Middle India Tuppa Tamil Tuppu And Region Of Origin Of Some Svetambara Jaina Texts

Author(s): Herman Tiken
Publisher: Herman Tiken
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269432/1

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BEI 13-14 (1995-96): 415-429
Herman TIEKEN
Middle-Indic tuppa, Tamil tuppu, and the region of origin of some Śvetambara Jaina texts
1. Middle-Indic tuppa is generally taken to mean "ghee". The meaning is beyond doubt in, for instance, Setubandha 15, 38 (for which, see below, § 5). Turner (CDIAL 5864) furthermore refers to Marathi and Gujarati tüp "ghee" and Marathi tupat "oily". He suggests a non-Aryan origin for the word. It should be noted, however, that according to Burrow and Emeneau (DED 2685) Kannada tuppa "ghee" is not a native Dravidian word but a loanword from Indo-Aryan. One of the aims of the present study is to show that Burrow and Emeneau were right, that is to say, Kannāḍa tuppa "ghee" and its cognates like Tamil tuppam, are indeed Indo-Aryan loanwords. But Turner's suggestion need not be altogether discarded either, for Middle-Indic tuppa is indeed a loanword from the South Indian languages, though not as a word for "ghee" but as a word for a particular red substance. As I will try to show, "ghee" is a later meaning given to the word only after its original meaning had been lost sight of. This process of the "invention" of the meaning "ghee" 'can in fact be followed in the available texts themselves. The use of tuppa as a word for ghee or oil may be taken as an indication of the relatively late date of the text, or at least as an indication of the artificial nature of its language. On the other hand, the occurrence in some North Indian texts of South Indian tuppa as a word for a red colour would seem to point to specific regional origin of these texts in Gujarat.
2. First I would like to draw attention to the instances of tuppa in Hāla's Sattasai. Tuppa is found in the compounds tuppanana (289) and vanṇagghaatuppamuhi (22, 520), which describe a woman who has applied some sort of ointment to her face to mark the fact that she is having her monthly period. While during that time any contact between husband and wife is taboo, for the man this taboo only enhances the woman's desirability.' The couple is very careful, though, that the husband does not get stained
1. See gāthā 480:
jai loanimdiam jai amamgalam jai vi mukkamajjāam
pupphavaidamsanam taha vi dei hiaassa nivvānam,
Even if people find fault with it, even if it is inauspicious, even if it involves breaking the rules, seeing a woman in her period gives pleasure to the heart.

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by the ointment, as this might expose their transgression or else betray his infatuation. In this situation it is hard to believe that the husband would be afraid of getting stained by plain ghee, which was commonly used as a cosmetic by both men and women. Vannagghaa in vannagghaatuppamuhi indeed makes clear that a particular dye is involved as well. The occurrence of tuppāņaņā side by side with vannagghaatuppamuhi would almost certainly rule out the analysis of vaņņagghaatuppa as a dvandva, i.e. "coloured ghee and tuppa”. Rather, the meaning "colour” may be assumed to be present in the word tuppa itself, with vannagghaa "coloured ghee” specifying tuppa ("tuppa, that is, coloured ghee”) or explaining how the face has come to acquire its tuppa appearance, namely by applying coloured ghee.
Gātha 22 refers to the special attraction formed by the acrobatics involved in kissing the woman without getting stained by the ointment applied to her face:
āarapaņāmiottham aghadiaņāsam asamhaaņiļālam vannagghaatuppamuhie tie pariumvaņam bharimo, I still think of how I kissed her when her face [had a tuppa-colour through the application of coloured ghee / was (anointed) with tuppa, or (a kind of) coloured ghee]: our lips carefully pursed to keep our noses from touching and our
foreheads from meeting. In 520 a woman contrasts her husband's present lack of interest with his former infatuation, which made him defy social conventions:
vannagghaatuppamuhim jo mam aiāareņa cumvamto eņhim so bhūsanabhūsiam pi alasāai chivamto, That same man who once (flaunted all rules and) when my face (had a tuppacolour through the application of coloured ghee / was (anointed) with tuppa, or (a kind of) coloured ghee), kissed me carefully (in order not to get stained), now no longer cares to touch me even when I am decorated with ornaments.
See also gathā 950, and 530:
loo jūrai jūrau vaanijjam hoi hou tam nāma ehi nimajjasu pāse pupphavai na ei me nidda If people get angry, let them. If it is blameworthy, so be it. Come, and lie down beside me, o
menstruating woman, for either way I can't sleep; Compare this gāthā with Hc IV 438:
soevā para vāriā pupphavaihim samāņu jaggevā puņu ko dharai jai so veu pamāņu It is forbidden to sleep with menstruating women but who would survive to stay awake, going by this excitement?
2. On compounds of this type, a regional word (tuppa) being explained by a regular Sanskrit synonym, see Tieken (1994: 235). See also below, $ 7.
3. For the reading vannagghaa, see Tieken (1983: 221-22). Tuppa is found in, among other manuscripts, R, S and T; for the variant litta adopted by Weber, see § 5 below.

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By merely offering the additional possibility of breaking a taboo the woman in 529 defeats all her competitors:
thoramsuchi runnam savattivaggeṇa pupphavaide
bhuasiharam paino pecchiuna siralaggatuppaliam.
The co-wives shed big tears when they saw the husband's shoulder stained tuppa [stained with tuppa], (the shoulder) having touched the menstruating woman's face.
Tuppalia is a past participle formed on the basis of tuppa + the possessive/emphatic suffix -la, for which, see Pischel (1900: § 595).
The husband in 289 is a fool, asking the woman why she has anointed her face with tuppa..By moving her head she directs his attention to the sanitary napkin she is wearing: tuppaṇanā kino acchasi tti paripucchiai vahuai
viuṇāvedhiajahanatthalai lajjonaam hasiam,
The wife, asked why she had her face (anointed) with tuppa [had a tuppa-face], smiled bashfully, standing there with an extra piece of cloth between her legs.
The above instances allow no conclusion as to whether tuppa in e.g. tuppamuha is an actual dyeing substance applied to the face (tuppamuhi being a compound like payomukha "with milk on the surface") or functions as an object of comparison (like bimba in bimboṣṭha "lips red like the bimba"). Another uncertainty concerns the colour involved. According to the commentaries on the Sattasal passages it would be a kind of yellow, the ointment consisting of a mixture of oil and, among other dyes, turmeric: haridradivarṇapradhanam ghṛtam varnaghṛtam (Gangadhara) and vamṇapradhanam ghṛtam kumkumaharidradisadhitam (anonymous л and E) (see Sattasai, ad gāthā 22). However, while in the Sattasai turmeric is indeed mentioned several times as a cosmetic or a bathing soap (see gathas 58, 80 and 246), its use was clearly not restricted specifically to the time of a woman's monthly period. Moreover, the colour of turmeric is proverbially ephemeral (see MW s.v. haridrā-rāga), which would not agree with the stains remaining visible until the next morning in gatha 529 (see above). Apart from that, there is also no evidence that turmeric was applied with oil, which would be too precious to be washed away in the water, as is the case in gāthās 58 and 246. For a more definite conclusion concerning the colour denoted by tuppa we may turn to the instances of the word in some Jaina narrative texts.
3. In Vivägasuya 1, 2, 14 in a description of a condemned criminal led to the place of execution we find a past participle tuppiya. The same passage is found in 1, 3, 13 and in 1, 9, 6, in the latter instance purisam "a man" having been substituted by itthiyam "a woman". Vivagasuya 1, 2, 14 (p. 734) reads:

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tesim ca nam purisanam majjhagayam egam purisam (itthiyam) pasai avaoḍayabamdhanam ukkhitta- (v.ll. ukkhatta-, ukkatta-)kannanāsam nehatuppiyagattam vajjha-(v.l. baddha-)karakadijuyaniyaccham (v.l. niyatth[a], Paṇhāvāgaraṇa 3, 16) kamtheguḥarattamalladamam cunnagumdiyagatam cunnayam vajjhapanaplyam tilam-tilam ceva chijjamäṇam kaganimamsaim khaviyantam pavam khakkhara-(v.11.kakkharaga-,kakkara-)saehim hammamāṇam aneganaranart-samparivuḍam caccare-caccare khamḍapaḍahaenam
ugghosijjamanṇam...
"And amidst these people he saw a man (a woman) with his (her, alsò elsewhere) hands tied behind his back, his ears and nose cut off, his body anointed with ghee, dressed (read niyattha nivastra) for the execution with two pieces of karakatt cloth, wearing a garland of red flowers strung on a (the?) rope tied round his neck, his body covered with dust, cunnayam, having drunk the last drink, being cut into small pieces, made to emaciate his flesh so that it had become as thin (and wrinkled) as a kagani, a sinner, beaten by hundreds of khakkharas (?), surrounded by many men and women, being led around the streets, his execution announced by khamda drums ..."
An embellished version of this passage is found in Panhavägaraṇa 3, 16 (p. 663):
tattha ya kharaphanusapaḍahaghaṭṭitakudaggahagadharutthanisaṭṭhaparamartha vajjhakarakudijuyaniyatthä surattakanaviragahiyavimukulakamthegunavajjhadataaviddhamalladāmā maraṇabhayuppannaseyamayataṇehuttupiyakilinnagatta
From the addition of kilinna (Skt klinna) "moistened" it appears that (ut)tupiya, i.e. (ut)tuppiya (see below) is interpreted as meaning "anointed, given a glossy appearance", in case by ghee (neha). It is, however, far from obvious what purpose would have been. served by anointing this person, about to be executed, with ghee or oil, which otherwise is part of the care of the body. In fact, I have already tried to show above that for tuppa as far as the instances in the Sattasai are concerned a meaning "(plain) ghee" does not really make sense. Most likely it would be a word for an as yet unknown colour or a dye.
4. In between cunnagumḍiyagatam and vajjhapāṇapiyam Panhāvāgaraṇa 3, 16 has rayarenubhariyakesā kusumbhagokhinna-muddhaya chinnajiviyäsä ghunnamta. The question arises if cunnayam is the result of haplography of cunna and ghunnamta.
5. The expression kāgani ... is also found in Suyagada (JĀS) 2, 2, 713: kāganimamsakhävitayam and in Suyagada-Nijjutti 75: kappanti kāganimamsagāni. Otherwise kagani is found among the "jewels" of the cakravartin, after mani (e.g. Thanamga (Ladnun) 7, 67), and refers to one of the 72 kalas (e.g. Samavāya (Ladnun) 72, 7). Some of these instances have been discussed by Upadhye (1978). In Päli käkaṇikā denotes a small coin practically worth nothing; see agghanaka "not even worth a farthing" (PTSD, p. 202). The instance under consideration seems to suggest that we have to do with a thin coin rather than a small one.

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If so, the instances in Vivāgasuya and Panhāvāgarana would point in particular to the colour red (or to a red substance).
In this connection I may point to the practice to paint a convict's body red, referred to in the tenth act of Mșcchakațika, in which Cārudatta is led away to the scaffold. In verse X 3 Cārudatta describes his body, “which is smeared with a red fragrant substance" (me sariram ... raktagandhānuliptam). In verse X 5 he notes that painted red he has been turned into a sacrificial victim (pašu):
sarvagātreșu vinyastai raktacandanahastakaiḥ piştacūrņāvakīrņaś ca puruṣo 'ham paśūkstaḥ, By handmarks of red sandal placed all over my body and covered by powder
prepared of grains I have changed from a man into a sacrificial victim. It should be noted that Cărudatta, like the convict in Vivāgasuya, is decked out with a garland of red flowers: amsena bibhrat karavīramālām ... āghātam adyāham anuprayāmi (verse X 21) “Today I am going towards my death wearing over my shoulder a garland of oleander”. Compare surattakanaviragahiyavimukulakamtheguņa in the corresponding Paṇhāvāgarana passage. In addition Cārudatta is clad in a red piece of cloth. The same colour was also apparently used for wedding ceremonies. See in this connection Mrcchakațika, verse X 44:
raktam tad eva varavastram iyam ca mālā kāntāgamena hi varasya yathä vibhāti ete ca vadhyapațahadhvanayas tathaiva jātā vivāhapatahadhvanibhiḥ samānāḥ, The blood-red shroud is like a bridegroom's robe, This wreath a bridegroom's garland since we met: And these dread sounds of doomed men's drums Become the festive airs of marriage!
(Translation by van Buitenen 1971: 176). For this double use of a red robe, see also Nāgānanda. Before Jimūtavāhana climbs on the "execution stone” (tāvat tvaritataram imām vadhyaśilām ārohāmi, p. 53) he puts on a red dress (vāsoyugam idam raktam prāpte kāle samāgatam, IV verse 69; see also on the same page (p. 52): distyā siddham abhivāñchitam anena atarkitopanatena raktāmśukayugalena) which had been given to him for his wedding to Malayavati.
Like the convict in Vivāgasuya, who is cuņņagumdiyagāta, Cārudatta is covered with a kind of powder. Given the fact that the convict is otherwise completely covered in red
6. As to gandha in raktagandhānulipta, it may be doubted that Cārudatta was for the occasion of his execution anointed with some pleasantly smelling substance. The same applies to candana "sandal" in raktacandanahastaka in verse X 5 quoted below. Possibly gandha and candana merely refer to the appearance of the red stains, that is, smooth and translucent as in the case of unguents, rough and broken as patches of dried-up sandal respectively,

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one may question the explanation given by Pșthvidhara, the commentator to Myochakațika, according to whom piştacūrņa is made of black grains (śyāmatandulacūrņam).
For nehatuppiyagāta in the Vivāgasuya passage I therefore venture to suggest a translation "whose body was painted red with tuppa (mixed.in) oil / was (painted) a kind of tuppa-red with (coloured) oil”.
4. Finally, I would like to draw attention to tuppotthā (plural) “who have tuppa-lips" or “who have lips like tuppa" found in Aņuogaddāra 22. The colour, which must indeed be red, is actually not the problem here, but the fact that tuppotthā is found in a description of men, that is, of men painting their lips. The passage is curious anyhow.? It describes yogis who have given up the qualities of śramaņas (samaņagunamukkajogi), have no compassion with the six "bodies” (chakkāyaniraņukampā), are unrestrained like horses (hayā iva uddāmā), behave like ungoaded elephants (gayā iva niramkusā), massage and anoint their bodies (ghațțā matthā), have painted their lips red (tuppoțhā), and roam around at will without heading the orders of the Jinas (jiņāņam anänäe sacchamdam vihariūņam). In addition, these ascetics who have abandoned the path of the true monks are said to be clad in white robes (pamdarapadapāuraņā). This latter description refers clearly to the practice known from the Buddhists, when monks were expelled from the samgha, to take away their coloured monks' robes and give them white ones instead. The practice is referred to in the Kaušāmbi, Sārnāth and Sānchi edicts of Asoka (odātāni dussāni samnamdhäpayitu), which have been discussed elaborately by Bechert (1961: 37). The point is that the description makes no sense in the case of the Svetämbara monks, who already wear white robes!
5. It would seem that tuppa originally denoted either a red substance or a kind of red colour, that is "tuppa-red” (cf. English moss-green). Subsequently, the meaning of this rare word caused considerable embarrassment. Dhanapāla, the compiler of Pāiyalacchi, and Hemacandra, the compiler of Deśīnāmamālā, provide a meaning "anointed"; see Pāiyalacchi 233: makkhiyam tuppam, and Deśīnāmamäla V 22: siņiddha' ... tuppo. This interpretation, which seems to have been based on the instances in the Sattasai, has in turn influenced the textual tradition of that text. See in this connection the variant readings litta in Sattasai 22 in K, y and P (note luppa in v and B], and lippa in Sattasai 520 y and y, from tuppa x litta. Apparently, however, both Dhanapāla and Hemacandra did not know or overlooked Sattasai 529 (tuppalia) and Vivägasuya (tuppiya).
7. For a complete translation of the passage, see Hanaki (1970: 9).

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Much more obvious in this respect is the solution forwarded for tuppiya in Vivāgasuya, which was interpreted as meaning "anointed (with oil)". See in this connection Paṇhāvāgarana 3, 16 (p. 663), in which uttupiya (that is, uttuppiya) is glossed by following kilinna: ņehuttupiyakilinnagatta. In the end, tuppa has survived as a synonym for plain ghee as used in lamps. A case in point is tuppa in Setubandha 15, 38:
soūņa indaivaham muai sarosam dasānano bāhajalam abbhuttiadīvānam ņivaļai tuppam va takkhanam sahuāsam, The moment the ten-faced demon was informed of Indrajit's death he shed tears mixed with anger: they fell like burning drops of ghee dripping down from lamps
which were lighted. The use of tuppa "ghee, oil” was not restricted to purely literary texts, but is also found in a later Jaina text. A case in point is uttuiya (< uttuppiya; see below) "fed with oil” in Dasaveyaliya-Nijjutti 212:
singāra-ras'-uttuiyā moha-kuviya-phumphugā hasahasenti, Fed with the oil of the śrngāra-rasa and kindled (lit. angered) by delusion fires of
straw burn excitedly. In fact, for the origin of the form uttuiya we have to go back to uttupiya found in Panhāvāgaraņa 3, 16, quoted above. The combination of tup(p)piya with the preverb utwas probably created ad hoc in conformity with the tendency seen in this passage to elaborate and amplify. The factors involved in the loss or omission of one of the two p's are not clear. Beside a scribal error we should reckon with the possibility of a deliberate "correction". The double pp might have been associated with the passive stem of the present and was as such reduced to single p in the past participle. Uttuiya is connected to uttupiya through an intermediate form *uttuvia, with single intervocalic p substituted by v, which later, being optional, was deleted. It should be noted that the steps described here, -p- > -v- > --, which represent an historical development in Indo-Aryan, were also available as options to the scribes.
While uttuiya in Dasaveyāliya-Nijjutti' seems to have been borrowed directly from Panhāvāgarana, the description of the convict in the latter text seems to have been borrowed from Vivāgasuya, of which it is an elaboration. Furthermore, while in Vivāgasuya tuppiya was still used in its original meaning, this meaning was no longer known to the author of the embellished version found in Panhāvāgaraņa, as shown by the "explanation” kilinna. The fate of tuppiya in these three texts allows us to reconstruct a
8. I have not been able to check the instances of tuppa ghee in Apabhramsa, in Puspadanta's Mahāpurana, for which, see Shriyan (1969: 256, n° 1066).
9. Tuppa is also found in Oha-Nijjutti-Bhāsya 307: tattha vi miu-tuppayaram jattha va jam a-cciyam dosu (commentary: snigdhatara). In the word index s.v. tuppa Bollée refers to Brhatkalpabhäsya 2922: rukkha-silatuppa-maddanisu, cty: tuppa tti mstaka-kadevara-vasā-ghstādibhih parināmitam.

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relative chronology, if not of the texts then at least of the passages, in the sense that Dasaveyāliya-Nijjutti is later than Paṇhāvāgarana, and the latter must be later than Vivāgasuya.
6. If my findings concerning the meaning of tuppa are correct, the suggestions made so far for the etymology of the word, which all started from the meaning "ghee, oil", are no longer relevant. The derivation from trpra, suggested by Turner (CDIAL 5864), has lost its basis. Like Gujarāti tüp and Marāthi tupas, Tamil and Kannāda tuppa(m)"ghee” must be later literary borrowings.
However, starting from a red substance or a red colour (tuppa-red), another Dravidian word comes into consideration, namely Tamil tuppu and its cognates. Tamil tuppu is amply attested in Old Tamil literature. In Akanānüru 9, lines 8-10 it is taken to mean "coral".10
tuppin anna ceńkottiyavi neyttor mimicai niņattir parikku mattam nanniya vaňkațiccīrür, The little village on the jungle road, lying on an elevation (of earth red) like
coral, resembles a dead body lying in its own) blood. Another instance is found in Kalittokai 33, lines 3-4:
manipurai vayankalus tupperintavai polap piņivitu murukkital anikayattutirntuka, While the (red) petals of the murukku (Sk. palāśa), loosened from the buds, fall
on the beautiful tank, looking like corals strewn on a pearl-like mirror ... Clearly related to this meaning are the many instances in Old Tamil poetry of tuppu "enmity, hatred, fighting spirit”. Evidently, these qualities were associated with the colour red. An interesting example is Puranāņūru 380, lines 10-11, in which tuppu is found side by side with cēymai "redness, hatred":
tuppetirntorkkē yulļāc cēymaiyan natpetirntõrkkē yankai nanmaiyan, Those who approach him with feelings of hatred (tuppu) he treats with hatred (cēymaiyan), those who approach him with feelings of affection, he treats with
affection. Another instance is Kalittokai 104, lines 24-25, in which the anger of the red bull (cēey) is compared to "hot tuppu” (ventuppir):
vēyural mentol tuyilperum ventuppir
10. I have been unable to check the quotation given in TL (p. 1970) from Civakacintamani 550, namely tuppural tonțai cevvāy with a red mouth with lips resembling coral", which resembles tuppotha in Aņuogaddāra 22.

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cēey ciŋanañcân cärpavan ... He who overcomes his fear for the red bull of hot hatred will lie against the girl's
soft shoulders which resemble bamboo ... In Puranānüru 30, lines 8-9 the king's tuppu “fighting spirit” is compared to the stones hidden in the elephant's cheeks. The stones referred to are pearls, which as pointed out by Hart for Tamil (1975: 250-251) are said to come from the elephant's tusks (here: the cheeks, that is the roots of the tusks). Apparently, however, the poet mixed up pearls with coral here, the link being that both coral and pearls are "mined" from the sea. Puranānūru 30, lines 8-9 read:
kaļirukavuļațutta verikar pola oļitta tuppinai yātalin ... Because you possess a shining fighting spirit which resembled the dazzling (?veri)
stones (kal) hidden in the elephant's cheeks ... In Paripāțal 21, lines 4-5, however, tuppu seems to refer to a particular red dye mixed in the fluid for tanning the leather for a pair of sandals for the god Murukan:
tuppamai tuvarnirt turaimarai yaļuttiya verinat tol ... The hide from the back, which was soaked in an astringent substance (tuvar)
prepared with tuppu ... Gros translates instead: "laissées baigner dans un bassin d'eau astringente [tuvar) comparable (amai ?] au corail rouge [tuppu)”. However, amai-tal does not mean "to resemble” but “to be joined, to abide, to remain", which accounts for my translation “prepared with”. Tuvar is a tanning substance prepared from the bark of the cassia auriculata (Linn.), which is locally known as the tarwar or tarota-tree" (< tuvar). It is also used as an astringent in medicine; see MW s.v. tubara with references to Suśrutasamhitā. This particular substance is used for tanning heavy hides where colour is not of much importance. It gives the leather a yellowish brown colour.12 The reason for adding tuppu, which would result in a red or reddish leather, may be found in the well-known association of Murukan with the colour red. In this connection it suffices to refer to his epithet Cēyon "the Red One” (see Clothey 1978: 28). The combination tuppu-tuvar is found once more, namely in Patirruppattu 32, line 5:
tupput tuvarpõkap peruńkiļai yuvappa. Here, however, tuvar seems to mean "red colour”, for which the TL (s.v. p. 1992-93) quotes tuvaritaļc cevvāy “red mouth with tuvar-red lips”, tuvartta cevvāy "mouth painted
11. See Dastur (1962: 50, n° 70 and 1964: 54-55, n° 93).
12. See Dastur (1964: 54-55, n° 93).

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red" and tuvarățai "salmon-coloured cloth".13 In this connection it should be noted that the tanning material tuvar is also used to modify colours. The line from Patiruppattu may accordingly be translated as:
The redness (tuvar) of anger (tuppu) having worn off, the large family rejoiced. Theoretically the compound tupput tuvar could also be translated as "the astringent quality of tuppu". It should be noted, however, that tuppu was basically used to denote a particular kind of red, tuppu-red. While as such the word may originally have denoted a particular red thing or substance (like moss in moss-green), it no longer seems possible to identify this original thing or substance, let alone determine if it was astringent. In Old Tamil tuppu was used to refer not only to coral but also to a red dyeing substance and to rust (see'tuppērutal "to become rusty" in TL (Suppl.), p. 318. The meaning "rust" is also attested in Telugu; see below). In this connection it should also be noted that if tuppa in the Sattasai was indeed a concrete substance it is unlikely that it was applied for its astringent qualities. For, if the function of an astringent is to dry the skin," this effect would have been annulled by the ghee or oil with which it was mixed. The practice referred to in the Sattasai seems to have been a custom and not to have had any a practical or medical purpose. It is thus different from the practice of women to apply haldi to the skin, which has an astringent quality (kaduam in Sattasal 246), serving, amongst other things, as a disinfectant.15
13. A strange passage is found in Setubandha 8, 55, in which the water of the ocean is turned into fragrant red wine. The red colour is said to be due to minerals from the mountain which is used as a churning stick. Tuvara is said to be responsible for the fragrance. It comes from pieces (of bark) of the tuvara-tree which fell into the water:
jāam mahiharamahiam dhāuaḍakkhalanasarasapallavaraam dumabhangatuvarasurahim uppajjantamairam va saarasalilam,
The water of the ocean which, churned by the mountain, had taken on the red colour of juicy twigs from the sides of the mountain rich with minerals and had taken on the fragrance of tuvara from the pieces broken off the trees, looked like the wine which arose (at the mythical churning). Note Hemacandra, who in his own commentary on Deśīnāmamālā 5, 16 mentions a particular juice called tuvara: atra tuvaro rasavisesa iti sanskṛtasamatvän noktaḥ.
14. Compare the meanings of tuvar "astringent" in tuvartal and tuvarttutal "to dry, wipe of moisture", tuvarttumuntu "towel, as removing moisture" and tuvarppu "withered flower".
15. In Sattasai 949 the two practices, painting the face red during menstruation and applying turmeric to the skin, seem to have become mixed up, that is, if the paleness of the cheeks is indeed due to the effect of turmeric:
maliņavasaṇāṇa kiavaniānam āpamḍugamḍapālīnam pupphavaiāņa kāmo amgesu kaauho vasai,
Kama resides bow in hand in the bodies of menstruating women, whose dresses are soiled, who ..., and whose cheeks are pale.
It should be noted that this gatha is found only in the South Indian recensions (as 647 in Weber's First Telinga-recension and as 680 in my Third South Indian recension; see Tieken 1983) and may well be a later addition to the text. Apart from that, the present text is unmetrical. The metre may be restored by adopting the reading kaaveniāņa found in the manuscripts Ti and Tp (for which, see Tieken 1983) and in Bhoja's

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Yet another possibility is to interpret tuvar as meaning "hostility” and to translate the phrase in question as “the hostility which is tuppu-red”. However, the meaning "hostility" (Tamil pakai) is attested only in Akarāti Nikanțu, a lexicon (see TL, p. 1992), and may well be the result of an attempt to account for tuvar in the passage under consideration.
7. Besides Tamil (DED 2686), tuppu is found in Telugu (DED 2747, t(r)uppu "rust") and in Tuļu (DED 2931, tāpu "red"). This distribution suggests that we have to do with a native South Indian, or Dravidian, word. Its occurrence in the Sattasaī may be explained with reference to the close connections the Sātavāhanas entertained with South India (see Dirks 1976: 128-29). It should be noted that tuppa, as a loanword from the South Indian languages, is not unique in the Sattasai. Another instance is sippi in samkhasippi (Sattasai 4). The latter compound consists of a Dravidian word, sippi (DED 2089), which is glossed by the regular Sanskrit word, samkha: "a sippi, that is a 'conch”” (see Tieken 1994: 235). As already pointed out above, vannagghaatuppamuhi may be analysed similarly: "with a face with tuppa, that is, with coloured ghee”.
Apparently, tuppa (the substance and/or the word) travelled northwards via the western part of the Deccan. In this situation it is tempting to conclude that Vivāgasuya as we now have it, that is with the passages discussed above, hails from Gujarat, an area which was in close contact with Maharashtra.16 At the same time the present text of Vivāgasuya, and with it that of Panhāvāgaraņa, which copied and embellished the Vivāgasuya passage, and misunderstood tuppa in the process, would be only slightly older than the Sattasai, if not later. In this connection it should be noted that these conclusions regarding place of origin and date by themselves need not cause a surprise as the Jaina tradition itself sets the redaction of the presently available canon approximately one thousand years after Mahāvīra's death in Valabhi in Kathiawar (Gujarat). Rather, the real issue seems to be whether Vivāgasuya is a late, western redaction of an earlier, eastern text or is as a whole a late text written in Gujarat. The present study of the word tuppa does not by itself carry enough weight to answer this question. On the other hand, I venture to doubt that the occurrence of so-called archaic Ardha Māgadhi, that is, eastern, features in Vivāgasuya can be construed as an argument against the latter
Śmgāraprakāśa (Vol. II, p. 489 (1231). Venika seems to refer here to a twisted piece of cloth used as a sanitary napkin; cp. MW s.v. venika "a twisted stripe or band" with reference to Sufrutas amhita, cp. also the expression viunāvedhiajahanatthala ih Sattasai 289 and 504, and viunāvedho niambassa in 504 (v.11.).
16. Another Dravidian" word showing the same geographical distribution is tuvar(a), which is found in Tamil, Malayāļam, Kannada, Telugu and Kui (DED 2755, 2756), and in Marāțhi, Gujarāti and Kumauni (CDIAL 5890). The spread of tuppa "ghee (Tamil, Kannada, Marāthi and Gujarati), which matches that of tuppa "red colour", is of course a different matter, having to do with the histories of the respective literary languages.

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possibility, given the persistent cultivation of archaisms within the Jaina tradition seen in other demonstrably late texts.
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Akanānūru
Ed. Tiru Po. Vē. Comacuntaranār, Akanāņūru. The South India Saiva Siddhanta
Works Publishing Society. Madras 1970. Aņuogaddāra
Ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Pt. Dalsukh Mālvaņiā and Pt. Amritlāl Mohanlal Bhojak,
Namdisuttam and Aņuogaddārāim. Jaina-Agama-Series I. Bombay 1968. Bechert 1961:
H. Bechert, "Ašokas 'Schismenedikt und der Begriff Sanghabheda”. WZKSO V
(1961), 18-52. Brhatkalpabhāsya
Ed. Caturvijaya and Punyavijaya, BỊhatkalpabhāsya. Bhavnagar 1933-42. Buitenen 1971:
J.A.B. van Buitenen, Two Plays of Ancient India. The Little Clay Cart. The
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R.L. Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. London
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F.W. Clothey, The Many Faces of Murukan. The History and Meaning of a South
Indian God. Religion and Society 6. The Hague 1978. Dasaveyaliya-Nijjutti
Ed. W.B. Bollée, The Nijjuttis on the Seniors of the Svetāmbara Siddhānta: Āyāranga, Dasaveyāliya, Uttarajjhāyā and Sūyagada. Text and Selective Glossary. Beiträge zur Südasienforschung Südasien-Institut Universität Heidelberg 169.
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J.F. Dastur, Medicinal Plants of India and Pakistan. Bombay (reprint 1977). Dastur 1964:
J.F. Dastur, Useful Plants of India and Pakistan. Bombay (reprint 1977). DED
T. Burrow and M.B. Emeneau, A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary. Oxford 1961.

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Deśīnāmamālā
Ed. R. Pischel, The Deśīnāmamālā of Hemacandra. Second edition ... by Paravastu
Venkata Ramanujaswami. Bombay Sanskrit Series No XVII. Bombay 1938. Dirks 1976:
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Ed. R. Pischel, Hemacandra's Grammatik der Prākritsprachen. Halle 1877-1880
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M. Hahn and R. Steiner, The Recensions of the Nāgānanda by Harşadeva. Vol. 1.
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Ed. W.B. Bollée, Materials for an Edition and Study of the Piņņa- and Oha-Nijjuttis of the Svetāmbara Jain Tradition. Vol. II Text and Glossary. Beiträge zur
Südasienforschung Südasien-Institut Universität Heidelberg 162. Stuttgart 1994. Pāiyalacchi .
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Patiruppattu
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T.W. Rhys Davids and W. Stede, The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary,
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Middle-Indic tuppa 429 RESUME Le present article tente de montrer que le mot moyen-indien tuppa s'est vu attribuer le sens de << beurre clarifie >> (ghi) seulement bien apres que le veritable sens du mot fut tombe dans l'oubli. L'emploi de tuppa avec ce sens dans le Setubandha et la Dasaveyaliyanijjutti, par exemple, prouve le caractere artificiel du vocabulaire de ces textes. A l'origine, le mot designait en fait une teinture de couleur rouge ou, a defaut, une couleur rouge particuliere. La repartition des mots apparentes dans les langues du Sud de l'Inde tendrait a montrer qu'on a affaire a un mot dravidien local. L'examen des occurrences de tuppa dans la Sattasai de Hala suggere que le mot a voyage en direction du nord en empruntant la cote occidentale. Cela indique que les versions actuelles des textes jaina ou ce mot apparait (Vivagasuya et Panhavagarana) proviennent de l'Inde occidentale. Cette etude confirmerait donc la tradition jaina qui place la redaction de son Canon au Gujerat, environ mille ans apres la mort de Mahavira.