Ibid., p. 239. 4 Vs. 38, 40. 5 V. 42. 6 Arbud Pr. Jain Lekha-Sandoha, Pt. IV, p. 4. 21

Page #192

162
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Mänavasimha known from another inscription found at the temple of Acaleśvara of the same place bearing the date V.E. 1377. Both these Abu inscriptions supply us a genealogical list of Mahanasimha. His son and successor was Pratāpamalla who was succeeded by his grandson Vījada. Vijada is said to have founded the Devadā branch of the Cãhamānas. The Jain inscription from Abu states that Vījada was the master of Marusthalīmandala (Marwar). The same authority informs us that Vijada had three sons, but the Acaleśvara inscription from Abu informs us that he had four sons, Lāvanyakarņa, Lundha, Laksmana and Lūņavarman. When Lāvanyakarna expired he was succeeded by his brother Lundha, who is said, in the Abu inscription of Vimala temple, to have defeated the powerful enemies and established his seat of power at Abu and with the help of his two sons ruled over that territory. We have shown elsewhere on the basis of this statement that Lundha and his two sons turned out the Paramāras of Candrāvati.
We have, by way of introducing Mahanasimha, given some introduction of his successors. The Devadā branch established by them flourished later than the thirteenth century. So we need not discuss it here. . Mahanasinha of the Abu Jain inscription seems to be the eldest brother of Udayasimha and possibly preceded him as a ruler of Jālor. We have no other information about Mahanasimha from the Jain sources. Udayasimha succeeded the throne of Jālor about V.E. 1262 (c. 1205). No dated Jain inscription of his reign has yet been discovered but from the literary sources of Jains, it appears that he enjoyed a long reign of more than 40 years. A colophon of a Jain MS. of the Nirbhayabhīma-vyāyoga, composed by the poet Rāmacandra written in the reign of Mahārājakula Udayasimhadeva, gives us one of his dates which is V.E. 1306 (c. 1243 A.D.). Jinadattasūri also wrote his Viveka-vilăsa in the reign of Udayasimha but he does not give us any date.?
The Sundhā hill inscription enumerates several places over which Udayasimha ruled. They are, Näddūla (Nadol), Jāvālipura (Jālor), Mändavya
1 EI, IX, p. 794. 2 V. 16. 3 Vs. 20-23 • See infra Chapter VIII, section on the Paramāras of Candrävati. 5 Bhinmal stone inscription: BG., I, pp. 474-75, No. III. 6 SJGM., XVIII, p. 124, N. 202. ? EI., XI, p. 76: Bhandarkar's Search for Sanskrit MSS., for 1883-84, p. 156.

Page #193

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
pura (mod. Mandor), Vägbhatameru (mod. Barmer), Süracandra (mod. Surcand), Ratnahrada, Kheda (mod. Kher), Rämasainya (mod. Ramsen), Śrīmāla (mod. Bhinmal), Ratnapura, Satyapura (mod. Sanchor) and others.1 This list demonstrates his extensive territory from Sanchor and Jalor in the south to Mandor in the north, comprising Nädol, the capital of his ancestors. The same authority mentions that his queen was Prahladanadevi who bore him two sons, Cacigadeva and Camuṇḍarāja.2 The Prabandha-kośa states that Udayasimha had a daughter who was married to Virama, the brother of the Dholka prince Viradhavala. The same authority indicates that Udayasimha was a feudatory of the prince Viradhavala. The Hammira-madamardana mentions one Udayasimha of Maru country as assisting Viradhavala (c. 1219-44 A.D.) against a Muslim invader. The Udayasimha of that Jain work may rightly be identified with this Udayasimha.
The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha records an interesting story of a struggle between the Caulukya Visaladeva and Udayasimha:
"Nāgada, was the minister of Visaladeva and Yasovira was that of Udayasimha. Nāgada in his early life was obliged by an act of Yasovira and he promised him to repay that obligation. When the conflict started between the two masters, the ministers by their mutual understanding averted that calamity and saved the kingdoms. The same authority states that once the Turuşkas, having destroyed Gujarāta, returning on the way encamped at the village Sirana. Udayasimha fought there with them and made them flee. The chief Mallika by name Aibuka was killed there. After this event Sultana Jalāladin (Jalal'ud-din) invaded that country in V.E. 1310 and encamped on the top of the Suvarnagiri. This caused great anxiety to Udayasimha. He asked his son Băpada to make a treaty with the Suratrāņa. He went to him and a treaty was purchased on payment of 36 drammas."
16
As regards the confirmation of these facts we learn from the Sundhä hill inscription that Udayasimha curbed the pride of Turuşkas, which was not
1 V. 43.
2 V. 45.
163
"SJGM., VI, p. 125.
4 GOS., X, Act II, p. 11, V. 8. SJGM, II, pp. 49-51.
6 Ibid., p. 51 मंत्रियशोवीरप्रबन्धः ।

Page #194

164
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
conquered by the Gurjara kings, and put an end to Sindhurāja.” This shows that there must have taken place some skirmishes between him and the Gurjara king Visaladeva. Nāgada and Yaśovira were no doubt the historical persons proved by the epigraphical as well as literary evidences.
Before saying anything about Turuskas, it would be better to identify Sindhuraja of the Sundhā hill inscription. According to Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar he is identical with the late Cāhamāna Sindhurāja who is mentioned in the Hammira-madamardana as the father of Sangrāmasimha or Sankha. Dr. H. C. Ray thinks that there is a possibility of a king of Sindhu country which was not very far from the boundary of Udayasimha's kingdom. Except this we have no other information about this king.
The struggle with the Turuskas is also supported by the Hammiramadamardana and the Muslim accounts. The former confirms this fact by stating the invasion of the Milacchikāra which has been corroborated with the military campaign of the Delhi Sultan Iltutmish which he undertook in 1226 A.D.4 Hasan Nizami relates that the Delhi Sultan Shams-ud-din invaded Jālor some time between 1211 A.D. and 1216 A.D. It is further asfirmed that Udi Sah, the accursed, took to the four walls of Jāleswar, an extremely strong fortress, the gates of which had never been opened by any conqueror. When the place was invaded by Shams-ud-din, Udi Sah requested some of the chiefs of the royal army to intercede for his forgiveness etc. The Rai presented to him a rich tribute and the Sultan then returned to Delhi."
But if we read the statement of the Hammira-madamardana with that of the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha, it appears that the struggle still went on and about 1226 A.D. Iltutmish undertook another campaign in which he is reported to have captured Mandor which was under the possession of Udayasimha according to the Sundhā hill inscription.
The Prabandha-kośa states that Udayasimha killed his son-in-law, in accordance with the order of Vastupāla, the minister of Baghelas, but we have no support for the statement. On the other hand, we know from the Sundhā hill inscription that it was Cāciga, the son of Udayasimha, who killed
1 V. 46. 2 EI., XI. p. 76; GOS., X, p. 5. 3 DHNI., II, p. 1129, fn. 12. 4 See infra, Chapter X on Vaghelas. 5 Elliot, II, p. 238; See also T. F. Briggs' Trans., Vol. I, p. 207. 6 SJGM., VI, p. 125.

Page #195

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
165
Vīrama." The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha also confirms the fact.? Udayasimha is said to have been a scholar conversant with the great works of Bharat and others and to have built two Siva temples at Jāvālipura according to the Sundhā hill inscription. The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha mentions the name of one of his sons, Bāpada, who may be identical with Vāhadasimha mentioned in one of the Bhinmal inscriptions."
Cäcigadeva: The Sundhā hill inscription says that Cāciga succeeded his father. We have four dated Jain inscriptions of his reign.
The first is the famous Sundhā hill inscription of the date V.E. 1319 (A.D. 1262). It is a most important record, which helps us in constructing the history of this branch throughout. It was found engraved on the stone slab in the temple of Cåmundā at Sundhā hill about 10 miles north of Jaśavantapura in the district of same name in Jodhpur division. Though it is composed by a Jain sūri Jayamangala of BỊhadgaccha, it, however, begins with invocation to Sambhu and Pārvati. It gives the genealogy of Cāciga from the eponymous Cāhamāna, who was a source of great joy to the Rşi Vatsa. It gives valuable information about the individual kings of this branch which had not been recorded by the other authorities. The purpose of the inscription is to record certain religious deeds of Cāciga. He is stated there to have remitted certain taxes at Srimālā, granted funds at the city of Rāmasainya for the worship of the god Vigrahāditya and visited the Sundhādri, where he established a mandapa at the temple of the goddess Cāmundā, known by the name of Āghățeśvari.?
The second one bearing the date V.E. 1323 (1264 A.D.) has been found at Jālor in the Topakhānā. It records a gift given by Mah. Narapati to one Candana-Vihāra belonging to Nānakagaccha in the reign of Mahārāja Cācigadeva when Mahāmātya Jakşadeva was transacting the business of seal.
1 EI, IX, pp. 76-77, V. 50. 2 SJGM., II, p. 67. 3 V. 46. 4 SJGM., II, p. 51. 5 BG., I, Pt. I, p. 481 ff. 6 V. 48. ? EL., IX, pp. 76–77, 8 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 240, No. 903.

Page #196

166
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The third one has been found at Ratnapura in the Jaśavantapura, Jodhpur division, bearing the date V.E. 1333 (c. 1277 A.D.). It records that Mahantak Ghina, Udala and others granted a land to meet the expenses of the festival of Pärśvanatha in the prosperous reign of Mahamandale vara Raja Sri Caciga when the prime-minister Jakha (Jakṣadeva) and others were on duty 1
The fourth one was found at Bhinmal on the bank of Jaikop lake, incised in a fallen pillar. It is also dated V.E. 1333. It records that in the reign of Mahārājakula Căcigadeva, during the term of office of the Pañca mahantaka Gajasiha and others, the Naigama Kayastha Subhata made a grant for worshipping and services to the Tirthankara Mahāvīra.2
These inscriptions give us dates for his reign from V.E. 1319 to 1333 (c. 1262-1277 A.D.). But an inscription from Bhinmal other than the Jain ones informs us that he ruled from V.E. 1318 to V.E. 1334 (c. 1278 A.D.). Regarding his political achievements we get some light from the Sundhä hill inscription. Caciga is stated there "to have destroyed the roaring Gurjara lord Virama, hated the enemy Salya, taken delight in felling the shaking Pățuka, deprived the colour of Sanga and behaved like a thunderbolt to the mountain-the furious Nähara." We know of Virama of this statement, as a brother of Viradhavala from the Jain prabandhas, who was prevented from succeeding his brother Viradhavala due to the intrigues of the minister Vastupala. The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha also states that Śrī Căciga of Jävälipur killed Virama at Sainväḍighat. The identification of Salya is very difficult for we have no information about him from any sources. Pățuka may be to some extent identical with Pataka mentioned in the Puritana-prabandha-sangraha as an inhabitant and rich man of the village. Palli in Marumandala. He seems from the story narrated there to have been an ordinary chief. Sanga of the Sundha hill inscription may be identified with one Sangana of Vamanasthali who is said to have been killed by Viradhavala. Căciga most probably was a feudatory of Viradhavala. The Ratnapur
1 Ibid., p. 248, No. 935.
2 BG., I, Pt. I, pp. 480-481, No. XII.
3 Ibid., pp. 481-83. No. XIII.
4 V.
50.
5 See infra, Chapter, X, section on Vaghelas.
6 SJGM., II, p. 67.
7 Ibid., II, p. 82.
8
SJGM.. VI, pp. 103-104.

Page #197

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
167
Jain inscription refers to him as Mahamandalesvara. We may assume here that he may have assisted Viradhavala in defeating Sāngana. About Nāhara we, unfortunately, have no information from other sources.
Sämanlasimha: According to the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha Cācigadeva was succeeded by Sāmantasimha. We have, fortunately, six dated Jain inscriptions of his reign ranging from V.E. 1345 to 1359 (1288-1302 A.D.). They are as follows:
The first inscription bearing the date V.E. 1345 (1288 A.D.) has been found engraved on the pillar in the temple of Mātāji at Hathundi in the district of Godwar (Jodhpur). It records that in the reign of Mahārājakula Sri Sämantasimha when Mahārāja Lālana and others were in charge of Srikarana, an annual gift of 24 drammas was given for the worship of Lord Mahāvira by Hemaka at the village Hathundi in the Nadựūla mandala."
The second record was found at Ratnapur in the district of Jaśavantapura at Jodhpura. It is dated in V.E. 1248 in the reign of Mahārājakula Šri Sämantasimha. It gives a detailed description of the grant made by the people of Goșthika for the worship of Pārsvanātha.*
The third one was found at Varmeda in the temple of Dharmanātha on the lintel of a Sabhāmandapa. It records a gift given for the worship of two protecting religious deities related to the first Tirthankara at the Vāhadameru (Varmeda) in the year 1352 during the reign of Mahāräjakula Sämantasimha
The fourth one of the same date has been found at the village Jūna near Vadmera in Jodhpura division and records the same thing.
The fifth record has been discovered at Jālor in the Topakhānā bearing the date V.E. 1353 (c. 1296 A.D.). It records a grant made by Narapati with the other members of family for the welfare of his wife Nāyakādevi to a temple of Pārsvanātha at Suvarnagiri in the reign of Mahārājakula Sämantasimha when his son, Kānhadadeva, as subsisting on his lotus feet, was bearing the burden of administration.?
1 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 240, No. 903. 2 SJGM., II, p. 102: alfaTCT THE FFFUCT 3TTI 3 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 233, No. 897. 4 Ibid., p. 249, No. 936. 5 Ibid., p. 244, No. 918. 6 Ibid., p. 179, No. 749. ? Ibid., p. 240, No. 903.

Page #198

168
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The sixth epigraph has been found at Vāghina (Sirohi). It bears the date V.E. 1359 (1302 A.D.) in the prosperous reign of Maharāja Sāmantasimha. It records several small gifts at the festival of procession of Lord Säntinātha at the village Vāghsīnā.
From these Jain inscriptions we, however, do not get any substantial information of political importance about his reign. They also do not throw any light on the relationship between Cāciga and Samantasimha. Moreover, they also do not mention the name of his father. The Prabandha-kośa, however, mentions that Sämantapāla, Anantapāla and Trilokasimha, the three brothers of the same mother, were the sons (Dāyāda) of Udayasimha of Jāvālipura.” If Samantapāla of this Jain work be taken to be identical with Sämantasimha of the inscription we may say that Sämantasimha was the son of Udayasimha and thus a brother of Cāciga. We know his early date V.E. 1339 (1282 A.D.) from a Bhinmäl inscription which is other than the Jain one. Thus, it seems that he ruled from V.E. 1339 to 1359, a period of 20 years.
According to the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha his son Kānhaçadeva succeeded him. This Kānhadadeva can be identified with Kanerdeo, the Raja of Jālor who was a feudatory of Ala’ud-din Khalji (A.D. 1296-1316).
Thus the Cahamāna king known from the Jain sources are as follows.
1 Ibid., 267, No. 959. 2 SJGM., VI, p. 105. 3 BG., I, Pt. I, pp. 483-84, No. XIV. * SJGM., II, p. 102. $ EI., XI, p. 77; TF. Brigg's trans. Vol. I, p. 370 ff.

Page #199

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
169
I. The Cāhamānas of Sākambhari
II. The Cähamānas of Ranathambhor
Cahamāna Vasudeva Samantarāja Pūrņatalla Jayarāja Vigrahanļpa I
Govindarāja (the son of Pythvīrāja)
Gopendraka
Bālhaņa
Candra Durlabha 1 Guvaka I Saśinrpa Gūvāka II Candana Bappayarāja Vindhyanrpati
Prahlāda Jaitrasimha
Vāgbhata
Hammīra
Vīrama
Simharaja Lakşmana Vigraha II Durlabha II
Gundu
Vīryarāma
Cāmunda
Simhata
Durlabha II
Vīsaladeva III
Přthvīrāja
I
Ajayarāja
Arņorāja
Someśvara
Jagadeva Visala IV Prthvīrāja II Apara
Gāngeya
Prthvīrāja III
Harirāja
22

Page #200

170
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
III. The Cāhamānas of Naddula
IV. The Cāhamānas of
Jåvälipura
Sobhita
Vigrahapāla
Kirtipāla Samarasimha
Balirāja
Mahendra
Udayasimha
Mahaņasimha Pratāpamalla Vījada
Aśvapāla
Anahilla
Cāciga
Sāmantasimha
Bālaprāsāda
Jindurāja
Kānhadadeva
Pithvīpāla
Jojalla Asarāja
Rāyapāla
Katukarāja
Âlhaņadeva
Kelhaņa
Gajasiinha
Kīrtipāla

Page #201

CHAPTER VIII
1. THE GUHILAPUTRAS OR GUHILOTAS The Jain sources also possess certain information regarding the history of Guhilotas. They, however, have no record of the origin of the family nor do they give correct genealogical list of some early members of the dynasty.
Before dealing with the individual members of the dynasty we should know their early history. They are said to have been an ancient tribe. They originally belonged to Gujarāta. Their earliest member Guhadatta (Guhita) flourished in c. 550 A.D. They seem to have migrated to Mewar as early as the first quarter of the 8th century A.D. and one of their early members, namely Bappa, was first to migrate. At first they were the feudatories of the Mauryas of Citor, then of Gurjara Pratīhāras of Kanauj, and after the downfall of Gurjara Pratīhāras of Kanauj, they were vassals of the three imperial powers, the Caulukyas of Anahilapattana, the Paramāras of Mālava and the Cabamānas of Sākambhari. Their early attempts to secure a sovereign position were frustrated by the growing strength of these three powers. There are three sain inscriptions that confirm this fact. The Bījāpur Jain inscription of Rāştrakūta Dhavala states that the Paramāra Muñja vanquished Śaktikumāra, the Guhilot of Medapāța. The capital Aghāta (mod. Ahad) near Udaipur was also plundered. Saktikumāra sought asylum with the Rāştrakūța prince Dhavala of Hastikundi.? The Cirwa inscription composed by a Jain monk Ratnaprabhasūri informs us that the Mālava Paramāra Bhoja occupied Citor.3 The Citorgarh inscription of Kumārapāla, composed by the Jain Rāmakirti shows that Mewar was included within the Caulukya dominions during the first half of the 12th century. These facts show that they could get no chance to become independent sovereign rulers. But soon after the disintegration of the Paramāra and Caulukya powers, they no doubt had certain opportunities to establish themselves as sovereigns.
This tribe was scattered in various places and it established several principalities. Thus they were naturally divided among several branches. We, however, know something of Guhilaputras of Mewar and Nadūladāgikā from Jain sources.
1 DHNI., II, pp. 1153-63. 2 EI., X, P. 17, ff. V. Io. 3 W2KM., XXI, PP. 142-62. 4 EI., II, p. 421. 5 DHNI., II, p. 1162.

Page #202

172
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
GUHILAS OF MEWAR:
Founder of the Dynasty: As regards the genealogy of this branch we get some information from a Jain epigraph known as Rainpur Jain temple inscription of Kumbha bearing the date V.E. 1496 (1439 A.D.). It mentions Śrī Bappa as first member of the dynasty followed by Guhila. This, however, seems to be erroneous, for, the earlier records of the family ascribe Guhila as the founder of this dynasty. Our two Jain inscriptions support this view. The Cirwa stone inscription of V.E. 1330 mentions Padmasimha, one of the members of this branch to have been born many years after Bappa of the Guhilāngaja vamśa.The Citor stone inscription of V.E. 1335 states that Mahārājakula Samarasimha was the ornament of the Guhila family. Thus they established the fact that Guhila, not Bappa, was the original member. Moreover, the Atpur epigraph of Saktikumāra (V.E. 1034), the earliest record of this branch, supplies a regular genealogy of the family and traces the pedigree from Guhadatta."
Besides this the list of those members who preceded Allața is not recorded correctly by the Rainpur Jain inscription. We know from other sources that 16 members preceded Allaţa, while this inscription mentions only 8 members before him without giving their correct succession which is rightly known from earlier inscriptions.
Bhartı patta: We, however, have no information about 16 predecessors of Allața from the Jain sources except that about Bhartặpațţa II, who founded the city of Bhartspura identical with the modern village of Bhatevar, which has given the name Bhartępuriya to a Jain Gaccha."
Allața: Bhartspațţa II is said to have been succeeded by his son Allaţa, according to the Āhar Saranesvara temple inscription of Allata dated V.E. 1008 (951 A.D.). The late G. H, Ojha refers to a damaged and fragmentary undated Jain inscription discovered in a small Jain temple at Āhar connected with Allața.? It states that Allața killed in fight his powerful enemy Devapāla and also speaks of one Akşapatalika Mayūra whose name
1 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, p. 165, No. 700. 2 WZKM., XXI, pp. 142-62. 3 JASB., Pt. I, pp. 18 and 48. 4 IA., XXXIX, pp. 186-91. 5 Vijayadharmasűri, Prācina Lekha-sangraha, p. 12, No. 39. 6 BI., pp. 67-69; I A., LVIII. p. 162. 7 HR., II, p. 428.

Page #203

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
173
occurs in the above Saraṇeśvara inscription of Allața. Considering the period of Allata (951-953 A.D.) certain scholars have identified Devapāla of this inscription with the Kanauj Pratīhāra of that name (c. 948 A.D.), son of Mahīpāla.1 Though we have no definite evidence to confirm this fact yet it is certain that Devapāla was not a very powerful prince.
Saktikumāra: Allaţa was succeeded by Naravāhana and he was succeeded by Śaktikumāra according to the Rainpur Jain inscription; but the Atpur (Ahur) inscription of Saktikumāra, V.E. 1034 (c. 977 A.D.) inserts one Sālivāhana as father and predecessor of Saktikumāra.? We know nothing of Naravāhana and Sälivāhana from the Jain sources. Of the reign of Śaktikumāra we have two Jain inscriptions discovered at Āhar (Udaipur), though they are undated. Their period can be assigned with the help of another inscription of his reign dated V.E. 1034 (c. 977 A.D.) from the same place. Nothing particular of political importance has been recorded by these Jain inscriptions. But we know from the Bījāpur Jain inscription that this prince was defeated by the Paramāra ruler Muñja and was protected by the Rāştrakūta prince Dhavala."
His Successors: Saktikumāra was succeeded by his son Ambaprasāda but the Rainpur Jain inscription omits his name and places his brother Sucivarman immediately after Saktikumāra whereas the Citor inscription of V.E. 1331 mentions Ambaprasāda as successor of Saktikumāra and predecessor of Sucivarman. The Prthvīrāja-vijaya states that the Cāhamāna Vākpatirāja II killed him with his army. Sucivarman succeeded his brother Āmbaprasāda. After him in order of succession come ten princes, Kirtipāla, Jogarāja, Vairāta, Vamśapāla, Vairisimha, Virasimha, Arisimha, Codasimha, Vikramasimha, Ranasimha, Ksemasimha, Samantasimha. But the accuracy of this order is very difficult to ascertain from the other sources. Moreover, none of the princes preceding Samantasimha appears to have been of importance and not a single inscription of these princes has been discovered. On the other hand, we know from the three Jain authorities noticed above that during this period from V.E. 1034 (c. 977 A.D.), the known
I DHNI, 1, pp. 587 ff. 2 1 A., XXXIX. 186, ff. 3 HR., II, 434-437. 4 See infra, p. 181. 5 I A., XXII, pp. 80-81. 6 JRAS., 1913, p. 269. ? P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 164, No. 700. 8 See supra, p. 171.

Page #204

POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
date of the Caulukya Kumarapala, the land of Mewar was occupied by the Paramāras and Caulukyas. It is very strange to note that Ramakirti in his Citorgarh inscription of Kumarapala dated V.E. 1209 does not even hint at the existence of Guhila State.' Perhaps this would mean that during this period Guhilas had been reduced to such an insignificant position as not to deserve any mention in a record of royal victories.
174
Samantasimha: Onwards from Samantasimha we now reach the definite ground of information. The Jain inscription from Rainpur states. that Samantasimha succeeded Kṣemasimhha who is known from other sources as the father of Samantasimha. Among his seven dated inscriptions discovered, we have one Jain inscription from Sänderäva bearing the date V.E. 1258 (A.D. 1202)2 It has been found engraved there on a pillar of a Jain temple of Mahavira. This Jain inscription, as well as others, gives us dates of his reign from V.E. 1228 to 1258 (1171-1202 A.D.) but they do not yield any information regarding his political achievements. A Jain inscription from Lupiga temple at Mt. Abu dated V.E. 1287 (1230 A.D.) refers to one Samantasimha who is said there to have broken the power of the Gurjara king but could not succeed due to the offence made by Prahladana, the younger brother of the Candrāvati Paramāra Dhärävarṣa (c. 1163-1219 A.D.). We have identified this Samantasimha with the above-noted Samantasimha of the Guhila family, whose period synchronizes with that of Prahladana. The Gurjara king has been identified with the Caulukya Ajayapala (1173-76A.D.). This fact revealed by the Jain inscription indicates that after the death of Kumarapala, Sämantasimha Guhilota tried to recover Citor which was in the possession of Kumarapala.
From Kumarasimha to Padmasimha: The Rainpur Jain inscription states that Samantasimha was succeeded by Kumarasimha who according to Acaleśvara temple inscription of Mt. Abu (V.E. 1342) was the younger brother of Samantasimha." The same Jain authority mentions Mathanasimha as the successor of Kumārasimha who is stated as the son of Kumarasimha in the Acaleśvara temple inscriptiion of Mt. Abu. Mathanasimha was succeeded by his son Padmasimha. Nothing is known about these princes
1 EI., II, pp. 421 ff.
2 ASI., WC, 1916-17, pp. 65-66; EI., XX, Appendix, p. 64, No. 446. 3 Ibid.
EI., III, pp. 200-04, and 208-19.
5 See infra, Chapter IX, II, the Caulukyas of Gujarata.
6 IA., XVI, p. 345.

Page #205

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
175
except the information about Mathanasimha furnished by the Jain Ratnaprabhasūri in the Cirwa inscription. It is stated that Mathanasimha appointed Uddharana of the Tantarāda family to the post of the Talāraksa of the city of Nāgadraha (Nagada). Uddharana had eight sons of whom the eldest, Yogarāja, was appointed as Talāra in the same city of Padmasimha.
Jaitrasimha: Padmasimha was followed by his son Jaitrasimha of whose reign we have two dated colophons of the Jain MSS.
The colophon of the MS. of the Daśavaikālika-sutra bearing the date V.E. 1284 (c. 1227 A.D.) was written at Āghatadurga (mod. Ahar) in the reign of Jaitrasimha. It gives to him the title Samastarājāvali-samalankyta, Mahārājādhiraja, and mentions the name of his Mahāmātya Jagatsimha as carrying on the administration of the seals. The second colophon of the MS named Päkșikavrtti was written at the same place in the year V.E. 1309 (c. 1256 A.D.) in the reign of the same king. It gives him the title of Mahārājādhiraja Bhagavannäräyana and Dakşiņa-uttarādhisa-mānamardana and mentions his heir-apparent's name Tejasimha. Vilhana was in charge of transacting the business of the seal.*
These two colophons record the two dates of his reign V.E. 1284 and 1309, but his two inscriptions give him two early dates V.E. 1270 and 1299. As we shall see that a colophon of the Jain MS. gives V.E. 1317 (1260 A.D.) as the date to his son, it is most probable that his reign must have ended before that date — some time between c. 1218 and 1260 A.D. Hence we may assign him a period of reign of more than 40 years. The titles mentioned above show him to be a powerful king who exerted considerable influence. By V.E. 1309 his son also began to participate in his administration.
Ratnaprabhasūri in his Cirwā inscription informs us that "the pride of Jaitrasimha has never been lowered by the princes of Mālava, Gurjara, Maru, Jāngala and the Mlecchas". Regarding the struggle with the prince of Mālava the same authority states that Madana, the grandson of Yogarāja, as officer of Padmasimha, fought in the battlefield of Uttūņaka on behalf of Jesala against the Pañcagundika Jaitramalla. We may, however, identify
1 WZKM., XXI, p. 142 ff. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 116. 3 Prasasti-sangraha, Pt. I; see also SJGM., XVIII, p. 125. 4 WZKM., XXI, p. 142 ff. V.6. 5 WZKM., XXXI, p. 142 ff. V. 6.

Page #206

176
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Jesala with the Guhila prince Jaitrasimha and Jaitramalla with the Mālava prince Jaitugideva (1239-43 A.D.), both of them being contemporaries. As regards the conflict with the prince of Guriara, we are informed by the Hammira-mada-mardana that in the joint effort of Viradhavala Caulukya against the Turuşkas the Mewar king Jayatala could not join on account of the pride of his valour. The reference to the struggle with the princes of Maru and Jāngala indicates that he must have fought with the successors of the Cāhamāna Pệthvīrāja II and his brother Harirāja. The Abu Acaleśvara temple inscription of Samarasimha dated V.E. 13422 informs us that Jaitrasimha destroyed the Cāhamāna of Nadol, most probably the Jāvālipura Cāhamāna Udayasimha who is said to have possessed Nadol also. The war with the lord of Mlecchas may be confirmed by the statement of the Hammiramada-mardana, which describes in detail the invasion of the territories of Jayatala the lord of Mewar by the Turuskaviras under Milicchīkāra. The late Pt. Ojha pointed out this Milicchikāra to be identical with the Sultan Iltutmash (1211-36 A.D.) who bore the title of Amir Shikār.3 The Cirwă inscription referring to this war states that Pamparāja, a son of Yogarāja, the Talāra appointed by Padmasimha at Nāgadraha, was killed when that city was destroyed by the soldiers of the Suratrāņa.4 It seems that both the Jain authors of the above-noted work and the inscription refer to the same invasion. The Hammira-mada-mardana, however, shows that this prince of Mewar could not have been defeated by the Turuskas. We have elsewhere discussed, on the basis of the Cirwā inscription, a struggle of Jaitrasimha with Tribhuvanapāla Caulukya.
These struggles naturally indicate that Jaitrasimha was a powerful ruler and ruled for a considerable period of time.
Tejasimha: Tejasimha was the son and successor of Jaitrasimha of whose reign we have three dated Jain records.
The first is a colophon from the Jain MS. named the Śrāvaka Pratikramana-sūtra Cürni bearing the date V.E. 1317. It was written at Āghāta by Kamalacandra, disciple of Rāmacandra in the prosperous
1 See infra, Chapter, IX, II, the Caulukyas of Gujarāta. 2 HIG., III, No. 252. p. 71 ff. 3 HR., II, p. 467. 4 WZKM., XXI, p. 157, V. 16. 5 See infra, Chapter, IX, II, the Caulukyas of Gujarāta. 6 Ibid. 7 SJGM., XVIII, p. 126.

Page #207

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
177
reign of Tejasimha who was adorned with the titles Mahāräjädhirāja, Paranieśvara, Paramabhattāraka, Umāpati-varalabdha, Praudhapratāpasamalarkyta while his Mahāmātya Samudhara was in charge of transacting the business of seal. The second one is an inscription dated V.E. 1322 (c. 1265 A.D.). It was composed by the Ratnaprabhasüri of Caitragaccha and has been found in the village of Ghāghsā near Citor. It traces the genealogy of Tejasimha from Padmasimha. The third one, an epigraph dated V.E. 1324 (c. 1267 A.D.) has been discovered at Citor engraved on a stone fixed on an arch of the bridge on the Gāmbhiri river near Citor. It is said that this stone originally belonged to the temple of Mahāvīra, at the Talahatţikā of Citrakūtamahādurga. It mentions Hemacandrasūri and others of the Caitragaccha in the reign of the Mahārāja Sri Tejasiṁhadeva.”
From the above three Jain records we get the dates of Jayasimha's reign ranging from V.E. 1317 to 1334 (c. 1260-67 A.D.). One colophon of 1309 of the reign of Jaitrasimha informs us that Tejasisha was a crown prince of Jaitrasimha which shows he was participating in the administration of his father. His titles given in the Jain colophon indicate that he must have enjoyed sovereign power and owed allegiance to none. The adoption of the epithet Umäpativaralabdha-praudhapratāpa of the Caulukya rulers shows that after the death of Bhima II (1178-1241) the sovereignty of the western India must have been divided between the two powers, the Vaghelas, the successors of Bhima's kingdom, and the Guhilotas of Mewar. He was a contemporary of Vaghela prince Visaladeva. Our Ratnaprabhasūri in the Cirwā inscription says that he was honoured by Visvaladeva and Tejasimhadeva both.' Tejasimha is mentioned in the Rainpur Jain inscription as Tejasvisiinha."
He was followed by his son Samarasimha of whose reign we have two dated Jain records.
The first epigraph is the Cirwā stone inscription composed by the Jain Ratnaprabhasūri of Caitragaccha bearing the date V.E. 1330 (c. 1273 A.D.). It was found engraved on the outside of the door of the
1 RMR., 1927, p. p. 3. 2 Ibid., 1923, p. 3; JASB., LV. Pt, I, pp. 46-47. 3 See supra p. 175. 4 DHNI., II, p. II91-92. 5 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, 165.

Page #208

178
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
temple of Vişņu at the village Cirwā, situated at a distance of 10 miles from Udaipur to the north of it. It traces the genealogy of Samarasimha from Padmasisha who is said there to have been born many years after Bappa of the Guhilāngaja vaṁsa. It also gives the genealogy and history of the Talāra Yogaraja of Tantarāda family, whose ancestors were serving the Guhilas from the time of Mathanasimha in various capacities. The purpose of description is to record the erection of a temple of Siva by Yogarāja in the village of Cirakūpa near Nāgadraha (mod. Nāgdā) and certain grants made by his grandson Madana and his mother Hirū.
The second inscription of V.E. 1335 has been discovered incised on a lintel of a Jain temple in the fort of Citor. The purpose of the inscription is to record the erection of a temple of Syāma-Pārsvanātha by Jayatalladevī, the queen of Tejasimha and the mother of Samarasimha and a grant of land made by Samarasimha to construct a monastery for Pradyumnasūri. Samarasimha is mentioned there as Mahārājakula and the ornament of the Guhila family.
From these inscription we get two dates of his reign, viz., V.E. 1330 and 1335. But the other published inscriptions of his period dated V.E. 1334, 1356 and 1358 show that he, like his grandfather, enjoyed a long reign of more than 28 years from V.E. 1330 to 1358 (1273-1301 A.D.). Though we have no information regarding his political achievements from these inscriptions, a contemporary Jain writer Jinaprabhasūri, the author of Vividha-tirtha-kalpa, informs us that when Ulugh Khān the younger brother of Ala-ud-dīn proceeded on his expedition against Gujarāta in V.E. 1356 (c. 1299 A.D.) 3 Samarasimha, the king of Citrakūta, saved his country from devastation by paying homage to him. This fact is not stated by the Muslim historians, but it is reliable since it comes from a contemporary authority.
The Rainpur Jain inscription of V.E. 1496 mentions Bhuvanasimha who was conqueror of the Cāhamāna Kīțuka and the Suratrāņa Alā-ud-din. But from the other sources it appears that Ratnasimha, the son of Samarasimha, was the successor of his father. His inscription dated V.E. 1359 (1302 A.D.)
1 WZKM., XXI, p. 142 ff. 2 IA., XXII, pp. 80-81 ; see also HR., II, p. 479. 3 DHNI., II, p. 1195. 4 SJGM., X, P. 30: fpecieaf FACITEIT TOE TE RE
7
fait

Page #209

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
179
proves it. The name of Bhuvanasimha occurs in the Sisodā branch of Guhilotas.” The statement regarding him from the Jain inscription referred to above, however, finds no support from other sources. It seems that he might have been a contemporary of Samarasimha, but it is certain that he did not succeed Samarasimha.
According to the same Jain inscription Bhuvanasisha was succeeded by his son Jayasimha but the late Pt. Ojha places Bhimasimha between the two. The same Jain record states that Jayasimha was succeeded by Lakşmaṇasiṁha, the conqueror of the Mālava king Goga. Lakşmaṇasimha was followed by Ajayasimha, who, in his turn, was succeeded by his brother Arisimha. The Kumbhalagadh inscription of V.E. 1517 seems to indicate that Lakşmaṇasiṁha, after the surrender of Ratnasiṁha to Alā-ud-dīn, was raised to the throne of Mewar and so he and his sons reigned for a period before their deaths.
Guhila-putras of Naduladăgika: Only one member of this branch is known from the three dated Jain inscriptions of the reign of the Naddūla Cāhamāna Räyapāla (c. 1132-45 A.D.). The Naďlāi stone inscription bearing the date V.E. 1195 from the Jain temple of Neminātha, already described elsewhere," mentions one Thakkura Rājadeva, son of Rāuta (Rājaputra) Uddharana of the Guhila family who is stated to have granted 1/20th part of the income derived from the goods going to or coming from Nāduladāgika. It ends with the sign-manual of the donor-Svahastoyam Säbhijñāna pür. vakam Rāu Rājadeva.
The other two Jain inscriptions from Nadlāi dated V.E. 1200 and 1202 respectively of the same Cāhamāna Rāyapāla also refer to the gifts donated by one Răuta Rājadeva who in consideration of the matter of locality and time may be taken to be identical with that of the above inscription of the date V.E. 1195.7
Except his name and donations nothing more is known about him.
1 RMR., 1927, p. 3. 2 DHNI., II, p. 1205. 3 Jain Lekha-sangraha, p. 165, No. 700. 4 DHNI., II, P, 1205, 5 See supra, p. 152. 6 EI., XI, pp. 36-37; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 217. ? Ibid., pp. 41-43; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 213.

Page #210

180
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
II. THE RASTRAKUTAS OF HASTIKUNDI
During the Rāṣṭrakūta invasion of Northern India certain Răștrakūta chiefs settled in Northern India and from them sprang several petty dynasties about which fortunately we have information from several inscriptions found in Northern India.
About one of the branches of this family which settled in Rajasthāna we know from a Jain inscription. This branch is named by the historians ast the Rästrakūtas of Hastikundi. The inscription is called Bijapur stone inscription of Dhavala and it was discovered in a Jain temple situated in a lonely place about two miles from village Bijapur in the Bali district of the Jodhpur division.' It consists of two separate records incised on the same stone. The first contains twenty-two lines and is dated V.E. 1053 (997 A.D.) and the second eleven lines and is dated V.E. 996 (949 A.D.). Both seem independent of each other and open with the praise of Jain Tirthankaras or Jain religion.2
Verse 3 of the first record refers to a royal family but, unfortunately, the name of the family is lost. From verse 3 of the second record we know that the name of the family, definitely, was Rāṣṭrakūta. In verse 4, we are introduced to prince Harivarman and his wife Ruchi. From Harivarman sprang Vidagdha (v. 5) and from Vidagdha, Mammata (v. 8); from Mammața came Dhavala (v. 9) and Dhavala's son was Bālaprasāda (v. 19).
The second part of the inscription seems older and it records only the first three members of the dynasty. The object of this inscription is to show that Vidagdharāja built a caitya grave at Hastikundi for his guru Balabhadra. The former prince in V.E. 973 granted certain donations, two-third of the proceeds of which was to go to the Jina (Arkat) and one-third to the guru Balabhadra as Vidyadhana. The grants were renewed by Mammata in V.E. 996. The nature of grant is described in verses 8-17.
The first record supplies us certain material of historical value. It states that Dhavala gave shelter to the armies of a king whose name is lost.
1 JASB., 1893, Pt. I, pp. 308-14; EI., X, p. 17 ff; the full text of the inscription is also published in the Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, p. 233, No. 898 (Calcutta).
± EI., X, p. 18, V. परवादिदर्पमथनं जिनेन्द्रवरशासनं जयति ।
3
. .
राष्ट्रकूटकुलकाननकल्पवृक्षः।
4. V. 14 आदानादे तस्माद्भागद्वयमर्हतः वृतं गुरुणा ।
शेषतृतीयभागो विद्याधनमात्मनो विहितः ॥

Page #211

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
181
and those of the lord of the Gurjaras when Muñjarāja destroyed Āghata, the pride of Medapāța (Mewar) and caused them to flee. This Muñjarāja is correctly identified by Kielhorn with the Paramāra Vākpati-Muñja (c. 97497 A.D.).” The lord of Gurjaras referred to here was most probably the Caulukya Mūlarāja I of Gujarāta (c. 961-96 A.D.) mentioned in verse 12. The prince whose name is lost was possibly a Guhila ruler of Medapāța. Āghata which Mūlarāja destroyed is likely to be Āhada near the present Udaipur station from which a well-known Guhalot clan derives its name, Āhadia.
Verse 11 refers to one Mahendra to whom Dhavala offered protection against Durlabharāja. Durlabharāja is identified by Kielhorn with the brother of the Cahamāna Vigraharāja of Harsa inscription dated V.E. 1030.5 The same scholar pointed out that Mahendra must be the son of Vigrahapāla of the same name of the Nadąūla branch of the Cāhamāna dynasty.
In verse 12 Dhavala is said to have given support to Dharanivarāha whose power had been completely exterminated by Mūlarāja. Pandit Ramkarana, the editor of the inscription, has suggested ten possibilities of the identification of Dharaṇīvarāha with the Paramāra king of that name, who is said to have been the ruler of Navakot in Marwar.
These references certainly show the importance of this Rāșțrakūta family and their importance was in some respects due to their position. The frontiers of the Cauluk yas, the Cāhamāna and the Paramāra kingdoms were attached to the borders of their kingdom and everyone naturally was seeking assistance from them whenever threatened by another.
The inscription is also important from the social and religious point of view. It refers to Vāsudeva who was the preceptor of Vidagdharāja and who imparted to the prince spiritual knowledge and induced him to erect a temple dedicated to the Jina in the town of Hastikundi. It refers to a gold
i V. 10 : FIT TË FTTH: TFZfHT HE #EYT HERII
जन्ये राजन्यजन्ये जनयति जनताजं रणं मुंजराजे ॥ श्रीमाण प्रणष्टहरिणे इव भिया गूर्जरेशे विनष्टे।
तत्सैन्यानां शरण्यो हरिरिव शरणे यः सुराणां बभूव ॥ 2 JASB., 1893, LXII, Pt. I, 311 ; see supra p. 91. 3 Ibid., see infra, Chapter IX, II. * EI., X, p. 19; see supra p. 173. Section on the Guhilotas. 5 JASB., 1893, LXII, Pt. I, p. 311. 6 Ibid., sce supra, p. 149. ? EI., X, p. 19.

Page #212

182
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
weighing of the prince, and the donation of the weighed gold of which twothirds were allotted to the Jina and the remainder to the Jain preceptor.1 Verse 33 of the first record refers to a Gosthi of Hastikundi which renovated the temple of the first Tirthankara, built by Vidagdharāja. After the renovation Säntibhadra in V.E. 1053 (A.D. 997) installed the image of Tirthankara. The names of certain members of the Gosthi are enumerated in the last of the first record.
Verses 8-17 of the second record describe the nature of the grant made by the prince Mammata and renewed by his son Vidagdharāja. The description is as follows:
(1) One rupee for each twenty loads carried for sale; (2) One rupee on each cart filled (whether going from or by the village); (3) One karşa for ghata at each oil mill; (4) Thirteen collikas of betel leaves by the bhaṭṭas; (5) Pellaka pellaka by the gamblers; (6) One aḍhaka (24 seers) of wheat and barley from each araghatta, i.e., well with a water wheel; (7) Five palas for peḍda (?); (8) One Vinfopaka coin for each bhara (2,000 palas);2 (9) ten palas from each bhara of articles, such as cotton, copper, saffron, gum resin, madder and so forth, and (10) One mayaka for each dropa of wheat, mûng, barley, salt, räla and such other objects which can be measured."
The date of donation made by Vidagdharaja is given as V.E. 973 (816 A.D.).
Thus the known kings from the Jain inscription of this family are as follows:
1 V. 7 of the 1st record दानेन तुलितपलिना तुलादि दानस्य येन दोषाय । भागद्वय व्यतीर्यत भागश्चाचार्यवर्याय ॥
रूपक एको देवो वहतामिह विंशतेः प्रवहणानां ।
धर्म ..... क्रय विक्रये च तथा ॥ V. 8. संभृत गंया देयस्तथा वहन्त्याश्वरूपकः श्रेष्ठः । घाणे घटे ज कर्षो देयः सर्वेण परिपाट्या ॥ श्री महलोकदत्तपात्राणां चोहका त्रयोदशिका | पेलक पेलकमेतत् द्यूतकरैः शासने देयम् ॥ 3 देयं पलाशपाटक. गोधूम मुद्रलवण. ...etc., V. 17
V. 13.
4 Ibid., V. 19.

•
V. 9.
V. 10.

Page #213

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
Harivarman
Vidagdha
I
Mammata
Dhavala
T Bālaprasāda
III. PARAMARAS OF BANSWARA (VĀGADA)
The two Jain inscription discovered near Arthûna, village about 28 miles to the west of Banswara in Rajasthāna, indicate that a line of the Paramāras was ruling over this area also.
The first epigraph is much defaced. It was found in a Jain temple of Arthuna and fortunately is dated 1159 V.E. (1102 A.D.)-perhaps in the reign of Camuṇḍarāja.1
The second one was found in a very good condition at the same place and is preserved in the Rajputana Museum. This inscription contains thirtyone lines of writing and records the installation of an image of lord Vṛsabha (Adinatha) in V.E. 1109 in the reign of Vijayaraja. The inscription opens with the 'Om namah Vitarägäya' and devotes one verse in adoration of the Jina.

In verse 2 the genealogy of Vijayaraja is given. It states that in the Paramāra clan was born a person by name Srimanḍalika, who killed the commandar Kanha and Sindhurāja. From him was born Camuṇḍarāja, who destroyed by various means the king of Avanti in the Sthali (Vägada) country. Camuṇḍarāja's son was Vijayaraja in whose reign the epigraphs were engraved. Verse 26 informs us that the name of Arthūņa was Utthūņaka.'
1 Raj. Mu. Rep., 1915, p. 2.
EI. XXI p. 50. V. 25 वर्ष सहसे याते षष्ठयुत्तरशतेन संयुक्ते ।
183
विक्रमभानोः काले स्थली विषयमवति सति विजयराज्ये ॥
Ibid., आसीच्छ्रीपरमार वंशजनितः श्रीमण्डलीकाभियः । कन्हस्य ध्वजिनीपतेर्निधनकृच्छ्रीसिन्धुराजस्य च ॥ जज्ञे कीर्तिलतालबालक इतश्चामुण्डराजो नृपो । योऽवन्तिप्रभुसाधनानि बहुशो इंतिरम देशे स्थली (स्थायाम् ) । श्री विजयराजनामा तस्य सुतो जयति विततयशः ॥
• Tbid. उस्थूणकनगरेऽस्मिन्निह जगती (या)।

Page #214

184
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Mandali ka and Cāmundarāja: The defeated persons whose names appear in the inscription are the commander Kānha, Sindhurāja and Avantiprabhu. The Panheră stone inscription of Mandalīka dated V.E. 1116 (c. 1059 A.D.)' informs us that Mandalika captured in the battle the commander Kānha with his horses and elephants and handed him over to Jayasimha. The identity of this Kānha is, however, not known. As regards Sindhurāja, Dr. Barnett guessed that this Sindhurāja could not be identified with the Mālava Paramāra of that name who ruled in c. 994-1010 A.D. It may be assumed that by Sindhurāja here is meant a king of Sind? Another Arthūņa inscription of Cāmundarāja dated V.E. 1136 (c. 1080 A.D.) also refers to that Cāmundarāja who gloriously overcame one Sindhurāja. It is more likely that Cāmundarāja may have undertaken an expedition to the lower Indus valley under his father Mandalika.
Identification of Avanti-prabhu: Regarding the Avanti-prabhu, it may be conjectured here that at that time the king of Avanti was Udayāditya, younger brother of Bhoja I (c. 1060-1087 A.D.). We know from the history of the Paramāras of Mālava line that Udayāditya usurped the Mālava crown by ousting the lawful successor of Bhoja. The Panherā inscription furnishes us a proof that Jayasimha, who was most probably the son of Bhoja, was ruling in c. 1055-60 A.D. This inscription also informs us that Mandalika, father of Cāmundarāja, was his feudatory. In the light of this fact it appears that Cāmundarāja (c. 1080-1102 A.D.) must have taken the cause of his father's sovereign and attacked Udayāditya in retaliation. This Arthūņa Jain inscription in my opinion gives some definite indication on this point. In the opinion of Dr. H. C. Ray this Avanti-prabhu was probably the Caulukya Jayasimha Siddharāja (c. 1094-1144 A.D.) who invaded and conquered Mālava and assumed the title of Avantinātha. His opinion, however, does not seem correct for we have the chronology of the events related to Jayasimha that he never took the title 'Avantinātha' before 1136 A.D. At that time Cāmundarāja was dead. Therefore the clash with Jayasimha could not be a possibility. There was a difference of more than thirty-four years between the two events, the one relating to the assumption of the title 'Avantinātha' and the other to the death of Cāmundaraja.
1 ASI.. 1916-17, pp. 19-20, Raj. Mu. Rep., 1917, pp. 2--3. 2 EI., XIV. pp. 295-300. 3 Ibid. 4 ASI., 1916-17, pp. 19-20. 5 DHNI., II, p. 923, fn. 4.

Page #215

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
Vijayaraja: For Vijayaraja, the son and successor of Camundarāja, we have a date from the above inscription, i.e., V.E. 1166 (c. 1109 A.D.). The other inscription of his reign was discovered engraved on an image of Hanuman at the same place dated V.E. 1165 (c. 1108 A.D.).
Besides these two Jain inscriptions, we know something more about the earlier members of the dynasty from three inscriptions other than the Jain. ones. The Panhera stone inscription referred to above describes the origin of the Paramāras from the fire-pit on Mt. Abu and praises the five Paramāra princes of Malava, viz., Siyaka, Muñjadeva, Sindhurāja, Bhoja and Jayasimha. Then comes the following genealogy of the local branch, Dhanika and his brother of unknown name. From this unknown brother was born Cacca whose son's name is lost; his son was Satyaraja and Satyaraja's sons were Limbarāja and Mandalika. The Arthûna inscription of Camundarāja referred to above (other than the Jain one) gives some names; from the fire-pit of Vasistha on Arbuda sprang Paramära; in his lineage were born. two brothers, Vairisimha and Dambarasimha; in the line of Dambarasimha was born Kamsadeva (Kakkadeva); then his son Candapa; his son Satyarāja; his son Mandanadeva and his son Camuṇḍarāja.
From the above description it appears that the Banswara Paramāras, like the Abu Paramāras, were a branch of the main line ruling in Lata and Mälava. The Banswara section claimed descent from Dambarasimha, a brother. of Vairisimha.
What happened to this branch after the reign of Camundarāja's son Vijayaraja we have no account. According to the late Dr. G. H. Ojha, they were gradually ousted from this region by the rising power of the Guhilas of Mewar.
The genealogy of this branch as known from the Jain sources is as follows:
24

185
Mandalika
Camuṇḍarāja T Vijayarāja

Page #216

186
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
IV. PARAMĀRAS OF CANDRÄVATI AND ARBUDA
Though we have stray references in the Jain literature to this branch of the Paramāras, fortunately, we have several Jain inscriptions which have helped us in bringing several members of this branch to light.
The earliest source of information about this branch of the Paramäras is the Vasantagadha stone inscription of the Paramāra Pūrņapāla dated V.E. 1099. The Jain inscriptions, though belonging to a later period, help us in constructing the history of this branch.
The Jhālodi temple inscription dated V.E. 1255, which is the earliest among the Jain inscriptions of this line, informs us that valorous Dhārāvarsa, joy of the Paramāra clan, was ruling at Candrāvati.' Another Jain inscription discovered from the Lūņa temple at Mt. Abu dated V.E. 1282 (A.D. 1230) traces the origin of this branch in the same way as we have seen in the Tilakamañjarī of the main line. The third one called the Vimala temple inscription, dated V.E. 1378 (A.D. 1322), tells us the same kind of origin. The Prabhāvaka-carita and Prabandha-kośa call the king of Candrāvati Paramāra.
The first historical person of this branch according to the Lūņa temple inscription is Dhūmarāja;3 and according to the Vimala temple inscription, Kānhada-deva. Both seem to be Prākřtised form of Kșşņa-deva. In the opinion of some scholars Dhümarāja is most likely identical with Kānhadadeva; both Dhūma and Kışņa, being synonymous terms, signify darkness."
The Vasantagadha stone inscription of the Paramāra Pūrņapāla, dated V.E. 1099 (A.D. 1042), mentions Utpalarāja as the first man of the dynasty. Certain scholars on the assumption that Vākpatirāja II bore the second name Utpalarāja maintain that Utpalarāja of Vasantagadha inscription is identical with Vākpati II (c. 975-90 A.D.). This, however, seems improbable for we
ali
1 Arbuda, Jain Lekha-sandoha, P. IV, p. 108, V. 2: a tria f प्रमारकलहर्षे. अष्टादशशतदेशोतंसे च चन्द्रवतीदंगे। 2 Ibid., P. II, p. 97, V. 32: T: afts THEP ETICHA: 1
प्रद्योताधिकदेहदीधितिभरः कोप्याविरासीन्नरः।। तं मत्त्वा परमारणैकर सिकं स व्याजहार श्रुते
राधारः परमार इत्यजनि तन्नाम्नाऽथ तस्यान्वयः॥ 3 Ibid., V. 33: TT TT3: TH THE "Ibid., p. 2, V. 4: ai Fracaat: gar azeite FATC: 5 H. C. Ray, DHNI., II, p. 913, fn. 4. 6 EI., IX, pp. 10-15.

Page #217

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
187
have a date V.E. 1059 (c. 1002 A.D.) for Mahīpāla, a descendant of Utpalarāja, who flourished after three or four generations and in a gap of twelve years the periods of two or three reigning kings might not easily accommodated. Moreover, we have a Jain inscription of Krşparāja, dated V.E. 1024 (c. 967 A.D.), from village Diyāņā in the Sirohi District. The Krşnarāja of this inscription is supposed to be Adbhuta Krşnarāja, the grandson of Utpalarāja, whose date falls eight years earlier than that of Vākpati II (conjectured to be Utpalarāja by scholars). The identification, therefore, does not seem plausible.
The Vasantagadha inscription shows that Utpalarāja's son was Aranyarāja and Aranyarāja's son was Adbhuta Krşnarāja. We know nothing about them.
Adbhuta Krsnarāja: The Jain inscription from Diyāņā near Mt. Abu, which was found in the temple of Sāntinātha on its girth engraved on a pillar, records that an image of Vardhamāna (Mahāvīra) was installed by a Gosthi of Vişțitaka clan in V.E. 1024(c. 967 A.D.) in the reign of king Krsnarāja.? Though the family name of king is not mentioned there, it seems probable, if we take into consideration the matter of locality which was under the rule of the Paramāras of Arbuda during this period, that he must have been identical with Adbhuta Krşna, son of Aranyarāja. In the opinion of Dr. H. C. Ray, "Adbhuta Krsna may be identical with the hero Kānh deva whose name occurs as that of one of the Abu Paramāras in the Mt. Vimala temple inscription." He, however, remarks that "it is more likely that the person meant in the Arbuda inscription was the prince Krşnarāja from whom Väkpati II traces his descent in his grants."
Dharanīvarāha (c. 995 A.D.): Dharaṇīvarāha is said to have succeeded Adbhuta Krsnarāja. Though from the Vasantagadha inscription we do not know of him, the information obtained from the Jain inscriptions certainly establishes this fact. The Bijapur Jain inscription of the Rāștrakūta Dhavala (c. 980 A.D.) states that Dharanīvarāha, when attacked by the powerful Caulukya king Mūlarāja, took shelter of Dhavala.“ Dharani
1 Arbuda-prācinc Jain Lekha-sandoha, Pt. V, No 486, p. 168: ABS TEST श्रीवर्धमानस्य कारितं सुरूपं मुक्तये विम्बं कृष्णराजे महीपतौ आषाढशुद्ध षष्ठयां समासहस्रे जिनैः समभ्यधिके (2078)
2 Ibid. 3 DHNI., II, p. 909. 4 EI., X, pp. 17-24, V. 12.

Page #218

188
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
varaha of this inscription has been a subject of dispute among scholars. Prof. Kielhorn assumed that he was a scion of a Cūdāsama family of Junagarh. But his assumption has no support. According to Muni JinaVijayaji he might have been a member of the Paramära dynasty of Arbuda." Pt. V. N. Reu assumes on the basis of the evidences from Kirādu and Vasantagadha inscriptions that Dharapivaraha might have been the fifth member of the Paramāra branch of Arbuda between Kṛṣṇarāja and Mahipala. Pt. G. H. Ojha and Dr. Bhandarkar accept him as the son of the former and the father of the latter."
This Dharanivaräha may also be taken to be identical with Arbudešvara mentioned in the Dvyasraya-kävya in relation to the attack over Gräharipu. Hemacandra states that as an ally of Mularāja, Arbudeśvara and the king of Srimal accompanied him in the war of Suraṣṭra. The commentator, Abhayatilakagani, refers to the two kings as being identical."
Mahipala alias Devaraja: Dharaṇīvaraha was succeeded by Mahipāla whose date we have as V.E. 1059 (c. 1002 A.D.) from a grant. He had another name Devaraja, for, the son of his son Dhandhuka, Kṛṣṇarāja (II), is mentioned in his Bhinmal inscription as the grandson of Devaraja. The Jain work Prabhavaka-carita mentions one Devaraja of the family of Dhumarāja who was ruling at Srimäl (i.e., Bhinmal) and who was the contemporary of Camundarāja (A.D. 996-1010). This Devaraja of the Jain work seems more probably identical with Devaraja of the said inscription and may be the other name of Mahipala of the Vasantagadha inscription. Mahipala was succeeded by his son Dhandhuka.
Dhandhuka: This Dhandhuka, in the opinion of scholars, is identical with the Abu Paramāra of that name mentioned in the Jain inscription
1 Ibid., p. 17.
2 Pracina Jain Lekha-sangraha, p. 204.
Bharatavarsa-kā Prācina-rajavamsa, Pt. III, p. 92.
4 HR., I, pp. 171-72; EI., XX. Appendix, p. 20, No. 123.
5
DV., V, Vs. 42-45 सकीर्ति सार्जवं भर्तुभूयादित्यर्बुदेश्वरः ।
सनामारीनहन् प्रत्यर्यनुरूपं कृतायुधः etc.
Commentary on V. 45 श्रीमालवस्य भिमालापरनान्नः पूजितोऽधिपोऽर्बुदेश्वरः ।
6 G. H. Ojha, Rajapūtānā-ka-Itihas (Hindi), I, V. 172.
7 BG., I, pp. 472-73.
4 SJGM., XIII, p. 127: पुरं श्रीमालमियस्ति श्रीधूमराजवंशीयः कुमुदामोदिमण्डलः । राजात्र देवराजोऽस्ति तरंगितनयोदधिः ॥

. ...

Page #219

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJDHANA
of Vimala temple, from whom the genealogy given in the record begins.1
The Vimala temple record states that Dhandhukarāja, lord of the town of Candrāvatī, was born in the family of Paramāra Kānhaçadeva.? This Dhandhuka, "averse from rendering homage to the (Caulukya) king Bhīma I (c. 1022-64 A.D.) and to escape from that anger, took refuge with king Bhoja, the lord of Dhārā (c. 999-1055 A.D.)." The inscription, after this statement, abruptly introduces the Prāgvāta Vimala, the Dandapati of Bhīma I at Arbuda, and refers to the building of a temple of Rsabha (yugādi bhart! yugādi Jina, Ādinātha) by him on the top of the mountain in V.E. 1088 (1031 A.D.), which seems to indicate that Vimala became the Caulukya governor of this region after ousting the Paramāra Dhandhuka who was probably the vassal of Bhoja. But the Vasantagadha inscription of Pūrņapāla shows that the Paramāras were not permanently ousted from the Abu region.
We have no information about Pūrņapāla in the Jain sources, but the Vasantagadha inscription dated V.E. 1099 (A.D. 1042) and a Bhadundā stone inscription dated V.E. 1102 (c. 1045 A.D.)4 inform us that he was ruling Arbuda Mandala during this period.
Pūrņapāla was possibly succeeded by Krsnarāja II. From the Bhinmāl stone inscription dated V.E. 1117 (c. 1060 A.D.), we know that he was a son of Dhandhuka. He, therefore, appears to be a brother of Pūrņapāla. The Jain sources are silent about him.
After him we have no history of this branch of the Paramāras for the next fifty years. We do not know what happened to them from the Jain sources. Then comes a Jain inscription to our rescue. The inscription was discovered in the Lūņa temple at Mt. Abu and is dated V.E. 1287 (A.D. 1230). It gives us the following genealogical list of these later Ābu Paramāras of the time of Bhima II (c. 1178-1241 A.D.).
1 EI, IX, p. 151, 155-56, V. 4, 2 Ibid., V. 5: T HOSATS: FIT: R E ITHI
चन्द्रावती पुरीशः समजनि वीरानगीधन्धुः।। 3 Ibid., V. 6: whither GET THETAT: FIFTTH: 1
नरेशरोषाच्च ततो मनखी धाराधिपं भोजनृपं प्रपेदे ।।
See also SJGM., II, pp. 51-52, Vimala-vasahikā-prabandha. 4 JBRAS., XXIII, p. 78 ff. 5 Bom. Gar., Pt. I, pp. 472-73. 6 EL., VIII, pp. 205-04, 208-19; see also Arbuda-prācina Jain Lekha
sandoha, Pt. II, pp. 92-109.

Page #220

190
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
From the sacrificial fire-pit of Vasistha on Mt. Arbuda emerged the following:
1. Paramāra: In that lineage
2. Dhumarāja: Then there were
3. Dhandhuka,
4. Dhruvabhata and others: In their lineage
5. Rāmadeva,
6. Yasodhavala,
7. Dhārāvarṣa,
8. Prahladana,
9. Somasimha,
10. Kṛṣṇarāja,
11. Visaladeva.
The above three names at the top of the list appear to be the same as found in the Vasantagadha inscription, for example, the Paramāra is the common eponymous personage. Dhumarāja is the same as Kanhadadeva of the Vimala temple inscription referred to above, who has been identified with the prince Krsparāja from whom Väkpati II traces his descent in his grants. Dhundhuka of this inscription is possibly the same as the father of Pūrṇapala of the Vasantagadha inscription.
We do not know of Dhruvabhața etc., mentioned in the inscription. This line, however, begins with Ramadeva' who, in the opinion of scholars, was the relative of Kṛṣṇarāja II (c. 1060-67 A.D.).

Vikramasimha: Ramadeva was succeeded by his brother Vikramasimha. The Dvyāśraya-kāvya relates that when Kumarapala attacked the Cahamana Arnorāja, Vikramasimha accompanied him. It, however, seems that he had gone over to the enemy. The Prabhavaka-carita elaborately describes Vikramasimha's treacherous designs as to how he disobeyed his master Kumarapala and neglected his ministers' advice; how he plotted to murder the king; how Kumarapala escaped in the battle of twelve years, how he imprisoned him and installed Ramadeva's son, Yasodhavala, on the throne
1 Ibid., No. 25 : अथेह श्रीमदणहिलपाटके चौलुक्य कुलकमलराजहंस श्रीभ० (भीमदेव) विजयराज्ये ।
* Canto XVI, V. 33
तां पार्वती क्ष्मां कृरुणीय प यशोभमानामवितेत्यथोचे। पत्तिः स्वकीयो नृपतेर्गहीयपदातियुग्विक्रमसिंहनामा ॥

महाराजाधिराज

Page #221

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
of Candrāvati.' The Kumarapala-carita refers to this event in these words: the Caulukya king Kumārapāla suppressed the rebellion of Vikramasimha the lord of Candravati and having imprisoned him, installed his nephew Yasodhavala in his place."
Yasodhavala: Yasodhavala of the above two Jain works is, undoubtedly, identical with the prince of that name mentioned as the son of Ramadeva in the Luna temple epigraph of Mt. Abu. It is referred to there that he killed Ballala, the lord of Malava, when the latter became hostile to the Caulukya prince. It appears, therefore, that he was a vassal of Kumarapala (c. 114473 A.D.). The above references prove that Vikramasimha was a brother of Rāmadeva and might have been placed in Candrāvatī as his feudatory by Jayasimha Siddharaja (c. 1094-1144 A.D.). The period, known from the inscriptions of Yasodhavala, is from V.E. 1202 to 1208 (A.D. 1146-1152).
Dhärävarṣa: According to the same Jain inscription Yasodhavala was succeeded by his son Dhārāvarsa who claimed to have defeated the lord of Koikana, no doubt, in the interests of his sovereign the Caulukya Kumarapala. The name of this Konkaṇādhisa is mentioned in the Dvyasrayakavya as Mallikarjuna, as a southern enemy of Kumarapala. The late Pt. G. H. Ojha has discovered so far fourteen stone inscriptions and one copper plate ranging from V.E. 1220 (c. 1163 A.D.) to V.E. 1276 (c. 1219 A.D.), on the reign of Dhārāvarṣa. We have fortunately two Jain inscriptions and one colophon of the Jñatadharmakatha-Ratnacuda-katha for the date of his reign besides stray literary references.
SJGM., XIII, pp. 199-202 : तथा श्रीरामदेवाख्य तद्भातुर्नन्दनं नृपः । श्रीयशोधवलं चन्द्रावत्यात्रन्यवीविशत् ॥ * IV, Vs. 452, 53 हक्काविश्वेति चौलुक्यः स्थापयामास तं वा । नरकावासवत्क्लेशमये काराग्रहान्तरे ॥ तदैव तस्य भ्रातृव्यं रामदेवसुतं प्रभुः । यशोधरलनामानं चक्रे चन्द्रावतीपतिम् ॥ "EI., VIII, pp. 211-16, V. 35: मालब्धवान् ।
यचीलुक्यकुमारपालनृपतिप्रत्यर्थितामागतम्
& Ibid, V. 36: शत्रुश्रेणीगल विदलनोनि नित्रिंशधारी । धारावर्षः समजनिसुतस्तस्य विश्वप्रशस्यः । क्रोधाकान्तप्रधनवसुधानिधले यत्र जाताश्वोतन्नेोत्पल जलकणाः कौंकणाधीशपत्न्यः ॥
1
B.S. Series, No, LX, Canto VI, V. 65: (पुजियलजिर गुजरेहि जीहाविओ तेहि ) ।

191
..

बल्लाल
आरोलियसरमालावमालगोमल्लि अज्जुगोराया

Page #222

192
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The colophon gives us the date V.E. 1221, when that work was copied in the reign of the king Dhārāvarsa who enjoyed the pleasure of king Kumārapāla of Anahillapāțaka.'
The two inscriptions are as follows:
I. Jhālodi inscription was found in a Jain temple at Jhālodi in the Sirohi district (Rājasthāna). It opens with the invocation of the lord Vardhamāna (Mahāvīra). It records the erection of a șațka-catuștika in V.E. 1252 when the king Dhārāvarsa was ruling at Candrāvati. The inscription mentions his wife's name as Sțigăradevī, a daughter of Kelhañadeva (Nadol Cāhamāna). It also refers to V.E. 1255 (A.D. 1198) when all the people of Goştha erected a door for their benediction. The inscription was composed by one Tilakaprabhasūri."
II. Ārāsaņā inscription was found in a temple at Ārāsaņā in the Sirohi District of Rājasthān. It records that in V.E. 1276 (A.D. 1219) an image of Sumatinātha was installed in the victorious reign of Sri Dhārāvarşa, Māndalika Surasambhu (Mandaleśvara).
The colophon mentioned above shows that he was a feudatory chief of Kumārapāla. The Ārāsaņā inscription also refers to him as a feudatory chief. The other so many inscriptions indicate that his reign was a long one of fifty-six years (c. 1163-1219 A.D.), and he enjoyed it as a loyal feudatory of no less than four Caulukya kings from Kumārapāla (c. 1144-73 A.D.) to Bhima II (c. 1178-1241 A.D.).
The Prabandha-kośa states:
'One Vastupala, the worthy minister of Vīradhavala, was informed that Suratrāņa Mojadina (Sultāna Sihāb-ud-din) was advancing westward from Delhi. It was felt that they might invade the land of Gujaräta through the pass of Arbuda. Viradhavala feared very much because he knew that all the powerful kings like Jayacandra and Psthvirāja were killed by these Muslim invaders. Vastupāla, on the other hand, quickly made ready to check them and ordered Dhārāvarsa,
... PIATTOTUOTAT
1 SJGM., XVIII, p. 109: a 3383 FACUTEZITE CTETESTETTANEET .... Pergi
2 Arbuda-Lekha-sandoha, IV, No. 311, p. 108. 3 Ibid., No. 21, p. 6.

Page #223

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
193
a feudatory in charge of the Arbuda, to restrict their further advance, who on his part did it.
As to when this event took place is the query before us. The younger brother of Dhārāvarsa by name Prahladanadeva composed a play, Pārthaparākrama, in which it is stated that Dhārāvarsa repulsed the mighty assault by the Cāhamāna Pșthvīrāja (III), the king of Jāngala. We know from the chronology of the Cāhamānas that Prthviraja was slain by Sihäb-ud-din in V.E. 1249 (A.D. 1193) and Jayacand in V.E. 1251 (A.D. 1195). The date of Dhārāvarsa from the inscriptions is known as V.E. 1276 (c. 1218 A.D.). If the statement of the Jain author is reliable the event must have taken place before V.E. 1276. We, however, have no other corroboratory evidences for this fact. Mojadīna is regarded to be the other name of Sihābud-dīn by scholars. The mention of his name, however, does not seem probable in that period for his existence is proved between 1173-1206 A.D. when Vastupāla was not the minister of Viradhavala.
Prahlādanadeva: The same Lūņa temple inscription informs us that Dhārāvarsa had a younger brother by name Prahlādana who defended the Gurjara king when the latter's power was broken in the battle by (Guhila) Samantasimha.” The Gurjara king referred to in the inscription has been rightly identified with the Caulukya king Ajayapāla (c. 1173-76 A.D.). The Prabandha-kośa and the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha state that "Rāņā Prahladana, the founder of Prahlādanapura, of the Paramāra family, bearing the title Kürcāla Sarasvati, was in the company of Kumārapāla Caulukya at the time of a religious journey. It is believed that he wrote a one-act play named Pārtha-parākrama. He was a man of various accomplishments.
1 SJGM., VI, p. 117: ! fexta: asiat aiurea 40 fotat FERIHET चालितम् । अर्बुदगिरिदिशा यवनाः प्रवेक्ष्यन्ति। इदं श्रुत्वा धारावर्षायाबंदगिरिनायकाय स्वसेवकाय F7TTCT 929.... a ani
See also for the full discussion JSS., III, Pt. I, pp. 153-60. 2 EI., VIII, pp. 211-16, V. 38: Hrafi Grafata:
श्रीगुर्जर क्षितिपरक्षणदक्षिणासि ।। प्रह्लादनस्तदनुजोदनुजोत्तमारिः।
चारित्रमत्र पुनरुज्ज्वलयांचकार । 3 EI., VIII, p. 205: PRETH THETAUS ITTFetitafaaaa Te TRG HETTTHIRTS SHIHETTATE....
25

Page #224

194
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Somasimha: The same inscription, when read with another inscription of the same temple and of the same year, reveals that in 1287 V.E. (c. 1230 A.D.) Somasimha, the son of Dhārāvarsa, was still ruling at Candrävati as feudatory of Bhima II. It is said in the inscription in the form of praise that Somasimha derived the merit of bravery from his father and learning from his uncle and charitability from both. The two colophons of the Jain MSS give two dates of his reign. The colophon of the Kulakaprakaraṇa written at Candrāvatī which bears the date V.E, 1279 states him simply Śrī Somasimha. But the colophon of the Rşabhadeva-carita, which was written at Prahladanapura in the prosperous reign of Somasimha, bearing the date V.E. 1289, gives him the titles: Samastarājāvalī-samalankrtamchāra jādhirāja.
Kānhadadeva: His son and successor was Krsnarāja (III), whose name was also Kānhadadeva according to the other Jain inscription of the same date.
Visaladeva: Our two Jain inscriptions, one from the village Dattāṇī near Mt. Abu and another from the Vimala temple at Mt. Arbud, inform us that Candrāvati was still in possession of this branch.
The Dattāņi village inscription, engraved on a pillar of a dilapidated Jain temple, records that "In the prosperous reign of the illustrious Sārangadeva (Caulukya) when Mahārājādhirāja Visaladeva was prosperously ruling at Candrāvati in V.E. 1345 on Vaisakha 8th of the bright fortnight on Friday, Pratāpaśrī and Śrī Hemadeva of the Paramāra clan bestowed two fields for the expenses of lord Pārsvanātha.?
The Vimala temple inscription is found engraved on a stone in the outer wall of the temple No. 13 in the corridor, at Mt. Arbud. It states that in V.E. 1350 in prosperous reign of (so many titles) illustrious
Ibid., V. 40: erragatsi wala na fregat :1
पितृतः शौर्य विद्यां पितृव्यकाद्दानमुभयतो जगृहे ।। 2 Ibid. 3 Prasasti-sangraha ( Ahmedabad), Pt. I, p. 83, No. 132. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 118, No. 153. 5 Ibid., pp. 211-16, V. 42: Tata T: ftę,sor: itsura atset
6 El., VIII, p. 206: t raatara 15 afgaa aur TT TETTES....!
7 Arbuda-prācīna Jain Lekha-sandoha, Pt. V, pp. 21-22.

Page #225

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
195
Sārangadeva, when all the state business was transacted by the primeminister Vādhuya, Mahārājakula (Governor) illustrious Visaladeva who lived on the pleasure of his sovereign king, bestows a land grant in the region of Aștādaśasatamandala (around Mt. Abu)." Then comes the description of the land grant.1
From these inscriptions it appears that Visaladeva was a most loyal feudatory of the Caulukya Sārangadeva (1275-95 A.D.) who ruled at Candrāvatī, but we do not hear of him from any other sources. His relations with Krsnarāja (III) are not known.
We do not know of the other successors of Vīsaladeva from the Jain sources.
Pt. G. H. Ojha refers to a Pratāpasimha Paramāra known from the Pāțanārāyana stone inscription wherein he comes in the third generation from Krsnarāja (III).” The inscription gives the date V.E. 1344, which concords with the date of Visaladeva. Though his relations with Visaladeva or Krşnarāja are not known, we may, however, assume that he may have been the brother of Visaladeva for his date V.E. 1344 mostly coincides with Visaladeva's.
Another Vimala temple inscription of V.E. 1278 informs us that the Cāhamāna Lūniga with his two sons named Tejasimha and Tihuņaka ruled over the Mt. Abu. From the genealogy given in the same inscription it seems that he belonged to the Nadol branch of Cāhamānas. This shows that transference of power may have occurred between V.E. 1350 (1293 A.D.) and V.E. 1378 (1321 A.D.).
Concluding remarks: Taking into consideration the whole account of this family it may be said that all the members of this branch were feudatories of one or the other sovereign king of that time. Formerly they were the vassals of the main line of Mālava and in the war between the Caulukya and the Paramāras of Mālava they ever sided with them. But the continuous struggle between these powers reduced them to insignificance. That is why we find a gap of fifty years during which no trace of them is available. After that they emerged suddenly as feudatories of the Caulukyas of Gujarāta and ungrudgingly served them unto the last. Whoever might be the king
1 Ibid., Pt. II, p. 8. 2 I A., 1916, pp. 77-80. 3 EI., IX, p. 79 ff.: ATARIF
H AT HET TOETSEEREMTETTEI अर्बदगिरीशराज्यं न्यायनिधिः पालयामास ।

Page #226

196
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
on the throne of Anahilapātana they paid him their homage. Though Vikramasimha disowned his allegiance to Kumārapāla, he also got at the end his due punishment. We see several rapid changes and transference of power after Kumārapāla on the throne of Anahilapātana, but we never see any change in the allegiance of the members of this line.
Dhārāvarşa, the long-lived feudatory who survived his four sovereign kings, was the most faithful man who served all of them with equal vigour. His noble brother Prahladanadeva was a man of various attainments.
Their territory was situated between the two powerful kingdomsSapādalaksa and Anahilavāda, therefore, there was no opportunity to extend it. They waged several wars on behalf of their sovereign kings with the other powerful kings like Přthvīrāja and Sihāb-ud-din but they never sustained any reverse. A member of this branch, Yaśodhavala, led a successful expedition to the distant Konkan. Perhaps they maintained a good military force.
This family held its sway over the Mt. Arbud for more than three centuries of the Christian era with certain gaps. During this period the territory came to be called Aștādaśasati province whose other name was Āsosittana according to Kinsaria stone inscription. They made the region quite prosperous.
It, however, appears from their inscriptions as well as literary sources that they ever linked their fate with their sovereign kings, the Caulukyas, and with their fall at last they disappeared totally. This small but promising family has a unique position in the history of India.
The genealogy of this branch according to the Jain sources may be constructed as follows:
Dhūmarāja - Kānhadadeva
Adbhuta – Krsnarāja Dharanīvarāha Devarāja (alias Mahīpāla)
Dhandhuka Kışņarāja II
a gap of fifty years
Dhruvabhata and others

Page #227

Ramadeva
Visaladeva
Pratāpasimha
THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
Dhruvabhața and others
Dhārāvarsa Somasimha
Kṛṣṇarāja III
Vikramasitisha Yasodhavala
V. PARAMARAS OF KIRĀDU
This branch of the Paramāras has been known from a damaged inscription found at Kirādu in the Jodhpur division of Rajasthāna.

It consists of 26 lines in Sarhskrt incised on a pillar of a temple of Siva. It is fortunately dated V.E. 1218 (A.D. 1162) in the reign of Somesvara Paramāra who was a feudatory of Kumarapala Caulukya.1 The inscription begins with 'Om namaḥ Sarvajñdya'; therefore, it has been taken here as a Jain source.
After the invocation of Sarvajña, it devotes two verses to the praise of God Siva, who was the family deity of the Caulukyas.
....
Pralhadana
In verse 3 is traced the origin of the Paramāras from the sacrificial pit on Mt. Abu, as we usually find concerning the origin of the other branches of the Paramāras. In verse 4 it is stated that there were a number of kings in that dynasty among whom was a powerful king by name Sindhuraja who ruled over Marumandala. Prof. Ganguly suggests his identification with Sindhuraja (c. 996-999 A.D.) of Mälava line. In verse 5 the next name is given by Dr. Bhandarkar as Usala (Utpala) and by Dr. Ganguly as Dúsala." The next two verses are too much damaged. In
1 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, pp. 251-53; HIG., III, No. 149 B, pp. 173-76.
2 : ।
• Tbid. वशिष्ठभूषितेर्बुदभूधरे सुरम्यां
3 Ibid. : तत्रानेकमही । सिन्धुराजो महाराजसमभून्मरुमण्डले ।
197
....
परमाराणां वंशोऽयनलकुण्डतः ॥
4JBORS., XVIII, 1932, p 40 ff.
EI., Appendix, 43, No, 312; JBORS., XVIII, p. 40 ff.

Page #228

198
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
verse 8 occurs the name of Dharanidhara who according to Pt. Ojha and Dr. Bhandarkar is identical with Dharapivaraha, the son of Adbhuta Kṛṣtaraja of the Arbuda branch.' From him was born Devaräāja (v. 9). The name Devaraja is the other name of Mahipala of the Arbuda branch of the Paramāras. Then in line 11 Durlabharaja is line 11 Durlabharāja is mentioned and after him the name of Dhandhuka occurs. It is said of him that he became ruler of Marumandala after propitiating Durlabharāja. We also know of Dhandhuka from the Vimala Jain temple inscription of Mt. Abu, that he, "averse from rendering homage to the Caulukya king Bhima I, took refuge with king Bhoja of Dhārā." As Durlabharaja was the predecessor of Bhima I, it appears in this context, from this inscription, that Dhandhuka's antagonism with Bhima I began from the time of Durlabharaja Caulukya. Both the Caulukya kings seem to be contemporaries of Dhandhuka.
Members of this branch: From verse 13 begins the reference to the real members of this branch. The names of the members are Kṛṣṇarāja, Socarāja, Udayaraja, and Someśvara. Pt. Ojha thinks that Socarāja was the son of the Abu Paramāra Kṛṣṇa II (1060-67 A.D.). Nothing is known about Socarāja from the inscription, but he is accepted as the founder of the branch by all scholars.
Regarding Udayaraja, the next member, it is said that he subdued the countries of Coda, Gauda, Karpata and Mälava. His son and successor was Someśvara. He is said to have regained his lost kingdom in V.E. 1199 (c. 1142 A.D.) through the assistance of the Caulukya king Jayasimha Siddharaja according to one reading and he regained the lost city of Sindhurajapura through the assistance of the above king according to another reading. The inscription next mentions that in V.E. 1205 in the time of Kumarapala, Someśvara consecrated a temple." In V.E. 1218 Somešvara is said to have taken 1,700 horses and the forts of Tapukotta and Navasara from the Sindhurāja Jojjaka and made him a feudatory of Kumarapala and
1 Ibid., p. 40 ff.; HR., I, pp. 171-72.
2
श्रीदुर्लभराजोऽपि राजेन्द्रो रंजितो
धन्धुकः।
.
3 See supra, p. 189.
4
कृष्णराजो महाशब्द विभूषितः । तत्पुत्र सोचराजाख्यः etc.
5 Vs. 15, 16.
EI., XX, Appendix, p. 47, No. 312.
HIG., III, No. 149 B, pp. 173-76.
8 V. 21:

येन दुर्गारवीर्येण भूषितं मरुमण्डलम् ॥
पुनर्द्वादशसंख्येषु पंचाधिकशतेष्वलं, कुमारपालभूपात्सुप्रतिष्ठितमिदं कृतम् ॥

Page #229

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
again settled there. From these statements it appears that Someśvara himself was a feudatory of both the Caulukya emperors. Regarding Sindhuraja Jojjaka we know nothing from other sources.
It should be noted here that we have another inscription dated V.E. 1209 from Kirädu, of Nadol Cähamana Alhapadeva, who was also a feudatory of Kumarapala." The inscription shows that Kirädu was in possession of Alhana through the favour of Kumarapala. From this it would be assumed that some time after V.E. 1205 Someśvara was temporarily ousted from the Kirädu region and was again restored some time after before V.E. 1218, the date of the inscription.
Nothing more is known about Someśvara and his succession from any
sources.
Thus the following princes are known from the inscription:
Sindhuraja
Úsala or Disala
X
X
Dharanivarāha

Devarāja
Dhundhuka
Krsnarāja II
Socarāja
Udayaraja
Somesvara V.E. 1218 (1161 A.D.)
V. 3. 24-26 बहुशः सेव की कृत्य चौलुक्यजगतीपतेः । पुनः संस्थापयामास तेषु देशेषु जजकम् ||
2 HIG., II, No. 148, 49.
199

Page #230

CHAPTER IX
THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
I. THE CAVADA OF ANAHILAPUR
The Capa or Capotkața or Cavotkața is the well-known Ksatriya tribe which we come across during the seventh and eighth centuries of the Christian era. Căvaḍā is the popular version of the above Sanskṛtised form of the name of this tribe.
Early account and position: The earliest mention of the Căpas is found in the Brahma-siddhänta of Brahmagupta who wrote it at Bhinamāla in 628 A.D. When Yuan-Chwang visited Bhinamāla about the year 642 A.D. a young Ksatriya was ruling there. The Navasari plates of Pulakesi Avanijanāśraya dated 470 A.D. also have a reference to this dynasty. There they are mentioned after Saindhavas, Kacchelas and Saurāṣṭras and before Mauryas and Gurjaras. Thus it seems that they at that time were somewhere on the border of Kaccha, Kathiawara and Gujarata. The same plates record. that they were troubled by the Arabs. They appear to have been a very powerful people and resisted the invasion on their country by the Arabs. But in the beginning of the eighth century (c. 712 A.D.) the incessant raids of the Arabs, it seems, compelled them to transfer their capital from Bhinamāla to Paficāśara. In the opinion of the late Pt. G. H. Ojha, they were attacked at Bhinamāla. Pañcāśara, at present, is a small village near Radhanapur on the border of the Ranna of Kaccha. The reference to Cavotkata in the Navasari plates also suggests their position at that time, which mostly falls upon Pañcāśara. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions Pañcāśara in the region of Vadiyära where Vanarāja Cavaḍā was born." The land between
4
1_HR., pp. 56 and 131 : श्रीचापवंशतिलके श्रीव्याघ्रमुखे नृपे पञ्चाशत् संयुक्तैर्वर्षशतैः पञ्चभिरतीतैः ब्राह्मस्फुटसिद्धान्तः कृतो ब्रह्मगुप्तेन ।
• ABORI, X, p. 13 तरलतारतरवारिदारीतोदितसैन्धवकरछह सौराष्ट्रचा घोटकमोर्य गुर्जरादि राज्ये निःशेषदाक्षिणात्यक्षितिपतिजिगीषया दक्षिणापथप्रदेश प्रथमेव नवसारिका विषयप्रसाधनायागते समरशिरसि विजिते ताजिकानीके।
3 Ibid.
Rajaputana-ka Itihas, Pt. I, p. 146.
D. K. Shastri, Gujaratano Madhyakälin Räjapūta Itihas, Pt. I, p. 50. 6 SJGM., I, p. 12 : गुर्जरभुवि वदियारा भिधानदेशे पञ्चाशरग्रामे चापोत्कटवंश्यम् etc.

1

Page #231

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
Kaccha and Gujarata from the Ranna of Kaccha up to Rådhanapur is called the region of Vadiyåra. This almost tallies with the reference to the Navasara plates wherein the position of Cavadās is mentioned. The Jain chroniclers mostly attach them with their capital Pañcăsara.
Before going to deal with the history of this family we may say frankly that we have no contemporary epigraphs of the Cavadās to corroborate the facts derived from the Jain and other sources.
201
All the literary sources on the Cavaḍās may be divided into three classes. They are: (i) the bardic version contained in the Ratnamālā (c. 1230 A.D.) of Krspakavi; (ii) the Brahmanical version contained in the Dharmāraṇya-māhātmya and (iii) the Jain version as found in the Prabandhacintamani and other prabandhas. All of them belong to the twelfth and later centuries while the family was ruling in the period two centuries earlier (c. 750-956 A.D.). Nevertheless, the tradition recorded by the chroniclers of Gujarata should not be discarded on this ground. It is an important family, because it forms a link between the early and later mediaeval periods of Gujarāta.
Early reference: The prabandha writers trace the starting-point of the rise of this Capotkața family to Vanaraja of Pañcasara who in his later life founded the city of Anahillapura. The earliest reference to this family is found in the Vadanagar Prasasti of Kumārapāla dated V.E. 1208 (A.D. 1152). This inscription confirms the fact that the Cavaḍās were ruling at Anhilavada in the tenth century, for it states that Mülarāja gained Anahilla. pura by overthrowing the Cavada. An Apabhramśa work Neminaka-cariu of Haribhadrasûri contains the earliest reference to Vanaraja in its colophon dated V.E. 1216 (c. 1160 A.D.). It denotes the way in which Vanarāja tried to make his city prosperous and strengthened his kingdom. It
states:
In the town of Gambhūya there was an elderly rich merchant by name Thakkura Ninnaya, whom Vanarāja honoured as a father (Janayabuddhia). Once he requested Ninnaya to reside in his own capital of Apahillapätaka. There Ninnaya built a temple of Rsabha, the first Tirthamṁkara of the Jainas. This Ninnaya's son named Lahara

1 EI., I, p. 293.
Sanathumara-caritam: A section from Haribhadra's Neminaha-cariu edited by H. Jacoby, 152 आदा अवसर जग बुडी चाक्कडराय लालिओ वसिओ एवं च ठिए सामिय जे जाणसि तं करिजासु ।
26

Page #232

202
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
became a general of the armies of Vanarāja. Lahara went to the Vindhya Mountains and caught many elephants. Lahara presented his elephants to Vanarāja who being satisfied with his work rewarded him with the grant of the village Sandāthala.
From this statement we may imagine as to how Vanarāja got the help of powerful and rich persons in strengthening his army and treasury.
Another Jain work the Moharāja-parājaya of Yaśaḥpāla referring to the Cāvadā in general states that they were addicted to drinking liquors excessively.” It also records that "formerly the king Sri Vanarāja observing the good features of the land founded a city on it." In the same play Kumārapāla is addressed as one enjoying the kingship earned by Śrī Vanarāja.* The same tale is recorded in the Dvyāśraya-kāvya of Hemacandra and in the Prabandha-cintāmaņi of Merutunga. Abhayatilakagani, the learned commentator of the Duyāśraya-kāvya, frankly says that it is a 'Loka Śruti', i.e., the hearsay of the people.?
Parentage: From the early references to Vanarāja we now come to his parentage which furnishes certain clues to the early history of the family. It is stated in one place in the Prabandha-cintāmani that Cāvadā belonged to the Haihaya race. Regarding the parentage of Vanarāja, however, opinions differ. The Prabandha-cintāmani states:
"A part of Kanyakubja (Kingdom) was Gurjara dharitri. There in the village of Pañcāsara in the province of Vadiyāra a mother placed his son of Căpotkața clan in a cradle under a tree called Vana and
1 Introduction of Kavyānuśāsana, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. ciii. 2 GOS, IX, V. 47, p. 108: 5490 Ft 13TT etc. 3 Ibid., Act III, p. 67. 4 Ibid., Act IV, p. 108. 5 Canto I, V. 4.
6 SJGM., I, p. 13: 3721 PRESTATT 154rtata atagtight: AHS FAITT: .... BTOTERAIH TE: Framaragia à: gelatine JEST TOUTER-TORTET FEITHGTI: ततस्तां भुवमावेदयामि इत्यभिधाय जालिवृक्षसमीपे गत्वा .... भुवं दर्शयामास। तत्र प्रवेशे अणहिल्लपुरमिति नाम्ना नगरम्।
DV., Canto I, p. 8: TEA TISTE FagriafariT STEFTAH 719107 8: .... तत्रैव चाणहिलेन वनराजराजः पुरनिवेशं स्वनाम्ना कारित इति लोकश्रुतिः।
8 SJGM., I, p. 16: a an E TUTTI fart gia: uraat RUTIET....

Page #233

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
203
herself went to gather fuel. By the way a Jain monk named Silagunasūri came there and observed that the shade of the tree, even though it was afternoon, was not bending. Thinking that this was due to mysterious powers of the boy who would become a Jinaśāsana prabhāvaka i.e., a propagator of the Jain faith, he brought him from the mother by giving her the means of subsistence.” Then he was brought up by Ganini (head nun) Vīramati and was given the name of Vanarāja. When he was eight years old he was asked to look after the holy things so that they might not be damaged by rats. He did this by killing them with arrows. The Jain monk foresaw from his horoscope that he was to become a great king and so he was returned to his mother. Vanarāja lived with his maternal uncle who was leading the life of a bandit.
The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha does not mention his mother's name and states a somewhat different tale:
In the village of Ambāsaņā, there lived two brothers named Canda and Cāmunda of the Cāpotkața clan. An astrologer informed them that the child which the wife of Cāmunda was bearing in the womb, when born, would kill Canda. So she was abandoned. She went to Pañcāsara where she made her livelihood by gathering fuel and other things. The Silagunasūri, who had gone out, saw the shade of Vaņa tree uninclined. He, therefore, considered the boy as an auspicious one. The mother was given shelter in a caitya or temple where he resided. The bardic version Ratnamālā of Krşnakavi narrates:
"Jayaśekhara, the king of Cāvadā family of Pañcāsara, was attacked by Bhūvada of Kalyāņa-kațaka in the Kānyakubja province in V.E. 752 (A.D. 695). The city of Pañcāsara was besieged by the attacking army. The siege continued for fifty-two days. When Jayasekhara saw that he could no longer hold against the enemy he sent away his queen Rūpasundari who was pregnant to a forest nearby with her brother Surapāla, who was his general, but afterwards turned to be an outlaw. Jayasekhara died fighting. In the forest Rūpasundari delivered a son
1 Ibid., p. 12: HTTSTE qarat: 1 2 Ibid.
3 Vanarājavyttam, p. 12: 3 areaI1077 z u sThuifTet TRIOT OTH ... A PREMI : A1 TTEETH TETT BESTAT safe etc.

Page #234

204
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
who was named as Vanarāja. Bhūvada grew fond of Gujarat but was induced to return to his capital under pressure from his general."'1 The Dharmāran ya-mähātmya supplies some more details:
“When seven hundred years had elapsed after Vikrama, Āma, the ruler of Kanauj, drove out the king of Khețakapura, then the capital of Gujarāta, and occupied the land. At that time, Dhruvapata, a descendant of the Solar race, ruled over Valabhi. Ama gave one daughter in marriage to the king of Valabhi and another to the king of Lāța. The ruler of Kanauj converted both his sons-in-law to Buddhism and gave Gujarat to his daughter in dowry. It was, therefore, annexed to Valabhi. The Brahmanas, thereupon, left the country and sought refuge with Jayasekhara of Pañcāsara. The king of Valabhi, therefore, invited his fatherin-law Ama to attack Jayasekhara, which he did. Jayasekhara met heroic death in the battle. Akşațā, the queen of Jayasekhara, was sent to a forest, where the Brāhmaṇas gave her asylum and forecasted a royal future for her son."2
From all these stories it comes out that the prabandhas and other literature are not unanimous about the parentage of Vanarāja. But it is certain that Vanarāja was connected with Pañcāsara in the earlier part of his life.
Certain Problems: In order to discover the historical truth in these legends, certain points require elucidation. According to the Prabandhacintāmani noted above Gujarāta was a part of Kānyakubja country at the time of Vanarāja's birth. And accoring to the Ratnamālā, which Forbes follows, king Jayasekhara was slain by Solankee king Bhūvada of Kalyāņakațaka. Our prabandha writers know two Kalyāna-kațakas as one in the Kānyakubja country and the other in the Deccan. They, however, never know any of the Kalyāna-katakas in the sense of the capital of Solankee Rājā Bhūvada. Certain scholars conjecture that Bhūvaļa may have been a corrupted form of Bhuvanāśraya, a name given to the Cālukya king Vijayaditya of Bādāmi (A.D. 696-733) and by Kalyāņa the author, undoubtedly, means Kalyāņa of Deccan, the capital of later Cālukyas. But it was founded by the year A.D. 1053. It, therefore, seems that the writer of the Ratnamālā is involved in an anachronism. Since, according to the Navasāri plates,
1 Rāsamālā, I, pp. 26-36.
2 The legends are mentioned briefly by V. K. Shastri in Forbes Rāsamāla (G. Ed.), I, 34.

Page #235

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
205
Pañcāsara was destroyed by the Arabs, the bardic version, the Ratnamālā, may not be taken as reliable in this respect.'
Besides this anachronism if we consider the case of Pañcāsara as forming part of Kānyakubja at the time of the birth of Vanarāja (V.E. 752A.D. 696), there is one more anachronism. We know from the history that the kingdom of Kanauj was under a chaotic condition after the death of Harşavardhana. The only king before the advent of the Pratīhāras at Kānyakubja was Yasovarman. But it is not mentioned anywhere that the northern Gujarāta was under his dominion. If at any time Gujarāta formed a part of Kānyakubja kingdom, it was during the reign of the later Pratīhāras of Kanauj. It, therefore, seems that the later tradition has been wrongly recorded by the Jain prabandhas, like the early one, which is obviously an anachronism.
This anachronism may be explained further. Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintāmaņi records a legend which seems to have contained some historical facts concealed in it. It states as to how a king of Kānyakubja married the daughter of a king of Gujarat; how Vanarāja was appointed to collect from Gujarat the marriage cess which the king of Känyakubja had given to his daughter by way of dowry; how Vanarāja collected the cess and gave the collections to a deputation from Kānyakubja; how he waylaid it and secured the money which he used for consolidating his power. The Dharmāranya-māhātmya also states that when the boy grew up he organized a band of bandits and when the revenue collectors of the king of Kanauj were proceeding to Kanauj with the collections he fell upon them and robbed them of the treasure. We have to think in this connection as to who the king of Kānyakubja was whose revenue was collected in that early period in Gujarat. We have seen that Gujarat was under the sway of the later Gurjara Pratihāras of Kanauj. The period to which they belonged is quite later than that of Vanarāja. If we go to the history of the predecessors of the Pratīhāras of Kanauj, we certainly get some solutions to this puzzle. We are told that a forefather of the above Pratihāras, by name Nāgabhata I (c. 725-750 A.D.) was laying the foundation of future greatness of the Pratihāra empire somewhere in the Marumandala, who is said
1 Rāsamälā, I, Appendix to Chapter II, p. 36.
2 SJGM., I, p. 12: 314 3 1grata TE ATISI: garit: ATHEMATITETAART कञ्चुकसम्बंधे पितृप्रदत्तगुर्जरदेशस्योद्ग्रहणहेतवे समागतेन सेलभृद्वनराजाभिधानश्चक्रे। षण्मासी यावद्देशमुग्राह्य . ... स्वदर्शप्रति प्रस्थितं पञ्चकुलं सौराष्ट्राभिधानघाटे वनराजो निहत्य अणहिलपुरमिति नाम्ना नगरं निवेशयामास ।

Page #236

206
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
to have defeated a vast army of Mlecchas. This period is also regarded as one of continuous raids by Arabs. The events relating to the king of Kānyakubja recorded in the above legends seem to indicate that Nāgabhața I may have been the king with whom the Cāvadās of Pañcāsara might have come in conflict and who seems to have been confused by the above chroniclers with his successors, who ruled the dominion from Kanauj.
The ruin of his fortune led Vanarāja to become an outlaw against the Pratihäras and avenge himself by robbing and killing the officers of the king. When he had sufficient means, he founded a kingdom with Anahilavāļa as its capital.
Foundation of Anahilapātana: The prabandhas state that the city of Anabilavāda was founded by Vanarāja after a shepherd named Anahila who had pointed out a spot where a hare was chased by dog. The Prabandhacintāmuni gives V.E. 802 (746 A.D.) as the date of Vanarāja's installation while in the Vicăraśreni, V.E. 821 ( 765 A.D.) is given as the date of the foundation of the city. The Dharmāran ya records the date of foundation of the city as V.E. 802. According to Mr. Ramlal Modi who has worked on the chronology of Cāvaļās the year V.E. 802 seems to be correct. The city also contains some relics of the Cāvadā rule.*
Genealogy and chronology: According to the prabandhas and other literary sources the family of Vanarāja consisted of eight members who ruled for 196 years. The period of their reign begins from V.E. 802 (746 A.D.) and ends in the year V.E. 998 (941 A.D.). As regards the individual members of the dynasty, their succession and duration of reign, we have several authorities at our disposal. They, however, differ so much that it is very difficult to reconcile them. The following works for the genealogy may be consulted here: (1) the Prabandha-cintāmani, (2) the Sukrtasankirtana, (3) the Sukrta-kārtikallolini, (4) the Vicāraśreņi, (5) the Kumārapāla-prabandha, (6) the Dharmāranya, (7) the Ratnamālā, (8) the Mirat-e-Ahmadi, (9) the Pravacana-parīksā, (10) the Rajāvali-koșthaka and (11) the bardic Copadās.
1 Gwalior Ins. of Bhoja I, EI., XVIII, p. 99 ff., V. 4.
2 JSS., II, No. 4: p. 9: T. 68390.... STARTTT: itaas: t3rutहिल्लपुरमवस्थापयत्।
3 Canto 66, V. 85. 4 Kāntamālā, foundation date of Pāțana, p. 156.

Page #237

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
207
As regards the early limit of the reign of the Cāvadās we have to consider the date of Vanarāja. The Prabandha-cintāmani does not mention the date of birth of Vanarāja but it records V.E. 862 (805 A.D.) as the date of his death when he was 109 years and some months old. If we subtract 109 from 862 we get V.E. 753 (A.D. 697) is the date of birth of Vanarāja. According to the same authority he was appointed at the age of 50 in the year V.E. 802 (746 A.D.) when he founded the city of Anahillapura. In the foregoing pages we have discussed that by the year 740 A.D. (Navasāri plates) the Cāvadās of Pañcāsara were attacked by the Arabs. Vanarāja at that time may have been 44 years old for he was 50 years of age in the year 746 A.D. The Prabandha-cintamani states that when Vanarāja was a child in the cradle, his mother was very poor, and she collected the fuel. The Ratnamālē and Dharmāranya inform us that the king of Pañcāsara was killed by the king of Kanauj (suggested by me as Nāgabhata I) and then was born Vanarāja. If the long age of 109 years of Vanarāja be accepted, this would mean that the misfortune of the family might have befallen in the year of his birth i.e., V.E. 752 (698 A.D.). This period is obviously quite earlier than that of the Navasāri plates which proves the existence of Cāvadā at Pañcāsara in 739 A.D., and then that of Nāgabhața I (725-756 A.D.). In the above light it seems that there is some mistake in recording the rather unusually long age of 109 years of Vanarāja.
Moreover, the coronation year V.E. 802 (746 A.D.) of Vanarāja also seems rather improbable. When we reconcile the statement of the Prabandhacintāniani with the Navasāri plates and Nāgabhata I, the year 746 A.D. (V.E. 802) seems more probably the date of birth of Vanarāja. The Vicāraśreni gives us V.E. 821 (A.D. 764) as the foundation date of Anahillapur by Vanarāja.” By that time he must have been nineteen years old which seems to me as the coronation date.
The foundation of Anahilavāda by Vanarāja is a matter of controversy. One Jain authority Jinaprabha in the Vividha-tīrtha-kalpa states that the city was built on the site of a town known as Lakharāma, which is stated to have been founded in V.E. 502 (446 A.D.). It seems, however,
xt1221*#afyat Pos
cap a
TRIHA
1 SJGM., I, pp. 13-14: राज्याभिषेकः।
? JSS., II, No. 3, p. 9.
3 SJGM., X, p. 51: अइक्कंतेसु संवुत्तो।
TARTA al 1991 a 13 dayaTugay aftan (402)

Page #238

208
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
that Vanarāja might have been born at that place and thus all the credit of foundation of the city might have been given to him.
On the other hand, if we accept the traditional age of Vanarāja i.e., 109 years, we should then assume that at the time of the Arab attack at Pañcāsara, Vanarāja must have been near about 43 years and lived on with his father. At that time, perhaps, they might have survived from the sweeping attack of the Arabs, but when his father was slain by Nāgabhata I, he might have led a life of an outlaw against the reigning power. In that case all the events relating to the birth of Vanarāja would be regarded as mere myth. On the whole, these arguments regarding the early date of the Cāvaņā are based on mere hypothesis and we have no documentary evidence for it. But about the last date of this family we have an epigraphical evidence. The Sambhara stone inscription of Jayasimha Siddharāja states that at the expiry of 998 years from Vikrama, Mūladeva came to the crest of the earth in the Caulukya dynasty. The Vicāraśreni gives us V.E. 1017 as the last limit of the Cāvadā reign, and as the accession date of the Caulukya Mūlarāja.” From these two statements, it appears that while the Sāmbhara inscription of Jayasimha Siddharāja records the date of Mūlarāja's birth, 998 A.D., the Vicäraśreni states the year of his accession which according to it is V.E. 1017.
The following is the dynastic tree of the Cāvadās:--
Jayasekhara
Vanarāja
Yogarāja
Ratnāditya
Vairisimha
Kșemarāja
Cámunda
Rāhada or Ghāghada
Bhūvada
1 TA., 1929, pp. 234-36. 2 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9.

Page #239

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
Vanaraja: The Prabandha-cintamani records the tradition that Vanaraja founded the city by building a Dhavalagṛha (white house, i.e. a royal court or palace) under a Jäli tree. The Tilaka ceremony was performed by his adopted sister Sridevi. He made Jamba, a merchant, his Mahamatya (the chief-minister). It has been already mentioned above that according to Neminaha-cariu, Lahara, son of Ninnaya, was the general of the armies of Vanarāja. We learn from the Prabandha-cintamani that Vanaraja invited Silagunasuri from Pañcasara and showed his gratitude by requesting him to occupy his throne and accept his whole kingdom, which naturally the sage refused. At his suggestion, however, he built a Caitya-a temple-which was known as the Pañcasara caitya in which the idol of Parśwanatha brought from Pañcasara was installed. He also built another temple in honour of the goddess Kanţeswari or Kantheśvari known as Kantelvari-prasada.• Arisimha also refers to the former temple as if it were a mountain.
The Prabandha-cintamani states that Vanaraja ruled for 59 years and some months. The Vicarasreni assigns him 60 years."
We have no information as to the extent of his dominions.
From the above narratives, Vanarāja appears in his early life as a cruel man killing and plundering here and there and behaving like a rebel. In spite of this he was possessed of certain good qualities which enabled him to win the support of powerful and rich persons in strengthening his army and treasury. He was a promising man and he fulfilled the promises he made to others in his early life of a vagabond. He seems also to have been a man with a sense of gratitude. He gave the name of his capital after the name of a person who showed him a piece of land which he was searching for. His ministers were those persons who helped him in his early life. Even his Tilaka ceremony was performed by that lady who gave him food and dress. His leaning towards the Jain monks was natural because he and his mother. were blessed by them. It is said in the Prabhavaka-carita that he gave certain rights to Caityavasi monks (by whom he was benefited) as against
1
SJGM, I, 13: प्रतिपन्नभगिनीं श्रियादेवीमाहूय तथा कृततिलकः । 2 Ibid: सजाम्बाभिधानो वणिग्महामात्यश्चक्रे ।

209
● Tbid.: पञ्चासरग्रामतः श्रीशीलगुणसूरीन् सभक्तिमानीय।
A Ibid. श्रीपार्श्वनाथप्रतिमालंकृतं पञ्चाखरा मिधानं चैत्यं निजाराधकं मूर्तिसमेतं च कारयामास । धवलगृहे कण्टेश्वरीप्रासादश्च कारितः ।
P. 13 : सं. ८०३ पूर्व निरुद्धं वर्ष ६९ मास, दिन २१ श्रीमनराजेन राज्यं कृतम् ।
JSS., II, No. 3-4, p. 9.
27

Page #240

210
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the Suvihita monks.1 He was certainly a dauntless man and his kingly qualities assisted him to regain the fortune of his family which was ruthlessly destroyed by the enemies.
Yogaraja: According to the Sukyta-samkirtana, Prabandha-cintamani and Vicaraśreņi, Vanaraja was succeeded by his son Yogaraja. He has been assigned a reign of 10 years in the A and D MSS of the Prabandhacintamazi and 35 years and a life of 120 years, in the other MSS of the same work"; while the Vicaraśreņi gives only 9 years for his reign. If we accept the version of A-D MSS, which agrees approximately with that of the Vicaraśregi in different regnal years and in order of succession with those of the Sukyta-sankirtana and Vicarasreni, we can deduct twenty-five years. from 120 years of his life. That will give him a life of about 95 years.
Wrong Identification Confuted: This Yogaraja has been identified by Messrs. Dikṣit and Diskalkar with Yogaraja of Harsola grants of Siyaka dated V.E. 1005 (949 A.D.). This identification is obviously wrong as the last date of Yogaraja Cavada falls in V.E. 897 (842 A.D.) which is an early period of about 100 years. To rectify this error they assume that either there may have been one more Yogaraja after Ghaghada Cavada whose name is not recorded by the Jain chroniclers or Yogaraja may be another name of Samantasimha (V.E. 930-938) who was killed by Mularāja Caulukya. But their assumption has no support at all. Mr. Ramlal Modi, on the other hand, assumes that Avanivarman alias Yoga, a feudatory of Mahendrapala Pratihära, may have been identical with Yogaraja Cavada. But the date revealed by the inscriptions of Avanivarman (V.E. 956) shows that he belonged to a later period. Thus this identification also does not seem to be correct. Merutunga gives the following information:
"Once during his reign, ships of a foreign king laden with rich cargo were driven by storm to Somanatha Paṭṭana in Sauraṣṭra. His son Kşemaraja requested his father, the king, to permit him to take possession of these foreign ships. He told him that there are in them
1 SJGM., XIII, p. SJGM, I, p. 14
3 Ibid., p. 14: (i)
136, Vs. 71-81.
संवत् ८६२ वर्षे श्रीयोगराजस्य राज्याभिषेकः । निरुद्धवर्ष १ मास १ दिन श्री योगराजेन राज्यं कृतम् ।

(ii) अनेन योगराजनाना राज्ञा वर्ष ३५ राज्यं कृतम् विंशत्यधिकवर्षशते पूगैंचिताप्रवेशः कृतः ।
4 • JSS., II, No. 3-4. p. 9 PTOC., 1924. (Madras), pp. 303-08. IA., XV, pp. 140-41.
तत्पुंत्रण योगराजेन वर्ष ९ कृतम् ।

Page #241

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
211
a thousand, spirited horses and elephants, eighteen in number, and crores of other things. All these will go to their own country through our country. If Your Majesty will give the order, I will bring them to
you.'i
When this proposal had been made to king, he forbade the attempt, But Kșemarāja and his brothers, thinking that the king had grown senile, took possession of this foreign property as it was being carried through the boundary of their kingdom. This may be the boundary between Kathiawar and main land Gujaräta. When Yogarāja heard this news, he was deeply affected by this misdeed of his sons. He told them, “When in foreign countries, kings praise the government of all sovereigns, they say scornfully that in the land of Gujarat there is a government of robbers. When we are informed of this and similar facts by our representatives in their reports, we are afflicted, because we do, to certain extent, feel despondent on account of our ancestors." 2
After saying this he fasted unto death for the sins of his sons. He is said to have built a temple of the goddess Yogīśvarī.3
Yogaraja's Successors: He had three sons by names Ratnāditya, Vairisimha and Kşemarāja. Ksemarāja was succeeded by his son Cāmundaräja. According to the Prabandha-cintāmani his name was Bhūyada. Cāmundarāja was followed by his son Ghāghada who is also called Ahada by the Sukrta-sankirtana. The last king is called Bhūyagad in the A-D MSS of the Prabandha-cintamani and Samantasimha in the present edition of the same. He is also called Bhūbhața by the Sukrta-sankirtana and Pūad by the Vicāraśreni. Âgada built two temples, one was known as Agadesvara-prasada probably dedicated to Śiva and the other known as Kanteśvariprāsādas dedicated to the goddess Kanțeśvarī in whose honour, as we have seen, Vanarāja had also built a temple. The last king built a temple known as Bhūyagadeśvara-prasada. He built also a rampart round Anahilapura, to protect the city. Thus it appears that Căpotkațas were great builders.
According to Merutunga the last king Samantasimha, who is Bhūyada
3402017:
SJGM., I, p. 14: Baracteet 113: Auf alcada faqja श्री सोमेश्वरपत्तने समागतानि।
2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.: 37 HEIRAT steam HIT: : 1 * Rāsamālā, Pt. I, Appendix, Chapter III, p. 45. 5 Ibid., p. 15: 39 Tai gaf Zugaret Fidati 6 Ibid.: BET TIET H ETTYTATS: Fa: 4 TARI

Page #242

212
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
or Pūad in other works, was murdered by his sister's son.1 The Vicāraśreni is, however, silent on this point. The Kumārapala-carita of Jayasimhasüri confirms the view.?
The Vadanagara praśasti of Kumārapäla dated 1152 A.D. informs us that the Cäpotkațas were overthrown by Mūlarāja.3
According to a verse quoted in the Prabandha-cintāmani, “this kingdom of the Gurjaras, even from the time of king Vanarāja, was established with the Jain mantras (counsels), its foes indeed has no cause to rejoice."4 It is a question as to how much of this claim is historically correct. The official religion of the kings was, no doubt, Saivism and Sāktism (they built many temples of these deities), but the influential persons in the state, the rich merchants like Ninnaya, his son Lāhara, chief-minister Jāmba etc. were probably most of them Jains. Thus the Jains occupied high posts in the state. So, from this point of view, the claim may be regarded valid at least partially. But as far as the political life of Căpotkațas is concerned there is nothing characteristically Jain.
II. THE CAULUKYAS (SOLANKIS) OF GUJARATA. Unlike the other dynasties we have copious Jain material for the political and social history of the Caulukyas of Gujarāta. The Jain writers of Gujarāta were more careful to record almost every incident of this family. It seems that they had developed greater historical sense during this age. The period of nearly three centuries and a half (961-1304 A.D.) over which the members of this dynasty ruled, is regarded as the most flourishing period of the Jain religion and its literature. The Jain writers were mostly associated with the state and government of that period and the information we get from them naturally presents before us a true picture of the age as far as it goes.
The capital of this family from the very beginning (from Mülarāja) up to the end, was Aņahilapāțaka,5 sometimes known as Anahillapura or Anhilapäțaņa also. Before the establishment of the Caulukyas, Cāvadas were ruling there, but they were the master of only a small principality.
1 PC., p. 16: fandt HIGOAT OTT Á HERE HI ya 40 2 Canto I, V. 30, p. I: Hraft IGS GATE 27: Tear FETE FESTETT PATCI 3 El., I, p. 293. 4 SJGM., I, p. 13: TTTTTH THE FIFTRATI
जैनैस्तु स्थापितं मंत्रैस्तदद्वेषी नैव नन्दति। 5 DV., Canto I, V. 4: 11 W AlfaTVETTE HI

Page #243

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
Caulukyas, unlike them, developed that small principality into an empire in which Gujarata reached the climax of its glory.
We have seen in relation to the Gurjara Pratihāras that the land of Gujarat formed a part of the great Pratihara empire at least up to c. 982 A.D. The colophon of the Aradhanakathakośa referred to above clearly supplies us this information.1
Mularaja's Ancestors: The first member of this dynasty unanimously accepted is Mularāja who made the fortune of this clan bright. Several Jain authorities indisputably refer to his father's name as Raji. The Prabandhacintamani records an interesting story relating to Raji and his two brothers, The story runs thus:
"The three brothers by name Raji, Bija, and Dandaka born of the same mother and sons of Muñjaladeva of the family of the king Bhuyaraja previously mentioned (as the ruler of Kalyana-kataka in the country of the Kanyakubja) went on pilgrimage to Somanatha and paid their adorations to Him. On their return they were looking at the king Bhuyaḍadeva, while engaged in the amusement of horse race. When the king gave the horse a stroke with the whip, the Ksatriya named Raji who was dressed as a pilgrim was annoyed with that cut which was given inopportunely. He shook his head, and said, 'Alas, Alas. When the king asked him the reason of his behaviour, he praised the particular pace performed by the horse, and considering it not inappropriate, said 'when you gave the horse a cut with the whip you made my heart bleed.' The story further states that the king. Bhuvaḍa, being pleased, gave his sister's hands to the prince Raji, thinking that he was of high birth. In due course his sister became pregnant and in the last stage she died suddenly. The ministers, thinking that if they did not take some steps the child would die also, performed the cæsarian operation and took the child out of her womb. The child was given the name Mülaraja being born under the nahgatra Mula. This prince by his general popularity due to his beautiful complexion and by his valour extended the sway of his maternal uncle. Under such circumstances, the king Bhaiyada, when intoxicated, used to have him crowned king and used again to depose him when he became sober, from that time forth a Capotakata gift has become a proverbial test. Being disappointed every day in this way, he made ready his followers, he killed Bhuiyada and became king in reality."
1 SJGM., XVII, p. 255.
SJGM., I, pp. 15-16 : मूलराजप्रबन्धः ।

213

Page #244

214
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The Kumarapala-prabandha and an older prabandha name some of the ancestors of Mularaja as follows:-Bhuyaḍa, Karmaditya, Candraditya, Somaditya, Bhuvanãditya, and Raji. Bhaumaditya of this list seems to be identical with Musjala.1
The Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhastri, however, gives a different ancestry.
"In the city of Madhupadma (possibly mod. Mathura) certain Caulukya, the noble Kṣatriya, established a kingdom. From him sprung the Caulukya family famous in the world. In the succession there was born a king named Simhavikrama, who had a son by name Harivikrama. Then there became 85 kings in the succeeding generations. Then a descendant named Sahajarāma arose in that family who had a son Dadaka or Dandakka who got a victory over the king of Pipäsa. His successor was the king Kañcivyala who was succeeded by the king Rāji. He married the sister of the Gurjara king, Samantasimha, by name Lila; the son of both was Mülaraja. This Malaraja killed his maternal uncle and occupied the throne of the Gujaras by force."
According to certain scholars Kafcivyala of the above list is probably identical with Muñjala mentioned in the Prabandha-cintamani as the grandfather of Millaraja. According to them Kancivyala literally means the Vyala of Kafici that is the mad elephant, tiger or king of Kañci (apparently in the south) and it might have been an honorific title of Muñjala in praise of some of his exploits in the south. Our earlier literary source, the Dvyasraya-kavya, records only Malaraja's father's name as Raji, having called Mularāja as Rajibha and Rajinandana2 which means son of Raji and in one place it states that Mularaja was the son of the brother of Dadhaka. The learned commentator of the Dvyasraya-kavya, however, gives the names of the three brother's as Rāji, Bija and Dadhaka as mentioned in the Prabandha-cintamani.3 But that kavya is silent about the other facts. Arisimha in his Sukyta-samhirtana states that after Bhubhața his sister's son came to his throne.4
From the above quotations some truth may be disentangled, for they certainly contain some elements of the fact. Mülaraja's father is, undoubt
1 BV., 1939, I, p. 85.
• DV., IV, V. 63 गोपुच्छीं तो चमूं शत्रुः समरकीतों राजिनन्दनेन ।
3 Ibid., Canto 3, V. 99 and commentary on it:
राजेरपत्यं मूलराज श्री जयोस्तु भ्रातुष्पुत्रः ।
• Canto II, V. x पदेऽथ तस्याजनि भागनेय चीलुक्यवंशार्णवपूर्णचन्द्रः । श्रीमूलराजः प्रतिकूलराजसमूल निर्मूलनबद्धमूल ॥

fenfay

Page #245

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
215
edly, a historical figure. In one of his inscriptions Räji is styled as Mahārajadhiraja or Raja. The Prabandha-cintāmari, Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimha and earlier than the two, the Sukrta-samkirtana, mention Mūlarāja as the sister's son of the last Cāvadā prince from whom he captured Anahilavāda. For his relation to the Cāvadā princes, we have no documentary evidence. The Vadanagor prasasti composed by the Jain Srīpāla dated 1152 A.D., however, confirms that Mūlarāja certainly took the kingdom from the Cāvadās. The copper plates grant of a Jain temple known as the Varuņāśarmaka grant of Yuvarāja Cāmunda dated V. E. 1033 (977 A.D.) refers to the name of one of the forefathers of the dynasty as "Cāulkika rājavamsatilaka Srivyalakanti.''3 This reference reminds us of the name Kāncikavyäla which occurs in the Kumarapala-carita as the grandfather of Mūlarāja and who, on the other hand, has been identified with Muajāla of the Prabandha-cintamani. His grandfather Musijäla alias Vyālakānti, therefore, seems also to be a historical figure.
From all the above references, we may safely derive the conclusion that Rāji was a descendant or son of Vyālakānci or Kāncikavyāla or Muñjāla or Bhāumăditya, who in his turn was descended from Bhūyada or Bhūyarāja. Before going to present any identification of this man we should inquire about the origin of the family and its original home.
Origin of the Family: It is very difficult to discover the one and real name of the family. We find several variants in the inscriptional as well as literary sources. Our earlier Jain authority known as Varunāśarmaka grant of Camunda of 977 A.D. refers to 'Culkika' as the name of the family.4 Two other Jain inscriptions from the Mt. Abu, of about th 13 century, state that they were known as Caulukyas. Several other Jain inscriptions discovered at the Mt. Girnar and near Khambáța repeat the same name of the family. To confirm the later version of our Jain inscriptions we have an early authority other than the Jain, known as copper plates grant of Trilocanapāla of Lāța, dated 1050 A. D. which refers to the family name as the Caulukya.? In the Sanskrt Jain literature Hemacandra and later
1 IA., VI, p. 191 ff. etc. 2 EI., I, pp. 296,301, V. 5. 3 HIG., Pt. III, p. 155. 4 Ibid. • Ibid., Pt. II, pp. 125, 137. 6 Ibid. Pt. III, pp. 15, 36, 90, 103. 7 Ibid., Pt. III, miscellaneous inscriptions, p. 52.

Page #246

216
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
writers prefer 'Caulukyas' as the form of the family name. But some of our Jain Prākrt works mention them as Cālukkas.2
We, however, know from the early inscriptions (other than the Jain) belonging to the tenth century that they were called by several variants such as Calukika, Culukika, etc.3 The Jain grant of the same period referred to above gives another variant Caulkika.
Whatever may be the variants of the name we can say on the basis of the Jain inscriptional as well as literary sources that downward to the eleventh century the word Caulukya is found generally preferred and adopted.
Referring to the etymological meaning of the word 'Caulukya' the Jain sources record the traditional myth of the origin of the Caulukyas. Several Jain authorities like the Vadanagar Prasasti of 1151 A.D., a Jain inscription of Khambāța of the 13th century, the commentary of the Dvya śraya-kavya Vasanta-vilasa, Vastupala-Tejapala-prasasti and the Prabandha-cintamani etc. can be quoted as references. They all state that " once God Brahmã who was approached, while he was engaged in performing his Sandhyā devotions, by the gods with a request to create a hero to put an end to the increasing evil in the world, looked steadily into his Culuka and as a result, a hero named Culuka sprang up from it. From him sprang a race, renowned as Caulukya." 4 This kind of legend, however, can easily be described from the historical point of view. It seems, however, that the authors of this period were in the habit of investing any name with a myth while attempting an etymological elucidation of words.
As regards their race there are certain references in the Jain sources. Hemacandra in the ninth canto of his Dvyaśraya-kāvya referring to the long conversation between the envoy of Bhima and the Kalacuri king Karņa states that Bhīma was praised by Karna as belonging to the Lunar race and he also sang at that time the greatness of Purūravă etc., the early members of the race. Having followed Hemacandra, Jinaharşagani in his Vastupalacarita calls Bhima I as the ornament of the Lunar race. It may be commented on this point that they are simply recording the tradition.
1 DV., Canto I, p. 39, 13THAT | Sukyta-samkirtana, p. 1o: arrastra
:.... 2 GOS., LXXVI, pp. 212, 254. 3 D. K. Sastri, Gujarātano Madhyakālīna Itihāsa, I, pp. 118, 119. 4 Cf. Vadanagar Prasasti V. 2. DV., Canto I, Commentary of V. 2:
चुलुके संध्यावन्दनाय विधात्राम्बुनाभृते हस्ते भवो इति ये चुलुक्याः। 5 Canto 9, Vs. 40-59. Cf. V. 42: A HASTtitit frati & I, V. 79: 7THOTHORS gaf 591Hall

Page #247

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
217
Certain scholars on the basis of analogy in the forms of the words 'Cālukya' and 'Caulukya', regard all the Cālukyas as belonging to one stock. According to them the early Cālukyas of Bādāmi, and the two later Cālukyas (the one from Kalyāņi known as the Western Cālukyas and the other from Vengi called the Eastern Cālukyas) as well as the Caulukyas of Gujarat must have had their common origin?
But the analogy of the form of names does not prove their assumptions fully correct for each of them traces their origin differently. The kings of the early Cālukya dynasty of Bādāmi do not record any supernatural origin of their family. They traced themselves up to their first ancestor in a quite human order. The Eastern Cālukyas of Vengi, on the other hand, traced their origin of the Lunar dynasty2 and the migration from the north. Regarding the origin of the Western Cālukyas the grants of Vikramāditya VI claim them as being of Lunar origin3 while the Jain poet Ranna, the court poet of Tailapa II, in the introduction to his poem, the Gada yuddha, mentions their origin from Ayodhyāpura, "the lord of Ayodhyāpura." 4 Bilhana, the court poet of Vikramāditya VI gives a similar story of supernatural origin of the Caulukyas as we have seen regarding the Caulukyas of Gujarāta, that is from the palm (Culuka) of Brahmā, and states that at first they ruled in Ayodhyā, but afterwards they came to Deccan. Regarding the Caulukyas of Gujarāta we have seen that Hemacandra also maintains the view of their Lunar origin.
All these beliefs about the origin of the Caulukyas lead us to draw certain important conclusions. We know from history that these later Calukya kingdoms including that of Gujarāta were founded in the later part of the tenth century after the disruption of the two great empires, the Răstrakūta in the Deccan and the Pratīhāra in the north. This also we know that the later Cālukyas of Deccan were the feudatories of the Räştrakūța emperors. In this connection we should also keep in mind the spirit of the age. During this age we find that all these usurpers of the previous kingdoms, in order to establish their supremacy over the mass whom they intended to rule, and over other contemporary ruling dynastiesthe Cahamānas and the Paramāras-invented their origins from supernatural or mythological personages and their court poets coloured the theory in their poetic fancies.
1 BG., I, Pt. I, p. 156. 2 El., VI, pp. 347-61. 3 TA., XXI, pp. 167-68. 4 IA., XI, pp. 43-45. • Vikramānkadeva-carita, Canto I, pp. 4-7.
28

Page #248

218
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
At any rate, from the stories of their origin, we may discover certain common features lying in them. For instance, as we see the theory of birth of the original ancestors of the Western Calukyas of Kalyāni from the palm of Bramhä, similar anecdotes we find about the Caulukyas of Gujarāta. As we notice the descent of later Calukyas from the Lunar race, similarly we get information from Hemacandra's Dvya śraya-kavya about the Caulukyas of Gujarāta also. As we find their migration from the north, similarly we find from the narration of the Jain writers that the Caulukyas of Gujarat came from the north. One point must be noticed here in this connection that all these common traits are found in the contemporary inscriptions and literature from 11th century downwards.
From the foregoing discussion we may very well conjecture something about their common origin. We, however, cannot say more on this point in the present state of our knowledge. Let us now decide the question of the original home of the Caulukyas of Gujaräta.
The Original Seat of the Fanily: From the two Jain authorities, i.e., the Prabandha-cintamani and the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasūri quoted above, it appears that the ancestors of Mūlarāja came from the north. The former states that the three brothers Rāji, Bīja, and Dandaka, sons of Muñjāladeva of the family of the king Bhūyarāja, a ruler of Kalyana-kataka in the country of Kānyakubja, went on a pilgrimage to Somanāth."1 The latter states that in the city of Madhupadma certain Culukya, the noble ksatriya, established a kingdom. From him sprang the Caulukya family. Madhupadma is certainly identical with modern Mathura. One of his descendants, by name Dādaka, won a victory over the king of Pipāsā, whose identification is still a matter of investigation. These references tempt one to guess that their original seat may have been in the north.
Identification of Kalyana-kațaka : The statement of the Prabandha. cintamani has drawn the attention of scholars. There is difference of opinion regarding that statement. The main point of dispute among scholars is Kalyāņa-kataka and its identification. Forbes and Elphinstone hold the view that this Kalyāṇa-kataka is identical with Kalyāņa, the capital of Western Calukyas, which was founded in the later half of the eleventh century and which here is anachronistically mentioned. There is no important place of the name of Kalyāņa in Kanauj. They, therefore, regard the Caulukyas as of southern origin.3 Dr. Bühler, Dr. D. R. Bandarkar
1 See supra, p. 213. 2 See supra p. 214. 9 Rāsamālā, I, p. 56.

Page #249

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
219
and Pandit Bhagavan Lal Indraji assume that Caulukyas came from the north and Kalyāņa-kataka must be in the north. Bühler relates that "if Kalyāņa-kațaka is identical with Kalyāņa of Deccan, there must be another Kalyana-kataka by that name in northern India also." He says that "this name is by no means uncommon. Two towns of this name are well known and of great antiquity, viz., Kalyāna near Bombay, the Kalliene of the Greeks and Kalyāņa in the Deccan."1 Dr. Bhandarkar, going a step further, states:
"And the traditions are unanimous in saying that his father Raji came from Kalyāņa-kataka in Kanyakubja. It is very likely that Kānyakubja denotes Kanauj itself. We have seen that Kanauj was known by the name Mahodaya. And Mahodaya and Kalyana arc identical in meaning. In the copper plates of the Pratīhāras Mahodaya is called a Skandhāvāra. Skandhavāra and Kataka again are synonymous terms. Hence Kalya??a-kațaka is equivalent to Mahodaya-Skandhāvara so far as the meaning goes. And as Hindu authors are in the habit of speaking about the same kings and cities in terms different but equivalent in meaning, it is highly probable that by Kalyana-kataka in the Kanyakubja country Kanauj is meant."'2
Having followed Dr. Bhandarkar, K. M. Munshi identifies Bhūyarāja of the prabandhas with Bhoja Pratīhāra of Kanyakubja.3
We, however, have nothing to say about these assumptions made by the scholars. But the identification of Kalyāna-kațaka and Bhūyarāja requires some fresh investigations. Let us now try to see whether our prabandhas throw any additional light on this topic. The Purātana Prabandha-sangraha states:
“Once Jayacandra, feeling jealousy about the pompous titles of Paramardi, invaded him with big garrison. He reached his capital by name Kalyāna-kata ka, devastating the country."
The Gahadavala Jayacandra's rivalry with Paramardi shows that Paramardi is certainly identical with the Candella king of that name. His capital was called Kalyāna-kataka.
In another place, the same authority states:
1 JA., VI, pp. 182–83. 2 JBBRAS., XXI, pp. 427-28. 3 The Glory That Was Gurjaradeśa, Pt. III, p. 74. * See su bra p. 69.

Page #250

220
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
"there was a king by name Yasovarman in the city of Kalyanakațaka. He tied a bell of justice on the door of his palace."1
I have elsewhere shown that this Yasovarman is identical with the powerful Candella ruler Yasovarman, the father of Dhanga. Hence it comes out that Kalyāna-kataka was the name of the Candella capital. The Prabhāvaka-carita in relation to the Caulukya Kumārapāla states:
"Once the king of Kalyana-kataka, having known that Kumarapala is leaned towards Jainism and thus is weak, he invaded him with large military."2
I have elsewhere equated this king of Kalyāņa-kataka with the Candella king Madanavarman who encountered the army of Kumārapāla in the Daśārņa country most probably in this old age. Thus we have obtained another testimony for Kalyāņa-kațaka as the capital of the Candellas.
About its location we are informed from a book of tales by name Hitopadeśa that there was a hunter in the 'Visaya' of Kalyāņa-kațaka named Bhairava. Once he in search of a dear entered the Mt. Vindhya 3 This story tells us that Kalyāņa-kataka was in or near the Vindhyas. From the above references it appears that Kalyaņa-kataka in the Mt. Vindhyas was once regarded as the capital of the Candellas. In proposing the identification of this Kalyāņa-kataka we may say that it might have been the same as the Kālañjara. Following the argument of Dr. Bhandarkar that the Hindu writers were in the habit of using terms different but equivalent in meaning, we may assume that Kalyāņa-kataka most probably is Kālañjara (kataka). Kalyäņa means Siva (the great God Siva). And Siva and Kālañjara are identical in meaning. Hence Kațaka of Kalyāṇa is equivalent to Kālañjarakataka, which once formed a province of the Kanyakubja kingdom.
Bhūyarāja, a king mentioned in the Prabandha-cintamani, is also stated to be the king of Kalyāņa-kataka in the country of Kanyakubja. The story recorded in the prabandhas may be summarised here as follows:
"In the country of Kanyakubja, in the capital city of Kalyāņakataka there was a king by name Bhūyarāja. Once he fell in love with the wife of his servant, without knowing her as maid-servant. When he came to know, he cut through his hands in atonement and went to
vital city in 10
whe
1 SIGM., II, p. 107; see supra, p. 63. 2 Ibid., XIII, p. 206; see also supra, p. 68 fn. III.
8 HSS., XXXVIII, p. 31: TETEP 2110T-FEATTETE FNAFashrit rencat....
4 Brah, copper-plate of Bhoja EI., XIX, pp. 15-19.
S
H 214:
# $ACT

Page #251

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
221
the temple of Mahākāladeva in Mālava province and devoted himslef to the god. Then the king made over to the god the land and appointed the Paramāra princes to guard it."1
This story certainly contains certain facts of historical importance. Firstly, it denotes the position of Kalyāņa-kataka at the time when Bhūyarăja was ruling, as Kalyāņa-kațaka forming a part of the country of Kanauj. Secondly, Mālava country was under the ruler of Kalyāņa-kataka. Thirdly and lastly, Bhūyarāja gave Mālava to Paramāras, which may be interpreted as containing a veiled information of the rising of the Paramāras into power and the capture of Mālava by the Paramāras from Bhūyarāja.
In order to derive some more significances from the above conclusions we should go to the history of that period. We know that in the first half of the tenth century of the Christian era, the rivalry between Northern Gurjara Pratīhāras and Southern Răstrakūtas reached its climax and it ultimately resulted in the disruption of the Gurjara-Pratīhāras of Kanyakubja. The last two blows successively dealt by the Răstrakūtas, one in 915 A.D. and the other in 940 A.D., ruined the empire of the Pratīhāras. The Paramāras were the vassals of the Rastrakūtas between 910 A.D. and 940 A.D. and they occupied the modern Gujarāta to the south of Sarasvatī, west Mālava, and Surāstra, which means they captured it virtually from the imperial Pratīhāras. Nevertheless, as subordinates to the Rāșțrakūtas they were holding there the post of the viceroy. But in the middle of the tenth century they became independent by throwing off the yoke of the imperial Rāştrakūtas.
If the episode of Bhūyaraja of Kalyäņa-kataka is to be believed, it has certainly a connection with the rising power of the Paramāras of this period. In the light of this fact, we may assume that Bhūyarāja may have been the Governor of the Pratīhāras or the Răstrakūtas, and was formerly transacting his business from Kalyāņa-kataka and then from Ujjaini where his power was captured by the early members of the Paramāra family.
Let us first suppose that he might have been a feudatory of the imperial Pratīhāras and in that case he might have ruled from Kalyāņa-kataka in
I SJGM., I, pp. 11-12: itsad 15972: Efeigiama para कल्याणकटकनाम्नि राजधानीनगरे भुयराज इति राजा राज्यं कुर्वन् ....। अथ प्रत्यूषे तान् यामिकान् सचिवैः निगृह्यमाणान् निवार्य मालवमण्डले महाकालदेवप्रसादे गत्वा स्वयं देवमाराधयंस्तस्थौ। देवादेशाभुजद्वये लग्ने सति तं मालवदेशं सान्तःपुरं तस्मै देवाय दत्त्वा तद्रक्षाधिकृतान् परमारराजपुत्रान् नियोज्य स्वयमेव तापसीदीक्षामनीचके।
2 The Harsola grant and the Modesa grant refered to in the Chapter of the Paramāras of Mālava.

Page #252

222
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the interest of his sovereign kings of Kanyakubja. At his time Malava formed a part of the Gurjara Pratīhāra empire. The story informs us that Bhūyaraja had gone to Mālava and he gave it to the Princes of the Paramāra family who were appointed there as the guards. This statement indicates that he was in charge of the Malava country under the Gurjara Pratihāras and certainly under force or threat he relinquished his authority in favour of the Paramāras or he might have been killed in that affair. As to when this event took place we have to depend on other evidences. According to the Vicāraśreni, the accession date of Mūlaraja is known as V.E. 1017 (c. 961 A.D.).1 If we go back some 20 years, or thereabout, we may find an approximate date, that is, 941 A.D., when his father Rāji was ousted from Mālava and must have entered into Gujarata. Again we give 25 years to each of the two predecessors of Rāji, i.e., to his fathar Muñjala and grandfather Bhūyarāja respectively, then subtracting 50 years we get c. 891 A.D. or thereabout, the early limit of the time of Bhiyarāja, which tallies mostly with the period when the Paramāra power started its growth. Vairisimha II is the first man about whom it is said that he conquered the city of Dhärā. "By that king Dhäră was indicated, when he slew crowd of his enemies with the edge of sword.” 2 This pun on Dhārā may indicate that Dhārā was conquered by him. The period of Vairisirha is assigned to c. 910-940 A.D. or some time early to that, which mostly coincides with the period of Bhūyarāja, c. 891-916 A.D. conjectured above.
Scholars are of one opinion on the point that the Paramära captured the seat of Mālava from the Gurjara Pratīhāras during their declining days.3 This fact, however, confirms our above conclusion.
As to which race or clan this Bhiyaraja, who has been supposed to be a feudatory of the Gurjara Pratīhāras, belonged, we have no information from the Prabandha-cintămari. But, supposing that his descendants call themselves as the Caulukyas, he might have been a Caulukya. In this connection we may further assume that he may have been a scion of a small branch of Caulukyas which in the early stages of these Caulukyas was lurking somewhere in Ayodhya or Mathură, the place from which the migration of other Cälukyas has been supposed.
Thus from the above discussion it appears that the ancestors of the Caulukyas of Gujaräta might have hailed from the north and the original seat of the family might have been in Kalyāņa-kataka (modern Kālañjara) in Mt. Vindhya.
1 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9. 2 EI., I, pp. 223-38, V. II. 3 DHNI., II, p. 846.

Page #253

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
223
As regards the other alternative that "they were the feudatories of the Rāştrakūtas," it may be said that this possibility also cannot be ruled out, for, we know there were so many Calukya feudatory chiefs of the Rāstrakūtas. They came from Deccan to fight against Kanauj on behalf of the Rastrakūtas. We have shown elsewhere on the evidence of the Jain authority, the poet Pampa, that Cālukya Narasimha fought for Indra III as one of his generals and defeated Mahīpāla I (914-943 A.D.) of Kanauj in 915 A.D.1 We also know that Krsņa III (c. 940-56 A.D.) made the last Rāstrakūta attack on the Pratīhāra empire of Kanauj. The forts of Kālañjara and Citrakūța were occupied by the Rāştrakūta army and the Gurjara-Pratīhāra emperor lost all hope of capturing them. An inscription found at Jura near Maihar in Madhya-pradeśa testifies to the above statement. The Rāştrakūtas continued to hold these forts for about ten years but they were reconquered by the Candella king Yašovarman sometime before 953 A.D.3
The Cäluk yas, in these two last struggles and in so many previous struggles of Northern India, must have been left behind by their lords, the Rāştrakūta emperors, to govern the newly won territory of Kälañjara (identical with Kalyāņa-kataka).
In the case of this alternative we may suppose that in the previous wars certain Cālukyas, settled in Kalyāņa-kațaka, must have been driven away by the imperial Pratīhāras and they on their turn might have migrated to Malavā and from Malavā to Gujarata where they ultimately got settled.
Thus our assumption in both ways proves the association of Mülarāja and his ancestors, undoubtedly, with the north and with Kalyāņa-kațaka.
In the end, we may say that all these hypotheses based on certain arguments lead us to draw the above conclusions. But where the truth lies, we do not know in the present state of our knowledge.
From Bhūyaraja to Raji: Bhūyaraja seems to be the historical personage of the dynasty. He was certainly the great grandfather of Mūlarāja as we have shown from the chronology. From the word “Pūrvokta Bhūyarajavainsa” 4 it should not be taken that Bhūyarāja was a remote member of the dynasty, for Merutunga informs us that he was the contemporary of the Paramāras and most probably of Vairisimha II. According to the downward order of the other names after Bhūyarāja
1 See supra, pp. 42-43, Chapter on the Gurjara Pratihāras. 2 Altekar, Dr. A.S., The Rāstrakūtas and Their Times, p. 113. 3 Ibid. • SJGM., I P. 15: H15994:

Page #254

224
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
were Sri Daddaka known from the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasūri and Somāditya from the Kumarapala-prabandha. It is said in the Kumarapala-carita that he defeated a king of Pipāsā country. The country of Pipāsā has not been identified yet. It seems, however, that it must be lying somewhere between Kalyāņa-kataka (modern Kälañjar) and Mālava, for it was the region over which Bhūyarāja ruled.
He was succeeded by his son Muñjāla who also has been called as Kāncikavyāla 3 in the Kumārapāla-carita and Bhaumāditya in the Kumārapāla-prabandha. 4 The Varuņāśarmaka Jain grant also refers to him as Sri Vyalakanti. The term Kāncikavyala or Vyalakanti may be interpreted as meaning the Vyāla of Kānci or Känti--that is the mad elephant, tiger or the king of Kānci. It is, therefore, likely that Kāncivyāla might have been an honorific title of Muñjāla extrolling some of his exploits in southern India.
Muñjäla had three sons by name Rāji, Bija and Dandaka. They were the brothers from the same mother. I have quoted previously the story of Rāji and his brothers, which shows how they went on a pilgrimage to Somanāth; how they returned to Anahillapura disguised as a mendicant; how Rāji showed his skill in the Horse Race and how he managed to marry the sister of the then ruling king Sämanthasimha of the Cāvada clan.5 About the historicity of Rājī we are on firm ground because we find his name mentioned in the epigraphs of Mülarājo, He is styled there as Maharajādhiraja. From the Kadi grant of Mūlaraja dated V. E, 1043 (c. 987 A.D.) it appears that his father was simply feudatory. It also appears from it that he might have been ruling somewhere in the north Gujarăța after migrating from Mālava as a petty vassal.
Bhūyarāja, his son and grandson all were the staunch followers of Saivism. Bhūyaraja was in Kālanjara, one of the seats of Lord Siva. He went for atonement to another seat of Lord Siva, that is, Ujjayini.? His grandson Rāji and his brother went on a pilgrimage to Somanath.8 All
1 BV., (1939), 1, 85. 2 Canto I, V. 26: 3fairuta STT TE: 35 FTTETTHET: 1
यः पिपासाख्यराष्ट्रेशं गजसिंह इवाजयत् ॥ 3 Canto I, V. 27: 15: FFTSHEFYHY H EI 4 BV., 1937, I, 85. 5 See supra p. 214. 6 EI., VI, pp. 180 ff., line 6. ? PC., p. II. See also supra p. 220. 8 lbid., p. 15.

Page #255

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
225 these references compel us to believe that they were Saivites. This also explains why to the end of the family Siva was their family deity.
Mūlarāja (c. 961-996 A.D.): Mūlarāja succeeded his father Rāji. With his reign we reach a firm ground for we get several inscriptions and copious literary material about his reign. He was the first king of the dynasty who aspired to transform his small principality into an empire. The words of the Vadanagar Prasasti uttered about him are quite eloquent :
"Illustrious Mūlarāja, who stepped on the diadems of princes, was a priceless pearl to enhance the splendour of the fame of his family. He made the fortune of the kingdom of the Cāpotkața princes, whom he took captive at his will, an object of enjoyment for the multitude, of the learned, of his relatives, of the Brahmaņas, bards and servants."'1
We may say that the real founder of this dynasty at Gujarāta was Mūlarāja. He won the kingdom by his valour and strength. A Jain inscription known as Varuņāśarmaka grant of Yuvarāja Cāmunda dated V.E. 1033 (A.D. 977) compares Mūlarāja with Indra and calls him the son of the descendant of Śrīvyālakāñci, who belonged to the royal family of Caulukika. He was married to Madhavī, the daughter of king Bhoja of the Cāhamāna family.2 According to Hemacandra his family was of the Lunar line and the gotra was Bhāradvāja.3 The statement that Mūlaraja killed his maternal uncle and took possession of Anahilapāțaņa, which we came across in the Prabandha-cintamani,4 finds no support either from the Jain sources or from sources other than the Jain ones. The Sukrta-samkirtana and the Sukrtakirti-kallolini, authorities earlier than the Prabandha-cintāmaại, mention him as the sister's son of the last Cāvadā prince, 5 but they do not record the murder of that king by Mülarāja. The earliest among the above quoted authorities, the Duyãśraya-kavya, is almost silent about the relations of Mūlarāja with the Cāvadās.
The name of Mūlarajā's mother is recorded by the Prabandha-cintāmani and the Kumarapala-prabandha as Līlādevi but the Duyaśraya-kāvya calls Mūlarāja as 'Candikāmāta', which has been explained by the commentator that his mother was Candāladevī.6 Hence his mother's name seems to be
1 EI., I, pp. 296-305, Vs. 4-5. 2 BV., 1739, I, 80. 3 DV., VI, 7: ATR a Hariat tayuaTTI 4 SJGM., I, p. 16: fast an a rea l ga THE
6 SS., Canto II, V. I; SKK., p. 71 (GOS, X): mate: praat het af H IGÌ qu: (V. 23.).
8 DV., I, V. 188: 105 H arla qatt a
29

Page #256

226
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
uncertain. According to the Kādi grant of his reign, his paternal and maternal sides were pure white like the wings of the royal swan, which shows that his mother did not come from drunken and degenerated ancestors as the later Cāvadās were supposed to be.
His Reign: The three copper plate grants of Mūlarāja assign him a reign of 21 years, the first grant from Baroda being dated V.E. 1030 (c. 974 A.D.) and the third Belara grant V.E. 1051 (c. 995 A.D.)2 The Vicāraśreni assigns 35 years for his reign, extending from V.E. 1017 as his accession date to V.E. 1052 as his successor's date.3 The Prabandha-cintamani, on the other hand, gives V. E. 998 as the date of Mūlarāja's accession and V.E. 1053 for that of his son Cāmunda and thus assigns him 55 years. Here the two Jain authorities are not unanimous. Though according to some scholars the Sambhara inscriptions of Jayasinha Siddharaja confirms the view recorded by the Prabandha-cintamani as it states that after the expiry of 998 years from Vikrama, Mūladeva came to the crest of the earth in this dynasty, in my opinion they have misunderstood the statement of the inscription. The inscription actually states that in V.E. 998 Mūlarăja came on the earth which may mean that he was born in that year, which certainly was not the year of his accession. Thus the Sāmbhara inscription gives us the year of his birth. In the light of the inscription, we may say that the year given by the Prabandha-cintāmazi is the year of his birth and not that of his accession. The year 998 V.E. given there as the year of accession seems to be wrong. The statement of the Vicāraśreni seems to be reasonable for Mūlarāja, if born in V.E. 998, could easily get accession after 19 years in V.E. 1017, at the age of his majority.
The Prabandhas have preserved several legends about the victorious achievements of the founder of the Caulukya dynasty. To Hemacandra he was Visnu, Siva and Brahma. We, however, have four inscriptions of his reign to corroborate or confute the statements referred to by the Jain historians. The dates of these inscriptions range from 974 A.D. (V.E. 1030) to 995 A.D. (V.E. 1051), while his reign begins actually from 961 A.D. Thus we have no records of the early period covering about 14 years of his reign. The first grant known as Baroda grant of the date 974 A.D. informs us that
1 1 A., VI, pp. 191-93: T&T TO PAZN927: 1 2 DHNI., II, p. 942-43. 3 JSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9. 4 SJGM., I., pp. 10-20. 6 TA., 1929, pp. 234-36, V. 6. & DV., Canto I, V. 138.

Page #257

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
he carved out a principality in Sarasvata mandala by his own prowess.1 This would mean that for about thirty years Mülaraja sat quiet in Sarasvata mandala.
227
His Achievements: After consolidating his position, Mülarāja began his conquests. Naturally, first he came in conflict with the neighbouring kings. According to the Jain sources he came in conflict with the daily growing power of the Paramāras in the South. Mülaraja was the junior. contemporary of Siyaka II and senior to his successor and son Muja (974-996 A.D.). I have already elsewhere (on the basis of the Bijapur stone inscription of the Rastrakutas of Hathundi) stated that Muñja attacked Mülaraja. Malaraja together with the ruler of Mewar had to flee before him, 'like timid deer.' Dhavala (the Raṣṭrakūta prince of Hathundi, (c. 980 A.D.) gave shelter to the armies of both the kings. According to the Jain inscription referred to above it seems that Mülaraja did not gain much in this struggle.
Two other wars, one with the king of Surastra and the other with his ally Laksa of Kaccha have been recorded by the Jain chroniclers. Hemacandra in his Dvyáśraya-kāvya, connecting these two wars in one episode, states that once Jehula, the Mahapradhana of Mularaja, told him all the mischiefs of Graharipu in detail such as his harassment of pilgrims and the sacrilege of the holy places by killing and eating sacred animals and hist treatment of defeated enemies as unworthy of a kṣatriya etc. Upon this Malaraja decided to punish him and accordingly he attacked Graharipu of of Vamanasthali (modern Vanthali, 9 miles west of Junagadh). This battle took place on the bank of the river Jambumati, which has been rightly identified with the river Jambari in Kathiawar. The same authority further says that in that combat Mularaja threw Graharipu (down from his elephant, tied him with ropes and made him prisoner. Then Laksa, the king of Kaccha and an ally of Graharipu chased Mularaja but was killed. then and there. At last Gräharipu, on the request of his queens was released."
Hemacandra has given the description of this war in great detail. He has devoted full four cantos of his work to this war.
The struggles with Graharipu and Lakṣa referred to find above no epigraphic support; and strangely enough the war with Graharipu is mentioned

1 WZKM., V, p. 300,
2 See supra p. 181.
3 Ramalāl Modi, Sanskrit Dvyasraya Mai Madhyakālīna Gujarātanī Sāmājika Sthili, pp. 66-67.
4 Cantos 2-5.

Page #258

228
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
nowhere except the Duyaśraya-kavya, but all the subsequent writers refer to this war as a war with Laksa probably because he was killed in the battle. The Prabandha-cintamani also without referring to Gräharipu mentions a war with Laksarāja, the king of Kaccha. It relates that
"this prince was the son of Phoolad and Kämalatā, the daughter of Paramära king Kirtiraja and owing to the boon of Yaśorāja, whom he had propitiated, he was altogether invincible. He repulsed eleven times the army of the king Mūlarāja. But in the twelfth encounter Mülarāja besieged him at Kapilakoți, killed him in single combat and trod on the flowing beard of his foe."1
Though all the chroniclers like the authors of the Sukrta-sarikirtana and the Prabandha-cintamani refer to this war after the two wars with the king of Sapādalakṣa and king of Lāța it seems that hostility with the king of Kaccha might have begun long before the joint invasion of the above two. For Mülarāja was already the master of the Eastern Kaccha.
Mülarāja waged another war with the king of Sindhu. Hemacandra states that there was one king of Sindhu among the other kings who fought in league with Grāharipu against Mūlarāja?. According to the Sukrtakirti-kallolin 3 and the Vastupala-Tejahpala-prasasti4 he was defeated by Mūlarāja. As they mention no name of the Sindhu ruler, it seems he might have been in all probability, a petty chieftain of the Eastern Sindhu delta.
Hemacandra also describes the battle between Mülarāja and the ruler of Lāța, Dvārappa or Bārappa. This war has been recorded by the later Jain writers also. Hemacandra states:
'Once Bärappa sent an ominous elephant to Mülarāja as a present, but by this act Mūlarāja was highly enraged. Mūlarāja and his son Cāmundarāja with large garrison crossed the river Sabharamati (mod. Sabaramati) and entering Lāța they defeated and killed Barappa.' 5 The Kirti-kaumudi refers to this war with Bārappa. It, however, calls
i SGM., I, pp. 18-19: Tarza: arata: Fagfagfa: qafe Birth वरप्रसादात्सर्वतोऽप्यजेयः एकादशकृत्वस्त्रासितश्रीमूलराजसैन्यः .... कस्मिन्नवसरे कपिलकोट्टदुर्गस्थित एव meth: ai fat .... FOTO T I .... 3727 a: .... HIPOT PET FUTE. ..
2 Canto IV, V. 89: 3 orecitat FTA: IFUTE fefer RITISATTI 3 V. 24: aaria ferrugia Jangasit.... F EH...etc. 4 V. 6: 5:44: 4989 5 DV., Canto VI, Vs. 6, 44, 99: (6) 1936 : 37 etc.
(44) 427
etc. (99) HEST sretrats etc.

Page #259

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
229 Barappa the general of the king Lāța.1 The Sukrta-samkirtana also records the defect, of Bārappa but strangely enough, it calls Bärappa, the Dandanatha-general or governor of the king of Kanyakubja.2 The Prabandhacintamani, on the other hand, describes it somewhat differently. It calls Bārappa a general of the king of Telangadeśa and states that Mülarāja was simultaneously attacked on one side by the king of Sapädalaksa and on the other by Bārappa. The following is the abridged version of the Prabandhacintamani.3
"On a certain occasion, the king of the country of Sapädalakşa came to the border of the land of Gujarat to attack Mūlarāja. At the same time arrived Bārappa, the general of the monarch that ruled over the Tilanga country.” Mūlarāja consulted his ministers. They said to him, "If you throw yourself into the fort of Kantha and tide over some days, when the Navaratra festival comes, the king of Sapädalaksa will go to his capital of Sākambhari to worship his family goddess. In that interval we will conquer the general named Bārappa and after him the king of Sapädalakṣa also.”
Though the king whiled away some time, at the time of Navaratra, without taking care of his ministers' advices he attacked the king of Sapādalakşa. It is stated in the course of the narrative that Mūlaraja, mounting a splendid female camel, unexpectedly entered the camp of his enemy and said to him:
"When I was thinking whether on this terrestrial globe, there was any king heroic enough to stand against me in battle or not, you arrived exactly in accordance with my wishes. But as flies alight in swarms at meal time, this general of the king of the land of Tilanga, who is named Tailapa, has come to conquer me, So I have come to ask you to abstain from attacking me in the rear and similar operations, while I am engaged in chastising him.” Telling him this he returned soon and with the army he fell upon the camp of the general Bärappa. He killed him and captured his horses and returned back."
1 Canto II, V. 3: paper THEAF241864: 1
दुर्वारं बारपं हत्वा हास्तिकं यः समग्रहीत् ॥ 2 Canto II, V. 5: fizy: 979fa Freetházat FRIVE 1971
3 SJGM.,1, p. 16: HEH317 7415 : alagta: USHTU SITTEET समाजगाम। तद्योगपद्येन नरपतेस्तिलङ्गदेशीयराज्ञो बारपनाम सेनापतिरुपाययौ। श्रीमूलराजेन सचिवैः सह विमृशंस्तैरुचे श्रीकन्थादुर्गे प्रविश्य कियन्त्यपि दिनान्यतिवाहयन्ताम् .. .. तस्मिन्नवसरे श्रीबारपनाम Farfisai ....THETTET HTETA a fogaitadion.... HII , fa....

Page #260

230
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Identification of Barappa: As regards the identification of Bārappa we have certain conflicting statements of the Jain scholars. Hemacandra says that he was the king of Lāța and the Sukrta-samkirtana calls him as the general of the king of the land of Telanga, who is named Tailapa; and Kirti-kaumudi simply mentions him as the general of the king of Lāța.
The historians have taken the statement of Merutunga as correct and assume that the king of Telingāna is no other than Taila II.1 Though there is no doubt that Taila II was once the ruler of Telingäņa, yet Mülarāja's political relationship with Taila II (973–997 A.D.) has been misunderstood. The idea of an ill-feeling between these two contemporary rulers has been supposed wholly on the assumption that Bārappa, who attacked Sārasvatamandala, was a general of Taila II. But we think that Merutunga is wrong in mentioning Tailapa as the king of Telingana and overlord of Bärappa in the same voice, for we know from the Surat grant of Trilocanapala that Bārappa was born in the family of Cālukya and was related by marriage to the Rästrakūța king of Kanyakubja. He obtained Lāţadesa not by conquest, but through his wise and politic rule; he won the hearts of the people and destroyed the enemies of the realm.2 So it is highly probable that Bārappa was related to the Rāştrakūțas and had nothing to do with Taila II. We have already seen that once the Rästrakūțas were holding the fort of Kālañjara and Citrakūta situated in the country of Kānyakubja.3 We also know from the Karhäd plates of Krsņa III (c. 940–56 A.D.) that the pressure of the Răstrakūtas increased much on Gujarat and Kathiawar in the middle of the tenth century. In view of these facts it seems most probable that Bārappa might have been a general of Kisņa III, related to him by marriage, might have accompanied him during his expedition to the Kanauj empire and probably taken active part in the conquest of Citrakūta and Kālañjara, subsequently he might have been sent to recover Gujarat or appointed governor there. So 'Kanyakubjamahibhujo' of the Sukrta-sam kirtana probably meant the Rāstrakūțas who on the other hand were also the kings of Telingana before 973 A.D. Therefore, Meruturga's statement that Tailapa was the king of Telingāna and overlord of Bärappa is apparently wrong, and not that of Arisimha, the author of Sukrta-samkirtana. It appears that Merutunga might have been misled by the notion that in later years of his reign Taila conquered Telingāņa and very likely become famous as the king of that country. Bārappa's
1 DHNI., II, p. 938. 2 1A., XII, pp. 199-200. 3 See supra P, 223. 4 DHNI ITD 024.

Page #261

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
231
invasion over Särasvatamandala, therefore, should not be taken as the indication of a hostile feeling between Mūlarāja and Taila as so far has been supposed.
The early Jain works mention no war with the Sapādalaksa ruler referred to by Meruturga. Hemacandra, on the other hand, refers to one king of Maru as Mūlaräja's ally in his fight against Grāharipu. Anyhow this king of Sapädalaksa has been accepted on all hands as the Cāhamāna prince Vigraharāja who was contemporary of Mūlaraja and is known also from the Harsa stone inscription dated 973 A.D.
On this incident, however, the later Jain authors are not unanimous. Merutunga says that due to Mūlarāja's bravery, Vigraharaja returned a while Nayacandra in the Hammira-mahakavya states that Vigraharāja killed Mūlarāja and conquered the country. It is very difficult to take these statements as trustworthy. According to the Pythviraja-vijaya, “Mūlarāja took refuge in the fort by name Kanthādurga". This statement, however, proves that the truth lies midway between the two statements of Jaina authors. Merutuvga represents Mūlarāja visiting the Cahamäna's camp and requesting him to abstain from attacking him in the rear while he was engaged with Bärappa."5 It seems that Mūlarāja was really defeated but on his submission the Cähamāna prince did not press his advantage.
The fact that Mūlarāja might have been attacked simultaneously by Bārappa and the ruler of Säkambhari, and that he was unable to resist them and took shelter in the Kantha Durga, as referred to by the Prabandhacintamani, also finds support in the Kädi grant dated 987 A.D., which tells us that Mūlarāja resembled "Tryambaka (Siva) since he took up his residence on a mountain just as the god dwells on the Mount (Kailāśa ). Dr. Bühler, interpreting it, states that Anahilapāțaka, the residence of Mūlarāja, was situated in an entirely flat sandy country, and not even within fifty miles of any hill; the inference might be made here that the Prasastikara "in his anxiety to find points of resemblance between his patron and the various gods, found nothing more to the purpose than Mūlaräja's temporary stay on the hill of Kanthā which he boldly compared to Siva's residing on Kailāśa."'7
1 DV., Canto V.. 2 PC., p. 17: apieforfattf#Telia vita augalia:.... 3 Canto II, V.9: BSTIT HASTUSTE Karnata 4 Canto V, V. 51: 7 JTIFTTT ( ) Jenis Taferata: .... hatari 5 PC., p. 17: See also supra p. 229. • IA., VI, pp. 183-84, 191-92, lines 2-3. ? Ibid.

Page #262

232
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Mūlarāja is also credited with having defeated one Dharanivarāha. A Jaina inscription known as the Bijāpura stone inscription of the Rästrakūța Dhavala informs us that "Mūlarāja had a powerful army and was intoxicated with pride" and when Dharaṇīvarāha was attacked by him, he sought shelter with Dhavala. I have elsewhere identified Dharanivaräha with the Paramāra ruler of Arbuda.
From the above descriptions we, however, may easily draw a picture of the political situation of India in that period. Mūlaräja's reign falls in that time when the Paramāras, the Cahamānas, the Calukyas and the Guhilotas were struggling to obtain mastery over Western India. Mūlarāja, while struggling with these powers, also consolidated his kingdom to some extent. Ultimately he died in 996 A.D., having ruled for fifty-five years. 3
From the epigraphic records as well as from the Jain chronicles, it appears that Mülarāja was a great devotee of Somanātha and he built several temples of that god in his kingdom. According to the Prabandhacintamani4 and Sukrta-samkirtana) he used to go every Monday to Someśvara Pațđana. It is said that he built three famous temples: the first Muñjaladevaprāsād in honour of his grandfather the second Tripuruşaprāsād to perpetuate the memory of three brothers Rāji, Dādhaka and Bīja who were the Adipurusa i.e. the original persons of the dynasty, and the third Mülarajavasahikä on his own name. As to some dignified personages of the reign of Mülarāja we heard from the Dvyā śraya-kāvya that Jambaka and Jehula were his chief ministers, and from the colophon of the Neminähacariu we learn that one Vīra of the Prāgvāta family was a minister in charge of the Tankaśāla, that is, the mint, where coins were made bearing the image of Laksmī.? The great ascetic Kanthadi and his disciple Vayajalladeva referred to in the Prabandha-cintamani may also be mentioned as two opposite types of Yogis who represent peculiar religious attitudes which affected the religious consciousness of Gujaräta.
Cāmunda, Vallabharāja and Durlabharaja : (996 A.D.-1022 A.D.): Mūlarāja was succeded by his son Cāmundarája. The Dvyaśraya-kāvya states
1 EI., X, PP. 17-24, V. 12. 2 See supra p. 187, Chapter on the Paramāras of Arbuda. 3 See supra, p. 226. 4 SJGM., I, p. 17: faci fachant statica na arut....I 5 Canto II, p. 10 : 4577417: a HR 37: Athare sforit att:
Canto II, V. 56.
? Sanatkumāra-caritram, section from Haribhadra's Nemināha-cariu, ed. by H. Jacobi, Introduction, VI. ff.
S SJGM., I, P. 18.

Page #263

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
233
that Mūlarāja, after consulting his ministers, purohitas and astrologers, gave the throne to his son Cāmunda and himself retired to Śrīsthala, that is, Siddhapura on the bank of Sarasvati, and ended his life by sacrificing his body to fire.1 The Sukrta-sankirtana and the Prabandha-cintamani3 support this statement. According to the Prabandha-cintāmani Cămundarāja was enthroned in V.E. 1050. He reigned for about 13 years. We have also stated that he accompanied his father in the war of Lāța.
Identification of Sindhurāja : We have also described at length the wars of Cāmundarāja with the Paramāra Sindhuraja while dealing with the history of the Paramāras,5 Certain scholars hold the view that by Sindhurāja is meant the king of Sindha. For the sake of argument they state that Mūlarāja once fought a Sindhurāja who might have been a king of Sindha. They also cite an instance from the Arthūņa stone inscription of the Paramāra Cāmundarāja (A.D. 1080) where Sindhuraja has been taken as the “prince of Sindha."6 But this view of scholars is hardly convincing, for the Vadanagar prasasti, which informs us about the struggle of Cāmunda with Sindhurāja, also expressly states that Sindhurāja was a Ksoni pati.? If we take the literal meaning of Sindhurāja as Räjä of Sindhu, the adjective Ksoni pati seems to be useless. When we take the word Sindhurāja as a proper name with the adjective Ksonipati, then alone the use of the two words would be justified. According to Kielhorn he was possibly the king of Sindha, but more probably Sindhuraja of Mālava.8 As Muñja seems to have died sometime between 994 and 996 A.D. there is no inherent contradiction in Sindhurāja's being a contemporary of Camunda.9 The struggle with Sindhurāja Paramāras shows that the Paramāra hostility which started from the time of Mūlarāja continued in future.
The Muslim chroniclers like Ain-i-A kabāri assign to Cāmunda a reign of 13 years, but the Mirāt-i-Ahmadi10 gives 12 years and some months. In
1 Canto VI, V. 107. 2 II, V. 7. 3 SJGM., p. 19. * See supra p. 228. 5 See supra pp. 95-96. • See supra p. 184, on the Paramāras of Bänswädā. ? EI, I, pp. 296-305, V. 6: THEUTT A: TATI
नष्टः क्षोणीपतियथास्य यशसा गन्धोऽपि नि शितः ॥ 8 EI, I, pp. 277, 302 and 481. 9 See supra pp. 92-93. 10 AAK., II, p. 200 ; MA., translated by Bird, p. 143. 30

Page #264

234
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
view of this approximate agreement of the Jain and Muslim chronicles, we may assign to Cāmunda a reign of 12 or 13 years and place him between c. 996-1009 A.D.
According to the Dvyasraya-kavya he had three sons: Vallabharāja, Durlabharāja and Nāgarāja. Referring to their education, Hemacandra mentions their training and proficiency in managing horses and elephants.1
Regarding the birth of these princes we have significant information from the Prabhāvaka-carita. It relates that Cāmundarāja was very much troubled by the fact that his queens always suffered from miscarriage. He expressed his agony to his minister named Vīra. Vīra went to consult his religious preceptor Vīrācārya, and obtained some fragrant powder which was to be sprinkled on the queens. After this treatment Vallabharāja and other sons were born. According to the same authority Cāmundarāja was already under the influence of the Jain teacher Vīrācarya? and he issued a grant to a Jain temple.3
Hemacandra refers to in his Dvyāśraya-kavya that the eldest prince Vallabharāja with the permission of king Cāmundarāja led an expedition against Mālava but on the way he died of small-pox. His generals very tactfully retreated with the army and came back to Anahillapura. The king was deeply touched with this sad incident and retired to the holy place of Suktatīrtha on the bank of Narmadā after giving the crown to his second son Durlabharāja. Abhayatilakagani, the learned commentator of the Dvyaśraya-kavya, records a different tale. He says that Cāmundarāja became sexually very loose, so his sister Vācinīdevi managed to remove him from the throne and gave it to Vallabharāja. Cāmundarāja, under this disgrace, proceeded on a pilgrimage to Banaras. By the way the Rājā of Mālava plundered his umbrella and other insignia of royalty. He returned to Anahillapur and asked his son Vallabha to march against Mālava. The commentator further says that as such an incident would be unworthy of a dignified person like Cāmundarāja, it was suggested by saying that "he took the permission of his father."5 We may, however, derive some factual value from this story of the commentator if we read it in connection with the above statement that his queens always miscarried. It may be guessed
1 Canto VII, Vs. 1-31. 2 SIGM., XIII, pp. 131-32, Vs. 136-148. 3 HIG., Pt. III, No. 136 A.; Puravani ne Lekho, P, 154. 4 Ibid., V. 31, and its commentary. 5 Ibid. 6 SJGM., XIII (PCA), p. 131, V. 140: Erat na mena praraf

Page #265

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
235
from this that Camundarāja might have suffered from some foul sexual disease. The Prabandha-cintamani, however, attaches this anecdote of pilgrimage with Durlabharāja. It states:
"Being himself desirous of travelling to Banaras as he longed to perform devotions in a holy place, he reached the country of Mālava. There he was called upon by the king Muñja to give the umbrella and cowries and the other insignia of royalty, and to continue his journey in the dress of pilgrim or to fight his way through. When this message was delivered to him, he perceived that an obstacle to his religious resolution had arisen in his path and after impressing the circumstances in the strongest terms on king Bhima, he went to the holy place in the dress of a pilgrim and gained paradise. From that day forth their was rooted enmity between the kings of Gujarāta and Mälava.1
According to the A-MS of the Prabandha-cintamani, Srī Cāmundarāja built two temples presumably of Siva, one was known as Candanāthadeva prāsāda and the other Cāciņeśvara prāsāda. The second one might have been built to perpetuate the memory of his sister Cācinīdevi.2
Cāmundarāja was succeeded according to the Prabandha-cintamani by his eldest son Vallabharāja in V.E. 1065. This king after investing the fortress of Dhārā in the country of Mālava, died of small-pox. He acquired the titles "subduer of kings, as Siva subdued the god of Love (Raja-madanasanker ) and shaker of world (Jagajjampana). He reigned only for six months.3 The Vadanagar prasasti also mentions Vallabharāja as son and successor of Cămundarāja.4 The Muslim chroniclers like Abul-Fazl and Ali Muhammad Khān assign him a reign of six and seven months respectively.5 This support of Muslim tradition seems to indicate that the Jain chroniclers were right in giving a short reign to Vallabha. His war with the ruler of Mālava is also confirmed by the Vadanagar prasasti.6 The ruler of Mālava is probably to be identical with Bhoja (c. 999–1055 A.D.) the nephew of the Paramāra Muñja. The fact that he died so soon and was succeeded in the course of the same year by his brother Durlabha seems to explain the omission of his name in some of the later Caulukya inscriptions.
fatlar: : 1
I SJGM., I, p. 20 : 7a:qua Arvatah: yergatat 2 Ibid.: 31 sit r
.... 3 Ibid.: HE R STT TTED 4 EI., I, p. 296-305, V. 7. 5 AAK., II, p. 260; MA., Text, p. 29, Trans. p. 143. 6 EI., I, p. 296-305, V. 7.

Page #266

236
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The Prabandha-cintāmaņi records that Durlabharăja was a crowned king in V.E. 1065. He ruled for twelve years. The Vicāraśreni, giving the list of Mülarāja's successors, omits Cāmundarāja and refers to Vallabharāja as his son who ruled for fourteen years (V.E. 1052–66); his brother Durlabha twelve years (V.E. 1066-78). According to the Kharatara gaccha-pattavali, Durlabha was alive in V.E. 1080 when a religious debate took place in his court between Jineśvarasūri and Caityavāsis, but this date seems to be fictitious for we know by all means that after V.E. 1078 Durlabha was not alive. Moreover, regarding the exact date of that debate, the Jain authorities are not themselves unanimous.3 Durlabharāja got constructed a lake named Durlabhasara. According to the A-MS of the same work he also built a palace of seven stories, with a clock-tower and a stable for elephants at Pattan and a temple of Madan Samkara for the welfare of his brother Vallabharāja, and Durlabhasara after his name.
According to the Dvya śraya-karya, Durlabharāja and his younger brother Nāgarāja married Durlabhādevī and Lakşmi the two sisters of Mahendrarāja of Maru country respectively. It is stated there that Durlabhādevī was won by Durlabha in a svayarivara; but to retain possession of the princess he had to fight a number of other claimants, among whom were the kings of Anga, Kāśi, Avantī, Cedidesa, Kurudesa, Hüņadeśa, Mathurā and Vindhya 5 Abul-Fazl assigns to Durlabha a reign of eleven years and six months, while Ali Muhammad Khan gives him only eight years. As Merutunga and Abul-Fazl nearly agree in assigning him a period of about twelve years we may refer him to the period c. 1010-22 A.D.
The Sukrta-sankirtana depicts him as a man of high character. He was full of justice and not accessible to the wives of others."'? The Vadanagar prasastie and the Kirti-kaumudi' also confirm the fact. He was the first Caulukya king who admitted the Jain sadhus to his court at Aşahilavāda. 10
2 ad
1 SJGM., I, p. 20 : A-MS. : .2048 FATAT TESIHAT: 1 a राज्यं कृतम्।
2 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9. 3 Jain Kathā Kośa Prakarana (SJGM., XI.), introduction, p. 42 ff. 4 SJGM., I, p. 20. 5 DV., Canto VII, Vs. 66-106. 6 AAK., II, p. 260; MA., translation, p. 143. ? Canto II, V, 15: 37H52T FERTTT: wat as SHs: 1 8 EI, I, pp. 296-305. 9 Canto II, V. 14. 10 GOS., LXXVI, p. 794 : HTTF#42 STAIR ESTETT 94194; 1

Page #267

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
237
Bhima I (1022-64 A.D.): Durlabharāja was succeeded by his nephew Bhīma. The Duyasraya-kavya says: "Nāgarāja the younger brother had a son named Bhīma, and both Nāgarāja and Durlabha thought that they were discharged from the parental debt (Pitr Rna) of producing a son. This shows that Durlabha had no issue and adopted Bhima as his heir. Durlabha brought up Bhīma very affectionately. The education of Bhīma is also described there. He became a master of gymnastics. Durlabha asked Bhīma to accept the throne which he first refused. He requested that his father Nāgarāja should be made king. Both the brothers, however, pressed him and he ascended throne; both Durlabha and Nāga dedicated themselves to religious life and died soon after.2
Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintamani gives Bhīma 42 or 43 years' reign from V.E. 1077-78 to 1120 (c. 1021-1064 A.D.).3 The Muslim chroniclers also allot him a reign of 42 years. We, therefore, may with certainty assign him to the period c. 1022-64 A.D. From the four published epigraphic records of the reign of Bhīma we also get the date from c. 1029 to 1062 A.D.; the first being the Rādhanpur grant dated V.E. 1086 (A.D. 1029) and the last the Ābu stone inscription dated V.E. 1119 (A.D. 1062).5 The last one is a Jaina epigraph and is incised at the Vimala temple on Mt. Abu, in the Sirohi District, Rājasthāna. It is a short inscription of a minister of the Caulukya Bhīma 1.8
Bhima was an ambitious and powerful king. He followed the footsteps of Mūlarāja and extended the boundaries of his kingdom. He had to struggle, on one hand, with fierce foreign invaders like Mahmud and, on the other hand, with the native rulers like the Paramāras and the Cāhamānas.
Within two years of Bhīma's coming to the throne Mahmud invaded Somanātha. The record of this invasion is mostly preserved by the Muslim historians but two references of this raid are found in the Jain sources also. The one we get from the Satya puriya Sri Mahāvira Utsäha, an Apabhramsa poem of Dhanapāla and the other from the Vividhatirtha-kalpa of Jinaprabha Sūri. The poet Dhanapāla states that Srīmäla country, Anahilavāda, Candrā
1 DV., Canto VIII, V.2: TETEPTAT Tai gal ST ANTISTATI 2 Ibid., Canto VIII, Vs.. 9-22.
3 SJGM., I, pp. 53-54: 80 909091227 XA1H 30 FOC 1150 F741 (B.P. 313) 8o 2006 et staitaa au XP T HEIR
4 A AK., p. 260: MA., translation, p. 143. 5 DHNI., II, pp. 948-949. & EI., IX, p. 148.

Page #268

238
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
vati, Soratha, Devala vāda and Someśvara were looted by Turks.1 According to Muni Jina Vijayaji the poet Dhanapāla of this poem is identical with the author of the Tilakamanjari of the same name. Thus, this is an almost contemporaneous account. The Satyapura-kalpa of the Vividhatirtha-kalpa refers to the looting of Gurjara country by Gajjanavī, i.e., the lord of Gazani in V.E. 1081 (A.D.1025). Both these references are obviously to the expedition of Mahamud Gazanī.
About this invasion the other Gujarati authors from Hemacandra downwards, except the two quoted above, are almost silent. It is also strange to know that Al-utbi, a sort of private secretary to Mahmud, does not mention the sacking of Somanāth in his work Tarikhá-i-Yamini. He wrote a good account of Mahmud's biography and lived for four years after this event. After two hundred years, the first Muslim historian who mentioned this event was Ibu Asir (c. 1230 A.D.). This shows that the expedition against Somanāth might have been an insignificant event unworthy to receive the attention of the early writers. The modern historians, however, have put much reliance on the records of the later Muslim writers, but they maintained the view that Mahmud's invasion had no permanent effect on the history of Gujarat. The Mundaka and Rādhanapur grants show that Bhima was in safe possession of his capital Anahilavāda. The Duya śrya-karya also mentions another struggle of Bhīma with the Sindha king Hammuka.3 It is recorded that Bhīma was informed by his spies that the king of Sindha was planning to murder him. “He has also subdued the ruler of Sivāsaņa. He has a powerful cavalry and can vanquish whom he wants. He corrupts your friends.” Bhīma after consulting the ministers marched against Sindha. He crossed the mighty stream of the river Sindhu by building a bridge accross it and defeated and conquered the king of Sindha, Hammuka. 4
Though we have no epigraphic evidence to support the struggle with the ruler of Sindha, it is likely that Bhīma, like his predecessors Mülarāja and Cāmunda, fought with the ruler of Sindha, and carried on the policy laid down by the founder of the dynasty.
H. Fer Falang sa
lasaret Hr
HITTI FRUTTrret (200) famiÀ
1 JSS., III, No. III, p. 1, Vs. 3-4: HAR.... E ....
2 SJGM., X, p. 29: NAS JE मिच्छराजो।
3 JSS., III, pp. 252-57. 4 DHNI., II, p. 962. 5 DV., Canto VIII, Vs. 52-56. 8 Ibid.

Page #269

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
239
His greatest rival was king Bhoja with whom he was engaged for a long time in cold wars, political as well as cultural. We have already discussed at length on the evidence of the Jain sources how Bhīma troubled Dhanduka, the Paramāra ruler of Abu, who was a feudatory of king Bhoja and how Bhoja became angry with him; how Kulacandra attacked Pāțana when Bhīma was himself engaged in the war of Sindha. We have also stated the skilful devices of Dāmara, the diplomat minister of Bhīma, who watched all kinds of activities of Bhoja. We have also referred to his incursion on the Kalacuri king, Karna, in whose alliance, later, Bhīma attempted to deliver a lasting blow upon the kingdom of Bhoja in which he succeeded.2 So far as our confirmatory evidences are concerned we may cite the Vadanagar prasasti which distinctly states that Bhīma's horses quickly gained Dhārā; the capital of the emperor of Mālava. There is, however, no evidence to show that Karna was defeated by Bhīma.
One more struggle of Bhīma has been recorded by a Jain inscription about which the Jain chroniclers are almost silent. The Sundha hill inscription (V.E. 1309 )" composed by a Jain teacher by name Jayamangala of BỊhadgaccha states that the Naddūla prince Ahila and his paternal uncle Anahilla defeated the Gurjara king, Bhīma. In the Jain inscription it is stated that the latter's son Bälaprasād compelled Bhīma to liberate a king named Krsna-deva from prison. Kielhorn has rightly identified this Krsnadeva with the Paramära king of that name who ruled in Abu c. 1060-67 A.D.? A Jain inscription in the Vimala temple on Mt. Abu shows that Abu was ruled by Vimala, the dandapati of Bhīma (I) in V.E. 1088 (c. 1031 A.D.)
Leaving aside these accounts of the wars of Bhīma if we study the prabandha literature we find how culturally Gujarāta was progressing under Bhīma. The Prabhavaka-carita informs us that poets and dialecticians of different sects from different parts of India visits the capital of Gurjaradeśa. The intellectual rivalry between Dhārā and Anahillapur was keen and Bhīma and Bhoja were always jealous to preserve the intellectual status of their courts.
....
1 SJGM., I, pp. 28–30 ; See supra, p. 101. 2 See supra, p. 102; Chapter on the Paramāras. 3 El., I, pp. 296-305, V. 9: 1977. ...feqsi reafiri 4 El., Vol. 9, p. 90 ff. 5 Ibid., Vs. 13-14: Vaala VAHUS: THUN : V. 13.
notera azt.... 6 Ibid., V. 18: WHAT turenet.... FeaT4791 7 BG., I, P. I, 472-74.

Page #270

240
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Bhīma like his forefathers was a Saivite but his liberal policy in religion helped the Jain scholars to show their talent in various fields of literature. We learn from the Prabhāvaka-carita that Surācārya and Säntisūri distinguished themselves in intellectual contests and they often went to other kingdoms to engage in such contests in behalf of their country. Surācārya was a cousin of the king Bhīma, being the son of his maternal uncle Sangrāmasiinha, a prince of Marudesa. Sāntisūri was a great literary man. He composed a commentary on the Uttarādhayana-sūtra with whose help Vädi Devasūri defeated the Digambara dialectician Kumudacandra in the time of Jayasimha. It appears Säntisūri was responsible for starting a school of logic amongst the Jains. Abhayadevasūri, the author of that big commentary on the Sanmati-tarka of Siddhasena Divākara known as Vadamahārnava, was the teacher of Sāntisūri. It is stated that 32 students studied Pramana śāstra under Säntisūri. According to the same authority another scholar Buddhisāgara of that period wrote a work on Samskrit grammar which is named after him. Jineśvara composed a work on logic.4
Another important figure of the age is poet Dharma who is often referred to as the Kaula Kavi Dharma. He is also reputed to have defeated several scholars in intellectual combats in other countries.5
We also know some important persons of Bhīma's reign. The prabandha literature refers to Someśvara as his purohita and Dämara or Damodara as his minister of peace and war. Many of the stories in the Prabandhacintamani turn round the uncommon wit and intelligence of this Dāmara. From the Vimala temple inscription we know that Vimala was the danlapati of Bhīma.? This Vimala was one of the two sons of Vīra, a minister of Durlabharāja about whom we know from the colophon of the Neminaha-cariu.
Bhīma continued the policy of his predecessor regarding the building of temples. According to the Prabandha-cintāmãi he built three temples named Bhimeśvaraprāsāda, Bhattārikā Bbīruāņi prāsāda and Băla Mīlarāja's
1 SJGM., XIII, p. 152-60 : H TTRagi
Ibid., pp. 178-79. 3 Ibid., pp. 133-37: arigatsufan Rahi 4 Ibid., p. 162 ff. : 3744aafiagi 5 Ibid., p. 147, V. 256. 6 SJGM., 1:
1: 1 ? Arbud Prabandha Jain Lekha Sangraha, II, p. 3: 19 HHa arra a 7 विमलो महामतिः। कृतोऽर्बुदं दण्डपतिः।
& Sanatkumāra-caritaTM: A section from Haribhadra's Nemināha-cariu ed. by H. Jacobi, Introduction, vi ff.

Page #271

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
prāsāda.1
Bhima had three sons from his three queens. One of the sons named Malaraja died at an early age in whose memory Bhima built a Saiva temple. The other two sons were Kṣemarāja and Karna born from Caulukadevi and Udayamati respectively. According to the Dvyasraya-kavya the throne was first offered to Kṣemaraja who appears to have been the elder of the two. but he refused to accept it on the ground that he wanted to dedicate himself to religious pursuits and induced his father to crown Karna.a After Bhima's death Kṣemaraja retired to Mandükeśvara near Dadhisthali on the bank of Sarasvati to perform penances. This village of Dadhisthala was granted to Kumāra Devaprasada so that he might attend upon his father Kṣemarāja in his penances there."4
According to the Prabandha-cintamani Bhima married Udayamati, the daughter of Naravahana Khengära of Surăstra by whom Karma was born." The same authority states that Bhima attracted by her chastity married at hetæra by name Caulâdevi, Baulädevī or Bakuladevi by whom he had a son. Kṣemaraja or Haripala. His third son was Mūlarāja. He was very compassionate for the people and got them relieved from payment of taxes. He died in his youth. Bhima erected a temple Tripurasaprasāda for the welfare of prince Mularāja.?
Karna (1064-94 A.D.): Merutunga in his Prabandha-cintamani refers to the fact that the coronation of Karna took place in V.E. 1120 (c. 1064 A.D.) in the month of Caitra and that he ruled till the year 1150 V.E. (c. 1094 A.D.) covering a period of 29 years 8 months and 21 days.8 The Vicaraśreni assigns him 30 years from V.E. 1120 to 1150. The Muslim writers like Abu'l-Fazl and Ali Mohammad Khan assign him a reign of 31 years.10 Thus all the chroniclers with little difference are approximately in agreement. We may safely place Karma in the period c. 1164-74 A.D. From the two copper
1 SJGM., I, p. 53.
2 SJGM., I, pp. 53 and 77.
3 Canto IX, Vs. 70-77.
4 Ibid., Vs. 76-77.
SJGM, I. p. 54 श्री उदयमतिनाम्न्या तद्राच्या नरवाहनखंगार सुतया
6 Ibid., p. 77
SJGM., I, p. 53. 8 SJGM., I, p. 54 राज्याभिषेकः संजातः । P. 55: JSS., II, p. 9:
9

241
10 MA., translation, p. 143: AAK., II, p. 260.
31
अथ सं० ११२० चैत्रवदि ७ सोमे हस्तनक्षले मीनलग्गे श्री कर्णदेवस्य सं० ११५० वर्षे पौषवदि ३ शनौ श्रीसिद्धराजस्य पट्टाभिषेकः 9930 grita. .. सुतश्रीक देवराज्यं व. ३० ॥
1
....
....

Page #272

242
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES plate grants of his reign we have two dates V.E. 1131 (A.D. 1075) and V.E. 1148 (A.D. 1092).1
The Jain sources other than the Duyaśraya-kavya record the valorous deeds of the king. The Sukrta-sar kirtana states that Karņa led an expedition against Mālava and inflicted a defeat on the king. He brought with him an image of Nīlakantha (God Siva) from Dhārā.2 Who was this king of Mālava? We know from other sources that after Bhoja his son Jayasimha ruled over Mälava from 1153 A.D. to 1160 A.D. and he was succeeded by his uncle Udayāditya. It seems, therefore, that Udayāditya might have been a contemporary of Karņa, whom, according to the above authority, he defeated. But the statement of the Sukrta-sarikirtana does not seem to be entirely free from fault, for the Prabandha-cintamani credits Bhima, the father of Karņa, with bringing the image of Siva from Mālava.3 And according to the Pythriraia-vijaya Udayāditya with the help of the Cāhamāna Vigraharāja (III) defeated the Caulukya Karna. This statement of the Pithviraja-vijaya contradicts the statement of the Sukrta-sai kirtana. The Jain inscription known as the Sundhā hill inscription records the fact that Płthvīpāla defeated the army of Karna. It seems that Prthvipāla also helped Udayāditya in the battle. The Hammira-maha kavya of Nayacandrasūri states that the Cāhamāna king Durlabharāja killed Karma in the battle and the Prabandha-kośa mentions that Dūsala, having tied the king of Gujarāta, brought him to Ajmer and made him to sell whey (Takram).? We, however, have no support for these latter versions of the event. On the other hand the early authority, Pythviraja-vijaya, says that this war was waged between Karņa and Udayāditya in which Vigraharāja III assisted Udayāditya.
Karņa soon recovered from the blow inflicted upon him by Udayāditya and his allies. He attacked the Naddula Cāhamana and defeated Sri Yojaka, the brother of Prthvīpāla, who had helped Udayāditya and reduced
1 HIG., II, pp. 18-27. 2 Canto II, V. 23: fra en T arant : f 570571
तन्मूनि सिन्धुप्रथिताध्वसंख्यं प्रैषीद्यशः खं भुवनत्रयेऽपि॥ 3 See supra pp. 102-3. 4 Canto V, Vs. 76-78: Himaal a rhaaalala:
जिगाय गूर्जरं कर्ण तमश्वं प्राप्य मालवः॥ 6 EI., XI, pp. 76-77: qualis f ile afaRTITCHTH 1
प्रत्यक्षोरुविधिः सगुर्जरपतेः कर्णस्य सैन्यापहः॥ 6 Canto II, V. 31: ftuad 7 fart Teuff Taart 1 7 SJGM., VI, p. 133: aa Jafaragtata: 3464 AATSTÍG:

Page #273

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
243
him to vassalage. The Sundhā hill inscription informs us that Yojaka took joy in Anahilapura with his white umbrella.1
The Jains are quite silent about his another expedition on Lāța as known from the other sources.
The Sukrta-samkirtana also refers to Karna's victory in Sindha for which we have no support.3
Another expedition of Karna is referred to in the Prabandha-cintamani. It states that Karņa attacked a Bhilla named Āsā dwelling at Āsāpalli (identified with modern Ásāval near Ahmedabad), who was king of over six lacs. On the omen of Bhairavādevī he built there a temple to the goddess called Kocarabā and after conquering the Bhilla, he installed there in a temple the goddess Jayanti, and also he built the temple of Karņeśvara, adorned with the lake of Karņasāgara. He founded the city of Karṇāvati and reigned from there. In Pattana he got built the temple of Karņameru.4
According to the Prabandha-cintamani Karna went to invade Asäpalli after coronating Jayasimha and he found there a city named Karņāvati and reigned there himself. According to the Kumārapala-prabandha and the Kumarapala-carita of Caritrasundargani,7 he went to reside at A śāpalli because it was not proper that two kings lived in one place. According to the Dvyaśraya-kāvya Karņa, having enthroned Jayasimha, meditating on the god Visņu, went to heaven.8
In the face of these conflicting statements of the Jain authors this much may safely be inferred that Karma, during his lifetime, annexed the province of Khetaka ma:dala containing a dense forest and Bhilla settlements and thus linked up the North and South Gujjrata into one. The foundation of Karṇāvatī was laid only a few years before his death.
Most of the accounts about Karna describe the uncommon beauty of his person charming to women and his love romances. The Karnasundarinaţika of poet Bilhana was composed on the love episodes of Karna. The 1 EI., IX, pp. 76–77, V. 24: 15 atriarhaitata 4014:
श्वतातपत्रेण विराजमानः शक्त्याणहिल्लाख्यपुरेऽपि रेमे ॥ 2 EI., I, p. 316 ff. 3 Canto II, V. 23: JAG F fetareadej Tata: Tahsia 4 SJGM., I, p. 55: Pa IFTTTEIT HTATSHIRT ZAHUTYF....
Forfangi face FT T Tre FR etc. 5 Ibid. 6 P. 5. ? Canto I, V. 29. & Canto XI, V. 3: Fetal Rurt am fossartet etc.

Page #274

244
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Dvyaśraya-kävya and the Prabandha-cintamani describe at length the marriage of Mayanallä with Karna. The Duyaśraya-kavya refers to Mayanallā as the daughter of the king Jayakesi of Candrapur, born in Kadamba family. According to the Prabandha-cintämani Jayakesi was the son of Subhakesi, the king of Karnāta. This Subhakesi has been identified with Sasthadeva, the third king of the Kadamba dynasty of Goa. But Jayakesi was not the king of Karnataka. He was most probably a friend of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramāditya, the ruler of Karnataka, Jayakesi, on the other hand, is regarded the king of Koukana, the capital of which was modern Goa. An inscription of his reign dated 1051 A.D. was discovered in Goa. He died in 1075 A.D. Thus, he was a contemporary of the Caulukya Karma.3
As to how they were married, there is an interesting story in the Prabandha-cintamani. It states :
"Once she merely on hearing the name of Someśvara mentioned by some votaries of Siva remembered her former birth. She said to herself: 'In a former life I was a Brāhmaṇi, I set out to worship Someśvara and reached the town of Bahuloda but being unable to pay the duty levied there, I was not allowed to proceed further and in despair I expressed the earnest desire that in my next birth I might bring about the remission of that duty. I died and was born in this family.' This was her recollection with regard to her former birth. In order to fulfil her desire she determined to marry the king of Gujaräta. Her father accordingly asked Karņa through his ministers to accept the gift of his daughter Mayaņallādevī's hand. But Karna, having heard of her ugliness, was indifferent to her. But her father, on account of her obstinate determination sent her to Karna, as a maiden choosing her own husband. Then Karņa having himself secretly observed the fact of her ugliness, became altogether neglectful of her. Accordingly Mayanalladevī and her eight companions made up their minds to sacrifice their 1 DV., Canto IX, V. 89-170 and SJGM., I, p. 54. · DV., Canto IX, V. 99-100 and 153. 3 Kadambakula, p. 166.
* SIGM., I, p. 54: 1 FTTH ATTAA Tahit garage The CE प्राग्भावे ब्राह्मणी द्वादशमासोपवासान् कृत्वा प्रत्येकं द्वादशवस्तूनि तदुद्यापने दत्त्वा श्रीसेमेश्वरनमस्याकृते प्रस्थिता बहलोडनगरमागता तत्वरं दातुमक्षमयाऽग्रतो गन्तुमलभमाना तन्निर्वेदादह--आगामिनि जन्मनि अस्य करस्य मोचयित्री भूयासमिति कृतनिदाना विपद्यात्रकुलेजातेति पूर्वभवस्मृतिः। अथ बहुलोडमोचनाय स गुर्जरेश्वरं प्रवरं वरं कामयमाना तं वृत्तान्तं पित्रे निवेदयामास। अथ जयकेशिराजानं व्यतिकरं ज्ञात्वा aa EU: .. .. 9 # 3727 sito .... cita à .... AT .... पिता स्वयम्वर प्राहिणोत् । .... मातृभक्त्या तां परिगीय श्रीकर्णः पश्चाद्दष्टिमात्रेणापि न संभवयामास ।

Page #275

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
245
lives in order to compass the death of the king; but Karna's mother Udayamatī, hearing of these intentions, and not being able to witness their death, made vow to live or die with them. Karņa, on the other hand, forced by these circumstances, married Mayaņallā.”
The Duyāśraya-kāvya, however, does not record the story of the former birth. But it tells us that on looking at the portraits of each other both Mayaņallā and Karna became so much attracted that they determined to marry each other. The match was arranged and Mayaņallā came to Anahillapur to marry Karma with a big dowry of elephants etc., given by her father. She was secretly observed there by Karņa. Thereupon she determined to die if Karna did not marry her. Karna heard this news from the female friends of Mayaņallā and married her.1
From both the above statements it appears that due to certain reason she was determined to marry Karņa. It seems that she might have been ugly or otherwise undesirable. Karņa must have first refused to marry her but later on he consented under the threat of suicide.
The Prabandha-cintamani further states that Karna had great dislike fo Mayanallä. His minister Muñjāla, finding out from the chamberlain that the king was in love with a woman of low rank, dressed up Mayaņallādevī in her clothes and ornaments and sent her, after the usual monthly ablution, secretly to take the place of that woman. As the king supposed that she was that woman, he received her ardently and she became pregnant etc. The son born from Mayaņallā was named Jayasimha 2
From the Jain sources we also get information about his ministers. Dhavalaka, the son of Vimala's brother Mantri Nădha, known from a Prākrta work Malli-cariu (Canto 3) composed by Haribhadrasūri, was one of the ministers. From the Prabandha-cintāmayi 4 and from the colophon of the Yoga-drsti-samuccaya composed in the year V.E. 1146 (c. 1089 A.D.)5 we know that Muñjāla was also his minister who, by that time, as referred to in
1 DV., Canto IX, Vs. 89-172.
? SJGM., I, pp. 54-55 : 34CT FF75427TH THATÉ Z hrat e विज्ञाय तद्वेषधारिणीं मयणलदेवीमेव ऋतुस्नातां रहति प्राहिणोत्। तामेव स्त्रियं जानता नृपतिना सप्रेम भुज्यमानायास्तस्यां आधानं समजनि। तदा च तया संकेतज्ञापनाय नृपकरान्नामाङ्कितमङ्गलीयर्क निजाङ्गल्यां न्यधाथि सुलग्ने जातस्य तस्य सूनोर्नृपतिर्जयसिंह इति नाम निर्ममे।
3 JSI., p. 279. 4 SJGM., I, p. 54.
5 SJGM., XVIII, p. 99: FAILS TEÑÊHT: rcfplaar -- हरिभद्रस्य। सं० ११४६ कार्तिक सुदि कर्णदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये-महामात्य मुंजालपट्टकावस्थिते....

Page #276

246
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the colophon, had become the chief minister. Sampatkara, a chief known in the prabandhas as Santū Mantri, was also a chief minister. According to the play Karnasundari-naţika, he was the patron of the poet Bilhana.2
Karna was a great builder. He got temples, tanks and cities constructed. His activities have been referred to in their due course.
The family of Kara professed Saivism, but we know from the Duyaśraya-kāvya that he died peacefully as a Brahmavadi and Harismāri. It appears, therefore, that in the later part of his reign he became a Vaisnava.
Jayasimha Siddharaja (1094–1144 A.D.)
His age at the time of his accession: The age of Jayasimha at the time of his accession is a point disputed by Jain writers. According to the Prabandha-cintamani he was three years old when he ascended the throne. The Kumarapala-prabandha of Jinamaņdanagani follows the Prabandha-cintamani,5 but the Kumārapala-carita of Caritrasundaragani states that at the time of accession Jayasimha was eight years old. The Puratana-prabandhasangraha is also of the same opinion and relates that Jayasimha was trained for rulership by the minister Säntū even when he was eight years old.? The contemporary writer Hemacandra in his Dvyáśraya-kāvya gives a different account. Referring to Jayasimha, he states :
"Jayasiinha, when he grew up, went to the banks of the Sarasvati to play and became an expert in the art of war. He also learnt how to control elephant. When he attained youth, Karņa got him crowned king. The old king also advised him to protect the four varņas; to keep the traditions of his ancestors; to behave kindly to his cousin Devaprasada. Then Karna went to heaven with his mind fixed on God Visņu.''8
From this statement it appears that Jayasimha at the time of accession must have been 16 or 18 years old.
1 SJGM., I, pp. 56-57. 2 JSI., p. 220. 3 Canto XI, V. III. · SIGM., I, p. 55: aislamisto: HTH: THIT: TATUT: FAETHAHDOLI 5 Ku. Pr., p. 5. 6 Canto I, V. 27.
SIGM., II, p. 35: fiefheasgaldt tanit F G: 1 garfoi a सान्तूमत्रिणा गुणश्रेणिं नीतः।
8. DV., Canto XI, Vs. 47-III.

Page #277

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
247
In V.E. 1150, in the month of Pauga, the coronation of Siddharaja took place.1
The Prabandha-cintamani gives Jayasimha a reign of 49 years from V.E. 1150 to 1199 (c. 1094-1143 A.D.). The Vicaraśreni assigns him the same period. According to the Muslim authorities he ruled for 50 years. We find support for this view from the Bali stone inscription of Jayasimha dated V.E. 1200 (c. 1144 A.D.)."
His early reign: When Jayasimha ascended the throne the political condition of the kingdom of Anahilapaṭana was quite sound. His forefathers from Mülarāja down to Bhima fought with the rulers of Sakambharī, Sindh, Naddula, Malava, Saurastra, Lața, Cutch and Arbuda Mandal, but only the last three provinces came within the influence of Anahilavaḍa as a critical estimate of the contemporary inscriptions and the Jain chronicles show. Bhima annexed Candravati, though his success in Malava was not of much value. According to the Navasari plates of Karna, Karna captured a small principality of Lața, and it became a part of Anahilavada kingdom. Jayasimha was a great warrior. On the basis of whatever he inherited from his predecessors, he built a great empire in which the glory of Gujarata reached its summit. It, however, appears from the Dvyasraya-kavya and the Prabandha-cintamani that at the time of Jayasimha's coronation court intrigues and violence were rampant. Hemacandra tells a story that soon after Karna's death Devaprasada of the senior branch committed suicide after enjoining his son Tribhuvanapala to the paternal care of Jayasinha." This statement of Hemacandra according to the scholars refers to certain concealed facts. They conjecture that Devaprasada, son of Kṣemarāja and of a senior line, made an attempt for succession but lost his life. This inference may be supported by the fact that his son Tribhuvanapala does not appear during the reign of Jayasimha; perhaps he was also killed and his grandson Kumarapala was persecuted by Jayasimha for thirty years. During the whole of his long reign Jayasimha was bitterly hostile to this branch which appears to have attempted to wrest the succession."
1 SJGM., I, p. 55 : सं० ११५० वर्षे पौषवदि ३ शनौ श्रवणनक्षत्रे वृषलग्ने श्रीसिद्धराजस्य पट्टाभिषेकः ।
2 Ibid., p. 76 : संवत् ११५० पूर्व श्रीसिद्धराज जयसिंहदेवेन वर्ष ४९ राज्यं कृतम् ।
3 JSS., II. No. 4, p. 9.
4 AAK., II, p. 260; MA., translation, p. 143.
5 EI., XI, pp. 32-33.
8 DV., Canto XI, Vs. 115-116.
DHNI., II, p. 968; GMRI., p.

Page #278

248
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The Prabandha-cintamani relates that when Karna had gone to heaven, Madanapala, the brother of the queen Udayamatī, behaved in an unbecoming way. Once he imprisoned the royal physician named Līlā and extorted thirty-two thousand from him. Then Jayasimha by a device of the minister Säntu killed the tyrannical Madanapāla.1
We have no Jain inscriptions for his reign but the other nine published inscriptions give us dates ranging from c. 1127 to 1143 A.D. Fortunately we have several colophons of Jain MSS, which may be regarded as valuable contemporary records and throw welcome light on his reign. The colophon of the Nisithi-cūrni dated V.E. 1157 (c. 1100 A.D.),2 that is, seven years after the accession of Jayasimha to the throne, refers to the king simply as
Sri Jayasimhadevarajye' i.e. in the reign of Sri Jayasimha. The name of the king without title shows his less influential stage. It seems that at that time Jayasimha was simply an occupant of the throne. After three years we have another colophon of Jain MS. by name Adinātha-carita dated V.E. 1160 (A.D. 1104 ),3 which shows that Jayasimha's sway extended upto Cambay. Again after four years we find another colophon of the Jiva Samāsa-vrtti dated V.E. 1164 (c. 1108 A.D.)* Jayasimha is described there as 'Samastarājavali-virajita-mahārājādhiraja-parameśvara Sri Jayasimhadeva-kalyanavijayarajye' i.e., in the prosperous reign of the emperor Jayasimha surrounded by several kings. At that time king Jayasimha might have wielded the sceptre with full powers. The next colophon of the A vaśyaka-sutra dated V.E. 1166 (c. 1110 A.D.)5 gives Jayasimha the significant title 'Tribhuvana Ganda,' which would mean the Guardian of the Three Worlds. We may assume from this that Jayasimha's military activities might have begun by this time and that he was exercising full sovereign powers.
The colophon of the Panca-vāstuka dated in the month of Phalguna of V.E. 11796 retains the same titles with an addition 'Srimať. It also states thầt Santuka was then the Mahamatya or chief minister. Another colophon of the Uttarādhyayana-sūtra dated in the month of Bhadrapada of the
1 SJGM., I, p. 55.
2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 99: HTG HETER: 3240371afc queat in mot जयसिंहदेवविजयराज्ये श्रीभृगुकच्छनिवासिना जिनचरणाराधनतत्परेण .... निशीथिचूर्णिपुस्तक लिखितम।
3 Catalogue of MSS. from Jesalamera, p. 45, fn. 3: fwfwaar verAT UT I fatti faj afin etc.
• SJGM., XVIII P. 100. 5 Ibid., p. 100: 9988917 Pinoy TTSTERTE 2: TTİ3 stagfieża Fatih..
6 Ibid., p. 65: 9999 goraf 98 at AFTER HERTATETTA itaalaYarius traff i c .... Herfaget

Page #279

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
249
same year, records that at that time the chief minister was Āśuka; it would mean that Săntuk had retired. The king had an additional title of Siddhacakravartin.
The provenance of certain colophons and inscriptions shows that he must have held sway over large portions of Madhya Pradesh and Rājasthān, besides Gujarāta, Kathiawar and Cutch.
His achievements : The main event during the early part of his reign was an attack on Anahilla pura by Naravarman, the king of Mālava, when Jayasinha had been on a pilgrimage to Somanath with his mother Mayanalla. So Sampatakara or Santu who was in charge of the capital had to make peace with the invader by giving Jayasimha's merit of pilgrimage to Somanātha. When Jayasimha returned he resolved to revenge this insult by waging war against Mālava. From the victory in this war it appears Jayasimha bore the titles of sovereign ruler 'Mahārājadhiraja Parameśvara '3 and also assumed the title of 'Tribhuvanaganda.'4 Merutunga indicates that one of the most important acts of the queen-mother Mayaņalladevi on the occasion of the pilgrimage was the abolition of the tax at Bāhuloda, which yielded seventy-two lacs to the royal treasury.5
Next war of Jayasimha was against the ruler of Surāsýra. Hemacandra in his Siddha-hema-vyakaraṇa refers to the victory over Surāșțra (Ajayat Siddhah Saurastran). A detailed description of this account is found in the Kirti-kaumudi, in the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha and Prabandha-cintamaại. The Kirti-kaumudi states that Jayasimha crushed the very powerful Khergära of Surāştra in the battle as a lion kills an elephant.? The Vividhatirtha-kalpa also gives the name as Khengāraräya,8 and so does the Puratana Prabandha-sangraha.9 The Prabandha-cintamani, however, refers to him by
1 Idid., p. 101: 9999 TETCE .... 3 TAOTREZITE FIFTETST TEITIT समस्तनिजराजावलीसमलंकृत महाराजाधिराज-परमेश्वर-त्रिभुवनगड श्रीसिद्धचक्रवर्ति श्रीमजयसिंहदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये श्री श्रीकरणे महामात्य श्रीआशुक्रः सकलव्यापारान् करोति।
2 See supra p. 112, Chapter on the Paramāras of Mālava. 3 SJGM., XVIII, p. 101. 4 Ibid., XVIII, p. 65.
5 Ibid., I, p. 58: Taa yrs #TATT 471 Dale fritt JUHTA aratai foneta: Taraf gia stal 151 735414.... Tatalager.... fase 988 Pagh, HII:
Far etc. 6 Puratatva (Gujarati), IV, p. 67. 7 Canto II, V. 25. 8 SJGM., X, p. 9: T TATYTITTT firdaur TRT SET UT JUSTIET STEHTI e SJGM., II, pp. 34-35. 32

Page #280

250
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
name as Abhira ruler Navaghana. Having suffered defeat eleven times at the hands of Navaghaņa, Jayasimha marched from his capital again for the twelfth time after getting Vardhana and other cities under him, duly protected by newly built-up ramparts. In the ensuing engagement he killed Navaghana and appointed Sajjana as his Da dādhipati to look over the affairs of Surāşțra. The king of Surăştra is called Khengāra, by several authorities, while the Prabandha-cintāma si in its prose portion refers to him as Navaghana and in its verses he is referred to as Khengära. Thus it mixes Navaghaņa with Khengāra. Navaghana was the grandfather of Khengāra 3 Hence the statement of the Prabundha-cintāmaži in this connection is apparenty wrong. As to when this event took place we do not know. Dr. Bhagavanlal Indraji on the basis of an inscription of Sajjana in the temple of Nemināth at Girnār dated V.E. 1176 (A.D. 1120) assumes that Sajjana was a governor of Surāşțra by that time. But it is alleged that there is, however, only one inscription of Jayasimha's time in Girnāra which bears no date and does not mention Sajjana 5 The Vividha-tirtha-kalpa, on the other hand, refers to Sajjana as the governor of the place who built a temple of Neminātha in V.E. 1185 (c. 1129 A.D.)6 The Revantagiri-rasu also confirms this statement. The Prabhāvaka-carita clearly states that Saurāstra was in the charge of Sajjana for nine years.8 The assumption of Pt. Bhagavanlal Indraji, therefore, seems to be correct.
According to the Prabandha-cintāma i Sajjana spent three years' revenue in building the temple. If any reliance be put on the account of the Prabandha-cintamani we can say that Sajjana was the governor of Surāstra
1 Ibid., I, pp. 64-65: 3197 fogTIGTITSUTATAITHTHTTC# Avata.JA: OFICETYT
quia aa.... ha etc. 2 Ibid., p. 65, V. 148: HE FET TUTTI
सउं षंगारिहि प्राण कि न वइसानरि होमीइं॥ 3 Glory That Was Gurjardesh, III, p. 168. 4 BG., I, Pt. I, pp. 177-186. 5 R. C. Parikha, Kāvyānušāsana, Vol. II, Pt. I, Introduction, p. clxxxii. 6 SJGM., X, p. 9.
? Revantagiri-rāsu, Kadavaka, 1, V.9: IFRAE asts art4a-81 af उद्धरिउ साजणि नरसेहरि। 8 SJGM., XIII, p. 195, V. 333 : 379 H a ETHI : :1
आरुरोह गिरि जी मद्राक्षं च जिनालयम् ॥ 9 SJGM., I, p. 64: QT FATE TOT TIETIEST SÍTHEFT 47 tahtarity काष्ठमयं प्रासादमपनीय नूतनः शैलमयः प्रासाद: कारितः।

Page #281

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
in V.E. 1181-82 (c. 1125-26 A.D.). Sura tra, therefore might have been conquered before A.D. 1125-26. The Dohad inscription of the reign of Jayasimha dated V.E. 1196 (c. 1140 A.D.) tells us that the lords of Surastra and Malava1 were thrown into prison by Jayasimha.
According to the Dvyasrava-kavya the first achievement of Jayasimha might have been his fight with Barbaraka who was troubling the sages of the time. It is said that he had come with his men as far as Śristhalapura (Siddhapur) on the Sarasvati and devastated the holy place and the temple of Svayambhu Rudra etc. He was assisted by the younger brother of the king of Antardhanadeśa. As the followers of Barbaraka are described as Raksasas he might have been a leader of some non-aryan tribe. Dr. Bhagavanlal Indraji conjectures the modern Babarias of Babariavāḍa in the South Kathiawar to be the descendants of Barbaraka. Hemacandra states that in the first encounter Jayasimha's army could not stand, and Jayasimha imperilled his life as he rushed forward alone and struck a blow on the head of Barbaraka with his sword which broke into two. Then they wrestled with each other and Barbaraka was overpowered and imprisoned. But on the request of Barbaraka's wife, Pingalika, he was released and henceforth became an adherent of the king. This defeat of Barbaraka has also been referred to by a Jain work, namely, Vagbhaṭalankara, which states: 'He defeated in battle, Barbaraka the naktamcara that is Raksasa.' The commentator on that work confirms this by stating Jayasimha as 'Babbar-jignu." According to Jinamandana, the author of the Kumarapala-prabandha, Jayasimha acquired the title 'Siddharaja by subduing Barbaraka.' The Ujjain fragmentary stone inscription dated V.E. 1196 refers to Varbaraka-jişņu as one of the titles of Jayasimha. Jayasinha was called Siddha because he subjugated Barbaraka.
We are informed from a Jain colophon of Navapadalaghu-vytti dated in the month of Jyestha of V.E. 1192 (c. 1135 A.D.) that Jayasimha assumed one more title Avantinatha. Prior to this colophon we have another colophon still earlier by three months, in the month of Phalguna of V.E. 1191 1 IA., X, pp. 158 - 60 : श्रीजयसिंहदेवोऽस्ति भूपो गुर्जरमण्डले ।
येन कारागृहे क्षिप्ती मुराष्ट्र मालवेश्वरी ॥
DV., Canto XII, Vs. 5-90 and Canto XIII, V. 2.
• Chapter IV, V. 125 येन नक्तंचरः सोऽरि युद्धे वरको जितः ।
3
4 Ibid., p. 17: जय जय बब्बर जि... . भूप जयसिंह....।
● सिद्ध पर्वका सिद्धराजस्ततोऽभवत् ।
ASI., WC., 1921, pp. 54-55. SJGM., XVIII, p. 103 विजयराज्य एवं काले प्रवर्तमाने..

251
सं० १९९२ ज्येष्ठमुदि . . . अवन्तीनाथ श्रीजय सिंहदेव कल्याण

Page #282

252
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
(c. 1135 A.D.), where he is mentioned by only those titles as are mentioned previously. The sudden appearance of this new title has some significance.
We have already referred to one war of Jayasimha with the Mālava king Naravarman. We have also discussed in detail about this war and another war with Naravarman's son, Yasovarman, in the context of the history of the Paramāras. So we need not repeat all the description here. The Sundhā Hill inscription composed by the Jain monk, Jayamaugala, states that Jayasimha was assisted in this war of Mālava by the Naddūla Cāhamāna Asarāja.
The date of the conquest over Mälava : As to when this war took place, we have certain clues as afforded by the Jain sources. We have seen above the two Jain works. The early prasasti written in the month of Phālguna, that is three months earlier, does not refer to the title 'Avantinatha,' but the colophon of the month Jyestha confers upon him the title of 'Avantinatha.' It seems the final battle must have been won within these three months. The Gala inscription of Jayasiri ha dated V.E. 1193 (c. 1137 A.D.) also mentions among the other titles of Jayasimha, the title Avantinātha, that is, Lord of Avanti. The Lalwādā Gaņapati image inscription tells us that Jayasimha humbled the pride of Naravarman, while the Dohad pillar inscription states that he threw into prison the ruler of Mālava.5 The Vadanagar Prasasti of Kumārapāla also mentions that Jayasimha fettered the proud king of Mālava..
Jayasimha, on becoming the lord of Avanti, came into contact with the Candellas, the Kalacuri and probably the Gāhadavālas. I have refered to a struggle of Jayasimha with Candella Madanayarma while dealing with the Candellas.? In that war Jayasimha except detaining a substantial tribute, did not gain much meterial advantage and the war ended in a friendly alliance.8
As regards the relation with Kalacuri the Prabandha-cintamani states
1 Ibid., p. 103: 9939 ad que c H STUT 7957 A. T. 19. 7. T. T. श्रीभुवनगंड सिद्धचक्रवर्ति श्रीजयसिंहदेवेन।
? See supra pp. 109-110. 3 EI., IX, pp. 76-77, V. 26: ita HTAT FAT AY TUTAFIRA Try:
साहाय्य मालवानां भुवि यदसि कृतं वीक्ष्य सिद्धाधिराजः॥ 4 JBRAS., XXV, 1917-21, PP. 322–24. 5 DHNI., II, p. 966. * El., I, p. 293 ff. V. II. ? See supra, p. 68. & SJGM., I, p. 64: 3797 FIAT Stecarietata: afferierna: etc,

Page #283

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
253
that the king of the country of Dāhala wrote to Jayasimha a letter of alliance. The king of Dāhala was probably the Kalacuri Yasah-karņa (c. 1073-1126 A.D.).1 Regarding the Gāhadavāla, the same authority states that Jayasinha maintained diplomatic relations with Jayacandra, 'king of Banaras.'? But the name of the Gahadavāla king Jayacandra (c. 1170-93 A.D.) given in this connection appears to be a mistake for Govindacandra (c. 1114-55 A.D.).
After referring to these victorious campaigns of Jayasimha, the Jain sources mention three more struggles. The Chandonuśasana of Hemacandra3 and a treatise on alankāra by Vägbhața state that Jayasimha defeated Sindhurāja. Simhadevagaại, the commentator of the Vagbhațalankara, states that he was Sindhudeśadhipa, i.e., the Lord of Sindha. We do not know who this king of Sindhudeśa was. The Kirti-kaumudi states :
Sarkha asks Vastupāla to hand over Combay to him, as this city was subject to his father (Pitybhukti), while Vastupāla answers him that it was taken by Nepasimha, after fighting with Simha, who was assisted by cavalry men.''
Muni Jinavijayaji conjectures that Sindhuräja was the same as according to the Hammira-madamardana and Vasanta-vilasa was the father of Saukha. Narasimha of the Kirti-kaumudi is undoubtedly Jayasimha.5 According to the late Pt. Ojha, Sindhurāja in the above reference is the same as has been referred to in a Kiradu inscription of A.D. 1252.6 The Dohad inscription of Jayasimha of 1140 A.D. contains the reference of this war, therefore, this must have taken place before that time.?
Another war with the king of Sapādalaksa is referred to by the Prabandha-cintamani. It states, "He returned Sapādalaksa with several lacs to the humbled Āņaka king.”8 The Kirti-kaumudi of Someśvara also confirms the fact and states that Jayasimha gave his daughter to the Cahamāna.'
1 Ibid., p. 74: FIFTHGT154 ar Fhlaganle 779TATI FETETT etc.
2 P. 12. 3 Chapter 4, V. 129.
Canto II, Vs. 26-27. - R. C. Parikha, Kävyānuśāsana, Introduction, p. clxxx. 6 Prasthan (Guj.), Vol. VIII, No. 4, p. 226. ?IA., X, p. 158 ff. V. 2 : 3F9Scaufata f ia r : 1 8 SJGM., I, p. 476. 9 Canto 2, Vs. 27-29: 3 T TETTHET 3719771
Teter great autreze fawal etc.

Page #284

254
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
This Āņaka has been rightly identified with King Arnorāja or Āņa (1189-1153 A.D.), the son of Ajayarāja. An inscription from Sāmbhara confirms the fact that Āņaka was under the influence of Jayasimba.1
Regarding his southern campaign we have information from the Jain sources. Jinamaņdanagani in his Kumārapala-prabandha writes 'The sword whose edge was chewed in by Jayasimha before the Yoginis coming from the Himalayas were brought from the Paramardi ruler of Kalyāņa-kataka." A Jain MS refers to an expedition of Jayasimha to Devagiri from which he proceeded to Paithan which submitted to him. He induced certain families called Vīrajas or Vīravanijas who appear to have been silk weavers to accompany him to Pațtan and stay there. The glories of Pātan are then recounted to the Vīrajas.3
The contemporary king of Jayasimha at Kalyāņa-kațaka at that time was Vikramaditya VI who bore the title of Paramardi. An inscription of Jayasimha from Talwar too speaks about his humbling the pride of Paramardi.4 A Jain inscription from Kolhāpur of Saka era 1058 (A.D. 1136) mentions the Vīravaņijas, a commercial class of South India. I have elsewhere said that Jayasimha took an incursion of Southern India accompanied by Jagaddeva. The Kolhapur-prabandha, in the Prabandha-cintamani, reveals his influence over that region. All these references, epigraphic as well as literary, confirm the fact that Jayasimha might have invaded the Caulukya dominion and after marching upto Paithan might have returned, coming into friendly terms with Vikramaditya VI.
From the above stated nearly ten struggles, Jayasimha appears to have been a great king. He ruled as an unchallenged master of the imperial Gujarāta from Sāmbhara to the frontiers of Konkaņa. His empire comprised modern Gujarāta including Lāța, Saurāşțra, Kaccha, some parts of Rajasthāna, Mālava and Central India. His epigraphs and the colophons of the MSS of his time show that he bore four promiscuous titles, such as Tribhuvanaganda, Siddha-cakravarti, Avantinatha and Barbarakajişnu, His greatness does not lie in the conquests only, but also in his building of architectural
VI.
1 1 A. (1929), pp. 234-36. 2 P. 7
3 Bhandarkar, R.G., Rep. of Search of San. MSS during the year 1883-84, p. ro ff. Original p. 314.
4 RMR., 1915, p. 2. 5 EI., XIX, p. 30 ff. & See infra, p. 261. 7 SJGM., I, p. 73.

Page #285

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
255
works and his multifarious cultural activities, which impressed much his contemporaries and succeeding generations, thus immortalising his name in the annals of India.
Four great things : The Prabandha-cintamani quotes a verse which tells us that Jayasimha accomplished four great things which nobody could do. They were — the temple of Maha Rudrakala at Siddhapur, the great artificial lake (Sahasvalinga) at Patan; the great pilgrimage to Someśvara on foot (Mahayatra); great place (Mahāsthāna), most probably the Danaśālā built near the lake Sahasralinga -- a sort of free boarding and lodging place for students.
Mahayatra: The Duyaśraya-kävya, in its fifteenth canto, refers to all these things. It states that in Siddhapura on the banks of the river Sarasvatī he built Rudra Mahālaya. At the same place he also built a temple of the last Arhat, i.e., Mahāvīra, and properly honoured the Arhatsangha 3' After this he proceeded to his pilgrimage to Somanātha on foot. In Devapațțaņa he was received by Audumbari Ganda who was in charge of the city. The king worshipped Śiva and requested him a son. Upon this Sambhu told him touching his hairy head, 'your brother Tribhuvanapala's son Kumāra pala will be the king after you,' and disappeared.? From Somanātha Jayasimha went to Raivataka mountain and paid his reverence to Neminātha, the twenty-second Jain Tirthankara.8 After that he went to Satruñjaya and there he worshipped Nābheya, the first Tīrthankara. He founded a city, Simhapura (mod. Sihor), near Satruñjaya and granted it with other villages to Brāhmaṇas.10 Then he returned to his capital and performed sacrifices and removed the doubts which arose regarding certain rituals. 11 He also gave dakşiņās to Brāhmaṇas. After this for his Ista
i SjGM., I, p. 75. 2 DV., XV, V. 15. 3 Ibid., Vs. 16-17. 4 Ibid., V. 18. 5 Ibid., Vs. 37–38. & Ibid., V. 53. 7 Ibid., Vs. 54-56 : f
gry: CAT TYTETI त्वद्भात्रीयः त्रिभुवनपाल पुनोऽस्ति धूः क्षमः ॥ कुमारपाल सोऽश्वीयस्त्वदन्ते क्षमा धरिष्यति।
54tratarea ei....11 8 Ibid., Vs. 61-88.
Ibid., Vs. 89-95. 10 Ibid., Vs. 97-98. 11 Ibid., V. 108.

Page #286

256
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
pārti he constructed the Great Lake (Mahasara). On the outskirts of this Lake were Satrašalas for the Brāhmaṇas for sacrificial purposes, one hundred and eight temples of goddesses, a temple of Daśavatāra of Vişnu, Mathas to house students and teachers well-versed in different branches of learning.
We have separate descriptions of all these four excellent things in the Jain prabandhas. The Prabandha-cintamani tells us that Jayasimha built the Rudra Mahākāla-prāsāda twenty-three hands in measurement; perhaps it was the inner hall in which the principal image was seated. In the temple, before the image of god Siva, there were statues of aśvapatis, gajapatis, narapatis and in front of these statues the statue of Jayasimha was erected praying with folded hands so that the temple might never suffer any destruction. The same authority further relates that when the flag was hoisted on that temple, the flags from the Jain temples were lowered.
An unpublished prabandha informs us that minister Aliga was in charge of building the Rudra Mahālaya. He also built there a Rājavihāra temple at his own expense. Thereupon the king became pleased with him and granted him several villages in V.E. 1198 (A.D. 1142). From this statement we may infer that Jayasimha might have commenced the building of Rudra Mahālaya after his conquest of Mālava in V.E. 1192 (A.D. 1136) and it took him six years to complete the work.4
Great Lake: The Sukrta-samkirtana calls it Siddhasara. According to other Jain authorities like the Vasanta-vilasa, Moharaja-parajaya and Hammira-mada-mardana there was only one lake near Anahillapāțaņa constructed by Durlabharāja. According to the Sarasvati-purana this Durlabha lake once dried up. Jayasimha was very anxious to get it filled with water again. The Prabhavaka-carita states that the poet Srīpāla wrote a praśasti of Durlabharāja-sara (lake) while the Prabandha-cintāmaņi states that he wrote that of Sahasralinga lake.? The poet Śrīpāla, un
1 Ibid., V. 114. 2 Ibid., V. 115–122.
3 SJGM., I, p. 61: TEFTANT STAIC FIZHI 17 g 3991 गजपति नरपति....मृर्ती कारयित्वा तत्पुरो योजिताञ्जलिं स्वां मूर्ति निर्माप्य देशभंगेऽपि तान् प्रासादस्याभों याचितवान् तस्य प्रासादस्य ध्वजारोपप्रस्तावे सर्वेषामपि जैनप्रासादानां पताकावरोहं कारितवान् ।
4 Kāryānuśāsana, Introduction, p. clxxxviii 5 Canto II, V. 35: Tilfa fugat: RTI 6 D. K. Sāstrī, GMRI., I, p. 258. ? SJGM., XIII, p. 190, V. 205: BESHATITE NEGATS, etc.
(ii) Ibid., I, p. 61: stal T HaftaTTa falari orcit etc.

Page #287

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
257
doubtedly, was the contemporary of Jayasimha. We, therefore, reconciling all the references, may say that Jayasimha might have repaired or expanded the lake constructed by his ancestors.
The Sukita-savr kirtana states that Jayasimha erected a Kirtistambha after his world conquests. Fortunately a stone column of Kirtistambha has been discovered in which a praśasti by Śrīpāla is engraved. 2
Anahilapatana : Aşahilapāțaņa in his days was the centre of all kinds of activities, as Dhārā or Ujjayinī was in the days of Bhoja. It was a city of temples, planned like a Svastika and surrounded by a high wall with towers and bastions of stones. It was a city full of wealth. Its commercial and maritime activities were carried on by the merchants through Cambay. The rich of the city had their mansions with gardens, lovely with flowers. Its citizens both male and female were cultured. The people were liberal, hospitable, brave and adventurous.3
Siddharāja made Anahilapāțaņa the home of learning also. The religious zeal with which the Jain sädhus have preserved their MSS gives a fine picture of the intellectual activities of Pāšana. The Brāhmaṇas led all such activities and were the special objects of royal munificence. They were the architects of Pāțaņa's cultural greatness. Hemacandra also gives a short picture of the religious and educational life of Pāțaņa. Jayasimha established schools for the study of Jyotişaśāstra, Nyayaśāstra and the Puranas. Jayasimha encouraged students and scholars for the advancement of learning by distributing prizes and stipends.
Hemacandra: The great Jain monk Hemacandra had a lasting influence on him. He became, first of all, court Pandit and then court annalist. On the instance of the king Hemacandra wrote a monumental work on grammar naming it after the king and himself-Siddha-Hema-V yakarana.? Hemacandra enjoyed the royal friendship and got full help and encouragement from the king in his vast literary output. As a contemporary court
FETT 3771
i Canto II, V. 37: Papet er a t THETAT 2 Prasthāna (Gujarati), XII, No. 5, p. 293. 3 DV., Canto I, Vs. 4-134. - Ibid., Canto XV, Vs. 115, 121; I, Vs. 7-39. 5 Ibid., Canto I, Vs. 46-65. & SJGM., XIII, p. 186, Vs. 112-115. ? Ibid. I, pp. 60-61. 8 Ibid., XIII, p. 186, Vs. 103-110.
33

Page #288

258
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
annalist Hemacandra has given a good description of Jayasinha's prosperous reign in his Dvyaśraya-kavya. The prabandha literature describes many more anecdotes about Jayasimha's relations with Hemacandra. Hemacandra appears to be a moral guide of Jayasimha.
Scholars: Besides Hemacandra there were other scholars in the court of Jayasimha. The poet laureate, Srīpāla, wrote the Vairocana-parājaya and several other praśastis. He called himself as Jayasimha's adopted brother (pratipanna-bandhu). According to Somaprabhācārya Siddharāja Jayasimha called Śrīpāla as Kavindra and brother. 2
The poet Vāgbhața, the author of the Vagbhatălankāra, Jayamangalācārya, the author of the Kavisiksa,Vardhamānasūri who wrote the Ganaratnamahodadhi, a work on grammar,5 were among the other scholars who flourished in his reign.
Great personalities : Among the great personalities and political figures of his reign, we can quote several names. The queen mother Mayanallā, the old minister Sāntū or Sampatkar, Muñjāla, Āśuka Dādaka, Mahādeva, and Udayana are well-known figures in Jain sources.
We have referred to Mayaņallā in the context of Karna. Mayanallā, after the death of Karņa, brought up the young king Jayasimha with the help of the minister Sāntū. She also devoted her life to religion and went often on pilgrimage to Somanāth. One of her religious deeds was the removal of pilgrim tax of Somanāth through her son. It is said the tax yielded seventy-two lakhs to the royal treasury. She was a great woman. Her influence was great in shaping the early life of Jayasimha. She lived a long life and saw her son fully prosperous and died at an advanced age, a little before the conquest of Mālava in 1135 A.D. A verse from the Prabandha-kośa shows as to how Jayasimha loved his mother: "No woman should bear a son like me whom fate brought the greatest of his cherished wishes, only when his mother was no more."
1 EI., I, p. 300: TERZETTE: stagi: 997y:
श्रीपालनामाकविचक्रवर्ती प्रशास्तिमेतामकरोत्प्रशस्ताम् ॥ 2 Kumārapāla-pratibodha Prasasti : tragaofa: Fatom sa zarafai 3 Kavyamālā, XLVIII. 4 Peterson report 1882-83, p. 80, Introduction, p. 31. 5 Jain Sahityano Itihās, p. 255. 1 SJGM., I, p. 57. 2 Ibid., VI, p. 115: F
r a Fria Tigaie THI बृहद्भाग्यफलं यस्य मृतमातुरनन्तरम् ।।

Page #289

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
259
Säntū was the son of Varnāg and Sompuri and native of Baroda. He was the first governor of Lāța under Karņa. Later he was appointed as the chief minister.2 He was patron of the poet Bilhaņa. According to him Sāntū was always engrossed in state affairs. He had no time even to talk to his children or his young wives. He was a master of statecraft. In the early part of Jayasimha's reign he was the prime-minister. Jayasimha received his training under his able guidance. He wielded supreme power till 1123 A.D." Then in wrath he resigned the post. He left Pätan and went to Dhärā. Jayasimha expressed his repentance and requested Sāntū to return. On his way back he died at Āhada, near Udaipur.5
From the colophon of the Drsţi-samuccaya we know that Muñjāla was a Mahamatya of Karna in V.E. 1146 (1090 A.D.)6 and according to the Prabandhacintamani, he was in the confidence of Karņa and Minaladevī.? From the same work it also appears that he also accompanied Jayasimha in the last war of Dhārā and managed to capture Dhārā. At his suggestion a wooden sword instead of a real sword was given to Yasovarman. He was primeminister then. If the statement of the Prabandha-cintamani is true Muñjāla must have lived a long life at least till 1135 A.D. His post of prime-ministership seems to be doubtful for we know that in the reign of Karna, Sāntű was the prime-minister and the other Mahämätyas after Santü were found discharging the duties of the office in the reign of Jayasirnha. It seems Mahāmatya might have been a mere title.
Another colophon of the Jain MS informs us that in V.E. 1179 (1123 A.D.) Āśuka occupied the position of the chief minister. Jayasimha at his suggestion took the pilgrimage to Satruñjaya.10 The Prabhavakacarita and Mudrita-kumudacandra state that Asuka was present at the debate between Digambar Kumudacandra and Devasūri.11
A colophon of V.E. 1191 (1135 A.D.) informs us that Mahattama
1 See supra p. 246. 2 PC., p. 57: 3771 ARATAT HETARI: 1 3 Prologue of the Karnasundari. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 65. 5 Ibid., II, pp. 31–32. 6 Ibid., XVIII, p. 99. ? Ibid., I, pp. 54-55. 8 Ibid., I, pp. 58-59. , SJGM., XVIII, p. IOI. 10 Jain Sahityano Itinās, p. 247. 11 SJGM., XIII, Devasūri, p. 181, V. 270; MK., Act 3.

Page #290

260
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Gāngala was in charge of the state affairs. His reference is also found in the context of the debate between Kumudacandra and Devasūri.2 This debate took place in V.E. 1081 and at that time Gāngala was in charge of court or legal documents.3
We do not find the reference to the minister Dadaka in the Jain sources. His son Mahādeva was a general in the army and from a Jain colophon of V.E. 1208 it appears that he became the trusted minister of Kumārapāla.
Minister Udayana was in charge of the port of Cambay.5 His role was comparatively less important.
The commentator Simhadevagani of the Vagbhatalankara informs us that the author Vāgbhata was also the minister of Jayasimha.6 Mr. M. D. Desai, the author of the Jain Sahityano Itihas, refers to two more ministers, Ananda and his son Pịthvipāla.? The fact that Prthvīpala was the minister in the reign of Kumārapāla is known from a colophon of a Jain MS, the Mallinātha-carita.8 His father Ananda was also chief-minister who is referred to in the Pāli record of V.E. 1201. Chief-minister Prthvīpāla is said there to be the son of chief-minister Ananda.
The ministers Sāntū, Muñjāla and Udayana built after their names Säntū-vasahikā, Muñjāla-vasahikā and Udayana-vihära respectively.
Identification of Jagadeva: The Jain prabandhas refer to one Jagadeva in the court of Jayasimha. According to the Kirti-kaumudi "he was a city warden of the Gurjaras. He guarded the city and no enemy dared to enter in it. Without him the Rajyalakşmi of the Gurjaras happened to be in wretched condition.”'10 This statement, however, does not clearly show either in whose reign he held that post or to which clan he belonged. The Prabandha-cintamaại says that Jagadeva was a Ksatriya and was respected by Jayasimha. He was a hero of three qualities. He went to king Para
1 Ibid., XVIII, P, 103, No. 38. 2 Ibid., XIII, Devasūri, V. 172. 3 Ibid. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 106. 5 Ibid., I, p. 77: Frutat e TEC 479 THT: 1 8 Kāvyamālā, XLVIII, p. 148. 7 P. 228. 8 GOS., XXXVII. 9 Prācīna Jaina Lekha-sangraha, No. 381. 10 Canto II, V. 99: fear AHHTETT ita fita RITEERI
यत्रास्थिते वेत्रिणि शंकितैर्न द्विष्टैः प्रविष्टे पुरि गुर्जराणाम् ॥

Page #291

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
mardi of Kuntala country, having left Siddharāja. He regarded the wife of Paramardi as his sister. He repulsed the attack of the king of Śrīmāla who invaded the country of Paramardi.1 The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha refers to Jagadeva of the Paramara clan who was an associate of Jayasimha." The Bardic tradition records Jagadeva as a Paramāra.
Among these conflicting references we have to decide as to who this Jagadeva was. We have shown elsewhere that Jagadeva the associate of Jayasithha could not be a Paramara ruler. His association with Paramardi tempts to suggest us that he must have been a man of Southern India. Pt. Bhagawanlal Indraji suggests that this Jagadeva might have been identical with the son of the sister of the Kadamba Jayakeśi's mother."
This Jayakeśi was the king of Goa and the nephew of queen Mayanalla, the mother of Jayasinha Siddharāja. It is probable that he might have lived with Jayasimha for some time and later on he might have gone to Calukya king Parama (Paramardi) Jagadekamalla (V.E. 1174-1206). Jagadeva was the name of one of the vassals of this Calukya king. Jagadeva belonged to the Säntära family and bore the title Tribhuvanamalla. He was in charge of Mahiśūra Mandala (Mysore) and lived also in the reign of Taila III, the successor of Parama.4
261
This conjecture seems to have been true. Jagadeva of Säntärakula might have come over to Päțana in relation to queen Mayapalla. The Prabandha-cintamani records him as Trividha Veera which may be taken as the synonym of Tribhuvanamalla. We have an inscription of Jagadeva dated V.E. 1206, which indicates that after the death of Jayasimha in V.E. 1199 he went to the south in the service of Paramardi. In some respects, therefore, the statements of the Prabandha-cintamani are reliable."
His religion: His family religion was Saivism but he had great respect for other religions also. He made a pilgrimage to Somanath, no doubt, but he also visited Raivataka and Satruñjaya, the two holy places of the Jains." According to the Prabandha-cintamani he honoured and recognised all the branches of philosophy. He treated equally all the followers of different
1 SJGM., I, pp. 114-116.
2 Ibid., II, p. 25.1
D. K. Sastri, Aitihäsika Sambodhana, p. 62.
BG., I, Pt. I, p. 172 and Pt. II, p. 488.
* A detailed discussion has been made in the Aitikäsika Samsodhana (Gujarati)
by D. K. Sastri under the head 'Jagadeva Paramāra,' pp. 51-64.
6
See supra p. 255.
7
' SJGM., I, p. 70 : सर्वदर्शनमान्यताप्रबन्धः ।

Page #292

262
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
religions. According to a Jain work of V.E. 1191 he had declared no injury to animals on the day of ekādaśi etc.?
His popularity : Jayasimha, as a ruler, loved his subjects very much. He went in disguise every day on his tours to know the complaints of his people and was very fond of mixing up with them. Several anecdotes are recorded by the Jain Prabandhas.2 He was a man of high character and was never allured by anybody's wealth. He was generous too. Once he gave 16 lakhs to a rich man having 84 lakhs so that he might be able to hoist the flag of the rich man of a crore. His long reign was marked by an era named Simha started by him. His Atru inscription is dated in the year 14 of this era. The Dvyaśraya-kavya also refers to this era.
Though enjoying a vast empire and long reign and all other kinds of favourable circumstances, Jayasimha was constantly tormented by the sorrow that he had no son. Several attempts of entreating the gods failed to give him a son. It is narrated in the chronicles that God Mahadeva himself told him that “his brother Tribhuvanapāla's son Kumārapāla should sit on his throne.” The last days of Jayasimha are described in the Duya śraya-kāvya that Jayasimha, remembering the words of the god Somanātha that Kumārapāla was to succeed him after his death, tried selfrealisation.. “Contemplating Paramesťhins (supreme gods) he went to the city of Indra."? According to the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha after the death of Jayasimha his sandals reigned for eighteen days.? This shows that it took some time before the new king was elected.
Kumārapāla (1144-1174 A.D.)
His parentage: All authorities are unanimous in stating Kumāra pāla's accession after Jayasimha, but he did not inherit it in the usual manner. Kumarapala was Jayasimha's near relative but we do not know why Jayasimha was averse to the succession of Kumārapāla. According to the Duyaśraya-kavya Bhīma had a son named Kşemaraja who was older than 1 Dharmopadeśamālā of Vijayasimha :
यस्योपदेशादखिला च देशे सिद्धाधिपः श्रीजयसिंहदेवः।
एकादशीमुख्यदिनेष्वमारिमकारयच्छासनदानपूर्वाम् । 2 SJGM., I, pp. 71-73. 3 Ibid., p. 71. 4 GOS., Moharāja-parājaya, Act 3, Kubera's Palace. 5 R. C. Modi, Madhyakālina Gujarātani Sāmājika Sthiiti, pp. 76-77 & DV., Canto XV, Vs. 123-124: FATTO 3 far hathattam Tag etc
? SJGM., II, p. 45: 3TPGT trufaa fega: CT SUCITETIT T 15 94 TIA TEATIF ATO UGT: --Ku. Pra.

Page #293

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
Karna. Kṣemaraja, being of religious temperament, did not accept the throne and it naturally went to Karpa Keemaraja had a son named Devaprasāda who was living under the care of Karna. After the death of Karna, leaving his son Tribhuvanapala under the patronage of Jayasithha, he too died not long after Karna on Sarasvati. Jayasiihha treated Tribhuvanapala as his own son.1 Kumarapala was a son of this Tribhuvanapala. The fragmentary Citorgadh stone inscription of Kumarapala also confirms the above statement. The genealogy of Kumarapala given by Somaprabhācārya in his Kumarapala-pratibodha also approves this.3
The Prabandha-cintamani, however, gives a different version. According to it Bhima married a prostitute named Cauladevi who was at Pattana, and was famous for her beauty and merit. Bhima placed her in his harem. Her son was Haripāla, his son was Tribhuvanapala and his son was Kumarapāla. As Kumarapala was of low birth, Siddharaja could not bear the idea of his inheriting the throne and was always on the look-out for an opportunity to compass his destruction. According to the same authority Siddharaja had adopted as his son the prince named Cahaḍakumara who in the same work is called as the younger brother of the minister Bahada. From the Jain chronicles it appears that during the closing years of Jayasimha's reign his court was divided into two factions.6
His early days: The Kumarapala-carita tells us that owing to his hatred of Kumarapala, Jayasimha killed the latter's father Tribhuvanapala and thus compelled Kumarapala to become a fugitive. Kumarapala, on
DV., Canto V.
2 EI., XX, p. 209.
3 GOS., XIV, p. 5.
4
..
• SJGM, I, p. 77 श्रीमदणहिलपुर पतने वृहति श्री भीमदेवराज्ये साम्राज्यं प्रतिपालयति श्री भीमेश्वरपुरे बकुलादेवीनाश्री [पण्यागना पतनप्रसिद्धं गुणपात्रं रूपपात्रे चतस्यास्तो प्रवृत्तिमवगम्यतामन्तःपुरेन्यधात् । तदंगजो हरिपाळदेवस्तत्सुत त्रिभुवनपालः तत्पुत्रः कुमारपालदेवः । भवदनन्तरमयं नृपो भविष्यति इति सिद्धनृपो विज्ञप्तः तस्मिन् हीनजातावित्यसहिष्णुतया विनाशावसरं सततमन्वेषयामास । & Ibid. p. 79 चाहडनाम कुमारः श्रीसिद्धराजप्रतिपन्नपुत्रः । • Ibid., p. 78. 7 : KC, III, 67 ft.

कुमारपाल राज्या मत्वा द्विद्वेष तं प्रति । मित्रादीन् घातयित्वा तं घातयामीति बध्दधीः ॥ अघातयत् त्रिभुवनपालं स प्रेष्य घातकान् तावत्स्व जीवितंमुक्त्था... श्रीमन्भुक्त्वा दधिस्थयां त्वं देशान्तरमाश्रय । ततो भुक्त्वा दधिस्थल्यां स्वीयां भोपालदे प्रियाम् ॥ भ्रात्राद्यपरिवारं च कुमारो निरगान्निशि ॥
263

·
।

Page #294

264
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the advice of his brother-in-law Kānhadadeva, wandered in distant countries for a long time. His adventurous early travels, however, are referred to by several authorities. According to the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha when Kumārapāla left Aņahillapura, through fear of murder, he was about twenty years old. He travelled in various parts of India and went on pilgrimage to Kedarnath seven times. He had to travel in disguise for thirty years. He proceeded to Anahillapura when he heard of Jayasimha's death in the shop of a shoemaker at Ujjayini.l The Prabandha-cintamani states:
“Kumārapala was so closely pursued that he was at last compelled to take shelter with the great minister Udayana at Cambay. The latter was persuaded to help Kumārapāla in his escape by the prediction of the Jain monk Hemacandra that Kumārapāla would be crowned as a king in V.E. 1199, on the second day of Kārtika, on Sunday in the naksatra of Hasta. It is stated there that Kumārapāla being astonished by this prediction said to the monk: “If this is true, then you shall be king and I will be the dust of your feet." When Kumāra pāla made this promise, the hermit exclaimed, “What have I to do with desire for a kingdom that leads to hell? Let it be so. But you must be grateful and must not forget this speech and must always be devoted to the law of Jina." Kumārapāla reverently accepted this admonition and took leave of him.
It is said when Kumāra pāla was pursued by the soldiers of Jayasimha he was helped in various ways by Hemacandra. The contemporary reference to his wandering, we have in the Moharaja-parājaya of Yasa hpala wherein it is stated that “He wandered all over the earth out of a sheer spirit of adventure."3 The description of his wanderings is found in somewhat greater detail in the Prabandha literature which seems more or less fictitious.
I SJGM., II, p. 38: sf fatlaraqaata: 1911 firari Har THI ETमकरोत् एवं तस्य देशान्तरे ३० वर्षाणि जातानि कदाचिदुजयिन्यां चर्मकारगृहे सिद्धेशो विनष्टः श्रुतः ततः पत्तनमागतः।
2 SJGM., I, pp. 77-78: no a faI JUFATIO Off-477 Frihatief he sitsematपार्श्व शम्बलं याचितुमागतः। तं पौषधशाळास्थितमाकर्ण्य तत्रागते तम्मिन्नुदयनेन पृष्टः श्री हेमचन्द्राचार्यः प्राह .... सं० ११९९ बर्षे कार्तिक २ रखी हस्तनक्षत्रे यदिभवतः पट्टाभिषेको न भवति तदाऽतःपरं निमित्ता
TERTIA: ....79: ET 9799 Tha: 37 q oru: .... 3 GOS., IX, Act I, p. 28: : 97.00 asut NATH TAUTSELI

Page #295

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
265
His accession: According to the Kumarapala-carita Jayasimha died suddenly within seven days of the arrival of Kumārapāla at Aṇahilapāṭana.1 Certain scholars on the basis of this statement infer that there was some hand of Kumārapāla and his party in the death of Jayasimha. But, fortunately, we have an eye-witness account in the form of a colophon of the Prakṛt Jain work, Muni-suvratasvami-carita of Sricandrasüri, which shows how a voluntary death was embraced by Jayasimha by fasting.
Another contemporary of Kumārapāla, Somaprabhasūri, in his Kumārapala-pratibodha, records the following account of his accession to the throne:
"When Jayasimha went to heaven to make friends with the king of the gods, earth became sad as lotuses do when the sun sets. Then the ministers, who surpassed the teacher of gods-Bṛhaspati -in intelligence, seeing the kingdom without a protector began to converse like this (then follows the genealogy of Kumarapala from Bhima I): 'His (Tribhuvanapala's) son named Kumārapāla is bright, of a pleasant face and like Indra in splendour. He is liberal, brave and a protector of the helpless. He is endowed with all royal qualities, therefore let us make him a king in deference to others possessing no merits. Thus consulting with one another and seeking unanimity with palmists and astrologers etc., Kumārapāla was installed on the throne by the ministers. The whole world became satisfied."'
According to Merutunga after Jayasimha's death Kanhaḍadeva made his forces ready for battle and played the part of a king-maker. It appears that including him there were three candidates for the throne. Kumarapāla was at this time 50 years old. Once in power, he proved to be a vigorous and effective ruler.
Merutunga tells us that "Kumarapala on account of his mature age and the discernment that he acquired by wandering about in foreign countries, himself held the reins of government and thereby gave offence to the old royal servants." They planned to kill him, but he got the clue of this plot and dismissed those ministers to the city of Yama. He did not hesitate to
तदैव
1 KC, Canto III, Vs. 446448 सप्तदिन्यां कुमारैतद्राज्यं भावि तव भ... दैवयोगेन चिरं भुक्त्वा महीमिमा, जयसिंहमहीजानि देवभूयं समासदत् ।
2 DHNI., II, V. 976.
3
* GOS., LXXVI, Cat, of MSS. at Patan, pp. 314-322: अह सग्गचालीस दिणाई पालिऊणं समाहिणाणसणं । धम्मझाणपरायण चिन्तो जो परभवं पत्तो ॥
5
GOS., XIV, Kumarapala-pratibodha, p. 5.
SJGM., I, p. 78, par. 129.
34

Page #296

266
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
punish even his brother-in-law who was once instrumental in getting him. the throne and who afterwards had become haughty and contemptuous. Kumarapala first gave him warning which he did not heed, then by the order of the king he was blinded and his limbs were broken by his athletes. After this most of his officers, taking the lesson that the king should not be taken lightly, submitted to him. According to the same authority Cahada, the adopted son of Jayasimha, escaped and with a section of the royal army took service under the king of Sapädalakṣa. The Kumarapala-carita informs us that Kumarapala, after his coronation, made Bhopalladevi his Pattarani and Udayana his chief minister.3 This Udayana was, no doubt, the same man who had helped him to escape from the fury of Jayasimha at Cambay. Within two or three years of his early reign Kumarapala restored order in his kingdom, consolidated his power and its empire reached its zenith.
Reign period: The Prabandha-cintamani gives him a reign of 31 years from V.E. 1199 to 1230.4 The Mirat-i-Ahmadi assigns him a reign of 30 years and 6 months, while Ain-i-Ahabari records only 23 years. The Vicaraśreņi allots him a reign from 1199 to 1229 V.E. The Bâli inscription of his predecessor is dated V.E. 1200.7 and the Nadaläi stone inscription of Kumarapåla refers to his date V.E. 12288 and the Udaipur inscription of his successors Ajayapala is found bearing the date V.E. 1229.9 From these it appears that the Vicaraśreni and Prabandha-cintamani do not represent the true tradition regarding the upper and lower limits of his reign.
His conquests: His extensive conquests prove that Kumarapala was a great warrior like his predecessor. Hemacandra in his Samhskyt and Präkyt Dvyāśraya-kavya records an account of his several wars. In his Samskṛt Dvyasraya-kävya he refers to his two wars, one with king Anna of Sapadalakṣa and the other with Ballala of Malava. He states that looking at the energy and vigilance of their sovereign, neighbouring chieftains like those
1 lbid., pp. 78-79: स प्रौढतया देशान्तरपरिभ्रमणनैपुण्येन राज्यशास्ति स्वयंकुर्वन् राजवृद्धानामरोचमानस्तेः सम्भूय व्यापादयितुं व्यवसितः । सान्धकार गोपुरेषु न्यस्तेषु. • तानि प्रधानान्यन्तकपुरी प्राहिणोत् ।
Ibid, p. 79 चाहनामा कुमार सपादलक्षीयभूपतेः पत्तिभावं बभार ।
KC., III, V. 478.
• SJGM, I, P. 95
4
MA., Trans., p. 1436 AAK., II, P. 260.
7 EI., XI, pp. 32-33.
8 EI., XI, pp. 47-48.
IA., XVIII, pp. 344-48.

सं० ११९९ वर्षपूर्व २१ श्रीकुमारपालदेवेन राज्यं कृतम् ।

Page #297

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
267
of Mahiyas (according to the commentary ruler of Godraha) and Rastriyas attended him. Then the king Anna with the other kings of the north arose suddenly against Kumārapäla. The commentary explains the reason of this sudden occurrence by saying that, after the death of Jayasimha, Ama, supposing the government to be new and Kumārapāla to be weak, attacked him. According to the Prabandha-cintamani the king of Sapädalākṣa was instigated to attack the frontiers of Gujarāta by Cahada, the adopted son of Jayasimha. “Cahada, desiring to make war on Kumārapāla, having won to his side all the officers in those parts with bribes, false honour and gift and bringing with him the king of the Sapādalākṣa country with a formidable army, arrived on the borders of Gujarat." Kumāra pāla encountered the attack. It further relates that at first the position of Kumārapāla in the battle was serious. He observed his soldiers disobeying his orders, even his driver of the royal elephant refusing to follow him. He saw everywhere corruption in the army. But in the end, through his personal bravery and skill, he was able to overpower his enemy. Cahada was captured by his foot-man while Anna was wounded with an iron dart.3
The Duyaśrya-kavya states: "A secret emissary of Kumārapäla came and informed him that within a day Anna would be attacking the boundary of his kingdom. Some of Kumārapāla's former allies including Cahada, the head of the elephant section of his army had joined the enemy and the king of Gonarda, that is Ballala, who was Kumāra pala's vassal, had also joined the enemy. The king curbing his anger considered the whole situation calmly and resolved upon his strategy. He sent his general, according to the commentary, a Brāhmaṇa by name Kakka against Ballala and himself marched against Āņņa.
On his way, at Mt. Arbud, Kumārapāla was received by his vassal Vikramasimha who treacherously wanted to kill Kumärapāla. But Kumārapala, due to his constant vigilance, saved his life.5
1 DV., Canto XVI, V. 6: HEARTET SEAT 1497 37 ata ya 45771 * Ibid., V. 7: 37TTTTTETES TERTETtorer toray: 2
आन्नो नृपोऽस्मिन्मदतोऽतिपारावारीणनागः सहसा व्यरुद्ध । Commentary: gafaz ajta asiaa FATTCHA yara fazia TOHTÀ SEFतर्कितं तेन सह विरोधं चकार ।
3 SJGM., I, pp. 70-80. 4 DV., Canto XVI, Vs. 13-23: 7777 .... JEST R EUS: 1
Commentary on the V. 17: fitotisa....379,- Taut a s 5 SJGM., XIII, pp. 199–200, Vs. 487-516.

Page #298

268
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
In the battle Cahada was taken prisoner and Arnoraja was wounded. As a result the king of Sakambhari submitted and gave his daughter in marriage to Kumārapāla.1
This victory over Arnoräja is also recorded in the Vasanta-viläsa, Vastupala-Tejah-pala-prasasti,3 Sukrtakirtikallolini, Prabhavaka-carita, Kumarapala-prabandha, Prabandha-kosa' and Kumarapala-carita
This struggle with Arnorāja is also supported by a Jain inscription from Citodagarha composed by Ramakīrti, the head of Digambar Jains of V.E. 1207 (c. 1150 A.D.). According to this inscription, Sajjana the Dandanayaka assisted Kumarapala in this war. This also shows that the country of Sapädalaksa, over which Arporaja ruled, was devastated. Kumarapala with his victorious army then encamped at Salipura near modern Citor in Udaipur District. He accompanied by his new father-in-law Arņorāja and his general Sajjana went to worship Samideś vara a Citor. He made there a gift of a village to the temple while the Dandanayaka Sajjana donated an oil mill.9
According to this inscription this war must have ended in V.E. 1207 (c. 1150 A.D.), for a colophon of a Jain MS, the Pujavidhanal of V.E. 1208 (A.D. 1151) among other titles of Kumarapala, refers to the title Praudhapratapa-nijabhujavinirjita, rananganopatta, Šakambharibhupala, which must have been borne by Kumarapala after this war. Several other colophons of Jain MSS mention this title in the following eloquent terms: Sapadalaksarastra-vana-dahana-davanām," Mahahavasangrama-nirvyüdha pratijna-praudha; nijabhujara angana-nirjita Šakambharibhupala, 12 which remind us that the war with Arporaja was an important one in the life of Kumarapala. In the inscriptions of Kumarapala as well as his vassals this battle has been. recorded prominently,13
1 DV., Canto XIX, Vs. 1-35.
2 GOS., VII, III, 29. This work refers to the Cahamana king as king of Jangala.
3
GOS., X. p. 58 ff. V. 25.
Ibid., Appendix, II, p. 67 ff. V. 61.
SJGM., XIII, pp. 199-200.
6 P. 40. Ibid., VI. p.
Canto IV, Vs. 213-446.
9 EI., IX, p. 12 ff.
10 SJGM., XVIII, p. 106.
11 Ibid., p. 107.
12 Ibid., p. 109.
13 GMRI., pp. 288-289; DHNI., II, p. 988,

Page #299

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
269
The later Jain writers differ in some minor details of this war. According to the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasūri, the cause of this war was an insult to Kumāra pala's sister, Devalādevī, by her husband Armorāja, the ruler of Sapädalaksa country. She is said to have left the Cahamāna kingdom and complained to her brother who invaded and defeated him, but at the end he again seated him on his throne. This statement, however, has no support. Moreover, I have elsewhere shown that the story of Devaladevi as a sister of Kumārapāla is mere creation of Jayasimhasūri.2
Kumarapala waged another war with the Mālava ruler, Ballala. We are informed in the Duyaśraya-kavya that Ballāla, the vassal of Kumārapāla, had joined the enemy. He sent his general Kakka against Ballāla. When the Caulukya king returned to his city a messenger from the general came and informed him that two of his vassals, Vijaya and Krşņaka, proved treacherous and joined the enemy. At the first stage it was felt that the army was almost corrupted. But thanks to the general's ability that all turned well. The soldiers arranging themselves in the shape of "two-boat" attacked the enemy whose army was in the shape of a half-boat, the other half being destroyed. The hero of Avanti the driver of whose elephant was killed, was thrown from his elephant by a group of five kings in the presence of the general. Ballala, however, was killed by some wicked Brāhmaṇas before the general could stop it.3 Vijaya and Krşņa, the two vassals of this statement, have been identified with the Guhila prince Vijayasimha of Mewar and Kelhana, the Cāhamāna of Nadola respectively by Chunnilal Modi. I have shown elsewhere the justification in the identification of Krsna with Kelhaņa, but Vijaya of this statement cannot be identified with the Guhila Vijaya (1108-1116 A.D.) whose period falls quite earlier than Kumārapāla. According to a Jain inscription at Mt. Ābu, Yasodhavala, the Paramāra of Ābu, was also a military commander in this war. The Vasanta-vilasa also confirms the victory of Kumārapāla over Ballāla. The Kirti-kaumudi informs us that Ballála was beheaded by Kumārapāla.?
1 KC., Chapter IV, Vs. 170 ff. ? See infra under his family.' 3 DV., Canto XIX, Vs. 95-126.
- Saṁskyta Dvyāśraya-kõvyamā Madhyakālina Gujaratani Sāmājika Sthiti, P. 40; see supra p. 156. 6 EI., VIII, pp. 210-11, V. 35: ITHT pai era rada: 1
यश्चौलुक्यकुमारपालनृपति प्रत्यर्थितामागतं,
मत्वा सत्वरमेव मालवपतिं बल्लालमालब्धवान् ॥ & GOS., III, V. 29: EF E DEGUST: Freizei ? Canto 2, V. 48.

Page #300

270
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The above statements of the Jain chroniclers are strikingly confirmed by the Verā val inscription of Bhāva-BỊhaspati (A.D. 1169) which refers to Kumārapāla as a lion to jump on the heads of (those) elephants - Ballāla, the king of Dhārā. I have elsewhere shown who this Ballāla was, and how he came to Mälava.?
From the Prabhavaka-carita we know that on his return from the conquest of Sapādalakşa, Kumārapāla came to Candravatī and punished Vikramasimha, a feudatory, for his disloyalty. He imprisoned the ruler and gave his principality to his nephew Yasodhavala, son of Ramadeva,who helped him in the war against Ballāla. The Kumarapala-carita also supports this statement.
Apart from these wars in quick succession Kumārapāla waged two more wars. The one was with Mallikārjuna, the ruler of Kaunkana (Konkana), and the other was against Sumbara, the chief of Surāşțra. As regards the first war we have a contemporary account in the Prakyt Dvyāśraya-kavya.5 It states that on one occasion Sāndhivigrahika reported to the king his success in the war with Mallikarjuna of Konkaņa. He also sent fulsome description of the chosen ranks of the Korkaņa army. He referred to his bravery which would make one forget the valour of the famous fifty-two horses. He further stated the name of the capital city as Thāna (modern Thānā near Bombay) from which the enemy came out riding his elephant. Then a bloody war ensued between the hostile armies. The enemy's elephant was pierced by the arrows of the Gurjaras, so also the lotus-like head of the Lord of Konkana was cut off by the soldiers and so on. He concluded : "You have earned the royal power of Konkaņa consisting of seven departments. Thus enjoying the south, you are joined to the Śrī of Śrīnagara, Tilarga and Kāncī." We have further proof of this war from the Lūņa temple inscription of Mt. Ābu (V.E. 1287). It states that, when Dhārāvarsa inflamed with anger held his ground in the battlefield, the wives of the Lord of Konkaņa shed drops of tears from their lotus-like eyes.? The chronicles, however, do not mention Dhārāvarşa's name in this connection.
1 BI., pp. 180-93. 2 See supra, pp. 113-14. 3 SJGM., XIII, p. 202, Vs. 565-580. 4 KC., IV, pp. 421-52 5 Pra. DV., Canto VI, Vs. 41-42. • Ibid., Vs. 71-72: fazla31 FEATSÅ931 ? EI., VIII, p. 216, V. 36.
ST
E etc.

Page #301

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
The later Prabandhas describe this elaborately.1 The Prabandha-cintamani throws more light on this episode. It relates that once Kumarapala heard a bard bestowing on the king of the country of Konkana the biruda of Raja-pitamaha. Deeply indignant he looked round the [assembly and, finding Amrabhata (also known as Ambaḍa, a son of the prime-minister Udayana) willing to lead an army to destroy that semblance of a king, appointed the general of the army and despatched him with all his chieftains.2 Somaprabhasüri, a contemporary author, confirms this information of the Prabandha-cintamani by saying that Kumarapala used to win victories even with Vanija generals of the army like Ambada. Ambada marched to Konkana without any break and encamped on the further bank of the river Kanavini. Then he was suddenly attacked and put to flight by Mallikarjuna. Ambada returned feeling disgraced, but on his request Kumarapala sent him a new army and other samantas. Ambaḍa now crossed the river by planning a bridge across it and when the unequal fight began Ambada carefully spotted Mallikarjuna and approached him. He managed to mount Mallikarjuna's elephant and threw him down, when other samantas or chiefs where engaged in looting the city, he cut off the head of Mallikarjuna and wrapped it in gold and, after establishing the authority of Caulukya sovereign, presented it to his lord at Anahillapur. Kumarapala, thereupon, conferred the title Raja-pitamaha on Ambada. According to the Pythviraja-vijaya Mallikarjuna was killed by Cahamana Someśvara, who was at that time living at Kumarapala's court.5 This Mallikarjuna has been rightly identified with the Silähāra prince of that name for whom we have inscriptions dated Saka 1078 (A.D. 1156) and 1082 (A.D. 1160) respectively. That these Silahāras generally bore this title 'Raja-pitämaha', is also known from the history. Pt. Bhagawanlal conjec
1 PC., Hem-suri-pra: V. 723, 724: KC. of Jayasimha, Canto IV, Vs. 455-531; KP., 38, 39: KC., of Carita-Sunder, Canto IV; Suk.-samkirtana, Canto II, V. 43: Vasantavilasa, Canto 3, V. 29 etc.
2
SJGM., I, pp. 80-81:
चौवयचक्रवर्ती की जणदेशीय मलिकार्जुनाभिधानराशो मागधेन
'राज पितामह' इति विरुदमभिधीयमानमाकर्ण्य तदसहिष्णुतया सभां निभालयन्नृपचित्तविदा मंत्रिणाम्बडेन तन्नृपं प्रति प्रयाणाय दलनायकीकृत्य पचगप्रसादं दत्या समस्तसामन्तेः समं विससर्ज ।
GOS., XIV, p. 47
HEMÍ BÁ NA ATS: |
वणिजैरपि जीवन्ते दण्डेोरम्बडादिभिः ॥
4 SJGM., I, p. 81: तस्मिन्देशे चौलुक्यचक्रवर्तिनः आज्ञां दापयन् तदवदातप्रीतेन । राशा श्रीमुखेन राजपितामह इति विरुदं ददे ॥
271
.
5 JRAS., 1913, pp. 274-75.
GMRI., II, p. 294.

Page #302

272
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
tures that this war must have taken place between 1160 and 1162 A.D., for Mallikārjuna's successor Aparaditya has his inscription of the date of Saka 1084 (A.D. 1162). But his inference is not correct, for we have one colophon of the Jain MS named Prthvicandra-carita of V.E. 1212 (A.D. 1155) which gives Kumārapāla a title 'Karnatarayamanamardanakaram. This title shows that Kumārapāla must have won the victory over Mallikarjuna before V.E. 1212 (1155 A.D.)
The above-mentioned three wars find their mention in the contemporary Jain literature, as well as in the epigraphs and colophons of the Jain MSS. But the war with the king of Surastra is found mentioned in the later Prabandhas only. The Prabandha-cintamani states that this war was led by the prime minister Udayana. It is said that at first Udayana went to worship the feet of Lord Rsabha on the Vimala mountain and sent all the heads of provinces to march on ahead of him. “After that, he marched on and reached the encampment of his army, and an engagement took place with that hostile chief. As the king's force was defeated by his enemies, the great Udayana himself rose up to fight. Then his body was mangled by the blows of the enemy and he was carried to his quarters weeping bitterly. Seeing his end near he expressed his desire for the temple of Satruñjaya to be restored, for which a satisfactory assurance was given to him.3
The Prabandha-cintamani states that Kumārapāla's brother named Kirtipāla went to encounter the king of Saurāşțra. Udayana went to held him with an army from Cambay. In this war Udayana was mortally wounded. He had cherished a desire of erecting the temple of Ādinātha of stone at Satruñjaya which at that time was made of wood. He, therefore, could not breathe his lost. On Kīrtipāla's assurance that his son Vägbhața would fulfil his desire, he expired peacefully. Accordingly Vāgbhața restored the temple in V.E. 1213.4 The Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasūri describes that in this battle the army of Udayana was defeated and in the dual Udayana killed the king of Saurastra and gave the throne to his son. Minister Udayana, while returning, fainted in the way, but regaining his consciousness he expressed his desire to restore the temple of Satruñjaya before other feudatories which was fulfilled afterwards by his sons in V.E. 1211.5
1 Ibid., p. 295. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 107. 3 SJGM., I, 86-87. 4 Ibid., XIII, Hemacandrasūri-caritam, Vs. 430-450 and 762-64. 5 KC., VIII, Vs. 477-520 and 642.

Page #303

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
273
Who was this king of Saurāşțra ? The various MSS of the Prabandhacintāmani give several variants of his name such as Saursara, Sausara, Susara and Sumbara. The Prabhāvaka-carita refers to his name as Navaghana.2 The Kumarapala-carita names him as Samarasa. Pt. Bhagawanlal suggests that the Surāşțra chieftain was possibly some Gohalvād Mehra chief, and he may have belonged to the family of Ābhīra Cūdāsama chiefs of Junāgarh who had been giving trouble to the Caulukyas since the days of Mūlarāja.
This war must have been fought before V.E. 1209 (A.D. 1152), for we know from the Sundbā hill stone inscription, which is no doubt a Jain authority, that Naddūla Cãhamāna Alhaņa helped Kumārapāla in suppressing a revolt in mountainous parts of Saurāstra (Girau Saurastre).5 A Kirādu inscription of Alhaņa of V.E. 1209 (A.D. 1152) informs us that Alhaņa ‘by the grace of his sovereign Lord Mahārājādhiraja Paramabhațțāraka Kumāra pala' had obtained a principality consisting of Kirādu in Jodhpur division, Raddhāda and Siva in Marwar when Mahadeva the Nägara Brāhmaņa was the prime minister at Pāțan.6 Pt. Bhagawanlal calculates that this war must have taken place some time in 1149 A.D. (V.E. 1205) on the ground of the Jaina Prabandhas wherein it is stated that the repairs of the temple of Satruñjaya as wished by Udayana were finished in V.E. 1211 (A.D. 1154). It seems that the repairs must have started four or five years back from the date of restoration.
The chroniclers of Gujarāta as well as the epigraphs of the Caulukyas record only the victories of their kings and maintain silence about their defeats. Some of the facts, however, we may know from the records of the neighbouring kings. A Jain inscription from Bijolia of Someswara dated V.E. 1226 records that the Cāhamāna Vigraharāja, the son of Arņorāja, invaded the Naddūla Cāhamāna Alhaņa, devastated Naddūla and burnt Jābālipura.8 This inscription indicates that Vigraharāja had retaliated for the former defeat of his father Arņorāja, and since Kumārapāla was a powerful ruler, he instead of attacking him, attacked his feudatory Alhaņa.
The Prākļt section of Duyaśraya-kavya also records briefly the exploits
i SJGM., I, p. 86, fn. 5. 2 Ibid., XIII, p. 198; V. 431: getreftat faces 779-
27TH 3 KC., VIII, V. 475. 4 BG., I, Pt. I, p. 186. 6 EI., XI, p. 70 ff. 8 EI, IX, p. 68. ? BG., I, Pt. I, p. 186. 8 EI, XXVI, p. 84-112, V. 21: sleifsgt valogt at fe #fu qata etc. 35

Page #304

274
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
of Kumarapala's army in other parts of the country. Several princes of other countries tendered submission to Kumarapala. They were the princes of Javana, Kanyakubja, Varanasi, Magadha, Gauda, Daśārna, Cedi, Mathura and finally the king of Jangala, the Turuşka ruler Mohammada and the emperor of Delhi.1
Jayasininhasüri also in the Kumarapala-carita gives an elaborate descrip. tion of his digvijaya. He indicates in a poem the limits of Kumarapala's digvijaya upto the Ganges in the east, the Vindhyas in the south, Sindhu in the west and the Turuşka (land) in the north. Within these limits during his victorious campaign he subdued the princes of Jävälipura (Jalor). Sapädalakṣa, Kurumandala, Madhyadeśa, Malava, Pancala, Abhira-visaya, Vindhya area, Lața, Sauraṣṭra, Kaccha, Pañcanada, Multan and the Saka country. Though the statement seems to be exaggerated, we however, know that some of them were really subdued by Kumarapala. We have in connection with the Candellas described a war with king Madanavarma whose territory extended upto Daśārņa and who in his old age fought a battle with Kumarapala at Daśärna. The Prabhavaka-carita also records. this war. It states that the king of Kalyana-kataka once proceeded to attack Kumarapala but he died on the way. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions. one invasion by a Dahala king named Karna against Kumarapala. The report of this invasion took Kumarapala by surprise and he was in a state of total harassment, knowing not what to do. But as Karna was marching by night, seated on the forehead of an elephant, eyes closed in sleep, a gold chain that he wore on his neck was caught in a banyan tree and he was hanged to death.
If this story is true king Karma must be the Dahala Kalacuri Gaya Karya who ruled about 1151 A.D. But we have no epigraphical evidence for this story.
From the statements of the Dvyasraya-kavya and Kumarapala-carita it, however, appears that in the time of Kumārapäla Gurjara empire was of considerable extent and the king enjoyed a wider influence over a large part of the country as never known before.
1 Pr. DV., Canto VI, Vs. 74-106.
* KC, IV, V. 117
2
See also K. Pr. 35-36; Hemacandra, Mahavira-carita: XII, 52; Sukṛtakirtikallolini (GOS., X), V. 60.
3 KC., IV, 1-118.
5
See supra p. 68. SJGM., I, p. 92.
आगंगमैन्द्रीमा विन्ध्यं याम्यामासिन्धु पश्चिमाम् ।
आनुरुकं च कीबेरी चौलुक्यः साधयिष्यति ||

Page #305

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
275
T
.
Most of the inscriptions belonging to Kumārapala's reign discovered uptil now are those of his samantas or vassals. The Mangrol inscription of V.E. 1202 (A.D. 1146) refers to Muluka (of Gohila family as Kumārapäla's vassal.1 The two Kiradu inscriptions dated respectively V.E. 1205 (A.D. 1149) and V.E. 1218 (A.D. 1162), inform us that Someśvara of the Paramāra family was his feudatory chief.2 From the Tejahpāla temple inscription at Mt. Ābu of V.E. 1218 (A.D. 1162) we know that Yasodhavala and Dhāravarsa Paramära family were under his suzerainty.3 Kelhana and Kīrtipäla of the Cauhāņa family were Kumarapāla's samantas.
The above account gives us some idea about the extent of the Gurjara Empire at the time of Caulukya Kumārapāla.
His ministers: After his accession, Kumārapala, according to the Prabandha-cintama;ii, appointed his benefactor Bahada (Vägbhata), the son of Udayana, as his first prime minister, but the later writers such as Jayasimbasūri, Jinamaņdanagani? and other Prabandha writers state that Udayana was raised to the prime ministership and his son Bāhada was appointed as a minister in charge of various royal duties. Unfortunately, regarding the prime ministership of Udayana, we have no reference in the contemporary or early literature. Bāhada was, no doubt, a minister according to the Dvyaśraya-kävya.8 The Nädol copper plate of V.E. 1213 also confirms this, but there is no mention either in the contemporary literature or in epigraphs. We know also another Vāgbhața as the author of an alankara treatise, who flourished in the reign of Jayasimha Siddharāja. The commentator on his work calls him as a son of Soma. 10 According to
1 BI., pp. 158-60. 2 Nahar - Jaina Lekha-sangraha, Pt. I, pp. 252-53; See also EI., XX, Appendix, p. 47, No. 372;
BI., PP. 172-73. 3 El., VIII, p. 216, V. 36. 4 See supra pp. 156-160.
5 SJGM., I, p. 79: a var afarrag: situades: vaizdiHI FETE मात्यश्चके।
* KC., Canto II, V. 476.
? K. Pra., p. 34: TEATTET TIT Lafraai 32442 HETATRICE CU Tga aprI: सकलराजकार्येषु व्यापारितः।
8 DV., Canto XX, Vs. 91-92. "IA., 1912, p. 203: ETHIETTES estzijazot at 7.CHTESTTTTT ....!
10 Kārvamälā, No. 48. Commentary on V. 148 and Vs. 45, 76, 81, 85, 125, 132 etc,

Page #306

276
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the Prabhāvaka-carita he constructed a Jain temple in V.E. 1178.1 The religious activities of Udayana's son, Bāhada or Vāgbhața, are elaborately narrated in the Prabhāvaka-carita? as well as in the later Prabandhas.
Āimrabhața or Amhaďa was the other minister of Kumārapāla about whom we know from the Dvyaśraya-kavya and Kumarapala-pratibodha that he invaded Konkaņa and killed Mallikārjuna.3 He was most probably the son of Udayana and brother of Bāhada from his step-mother.
Udayana's third son was Canada who was also a minister of Kumārapāla. According to the Prabandha-cintamani he was in charge of the invasion over the Sapādalakṣa country. The Udayapur inscription of V.E. 1222 mentions one Cāhada who was in charge of the military in Mālava,5
Apart from these, some of the ministers are known from the Jain praśastis (colophons). A colophon of the Jain MS entitled Pūjavidhāna, informs that in V.E. 1208 one Mahādeva was the prime minister of Kumārapāla. The Kirādū stone pillar inscription of the date V.E. 1209 also refers to Mahādeva as in charge of the signet, the seal, etc.7 The Bali inscription dated 1216 V.E. also confirms the statement. According to the Ujjain fragmentary stone inscription of Jayasimha, dated 1195 V.E. (c. 1138 A.D.), Mālava was ruled at this time by Mahādeva, the son of Dāďaka of the Nägara race. His father, according to the same inscription, was also prime minister of Jayasimha, 'the keeper of the seal at Anahilapāțaka.'9 This shows that Mahadeva may have been the prime minister from the very beginning of Kumārapala's reign, to V.E. 1216. It also appears from the abovementioned Nadol copper plate that, from V.E. 1216 to V.E. 1218, Bāhada may have been functioning as the prime minister. From a colophon of the Kalpacūrņi dated V.E. 1218 (c. 1161 A.D.) we know that another prime minister, by name Yasodhavala, was in charge of the signet, the seal etc. 10 The Udayana stone inscription of the reign of Kumāra pāla dated V.E. 1220 (A.D. 1163) also refers to the Mahamatya Yasodhavala as managing the
i SGM., XUI, p. 173, Vs. 67-73 in the Vadidevasűri-caritam. 2 Ibid., Hemacandrasūri-caritam, pp, 199-211. 3 See supra p. 270.
4 SJGM., p. 94: 3787 ZFEHETET A91Ce fa 750lid o tar 172 PUTTGFAT TESTAT .... ERTAT167 farfastei
5 IA., XVIII, p. 344; HIG., Pt. II, No. 151. 6 SJGM., XVIII, p. 106. ? HIG, Pt. II, No. 148. 8 Ibid., III, No. 149 A. 9 Ibid., III, No. 144 A.; 1A., XLII, p. 258. 10 SJGM., XVIII, p. 109.

Page #307

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
277
affairs of the state. According to another colophon of Jñata-Dharma Kathädisadanga-prakarana, dated V.E. 1225 (c. 1168 A.D.), a Mahāmatya Kumārasimha was in charge of the state affairs. This Kumārasimha is referred to as one of the seven sons of minister Bāhada in the Girnar fragmentary stone inscription. From the two other praśastis we know that Mahattama Vādhūyana and Samanta) were the ministers in V.E. 1227 and 1228 respectively. A colophon of Apabhramsa work Mallināha-cariu refers to prime minister Prthvīpāla. This minister repaired the Vimala Jain temple of Mt. Abu.? Among other ministers Kapardi is mentioned in the Prabandha-cintamani. It is said that at his suggestion Kumārapāla, even at the age of fifty, learnt Sainskrt grammar. Kapardi was also a friend of Hemacandra.8 When Vägbhața (Bāhada) was attending to the building of the temple at Satruñjaya near which he founded a town named after him, he gave the charge of his post to this Kapardin.' Kapardi was one of those persons who accompanied Kumārapala in his pilgrimage. He is called Bhandāgārika Kapardin by the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha.10 In the Prabandha-kośa of Rājasekhara he is stated to have been a leader amongst poets and donors.11 Kapardin was given the post of prime ministership by Ajayapāla, the successor of Kumārapāla. Even though warned by Maruka who knew the significance of omens, he accepted the post. He was later on arrested and killed by Ajayapāla in his palace.12
It seems that these numerous ministers were all in charge of various departments of the provinces and they were called ministers and sometimes were made prime ministers. Some of them also held posts of generals and led the armies during wars.
His generals: About Kumārapāla's generals we have also some information. The Dvyaśraya-kavya mentions the Gurjara-Brahmasenānī, whom the
II A., XVIII, p. 383. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 110. 3 HIG., III, No. 208.
SJGM., XVIII, p. 110. 5 Ibid., p. III. 6 GOS., XXXVII, p. 79. - Arbuda Prabandha Jain Lekha-sandoha, Pt. II, p. 39, No. 72, V.E. 1206.
8 SJGM., I, pp. 88-89: Garai 751 Totaqcafea q111 a FRIप्युपाध्यायस्य समीपे मातृकापाठात्प्रभृति शास्त्राण्यारभ्यैकेन वर्षेण वृत्तिकाव्यत्रयमधीतम् ।
9 SJGM., I, p. 87. 10 Ibid., II, p. 43. 11 Ibid., VI, p. 48: watat ciami guf 103 107f#: 90 13 Ibid., I, p. 96.

Page #308

278
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES commentator Abhayatilakagani identified with Kakka. He crushed the rebellion of Ballāla. A Jain inscription from Citorgarh composed by Digambara Rāmakīrti refers to Dandanayaka Sajjana who accompanied Kumārapāla in his expedition against Anaka. This Sajjana is probably the same as was appointed the governor of Saurāşțra by Jayasinha and according to the Vividha Tirtha-kalpa built a temple on Girnar mountain in V.E. 1185 (A.D. 1129). If he be the same person he must have been very old at the time of Kumārapāla's expedition. According to the colophon of the Prthvicandra-carita of the date V.E. 1212 (c. 1155 A.D.) there was a powerful general by name Vosari, who was ruling the region of Lāța between the rivers Māhi and Damana with full rights. He was by caste a Brahmaņa and was once the companion of Kumāra pāla in the time of his distress. In the days of his fugitive life he followed Kumārapāla like a shadow and wandered with him through villages and forests. It is said in the Prabandhas regarding Kumārapala's life that, after accession, Kumärapāla appointed him as a great general to rule over Lāța country.5 We, however, do not find his name either in any contemporary literature or in epigraphs. From a Jain inscription of V.E. 1213 found at Ghāņerāva6 we hear of Dandanayaka Vaijalladeva of Kumārapāla. He is also known as Vaija or Vajayaladeva. We have two other inscriptions about him of the dates V.E. 1210 and 1216 from Bhatunda and Bāli (both in Jodhpur division) respectively. He was ruling over Naddūla territory which belonged to the feudatory Cāhamäna family. According to an inscription of Ajaya pala Caulukya, dated V.E. 1231, he is mentioned as a Mahama waleśvara (Governor) ruling over Narmadataţa, i.e., Lăța country. We also know from the Jain sources some of the important personages, such as Purohits like Savvadeva, Someśvara and Amiga, an astrologer like Indra and a man in charge of charitable institutes like Abhayakumära."
His court: In the court of Kumarapala besides his ministers, general and feudatories, there were several religious teachers, scholars, poets and
1 DV., XIX, V. 125. 2 EI., II, p. 422. 3 SJGM., X, p. 9. 4 Ibid., XVIII, p. 107. 5 Ibid., XVIII, Introduction, p. 18. 6 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 218 7 AIS., WC., 1907, p. 52, 8 EI., XVIII, p. 8o. 9 GMRI., p. 323.

Page #309

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
279
wealthy men. Foremost among the scholars was Jain monk Hemacandra. He carried on multifarious religious activities with his headquarters at Anahilapäțaka. Round him was a circle of eminent scholars. Most of them were his pupils. Poet Rāmacandra, who wrote several works, was his chief pupil. Poet Srīpāla and his son Siddhapäla also were the eminent poets of the time. 1
His religion and reforms: In his Dvyaśraya-kavya Hemacandra states that soon after the wars were over Kumāra pāla prohibited killing of animals in Gujarat. The king published the edict to protect animals and he gave up the custom of confiscating the property of those who died without leaving behind an heir.3 Later on he rebuilt the temple of Siva at Kedara, or Kedāranātha in Garhwal4 and at Devapattana in Kathiawar.5 He erected two temples of Pārsvanātha, one at Anahilavāda and another at Devapattana named Kumāravihāra. The last two events of Kumārapāla's reign mentioned in the Duyaśraya-kavya are the building of a temple of Siva in Anahilaväda? and the foundation of a new era after his name.8 The Mahavira-carita of Hemacandra states that, after the acquaintance with the great teacher Hemacandra, he heard with great delight the noble sermon about the law from his lips and then he took the minor vows and strove for their fulfilment and so on. These statements clearly show that Kumārapäla was inclined towards the Jainism. The later Prabandhas, however, claim that Kumāra pāla gave up Saivism to embrace Jainism. The conversion of the king is allegorically mentioned as his marriage with princess Krpāsundari, i.e., the beautiful Mercy, the daughter of Dharmaraja and Viratidevī. According to the quotation of Jinamandana from the Moharāja-parajaya this marriage took place in V.E. 1216, Märga, Sudi 2.10 Since the Moharaja-parajaya was written a few years after the death of
1 M. D. Deasi, Jain Sahityano Itihās, Pt. III, Chapters 4-7. 2 DV., Canto XX, Vs. 5-37: 799 à gor r a ATTE #Fitchy: 1 3 Ibid., Vs. 38-88: TERTETESI eat gat g: a * #: 1
अथ प्रजा नन्दयितैक एकाममात्यमैकमिति न्यदिक्षत् ॥ - Ibid., Vs. 90-93. • Ibid., V. 94. 6 Ibid., Vs. 98-100. 7 Ibid., V. IOI. 8 Ibid., V. 102: TOPriau fai dari TT $ Canto XII, Vs. 45-96.
10 Life of Hemacandra, p. 90: a hujayr: Hyrcaf: 9894 ATT सु. २ दिने पाणिं जग्राह कुमारपालः ।

Page #310

280
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Kumārapāla between V.E. 1229 and 1232, this date, therefore, must be taken as authentic. We may also add to this that Kumārapāla received the title Paramaśravaka, i.e., the most eager hearer of the Jain doctrine. This is known from colophon of the MS of a Jain work named Jñatadharma-katha and also from the Ratnacūda-katha, which was written five years later in 1221 (1164 A.D.).1 The Jälor inscription of the same year calls Kumārapāla Paramarhata. The Moharaja-parajaya specially emphasises Kumārapāla's prohibition of the four vyasanas and abolition of the rule by which the property of those who died heirless was confiscated by the state. It states that the king through his dandapāsikas suppressed the people who had excessive indulgence in gambling, meat-eating, wine-drinking, butchery, robbery and adultery. But it is strange that prostitution does not find mention among these sins. Gambling, it appears, was very common amongst the nobles, princes and general public. The names of five kinds of gambling are given in the Moharaja-parajaya, viz., (i) Ambhiya, (ii) Nalaya, (iii) Caturanga, (iv) Aksa and (v) Varada. Severe punishments were prescribed for the habitual gamblers; for instance some had their hands, feet and ears chopped off ; of others the eyes were removed and of some all the limbs were to be cut off. The same authority, referring to the names of the men of the highest families amongst the habitual gamblers, shows that gambling was deeply rooted at that time in the society and was resulting in certain bad consequences. We are further told in that connection that certain persons were so much addicted to gambling that they did not stop even if their father, mother, or any other relatives died. According to the same authority the various sects like the Kaul, Kapālika, Rahamāna, Ghatacataka and Māri were indulging in animal slaughter.6
The great portion of the Kumarapala-pratibodha of Somaprabha, another contemporary work, describes the Jain teaching given to the king by Hemacandra and sets forth Kumārapāla's prohibiting the slaughter of animals, meat-eating, gambling and prostitution. The most interesting effect of Jain teaching on the king was his withdrawal of the right of
1 SJGM., XVIII, p. 109: 9739 Fagic u Jarca te thote area .... FETTAT777777. PARTIDO ....I
2 P. C. Nahar, Jain Lekha-samgraha, I, p. 239, No. 899: T hefTatraगुर्जरधराधीश्वर-परमाईत-चौलुक्यमहाराजाधिराज-श्रीकुमारपालदेव ....।
3 GOS., IX, Act III, p. 55 ff: The fact ra nga CETTE • Ibid., p. 83: a a a aacurtai taa paa aa ari 5 Ibid., Act IV, V. II. 6 Ibid., V. 22 ff.

Page #311

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
281
the state to confiscate the property of those who died childless (mita-dhanāfaharana-nişedha. The Vasanta-vilāsa also refers to this edict.2
The Prabandha-cintamani records that the king assumed the title of 'Paramarhata' after listening to the teachings of Mahāvīra; that he requested Hemacandra to write some of the scholarly works for him; that he got erected 14,140 Jain temples and that he accepted the twelve vows of Jainism.3
Jayasimhasūri in the Kumarapala-carita describes the religious zeal of Kumārapāla in six cantos. He states that on the advice of Hemacandra he first gave up eating meat and drinking wines and at the instance of the monk he went to Somanāth accompanied by him (Hemacandra) and worshipped Siva ; Hemacandra then caused Siva to appear and praise the Jain religion. As a result of this Kumārapāla accepted the abhakşaniyama and fixed his mind on Jainism. It further records the religious discourses between the king and the sage and final acceptance of Sraddha-dharma from Hemacandra and prohibition of non-injury of beings in his kingdom. The same authority informs us that the order became effective in Surāşțra, Lāța, Mālava, Ābhīra, Medapāta, Meru and even in Sapādalakşadesa.? The decree was enforced with such regour that a merchant of Sapādalakṣa for killing a louse that was sucking his blood like a raksasa, was arrested like a thief and compelled to give up all his property for the foundation of a sanctuary for lice (Yükāvihāra).8 The slaughter of goats on Navarātras was restricted and the king even sent ministers to Kasi to suppress injury to animals. The king also went to various Jain sacred places on pilgrimage and established caityas and temples and offered various donations. In the tenth section of the above work we are told that he conferred upon his Guru the title of Kalikāla-sarvajña' and, after selecting Ajayapāla as his successor, died soon after Hemacandra's death. The above-described statements are amply corroborated by those of the other Prabandhas.
1 GOS., XIV, pp. 13-16. 2 Ibid., VII, Canto IV, V. 28: Affrar TITTEEtsig farsæti fyra TIHTEITI
यस्त्वन्तसप्तव्यसनोऽपि सप्तराज्यासाव्यसनी बभूव। 3 SJGM., I, p. 86: usaga) 79: Tarafta 5.... Jayag aft A a :1 · Cantos V, X. 5 KC., Canto V, V. 24 ff. * Ibid., VII, V. 577 ff. ? Ibid., VII, Vs. 581-82.
Ibid., VII, V. 588 ff. ; see also SJGM., I, p. 91. . Ibid., X, V. 106.
36

Page #312

282
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
We, however, have no information from the epigraphs of Kumarapala that he actually prohibited killing of animals, but from the two inscription of his feudatories, we have some information. The undated inscription of Girijādevī, the queen of Pūņapakşadeva, the feudatory of Kumārapäla of Naddūla, prohibits only killing on the 11th, 14th and 15th of every month. In a similar inscription of 1153 A.D. found at Kirádū, Alhanadeva, the viceroy of Kumārapāla prohibits killing of life on 8th, 11th and 14th of every month on a penalty of five drammas in ordinary cases and one dramma in the case of a servant of the king.
Despite his devotion to Jainism, Kumārapāla did not completely forget the old cult of his family. In Dvyāśraya-kävya Hemacandra himself speaks of the restoration of the temple of Sivakedaranātha, and of Somanätha following the proclamation of the law of protection and also of the building of a Kumārapāleśvara in AŅhilavād, built at a still later time after the construction of the Kumāravihāras (Jain temples) in Anhilavād and in Devapaţtaņa. 3 The reasons behind the erection of Kumärapāleśvara are very peculiar. Mahadeva, says Hemacandra, appeared himself to Kumārapāla in a dream, announced to him that he was satisfied with his services and expressed his desires to reside in Aṇhilavād. From these facts one can conclude that Kumāra pāla despite all his devotion to Hemacandra and despite his adoption to the Jain faith, never totally denied help to the Saivites. He might have forced them to give up their bloody sacrifices but he permitted the temple priests and the ascetics to their allowances from the royal treasury. There must, have been times when he again drew nearer to Saiva faith and worshipped Śiva as well as Jina. Such wavering and such mixing of faiths is not unusual in India and such things have happened in old times to other kings also, who had attached themselves to heterodox sects, as, for example, Harşavardhana, the well-known king of Kanoj.5
The court of Kumārapāla was adorned not only by the Jain ministers like Udayana Bāhada and Jain monk Hemacandra and so on, but also equally well by Saiva minister Kapardin and Saiva teacher Devabodhi. The latter is supposed to have been a spiritual adviser to Kumārapāla even after his conversion. From the old habits of the king it appears that he could not
1 HIG., Pt. III, No. 155 A, p. 178. 2 Ibid., Pt. II, No. 148, pp. 48-49. 3 See supra p. 279. 4 DV., Canto XX, V. II: wat fa aa aah,
fotel a ye ziyaret etc. 5 SJGM., XI, Life of Hemacandra, p. 46.

Page #313

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
283
leave his earlier association with Saivite ascetics. In the words of Bühler we may say that it is the peculiar tendency of Indian character to reconcile sharp contradictions in different religious systems by conceiving and explaining the same as merely various forms of the same fundamental truth. In the twelfth century we may see that the Brahmanical gods of Trimurti were identified with the Jinas and that probably Hemacandra himself made use of an identification in the beginning of his attempts at Kumārapala's conversion to his doctrine. It was then quite natural that his convert afterwards worshipped Śiva along with Jina. We may perhaps also asssume that Hemacandra fully concurred in that, for otherwise he could have hardly described so impartially the Saivite temples built by his patron and pupil.1
Moreover, the Udayapur stone pillar inscription of V.E. 1222 (1166 A.D.)2 and the Veravala stone inscription of Bhāva BỊhaspati of V.E. 1225 (A.D. 1169 )3 describe him as a devotee of Siva. Fortunately, a colophon of a Jain MS Jnātadharmakathādi-şadanga-vivarana (V.E. 1225) also supports the above view of the two epigraphs by stating the title Umapativaralabdha-prasada.
From the above-narrated circumstances it appears that Hemacandra did not offer any serious opposition to Kumāra pāla's Saivite tendencies and could not wholly lure Kumārapāla away from Saivism, but he succeeded to some extent in inducing him to observe constantly the most important Jain vows and in exerting a great influence over the government. Gujarata did not, of course, become a Jain empire in the sense that the majority of its population were converted to Jainism. But the edicts against the killing of animals, against spirituous drink, against gambling were successfully enforced and, thus, some of the most important tenets of Jainism came to be rooted into the life of everyone.5
His family: Regarding the family and relatives of Kumārapala we learn that he had two brothers, by name Mahīpāla and Kārtipāla, perhaps, elder than he was. The later Prabandhas like the Puratana-prabandhasangraha and the Kumārapala-prabandha refer to his sister. We have already seen that his brother-in-law Kānhaďadeva was the king-maker,8 but regarding his second sister early Prabandhas are silent. We find among
1 Ibid., pp. 46-47. 2 IA., XVIII, pp. 343-44. 3 HIG., Pt. II, No. 155, p. 60. * SJGM., XVIII, p. 110. 5 SJGM., XI, p. 47. & Kumarapala-prabandha, p. 18. I SJGM., II, p. 38; Kumārapāla-prabandha p. 40. 8 SJGM., T, P. 78.

Page #314

284
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the later prabandha literature and in Jayasimha's Kumarapala-carita an interesting story about Devalādevī. It is said that Devalādevī was married to Cāhamāna king Arņorāja. She was a devotee of the Jain monks. Once in the dice-playing he said in a joke that he was killing bald-headed monks. Probably his intention was to mock the Jain monks. This occurrence enraged Devalādevī and she asked him never to utter the word 'kill' because his brother had stopped killing totally. But this simple talk developed into a hot dispute and Devalādevī feeling insulted left the Cāhamāna kingdom. The event caused a war in which Armorāja was defeated.
This story, however, does not find place in the early and contemporary records. We know that Arnorāja had two queens, the one by name Sulocanā, who was the daughter of the king of Marudeśa and the other by name Kancanadevī the daughter of king Jayasimha Caulukya and mother of Someśvara, the father of Prthvīrāja III. The Kirti-kaumudi records that Arņorāja was defeated by Jayasimha and later on was married to his daughter. The Pythviraja-vijaya also confirms this fact. In the light of these revelations the episode about Devaladevī narrated above, seems to be a more fabrication devised by later chroniclers.
The name of the chief queen of Kumārapāla is mentioned as Bhopāladevī. His other queens were Jalhaņā, daughter of the Cāhamāna Anaka and Padmāvati.
His character: Kumārapāla was a man of strong character and morality. His daily time table as depicted in the Duyaśraya-kavya and the Kumarapala-pratibodha confirms this fact.5 He was most popular among his subjects. Both the prominent sects of the time, the Jain and the Saiva, derived encouragement from him. Like Asoka or Akbar he possessed religious tolerance and was impartial in the management of his affairs. Though he observed some of the Jain vows and promulgated some of them for the well-being of his subjects yet he did not try to come in the way of other religions. His impartiality in the matter of religion is further attested by the Jain authors through the Jain colophons which claim him as a devotee of both the religions. Among so many colophons, at least five refer to him as one who has conquered all kings by the grace of Umā or Pārvatī, i.e., Siva, and
1 KC., Canto IV. Vs. 173-174. 2 See supra p. 132. 3 JRAS., 1913, p. 2.
4 Itihās Sammelan, Nibandha-samgraha (Gujarati), 1943, Dr. Dasaratha Sarma's article on " Kumārapāla ki Bahana Devalādevi.
5 Pr. DV., Cantos I-2; GOS., XIV, pp. 422-443.

Page #315

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
285
more than five state him as the promotor or the Jain law, Parama-Sravaka (good Jain devotee) or Paramarhata. These colophons are certainly contemporary records ranging mostly from V.E. 1208 to 1228.
Kumārapāla, unfortunately, had no direct male heir to succeed him. According to the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimha he, before his death, discussed with Hemacandra the question and seems to have selected Pratapamalla, the son of his daughter. The Prabandha-kośa tells us that the question was discussed among the trio-Hemacandra, Ābhada and Kumārapāla himself, and Hemacandra advised him to give his throne to his daughter's son, Pratapamalla, but Ābhada objected. This discussion was overheard by Bālacandra, a pupil of Hemacandra. Since there was a feud between the pupils also regarding the royal succession, Balacandra, a rebel and a friend of Ajayapāla, disclosed everything to him. This made Ajayapāla stir revolt and poison Kumārapāla, thirty-two days after the death of Hemacandra. 2 The Kumarapala-prabandha of Jinamandanagani also records a similar tale.3 Ajayapāla's wickedly poisoning his sovereign is recorded in the Āin-i Akbarit also.
The reign of Jayasimha and his successor Kumarapala may be regarded as the golden period of Gujarāta. Both of them brought within the power of Anahilavāda the whole of Mālava and parts of Rājasthana including the kingdom of Sākambharī in Mārwar and Mewar, while they continued their sway over Saurāşțra, Lāța and Cutch. During their time the influence of Gujarāta was felt most, both politically and culturally, and it continued to be felt during the reign of Ajayapāla.
Aiayapala (1173-1176): Most of the Prabandhas and inscriptions are silent regarding the relationship between Kumārapāla and Ajayapāla, but the Vicaraśreņi5 tells us that Ajayapāla was the son of Mahīpāla, a brother of Kumārapāla. This statement is supported by the Kumarapala-carita of Jayasimhasūri which calls Ajayapāla the nephew of Kumārapāla. The Ain-i-Akbari also states that Ajayapāla was the nephew of Kumarapala.?
1 KC., Canto X, Vs. 107-114.
SJGM., VI, p. 98. 3 Kumāra pāla-prabandha, p. 113. 4 AAK., II, p. 263.
5 JSS., III, Pt. IV, p. 9: da: TRIAE fait 39a .... Thagara 3752915 देवस्य सं० १२३२ वर्षे फा. सु० १२ निरुद्धं राज्यं व. ३ मा. २
* KC., Canto X, V. III: +27 %! FRUIFH Hai 7 AAK., II, p. 260.

Page #316

286
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
According to the Prabandha-cintamani Ajayadeva or Ajayapāla after mounting the throne began to destroy the temples built by his predecessor. It also records that the King entreated minister Kapardin most earnestly to fill the post of the prime-minister, and he gave his consent after consulting some favourable omens. When he took charge of the prime-ministership and returned to his house he was suddenly arrested by the king in the night and put to death by being thrown into a boiling cauldron. After this it also refers to two more incidents: firstly, this 'low villain of a king' murdered the Jain poet, Ramacandra, the author of a hundred works and the chief pupil of Ramacandra forcibly seating him on a heated plate of copper1; secondly, he urged Amrabhata, the son of Udayana and former minister of Kumārapāla, to submit to him humbling by prostrating before him, but he refused to obey him and said: "In this birth I do obeisance to him who is without passion as a god, to the sage Hemacandra as a teacher and to Kumārāpala as a master." Thereupon the king became angry and said, "Prepare for battle." Amrabhata first worshipped the image of the Jina and then "sweeping away from his own mansion the retainers of the king like a heap of chaff, with the wind of his own soldiers, he penetrated as far as the clock-house and passed into existence as a god being emulously chosen by the Apsaras who came to behold that wondrous sight." 2
Last two events show certainly the anti-Jain policy of Ajayadeva; but these are not recorded in the earlier works like the Sukyta-samkirtana and the contemporary Jain works like Moharaāja-parajaya. Yaśaḥpala, the author of the latter work, states therein that his father, Dhanadeva, was a Mantrin and he described himself as a swan at the lotus-feet of Chakravarti Ajayadeva. It appears from the play that the author himself was Paramarhata and a governor or resident of Tharapadra. This shows that Ajayadeva might not have been a bitter enemy of Jainism as reported by the later works. It might be possible that he did not shower great favour on Jainism and, in contrast to his predecessor, practically did nothing for Jainism. That is why he is painted as an anti-Jain monarch.
His conquests: Merutunga records no achievements of Ajayapala. 1 SJGM., I, pp. 96-97 अजयदेवे पूर्वजप्रसादान् विध्वंसयति सति श्रीकपर्दिमंत्री महामात्य पदं दातुमत्यर्थमभ्यर्थितः निशि नृपतिना विकृतः समानप्रतिष्ठैरभिभवितुमारब्धः कटाहिकायां प्रक्षेपकाले agafa: व्यापादयाञ्चक्रे । रामचन्द्रस्तु तेन भूषापसदेन व्यापादयाञ्चक्रे । SJGM., I, p. 97 निजसोपाहाराः परिगृहं निजभटवातेन तुषनिकर मित्र विकिरन् घटिकागृहे प्राप्तः अप्सरोभिरहं पूर्वकया प्रियमाणो देवभूयं
1
* GOS.. IX. Introduction.

....

....

Page #317

THE DYNASTIES OF RAJASTHANA
287
Some seven verses, describing his achievements, are found inserted in the (P) MS. of the Prabandha-cintamani which seems to be taken from the Kirtikaumudi. They narrate the following:
"After Kumārapāla, there was a king by name Ajayapāla who like a wishing tree removed world's poverty by means of gold. Who putting the feet on the neck of the king of Jāngala snatched from him the golden canopy with powerful elephants." In another verse it is stated that "he, always giving the alms, punishing the kings and marrying the women, made all the three qualities (triguna) equal."1
One thing, however, comes out from the above verses that he had defeated the king of Jāngala country (modern Ajmer region). This statement is further corroborated by that of the Sukrta-sankirtanao and the Vasanta-vilasa.3 The Pāțan grant of Bhīma II dated V.E. 1256 (c. 1199 A.D.) also confirms the fact. The king of Jāngala country may be identified with the Cahamāna prince Someśvara (V.E. 1226-1234-c. 1170-1177 A.D.) formerly a feudatory of Jayasimha and Kumārapāla.5
There is some evidence to show that Ajayapāla was engaged in a war with the rising Guhilas of the Rajasthan. From a Jain inscription of the Lūņa temple at Mt. Abu dated V.E. 1287 we learn that the younger brother of the Paramāra king Dhārāvarsa by name Prahladana, defended the illustrious Gurjara king when his power had been broken on the battlefield by Samantasimha. We know that Dhārāvarşa (V.E. 1220-1276) had been a vassal of the Caulukya kings and he naturally sided with the Gurjara king in the war. The Surathotsava of Someśvara also mentions that Ajayadeva was very much afflicted in the war with Samantasiinha.? According to Lüders, Samantasimha of the above inscription is identical with the Guhila Samantasimha whose name is found in two inscriptions of Mt. Abu.8 The inscriptions of this Guhila prince, however, give him the dates V.E. 1228
1 SIGM., I, 96: T S9210SF95AHETT: .... etc. ? Canto II, V. 45: 19 TUOTT 97 Tatah HS1qET HATTRI
सेवागतो मेरुरिवास्थिरत्व जितो भृशं यस्य कृशप्रतापः॥ 3 GOS., VII, Canto III, V. 32: STRY GERT JOH....SAYS: 4 IA., XI, p. 71. 5 GMRI., p. 335. * EI., VIII, p. 211, V. 36: HafhE hafa fafafalerits:
श्रीगूर्जरक्षितिपरक्षणदक्षिणासिः। 7 Canto XV, V. 32. & EI., VIII, p. 202.

Page #318

288
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
(c. 1171 A.D.) and 1236 (c. 1179 A.D.). These make him a contemporary of Ajayapāla. He was most probably the contemporary of Kumārapāla, Ajayapāla and his two successors.
His reign period: 'The Vicaraśreni states that he reigned for three years and two months, from V.E, 1229 to 12322 and the Prabandha-cintamani also states that he ruled for three years, but beginning from V.E. 1230.3 The Muslim chronicles also assign him three years. The three epigraphic records of Ajayapāla also show that he reigned at least for three years (V.E. 1229-32).5
His death: Regarding the death of Ajayapāla, the Prabandha-cintamani says that he, the sinner against religious edifices, was stabbed to death with a knife by a pratihāra (door-keeper) named Vayajaladeva, and being devoured by worms and suffering the tortures of hell every day, he passed into the invisible world. The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha states that the mother of Vaijaladeva was a wanton woman and Ajayapāla kept her in his palace in the darkness. Once Vaijaladeva came intoxicated to hear the king, who on his turn cut a slight joke, saying "go in the apartment but do not see the face." There he met with his mother. From this particular behaviour of king he decided to kill him and one evening he thus killed him with the help of one Dhāngaka. Whatsoever might be the truth behind this story, the intention of the prabandha writer in inventing this story is, however, revealed by the concluding verse: “this was neither the crime of Dhānga nor the fear of the Samant Vaijala but it was only the result of that misdeed by which the great monk was tortured. This only shows that his murder might have had some connection with the anti-Jain religious policy of the king. Vaijaladeva of the above stories is most probably identical with the Cāhamāna Vayajaladeva who was a very influential officer of both Kumārapāla and Ajayapāla.
Mularaja II (c. 1176-1178 A.D.): Ajayapala was succeeded by his son, Mūlarāja II, who is called Bāla-Mūlarāja by Merutunga in his Prabandha
1 I A., 1924, p. 100. > JSS., III, Pt. IV, p. 9. 3 SJGM., I, p. 97:
AAK., II, p. 260, MA., Trans., p. 143. 6 HIG., Pt. II and III, Nos. 156, 157 and 157 A.
SJGM., I, p. 97: Tafada la YETTO SHATI HIHET (UT: etc.
? Ibid., II, p. 48: aturale a FTP OHTE #3 etc. 8 DHNI., II, V. 1003.
1 EN
HET

Page #319

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
cintamani. The same authority assigns him a reign of two years, beginning from V.E. 1233.1 The Vicaraśreni styles him Laghu-Müladeva and gives him a period of two years, one month and two days from V.E. 1232 to 1234.2 The Muslim chronicles call him Lakhmul or Lakhu-Müladeo and allot him 8. or 20 years." This period, however, assigned to him is obviously wrong, for we know that his successor was on the throne before V.E. 1235.
The Prabandha-cintamani states that after the accession, his mother, the queen Naiki, the daughter of king Paramardin (1146-1174 A.D.), taking her son in her lap, fought at Gådararghaṭṭa and conquered the king of Mlecchas by the aid of a mass or rain clouds that came out of season attracted by her virtue. The two other Jain works the Sukyta-samkirtana and Vasanta-vilasa® state that Muladeva even in childhood defeated the Muhammadans. These early references show that he might have been of the age of 15 or 16 which is the age of minority to a king, that is why he has been called as a child (minor). The fact that the Muslims were defeated is also confirmed by the Muslim writer, Minhaj-us-Siyar, who writes that Mohammad led his army through Uccha and Multan towards Naharwalah (Anahillapura). At that time the ruler of that place was a young king named Bhimadeva who possessed a powerful army and numerous elephants. In the battle Mohammadans were defeated in A.H. 574 (A.D. 1178). The Tavarikha-i-Firista also records that Muhammad Ghori from Multan went to the sandy desert of Gujarata. Prince Bhimadeva came to encounter him with a strong garrison and destroying the Muslims pushed them back."
In the above descriptions of the Muslims it seems that the name of Bhimadava has mistakenly crept in in place of Mularaja. The reason for this might have been that after this war, the sudden death of Mularāja placed his younger brother Bhimadeva (II) on the throne and thus by mistake the credit has been given to him. The fact that the battle was fought by Müladeva is also confirmed by the Patan grant of Bhimadeva
4
SJGM. IP. 97 सं० JSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9
289
2
राज्यं वर्ष २ मास १ दिन २ ।
AAK., II, p. 260,
SJGM., I, p. 97:
अस्य मात्रा नइकिदेल्या परमर्द्दिभूपतिसुतयोत्संगे शिशुं सुतं निधाय गाडरनामनि घाटे संग्रामं कुर्बया म्लेच्छराजा etc.
s Canto II, V. 46 मुलराजः । तुश्वशीर्षाणि शिशुर्जय श्रीलताफलानीय

१२३३ पूर्व वर्ष २ बालमूलराजेन राज्यं कृतम् ।
ततस्तदैव उपविष्ट लघुमूलराजस्य सं० १२३४ चैत्रमुदि १४ निरुद्धं
गृहात् ।
• Canto III, V. 34: श्रीमूलराजः शिशुनापि येन म्लेच्छाधिपोऽकल्प्यत पांशुकल्पः ।
Elliot, II, p. 294-1
8 Brig's Firista, I, p. 170.
37

Page #320

290
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
dated V.E. 1256 (1199 A.D.) which refers to Mūlarājadeva who defeated unconquerable Garjanaka (a mere sanskritisation of the Ghaznavi) in the battle.1 A Jain authority, known as the Sundhä hill inscription, also refers to a battle which was fought by the Cähamana Kelhana (V.E. 1221-1249) with the Turuskas (Muslims), whom his brother Kirtipāla defeated at Käsahệda.2 Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar rightly conjectures that Kelhaņa might have assisted Mūlaraja (II) in the war with the Muslims, being a feudatory chief of the Caulukya sovereign. There is also reason to believe this statement, for during that period only one invasion of Muslims had taken place.
The Prabandha-cintamani states that the mother of Mūlarăja was the daughter of Paramardin. This Paramardin has been rightly identified with the Kadamba ruler Paramardi or Sivacita who ruled from c. 1146 to 1174 A.D.3 The same authority states that this war was fought at the Gädarāraghata and the Sundhā inscription records that it was Kāsahrda. This Kasahrda, how ever, may be identified with the Kāyandra situated at the foot of Mt. Ābu. It may be possible that the Gādarāraghata was the other name of that place.5
The defeat of the Muslims in this way shows that the Caulukya empire might have been so much consolidated and knit together from the time of Siddharāja Jayasimha to that of Mūlarāja that even in the period of weak and rapid successions, the sämantas did not shake off their loyalty to their sovereign; that is why a minor king like Mülarāja II could secure the help from Kelhaņa.
Bhima II (c. 1178-1221 A.D.): The Sukrta-samkirtana informs us that after Mülarāja (II) Bhīmadeva ascended the throne. He was his brother (bandhu). The Kirti-kaumudi further adds that he was his younger brother and came on the throne when he was a mere child.? The Prabandha-cintāmani records that he mounted the throne in V.E. 1235 and ruled for 63 years. But according to the Vicāraśreni Mūlarāja died in V.E. 1234 and immediately after him, Bhimadeva came to the throne and ruled till
1 IA., XI, pp. 71-73 : BERTH FUFFIT STR: 1 2 EI., IX, p. 70: afeita 1971 fa TOTETTO 3 BG., Pt. I, p. 195, Appendix II. 4 SJGM., I, p. 97. 6 GMRI., II, pp. 381-82. . Canto II, V. 48: staatsje fatiaa....asifASSHOFARI QY: 1 7 Canto II, V. 59.
SJGM., I, 97: 9734 ad qə satuthada 7756 CTI

Page #321

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
291
V.E. 1900.1 The Kirāļu stone inscription, dated V.E. 1235, shows that he was already on the throne before that date.2 It appears, therefore, that the statement of the Vicarabreni is more reliable in this respect. The latest date for his reign, from the Jain colophons as well as the Kādi inscription, is known as V.E. 1296 (c. 1238 A.D.). Thus the literary and epigraphic evidences agree in assigning Bhima a long reign.
When Bhima II came to the throne the political condition of India was somewhat changed. The Muslim invasions had become the order of the day. The Muslims had already occupied some of the principalities inside India, No central power at that time existed to encounter their invasions. Several feudal lords were exerting for their independence. Weak rulers of Mālava mounted and dismounted the throne in rapid succession. In the Sapädalaksa country (Ajmera) ruled Cahamāna Pythvīrāja but he was too busy in wars with the Muslim as well as the other neighbouring kings like the Candellas and the Gähadavālas. Th e Candellas and the Gāhadavālas were in a state of decadence. The power of Cedis was almost extinct. Moreover, Bhima was a weak ruler and his feudal lords were trying to capture power though he long survived as the nominal head.
The Jain prabandhas have, unfortunately, preserved a very meagre account of his reign. We, however, have about a dozen colophons of the Jain MSS and three epigraphs from which we get an idea of his long reign.
From the time of his accession up to V.E. 1246 (A.D. 1190) the Jain sources give no information about his reign. We know from Muslim sources (perhaps isolated ones that at first Muhammad Ghuri was defeated in the battle of Gujarat, but aftertwo years he invaded the country and punished the people. This, according to Jackson, is simply a way of the glorification of Muhammad Ghuri by a Muslim writer, for we have no further proof in support of this statement. A Jain prasasti of the Paryūsana-kalba, 6 dated V.E. 1147, refers to his certain peculiar titles such as Jangamajanardana, Pratāpa-caturbhuja with Samastarājāvalivirajita and Umāpativaralabdhaprasada. It also states that at that time Lața was under his prosperous rule, where Sobhanadeva was his dandanayaka and Ratnasimha was transacting the business of seal. Another Jain praśasti of Yogaśāstra-vrtti, dated V.E. 1251
IJSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9: Jana Tag A E71 Ja: TOTI श्रीवीसलदेव
2 EI., XI, p. 72. 8 SJGM., XVIII, pp. 121-122. - Kadi grant (VI), IA., VI, pp. 206-08. 6 BG., I, Pt. I, p. 195, fn. 4. & SJGM., XVIII, p. 112.

Page #322

292
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
states that the composition was completed in Darbhāvati (modern Dabhoi) in the Lāța country.1 A third praśasti of Şadaśitipraka, ana-vitti, dated V.E. 1258, relates that this work was written in Anahillapura in the reign of Samastarajavalivirajita M. R. Bhīmadeva.2 The prasasti of V.E. 1247 noted above along with the other two praśastis shows that Bhīma (II) must have become a strong and powerful ruler by that time and he must have been enjoying all the prestige and powers of his forefathers like Jayasimha and Kumārapāla.
By the year V.E. 1254, A.H. 593 (A.D. 1197), it is recorded by the Muslim historians that Qutb-ud-din Aibak, the great general of Muhammad Ghuri, invaded the city of Anahilavāda. This war lasted for full three years, at last, Aibak occupied Pāțan and plundered the wealth of Gujarāt.3 We, however, have no direct evidence of this disastrous war among the Jain sources. On the other hand, we have two praśastis of Jain composition written at Anahillapura some years after this event. The praśasti of the Şadasiti-prakarana, dated V.E. 1258 ( referred to above), gives him full sovereign titles 'Samastarajavalivirajita Mahārājādhiraja' (adorned with the row of all kings, the king-emperor). The other one from Jayanti-vrtti, dated V.E. 1261, and written at Anahillapura in the prosperous reign of Bhīmadeva (Kalyanavijayarajye) records him as Maharajadhiraja. From these praśastis it may be concluded that he was enjoying full sovereignty although he suffered a setback at the hands of foreigners. It, therefore, seems that, had the invasions of Muslims been felt much, they would have been mentioned in the Jain praśastis written during the subsequent period.
After V.E. 1261 (A.D. 1204) we have no Jain praśastis from V.E. 1262 to 1294 (A.D. 1205–1237). The praśasti of the Jñatadharmaşadanga-vrtti, dated in the beginning of V.E. 12955, attributes him simple title 'Maharāja' and states that the composition was finished in Anahilla pāțaka in the prosperous reign of Bhīmadeva. During this long period of 33 years it appears that Bhīma might have been reduced to an insignificant position and Anahilapāțan might have been an unsafe place for the Jain monks to reside. That is why, perhaps, we do not find any work composed at Anahilapätan during this period which was otherwise enriched by the literary productions of the Jains.
Fortunately, the Jains also record certain events of this period. They 1 SJGM., XVIII, p. 113. 2 Ibid. 3 Elliot, II, pp. 226–31. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 114. * Ibid., p. 28.

Page #323

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
293
mention the two invasions on Gujarāta made by the Mālava kings of that time. The Prabandha-cintamani states:
"While he (Bhīma) was reigning, the king of Mālava named Soháda advanced to the border of Gujarāta, with intention of devastating that country, but the minister of Bhimadeva went to meet him and addressed this couplet to him : ** Thy blaze of might, O sun of kings,
gleams in the eastern quarter, But it will be extinguished, when thou shalt
descend into the western region." When Sohada heard this disagreeable utterance of the minister he turned back again '.1
It seems from the narration that in this invasion Subhatavarman could not fulfil his desire of subduing Gujarāta and "subsequently his son named the glorious Arjunadeva, quite defeated the realm of Gujarāta' as mentioned by the same authority.
Let us now decide when the series of these invasions took place. Although we have no direct information of the first war, still we may conjecture that the invasion would have occurred some years before V.E. 1267 (c. 1210 A.D.) which is the early known date of the accession of Arjunavarma from his copper plates. As regards the second invasion we have the Pārijātaman jari of Madana, the preceptor of Arjunavarma himself. It is a drama which deals with the love-affairs of Arjunavarma with Pārijātamañjarī or Vijayaśrī, the daughter of Gurjara king Jayasimha, who fell into Arjuna's hands after her father's defeat. There Jayasimha is referred to as Caulukyamahi-mahendra. According to historians this Jayasimha is most probably identical with the king of the same name who temporarily had usurped the throne of Bhīma (II). From the narrative of the Parijatamañjari it appears that Jayasimha might properly have been installed as the king of Gujarāta by the year 1210 A.D. and he was on the throne of Anahilapātana upto V.E 1280 (A.D. 1223) for the Kādi grants of his reign, dated V.E. 1280 (c. 1223 A.D.) have peen discovered. This war wirh Arjunavarma must have happened before V.E. 1275 (A.D. 1218 ) which is the earliest date of
SJGM., I, p. 97: HET TSA TEU galut tarSah Atoaufa hafa Hall Atlama: .... gia faggyufá afstat.Of agai
ibid.: T Q Tigerot AtHGCTAT TERORISTIRI
See supra pp. 115-116, Chapter on Paramāra of Mālava; see also JASB., V, p. 378.
IA. VI, p. 196; GHI., Pt. II, No. 165.

Page #324

294
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Devapāla, the successor of Arjunavarma. Fortunately, we have a definite proof of this invasion in the Sridhara-prasasti dated V.E. 1273 (A.D. 1216) which states that Srīdhara the Nāgara general of Bhīma, protected Devapāšana (in Saurāşțra) from the elephant army of Mālava. This shows that before V.E. 1273 (A.D. 1216) Arjunavarman, the ruling prince of Mālava, penetrated into Gujarāta upto Saurāştra. Jayasimha, the then ruler of Anahilapāțana, might have been defeated near Parvaparvata (modern Pavāgadh) as stated in the drama Pārijataman jari. From these two references we may assume that this invasion must have been made sometime before V.E. 1273 (A.D. 1216). The matrimonial alliance with the king of Mälava, j.e., Arjunavarman, made the position of Jayasimha somewhat strong and Bhīma was reduced to become ordinary ruler of Saurāsțra. According to the Hammira-mada-mardana, Bhīmasimha was the Samantamani of Saurastra.3 The Bhīmasimha has been identified with Bhīma II, the Caulukya, who might have been residing in Saurastra during the period of his rainy days.
Unfortunately, we have no information regarding Jayasinha in the Jain sources but the conditions of that time as depicted in the Vasanta-vilasa and the Sukrta-samkirtana throws some light on the point. The Sukrta-sankirtana states that Bhīma II was very charitable and extravagant. His kingdom was being devoured by his powerful mandalikas whom he was unable to control, Bhima was thus filled with anxiety about the fate of his kingdom. Similarly, the Vasanta-vilasa relates that Bīma was unable to control his kingdom on account of his weakness and his mandalikas ( feudatories) began to rule over the country. Armorāja, son of Dhavala of the Caulukya race, sticking to the king's side annihilated the refractory chiefs and protected the kingdom. The Kādi grant of Bhīma dated V.E.1283 (A.D. 1226) shows that Bhīma had won back his throne at Anahilapätaka sometime before that year.? Since we have no published Jain praśasti of this period we cannot furnish a definite proof for this from the Jain MS. referred to above that by the year V.E. 1225 he was again ruling over Anahillapāțaka as bearing ordinary title Maharāja. The two other Upadeśakandali-vrtti and
1 See supra p. . 3 EI., II, p. 437, V. 42. : HMM. (GOS., X), p. II: THET: GIZARA HOT that: · The Glory That Was Gurjaradeśa, III, p. 213. 6 Canto II, V. 51: Face Tata Tatatrafegaranty 2:1
बलकवलितभूमीमण्डलो मण्डलेशैश्चिरमुपचितचिन्ताचान्तचिन्तान्तरोऽभूत्। . Canto III, V. 37: 90 Talcaha.... atafsetT: 1
I A., VI, pp. 199–200.

Page #325

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
295
Sangrahani-ţika, both dated V.E. 1296, bear witness that Bhīma had again become, a sovereign ruler, though for a short period, assuming the grandiloquent title 'Samastarājāvalisamalankyta Maharajadhiraja.'1
We have fortunately three Jain inscriptions of his reign. The Girnar inscription of V.E. 1256 was found engraved on both sides of a niche containing the image of Nandīśvara to the north-west of the temple of Sangrama Soni. This epigraph records that the son of the general (dandanāyaka) of the Caulukya king Kumärapäla, named Abhayad, was very much devoted to the Jain religion. His son Vasnatapāla for the merits of his parents caused to be made an image of Nandīśvara on the Ujjayanta hill, consecrated by Devendrasūri, disciple of Jineśvara, disciple of Candrasūri. It is to be noted that though the inscription is dated V.E. 1256, i.e., in the reign of Bhima II, his name is not given in the inscription.2
Another inscription from Somanātha of the year 125 (x) contains the description of the capital Aşahillapāțaka growing rich under its famous sovereigns. In the 4th line king Mūlarāja is mentioned and then without mentioning the intervening rulers the records switch on in the 6th line to the king Bhima II to whose reign the record belongs. Nothing is particularly mentioned about his reign in this inscription.
The third inscription of 1287 has been found engraved on a white slab built into a niche in the corridors of the shrine of Neminātha on Mt. Ābu which is generally known as the temple of Vastupāla and Tejahpala. It mentions two of the feudatories of his reign. One was Mahamandalesvara Rājakula Somasimha of the Paramāra family of Ābu. It is said that while Somasimha was reigning Tejahpāla got built in the village Deulavāda on the top of Mt. Arbuda, the temple of the holy Neminātha, called Lūņasimha Vasahikā, for the increase of the glory and merit of his wife Anupamādevī, and his son Lūņasimha. Another feudatory is mentioned there by name Mahamandalesvara Ranaka Lavaņaprasāda and his son Viradhavala of the Caulukya kula, who obtained Gurjaratramandala by the favour of the aforesaid M. Bhimadeva. Tejahpāla is said there as conducting the whole business of the seal of Vīradhavala.4 Besides these inscriptions there are so many Jain inscriptions of the
1 SIGM., XVIII, pp. 121-122. 2 Poona Orientalist, I, No. 4, p. 45. 3 Ibid., II, No. 4, p. 122. • EI, VIII, pp. 204-07 and 219-22.

Page #326

296
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES reign of Bhīma II, but they practically belong to ministers Vastupāla and Tejahpāla.
All these Jain inscriptions and the colophons noted above certainly furnish some information about Bhīma's ministers, generals and feudatories. The colophon of V.E. 1247 of Jain MS refers to Sobhanadeva as the general (dandanāyaka) and Ratnasimha as the mahattama. The inscription of V.E. 1256 records Abhayada and Vasantapāla as the son and the grandson respectively of the dandanāyaka of Kumārapāla. The Ābu inscription of V.E. 1287 mentions that Somasimha of the Paramāra family of Ābu and Lavaņaprasāda and his son Víradhavala were the feudatories of Bhīma. One colophon of V.E. 1296 records that Vīramadeva was the Mahamandalesvara Rānaka in Vidyutpura in the reign of Bbīma.? This Vīramadeva has been taken as identical with the son of Lavaņaprasāda noted above. Another colophon of V.E. 1296 refers to one mahamatya and dandanayaka Srītata, in charge of the seal and insignia.3 The Uncha inscription of Ajayapālā (V.E. 1231 ) also mentions this Tāta as dandanāyaka. It seems that by that time when the colophon was written he must have been very old.
Thus we know from the Jain sources the following members of this branch:
Bhūyarāja
Rāji
Mūlarāja I
Cămundarāja
Cacinidevi
Vallabharāja
Durlabharaja
Någadeva Bhimadeva 1
Bhīmadeva I
Mūlarāja
Kșemarāja
Karna
Devaprasāda
Jayasimha
Tribhuvanapāla 1 SGM., XVIII, p. 112. 2 Ibid., p. 122. 3 Ibid., p. 121. • HIG., JII, No. 157 a.

Page #327

38

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
Tribhuvanapala Jayasimha
I
Kirtipāla Kumārapāla
Mahipala
Ajayapāla
Mūlarāja
Bhimadeva II
Tribhuvanapāla

297

Page #328

CHAPTER X
DYNASTIES OF SAURĀSTRA (Continued) III. THE VAGHELA BRANCH OF THE CAULUKYAS
We have copious material for this branch in our Jain sources. The Jains have overlooked the long reign of Bhima II in favour of this branch. The reason for this may be attributed to the fact that in them they had found better patrons of their religion, literature and society.
Early History: The early history of the Vaghela branch starts from a certain Dhavala who was the husband of Kumārapāla's mother's sister and belonged to the Caulukya clan. From them was born a son named Arņorāja who was popularly known as Āņaka also. According to Sukrta-sajikistana, Kumārapāla, pleased with his services, made him his feudatory lord and gave him the town of Bhīmapallī (about ten miles S.W. of Anahilapura) to rule. The Sukrta-kirti-kallolini also supports this statement. The same authority refers to the fact that Arņārāja killed the chiefs of Medapāta and Candrāvatīpura. The Prabandha-cintamani records the name of the village given to Arnorāja as Vyāghrapallī whence his descendants received the epithet of the Vaghelas. It appears from the Jain chronicles that Ānaka enjoyed a long vassalage of the Caulukyas from Kumārapāla to Bhima (II). The Vasanta-vilāsa states that Bhīma II was unable to control his kingdom on account of his weakness and his mazdalikas (feudatories) began to rule over the country. Armorāja, sticking to the king's side, annihilated them and protected the kingdom. This Armorāja or Āņaka is quite different from Armorāja or Anna, the ruler of Sākambhari. His son was Lavaņa
1 SJGM., I, p. 94: 371717H ATTE: 1
SS. Canto III, V. 15: 145FFFATTITA: sfregatas: geg u t THEY=: 1 2 SS., Canto III, V. 18: Agret fatiza HAAT DAERA:
__ अकारि कारणं श्रीणां भीमवल्लीपुरप्रभुः॥ 3 GOS., X, p. 78, V. 74. • Ibid., V. 75: TRGUSZTHA HET rataatgraat etc. 5 SJGM., I, p. 98: 999812 A G: 1 6 Canto III, Vs. 37-38: i plagiats a ferrara HUEFT:
ररक्ष तामक्षतवृत्तमर्णोराजश्चुलुक्यो धवलांगजन्मा ॥

Page #329

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
299
prasāda.1 The Sukyta-sanii kirtana states that once Kumārapāla appeared in a dream to his grandson Bhīma and directed him to appoint Lavaņaprasāda as Sarvesvara (vice-regent) and his son Vīradhavala as his heirapparent:
Next day in the court in the presence of the nobles when Lavaņaprasāda and Vīradhavala entered, the king said to Lavanaprasāda : "Your father Armorāja seated me on the throne. You should, therefore, uphold my power as Sarvesvara, and your son Viradhavala as my heir-apparent." 2
The Sukrta-kirti-kallolini mentions that Bhīma II, considering that Arnorāja once was an object of Kumārapāla's favour and that he made him king, entrusted his kingdom to his son Layaņaprasāda.3
The fact that Lavaņaprasāda was Sarvesvara of Bhīma is confirmed by the Girnăra inscription of V.E. 1288 found over the west doors of the temple of Vastupāla and Tejahpāla. As to when he was raised to that high post we have definite information from that inscription. It refers to the fact that in V.E. 1276 Vastupāla and Tejahpāla were appointed with the power of Sarvesvara to carry on the business of the seal in Dhavalakka and other cities in the Gurjara-mandala by the Maharāja Srī Vīradhavala, son of (Caulukya-kula-prakaśanaika-mārtanda) Mahārājādhiraja Lavaņaprasāda.
This shows that before V.E. 1276 Lavaņaprasāda must have been appointed as Sarvesvara. Bühler infers, however, from the title Sarvesvara that Lavanaprasāda and his son might have thrown away the suzerainty of Bhima in that year and assumed that title.5 But this assumption does not seem probable for we know from a Jain inscription of V.E. 1287 noted above that Lavaņaprasāda was simply a Mahāmandalesvara and Ranaka at that time. The same inscription also confers the same title on his son Vīradhavala. Moreover, the colophon of the Jain MS V yakarara-tippapakaiit of
1 SJGM., I, p. 98: HATCHT: STESSUTIHIGPIT TELİ FITI 2 Canto III, Vs. 15-39: IETOT ET afgre I
युवराजोऽस्तु मे वीरधवलो धवलो गुणैः॥ 3 GOS., X, p. 78, V. 24: T utar TUŠI
अर्णोराज न्यधत्त नृपति मामेतदीय: पिता।
मत्वैवं लवणप्रसादनृपतौ क्ष्माभारमेव व्यधात् । 4 HIG, Pt. III, No. 207, pp. 14-16: Traxfame ur etc. 5 IA., XXXI (1902), pp. 477–495. 6 El., VIII, p. 204 ff.

Page #330

300
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
V.E. 1288 mentions him simply Rānaka, And the two other colophons of the Jain MSS, dated V.E. 1276 and 1298, state that his second son Vīrama and his grandson Visaladeva, were called Mahamandalesvara, Maha-Ranaka.2 This shows that this line of Vaghelas, most probably, could not throw the suzerainty of Bhīma II upto V.E. 1298 as attested by the Jain sources. The peculiar title 'Sarvesvara' suggests that Lavanaprasāda might have been holding a post like the Peśavas in the time of the Marāțhās.3
As to how and in what circumstances the title was conferred we do not know. The prabandha literature, however, records several events of the time of Bhīma in which Lavaņaprasāda and his son had shown their bravery and skill in saving the kingdom of Bhīma. Perhaps, as a reward for these services, Bhīma might have conferred on him the title 'Sarvesvara.'
By V.E. 1276 Lavaņaprasāda seems to have approached the age of 70, for we know from the Udaypur inscription of Ajayapāla dated V.E. 1229 that he was appointed there as an officer by Ajayapāla. At that time he must have been at least some 20 or 22 years old and as a promising man he must have obtained that post at an early age. We may place his birth, therefore, in V.E. 1299 or 1207. He lived long for we have the year V.E. 1288 as one of his dates from a colophon of the Jain MS noted above. He perhaps lived longer, at least till V.E. 1295 or 1300. The events described in the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha and other prabandhas reveal that he enjoyed a life of nearly ninety years or more.
We have already seen that Arņorāja, the father of Lavaņaprasāda, assisted Bhima II in subduing the enemies which he did perhaps, in the early part of his reign. Lavaņaprasāda also followed the footsteps of his father. At the time of the accession of Bhīma in V.E. 1234 both the father and the son were simply feudatories of Vyāghrapallī or Bhīmapallī. But due to their constant services to Bhīma their status was raised. Lavanaprāsada, by V.E. 1276, actually became Mahamandalesvara, having established his principality around Dhavalakka (modern Dholka) which stretched upto Cambay between the Sāvaramati and the Narmadă. The city of Dhavalakka was founded after the name of Dhavala, the grandfather of Lavaņaprasāda.
There is an interesting story in the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha which
1 Prasasti-samgraha ( Ahmedabad), p. 85, No. 144. 2 SJGM., XVIII, PP. 122-123. 3 GMRI. (Guj.), p. 367. 4 HIG., Pt. II, No. 156, pp. 69-72.

Page #331

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
301
throws light on the early relationship of Lavaņaprasāda and his father with Bhīma II.
It narrates that once Ranaka Āņaka of Vyāghrapallī having been insulted by Bhīma went to the frontier. He was called again respectfully but he refused to come back by saying that as he had lost his kingdom, what he would do by turning back. He would remain as an ordinary footman and spend his life by olagå (begging). His son Lūnapasā (Lavaņaprasāda) used to carry water in the leather vassals. Lüņapasā had two wives and from them two sons by name Vīrama and Vīradhavala. He ousted the mother of Vīrama with the son. She was held by Tribhuvanasimha of Mahta village. Lavaņaprasāda once in the evening went to kill Tribhuvanasimha in his house. He, at that time, was being served for his evening meal when he asked his new wife to call Virama without whom he could not take the meal. Lavaņaprasada thought that though he has held his wife he loved his son so much that he could not kill him. Soon after this thought came to his mind, he appeared before him (Tribhuvanasimha). After the acquaintance they became friends. Tribhuvanasiunha feasted him and offered clothes. After some time Bhīma raised Lavaņaprasāda to the post of Rāņaka and he began to look after the affairs of the government. The king, however, became unnerved when Lavanaprasada established the full control over the kingdom and after the death of Bhīma he became king.1
This story certainly reveals certain realistic facts for which, unfortunately, we have no contemporary evidences. It relates that due to unknown reasons the relationship between Bhīma and Āņaka deteriorated which made the early life of Lavanaprasā da miserable. At the time of the accession of Bhīma Lavaņaprasāda might have been more than 25 years old. From the story related above and from a story recorded in the Prabandha-cintāmani,2 it appears that his wife, in that miserable condition, fled away from Lavanaprasāda and was held up by others. At that time Lavaņaprasāda had a son by name Vīrama from his wife. The Prabandha
1 SJGM., II, p. 54: 1998 TTT 11FT HRATTATTAT TAHFT Ta: परिग्रहेणाकारितो नायाति । राज्यं विनष्टं आगत्य किं करोमि . . . . इतः स क्रमेण भीमदेवेन राणकः कृतः स राज्यचिन्तां कर्तुं प्रवृत्तः। नृपस्तु स्वयं विकलः अथ लवणप्रसादेन राज्यमात्मायत्तं कृतम् इतो राज्ञि दिवं a parfum ara: 1 atta: quitaiata: etc.
2 SJGM., I, p. 98: gega: 91537219S; attua: 1 ALAT #67733t aaराजनाम्नो भगिनीपतेः पट्टकिलस्य भगिन्यां विपन्नायां.... शिशुना वीरधवलेन समं तत्र गता सती तेन गृहिणी चक्रे । etc.

Page #332

302
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
cintamani states that through his wife, Madanarājñi, he had a son named Vīradhavala. It is stated there that when Vīradhavala developed some intellect, he grew ashamed of his mother's character and leaving her he joined his father Lavaņaprasāda. From this event we may assume that by V.E. 1234 Vīradhavala must have been born and might have been 3 or 4 years old. He might have left his mother at the age of some consciousness, say, at the age of 8 or 10 years, which means in about V.E. 1240. Thus we may put his birth in V.E. 1230 or some time before or after it. This also would signify that he was born to Lavaṇaprasāda at the age of about 21 or 23, which is not unlikely.
The fact that Lavaņaprasāda was reduced to insignificance may be confirmed by the silence maintained by epigraphical as well as colophonic evidences from V.E. 1276.
The inscription from Girnāra of V.E. 1288, however, breaks the silence and styles Vīradhavala as Maharaja and Lavaņaprasāda as Maharajadhiraja.2 They appointed Vastupāla and Tejahpāla as their ministers in V.E. 1276. At that time Vīradhavala might have been about 45 years old and his father Lavaņaprasāda more than 65 years old.
We know from other sources that during this period the throne of Anahilapāțaka was usurped by Jayasimha and the condition of Bhīma became precarious. His feudatories were everywhere trying to overthrow his suzerainty. He turned to wise and elderly Lavanaprasāda and made him Sarvesvara (vice-regent) to regain the last splendour of the kingdom of Gujarāta. Thus Bhīma remained the nominal head of the state but real rulers of Gujarāta were father and son-Lavanaprasāda and Viradhavala, They, however, were faithful to the throne of Anahilapāțaka and neither usurped the throne nor styled themselves as Mahārajadhiraja. They, however, remained content with their title of Mahamandalesvara.
Lavaņaprasāda seems to have remained at the court and was all-powerful there while his son Viradhavala freely ruled at Dholka. Gujarāta had more or less triumphed by the valour of Viradhavala, the loyalty of Lavaņaprasāda and the statesmanship of Vastupāla.4
Ibid., p. 98: 37277 atyta ir atsaftalarda FATTI-FITATUTस्तद्गृहं त्यक्त्वा निजमेव जनक सिषेवे।
2 HIG., Pt. III, No. 207, pp. 14-18.
This is the only instance where they were styled by such title. The purpose seems to be to honorify them or to praise them.
3 See supra p. 293. 4K. M. Munshi, The Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, III, p. 217.

Page #333

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
303
Appointment of Vastupala and Tejahpāla: Before we deal with the political achievements of the reign let us say something about the appointment of the two ministers Vastupāla and Tejahpāla, who were the real architects of the Dholka kingdom. The Vasanta-vilāsa states that once the Rājalakşmi appeared to Viradhavala in a dream and asked him to appoint the two brothers of Prāgvāta family as his Mantriyugma. The Kirti-kaumudi and the Prabandha-cintamani state that Vīrad havala requested them to take the charge of premiership. The two brothers came to Dholka and were appointed by Vīradhavala. Some of the Jain writers, however, do not agree to this point. The Sukrta-sam kirtana, the Sukrta-kirtikallolini and the Vastupāla-Tejahpala-prasasti inform us that the two brothers were already in the service of Bhima and that he had given them to Vīradhavala at his request.3 Vastupāla in his work Naranārāyanānanda states that he accepted the dependence of Bhīma's minister, which supports the latter view.4 Vastupāla was in charge of the administration of the whole state.5
Achievements of father and son: Various struggles made by Lavaņaprasada and Viradhavala show that they came into conflict mostly with the neighbouring feudatories of Bhima, who were creating disorder and chaos, The Dabhoi prasasti of V.E. 1311 informs us that Lavanaprasāda came into conflict with a strong enemy near Vadavana. The Prabandhacintamani states that this struggle was with Sobhanadeva, the father-in-law of Vīradhavala. He was on one side and Lavaņaprasāda and Viradhavala were on the other side. In this battle Vīradhavala was fatally wounded. This battle is called the battle of Pañcagräma.? The Prabandha-kośa says that Lavaņaprasāda and Vīradha vala with the minister Vastupala went to Vamanasthali, punishing in the way the lords of Vardhamanapura and Gohilavati. They fought there with Vīradhavala's two brothers-in-law, Sāngana and Cāmunda. In this war Vīradha vala killed his brothers-in-law
1 GOS., VII, Canto III, Vs. 51-65. 2 Canto III, Vs. 51–78; SJGM., I, pp. 98-99. 3 Canto III, Vs. 57-60: TRI FART Hauit åt .... GOS., X, p. 83, V. 119: 3772 UTC teftfuata fagforeta: Appendix, p. 63, V. 51: tar sifagafa itatago at
श्रीभीमभुजा दत्तौ वित्तमात्ममिवात्मनः ।। 4 GOS., Canto XVI, V. 35: Ta patala razarazne 21 5 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. xv. 6 EI., I, p. 26, V. 13. ? SJGM., I, p. 104: 397398T ZUH ÅTTHIETTI: ....

Page #334

304
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
and looted their property in cash and kind.1 In both the prabandha works it is stated that Viradhavala's queen Jayataladevī went to advocate the cause of her husband before her father and brothers but she failed in her efforts.
The Prabandha-kośa records another war with the Pratīhāra Bhimasiỉnha of Bhadreśvara. Vīradhavala first made peace with Bhadreśvara and later on when opportunity came he extirpated Bhīmasimha.
Whatever be the truth behind these stories, the fact that Lavanaprasada held his sway over Saurastra is proved by the Girnar inscription of V.E. 1288 (1231 A.D.).3 The battle with Bhimasimha and with the ruler of Pañcagrama is also supported by Jayasimhasüri in his Hammira-madamardana. The Dabhoi inscription of V.E. 1311 mentioned above supports the war of Vadavana.5
It is difficult to date the wars of Saurāstra but it may safely be surmised that they must have occurred after the appointment of Vastupala in V.E. 1276 (1220 A.D.) and before Vastupala's pilgrimage to Satruñjaya at Girnāra in V.E. 1277 (1221 A.D.)6
In the same year it appears that Viradhvala invaded Cambay also and defeated its chief, the Cāhamäna prince, Sangrāmasimha or Sarkha. It is said that the Yādava king of Devagiri invaded Läța and reached the northern banks of the Narmadā, but Sankha drove him back with the timely help of Devapāla the king of Mālava (1218 A.D.). Next year, the Yadava king again invaded Lāța. The brave Sarkha was taken prisoner and brought to Devagiri. But he acquired influence over the Yadava king and a treaty was signed between the two and Devapala. Sankha was restored to his kingdom. It was during the temporary absence of Sarkha that Vīradhavala captured Cambay and put there Vastupāla as its governor.?
The Vasanta-vilasa also records a battle with the king of Mārwar in which Lavanaprasāda was accompanied by Vīradhavala.8 The Kirti-kaumudi supports this statement and states that the battle was fought with the four kings of Mărwar. Lavanaprasāda, however, entered into a treaty with
1 SJGM., VI, p. 103-104. 2 Ibid., pp. 104-106. 3 HIG., Pt. III, p. 14 ff. * GOS., X, Act I, p. 7 and Act II, p. II. 5 EI., I, p. 26, V. 13. 6 SJGM., I, p. 100: 379 ogrou a HATI sitgegria HEAT YTHI 7 See infra, the Cāhamānas of Lāta. 8 GOS., VII, Canto V, V. 15: Arrate an Ard: afTetfa: 1
तत्रवीरधवलोऽपि बलोपक्रान्तवैरिनिगमः स जगाम॥

Page #335

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
305
these princes. I have elsewhere shown that one of them was Jālor Cāhamāna Udayasinha who is credited in the Sundhā hill inscription to have remained unconquerable by Gurjara king. · The Hammira-mada-mardana refers to another conflict with Cāhamāna Sankha who invaded Cambay, the territory occupied by Vīradhavala.3 The Vasanta-vilāsa also states that when Lavaņaprasāda and Vīradhavala were engaged with Yadava Simhaņa and the Mārwar kings, Sankha, taking advantage of this critical position, demanded the surrender of Cambay from Vastupāla. He threatened the minister and tempted him with bribes, but all his efforts proved of no avail. A fierce battle took place between Vastupāla and Sankha, in which the latter suffered a crushing defeat. The Sukrta-kirti-kallolini also supports this wars. The Prabandha-cintamani and the Prabandha-kośa attribute some other causes of this war which I have described elsewhere.
The Prabandha-kośa records yet another war of Vīradhavala with the feudatory of Godhra. It refers to the name of this chief as Ghughula.? The Hammira-mada-mardana mentions the name of this chief as Vikramāditya.8 The Kirti-kaumudi, a contemporary work, also supports this event.8 According to the Prabandha-kośa this struggle was led by minister Tejahpāla. 10 Ghughula is stated to have looted the traders coming from Gujarāta. Tejahpāla captured him and took away his large property. We, however, have no support of this statement from any other sources.
Another important struggle with the Yādava king of Deccan is also recorded by the Jain chroniclers. It is stated that attracted by the internal mismanagement of Gurjara empire, the Yādava king ran over the territories of Gujarata adjoining his countries and at the best could reach as far as Broach. The Kirti-kaumudi records one attack of Simhana as far as the banks of the Narmadā when Lavanaprasāda and Viradhavala were engaged in putting down the rebellion of the Mārwar kings.11 The Hammira-mada
1 Canto IV, V. 55. 2 EI., IX, pp. 76-77. 3 GOS., X, pp. 5-6 and 16. 4 GOS., VII, Canto V, Vs. 16-109. 5 Ibid., X, p. 86. Vs. 138-140. & See infra, the Cāhamānas of Lāța. ? SJGM., IV, p. 107. 8 GOS., X, Act II, p. II. 9 Canto V, V. 257. 10 SJGM., IV, p. 107. 11 Canto IV, V. 69.
39

Page #336

306
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
mardana states that at that time he was invited by Sankha.1 The same drama relates another invasion of Simhaņa as far as the banks of the Tapti, when Vīradhavala was engaged in repulsing an attack of the Mohammadans. The Vasanta-vilasa, besides the invasion mentioned by Kirti-kaumudi, refers to another invasion as far as Broach, when Sankha was taken prisoner.3 The Lekhapancāśikā of an unknown author gives an illustration of the form of a treaty or an alliance signed between Simhaņa and Vīradhavala.
For the struggle with the Yādava king Simhaņa, we have confirmatory evidences also from the inscriptions of Yadava kings. According to the Amblem inscription, one of Simhana's earlier expeditions was led by his Brahmana general Kholeśvara.5 Fleet has suggested that the expedition took place in the time of Lavaņaprasāda who was the chief-minister of Bhīma II. Simhana was the king of Devagiri who ruled from A.D. 1210 to 1247.6
The Hammira-mada-mardana states that Vīradhavala came into conflict with the Mleccha Cakravartin. Dhārāvarsa the Paramāra of Abu, Udayasimha, the Cāhamāna ruler of Jālor (1206-1249 A.D.), Somasiinha, the son of Dharāvarsa (c. 1230-36), all these princes of Maru country and Bbīmasimha of Saurāsţra joined him against the Mlecchas. The same authority records the fact that Jayatala (Jaitrasimha 1213-1252 A.D.), the lord of Medapāta, who in his pride had not joined Vīradhavala, was invaded by Hammīra. His capital, Nāgadraha (mod. Nāgda), was plundered and destroyed by the Turuşkas. The people through terror preferred dying at their own hands. Some fell into wells, some set fire to their houses and burnt themselves, some hanged themselves, while others filled with anger fell on the enemy.8 The approach of Vīradhavala and the intrigues of his spies at the end compelled the Muslim prince to flee away to Mathura." Then Vīradhavala returned to Dholkā, his heart filled with joy at the flight of the Turuskas, passing on his way back through Mt. Ābu, Candravati the capital of the Paramāra kings, the sacred river Sarasvatī, Anhilväd, the
1 GOS., X, Act I, p. 5: THOHETTfaaa: 1 2 Ibid., Act II, pp. 14-15. 3 GOS., VII, Canto V, V. 42: PATTATICCATI FIT JE WATT 4 Ibid., XIV, p. 52. 5 DHNI., II, pp. 1031-32. 6 BG., I, Pt. II, p. 525. ? GOS., X, Act II, p. 21, V. 8: AFTER AFHENTERTAITHE Tar
दिशोऽष्टजेतुं स्फुटमष्टबाहुत्रिभिः समेतैरभवत्प्रभुनः।। 8 Ibid., Act III, pp. 30-31. 9 Ibid., Act IV, p. 36, V. 3.

Page #337

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
307
capital of Gurjara king and Karşāvati on the Sābarmatī. Vīradhavala gave the credit to his minister Vastupāla.
In the opinion of Pt. Gourisankar H. Ojha, for the most part, the above description is exaggerated.2 But the fact that Jayatala came into conflict with Turks is proved by his two Jain inscriptions from Cirwa and Ghāghasā and by the Mt. Ābu inscription of Samarasimha. They record that Jaitrasiinha defeated the Turks and saved Gujarāta from their attacks.3
The Hammira-mada-mardana speaks of one Milacchīkāra with whose army the soldiers of Viradhavala fought, Pt. Ojha has suggested that the name is the corruption of Amir-i-Sikara, a title conferred by Qutb'ud-Din on Iltutmish whose time falls in V.E. 1266-1293 (1210-1236 A.D.).5
There is no direct reference to the time when the struggle occurred. But it seems that it must have been fought before V.E. 1286 (1229 A.D.), the date of the composition of the Hammira-mada-mardana and after V.E. 1279 (1222 A.D.), when Nāgadraha, the capital of Jayatala, was still undevastated by the enemy.
The Prabandha-kośa states that Vastupāla defeated the army of Sultan Mozz'ud-Din.? I have elsewhere shown the possibility of this war. The name of Mozz'ud-Din, however, does not seem probable in that period for his existence is proved between 1173-1206 A.D. when Vastupāla was not the minister of Vīradhavala.9
The Ministers Vastupāla and Tejahpāla: We have seen that these two brothers were appointed as ministers in V.E. 1276 by Vīradhavala. With their able guidance Vīradhavala fought several wars mentioned above.
The Jains have several inscriptions and literary compositions on the two ministers. According to them Vastupāla and his brother were born of a
1 Ibid., Act V. 2 HI., Pt. I, p. 466. 3 Ibid., p. 460. • GOS., X, Act IV, p. 35. 5 HI., p. 467. 6 GMRI., P. 381. ? SJGM., VI, p. 117. 8 See supra p. 164.
GMRI., P. 467. Certain scholars assume that the struggle with Muslims recorded by the Prabandha-kośa is most probably the same as mentioned in the Hammira-mada-mardana (Vastupälano Vidyāmandala ane Bijo Lekha (Guj.), pub. by the Jain Office, Bhavanagar).

Page #338

308
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N, INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
high Jain family of Pațţana. Their great-grandfather, Caņdapa, is described as the son of the assembly of councillors and of fiery splendour. His son, Candaprasāda, was one of the ministers of Siddharāja. His son Soma was the officer in charge of the treasury of Siddharāja. His son Asvarāja also held some position in the state and had the favour of the Caulukya king. He married Kumāradevī, daughter of Ābhū, who also held the high position of Dandanāyaka.1 The Prabandha-cintamani says that Kumāradevi was a handsome young widow.2 Aśvaraja had four sons Lūņiga, Malladeva, Vastupala and Tejahpāla.3 Luniga and Malladeva perhaps died young. 4
Thus the parents of Vastupāla were of a high class family with power and position. Their father had made several pilgrimages to Mts. Satruñjaya and Girnāra) and in one of the pilgrimages of V.E. 1249 they too as young boys accompanied their father. We may assume from this that they were born in V.E. 1240-42. After their appointment as the ministers of Vīradhavala both the brothers made a pilgrimage in V.E. 1277.7
The position of the two ministers was quite unique. They enjoyed the full confidence of Vīradhavala. Vastupāla had the administration of the whole kingdom in his hand, while Tejahpāla had the ministerial seal of the whole state. Each of them had a son. Jaitrasimha, the son of Vastupāla, held the governorship of Cambay (V.E. 1279) 8 and Lūņasimha was governor under Vīsaladeva.9 These two brothers were valiant warriors and possessed a statesmanship of very high order. Then they came to power, the condition of Gujarāta was very precarious. It was harassed by enemies without and within. Parts of India were in the grip of mighty and unscrupulous foreigners who looked upon Gujarāta very covetously. But they saved their country from the calamity which had befallen it and established a strong and well regulated Government. It was a great fortune of the Vaghelas that they got two such able statesmen to lay the foundation of their kingdom. The Jain chronicles depict them as the real rulers of the
1 Sukrta-sankirtana, Canto III, pp. 24-25, Vs. 45-51; Vasanta-vilāsa, Canto III, Vs. 53-63.
2 SJGM., I, p. 98: Fr & ATT Flataia Gracia 3 HIG., III, No. 207, p. 14; Girnar inscription of V.E. 1288. 4 Ibid., III, No. 106, p. 4, Vs. 8-II. 5 GOS., VII, Canto III, V. 59. 6 Ibid., VII, Introduction, p. XI, ft. (I); Watson Museum Rajkote inscriptions. ? SJGM., I, p. 100; HIG., III, No. 207, p. 14. 8 HIG., III, No. 207, p. 14. 9 SJGM.. XVIII, p. 123.

Page #339

THE DYNSATIES OF SAURASTRA
309
Caulukya kingdom and give all credit for its administration and survival to them.
Whatever may be their actual role in the affairs of Gujarāta, a number of inscriptions and monuments at Ābu, Girnar and Satrusijaya proclaim them as the moving spirit of Jainism. They did much for Jainism under the Vaghelas. Under Kumārapāla, Jainism not only secured the royal patronage, but made itself felt throughout the length and breadth of Gujarāta, but it declined under Ajayapāla and never regained that status under the succeeding kings. It, however, gained some amount of success and prosperity not known before, under the Vaghela ministers Vastupāla and Tejahpāla.
In one verse of the Sukrta-sain kirtana there is a reference to various qualities of Vastupāla. He was well versed in arms, learning, wealth and in the field of battle.3 His bravery is demonstrated in the battle of Cambay with Sankha. He was a scholar and composed a poem entitled Naranārāyaṇānanda. He was a patron of learning. Several Jain and non-Jain scholars Arisimha, Bālacandrasūri, Someśvara, Jayasinhasūri, Udayaprabha, etc. flourished under his liberal prtronage.4
The Sukrta-sainkirtanā, Vasanta-vilāsa and Sukrta-kirti-kallolini and Naranārāyaṇānanda-kavya and all the contemporary works and several inscriptions from Mts. Girnar and Ābu describe the numerous charitable and building activities of the two ministers. They built many temples, wells, tanks, resting houses for Yatis, gardens and places for drinking water and supplied golden staffs to many temples. Mts. Satruñjaya, Girnar aud Ābu were, however, marked out by them for spending their immense wealth.5
These activities were not limited to Jainism only but they were extended to other religions also. Vastupāla had installed (somewhere) two images of the consorts of Sūrya, Ratnadevī and Rājadevi. He also built a mandapa of the temple of Gaņeśvara in the village of Ganuli in V.E. 1291.6 In the Sukrta-sankirtana several works of this type are described.? Someśvara in his work Kirti-kaumudi states :
"It cannot be said about this Jain minister that he did not worship the gods Sankara and Vişnu and equally it also cannot be said that he
1 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. xv; see also, The Glory That Was Gurjaradeśa Pt. III, V. p. 216.
2 H. D. Sankalia, Archeology of Gujarata, p. 42. 3 Canto III, V. 43: T: The aqua : 4 GMRI., pp. 286-287. 5 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. xvi. 6 GMRI., p. 393 ; see also Archeology of Gujarata, pp. 214, 226. ? See its introduction,

Page #340

310
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
could not honour the Brāhmaṇas by his charity."1
It is said that both the brothers spent in all, three hundred crores and fourteen lakhs in public works.
As a devout Jain Vastupāla made several pilgrimages during the tenure of his ministership. One of them he made in V.E. 1277 and eleven others between V.E. 1283 and 1293. It seems that between V.E. 1278 and 1293 he constructed all the public works. The poet, Someśvara, in the Girnar inscription of V.E. 1288, comparing Vastupāla first with Karma regarding generosity, says: "After Bhoja died and Muñja became a king in the heaven, if there was any man who removed the distress of the afflicted he was Vastupāla.3
Death of Viradhavala: Vīradhavala must have died sometime before V.E. 1295, for a colophon of a Jain MS. Yogasāra informs us that Vīsaladeva, his son, was Mahamandalesvara Rānaka Vīsaladeva, 4 which would mean he died before that date. It is said in the Prabandha-cintämani that Vīradhavala,was fatally wounded in the battle of Pancagrāma and could not survive that wound. The same authority further states that when Vīradhavala died, owing to his excessive popularity, 120 followers elected to burn themselves with his corpse, after that, Tejahpāla set guards on the cemetery and prevented that eager desire of the people. The Puratanaprabandha-sangraha states that he embraced a religious death having dived himself in a pool at the holy place Matoda.? The Prabandha-kośa, on the other hand, refers to Viradhavala to have been seized by an incurable disease and died thereof.8 The Rajávali-kostaka composed in V.E. 1587 states that Vīradhavala died in V.E. 1294.9
i Canto IV, V. 40: rad H ATHTHAT I TT!
Saitsta : der TAF#: l 2 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. xvi. 3 HIG., Pt. III, p. 16, V. 4. 97 LOTO TTSI: T
द्विश्वोपकृतिव्रतं चरति यत्कर्णेन चीर्णं पुरा।
Atat HH5 ta etc. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 121. 5 Ibid., I, p. 104.
6 Ibid., I, p. 104: 772 afheL THET face acTHIRTIITETUT TETT få tai शतेन सहगमनं चक्रे।
? Ibid., VI, p. 66. 8 Ibid., VI, p. 124 : sitetetaatsfahrten z FCA 9 GMRI., P. 390.

Page #341

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
311
Dispute over succession: The succession seems to have been disputed between his son Vīsala and brother Vīrama. His son Visaladeva, known from the Jain prabandhas, has also been testified by the Cintrā stone inscription of V.E. 1343 which states that Vīradhavala had two sons Pratāpamalla and Visaladeva. Pratāpamalla predeceased his father while Visala succeeded him.1
Vīramadeva is also known from Purātana-prabandha-sangraha as the son of Lavanaprasada from his second wife.2 We do not know his early activities from any other sources. He, however, appears in the two inscriptions of Bhīma II, dated V.E. 1295 and 1296, as the son of Lūņapasā (Lavanaprasāda), and as one who got constructed the temple of Vīrameśvara.3 A colophon of the Jain MS. Sangrahani-tika, of the date V.E. 1296, mentions him as Mahamandalesvara ranaka.
We have already seen that in the colophons of V.E. 1295 and 1298 Vīsala is also mentioned as mahāmandalesvara, ränaka. These colophons seem to indicate that the kingdom for a time was divided between the nephew and uncle.
It is stated in the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha that when Viradhavala was dying a religious death he was filled with an anxiety about his son Vīsala. He revealed it to his minister Tejahpāla : "After me the kingdom would go to Vīrama and Vīsala would be troubled. Put the water in my hand, I shall offer my kingdom to Vīsala." The minister accordingly did and Vīradhavala died peacefuly.5
Accordingly to the Prabandha-kośa, Vīrama was the son of Vīradhavala. He is depicted there as a man of loose temper, whom Vīradhavala established in the village Vīrama. He, therefore, became hostile to his father. Vīsala, the other son, was very affectionate to Vīradhavala. Vīrama attempted to capture the throne but before his attempt Vastupala established Vīsala on the throne. Then Vastupāla with Visala attacked Vīrama. A fierce battle was fought. Vīrama fled away to Jávālipur in the hope of help from his father-in-law, Udayasimha, but Vastupāla warned the latter not to give him shelter, otherwise his life and kingdom would be endangered. He asked him to kill Vīrama. The bowmen of Udayasimha pierced him with arrows and sent his head to Visala.
1 HIG., III, No. 222, p. 79 ff. V.8. 2 SJGM., II, p. 54. 3 HIG., II, Nos. 201 and 202, pp. 159 and 162. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 122. 5 SJGM., II, p. 66. 6 SJGM., VI, p. 125.

Page #342

312
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Whatever may be the truth behind the war of this succession, it is, however, a fact that Vīrama was not a son of Viradhavala for the epigraphical evidences regard him as the son of Lanaprasāda and hence a brother of Viradhavala.1
A story of the war of succession is narrated in the Puratana-prabandhasangraha, which, in my opinion, may be considered more reliable than the story recorded in the Prabandha-kośa. It states:
"After the death of Viradhavala Lūnaprasāda asked Tejaḥpāla as to who should be made king, whether Viradhavala's son (who was then an infant) or Virama. The minister gave his consent in favour of Visala. Thereupon Virama striking Lavanaprasāda by his foot asked him whether he had still hope of ruling the kingdom, whether he wanted to see him also dying, and thus saying he left him. This act of Vīrama enraged Lavaṇaprasāda much and he asked Nagada to bring Visala as soon as possible. Then Lavanaprasāda marked Visala with tilaka and seated him on the throne with great ceremony. Virama stood there murmuring and was kept aside by the order of Visala. Visala also thought with the advice of Tejaḥpala that the old Lavanaprasada still had affection for Virama, he, therefore, wanted to poison him secretly. Lavanaprasada, on the other hand, also thought that he had done wrong and next day he would give his throne to Virama. He ordered the gate-keeper not to allow any one to enter in his house. But Visala in spite of the restriction entered in and asked Lavanaprasāda to drink soon the nectar that he had brought. Lavaṇaprasāda hesitatingly drank it and soon after expired. The title 'Rajasthāpanācārya' 'the king-maker' was conferred upon Tejaḥpāla.
Visala then turned his mind towards Virama. He outwardly showed his respect to Virama and told him that he was ready to leave his kingdom if Virama aspired for it. This unexpected honour lowered the pride of Virama and he asked only five big and particular cities to be handed over to him with three lakhs of Drammas per year (for his maintenance). Visala accepted this demand. His minister skilfully constructed five villages having similar names to those cities, in the suburb of the capital and were given to him. He raised great objections and threatened to escape in case his demand was not met with. He was then killed by Visala while he was escaping towards the country of Malava,
1 See supra, p. 311.
2 SJGM., II, p. 67.

Page #343

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
313
This story shows that Lavaņaprasāda outlived Vīradhavala. He wanted to enthrone his second son, Virama, but his plans were frustrated by minister Tejahpāla. He, perhaps, was poisoned by Visala. Vīsala while capturing the power removed all sorts of thorns in his way. He allured Vīrama and then killed him.
As to when these intrigues prevailed we have no direct information, but we may assume from the two Jain colophons quoted above, that they might have started in V.E. 1295 and continued till V.E. 1300, when Visala occupied the throne of Patan and became a full-powered king.
Death of Vastupāla: After the death of Viradhavala Vastupāla could not live long. Within two years he also died. The contemporary authority, the Vasanta-vilasa, states that in the fifth bright fortnight of Magha in V.E. 1 296 Vastupāla, after consoling his wife Lalitādevī, his son Jaitrasiraha and his brother Tejahpala, left this mortal body. The Prabandha-kośaputs the date of his death in V.E. 1298 and the place as Ankevāliya, but this statement cannot be regarded as correct in the light of the above contemporary statement. After the death of Vastupala, Visaladeva made Tejahpāla the prime minister who according to a Jain colophon enjoyed that post upto V.E. 1303.3 The statement of the Prabandha-kośa that Visaladeva made Nagada the prime minister when Vastupāla was alive, cannot be regarded as reliable in the light of the above view. The Prabandha-cintamani and the Prabandha-kośa state that Vastupäla died in the way between Dhavalakka and Satruñjaya while he was on pilgrimage. The contemporary work Vasanta-vilasa, however, has no such statements. The Prabandha-kośa records that Vīsaladeva diminished the ministerial power of the two brothers. It, however, does not seem likely, for we know from the earlier work Prabandha-cintamani that Visaladeva got the throne in V.E. 1295 simply through Vastupāla's favour and his kingdom was firmly established by him. According to Purātana-prabandha-sangraha,
1 GOS., VII, Canto XIV, V. 37: a faqutturafa sitiantatza: 1
FISIOCIET HET PA TUIFAIÀST ATTIEN etc. 2 SJGM., VI, pp. 127-128: f iCIT 9886 a 91977 Barf3198 यावत प्राप etc..
3 SJGM., XVIII, p. 124, No. 198. 4 Ibid., VI, p. 125. 6 Ibid., I, p. 105; ibid., VI, p. 128: T RITATETHET 1547 6 Ibid., VI, p. 125. ? Ibid., I, p. 104. 40

Page #344

314
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Tejahpāla was considered to be the king-maker (Rajasthapanacārya).1 It is, therefore, not possible that Vīsaladeva could have wrested the ministerial seat from Tejah pala and given it to Nāgada. Moreover, Visaladeva could not have done this, even if he had thought so, as his position could not have been firm and secure in the short period of one year when the ministers were so powerful and well established. In an inscription on Mt. Satruñjaya dated 1296, Tejahpāla is called a mahāmātya. The change in ministry perhaps was affected after the death of Tejahpāla, which took place, according to Jinaharşagani, ten years after that of Vastupala, that is, in V.E. 1306.3 According to the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha, Tejahpala left Vīsaladeva in V.E. 1308 to go to heaven. In the colophon of a Jain MS the Acarangasūtra-vrtti, dated V.E. 1303, Tejahpala is called a mahamätya in power at Anahillapura. In an old leaf of a paper MS, the dates of the death of the two brothers are given as V.E. 1296 and 1304 respectively. 6
Death of Bhima II: The old king Bhīma still lingered on surrounded possibly by the imperial honours. Visala and Vīrama as his feudatories maintained the loyalty to him and his family. After the death of Vastupāla, Bhima died within two years. According to the Prabandha-cintamani and the Pravacana-parikşa he ruled for 63 years from 1236. Thus, he died in V.E. 1298.
After him, his son, Tribhuvanapāla succeeded to the nominal kingship. The only Jain source about him is the Cirwa inscription of V.E. 1530, composed by Ratnaprabhasūri. This inscription relates that "Bāla, the grandson of Yogarāja, the Talāra of Nāgadā in the reign of Padmasimha went to heaven fighting in front of Jaitrasimha to capture Koțţadaka from Ranaka Tribhuvana.? The Rāņaka Tribhuvana of the record has been rightly identified with the Caulukya Tribhuvanapāla. His contemporary
1 Ibid., II, p. 67: 9:15 TEEIT1910: gía para acaq
2 Pracina Jain Lekha Samgraha, No. 66: aliteit 998€ ad astra Tisgate HETATI 25:910 #fa: etc.
3 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. viii. 4 SJGM., II, p. 68 : 721 330 cao hi 5:9100 HFR TF426Tf9a: 1 5 SJGM., XVIII, p. 124, No. 198. 6 GOS., VII, Introduction, p. viii: o 938€ HT Quapa fata:
सं० १३०४ महं तेजःपालो दिवंगतः॥ 7 WZKM., XXI, pp. 142-62, V. 19: 54: ETA EU atstafengra: 1
त्रिभुवनराणकयुद्धे जगाम युद्धापरं लोकम् ।।

Page #345

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
315
was the Guhila prince Jaitrasimha (V.E. 1270-1309, 1273-1312 A.D.)1 This statement certainly indicates the struggle between the two.
The later Jain work Pravácana-pariksa assigns four years for his reign, while a Pattāvali gives two months twelve days only. The only copper plate of his reign discovered so far is dated V.E. 1299.3
Visaladeva: A colophon of the Jain MS Yogāśastra noted above informs us that in V.E. 1295 Vīsaladeva was already enjoying the post of Mahamandaleśvara and Mahārāņaka. Perhaps, he was raised to this post soon after the death of his father Vīradhavala. The throne of Anahilapātaka was still occupied by Bhīma II, the inscriptions and colophons of MSS of his reign confirm this. Another colophon of Deśi-nāmamāla establishes the fact that in V.E. 1298 Vīsaladeva held the same post when Lūnasimha, the son of minister Tejaḥpāla, was governing the kingdom from Bharonca.5 The Vicaraśreri states that Sri Viradhavalabandhu Sri Visaladeva succeeded to the throne of Pațan in V.E. 1300.6 Another Jain work, the Pravacanapariksa, gives his accession date as V.E. 1302.7 But in presence of the early reference we may, however, discard the later statements. A definite proof of his kingship is furnished from a colophon of the Ācāranga-niryukti which is dated as early as V.E. 1303 and invests him with the title Maharājādhirāja.8
The Jain prabandhas are almost silent about his achievements although he enjoyed a reign of 18 years. From other sources it appears that he was a military leader of great capacity. He fought a number of battles with the king of Mālava, the two Yādava kings Sinhaņa and Kisna, and with the kings of Mewar and Karnataka.9
We have no Jain inscription of his reign, but several colophons of the Jain MSS so far discovered enable us to get some information about his ministers and generals. A colophon dated 1295 of a Jain MS tells us that Vijayasimha was dadādhipati (general) when Visaladeva was raised to the post of Mahāmadaleśvara Raņaka.10 The colophon dated 1298 states that
i Rajapūtānā kā Itihās, I, p. 411, fn. I. 2 GMRI., P. 396. 3 I A., VI, p. 208. 4 SJGM., XVIII, p. 121. 5 Ibid. p. 123. 8 JSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9. ? P. 272. 8 SJGM., XVIII, p. 124. 9 GMRI., pp. 399-402. 10 SIGM., XVIII, p. 12I.

Page #346

316
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Lūnasimha, the son of Tejahpāla, was governor when Vīsala was ruling in the above capacity. The colophon of V.E. 1303 refers to Tejahpāla as the prime minister of Visaladeva. The colophon of the date V.E. 1307 relates that Dhandha was mahattama (an high officer) of Visaladeva.3 The two colophons of the dates V.E. 1310 and 1313 record Nāgada as prime minister of the state, 4 whom several Jain prabandhas also refer to. It seems that he was appointed as the chief minister after the death of Tejah päla.
The Prabandha-kośa refers to some scholars at the court of Vīsaladeva. They were Someśvara, Arisimha, Amaracandsūri, Somāditya of Vämansthalī, Kāmāditya of Krsnanagara and Nāņaka of Vīsalanagara. It is stated there that once Visaladeva called the poet Amara in the court through Thakkura Vaijala. The king honoured him. The poet recited two stanzas in praise of the king, which highly pleased him. Once his court poets presented for completion some 108 incomplete stanzas to poet Amara who easily completed them in no time and, thus, was praised by all.5 The story presents a lively picture of the court where the meeting of scholars was considered an important part of the court life.
The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha states that in V.E. 1315 there prevailed a famine in the reign of Vīsaladeva. Visaladeva called from Bhadre śvara through Nāgada a wealthy merchant by name Jagaduka to help him. It is said in the Jagadú-carita that the wealthy merchant did his best to remove the famine.? Perhaps, he had several storehouses of grain which he distributed among the famine-stricken people. 8
The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha refers to Vīsaladeva's wife by name Nāgaladevi. It is said that she was very fond of music. She knew all sorts of musical modes. She wanted that her husband should also be proficient in music and ultimately she achieved her object.'
Vīsaladeva died in V.E. 1318 and was succeeded by Arjunadeva.
1 Ibid., p. 123. 2 Ibid., p. 124. 3 Ibid., p. 124. 4 Ibid., pp. 125-126. 5 SJGM., VI, pp. 61-63: 37a(14302:1 6 Ibid., II, p. 80. praba. 187. 7 GMRI., p. 410. 8 SJGM., II, p. 80. 9 SJGM., II, p. 71.

Page #347

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
317
Arjunadeva (c. 1264-1274 A.D.): The Vicaraśreni states that Vīsala deva was followed by Arjunadeva in the year V.E. 1318 (1261 A.D.) and ruled till V.E. 1331 (1274 A.D.)? But their relationship is not mentioned there. The Cintrā prasasti of Sārangadeva dated V.E. 1343, reveals the fact that Arjunadeva was nephew of Vīsaladeva. The Jain work Pravacana-parikşā gives him the date from V.E. 1320 to 1333.3 His inscriptions range from 1320 to 1330 V.E. (1264-1273 A.D.) The Muslim historians attribute only 10 years for his reign.5 As the earliest known inscription of his successor is dated V.E. 1332,6 we assume that the date ascribed by the Vicāra śreni is almost correct.
The Jain prabandhas do not throw any light on his reign. We, however, have more than half a dozen colophons of Jain MSS ranging from V.E. 1318 to 1327,? which help us to fix his chronology correctly.
These colophons refer to his titles as Maharājādhiraja Mahārājaśri and Samastarājávali-samalaikyta Mahārājādhiraja and mention Śrīsoma as Máladeva as mahāmālya (prime minister).
We have also one Jain inscription of his reign known as the Girnar stone inscription, dated V.E. 1330. This inscription is found at the entrance of the Mandapa of Ganadhara situated in the west of the main temple of Neminātha. It records the grant of right of engraving (sūtradhāratvam ) in the temple of Neminātha and get other sacred places on the hill of Girnar to Sutradhāra Haripāla. It was engraved in the reign of Arjunadeva when Pālhā was transacting the business of the seal in Saurāşțra.8
Sarangadeva (1274-1296 A.D.): The Vicāraśreni states that Arjunadeva was succeeded by Sārangadeva in V.E. 13319 who according to the Cintraprasasti was the son of Arjunadeva.10 His inscription shows that he ruled from V.E. 1332 to 1352 (1295-1296 A.D.). This roughly corroborates the statement of the Vicaraśreni. The Muslim historians, however, assigned him a reign of 21 years.11
1 JSS., II, Pt. IV, p. 9; aa: 338C ftaticaa: 1 8338 artida: 2 EI., I, p. 272, V. 9. 3 P. 272. 4 HIG., III, Nos. 217–219 A. 5 AAK., II, p. 260; MK, Trans. 159. 6 HIG, III, No. 220. 7 SJGM., XVIII, pp. 127-129. 8 Poona Orientalist, III, No. 1, P. 21; see also HIG., III, No. 219 A. 9 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9. 10 EI., I, pp. 271-87. 11 AAK., II, p. 260; MA. Trans., p. 159.

Page #348

318
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
The prabandha literature of the Jains is silent about the achievements of the king. We, however, have four published inscriptions and more than half a dozen colophons of the Jain MSS of his reign.
The first Jain epigraph known as the Āmarana inscription was found at Amarana in Kathiawar. This inscription is dated V.E. 1233 and throws some new light on the history of Sārangadeva: It refers to his pompous titles such as Malavadhara-dhūmaketu (comet to the kingdom of Mālava ) Gurjjaradharini-samuddharana, Saptama Cakravarti, Bhujabala-malla Maharaja. It records a grant of a garden to worship Sumatiswāmi, the fifth Jain Tirthanikara, made by a prince (name lost) son of Capotkața Rāņaka Bhojadeva with the permission of Palhã the the officer in charge of Saurastra and other Pañcakulas.
In this record, the first title given to Sarangadeva indicates that the traditional hostilities against the rulers of Mālava were continued under him also. The second title shows that he had revived the fortune of the Gurjara country. The Saptama Cakravarti is no new title for him for we know that Bhīma II bore it several times. Pālhā, officer in charge of the province, is the same whose name we find in the inscription of Arjunadeva, the father of Sārangadeva, dated V.E. 1330.4 This inscription also informs us that the Cāvadā family held sway over Kathiāwära.
The second inscription is a small one dated in V.E. 1345 found in a Jain temple at the village Dattāni in Sirohi State, Rajasthāna. It records that in the prosperous reign of Sri Sāraigadeva and Mahārājādhiraja Sri Vīsaladeva, ruling at Candrāyati, Pratāpaśrī and Hemasri bestowed two fields to meet the expenses in worship of Śrī Pārsvadeva.5
The third inscription is found in the Vimala temple at Mt. Abu. It is dated V.E. 1350. It gives many grandiloquent titles to Sārangadeva, the most important among them being Malaveśavirīthini-gajaghața-kumbhasthalavidaranaikapancanana and Abhinavasiddharaja. This inscription records that his feudatory chief Vīsaladeva, ruling at Astādaśaśatīpradeśa, issued a writ from Candrāyatī to levy taxes on merchants and traders to meet the expenses of the two temples of
1 SJGM., XVIII, pp. 128-133.
2 Purătattva (Guj.), I, Pt. i, pp. 37-41; see also Poona Orientalist, III, No, I, P. 23
3 HIG., II, Nos. 166, 170 and 186 etc. 4 Poona Orientalist, III, No. 1, p. 21. 6 Arbuda Pr. Jaina Lekha-sangraha, Pt. V, p. 19.

Page #349

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
319
Vimala and Lūņiga at Mt. Abu. This epigraph mentions Śrī Vādhuya as the prime minister of Sārangadeva who at that time was transacting the seal of the office.1
From the last two inscriptions it appears that the region of Candravati was under the suzerainty of Sārangadeva.
A fourth Jain inscription known as Cambay stone inscription is dated V.E. 1352 (c. 1295 A.D.). It is an important inscription. It gives the genealogy of the Vaghelas. It also refers to Arjunadeva as having two sons, the elder one was called Rāmadeva. Both sons shared in managing the state affairs in the lifetime of their father.2
The Muralīdhara prasasti of V.E. 1354 also confirms the statement of the Cambay Jain inscription.3 We, however, do not know other activities of Rāmadeva. Perhaps, he might have predeceased his father, for his younger brother, Sārangadeva, is mentioned by all the inscriptions as the successor of Arjunadeva.
These Jain epigraphs show that Särangadeva's kingdom extended from Kathiawāra in the west to Mālava in the east. We have already seen that two inscriptions, one Āmaraņa and another Vimala temple inscriptions, give prominent place to the victory over the Māla va kings. But the name of the Mälava king is not mentioned. The Muralīdhara prasasti informs us that Sarangadeva compelled one Gogadeva to flee away from the battle. The late Pt. Tanasukharama Tripathi on this statement assumes that this Gogadeva is identical with Goga mentioned by the Tarikha Firista who was once a friend of Mālava king and who later on became the master of the kingdom. In reference to the above two inscriptions we may assume that the Mālava king, who was defeated tn the year V.E. 1331-32 by Särangadeva, is no other than Gogarāja.
The colophons of the Jain MSS of his reign range from V.E. 1327 to 1346. The colophon of V.E. 1327 mentions him as Mahārajakumara, when he was appointed governor in Mudgavatī. This shows that at that tim he as a crown prince shared in the administration of his father, which fact may be corroborated from the Cambay Jain inscription and the Muralīdhara prasasti noted above. The colophon of the Adinatha-carita of V.E. 1339 refers to some of his pompous titles and mentions Srīkanha as the
1 Poona Orientalist, III, No. 2, p. 69; see also HIG., III, No. 223 A. 2 CPSI., pp. 227-33. 3 Buddhiprakāśa (Guj.), 1910, p. 77. 4 Ibid. 5 Reu, V.N. Rājā Bhoja, pp. 228–29, fn. 334; GMRI., p. 419. * SJGM., XVIII, p. 128.

Page #350

320
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
prime minister. The colophon of the Uttaradhyayana-výtti of V.E. 1343 gives him the title Samastarājāvali etc., and refers to his prime minister Madhusūdana as transacting the business of the seal and it also mentions Mahattama (an officer) Srisoma.2
Another colophon of the Sthananga-sūtra of V.E. 1346 states that Mahattama Sri Muñjāladeva was an attached (Prativaddha) officer to Sárangadeva and Srī Sānga was an appointed officer by him.3
Besides these ministers we know from the two Jain inscriptions, one from Amaraṇa and another from the Vimala temple, that Palha was in charge of Saurāșțra in V.E. 1333 and Vādhūya was the prime minister in V.E. 1350.
Karadeva (c. 1297-1304 A.D.): The Vicāraśrezži says that Laghu Karna ascended the throne in V.E. 1353 and ruled till V.E. 1360 (1297-1304 AD.) The Muslim historians give 6 years 10 months and 15 days for his reign. The confirmation of the last date of Karna we find from a colophon of the Jain MS named Anuyogadvāra-vytti which records that a wealthy merchant, Pethad, with his six brothers, consecrated an image of Lord Mahāvīra in the temple of the Neminātha at Mt. Ābu in the year V.E. 1360, in the reign of Laghu Srī Karnadeva.5 From all the sources, it appears that Karņadeva was the last Vaghela king of Anhilavāda. We have no detailed account of his reign from the Jain sources.
We know from other sources that Madhava was his minister. The Vicaraśreni and the Vividhatirthakalpa, the two almost contemporary Jain works, refer to an incident that the minister Mädhava, a Nägara Brahmaņa, invited Ulukhan (Ulughkhan), the younger brother of Ala-'ud-Din, to Gujarāta from Delhi. But both the authorities differ in the date. The Vicaraśreni gives the year V.E. 1360, while the Vividhatirtha-kalpa gives the year V.E. 1356.6 We, however, have no contemporary evidence to check these dates. The subsequent authorities like Dharmaranya, and Kanhadade-prabandha agree that Mādhava brought the Yavanas in Gujarāta. The Muslim historians,
1 Ibid., P, 131. 2 Ibid., p. 131. 3 Ibid., p. 133.
4 JSS., II, Pt. IV, P. 9, V. 1360: 9343 bytu: 1 9340 FT HT171teado 316itat:
5 Prasasti-sangraha (Ahmedabad), Pt. II, p. 73. 6 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9: 9380 49T ATT fanitat: 1
SJGM., X, p. 30: STE TE F guapa sarato OT FITTE AT HOT उलुखाननामाधिजो दिल्लीपुराओ मंतिमाधवपेरिओ गुजरधरं पटिओ।

Page #351

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
321
however, do not record the name of Mādhava. The Vividhatirtha-kalpa mentions the route through which Ulugh-khān made the invasion. It states that he started from Delhi to Gujarāta. In the way Samarasimha, the king of Citor paid him tribute and saved his country Mewār from him. Then pillaging the Vāgada country and cities like Modesā, etc., he reached Asävalli. The king Karna fled away. Then he proceeded to Somanātha and shattered the idol to pieces and carried away the booty in a cart to Delhi. He went to Vāmanasthalī, there he punished Ränaka Mandalīka and established his order on Saurāştra. He came back to Āsāvallī and destroyed a monastery, temples and shrines. In this description it is not clear from which place Karņa fled away. Muni Jina Vijayaji commenting on this statement assumes that the statement is incomplete. It does not say whether Ulugh-khān invaded Pāțana or not. The Muslim historians, on the other hand, state that Ulugh-khan and Nusrat-khān with their Amirs and generals and large army marched against Gujarata. They took and plundered Nahorwāla (Anahilayāda) and all Gujarāta. Karan Rai of Gujarāta fled away from Naharwāla and went to Rämdeo of Deogir. The wives and daughters, the treasure and elephants of Rai Karna fell into the hands of the Muhammadans.3
As to when the Muslims took pātana is known, however, from the Jain sources. The Vicaraśreni and Pravacana-pariksā give us the date V.E. 13604. A colophon of the Anuyogadvara-vrtti states that in V.E. 13605 Karna was ruling. The Vividhatirtha-kalpa, on the other hand, refers to the date V.E. 1356.6 Most of the Muslim historians, however, assign A.H. 697 or 698 (V.E. 1255 or 1256) to this invasion.?
A Jain work, Nabhinandanoddhāra-prabandha, gives a detailed description of this invasion made by Ulugh-khān. Regarding Karņa it says that by the valour of Alā-ud-Din, Karna, the lord of Gujarāta fled away and after wandering in other countries died a death of wretched man.8 We, however,
CHA
1 SJGM., X, p. 30. ? Purātattva (Guj.), IV, p. 267. 9 Elliot, III, p. 163. 4 JSS., II, No. 4, p. 9, Pravacana-pariksā, p. 272.
5 Prasasti-sangraha, p. 73, No. 269: HESTFASEBittu tap 17 MA (9360) Fyfa: 514
& SJGM., X, p. 30. ? GMRI., p. 436. 8 Purātattva (Guj.), IV, p. 272: JETZTETT: Fuzau tu warga: 1
नष्ट्वा गतो विदेशेषु भ्रान्वा भो रंकवन्मृतः।
41

Page #352

322
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
possess no information about his son, wife and other members of his family from the Jain sources.
Thus we know from the Jain sources the following members of this branch:
Arņorāja
Lavaņaprasāda
Viradhavala
Vīrama
Visaladeva
Arjunadeva
Sārangadeva
Kaiņadeva
II. THE CĀHAMĀNAS OF LÃȚA There are unfortunately no Jain sources regarding the earliest existence of Cahamānas in Läța. The Hansot grant of Bhartrvaddha is the only source which reveals that as early as the 8th century A.D. Lāța was under the possession of the then ruling dynasty of Cāhamānas. After that period nothing is known of them from any sources for about five centuries. But all of a sudden their existence in Lāța in the thirteenth century is revealed by the Jain sources. A contemporary drama the Hammira-mada-mardana of Jayasimhasūri, frequently, refers to Sankha alias Sangrämasinha, son of Sindhurāja, brother of Sinha, the Cānamāna king of Lātadeśa. He is described there as "Mandaleśvara" and "Gurjaramahihandamandalāhivar."1 His capital was at Broach. The Vasanta-vilāsa of Bālacandra states that the princes of Broach belonged to the Cāhamāna clana and as late as V.E. 1533, we
TAREHE
1 GOS., X, 1920, p. 17: (i) afar AETTFT area:
FAGETTI
(ii) FTTHETHEREAS II 2 GOS., VII, 1917, p. 22: Tehrfata fasih panta: 4977
4a gari

Page #353

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
323
find that there were municipalities of the Cāhamānas in the Lăţadeśa.1 Any how, we know of only two members of his branch.
Sindhuraja: We know from the history of the Paramäras that Sindhurāja was a vassal of Arjunavarma of Mālava (1211-15 A.D.).2 It appears from the inscriptions of the Yāda vas (1169-1247 A.D.) that he was defeated several times by Yadava king Simhaņa. We have already referred to a struggle of Sindhurāja with Jayasimha Sindhurāja in which he is said to have been defeated. A Jain authority, known as the Sundha hill inscription (V.E. 1319), states that Udayasimha, the Cāhamāna prince of Jalor (1209-1249 AD.), killed Sindhurāja."5 The Hammira-mada-mardana states that Sargrämasimha (Sankha) of Lata attacked Vastupāla, the minister of Vīradhavala, in retaliation of his father's enmity. We also know from the Jain prabandhas that Udayasimha was a feudatory of Vīradhavala. The above two references, if jointly interpreted, show that Udayasimha, in collaboration of Viradhavala, killed Sindhurāja.
Sindhurāja had a brother by name Simha, who was also a well known figure in the political circles of that time. We, however, do not know of him from the Jain sources except that he was also for sometime ruler of Lāța (Laţadeśādhipati).
Sankha alias Sangrāmasimha : Sindhurāja was succeeded by his son Sankha alias Sangrāmasimha. He appears to have been a good warrior. The Vasanta-vilasa informs us that he had repulsed an attack of the army of the Yadava king, Sinhana on the banks of the Narmadā8. “Though attacked on one side by the sons of Arņorāja (Lavanaprasāda and Vīradhavala) the brave warrior Sankha, making the Mālava king to interfere, repulsed an attack of the Yādava army which had been attracted by the conflict."9 The
1 GOS., VII, Introduction. 2 See supra, p. 115. 3 See supra p. 304. • See supra p. 253 5 EI, IX, pp. 76-77, V. 46: P ART : 6 GOS., X, p. 5: Thadathiwa: .... TAHERT 7 Ibid., p. 5: gledatira TRTI 8 GOS., VII, V. 42: FAHETATIE HAT Taarifa zia: 1 9 Ibid., Vs. 29-30: Talagafá íuitas .... facta:
ASie ....!
15PZHIT, 7 ....!

Page #354

324
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
same authority informs us that Sankha was once taken prisoner and was shackled in the jail of the Yādava king. It is also said of him that images of twelve feudatory princes were tied to his left foot with a golden chain."2 The same work further says that once Vīradhavala invaded the Läța country and captured Stambhatirtha (Cambay) by force 3 and appointed Vastupāla to govern that territory. It happened during the temporary eclipse of Sankha who was perhaps under the imprisonment of the Yādava king.
Sankha, thereupon, established his capital at Broach (Bhrgukaccha) and attacked Cambay with a mighty array of fource. In this war he was assisted by the Yādava king Sinhaņa, who was then on friendly terms with him and also with the Paramāra ruler Devapāla. But Vastupala through his skill foiled the plan. At last, Sankha was defeated and compelled to retire to Broach.?
According to the Hammira-mada-mardana the cause of the war was the retaliation for his father's enmity by Sankha,s but the later Jain works give somewhat different reasons. The Prabandha-cintamani tells us that Vastupāla had a quarrel with the sea-merchant, Saiyad, who called in to his help Mahasadhanika Sarkha from Broach.9 The Prabandhakośa and Jinaharşa's Vastupala-carita supply the names of the merchant sailors as Sãdika and Sankha, chief of the port of Vadvā, which is some five miles (from Bhavanagar.10 The cause of the quarrel is given as the insult done by Sādika to Vastupāla in disregarding his authority.11
From these Jain sources it is clear that a branch of the Cahamāna race was ruling at Broach. It also appears from the sources referred to above
1 Ibid., V. 42: Jalat 7ci 2 Ibid., V. 28: T hargaad T fagsra: 3 Ibid., Canto IV, V. 24: TFT arya: s lay #: 1
तद्विगृह्य समादत्त लङ्कामित्र रघूद्वहः॥ 4 Ibid., V. 25: Tyageutste fata: 1
तत्पुरं वस्तुपालस्तु चिरकालमपालयत् ॥ * Ibid., Canto V, V. 16: Tala glas To u t: 1 6 GOS., X, Act I, V. 13. ? Ibid., p. 18: 37717at M a pa: Tafe: 1 8 Ibid., p. 5: Arca Thea: 1
9 SIGM., I, p. 102: TEFTISEUT FHOTO #777 ata fag STAR श्रीभृगुपुरान्महासाधनिकं शंखनामानं श्रीवस्तुपालं प्रति बालकालरूपमानीतवान् ।
10 SJGM., VI, p. 108, para 127. 11 Ibid. ; 393 FTTEBÈ ? afaatimit aj ila:, arfo ARTESTI

Page #355

THE DYNASTIES OF SAURASTRA
325
that their position was not sound. Broach at that time was situated on the frontiers of the Caulukyas, Yadavas and the Paramāras and in the age of the dominance of these kingdoms, its position might have been insignificant. The rulers of that place were reduced to the rank of mere feudatories. Jayasimhasūri calls Sankha as mandalesvara while the Vasanta-vilasa speaks of him as bhupati. In the light of the above statements it seems very doubtful whether at any time they really enjoyed sovereign power.
1 GOS., VIT, p. 21, Vs. 18, 23.

Page #356

Page #357

PART II
STATE AND ADMINISTRATION

Page #358

Page #359

CHAPTER XI
STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
General condition of the period:
In the foregoing chapters we have discussed the dynastic history of Northern India on the basis of the available data from the Jain sources. From the time of Harsa upto the downfall of the Cāhamānas, Caulukyas and Guhilotas, we have seen several ruling dynasties rising and falling on the horizon of Northern India. Some of them possessed a large territory which, in fact, may be called an empire having many subordinate feudal states under them. Thus from the Aihole inscription ( 634 A.D.) we learn that Harsa had several feudatories. The Devagadh inscription of Bhoja Pratīhāra (862 A.D.) shows that the Gurjara Pratīhāras had also a number of powerful samantas.2 Likewise, the Paramāras, Caulukyas and other imperial powers were actually the lords of several feudatories. Hence an empire or a kingdom was largely a feudal organism. Suzerainty meant during this period a suzerainty over some feudatories. In this fashion every real kingdom was an empire. As the internal autonomy of the various regions of an empire was maintained, it partook of the nature of a confederation. The previous analysis of the Jain epigraphic and literary data of our period certainly have told us an identical tale.
The political characteristic of our period is somewhat monotonous and stagnant. If we try to arrange all relevent Jain inscriptions and literary sources in the chronological as well as regional order, we actually fail to find out any notable changes or developments. Everywhere one may meet with the same conditions of suzerainty and vassalage; everywhere one can see the same despotism; everywhere the political constitution and administrative structure in those states were fundamentally similar. From the broad administrative point of view North India showed a unity but from the strict political standpoint it was conspicuously absent.
Another characteristic of our period is that literature in polity during this period is lacking in originality, depth and movement. No original work of note has been composed on contemporary polity and working institutions.
The Jain literature of this period, though extensive and magnificent, is, from the administrative view-point only, of secondary importance. It tells
1 El., VI, V. 23: 3TTRðlauferruthAhHT etc. * Ibid., IV, p. 309, No. 44. 42

Page #360

330
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
us little that is absolutely new, but it confirms in a most striking manner the conclusions to which other evidences lead.
Let us discuss the political conception and ideas we get from these sources regarding the state and administration of the period.
1. Origin and conception of the state:
Jinasena and other Jain authors of our period record the tradition which traces the origin of the state. In the Ādi-purāna, Jinasena (8th century) says that formerly on the earth there was a blissful state (bhogabhūmi) where the people's worldly desires were very few. They got all they wanted, from the wish-yielding trees (kalpavyksas). Gradually, with the change of time, there was a fall from this ideal state. When all the wish-yielding trees were disappearing people were getting perplexed. The change in the universe caused havoc among them. They found several hindrances in the way of their life. They came to solve their difficulties before an eminent person of their age and he showed the timely solution of their daily problems. According to Jains there had been born twelve such eminent persons called patriarchs ( kulakāras) during the transition era. When all the wish-yielding trees entirely disappeared the Lord Rsabhadeva, the first exponent of Jainism, introduced six occupations : martial, agricultural, literary, artistic, commercial and industrial. He divided the people on earth into three classes, Ksatriya, Vaisya and Sudra according to their professions. There was no caste originally. He also established the system of law and order over the world. He planned and built villages and towns, grouping the former into circles of eight hundred, four hundred and two hundred. He created four great kings and placed under them a thousand smaller kings and feudatories. He founded the institutions of punishment and imprisonment. Formerly there was a light chastisement like mild rebuke, but in the changed circumstances some harsher punishments were needed. Jinasena says that for the preservation of man a coercive authority was essential. Nothing else could restrain the wicked from wicked ways. In the absence of coercion the world presents a condition of Matsya nyāya (the logic of the fish).5 Thus we find that a state of good order was established gradually. There was no divine creation or order. This Jainistic idea of origin of the state can strikingly be corroborated with ideas expressed in the
1 Ādi-purāna, III, Vs. 30-192; XVI, Vs. 130-190. 2 Ibid., III, Vs. 50-I90. 3 Ibid., XVI, Vs. 130-190. * Ibid., XVI, V. 241-257. 6 Ibid., XVI, V, 251-252,

Page #361

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
331
Brahmanical and Buddhistic accounts. They both assert that for a long time after creation of society, there prevailed a golden age of harmony and happiness. Somehow there was a fall from this ideal state.
The Agganna-suttanta of the Digha-nikayal says that formerly on the earth there were human beings who were made of mind and were selfluminous. They fed on rapture and traversed the air in abiding loveliness, Then a change occurred in the order of the universe. They worked somehow under the pressure of circumstances but disorder prevailed. Thereupon they gathered together and selected the most handsome, gracious and capable individual from amongst them and named him Mahajana-Sammata. The public requested him to become their king and put an end to the prevailing chaos, agreeing to give, him a part of their paddy in return of his serivices. This account shows that state originated in a social contract.
The Mahābhārata also reveals an identical tale by saying that after the fall of the Golden Age when the law of jungle prevailed, Brahma, the chief God, composed a treatise on Dharma, Artha, Kāmi and Moksa. It could not be enforced in the absence of a King. Then God Nārāyaṇa by a fiat of his will created a son from his Tejas (Lustre) and named him Virajas. It was, however, Pithu the seventh descendant from Vişņu who was crowned King and endowed with divine virtues, so that he might be a ruler. This account of the Mahabhārata shows that the state was regarded as a divine institution. But the most striking feature of Jainistic view is to eliminate as far as possible the divine creation of the state. We know that Jainism does not regard any creator. It believes that an ordinary soul can become what is called Godhead through evolution. Accordingly, the political as well as other social institutions are the outcome of the changed circumstances. The patriarchs (kulakāras) were only the initiators of ways and means of life. Their mission was to educate the mass in the widest sense of the term. The government was more than protective and paternal. Pre-eminence on one side and need of guidance on the other were the two factors to establish certain relationships and we find that, in course of time, one was converted into the ruler and the other into the ruled. There is no indication that the government was instituted by any definite contract. The state is considered by a Jain author as the source of life and spirit, the aims of which are Dharma, Artha and Kāma all combined.
1 Sacred Books of the Buddhists, IV, p. 77 ff. 2 Śāntiparva, Chap. 58. 3 Beniprasada, Theory of Government in Ancient India, pp. 224-225. • Nitivā., p. 7: 379 Afef ETAYOTI 193148:1

Page #362

332
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
From the statement of the (Ādi-purana ) we find that the so called modern factors — sovereignty, population and territory --- of the state were considered essential for the existence of the state in that remote age too. II. Seven constituents of state:
Our ancient authors describe the seven constituents of the ancient Indian State. The Jain authors of our period also share this view with them. Somadeva (10th cent.) has elaborately described these constituents in his Nitiväkyämyta but he has said nothing new regarding them. They are Svāmi (king), Amātya (ministry), Janapada (territory), Durga (fort), Kośa (treasury), Bala (army), Mitra (allies). These constituents are regarded as the limbs (Angas) of the body politic by the Indian thinkers. They more or less existed during our period in every state whether it was possessed by the sovereign rulers or feudal lords. Thus, for instance, Mūlarāja, the founder of the Caulukyan empire, had a ministry which he consulted at the time of the invasion over the Cahamāna king, Vigraharaja (772 A.D.).2 He possessed a territorial state called Sārasvata-mandala. He had a fort named Kanthadurga where he took shelter at the time of invasion by his enemy. He had most probably a confederation of his allies which was destroyed by Mūñja in the country of Medapāta.3 He maintained a large army with the help of which he attacked Värapa and Vigraharāja, and to maintain all these he possessed a good treasury also. Likewise, a feudal lord, the Paramāra Dhārāvarşa who enjoyed long vassalage under the Caulukyas, had also a territorial state named Astottarasatidesa or Asossittan and possessed a standing army with which he assisted the Caulukyas from time to time. He had a good treasury to maintain his power and a ministry to govern his kingdom. He had allies like the Cāhamāna Kelhana whose daughter, Srgāradevī, he married. We also sce similar things with the imperial Paramāras, Cāhamānas and other sovereign states and their feudatories from the Jain inscriptions and literature.
To the dynasties described in the foregoing chapters which held the sway for a considerable period of time, these seven constituents must have been indispensable in their body politic, otherwise they could not exist and function properly for that period. Some of the limbs like king and ministers
afaifa
1 Nitivā., Chapter 17-23. Cf. Kautilya V, 6, 96: FEAT Te 99101: 1
2 SJGM., I, pp. 16-17. 3 EI., X, p. 10 ff., V. 10. 4 See supra p. 192, section on Paramāras of Candrāvati.

Page #363

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
333
might have figured more prominent than others like forts and allies, but, without the mutual integration and co-operation of all these seven, no government of the state at that time could run efficiently.
Some powerful states as referred to above tried to maintain a closeknit state and a balance in the several constituents of the state, but the country was partitioned into a large number of kingdoms. In the majority of states there was a distinct sign of disintegration. Theoretically the state was conceived as an organism, different limbs functioning in the interest of the whole body politic, but there was lack of proper harmony among the different constituents of state.
Form of Government: The states in ancient India were divided into two forms, monarchical and republican. The republican form of Government, however, ceased to exist before the Gupta era. In our period we find only the monarchical form of Government.
Let us now pass on to the polity of the state.
III. The King: The king of our period is considered to be the pivot of government and is the centre of all political, military, administrative and judicial activities. Somadeva says that "without him not a single prakrti (constituent) can function properly, however, well it may be equipped."1 Vadībhasimha, another Jain author, says that the king is the very life of living beings and good and evil deeds done against him, certainly affect the fate of his subjects. Disloyalty towards him is indeed a great sin. The king is regarded as the supreme deity for he protects the mortals as well as the gods; the gods are not able to protect even themselves. A real king is he who is the repository of all the merits.3 A good king is expected to be a man of religious temperament, with good family traditions, endowed with pure character, dignity and valour. His livelihood should be based on righteous means. He should be free to wield his power of wrath and mercy
1 Nitivā. (MDG., XXII), p. 221: 3THFT SET: HTET 3719 Artta न शनवन्ति । 2 Kșatracūdāmaņi, Canto I, Vs. 46-48:
राजानः प्राणिनां प्राणास्तेषु सत्स्ववे जीवनात् । तत्तत्र सदसत्कृत्यं हि लोक एव कृतं भवेत् ।। एवं राजद्रुहां हन्त सर्वद्रोहित्वसंभवे । राजध्रगेव किं न स्यात्पंचपातकभाजनम् ॥ रक्षन्त्येवात्र राजानो देवान् देहभृतोऽपि च ।
देवास्तु नात्मनोऽप्येवं राजा हि परदेवता ॥ 3 Nitivū., p. 57: TUG ATT JUTT a 9241

Page #364

334
and should be able to display the superiority of himself over others. Under such a king all the constituents of the state conduce to the desired results.2 Such an ideal Rajd or king is considered as an epoch-maker. Thus we see that most of the kings of our period like Harga, Yaśovarman, Muñja, Bhoja, Jayacandra Gahaḍvāla, Pṛthviraja and most of the Caulukyan kings were illustrious instances of the ideal kings.
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Education and discipline of the King:
mus.
Somadeva has laid emphasis on the discipline of mind and body in the Vidyavṛddhasamuddeśa of his work. He lays down with all seriousness that the real brute on earth is an ignorant person, therefore, knowledge is the prime requisite in all affairs. He prefers anarchy to the rule of an ignoraWe know very well that all the previous authorities on politics, like Kautilya, Kamandaka and other lawgivers, had descanted on anarchy as the most terrible of all possible contingencies, but Somadeva, putting aside the tradition, prefers anarchy to the rule of an uneducated king. He further says that a prince, however well born, should not be installed as heirapparent unless he is otherwise qualified."
A king should get himself taught in four branches of learning which deal with the knowledge of self (Anvikṣiki), Trayi or the knowledge of the four Vedas, Šikṣā, Kalpa, Vyakarana, Nirukta, Chanda, Jyotiṣa and Itihasa, Purana, Mimänsä. Nyaya and Dharmasastra etc., Varta the science of agriculture, cattle-breeding and commerce and Dandaniti or the principles of politics.?
Stressing the importance of these four Vidyas Somadeva says that one who studies Anviksiki examines with reason the strong and the weak. points of the practicable and impracticable and does not despair in calamities. and is not spoilt by good fortune. And as an intelligent man he obtains clearness of insight. By studying the Trayi he becomes exceedingly
1 Ibid., p. 180 : धार्मिकः कुलाचाराभिजनविशुद्धः प्रतापवान्नयानुगतवृत्तिश्च स्वामी । कोपप्रसादयोः स्वतन्त्रता आत्मातिशयवर्धनं वा यस्यास्ति स सलामी ।
स्वाभिमूला सर्वा प्रकृतयो भवन्त्यभिप्रेतप्रयोजना नास्वामिका |
2 Ibid., p. 180 :
3 Ibid, p. 183
4 Ibid., p. 56: 5 Ibid., p. 56:
पालन दुष्ट निग्रहः ।
• Ibid.: असंस्काररत्नमित्र सुजातमपि राजपुत्रं न नायकपदायामनन्ति etc. Ibid p.60 अन्वीक्षकी यी वार्ता दण्डनीतिरिति चतसो राजविथाः ।

राजा कालस्य कारणम् । नवज्ञानात्परः पशुरस्ति । वरमराजकं भुवनं न मृखों राजा ।
p. 61: अन्वीक्षवयध्यात्मविषये त्रयी वेदयज्ञादिषु वार्ता कृषिकर्मादिका दण्डनीतिः साधु

Page #365

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
335
confident with regard to the duties of the castes and stages of life. And he also knows the whole system of right and wrong. By studying the Varta properly he can make happy all his subjects and can achieve all the desired objects. By studying the Dandaniti he can control his subjects and can make flourishing all the three efforts (Trivarga).1
Somadeva defines the term Anviksiki in the same way as Kautilya: the Anviksiki consists of Sāņkhya, Yoga and Lokäyata, but he adds that the Bauddha and the Jain systems are opposed to the Veda. Explaining the statement of the author, the commentary says: The Bauddha and Jain śāstras are not included in the Anviksiki, because they are opposed to the Veda. The Lokāyata also is opposed to the Veda, yet it has been included, because it is wanted for the care of the body etc. The necessity of the study of the Lokayata for the king is explained by Somadeva in the following words. "The vast means for carrying on the business of this world is the Lokayata. For a king who has studied the doctrines of the Lokäyata strives to root out the thorns (the dangerous elements) of the kingdom. Even the actions of those who are nothing but ascetics, are not irreproachable. He who is given to mercifulness is not capable of preserving even goods that he holds in his hand. Who will not despise one who is only intent on peace of mind? Shame upon the man who cannot show wrath or favour according to his own will and power. He is dead even when he lives, who is not brave against his enemies. 4
Somadeva has given a detailed description of the Trayi and Vārtā but most of the points are quite in agreement with those dealt by his two predecessors, viz., Kautilya and Kāmandaka. Regarding the Dandaniti (science of Government) he says that the end of it should be to protect the subject and not merely to draw money. In respect of Dandaniti he says that the punishment by a king ought to be like the ministration of medicine by a physician. He is a bad king and a bad physician who eagerly look out for disorders with a view to selfish gratification.5
These four sciences, besides their intrinsic value, serve to discipline 1 Ibid., p. 60, lines 56-59. 2 Ibid., p. 60: Hej DANN Frazetati dateat: xà: usate cara ara ilahi
3 Ibid., p. 76: EFETTIGT947 Pa I TOT gana TI 1731.FEF.T. नुच्छेत्तुं यतते। न खल्वे कान्ततो यतीनामनवद्यास्ति क्रिया। एकान्तेन करतलगतमपि अर्थ र.क्ष न क्षमः। प्रशमै फचित्तं को नाम न परिभवति। अपराधकारिषु शमो यतीनां भूप न नृपाणाम् etc. 4 Ibid., p. 77:
Ja a
t asi 5 Ibid., p. 103: TATOTT TOE: w.tagal a Tarta: Vittनाय प्रजासु दोषमन्वेषयति।

Page #366

336
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
mind and character, and without training in them a king will perish like a goadless elephant.
Apart from these, Somadeva gives certain other instructions. He warns the king against too much indulgence in Kāma (Lust). The king is advised to practise Dharma, Artha and Kāma proportionately without injuring the interests of one another. For him it is the only way to lead a happy life. He also advises the king to remain aloof from certain evils called vyasanas. Some of them are the sexual indulgence, intoxication, hunting, gambling, back biting and extravagance. He says that a single vyasana is enough to destroy a powerful king, even possessing four kinds of armies, what to say if all of them are combined.3 A good king should exert to eradicate these evils, keeping himself in the association of the learned men and away from the evil-doers.
Somadeva prescribes only one substitute for learning. He says that even without studying these sciences one can gain knowledge by contacts with the society of learned men 5 who possess a high family tradition and are endowed with high moral character and purity by birth.6
Fortunately, during our period we find well educated kings. The Prabhāvaka-carita says that Āma, the successor of Yasovarman, was a well trained king, proficient in all kinds or learning. He was taught by a learned scholar named Vappabhattisūri.? The Prabandha-cintamani says that Bhoja had studied all the treatises on king-craft, learnt the use of thirty-six weapons and attained the farther shore of the ocean of 72 accomplishments.8 Some of the princes of our period got their training under the able guidance of ministers. Thus we know that Jayasimha Siddharāja was trained by the minister Sāntu in state-craft.9 Several instances can be multiplied from the Jain sources, where the princes are seen to have been imparted training by their fathers and teachers to become ideal kings.
1 Ibid., p. 61: 317@TE OM TE TAT ETT TT TT facuta 2 Ibid., p. 33: anttajian Frů aaa aa: get 10 ar sarf aaai
3 Ibid., PP. 177, 179: HT: 1 garanfy TEDUZIVNÍ ST Forfa किं पुनर्नाष्टादशभिः।
4 Ibid., p. 173: Fargadant: & fatti 5 Ibid., p. 62: 377thatatsia faf5 anfati aiciffhaihifa 8 Ibid., p. 68: d e
JET TE
T 17:1 ? SJGM., XIII, p. 82.
* Ibid., I, p. 22: FECHAJTE: qafarge sigareta u FBTİNTA: समस्तलक्षणलक्षितो ववृधे।
" SJGM., II, p. 35: 3194 ga A-TATT utenfor ita: 1

Page #367

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
337
Succession: Somadeva states that a kingless country is better than one occupied by a foolish or uninstructed king. In the same tune he says that no prince should be installed as heir-apparent or successor, howsoever, he may be well born, unless he is otherwise qualified for the great trust.1
During our period this rule is maintained to some extent. We know from the Harşa-carita that Harşa was well qualified and was made king of Thāneswar; similarly the Paramāra Muñja, on account of the good qualities of his nephew, Bhoja, appointed him as his successor. Likewise, the Caulukya Durlabharāja installed his nephew Bhima I and he too installed his second son Karņa instead of his first son Kşemarāja. Kumārapāla is very well known to have won the throne due to his ability to become a good ruler.
Somadeva prescribes the following order regarding succession. After the death of the king, his sons have the royal right to inherit the throne; in the absence of them, the brothers, and then step-brothers, and thereafter uncles and then the members of the family. In the absence of all of them the daughter's son and then a qualified outsider may be regarded as successor.5 Thus we find that this rule was followed during our period. The history of the Cāhamānas of Sākambharī, Nadol and Jālor furnishes us with a number of instances.
The succession, however, in our period was mostly limited to the family and it was regarded as hereditary. The peculiar feature appears to be that there was no law of primogeniture to regulate succession. Thus the Caulukya Karņa succeeded his father when his elder brother was alive..
In the choice of a successor, sometimes the wish of departing king was respected. Thus, the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha states that, when Vīradhavala was dying, he expressed his desire to give the throne to his son Vīsaladeva and not to his brother Vīrama, for he feared that his father Lavanaprasāda might deprive his son of his right of succession to the throne.? Sometimes the question of succession was disputed and the choice fell against the wish of departing king. For this we have a glaring instance of Kumārapāla. It is said that Jayasimha Siddharāja was totally against Kumārapāla and he wanted even to kill him. But the choice was given to
1 Nitivā., P56. 2 Tilakamañjari, V. 43. 3 See supra, p. 241, Chap. on the Caulukyas. 4 See supra, p. 265. 5 Nitivă., p. 249: UTHIETATEA ETT atafala HYTTET TEYTTifa: ! & See supra, pp. 241-42. ? SJGM., II, p. 66.
43

Page #368

338
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Kumarapala against his wish, and it was due to the support of the ministry. or a powerful party at the court.1 Another instance is that of the Paramāra Arjunavarman who was succeeded by Devapäla of the line of the Mahākumara Laksmivarman of the same family. In this choice the ministry or the court party might have had a strong hand though we do not know that it was against the wish of Arjunavarman. These facts, besides proving that there was no law of primogeniture, prove that the support of either a powerful party at the court or of the ministers always counted much in the matter of succession.
In the case of minority of the heir-apparent we find the queen mother holding the rein of the kingdom. The Prabandha-cintamani informs us that Naikadevi, the queen mother of Bala Mülaraja (II), was in charge of the government and she gallantly fought a battle with the Muhammadans." The Prthviraja-Vijaya informs us that Käñcanadevi, the mother of Pythvirājā, transacted the business of the kingdom with the help of the minister Kainväsa (Kadambavāsa) in the minority of Pṛthviraja.
Titles of Kings and Queens:
In the Mauryan period we hear of titles like Rajan, Maharaja and Kumara applicable to the kings and princes, but in the Gupta age we have. several titles which show that these titles were multiplied in course of time. In our period the same high-sounding titles as in the Gupta period have been found. Right from Harga to Guhilotas, the independent kings who happened to rise to paramountcy in the sense that they commanded the allegiance of a few feudatories used to take the title of Paramabhattaraka (the most worshipful master), Maharajadhiraja (supreme king of kings), Paramesvara (supreme lord), and Samastarajavali samalankyta (adorned by the row of kings). Thus the Devagarḥa Jain inscription of Bhoja Pratihāra informs us that Bhoja assumed the title of Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja and Paramesvara. The colophons of the Jain MSS of the Cahamanas, Caulukyas and Guhilotas also reveal the same conclusion. These titles, however, invested the king with a divine prestige and right to rule over the people.
The queens of these kings were generally entitled as devi or rajni. For example, Mayaṇalladevi was the name of the queen of Karna Caulukya."
1 See supra, p. 265.
See supra, p. 117.
3 SJGM., I, p. 97. 4 See supra, p. 136.
5 EI., IV, p. 309.
6
SJGM., 1, p. 54.

Page #369

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
339
Somalladevī was the name of the queen of Ajayarāja Cāhamāna.1 Udayamati rājñi was the queen of Bhima I.2 From this it appears that the queens of our period did not assume any high-sounding honorific titles. In the Jain literary works the chief queen of the king is called Rajamahişi or Pattarajñi, but we have no confirmation of this from the epigraphical records.
The sphere of influence of the queens, however, was limited to the pa lace only. The Position of the King:
As regards the position of the king Somadeva says that the king is a great god; he bows only to his ancestors and teachers : all else have to salute him. It is difficult to disobey his resolutions. But a king should always be willing to receive advice and ministers should be prepared to offer sound advice.5 These statements of Somadeva along with the honorific title assumed by the kings of our period show that these were regarded by the public as divinities. It should be understood in this connection that such high veneration was due to the place he occupied and not to his person. Coronation:
Before a new king was installed on the throne certain rituals and celebrations took place. Abhişeka or anointing was the first among them. The Jains, though they have no faith in the Vedic rituals, prescribe the simple process of anointing. The water from the Ganges, Sindhu and other rivers (sacred only in the belief of the Brāhmanas) mixed with camphor and sandal and with the essence of many kinds of flowers was poured on the head of a king by other kings, feudatories, ministers, merchants, princes and other respectable citizens. The members of the eighteen guilds performed the anointing of the king's feet only. Thus, the Murdhabhişiktas only were regarded as the real kings of our period. On this auspicious occasion, the capital was astir with songs, music and dance. This ceremony sometimes was arranged by the retiring king and sometimes by the court party. The king had certain royal insignia like catra (royal umbrella ) and camara (a bushy tail of Chamar) and Simhāsana (throne).?
1 EI, XXVI, pp. 84-112, V. 14. 2 SJGM., I, p. 54. 3 Nitivā., p. 63: TAP TH Tad Tid #AFIOTATT JATTE: 1 4 Ibid., p. 181:
He: TETT:1 5 Ibid., p. 124:
1 TFT ausfawry aaral 6 Ādi-purāna, Canto XVI, Vs. 223-230. ? SJGM., I, p. 20: HTTFERTAEIG RHEIT

Page #370

340
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Personal safety of the King :
We have seen what an important place was occupied by the king in the body politic of the state; therefore his safety, corporal as well as mental, was the chief duty of the state. Somadeva says that the safety of the monarch is the safety of the state; therefore, the king should employ as his personal attendants those persons whose fathers and grandfathers had been royal servants, those who bear close relationship to the king, those who are well trained and loyal and those who have rendered good services to the king. Foreigners who have not been honoured and the natives who have been once punished and re-employed should not be appointed to protect the king for their mind might change at times; even a mother is seen behaving like a räksasi.1 The king should be protected first from women, then from claimants (dāyādas) and then the sons (princes).2 Somadeva, in the chapter of the Rājarakşasamuddeśa deals with dangers coming from the above three. He depicts woman as the source of evil and as a bundle of craft and hypocrisy. Duties of the King :
The monarchs of our period were not autocrats. They were fully conscious of their responsibilities and duties to the state and their subjects. The realization of trivargå was an ideal of a state and to attain this they persevered the ideal before themselves. The king was advised to follow Dharma, Artha and Kama in their moderate limitation without injuring the interests of each other.4
The first duty of the king was religious. Most of the kings of our period were followers of one or another religion of the time. They spent a large sum of money in the erection of temples out of devotion. But the most striking feature of our period is that they were never hostile to religions other than their own. They were indeed tolerant in their religious policies.
Somadeva gives a full exposition of the religious duties of a king without deviating from the Brahmanical point of view. He says that the king
1 Nitivā., pp. 220, 221: Ta fala eta Hafa 313: Fax: 4722 FER TIET रक्षयितव्यः। अत एवोक्तं नयविद्भिः पितृपैतामहं महासंबंधानुबद्धं शिक्षितमनुरक्तं कृतकर्मणां च जनं आसन्नं कुर्वीत। चित्तविकृते स्त्यविषयः। किं न भवति मात्रापि राक्षसी।
2 Ibid., p. 222: dagtaat: fata 31479T ETTET 391430AS gra Ty स्त्रीभ्यो रक्षणं ततो दायादेभ्यस्ततः पुत्रेभ्यः।
3 Nitivā., p.7: 3727 yafeffT417 575714 4:1 * Ibid., p. 33: Å ar an naai

Page #371

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
341
has to fulfil his religious duties such as Darśa-pürnamāsa and other Brahmanical rites. He should apply himself to the study both of anviksiki and trayi. But he advised the king to acknowledge svadharma for different castes and stages of life. By protecting the svadharma of his subjects the king fulfils trivarga.1 The king is the monitor of those who transgress their svadharma.2 Svadharma is the particular duty of each individual, in every group. Though Somadeva on the whole acknowledges svadharma, yet he enumerates samana dharma, the duties common to all castes and groups. These are kindness, truthfulness, abstaining from the property of others, controlling one's desires, avoiding marriage against the order (of caste) and 'chastity with regard to forbidden women.' The king's duty is to promote these practices among his subjects. Protecting the svadharma and the samana-dharma of his subjects, the king receives one sixth of the fruits of the religious merits of his subjects.
The next set of duties of the king is political or administrative, that is, the protection of life and property is the main duty of the king. The king is bound to see that order rightly prevails in society. He says: He is a king who takes the place of Indra towards the well disposed and the place of Yama against the ill-disposed. For, the king's duty is to punish the wicked and protect the learned and well behaved, not shaving his head or wearing matted hair. The king should adopt all the possible measures to protect the world, that alone is counted his true merit of kingship. To ensure life and order, he should wield his danda neither sternly nor tenderly but impartially.? Injustice is never to be tolerated, since it ruins all.8 Somadeva enumerates the persons who hinder the prosperity of the people and considers them as sources of apprehension to the subject. They are the thieves and robbers, state surveyors and evaluators, foresters and
1 Ibid., p. 87: A FT: TAR Stå fagur 2 Ibid., p. 88: d ai vont at JE:
3 Ibid., p. 85: T RIATHIEU Tafef927: viagjafatet faggy स्त्रीषु ब्रह्मचर्यमिति सर्वेषां समानो धर्मः।
• Ibid., P. 88: TICHIG: là TT TÍ THƯ THqIGI
5 Ibid., p. 42: ST glaset STAT TI I Faggiant: FETOTROSSA च धर्मः न पुनः शिरोमुण्डनं जटाधारणादिकं ।
* Ibid., p. 42: 7: quatalia F TFT ? Ibid., p. 102: 27710 quzq07 Tozzitia: 1 8 Ibid., p. 99: 37791er farina

Page #372

342
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
guards, state officers, hoarders and profiteers. If the king commands prestige and exercises a certain amount of sternness he can render them harmless. It is the foremost duty of a king to deal with them ruthlessly.
Another duty of king is to protect the people from the calamities of all sorts. We learn from the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha that Visaladeva Vaghela averted a famine by timely help.3 The king also defended the country from foreign invasions and offered protection to the people from hostile incursions of his enemies.
Yet another duty of the king was to patronise arts, education, etc. We learn that the Paramāra kings from Muñja to Jaitugideva were the patrons of learningJayasinha and Kumārapāla were the great promoters of learning and arts.
In short kings of this period did their best to achieve the happiness of their subjects which ultimately meant their own happiness and prosperity.
In performing their duties the kings are advised to levy taxes according to the condition of the country, to speak words according to the occasion, to spend money according to the state income and to show their pomp and show according to their wealth and might. Rights and Privileges of the King:
Somadeya says that king is the incarnation of tripuruşamūrli, therefore, he is the visible god in the world. In his youth (Kaumara) he is like God Brah man receiving the education in Gurukulas. After consecration he becomes like God Nārāyaṇa pleasing the world with his virtues and, at the time of expeditions, he looks like God Pinakapani (Sankara). Thus the king enjoys a high status and dignity. He takes the place of Indra towards his favourites and the place of Yama against the wicked. He is advised to maintain his prestige and claims to be honoured.?
Thus, we find in our period, that the king had full powers over the kingdom and his subjects. He, no doubt, ruled over his territory with the help and advice of a council of ministers who were his immediate advisers, but the ultimate responsibility of affairs as a whole rested with him. He
1 Ibid., p. 99: adhatna27592HI7faELENTITETUESHletfuzatgaFT राष्ट्रस्य कण्टकाः।
2 Ibid., p. 100: Cara TIB GET A T 471-T TIETFOTAT: 3 SJGM., II, p. 80. • SJGM., X, p. 30. 5 See supra, pp. 90-118, Chap. on the Paramāras.
& Nitivā., p. 271: C : ara: argiTE TAUCERETH TITTET: : कार्यः। ऐश्वर्यानुरूपो प्रसादो विधेयः ।
? Ibid., pp. 315-317.

Page #373

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
343
had all the despotic powers in deciding the policy in war or peace. He appointed all governors, generals and other important civil and military officers who were responsible to him alone. He had every right to deal with the treasonous officers and subjects without the least delay. Thus we see that Kumāra pāla punished Vikramasimha the Paramära of Candravatīk and Hammīra degraded and blinded Dharmasimha. He also distributed honorific offices and favours in recognition of meritorious services or literary and artistic works of distinction. We hear that Muñja conferred on Dhanapala the title of Sarasvati 3 and Kumārapāla conferred the title of Kalikalasarvajña on Hemacandra and on Ambada the title Rajapitamaha.4 The kings of our period had also certain rights to introduce new reforms and eliminate taxes, depriving the state of a large income. Thus, Kumārapāla announced non-killing to all beings (amārighosana ) and withdrew the rights of the state to confiscate the property of those who died childless. 5 Jayasimha Siddharāja removed the tax known as Bāhuloda which is said to have yielded 72 lakhs of rupees to the state.
Though the king had so many rights yet he was advised to seek the counsel of his ministers and other high officers in matters of administration and in a state of emergency. It is also said that he should act according to the established laws and customs of the country. Daily Routine :
Somadeva, in the chapter of the Divisanuşthāna of his work Nitiva kyāmyta, describes the general rules of daily routine of a layman which consists of ethical teachings. But some glimpses of the king's daily routine are obtained from the Tilakamañjari of Dhanapāla and the Kumārapala-Pratibodha of Somaprabhasūri also. From the description it appears that the king devoted the first quarter of the day in personal purification and devotion to gods and religious teachers and then he granted the interviews to all important persons and officers like religious Brahmanas, prime minister, secretaries, kings, feudatories, kinsmen and friends and other citizens. He held some sort of a private darbar with them. Here the king dealt with important and secret business of the state, discussed the matter with foreign
1 See supra p. 191. 2 See supra p. 145. 3 See supra p. 94. 4 See supra pp. 271 and 281. 5 See supra p. 279 ff. 6 See supra p. 258. ? Nitivā., pp. 251-258.

Page #374

344
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
ambassadors and gratified dependants and admirers. After this, on certain occasions, he visited the temples of the city and inspected the departments of public works. He returned at mid-day to his palace and, after giving food and alms to mendicants, took his meal surrounded by friends and pleasure companions. Then he retired to his picture galleries (danta valabhika) for enjoyment and relaxation. There he enjoyed music and poetic talks. In the afternoon he attended the general court (asthānamanḍapa) where he transacted the business of state, and also interviewed the foreign. kings and gave darkan to the general public who came to see him. Sometimes, purely as a part of royal duty, he attended wrestling matches, elephant fights and other such pastimes. Thus he passed the day and then. retired to sleep at last.1
Various checks and balances:
Although the king was practically supreme in the administration of the state, the established laws of the land exercised considerable influence on royal despotism. Somadeva says that king should always be willing to receive advice and the minister should be prepared to offer sound advice. The king is advised not to outgo the counsel of his ministers for it is impolitic for a king to neglect the counsels of his ministers. Such a king will soon find himself overwhelmed by foes. His obstinacy will plunge him into ruin. These statements certainly show that the king in his administration is bound to take help of his ministers.
Next, the kings of our period always respected the traditional laws of the land which were sacred and inviolable. If a king failed in his duty and acted in contravention, a conflict between the king and the people was inevitable. The next check over the king seems to be the feudal nobility and prominent persons of the state who, backed by the people, could defy the tyrannical rule of the king by raising an armed rebellion.
Another check that influenced the king's policies, was the public opinion which was generally conveyed to the king through the state officials and spies. Sometimes, he himself went out to know the public opinion. The Prabandha-cintamani mentions three such kings viz., Bhoja Paramāra, Kumarapala and Jayasihha Siddharaja who were always anxious to know the public opinion. By this, the king always remained conscious of the
1 Tilakamaйjari (Kavyamālā 85), pp. 62-71; Kumarapala-pratibodha, Canto PP. 422-443.
2 Nitiva., p. 57, sutra 39.
• Ibid, p. 108: दुष्प्रणीतो हि दण्डः कामक्रोधाभ्यामज्ञानाद्वा सर्वविद्वेषं करोति ।
3
4
SJGM., I, p. 48, fn. 75.

Page #375

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
345
rightful conduct of kingly duties. Moreover, an extensive decentralisation of government functions and powers invested in the village councils, town committees and district boards, also served as a check on king's royal prerogatives. Abdication :
The king of ancient India in his old age generally preferred to abdicate the throne in favour of his heir and spent the rest of his life in religious devotions. The Jain sources have certainly recorded various cases of such abdications as occurred in our period. Thus the Prabhavakacarita records that the king Ama, son of Yasovarman of Kanauj, abdicated the throne in favour of his son Dunduka and devoted his life in religious devotions.1 The Duyaśraya-karya says that Durlabharāja abdicated the throne in favour of his nephew Bhīma and devoted his remaining life in religious pursuits. Similar was the case with Bhima I who abdicating himself gave the throne to his second son Karņa.3 The Hammira-maha kavya also states that Jaitrasimha, the father of Hammira, gave over the charge of the state to him and himself went to live in the forest. Dethronement:
A tyrant or vicious king, at times, was degraded or dethroned. Although the normal checks on king's prerogatives were either unexecuted or were altogether unknown during our period, yet a few cases can be cited in which kings were deposed. Cāmundarāja, the son of Mūlarāja (I) Caulukya, is said to have been deposed by his sister Vācinidevī who found him sexually very loose and gave the throne to his son Vallabharāja.5 Kumārapāla, as a sovereign ruler, dethroned his feudatory Vikramasimha, the Paramāra of Ābu, who is said to have taken side with his enemy, namely, the Cāhamāna Arņorāja. Princes and other members of Royal Family:
The princes were generally called rajaputra, kumāra, nrpakumara, mahārajakumara in the Jain literature and inscriptions. Thus from one of the Jain inscriptions of the Nadol Cāhamāna we know that Kīrtipāla was called rajaputra and in another inscription his sons Lakhanapāla and
1 SGM., XIII, p. 108, V. 709. 2 DV., VIII, V. 20. 3 Ibid., IX, V. 74. 4 HMK., VIII, 54-57 and 106-108. 5 DV., VII, V. 31, commentary. • PCA., p. 202, Vs. 576-580.
44

Page #376

346
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Abhayapāla were known as rajaputras. In the Tilakamaniari Harivāhana is called nrpakumara.2 A Jain colophon refers to Sārangadeva as māhārajakumāra.3 The crown prince, after finishing his study, was made in-charge of an office to get experience in administration. We have certain instances from the Jain inscriptions and colophons where the princes shared in the administration of their father. The eldest son of a king who was generally regarded as heir-apparent was called yuvarajà, while others were known by other terms. The younger sons were sometimes granted certain portions of the state for their maintenance.5 Queens and princesses are seldom known to have taken part in the government. But sometimes we find that the Dowager queens assumed the reins of administration or led the army in the battle. Nāikidevī, the mother of Mūlarāja II, may be cited here as an instance.6 King's Personal Officers :
The Tilakamañ jari presents a picture of the management of the Royal household. The palace and its surroundings (rajakula) were in charge of a trusted and experienced officer known as saudhapāla. The entrance in and exit from the palace and royal camp were controlled by the dvārapāla. The officers and interview seekers were taken before royal presence by an officer known as prati hāra or maha pratihara. The king had a body-guard of his own called anrgaraksaka. The officer in-charge of the royal treasury and jewels was ratnakosadhyaksa. The officer of the bed-chamber was known as śayyāpāla. The officer in-charge of the gardens was called Udyāna pāla. The king had a special officer who was called rajavallabha in the Upamitibhāvaprapanca-kathā (p. 344), perhaps, he was equivalent to our modern private secretary. Some minor attendants were vetrudhari, catra-camara-grāhaka, tambūla-vāhaka, and kañcuki, in charge of harems.? Functions of the King:
(1) Executive: The king of our period was considered to be the supreme head of the State. None of the constituents could work properly without him.8 Under him all the prakrtis worked well and produced all the
1 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, pp. 210, 231. 2 P. 88. 3 SJGM., XVIII, p. 128. 4 Ibid. 5 Jain Lekha-sangraha, 1, p. 128. 6 SJGM., I, p. 97. 7 Tilakamañjarī, pp. 14, 15, 63, 73. 8 Nitivā., p. 180: 3767TH ET 791477: GT Stía Faretto 7 Traffa

Page #377

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
347
desired ends. He appointed the well versed in their respective posts. Ministers were not allowed to undertake any enterprise without his order.? Thus, all the executive powers were invested in the king. He looked into state finance, collected dues and levied taxes. He also received petitions and sometimes issued orders for the guidance of his subjects. He punished the criminals and promulgated administrative reforms for the well-being of the people in general. He had under his direct control all the envoys and he gathered information from spies.
(2) Military: Somadeva says that king should inspect his army with his own eyes; otherwise he loses prosperity and maintenance of order.5 The king of our period led his army in the field of battle and mostly the important campaigns were conducted by the king himself. His presence in the battlefield was the source of inspiration. The king was usually in the van where he served as an example of personal valour and gave encouragement to his men in arms.? He also appointed all military chiefs to their respective posts and bestowed prizes or promotions for their meritorious services. He also offered the maintenance to the families of those who died fighting in the battlefield. He was advised not to give the charge of military to only one general for he might create great trouble on a suitable occasion. 10
(3) Judicial: The king was the supreme court of appeal. He was the final authority in judicial matters. Nobody could overrule his judgment. 11 The king like Yama considered the punishment for culprits,12 The king
1 Ibid., p. 189: 7175
I 2 Ibid., p. 189: Thaa na # Trafai 3 See supra pp. 105 and 279. 4 Nitivă., p. 172. 3 Ibid., p. 214: FTTH tidigastad a 6 Ibid., p. 369: H: gratuit SGT2471 ? PC., p. 59; DV., Canto XVIII. 8 Nitivā., p. 364: HUTI I Tkaan: See supra p. 343. 9 Ibid., p. 369: TT SET FR Fafaa09HRT FIT, inta
a A a
f ar 19: TUT FT HETTATI
Tag TT TT 9217TST TO IER
10 Ibid., p. 368 : &
11 Ibid., p. 302: नास्त्यनुबन्धः।
12 Ibid., p. 295: TTS
sarai Aradf acFshatia i

Page #378

348
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
had to select such juries who never indulged in greed and favouritism.1 Thus, Somadeva informs us that the king administered justice in consultation with juries. The king administered justice according to the nature of an offence. He was like a measure-stick which showed heavy and light weights accordingly.2
The above account regarding the king corroborates our theory that the king was the pivot around which rotated all the activities of the kingdom. IV. Council of Ministers (Mantriparisad):
The Nitivahyamyta of Somadeva along with certain Jain literary works and epigraphical data sheds some light on the nature and procedure of the council of ministers in our period. The Tilakaman jari had a technical term for the council as mantrimandala. Somadeva says that the king is bound to follow the dictates of the council, otherwise in the eye of the constitutional law he would cease to be the king. Thus we see Mülaraja Caulukya consulted his ministers at the time of war with the Cahamäna Vigraharaja and Barapa. Although the rulers of our period were not assisted by any popular assembly or constitutional ministers in the administration of the kingdom, they, however, had their ministers appointed by them who held their offices till the pleasure of the king. All the authorities on law have laid a great stress on the importance of mantripariṣad. Somadeva says that without the council the king becomes an autocrat; he plans for ruin due to his hasty actions. With the help of the council of ministers, the king can achieve all the wishful objects."
The Composition of the Council:
During our period we find frequent mentions of prime ministers and ministers of the king in the Jain literature and contemporary inscriptions. They have been called mahamatyas, sacivas, rajavṛddhas, buddhi-sacivas,
1 Ibid., p. 296:
2 Ibid., p. 295: गुणदोपयोस्तुलादण्डसमो राजा स्वगुणदोषाभ्यां Published in the Kävyamala 85 (N.S. Press), p. 16. • Nitivd, p. 114 मंत्रपूर्वः सर्वोऽप्यारम्भः क्षितिपतीनाम् । P. 124 : स खलु नो राजा यो मंत्रिणोऽतिक्रम्य वर्तेत । • SJGM. 1, p. 16 सचित्रैः सह विमृनन्थे ।
Nitiva., p. 149:
स्वतन्त्रः ससारिवत् विनाशयति ।
लोभपक्षपाताभ्यामयथार्थवादिनः सभ्याः सभापतेः सद्यो मानार्थहानिं लभेरन् ।
गौरवावे |
।
7 Ibid, p. 130 बहुसहाये राशि प्रसीदन्ति सर्व एव मनोरथाः ।
।
8 PC., p. 78 : राजवृद्धानामारोचमान: ।
• Tilakamanjari, p. 33.

Page #379

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
349
karya-sacivas and amātyavarya. This shows that there was definitely a council of ministers, the chief of which was called mahamatya. Somadeva, dealing with the strength of the council, puts the number of ministers at three, five or seven. Evidently he is thinking of very small states or feudatory domains of his time. We learn from the Hammira-mahākāvya of Nayacandrasīri that the mantriparişad of Hammīra was composed of eight members. We know from the Sukraniti and other works on Indian Polity that ministry should consist of ten, twelve, sixteen and twenty councillors. Perhaps, they were thinking of a big state. Somadeva, like Kautilya, does not want a council of a large number of ministers. He advances reasons by saying that king should not employ one minister alone, for, a single minister proceeds without restraint and in cases of complicated issues he remains helpless. In deliberating with two ministers the king may be overpowered by their combined action or imperilled by their mutual dissension. Ministers large in number show only their skill and due to their jealousy the king may not arrive at any decision. The king should take to that work alone which may ensure good results, without involving him into any risk or loss. In accordance with the nature of the work he may, whenever he deems it proper, deliberate with one or two ministers.3
Co-operation among the ministers is considered to be the best policy of the council, for it will prove a strong pillar to the state. Experts in different affairs of the state should be appointed in their respective posts, 5 for this would lead to a good counsel and decisive action. It is further emphasised that ministers should not be fools. What can blind men see? How can the blind lead the blind? Sometimes it may be that the counsel of fools accidentally leads to success, but after all it is a dangerous policy. To entrust the reins of a kingdom to fools is to raise an axe to kill oneself.?
1 HMK., X, PP. 33-34. 2 Nitivā., p. 128: 77: 179 T Å TT: FT71:1 3 Ibid., p. 127: That 70:1
st Acta द्वावनि मंत्रिणौ न कार्यों द्वौ म.ले गौ संहती राज्यं विनाशयतः। निगृहीतौ तौ तं वनाशयतः | बहवो मंत्रिगः परम्परं समतीकर्षयान्न। यद्गुगतनायबहलं भाति तत्कार्यम पुष्ठेयाम् | यथोक्तगुणसमायिन्येकस्मिन् युगले वा मंत्रिणि न कोशिदोषः ।
* Ibid., p. 129: 3777f pf 1977 hela 17 aguai 6 Ibid., p. 199: 17 70
! 6 Ibid., pp. 132-133: 916 m GT - Hà HETI ETSIAI PASTATTET: 450 i किमन्धेनाकृ यमाणोऽन्धः पन्थानं प्रतिपद्यते। तदन्धवर्तकीयम् काकतालीयम् वा यन्मूर्खमंत्रात्कार्यसिद्धिः।
? Ibid., p. 135: F77977 T h a TOT TIPUHTEISTOT

Page #380

350
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
erally
a sanare opposes
The councils of the period generally consisted of the king and his prime minister and other councillors like purohita sāndhivigrahikamatya, senapati, mahāksa patalika, and yuvarāja. But Somadeva opposes the inclusion of senāpati or military officers in the council. He says, 'Military authorities should not be authorities in political conncils,' for he thinks that warmongering leaders have a natural hankering after war.'1 In advocating this view he has represented, perhaps, the contemporary politics. None the less, the senapati or head of the military was one of the most important officers. He sometimes held the post of Governor of some newly conquered province. The sandhivigrahika was also another notable functionary. On behalf of the king he signed the treaties and conducted the whole foreign negotiations.2 The priest or purohita was another great personage; his advice was not to be transgressed. The priest was instrumental in warding off natural or supernatural calamities. One of his chief duties was the training of the prince. The prince or heir-apparent of our period is occasionally seen participating in state administration. He, therefore, was also included in the council. Qualification of the Councillors :
Though ministers were appointed by the king, the choice of ministers was by no means an easy job. Somadeva says that great has always been the power of ministers and cites Vişnugupta (Kautilya) who raised Candragupta to the position of an emperor as a case in point. In the selection of the councillors, therefore, a king should exercise the utmost discretion. They should be chosen from amongst Brāhmaṇas, Ksatriyas and Vaisyas. They must, however, be possessed of the following qualities: They should be native (svadeśajam) by birth and not foreigners, for natives have a tendency to love their country. Love of one's own country is the highest and most tenacious of all prejudices.? Foreigners should not be entrusted with matter of finance and protection of life, for, after staying for
1 Ibid., p. 136: Tala t #1 for: Y: 1 Tat-tfaai ou ratur भक्तमपि भुक्तं न जीर्यति ।
? SJGM., I, p. 30, Damar in the Bhoja-Bhima-prabandha. 3 Nitivā., p. 160-161
4 Ibid., p. 108: 21 IT for FTOHETCA s ia Pacis a: F1915798मवाप्नोति।
5 Ibid., p. 107: Alagilleagar atat a TFCHT A BETTER : 1 8 Ibid., p. 108:
ESTÀ FJAH ! ? Ibid., p. 108: 572TSH, HAETTIIN 12977240 HET, I

Page #381

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
a while they abruptly run away or become adversaries.1 Councillors should be of a pure character for lack of character vitiates all personal merits and qualities. They should be born of high family for the low born person never feels shy after doing misdeeds. They must be free from all carnal passions (avyasanin), for passionate councillors are like mischievous. elephants. They should be reliable and courageous (avyabhicārin) for persons who cannot stand at the time of adversity are useless. They must be endowed with all theoretical and practical knowledge (adhitäkhilavyavahara-tantra), for what is the use of those who do not know the interest of the king and cannot remove his difficulties. They should also understand the military problems (astrajñam), for how can they protect the kingdom if they do not possess knowledge of their own protection ?"
Somadeva, however, does not prescribe any tests to ascertain the character of councillors. However, these are general rules for the selection of councillors. But in the selection of particular councillors like sandhivigrahika, purohita, senapati and others, Somadeva has laid some special Regarding a sandhivigrahika or an ambassador he says that the knowledge of grammar and logic, influential position, expressiveness, power of fluent talking, genius, discretionary power, knowledge of most of the languages and alphabets, knowledge of time, place and varjäśrama, intelligence in rapid reading and writing, are the essential qualities of an ambassador.
In describing the qualifications of purohita, Somadeva follows Kautilya. He says that the purohita should be a person whose family and character are highly spoken of, who is well educated in the Vedas and the six Angas, is skilful in reading portents, providential or accidental, is well versed in the science of government and who is obedient and who can prevent calamities, providential or human.
351
Regarding the send pati he says that he should be born of a high family, pure in character, endowed with genius, devotion, truthfulness, purity and
Ibid. p. 186 नागन्तुके पर्थाधिघर प्राणाधिकारो वास्ति यस्ते खित्वा गन्तारोऽपकर्तारो वा
2 Ibid., p. 108, sutra 7.
3 Ibid., p. 109, sutra 8.
4 Ibid., p. 109, sutra 9.
5 Ibid., p. 109, sutra 10.
6 Ibid., p. 110: sutra 12.
7 Ibid., p. 110: sutra 13.
8 Ibid., p. 379.
9 Ibid., p. 160.

Page #382

352
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
valour, influential, possessing a large family, knowing how to use his policies and devices, trained in all sorts of vehicles, weapons, battles, alphabets languages. He should know his position as well as the position of enemies possess a giant and healthy body, beloved by all officers, be faithful to his master and to the interest of the country and be able to forbear all sorts of troubles and exertions, undaunted by the men either of his own acquaintance or his enemies. 1 Councillors Hereditary:
One striking feature of our period is that the office of the councillors, sometimes designed as a mätya and sometimes mantri, was generally hereditary. Generally their fathers and grand-fathers had been royal servants. Thus we find Vimala, the da danātha of the Caulukya Bhīma I, had his long heritage from the time of Vanaraja.2 Vāgbhața, Āmbada and Mabädeva the ministers of Kumārapāla were the sons of the former ministers. Somesvara, the purohita of Bhima II claimed his parentage in the service of the Caulukyas. Function of Cabinet :
Somadeva says that every enterprise of the king should be preceded by deliberation with councillors.3 He, like Kautilya and Kämandaka, sets forth the pertinent duties of an intricate subject, to arrive at a correct decision on a known subject, to reinforce what is decided, to eradicate the doubts in a subject of doubtful nature and to get full knowledge of the implications of a subject which is only partially known. He further says that the failure of king's policy is the failure of the councillors' policy, so it is enjoined on the councillors to keep strict secrecy with regard to the discussions and decisions of the council, whatever they might be. Somadeva prescribes certain rules and regulations to maintain the secrecy. He forbids the holding of a council in open sky or in the places which echo to human voices. The persons whose relations have been offended should not be con
THOUTE
-
1 Ibid., p. 169. 2 See supra, p. 240, chapter on the Caulukyas. 3 Nitivā., p. 114: Harra: Hafsterra: feladata!
4 Ibid., p. 114: 37197RT 7979JUTTU 1 Aast च्छेदतमेकदेशदृष्टस्याशेषोपलब्धिरिति मंत्रसाध्यमेतत् ।
5 Ibid., p. 124: TESTE T Hlaunagaalanet • Ibid., p. 117: 3412 727 #9: 1 ? Ibid., p. 116: 371757 fagacelê an an a l

Page #383

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
353
AS.
sulted. Uninvited persons should not be allowed to stay at the time of deliberations, for it is on record that counsel was sometimes betrayed ever by parrots and minas. The trouble arising from the leakage of counsel is seldom controlled.3 Celerity in execution is a safeguard of secrecy. The resolutions should be put as soon as possible into action, Action, indeed, is the very essence of deliberation. Mere knowledge of medicine does not cure the disease.
Changes in the attitude, changes in countenance due to anger and love, intoxication, carelessness and talking in sleep and other evil habits are the causes of the betrayal of deliberations.5
At the time of deliberation there should be no hot discussions or random talks.
Decisions unanimously reached and exercised with discretion easily lead towards the achievement of the object.?
The essential duty of the councillors is to offer wholesome counsel. Let them not flatter or mislead their master. The king on his part should take their advice, for he is a bad king who neglects the advice of his councillors.8
In formulating a theory of a fivefold aspect of mantra or counsel, Somadeva follows Kautilya and Kāmandaka. He says that the first aspect is the preliminary part of beginning an undertaking. This is, in other words, to find out what amount of support would be forthcoming once a plan was mooted. The second is the means to an end. This is how to tackle the problem and pool the resources in man-power and wealth and consider the best use to which they might be put. The third is the proper appropriation of the means according to place and time, for certain undertakings would bear fruit in a specified area and at a specific time. The fourth is, the counsel should remove the difficulties which would come in the
1 Ibid., p. 118: 37/1987 929 T fact a 21 JAAR 12 fauf 27#728:1
; Ibid., p. 118: 7: E fai qutaranuf! 3 Ibid., p. 118: HTTECH ari gugalai yra
• Ibid., p. 120: Chap] a atentat: FA 379Tera gigafék Hot Haare परिज्ञानादेव व्याधिप्रशमः |
5 Ibid., p. 119: CHART HE: A1 Part 7 H ATTI I • Ibid., p. 122: Hatta fari faars: TOTT : / ? Ibid., p. 122: fata dripeat St Gianna HES: #rez Ferre #TFF |
. Ibid., p. 123: 7 heret e341 Frühf 2519AATSTfa! at FIAT g a yarare este afare: 1
45

Page #384

354
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
way of accomplishment. The fifth is the karya-siddhi or final success. This is the actual accomplishment of work undertaken.? V. The Organisation of the Central Government:
Somadeva remarks that single handed, one can do nothing; therefore, to, maintain administrative efficiency a number of state officers is required.2 They help the king in matters of timely advice, revenue and wars. The Jain literature and inscriptions testify to the presence of a number of administrative officers. The central government thus had various officers. It was divided into different departments, each having its own head, though the supreme authority in all matters was always vested in the king. The central Secretariat which was responsible for running the entire machinery of the state was established at the capital city, the place of royal residence (rajadhāni) and was called śrikarana. The king's seat in this office was called karya sana.5 Prime Minister:
The in-charge of the Secretariat, most probably, was the prime minister. The Vasanta-vilasa informs us that Viradhavala Vaghela appointed Vastupāla and Tejahpāla as the śrikaranādhināthas (in-charge of śrikaraṇa). The position of the prime minister in our period was very important. We know from the Jain inscriptions and from a number of Jain colophons that he was in-charge of the management of state affairs (samastavya päran paripanthayati or śrikaránadin samastavyaparan kurvati). He was also authorised to transact the royal seal and signet.8 Thus Jayasimha had Āśuka and Gārgila; Kumārapăla, Mahadeva and Vadhūya; Jaitrasimha Guhila, Jagaṇasimha; Jaitugideva Paramāra, Dharmadeva; Visaladeva Vaghela Nāgada to serve as prime ministers and also to transact the royal seal and signet.9 Such a high dignitary was the prime minister that he could make or unmake the king. We find that Visaladeva Vaghela was installed on the
1 Ibid., p. 115: FUTARRru: T567AF9EET FJAHIT fafajar: 79सिद्धिश्चेति पञ्चांगो मंत्रः।।
2 Ibid., p. 130 : at a TETAATH Fracht furat! 3 Ibid., p. 132. 4 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 233: To Higoare .... 6 Tilakamañjari, p. 19: TRUSTHEIR....Frete 1 6 Canto III, V. 69: 32THA: »ATOTTTT2t etc. 71 A., XIL, p. 202; SJGM., XVIIT, PP. 103, 106, 109, 110 etc. & Ibid.: P ure FSHET379TTT of propria • SJGM., XVIII, pp. 101, 103, 106, 116, 120 and 125.

Page #385

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
335
throne by Tejahpāla, who after this earned the title of Rajasthāpanācarya 1 His name was also mentioned in the grants of the feudatory lords. He was called mahapradhāna, jyāyan-pradhana, pradhānāmātya, pradhānamantri and mahamatya in the Jain sources. Thus, Lakşmaņasena had Umāpatidhara; Jayacandra Gahadavāla, Vidyadhara; Muñja Paramāra, Rudrāditya ; Mahipala Kacchapaghāta, Gaura; Jayasimha Siddharāja, Santu and Muñjāla and Kumārapāla had Vágbhata and others. The king always consulted him on all important occasions but he was free to follow his advice. Sometimes he set aside his counsels and proceeded according to his own discretion. Thus we know from the Duyaśraya that the prime minister of Armorāja advised him not to wage war with Kumāra pāla, but the latter refused to follow him.
In the reign of the Caulukyas of Gujarāta we find the term mahāmatya applied to a number of ministers. Some of them were in-charge of the secretariat and some were councillors of the kings. Their rapid succession shows that they very often changed their portfolios. Sometimes the mahāmātya is found ruling over a province. Thus Udayana was made in-charge of Cambay during the reign of Siddharāja Jayasimha and Kumārapāla and Samanta was in-charge of Balapadrapāthaka during the reign of Kumārapāla.5
Ministers: Under the prime ministers there were heads of several departments. In the Jain sources they are called amatyavarga, amatyavrddhas or rájavrddhas.? Somadeva says that income, expenditure, royal safety and maintenance of order are the chief concerns of these ministers.8 He holds the view that a person, quarrelsome by nature, belonging to a strong party, passionate, bad in character and coming from low family, unsubmissive, spend-thrift, foreigner and miser, should not be appointed as the minister or amātya.'
Experts should be appointed as ministers in their respective posts,
I SJGM., XVIII, pp. 120, 121; PC., p. 79: 311FSITETTAT FOTOT TYTT: 1
Tilakamañjari, p. 62. 2 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 211. 3 Canto XVIII, Vs. 15-37. 4 SJGM., I, p. 77. 5 Ibid., XVIII, P. III. & Tilakamañjari, PP. 17, 62. 7 PC., p. 78. 8 Nitivā., p. 185: 3717827: FTTHETH79190 THTITTAIETER: |
' Ibid., p. 180: Tipui ca 3777 THUGTAFITHR1224adafaisमन्यदेशायतमतिचिकगं चामात्यं न कुर्वीत |

Page #386

356
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Fitness should be the only criterion for office. These ministers while holding their offices in the secretariat were also in charge of the business of the provinces and sometimes were called the ministers of these provinces. They also toured to inspect the affairs of the State. - Aksapaļalika or Mahākşapatalika : Besides the ministers who held important portfolios in the centre, there was chief superintendent of Srikarana who was called akşapatalika or mahaksa patalika.He may be taken as equivalent to chief registrar, or inspector-general of records, in charge of the Record Office. He did all the business of seal relating to the drawing up of documents (paţtaka).
Duta: The foreign affairs of the State were under a minister who was called data. He examined all the terms of treaties and negotiated for peace and alliance. He had under him reporters and informers who enabled him to keep in touch with developments in foreign countries. In emergency he himself went to negotiate the matter of peace and war. In the Tilakamañjari he is called as pradhanaduta.5
Other Officers : Kośadhipa or kośadhyaksa was also an important functionary. He maintained the account of income and expenditure in the royal treasury. A Jain inscription refers to mahasahaniya as an officer. Perhaps, he was the great master of the stable.? Rajavaidya or the royal physician looked after the health of the king and the members of his family. The officer in charge of the jewels was known as pradhanaratnā. dhyaksa.9 There was an officer in charge of sealing the letters of the king's command. The orders were sealed with lead of red colour. 10
There must have been, however, many more departments but the Jain sources of our period do not throw any light on them, VI. Provincial Administration:
For administrative convenience, big kingdoms or empires were divided into a number of provinces which were given different names in different
1 Ibid., p. 60: 7 for a fait
SGM., XVIII, p. 112, No. 108. 3 Tila kamañjari, p. 103: geferat 797fS#: Tart Tarifgara asta
Nitivā., pp. 170-171: 377149157g ca hati • P. 82. • SJGM., I, p. 7. ? Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 226, No. 875. 8 PC., p. 55: O T : TIGAT: 1 , Tilakamañjari, p. 63. 10 Ibid., p. 70.

Page #387

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
357 states. During the Gupta period, the provinces of U.P. and Bengal were styled as bhukti, but in the later period we rarely come across the term bhukti, in that sense. The term mazdala in the sense of province was used in the kingdoms of the Caulukyas, Paramāras and Cāhamānas. Thus, we know from the Jain sources that Saurāştra, Lāțā, Avanti or Mälava, Astadaśasati (Āsosittana)1 were the mandalas. The terms ekadeśa or prānta was also used for a province in the Jain literature.2
The governors of provinces were usually called mahāmandalesvara or mandaleswara. The appointment of the governors was entirely in the hands of the king. Qualified persons with administrative capacity were appointed to the post. Thus, we learn from the Jain colophons that Sobhanadeva was governor of Khețaka mandala during Jayasimha's time, while Vosari was the governor of Lātadeśa during Kumārapāla's reign.3 Sometimes, princes or near kinsmen were appointed to this high post. Thus Prthvīrāja III appointed his so-called brother Yasoraja in Kumārabhukti at Asinagara. To rule over the newly conquered territories, generals were usually appointed. Thus Vimala dandanayaka was the governor of Arbuda during the reign of Caulukya Bhīma 1,5 while Saurāştra, during the reign of Jayasimha and Kumārapāla, was ruled by its governor Sajjana and Nadol, during Kumarapāla's time, by its Governor Vaijaladeva?
The provincial governors exercised wide powers. They maintained regular armies at provincial headquarters and were responsible for the maintenance of internal peace and the protection of their territories from external invasion. Thus, Vastupāla as a governor of Cambay averted the invasion made by Sankha with the timely help of the army.8 The Tilakaman jari states that the governors of provinces were satisfied by ministers in their administration. This shows that they had a sort of cabinet to consult now and then. VII. Feudatories or Sämantas :
Like these provinces there was a number of feudal states during our period, which owed allegiance to the permanent power. The chief of the
1 SJGM., XVIII, p. 107; SJGM., I, p. 16; Arbud Jain Lekha-sandoh, II, p. 8. ? PC., p. 12. 3 SJGM., pp. 103, 107. 4 SJGM. II, p. 86. • Arbud Lekha-sandoh, II, p. 3. & See supra, p. 278. 7 See supra, p. 278. & See supra, p. 305.
P. 82: Aarefacerztraminiga famTHTA: 1

Page #388

358
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
feudal state was called samanta or mahasāmanta, maṇḍalika, maṇḍaladhipati, or also mandaleśvara.1
The etymological meaning of the word samanta is vicinity, which signifies nearness to the king's kinsmen and relatives or persons coming of such families as had rendered meritorious services in past or scions and representatives of dispossessed kingly families. In the Jain inscriptions and colophons of the MSS they are designated by various subordinate titles like mahārāja, mahāsāmanta, māhāsāmantādhipati, maṇḍalesvara, mahāmaṇḍaleśvara and mahamandalika and sometimes rāṇaka and thakkura. Sometimes they obtained the pancamahdsabda from the soverign. For instance the Devagadha Jain inscription informs us that the mahäsämanta Vigonurāma had been conferred the fañca-makāśabda by Bhoja Pratihara the ruler of Kanauj. Most of these titles represent certain grades of feudatories. They appear to be always territorial lords. They were usually required to acknowledge their subordinate position in the official charters they issued by mentioning the name of the suzerain first. We have several Jain inscriptions of the reign of Kumarapala and the Câhamana of Nadol where samantas are seen owning the suzerainty of their feudal lords. They also attended the imperial courts not only on ceremonial occasions but also at periodical intervals. Several Jain literary works describe the imperial courts crowded by feudatories who came to pay personal homage to the emperor.4
The samantas maintained small armies and, occasionally, supplied them. to their sovereign in the time of war and, sometimes, they themselves were employed in the military service and led the army in the battle and served also in the capacity of ministers.5 For instance, Yasodhavala, the Paramāra ruler of Candravati, supplied his army to his sovereign Kumarapala and led it to the battle of Kaunkana. A Jain colophon informs us that he also served. as a chief minister of Kumarapala for some time. Similarly, his two sons and grandsons served loyally the successors of Kumarapala with assistance of their military." Feudatories who rebelled and were defeated
1 EI., IV, p. 309 ff.; Vasanta-viläsa, pp. 12, 22; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 212. Ibid., IV, p. 309 ff.
Ibid., IV: Jain Lekha-sangraha, I. pp. 211, 251, EI., XI, pp. 43-46. Trisaṣṭisalakāpurusa-carita, I, V. 693; II, V. 6.
Tilakamañjarī, p. 63.
5 See supra, p. 195. Section on the Paramāras of Candravati.
• Ibid.
7 Ibid.

Page #389

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
359
in war were subjected to a number of indignities. We have seen, for instance, that Kumārapāla defeated and dethroned Vikramasimha Paramāra, a feudatory, and seated his nephew upon the throne. Sometimes, we find instances of feudatories throwing away the imperial yoke and becoming independent during the weak rule of their sovereign. Thus the Guhilotas became independent of the sovereign.3 Several princes of the Nadol branch of the Cāhamänas and Kacchapaghăta Mūladeva of Gwalior, a feudatory of the Candellas, may be mentioned here as examples.
VIII. District Administration :
Provinces or mandalas were divided into a number of districts called 'vişaya'. The head of the vişaya was naturally called vişayapati or vişayi* or probably, rājyacintakas in the Jain inscriptions. The headquarters of the visaya was known as mahasthāna, or pattana. The vişayapati collected government revenues and other cesses and maintained peace and order within his jurisdiction. The officers of the police department, known as dandapåśikas or coroddharanikas, probably worked under the directions of the district officers. Leading persons or important representatives of the visayas and towns as mahā janas, vi pras and gosthikas assisted district officers in the work of administration. The visayapati represented the king and hence he is called rajasthaniya in the inscriptions. The details of the district administration were looked after by a body of officers each in charge of a Department and most probably working under the control of the District Magistrate. The Kalvan Jain plates of Yaśovarman of the time of Bhoja Paramāra mention some of the heads of Departments and officers like the selaka (officer-in-charge of weapons ), the grāmataka (officer-in-charge of the administration of the village as a whole), gokulika (superintendent of cattle stations), caurika (police officer-in-charge of thieves and robbers ), saulkika (superintendent of tolls and customs), dandapāśika (chief of the police) pratirājyika?, mahattama (the head or the oldest men of a village), kutumbins
1 Ibid. 2 Ibid.
See supra, p. 172. • Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 119, No. 804. 5 Jain Lekha Sangraha, I, p. 238, No. 899: Teres haga
Dr. Bhandarkar, however, takes this term to mean a person looking after the administration of the kingdom. EI., XI, p. 53.
6 EI., XI, pp. 305, 310. 7 Ibid.

Page #390

360
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
(in all likelihood the leading men in the villages due to their wealth or sociai influence) and others. Subdivisions and other lower limits :
The vişaya was further divided into aharas; the ahāras into pathakas; and the pathakas into gramas. For example, a Jain colophon refers to one Khēțakahara under the district of the same name.2 Pathakas also have been referred to in the Jain colophons such as Dāndavya păthaka, Valāpadra pathaka etc.3 Ordinarily the limits of a visaya and those of a pathaka were fixed, but, at times, what was once a visaya was called a pathaka and vice versa, for example Gambhūtā is once called a vişaya and at another time a pathaka. We also find occasional references to the smaller units like pattala, dranga, mandali, sthali, padras and palli in our sources. A Jain inscription, dated V.E. 1350 from the Vimal temple at Abu, refers to Vīsaladeva Paramāra enjoying a pattala in Āstādaśasatamandala. The Jhāloại inscription of the Paramāra Dhārāvarşa refers to Candravati as the dranga, the ornament of the country of Asgadaśasatadesa.6 Mandali in Varddhi pathaka? and Dadhisthali near Pāțan and Sthali near Rādhanpur have also been referred to.8 Several padras also have been mentioned in the Jain colophons. These padras appear to have been important units of administration so much so that even royal princes and generals were put in charge of them.16 The reference of pallis also occurs in our sources such as Āsapalli, Cāharapalli, Vyāghrapalli, Pundrapalli etc.11 Palli generally denotes a very small village, especially a settlement of wild tribes.12 But in our inscriptions and colophons it does not seem to have been used in this sense for we know that there were far advanced villages where all kinds of religious and literary activities were going on.
1 EI., XIX, p. 69 ff.: 3 294a 1AZAastattitfe ZUSTIEFHETTATES 12T etc.
2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 103. 3 Ibid., pp. 110, III. 4 IA., VI, pp. 196, 198 and Vienna Oriental Journal, V, p. 300. 5 Arbud Jain Lekha-sandoha, 11, No. 2, p. 8. 6 Ibid. IV, No. 311. 7 SJGM., XVIII, pp. 110, III. 8 DV., IX, V. 77 and XIV, V, 24.
SJGM., XVIII, Appendix VII, Arbud Jain Lekha-sandoha, V, Appendix VIII. 10 IA., 1913, p. 60. 11 SJGM., XVIII, p. 166 Appendix VII.
12 Monier Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 610; Abhidhāna-Rajendra, V. 729.

Page #391

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
361 The term Bhukti : In a small kingdom like that of the Cāhamãnas of Nadol or Jalor we find a peculiar unit of administration which is known as bhukti. This term is used there in the sense which hardly means a province. Certain Jain inscriptions from Nadol show that the personal property of the members of the royal family was called bhukti and the official designation of the proprietor of the bhukti was bhokta. Sometimes more than one prince governed the same bhukti conjointly. Thus Rājaputra Lakhaņapāla and Abhayapāla are known to have been the bhokty's of Siāņava and Samanaka.2 Instances of bhuktis being assigned to queens are also obtained. Thus Jalhanādevī, the queen of Kelhaņadeva, is said to have enjoyed one such bhukti.3 It seems that the princes governed their bhukti personally, while the queens might have done it through their agents. The personal property of the king was known as rājakiya bhoga or svabhoga.5 Thus the Sandera Jain inscription of Kelhaņadeva, dated V.E. 1221, informs us that the queen mother Ananadevi donated some corn out of the king's estate.
Some other peculiar units like dvadaśaka, and caurāsi were a kind of estates held by the princes. Thus Nādol Jain copper plate grant informs us that Rājaputra Kīrtipāla had received a group of 12 villages to rule from his father and elder brother.? IX. The City Administration:
The capital of the king and some other important towns of the kingdom had their own administration. In the capital the king's orders mostly regulated the administration. But usual administration was under a committee whose chairman was puradhyaksa. Certain religious towns had also committees for their management. Thus, we know that under the purădhyaksa Garda the religious city of Devapațțana was managed. The purădhyaksa was assisted by a number of officers in his administration. The protectors of city were known as nagara-rakşakas,' who worked under the warden of the city, sometimes called as talara. The city warden's post was considered as an important one. Thus we know that Jagadeva, a favourite
1 EI., XI, pp. 49, 50; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 231. ? Ibid., Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 231. 3 Ibid., pp. 51-52; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 229. 4 Ibid., p. 47: Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 229. 5 IA., 1913, p. 60. & Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 210. ? DV., XV, V. 38. & Samarāicca-kahā, p. 270 ( Ahmedabad ed.) 9 Samarāicca-kahā, p. 270. 46

Page #392

362
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
of Jayasimha Siddharāja, was the city warden of Anahilapura, The Cirwă inscription composed by a Jain monk informs us that during the reign of Padmasimha Guhila, Yogarāja was the talara in the city of Nāgadraha 2 The strorehouse (bhandāgāra ) of the city was under the officer styled as bhāndagarika. The head of the police officers was known as dandapāśika whose duty was to investigate the crimes of the city. The policemen were called rajapurusas. The judicial administration of the city was under a city magistrate called karanika,s who held his office in the council hall called as the pancakula.6
Pancakula: The term pancakula in our period is used in various senses. It is considered by scholars as signifying the representatives of wards and thus their congregation also came to be known as the pancakula. The commentator of the Niliväkyämrta states that the term karana significs the pancakula. Somadeva mentions the five composites of the karana or pancakula. They are (1) adayaka (who receives the state income), (2) nibandhaka (who maintains the accounts), (3) prutivandhaka (in-charge of seal), (4) nivigrāhaka (finance minister) and (5) rājādhyaksa (head of the above four). From these functions of the karana we get an idea of the State exchequer.
The term pancakula used in the story of Vanarāja as well as in other places in the Prabandha-cintamani? denotes that pancakula was a revenue officer of Government. Pancakula in the Samaraicca-kaha has been referred to as the Court with Juries. (P. 270).
We shall also see that the pancakula has also been used in the sense of the village council. Guilds (goşthis or śreni):
The Jain sources of our period throw a flood of light on guilds and their activities. Although we hear of their existence from the Gupta period, yet we find during our period their wider activities. Guilds or gosthis as they were called were a kind of corporations of professionals. Thus we find guilds of dancers, musicians, weavers, oilmen etc. Some of such corporations were also associated with the administration of the areas in which they
1 See supra, p. 260. 2 Moharāja-parājaya (GOS., IX), p. 78. 3 SJGM., I, p. 77. 4 Samarāiccakahā, p. 271. 5 Ibid., p. 271. 6 Pt. II, p. 66: HEART TATO VITETI ? SJGM., I, pp. 12, 57 and $2.

Page #393

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
363
flourished. Persons belonging to these groups were called gosthikas. The kings of our period are seen bestowing certain powers on these bodies. Thus, an inscription, dated V.E. 1348 of the reign of Sāmantasimha Cāhamāna of Jālor, informs us that gosthi was authorised to transact all the business of income and expenditure of hațța (market place). They are also entitled to form a body known as the institutions of bhattaka.2 In another Jain inscription from Ghațiyālā, dated V.E. 918 of the reign of Kakkuka, we are told that the king authorised the bhāțțaka goşthi to protect the temple of Jina which he had built and donated.3
The goşthis of our period also enjoyed certain privileges. Thus, we know from a Jain inscription from Osia of Kelhaņadeva, dated V.A. 1236, that the king made his grant before them, and the storehouse was kept under them. Another Jain inscription from Sevädi, dated V.E. 1198, informs us that goşthi possesses the power to impose restrictions.5
Hemacandra mentions many goşthis, eighteen in traditional number. It seems that a number of people of different sections were employed in different establishments in the city and belonged either to the government service or non-government service. They organised themselves into co-operation in order to be associated with the running of the local administration, X. The Local Government:
The existence of the Local Government is also revealed from the Jain sources, although they do not give much account of their activities.
Municipalities: Probably there were municipal bodies which controlled certain affairs of the town. Many Jain inscriptions from Western India mention mahajana-sabhā and gramiņa sábhā as two separate bodies. The Nadalāi inscription, dated V.E. 1200 of the reign of Rāyapăla, mentions mahājana-grāmiņa-janapada-samaksa.6 Another inscription of the same king found at the same place mentions that the mahajana, all combined, donated certain objects. It also differentiates mahājanas from others. The Sevādi Jain inscription, dated V.E. 1172, of the reign of Anahilla, shows that commander Yaśodeva was ranked first in the king's court as well as in
1 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 236. 2 Ibid., p. 249. 3 Ibid., I, p. 261: atacul 12999 4 Ibid., I, p. 198. 5 Ibid., I, p. 227: 1187 SEAL G T: 67: 1 6 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 213. 7 Ibid., pp. 213, 214.

Page #394

364
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
the committee of mahajanas.1 Yet another inscription of Pratīhāra Kakkuka, dated V.E. 918, states that a Hatt (market place) was inhabited by mahajanas, vipra and others. All these inferences show the existence of a body which may be called, in the modern sense of the term, municipality.
From the above inscriptions we know that the council of this body consisted of important persons of the town such as mahājanas (respected persons), vipras and some of the members of goșthis (guilds). The important markets (haftas) of the towns were under the control of these municipalities. They were also authorised to impose taxes for religious gifts to temples and the Jain inscriptions recorded various such taxes. The Jain inscriptions record toll house (sulkamandapika) under the management of the town committee.3 Sometimes the dues of the Central Government in customs duties were collected by the town committee on its behalf; thus the pilgrim tax at Bāhuloda in Gujarāta which amounted to 72 lakhs was collected in the 12th century by the local municipality on behalf of the Central Government. The tax collector was called pancakula.5 The permanent secretary (karanika) was in-charge of the records and correspondence of the committee.
Regarding other details such as selection and other functions of the committee we have no information from the Jain sources.
The Village Administration: The village administration was usually managed under the supervision and direction of the village headman. In the Jain inscriptions and literature he is called grāminaka, grāmika, grāma. kūța,? pastakila, mahattaka or mahantaka' during our period.
Mahattara and Mahattama: The majority of the Jain inscriptions of our period refer to the mahattaras or mahattamàs of a village.10 The two terms, though apparently representing the comparative and superlative degrees, have the same political significance as that of the elders. Their repeated mentions show that generally the elders of a village associated, it
1 Ibid., p. 227. 2 Ibid., p. 261. 3 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 215. 4 PC. (SJGM.), p. 57.
Ibid., p. 57; Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 233. 6 Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 213. ? Nitivā., P, 99. 8 PC., p. 98. 9 Jain Silālekha-sangraha, I, p. 232-233. 10 Ibid., I, pp. 248, 249 and 266.

Page #395

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
365
seems informally, with the regular servants of Government in the management of rural affairs. Sometimes, they rose high and obtained recognition at the courts of suzerains and feudatories.
Pancakula: Inscriptions from Western India, however, show that from c. 600 A.D. the village elders used to appoint a formal executive committee of their own. The Jain inscriptions also show a similar development in Rājasthana where the executive of the village assembly was known as pancakula. It, inost probably, worked under the guidance of a headman known as mahanta.1 The word pancakula has got a number of meanings, which have already been discussed elsewhere.
Somadeva refers to the Village tribunals2 also. Beyond this scanty information we have no detailed accounts of village administration in the Jain sources. XI. Revenue and Finance Administration:
The success of the Government of our period must have rested on the sound finance, for finance is said to be the very source of all achievements. The treasury of the king always serves an useful purpose in distress as well as prosperity.4 It is a sound government whose sources of revenue are abundant and items of disbursement are limited. The treasury should be full of precious metals like gold and silver and many other currencies.5 This treasury is the very life of the king. The king whose treasury is empty generally robs his subjects and then the kingdom is ruined.? Somadeva further stresses that it is the treasury and not the person of the king which is the real sovereign.8 He alone wins victory who has got wealth. Only he who has wealth is reckoned to be great and well-born. The wealth for the treasury should be acquired by lawful means, not illegally by bribes, etc. 10
ia
#13: ;
1 Jain Silalekha-sangraha, I, pp. 233, 249, 266. 2 Nitiva., p. 202, Sutra 22. 3 Nitivā., p. 27: : qa safafe use: 1 4 Ibid., p. 202: 1: agiz 7795€ TT7127ci 5 Ibid., p. 202. * Nitivā., p. 203: FIT e dai sitiad a TOTT: 1 ? Ibid., p. 203. 8 Ibid., p. 204: 131 a 7 atat 9 Ibid., p. 204. 10 Ibid., p. 183: 15 at FTFU #27 A TUTTI

Page #396

366
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
In the Amatya-samuddeśa of the Nitiväkyämṛta the administration of revenue is put under a minister (amatya).
Sources of Revenue: The splendours of the court, the salaries of the officers and establishments, the army and multifarious activities of the state, necessitated a vast revenue. According to Kautilya and Somadeva agriculture, cattle-breeding and trades were the main sources of revenue in ancient India. Their prosperity was the prosperity of the state itself.1 Revenue during our period was derived partly from taxation and partly from sources other than taxation. From sources other than the Jain we know that the land tax was the primary source of revenue, but as most of the Jain sources of the period are of religious character they seldom yield the name and kinds of the taxes levied on. It cannot be said with certainty what exactly was the share of the product from the land that was actually collected by the state. But it is reasonable to assume that the traditional of the produce was collected in the period under review. Land, however, was measured for the purpose of taxation, for the measurements of land are often given in the inscriptions of the time. Thus the Kalvan Jain plates of Yasovarman refer to nivartana, a kind of ancient measurement which is considered to be equal to 60 yards. Another measurement by seed capacity was also in vogue during this period. The Dubkund Jain inscription tells us that Vikramasimha donated a field whose length and breadth were specified by the seeds of wheat measured by four gonis. Sometimes dronas of seeds were also applied in measurement. We also find in the Jain inscriptions that fields had their names and were always mentioned in grants with their boundaries, the word for which is Aghaja. Villages are also described by their boundaries."
Some of the grants made to the Jain temples, however, throw some light on the nature of taxes levied on to meet the expenses of the temple. The most important of such records is the Bijapur Jain inscription of the Rāṣṭrakuṭa Dhavala of Hathundi. It records the permanent (akṣaya) endowments renewed by Vidagdharaja previously made by his father
वार्ता समृद्धी सर्वाः समृद्धयो
1 Ibid., p. 93 : कृषिः पशुपालनं वणिज्या च वार्तां वेश्यानाम् ।
राज्ञः ।
Ibid, p. 88 परिपालको हि राजा सर्वेषां धर्मशन प्रोति उच्छपभागधानेन तपस्वि नोऽपि संभावयति ॥
El., XIX, pp. 69-75. 4 lbid., II, pp. 232-240. 5 Ibid.
Ibid., XIX, pp. 69-75.

Page #397

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
367
Mammata.1 The description is as follows: (1) One rupee for each twenty loads carried for sale, (2) One rupee on each cart filled (whether going from or by the village), (3) One karşa per ghāt at each oil mill, (4) 13 collikas, of betel leaves by the bhattas, (5) pellaka-pellaka (?) by the gamblers (6) One ädhaka (four seers) of wheat and barley from each araghatta, i.e., well with a water wheel, (7) five palas for pedda, (8) one vinšopaka coin for each bhāra (2000 palas), (9) ten palas from each bhāra of articles such as cotton, copper, saffron, gum and so forth, and (10) One māzaka for each drona of wheat, mung, barley and such other objects as can be measured.
The chief need of temples was oil and incense. To meet the expenses of oil there are certain taxes recorded by the Jain inscription. From the Nadlāi inscription of Nadol Cāhamāna Rājpal we get the information that two palikās (measure) of oil per ghanaka were given to the temple, perhaps, for daily2 use. These gifts were called dharmadāyas or dharmayapradatti.3
From the above description an opinion can be formed that taxes of such nature also were levied to meet the expenses of the state.
There were also taxes collected from guilds of merchants and artisan classes. There were organised associations of bankers, traders and merchants as could be seen from a number of Jain inscriptions found in Rājasthāna and Western India. They were the wealthy classes of the state and paid good sums of money in the shape of taxes. The relationship between them and the state was cordial.
The occurrence of the term mandapikā such as Sulkamandapika, Vadarya-mandapika, Samipāți-mandapikā, in some Jain inscriptions and inscriptions other than the Jain and Jala-mandapika and Sthala-mandapika in the Purātana-prabandha-sangrahas shows regular custom houses in towns and elsewhere.
The chief revenue was collected in kind and in some cases in cash. Though the taxes on trade brought in money yet the circulation of money in every state was very limited. Every trade transaction was carried on for the most part by barter, but references to coins are not wanting in the Jain literature and epigraphs. The Vasudeva-hindi mentions pana and karşāpana, the two coins as means of exchange.
i See supra, p. 182. 2 Jain Lekha-sangraha, pt. 1, p. 213. 3 Ibid. * Ibid., pp. 209, 212, 233. " SJGM., II, p. 56. • Bhavanagar edition, pp. 15, 257, 268.

Page #398

368
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
It also frequently refers to dinar (dinarious), a gold coin. The chief coin which our inscriptions mention is the dramma. The half dramma was called drammārdha. The Bījāpur Jain inscription of Dhavala (c. 980 A.D.)2 and several other inscriptions refer to the use of rūpaka which in Mohammadan period came to be known as rupee, perhaps it was equal to one fourth of dramma. The minor coins that are mentioned are the vinsopaka, presumably the 20th part of dramma and the kapardikā, kakini and varațaka.3 Hemacandra in his Dvyāśraya-kavya mentions some of the interesting coins. Among the minor coins he names sūrpa. One garland cost two sūrpas in those days. He also refers to prastha and bhāgika, the latter being equal to about half a rupee in value. We also find mentioned there some valuable coins of gold. A coin is referred to as equal to 20 or 40 rupees, which seems to be made of heavy gold. Other gold coins mentioned are niska, vista and pala.
Other Sources of Income: Unclaimed property and treasure were some other sources of income to the king. Thus, we learn that the Caulukya kings used co take the property of the deceased who had no sons after them in their estates. Large tributes from the feudatories and valuable presents from the merchants of other countries also yielded a profuse income to the state. Fines and forfeitures formed another plentiful source of income.
Expenditure: The state had to employ so many paid officials to maintain the departments. Besides the expenditure of the royal household the king had to meet the pay and pension of the officials including the menials. A good sum of income was used up by the military department to maintain the soldiers, leaders, animals and other paraphernalia of the army. The kings of our period spent the state income for religious and benevolent purposes also as we see in the case of Bhoja, Paramāra, Jayasimha Siddharāja, Kumārapala, and the illustrious ministers Vastupāla and Tejahpāla.
Accounts Department: Somadeva emphasises that accounts of income and expenditure should be kept in an orderly manner and submitted periodically for audit and approval. If there be any discrepancy, it should be checked by the expert accountants. This department was a part of the
1 Ibid., p. 289.
See supra, p. 182. S DV. Canto XVII, V. 88. 4 Ibid., Canto XVII, V. 48. * Ibid., Canto V, 94 and 100. • Ibid., Canto IV, V. 45, XVII, V. 83-84. ? Nitiva., p. 189: 37127674fagfaqet gaisa be : 1

Page #399

369
big secretariat (karaña,) and consisted of the five officers: adayaka, nibandhaka, pratikantaka, vinigrahaka and Rajadhyakṣa. The capital, free from inaccuracy in the debit and credit side, is known nibi. That nibi is to be checked through the accounts-books by the experts.3 The general term for the officials of finance department is niyogi. The king is advised to keep watch over them through spies or to transfer their duties frequently or to offer them royal honour so that they would not do any mischief." They should be accused very often so that they could not create any trouble. Thus accused they must have to yield immense wealth to the state. We, however, do not know much about the working method of this department from the Jain sources of our period.
XII. Law and Justice
Somadeva says: "A king should always try to get at sinners and criminals, at all those who are obstacles to the happiness of his people." Accordingly the kings of our period were the dispensers of justice. In our period we do not find kings making laws; perhaps, it was because of the Hindu view that the king had no legislative power. Traditional laws were already there and the kings had merely to execute them.
Somadeva and other Jain writers are absolutely silent about the sources. of law which means that they seem to have agreed mostly to the views held by writers other than the Jain ones in this respect.
STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
Court: In the Nitivakyamṛta, the court of law is named sabha and the Presiding Judge of the court is known as sabhāpati. Assisting judges or juries are known sabhyas. But, in the Samaraicca-kaha the court is called pancakula (Court with Juries) and judge is called karanika," perhaps being an officer of the great karana (secretariat). Sometimes the throne room or audience hall of the king was also the house of justice. According to the
1 Ibid., p. 188 : आदायकनिबन्धकप्रतिकण्टकविनिग्राहकराजाध्यक्षाः करणानि ।
● Thid: आयव्ययविशुद्धं द्रव्यं नीवी
s Ibid. : नीत्रीनिबन्धनपुस्तक ग्रहणपूर्वकमायव्ययौ विशोधयेत् ।
Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 209.
• Ibid, p. 189:
• Nttivā, p. 189: नित्यपरीक्षा कार्यविपर्ययः प्रतिपत्तिदानं च नियोगिध्वर्थग्रहणे पाया: । नापीडिता नियोगिनो दुष्टत्रणा इवान्तः सारमुद्रमन्ति । पुनः पुनरभियोगो नियोगिषु महीपतीनां वसुधारा ॥
7_Nītivā., p_42-43 : योऽनुकूल प्रतिकूलयोरिन्द्रयमस्थानं स राजा । राज्ञो हि दुष्टनिग्रहः शिष्टपरिपालनं च धर्मः |
Ibid., pp. 296-297: Sutra 5-7Ahmedabad edition, pp. 270-271.
47

Page #400

370
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Kumārapala-pratibodha of Somaprabhasűri, Kumārapāla in the fourth prahara of the day (about 3 P.M.), took his seat on the throne in the royal court and attended the business of state, heard appeals from the people and passed judgments on them. Somadeva says that cases decided in the village tribunals or city tribunals should be put before the king for appeal,2 which shows there were other types of courts also. The king was the highest court of appeal and in all judicial matters the final decision rested with him. Written appeals to the king were allowed, says Vasudevahindas (c. 6th cent.) The term used for a law suit in our text is vyavahāra.
Juries: Somadeva refers to sabhyas with whose help the king (sabha pati) administered justice. It is said that a king should be careful to select them. The sabhyus should never indulge in greed and favouritism; they must always offer wholesome counsel to their sovereign. From this it appears that the sabhyas of Somadeva must have been juries of the court. Somadeva does not refer to any procedure which the court followed, in deciding the case.5
Evidence: But he prefers that the cases should be supported by documentary evidence. Bhukti (possession), sākşi (witness) and śasana (deed or charter), these three were known as infallible evidences. The disputed possession and witness and false deed are always the point of controversy.6
Oath: Somadeva believes in oaths in deciding the case. In law courts, a Brāhmana is to take the oath by touching his sacred thread or a piece of gold; a Ksatriya by touching a weapon, a jewel, or the ground etc.; a Vaisya by touching his ear or gold, a Sūdra by touching milk or corn. The idea, we are told, is that the forms of oath should be according to the profession of the person concerned.?
Like the Smytis the Nitivákyāmyta knows ordeals as parts of judicial procedure.8
Punishment: It is one of the chief topics of political science. Its importance is enormous. But punishment by a king ought to be like the
I GOS., XIV, Introduction, p. xiii. 2 Nitivā., P. 302: ath gt at T1 ER: 3 Bhavanagar edition, p. 253: FETTU IH TI 4 Nitivā., p. 302. 5 Ibid., pp. 295-296: B iat ! 6 Ibid., p. 298: : 18 T TARTE ? Ibid., pp. 305-307. 8 Ibid., p. 300.

Page #401

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
371
ministration of medicine by a physician. It should never be prostituted to monetary ends. He is a bad king and a bad physician who eagerly looks out for disorders with a view to obtaining selfish gratification.2 Unjust punishment recoils on the head of the monarch.3
Let us now see what the actual practice was. The Jain literature mentions various kinds of offences, amongst which robbery, adultery, and murder were the chief.
Thieves were caught by a police man who was styled as rajapurusa and who presented them before the pancakula (Court with Juries). Delicate cases were referred to the ministers who, sometimes had the power to inflict even the capital punishment. The Trişaşți śalaka puruşacarita refers to the rock of execution (vadhya-silā). The Brhatkatha of Harişeņa refers to some forms of public condemnation. A culprit had his head besmeared with ashes or shaved, leaving five tufts of hair, his property was confiscated, and, tied with pancavilva, he was driven through the town on the back of an ass. Presentation of black clothes, of a pair of black oxen and of dark (or iron) implements indicated contemptuous treatment. A messenger from an offensive party had his head clearly shaved and his ears and nose chopped off.
Painters who committed crimes were deprived of their hands. The offenders of king were captured without any warrant by the police (dan lapāśika) and punished instantly.
Eight kinds of punishment are recorded in the Jain tradition. These are: expression of regret, prohibition, reproach, reprimand, confinement to a certain district, imprisonment, corporal punishment and fine.7 The Smrtis exempt Brāhmaṇas from the capital and corporal punishment: instead of that they prescribe only banishment for them but the Ayhannitis gives the same privilege for women and ascetics also. It staies: "Even if they have committed a thousand crimes, a woman, a Brālinara and Ascetics should never be made to suffer capital punishment, nor cutting off of limbs, but only some simple punishment should be inflicted on them”.9 Somadeva
1 Ibid. p. 102. 2 Ibid., p. 103. 3 Ibid., pp. 104, 105.
Samarāicca-kahā, pp. 270, 271 (Ahmedabad ed.) 5 VI, 40. • Introduction, p. 88. ? Samarāicca-kahā, p. 358. 8 Arhanniti ( Ahmedabad, 1906). • Ibid.

Page #402

372
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
in certain passages seems to concede in particular sanctity to Brahmanas, but he has treated all as equal before the law. XIII. Military Administration
The rulers of some of the dynasties of our period were maintaining good fighting forces to protect their kingdoms. The strength of such power is mentioned in some of the Jain works as well as in the works other than the Jain ones. It is stated in the Aihole Jain inscription that Harsa had an army of well trained elephants (gajendranika). The Kalacuri king, Gängeya, is reported to have an army of fourteen hundred of elephants, a cavalry containing five hundred thousand of horses and 21 hundred thousand of men.2 The Paramāra king, Bhoja, encountered Gängeya with an army consisting of a cavalry of forty-four thousand horses, five hundred thousand men and two hundred elephants. The Prthviraja-prabandha refers to Prthvīräja's army which possessed two hundred thousand of horses and an elephant corps of ten thousand and man power equal to fifteen hundred thousand. Similarly, the Prubandha-cintamani states that Jayacandra Gáhadawāla had such a vast army that being embarassed by it even he could not walk; he, therefore, bore the title 'Pangu'.5 Some of these statements, however, are fortunately corroborated by foreign writers. Firista informs us that the Cāhamāna army in the battle of Tarãi comprised, besides in. fantry, two hundred thousand horses and three thousand elephants.
Army organisation: From these references it appears that the army consisted of infantry, cavalry and elephants. Though we find chariots mentioned in the Jain literature, it probably refers to the conventional four arms or caturanga of the Indian army. The disappearance of chariots from India's military system, it seems, came during our period. Hemacandra, in his Dvyasraya-kavya, refers to six-fold division of the army, presumably based on the area or source of recruitment. The șadangas of the army were the hereditary troops (maula), mercenaries (bhrta), gild levies (śrei), soldiers supplied by feudatory chiefs or allies (suhrd-balain), troops captured or won over from the enemy (dvişad-balam), and forest tribes (ațavi-balam).? The
1 El., VI, pp. 1-10. 2 SJGM., II, p. 20. 3 Ibid. 4 SJGM., II, p. 87. 5 SJGM., I, p. 113. & Brigg's tr., Vol. I, pp. 176-177. ? DV., Canto VI, V. 71.

Page #403

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
373
earliest references to this six fold division occur in the Epics and the Arthasastra, but they are also found in the later works like the Kāinandakiya and the Nitivakyāmrtal and in the inscriptions ranging from the 6th to the 11th century. Somadeva refers to one more division of the army known as autsähika bala which, used by the conquering monarch at the time of his world conquest, was sure to destroy the enemy's force. The chief merit of this battallion was that it consisted of royal princes, knights, well versed in arms and loyal soldiers. He further adds that the energetic force (autsahika bala) should be gratified by riches and honour, without displeasing the hereditary forces,3 Among the six-fold division of the army, the hereditary division is considered to be the best, for it stands by in the time of distress, it never rebels even though punished and it always remains faithful and loyal to its monarch. It is the honour of the master that makes the forces fight, not the monetary gain.5 Negligence in inspection by the king himself, cut in the salary, ever late payment, carelessness on removing distress and no gratification in special occasions are the chief reasons for displeasure of the army.
Vyūha: In those days, in a battle it was customary to divide the troops into different vyūhas (battle formations or array), where all the forces could be put in service to decide the issue sooner or later. Somadeva states that army, intelligence, land, favourableness of stars and superior efforts may be regarded as successful means to form the military array.?
Fortifications and seigecraft are next in importance. Forts constituted an important link in the scheme of national defence. Somadeva says that in the absence of forts the position of the king, specially in the time of trouble, becomes shelterless like a ship-bird who goes astray on the sea.8 Weak rulers often take shelter in them. It is said that the king used to store all sorts of provisions and ammunitions there. We, however, have several references to the forts in our period. Dhārā had a fort where Bhoja took shelter when he was invaded by the Kalacuri King, Karņa, and Bhīma
1 Nilivā., XXII, p. 211, sutra 12 ff. 2 Ibid., p. 211, sutra 13. 3 Ibid., sutra 14. 4 Ibid., sutra 15. 6 Ibid., p. 113: 7 : TETIT a 991 FIFTFHT: & Ibid., p. 113, sutra 17. ? Ibid., p. 367. 8 Nitivā., p. 199: igitea un: zlata Traayaaparaarafa 7 19:/ • Ibid., p. 199, sutra 3.

Page #404

374
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Caulukya conjointly. The invading party generally laid siege to the fort and the victim king through his siegecraft whiled some time in order to get the chance to encounter the attack. Forts were mostly under the supervision of royal princes or trustworthy relatives of the king. The officer in charge of durga is ealled kottapala or kottaswami.?
Diplomacy: During our period diplomacy also played an important role in warfare. The use of diplomatic agents like Dūtas or ambassadors or caras or spies would have been very considerable. Somadeva is more in favour of diplomacy than war.3
Diplomatic agents or ambassadors should be loyal to their master, free from vices, well versed in duties, pure in character, profoundly wise, talented, compassionate, acquainted with the clue of others. They are classified into three catagories: nisysţartha was one who had the full powers of negotiations, paramitartha was one who could not deviate from his instruction and śasanahara dūta was merely to deliver the message and take back the reply.5 The envoy should study the ins and outs of the enemy's territory, the loyalty or otherwise of his officers through the persons who are close to them, behaving like their own man. He should not accept the grants and tributes presented by the enemy side.?
An envoy was not to be molested on any account, he might talk as he liked but his life was sacred. Even when hostilities have started, the king should send his dutas and they were not to b: touched. During the period under review the dutas of the opposite party were respected. Thus, we learn from the Vasanta-vilāsa that Vastupala did not insult the dūla of Sankha who spoke bitterly.9
In ancient as in modern times, the ambassador was a licensed and open spy; during his stay at the foreign court, he was to cultivate friendly relations with a view to getting a clue to the real policy of the Government. He was to observe the general condition, estimate the State's resources in
1 See supra, p. 103. 2 SJGM., XVIII, p. 1o. 3 Nītivā., XXX, p. 345: afaya Q ATT77: TEY9911 4 Ibid., XIII, p. 170. 5 Ibid., XIII, p. 170. & Ibid., XIII, p. 170, sutra 170: Halogalaat CTD Jaragear etc. ? Ibid., XIII, sutra 15. 8 Ibid., XIII, sutras 17-20: 841717sfa 7 qaytaruva! 27argar: fall 9 GOS., VII, p. 22 ff.

Page #405

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
375
men and money and get first-hand information from his own spies about the condition of the defence and forts of the country. He was to send his reports to the home country. Thus, we learn from the Prabandha-cintāma zi that Damara, the ambassador of Bhima I Caulukya was at the court of Bhoja Paramāra, who did his best to serve his home country, Gujarāta.1
A regular system of espionage was another feature of warfare. The spies were the eyes of the king to watch over his own circle and the circles other than his own.2 Ungreediness, smartness, truthfulness and thoughtfulness were the qualities of spies.3
These spies disguised themselves as ascetics, scholars, sorcerers, jugglers, foresters, snake-charmers, singers, dancers, tradesmen, artisans, astrologers, mathematicians, physicians, soldiers and so forth, roamed about in the country and gathered public opinion from every nook and corner. They were paid regularly. In their turn they showed their promptness in the discharge of their duties. The spies were also helpful to the king in the administration of justice.
War Officers: The infantry was under the immediate charge of pattyadhyaksa. The cavalry was considered, par excellence, the mobile force. It was under aśvapati who had masters of stables under him, known as sahaniya in Rajasthan. The Sevādi Jain inscription of V.E. 1167 mentions mahāsahaniya Puavi.6 Elephants duly trained were particularly useful in siege, assault and bridging. The elephant corps was under a gajapati.?
The army commander or general was known variously as mahādandadhipati, senapati, dandanātha, dadanāyaka or dandādhipati. We have elsewhere narrated the qualifications of a true general. Thus, we learn from the Citorgadha inscription composed by Jain Rāmkirti that Sajjan was dandanatha of Kumārapāla. The Dhāņerāva Jain inscription dated V.E. 1213, mentions Vaijjaladeva as dandanayaka." These generals, sometimes, were made incharge of the newly conquered provinces and, sometimes, they held the portfolio of the Prime Minister, as Sobhanadeva was appointed to rule over
1 See supra, p. IOI. 2 Nitivā., p. 172: FAR AUTO Afanasan kefa framaiah ! 3 Ibid., p. 172, sutra 2. 4 Ibid., sutra 8. 6 Ibid., sutra 3. 6 EI., XI, p. 29. ? PC. (SJGM)., p. 61. 8 HIG., Part II, No. 146. • Jain Lekha-sangraha, I, p. 218, No. 860.

Page #406

376
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
Lāțadeśa in the time of Bhīma II, and Sajjana over Saurastra; Sritāta was danda pati as well as Prime Minister. But the general policy according to Somadeva was "Military authority should not be in political counsels." We may say in explaining this statement further that the war mongering, ammunition manufacturers and army commanders have no right to participate in the deliberations which are aimed at the establishment of enduring peace and order in the world.
It is said that at the time of war, to lead the army by the king himself is like the A śvamedha Sacrifice. The king of our period led the army in the battlefield as Bhoja did against Gāngeya and Kumārapāla against Arnorāja, Jayacandra against Paramardi and Pịthvirāja against Mohammad Ghori.
Sometimes feudatories and sometimes generals also led the army as Yaśodhavala Paramāra, a feudatory of Kumārapāla, invaded Konkana on behalf of his master and Gurjara-Brahma senāni of Kumārapāla attacked Ballāla.8
We find references to the battle drums in the Jain literature. The Tilakamanjari calls them sannahapațaha or samara-dakkā or samarabheri, The king mostly rode on elephants. The members of the royal household, the minister and their families, also used to accompany the marching forces. The journey was made on elephants, on horses or in bullock carts. Vaidyas and physicians were kept with the army. At the moment of departure, battle drums, conches and other instruments were played upon. The Dvyaśrya-kavya says that Jayasimha and his army used to cover about eight kośas (sixteen miles) in a day. They encamped at a suitable place, the encampment mostly happened to be like a small town where all the amenities were found. The Tilakamañ jari gives a very beautiful description of an army on march where a prince in charge of that army observes some religious rites, proceeds on his way, and encamps at a sea-shore. There a description of an encampment is given elaborately. We find there a detailed description of a naval invasion also.8
1 SGM., XVIII, pp. 103, 112. ? Ibid., p. 121. 3 Nitivā., p. 136: TEISTOT TATOT: Fy: 1 • Ibid., p. 369: : :AUT ST2941 5 See supra, pp. 267-275. • See supra, pp. 267-275. 7 DV., Canto 14, Vs. 12–18. • Kävya mālā Series, pp. 123-125.

Page #407

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
377
Weapons: The offensive weapons used in war were discus (cakra), bow (dhanusa) with various kinds of arrows (bana), sword (khad ga), battle axe (parašu), mace (gada), javelin (tomara), various kinds of spears ( kunta, bhallikä and bhindimal), yantras such as catapult (silavarşana-yantra), a kind of rod (gospa,a), hundred-killer (sataghni) and so on.1
Some of the defensive weapons have also been mentioned such as, shield (varma), body armour (kavaca), helmets (sirastrāna), neck-protector (ka rtha-traja), cover for the trunk (kūrpasa), a coat extending as far below as the knuckles (kancuka), arrow averter (vāraba ža).2
Each of the fighting armies had its banner marked by certain auspicious signs. Thus, we learn that Jayasimha Siddharāja had a banner marked by Tamra Cūd a (a kind of bird). If the banner fell or was snatched by the enemy it was considered to be a sign of defeat.
Sixfold Policy: Since the universal conquest was not always possible, it was necessary to select best means for the promotion of the interest of the king as well as the state. For this purpose Somadeva, like his predecessors, refers to the following six measures of policy (sadgunya): alliance, war marching, halting, dividing the army and seeking protection.4 He has defined each of the measures and considered it to some extent. But nothing new he has to say about them.
The ancient political writers have discussed the internal position and relation of the conquering state with the neighbouring states at the time of war. Like Kautilya and Kāmandaka, the Jain author, Somadeva, has also stated the doctrine of mandala or circle of states though he does not discuss it elaborately.5 He simply enumerates the nine components of which the rajamandala consists, viz. udāsina (neutral), madhyama (mediator), vijigisu (conquering king), ari (enemy), mitra (ally), pārsnigrāha (a rearward enemy), asara (friend of rearward enemy or rearward friend), akranda (a rearward friend), antardhi (king of concealed policy, almost foresters ).6 Defining these terms he mostly deals with the vijigisu or the conquering monarch, for he is the most important and chief component of a mandala. He is advised to extirpate such an enemy whose subjects are displeased with
1 Sanskrit Duyāśraya Kāvya mā Madhyakālīna Gujarātani Sāmājika Sthiti, Chapter on Sainya and Sastrāstra.
2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. • Nitivā., XXIX, PP. 323-325. 6 Ibid., p. 317 ff. 6 Ibid., p. 320, sutra 30. 48

Page #408

378
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
him, who is unjust, addicted to vices, and whose friends, ministers, feudatories and generals are dissentient.1
He should annihilate the enemy who is without shelter or weak in protection. If the enemy turns to be an ally he should be killed or deprived of all the prowess. He should consider his enemy who is elevated with the three constituent elements of regal power as a strong one, and devoid of these elements, as a weak one, and equal in them as an equal.2
The conquering monarch, decreasing in strength, should make a treaty by some agreement; if there be any violation of the treaty it should be corrected by swearing, etc.; and growing in strength, the conquering monarch should overcome his enemy if there be no agitation in his own camp.3
During our period, at the time of war, states were mostly divided into two or three groups. Some of the states sided with their friends and others joined the enemies. Some of them remained neutral. We know from the Bījāpura Jain inscription of Dhavala of Hathundi that Dhavala was neutral and gave shelter to those who sought for it.4 Annexation and, sometimes, restoration of a rival's state were the policy of the day. For instance, Jayasiinha Siddharāja annexed the territory of Yasovarma Paramāra and assumed the title of Avantinatha,5 while Mūlarāja restored Gräharipu and made him an ally. Kumārapāla, sometimes, annexed the territory of the Cähamānas of Naddūla by appointing his generals to look after it and, some times, restored their territory on their accepting his suzerainty.?
Peace and Treaties: Somadeva says that the earth is not the hereditary possession of any one; it is only enjoyed by the strong and powerful. Thus, he declares that war is inevitable. But, in the same voice, he also denounces the councillors and friends who advise a king to wage war or to leave the earth.9 He prefers diplomacy to an armed conflict, for diplomacy is more effective than force. 10 He further states that the objects which may be achieved by peaceful means should not be got by armed conflict,11
1 Ibid., p. 320, sutra 30. 2 Ibid., sutras 31, 32 and 33. 3 Ibid., sutras 50-51. 4 See supra, pp. 180-182. 5 See supra, p. 252. 6 See supra, p. 227. ? See supra, p. 151 ff. & Nitivā., p. 331: T ESTTAT FIRTI : f ata agar! 9 Ibid., p. 344 : f ait mai ar 7: THE GETI HAITI TI 10 Ibid., p. 346: 451 JRS STIET 17TTI 11 Ibid., p. 351: THE YEAT Wit!

Page #409

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
379
The State-policy and heroic valour of the conquering monarch are mostly to add to his wealth and more so to add territory to the kingdom. To avoid conflict it is advised that a weak king may sign a treaty with a strong monarch offering him the income of the land, 2 for it is no good to fight with a hero. It is also advised that if victory in war be doubtful, peace must be concluded even with one equal in every respect.4
Thus, we learn from the above chapters dealing with the dynasties that most of the kings of our period followed the above instructions. The later Paramāras, being weak in rule, mostly remained in peace with the Caulukya king of Gujaräta.
Ethics of War: Like his predecessors, Kautilya and Kāmandaka, Somadeva also divides conquest into three categories: (1) dharma-vijaya (battle according to the rules of dharma), (2) lobha-vijaya (battle through covetousness), (3) asura-vijaya (battle involving adharma).5 In another place, in the chapter of yuddha, Somadeva refers to kūța-yuddha and tūşni danda, the two kinds of the conquest. By the first he means the attack pretended to be made over one, but made over another. And by the second he means the silent war by undesirable means such as the use of poison, incantation, etc. He does not, however, refer to dharma-yuddha as Kautilya does. Perhaps during our period, there was no conception or ideal of dharma-yuddha. Somadeva, however, like his predecessors, enjoins the diplomatic means of Sama, Upapradana (Dāna) and Bheda as the precautionary measure to avoid war. He states that if the enemy be subdued by reconciliation the armed conflict should be avoided.? But as a true politician he says that if the only means to overcome the enemy be the armed conflict, to adopt the other diplomatic measures is like putting the oblation in the fire.
A powerful king should not pardon the guilty one, for to pardon him is to court insult.
1 Ibid., p. 344. 2 Ibid., p. 330. 3 Ibid., p. 362. • Ibid., P. 326. 6 Ibid., p. 362, sutras 70-73. 6 Ibid., pp. sutras 90-91. ? Ibid., p. 351 : THESİ EHTED 7 a 8 Ibid., p. 351 : TUSHTET Fagar aikana.
Ibid., p. 338 : GRITORIES THAT H JETTAT: faceart: /

Page #410

380
POLITICAL HISTORY OF N. INDIA FROM JAIN SOURCES
It is natural that in battle there would be a number of weak and wounded soldiers. It is said that a true leader of army should sympathise with them, comfort the wounded and encourage the weak. Somadeva says that the frightened and the unarmed should not be killed in battle. It is like killing a Brāhmaṇa. Treachery again should be avoided; it is a deadly sin.2 The held-up prisoners in war should be released with sympathy and honour.3 The king is entitled to make provisions for the family of persons deceased in battle in the service of the nation."
Everywhere a soldier puts forth his best efforts not so much from prospects of monetary gain as for the honour expected from his master. They should be ready to lay down their lives to save their king on the battlefield. All the same, a ruler should be careful and punctual in paying his forces. What is the use of a cloud which does not rain in time?? XIV. Public Works Department
The kings of our period were also interested in works of public utility. The Tilakamañjari in one place records that king Meghavāhana ordered the artisans to restore the dilapidated temples at once; he asked the officer to fill up the empty charity houses with new provisions, beddings and medicines for travellers and patients; he asked the in-charge of the forest (udyanapāla) to protect the trees planted on the sides of tanks and rivers.8 We learn from the prabandha literature that Bhoja employed hundred and seven vaidyas and physicians to serve the patients. He erected a bell-tower at the crossing so that a person by pulling the bell-string could approach the physician for free treatment. He insisted upon doctors, to cure patients suffering from acute diseases free of charge. He also provided all kinds of facilities to sufferers.9 We know that the Caulukya kings were very fond of digging tanks and lakes, erecting temples and towers equipped with sun-dials and bells. Three among the four great works of Jayasimha Siddharāja, the great temple, the great lake and the great charity house, were concerned
1 Ibid., p. 364: Jug vitae rei f
Hafal 2 Ibid., p. 366. 3 Ibid , p. 364: Hatayag ng Heighed af: 1 4 Ibid., p. 369: TTT T RO ATTi Falchul92UTENTI RIIETE 1974 1 • Ibid., p. 213: 77277ef: gairt naga 741 TA FA: • Ibid., p. 369: UT FIT TART FT KITETU 1971
? Ibid., pp. 214, 215: Jači TaifaT: AFqaralara da Fe 9: 1 agai
& Kavyamálā Series, p. 65. » SJGM., II, p. 22.

Page #411

STATE AND ADMINISTRATION
381
chiefly with public welfare. Setting up of many water-houses, construction of many rest-houses and excavation of numerous wells and tanks, which cost about three hundred crores and fourteen lakhs, were possible only due to the eudæmonistic efforts and altruistic zeal of Vastupāla and Tejahpāla, the minister of Vīradhavala whom Bälacandra-Sūri has immortalised in the pages of the Vasanta-vilāsa-mahākavya.2
There must have been officers to look after all these works, but we do not find any particular reference to them in the Jain sources of our period.
i See supra, p. 255 ff. 2 GOS., VII, See Introduction to Vasanta-vilāsa-mahākāvya.
49

Page #412

Page #413

APPENDIX
List of the Jain inscriptions used as a source of information for the individual dynasty.
Abbreviations :
C.P. -- Copper-plates. C.R. -- Contemporary record. E.R. -- Early reference.
I. - Image. Ins. — Inscription,
P. - Pillar, T. - Temple.
S. -- Saka, & Stone inscription V.E. - Vikram Era.

Page #414

384
A.D.
Serial No.
Name of the Inscription
Date in Indian Era
Reference
CHAPTER II
I Pusyabhūtis
Aihole ins. of Pulakesin II (C.R. of Harsa)
S. 556
634
EI, VI, 6-10; JSLS II, No. 108
CHAPTER III
I Gurjara-Pratīhāras (i) Jodhapur Branch Ghațiyāla ins. of
Kakkuka (ii) Avanti Branch Osia Jain T. ins. of Vatsarāja
V.E. 918
861
JRAS, 1896, pp. 513 ff; JLS I, No. 945
V.E. 1013
956
ASI, Ann. Re. 1908-9 pp. 108 ff; JLS, I, No. 788 EI. IV, pp. 309-10; ASIR, X, p. 101; JSLS, II, No. 128
Deogarh Jain T.P. ins. of Bhoja I.
V.E. 919
862
Circa
948
H.R. II, p. 428
Ahar Jain T. ins. of Allața (C.R. of Devapāla) Dubkund S. ins. Vikramasimha (C.R. of Rājyapāla) V.E. 1145
1 088
EI II, pp. 237-240; JSLS. II, No. 228
CHAPTER IV
24 yr.
C. 935
IA XLVII, P. III; J BORS, 1928, p. 489
I Pālas Nålandā Jain Temple p. ins. of Rajyapāla II Senas of Bengal
Mūlgundā Jain S. ins, of Krsna II (Rāstrakūța) (for E.R. of Senas) Sravana-velagola ins. Mārasimha II (for E.R. of Senas)
S. 824
903
EI, XIII, p. 193; JSLS, II, No. 137
S. 896
819
JSLS, I, No. 38

Page #415

385
A.D.
Serial No.
Name of the Inscription
Date in Indian Era
Reference
C. 10th Cent.
III Kesari Dyanasty
Lalitendu Cave-of Udyotakeśari(i) 5 Nava Muni Cave ins. of Udyotakeśari(ii) 18
E.I, XIII, p. 165-66, No. XVI; PJLS, I. p. 43
C. 10th Cent.
ibid; PJLS, I, p. 42
EI, I, pp. 135-136 Jain Sahitya aur Itihās,
p. 193
ibid
EI, I, pp. 151-153 ibid
'16
17
CHAPTER V 1. Candellas
Khajurāho Jain I. ins. of Dhanga V.E. 1011
954 Papaura Jain I. ins. of Madanavarma V.E. 1202 1145 ibid
V.E. 1202
1145 Khajuraho Jain I. ins. of Madanavarma (i)
V.E. 1205 1148 ibid (ii)
V.E. 1215 1158 Mahoba Jain I. ins. of Mada navarma V.E. 1211 1154 ibid
V.E. 1221 1164 Ahāra Jain I. ins. of Paramardideva V.E. 1237 Ajaigarh Jain I, ins. of Viravarmadeva V.E. 1331 1274 Ajaigarh Jain I. ins.
of Viravarmadeva V.E. 1335 1278 II Kacchapaghāta
(I) of Gwalior Suhaniya Jain I. ins. of Vajradaman V.E. 1034 977 Sasa bahu I. ins.
of Mahipala V.E. 1150 1093 (II) of Dubkund
Bayānā S. Jain ins. of Vijayapāla V.E. 1100
1043 Dubkund S. ins. of Vikramasimha V.E. 1145 1 088
ASR XXI, p. 49 ASR II, p. 448 Premi Abhi. Granth p. 625
1180
JLS. II, No. 1431
1.A. XV, pp. 33-46
25
1.A. XIV, pp. 8-10 EI, II, 237-240; JSLS, II, No. 228

Page #416

386
Serial
A.D.
Reference
Name of the Inscription
Date in Indian Era
No.
26
CHAPTER VI (I) Paramāras
Kalvan Jain T. C.P. of Yasovarman Cālukya of the reign of Bhoja undated Modi Jain T.S. ins. V.E. 1312 1256-7
EI, XIX, pp. 69-75
27
CHAPTER VII
V.E. 1226
1170
EI, XXVI, pp. 84-112
Cāhamānas
(II) of Sākambhari Bijolia Jain I. Rock
ins. of Someśvara (III) of Naddūla
Sevadi Jain T. ins. of Āsarāja(i) ibid (ii)
V.E. 1167 V.E. 1172
1110 1115
30
1 132
EI, XI, pp. 28-30; JLS, I, No. 875 ibid, pp. 30–32; JLS, I, No. 876 EI, XI, pp. 34-36; JLS, I, No. 843; PJLS, II, No. 331 EI, XI, pp. 37-41; ILS, I, No. 857; PJLS, II, No. 332 EI, XI, pp. 4-42; JLS, I, No. 844 JLS, I, No. 845 JLS, I, No. 846 EI, XI, pp. 43-46; PJLS, II, No. 346
Nadlai Jain P. ins. of Rāyapāla (in the Ādināth temple) (i) V.E. 1189 ibid (in the Nemināth temple) (ii)
V.E. 1195 Nadlai Ādināth I. ins. of Rāyapāla (iii) V.E. 1200 ibid (iv)
V.E. 1200 ibid (v)
V.E. 1202 Kirāļu S. ins. of Alhaņadeva (i) V.E. 1209 Nadol C.P. Jain grants of Alhaņadeva (ii) V.E. 1218
1138
1143 1143 1145
1152
1161
EI, IX, pp. 63-66; JLS, I, No. 839 EI, IX, pp. 66-70; JLS, I, No. 840 EI, IX, pp. 46-49; ILS, I, No. 883
V.E. 1218
38 39
1161
ibid (iii) Sāņderāva S. ins. of Kelhaņa (i)
V.E. 1221
1164

Page #417

387
Serial
A.D.
Name of the Inscription
Date in Indian Era
Reference
No.
Lalrai S. ins. of Kelhaņa (ii)
V.E. 1233
1176
ibid
(iii)
do
do
EI, IX, pp. 49-51; PILS, II, No. 347; JLS, I, No. 891 JLS, I, No. 892, PILS, II, No. 348 EI, IX, pp. 51-52; JLS, I, No. 884
1179
ILS, I, No. 804
Sāņderāva S. ins. of Kelhaņa (iv) V.E. 1236 Saciyāya Mātā ins. of Kelhaņa (v) V.E. 1236 Gangāņa Jain I. ins. of Kelhaņa (vi) V.E. 1241 Pālādi, S. ins. of Kelhaņa (vii) V.E. 1249
1184
1192
PILS, II, No. 429 EI, IX, p. 73; JLS, I, No. 955; PILS, II, No. 424 APJLS, II, No. 1 (ii), pp. 4ff
EI, XI, pp. 52-54; PJLS, II, No. 351; ILS, I, No. 899, p. 238 EI, XI, pp. 55; PILS, II, 353; JLS, I, No. 899; p. 239
Vimala I. Jain ins. of Lūsiga
V.E. 1378 1321 (IV) of Jalor
Jalor Topakhānā Jain ins. of Samarasimha (i) V.E. 1239 1 182 do (ii)
(i) V.E. 1221) 1164, (ii) 1242 11851 (iii) 1256 1199
(iv) 1268 1211) Sundhå Hill S. ins. of Cācigadeya (i) V.E. 1319 1262 Jalor Topakhănă Jain ins. of Căciga. deva (ii)
V.E. 1323 1264 Ratnapur Jain ins. of Cācigadeva (iii) V.E. 1333 1276 Bhinamål P. Jain ins. of Cācigadeva (iv) V.E. 1333 Hathundi Mātāji T. P. ins. of Samantasimha (i)
V.E. 1345 1288
EI, IX, pp. 70-77; JLS, I, No. 903
JLS, I, No. 903
JLS, I, No. 935 B.G. I (i), pp. 480-481, No, XII
1276
JLS, I, No. 897

Page #418

388
Serial
A.D.
Reference
Name of the Inscription
Date in Indian Era
No.
S4
1291
JLS, I, No. 936
1285
TLS, I, No. 749
Ratnapur Jain ins. of Samantasimha (ii)
V.E. 1348 Vermeda Jain T. ins. of Samantasimha (iii) V.E. 1352 Jūnā Jain T. ins. of Samantasimha (iv)
V.E. 1352 Jalor Topakhānā Tain ins. of Samantasiṁha (v) V.E. 1353 Vāghiņa Jain ins. of Sämantasimha (vi) V.E. 1359
1285
JLS, I, No. 918
JLS, I, No. 903; PILS, II, No. 353
1296
58
1 302
JLS, I, No. 959
HR, II, p. 428
CHAPTER VIII I. Guhilotas 59 Ahar Jain T. ins. of Allața
unated 60-61
Two Ahār Jain ins. Circa of Saktikumāra V.E. 1034 977 Sānderāva Jain T. P.ins, of Sāmantasimha V.E. 1258 1201 Ghāghasā S. ins. of Tejasimha (i) V.E. 1322 1265 Citor S. ins. of Tejasimha (ii) V.E. 1324 1267
62
HR, II, pp. 434_437 ASI, WC, 1916-17, pp. 65-66 EI, XX, No. 446
RMR, 1927, p. 3 RMR, 1923, p. 3; JASB, LV, part I, Pp. 46-47 EI, XXII, p. 285; WZKM, XXI, p. 142ff IA, XXII, pp. 80–81; HR, II, p. 479
1273
Cirwa S. ins. of Samarasimha (i) V.E. 1330 Citor Jain T. ins. of Samarasimha V.E. 1335 Rainpur (Rāṇakpur) Jain T. ins. of Rānā Kumbha
V.E. 1496
1278
1439
PILS, II, No. 307; TLS, I, No, 700

Page #419

389
A.D.
Reference
Serial No.
Name of the Inscription
Date in Indian Era
68
II. Rāstrakūtas of Hastikundi
Bījāpur Stone ins. V.E. 1053 of Dhavala
V.E. 996
997 949
JASB, 1893, Pt. I, pp. 308-14; EI, X, p. 17ff; PILS, II, No. 318; ILS, I, No. 898; HIG, III, No. 238A
1102
RMR, 1915, p. 2
1109
EI, XXI, p. 50
967
III. Paramāras of Bānsawārā (Vāgada)
Arthūņa Jain T. ins. of Câmundarāja V.E. 1159 Arthūņā Jain T. ins.
of Vijayarāja V.E. 1166 IV. Paramāras of Candravati
Diyāņa Jain T. P. ins. of Adbhuta Krşnarāja
V.E. 1024 Vimala Jain T. ins. (from Abu) of Dhandhuka
V E. 1088 Jhālodi Jain T. ins. V.E. 1252 of Dhārāvarsa (i) V.E. 1255 Arāsana Jain T. ins. of Dhārāvarsa (ii) V.E. 1276 Lūņa Jain T. ins. of Somasimha (i) V.E. 1287 do (ii) V.E. 1287
of Kānhadadeva V.E. 1287 Dattāņi Jain T. P. ins. of Visaladeva V.E. 1345 Vimala Jain T. S. ins. (from Abu) of Visaladeva
V.E. 1350
APJLS, V, No. 486 EI, IX, pp. 151; APILS, II, No. 1 ; BI, p. 36 PILS, II, No. 430; APILS, V. No. 311
1031 1195 1198
1219
1230 1230
APJLS, V, No. 21 EI, VIII, p. 211-16; APILS, II, No. 250 APILS, II, No. 251
1230
APJLS, 11, APILS, II, No. 251
1288
APILS, V, No. 55 APJLS, II, No. 2 PILS, II, No. 133; HIG, III, No. 233A ; Poona Orientalist III, No. 2, p. 69
1293
80
V Paramāras of Kirādu
Kirādu Siva T. ins. of Somegvara V.E. 1218
JLS, I, No. 942; HIG, III, No. 149B.
1162

Page #420

Serial No.
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
888
89
90
91
92
93

Name of the Inscription
Vimala Jain T. ins. (from Abu) of Bhima I (i) ibid (ii)
Citorgadh S. ins. of Kumarapala Vadanagar Prasasti of Kumarapala Kiradu S. ins, of the reign of Kumarapala Nadol C.P. ins. of the reign of Kumarapala Kirādu Śiva T.P. ins. of the reign of Kumarapala
390
II Caulukyas (Solankis) of Gujarāta Varuṇāsarmaka C.P.
of Camundaraja
Jalor Topakhānā Jain ins. of the reign of Kumārapåla Ratanpur Siva T.P. ins. of the reign of Kumarapala Junagadha S. ins.. of Kumarapala Girnar Jain T. ins. of the reign of Bhima II Somanath P. Jain ins. of Bhima II
Date in Indian Era
CHAPTER IX
V.E. 1033
V.E. 1088
V.E. 1119
V.E. 1207
V.E. 1208
V.E. 1209
V.E. 1213
V.E. 1218
V.E. 1221
undated
V.E. 1225
V.E. 1256
A.D.
V.E. 125(x)
977
1031
1062
1150
1151
1152
1156
1161
1164
1169
1199

Reference
HIG, III, No. 136A, pp. 154-155.
APJLS, II, No. 1; PJLS, II, No. 132; EI, IX, p. 151-56. EI, IX, p. 148; EI, XIX Inscription of N. India, No. 137.
EI, II, p. 421; HIG, II, No. 146. EI, I, 293:
HIG, II, No. 147. EI, XI, pp. 43-44; HIG. 11, No. 148; PJLS, II, No. 346. LA. XXXXI, p. 202; HIG, III, No. 148K; JLS, I, No. 481.
HIG, III, 149B; JLS, I, No. 942.
EI, XI, pp. 55; PJLS, II, No. 352; JLS, I, No. 899 (ii).
HIG, III, No. 55A; PJLS, II, No. 345. BI, Pt. 184, HIG, II, No. 154, Poona Orientalist, I, No. 4;
HIG, III, No. 157E. Poona Orientalist, II, No. 4;
HIG, III, No. 158A.

Page #421

391
A.D.
Reference
Serial No. 94
Name of the Inscription
Date in Indian Era
Lūņa T. Jain ins. (from Abu) of the reign of Bhima II. () ibid (i)
V.E. 1287 V.E. 1287
1230 1230
EI, VIII, pp. 204 ff; HIG, II, No. 168; APILS, II, No. 251; PILS, II, No. 64. EI, VIII, pp. 204ff; HIG, II, No. 168; APILS, II, No. 251; PILS, II, No. 65.
95
CHAPTER X
BI, p. 174; HIG, III, No. 206.
V.E. 1267
1210
I Vāghelas 96 Delavādā Ādināth
Jain T. ins. (from Abu) of the reign
of Viradhavala 97-102 Giranāra Jain T.
ins. of the reign of Viradhavala, (i), (ii), (iii), (iv), (v)
& (vi) 103 Girnāra Nemināth
T. ins. of Arjunadeva
HIG, III, Nos. 207-212
PJLS II, Nos. 38-43.
V.E. 1288
1231
V.E, 1330
1273
Poona Orientalist, III, No. 1, p. 21; HIG, III, No. 219A, p. 210. Poona Orientalist, III, No. 1, p. 23; Purătattva I, pp. 37-41.
104
V.E. 1333
1276
105
Āmaraṇa S. Jain ins, of Sārangadeva (i) Dattāni Jain T. ins, of Sarangadeva (ii) Vimala Jain T. ins. of the reign of Sārangadeva (iii)
APILS, V., No. 55.
V.E. 1345
1288
106
APILS, II, No. 2; PILS, II, No. 133; HIG, III, No. 223A; Poona Orientalist, III, No. 2, p. 69.
V.E. 1350
1293
107
Cambay (Khambhāta) Pārsvanāth Jain T. S. ins. of the reign of Sārangadeva (iv)
V.E. 1352
1295
PJLS, II, No.449; BI, pp. 227-33.

Page #422

Page #423

BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. ORIGINAL JAIN SOURCES 1. Caritas and Prabandhas
Arisimha : Sukrta-sankirtana, Jain Atmānand Sabhā, Bhavanagar, 1917. Balacandra-sūri: Vasantavilāsa, GOS VII, 1917. Caritra-sundara : Kumārapāla-carita, Atmānand-Granthamāla, Bhaya
nagar. Gunabhadra: Uttarapurāna, Bharatiya Jñānapitha, Vārāṇasi, 1954. Jaya-simha (13th Cent.): (i) Hammira-mada-mardana, GOS X, Baroda,
1920.
(ii) Vastupala-Tejahpāla Prasasti, GOS X - App. I, Baroda, 1920. Jayasimha-sūri (14th Cent.): Kumārapāla-carita, NSP, Bombay, 1926. Jina-vijaya-muni: Purātana-prabandha-sangraha, SJGM II, Calcutta, 1936 Jina-harşa-gaņi: Kumārapāla-prabandha, Bhāvanagar, V.E. 1971. Jina-sena : Adipurāna, Bhāratiya Jñānapīțha, Vārāṇasi, 1951. Jina-sena II : Harivansapurāna, MDJG Series, Bombay, 1930. Kakka-sūri: Nābhinandanoddhāra-prabandha. Merutunga: Prabandha-cintāmaņi, SJGM I, Calcutta, 1933. Eng. Trans.
Wishing stone of Narrative by C. H. Tawney, BI, Calcutta, 1894-1901. Hema-candra: (i) Trişastiśalākāpuruşa-caritam, Bhavanagar. (ii) Sanskyt
Dvyāśraya-kāvya, 2 Vols. BSS. Poona, 1915. (iii) Prākrta Dvyāśraya
kāvva, BSS Poona, 1936. Haribhadra: Sanat-Kumāra-cariu, (under Nemināhacariu) Ed. by H
Jacobi, Munchen, 1921. Haricand : Dharmaśarmābhyudaya, Kāvyamālā Series, NSP, Bombay. Nayacandra-sūri: (i) Hammira-mahākāvya, Ed. by N. J. Kirtane,
Bombay, 1879. (ii) Rambhā-mañjari, Bombay, 1889. Prabhā-candra: Prabhāvaka-carita, SJGM XIII, Calcutta, 1940. Rājasekhara : Prabandha-kośa, SJGM VI, Calcutta, 1935. Rājavallabha: Bhoja-prabandha. Sarvānandasüri : Jagadu-carita, Bombay, 1895. Subhasila : Bhoja-prabandha, Bombay. Svayambhū: Ritthanemi-cariu (Extract published in the Jain Sāhitya
aur Itihās, Bombay, 1942). Udayaprabha: (i) Sukyta-kirtikallolini, GOS X, App. pp. 69-90.
(ii) Dharmābhyudaya-mahākāvya, SGJM, XXV, Bombay. Vastupāla : Nārāyaṇānanda, GOS II, Baroda, 1916. Vädibha-simha : Kșatra-cūdāmani, Ed. Kuppu Swāmi Śāstri, Tanjore. Yasahpala : Moharāja-parājaya, GOS IX, 1918.

Page #424

394
Yaśaścandra: Mudrita-Kumudacandra, Yasovijaya Granthamālā,
Banaras, 1906. Rāmacandra : Kumāravihāra-śataka. II. Narrative Literature
Dhanapāla: Tilaka mañjari, Kāvyamāla Series, N. 85, Bombay, 1938. Dhanapāla : Bhavisatta-kahā, Ed. By H. Jacobi, Munchen, 1918. Harişeņa: Byhat-Kathākośa, SJGM XVII, Bombay, 1943. Haribhadra: Samarāicca-kahā, Ahmedabad, 1938. Sanghadāsa-Gaņi: Vasudeva-hindi, Ed. by Muni-Puņya-Vijayaji, Bhāva
nagar, 1931. Siddharși: Upamitabhavaprapanca-kathā, Ed. by H. Jacobi, BI, Calcutta,
1899-1914. Somadeva : Yaśastilaka campū, Kāvyamāla Series, NSP, Bombay. III. Literature on Polity
Jinasena : Adipurāna, Chap. III & XVI. Somadeva: Nītivākyāmyta, MDJG Series, No. 22, Bombay. Hema-candra : Laghu-Arhanniti, Ed. with a commentary in Gujarati,
Ahmedabad, 1906. IV. Pattāvalis
Muni-Jina-Vijayaji: Kharataragaccha Pattāvali, Calcutta, 1932. Ravivardhana : Pattāvali-sāroddhāra. Merutunga : Vicāraśreņi, Pub. in JSS. II, No. 4.
Darśana-vijaya: Pattāvali-samuccaya, Viramgam, 1933. V. Miscellaneous Literatures Āsādhara: (i) Anagāradharmāmyta, MD JG Series, Bombay. (ii) Sāgāra
dharmāmyta, MD JG Series, Bombay. (iii) Jinayajñakalpa, MDJG
Series, Bombay. (iv) Trişasti Smyti, MD JG Series, Bombay, Amitagati : Subhāsitaratnasandoha (3rd Edn.), Kávyamālā Series,
Bombay, 1909. Dhanañjaya: Nāmamālā, Bombay, 1940. Dhanapala : Pāiyalacchi, Ed. G. Buhler, Pub. Bhāvanagar, V.S. 1973. Dharmasāgara : Pravacana-parikṣā, Surat, 1937. Hemacandra: (i) Chandonusāsana, Bombay, 1912. (ii) Abhidhāna
cintāmaņi, Yasovijaya Jain Granthamālā No. 41, Banaras. (iii)
Śabdānuśāsana, Yasovijaya Jain Granthamāla, No. 41, Banaras, 1905. Jayasimha-sūri: Dharmopadeśamālā-vivarana, SJGM XXVIII, Bombay,
1949. Jinaprabha-sūri: Vividha-Tirtha-kalpa, SJGM X, 1934. Malayagiri : Sabdānusāsana. Nemicandra-sūri: Pravacana-sāroddhāra, Jamnagar, 1914. Somaprabha-sūri: Kumārapala-pratibodha, GOS XIV, Baroda, 1920.

Page #425

395
Vāgbhața : Vāgbhațālankāra, Kävyamālā Series No. 48, Bombay, 1915. Vardhamāna-sūri: Ganaratnamahodadhi, Ed. by J. Eggelin, London,
1879. Yativrşabha: Tiloya Pannatti, I, Sholapur. · Colophons or Praśastis
Amstlāl Shāh: Praśasti Sangraha, Ahmedabad, V.S. 1993. Muni-Jina-Vijayaji: Jain Pustaka Prasasti-sangraha, SJGM XVIII, 1943.
Epigraphical Works Dr. Hiräläl Jain : Jain Silalekha-sangraha I, MDJG XXVIII, Bombay,
1928. Muni-Jina-Vijayaji: (i) Prācina Jain Lekhamālā, Ahmedabad. (ii)
Prācina Jain Lekhasangraha, 2 Pts., Bhavanagar, 1921. Pūrañacandra Nāhara: Jain Lekha-sangraha, 3 Vols. Calcutta, 1918-1929. Vijayamūrti: Jain Silālekha-sangraha, Parts II & III, MDJG Series,
Bombay.
Vijayadharma-süri: Prācina Lekha-sangraha, Bhāvanagar, 1929. B. ORIGINAL Sources OTHER THAN THE JAIN
Bāņa: Harşa-carita, NSP, Bombay. Bilhaņa: (i) Vikramānkadeva-carita, BSS. N. 14, 1875. (ii) Karnasundari
Nātikā, NSP, Bombay, 1888. Canda Bardai: Pythrīrāja Rāso, Nāgari Prācariņi, 1913. Muhanot Nainasi Ki Khyāt, Vol. I, Trans. by Ram Narain Dügad, Nägari
Pracāriņi, Banaras, V.S. 1982. Harsa: Nāgānanda, Banaras, 1937. Jayānaka : Prihvīrāja-vijaya, Ed. by S. K. Belvalkar, BI; New Series,
Calcutta, 1914-1922. Kalhaņa: Rājatarangini, Ed. By M. A. Stein, Bombay, 1872, Trans.,
London, 1900. Kāmandaka: Nitisāra, Ed. by T. Gana pati Šāstri in Trivandrum Sanskrit
Series, 1912. Kautalya : Arthaśāstra, Ed. by Sāmaśāstri, Mysore, 1909. Madana: Pārijāta-mañjari, Ed. by E. Multzch, Leipzig, 1906.
Munjarāsa. Nārāyaṇa : Hitopadeśa, NSP, Bombay. Prahladanadeva: Pārtha Parākrama-vyayoga, GOS IV, Baroda, 1917. Padmagupta : Navasāhasānka-carita, BSS, 1895 (No. 53). Padmanābha: Kānhadadeva-prabandha. Rājasekhara : (i) Kāvya-Mimānsā, Haridas Sanskrit Series, Banaras..
(ii) Bäla Rāmāyaṇa and Bala Bhārata, Kāvyamālā Series, Bombay (iii) Karpūramañjari, Ed. by Stein Konow, Trans. by Lanman Cambridge, 1901.

Page #426

396
Soddala: Udayasundari-kathā, GOS XI, Baroda, 1920. Someśvara: (i) Kirti-kaumudi, BSS, Poona, XXV, 1883. (ii) Surathotsava,
Kävyamāla Series, NSP, Bombay, 1902. Vākpati: Gaudavaho, Ed. by S. P. Pandit, BSS, No. XXXIV, Poona,
1927. Vidyāpati: Purusa-parikṣā, Ed. and Trans. by Nerulkar, Bombay, 1914. Vigraharāja (Visaladeva): Harikeli Nātaka, Part of text in Roman
(IA,XX. 201-212) Ed. by F. Kielhorn, Gottinger, Festschrift, .1901,
pp. 16-30. C. MUSLEM WORKS
Abu'l Fazl: Āin-i-Akbari, 2 Vols. Eng. trans. by H. Blochmann BI,
Calcutta. Ali-Mohammad : Mirāt-i-Ahmādi, Ed. by Syed N. Ali, GOS, XXXIII,
1928. Alberuni: Tarikh-i-Hind, Eng. Trans. by E. C. Sachau Trubners Oriental
Series, London, 1910. H. M. Elliot and John Dowson: History of India as told by its own
Historians, 8 Vols. Aligarh, 1952. M. Q. Firista: Tarikh-i-Firistā (Eng. Trans. by Briggs, Rise of the
Mohammadan Power in India, 4 vols.), London, 1829. Minhāj-ud-din: Tabaquāt-i-Nāsiri H. G. Ravarty's Eng. trans, London,
1881. D. CHINESE WORKS
Samuel Beal: (i) The Travels of Fa-hian. (ii) Hwui-li's Life of Yuan
Chwang, London, 1911.
Thomas Watters: On Yuan Chwang (Si-Yu-Ki), 1904. E. MODERN WORKS
Aiyangar, K. V. Rangaswami: Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Polity, Madras, 1916. Aiyangar, S. R.: Ancient India, Vol. I, 1941. Altekar, A. S.: (1) The Rāstrakūtas and Their Times, Poona, 1932.
(2) Towns and Cities in Ancient Gujarata and Kathiawar. (3) History of the Village Community in Western India, Bombay, 1927. (4) State
and Government in Ancient India, Banaras, 1949. Apte, V. S.: Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Basāk, R. G.: History of North-Eastern India, Calcutta, 1934. Beniprasad: (1) The Theory of Government in Ancient India (Post-Vedic),
Indian Press, Allahabad, 1927. (2) The State in Ancient India, Allahabad, 1928.

Page #427

397
Bhandarkar, D. R.: Some Aspects of Ancient Hindu Polity, Banaras Hindu University, 1929.
50
Bhandarkar, R. G.: (1) Collected Works, Vols I-IV, Poona, 1927-1933. (2) Early History of Deccan, 3rd ed., Calcutta, 1928.
Bhavanagar State: Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions. Bühler: Life of Hemacandra, SJGM, V.
Cambridge History of India: Vol. III, Cambridge, 1928.
Chakravarti, P. C.: The Art of War in Ancient India, Dacca, 1941. Dasgupta, S. N. (Ed.): A History of Sanskrit Literature, classical period, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1947.
Desai, M. D.: Jain Sahityano Samkṣipta Itikās, Jain Svetamber Conference
Office, Bombay, 1933.
Dikşitar, V. R. R.: (1) Hindu Administrative Institution, Madras, 1929.
(2) Gupta Polity, Madras, 1952. (3) Mauryan Polity, Madras, 1932. Duff C. M.: The Chronology of India, Westminster, 1899. Forbes Rasa mālā I, Oxford, 1924.
Furgussion J. and Burgess: History of Indian and Eastern Architecture.
London, 1910.
Ganguly, D. C.: History of the Paramara dunasty, Dacca, 1933.
Girijasankar Vallabhajt: Historical Inscriptions of Gujarata, 3 Vols. Forbes Gujarata Sabha, Bombay, 1933-42.
Ghosal, (Dr.) U. N.: (1) Hindu Revenue System, Calcutta, 1923. (2) The Agrarian System in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1930.
Guerinot, (Dr.) A.: (i) Essai De Bibliographic Jaina, Paris, 1906. (ii) Re
pertoire d'Ephigraphic Jaina, Paris, 1908.
Jain, C. L. Jain Bibliography, Bharati Jain Parisad, Calcutta, 1945. Jain Law, Bijanaur, 1928.
Jain, C. R.:
Jain, D. K. Apabhramsa prakāśa, Banaras, 1950.
Jain, (Dr.) J. C. Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jain Canons, New Book Company Ltd., Bombay, 1947.
Jayaswal, K. P.: Kapadia, M. C.:
Hindu Polity, Bangalore, 1943. Siddharsi, Bhavanagar, 1939.
Keith, A.B.: (1) Sanskrit Drama, Oxford, 1954. (2) A History of Sanskrit Literature, Oxford, 1928.
Krishnamachariar, M.: History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, Madras,
1937.
Luard, C. E. and Lele, K. K.: Paramara of Dhara and Malwa (reprinted from the Dhar State Gazetteer), Bombay, 1908. Madhusudan Modi: Hema Samikṣā (Gujarati).

Page #428

398
Majumdar, R. C.: (1) Ancient India, Banaras, 1952. (2) Corporate Life
in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1922. (3) History of Bengal, Dacia, 1943. Monier Williams : Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford, 1899. Mukerjee, R. K.: (1) Harşa, Oxford, 1926. (2) Local Seif Government in
Ancient India, Oxford, 1920. Munşi, K. M.: The Glory that was Gurjardesa, Bombay, 1944. Ojhā, G. H.: Rājapūtānā kā Itihās (Hindi) (History of Rajapūtāna)
Ajmer, 1936 ff. Pārikha, R. C.: Kāvyānuśāsan-Introduction, Vol. II, Bombay, 1938. Pires, E. A.: The Maukharis, Madras, 1934. Premi, Nathuram : Jain Sāhitya aur Itihās, Bombay, 1942. Ray, H. C.: The Dynastic History of Northern India, 2 Vols., Calcutta,
1931, 1936. Reu, B. N.: (1) Rājā Bhoja (Hindi), Allahabad. (2) Bhārata ke Prācīna
Rājavanía (Hindi). Sankalia, H. D.: (1) Archaeology of Gujarata, Bombay, 1941. (2) Studies
in the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnology of Gujarata,
Poona, 1949. Šāstrī, D. K.: Gujarātano Madhyakālīna Rājapūta Itihās, 2 parts.
Ahmedabad, 1939. Smith, V. A.: The Early History of India, th edition, Oxford, 1924. Stein Otto: The Jinistic Studies, Ahmedabad, 1948. Tod, Col. James: Annals and Antiquities of Rājasthān, 2 Vols. by Crooks,
Oxford, 1914. Tripathi, Dr. R.S.: (1) History of Kanauj, Banaras, 1937. (2) History of
Ancient India, Banaras, 1942. Vaidya, C.V.: History of Mediaeval Hindu India, 3 Vols., Poona, 1921-26. Vidyābhūşan, S.C.: History of Mediaeval Indian Logic, Calcutta, 1921. Varni Abhinandana Grantha : Sāgar (M.P.), V.S. 2006. Winternitz, M.: (1) History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, Calcutta, 1933.
(2) The Jains in the History of Indian Literature, Ahmedabad, 1946. F. JOURNALS
Anekānta (Hindi). Delhi. Annals of the Bhandārkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. Bombay Gazetteer. Buddhi prakāśa (Gujarati), 1910, 1915, 1933. Bhāratiya Vidyā (Hindi, Gujarati), Bombay. Indian Antiquary, Bombay.

Page #429

399
Indian Historical Quarterly. Jain Hitaisi (Hir di), Bombay. Jain Siddhānta Bhaskara (Hindi), Arrah. Jain Sahitya Sansodhaka (Hindi, Gujarati), Ahmedabad. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ireland, Great Britain, London. Journal of the Bihar Orissa Research Society, Patna. Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University, Calcutta. Journal of the American Oriental Society. Kāntamālā (Gujarati). Nāgari Pracāriņi Patrikā (Hindi), Varanasi. Prasthāna (Gujarati). Purātattva (Gujarati), Poona Orientalist, Poona. Rājaputānā Museum Reports. Vienna Oriental Journal.
50-a

Page #430

Page #431

A
Agaḍesvara Präsāda 211. Aggañña-suttanta, 331.
Aghata (Ahad), 91, 128, 149, 171, 176, 181.
Aghata (boundary of a field), 366. Aghata-durga, 175.
Aghatesvari (Camunda), 165. Agnikula, 122.
Abhayatilakagani, 188, 202, 234, 278. Ahada (near Udaipur), 111, 176, 181, Abhidhana Rajendra, 360n.
259.
Abhimanyu (Kacchapaghata), 75, 77- Ahada (Cāvadā), 211.
80, 100.
Ahadia (Guhilot clan), 181. Ahammada, 50.
Abhinanda, 56.
INDEX (1)
Abhaḍa, 285.
Abhaksaniya Yama, 281. Abhayada, 295, 296.
Abhayadeva süri, 240. Abhayakumar, 278.
Abhayapala, 157, 161, 346, 361.
Abhayasūri, 3
Abhinava-Siddharaja, (t.) 318.
Abhira, 273, 281.
Abhira-Visaya, 274. Abhū, 308.
Ābü, Mt., 11, 99, 145, 185, 188, 237, Ahila (Cahamāna), 149, 239. 267, 307. Ähladana (Cahamâna), 153. Ahmada Niyältigin, 81.
Ahmedabad, 10.
Abul Fazl, 91, 235-36, 241.
Acalesvara, 145, 162, 174, 307.
Ādāyaka, 362, 369.
Adbhuta Krsnarāja, 148, 187, 198
Adhaka, 182, 367.
Adhimandala (Province), 29.
Adhiraja (t.), 41, 79.
Adinath, 152, 189, 272. Adi-Purana, 1, 2, 330, 332. Adipuruza, 232.
Adivarah, 145.
Administrative Organisation,
-Of central Government, 354-356. -Of Provincial Government 356
359.

-Of District, 359. -Of Sub-Divisions, 360. Of city, 361.
Of Local Government, 363. -Of Revenue and Finance, 365. Agada (Capotkața), 211.
Ahāra, 70.
Ahära (near Udaipur), 45, 172, 173. Ahara (s)-(an unit,), 360. Ahicchatrapur, 123, 124.
Aibak, 142, 293. Aibuka, 163.
Aihole, 11, 14, 16, 35, 81, 372. Ain-i-Akbari, 91, 92, 233, 266, 285,
288, 289.
Aitihasika-Sanéodhana, 261n. Aiyangar (Dr.), S. K, 30. Ajaigarh, 70.
Ajayadeva (Cahamāna), 111, 129132, 135.
Ajayameru (Ajmer), 131. Ajayapala (tank), 70. Ajayapala (Caulukys), 174, 193, 278, 281, 285, 287, 269, 308. Ajayaraja (Cahamana), 111, 130, 254, 339-same as Ajayadeva. Ajaya-simha, (Guhila), 179. Ajaya-varman (Paramära), 113, 114, 118, 120.

Page #432

INDEX
Ajmer, 129, 131, 141, 142, 242.
151, 161, 170, 239, 363. Ajitasena (Bhāțțāraka), 59.
Anahillavād, 149, 196, 201, 206, 215, Akālavarşa (Krşņa III), 86.
306. Akbar, 284.
Anahillapur (Anahilavād), 113, 201, Akranda, 377.
212, 362. Akşatā (a queen), 204.
Anahillapāțaka (Anahillavād), 57, 84, Akşapatalika, 172.
192, 201, 212, 276, 279. Alā-ud-Din, 8, 145-147, 168, 178-179. Anahillapātan (Anahillavād), 99, 100, 320.
102, 192, 196, 206. Alhana deva (Cāhamāna), 130, 134, -Foundation of, 206. 153-155, 159, 170, 199, 273.
Āņaka (Caulukya), 298, 299. Ali Muhammad Khān (writer), 235- Aņaka (Cāhamāna Armorāja), 132, 236, 241.
133, 156, 253, 254, 284, 298, 301. Allahābād, 29.
Analadeva (Cāhamāna), 133. Allața (Guhila), 45, 172, 173.
Analladevī, 155, 156, 361. Allāvadin (Alā-ud-Dīn), 145. Ananda, 260. Altekar (Dr.), A.S., 26, 32n, 223n. Anandabhațţa, 58. Al-utbi, 238.
Anangapāla, 49, 135. Ama (Nāgāvaloka), 19-25, 27-28, 34, Anantapāla, 168. 42, 55, 204, 336, 345.
Ancient India and South Indian HisAmaracandra sūri, 316.
tory and culture, 18n, 19n, 30n. Āmaraņa, 318, 319.
Andhra (s), 108. Amărirūdi, 154.
Anga (Country), 57, 236. Amaru-sataka, 116.
Aniruddha (puranic) 72. Amātya-samuddeśa, 365.
Ankevāliya, 313. Amātyavarya(s), 349, 355.
Anna (Cāhamāna), 113, 254, 266, Amātya-vrddha(s), 355.
267, 298. Ambada (Āmrabhața), 271, 343, 352, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthān, 377.
49n. Ambaprasāda, 128, 173.
Antardhanadeśa, 251. Ambaraseña, 80, 107.
Antardhi, 377. Āmbāsaņa (village), 203.
Anupamadevi, 295. Amblem, 306.
Anvikșiki, 334, 335. Āmiga, 298.
Apabhramsa, 4, 36, 93-94, 140, 201, Amir Khusrav, 147.
237 Amūr-z-Shīkar (t.), 176, 307.
Apabhramba-Prakāśa, 94n. Same as Milicchikūra.
Apara (Gängeya (Pșthviraja, II), 135. Amitagati, 93.
Aparāditya, 272. Amoghavarşa I, 33, 39.
Aparājita, 74. Āmrabhata (Ambada), 286.
Arab(s), 200, 208. Amrapāla, 151.
Ārādhana-kośa, 212. Anagāra-Dharmāmrta, 116n, 117n. Araghatta, 182, 367. Anahilla (Cāhamāna), 100, 149- Aranyarāja, 187.

Page #433

Ārāsana, 192.
Arbuda, 185, 192, 196, 198, 232. Arbuda-mandala, 247. Arbuda-Präcina Jain Lekha-Sangraha, 12, 85, 88n, 158n, 1860189n, 192n, 194n, 277n, 318n, 357n,
360n.
Arbudesvara, 188.
Archaeology of Gujarata, 309. Arhanniti, 371.
-Same as Laghvarhanniti. Arhat-Sangha, 255.
Ari, 377.
INDEX
Arjuna (Pandava), 104.
Arjuna (of Sarasapura), 145. Arjunadeva (Vaghela), 316, 317, 319,
322.
Arisimha (poet), 2, 209, 230, 309, 316. Audumbari-Ganda, 255. Arisithha (Guhila), 173, 179. Autsahika-balam, 372.
Arjunavarman (Paramāra), 114-18, 120, 293-294, 323, 338. Arjunavarman II (Paramāra), 119. Arnoraja (Cahamâna), 8, 98, 99, 111, 124, 131-133, 135, 154, 156, 190, 253-254, 268, 273, 284, 294, 298, 301, 322, 323, 345, 355, 376. Arņoraja (Caulukya), 288-289. Arthasästra 6, 7, 373.
Arthūņā, 183-185, 233. Aryasena, 59.
Arjuna (Kacchapaghata), 45, 77, 78, Avadhūta, 62.
80.
Asă (Bhilla), 243.
Asadhara (poet), 115-118. Asäpalli (mod. Asäval), 243, 360. Asara, 377.
Asaraja (Asvarāja or Asvaka Cahamana), 150-154, 170, 252, 308. Asavalli (Asäval), 321.
Asika (Hansi), 134, 135. Asinagar, 357.
Asoka, 284.
Asossittan, 196, 332, 357.

Aştadakakatamandala (Asossittana),
195, 357, 360. Astadasaśatideśa (Asossiṭṭana), 196,
318, 357, 360. Asthana-mandapa, 343.
Asuka, 249, 258-259, 354 Asura-vijaya, 377.
Asvamedha, 376.
Asvapala (Cahamâna), 149, 170. Asvapati, 375.
Aṭavi-balam, 372.
Atpur (Ahar), 172, 173. Atru, 262.
Avanti, 1, 24, 29, 30, 33, 39, 113, 124, 236, 357.
403
Avantinath (t.), 67, 112, 184, 251, 252, 254, 269, 378.
Avanti-prabhu, identification of,
184.
Ayodhya, 217, 222. Ayudha (dynasty), 28-34.
B
Bäbariāvāda, 251.
Bābariyāla (Balhana), 143. Babbar-Jiu, 251, 254.
Bādāmi, 204, 217.
Bahada (Vägbhața), 263, 273, 275277, 282.
Bahadadeva (Vägbhața Cähamana),
144.
Bahuloda (tax.), 244, 249, 364.
Baihaqi, A., 81.
Bakuladevi, 241.
Bala Bharata, 43.
Balacandra (suri), 2, 180, 309, 322. Bāla Mülaraja, 240, 289, 338.
Balapadra-pathaka, 355. Balaprasāda,
150, 170, 180, 183, 239.

Page #434

404
INDEX
Bälhaņa (Cāhamāna), 142.
Bhairava, 220. Bāli, 151, 180, 247, 266, 276, 278. Bhairavādevi (Goddess), 243. Baliräja (Cāhamāna), 148-149, 170. Bhallikā (Weapon), 377. Ballāla, 112, 113, 120, 191, 266, 270, Bhandārī, 161. 376.
Bhandārkar (Dr.) D.R., 24, 30, 31, Ballălacarita, 58.
122, 124, 127-129, 158, 160, 164, Balvan, 143-145.
188, 197, 198, 218-220, 254, 290, Bāmnerā, 157.
259. Bāņa Bhatta, 2, 5, 17, 35, 105, 377. Bhandarkar (Dr.) R. G., 29. Banaras, 234-35, 253.
Bhāndāgārika, 362. Banaras Hindu University, 70n. Bhara(s), (tribe), 47. Banerji, (Prof.) R.D., 30.
Bhāra (measurement), 182, 367. Bankāpura, 59.
Bhāradvāja (gotra), 123, 225. Bānswārā (Vāgada), 87, 183, 185. Bharatapur, 73, 131. Bāpada (Vāhadasimha), 163, 165. Bhānata-varsa ke Prācīna Räjavamsa Bappa (Guhila), 171, 172, 178.
188n. Bappabhatti (süri), 18, 19, 21-22, 56. Bharata war, 15. Bappabhattisūri-carita, 18-20, 23, 27, Bhartrpatta II (Guhila), 172. 28, 55, 56.
Bhartrpura, 172 Bappayarāja, 126-127, 169.
Bhart;priya (Gaccha), 172. Barabaraka, 251.
Bhartsvaddha, 322. Barāgaon, 57.
Bhațevar (village), 172 Bārani, 146.
Bhatta (s.), 182, 367. Bārappa, 128, 228-231, 348.
Bhattaka, 363. Bārnett (Dr.), L.D., 184.
Bhattārikā Bhiruāni Präsād, 240. Baroda, 10, 25, 26, 31, 226.
Bhaumāditya, 214, 215, 224. Barrackpore, 61.
Bhavabhūti, 105. Basāk, R. G., 19n.
Bhāva-Bșhaspati, 270, 283. Bauddha (Šāstra), 335
Bhavanagar inscriptions, 270, 285n, Bauka, 38.
319n. Baulādevī, 241.
Bhavisatta kahā, 5. Bayāņā, 73, 77, 79, 131, 132.
Bheda, 379. Beal, S., 15n.
Bhilla, 243. Bengal, 56.
Bhillama (Yādava king), 158. Bengal Asiatic Society, 43.
Bhilluka (Pratīhāra), 33, 46. Beņiprasād (Dr.), 331n.
Bhima I (Caulukya), 82-83, 99, 101Betwa, 67, 113, 137.
105, 107, 149, 150, 189, 198, 216, Bhadra, 37.
236, 239-242, 262, 337, 345, 352, Bhadreśvara, 304.
357, 373, 375. Bhagalpur, 23, 25, 26, 31, 34. Bhima II (Caulukya), 115, 116, 160, Bhagavanlal Indraji, 124, 218, 250, 189, 192, 194, 289, 294, 296, 298, 251, 261, 271, 273.
300-303, 311, 315, 318, 352, 376. Bhägika, 368.
Bhima-Bhoja-Prabandha, 105.

Page #435

INDEX
405
Bhima Simha (General), 145.
Bijainand, 91n. Bhima Simha (Pratihāra), 304. Bijāpur (village), 180, 187. Bhimapalli, 298, 300.
Bijolia, 121-125, 128, 131, 134-136. Bhimeśvara-prāsād, 240.
Bikaner, 124. Bhindimāl (a weapon), 377.
Bilhaņa (poet), 2, 97, 98, 115-117, Bhinmal 165, 188-200.
217, 243, 246, 259. Bhogabhūmi, 330.
Biographical literature, 1, 2. Bhogapur, 101.
Bombay, 270. Bhoja (Cāhamāna), 225.
Bombay Gazetteer, 4, 185n, 166n, Bhoja (Paramāra), 21-23, 28, 42, 46, 168n, 188n, 189n, 217n, 250n, 261n,
47, 57, 75, 78-80, 82-83, 89, 91, 95- 273n, 290n, 291n. 108, 110, 113, 116, 120, 128,145- Brahmā, 122, 155. 146, 184-185, 198, 234, 239, 242, 310, Brahma Gupta, 200, 255, 257, 310.
334, 336, 344, 368, 372, 375. Brahma-ksatriya(s), 58-60. Bhoja II (Paramāra), 119.
Brāhmaṇa(s), 37, 60, 155, 255, 257, Bhoja (Pratīlara), 219, 329, 338, 358. 310, 350, 370, 380. Bhoja-carita, 98n.
Brahmasena, 59. Bhojadeva (Rāņake), 318.
Brahma-Siddhanta, 200. Bhoja Gāngeya-prabandha, 4, 81, 98n. Brahmavādi, 60. Bhoja-prabandha, 97, 105.
Brhad-Arhanniti-śāstra, 7. Bhokta, 157, 361.
Brhadgaccha, 10, 121, 165, 239. Bhopāladevi, 266, 284.
Brhatkathā, 371. Bhrgu, 133.
Brhat-kathākośa, 5, 43-44. Bhrgukaccha, 324.
Bșhaspati, 265. Bhrta, 372
Briggs, J., 164n, 168n, 289n, 372n. Bhūbhața (Cāvadā), 211, 214. Broach, 322. Bhukti, 151, 357, 366, 370.
Buckala, 23, 25. Bhūvada, 203, 204, 208.
Buddhi-Prakāśa (Journal), 319n. Bhuvanāditya, 214.
Buddhisaciva, 348. Bhuvanaikamalla, 74, 76.
Buddha-sāgara (sūri), 12, 240. Bhuvanapāla, 74-76, 80.
Buddhism, 54, 204. Bhuvana Simha (Guhila), 179. Buddhist tradition, 53. Bhuvanāśraya, 204.
Buddhist Account, 331. Bhuvanešvara, 63, 64.
Bühler (Dr.), 89, 93, 97, 218, 219 Bhūyarāja, 213-215, 218, 222, 224, 283, 299. 296.
Bulandasahar, 132. Bhūyad (Bhūyada-deva) 211, 213- Bundelkhanda, 70.
215.—See also Bhūyaràja. Bhūyagad-same as Bhūyad. Bhūyagadeśvara-prāsād, 211.
Cacca, 185. Bihār, 56.
Cāciga (Cāhamāna), 11, 99, 100, 130, Bihārsharif, 57.
163, 165, 168, 170. Bīja, 213, 214, 218, 224, 232.
Căcinesvari-prāsāda, 235.
51

Page #436

406
INDEX
Căcinidevī, 235.
183-185. Cadobha (Dubkunda), 79.
Cāmundarāya (general), 59. Cāhada Kumār, 116, 263, 266-268. -Purāņa, 59. Cāhamāna (eponymous), 121, 165. Canda (R. Prasad), 30. Cāhamāna (s), 109, 111, 121-127, 140, Canda (Cāvada), 203. 162, 164, 181, 329, 359,
Candabaliddika, 138, 140. -of Sākambharī, 124-125, 141, 147, Canda-Bardai, 49. 149-150' 154, 160, 171, 173, 181, Candāladevi, 225. 193, 357.
Candana, 126, 127, 169. -Of Raņasthambhapur, 124, 142- Candanācārya, 53n. 147.
Candana-vihāra, 165. ---Of Naddūla, 124, 134, 147, 158, Candanāthdeva Prāśāda, 235.
176, 178, 181, 192, 195, 199, 361, Candapa, 185, 307. 379.
Candaprasāda, 308. --Of Jalor, 11, 124, 159-168, 170, 179, Candella (s), 50, 65-71, 73, 75, 78, 100, 322.
137, 252, 291, 365. -Of Lāta, 124, 322-325.
Canderi, 43. Cāharpalli, 360.
Candikāmāta, 225. Caitragaccha, 177.
Candra (Cāhamāna), 126, 169. Caitya (temple), 209.
Candrā (River), 133. n Caityavāsī, 209.
Candradeva (Gāhadavāla), 47, 52. Cakra, 377.
Candrāditya (Caulukya), 214. Cakravartin(s), 1, 3.
Candra Gupta, 18, 350. Cakravarti(t.), 286.
Candralekhā, 49. Cālukya (s),
Candralekhā (tirthankara), 77. --Of Bādāmi, 11, 14, 204, 217. Candrapur, 244. -Of Kalyāni, 43, 61, 75, 92, 204, Candra suri, 295. 217, 218, 223.
Candravatī, 186, 189, 191-192, 194, Cālukika, 216
238, 247, 298, 306, 318, 343, 358, Calukka(s), 216.
360. Cambay (Khambhāta), 28, 253, 260, Cand's Rāso, 70.
266, 300, 304-305, 308-309, 319, Canduka, 37, 46. 324, 355, 357.
Cāpa, 200. Campaka-Śresthi-kathanaka, 5. Capotkața (clan), 200-208, 211. Cāmundā (temple), 10.
Cara(s), 374. Cāmunda (of Vāmanasthalī), 303. Carita(s), 1, 4, 5. Câmunda (Capotkata), 203, 208, 211. Caritra-sundara-gani, 243, 246. Cāmundarāja (Paramāra), 183, 185, Carl-Cappeller, 43n. 233.
Caulādevi, 241. Cāmundarāja (Caulukya), 95, 96, Caulkika, 216, 225.
163, 188, 215, 226, 228, 232-254, Caulukādevī, 241, 263. 296, 345.
Caulukya (a Kşatriya), 214. Cāmundarāja (Cāhamāna), 129, 169, Caulukya-s (Solanki), 8-9, 67-68, 84,

Page #437

INDEX
407
91, 95, 99, 107, 109, 114-115, 128, Dāhada (trader), 79. 132-133, 135-136, 149-151, 153- Dāhala, 82, 84, 102, 253, 274. 154, 156, 158, 160, 171, 174, 176, D. K. Jain-See Jain (Dr.) D. K.
187, 189, 191-199, 212-296, 329. D. K. Sāstri, 204n, 261n. Caurāsi (land-unit), 361.
Dakşiņātya Kșaunīndra, 58. Caurika, 359.
Dāmara (Damodara), 83, 99-103, Cauro-dharanika, 359.
105, 239, 240, 278, 375 Cāvadā(s) 3, 8, 9, 200-208, 225, 318. Dambarasimha (Paramāra), 185. Cedi (deśa), 83, 236, 274, 291.
Dānava (s), 122. Central Asia, 13.
Dandaka (Dādaka), 213, 214, 224. Central India, 65-120, 254.
Dandadhipati(t.) 134, 250, 315, 375. Chandonuśāsana, 8, 253.
Dandanāth (t.), 375. Chatra-Camaragrāhaka, 346.
Dandanāyaka (t.), 111, 268, 291, 295Chinese Annals, 23.
296, 308, 375. Cintrā, 211, 317.
Dandapati (t.), 189, 239, 240. Cirwā, 171-172, 175, 177-178. Dandapāśika (police), 359, 362, 371. Citor (garh), 10, 171, 174, 177, 268, Dandapur, 43. 278.
Dāndavya-pathaka, 360. Citra-kūta (Cittor), 100, 223, 230. Dantavalabhikā, 343. Citrakūta-mahādurga, 177.
Dantidurga, 32. Coda (Country), 198.
Darbhāvatī (Mod. Dabhoi), 292. Coda-Simha, 171.
Darśanavijaya (Muni), 9. Cohan (Cāhamāna), 122.
Darśa-Purnamāsa, 341. Cola (dynasty), 60.
Dasaratha Sharma (Dr.) 284n. Collikā (s), 182.
Daśārņa, 48-49, 68,-69, 220, 274. Commentary
Dasarūpaka, 94. -On Sanmati-Tark, 240.
Daśāvatāra, 256. -On Uttarādhyayana Sutra, 240. Dattāņi (village), 194. Copadas, 206.
Daulatapura, 38. Copper coins, 141.
Deccan (country), 58, 81. Cūdāsama, 188, 273.
Dehra-Dun, 124. Culukika, 216.
Delhi, 132, 141-142, 145, 164, 192, Cunnila! Modi, 269.
320-321. Cunningham, A., 18.
Demati, 82 Cutch, 247, 285.
Deogir (Devagiri), 254, 321.
Deopara, 58, 60-61. D
Devabodhi, 282. Dabhoi, 292, 303, 304.
Devadā (Cāhamānas), 162. Dādaka (Cāvadā), 214, 218.
Devagarh, 42, 329, 338, 358. Dāďaka (minister), 258, 260, 276. Devaladevī, 269, 284. Dāddaka (Dādaka), 224.
Develavāda, (village), 238, 295. Dādhaka (Dādaka), 214, 232. Devapāla (Pratīhāra), 45-46, 172Dadhisthali, 241, 360,
173

Page #438

408
INDEX
80.
Devapāla (Paramāra), 117-118, 294, Dharmapāla, 19-23, 25-28, 30, 53-56. 304, 338.
Dharmarāja (god), 74, 279. Devapăla (Pāla), 55-56.
Dharmāranya, 201, 202, 205-207, 320. Devapāla (Kacchapaghāta), 74-75, Dharma-sāgara gani, 18.
Dharmaśarmābhyudaya, 2. Devapattana, 116, 255, 279, 294, 361. Dharma simha, 145, 343. Devaprasāda, 241, 246-247, 263, 296. Darma-vijaya, 379. Devarāja, (Candrāvati Paramāra), Dharmāya-pradatti, 367. 188, 196, 198-199.
Dharmopadešamālā, 262n. Devarāja (Naravarman), 132. Dhavala (Dharwar), 58-59. Devasūri, 259, 260,
Dhavala (Rāştrakūta), 11, 91, 128, Devendra sūri, 295.
149, 173, 180, 183, 227, 232, 294, Devi(t), 338.
298, 300, 366, 378. Dhanadeva, 286.
Dhavalaka (minister), 245. Dhananjaya, 294.
Dhavalakkā, 299-300, 313. Dhanapāla (poet), 5, 53, 85, 87-88, Dhillikā, 134-135.
90, 94, 105-108, 237-238, 343. Dholkā, 117, 163, 300, 302-303, 306. Dhāndhā (Mahattama), 316.
Dhruva II, 25-26, 28, 31-34, 41, 85. Dhandhuka (Paramāra), 99, 188-190, Dhruvabhata (Paramāra), 190, 196. 196, 198-199, 239.
Dhruvapata (of Valabhi), 204. Dhaneśvara (gaccha), 37.
Dhulia Plates, 32. Dhānga (Candella), 65-66, 71, 73, Dhūmarāja (Paramāra), 88, 120, 186, 220.
188, 190, 196. Dhangāka, 288.
Digambara (sect), 9, 63, 719, 76, Dhanika, 94.
268. Dhanika (Paramāra), 185.
Digambarārka (t.), 71. Dhanusa, 377.
Dĩgha-mikāya, 331. Dhārā (city), 57, 67-68, 82-83, 97- Dināra, 368.
98, 102-105, 107-108, 112, 114, Diskalkar, 210. 116, 119, 145, 222, 239-240, 257, Diyāņā, 187. 259, 373.
Dohad, 251-253. Dhārādhvansa-prabandha, 4.
Dramma(s), 151, 155, 163, 167, 282, Dharanidhara, 198.
312, 368. Dharanivarāha (Paramāra), 181, Dranga, 360. 187-188, 198-199, 232.
Drona (measurement), 182, 367. Dhārāvarsa (Rāştrakūta), 32, 41. Dubkund, 111, 45, 66, 71, 75, 78-79, Dhārāvarsa (Paramāra), 157, 158, 100, 366.
174, 186, 190-194, 196-197, 275, Dunduka (son of Āma), 21, 22, 28, 287, 306, 332.
345. Dhāreśvara, 104.
Durga, 374. Dharma (Kaul), 57, 240.
Dulabha I (Cāhamāna), 126-127, Dharmadāya, 367.
169. Dharmadeva, 354,
Durlabha II (Cāhamāna), 126, 169,

Page #439

181.
Durlabha III (Cahamana), 129, 169. Durlabharaja (Caulukya), 57, 149, 198, 232, 234-237, 240, 256, 296, 336, 345.
Durlabhadevi, 37-38, 57, 236. Dūsala, 197, 199, 242. Duta, 356, 374.
Dvadasaka, 361.
Dvārappa (Barappa), 228. Dvisad-balam, 372.
INDEX
Dvisandhana-kävya, 2. Dvyasraya-kävya, 2-3, 49, 67-68, 96, 103, 113, 132-133, 149, 156, 188, 190-191, 202, 214, 216, 218, 225, 227-228, 232, 234, 236-238, 241-247, 261, 255, 258, 262, 266-267 269, 270, 273-276, 279, 282, 284, 345-346, 355, 368, 372-376. Dynastics of Central India, 64-120. -Of Eastern India, 53-64. -Of Madhyadela, 13-52.
-Of Rajasthana, 121-199. -Of Saurastra, 200-325. Dynasties of the Kanarese districts,
43n.
Dynastic History of Northern India, I, 45n.
Dynastic History of Northern India, II, 57, 60, 64n, 72n, 75n, 78n, 81n, 82n, 87, 97n, 109n, 128n, 133n, 135n, 142n, 143n, 148n, 164n, 171n, 173n, 177n, 184n, 186n, 187n, 222n, 226n, 230, 237n, 238n, 247n, 252n, 265n.
E
Ekadeka (land-unit), 357.
Elphinstone, 218.

Eastern Magadha, 62.
F
Festival of Parsvanath, 166, -Of Santinäth, 157, 168. Fergusson, 66n.
Firista (Tarikh-i-Pirista), 164, 168n,
289, 372.
Fleet (Dr.), 31, 43n. Forbes, 204, 218.
G
Gada, 377. Gadararaghaṭṭa, 160, 289. Gadayuddha, 217. Gadha-mapdala, 145. Gadhinagar, 72. Gadya-cintamani, 5. Gahadavala (s), 4, 46-52, 63, 69, 85, 219, 252-253, 291, 334, 355, 372. Gajapati, 375.
Gajasimha, 154-155, 166. Gajjanavi, 238.
409
Gălă, 252.
Gambhiri (river), 177. Gambhūta, (Vijaya & Pathak), 360. Gambhüya, 201. Ganapati, 112. Gayaratna-mahodadhi, 8, 107, 258. Ganda (Audumbari), 255. Gapda (Candella), 66. Gandharva (s), 74.
Elliot, H. M., 39n, 51n, 141n, 144n, Ganini (Head nun), 203.
147, 164, 289n, 292.
Ganuli (village), 309.
Early History of India, 27.
Eastern Cälukyas of Vengi, 217.
Ganga (river), 25-26, 43, 48, 60, 81, 274, 317, 339.
Ganga (family), 59, 86, 99. Gänga (Gängeya), 81.
Gangala (prime minister), 260, 354. Gängeyadeva, 81-82, 84, 96, 372, 376. Ganguly (Dr.) D. C., 114n, 197.
Garjanaka (Gazani), 138, 290. Garwala, 279.

Page #440

410
Gaud (country), 3, 19, 29, 50, 54, 99, Gopalagiri (Gwalior), 28.
Gopalikera (Gwalior), 77. Gopendraka, 126, 127, 169. Gospana, 377.
198, 361, 275.
Gauḍavaho, 2, 17, 18, 20, 54.
Gauda-bandha, 21.
Gauda-vadha (Gauda-vaho), 20, 21. Gostha, 192.
Gaura (minister), 355. Gaya (district), 62. Gaya-Karna, 82-84, 274. Ghaghada (Cavada), 210, 211. Ghaghasi, 10, 177.
Ghanaka, 367.
Ghānerāva, 278, 375.
Ghat, 182, 367.
Ghatacataka, 280.
Ghataika (mod. Kumberi), 139. Ghatiyālā, 35-37, 363.
Ghipa, 166.
Ghughula, 305.
Girijadevi, 282.
Girikalla (Camel), 93.
Girnara (Mt.), 11, 277, 295, 299, 302, Gramika, 364.
304, 309-310, 317.
Goa, 261.
Grāmīṇa-sabha, 363. Grāmiņaka, 364.
Gita Govinda, 61.
Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, 219n, Guhadatta (Guhila), 171, 172.
250n, 302n, 309.
Guhila, 119, 152, 172-176, 179, 181,
287.
Godavari, 92.
Godag, 158.
Godhra, 305.
Godraha, 267.
Goga, 170.
Gogadeva, 319.
Goggiyamma, 87.
INDEX
Gohalvad Mehra, 273. Gohila (Gubila), 275. Gohilavati, 303.
Gokulika, 359.
Gonarda, 267.
Goni (measurement), 80. Gopagiri (Gwalior), 28, 73. Gopadri (Gwalior), 72, 73. Gopala, 20, 53-55. Gopala II, 56.
Gosthi, 40, 182, 187, 362, 364. Gosthika, 42, 157, 167, 359. Gotama (sage), 77. Govinda (Krsna), 94.
Govinda II (Rāṣṭrakūṭa), 32-34. Govida III, 25-26, 32, 85. Govinda Candra, 47, 48, 52. Govindarai (of Delhi), 140, 141. Govindaraja (Cähamana), 126-128, 139, 142, 169.
Grahapati (anvaya), 66, 70. Graharipu, 188, 227-229, 231, 378. Grama (unit), 360. Gramakata, 364. Grāmaṭaka, 359.

Guhilangaja (family), 172, 178. Guhilaputra (s), 171-179, 329, 338, Guhilot 10, 45, 171-179, 329, 338, 359.
Gujarakhan, 35.
Güjargar, 35. Gujarānwālā, 35. Gujarāta, 3, 7, 8, 35, 38, 115, 128-129, 163, 171, 200-201, 205, 211-212, 217, 254, 291, 293, 302, 305, 308309, 320-321, 364, 379. Gujaratano
Madhyakalina Rājapúta Itihasa, 158n, 160, 200, 216n, 234n, 256n, 268n, 271n, 278n, 287n, 307n, 309n, 310n, 315n, 316n, 321. Guna(s), 133. Gunasena, 59.

Page #441

INDEX
411
52.
H
Gundu (Govindarāja), 126, 128, 169. Haripāla (Sūtradhāra), 317. Gupta (dynasty), 2, 13.
Harirāja (Cāhamāna), 136, 141-142, Gurjara(s), 16, 35, 83, 86, 114, 193, 176. 200, 212, 214, 239, 293.
Harişeņa, 43, 44 Gurjara-Brahma-senānī, 376.
Hariscandra (Paramāra), 117, 118. Gurjaradeśa, 239.
Hariscandra (Gahadavāla), 47, 51. Gurjara-mandala, 299, 322n. Gurjara-Pratīhāra, 6, 22-24, 29, 33, Harivāhana, 346.
35-36, 46, 71, 78, 85, 171, 205, 222, Harivansa-Purāņa, 1, 13, 21, 23, 25223, 329.
27, 29, 31, 39, 40. Gurjaratrā, 35.
Harivarman, 180, 183. Gurjaresa (Jaya Simha), 67.
Hari-vikrama, 214. Gūvāka I (Cāhamāna), 126, 127, 169. Harşa, 14-17, 53, 329, 334, 371, 372. Gūvāka II, (Cāhamāna), 126, 169. Harșa-carita, 2, 3, 5, 337. Gwalior, 10, 11, 23, 28, 43, 71-73, 75, Harşakavi-prabandha, 52n. 77, 85, 359.
Harsa simha, (Siyaka), 89., Harşa-vardhana (Harsa), 105, 204,
282. Habib, M., 144n.
Hāthīgumphā, 63. Haddālā, 44.
Hathundi, 11, 91, 149, 156, 366, 378. Haihaya (s), 46, 81, 202.
Hātim, 127. Haji-ud-Dīn, 127.
Hatta, 363. Halāyudha, 94.
Hasan Nizāmi, 142, 164. Hammira (Cāhamāna), 119, 121, 144- Hajama-d-din (Sultan), 129. 146, 306, 343, 345.
Hemaka, 167. Hammira-mada-mardana, 4, 117, Hemacandra, 2, 3, 6-8, 49, 57, 68, 83
163-164, 176, 253, 256, 294, 304- 84, 103, 111, 177, 188, 202, 204, 307, 322-324, 345.
215-217, 225-228, 230-231, 234, 238, Hammira-mahākāvya, 2, 119, 121, 247, 249, 253, 257-258, 266, 274,
123, 125-130, 133, 135-138, 140- 276, 277, 279, 281, 282, 286, 343, 146, 231, 242, 349.
363, 368. Hammuka, 238.
Hemacandra-sūri-caritam, 272n, Hānsī, 135, 141.
276n. Harakeli (Drama), 135.
Hemasena, 59. Harakhasimha (Sīyaka), 89.
Himālaya, 135, 254. Haravarça, 56.
Himādri-bhava (Mt. Abu), 148. Hari (temple), 74.
Hindāvata (Pass), 145. Haribhadra (suri), 5.
Hindu temples, 66. Haribhadra II. (sūri,), 201, 232, 245. Hindu Räjä(s), 52. Haricandra (poet), 2.
Hindustan, 135. Haricandra (Pratihāra), 37-38, 46, Hīra, 52. 60.
Hīrādevi, 144. Haripāla, 341, 363.
Hírālal (Dr.) Jain, 59.

Page #442

412
INDEX
41.
20n.
See also Jain (Dr.) H. L.
Indrāyudha, 23, 25, 27, 29, 31-34, 40Hiranya-garbha, 33. Hiru, 178.
Īsāņa (temple), 63. Historical Inscriptions of Gujarāta, Išāņa (Siva), 155.
198n, 199n, 215n, 234n, 242n, 282n, Inscriptions (of Jains), 1, 10, 283n, 288n, 299n, 300n, 302n, 304n, Ista-Pūrti, 255.
308n, 310, 311n, 317, 318n. History of Bengal, 55, 62. History of India, 39, 51n.
Jackson, 291. History of Indian & Eastern Archi- Jacobi, H. 201n, 232, 240n. tecture, 66n.
Jagaddeva (Lakşmadeva), 108, 109. History of Kanauj, 23, 25n, 36, 44n, Jagaddeva (Sāntāra), 108, 109, 254. 47n.
Jagadekamalla (Cālukya), 114. History of Mediaeval Indian Ingic, Jagadekamalla (Parmardi of Kun
tala), 261. History of North-East India, 19n. Jagadeva (Säntāra), 260, 261, 361. History of Paramāra Dynasty. 114n. Jagadeva (Cahamāna), 133, 135. History of Rājapütānā, 172n, 173n, 176n, 188n, 200n.
Jagaduka, 316. Hitopadeśa, 220.
Jagajjampana, 235. H. Jacobi-see Jacobi, H.
Jagat simha, 175. Horse Race, 224.
Jāhad (merchant), 70. Hūņa(s), 13, 14, 86.
Jaikop Lake, 166. Hüņadeśa, 236.
Jain Dhātu Pratimä Lekha, 12. Hyderabad, 108.
Jain Dhātu-Pratimā Lekha sangraha,
12.
Jain (Dr.) D. K, 94n. Ibn-Asir (Ibn-ul-Asīr), 238.
Jain Doctrine, 280. Ibnu-l-Athir, 78.
Jain (Dr.) H. L., 86n. Iltutmish (Shams-ud-Din), 142-143, Jain Hitaisi, 9, 14n. 164, 176, 307.
Jain Holy Places, 28, 281. Image of Hanumān, 185.
Jain images, 63, 183, 189, 192, 295, -Of Lakşmi, 232.
320.
Jain Kathākosa-prakarana, 236. -Of Mahāvīra, 320.
Jain Lekha-sangraha Pt. I, 12, 40n, --Of Nandiśvara, 295.
129n, 147n, 149n, 156n161n, 165n, --Of Sumatināth, 192.
167n, 172n, 173n, 179n-180n, 197n, -Of Vardhamāna, 189.
275, 278n, 286, 346, 356, 358n-Of Vrşabha, 183.
359n, 3631-364n, 369n. Indian Antiquary, 9.
Jain Mantra(s), 212. Indra (God), 74, 225, 278.
Jain Ministers, 282. Indra III (Rāstrakūța), 43, 85, 223. Jain Monks, 64, 203, 209, 259. Indrarāja (Indra), 25, 26, 32, 41. Jain Pustaka-prasasti-sangraha, 10.

Page #443

INDEX
Jain Sahitya aur Itihasa, 45, 66n. Jain Sahityano Itihasa, 258, 259n, 266, 279n.
Jain Sahitya Samsodhaka, 33n. Jains in the History of Indian Literature, 4, 7n.
Jain Siddhanta Bhaskara, 9.
Jain Silalekha sangraha, I, 86n, 364n, 365n.
Jain Thallaka, 151.
Jain temples, 40, 57, 60, 70, 151-153, 167, 172, 177-179, 187, 201, 240, 250, 255-256, 272, 279, 282, 295, 319, 320.
Jaipur, 124, 130.
Jaitra Candra (Jaya Candra), 47-49. Jaitramalla, (Jaitugideva Paramāra),
175, 176.
Jaitra Simha (Guhil), 119, 175-177, Jaya Simha II, 60, 98.
306-307, 314, 315, 354.
Jaya-Simha (Gubila), 179.
313.
Jaitra Simha (Cahamāna), 144, 345. Jaitugideva (Paramāra), 118-120,
175, 342, 354.
Jakha (Jakṣadeva), 166. Jaksadeva, 165. Jala-mandapikā, 367.
Jalal-ud-Din, 143, 146, 163. Jalhaya, 133, 157, 284, 361. Jalor, 33, 35, 40, 41, 134, 159-168, 273, 274, 280, 306, 311, 363. Jambari, 227.
Jaitra Simha (son of Vastupala), 308, Jaya Simha (Caulukya), 8, 48, 67
68, 96-97, 109-111, 113, 116, 132, 135, 151-152, 177, 184, 191, 198, 208, 240, 243, 245-250, 260, 265, 275, 278, 284, 292, 294, 296, 336337, 342-344, 354-355, 357, 362, 368, 377-378.
Jamba (Chief Minister), 209, 211. Jambaka (Chief Minister), 232. Jambumati, 227.
Jambusara, 26.
Jaya Candra (Gahadavāla), 47-52, 62, 69, 137, 192-193, 219, 253, 334, 355, 372, 376. Jayacandra-prabandha, 62. Jayadeva, 60.
Jayakeśi (Kadamaba ruler), 244, 261. Jayamangala, 10, 11, 121, 165, 239, 252, 256. Jayanaka, 122.
Jayanta Candra (Jaya Candra), 62. Jayanta-vijaya (Muni), 12. Jayanti (goddess), 243. Jayapida, 27, 28.
Jayaraja, 126, 169. Jayasapura, 79. Jayasekhara, 203-204, 208. Jaya Simha (Paramāra), 108, 184, 185, 242.

Jangala (desa), 124, 175, 176, 274, Jesala (Gohila), 175, 176.
287.
Jangalesa (Arnorāja), 124. Jasavantapura, 165-167. Jasuka (Sreṣṭhi), 79. Javana (Yauana), 274, 320.
52
413
Jaya Simha (sūri), 2, 4, 110, 117, 212, 214-215, 218, 224, 269, 274-275, 281, 285, 309, 322, 324, 354. Jayatala (Jaitra Simha), 176, 306307.
Jayatalladevi, 178.
Jayata Simhadeva, 153, 157, 158. Jayavarman, (Paramāra). II, 113, 114, 119, 120.
Jehula (Prime-minister), 227, 332.
Jesalamer (Jaisalmer), 10.
Jethană, 127.
Jhälävad, 31.
Jhalodi (Sirohi), 158, 162. Jhamvaria, 153.

Page #444

414
INDEX
Jhānsī, 42.
Kadi (village), 224-226, 231, 291, 294. Jhařovara, 38.
Kailash, 231. Jhota (Pratīhāra), 27, 37, 38, 46. Kainvāsa (Kadambavāsa), 138, 140, Jinanāth (temple), 66.
338. Jinadatta sūri, 162.
Kakini, 368. Jinaharsa gani, 3, 216, 314, 324. Kakka, 34, 46, 267, Jina-Mandanagaņi, 3, 110, 246, 251, 269, 278. 254, 275, 279.
Kakuka (Pratīhāra), 36-38, 46, 269, Jina-Prabha suri, 8, 18, 178, 207, 237. 363, 364. Jinaratna-kośa, 6.
Kaiacūri(s), 81-84, 98, 102, 239, 252, Jina-śāsana, 203.
272, 274, 372-373. Jinasena I, 330.
Kalakācārya-kathanaka, 5. Jinasena II, 1, 13, 24-25, 29-30, 32- Kalanjara, 65, 67, 220, 223, 34, 39.
224, 230. Jinavijaya (muni), 3, 10, 11, 188, 238, Kalhana, 13, 18-20. 253, 321.
Kalinga, 63. Jindaka, 40.
Kalidasa, 105. Jindurāja, 150, 170.
Kalikāla-sarvajña, 281, 343. Jineśvara, 240, 295.
Káli-Sindhu, 113. Jivandhara, 4.
Kali-vallabha(t.), 32. Jivita Gupta II, 19.
Kalki (rāja), 2, 13. Jodhapur, 22, 25, 35-38, 124, 150, 152, Kalki Avatāra ki Aitihäsikatä ete. 167, 180, 197.
14n. Jogaraja, 173
Kallience (Kalyāna), 219. Jojalla (Yojaka), 150, 151, 161, 170. Kalvan, 98, 359, 366. Jojjaka (Sindhurāja), 198, 199. Kalyāņa, 218, 219. Jolly, (Prof.), J., 6.
Kalyāņa-kataka, 65, 68-69, 75-76, Jună (village), 167.
203, 204, 213, 218-22, 224, 254, 274, Junāgarh, 188, 273.
Kalyāņi, 43, 61, 75, 92, 204, 217, 218, Jūrā (village), 223.
223. Jyāyānpradhāna, 355.
Kāmāditya, 316. Jyotiśaśāstra, 257.
Kamaladeva (Ācārya), 42. Kamalatā, 228.
Kamalacandra, 176. K. Bhujabali Sāstri, 10.
Kamāl Maulā-mosque, 116. Kaccha, 200, 227, 228, 254, 275. Kāmandaka, 6, 7, 334-335, 352, 353, Kacchapaghāta(s), 10, 11, 45, 66, 71- 373, 379. 80, 100, 359.
Kambaras, 32. Kachavāhā (Kacchapaghāta), 100. Kansa, 67. Kacchela (s), 200.
Kassadeva (Kakkadeva Paramāra), Kadambari, 5.
185. Kadamba (dynastry), 60, 244.
Kāmyaka-Gaccha, 79. Kadambakula, 244n.
Kanauj, 6, 17, 42, 45, 47, 51, 55, 105,
K

Page #445

INDEX
415
132, 223, 345.
Karna-sundari (Nātikā), 243, 246, Kanakasena, 58.
259n. Kāñcanagiri (Suvarnagiri), 161. Karņāvati 243, 306-307. Kanci, 270.
Karņāța (ka), 58-60, 83, 98, 198, Kāñcika-vyāla, 214, 215, 224.
244, 315. Kañouka, 377.
Karņāța-ksatriya, 58, Kañcukī, 346.
Karnāta-sabdānuśāsana, 43n. Kānha (Commander), 183, 184. Karņeśvara, 243. Kānhadadeva 264, 365, 283.
Karpūradevī, 51, 136. Kānhadadeva (Krşnadeva), 88, 167- Karşa, 181, 367. 168, 186, 189, 190.
Kārşāpana, 367. Kānhadadeva (Krişnarāja III), 194. Karpūra-mañjarī, 27. Kānhadade-Prabandha, 320.
Kāryāsana, 354. Kanerdco, 168.
Karya-saciva(s), 349. Kankroli, 145.
Kārya-siddhi, 354. Kantamālā, 206n.
Kasāhrda, 160, 290. Kānti Sāgara (muni), 12.
Kāśi, 236. Kanthadi (ascetic),232.
Kāsmir, 3, 27-28, 34, 97. Kanthadurga, 229, 231, 332.
Kastoorcand Kasalivāla, 10. Kantha-trana, 377.
Kātantra-vyākaraṇa, 48. Kānţeśvarī, 211.
Kathā(s), 4-5. -Prāsāda, 209.
Kathā-Kośa(s), 5. Kānyakubja, 18, 20, 25-30, 34, 65, 72, Kathānaka(s). 5.
202, 204, 205, 213, 220, 229, 230, Kathiawar, 25, 29-31, 200, 210, 227, 275.
318. Kāpālika, 280.
Katukarāja, 151, 152, 170. Kapardin, 277, 282.
Kaul (sect), 57, 280. Kapardikā (coin), 368.
Kauņkaņa (Konkana), 270, 276, 358. Kapilakoti, 228.
Kautilya, 6, 7, 334-335, 349, 351-353, Karakandu, 4.
366, 379. Karana, 369.
Kaušāmbi, 29. Karana Rai, (Karna Väghelā), 321. Kavaca, 377. Keramika, 362, 364, 369.
Kavi-bāndhava (Vigraharāja, IV), Karkarāja, 25, 31-32, 41.
135. Karņa (of Epic), 74.
Kavi-śikṣā, 258. Karna (Caulukya), 129-130, 150, Kavyamāla (series), 2n, 6n, 258n, 241-248, 258-259, 263, 296, 337-338, 260, 275n, 376n, 380n.
Kävyānuśāsana, 8, 250n, 253n. Karna (Gayā-Karņa), 274.
Kayadrā (village), 160. Karna (Vāghela), 310, 320, 322. Kedarnath, 264, 279. Karņāditya, 214.
Kelhana (deva), 154-160, 170, 192, Karņa-meru, 243.
269, 275, 290, 332, 361, 363. Karna-sāgara, 243,
Kesari (dynasty), 63.
345.

Page #446

416
INDEX
Khadga, 377.
Konow, Stein, 27n, 30. Khadgācārya, 53n.
Koša, 376. Khadga dynasty, 19.
Kośādhipa, 356. Khajuraho, 65-6.
Kośādhyakşa, 356. Khambhāta, 215, 216.
Košala, 64. Khānadeśa, 32.
Koti-Yajña, 145. Khaņdagiri, 63.
Kottapāla, 374. Khara (an era), 43.
Kottadaka, 314. Kharataragaccha-pattāvali, 9. Kottasvāmi, 374. Khāravela, 63.
Krpāsundarī, 279. Kharjūrvāha, 65.
Kệsna (of Epic), 67. Kharpūras (a Mangole tribe), 143. Krsna (yādava), 315. Khedā (mod. Kherā), 163.
Krsna (a feudatory), 156. Khengāra, 6, 249, 250.
Krşņa I (Rāstrakūta), 28, 30, 32. Khețakahāra, 360.
Krşņa II, 58, 188-190, 198-199. Khetaka mandala, 243, 359.
Krşna III, 85-87, 195, 197, 223, 230. Khețakapura, 204.
Krsnadeva, 239. Kholeśvara (General), 306.
Krsna kavi, 201, 203. Khottiga, 85, 87.
Krşnaka, 267. Kielhorn, 16, 44, 79, 114, 181, 188. Krşņanagara, 316. 233, 239.
Krsnarāja (Paramāra), 105, 120, 150. Kiradu, 134, 154, 160, 188, 197, 199, Kịtänta, 134. 253, 275, 276, 282, 291.
Kşatriya(s) 123, 148, 260, 350, 370. Kirāțakūpa (Kirādu), 154, 160. Ksema Simha, 173, 174. Kirti-Kaumudi, 67, 110, 113, 132, 228, Kşemarāja (Cāvadā), 208, 210, 211.
230, 236, 249, 253, 260, 269, 284, Ksemarāra (Caulukya), 241, 247, 286, 290, 303-306, 309,
262, 263, 296, 337. Kîrti-pāla, 155-161, 171, 272, 275, Kșitipāla, 44. 283, 290, 296, 345, 361.
Kulacandra, 99, 239. Kirtirāja (Kacchapaghāta), 73-75,
Kulakara(s), 330. 80, 100.
Kula-Sirodāma (t.), 58. Kirtirāja (Paramāra), 228. Kirti-stambha, 257.
Kumāra (t.), 338, 345. Kirti-varman, 75.
Kumāra (mt.) same as Kumāri ParKītu (Kirtipāla), 160.
vata. Kituka (Cāhamăna), 178.
Kumāra-bhukti, 357. Kocarabā (goddess), 243.
Kumāra Candra (avadhūta), 62. Kokalla, 66.
Kumāra-deva, 61, 62. Kolhāpur, 254.
Kumāradevi, 308. --Prabandha, 254.
Kumārapāla, 7, 8, 11, 67-68, 95, 110, Konkana, 98, 99, 136, 191, 196, 244, 113-114, 124, 133-136, 153, 156, 158, 254.
160-161, 174, 190-193, 196-202, 220, Koņkaņadhīša, 191,
247, 255, 259-266, 277-287, 295-297,

Page #447

INDEX
417
308, 337-338, 342-345, 352-359, Anhanniti. 368, 370, 376, 378.
Lahara, 201, 209, 212. Kumārapāla-carita, 2, 67, 95, 110, Laharhada, 154.
191, 212, 214, 215, 218, 224, 246, Lakhāka-same as Lakșa. 263, 265, 269-270, 272-274, 281, Lakhana (Laksmana), 148. 284-285.
Lakhanapāla, 157, 161, 345, 361. Kumārapāleśvara, 282.
Lakhanapuri, 63. Kumāra pāla ki Bahana Devalādevi Lakharama, 207. (article), 284n.
Lakhmūl (Mülaraja II), 289. Kumārapāla-prabandha, 206, 214. Lakhu Mūladeva (Mūlarāja II), 289.
224, 225, 243, 246, 251, 254, 268, Laksa (king of Kaccha), 227-228. 283, 285.
Lakşamaņa (Kacchapaghāta), 36, 37, Kumārapăla-pratibodha, 258, 263, 39-40, 72, 80,
265, 276, 280, 284, 343, 344n, 370. Laksamana (Cāhamāna), 127, 147, Kumārasena I, 58, 59.
148, 151, 155. Kumārasena, II, 59.
Lakşamaņa (son of Vijada), 162. Kumāra-Simha, 157, 174, 277. Lakşamaņasena, 50, 54, 58, 61-63, Kumāravajra, 63.
355. Kumāra-vihāra, 261, 279.
Lakşmi (goddess), 94, 132, 232. Kumārī-parvata, 63.
Lakşmi (Queen), 236. Kumbhā, 172.
Lakşmī-varman (Paramāra), 113-114, Kumbhalagadh, 179.
118, 120, 337. Kumuda-candra (Ācārya), 70. Lakşņāvati, 54, 62. Kumuda-candra sūri, 240, 260. Lalaņa (Maharāja), 167. Kunu (river), 77, 78.
Lalitādevī, 313. Kunta, 377.
Latitapur, 42. Kuntala, 109, 261.
Lolitavigraharāja (drama,), 135. Kuntapāla, 160.
Lalrai, 157. Kūrcāla Sarasvati, 199.
Lalwādā, 252. Kūrpāsa, 377.
Lāța, 16, 35, 185, 204, 228, 230, 247, Kurudesa, 236.
274, 278, 281, 285, 292, 304, 357, Kuru-mandala, 274.
376. Kurun (Karna), 82.
Lāțavāgada (Gaccha), 79. Kuša, 132
Lāteśvara-mandala, 25, 26, 31. Kuśasthala, 132.
Lavaņa (person), 127. Kusumāvati, 98.
Lavaņa-prasād, 295-296, 298-304, Küta-Yuddha, 379.
311-313, 322-323, 337. Kutumbin, 359.
Lavanya-karņa, 162. Kuvalaya-mālā, 5, 33, 41.
Lekha-pañcāsikā, 306.
Lele, K. K., 115n. L
Life of Hemacandra, 279n, 282n. Laghu Karn (Vāghela), 320. Life of Yuan Chwang, 15n. Laghvarhannītiśāstra, 6. 7-same as Lilā (physician), 214, 248.

Page #448

418
INDEX
Līlādevī, 225.
Madhyama, 377. Limbadi, 10.
Madhya-Pradeśa, 66, 70, 108, 119, Limbarāja, (Paramāra), 185.
223, 349. Lingāyata, 66.
Madra (desa), 21. Literature on Polity, 1, 6.
Madra-Mahivijaya, 21. Lobha-vijaya, 379.
M. D. Desai, 260, 279n. Lokāyata, 335.
Magadha, 274. London, 155.
Māgha, 105. Luacchāgira, 42.
Mahābhārata, 331. Luard C. E., 115n.
Mahācakra (village), 80. Lüders, H., 287.
Mahädandādhipati, 375. Lūņapasā (Lavaņa--prasād), 301. Mahādeva (minister), 258, 260, 273, Lunar race, 216, 277.
276, 282, 352, 354. Lūņa-simha, 308, 316.
Mahādeva (god), 262, 282, --Vasahikā, 295.
Mahājana(s) (t.), 154, Lūņa-varman, 162.
359, 364. Lundhā, 162.
Mahājana-sabha, 363. Lūņiga (Cāhamāna), 185, 308. Mahājana-sammata, 331.
Mahākāla, 119, 145, 221. M
Mahākṣapatalika, 350, 356. Mādalā-pāñjī, 64.
Mahākumāra (t), 118, 345. Madana (poet), 82, 116-118, 292. Ma-ha-la-chá (Mahārāştra), 15. Madana (officer), 175, 178.
Mahā-Mahīpa, 57. Madanacandra (Gāhadavāla), 47. Mahammada, 50. Madanapāla (brother of Udayamati), Mahāmandaleśvara(t.), 166-167, 278, 248.
299, 300, 302, 310-311, 315, 357 Madānapur, 70, 137.
Mahāmāndalika (t.), 90. Madanarājñī, 302.
Mahāmātya, 175, 177, 248, 25., 276, Madanasāgarpur, 70.
314, 348-349, 353. Madana Sañkar (temple), 235. Mahaņasimha (Cāhamāna), 161, 162, Madana-varman (Candella). 50, 65- 170. 71, 220, 274.
Mahantaka, 166, 364 Madana-varma-prabandha, 68n. Mahā-Pradhāna, 227, 355. Mäddorā, 37.
Maha-Pratihāra, 346. Mādhava (Nāgar-Brahmana), 320. Mahārāja (t.), 113, 123, 127, 292, Madhavī, 225.
299, 302, 338, 358. Madhainagar, 61.
Mahārājādhirāja (t.), 73, 151-152, Madhupadma (Mathura), 214, 218. 157, 194, 215, 224, 249, 292, 299, Madhusudana, 320.
302, 338. Madhya-Bhārata, 35.
Mahārāja kula (t.), 162, 166-167, Madhyadeśa, 14, 34, 274.
172, 178, 195. Madhyakälīna Gujarātani Sāmājika Mahārā japutra (t.), 154. Sthiti, 262n.
Mahā Rājñi (t.), 38,

Page #449

INDEX
419
Mahā Rāņaka (t.), 300, 315.
Maihar, 223. Mahārāştri Prākşti, 37.
Majumdar (Dr.) R. C., 25, 38, 55, Mahā Rudrakāla, 255.
61, 62n. Maha-sabda (t.), 42.
Mālati, 45. Maha-Sadhanika (t.), 324.
Mālava, 8, 14, 16, 35, 39, 73, 82, 85, Mahā-Sāhanīya, 356, 375.
90, 143, 185, 198, 221, 223, 249, 254, Maha-Sāndhivigrahika (t.), 116. 274, 281, 285, 294, 317, 257 Maha-Samanta (t.), 42, 358.
Mālava-Cakravarti (t), 104. Mahā-Sāmantādhipati (t.), 44. Mālava-dhārā-Dhūmaketu (t.), 318. Mahāsara, 256.
Malayagiri, 8. Mahāsena, 59.
Malladeva (Vijayacandra), 48. Mahāsthāna, 255, 350.
Malladeva (Elder brother of VastuMahattaka, 364.
pāla), 308. Mahattama (an high officer), 259, Malli-cariu, 245.
277, 296, 316, 317, 359, 364. Mallikārjuna, 191, 270-272, 276. Mahattara, 364.
Mamalladevi, 52. Mahāvīra, 1, 40, 71n, 151, 153, 155, Mammata, 180, 182, 183, 367. 156, 163, 166, 167, 281, 320.
Mánaka (measurement), 182, 367. Mahāvīra-carita, 1, 2, 274n, 279. Manatunga, 17, 105. Mahāyātra, 255.
Mandala (unit), 357. Mahendra (Cāhamāna), 128, 149, -(Theory) 377. 170, 181.
Mandalapati(t.), 158. Mahendra-Pāla II, 6, 44-46, 103, 210. Mandaleśvara (t.), 192, 322, 325, 356, Mahendrarāja, (of Marudesa), 236.
357 Mahendrasuri, 3, 107.
Mandali, 360. Maheśvara (sūri), 79.
Māņdalika (Paramāra), 184, 115. Māhi (river), 278.
Māndalika (t.), 298, 358. Mahībalādevī, 157.
Mandalika Surasambhu (MandalMahideva (Brāhmaṇa), 123,
eśvara), 192. Mahipāla (Kacchapaghāta), 11, 71- Mandanadeva, 185. 77, 355.
Mandapadurga (mod. Mändu), 115. Mahīpāla I, (Gurjara-Pratīhāra), 36. Mandapa of Gañadhara, 317. Mahipāla II, (do), 42, 46, 173. Mandapikā, 367. Mahīpāla (Paramāra), 187-188. Māndavyapura (mod. Mandor), 158, Mahīpāla (Caulukya), 283, 285, 296. 162. Māhisūra-mandala (Mysore), 261. Māndhātā (puranic king), 53, 74. Māhismati (Māndhātā), 81.
Māndhātā (town), 81. Māhiya(s), 267.
Mandor, 162. Mahmud of Ghazani, 8, 99, 128, 150, Mandukeśvara, 241. 227-238.
Mangalarāja, 73, 79, 80, Mahobā, 45, 67-69.
Mangaleśa (Calukya king), 81. Mahodaya (Skandhāvāra), 219. Mangalānā, 142. Mahta (village), 301.
Mangrol, 275.

Page #450

420
Manikantha, 76. Manikyasüri, 18.
Manorath, 57. Mantri, 303.
87.
Marāthās, 300.
Manyakheța, 85, 89, 90. Marasimha II (Ganga chief), 59, 86- Mitra, 377.
INDEX
Marumada, 38.
Marumandala, 166, 198, 205.
Marwar, 30, 33, 91, 124, 285. Mātāji temple, 167.
Mätäkari, 32.
Matangi, 61.
Matanga (s), 133.
Mathandeva, 36.
Māri, 280.
-Cakravartin, 306.
Maru (deśa), 163, 236, 240, 281, 285. Modi, Cunnilal, 156 n. Maruka, 277.
Matsya-Nyaya, 330.
Maukhari(s), 14, 18.
176, 307. Minala-devi, 152, 259. Minhaj-us-Siyar, 289. Mirat-i-Ahmedi, 206, 233, 266. Miscellaneous Literature, 1, 8.
Modes (Mohädavāsaka), 96, 97,
108, 221, 321. Mohammad (Muhammada Ghuri), 274, 289.
Mohammada Ghori
(Muhammad
Ghuri), 376. Mohammadans (Muslims), 289, 306. Mokarāja Parajaya, 4, 202, 256, 262n, 264, 279, 280, 286n, 362n.
Mathana Simha (Guhila), 174-175, Mojadina (Sihab-ud-Din), 192-193. Mokalaji temple, 10.
178.
Mathura, 21, 218, 222, 236, 274, 306. Monghyr, 57. Matoda, 310.
Mleccha (s), 50, 115, 206, 137-138, 306.
Merutunga, 3, 9, 49, 62, 70, 89, 9697, 100-102, 104-105, 107-110, 112, 115, 202, 204, 210, 211, 223, 230, 231, 237, 247, 285, 288. Mewar, 91, 171, 174, 285, 315. Mihira, (Bhoja I, Pratihāra), 27. Mihirakula, 13.
Milicchikara (t. of Iltutmish), 164,

Monier William, 360n.
Maula (hereditary troop), 372.
Maurya (s), 18, 19.
Maurya(s) of Cittor, 171.
Mayapalla, 109, 200, 244, 245, 249, Mudrita-kumuda-candra, 259.
258, 261, 338.
Mayura (poet), 17, 105, 172. Mayurasarma (Kadamba), 60. Medapāța, 19, 145, 149, 281, 306,332. Meghacandra, 51.
Megha-vähana, 380.
Morajhari (village), 135.
Mozz' Ud-Din (Sihab-ud-Din), 307. Mrgavati-carita, 5. Mṛnälavati, 92-94. Mudgavati, 319.
Muhammadan(s), 139, 289, 321, 338. Muhammada Ghuri (Sihab-ud-Din), 158, 291, 292, 376. Muhammadanism, 199.
Muhammada Shah, 8.
Muhanota Nainasi ki Khyata, 134,
160.
Mu'izz-ud-Din (Sihab-ud-Din), 158. Müla (Nakṣatra), 213. Mūladeva (Kacchapaghata), 74, 74, 80, 359.
Mula-nayaka, 156.
Mularāja, 91, 128, 181, 187, 201, 210, 212-215, 222, 224-229, 232, 237,

Page #451

Muluka (Gohila), 275. Multan, 274.
241, 273, 290, 295-296, 332, 345- Nägadeva (same as Nāgarāja), 296. 346, 348, 378.
(
Nagadraha (mod. Nägda), 175-176,
Mūlarāja II, 158, 160, 288, 290.
Mülarāja-Vasahikā, 232.
INDEX
Muñjaladeva-Prāsād, 232, Muñshi, K. M., 219.
Muni-Vrata, 145.
Muñja (Paramāra), 148-150, 171, 173, 181, 185, 227, 235, 310, 332, 334, 342-343, 355.
Muñjāla (deva), 213-215, 218, 222, Nagaraja (Caulukya), 149, 234, 236,
237.
224, 245, 258-260, 320-355. Muñjala (minister), 112. Muñjaraja-Prabanda, 91n. Muñjarāsa, 93.
Murdhabhişikta, 339.
Musalamana (Muslims), 127, 133. Muslim (s), 119, 139-147, 158, 164, 233, 289-291, 317, 320, 321. Mysore, 32.
Mythological Literature, 1.
N
Näbheya (Rsabhanäth), 161, 255. Nābhinandanoddhara-prabandha, 321. Naddula (Nadol), 100, 134-135, 147, 151-152, 162, 167, 181, 239, 247, 273, 282, 378.
178, 306-307, 362. Nagakumar, 4. Nagaladevi, 316.
Naganand, 17. Nagapur, 83, 108, 109. Nagapur (in Jodhapur), 124. Nagara (General), 294. Nagara-Brāhmaṇa, 273.

421
Nagara-Raksaka, 361.
Nagari Pracāriņā Patriki, 124n. Nagaur (Nagapur), 124. Nāgāvaloka, 22-26, 41-42. Nähad (Pratihāra), 37.
Nahar, P.C., 40, 127n, 147n, 152n, 157, 159, 166, 167n, 172n, 173n, 275n.
Nahar (a person), 166, 167. Nahorwālā (Anahilavāda), 287, 321. Naigama Kayastha, 166. Naikidevi, 289, 338, 346. Naisadhiya-carita, 52.
Nalakacchapur (mod. Nalachā), 166. 118.
Nālandā, 17, 57.
Napaka (Scholar), 316.
Nāṇaka gaccha, 165. Nandiwara, 195.
Narabhata, 37, 46.
Nadúladagikā, 171, 179.
Naddulapura (Nadol), 148. Naddüla Talapada, 155. Naddulai (mod. Nädlai), 155.
Nadha (minister), 245.
Naranārāyāṇānanda, 303, 309. Narapati (of Jalor), 165, 167. Narasimha (Calukya), 43, 223.
Nadlai, 152, 155, 367.
Nadola, 134-135, 148, 153, 345, 357- Narasimha, (Jayasimha), 253.
358, 361, 367. Nadala-Lakhan prabandha, 4. Nagabhata I, 205-206, 208. Nagabhața II, 22-25, 33, 41-42. Nagabhata (of Jodhapur), 37, 46. Nāgaḍa (minister), 163, 312-314, 316.
Narasimha I (Hoyasala), 114. Naravihana (Guhila), 173. Naravahana (Khengara), 241. Naravarman (Paramāra), 109-111, 120, 131-132, 249, 252. Nārāyaṇa (god), 331, 342.
53

Page #452

422
INDEX
Nārāyaṇapāla, 56. Narmadā, 15, 17, 234, 300, 304, 305, Odayadeva, 5. 327.
Ojha (Pt). G.H., 124, 172, 176, 179, Narrative Literature, 1, 4.
188, 195, 198, 253, 307. Narwar, 71.
Origin of the Sena kings, 61n. Nasarat Khān, 146-147, 321.
Orissa, 63-64 Nāsika, 99.
Osavāla Jain, 157. Naţārambha (horse), 138, 139.
Osia, 158 Navamuni Cave, 64. Navaghana (Abhira), 250. Navarātra (festival), 229, 281. P. C. Nāhar—same as Nāhar, P. C. Navasāhasāńka-carita, 86, 94, 95, Pādalipta-sūri, 5. 105.
Padma Gupta (Parimala), 86, 94-95, Navasāra (fort), 198.
97. Nayacandra (suri), 2, 4, 48-50, 69, Padmanāth, 72, 74.
119, 121, 125, 142, 167, 231, 242, Padmapāla, 74. 349.
Padma-purāna, 1. Nemināth, 152
Padmasimha (Guhila), 172, 174-178, Nemināha cariu, 201, 209, 232, 240 Nemi-nirvāna kāvya, 2.
Padmāvati, 284. Nerulkar, 50n.
Padmini, 38.
Padra (s), (Land-unit), 360. Nibandhaka, 362, 369.
Pāhilla, 66. Nibandha-sangraha (Gujarati), 284n.
Paithāna, 254. Nibi (Nivi), 369.
Pāiyalacchi-koşa, 85, 87, 89-90, 94. Nilakantha, 242.
Pala(s) (measurement), 182, 367. Ninnaya (merchant), 201, 209, 212 Pāla (dynasty), 20, 23, 27, 53. Nirgranthanāth, (t.), 71, 75, 76. Pālha, 157, 317, 318. Nirupama, 29.
Pāli (4 village), 134. Nirvāņa-Nārāyana—(Naravarman), Pālikā(s), (measurement), 367. 111, 132.
Palli (a village), 166. Nisrstārtha, 37.
Palli (land-unit), 360. Niska, 368.
Pallikā (Pāli), 134. Nitisāra, 6.
Pampa (poet), 36, 223. Niti-vākyāmrta, 6, 7, 45, 332, 348, Pampa-Bhārata, 42. 362, 366, 369, 370, 372.
Pamparāja (son of Yogarāja), 176. Nivartana, 366.
Paņa (coin), 367. Nivigrāhaka, 362, 369.
Panca-Gauda, 56. Nivogi, 369.
Pañca-grāma, 303, 310. Northern Rāstrakūta(s), 11, 180-183. Pañca-gundika, 175. Nrpakumar (t.), 345.
Panca-kula(s), 157, 318, 362, 364, Nyāya-ghantā, 65.
369, 371. Nyāya-śāstra, 257.
Pañcala, 274.
10

Page #453

INDEX
423
Pañca-mahala, 113.
Pārvati, 165. Pañca-mahāśabda (t.) 32, 358. Pātan, 4, 95-96, 150, 236, 239, 254, Panca-Mahantaka(t),166.
257, 273, 315, 360. Pañcanada, 274.
Pathaka (Dr.) K. B., 14. Pañcāsara, 200-204, 207-209.
Pāthaka (Dr.) V. S., 70n. Pāndava(s), 58.
Pāthaka (unit), 360. Pangu (t.), 372.
Pattaka (documents), 356. Pāṇidhara (śreşthi), 66.
Pattakila, 364. Pañjāb, 35.
Pattalā, 360. Pannā (district), 70.
Patta-rājm, 339. Pānthadadeva (Pșthīvīrāja II), 135 Pattāvali(s), 1, 9, 21n. Papaura (village), 66.
Pattāvali-samuccaya, 9, 21n. Paramabhattāraka(t), 42, 97, 338. Pattyādhyakşa, 375. Paramāra (eponymous), 86, 190. Pātuka (or Pataka-richman), 166. Paramāra(s), 22, 67, 121, 221. Pellaka-pellaka, 182, 367.
- Of Mālava, 85, 87-120, 171, 183, Peśavā (s), 300. 185, 233, 235, 343.
Pethad (merchant), 320. -Of Candrāvati, 87, 88, 99, 148, Phoolad, 228. 186-197, 232, 239, 275, 287, 306, Pināka Pāņi (god), 342. 332.
Pingala (prosody), 94. --of Banswāra 87, 183-185. Of Kirādu, 87, 134, 160, 167-199.
Piñgalika, 251. Paramaras of Dhāra and Mālavā, Pipāsā (country), 214, 218, 224. 115n.
Poona Orientalist, 295n, 317n, 319n. Paramardi (Candella), 50, 67-71, 137, Prabandha-cintamani, 3, 47-48, 61, 219, 254, 289, 376.
62, 89-95, 99-104, 109, 115, 128, Paramardi of Kuntala, 109, 261.
132, 135, 137, 160, 200-216, 218, Paramārhata (t.), 285.
220, 222, 225-229, 232-233, 235-237, Parama-Srāvaka (t.), 285.
240--250, 252-253, 255-256, 259, Parameśvara, 16, 338.
260-61, 263-264, 266-267, 270, 272, Paramitārtha, 374.
274-275, 277, 281, 285-290, 292, Parašu, 378.
298, 301-305, 308, 310, 324, 336, Praśurāma, 133.
338, 344, 362, 372, 375. Pārijātamañjari, 82, 116, 292.
Prabandha-kośa, 3, 4, 18-19, 47-51, Parisista-parvan, 3.
62-63, 110, 126-131, 133, 135-137, Pārtha, 74.
141-144, 156, 163-164, 168, 186, 192, Pārtha-parākrama, 193.
193, 242, 258, 268, 273, 277, 285, Pārsnigrāha, 377.
304-305, 307, 310-313, 316, 324. Pārsvadeva (Parsvanāth), 318. Prabhācandra, 18, 107, 108. Pārsvanāth, 135, 136, 167.
Prabhākara-vardhan, 34, 35. --carit, 1.
Prabhāsa (Pātan), 28. Partāpagarh, 43.
Prabhāvaka-carita, 3, 17-19, 25-28, Parva-parvata (mod. Pāvāgadh), 294. 42, 54, 57, 68, 94, 186, 188, 190,
53-a
62. andha-koks 372, 375, 324, 336

Page #454

424
INDEX
209, 220, 234, 239, 250, 256, 259, Pșthu, 72, 331. 268, 270, 274, 276, 336, 345.
Prthvipāla (Cāhamana), 150-151, Pröcana Lekha samgraha, 12, 172n. 170, 242. Prācina Jain Lekha-samgraha, 12, Pythvipāla (minister), 260, 277. 188n 260n, 314n.
Prthvīrāja, I, 130. Pradhana-dūta, 356.
Pșthvīrāja, II, 135, 136, 176. Pradhāna-mantrī, 355.
Prthvirāja III, 8, 50, 69, 70, 121, 129, Pradhānāmātya, 355.
136-141, 192-193, 196, 284, 291, Pradhāna-ratnādhyakşa, 356.
334, 338, 357, 372, 376. Pradyumna-sūri, 178.
Pythvīrāja-prabandha, 4, 372. Prāgvāța-family, 187, 303.
Prthvīrāja-Raso, 140. Prahara, 370.
Pythvīrāja-vijaya-mahākāvya, 121Prahlāda, 142, 143.
123, 125-131, 133-134, 136, 140Prahladanadeva, 174, 190, 193, 196, 141, 147, 158, 173, 231, 242, 197, 287.
271, 284, 338. Prahladanadevi 163.
Pūad, 211, 212. Prahladanapura, 163.
Pulikesin II, 14-16, 35, 39. Prākrta, 2, 4, 5, 36, 37, 265.
Pūņapakşadeva, 282. Prakrti (constituent), 333.
Pundrapalli,360. Prānta, 357.
Purādhyaksa, 361. Prasasti(s), 1, 9.
Purāņa(s), 1, 5. Prasasti-sangrah, 10, 194, 300, Pūraņa Candra, Nahar, 12. 320.
--See also Nahar, P.C. Prastha, 368.
Purarāhupura, 48. Prasthāna (Gujarati journal), 253n., Purātana-prabandha-samgraha, 3, 4, 257n.
47, 49-51, 62-63, 65-69, 81, 89, Pratapgarh, 85.
91, 94, 102, 104, 108, 110, 111, 137Pratāpalankeśvara (t.), 136.
138, 142, 164-168, 193, 203, 219, Pratāpamalla, 162, 170, 285, 311. 246, 249, 261-262, 264, 277, 283, Pratāpasimha (spearman), 138.
288, 300, 310-313, 316, 337, 342, Pratāpasimha (Paramāra), 195, 196. 367. Pratāpaśrī, 318.
Purātattva (Gujarātī), 249n, 318n, Pratihāra (door-keeper), 36, 37, 40, Pūrņapāla (Paramāra), 186, 189. 346.
Pūrņatalla, 126, 169. Pratihāra (s), 23, 24, 28, 38-39, 43, 60, Purnhita, 350, 351. 65, 73, 173.
Purūravā, 216. - See also Gurjara-Pratīhāra. Puruşa-Parikṣā, 50. Prativandhaka, 362, 369.
Puşkara, 122, 123, 133. Pravacana-Parikṣā, 8, 206, 314-317, Puspasena, 59. 321.
Puşyabhūti(s), 13, 14. Premi Abhinandana Granth, 70n. Premi (Pt.), Nāthurām, 45n, 66n. Princep, J., 64.
Qutb-ud-Din, 70, 142, 293, 307.

Page #455

INDEX
425
R
Rājasthāna, 45, 73, 79, 124, 183, 237, R. C. Modi, 262n.
254, 365, 367. —see also Rāmlal Modi
Rajasthānīya, 359. R. C. Pārikha, 250n, 253n.
Rājasthāpanācārya (t.), 312, 314, Rāddhada, 273.
355. Rādha (country), 58.
Rājatarangini, 18-20, 27. Rādhādevī, 145.
Rājāvali-koşthaka, 206, 310. -prabandha, 104.
Rajavaidya, 356. Rādhanpur, 41, 200, 237, 238, 360. Rājavallabha (suri), 98. Rāghavan (Dr.) V., 45n.
Rāja Vallabha (special officer), 346. Raghu (dynasty), 36.
Rāja-vihāra, 256. Rāhada (or Ghāghada), 208.
Rājavrddha(s), 346, 355. Rahamāna, 280.
Rajendradeva (Cola king), 60. Rai, 146.
Raji, 213, 214, 218, 223, 224, 232, Rai Pithora, 140.
296. Raivataka (Mt.), 28, 255, 261.
Rājibhu, 214. Rājā Bhoja, 114n, 319n.
Rāji-nandana, 214. Rājadeva (Guhila Thakkura), 142. Rajjala, 37, 46. 152, 179.
Rajň (t.), 338. Rājadevī, 130, 309.
Rājpāl (Rāyapāla, Cāhamāna), 367. Rājādhirāja (t.), 44.
Rājya-Lakşmī, 303. Rājādhyaksa, 362, 369.
Rājyapāla-(Pratīhāra), 45, 46, 77, Rāja Guru, 116-117.
78.
Rājyapāla (Pāla), 56, 57. Rājakadraha, 80.
Rajyavāhaka, 158. Rājakiya Bhoga, 361.
Rājyesvara, 159. Rājakula (t.), 155.
Rālhā, 157. Rājakula, 346.
Rāma (god), 36, 37, 39, 40. Rājā Madana Sanker (t.), 235. Rāmabhadra, 22. Rājamahisī, 339.
Rāmacandra (poet), 162, 279, 286. Raja-mandala, 377.
Rāmacandra (teacher), 176. Rājan (t.), 338.
Rāmacarita, 56. Rājapitāmaha (t.), 271, 343.
Rāmadeo (of Deogir), 321. Rāja Puruşa, 362, 371.
Rāmadeva (Paramāra), 190-191, 197, Rājapūtānā, 35.
270. Rājapūtānā Kā Itihāsa, 188n, 315n. Rāmadeva (Vāghelā), 319.
---see also History of Rājapūtānā. Rāmakama, 181. Rājapütānā Museum, 183.
Rāmakīrti, 10, 171, 174, 268, 278, 375. Rajaputra (t.), 143, 345, 361. Rāmalāl Modi, 206, 210, 227n. Rājarāja Bhatta, 19.
Rāmasainya (Ramsen), 163, 165. Rāja rakṣā samuddeśa, 339.
Rambhā-mañjarī, 4, 48, 50, 69. Raja-sekhara (suri), 3, 18, 19, 42, 49, Rāņaka(t), 229-301, 310, 311, 314, 52, 62, 110, 125, 165, 277.
315, 358.

Page #456

426
INDEX
Ranakavara(t), 129.
Ritthanemicariu, 17n. Ranasimha, 173.
Rohiņi, 40. Rana-thambhore, 121, 146, 147. Rohiņikūpa, 37. Ranna (Poet), 217.
Royal Asiatic Society, 155. Ranna of Kaccha, 200, 201.
Rşabha (tīrthankar), 40, 77, 145, 201, Rāsabha (family), 2.
272, 330. Rāsalladevi, 130.
Rși (trader), 79. Rāsamālā, 4, 82, 108, 109, 204n. 205n. Ruchi, 180. 218n.
Rūdaladevī, 161. Rasapāla, 55.
Rudra, 127. Rāştrakūta (s), 23, 26, 29, 30, 32, 34, Rudrāditya, 90-94, 355. 58, 87-89, 181, 217.
Rudra-Mahākāla-Prāsād, 256. Rāştrakūtas of Hastikundi, 180-183.
Rudra-Mahālaya, 255-256. Rāştrakūtas of Mānyakheta, 85.
Rudrapāla, 152. Rāstrakūtas and Their Times, 26n.
Rudrapalli, 48. 32n, 223n.
Rūpaka, (Coin), 182n, Rāştrakūțiya, 47.
368. Rāştrauda (family), 155.
Rūpa-sundarī, 203. Rāştriyas, 267. Ratnadevī, 309. Ratnāditya, 208, 211.
Sābarmati, 228, 300, 307. Ratnahrda, 163
Sabhā, 369. Ratna-kośādhyakşa, 340.
Sabhā-mandapa, 152, 157, 167. Ratna-Mālā, 201, 203, 204, 206-207. Sabhā-pati, 369, 370. Ratnapāla, 151-152, 154-155, 166. Sabharamati--same as Säbaramati. Ratna-Prabha sūri, 10, 171, 176, 177, Sabdānuśāsana, 8. 314.
Sahajarāma (Caulukya), 214. Ratna-Puñja, 63.
Saciva(s), 348. Ratnapura, 163, 167.
Saciyāyadevī, 157-160. Ratnaşimha, 178, 179, 291, 296. Sacred Books of the Buddhists, 331n. Rauta (Rājaputra), 179.
Şadanga(s), 372. Revaņa, 136.
Sadgunya, 377. Ravikirti, 11, 14, 39, 81.
Sadha (General), 100, 149. Ravivardhana, 21n.
Sadhu (t.), 79. Rāwats, 146.
Sadika, 324. Ray (Dr.) H. C., 128, 164, 184, 187. Sadūkti-karņāmặta, 61. Rāyapāla (Cāhamāna) 152, 154, 170, Sāgāra-Dharmàmrta, 115n, 116n. 179, 363.
Sāhanīya, 375. Reu, V. N., 114, 188.
Saharanpur, 124. Revā (River), 15, 136.
Sāhasamalla, 117. Revantagiri Rāsu, 250.
Sahasrārjuna, 81. Revāsā 130.
Sahasralinga (lake), 255, 256. Rice, Lewis, 43n.
Saindhava(s), 200.

Page #457

INDEX
427
Sainvādighāt, 166.
179, 307, 321. Saiva (s), 59, 282.
Samasadin (Samus-ud-Din, 143. Saivism, 60, 212, 224, 279, 283. Sambalapur, 64. Saivites, 107, 282-283.
Sambhara, 123, 124. Saiyad, 324.
Sambhu, 57, 165, 255. Sajjana (General), 134, 250, 268, 278, Samidheśvara, 268. 357, 375-376.
Samīpāti-mandapikā, 153, 367. Sākambhari, 123-128, 147, 149, 154- Samnāņaka, 157, 361. 155, 231, 247, 268, 285, 298.
Sampatkara (śāntu), 245. Sākambharīndra, 147.
Samus-ud-Din (Iltutmish), 142, 143, Sakrandana (Indra), 74.
164, 176. Sākşi, 370.
Samuddhara (prime-minister), 177. Sakti-kumāra (Guhila), 91, 171-173. Samudra Gupta, 14. Saktism, 212
Samyaktva kaumudi, 5. Salakhaņa, (Sallaksana), 115-116. Sanatkumāra-caritam, 201n, 232n, Sālhana, 130.
240n. Sālipura, 268.
Sandāthala, 202. Sālivāhana (Guhila), 173.
Sanderā (Sanderão), 150. Salya, 166.
Sānderaka Gaccha, 151, 155, 156. Sāma, 379.
Sāndhi-Vigrahika mantri, 115, 117, Samānadharma, 341.
270. Samanta-rāja (Cāhamâna), 122-124, -Amātya 350-351. 126, 169.
Sāngū, same as Sāngana. Samanta (minister), 277.
Sāngana (of Vāmanasthalī), 166-167, Samanta (t.), 20, 99, 275, 288, 355, 303. 358.
Sangrāma simha (Sankha), 240, 304. Sāmantanāyaka, 20.
Sangrāma Soņi, 295. Sāmantapāla (Samantasimha), 168. Sankalia, (Dr.) H. D., 309n. Samantasena, 58, 60, 61.
Sankara (god), 155, 309. Sāmanta simha (Cāhamāna), 159, Sankha (Sangrāma-simha), 253, 309, 167, 170.
322-324, 325, 357, 374. Sāmanta simha (Guhila), 173-174, Sāmkhya, 335. 193, 287.
Sanmati (Mahāvira), 77. Samanta simha (Cāvadā), 210, 211, Sannāha-pataha, 376. 214, 224.
Sanskrit Dyāśraya kāvya mā MadhSamara-bheri, 376.
yakālīna Gujarātani Sāmājika Samara-dakka, 376.
Sthiti, 156, 227n, 269n, 377n. Samarāicca-kahā, 5, 361n, 362, 369. Sanskrit English Dictionary, 360n. Samarapur, 161.
Santal Parganā, 57. Samarasa (king of Saurāṣtra), 273. Sāntāra family, 109, 361. Samara simha (Cāhamāna), 159-161, Sānti-bhadra, 182. 170.
Sāntināth (tirthankar), 77, 157, 170, Samara-simha (Guhila), 172, 176- 171.

Page #458

428
INDEX
Sänti-Parva, 331. śāntišeņa (guru), 80, 107. śānti sūri, 3, 240. Sāntu (Chief minister), 109-111, 245
246, 248, 258-260, 336, 355. Sapädalakşa (country), 69, 115, 124,
132, 136-138, 196, 228-229, 253, 266-
267, 274, 281, 291. Saptama Cakravarti (t.), 318. Sārangadeva, 195, 317-319, 322, 346. Sarasapur, 145. Sārasvata-mandala, 227, 230-231,
332. Sarasvati (t.) 88, 94, 343. Sarasvati (river), 221, 233, 246, 251,
263, 306. Sarasvati-Purāna, 256. Sarva deva (sādhu), 79. Sarvadeva (purohita), 278. Sarvajña, 197. Sarveśvara (t.), 160, 299, 300, 302. Sāsabahū kā Dehra, 72, 73. Sāsana, 370. śāśanahara, 374. Saśānka, 53. Saśinrpa (Candra), 126, 127, 169. Śāstri, D. K., 216n. Sataghni, 377. Şatka-Catusţikā (a construction),
192. Satruñjaya (Mt.), 12, 255, 259, 261,
272, 273, 277, 304, 308, 309, 313,
314. Satyu Puriya Sri Mahāvīra Utsäha,
237. Satyapura Kalpa, 238. Satyapura (Sanchor), 163. Satya-rāja (Pulikesin II), 14. Satva-rāja (Paramāra of Bānswārā),
185. Saudha-pāla, 346. Saulkika, 359. Saunsara-same as Sumbara.
Saura-mandala, 29. Saurāştra, 136, 155, 200, 210, 247,
254, 273, 274, 294, 357. Sausara-same as Sumbara. Sävaramatī-same as Sābaramati. Sayyāpāla, 346. Selaka (an officer), 359, Selluka (town,) 99. Sena (s) of Bengal, 58.
-Sangha, 58. -Gaņa, 58.
---Anvaya, 58-61. Senāpati, 350, 357, 375. Sevādi, 121, 151, 153, 363, 375. Seven constituent of State, 332. Shrine of Nemināth, 295. Siddha-cakravarti (t.), 240, 254. Siddha-Hema-Vyākarana, 249, 257. Siddha-pāla, 279. Siddha-pura, 233, 255-256. Siddharaja (t.), 112, 251, 261, 263,
308. Siddhārtha, 40. Siddharși, 5. Siddhasara, 256. Siddhasena-Divākara 240. Sihāb-ud-Din of Ghor (MuhammadGhuri), 49-51, 115, 130, 137, 139
142, 193, 196. Sīlāditya (Harsa), 15. Silaguņa sūri, 202, 209, Silāhāra (family), 271. Silā-lekha-sangraha, 12, 59. Silā-Küta, 80. Silā-varşana-yantra, 377. Silluka, 27, 37, 38, 46. Simha (era), 153, 262. Simha (Cahamāna), 322. Simha (Paramāra), 89. Simhabhata (Paramāra), 89, 90. Simhadantabhaţa-same as Simha
bhata. Simhadevagani, 253, 260.

Page #459

INDEX
429
Simhapur, 255.
Sobhanadeva, 291, 296, 303, 357, 375. Simha-Vikrama (Cāhamāna), 157, Sobhita (Cāhamāna), 148. 214.
Socarāja, 198, 199. Simhaka (Siyaka), 89.
Soddala, 17, 70. Simhaņa (Yādava king), 117, 305-306, Sohada (Subhatavarman), 115, 292. 323-324.
Sohiya (Sobhita), 148. Simha-Pāņiya, 73.
Solanki (Caulukya), 108. Simha-rāja (Cāhamāna), 126-128, Solar (race), 53, 54, 204. 169.
Sollana, 111. Sīņāņava, 157, 361.
Soma (an officer), 308. Sindhu (country), 164, 228, 247, 253, Soma (father of Vāgbhata), 8, 275. 274,
Somadeva, 5, 6, 7, 45, 135, 332-337, Sindhala (Sindhurāja), 90.
339-43, 347-351, 362, 364-365, 368Sindhu (river), 339.
369, 370-373, 376-380. Sindhula, 130.
Somāditya, 214, 224, 316. Sindhurāja (Paramāra), 88, 90-91, Somoladevi,-same as Somalladevi. 95-98, 120, 185, 197-198.
Somalladevi 130, 131, 338. Sindhurāja (Commander), 183, 184. Somanāth, 8, 99, 132, 150, 210, 213, Sindhurāja (Cāhamāna), 164, 322, 218, 224, 237-238, 249, 255, 258, 323.
261, 281-282, 321. Sindkurāja-identification, 233. Soma-Prabha (sūri), 258, 583, 265, Sindhurāja (king of Sindha), 252. 271, 280, 343, 370. Sanghat (Cāhamāna), 129.
Somapuri (mother of Säntu), 259. Siraņa, 163
Soma-simhadeva, 161. Sirastrāņa 377.
Somasimha (Paramāra), 190, 194, Sirohi, 157, 182, 237, 318.
197, 296, 306. Sisodā Branch of Guhilota(8), 179. Somavansi, 64. Sitā, 105.
Somesa (god), 158. Siva (god), 83, 107, 224, 279, 281-283. Someśvara (Somavansi), 64. Siva (a place), 273.
Someśvara (Cālukya), 59, 102. Siva (family deity), 197, 224. Someśvara (Cāhamāna), 121, 125, Śivacita, 290.
135-137, 271. Śiva Kedarnāth, 282.
Someśvara (Paramāra), 197-199, 275. Sivālika, 124.
Someśvara (Pattana), 232, 238. Sivarātri, 154.
Someśvara (god Somanāth), 109, 244. Sivāsaņa (a place), 238.
Someśvara, (poet), 253, 287, 309-310, Siyaka I (Paramāra), 87, 89.
316. Siyaka II (Paramāra), 85, 89, 90, 93, Someśvara (purohita), 278. 97, 99, 120, 185, 227,
Sonigārā Branch, 159-160. Skanda Gupta, 13.
Soratha, 238. Smith (Dr.) V. A., 27, 30.
Southern Rāştrakūta (s), 87, 221. Smrti(s), 370-371.
Sravaņa-Velgola, 12, 86. Sobhana (muni), 105.
Sreņi, 632, 372.
54

Page #460

430
INDEX
Sreșthin (t.), 66, 79. Sricandra sūri, 265. Śrīdevī, 209. Śrīdhara (Krşņa), 155. Sriharsa (Siyaka), 87-89. Sriharşa (poet), 52. Śrīkāņha, 319. Srikarana, 167, 354, 356. Śrīmāla (a caste), 161. Srimāla (Bhinmal), 163, 165, 188.
237. śrīmārgga (Sripath), 131. Śri-Māndalika, 183. Śrīnagara, 270. Śrīpāla (poet), 4, 11, 103, 256-258,
279. Śrīpath, 79, 131. Sri-Soma, 317, 320. Srīsthalapura, 233, 251. Śri-Tāta, 296, 376. Sri-Vallabha (t.), 29, 30. Sri-Vyalakānci (t.), 225. Grut a-devatā, 77. Srngäradevī, 158, 192, 332. Stambha Raņāvaloka, 32. Stambha-tīrtha (Cambay), 28, 324. Statues of Asyapati etc. 256. Stein Konow, 27n,,30. Sthali (Vāgada), 183. Sthali (land-unit), 360. Strāvaņi, 38. Subhakesi, 244. Subha Sila, 97. Subhāsita-Ratna-sandoha, 93-94, 96. Subhața (a person), 166. Subhatavarman (Paramāra), 115,
120, 293. Sucivarman, 173. Sudhavā, 133 Sudra, 370. Sudrakayya (Captain), 87. Suhāniyā, 72. Suhavādevī, 50, 52.
Suhrd-balam, 372. Sukta-tīrtha, 234. Sukra-Niti, 379. Sukrta-kirti-kallolini, 2, 206, 225, 228
229, 268, 274n, 298-299, 303, 309. Sukyta-sarkīrtana, 2, 124n, 206, 210
215, 216n, 225, 229-233, 236, 242, 211, 216, 225, 229-233, 236, 242, 243, 256-257, 286, 289, 290, 294,
298, 299, 303, 308n, 309. Sulhana, 131. Sulka-mandapikā, 364, 367. Sulocană, 284. Sultan Muhammad Sam Sihāb-ud
Din), 141. Sultan of Gazani, 137, 128, 140. Sumati-svāmi, 318. Sumbara (Chief of Saurāṣtra), 270,
273. Sun, 155. Sundari Devi, 49, 90. Sundhãdri (mt.), 165. Suracand, 163. Sūrācārya, 240. Sūraj-pol, 148. Sūra-pāla, 203. Surathotsava, 287. Surāṣtra, 188, 221, 227, 249, 270, 281. Suratrāņa (Cāhamāna), 144. Suratrāna (Sultan), 50, 176, 178, 192. Śūrpa, 368. Sürya-mandala, 121, 167. Surya-Pāla, 74. Sürya-Sataka, 17. Susara, same as Sumbara. Sūtradhāra, 317. Suvarnagiri, 159, 163, 167. Suvihita Monks, 210. Suvarna-Varşa, 32. Svabhoga, 361. Svadharma, 341. Svastika, 257. Svayambhū (poet), 17.

Page #461

INDEX
431
Tabaqāt-i-Nasiri, 140n 143. Tailapa II (Cālukya), 92, 98, 100
101, 217, 230, 237. Tāj-ul-Ma'āsur, 51, 141, 142. Tala-Hattikā, 177. Talāra, 175-176, 178, 361. T'alā-Raksa, 175. Talwar (a place), 254. Tāmbula-vāhaka, 346. Tāmbūlika(s), 154. Tāmra-cūdā, 377. Tanasukharām Tripāthi, 319. Tang Period, 19. Tankśālā, 232. Tantarāda (family), 175, 178. Tantra pāla, 127. Tântric Panjikā, 62. Tanukotta, 198. Tapāgaccha, Pattāvali, 9, 18, 21n. Tāpti, 306. Tāta, 37-38, 46. Tarai, 81. Täranāth, 55. Tarangāvati, 5. Tārīkh-i-Alai, 144, 147. Tārīkh-i-Firistā, 164n, 168n, 289, 372. Tārīkh-i-Firuzshāhi, 146. Tarikh-z-Subuktigin, 81. Tārikh-i-Yamini, 238. Tawney, C. H. (tr.), 90n. Tejasimha (Guhila), 175-177. Tejahpāla, 295-296, 299, 302-303, 307,
310-316, 354-355, 368, 380. Tejasvisimha (Guhila), same as
Tejasimha. Telangadesa, 229. Telangānā (Teligadesa), 230. Telingana-same as Telangāņā, 162. Temple of
--Adināth, 152, 272. --Acalśvara, 174. 54-a
-Cāmunda, 10, 165. -Daśāvatāra, 256. -Dharmanāth, 167. -Gaņeśvara, 309. --Jinanāth, 66. -Lūniga, 319. -Mahāvīra, 40, 151, 153, 155,
156, 174, 177, 255. -Mahā Rudrakāla, 255. -Mātāji, 167. -Nemināth, 162, 179, 250, 295,
317, 320. -Pārsvanāth, 136, 157, 167, 279. --Rşabha, 189, 201. -Saciyāyamāta, 159.
Sangrāma Soni, 295. -śāntināth, 42, 70,187, 157. --Satrunjaya, 272. -Siva, 161, 197, 279. -Svayambhū Rudra, 251. -Syāma Pārsvanath, 178. -Vimala, 240, 319. --Vişnu, 178. Thākura, 152. Thakkura, 179, 201, 316, 358. Thānā (Distt.), 270. Thāneśvara, 14, 337. Tharapadra, 286. Theory of Government in Ancient
India, 331n. Therāvali, 9 Tihuņaka, 195. Tikamagarh, 66-67, 69-70. Tikam Tilaka (a ceremony), 209. Tilaka-manjarī, 5, 63, 71-72, 87, 89,
91, 94-95, 106, 186, 238, 339n, 343348, 356, 359, 371, 380. Tilaka-Prabhasūri, 192. Tilanga (country), 270. Tilhaņa (Silakūta), 80. Tiloya-pannatti, 13n. Tipera (Tripūri), 82.

Page #462

432.
268. Üdala, 166.
Tirthankara(s), 1, 3, 40, 63, 77, 157, Udaipur (Rajasthan), 45, 171, 178, 166, 167, 180, 182, 201, 255. Tod (Colonel), 49, 155. Tomara, 127, 135, 377. Topakhānā, 161, 165, 167. Toramāṇa, 13.
Udayapur (E. Malava), 69, 84, 86, 95, 105, 108. Udayapur (Rajasthan), 43, 111, 172. Udayaditya, 108, 109, 120, 129, 150, 184, 242.
Udayana, 258, 260, 264, 266, 271-272, 275-276, 282, 286, 355, 377.
Trailokya-malla, 74, 75, 80. Trailokya-varman, 70. Trayi, 334, 335.
Tribhuvanadeva, 145.
Tribhuvana Ganda (t), 248-249, 254. Udayagiri-Khandagiri hills, 63. Tribhuvanamalla, 244, 261. Udayamati, 241, 248, 339. Tribhuvana-Nārāyaṇa (Bhoja), 104. Udaya-Prabha, 2, 309. Tribhuvana-Narayana (temple), 100. Tribhuvana-päla (Caulukya), 176,
Udaya-raja (Paramāra), 198, 199. Udaya-raja (writer), 80. Udaya-raja (commander), 140.
247, 255, 263, 265.
Tribhuvana pala II (Caulukya), 176, Udaya-Sundari-katha, 53, 55, 56. 296, 314. Uddharana (Guhila), 175, 179.
Tribhuvanapala Ranaka-same as Tri- Udi-sab, 164.
bhuvanapala II.
Tribhuvana Simha, 301. Triloka-Narayana (Bhoja), 104.
Trilokasimha, 168.
T-mürti, £83.
Tripathi (Dr.) R. S., 23, 24, 47n. Tripuri, 82, 136.
Ujjaini, 33, 94, 96, 98, 110, 145, 221, 224, 257, 264.
Tripurusa-Präsäda, 233, 241. Tri Purusa-mürti, 342. Trişaşti-balaka-purusa-carita, 1, 2, Ukhi-mandir, 73, 79.
Ujjayanta (hill), 295. Ükesa (Osia), 40.
358, 359, 371.
Trivarga Mahendra-Malati-sañjalpa, 45.
Trividha-Veeraft), 261. Tunga (hero), 137.
Turuşka (s), 135, 143, 149, 158, 160,
163-164 176, 274, 306.
Turuşkarāja (Sihab-ud-Din), 115.
INDEX
Turuşka-Vira, 176.
Tügni-danda, 379.
Tryambaka (Šiva), 231.
U
Uecha (a town), 280.

Udayasimha (Cahamana), 161-164, 168, 170, 305, 311, 323. Udyänapäla, 346, 380. Udyotakesari, 63, 64.
Udyotanasuri, 5, 33, 35, 40, 41.
Ulu-Khan, 144-147, 178, 320, 321. Uma or Parvati, 284. Umapatidhara, 61, 355. Upa-Pradhana, 379. Upamita-Bhava-Prapañca-Katha, 5,
346.
Upadhye (Dr.) A. N., 5, 44. Upendraraja (Paramāra), 89. Uşă, 72.
Usala (Utpala), 197, 199. Utpalarija, 186, 187. Uttama-carita-kathanaka, 5. Uttarapatha, 56. Uttunaka, 175, 183.

Page #463

INDEX
433
Vairisimha (Guhila), 173.
Vairisinha (Cāvadā), 208, 211. Vācinidevī, 234, 345.
Vaisnava, 21. Vadahara (village), 48.
Vaiśya (s), 350, 370. Väda-Mahārnava(t), 240.
Vajradāman, 72, 73, 80. Vadarya-Mandapikā, 367.
Vajrāyudha, 27, 29-31, 134. Vaďasar (village), 112.
Vajuāgagāk, 42. Vadavana, 303, 304.
Vākpati (poet), 2, 17, 19-21. Vādhūyana (minister), 277, 320, 354.
Vākpati I (Paramāra), 86, 89. Vadhya-Silā, 371.
Vākpati II (Munja), 85, 88-95, 97n, Vadibha-Simha, 333.
98, 116, 120, 186-187, 190. Vadi-Devasūri, 240.
Vākpati (Cāhamāna), 127-128, 147, Vādi-Devasūri-caritam, 276n.
155, 173. Vadiyāra, 200, 201.
Valabhi, 204. Vadvā (port), 234.
Valāpadra-pāthaka, 360. Vāgada (country), 321.
Valhaņa, 157. Vāgbhața (Bāhada), 84, 272, 277, Valla, 38. 3521355.
Vallabharāja (Caulukya), 96, 232, Vagbhata (poet), 2, 9, 253, 258, 260. 234-235, 296, 345. Vāgbhața (Cāhamāna), 142-144.
Vallālasena (sena), 61. Vägbhatālankära, 8, 251, 253, 258, Vāmanasthali, 166, 227, 303, 316, 321. 260.
Vamsapāla, 173. Vāgbhața-Meru (Barmer), 163. Vanarāja (Cāvadā), 200-211, 352. Vāghela (s), 3, 9, 117, 177, 298-322, Vappabhattisūri, 336. 342, 354.
Vārabāna, 377. Vāghinā (in Sirohi), 168.
Varana (Bulandasahara), 132. Vaguli-Sāh, 130.
Varāṇasī, 17, 47-48, 62-63, 81, 96, Vāhada simha, 165.
275. Vāhikakula, 57.
Vārapu. 332. Vaidya, C. V., 114.
Varātaka, 368. Vaidya(s), 376.
Varbaraka-jişnu(t), 251. Vaidyadeva, 53.
Vardhamāna (Mahāvīra), 192. Vaidyanath, 57.
Vardhamanapura, 1, 29, 54, 303. Vaija-same as Vaipuladeva.
Vardhamana sūri, 258. Vaijala (Thakkur), 316.
Vardhana (city), 250. Vaijaladeva (Cāhamāna), 278, 288, Vardhana-Kuñjara, 21. 357, 375.
Vardhi-pāthaka, 360. Vairāța, 173.
Varma, 377. Vairocana Parājaya, 258.
Varņāg, 259. Vairi simha I (Paramāra), 89. Vārtā, 334, 335. Vairisimha II, 87, 89, 105, 107, 120, Vasanta-Vilasa, 2, 113, 124, 216, 253, 185, 222, 223.
256, 268-269, 281, 289, 294, 298,

Page #464

434
INDEX
303-304, 306, 309, 313, 322-323, 325, Vigraharāja-same as-Vigrahapāla. 354, 374.
Vigraharāja I, (Vigrahanpa), 126, Vasantapāla, 295, 296.
169. Vāsavadattā, 48, 51.
Vigraharāja II (Cāhamāna), 126, 128, Vaśiştha (sage), 86, 185.
169, 231, 332, 348. Vaśiştha (gotra), 123.
Vigraharāja III, 111, 130, 242,-Same Vastupāla, 117, 164, 166, 192-193, 216, also Visaladeva.
253, 295-296, 299, 302-304, 307, Vigraharāja IV, 133-135, 273. 310-311, 313, 314, 323, 324, 357, Vījada (Cāhamāna), 162, 170. 368, 374, 380.
Vijaya (Samanta), 156, 269. Vastupāla-carita, 3, 324.
Vijaya (Kacchapaghāta), 79. Vastupāla-Tajahpāla-prasasti, 2, 216, Vijayacandra, 47-49, 52. 228, 268, 303.
Vijayadharma sūri, 12, 172n. Vasudeva (Cāhamāna), 123, 125, 126. Vijayāditya (Cālukya), 104. Vasudeva (Preceptor), 181.
Vijaya kirti, 11, 79, 80. Vasudeva-hindi, 367, 370.
Vijayapāla (Kacchapaghāta), 77-80. Vatsa (Rși), 121, 122, 165.
Vijayapāla (Pratīhāra), 73. Vatsarāja, 24, 29-31, 33, 35, 39-41, 97, Vijayarāja, 183, 185. 108, 111.
Vijayasena (sena), 58, 60-62. Vayajaladeva (Yogi), 232.
Vijaya-simha, 262n, 269, 315. Vayajaladeva-same as Vaijaladeva. Vijayasimhācārya, 53n. Veda(s), 60, 335.
Vijayasri (Pārijātamañjari), 116, 293. Vegavarisa (Sultan), 127.
Vijigīşu, 377. Velanker (Prof.) H. D., 6
Vikrama, 204, 208. Vermeda (Vāhadameru), 167. Vikrama, 204, 208. Vetradhāri, 346.
Vikramaditya (founder of era), 2. Vicāra Sreni, 9, 206-211, 222, 226, Vikramāditya IV (Cālukya), 61, 92,
234-235, 241, 247, 266, 285-287, 289, 244, 254. 291, 315, 320-321.
Vikramāditya (a chief), 305. Vidagdharāja, 180-183, 366.
Vikramankadeva-carita, 2, 97, 115, Vidyabhūşana, S. C., 20n.
217n. Vidyādhana, 180.
Vikramapuri-vihāra, 62. Vidyadhara (Candella), 45, 50, 66, Vikramarjuna vijaya, 42. 71, 75, 77-79, 100.
Vikramārka (founder of era), 77. Vidyādhara (Minister), 62, 355. Vikrama sila, 56. Vidyāpati, 50.
Vikrama Simha (Kacchapaghāta), 11, Vidya-vrddha-samuddeśa, 334.
45, 77, 79, 80, 100, 107, 336. Vigrahāditya, 165.
Vikrama Simha (Guhila), 173. Vigrahapāla I, 56.
Vikrama Simha (Paramāra), 190Vigrahapāla III, 53.
191, 196-197, 267, 270, 343, 345, 359. Vigrahapāla (Cāhamāna of Nad- Vilhana, 175. dula), 148, 170, 181.
Vimala, 189. 245, 352, 357.

Page #465

Vimalagiri Pālītānā) 28,272. Vimala-Vasahika-prabandha, 189n. Vinayacandra, 116.
Vinayakapāla (Pratihāra), 43-46. Vindhya (Mt.), 135, 220, 222, 236,
274.
Vindhya nṛpati (Cahamāna), 126, Visvamitra, 86. 127, 169.
300, 301, 310-315, 322, 337.
Viramati (Head-nun), 203.
Vira-Nārāyaṇa, 143.
INDEX
Virasena, 58.
Vira-Saiva, 60.
Virasimha, 173.
Vindhya varman (Paramāra), 114, Viveka-Vilāsa, 161. 115, 120. Vinsopaka, 182, 367. Vipra, 122, 123, 169.
Vipra (s), 359, 364.
Via (minister), 232, 234, 240. Viradhavala, 4, 117, 163-167, 176, 192-193, 295-307, 310-313, 315, 322-323, 337, 354, 380. Virajas (son of God Nārāyaṇa), 331. Vrṣabha (tirthankar), 183. Virajas-same as Vira-Vanijas.
Vyaghrapalli, 298, 300, 301, 360. Vyälakänti (Munjala), 215, 224. Vyasana, 336. Vyuha, 373.
Virasūri, 3.
Viratidevi, 279.
Viravanijas, 254.
Vira-vermadeva (Candella), 70-71. Viryärāma, 126, 128, 129, 169. Visala (Vigraharaja III), 111, 129, 130. 133.
Vira Jayavaraha, 29, 30. Virama (Cahamāna), 144.
Virama (Vaghela), 163, 165, 166, 296, Watters, T. 15n.
West Bengal, 58.
Western Calukya(s), 217, 218. Winternitz, M. 4n., 7n.
Visaladeva (Paramāra), 190, 194196, 360. Visaladeva (Vaghela), 163, 164, 177, 300, 308, 310-315, 322, 337, 354. Visalakirti, 116.
Visalanagara, 316. Visayapati, 359.
Vişņu (God), 72, 132, 309, 331. Visnu or Vasudeva (Cahamana), 121, 124-126.
Visņu Gupta (Kautilya), 350. Vispuram, 42, 358. Vista, 368.

Viveka-Narayana (t.), 111.
Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, 8, 18, 137,
178, 207, 237, 238, 245-250, 278, 320-321. Vosari, 357.
W
Wadhawan, 25, 30-33.
435
Y
Yadavas of Devagiri, 304, 306. Yama, 341, 342, 347. Yamini(s) of Gazani, 135.
Yasah-karna (Kalacuri), 82, 83, 253. Yafab-pala, 4, 222, 264, 286. Yasah-patah or Patala (Elephant),
112.
Yasodeva (Digambara), 10, 11, 71, 75, 76, 100, 363.
Yaśodevī, 21. Yasodhara, 4.
Yasodharman, 14.
Yasodhavala (Paramāra), 190-191, 196-197, 269-270, 275-276, 358, 376. Yasoraja (a hero), 130.

Page #466

436
INDEX
Yaśorāja, 228.
-Bhandāri, 161. Yaśorāja (a brother of Přthvirāja --Minister, 163. III), 357
Yaśastilaka (Campu), 5, 6, 45. Yasovardhana, 37, 38, 46.
Yoga, 48, 137, 335. Yasovarman (of Kanauj), 17-21, 23, Yogarāja (Talar), 175, 176, 314, 362.
25-26, 28, 30, 34, 42, 54, 105, 204, Yogarāja (Cāvadā), 208, 210-211. 334, 336, 345.
Yogini, 254. Yasovarman I (Candella), 65, 71, Yoginipur (Delhi), 138, 140, 143. 219, 223.
Yogīsvari, 210. Yaśovarman II, 65.
Yojaka, 242, 243. Yaśovarman (Paramāra), 109-114, Yvān-Chwang, 13, 15, 16, 200. 120, 259, 378.
Yükā-Vihāra, 281. Yasovarman (Cālukya), 98-99, 366. Yuvarāja (Pāla), 56. Yaśovira.
Yuvarāj (Kacchapaghāta), 77, 80. Setha, 161.
Yuvarāja, 350.

Page #467

INDEX-(2)
INSCRIPTIONS
Inscription from :
127-131. 134...120: 1226), 121-125,
Ahār Jain ic Wo: 1237), 70.
185
Acaleśvara T. Abu (V.E. 1342), 174, 111, 149, 171, 173, 180 187, 227, 307.
232, 366, 368, 378. Ibid (V.E. 1377), 162.
Bijolia S. Jain (V.E. 1226), 121-125, āhār Jain T. (V.E. 1237), 70.
127-131, 134-136, 160, 273. Ăhār Jain (C. 948 A.D.), 43, 172. Buckala S. (V.E. 872), 23. Ibid (C. 977 A.D.), 173.
Cintra S. (V.E. 1343), 311, 317. Ahär Saraṇeśvara T. (V.E. 1008), Cirwa S. Jain (V.E. 1330), 10, 118, 172.
171, 172, 175, 177, 178, 307, 314, Aihole (S. 556), 11, 14, 16, 35, 81, 372. 362. Ajaigadh Jain (V.E. 1335), 70.
Cittorgadh S. Jain (V.E. 1207), 10, Allahabad P. (Circa, 360 A.D.), 14. 171, 268, 278. Amarana Jain (V.E. 1333), 318, 319. Cittorgadh S. (V.E. 1331), 173. Amblem (C. 1232 A.D.), 306.
Ibid (V.E. 1335), 172. Arthuņā S. (V.E. 1136), 184, 185. Dabhoi (V.E. 1311), 303, 304. Arthūņā Jain (V.E. 1159), 183, 184. Dandapur (918 A.D.), 43. Ibid (V.E. 1166), 183, 185.
Dattāṇi J. (V.E. 1345), 194, 318. Arāsaņā Jain T. (V.E. 1276), 192. Daulatapura C.P. (V.E. 900), 38. Atpura (V.E. 1034), 172, 173.
Deopara S. (C. 1150 A.D.), 58, 60-61. Bāli (V.E. 1216), 247, 266, 276, 278. Devagadh Jain (V.E. 919), 42, 329, Balvan S. (V.E. 1345), 144-145.
338, 358. Barah C.P. (V.E. 893), 42n., 220n. Dhulia C.P. (S. 701) 32. Basahi C.P. (V.E. 1161), 47.
Diyāņā Jain (V.E. 1024), 187. Baroda C.P. (S. 734), 24.
Dohad (V.E. 1196), 251-253. Baroda C.P. (S. 757), 25, 26, 31. Dubkund S. Jain (V.E. 1145), 11, 45, Baroda Grant (V.E. 1030), 226.
66, 75, 78-79, 100, 366. Barrackpur (C. 1150 A.D.), 61. Gadag (1191 A.D.), 158. Bayāṇā S. Jain (V.E. 1100), 79. Gālā (V.E. 1193), 252. Belarā (V.E. 1051), 226.
Ghāghasā Jain (V.E. 1322), 177, 307. Bengala A.S. C.P. (V.E. 988), 43. Ghānerāva (V.E. 1213), 278, 375. Bhagalpur C.P. (Yr. 17), 23, 25-26, Ghatiyāla Jain (V.E. 918), 35-37, 363. 31, 34.
Girnāra Nemināth I. (V.E. 1176), Bhatundā S. (V.E. 1102), 189.
250. Ibid (V.E. 1210), 278.
Girnāra (V.E. 1256), 295. Bhinamāla (1060 A.D.), 189.
Ibid (V.E. 1288), 299, 302, 304, 310. Ibid Jain (V.E. 1333), 166.
Ibid Frag. (V.E. 1288), 277. Bhora Museum C.P. (S. 702), 33n., 41. Ibid (V.E. 1330), 317. Bijapura S. Jain (V.E. 1053), 11, 91, Gwalior S. (undated), 23, 37n.
55

Page #468

438
INDEX
Haddalā C.P. (S. 836), 44.
Lalrai S. Jain (V.E. (1233), 157. Harsa S. (V.E.) 1030), 127, 128, 149, Lalwada Ganapati I. (V.E. 1196), 181, 231.
252. Harsauda S. (V.E. 1275), 117. Lūņa Jain T. from Abu (V.E. 1287), Harsola C.P. (V.E. 1005), 85-87, 90, 88, 174, 186, 191, 193, 275, 287, 295. 210, 221.
Madanpur (V.E. 1239), 70, 137. Hāthi Gumpha, (circa Ist or 2nd Madhainagar C.P. (undated), 61. B.C.), 63.
Mahoba (V.E. 1211), 67. Hathundi Mātāji T. (V.E. 1345), 167. Mandor (Circa V.E. 1180), 152. Holkari, (965 A.D.), 87.
Mandhātā (V.E. 1112), 97, 98, 108. Honwad S. (1054 A.D.), 59.
Ibid (V.E. 1282), 117, 118. Jalor Topakhana Jain (V.E. 1239), Ibid (V.E. 1317), 119. 160-161.
Mangalānā S. (V.E. 1272), 143. Ibid (V.E. 1221), 161, 280.
Modesa Grant (V.E. 1067), 96, 97, Ibid (V.E. 1323), 165.
108, 221, 321. Ibid (V.E. 1353), 167.
Mongrol (V.E. 1202), 275. Jainad S. of Jagaddeva, 108.
Modi S. (V.E. 1314), 119. Jhāloại (V.E. 1255), 186, 192, 360. Mulgunda (S. 824), 58. Jodhapur Jain (V.E. 918), 36n., 37-38. Muralidhara-Prasasti (V.E. 1354), Jodhapur S. (V.E. 954), 22n., 37. 319. Juna Jain (V.E. 1352), 167.
Mundaka grant (V.E. 1086), 238. Jura (undated), 223.
Nadlai Jain [I-V), (V.E. 1189-1202), Kadi grant (987 A.D.), 224-226, 231, 152, 363. 291, 294.
Nadlai Jain [I-II), (V.E. 1200-1202), Kālinjar S. (V.E. 1258), 67.
179, 363. Kalvan C.P. (undated), 98, 359, 366. Nadol C.P. [I-II), (V.E. 1218), 127, Kamauli C.P. (V.E. 11623, 53.
153, 155, 147-148, 276, 345, 361. Karhad C.P. of Krşņa III (S. 880), Nadol Surajpol (I-II], (V.E. 1024 & 230.
1039), 148. Kirādu S. Jain (V.E. 1209), 154, 160, Nagpur S. (V.E. 1161), 83, 108, 109. 188, 273, 275, 276, 282.
Nalanda S. (undated), 17. Ibid (V.E. 1218), 197.
Nalanda P. Jain (Yr. 24), 57. Ibid (V.E. 1235), 291.
Nava Muni cave (Circa 10th cent.), Ibid (V.E. 1252), 253.
64, 65. Kolbapur Jain (S. 1058), 254. Navasāri C.P. (470 A.D.), 200-201, Khajuraho (V.E. 1011), 65.
204, 207. Ibid (V.E. 1205), 67.
Navasari C.P. (S. 738), 43. Ibid (V.E. 1215), 67.
Navasari C.P. (S. 996), 247. Khalimpur C.P., 23n.
Osia Jain T. (V.E. 1013), 40, 363. Kumbhalagadh (V.E. 1517), 179. Paladi S. (V.E. 1249), 157-159. Lalitendu cave Jain, (Circa 10th Pali Jain (V.E. 1201), 260. cent.), 64, 65.
Paithan C.P. of Govinda III, 32.

Page #469

INDEX
439 Panhera S. (V.E. 1116), 108, 184, 185. Surat C.P. of Trilocanapāla (S. Patan Grant (V.E. 1256), 287, 289. 972), 215, 230. Päţanārāyaṇa S. (V.E. 1344), 195. Sravanabelagola (Circa 8th cent.), 32. Pathari P. (V.E. 917), 24.
Ibid (S. 896), 59. Piawan Rock (1038 A.D.), 81.
Ibid (Circa S. 1022), 107. Pimpari C.P. of Dhruva II, 26. Sridhara Prasasti (V.E. 1273), 115, Pratāpagarh (V.E. 1003), 85.
116, 294. Rādhanpur C.P. (S. 730), 41.
Talwara (circa 1135 A.D.), 110, 254. Ibid (V.S. 1086), 237-238.
Tantroli I. (V.E. 1251), 142. Rāhatgadh (V.E. 1312), 119.
Udayapur S. (of Udayaditya), 85, 86, Rainpur (Rāṇakpur), Jain T. (V.E. 95, 105, 108. 1496), 172-174, 177-178.
Ibid (V.E. 1286-1289), 117. Rajorgadh S. (V.E. 1016), 36.
Ibid (V.E. 1220), 276. Rakhetra S. (V.E. 999-1000), 43. Ibid (V.E. 1222), 283. Ratnapur Jain (V.E. 1333), 166-167. Ibid (V.E. 1229), 266, 300. Saciyāya Mātā (V.E. 1236), 157-160. Ukha Mandir S. (undated), 73, 79. Sambhara S. (V.E. 998), 208, 226, 254. Ujjain Frag, S. (V.E. 1195), 251, 276. Sanderāva S. [I-II), (V.E. 1221- Uncha (V.E. 1231), 296. 1236), 156-157, 174, 361.
Vadanagar Prasasti (V.E. 1208), 11, Ibid (V.E. 1258), 174.
95, 103, 114, 201, 212, 215, 225, Sanjan C.P. (S. 793), 26, 33, 39. 233, 235, 236, 239, 252. Säsabahu T. (V.E. 1150), 10, 11, 71- Vaghina Jain (V.E. 1358), 168. 76, 100.
Varuņāśarmaka grant (V.E. 1033), Satrunjaya J. (V.E. 1296), 314.
215, 225. Sevadi C.P. (V.E. 1167), 151, 363. Vasantagadh S. (V.E. 1099), 186-190. Ibid (V.E. 1172), 151, 375.
Veravala (1189 A.D.), 270, 283. Ibid (V.E. 1176), 121, 151.
Vermeda Jain (V.E. 1352), 167. Ibid (V.E. 1200), 153.
Vimala Jain T. (V.E. 1088), 88, 99, Somanath Jain (V.E. 1250), 295. 189-190, 198, 239-240. Sonapur grant (Ciraa, 12th cent.), 64. lbid (V.E. 1119). 237. Suhaniya Jain 1, (V.E. 1034), 72. Ibid (V.E. 1206), 277. Sundha Hill (V.E. 1319), 5, 10, 11, 91, Ibid (V.E. 1350), 194, 318, 319, 360.
100, 121, 147-150, 154, 158-166, Ibid (V.E. 1378), 88, 161-162, 183, 234, 242, 243, 252, 273, 290, 305, 195.
Wani C. P. (S. 730), 41.
323
55-a

Page #470

INDEX-(3) DATED COLOPHONS OF MSS.
Colophon of Ms.
- Ācāränga-sútra vrtti (V.E. 1303), Munisuvrata swami-carita (circa 314, 315.
V.E. 1199), 265. --Adināth-carita (V.E. 1160), 248.
--Nava Padalaghu-vrtti (V.E. 1192), -Adināth-carita (V.E. 1339), 219.
112, 251. -Anangāra dharmāmặta (VE. 1300), Nirbhaya-Bhima-vyāyoga (V.E. 116n., 117n., 118n.
1306), 162. -Anuyogadvāra vrtti (V.E. 1360), _Nisitha-cūrni (V.E. 1157), 248. 320, 321.
-Päksika-vrtti (V.E. 1309), 175. -Āvasyaka-sūtra (V.E. 1166), 249. ---Āvaśyaka-sūtra-niryukti (V.E.
--Paiyalacci-kośa (V.E. 1029), 85.
---Pañca-vastuka (V.E. 1179), 248. 1198), 131.
--Paryūsaņā-kalpa (V.E. 1147), 291. -Brhatkathā-kośa (S. 853), 43.
-Pythvīcandra-carita (V.E. 1212), Daśavaikālika-sūtra (V.E. 1284), 272, 278. 175.
-Pūjāvidhāna (V.E. 1208), 268, 276. --Dešināma-mālā (V.E. 1298), 315.
-Rşabhadeva-carita (V.E. 1289), --Dysti-samuccaya (V.E. 1146), 259.
194. -Marivansa-purāņa (S. 705), 29.
-Şadasīti-prakarana-vrtti (V.E. -Jayanti-vrtti (V.E. 1261), 292.
1258), 292. - Jina-yajña-kalpa (V.E. 1285),
-Sāgāradharmamta (V.E. 1296), 117n.
115, 118. -Jiva-samāsa-vrtti (V.E. 1164), 248.
-Sangrahani-tikā (V.E. 1296), 285, -Jnátādharmakatha-Ratnacuda
311. kathā (V.E. 1221), 191, 280.
--Srāvaka-pratikramana sūtra-cūrni Jñātādharma kathādi-sadanga
(V.E. 1317), 176. prakrana (V.E. 1225), 277, 283.
-Subhasita-ratna-sandoha (V.E. Ibid (V.E. 1295), 292.
1050), 93.
--Sthānānga-sūtra (V.E. 1346), 320. -Kalpa-cūrni (V.E. 1218), 276. -Karmavipāka-țīká (V.E. 1295), -Trisasti-smrti (V.E. 1292), 118. 118.
-Upadeśapada-ţikā (V.E. 1212), 134. -Kätantra-vyäkarna (V.E. 1207),
- Upadesakandalī-vrtti (V.E. 1296), 48.
294 --Kulaka-prakarana (V.E. 1279),
-Uttarādhyayana-sutra (V.E. 1179). 194. -Mallinäha-cariu (Circa V.E. 1200), --Uttarādhyayana-vrtti (V.E. 1343). 260, 277.
320.
248.

Page #471

INDEX
441
-Vyakarana-tippaņakam (V.E.
1288), 299. -Yogadysli-samuccaya (V.E. 1146),
245.
-Yogasära (V.E. 1295), 310. --Kogaśāstra-urtti (V.E. 1251),
291. :-Yoga-śāstra (V.E. 1295), 315.

Page #472

Page #473

Page
23 ∞ 0 4 4 2 2 2 2 2
8
10
14
15
15
21
23
24
24
25
26
22 222 =
26
27
29
33
33
35
36
36
36
37
40

Line
30
35
27 & 29
24
1
fn. 1, L.2
23
17
12
fn. 3
11
28
10
fn. 2
3
9
25
fn. 1
8
fn. 3
fn. 4
2
fn. 3
fn. 5
26
fn. 3
fn. 5
3
fn. 2
5
CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA
fn. 1 fn. 2 fn.
3
For
Vikramankadeva
Calukyas
Calukyas
Jain
Pathak3
मयूरा
himself, marched.
(Anaśana)
within long
गुवकाख्या
Lātesvara
undefinite
alternative, and this
alternative
Altekar, A.D.,
of Ama
satpatsu region
pp. 39-40
of dispute
P. 37
p. 38
overflow
परभइभिरभिंगो पण
Supra p. 49
samunai attha
infra p. 62
श्रोनीति Tatobhavat
Supra p. 49
was the ruler
क्षितिमृतो
P. 46
P. 38
Read
Vikramankadeva-carita
Caulukyas Caulukyas
Jains
Pathak1
मयूखा
himself marched
(sallekhand)
within this long
गुवकाव्यः
Läta
indefinite
alternative except one which Altekar A.S.,
of Ama, while his family name
or popular name was Ama
saptasu
reign
p. 27
of dispute.
P. 26
pp. 26-27
overthrow
परभड भिउडिभंगो पणईयण
Supra p. 33
samunnai ettha
infra p. 42
starfa Tatobhavat
Supra p. 33.
was the ruler of that territory
क्षितिभृतो
P. 31
P. 26

Page #474

444
Line
For
Reud
21
fn. 1 pp. 35, 36 17 Marişeņa 6
Vinayakapāla fn. 4 infra p. 219 fn. 5
व.ण्ठास्य 17 Barahi
ruling the ... fn. 5 वहरदेश fn. 3 p. 350
Vardhamāna Kuñjara fn. 3 शम्भुगाड
Samanta Sena
902-5 A.D. 22 from 9th to 10th
Dubkund 8-9 Kumara pala .... found 26 Madanavarmadeva3
There fn. 2, L.2 latter
9 Mūladeva Asterisk 1, 1, 2, 3
10 having informed 1 (see also DAHALA index) 21 Abu Baihaqi
drops or 15
Harsola copper plates! 3 bhupañgas
the form drawing....
check
V.E. 1080 fn. 2 21 enjoved for a long time,
pleasure 32 Kalyāna fn. 3, L.3 B ia
p. 24-25 Harişeņa Vinayakapāla infra pp. 172-173 कण्ठ स्थि Basahi ruling over the.... बडहर देश p. 358 Vardhanakuñjara शम्भुगौड Sāmantasena 902-3 A.D. from the 9th to the 10th Dubkund (with asterisk) (it is repetition of lines 6 & 7) Madanavarmadeva Their later Devapāla 1, 2.3, 4. having been informed DĀHALA
25
6
Abu-l-Fazl Baihaqi drops of Harsola copper plates bhujanga the form of drawing.... cheek
15
V.E. 1088 सिंहो दुर्धर enjoyed pleasure for a long
time Kalyāņi असाढि

Page #475

445
Page
Line
For
Read
and reliance can निहत्य
P.
98 105 107 110 111 114 115 123 124 125 131
1 fn. 1 fn. 7 fn. 1 fn. 4
10 fn. 1, L. 2
23 19
133
13
28 fn. 2, L. 2
3
134 139
139
उपद्रयमाणे भग्नोऽसि There are, त्रास द्वे ध्यनरेन्द्र become his mother (modern Nagapur testifies the no king Vigraharāja कुन्तपालोऽगाह्यतो of the harassment Eight times his ancient hatred succeeded Prahlāda Krsnarāja A.R. as grant regin informs refers to it. (1136 A.D) Kirātakūta V.E. 1248
13
141 143 150 151 152 153
and no reliance can निहत्य No. 55, p. 118. उपद्र्यभाणे भग्नोऽस्त These are, त्रासाद्विन्ध्यनरेन्द्र become like his mother. (modern Nagaur testifies to the no such king Vigraharāja IV कुन्तपालोऽगाद्यतो of harassment Eighth time. his old hatred succeeded him. Krşnadeva A.D. a grant reign inform refers to it. (1176 A.D.) Kirātakūpa V.E. 1348 5 as 6 and 6 as 5. kings. below CHAPTER VIII, add
DYANASTIES OF
RAJASTHĀN (Continued) Samarasimha :(before the line 28).
153
last
5
155
157
3
13
160 167 167 168 171
5.6.
fn. last
king
177
28
177
fn. 1 fn. 1, L. 3
P. P. 3
p. 3
181
THTUT GUTER 59
श्रीमाणे प्रणष्टहरिण इव
56

Page #476

446
Page
Line
For
Read
182
9
182
183
fn. 2, L. 4
11 20
185
186
187 189
11
3 16
21 fn. 2 fn. 3
191
192 193
194
fn. 1 fn. 2 fn. 5 fn. 7
195 197
16
prince Mammata....
son Vidagdharāja. E23 two Jain inscription V.E. 1109 three inscriptions. V.E. 1282 might not easily Bhadunda on the reign ....sandoha, IV, E.I., VIII etc.
(whole) ibid V. 40, etc. ibid ibid pp. 21-22 1278 damaged inscription. जगय वुडीये bending turned to be an outlaw. V. K. Shastri hands Gujaras three brother's is leaned Brah, referred to find above defect become succeded Paramaras By the way their was a crowned king.
prince Vidagdharāja..... ....son Mammata. घटेच two Jain inscriptions V.E. 1166 (1109 A.D.) the inscriptions. V.E. 1287. might not be easily Bhatuņdā of the reign. . . . . . Sandoha, V, SJGM, VI, p. 48; SJGM, II, p. 43. fn. 3 of previous page ibid, V. 40, etc. (of fn. 1). EI, VIII, pp. 19-20. 1378 damaged Jain inscription.
जणयवुडीये shifting turned an outlaw. D. K. Shastri. hand Gurjaras three brothers. has leaned Barah referred to above find defeat became succeeded. Paramāra On the way. there. was crowned king.
2.
201 203
31 fn. 2
204 213
25
214
17 28
220
8
fn. 4
227 229 230
34
2 last
232
last
233 234
235
236

Page #477

447
Page
Line
For
Read
236
238
238
239
240
241
2 asterisk fn. 1
28 fn. 7 last
8 17 25 fn.
fn. fn. 9
242 245 251 252 258 260 261 265 266
7
V.E. 1065 1, 2, 1, 2, 3, 4. भंजे visits कृतोऽर्बुदं 1164-74 1155 A.D. to 1160. fo V.E. 1196 अवह 1 and 2 (at the end) .... sangraha, No. 381 refers to Jagadeva by fasting Nadalai a Citor to a Jain.... But his held V.E. 1218 (A.D. 1162) Paramāra family. The Udayana general Deasi घोषणा Meru regour must, have
V.E. 1086. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. भंजे visited कृतोऽबुंदे 1064-94 1055 A.D. To 1060 for V.E. 1195 अद्येह 6 and 7. ....sangraha II, No. 381 refers to a Jagadeva. after fasting. Nādol. at Cittor. to the Lūņa T. Jain.... But this. help. V.E. 1287 (A.D. 1130). of Paramāra family. The Udayapur. generals. Desai घोषणा Maru rigour. must have.
18
268
14
269 272 272 275 275 276
278
279
29 fn. 1 fn. 2
281
19
282
285
or
293 294
wirh Bima from the Jain. ...
with Bhima from the Jain sources. But
we can say definitely on the evidence of a praśasti of the
Jain.... V.E. 1295
30
V.E. 1225
56-a

Page #478

Page
294
298
308
314
317
319
319
321
323
324
331
332
336
340
349
369
Pages
Line
31

fn. 1
19
222
23
19
15
18
24
30
fn. 2
fn. 8
7
9
12
13
1
15
20
21
fn. 6
For
The two other....
Supra, P.
long vassalage of
as the son of
भ्रान्वा
Then they came
1236
Śrīsome as....
temple inscriptions.
In reference to
tim
CPSI
448
Jayasimha Sindhurāja
fource
to give, him
serivices
(Adipurana) (772 A.D.)
or learning
persevered the ideal. श्राद्ध व श्रोत्रिस्य
2
2
fn. 1
215-225
229, 233 & The Dynasties 235-288 of Rajasthana.
Pratikanjaka
Vinigrahaka प्रतिक-टक वि.ग्राहक
heading
Read
The two other Prasastis of the Jain MSS., namely Supra, pp. 115-116. long vassalage to
as the sun of
When they came
V.E. 1236.
Śrīsome as Mahattama and....
temple inscription.
With reference to
time.
BI.
भ्रात्वा
Jayasimha Siddharaja forces.
to give him
services.
Adi-Purana (without brackets)
(972 A.D.)
of learning.
persevered in the ideal
श्राद्ध वा प्रिय
Pratibandhuka
nibigräha ka प्रतिपन्धकनी विग्राहक
The Dynasties of Saurastra.
(a) Capital initial letters in the following should be taken as small letters :Purana (p. 1, 1. 24), Samskaras (p. 2, 1. 5), Prabandha (p. 4, 1. 8, 9), Adhikara (p. 7, 1. 28, 31, 35, 36), Prayaścitta (p. 8, 1. 1), Kavyas (p. 8,1 11), Parikṣā (p. 8, 1. 28), Pattavali (p. 9, 1. 9), Namah (p. 11, 1. 4), Prasasti (p. 11, 1. 21), Nipuno (p. 17, 1. 11), Mundala (p. 24, 1. 4, 11; p. 25, 1..31, 35), Carita (p. 25, 1. 5; p. 26, 1. 11; p. 26, 1. II; p. 27, 1. 16, 19, 34; p. 28, 1. 8, 10, 25, p. 35, 1. 5; p. 42, 1. 2 etc), (Sua-Visaya) (p. 25, 1. 11); Vansa (p. 29, 1, 8), Pārvām (p. 33, 1. 11); p. 39, 1. 23),

Page #479

449
Gaccha (p. 37, 1. 24), Naksatra (p. 37, 1. 26), Pratihäratam (p. 37, 1. 2), Gothi (p. 40, 1. 23), Mandupa (p. 40, 1. 27), Srimad, Bhabhrat, Nrpa, Adhiraja (p. 41, 1. 25), Parabhada (ibid, 1. 27), Narahatthi (ibid, 1. 42), Campu (p. 43, 1. 4), Sangraha (p. 47, 1. 7), Cintamani (ibid, 1. 14), Kosa (ibid, p. 1. 24), and other similar words in other pages.
(b) Ordinary type of the following words should be taken as italics:Sanskaras (p. 2, 1. 6), Nirvana (p. 2, 1. 19, p. 9, 1. 7), Mahākāvya(s) (p. 2, 1. 21), Prabandha(s) (p. 3, 1. 17), Sätras (p. 6, 1. 17), Nitiśästra (p. 7, I. 17), Kavya(s) (p. 8, 1. 11), Paṭṭāvali(s), (p. 9. 1. 10), Gana, Gaccha (p. 9, 1. 35; p. 11, 1. 1), Om Sarvajñāya Namah, Padmanathaya Namah (p. 11, 1. 4), Jain (p. 12, 1. 12), (Harşa), (p. 15, 1. 4). Süri (p. 19, 1. 12), Lätesvara Mandala (p. 24, 1. 4; p. 41, 1. 17), Adhimandala (p. 27, 1. 24), Gaccha, (p. 37, 1. 24), Caritra (p. 37, 1. 25), Nakṣatra Hasta (p. 37, 1. 26), Lata Malava Gurjarah (p. 38, 1. 10); Pratihāra (p. 40, l. 16), Mandapa (p. 40, I. 22, p. 40, 1. 27); Gosthi (p. 40, 1. 23), Phalguna (p. 40, 1. 25), Malaveša (p. 41, 1. 11), Jain Arhat (p. 42 1. 17), Acarya (p. 42, 1. 18), Gosthika (p. 42, 1. 23), Mahāśabdās (p. 42, 1. 22), Mahäsämanta (p. 42, 1. 21), Vinayakadipālasya, (p. 42, 1. 21), Vinaya-Adi (p. 44, 1. 22), Sakropamānake (p. 44, 1. 24), and similar other Prakrit and-Sanskrit words in other pages (see also Index - I).
(c) Italics of the following words should be taken as ordinary type: Like (p. 5, 1. 27), Jinaprabhasüri (p. 18, 1. 5), Dharanivarāha (p. 44, 1. 29).
(d) Wherever the following words occur, they should be taken as: kacchapaghata for kacchapaghâța; Sripala for Sripala, Vaghela(s) for Vaghela and see also the Index - I for the correct spelling of the proper names.

Page #480

Page #481

OPINIONS
His dispassionate endeavour to construct a political history of the different dynasties that ruled in different parts of Northern India is a tribute to his learning. His thesis throws new light on numerous details which have so far remained unnoticed or draped in vagueness by others in the field and furnishes ample material for a harmonious reconstruction of history of Northern India. ... I have no doubtt hat this book will provide invaluable material for reconstruction of the history of Northern India and awaken new thoughts in the remodelling of our administrative machinery. HONOURABLE MR. JUSTICE T. K. TUKOL,
Judge, High Court of Mysore
Dr. Choudhary has produced a work which could have been made possible only by intensive research and great learning and which should claim the serious and critical attention of all historians in particular and historically minded people generally....
I am confident that this work will secure an abiding place for itself in the literature dealing with the history of our great and ancient country. ...
HONOURABLE MR. JUSTICE I. N. MODI,
Judge, High Court of Rajasthan
Dr. Choudhary has assiduously collected in his Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources varied useful material from sources which would not normally fall into the hands of general historians, and presented the same in a systematic manner. It is an indispensable source book for serious students of Indian history. The author and publishers deserve our greetings. DR. A. N. UPADHYE, M.A., D.LITT.,
Kolhapur

Page #482
Extracts of Opinions on the Thesis of Dr. G. C. Choudhary, M.A., Ph.D. ... The present writer has shown in his thesis that in spite of what has been done by the "Purva Suris" in this respect, much can still be done, if one can strongly form his attention on a class of data not sufficiently utilised by them. The theme is a comprehensive one, and the author of the thesis has not only dealt with the Political History of Northern India in its different divisions in the ten chapters of Part I, but also attempted in its Part II to " reconstruct and review the Jain political concepts and administrative ideas prevalent traditionally and practically during the period."... His handling of the sources has been clever and at the same time circumspect. Some conclusions which have been drawn on their basis go against the usually accepted views.... There is no doubt that there is a great deal of originality in many of his theories.... One thing particularly praiseworthy in it is that it testifies to a great extent to his capacity for amassing a mass of materials in support of his own views or in refutation of the views of other scholars, with whom he does not agree. Part II of his thesis, which deals exhaustively with State and Administration as generally prevalent in northern India of the mediaeval period, is a distinct contribution and we would recommend the award of the Ph.D. degree of the Hindu University to him for this alone, though there are good points also in the other part of his work. Dr. J. N. BANERJEE, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., Calcutta 21st March 1954 DR. R. B. PANDEY, M.A., D.LITT., Varanasi The thesis is a meritorious and exhaustive work, surveying the data of Jain literarure for the reconstruction of the Political History of Northern India from c. 650 A.D. to 1300 A.D. The author has very fully utilised the vast Jain literature relating to his subject : the chronicles, the Prabandhas, the narrative literature, Pattavalis, Prasastis, inscriptions etc. He is well grounded both in Sanskrit and Prakrit and has critically utilised the data from a first-hand study of the marerial. The numerous quotations given in the original in the footnotes increase the value of the thesis.... Each king of these dynasties is taken in his chronological order, the Jain data about him are stated forth, when available, and their reliability is discussed in the light of other literary and epigraphical evidence available for study. In several cases the candidate has been able to draw upon fresh sources and gives us a more detailed and trustworthy picture of the situation. He does not show any undue partiality for the Jain sources as contrasted with non-Jain ones. His weighing of evidences is generally critical and impartial. It is but natural that where history is shrouded in obscurity and uncertainty the candidate's conclusions should be sometimes unacceptable. But a critical reader will have to record that in several places the candidate has been able to throw fresh light on history, especially about the period dealing with the Muslim invasion of the 11th and 12th centuries. 30th September 1954 Dr. A. S. ALTEKER, M.A., LL.B., D.LITT. Dr. G. C. Choudhary has utilised Jain sources for constructing a Political History of Northern India for 600 years ( between 7th and the 13th centuries, A.D.). This has led to valuable additions to our knowledge of that period. Dr. Choudhary has shown painstaking scholarship in putting together relevant details from Jain literary works. I particularly welcome his cotribution to political theory and practice. On these two topics, his analysis presents many new features and represents an original contribution to a growing literature dealing with statecraft in Ancient India. SHRI S. V. SOHONI, M.A., I.C.S., 21st January 1964 Editor, Indian Numismatic Chronicle Fear Pemalle www.jainelibra