Lord Mahavira and His Times

Author(s): Kailashchandra Jain
Publisher: Motilal Banarasidas
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011080/1

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BY THE SAME AUTHOR
1. ANCIENT CITIES & TOWNS OF RAJASTHAN
(A Study of Culture and Civilization)
Demy Octavo: pp. 670+6 Maps: First Edition, published in Delhi, 1973: Cloth Bound: Price Rs. 60.00.
2. MALWA THROUGH THE AGES
(From the Earliest Time to 1305 A.D.)
Demy Octavo pp. 582+100 Plates+4 Maps: First Edition published in Delhi, 1972: Cloth Bound: Price
Rs. 60.00.

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LORD MAHĀVĪRA
AND HIS TIMES
KAILASH CHAND JAIN M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt. Recipient of the Highest Merit Pay awarded by the Government of
Rajasthan for research work, Head, University School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archacology
Vikram University, Ujjain.
MOTILAL BANARSIDASS Delhi :: Varanasi :: Patna

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Solc Distributors : MOTILAL BANARSIDASS
Indological Publishers and Booksellers Head Office : BUNGALOW ROAD, JAWAHARNAGAR, DELET-7
Branches : 1. CHOWK, VARANASI (U.P.) 2. ASHOK RAJ PATI (OPP. PATNA COLLEGE),
PATNA-4 (BITAR)
ISBN 0-8426-0738-2
Copyright ©
1974 by Sri Akhila Bharatavarshiya Sadhumargi
Jain Sangh, Bikaner.
First Edition : 1974
Price Rs. 60.00
Printed in India BY SHANTILAL JAIN, AT SHRI JAINENDRA PRESS, BUNGALOW ROAD, JAWAHAR NAGAR, DELHI-T, AND PUBLISHED BY SRI AKHIL BHARATAVARSHTYA SADİUMARGI JAIN BANGHA RANGARI MOHALLA, BIKANER.

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DEDICATED
TO His Holiness Āchārya Śrī Nana Lalji Mahārāja

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FOREWORD Lord Mahāvira and His Times by Dr. Kailash Chand Jain of the Vikram University (Ujjain)-known for his scholarship, industry and devotion to Jaina studies—is a timely and valuable publication. I offer my congratulations to Dr. Jain. The author has drawn upon an extensive range of material in the preparation of the book. It should be of wide interest.
India's most characteristic and far-reaching contribution to human civilization is, probably, the principle and practice of ahimsā. Lord Mahāvīra stands as its supreme embodiment, personification.
Ahimsā has been always central to man's progress, but at no time its need and relevance has been more than today. Man's very survival in the atomic age depends on science and ahiṁsā. And ahimsā is not, and cannot be, in the very nature of things a static doctrine. On the contrary (like science) it is an exploration where every sincere effort and practice opens new possibilities and new horizons.
In the deeply inspiring words of Mahatma Gandhiwho can speak about ahimsã with greater insight, experience and faith than Gandhiji : "By reason of Life-long practice of ahiṁsā, I claim to be an expert in it, though very imperfect. Speaking in absolute terms, the more I practise it the clearer I see how far I am from the full expression of ahimsa in my life. It is his ignorance of this, the greatest duty of man in the world, which makes him say that in this age, non-violence has little scope in the face of violence, whereas I make bold to say that in this age of the Atom Bomb unadulterated nonviolence is the only force that can confound all the tricks put together of violence."
Dr. Jain's book is a very welcome and significant addition to the literature on Lord Mahāvīra and ahimsā.
D.S. KOTHARI Delhi 22 August 1974

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FROM THE PUBLISHERS' PEN
We have great pleasure in releasing this publication on behalf of the All India Sadhumargi Jain Sangh, on the auspicious occasion of the 2500th parinirvana anniversary of Tirthankara Mahavira.
The All India Sadhumargi Jain Sangh was founded on September 30th, 1962. The Sangh aims at inspiring man to live a moral and spiritual life and enabling him for self realisation as well as advancing the society towards constant progress, encouraging the humanitarian and philanthropic tendencies. To attain these objectives, the Sangh is engaged not only in publishing moral literature but also in some other multidimensional activities promoting social justice, equality, moral education, co-operation, uplift of backward classes, education and hostel facilities to needy and deserving students and philanthropic works of like nature.
His Holiness Acharya Shri Nanalalji Maharaj has been preaching an epoch-making and revolutionary philosophy of equality of mankind "SAMATA DARSHAN” for the liberation of Human Society from the evil of inequality and dis-harmony. The Sangh is making constant efforts to build an egalitarian society based on this practical ideology.
The women's wing of the Sangh is also active in Womenawakening programmes and runs Udyoga Mandira (Temples of work) which help the needy and indigent women to earn an independent living. A fortnightly Journal-Shramanopasak-is being regularly published to educate and activise the programmes spread over the length and breadth of the country.
The All India Sadhumargi Jain Sangh has been publishing literature on Jainology mainly aiming at "Ahimsa” non-violence and Satya truth (in their broadest sense). It has been stressing on Aparigraha meaning thereby to preach austere living and sacrifice of personal belongings. This volume is one of the many books which the Sangh proposes to publish during the 2500th parinirvana year of Lord Mahavira.

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The author of this book, Dr. Kailashchandra Jain has done the Sangh a favour in acccpting to write an exhaustive book on the Lord Mahavira at the 25th Centenary Year. Dr. Jain had been given full libcrty to compile material, draw inferences and express his vicws as he dccmcd fit. He is a distinguished historian and has written many books. While appreciating the hard work and industry that he has put in, it may be mentioned that the views expressed and inferences drawn or statements made arc cntirely of Dr. Jain's own studies and may not necessarily be according to beliefs of this Sangh. We express our gratitude to all persons who have extended their co-operation in executing this publication. We are grateful also to M/s Motilal Banarasidas who, on our request, took the responsibility of becoming chief distributors of this publication.
We are confident that such publications would help in understanding the philosophy and personality of Lord Mahavira in his as well as in modern times in a right perspective and consequently in solving the problems of contemporary life.
All India Sadhumargi Jain Sangh,
Bikaner, RAJASTHAN

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PREFACE
The work entitled 'Lord Mahavira And His Times' deals with the history and culture of India during the age of Mahavira in the sixth century B.C. This age is marked by outstanding achievements in different spheres-political, religious, social, economic, artistic, and literary. It saw the beginning of the political unification of India under the hegemony of Magadha, and the propagation of Buddhism, Jainism, and other heterodox religious sects. A social code for the observance of the people was prescribed. Because of commerce and trade flourishing during this period, there was all-round prosperity. Besides, development in language, literature, and arts was no less marked.
Many an attempt was made from time to time to write India's history concerning one or the other aspect of this age. Of these attempts, T.W. RHYS's was the first to describe ancient India during the period of the Buddha from the Buddhist point of view, in his work 'Buddhist India' (1903). Being a pioneer work on this subject, it is indeed invaluable, though it was written at a time when materials indispensable to the author of such a work were scanty.
"The Social Organization in North Time', written by R. FICK, in 1920 A.D., based on the Fatakas of the Pali Buddhist canon. throws a flood of light on the social life of northern India during the Buddha's time. Based as it is on only one type of sectarian evidence and being concerned only with the social organization of this period, it does not, indeed, give a comprehensive picture.
India in Buddhist comes next and is
This work
J.C. JAIN tried to include in Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jaina Canons (1945), all the available materials of the Jaina Canon for the first time in the real sense with reference to social life. This is only an one-sided picture.

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Similarly, B.C. LAW's India as Described in the early texts of Buddhism and Jainism does not make much use of Brahmanical sources.
M.M. SINGH's work Life in North-Eastern India in PreMatryan Times, however, incorporates both the Buddhist as well as the Brahmanical sources, and the author has tried to give a picture of social, religious, and economic life of that period. The political and cultural history of India of this period. has been discussed in the age of Imperial Unily edited by R.C. MAJUMDAR. In both these works, the Jaina sources have not been given the treatment they deserve in comparison with the Brahmanical and the Buddhist ones. Besides, the recent archaeological material discovered in the excavations has not been fully utilised.
Lord Mahāvīra is closely related to his age in which he lived and propagated his religion. One cannot understand his life and teachings unless one looks into the circumstances in which he was brought up. Such an attempt has been made by giving a panorama of the cultural history of that period in this work.
A number of works dealing with Mahāvira's life and teachings have been written. Most of them do not seem to be historically authentic as they are based on late sources. The most reliable work, it appears to me, is Mahavira-His Life and Teachings by B.C. Law who has taken help from both the Buddhist and the Jaina texts in the original. He has made a. comparative study of both the texts in elucidating some knotty points of Mahavira's life and his doctrine. In his work Some Faina Canonical Sutras, he has presented a critical account of the principal Jaina canonical texts which, along with his articles published in different research journals, have been utilised in this work.
The present study has been divided into ten chapters. In Chapter I some legendary accounts, given in Jaina scriptures, have been critically examined in the light of archacological cvidence. It appears, both from the Buddhist and the Jaina texts, that Pārsvanātha is a historical figure, and the history of Jainism can be extended to his times. In Chapter II, the

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( xi ) different sources which have been drawn upon for the writing of this work have been critically discussed.
Chapter III gives an account of the 'Life of Mahāvīra' from his childhood to Nirvana. Some controversial questions like his birthplace and the year of Nirvana have been discussed.
Chapter IV deals with his teachings based on the original texts. Early Buddhist texts have been used as collateral evidence, in writing this chapter.
In Chapter V, the different sects contemporaneous with Lord Mahāvīra have been enumerated and some interesting light has been thrown on the life and teachings of some of their founders.
Chapter VI describes the sixteen great states Solasamahājanapadas. How the political unification of India was gradually brought about under Bimbisāra and Ajātaśatru, both rulers of Magadha, has been pointed out here. The administrative machinery and the constitution of the republics especially of the Lichchhavis, have also been described.
Chapter VII throws light on the social conditions of the age under consideration. The duties and responsibilities of the individuals as regards the carnas and āśramas have been fixed. Some old social customs like Niyoga have disappeared and the new ones, in harmony with the new set-up of the society, have come into existence. Such topics as family, marriage, position of woman, dress, ornaments, festivals, and games have also been examined.
Chapter VIII deals with economic conditions. The village was considered to be the basis of social economy. A large number of professions and industries came into existence and were organized into guilds which became a special feature of the economic life of the time. The increased use of iron started and the coined money came into vogue.
Chapter IX is devoted to art and architecture. The noteworthy feature of this age is the revival of urban life when the use of kiln bricks started. The North Black Polishıcd Ilare, of de luxe quality, is the gift of this age.
Chapter X demonstrates how this period can be regarded as one of the most creative epochs in the spheres of cducation, literature, and science.

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(xii)
An idea of writing this work arose in my mind while discussing with NARENDRA BHANAWAT on the occasion of the XXVI session of All India Oriental Conference held at Ujjain from 26th to 28th Oct. 1972. I thought of writing it in commemoration of the auspicious occasion of the 25th centenary of Lord Mahavira which falls in the year 1974-75. I am grateful to NARENDRA BHANAWAT who placed this idea before the Akhila Bharatiya Sadhu Märgiya Jain Samgha. I am extremely thankful to the Samgha and its office bearers who became ready for financial assistance to this project. I am highly obliged to SARDAR MAL KANKARIA who gave final shape to this project. I owe an immense debt to GANPAT RAJ BOHARA who constantly inspired me for writing this work. My sincere thanks are also due to GUMAN MAL CHORADIA, JUGRAJ SETHIA, BHANWAR LAL KOTHARI and GOKUL CHAND SURYA who took keen interest in publication of this work.
I am also indebted to H.V. TRIVEDI, DALSUKH BHAI MALVANIA, H.B. JAIN, M.L. DALAL and S.M. PAHADIA Who helped me in one way or other. I also wish to thank my student PRAMOD GANAPATYA for preparing maps. In conclusion, I want to express my extreme gratefulness to D.S. KOTHARI, former Chairman of the University Grants Commission, for writing a foreword to this work.
KAILASH CHAND JAIN
Mohan Niwas, Dewas Road,
Ujjain (M.P.)
10th October, 1974.

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ABBREVIATIONS
ABORI.
Acha.
AIHT.
Ait. Br. Angu.
Anta. Anu.
Ap. Dh. S. APJLS. As. G. Sū. ASI.
Āva.
Ava. Chi.. Bau. Dh, S. Bhag. Bhagavata. Bha. BHPIP.
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. Āchārānga. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition by F.E. PARGITER. Aitareya Brāhmana. Aiguttara Nikaya. Antagadadasão. Anuyogadvāra. Apastamba Dharma-sūtra. Arbudāchala Prāchina Jaina Lekha Samdoha. Āsualāyana Gșihya-sūtra. Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Reports. Avaśyaka. Ādasyaka Chūrņi. Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, Bhagavati. Bhāgavata Purāna. Bhashya. A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy by BENIMADHAB BARUA. Brahmajāla Sutta. Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. Bțihatkalpa. CUNNINGHAM's Ancient Geography of India, Ed. by S.N. MA JUMDAR. The Cambridge History of India, Ed. by E. Rapsox (Ancient India). Chhāndogya Upanishad. Chūrņi.
Brahma. Bți. Up. Brih. CAG.
CAH.
Chhänd. Cha.

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(xiv)
Chu. CL. Com. Das. Dhp. Dh. S. Dia. Digha. DPPN. ERE.
FSONB.
Chullavagga (of Vinaya Pițaka). Carmichael Lectures by D. R. BHANDARKAR. Commentary. Dasaveyāliya. Dhammapada. Dharma Sūtra. Dialogues of the Buddha. Dighanikāya. Dictionary of Pali Proper Names. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Ed. by J. HASTINGS. The Social Organization in North-East India in Buddha's Time by R. FICK. Gautama Dharma Sutra. Geography of Early Buddhism by B.C. LAW. Gopatha Brahmana. The Book of Gradual Sayings. Bharatiya Sanskriti me faina Dharma Ka Yogadana by H. L. JAIN. Si-yu-Ki. Buddhist Records of the Western World. Translated from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsang (A.D. 629) by SAMUEL BEAL 2 Vols. London, 1884.
Gau. Dh. S. GEB. Gop. Br. GS. HBS7r.
HTB.
I. Ar.-A
Review. IHQ. IP. Ja. JASB.
Indian Archaeology-A Review. Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta. Indian Prehistory, 1964. Jataka. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta. Jayadhavala. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna. Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University. Journal of Indian History.
Jayadh. JBORS.
JDL.
JIH.

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( xv )
Jivā. JLAIDJC.
JNSI.
Kalpa. Kau. Up. KHDS. KMA. KS. KVSBM.
Jivūbhigama. Life in Ancient India as Described in the Jain Canons by J. C. JAIN. Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Banaras. Kalpasūtra. Kaushitaki Upanishad. History of Dharmaśāstra by P.V. KANE. Malwa Through the Ages by K.C. Jain. The Book of Kindred Sayings. Śramaņa Bhagavān Mahāvīra by KALYANA
VIJAYA.
LMLT.
Mahā. Ni. Maitra. Sam. Majjh. Matsya. мьһ. ME.
Malinda. Moh. Ind.
Mu. NATA.
Mahāvīra : His Life and Teachings by B. C. LAW. Mahānišitha. Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā. Majjhima Nikaya. Matsya Purāņa. Mahabharata. Mahāvira Era. Milindapañho. Mohenjo-dāro and the Indus Civilization by J. MARSHALL. Mahāvagga (of Vinaya Pițaka). Āgama Aura Tripitaka Eka Anuśīlana by NagRAJ. Nāyādhammakaha.
The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India by N. L. Der. Niryukti. Nirajāvaliyão. Nisitha. Nagarī Prachūriņi Patrikā, Banaras. Numismatic Supplementary. Ogha Nijjutti. Ovarāiya. Ashtadhyayi of Pāņini. Pāraskara Grihyasütra.
Naya. NDGDAMI.
Nir. Niryā. Nisz. NPP. NS. Ogha. Ovā. Pa. Pā. GS.

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Panna.
Pari.
Peta.
PHAI.
Pinda.
PSOB.
Raya.
RB1.
RV.
Sam.
Sama.
Samañña.
Sat. Br.
SBB.
Sütra.
Taitt. Sam.
Tandula.
Theraga.
Ti.
Tri. pu. Cha.
Uttara.
Uvā.
Vas. Dh. S.
Vin.
(xvi)
SBE.
SSHJ.
Sthānā or Tha. Sthananga or Thaṇanga. Su.
Sutra. Sutta-Nipata.
Su. Ni.
Sutrakṛitanga (Suyagaḍānga).
Taittiriya Samhita.
Vri.
VTM.
Vya.
Pannavana.
Parisishtaparvan of Hemachandra.
Petavatthu.
Political History of Ancient India by H. C. RAYCHAUDHURI.
Pindanijjutti.
Studies in the Origins of Buddhism by G.C.
PANDEY.
Rayapasenaiya.
Buddhist India by T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.
Rigveda.
Samyutta Nikaya.
Samavāyānga.
Samaññaphala Sutta. Satapatha Brahmana.
Sacred Books of the Buddhists, London. Sacred Books of the East, Oxford.
The Heart of Jainism by S. STEVENSON.
Tandulaveyaliya. Theragāthā.
Tikā.
Trishash lisalaka Purusha Charita of Hemachandra.
Uttaradhyayana.
Uvasagadasão.
Vasishtha Dharma Sutra.
Vinaya Pitaka.
Vṛitti.
Tirthankara Mahavira by VIJAYENDRA SURI. Vyavahāra.

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CONTENTS
Preface
ix-xii Abbreviations ...
... ... ... xüi-xvi
CHAPTER I JATNISM BEFORE MAHĀVĪRA
1-17 Jaina religion as eternal, 1; Archaeological evidence to ascertain the truthfulness of the legends, 3; The theory of twentyfour Tīrthankaras. 4; Rishabha as founder of Jainism, 5; Arishtanemi or Neminātha as Tírthankara, 6; Jainism as pre-Vedic religion, 8; Pārsvanātha as an historical figure, 11.
CHAPTER II SOURCES
Literature, 18; Archaeology, 28.
18-30
CHAPTER III
LIFE OF LORD MAHĀVIRA
30-90 His clan, 31; His birth and parentage, 32; Birth-place, 34; Childhood, 37;. Life of a householder 39; His ascetic life: his twelve years of preparation, 40; First Sermon, 57; Eleven disciples (Ganadharas), 58; Four Orders of the Jaina community. (Samgha), 59; Places of rainy seasons, 61; Influence on Lay-followers 62; Royal patronage, 63; Mahāvira and Buddha, 71; Schisms, 72; Nirvāņa, 72; Theory of 467 B.C., 74; Theory of 477.B.C., 76; Theory of 484 B.C., 76; Theory of 486 B.C., 76; Theory of 488.B..., 77; Theory of 490; B.C., 78; Theory of 498 B.C.,, 79; Theory of 545 B.C., 80; Theory of 437 B.C., 80; Criticism of the above theories, 80; Theory of 527 B.C., 84 Personality, 88.

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( xviii )
CHAPTER IV TEACHINGS OF MAHĀVĪRA
91-151 Nirvāna, 92; Right faith (darśana), right knowledge (Jñāna) and right conduct (chăritra), 93; Austerities, 97; Five vows (Vratas), 98; Doctrine of nine categories or truths (Navatattva, 101; Theory of Karma, 104; six Leśyās, 108; Doctrine of Nayas, 110; Exertion of righteousness, 111; The four requisites, 119; Impurity; 120; Death against (and with) one's will, 120; On discipline, 121; Actions of ignorant and wisemen, 122; Vanity of Worldly pleasures, 123; The causes of Carelessness, 124; Sinful and wicked deeds, 126; Hells, 128; A gloomy view of the world, 129; Real Brāhmaṇa; 129; Code of conduct for ascetics, 131; Discipline, 131; On troubles, 132; The leaf of the tree, 134; The true monk, 134; The ten conditions of perfect chastity, 135; Bad monks, 136; Duties of a monk, 136;
The Samitis and the Guptis, 137; The correct behaviour of monks during the several parts of day and night, 139; Mode of life, 141; Houseless monk, 142; Begging food, 143; Modes of speech, 144; Walking, 145; Begging clothes, 146; Begging for a bowl, 146; Spot where one can ease oneself, 146; Other miscellaneous acts 147.
CHAPTER V LORD MAHĀVĪRA'S RELIGIOUS CONTEMPORARIES AND SECTS
:, : 162-195 Origin of these sects, 153; śramaņa and Brahmanical Sects, 153; Pūrņa Kassapa, 154; Pakudha Kachchāyana, 15 ; Ajita Kesakambalin, 160; Sanjaya Belatthiputta, 162; Mankhali Gośāla, 165; The Buddha, 172; Ascetics of Brahmanical Sects, 175; Contemporary schools of philosophical thought from Buddhist Sources, 186; Vedic Pantheon and religious practices, 187; Popular deities, 188. .. .. . . . .,CHAPTER VI
" POLITICAL CONDITIONS AND INSTITUTIONS- 196-236
Anga, 197; Kāśi, 198; Košala, 199; Vriji; 200; Malla, 201; Chedi, 202; Vatsa, 203; Magadha. 204; Kuru, 207; Pañchala, 208; Matsya, 209; Śūrasena. 209; Sindhu Sauvįra, 209; Ašvaka;
2.

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( xix )
210; Avanti, 210; Gandhāra, 212; Kāmboja, 213; Small republics in the age of Lord Mahāvīra, 213; Political institutions, 215; King and kingship, 215; Other members of the royal family, 218; Ministry, 219; Officers of the Central government, 220; Provincial and village administration, 221; Judicial administration, 222; Military organization, 222; Taxation, 225; Constitution and administrative machinery of republics, 225; Directive principles of state policy, 226; Citizenship, 227; The General assembly, 227; Executive, 233; Federation, 234.
CHAPTER VII SOCIAL CONDITIONS
237-275 Social organization, 237; Kshatriyas, 238; Brāhmaṇas, 239; Vaiśyas, 242; Sūdras, 243; The despised castes, 245; Mixed castes, 246; Slavery, 246; Orders or stages of life, 249; Family life, 251; Marriage, 253; Forms of marriage, 253; Caste and gotra consideration, 255; Inter-caste marriage, 257; Marriage age, 258; Remarriage and divorce, 258; Polygamy and monogamy, 260;. The Courtesans, 261; Food and drink, 262;. Dress and ornaments, 266; Furniture and utensils, 269; Festivals and Games, 270.
CHAPTER VIII ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
276-314 Rural economy, 276; Village 276; Different types of villages, 277; Agriculture, 279; Forest tracts, 283; Arts, crafts, professions and industries, 284; Textiles, 284; Carpentry, 285; House building, 286; Mining, Smithy, 287; Industry of precious metals; 288; Pearls, gems and precious stones, 289; Ivory work, 290; Garland making and perfumery, 290; Pottery, 291; Dyeing, 291; Gums, Drugs and chemicals, 292; Hunters, fishermen and fowlers, 292; Leather work, 293; Liquor distilling, 294; Trade and Commerce, 294; Trade and industrial centres, 295; Commodities and inland trade, 296; Trade routes and transport, 297; Oversea trade, 300; Organization of trade and industries, 304; Organization and constitution, 304; Coinage, 307; Prices, 311; Fees and salaries, 313; Loans and interest, 313; Weights and measures, 313.

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( xx )
CHAPTER. IX ART AND ARCHITECTURE
315-340 Architecture, 315; Secular architecture, 315; Town architecture, 315; Building architecture, 320; Religious:architecture, 324; Material;: 327;. Painting, 329; Sculptures, 333; Terracottas,,335; Ceramics,. 337;, Metal objects, 338;: Bone and Stone objects,, 339;: Symbols on coins, 339; Miscellaneous objects, 340.
CHAPTER X
EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND SCIENCES 341-369
Education, 341; Aims and ideals of education, 342; Some educational principles and postulates; 343; Teacher and student, 344; Private teachers and other agencies, 347; Educational centres, 347; Hermitages as centres of learning, 349; Subjects of study, 350; Holidays, 351; Organization and duration of courses, 351; Female education, 352; Art of writing, 353; Language, 355; Literature, 356; The Jaina canon, 357; The Buddhist canon, 359; Chronology of the Buddliist. canon, 359; The Ājivika canon, 361; Vedānga literature; 362; Classes of Sūtra works, 362; Philosophical literature, 363; Technical and Sciențific literature, 364; Grammar, 364; Metrics, 365; Science of polity, 365; Mathematics, Astronomy. and' Astrology, 366; Science of Medicines;. 368; Science of Engineering, 369. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
371-384 INDEX
385-406 MAPS
407-408

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CHAPTER 1
JAINISM BEFORE LORD MAHAVIRA
The history of Jainism before Lord Mahāvīra is shrouded in considerable obscurity. Materials which can reconstruct it are scanty, dubious and capable of different interpretations, Scholars have, therefore, come to widely divergent conclusions. The Jainas themselves believe that their religion is eternal and that before Mahāvīra (C. 600 B.C.), there lived twentythree Tirthankaras who appeared at certain intervals to propagate true religion for the salvation of the world. Some scholars? hold that there are traces of the existence of śramana culture even in pre-Vedic times. H. JACOBI tried to prove, both from the Buddhist and the Jaina records, that Pārsvanātha, the immediate predecessor of Mahāvīra, who is said to have flourished some 250 years before him, is a historical personality.
JAINA RELIGION AS ETERNAL
According to the traditions preserved in the scriptures, Jaina religion is eternal, and it has been revealed again and again in every cyclic period of the world by innumerable Tirthankaras. The whole span of time is divided into two equal cycles, Utsarpiņi Kāla and Avasarpiņi Kila. Each Utsarpini and Avasarpini Kāla extends over ten Koța-koļi Sāgaropama years which are sub-divided into six parts known as aras. The
1. H. ZIMMER : Philosophies o, India, pp. 217-227; J.G.R. FORLONG : Short Studies in the Science of Comparative
Religions, pp. 243-244; PSOB
: p. 260; TULSI
: Pre-Vedic Existence of Sramara Tradition. 2. SBE, XLV, pp. xx-xxiii.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times
six divisions of Avasarpini are known as Sushama-Sushamā, Sushama, Sushamā-Duhshamā, Duhshamā-Sushamā, Duhshamā and Duhshama-Duhshama. The six divisions of Utsarpini are Duhshama Duhshamā, Duhshamā, Duhshama-Sushama, Sushama-Duhshamā, Sushamā and Sushamā-Sushama. During each successive ara of Avasarpini Kala, the age, height, strength and happiness of the Tugalikas gradually declined. In all, fourteen Kulakaras (Manus) are said to have flourished during this period.
After the Kulakaras, twentyfour Tirthankaras appeared at certain intervals and preached the true religion for the salvation of the world. Their names are: (1) Rishabha, (2) Ajita, (3) Sambhava, (4) Abhinandana, (5) Sumati, (6) Padmaprabha, (7) Supārśva, (8) Chandraprabha, (9) Suvidhi or Pushpa, (10) Sitala, (11) Śreyāṁśa, (12) Vāsapūjya, (13) Vimala, (14) Ananta, (15) Dharma, (16) Sānti, (17) Kunthu, (18) Ara, (19) Malli, (20) Munisuvrata, (21) Nami, (22) Nemi, (23) Pārśva, and (24) Vardhamāna or Mahāvīra.
All Tirthankaras were Kshatriyas; Munisuvrata and Nami belonged to Harivamsa, and the remaining twentytwo to the Ikshvāku race. Malli, according to the Svetämbaras, was a woman, but this the Digambaras deny, for according to them no female can attain liberation. The interval in years between one Tirthankara and the other has been calculated. Pārsva's predecessor, Arishtanemi, is stated to have died 84,000 years before Mahavira's Nirvana. Nami died 500,000 years before Arishta Nemi, Munisuvrata 11,00,000 years before Nami; the next intervals are 65,00,000 and 10,000,000 or a crore; the following intervals cannot be expressed in definite number of years, but are given in Palyopamas and Sugaropamas, the last interval being one crore of crores of Sagaropamas. The length of the life and height of the Tirthankaras are in proportion to the length of the interval.
Besides twelve Universal monarchs1 (Chakravartis), nine
1. (1) Bharata, (2) Sagara, (3) Madhavā, (4) Sanatakumāra, (5) Śanti, (6) Kunthu, (7) Araha, (8) Subhauma, (9) Padma, (10) Harishena, (11) Jayasena, and (12) Brahmadatta.
"
10

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Jainism before Lord Mahāvira
Vasudevas, 1 nine Baladevasa and nine Prativasudevas3 lived within the period ranging from the first to the twenty-second Tirthankara. Together with the twentyfour Tirtharkaras, there are sixtythree great personages (Trishashțisalākāpurushacharita) of Jaina history.
From such statements and descriptions of the blissful state of the world at its initial stages, it is evident that the Jainas, like the Hindus, attributed to the first race of man a longer life and greater strength and happiness than what fall to the share of his offspring in the present age. We know that the Greeks and Romans also held similar views. The world has grown worse and worse, and the life of man shorter and shorter, so that the twentythird Tirthankara, Pārsva, is said to have lived only for a hundred years, and died 250 years before his more celebrated successor, Mahāvīra, who lived only for seventytwo years. ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE TO ASCERTAIN THE TRUTHFULNESS OF THE LEGENDS
This legendary account of the existence of Jainism in such an early period on the basis of Jaina scriptures is not reliable, as it is not consistent with archaeological facts. The archaeologists tell a different story. The earliest man of Early Palaeolithic Culture lived in India in the Middle Pleistocene Period, i.e., some 200,000 years ago. Economically, man was then a savage and a hunter, and with the help of stone tools, he subsisted largely on fruits, roots and grubs, and on the chase with the help of his bow and arrow. The Middle Stone Age Culture is assigned to the later half of the Pleistocene (25,000 years before), and the tools are of typical flake 1. (1) Achala, (2) Vijaya, (3) Bhadra, (4) Suprabha, (5) Sudarśana, (6)
Ananda, (7) Nandana, (8) Padma, and (9) Rāma. 2. (1) Triprishtha, (2) Dviprishtha, (3) Svayambhu, (4) Purushoitama,
(5) Purushasimha, (6) Purushapundarika, (7) Datta, (8) Nārāyana,
and (9) Kţishna. 3. (1) Ašvagrīva, (2) Tāraka, (3) Meraka, (4) Madhu, (5) Nisumbha, (C) Bali, (7) Prahlada, (8) Rāvana, and (9) Jarāsandha.
The legends of their lives form the subject of Hemachandra's 'great epic, the Trishashrišalákāpurushacharita based on older sources, probably the Vēsudevahindi.

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Lord Malāvira and His Times nature, smaller than those of the Early Stone Age Culture. Up to the Mesolithic stage of culture of the Early Holocene Age, man was still a hunter and used tiny stone tools called microliths, which are non-geometric. Pottery did not come into existence till then.
If the evidence of the lowest levels of Langhraj in Gujarat is taken to be a general feature, the geometric element seems to have made its appearance in the microlithic industry. It was followed by the appearance of pottery. There is also some evidence, though inconclusive, regarding agriculture and domestication of animals at this stage. A picture of people using pottery and geometric microliths is also afforded by the caveshelters of Madhya Pradesh. None of these stages has been dated with reasonable approximation.
The carbon-14 datings for the pre-pottery village culture of Kili Ghul Mohammad, near Quetta in Pakistan, confined to the Baluchi hills (Period I viz. 3690 + 85 B.C. and 3510 515 B.C.), are of great value. They provide evidence for the domestication of animals and for agriculture but not for the use of pottery. Kili Ghul Mohammad III marks the infiltration of copper. Kalibangan and Kotdiji cultures (3000 B.C.) are famous for pre-Harappan deposits, such as pottery, and structures. The Harappan civilization with many metropolitan centres, such as Rupar in the East Punjab, Kalibangan in North Rajasthan, Alamgirpur in Uttara Pradesh, and Rang-pur, Lothal, and Somanatha in Gujarat, is the last and most
elaborate phase of long cultural evolution (2500-1800 B.C.). It was followed by the various Chalcolithic cultures (1800-600 B.C.)--the Painted Grey Ware Culture of the Ganga Yamuna basin, the Chalcolithic Cultures of Madhya Pradesh and the Deccan, the Neolithic Cultures of the North West, etc. It is in the light of the material furnished by these different cultures that we should study Jainism before Mahāvīra. The archaeological evidence does not prove such an antiquity of Jainism as is revealed by the Jaina scriptures. THE THEORY OF TWENTYFOUR TIRTHANKARAS
The Kalpasūtra ascribed to Bhadrabāhu (3rd century B.C.) shows the early stages of the development of Jainism when the

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Jainism before Lord Mahavira tradition of four Tirthaukaras or Jinas was cherished by the Jaina community. The four Jinas, whose life history is presented in the Kalapasīītra, are Rishabhadatta, Arishţanemi, Pārsva and Mahāvīra. The conception of the former Buddhas was current even in Buddhism as early as the third century B.C. because some of them were worshipped in their own slūpas. Both in Jainism and Buddhism, the number gradually increased from four to seven, and from seven to twentyfour Tīrthankaras. The tradition of twenty-four Tirthankaras became well established among the Jainas in about the first or second century A.D.' It might have risen earlier in Jainism, as the Nirgranthas were never spoken of, in Buddhist writings, as a newly risen sect nor was Nātaputta referred to as their founder. Accordingly, the Nirgranthas were, probably, an old sect at the time of Buddha, and Nātaputta only a reformer of the Jaina Church which might have been founded earlier by Pārsvanātha.
RISHABHA AS FOUNDER OF JAINISM
According to the Jaina tradition, Rishabha, who belonged to the Ikshvāku family of Ayodhyā, was the founder of Jainism. His parents were Nābhirāja and Marudevi. The son's name was Bliarata after whom India is said to be named. He was the first Jina and the first Tirthankara who was born in an age when people, primitive and illiterate, did not know any art. He is said to have taught the arts of cooking, writing, pottery, painting and sculpture for the first time. It was during his time that the institution of marriage, the ceremony of cremating the dead, building of the mounds and the festivals in honour of Indra and the Nāgas came into existence. We may, thus, look upon him as a great pioneer in the history of human progress.
Even in the Bhagavali Sitra of the Jainas, the Ājivika saint Gosla is said to have claimed for himself the status of the twentyfourth and fast Tirthankara of current dvasarbini age The terminology of the plirasc is distinctly Jaina. This is not true because bcforc Goala, only two previous Ājivika leaders, namely, Nandavachchha and Kisa Sankichicha, are known.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times
It is often said that there is a reference to Lord Rishabha in the Vedic literature. Some Vedic preceptors paid reverence to Lord Rishabha, and regarded him as the Lord of Lords. In the Rigveda,1 and in the Taittiriya Aranyaka,2 Vātaraśanas have been used in the sense of Śramanas. Vātaraśana has also been mentioned, and in the same context an excellent tribute has been paid to Kesi. This Kesi alludes to Rishabha because in Jaina literature, there is a tradition that Lord Rishabha was called Keśī. Even on the ancient images of Lord Rishabha, locks of hair are noticed. In the Rigveda,1 Kesi has been mentioned along with Vrishabha. It is more probable that the reference to Lord Rishabha in Vratyakhaṇḍa of the Atharvaveda is only metaphorical. From this it is argued that Vṛishabha lived before the Vedic times and was the first fountain head of Śramana culture. It is from the context of the Rigveda that Lord Rishabha has been depicted as one who sponsored Vātaraśana Śramaņas in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa3 of the eighth century A.D.
Against this, it may be argued that though in the Rigveda and in other Vedic writings, 'Rishabha' has been mentioned many times, its meaning has been controversial and susceptible of different interpretations. There is no evidence of Rishabha being mentioned as the founder of Jainism in Vedic literature. Even in the days of Mahavira, Rishabha was not known as the founder of Nirgrantha sect from any contemporary source. From about the fourth or third century B.C., it seems that Rishabha became popular as the first Jina, the first Tirthankara, and the founder of Jainism. Like the imaginary Manu of Brahmanical literature, he has been described as the first ruler and founder of the new Social Order.
ARISHTANEMI OR NEMINÄTHA AS TĪRTHANKARA
Besides Rishabhadeva, Arishṭanemi or Neminatha has also been mentioned as the Tirthankara of the Jainas in the
1. RV, X, 11.139.2-3.
2. Taill. Ar, 2.7.1, p. 137.
3. RV, X, 11, 136-1.
4. Ibid., X. 9; 102-6,
5. Bhagavata, V, 3, 20.

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Jainism before Lord Mahāvīra Kalpasūtra. He is said to be the twenty-second Tīrthankara. He was the son of a king named Samudravijaya of Sauripura, a big town on the bank of the Yamunā. His mother's name was Sivādevi. He was named Arishțanemi because his mother saw in a dream a nemi, the outer rim of a wheel, which consisted of rishța stones flying up to the sky. Giranara or Raivataka hill is considered to be his nirvāna-place.
Neminātha is connected with the legend of Śrīksishņa as his relative. According to the Trishashțišalakāpurushacharita, he was a cousin of Lord Krishna who negotiated his marriage with Rājamatī, daughter of Ugrasena, ruler of Dvārikā, but Neminātha, taking compassion on the animals which were to be slaughtered in connection with the marriage feast, left the marriage procession suddenly and renounced the world. He then left Dvārikā and proceeded to a garden called Salasambhavana on the mount Raivataka, where he practised asceticism and attained salvation. According to the Kalpasūtra, he lived up to the age of 1,000 years.
The Chhāndogya Upanishadi refers to Krishņa, son of Devaki, as a disciple of Ghora Angirasa who instructed him about tapas (asceticism), dāna (charity), ārjava (simplicity or picty), ahimsā (non-injury) and satyavāchana (truthfulness)-virtues which are extolled by Kệishna in the Gitā. As Jaina tradition makes Vāsudeva-Krishna a contemporary of Tirtharkara Arishtanemi who preceded Pārsvanātha, some scholars identify Ghora Angirasa with Nenninātha. Neminātha is also known to have instructed Śrikrishna, but his identification with Ghora Angirasa is by no means correct as he is not known by this name in Jaina literature.
The age when Vāsudeva-Krishna flourished cannot be determined with certainty. The reference in the Chhāndogy'a Upanishad seems to point to a date in the sixth or seventh century B.C. The Mahābhārata war, in whiclı Kșishna is known to have participated, was, according to H.C. RAI CHAUDHURI, fought either in the 14th century B.C. or in the 9th century B.C.
1. Chhānd, III, 17, b. 2. PEAT, pp. 31-36.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times The curious Jaina version of Kộishṇa legend along with that of Arishtanemi having some points of similarity between itself on the one hand and the Brahmanical and Buddhistic versions on the other, was invented with the obvious purpose of gaining popularity for the Jaina faith in Western India by making the local people believe that the whole of the Yādava race attained salvation under the influence and guidance of the 22nd Tirthankara, Neminātha. Actually, Neminātha is not a historical figure at all and the same is probably the case with Lord Krishna also.
JAINISM AS A PRE-VEDIC RELIGION
It has been pointed out by some scholars that Jainism is a pre-Vedic religion. G.C. PANDEYhas tried to show that the anti-ritualistic tendency, within the Vedic fold, is itself due to the impact of an asceticism which antedates the Vedas. Jainism represents a continuation of this pre-Vedic stream. Some of the relics,” recovered from the excavations at Mohenjo-dāro and Harappa, are related to Šramana or Jaina tradition. The nude images in Kāyotsarga, i.e., the standing posture lost in meditation, closely resemble the Jaina images of the Kushāņa period. Käyotsarga is generally supposed to belong to the Jaina tradition. There are some idols even in Padmāsana pose. A few others, found at Mohenjo-dāro, have heads of serpents. They probably belonged to pre-Vedic Nāga tribe. The image of the seventh Tirtharikara, Lord Supārsva, has a canopy of serpent-heads.
Even after the destruction of the Indus civilization, the straggling culture of the Šramaņas, most probably going back to pre-Vedic and pre-Aryan times, continued even during the Vedic period as is indicated by some such terms as Vātarasana, Muni, Yati, Šramana, Keśí, Vrātya, Arhan and śiśnadeva. The Kesi Sukta of the Rigveda delineates the strange figure of the Muni who is described as long-haired, clad in dirty, tawnycoloured garments, walking in the air, drinking poison,
.
1. Psob, p. 317. 2. Moh. Ind, plate xii,
Figs. 13. 14, 15, 19, 22.

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Jainism before Lord Mahāvira delirious with Mauneya and inspired. There can hardly be any doubt that the Muni was to the Rigvedic Culture an alien figure. The Taittirīya-Aranyakał speaks of Gramaņas who were called Vatarašanāḥ. They led a celibate life and could disappear at will and teach the Brāhmaṇas the way of righteousness.
The word Šramaņa occurs in the Upanishads,2 although the Mundakopanishad has various references to the shavenheaded ascetics who revile the Vedas. All the passages of Vedic literature,3 taken together, suggest that the ratis were the people who had incurred the hostility of Indra the patron of the Aryas, and whose bodies were, therefore, thrown to the wolves.
The Pañchaviñsa Brāhmaṇa" describes some peculiarities of the Vrātyas. They did not study the Vedas; they did not observe the rules regulating the Brahmanical order of life. They called an expression difficult to pronounce when it was not difficult to pronounce at all and spoke the tongue of the consecrated though they themselves were not consecrated. This proves that they had some Prakritic form of speech. (The Prakrit language is especially the language of the canonical works of the Jainas.) K.P. JAYASWALS states that they had traditions of the Jainas current among them.
In the Rigveda, Arhan has been used for a Sramaņa leader: 'Oh Arhan, you fed compassion for this useless world.' The mention of śiśnadevas (naked gods) in the Rigveda? is also noteworthy.
As a matter of fact, however, there is no definite evidence for the existence of Jainism in pre-Vedic times. The images representing Kāyotsarga excavated at Mohenjo-dāro, cannot be ascribed to.Jainism unless there is some evidence for it. Even from the various terms mentioned in the Rigveda, no definite
1. Taitt. Är, I. pp. 87, 137-8. 2. Bri. Up. 4. 3. 22. 3. Tailt. Sam, VI, 2, 75; Kathaka Samhitā, VIII, Ă; Ait Bị. 35. 2; Kau U),
III. 1; AV, II, 53, Tándya Maha-Brāhmana, VIII, 1-4. 4. Pañch. BT, XVII, 4, 1-9. 5. JBORS, XIV, p. 26. 6. RV, II, 33, 10. 7. Ibid., VII, 21, 5; x, 99, 3,

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10
Lord Mahāvīra and His Times conclusion can be drawn regarding the existence of Jainism in those days.
Jainism it appears, was not extant in so early a period, but the primitive currents of religious and philosophical speculation of the pre-Vedic period along with Sāňkya-Yoga and Buddhism considerably influenced this religion. All the three shared a kind of pessimism, a conclusion that human life is full of misery. No trace of this attitude is to be found in the optimistic outlook of the Vedic Aryans. The doctrine of transmigration, unknown to the early Brāhmaṇas, suddenly emerges in the Upanishads and forms an essential element in these three systems. What is more important is the fact that this doctrine assumes its peculiarly Indian form by its association with the doctrine of Karman, and we know that some of the most primitive ideas of Karman are found in Jaina Metaphysics as well. An atheistic attitude and a kind of dualism between spirit and matter characterize all the three systems of thought. To the same primitive influence of pre-Vedic times may also be attributed the introduction of the practice of image-worship. From early times, the cult of symbols and images seems to have been current among the Jainas who continued the traditional religious practices of the pre-Aryan settlers of the Sindhu Valley region.
H. JACOBII noticed some marks of antiquity in the character of Jaina philosophy. Such a mark is the animistic belief that nearly everything is possessed of a soul; not only have plants their own souls, but particles of earth, cold water, fire and wind too. This theory of primitive animism in Jaina philosophy indicates that this religion originated at a very early time when higher forms of religious beliefs and cults had not taken hold of the Indian mind. Another mark of antiquity in Jainisin is that in the development of metaphysics, the category of quality is not yet clearly and distinctly conceived, but it is just cvolving, as it were, out of the category of substance.
In the Vedic period, there existed two distinct religious cultural traditions—the strictly orthodox and Aryan tradition
1. SBE, XLV, p. xxxiii.

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Jainism before Lord Mahāvira of the Brāhmaṇas and the straggling culture of the Munis and Sramaņas, most probably going back to pre-Vedic and preAryan times. During the later Vedic period, the two streams tended to mingle, and the result was the great religious ferment from which Jainism appears to have originated. Jainism and other Sramika religious sects grew up among the imperfectly Aryanised Communities of the East in response to the cultural atmosphere and social needs. These sects spread out, flourished and became highly popular there. On the other hand, Brahmanical religion had its stronghold in the North and the West.
PĀRŚVANĂTHA AS AN HISTORICAL FIGURE
H. JACOBI and others have tried to prove on the authority of both the Jaina and the Buddhist records that Pārsva was a historical personage. Their arguments are as follows:
1. In the Buddhist scriptures, there is a reference to the four vows (Chaturyāma Dharma) of Pārśva in contradiction to the five vows of Mahāvīra. The Buddhists could not have used the term Chāturyāma Dharma for the Nirgranthas unless they had heard it from the followers of Pārsva. This proves the correctness of the Jaina tradition that the followers of Pārsva, in fact, existed at the time of Mahāvīra.
2. The Nirgranthas were an important sect at the time of the rise of Buddhism, as may be inferred from the fact that they are frequently mentioned in the Pitakas as opponents of Buddha and his disciples This is further supported by another fact. Mankhali Gośāla, a contemporary of Buddha and Mahāvira, divided mankind into six classes, and of these, the third class contained the Nirgranthas. Gośāla, probably, would not havé ranked them as a separate class of mankind if they liad recently come into existence. He must liave regarded as members of a very important and at the same time an old sect.
3. The Majjhima Nikaya records a dispute between
1. SBE, XLV, pp. xx-xxiii.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times Buddha and Sakdāl, the son of a Nirgrantha. Sakdal was not himself a Nirgrantha. Now, when a famous controversialist, whose father was a Nirgrantha, was a contemporary of Buddha, the Nirgrantha sect could scarcely have been founded during Buddha's life-time.
4. The existence of Pārsva's Order in Mahāvýra's time is proved by the reported disputes between the followers of Pārsva and those of Mahāvīra. The followers of Pârśva, who did not fully recognize Mahāvīra as their spiritualʻguide, existed during Mahāvīra's life-time. A sort of compromise was effected between the two sections of the Jaina Church.
These arguments clearly show that Pārsvanātha was a real historical figure. Very few facts of his life are, however, known. The Kalpasūtra informs us that Pārśva was the son of king Aśvasena of Vārāṇasi (Banaras) and queen Vāmā, :. belonging to the Ikshvāku race of the Kshatriyas. No such person as Aśvasena is known, from Brāhmaṇa records, to have existed. The only individual of that name, mentioned in epic literature, was a king of the Snakes (Nāgas), and he cannot in any way be connected with the father of the Jaina prophet 'Pārsva'. Pārsva is said to have been born in 877B.C. It is evidently impossible to prove the correctness of this date as we do not have a single definite date in Indian history before the time of Buddha.
Many legends have gathered round Pārsva. Throughout his life he was connected with snakes in one way or the other. In his childhood, for instance, while he lay by the side of his mother, a serpent was seen crawling about there. When he grew up, he saved a serpent from the grave danger it was in. He also saved a poor terrified snake which had taken shelter in a log of wood to which a Brāhmin ascetic, Kamatha, was setting fire. After its death, the snake becamc God Dharanendra who spread a serpent’s hood over Pārsva.
Pārsva was married to Prabhāvati, the daughter of Prasenajit the king of Kuśasthala. He must have been a man of genial nature, as he is always given the epithet Purishādānija,
1. Kalpa, 149, 155.

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Jainism before Lord Mahāvira 'beloved of men'. He lived for thirty years in great splendour and happiness as a householder, and then, forsaking all his wealth, became an ascetic. After 84 days of intense meditation, he attained the perfect knowledge of a prophet, and from that time, he lived for about seventy years in the state of most exalted perfection and sainthood. At last, he attained Nirvānal (liberation) in 777 B.C. on the summit of Mount Sammedaśikhara, now named Pārsvanātha hill after him.
A man of practical nature, Pārśva was remarkable for his organizing capacity. He organized the Samgha (Organization) efficiently for the propagation of Jainism. He had eight ganas and eight ganadharas, namely, Subha and Aryaghosha, Vasishtha and Brahmachārin, Saumya and Śrīdhara, Virabhadra and Yaśas. He had an excellent community of 16,000 Śramaņas with Aryadatta at their head; 38,000 nuns with Pushpachūlā at their head; 164,000 lay votaries with Suvrata at their head; 372,000 female lay votaries with Sunandā at their head;" 350 sages who knew the four Purvas; 1,400 sages who were possessed of the avadhi knowledge; 1,000 kevalins; 1,100 sages who could transform themselves; 600 sages possessing correct knowledge; 1,000 male and 2,000 female disciples who had reached perfection; 750 sages, cach gifted with a mighty intellect; 600 professors and 1,200 sages in their last birth. Here the Digambara texts differ. According to them, there were ten ganas and ten ganadharas among whom Svayambhū was the chief apostle. They also differ in giving the number of nuns, laymen and female lay votaries which, according to them, was twentysix thousand, one lac and three lacs respectively. The numbers given above seem to have been exaggerated, but the division of Jaina Samgha in different branches proves the great organizing capacity of Paráva. He is said to have visited many cities, the most important of which for the dissemination of Jainism are Ahichchhatrā, Amalakappā, Savatthi, Kāmpillapura, Lágeya, Rāyagiha, and Kosambi.
According to the Jain tradition, the sacred literature descending from the time of Pārsva was known as Purras 1. Kialba, 168-169.
2, Ibid., 160-164. 3. Ibid., 166.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times
classes of living beings served as the basis of Mahavira's doctrine of six lesyās.1 According to H. JACOBI, the Order of Pārśva seems to have undergone some changes in the period between the death of Parsva and the advent of Mahavira.
Pārsva enjoined on his followers four great vows: (1) Abstinence from killing living beings; (2) Avoidance of falsehood; (3) Avoidance of theft, and (4) Freedom from possessions. H. JACOBI2 has clearly perceived that a doctrine attributed to Mahavira in the Buddhist Samaññaphala Sutta properly belonged to his predecessor, Pārśva, insofar as the expression Chatuyama Samvara is concerned. The doctrine is that, according to Mahāvīra, the way to self-possession selfcommand, and imperturbability consists of 'a four-fold selfrestraint', such as restraint in regard to all water, restraint in regard to all evil, and restraints imposed for the purification of sin and feeling a sense of ease on that account."
The Jaina writers tell us that Nagnajit, king of Gandhāra, Nimi, king of Videha, Durmukha, king of Pañchāla, Bhima, king of Vidarbha, and Karakaṇḍu, king of Kalinga adopted the faith of the Jainas. As Pārsva (877-777 B.C.) was probably the first historical Jina, these rulers, if they really became converts to his doctrines, have to be placed between 842 B.C. and 600 B.C. They are known to have ruled over their respective kingdoms before the sixth century B.C.
Parsva had a large number of followers round about Magadha even in the days of Mahāvīra. Mahavira's parents, who belonged to the Jñätri-Kshatriyas, were worshippers of Pārsva. Following the teachings of Parsva, they peacefully died practising the slow starvation of their senses. The Uttarädhyayana Sutra relates a meeting between Keśī and Gautama
1. The classification of living beings in terms of six colours may be traced in Parsva's doctrine of six Jivanikāyas (Āchā, II, 15, 16).
2. SBE, XLV, pp. xix-xxii.
3. Dia, II, pp. 74-75.
4. SBE, XLV. p. 87. 5. Acha, II, 15.16.
6. Uttara, 23, pp. 119-129.

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Jainism before Lord Mahavira
17
as representatives of the two Jaina Orders, the old and the new. The Bhagavatī Satra' refers to a dispute between Kālāsavesiyaputta, a follower of Pārsva, and a disciple of Mahāvīra. The Nāyādhammakahão" says that Kāli, an old maiden joined Pārsva's order and was entrusted to Pupphachūlā, the head of the nuns. The two sisters of Uppalā joined the order of Pārsva, but being unable to lead the rigid life of the order, they became Brāhmin parivrājikās (female wanderers). Munichanda, a follower of Pārsva, lived in a potter's shop in KumārāyaSannivesa in the company of his disciples. Vijayā and Pagabbhi, two female disciples of Pārsva, saved Mahāvīra and Gośāla in Kūviya-sannivesa.3 The Bhagavatı Sütra4 refers to Gāngeya, a follower of Pārśva in Vāņiyagāma. He gave up the four vows of Pārśva and adopted the five Mahāuratas of Mahāvīra. The Nāyadhammakahão5 mentions Pundariya who accepted the four vows of Pārsva. The followers of Pārsva moved in the company of five hundred monks into the city of Tungiya. A number of laywomen joined Pārsva's Order.? The Rāyapasenaiyasayas refers to a follower of Pārsva naměd Keśí who visited Seyaviyā where a discussion between him and Paesi took place regarding the identity of the soul and body. A follower of Pārsva named Udaka met Gautama, the famous disciple of Mahāvīra. Gautama was successful in winning over Udaka to his side. From the dialogue between Udaka and Gautama, it appears that the followers of Pārśva and the disciples of Mahāvīra were respectively known as the Nigantha Kumăraputtas and the Nigantha Nāthaputtas.
1. Bhag, I, 76. 2. Nāyā, II. i; p. 222 ff. 3. Āva, chii, p. 291. 4. Bhag, IX. 32. 5. Naya, 19, p. 215. 6. Bhag, 2-5. 7. Näya, II, 10. 8. Rāya, 147 ff. 9. Sūtra, II, 7.

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CHAPTER II
SOURCES
Since certain very significant changes took place in the political, religious, social, and economic spheres, the age of Lord Mahāvīra may be said to have marked a new epoch in Indian history. Also known as "The Historic Period', it provides a firm basis for the reconstruction of Indian chronology by furnishing dates of the death of Mahāvīra and Buddha. The sources for the reconstruction of the history of 'Lord Mahāvīra and His Times' may be divided into two main classes: (i) Literature and (ii) Archaeology. The literary evidence is very rich and varied in comparison with the archaeological.
1. LITERATURE
The contemporary literature on which this work is generally based remained in the form of oral traditions for a.considerable time and was codified much afterwards with certain interpolations and changes. Hence, it has been used after critical examination. The literary evidence is twofold: (a) direct and (b) collateral. The direct evidence is that which is furnished by the Jaina literary works, and the collateral one is gathered from the contemporary Buddhist and Brahmanical literary sources. Collating these sources of information, one cannot only prepare a sketch of the life of Mahāvira but also draw a fairly vivid picture of India, depicting political, religious, social, economic, and other conditions of the time in which he lived, moved and preached.
The Jaina literary works may be further divided into sub-classes. (i) Canonical Literary Works
These canonical works of the Jainas did not originate at one particular point of time, though their traditions can be traced back to Mahāvira and his disciples. But afterwards, these works had to undergo considerable changes, as a result of which

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several works as portions of the works were added to them from time to time. While different names are ascribed to one and the same canon, the number of canons varies considerably. Besides, certain canons or parts of the canons have become totally obsolete.
The important canonical texts are the Kalpa Sutra, Sülrakṣitānga (Sayagadamga), Uttaradhyayana Sūtra (Uttarājjhagana Sīya), Acharānga Sutra (Ājāranga Sutta), Vjākhyā-Prajñapli (Bhagavati Vijāhapannatti), Nirzāvali Sūtra (Nirajāvalija Sīpa), Upāsakadašā (Uvāsagadasão), Jñatādharmakatha (Nayādhammakahão), Aupapātika Sutra (Ovavõiya Siiya), Rājapraśnīja Saira (Rajapasenaiya Süya), and Avašyaka Sūtra ( Āvassaya Saya). As far as the contents of these Jaina canonical Sutras are concerned, they are traditionally known as the Pravachanas of the Jainas, particularly those of Mahāvīra. Their chief interest lies in the clear presentation of various topics relating to the lives of the Jinas and their teachings. Incidentally, they also throw valuable light on the political and cultural aspects of the country.
The major portion of the Kalpa Safra is devoted to the biography of Mfahāvīra, including his birth, lineage, parentage, childhood, marriage, itinerary during asceticism and finally his death. It also refers to the nine Lichchhavis as having formed a league with nine Mallakīs and eighteen clan-lords of Käsi-Košala.
The Sūtrakṣitānga, the Ultarādhyarana and the charanga contain the oldest part of the canon from the linguistic and literary points of view. These are very important as they enlighten us about the original teachings of Mahāvīra. The object of the Sūtraksilānga is to guard young monks against hcretical beliefs and to lead them on towards the attainments of the highest knowledge. They are to encounter many trials and tribulations but not to commit sins. The fundamental docirines of Jainism leading to the final deliverance of man have been discussed. Nlahāvira has been represenicd as a great teacher and praised for the virtues which have been described. This work also describes the four heretical creeds of the time of Alahävira-krijārāda, Akrijārāda, Ajnanciada, and l'inarazada 1. SBE, XXII, p. 266. 2. Ibid , XLV, p. xxxviii.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times -creeds which are known to have given rise to three hundred and sixtythree schools. One passage. gives the names of the existing classes, such as Ugras, Bhogas, Aikshvākus, Jñātris, Kauravas, and Lichchhavis.1
The intention of Uttarādhyayana, as rightly pointed out by H. JACOBI, is to instruct a young monk in his principal duties, to commend to him the ascetic life by precepts and examples, and to warn him against the dangers besetting his religious life.” It emphasises the duties of pupils towards their teachers, and their mutual relations. The fundamental principles of Jainism, such as Triratna, austerities, Karma, Navatattva, Leśyās, Samitis, and Guptis, have also been discussed. Instructions regarding the practice of righteousness by Mahāvīra have been given. Ten conditions for the realization of celibacy have been mentioned. Daśārņabhadra of Daśārna, Karakandu of Kalinga and Udāyana of Sauvīra are known to have become Jaina monks after giving up their kingdoms. Śreņika with his wives, servants and relatives appears to have adopted Jainism. Harikeshabala, born in the family of Chandālas, became a monk possessing the highest virtues. Vijayaghosha, who was engaged in performing Brahmanical sacrifice, was converted to Jainism by the monk Jayaghosha, who approached him for alms.
The Acharānga Sūtra has preserved a sort of religious ballad, an account of the years during which Mahāvira led a life of rigorous asceticism, thus preparing himself for the attainment of the highest spiritual knowledge. It contains important rules for Jaina monks and 'nuns. These rules are classificd in the Sutra under such general heads as begging, walking, modes of speech, entry into other's possessions, postures, places of study, and attending to the calls of naturc.
The Bhagavatī Sutra in its various dialogues gives a vivid picture of the life and work of Mahāvīra, his relationship to his disciples and to the kings and princes of the time, and contains an account of the Jaina dogmas on Samsāra and Karma 1. SBE, XLV, p. 339. 2. Ibid., p. xxxix.

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in the form of questions and answers between Mahāvīra and Indrabhūti Gautama. It also embodies a list of sixteen Mahajanapadas at the time of Mahāvīra. Anga was governed as a separate province under Kūņiya with Champā as its capital. In the war with Vaisāli, Kūņiya is said to have made use of Mahāśilakanţaka and Rathanushala. Udāyana, a ruler of Sauviradeśa, being influenced by the teachings of Malāvīra, renounced the world and became a Jaina monk. The work also enlightens us about the life and teachings of Gośāla who lived in the company of Mahāvīra for a period of about six years during which the latter was engaged in his ascetic practices.
The Nirajāvali Sūtra refers to the great battle between Kūņika of Champā and king Chetaka of Videha and Vaiśālī, when the eighteen confederate kings are stated to have sided with the latter. The bone of contention was the Magadha State elephant Śreyanāka and a huge necklace of eighteen strings of pearls which were given by Śreņika to his sons, Halla and Vehalla.
A vivid picture of social life has been presented by the Uvāsagadasão. It contains the stories of pious householders who became lay adherents of Jainism. The wealthy potter named Saddālaputta, for instance, was at first a follower of Makkhali Gośāla, but afterwards went over to Mahāvira. It informs us about the life and teachings of Gośāla who lived in his company for some time. Bārāṇasi, Kampillapura Palāśapura and Ālabhi were the important towns within the kingdom of Jiyasattu, and Vaiśālī was ruled by Chetaka.
The title of the text Nājādhammakahão may be explained as 'Stories for the dhamma of Nāya’ (Jūātņi), i.e. Mahāvira, who is also called Jñātriputra, Nāya or Nātaputta. The stories found here explain the teachings of Mahavira. They indirectly throw light on the economic condition of the people. They describe the sea-faring merchants of Champa, who loaded their waggons with various commoditics and proceeded to deep harbour. A merchant named Pālita of Champā is known to have gone on business to the town of Pihunda or Pithunga, a sea-coast town. The palaces, described in this icxt as lofty: had domes, and their floors were richly decorated with various kinds of gems and jewels.

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Lord Ma havīra and His Times
The Uvavõiya Sūya (Aupapātika Sūtra) contains an account of Mahāvīra's Samovašarana in Champā and the pilgrimage of Kūņiya to this place. It also speaks of the Tāpasas as those religiex who adopted the Vanaprastha mode of life on the banks of the sacred rivers typified by the Ganges.
The Rāyapasenaiya is an Upānga containing a dialogue between Keśī, a disciple of Pārśva and Paesi, a ruler of Setavyā. Keśí tries to prove to Paesi that the soul is independent of the body. The Pāli counterpart of this Upānga is known as the Pāyāsi Suttanta. This text also describes the celestial mansion of Sūryābhadeva, its beautiful pillars, its opera hall and pavilion. The details of architectural varieties and decorations given here are important and have a bearing on the development of Indian architecture. Corresponding to such a description, we have pictures of various celestial mansions in the Pāli Vimānavatthu.
The Āvašyaka Sūtra contains some interesting historical details of the time of Mahāvīra. During the war between Chandana's father and king Satānika, she was taken captive by an army of the enemy and sold in Kaušāmbs to a banker, Dhanavaha. In due course. Chandana accepted Jainism from Mahāvīra and became a nun. The daughters of king Chețaka of Vaiśāli were married to some contemporary rulers. Mțigăvats was married to king Satānika of Kaušāmbi, śivā to Chaņdapradyota of Ujjayini, Jyeshthā to Nandivardhana, brother of Lord Mahāvīra and ruler of Kundagrāma, and Sujyesthā joined the Order of Mahāvīra's disciples. Mahāvira during his wanderings as a monk visited Kāśí. Ajātaśatru of Magadha not only humbled Kośala and permanently annexed Kāść but also absorbed the state of Vaiśālı. Magadha and Avanti were brought face to face with each other. Udāyina was a devout Jaina.
(ii) Exegeses of the Canons
The exegetical literature interpreting the canons is very vast. As a matter of fact, it seems to be quitc impossible to interpret the canons without the help of the commentaries.

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Sources
On the whole, this commentarial literature appears to be trustworthy. since the commentaries have tried to preserve the old traditions and legends current in those days. While illustrating the tenets of the canons, their authors have referred to old compositions, ancient traditions and ancient explanations. All this proves that they have attempted to make them authentic. This literature includes some of the important commentaries such as the Bțihatkalpa Bhäshya and its Vsitti, the Vyavahāra Bhashya and its Vivarana, the Nišitha Chūrni, the Āvasyaka Chūrņi and commentaries on the Āvasyaka and Uttarādhyayana.
This exegetical literature is undoubtedly a mine of rich treasure in itself. In these works we come across descriptions of various customs and beliefs prevalent in those days in different parts of India, of various feasts and festivals, of religious sects, wandering ascetics, famine, robbers, and dacoits, of inaccessible roads, mountains and deserts, of economic production, industry, trade routes, dress, ornaments, food, and various other matters of importance, which have nothing to do with religion as such, but are of general interest to man.
This exegetical literature consists of four parts (a) Nijjutti, (b) Bhāsa, (c) Chunni, and (d) Țikā.
(a) Nijjutti
The oldest explanatory literature represented by Nijjuttis contains a number of historical or legendary tales elucidating Jaina doctrines and moral or disciplinary rules given in the Jaina canons. The following are the ten Nijjuttis: (1) Agārānga, (2) Snyagadanga, (3) Sūriyapannatti, (4) Uttarājjhayana, (5)
Avassaja, (6) Dasavejālija, (7) Dasāsuyakkhandha, (8) Kappa, (9) Vavahāra, and (10) Isibhāsiya. Tradition is unanimous in attributing the authorship of the Nijjuttis to Bhadrabālu who seems to be different from Bhadrabāhu (297 B.C.), the last Śrutakcvalin.
(b) Bhasa
The next chronological stage of developinent in the commentarial literature after Vijjuti is Bhāsa. The cleven

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Lord Mahavira and His Times
Āgamas seem to have their separate Bhāsas. The Bhāsas on the Bțihatkalpa Sūtra, Vyavahāra Sutra and Nišitha Sūtra are very important as they contain most valuable items of information regarding various topics, especially the life of monks and nuns and the society of those early days.
(c) Chunni
The third category of commentaries is known as Chunnis. Most of the Āgamas contain Chunnis, most of which in their published form are ascribed to Jinadāsagani Mahattara. Out of the extant Chunnis, the Avassaya and Nisiha are most important as they contain an invaluable treasure of information from the point of Jaina history and culture. The Āvassaya Chunni describes some important incidents of the life of Mahāvira and also refers to some important kings and princes contemporary to him.
(d) Ţikā
Haribhadra Sūri (705-775 A.D.) was a distinguished and versatile writer who is known to have written his commentaries on the canons in Sanskrit. His commentaries on Āvassaya, Dasaveyaliya, Nandi and Anuyoga are famous. Silänka Sūri (872 A.D.), Vadivetāla śānti Sūri, Abhayadeva Sūri and others also contributed to exegetical literature in which the commentaries on the Avassaya, Uttaraj jhayana, Bțihatkalpa Bhashya, Vyavahāra Bhashya, Thānārga, Bhagavali, Jambudvipaprajñpti and Kalpa Sūtra are most valuable for the reason that they record various important traditions.
These different types of commentaries on canonical works give detailed information about the life of Mahavira, and other political and cultural aspects of his times. Their motive was sometimes to apotheosize Lord Mahāvíra into a superhuman being by describing him in hyperbolic terms. Though based on tradition, these are still late works and cannot be wholly relied upon unless they are not confirmed by some other independent sources. After critical examination of traditions and legends, these works have been utilised.

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(iii) Purāņas and Charitras
Like the Puranas of the Brahmins, Jaina Purānas too are available. In some Jaina Purāṇas and the Charitras, accounts of the life of Mahavira and of other contemporary rulers have been given. These are not of much importance from the historical point of view as they appeared very late and their descriptions are exaggerated. The main Puranas concerning the life of Mahavira are Jinasena's Harivaṁsapurāṇa (783 A.D.) and Gunabhadra's Uttarapurāņa (9th century A.D.). The Trishashṭhisalākāpurushacharitra of Hemachandra (12th century A.D.) yields some information regarding Lord Mahāvīra and some of his contemporary rulers. The Mahavirachariyam of Nemichandra, the Mahāvirachariyam of Gunachandra Gaņi, the Vardhamānacharitra of Asaga (988 A.D.), and the Vardhamanacharita of Sakalakirti (1464 A.D.) are late biographical works on Mahavira.
(iv) Miscellaneous Works
The Tiloyapannati of Vrishabha (V.S. 535), the Dasabhakti of Pujyapada (5th century A.D.), the Jayadhavalā Ţikā of Virasena (V.S. 873), the Trilokasära of Nemichandra (973 A.D.), the Parisishṭaparvan of Hemachandra (12th century A.D.) and the Vicharasreni of Merutunga (1306 A.D.) have been utilised in one way or the other for this work.
(b) Collateral Evidence
The collateral evidence supplied by the Buddhist and Brahmanical accounts is to a great extent supplementary to Jaina evidence. There is a good deal of agreement between them. This evidence may be placed under two heads: (i) the Buddhist and (ii) the Brahmanical.
(i) Buddhist Literature
Like the Jaina canon, the Buddhist canon was not compiled at one particular time. It is primarily concerned with the carly Buddhist doctrines but incidentally throws light on the political and cultural aspects of the society as well. Among the Buddhist canonical texts, the Finaya Pitaka and Sutta Pitaka are important.

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Lord Mahāvira and His Times The Mahāvagga and the Chullavagga of the Vinayapițaka are noteworthy. The Mahāvagga is mainly concerned with the formation of the Samgha and its rules, but its incidental refereces are valuable in that they throw considerable light on the daily life of the people. The rules of the procedure and debates of the assemblies of the republics during this period seem to be the same as those of the Buddhist Samghas which were modelled on Samgha or Gana States. While describing the rules for the Bhikshus, the Chullavagga gives an idea of the articles of furniture, utensils and other amenities of the common dwelling-house,
The Sutta Pitaka comprises the following five collections called Nikayas: (1) Dīgha, (2) Majjhima, (3) Samyutta, (4) Angilttara, and (5) Khuddaka. In the Digha, Majjhima and Anguttara, there are references to Nigantha Nātaputta, to his teachings and to the Nirgranthas. These parallel references sometimes prove the correctness of the traditions preserved in the Jaina texts, and thus they are valuable for the history of Jainism during the time of Mahāvīra. This also leads us to believe that in the days of Buddha, Mahāvīra was considered to be an important personality and Jainism a strong living religion.
. The Brahmajālasutla of the Dighanikaya is important for the history, not only of Buddhism but of the entire religious life and thought of ancient India. The Samaññaphala Sutta is a valuable piece of evidence for the life and thought at the time of Buddha, as it appears from the views of prominent nonBuddhist teachers and founders of sects. From the Mahaparinibbāna Sutta, it is known that in reply to Varshākāra, the Chancellor of Magadla, Buddha indicated the seven points of excellence of the Vajjis which may be regarded as the directive principles of State policy. In the Mahāsudassana Sutta of the Digha Nikāya, there is a description of the palace of King Mahā-sudassana.
The Majjhima Nikāya throws considerable light on the life of Buddhist monks, as also on Brahmanical sacrifices, various forms of asceticism, the relation of Buddha to the Jainas and other systems of the day, the superstitions and the socio-political conditions of the time. The Angutlara Vikaya

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gives a list of the sixteen States existing during the time of Buddha.
The Theragātha and Therigātha are very important on account of the pictures of life they portray, pictures that give us a valuable insight into the social conditions of those days, especially into the position of women.
The Jatakas, which from a part of the Khuddaka Nikaya of the Sutta-Pitaka, are generally concerned with the day-today life of the people. Some of the Jatakas supply valuable material for the reconstruction of the political, social and economic history of India during the sixth century B.C. They give us valuable information regarding the constitution of the republics, especially of the Lichchhavis, and king's officers. They throw light on social organization, position of women, festivals and recreations. They mention educational institutions, especially Taxila, the various subjects taught there, the teachers and students. Some of them refer to various professions and industries, trade and commerce, and the guilds in which they were organized. There is also a reference to coins known as Kärshāpaņas. The Maha Ummaga Jātakal gives a vivid account of the palace of the Mahā Ummaga and also a list of motifs illustrating scenes from heavenly life and mythical beliefs depicted on the walls of the great hall of the Maha-Ummaga palace.
(ii) Brahmanical Literature
Since the Dharma Sitras and the Grihra Sitras are supposed to have belonged to the sixth century B.C., they have been utilised to corroborate certain important pieces of evidence. Besides throwing a flood of light on the social and cconomic conditions of the period in question, they sometimes enlighten us about its political and other aspects as well. Baudhayana in his Dharma Sutra mentions such states as Saurashtra, Avanti Magadha, Anga, Pundra and Variga. The Dharma Sülras also describe the four Varnas and different castes along with their duties and privileges. They discuss the four Asramas (Srages or lifc) and emphasize the duties of the individual at every siage.
1. Molā Ummaga Jā, VI, 432.

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Lord Mahavīra and His Times
They insist upon the mutual cordial relations between the teachers and students. A list of holidays in the Gurukulas has been given, and it is obvious that interruptions in study were allowed for a variety of causes and circumstances. In these Sūtras we also find references to icons, The Gțihya Sutras are concerned mainly with domestic rituals.
The Ashțādhyāyī of Pāṇini has been used because it supplies valuable political and cultural data of this age. He mentions both classes of states, viz., the republics (Sangha or Gaña) and the kingdoms (Janapadas). That women followed the profession of teaching is apparent from his work which also embodies certain terms that denote the existence of the art of writing. The author discusses town-planning and also refers to some important towns. His work contains references to images.
The traditions preserved in the Purānas form an important source of information for the history of Mahāvīra's time. The fifth and the last section known as Vamšanucharita of some Purāņas gives an account of the kings of the ruling dynasties. The names of some of these kings ruling over Magadha, Avanti, Kāśi, Košala etc., are accepted as fairly reliable, because they are partially corroborated by both Jaina and Buddhist literatures.
ARCHAEOLOGY
Though no written record of this period is extant, the monuments and antiquities discovered in the archacological excavations conducted at different places are hclpful for the purpose of historical reconstructions. The existence of some early cities such as Rājagriha, Vārāṇasī, Mathurā, Śrāvasti, Ujjain and Hastināpura is proved by archacological findings. City-walls, fortifications and parts of urban settlement have been excavated, giving us a rough idea of town-planning during this period.
The actual remains of the buildings of this period are few because of the perishable nature of the materials used in those days. The existence of the carly structures of Släpas

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along with some other antiquities are known from their archaeological remains discovered at a village, Lauria Nandangarh, in Champaran District of Bihar and Piprahwa (District Basti) of the Nepal border. Wood, mud and mudbricks were widely used during this period. Small hearths of bamboo and reed have been discovered at Chandraketugarh and Mathura. Structures made of mud and mud-bricks are found at Nagda, Atranjikhara, Hastināpura, Mathura, and Rajaghat. Burnt bricks were used probably for building places of public utility, and their remains have been discovered at Rupar, Hastināpura, and Ujjain. The historic Jarasandhakī Baithaka built during this period at Rājagriha is of stones. Some of the paintings preserved in the rockshelters discovered near Pachmarhi, Mirzapur, and Manikpur may also belong to this period.
No sculptures but the terracottas of this period have been discovered at certain places, such as Hastināpura, Mathurā, Ahichchhatrā, Rajaghat near Vārāṇasi, Srāvasti and Sonerpur. These are made of grey, black, polished, and red ware. Both human and animal figurines are found, but the number of human figurines is larger at this date than that found in the preceding culture. These are better modelled than the specimens of the earlier period, and they are decorated by incision, circles and stamps.
The archacological excavations carried out at different sites give us an idea of the ceramics used by the people. This period was noteworthy for the introduction of some new fabrics, the most important of them being the North Black Polislied Ware, known as a prince among the potterics in India. Black slipped Warc, Red and Black Ware, Grey Ilare, and Red Ware were the associate poticrics of this age which met the increasing demand of the people, Pottery vessels of different shapes, shades, and colour give an idea of the artistic taste of the people.
Metal objects, such as ornaments, bcads, and toilets rccovered from the early historical sites in excavations, throw an important light on the material lifc of thc people. The discovery of a large number of iron objects at Ujjain, Nagda, Eran, etc. proves the popularity of iron, lis wide use for dific

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Lord Mahavira and His Times
rent purposes resulted in the surplus of wealth and prosperity during this period.
Coins found at Taxila, Paila, Golakhapur, Patrah, etc. seem to have belonged to this age. These coins are punchmarked because they were being punched by a number of symbols successively by different punches. These punch-marked coins known as Kārshapanas, are the earliest coins of India, and are usually made of silver and copper, though silver pieces are certainly more numerous. The vast majority of the silver punch-marked coins follow the standard of 16 māshakas. The larger and thinner coins are as a general rule of an earlier date than the small and thick ones. The number of symbols on the obverse is usually five. The popular symbols during this period were the sun, the six arms, a hill above a tank with two fishes, and a peculiar symbol surrounded with five taurines.
30
Thus with the help of these different sources, an attempt has been made to give a correct picture of Lord Mahavira and his times. Certain handicaps have to be experienced by the historian of so early a period because of the paucity and vagueness of the historical material. In fact, the primary source material remained in the shape of traditions for a considerably long time, and then it was codified. This has been utilised only after a thorough critical examination. At the same time, other independent evidences have also been tapped to corroborate it wherever necessary. Still, however, nothing can be said positively on controversial issues in the absence of substantial evidence.

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CHAPTER III
LIFE OF LORD MAHĀVĪRA
Lord Mahavira, the last Tirthankara of the Jainas, is described as a supreme personality and acknowledged as 'a great Brāhmaṇa', 'a great guardian', 'a great guide', 'a great preacher', 'a great pilot', and 'a great recluse'.1 Around his personality there gathered a large number of men and women belonging to different castes and classes. His disciples and followers sincerely believed that their master was, whether walking or sitting, gifted with a supreme knowledge and vision of the summum bonum. It is this earnest belief in the greatness of the Teacher that induced them to repose their trust in him and in his words. To them, he stood as a living example of highest human virtue and perfection. His life was to them a perennial source of light and inspiration. His sufferings and forbearance kept them steady in all their trials and tribulations. And his teachings and instructions were for them not ordinary words but utterances of one who saw the light of truth and was able to lead others along the path to enlightenment.
HIS CLAN
'Mahavira' or the Great Hero was not the personal name of the religious teacher. He was better known to his contemporaries as Nigantha, Nata-putta-Nigantha of the Näta or Naya clan. This name is composed of two separate epithets, Nigantha and Nataputta, the first of which is religious and the second secular. He was Nigantha (Nirgrantha) in a literal as well as in a figurative sense-unclothed without and free from all worldly bonds and ties within. He was called Nataputta because he was a scion of the Naya, Nata2 or Jnatri clan of the Kshatriyas. Just as the Buddha was called Sakyaputta because he was a scion of his clan, so
1. Uva, VII.
2. SBE, XXII, pp. 80, 248.
as oppting in hd wants that may 17

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Lord Mahavira and His Times was Mahāvíra called Nātaputta because he was a scion of the Nāta Clan. HIS BIRTH AND PARENTAGE
The Jaina tradition places the birth of Mahāvīra in the year 599 B.C. He belonged to Kāśyapa gotra. He was a son of Kshatriya Siddhartha, also known as Śreyāmsa and Yaśāmśa, and of Kshatriyāni Trišalā, also known as Videhadattā and Priyakāriņi of the Vasishtha Gotra. His mother was a sister of Chețaka, one of the kings of Vaiśālī. His parents, both lay followers of Pārsva, were pious and chaste, virtuous and strict. They rigorously observed the principles of Jainism.
One incident regarding the birth of Mahāvīra, which has been mentioned by some Svetāmbara works, cannot be ignored. It is said that Mahāvīra was first conceived in the womb of a Brāhmin lady called Devānandā but was later transferred to the womb of Tiśalā Khattiyāni as Tirthankaras are not born in the Brahmin families. The Bhagavati Sūtra puts this episode into the mouth of Mahāvīra himself. The incident as described there relates to Devānanda and Usabhadatta, the original parents, coming to see Mahāvīra when the latter had become famous as a preacher. On seeing Mahāvíra milk began to flow from the breast of Devānandā due to the strong motherly love she bore towards him. Gotama asked his Master the reason for this upon which the latter admitted that he was the son of Devānandā. The text goes on to say that these original parents of Mahāvīra accepted the order of their Jaina son. This may be one of the causes of his having Brāhmin disciples.
Curiously enough, the tradition about the transfer of the womb goes back to the beginning of the Christian era or even earlier, as it is found depicted in one of the Mathura Sculptures. This story seems to have been borrowed from 1. Achā, II, 15, 15; Kalpa, 109, 110. 2. SBE, XXII, p. 220; Sama, p. 89a; Sthānā, p. 523b; Acha, II, 16. 4-
(pp. 190-191). 3. Blag, 9.33 (pp. 457-58), 4. V.A. SITI : Thc Jain Stūpa and other Antiquities of Mathura,
Place No. 1S.

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33
the Puranic story of the transfer of the embryo of Krisna from the womb of Devaki to that of Rohiņi. This incident regarding the transfer of the womb has been discredited by the Digambaras.
H. JACOBI thinks that Siddhārtha had two wives, the Brāhmaṇi Devānandā, the real mother of Mahavira, and the Kshatriyāni Trišala. The name Rişabhadatta has been invented by the Jainas in order to provide Devānanda with another husband. Siddhartha was connected with persons of high rank and great influence through his marriage with Trišalā. It was, therefore, profitable, if not probable, to give out that Mahavira was the son, and not merely the step-son, of Trišala, for the reason that he should be entitled to the patronage of her relations. The Jainas' preference for Kshatriyas rather than for Brāhmaṇas is also proved by this curious legend.1 In the Bhagavali Sītra, there is no mention of the change of Mahāvīra's embryo, and Devānandā has been stated to be the mother of Maltāvīra. It is reasonable to assume that Rişabhadatta and Devānandã were original parents of Mahāvira, but they might have given Mahāvira to Siddhartha and Trišali to be adopted by them.
Before birth, Mahāvīra's mother is said to have seen a number of dreams. According to the Svetāmbaras, they numbered fourteen. These fourteen dreams, according to the Kalpa Sütra, were (1) an elephant; (2) a bull; (3) a lion; (4) the anointing of the goodess Sri; (5) a garland; (6) the moon; (7) the sun; (8) a flag; (9) a vase; (10) a lotus lake; (11) an ocean; (12) a celestial abode; (13) a heap of jewels and (14) a flame. The Digambaras, who describe sixieen dreams, insert the visions of a throne of diamonds and rubies, and also of a great king of the gods divelling bclow the carth. They also assert that she saw the sun before she dreamt about the moon. In place of a flag, they affirm that she saw two fishes. Theyalso assert that she witnessed two vases instead of one, filled with pure water. The interpreters forcold that the child would bccoinc either a universal monarch or a prophet possessing all possible knowledge. Since it is a lcgendary account, it is
1. Sne, XXII, p. xxxi, f. n. 2.

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not necessary to believe that the mother of the Tirthankara actually saw all the dreams. The birth of great men has often afterwards been made a theme for some of the most fanciful and superhuman legends1 the world has known.
34
BIRTHPLACE
8
The early scriptures of both the Svetambaras2 and the Digambaras3 agree that Kundapura or Kundagrāma was the birthplace of Mahāvīra. After examining the evidence contained in the Acharanga Sutra1, the Sutrakṛitanga, the Kalpa Sutra, the Uttaradhyayana Sutra and the Bhagavati-Sutra-Țika, it becomes clear that Jainism had a great stronghold in the area of Vaisali-Kundapura of the Videha country during this period and that Mahavira was closely associated with this area. The name Visālie i.e. Vaišālika was given to Mahāvira in the Sutra-Kritanga. Vaisalika apparently means a native of Vaiśāli, the capital of Videha country. Thus it is clear that Mahavira was born at Kundapura near Vaiśālī in the Videha
country.
From the seventh century onwards, the gradual decline of Vaiśāli began and the Jainas came to forget the birthplace of the last Tirthankara. Some Digambara Jaina works place Vaiśālī under Cheṭaka in Sindhu-Vishaya or Sindhu-deśa.
1. SBE, XXII, pp. 231-238.
2. Avasyaka Niryukti, Kalpa Sutra, Avasyaka Sūtra, (Hāribhadriya-Tikā), Mahavira Chariyam of Nemichandra, Mahavira Chariyam of Gunachadra Gani, Paumachariyam of Vimala Sūri, Varanga-Charitam of Jaṭāsimha Nandi and Ava'sjaka-Churni.
3. Pujyapada's Dasabhakti, (p. 116); Jinasena's Harivamsapurāna (1.2); Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana (74); Damanandi's Purana Samgraha; Asaga's Vardhamama-Charitra (XVII. 61); Sakalakirti's Vardhumána Charitra (VII).
4. Acha, II, 15. 15, 17.
5. Sutra, 1, 2, 3, 22. H
6. Kalpa, (Sutras 110, 112, 128).
7. Uttard, VI, 17.
8. Bhagavati Ti, II, 1, 12, 2.
9. Uttara-Purana (75); Vimala Purāṇa; Śreņika-Charitra (9); and ÁrådhenkKatha-Kosha (4).

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35
To them Tirabhukti became Sindhu-Vishaya. Evidently, however, Vaiśālī was not situated in Sindhu-Sauvīra. K. P. JAINI suggests two reasons for this confusion. Firstly, it may be that the authors have equated Sindhu-deśa with Vrijideśa”, and, secondly, there might have been a confusion especially because Ujjayini in Avanti, too, was called Viśālā,3 and there was the Sindhu river in the adjoining territory for which reason it was called Sindhu-desa in the middle ages (8th to 15th centuries A.D.). Since the Digambara writers, K.P. JAIN adds, lived more in the Ujjayiní region, they appear to have confused Ujjayini (which was also called Visālā) with the Viśālā, little knowing that another Viśālā different from their own existed in Eastern India.
Efforts have recently been made to find out the birthplace of Lord Mahāvīra, the son of the Jñātņika leader of Kshatriya-Kundapura or Kundalapura and the maternal son of a Lichchhavi chief. While the Digambara Jainas found a village called Kundalapura ncar Nālandi, the Svetāmbara Jainas found a site called Kshatriyakunda near the village Lachhwād or Lachhuār in South Monghyr. These came to be regarded as the birthplaces of Lord Mahāvīra by the respective sects. Temples and Dharmaśālās were constructed and the Jaina pilgrims began to pour into these places. Thus while the real birthplace was forgotten, other places came to be rccognized as such.
The present site, Kshatriyakunda, near Lachhwād, cannot be the birthplace of Lord Mahavira because it formed part of Aŭga, and not of Videha. Modern Kshatriyakunga is situated on the mountain while there are no references to mountains in connection with ancient Kshatriyakunda of Kundapura in the Jaina scriptures. Near the present Kshatriyakunda, no traces of such ancient places as Vaišāli, Vānijyagrāma,
1. Jaina Siddhanta Bhāskara, 3 (Sept. 1936), p. 30, 8.n.). 2. Sindhu-desa literally mcans "the country of Rivers' and Tirabhukti,
100, has a similar incaning, i.r. 'the Province situated on the Bank:s (of Rivers). From the Gupta pcrio: onwards, Videho came to be
known as Tirabhukti. 3. fechadi/a, 1,30.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times
Kolläga-Sanniveśa and Karmāragrāma are found. The nullalia near it is not the Gandakı river.
In the Mahāvagga of the Buddhists, it has been said that Buddha, while sojourning at Kotiggāma, was visited by the courtezan Ambapāli and the Lichchhavis of the neighbouring capital, Vaiśālī. From Koțiggāma, he went to where the Nātikas lived. There he lodged in the Nātika Brick Hall. From there he went to Vaiśālī where he converted the general-in-chief (of the Lichchhavis), a lay disciple of the Nirgranthas. H. JACOBI has identified Kotiggāma of the Buddhists with Kundagāma of the Jainas. Apart from the similarity of the names, the reference to the Nātikas, apparently identical with the Jñātrika Kshatriyas to whose clan Mahāvjra belonged, and to Siha, the Jaina, points to the same direction. Kundagrāma, therefore, was probably one of the suburbs of Vaiśālī, the capital of Videha. This conjecture is borne out by the name Vesālie, i.e. Vaišalika given to Mahāvīra in the Sūtraksitānga. Vaiśālika apparently means a native of Vaišāli; and Mahāvīra could rightly be called as such when Kuņpagrama was a suburb of Vaiśālī. H. JACOBI regards Kundapura as only an insignificant place and believes that the sovereign of it could at best have been only a petty chief.The identification of Koţiggāma with Kundapura seems to be doubtful, and both seem to be independent villages.
A.F.R. HOERNLE” has clearly shown that Vaiśāli is the birthplace of Mahāvīra. Vāniyagāma was another name of the well-known city of Vaišālī, the capital of the Lichchhavi country. This city, commonly called Vaiśāli, occupicd a very extended area, which included within its circuit, besides Veśāli proper, several other places such as Vāniyagāma and Kundagāma. They still exist as villages called Bāniyā and Basukunda.
The identification of Vaisali with the group of remains associated with the village of Basāșh in Muzaffarpur District, some forty km. to the north of Patna, is conclusively proved by the survival of the ancient name with only slight modifi1. SRE, XXII, pp. x-xiii. :. English translation of Urasagedusa (Bibliotheca Indica Scrics. Cal.
cutta, 1939),

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cations; by the geographical bearings taken from Patna and other places; by the topographical details compared with description recorded by Yuan Chwang, the Chinese pilgrim in the seventh century and by the finding on the spot of sealings of letters inscribed with the name Vaisālī1.
37
The identification of ancient Vaiśālī and Kuṇḍagāma or Kundapura with Basaṛh and Basukunda respectively has been supported by several other scholars such as T. BLOCH2, S. STEVENSON, N. L. DEY4 and B. C. LAW5. Some of these scholars consider Kundapura, Vāṇiyagāma, Kollaga Sanniveśa and Karmāragrāma to be the suburbs of Vaiśālī. This view does not seem to be correct. These were independent villages which may be identified with the modern villages of Basukuṇḍa, Baniya, Kolua and Kūmana Chhaparāgachhi respectively. Brāhmaṇakunda and Kshatriyakunda were the two wards of Kuṇḍapura, and between them was situated Bahuśāla Chaitya. Vaiśālī and Kundapura were situated on the eastern bank of the Gandaki river, while Karmāragrāma, Kollaga Sannivesa, Vanijyagrāma and Dvipalāśa Chaitya on the west.
CHILDHOOD
There are scriptural anecdotes, myths and miracles connected with the childhood of Mahavira. It is stated in them that his birth was celebrated alike by gods and men, and it was received by his parents with the loftiest expectations. On the day of his birth, the prisoners in Kundapura were released. Festivals kept the whole town bound in mirth and joy for ten days after which many offerings were made to the gods. His parents named him 'Vardhamana's or the 'Prosper
1. V.A. SMITH: Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. XII (New York, 1921), pp. 567-68.
2. ASI, 1903-4, p. 82.
3
SSHл, pp. 21-22.
4. NDGDAMI, p. 107.
5. LMLT, p. 19.
6. A F.R HOERNLE and H. JACOBI interpreted Sannirese in the sense of ward and suburb respectively but it was also used in the sense of grima. See VTм, I, p. 98.
7. Kalpa, 97-105.
8. Ibid., 91, 106-107; Acha, II, 15, 15.

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38
Lord Mahāvīra and His Times ous one', because with his birth, the wealth, fame and merit of the family increased.
The two ascetics, Sanjaya and Vijaya, became somehow suspicious about the nature of some object. As their suspicion immediately disappeared at the sight of Lord Mahāvira soon after his birth, they therefore gave him the name Sanmati in devotion.
The scriptures of both the Śvetāmbaras and the Digambaras relate the legends of Mahāvīra's supreme valour and how easily he excelled all his companions in strength and physical endurance during boyhood. One day, playing with his friends in the garden of his father, Mahāvīra saw an elephant, mad with fury and with juice flowing from his temples, rushing towards him. His companions, all boys, shocked and frightened at the sight of this imminent danger, deserted their comrade and ran away. Without losing a moment, Mahāvīra. made up his mind to face the danger squarely, went towards the elephant, caught hold of his trunk with strong hands and mounted his back at once.
Another legend tells how, when Māhāvīra was playing with the same children at Ambali pipali (a short of 'tick or 'tig') among the trees, a god disguised as a dreadful snake appeared on a tree. All his companions were alarmed and fied away. Mahāvīra, mustering courage, remained calm. He caught hold of the snake and threw it away. The god again decided to frighten the child by carrying him high up into the sky on his shoulders. Mahāvīra, however, was not in the least alarmed, and seizing this opportunity of showing his superiority over the immortals, whacked thc god and pulled his hair so hard that he was only too ready to descend and get rid of his obstrcperous burden.2 As he stood fast in the midst of dangers and fears, patiently enduring all hardships and calamities, adhering to the chosen rules of penance, and as he was wise, indifferent to pleasure and pain alikc, rich in self-control and gifted with fortitude, the name Mahüvira was given to
1. Alahefurára, 76. 2. Tri. Pu. Cha, 10, 2, 217; Āra. Chu. I. p. 240.

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him. As he was devoid of love and hate, he was called śramana."
In person, Mahāvira seems to have been handsome and impressive. He was clever and was possessed of a very keen intellect.2 The Kalpa Sutras mentions that from his very birth, he possessed 'supreme, unlimited and unimpeded knowledge and intuition.' We may assume that he received the usual education and training of a Kshatriya aristocrat in literature and philosophy, in military and administrative sciences, and in music and fine arts. LIFE OF A HOUSEHOLDER
On the question of Mahāvīra's marriage, there is a fundamental difference of detail between the Digambara and the Svetāmbara accounts. The Digambara works4 deny the fact of Mahāvīra's marriage. On the other hand, in the Svetāmbara accounts, there is an allusion to his marriage. In his youth, Mahāvīra was, however, given to contemplation and had begun to entertain plans of renunciation. His parents tried to solve the problem by marrying him off to a beautiful young woman, Yasodā, a Kshatriya lady of Kauņdinya Gotra, who soon presented him with a daughter named Anoijā. Anojjā was married to Jamali, a Kshatriya, who after becoming Mahāvīra's follower created a schism. Mahāvíra's grand daughter, who belonged to the Kausika Gotra, had two names : Seshavati and Yasovati.
Malāvsra's paternal uncle was Supārsva. His elder brother was Nandivardhana and his elder sister Sudarsanā. His parents died when he was thirty years old. Aficrwards, his clder brother, Nandivardhana, succeeded his father. With the permission of his brother and other authorities, he carried out his long cherished resolve and became a monk with the usual rites. The Digambara works do not mention the names 1. Kalpa, 120; Achā, II, 15. 15. .. Ibid., 110, 3. Ibid. 119. 4. Padmapurāsa, 23, 67; Hariransatori;3. 60, 211; Tiltagasi, 4,
670 etc, 5. Achu. II. 15, 15; Kalsa, 10). 6. Kolpa. 110,

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
of his elder brother and elder sister. According to them, Mahāvira embarked upon his spiritual vocation during the lifetime of their parents. At first his parents were opposed to the idea of their delicately natured child undergoing all the hardships that fall to the lot of a houseless mendicant, but at last they acquiesced.
HIS ASCETIC LIFE : HIS TWELVE YEARS OF PREPARATION
The Achärānga Sutra has preserved a sort of religious ballad giving an account of the years during which Mahāvíra led a life of the hardest asceticism, thus preparing himself for the attainment of the highest spiritual knowledge. The account given in the Kalpa Sūtra substantially agrees with that of the Acharānga Sutra. Both the Achūranga and the Kalpa Sūtra narrate the story of his Sadhana in such a manner as to suggest that he had to make superhuman efforts before he could aspire to obtain the coveted position of a Kevalin. It is remarkable that this account of Mahāvīra Sadhanā given in the Achārāinga and the Kalpa Sutra does not bring-in Gośāla to form an cpisode. It is only from the Bhagavati Sutra and the Uvāsagadasāo that we know that the Ājīvika Teacher Gośāla lived in the company of Mahāvīra for a period of about six years during this ascetic period of Mahāvira's lisc.
Mahāvīra renounced the world at the age of thirty, It seems that he joined the order of Päráva of which his parents were lay followers. Whereas the Digambaras belicve that Mahavira abandoned clothes at the time of his initiation, the Sveti mbaras hold that he abandoned them after thirteen months. The Āchārānga Saira gives the following account of his ascetic life.
For a year and a month since he renounced the world Mahāvīra did not discard his clothes. Thereafter, he gave up his garments and became naked. Even when he used his robe, he used it only in winter. For more than four months,
1. Acha. 1, 8, 1, 3. 2. Ibid., I, 8, 1, 1.

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many living beings gathered on his body, crawled about it, and caused him pain. Then he meditated, walking with his eye fixed on a square space before him of the length of a man. Many people assembled, shocked at the sight; they st uck him and cried. He renounced the company of the female sex and of all householders. When asked, he gave no answer; when saluted he gave no reply. He was beaten with sticks, and struck by sinful people.2
For more than a couple of years, he led a religious life without using cold water; he lived in solitude, guarded his body, had intuition, and was calm. He carefully avoided injuring the meanest form of life. He did not use what was expressly prepared for him. He consumed clean food. He did not use another's robe, nor did he eat out of another's vessel. Disregarding contempt, he went with indifference to places where food was prepared. He was not desirous of eating delicious food, nor had he any longing for it. He neither rubbed his eyes nor scratched his body.3
41
Mahavira sometimes lodged in workshops, assembling places, wells or shops; sometimes in manufactories or under a shed of straw. He sometimes took shelter in travellers' halls, garden-houses or towns; sometimes in a cemetery, in relinquished houses, or at the foot of a tree. At these places, he spent thirteen long years meditating day and night, exerting himself, undisturbed strenuously. He did not seek sleep for the sake of pleasure; he would wake up himself and sleep only a little, free from 'cares and desires. Waking up again, he would lie down exerting himself; going outside for once in a night, he would walk about for an hour. In these resting places, he had to face manifold calamities. Crawling or flying animals attacked him. Bad people, the guard of the village, or lance-bearers assaulted him. Always a master of himself, he endured these hardships as he wandered about, speaking but little. Ill treated by the wanderers, he engaged himself in
1. Acha, I, 8, 1, 2.
2. Ibid., I, S. 1,
3. Ibid., I, S, 1,
4, 5, 6, 7.
10, 11, 12, 17, 18. 19.

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his meditations, free from resentment.1 Always calm and cool-headed, he patiently bore the pains caused by grass, cold, fire, flies and gnats.2
Mahāvīra travelled in the pathless country of Rādha, in Vajrabhūmi and Svabhrabhūmi, where he used most comfortless beds and seats. The rude natives of the place attacked him and unleashed their dogs to bite him, but he never used his sticks to keep them off. Being perfectly enlightened he endured the abusive language of the rustics. Sometimes when he did not reach the village, the inhabitants met him on the outskirts and attacked him, saying 'Get away from here. He was struck with a stick, fist, or lance; he was hit with a fruit, a clod, and a potsherd. When once he sat without moving his body, they cut his flesh, tore his hair or covered him with dust. They disturbed him in his religious meditation. Abandoning the care of his body, he endured all pains free from desire,3
Mahāvīra was able to abstain from the indulgence of the flesh, though he was never attacked by any illness. Whether wounded or not, he never had any desire for any medical treatment. Purgatives and emetics, anointing of the body and bathing, shampooing and cleaning of the teeth did not behove him, after he learned that the body is something unclean. In the cold season, he meditated in the shade, and in summer, he exposed himself to the heat. He lived on rough food : rice, pounded jujube, and beans. Using these three kinds of food, he sustained himself eight months. Somctimes he ate only the sixth meal, or the eighth, the tenth and the twelfth. Sometimes he ate stale food. He committed no sin himself, nor did he induce others to do so, nor did he consent to the sins of others. He meditatcd persevering in some posture, without any motion whatsoever; he meditated in mental concentration on the things above, below, beside, free from desires. He meditated free from sin and desire, not
1. Achā, I, 8,2-2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 2. Ibid., 1, 8, 3, 1. 3, Ibid., 1,8, 3-2, 3, 4, 7,8, 9, 10, 11, 12.

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attached to sounds or colours; though still an erring mortal, he never acted carelessly.1
43
Thus, like a hero at the head of a battle, he bore all hardships, and, remaining undisturbed, proceeded on the road to deliverance. Understanding what truth is and restraining his impulses for the purification of his soul, he finally liberated himself.2
The account of Mahāvira's ascetic life given in the Kalpa Sutra is as follows. When the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Uttaraphalguni, he, after fasting two and a half days without drinking water, put on a divine robe, and, quite alone, nobody else being present, tore out his hair and, abandoning his house, entered the state of houselessness. For more than a year he wore clothes. Afterwards, he walked about naked, and accepted the alms in the hollow of his hand. Fore more than twelve years, he neglected his body and took no care of it. With exemplary equanimity he bore, experienced and suffered all pleasant or unpleasant occurrences arising from divine powers, men or animals.*
Henceforth, the ascetic Mahavira remained circumspect in speech, movement, begging, accepting anything, and carrying his outfit and drinking vessel. He guarded his thoughts, words, acts, senses and chastity. He moved without wrath, pride, deceit and greed. He remained calm, tranquil, composed, liberated, free from temptations, without egoism, and without property. In short, he had cut off all earthly ties, and was not stained by any worldliness. As water does not adhere to a copper vessel, so sins found no place in him. His course was unobstructed like that of Life. Like the firmament, he wanted no support, and like the wind he knew no obstacles. His heart was pure like the water in autumn. He remained unsoiled like leaf of a lotus. His senses were well protected like those of a tortoise. He lived single and alone like the horn of a rhinoceros. He was free like a bird. He was always
1. Acha, I, 8, 4,-1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, S, 14, 15.
2. Ibid., I, S, 4, 16.
3. Kalpa, 116.
4. Ibid., 117.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times waking like the fabulous bird, Bhārunda. He was valorous like an elephant, strong like a bull, unassailabe like a lion, steady and firm like Mount Mandara, deep like the ocean, mild like the Moon, refulgent like the Sun and pure like excellent gold. Like the earth, he patiently bore everything and like a well-kindled fire, he shone in his splendour.1
Out of all the eight months of summer and winter taken together, Mahāvīra spent only a single night in villages and only five nights in towns. He was indifferent alike to the smell of ordure and of sandal, to straw and jewels, dirt and gold, and pleasure and pain. He was attached neither to this world nor to the world beyond. He desired neither life nor death. He arrived at the other shore of the Saṁsāra, and exerted himself for the suppression of the defilement of Karma."
With supreme knowledge, intuition, conduct, valour, uprightness, mildness, dexterity patience, freedom from passions, control, contentment, and understanding, Mahāvira meditated on himself for twelve years on the supreme path to final liberation which is the fruit of veracity, control, penance and good conduct.3
The Kalpa Sitra gives a list of forty-two rainy seasons spent by Mahāvīra since he renounced the life of a householder. He stayed the first rainy season in Asthikagrāma, three rainy seasons in Champā and Prishtichampā, twelve in Vaiśāli and Vānijyagrāma, fourteen in Rājagriha and Nālandā, six in Mithilā, two in Bhadrikā, one in Ālabhikā, one in Panitabhūmi, one in Srāvasts and the last one in the town of Pāpā in king Hastipāla's office.
B.C, LAV5 thinks that the Kalpa Sūtra list of places is worded according to the idea of succession and chronology. The idea of succession is suggested by two expressions : 'the first rainy season in Asthikagrāma' and 'the last rainy season in Pāpā or Pāvā”. Accordingly he suggests the names of places 1. Talpa, 117. 2. Ibid, 119. 3. Ibid., 120. 4. Ibid, 122. 5. L:L.1, p.32.

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where Mahavira spent the twelve rainy seasons of his ascetic life. He stayed the first rainy season in Asthigrama, three rainy seasons in Champa and Prishtichampā and eight in Vaisali and Vanijyagrāma. This view does not appear to be correct. Except the first and the last, the other places have not been mentioned in chronological order but in groups.
2
According to a commentary on the Kalpa Sutra, Asthigrāma was formerly called Vardhamana. It would perhaps be more correct to say that Asthigrama was the earlier name of Vardhamana (modern Burdwan). But none need be surprised if Asthigrama was the same place as Hatthigāma (Hastigrāma) which lay on the high road from Vaiśālī to Pāvā (probably modern Kasia). Champa was the capital of Anga which was conquered in Mahavira's time by Śreņika Bimbisāra and permanently annexed to Magadha. Its actual site is probably marked by two villages of Champānagara and Champapura near Bhagalpur. Prishtichampä must have been a place near Champa. Vaisālī is identified with modern Basarah in Vaiśāli, a district of Bihar. It was the chief seat of government of the Vriji-Lichchavis in Mahāvira's time. Vāņiyagama is the same as modern Bania, a village near Basarah.3 Rājagriha (modern Rajgir) was the capital of Magadha in Mahavira's time. Nālandā is identified with modern Bargaon, 10 km. to the northwest of Rajgir in the district of Nālandā near Bihar (Biharsharif).4 Mithila was the capital of the prosperous kingdom of Videha. . It is identified with Janakapur, a small town within the Nepal border, north of which the districts of Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga meet.5 Badrikā, which is the same name as the Pali Bhaddiya, was an important place in the kingdom of Anga. It was visited by Buddha and is identified with modern Monghyr."
1. LMLT, 29. 2. Ibid., p. 33.
3. GEB, p. 6.
4. AGI, p. 537.
5. Ibid., p. 718.
45
6. Dhammapada Commentary, I, p. 384.
7. R. SANKRITYAYANA : Vitara Pitaka, p. 248nt

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Alabhikā, which is the same as the Pāli Alavi, is identified by A. CUNNINGHAM and A. F. R. HOERNLE with Newal or Nawal in Unao District in U. P., and by N.L. DEY with Aviwa, 40 km. north-east of Eatwah.? It lay between Sāvatthi and Rājagiha. Panitabhūmi, which is the same as Paņiyabhūmi, was a place in Vajrabhūmi, a division of the pathless country of Rādha.3 Śrāvasti was the flourishing capital of the kingdom of Košala in Mahāvīra's time. It is identified with Sahet-Mahet on the bank of the Rapti.4 Pipā, which is the same name as the Pāli Pāvā, was one of the chief seats of government of the Mallas. It was in Mahāvira's time one of the halting stations on the highway from Vaiśāli to Kuśīnārā and Kapilavastu.5 A. CUNNINGHAM took it for the modern village, Padaraona, 18 km, to the N.N. E. of Kasia. It is identified with a place located at a distance of ten km. from Biharsharif in Patna District.?
One important event of this period of Mahāvīra's life was his meeting with Gośāla Maukhaliputta, the head of the Ājivika sect. From the account given in the Bhagavati Sūtra, it is known that during the second year of his ascetic life, Mahāvīra stayed at Nālandā during the rainy season. At this time, Gośāla, who was then wandering about in the country showing pictures to the people at large, happened to arrive and put up there. Owing to Mahāvīra's extraordinary self-restraint, his impressive habits of meditation, his capacity to prophesy things correctly and to the fact a rich householder Vijaya, of Rājagļiha had shown respect and hospitality to him, Gośāla was attracted, and wanted to be his disciple, but Mahavira declined his request. His prayer was not granted on two successive occasions even though the Master was entreated by the rich householders, Ānanda and Sudarśana.
1. GEB, p. 24. 2. PRAI, p. 160. 3. SBE, XXII, p. 264, f n. 4; also p. 84. 4. AGI, p. 469. 5. Grb, p. 15. 6. Ibid., p. 498. 7. Handy, p. 34.

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In the meantime, Mahāvīra went to the settlement of Kollaga, at some distance from Nālandā, where he was hospitably greeted by the Brahmin Bahula. (Kollāga is identified with the modern village Kolhuă.) Gośāla proceeded towards Rajagṛiha and its suburbs to find out Mahāvīra but in vain. He came back to the weaver's shed of Nanda where he gave away his cloths, vessels, shoes, and pictures to a Brahmin of the place, shaved off his hair and beard, and in despair departed in search of the Master. On his way, he came across Kollaga where he saw people praising Bahula's liberality towards Mahāvīra.1
Gośāla continued his search of Mahavira and at last succeeded in finding him out at Paṇiyabhūmi. He again requested him with greater earnestness to make him his disciple. This time his request was granted, and both Mahāvira and his disciple Gośāla lived together for six years in Paniyabhumi, practising asceticism. Afterwards, they started from Paṇiyabhūmi to Kūrmagrāma, and on from Kūrmagrāma to Siddharthagrāma. Siddhārthagrāma is probably the same as Siddhangram in the Birbhum District. While at Kurmagrāma, they met an ascetic named Vesayana who remained seated with upraised arms and upturned face in the glare of the Sun, while his body was swarming with lice. Gośāla enquired whether he was a sage or a bed of lice. Vesayana became very angry and attempted to strike Gośāla with his supernormal powers. Mahavira explained to him the severe ascetic discipline by which such powers could be obtained.
47
While at Siddharthagrāma, Gośala uprooted sesame shrub and threw it away. Owing to a lucky fall of rain, the shrub came to life again. From this, he jumped to the conclusion that all plants were capable of reanimation. He drew even further conclusion that not only plants, but in fact all living beings were capable of reanimation. His theory of reanimation and other doctrines did not find favour with
1. HBsJY, p. 23.
2. History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 22.
PLE-MAKEMBERGS OF OF OMENIRSAN, NORMADO HEAVEN W

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Mahāvira who believed in the freedom of the will. Henceforth Gośāla severed his connection with Mahāvīra and established a separate sect known as Ajīvika.
B.M. BARUAis of the opinion that thc Jaina account of Gośāla is biased and that it cannot therefore be relied upon. It is equally possible that Mahāvīra in the beginning of his ascetic career might have become a disciple of Gośāla. Gośāla was recognised as a teacher at least two years before Mahāvīra. He predeceased Mahāvīra by some sixteen years. There is a discrepancy between the accounts of the Bhagavatī and the Kalpa Sutra. According to the former, Mahāvīra spent six years in Paņiyabhūmi in the company of Gośāla, while the latter gives him only one year in that place, but six years in Mithilā. The inference from these two somewhat contradictory accounts seems to be this--that in the second year of his monkhood, Mahāvīra left the religious order of Pārsvanātha; and joined the School of Gośāla. And when six years afterwards the difference of opinion led Mahāvira to leave that school; he founded a new school of his own and organized a religious order mainly after the model of Pārsvanātha. This view of B.M. BARUA's appears to be only imaginary and is not supported by any solid dependable evidence. There are clear proofs that from the beginning of his ascetic life, Mahāvīra became a Jaina monk and that he did not join any religious order afterwards.
The incidental enumeration of the places visited by Mahāvīra in the Bhagavati Sūtra during his ascetic life does not tally with those given in the Kalpa Sūtra. The Bhagavali Sülra associates Nālandā, Rājagriha, Paniyabhūmi, Siddhārthagrama and Kūrmagrama with his early wanderings. The Uvāsagadasão mentions Vānijyagrāma, Champā, Bārāṇası, Alabli (Pāli Alavi), Kampilyapura, Polásapura, Rājagriha, and Srāvastí as the places that were visited by Mahāvira. Both the Bhagavali Sūtra and the Uvāsaga-dasāo would have us believe that he received extraordinary respect from certain rich householders even long before his Jinahood. Bārānasi is no other
1. Ura, Tr. by A. F. R. HOERNLE, App. I. 2. Bapir, p. 374.

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than modern Benaras. Kampillapura is identified with Kampil in the Farrukabad District.1 Polasapura has not been identified, but at the time of Mahāvīra, it was within the kingdom of king Jiyasattu, the ruler of Kośala.
The Āvašyaka Niryukti,2 the Āvašyaka Chūrņi,3 the Āvaśyaka Bhashya, 4 the Avašyaka sikā, the Kalpa Shira ?īkā,5 and the Mahāvīra Charitras written by Nemi Chandra, Guna Chandra and Hema Chandra somehow give us a detailed account, with chronological succession of Mahāvira's itinerary. Though based on tradition, these are still very late works and cannot be wholly relied upon. Their motive was sometimes to glorify Lord Mahāvīra and present him as a superhuman being, rather than as an ordinary mortal. One important conclusion may be drawn that Jainism had penetrated to far-flung areas so that at the time of composition of these works, their authors expressly mention the visit of Lord Mahāvīra to these places in order to impress the masses, but actually the spread of Jainism during the time of Mahāvīra there seems to be quite impossible.
When Malāvīra was thirty years old, he renounced the world with the permission of his elder brother, Nandivardhana, and his relatives. With people pursuing him, he set out from Kundagrāma in the dark of Mārgasirsha on the tenth day in winter by simply putting on a divine garment (Devadussa). He came to the garden of Nāyasaņdavaņa situated in the northeast direction on the outskirts of Kunçaggāma. At this place, the renunciation ceremony of Mahavira was celebrated with great rejoicings. He is said to have given the first half of his garment to a Brālimaņa. FIRST REAR
In the evening of the same day, Malāvīra left Nayasanda for Kumāragama. There were two routes by which this journcy was perforined, one by water and the oulier lose 1. GEB, p. IS. 2. Ara. Nir, 458-527. 5. Ara, Chi, pp. 269-333. 4. Ida, Bhă, III. 6. Kalba, Ti, 5.121.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
land. Mahāvira preferred the latter and reached Kumāragāma. Now this village is famous by the name of KammanaChhaparā.1 Herc, Mahāvīra stood in meditation but was harassed by a cowherd who took him for a thief and wanted to hit him. Next day, Mahāvīra proceeded to Koll"ga Sannivesa where he broke his fast. From there, he started for Morāga Sannivesa and reaching there, stayed in a hermitage. Next day, he lcft Morāga Sannivesa hut again came back to this place after eight months. Then he proceeded to At;hiyagāma, where he put up in the shrine of Sūlapāņi. Here Sulapāņi Jakkha is said to have caused Mahāvīra many troubles but the latter bore them with his wonted equanimity and patience. Thus Mahāvīra spent his first rainy season at Atthiyagāma. SECOND YEAR
From Atthiyagama, Mahāvīra again came to Morāga Sannivesa where lived an ascetic named Achchhandaka. Then he started for Váchāla, which was divided into Uttaraváchāla and Dakkhinavāchāla, and between them flowed the rivers Suvannakülā and Ruppakūlā. When Mahāvīra was going from Dakkhiņavāchāla to Uttarav ichāla, the remaining half of his garment got entangled in the thorns on the bank of Suvannakūlā. From this time onwards, Mahāvīra became a naked monk. There were two routes to Uttaravāchāla, one through the hermitage named Kanakakhala and another from outside it. Mahāvīra chose the former one which was more difficult. At Uttaravāchāla, he had to face a poisonous snake named Drishțivisha. From Kanakakhala, he travelled to Seyaviyā where he was received by King Paesi. T. W. Rhys DAVIDS identifies this place with Satiabia and Vost with Bascdita, twenty five km. from Sahet-Mahet and ten km. from Balarampur.? Mahāvīra arrived at Surabhipura from Seyaviya after crossing the Ganges, and afterwards proceeded to Thūņāka Sannivesa where he stood in meditation. The place was situated in the country of Mallas to the north-west of Patna on the right, bank of the Gandaki. From here, Mahāvīra proceeded to 1. HBSJY, P. 23. . 2. NDGDAJT, p. 184. 3. JUPAS, Vol. XV. Pt.11.

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Rāyagiha and sojourned in a weaver's shed in Nālandā where he passed the second rainy season. Here Gośāla met him and the two left for Kollāga together. THIRD YEAR.
From Kolläga, Mahāvira and Gośāla came to Sunnakhālaya and then 10 Bambhanagāma. This Bambhanagāma lay in a route from Rājagriha to Champi. From this place, they reached Champi where Mahāvira spent the third rainy season. FOURTH YEAR
From Champi, Mahāvīra and Gośāla arrived at Kālāya Sannivesa and thence to Pattakālaya. At both these places, Gośāla was insulted for his misbehaviour. Then, both came to Kumirāya Sannivesa where Mahāvira practised meditation in the garden, Champaramaņijja. Then they proceeded to Chorāga Sannivesa where they were taken to be spies and were taken prisoners. Chorāga Sannivesa may be identificd with Choreya in Lohardugga District in Bengal.? From this place, they travelled to Pithichampā where Malāvira passed the fourth rainy season. FIFTH YEAR
From Pitthichampā, Malāvīra and Gośāla proceeded to Kayangalā, now identified with Kankajol in Santhal Pargana in Bihar.3 At this place, some ascetics were staying with thcir families. Gośāla is known to liave misbehaved with them and was therefore punished. Then both came to Suratthi and, later, to Haledduga. Here under a big turmeric trce Mahāvira stood in meditation. His feet are said to have been burnt by fire, Mcditation over, both proceeded to Narigala shcrc Mahavira stood in meditation again in the Vasudeva feinplc. Gośāla was punislıcd once again for his misdemcanour. Thien, they arrived at Avattagama where Valāvira spent liisine in mcditation in the Baladeva tcmple and Gasila was inkon to task for his misbehaviour. Continuing their travels in this
1. TTU 1, p. 19: 2. Grr, p 40. 3. RSAXERITYIYAXA: l'in:ra Piscto. p. 249 n.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times region, they reached Chorāya Sannivesa from where they journeyed to Kalambuka Sannivesa. Here both were tied by Kālahasti and were beaten; later on, they were set at liberty by Kālahasti's brother, Megha, who recognized Mahāvīra. Then they journeyed to the country of Lādha where Mahāvīra had to endure various kinds of painful sufferings. Lādha or Rādha comprises the modern districts of Hooghly, Howrah, Bankura, Burdwan, and the eastern part of Midnapore. From this place, they moved on towards punnahalasa where some robbers made a dastardly attempt on Mahāvīra's life. Undaunted, they travelled to the city of Bhaddiya where Mahāvīra passed the fifth rainy season. SIXTH TEAR
From Bhaddiya, both Mahāvīra and Gośāla travelled to Kayalisamāgama, and then onward to Jambusaņda and Tambāya Sannivesa. Jambusanda was located between Ambagāma and Bhoganagara on a route from Vaiśáli to Kuśīnārā.? Then they arrived at Kūiya Sannivesa' where, suspected of being spies, they were kept as prisoners, but were later released at the intercession of two sisters, Vijayā and Pragalbhā. Kūiya or Kūpiya is identified with a place located at a distance of ten km. from the Khalilābāda Mehadāvala road in Khalilābad Tehsil of Dhūhabasti District.3
Now Gośāla and Mahāvīra parted with each other. Mahāvira left for Vaiśāli where he stood in a blacksmith's shed. The blacksmith, seeing Mahāvīra naked, ran to hit him. Afterwards, Mahāvīra proceeded to Gāmāya Sannivesa where he was honoured by Vibhelaka Jakkha. From this place, he travelled to Sālisīsayagāma where the demoness Kațapūtanā caused him much trouble. After six months, Gośāla again joined Mahāvīra at this place. Finally, Mahāvīra visited Bhaddiya in order to spend the sixth rainy season there. SEVENTH YEAR
Then Mahavira and Gośāla travelled together in the country of Magadha. In the course of the journey, Mahāvīra 1. AGI, p. 732. 2. VT, I, p. 203, f.n. I. 3. Ibid., p. 201. f.n.l.

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53
decided to spend the seventh rainy season at Ālabhiyā. EIGHTH YEAR
From Ālabhiyā, Mahāvīra and Gośāla set out for Kundāga Sannivesa. At this place, Mahāvīra stood in meditation in the temple of Vasudeva. Gośāla was again beaten for his bad manners. Then they visited Maddanagama and stayed in the Baladeva temple. Afterwards they came to Bahusālagagāma where Mahāvīra was harassed by Sālejjā Vānamāntarī. From this place, they proceeded to the capital Lohaggalā where the royal servants suspected them to be spies and caught them. Later on they were set free at the intercession of Uppala who is said to have arrived there from Aļthiyagāma. Lohaggalā may be identified with Lohardagā situated in the region which forms the central and north-western portion of the Chhota Nagpur Division. From Lohaggalā, they went to Purimatāla where Mahāvīra stood in meditation in the garden of Sagadamuha. Purimatāla may be identified with Purulia in Bihar. From there, they travelled to Unņāga and on to Gobhūmi. At last they reached Rāyagiha in order to pass the eighth rainy season. NINTH YEAR
From Rāyagiha, Mahāvira and Gośāla again set out for a Lādha country which is non-Aryan. In the course of this journey, they passed through Vajjabhūmi and Subbhabhūmi, where Mahāvīra had to endure all sorts of tortures. Sometimes people surrounded him and set their dogs upon him, Mahāvira got no shelter in this region. He passed the ninth rainy season in this country, TENTH WEAR
Malāvīra and Gośāla then travelled to Siddhatthapura and Kummagāma. Soon they returned to Siddhatthapura. It may be the same as Siddhangrāma in Birbhum District. Severing his relations with Mahavira again, Gośila now went to Sāvatthi while Mahāvīra visited Vaišāls where the republi
1. Imperial Gazetteers, Vol. VIII, p. 476. 2. JLAIDJC. p. 324. 3. History of Bengal. Vol. I. p. 22.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times can chief Sankha saved him from the trouble caused by the local children. From here, Mahāvīra crossed the river Gandai by boat and reached Vāņiyagāma. He ihen proceeded to Sāvatthi where he passed the tenth rainy season. ELEVENTH YEAR
From Såvatthi, Mahāvira set out for Sānulatthiyagāma, which may be identified with Dalabhum in Singhbhum District in Bengal.1 He then went to Pedhālagāma and stood in meditation in the garden of Pedhāla in the shrine of Polāsa. In this region of the Mlechchhas, Mahavira had to suffer much. He travelled later to Vāluyagāma, Subhoma, Suchchhettā, Malaya and finally on to the Hatthisīsa. At all these places, apparently located in the north-west part of Orissa, Mahāvira had to undergo extreme physical torture. Afterwards he reached Tosali where he was suspected to be a robber and hit hard. The place is now identified with Dhauli and some neighbouring places in Orissa. Then he travelled to Mosali where he was caught under the suspicion of a dacoit and brought before the king, but he was soon released. Mahāvíra again returned to Tosali and found himself in great troubles. He was actually to be hanged here but was luckily rescued by Tosali Kshatriya. Then he arrived at Siddhatthapura from where he proceeded to Vayaggāma. For a period of six months, he had to bear great hardship at all these places. From Vayaggāma, he proceeded to Alabhiyā and then to Seyaviyā and Sävatthi. At last, passing through Kośämbi, Vānārasi, Rāyagiha and Mithilā he spent the eleventh rainy season at Vaisāli. TWELFTH YEAR
From Vaišāli, Mahāvīra came to Sumsgumārapura which is identified with a hilly place near Chunar in Mirzapur District. He proceeded thence to Bhogapura, which lay between Pāvā and Vaiśālī,3 and to Nandiggama, from where he travelled to Mendhiyagama. Afterwards he proceeded to Kośāmbi, where he received his alms after a pericd of four
A SAN ERITYAFANA: Majjhima, p. 61 n.
Suttanipata. V. 1:38.

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55
inonths. From Kośāmbı, he set out for Sumañgalgāna and then for Pālayagāma. Finally, he reached Champā for spending the twelfth rainy season. THIRTEENTH YEAR
From Champā Mahāvira came to Jambhiyagāma. KALYANA Vijaya identifies it with Jambhigaon near the river Damodar in the Hazaribagh District, but it must be located somewhere near modern Pāvāpuri in Bihar.? From this place, he reached Mendhiyagāma. Then he visited Chhamāņigāma where a cow-herd is said to have thrust iron nails into his ears, In this condition, Mahāvīra is said to have reached Majjhima Pāvī where the nails were removed from his ears. MAHĀVIRA'S PENANCE IN A CEMETERYAT UJAN
According to the Svetāmbaras, Mahāvīra was born with three kids of knowledge: Matijñāna, Śrutajñāna and Avadhijñāna. He also gained the fourth kind of knowledge, Manahparyāyajñāna, by which he knew the thoughts of all sentient bcings possessing the five senses in the two and a half continents till some time after his initiation to asceticism. According to the Digambaras, Mah"vira failed to gain it, though he performed meditation for six months, sitting absolutely motionless. At the end of the six months, he went to Kulapura where its ruler, Kulādhipa, camc and did him honour, washed his fect with his own hands, and, having walked round hiin three times, offered him rice and milk. These Mahāvīra took as his first mcal (Paranum) after fasting for six months. He returned to the forest and wandered about in it performing twelve kinds of penance, but still the knowledge was withheld from him. Al last le visited Ujjayini and did penance in a cemetery there when Rudra and his wife tried in vain to interrupi him. li was only after overcoming this temptation and again cmbark. ing upon his forest life of medication that, according to the Digambara belics, hc obtained límrahparjārajnära.s KETULAJDING
The period of twelve years spent in prepare and installinncdita1. Krsnu. pp 377, 5:0. 2. JLINJC, p. 239. 3. Ssuj, p. 33.

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Lord Mahāvira and His Life tion was not fruitless, for in the thirteenth year, Mahāvira at last attained supreme knowledge and final deliverance from the bonds of pleasure and pain. The Jainas themselves have described this most important moment of the prophet's life:
"During the thirteenth year, in the second month of summer, in the fourth fortnight, the light (fortnight) of Vaišākha, on its tenth day, called Suvrata, while the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Uttara-Phalguni, when the shadow had turned towards the east, and the first wake was over, outside of the town Jțimbhikagrānia on the northern bank of the river Rijupālikā, in the field of the householder Sāmāga, in a northeastern direction from an old temple, not far from a Sal tree, in a squatting position with joined heels exposing himself to the heat of the Sun, with the knees high and the head low, in deep meditation, in the midst of abstract meditation, he reached Nirvāņa, the complete and full, the unobstructed, unimpeded, infinite and supreme, best knowledge and intuition, called Kevala."
When the venerable Mahāvira had become an Arhat and a Jina, he was a Kevalin, omniscient and comprehending all objects; he knew all the conditions of the world, of gods, men and demons; whence they come, where they go, whether they are born as men or animals, or become gods or hell-beings; their food, drink, doings, desires, open and secret deeds, their conversation and gossip and the thoughts of their minds; he saw and knew all the conditions in the whole world of all living beings.
At this time, Mahāvīra (the great hero) or Jina (the conqueror) was forty-two years old; and from this age, he entered upon a new stage of life, that of a religious teacher and the head of a sect called the Nirgranthas, 'free from fetters'. He went from place to place for the propagation of his doctrine, and for making converts. His first declaration about himself aroused confidence among his followers and urged them to follow his example in their own life. The Buddhist texts give us an idea of his first declaration which is as follows:
I am all-knowing and all-seeing, and possessed or an infinite knowledge. Whether I am walking or standing still, 1. Achā, II, 15, 25-26; Kalpa, 120, 121.

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whether I sleep or remain awake, the supreme knowledge and intuition are present with me-constantly and continuously. There are, o Nirgranthas, some sinful acts you have done in the past, which you must now wear out by this acute form of austerity. Now that here you will be living restrained in regard to your acts, speech, and thought, it will work as the nondoing of Karma for future. Thus, by the exhaustion of the force of past deeds through penance and the non-accumulation of new acts, (you are assured) of the stoppage of the future course, of rebirth from such stoppage, of the destruction of the effect of Karma, from that, of the destruction of pain, from that, of the destruction of mental feelings, and from that, of the complete wearing out of all kinds of pain." FIRST SERMON
When Mahāvīra attained kevalahood, a Samavasarana (religious conference) was held on the bank of the river Ujjuvāliyā, but it is said that the first discourse of Mahāvīra remained unsuccessful. Then after traversing twelve yojanas, he is said to have returned to Majjhima Pāvā where the second Samavasarana was convened in the garden of Mahāsena. Here after a long discussion on various religious and philosophic points, Mahāvīra converted to Jainism the eleven learned Brāhmaņas who had gone there to attend the great sacrifice performed by a rich Brāhmaṇa named Somila.
According to the Digambara scriptures, even after obtaining Kevalajñāna (Enlightenment) at Jřimbhikagrāma, Mahāvira did not break his vow of silence taken from the time of Pravrajjā, and wandering continuously for sixtysix days in silencc, reached Rājagriha, the capital of Magadha. Outside the city of Rājagriha, at Vipulāchala where he settled, a Samavasaraṇa was held for his first sermon. First of all he converted eleven Icarned Brāhmaṇas, including Indrabhūti Gautama, who were known as his disciples (Ganadharas). King Śroņika with the members of the royal family, including his qucen Chetanā, and the whole army camc to the Samarasarana to pay homage to Mahāvsra as well as to listen to his first sermon. It is said that the king asked him several questions 1. Majjh, 1, pp. 92-93.

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concerning the faith and all of them were satisfactorily answered.
ELEVEN DISCIPLES (GAŅADHARAS)
First of all, Mahavira by his preaching converted to Jainism the eleven learned Brahmaņas who became his dici ples, his eleven Ganadharas. They listened to Mahavira's discourses and heard the gentle, thoughtful answers he gave to all questions. Finally, being convinced of the truth of his views, they became his disciples or Ganadharas. The eldest was Indrabhūti, then followed Agnibhuti, Vayubhūti, Vyakta, Sudharmā, Maṇḍikata, Mauryaputra, Akampita, Achalabhrātā, Metarya and Prabhasa. The first three Gaṇadharas were brothers and belonged to the Gautama Gotra, and were residents of Gobbaragāma. The fourth belonged to the Bharadvja Gotra and was the resident of Kollaga Sannivesa; the fifth belonged to the Agni Veśyāyana Gotra and was the resident of Kollaga Sannivesa; the sixth belonged to the Vasishtha Gotra and was the resident of Moriya Sannivesa; the seventh belonged to the Kasyapa Gotra and was the resident of Moriya Sannivesa; the eighth belonged to the Gautama Gotra and was the resident of Mithila; the ninth belonged to the Harita Gotra and was resident of Kośala; the tenth belonged to the Kaudinya Gotra and was the resident of Tungika Sannivesa; and the eleventh belonged to the same Gotra and was the resident of Rajagriha. These Ganadharas were all Brāhmaṇa teachers, and all except Indrabhuti and Sudharma, died during the life-time of Mahāvīra. They are said to have been versed in the twelve Angas, the fourteen Purvas and the whole Ganipidaga (the basket of the Ganis).1
The Digambaras have some different names for these Ganadharas and give a different account of Gautama's conversion. According to Gunabhadra2 the eleven names are as follows: Indrabhūti, Vayubhūti, Agnibhūti, Sudharma, Maurya, Maundra, Putra, Maitreya, Akampana, Andhavela or Anvachela and Prabhasa. Indrabhuti became a very learned
1. Ava. Nir, 658-660.
2. Uttara Purana, 24, 373-374.

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.
pandita and grew extremely vain of his learning. One day, however, an old man appeared and asked him to explain a certain verse to him. Mahävira had, the old man said, rcpeated the Śloka to him, but had immediately afterwards become so lost in meditation that he could get no explanation of it from the saint, and yet he felt that he could not live unless he knew the meaning. The verse contained references to Kāla and Dravra, Pancha Astikāya, Tattva and Lešjā, not one of which could Gautama understand, but being too true a scholar to pretend to a knowledge which he did not possess, he sought out Mahāvīra to ask for an explanation. The moment he was in the presence of the great ascetic, all his pride in his fancied learning fell from him, and he besought Mahāvira to teach him. He not only became a convert himself, but took over with him his five hundred pupils and his three brothers, 1 In the Digambara Jaina Pattavalis, Sudharınă comes after Indrabhūti, and Sudharmā was also known by the name of Loh rya.
One significant fact about these Ganadharas is that all of them were Brahmins , which proves that among the Brahmins also an ideological revolution was taking place and compelling them to give up their traditional grooves of thoughts advocating ritualism. Further, it was this intelligentsia that predominantly included the Bralımins who helped him spread his faith.
FOUR ORDERS OF THE JAINA COMMU.VITY (SHNIGH:1)
Mahāvīra possessed a unique power of organization. By his wonderful personality and organizational skill, le attracıed a large number of people, both men and women, to be his disciples. From them therefore grew the four orders of his community: monks, nuns, layıcn, and layıromen.
The chief among his followers were the fourteen 116usand monks placed under the charge of Indrabhūii Gautama. Mahavira resolved to comba: by regulations and organization those special icmptations and dangers which besc: ascctics in thcir wandering life. For this purpose, he divided fouriren
1. Ssirs, po. 61-62.

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thousand monks into nine regular schools called Ganas, placing each school under the headship of one of his chief disciples or Ganadharas. The leading Ganadhara had five hundred monks under him, but some of the others had only three hundred or two hundred and fifty. These Ganadharas were to guide and instruct separate groups of Nirgranthas.
Besides the fourteen thousand monks, a great multitude of women followed Mahāvira, and of these some thirtysix thousand actually renounced the world and became nuns. At their head was Chandanā, a first cousin of Mahāvīra's, or, as other accounts have it, his aunt.
Mahāvīra's third Order consisted of laymen numbering about one hundred and fiftynine thousand with Sarkha Sataka at their head. These laymen were householders who could not actually renounce the world but they at least could observe the five small vows called anuvrata. The similarity of their religious duties, differing not in kind but in degree, brought about the close union of laymen and monks. Most of these regulations meant to govern the conduct of laymen were intended apparently to make them participate, in a measure and for some time, in the merits and benefits of monastic life without obliging them to renounce the world altogether. “The genius for organization which Mahāvīra possessed". S. STEVENson rightly observes, "is shown in nothing more clearly than in the formation of this and the order of laymen. These two organizations gave the Jaina a root in India that the Buddhists never obtained, and that root firmly planted amongst the laity enabled Jainism as we have seen, to withstand the storm that drove Buddhism out of India.”l
Their fourth and last Order consisted of devout laywomen or Srāvikās numbering about three hundred and fiftyeight thousand with Sulasā and Revati as their heads. Their household duties prevented their becoming nuns but still they served the ascetics in many ways. The number of members in the four Orders of the Jaina Community is exaggerated, but these is little doubt that Mahāvíra converted a large number of people to Jainism. 1. Ssns. p. 67.

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The Digambaras believe that Mahāvīra did not travel alone but that wherever he went he was accompanied by all monks and nuns who had entered his Order. He preached in a language which they call An-akshari, which was unintelligible to the common people; so Gautama acted as his interpreter and translated all he said into Ardha-Māgadhi.?
PLACES OF RAINY SEASONS (CHATURMĀSA)
The Jaina Kalpasūtra gives the names of the places where Mahāvīra spent one or more rainy seasons since he became an ascetic after renouncing the world. He stayed the first rainy season in Aşthikagrāma, three rainy seasons in Champā and Prishtichampā, twelve in Vaiśāli and Vanijagrāma, fourteen in Rājagriha and Nālandā, six in Mithilā, two in Bhadrikā, one in Alabhikā, one in Panitabhūmi, one in Śrāvasti and the last one in the town of Papā in king Hastipāla's office. This list is neither exhaustive nor chronological though it covers broadly the fortytwo years of his itinerary. It is rather difficult to distinguish the places he visited during and after the period of his ascetic life merely on the basis of the list supplied by the halpa Sülra. There is no doubt that the Kalpa Sutra's authority on the itinerary of Mahāvīra is ancient and fairly reliable. It gives us a fair idea of the area over which he wandered propagating his faith. When the places are correctly identified, we come to know that this area roughly covered the modern state of Bihar and some parts of Bengal and U.P.
The Jain tradition which mentions Mahāvira's visit to Vitibhaya, the capital of Sindhu Sovira, to preach to King Uddāyana, is of very doubtful veracity. The carliest reference to this visit is found in the Bhagavati? and later on in certain Chūrnis which perpetuate the tradition. It is quite possible that in later times, when Jainism spread to Wesicrn India, the Jainas, in order to impress the masses of this region, wanted to
1. Ssnj, p. 41. 2. Kalpa, 122. 3. Bhag, pp. 6*6 ff.

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point out that their association with them was not new. In order to trace the beginning of this association from the earliest times they concocted the story of Mahāvīra's visit to King Uddāyana.
The late Jaina works describe Mahāvīra's itinerary exhaustively and chronologically, but the description does not seem to be fully reliable. After attaining Kevalajñāna, Mahāvīra spent no less than thirty rainy seasons at the following places yearwise-(1) Rājagļiha, (2) Vaiśāli, (3) V nijyagrāma, (4) Rājagļiha, (5) Vā ijyagrāma, (6) Rājagriha, (7) Rājagļiha, (8) Vaiśāli, (9) Vaiśālī, (10) Rājagļiha, (1.1) V nijyagrāma, (12) Rājagriha, (13) Rājagriha, (14) Champā, (15) Mithila, (16) Vānijyagrāma, (17) Rājagriha, (18) Vāņijyagrāma, (19) Vaiśālī, (20) Vaiśāli, (21) Rājagriha, (22) Nālandā, (23) Vaiśālī, (24) Vaiś li, (25) Räjagriha, (26) Nālandā, (27) Mithilā, (28)Mithilā, (29) Rājagriha, and (30) Āpāpāpurī.? INFLUENCE ON LAY FOLLOWERS (ŚRĀVAKAS)
First of all, Mahāvīra seems to have tried to attract those householders who formed a large body of lay disciples by laying down certain rules of conduct. Gautama Indrabhūti was taken to task by the Master when he sought to claim a difference in degree in this respect between a recluse and a lay disciple. The gift of supernormal vision was no monopoly of any Order or caste or sex. In this matter, Mahāvīra made no distinction between men and men, or between men and women. He did not enjoin one set of rules for male rccluses and another for those of the fair sex, one set of rules for male lay disciples and another for female lay disciples. When he wandered about in the country, he was accompanied by male as well as female recluses.
Mahāvíra not only taught his followers to observe penances and live a life of restraint' in all possible ways but also watched how they had been progressing. He also cncouraged them in the study of the Pūrvas and in developing their power of reasoning and arguing. The Buddhist records themselves attest that there were somc able and powerful disputants among 1 NATA, pp. 396-400.
Uva, 1.

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the Nirgrantha recluses and disciples.
The lay disciples of Mahāvira and the lay supporters of his Order, both male and female, are all mentioned as persons of opulence and influence. At the same time, they were noted for their piety and devotion. Their contemporaries, including kings and princes, consulted them on many affairs and matters. Among them, Ananda and his wife Sivanandā from Vānijagrāma, Kāmadeva and his wife Bhadră from Champā, Chūlanipriya and his wife Śyāmā, Sūradeva and his wife Dhanyā from Bārāṇasī, Chullasataka and his wife Pushyă from Kampilyapura, Kundakolita and his wife from Kampilyapura, Sardalaputra and his wife Agnimitrā from Polāsapura and Mahasataka from Rājagriha and Nandinipriya and his wife Asvins, and Salatipriya and his wife Phālguni were the most wellknown lay disciples of Mahāvīra.
The Pāli Upali Sūtral introduces us to the rich houscholder Upüli of Balakagrāma, near Nālandā, who was a lay disciple of Mahāvira and a liberal supporter of the recluses of his Order, both male and female. We are indecd told that a very large number of the inhabitants of Balakagrāma, licaded by Upāli, became lay disciples of Malāvira. The banker Mrigāra or Mrigadhara of Srāvasti, father-in-law of the Buddhist lady Visakhā, is mentioned as a lay disciple or Mahävira and a lay supporter of the Nirgrantla recluses.
The Jaina Bhagavali Sülra speaks of two other rich householders Vijaya and Sudarsana, among the lay disciples of Mahāvīra. Of these the former was a citizen of Rājagriha. ROYAL PATRONAGE
Not only the rich bankers and merchants, but even kings, queens, princes, and ministers became lay disciples of the Jaina Tirthankara Mahāvīra. His personal connections with the various rulers were through his inother. Trišala, he Lichchhavi princess, and his maternal uncle, Chetaka, the king of Vaišāli. According to Jaina traditions, kings like Śreņika," Kūnika,* Chicțaka,· Pradyota, Šatanika, Dadhiva1. Majjh, 1. p. 227.
2. Maijh, 1, 371-357. 3. Vāgu, p. 146; Sthand, p. 458b; Ullarü. XX. 4. us, 44-46.
i Tro, Chi, 11, s. 161. 6. Bhag, 412.

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hana,1 Udayana,2 Viangaya, Vīrajasa, Śañjaya, Śankha, Käsivaddha a3 and others are said to be his followers. Queens like Prabhāvati of Udayana,4 Mṛigāvati and Jayanti of Kośāmbi, queens of king Śrenika and Pradyota, and princesses like Chandana, the daughter of the king of Champā followed Jainism. Princes called Atimukta, Padma,9 grandsons of Śreņika, Megha, Abhaya and others10 are said to have joined the Order of Jainism. The royal patronage must have facilitated the spread of Jainism.
8
64
Both Jainism and Buddhism claim most of the contemporary rulers of this period as followers of their respective religions. It seems that it was the general policy of the rulers of this and even of later times to show reverence to the teachers
of different sects. As Śreņika's father is said to be a follower of the Purśvanatha sect11 which had also its stronghold at Rājagriha, it is natural that Bimbisāra was inclined towards Jainism. The Uttaradhyayana Sutra12 relates how Bimbisāra, 'the lion of the kings' with the greatest devotion visited the other 'Lion of homeless ascetics' (Aṇagāra-Siham) at a chaitya with his wives, servants and relations, and became a staunch believer in the Law. R.K. MOOKERJI and other historians13 have identified this ascetic with Mahāvīra because of the expression Anagara Siham, while others14 consider him to be a different ascetic, Anathi of the Nirgrantha sect. His Jaina leanings
1. Ara, Chu, II, p. 207.
2. Bhag, pp. 556 ff.
3.
Sthānā, p. 430 b.
4. Ava, p. 299.
5. Bhag, 12. 2.
6. Ava, Chu, p. 91. Anta, 7, p. 43
7. Bhag, 458 b.
8. Anta, III.
9. Nāyā, p. 32.
10. Ibid., p 33; Naya. Chapt. 1; Ava. Chu, p. 115.
11. Tri, Pu. Cha, x, 6, 8.
12. Ultura, xx, 58.
13. Hindu Civilization, The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 21.
14. NATA, p. 313.

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may have been due to his wife Chellanā, who was a daughter of Chețaka of Vaiśāli. Hemachandra tells the story that “when the country was under a blight of cold, the king accompanied by Devi Chellanã went to worship Mahāvīra". The fact that Mahāvīra passed fourteen rainy seasons at Rājagriha is sufficient to prove that he exercised some influence over both Sreņika and Kūnika, the rulers of Magadha. According to the Jaina texts,Mahāvīra was always treated by them and other members of the royal family with the utmost respect. On one occasion, Śreņika is said to have issued a proclamation promising financial support to the relatives of those who enter the Jaina holy order.3
Sreņika's son Kūņika is represented in the Jaina texts as a Jaina. These texts4 are partial in freeing him from the charge . the Buddhist texts level against him. The Anpapātika Sutra throws special light on the cordial relations between Kūņika and Mahāvira. Kūņika is known to have appointed a special officer known as Pravritti Vaduka Purusha to inform him about the wanderings and daily routine of Mahāvīra. It contains an account of Mahāvīra's Samosarana in Champā and Kūņika's pilgrimage to this place. He was a frequent visitor to Mahāvira with his queens and royal retinue. He had an intimate connection with him both at Vaiśāli and Champā, and openly declared before Mahāvīra and his disciples his faith in him as the true teacher who had made clear the true path of religion based on renunciation and non-violence. Kūņika was succeeded by his son Udayabhadra, who in the lifetime of his father served him as the Viceroy at Champā. He was a devout Jaina, fasting on the Sth and 14th tithis.5 He is also known to have built a Jaina shrine (chaityagļiha) at the centre of the town, Pāšaliputra.
In the Buddhist texts, Śrenika and Kūņika arc known by the names of Bimbisāra and Ajātaśatru and both were devot1. Tri. Pu. Cha, X, 6. 10, 11. 2. Daśāśrutaskandha, Anuttaropapātila Daśčriga and Jagadhoruckola. 3. Bihar through the Ages, p. 127. 4. Aup, 12, 27, 30; Hemachandra's Parisishicharan, canto IV; .. St,
pp. 684, 687. 6. Ara, Sū, p. 690.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times ed to the Buddha. Bimbisāra accepted Buddhism, and his conversion was celebrated by inviting the Buddha and his disciples to meals which he himself served at the palace, and then by announcing his donation of the park, Veluvana, to the Buddha and the Samgha.? At another time, when the Buddha had no money with which to pay the ferry-man who carried him across the Gangā, the emperor granted remission of these ferry charges to all ascetics out of his regard for the Master. After the murder of his father, Ajātaśatru paid a visit to the Buddha in his Mango-grove. He also erected a stūpa over the relics of the Lord Buddha. He gave full facilities for the holding of the General Council of the Buddhists in the Saptaparņi cave at Rājagņiha shortly after the Buddha's death.
At the time of Mahāvīra, Udāyana was a very powerful monarch of Sindhu Sauvīra. He is said to have been related to Mahāvīra through his wife Prabhāvati, a daughter of king Chețaka. It is said that once Udāyana thought of paying a visit to Mahāvīra, who was in Champā at that time, and that the latter knew his thoughts and came down to his capital Vítabhaya in order to ordain him. Udāyana anointed Keśíkumāra, his sister's son, on the throne and joined the order under Mahāvīra.? He is known to have attained perfection." The Buddhist scriptures4 describe Udrāyaṇa or Rudrāyaņa of Sindhu Sauvīra, with Roruka as his capital, as a Buddhist. It is said that an image of the Buddha was sent by king Bimbisāra to king Udāyana to acquaint him with the Buddhist religion. In course of time, he gave his throne to his son Sikhandi and joined the Buddhist order under the influence of his queen Chandraprabhā.
According to Jaina traditions, Pradyota, a follower of Mahāvīra, tried all he could for the propagation of Jainism. Malāvira was rclated to Pradyota, becausc Śivā, the daughter of his maternal uncle, Chetaka was married to him. Pradyota is said to have installed the Jivanta (life-time) Svām? images of 1.1. "Vinajā, 1, 9:
2. Bhag, 13. 6. -. 3. Ullarā, XVIII, 43. 4. dradănako!şalati, 40; Divpäradāra, 37.

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Mahāvira at Ujjain, Dasapura and Vidiśā.1 According to the Buddhists, Pradyota was converted to Buddhism by Mahākachchāyana.
Chețaka, the ruler of Vaiśālī, was a follower of Mahāvīra. It was only due to his influence that Vaiśāli became a stronghold of Jainism and that Mahầvira visited this place from time to time. Chetaka had seven daughters, the eldest of whom was married to king Udayana of Vatsa and the youngest to King Śreņika Bimbisāra of Magadha. One joined the religious Order of Mahāvīra and the other four were married to the members of the royal family. There may be some truth in the suggestion made by G.J. SHAH that these princesses were instrumental in the propagation of Jainism in Northern India.3
It is significant that Buddhist books do not mention Chetaka at all, though they tell us about the constitutional government of Vaiśālī. Buddhists took no notice of him as his influence was used in the interest of their rivals. Simha, a Lichchhavi general, was among the lay disciples of the Jaina Tirtharkara. 4
Looking at the great importance of Champā in the Jaina annals, there is nothing strange if one assumes that its ruler, Dadhivāhana, followed Jainism and held Mahāvira in high esteem. His daughter Chandanā or Chandanabāla was the first woman who embraced Jainism shortly after Mahāvīra had attained the Kovala. As Champă became a great centre of Jainism, Mahāvīra spent three of the rainy seasons at this place.
The ruler of Kausāmbi was king Satānika to whom was married Wirigāvati, the third daughter of Chciaka. Both the king and the queen were devotees of Mahāvīra and followers of the Jaina Order. The Jaina tradition also alirms that the king's Minister (Amatya) and his wise were Jainas by faith.
1. KAA, p. 119. 2. lbid, p 115. 3. Jainism in Northern India, pp. 88 f. 1. T'in, vi, 4, S. 5. Jra. Nir, 520 ff; Ara. Ti. p. 294 f. . 6. Bhag. 12,.

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Satānīka's son and successor was Udayana. The Jaina literature claims him to be a follower of the Jaina Order. On the other hand, the Buddhist scriptures tell us that Udayana was at first not favourably inclined towards Buddhism, but later, however, he became a devotee of the Buddha.
Sāvatthi, Bārāṇasī, Kampillapura, Mithilā, Polāsapura and Ālabhia were all important towns visited by Mahavira within the kingdom of king Jiyasattu.1 Jiyasattu (Jita-satril, conqueror of enemies) seems to be a title of the king like the epithet Devānampiya of Aśoka. Jiyasattu seems to be no other than Pasenadi or Prasenajit of Košala. The Rājapasenija Sutta records a dialogue between Kesi and Paesi, when the latter, being influenced by the teachings of the former, became a Samanovāsaga. Kesi, a follower of Pärśva, was a Jaina recluse who is represented in the Uttarādhyayana Sūtra as the contemporary of Mahāvīra and Gautama Indrabhūti. Paesi or Pradeśī may be identified with Pasenadi or Prasenjit of Košala.3 From the Buddhist texts, it is known that Prasena jit was a great admirer of the Buddha though he was not converted to Buddhism.
After giving up his flourishing kingdom of Daśārņa, Daśamabhadra, who was the contemporary of Mahāvīra, became a monk.4 Dasamabhadra is not known from any other source. Daśārņa is identified with Vidišā or Bhilsa region in Madhya Pradesh. The early association of Jainism with 1. Uvā, pp. 81-5, 90, 95, 105, 160 and 163. 2. B.C. LAW: Some Jaina canonical Sūtras, p. 74; 182-204. The Pali
counterpart of this Jaina Sitra is undoubtedly the dialogue known as the Pāyāsi Sultanta in the Digha Nikaya. In the Pali Suttanta, thc dia. logue is put into the mouth of the Buddhist reclusc, Kumārakassapa, the Flower-Talker (Chitra kathi) and the Chicftain Pâyäsi of Sctavyä, a town within the kingdom of Pasenadi of Kosala. NATA, P. 369. According to the Dighanikāya, Pradeśi was a vassal of Presenajit while on the cvidence of the Răzapaseniya Sutta, Jitasatru was the ruler under Pradesi. It scems more reasonable to say that Pradesi and Jitasatru arc one and the same ruler who may be identi
fied with Prascnajit of Kosala. 4. Utlarā, XVIII, 41. 5. GEB, p. 26.

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this area is clear even from the Jaina traditions which aver that Vajrasvāmī and other Jain pontiffs obtained liberation in the hills, Kuñjarävarta and Rathavarta, in the neighbourhood of Vidiśā.1
Karakandu, king of Kalinga, is known to have adopted the faith of the Jinas, and, after placing his son on the throne, exerted himself as 'Śramana'. This proves the existence of Jainism in this Province from very early times, but it is very difficult to say when Karakaṇḍdu lived in Kalinga. It was a Jaina stronghold, at least from the time of Lord Mahavira. The Jaina Harivamia Purana informs us that Lord Mahavira had preached his faith in Kalinga. The Haribhadriya Vṛitti on Avasyaka confirms Mahāvīra's visit to the country of Kalinga and adds that the king of that country was a friend (or relation) of his father's. The reference to Nandar ja as having taken away the image of Jina from Kalinga in the inscription of Kharavela is very interesting as it proves the existence of image-worship among the Jainas even in the fifth century B.C.
There are traditions even of Mahavira's visit to South India. From the Jivandhara Charita of Bhaskara, it is known that Jivandhara, who was the ruling chief of this region at this time, was a Jaina. He cordially received Mahavira and became an ascetic after obtaining diksha from him. Jivandhara seems to be an imaginary name. Actually speaking, there was no such ruler whose kingdom extended to and comprised Southern India during this period.
Mahavira is known to have converted to Jainism a prince named Ardraka who became a monk. He was so much influenced by the teachings of Mahavira that he always supported Jainism in his disputations with the teachers of different religions. This Ardraka is identified with the prince of the Persian emperor Kurusha (558-530 B.C.). Both the emperor and the prince are believed to have sent presents to the king
1. KMA, p. 121.
2. Uttara, XVIII, 45, 47.
3. A.C. MITTAL: Early History of Orissa, p. 136.
4. Karnatak through the Ages.
5. Sutra, II, 6.

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Śrenika and his son Abhayakumāra of Magadha who also in return despatched their presents to them. It is said that first of all Abhayakumāra enlightened Ārdraka with the teachings of Mahāvīra. In course of time, Ārdraka joined the Order of Mahāvīra.1
On the basis of an evidence furnished by a very late period, Mahävira is known to have propagated his message even in the region now known as Rajasthan. There is an inscription of 1276 A.D. which begins with a verse which tells us that Mahāvīra in person came to Śrímāla.? This is supported by the Srimālamāhātmya, a work of c. the thirteenth century A.D., which gives an account of the dissemination of Jainism in Śrīmāla. Disgusted with the behaviour of the Brāhmaṇas of Srīmāla, Gautama Gañadhara went to Kashmir where he was converted to Jainism by Mahāvīra. After his return to Srīmāla, he converted the Vaiśyas to Jainism and composed the Kalpa Sutra, the Bhagavatī Sätra, Mahāvīra Janmasūtra and other works.3 An inscription of 1369 A.D., found on the door of the chief shrine in Jīvantasvāmi Śrı Mahāvīra. Jaina temple at Mungusthala Mahātīrtha, 7 km. west of Ābū Road, shows that Lord Mahāvīra visited Arbudabhūmi, and an image was consecrated by Sri Keść Ganadhara during the 37th year of the life of Mahāvira.4 These statements are of a very late date and, therefore, cannot be easily relied on. But from them it can be legitimately deduced that in thc 13th century A.D., Jainism was considered to be a very old religion in Rajasthan.5
Not only the rulers but also several contemporary clans were the followers of the religion of Mahāvīra. There are many stray references in the Jaina Sūtras which prove that the Lichchhavis followed the Jaina faith. Their capital, Vaiśāli, formed one of the headquarters of the Jaina community during the days of Mahāvīra. Out of the fortytwo rainy seasons of 1. J.P. Jaix: Bharatiya Itihāsa-eka Drishti, pp. 67-63. 2. Pris. Wc., 1907, p. 35.
Srimalapurana, pp. 633-663. 4. APJLS, No. 48. 5. Jainism in Rajasthan, p. 8. 6. SBE, XLV, p. 339.

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his ascetic life, Mahāvīra spent twelve at Vaiśālī. Like the Lichchhavis, the Vajjis, who in fact cannot be strictly differentiated from the Lichchhavis, came under the influence of Lord Mahāvira, for Vaiśālī seems to have been regarded also as the metropolis of the entire Vajji Confederacy. The Jñātsikas of Kundagrama, who formed one of the most important clans included in the Vajjian confederacy, were also his followers. The other clans of the Vajjian confederacy must have been naturally affected by the doctrines of Nātaputta. It is among these confederate Kshatriyas that Mallāvīra was born and sound strong supporters of his religion. The Mallas also seem to have cherished a feeling of respect and sympathy for the great prophet and his doctrines. The Ugras and the Bhogas are repeatedly mentioned in several of the oldest sacred books as being among the most prominent of the carliest converts.
It is clear from the above discussion that though only a few of these kings can definitely be identified, the late tradition without much historical support brings nearly all the kings of North India in those days under the spiritual sway of Mahāvira in one way or the other. While some of the names of these rulers seem to be imaginary, others might have flourished long after Valāvīra. From this evidence only one significant conclusion can be drawn, namely, that in course of time, Jainism spread in different parts of India and received royal patronage. During the period of Mahāvira, its influence seems to have been confined only to the modern states of Bihar and some parts of Bengal and U.P. and it is probable that most of the ruling chicss of this area patronized Jainism. MAHĀVĪRA AND THE BUDDHA
The evidence of Buddhist literature is adequate enough to prove that Mahavira was a contemporary of the Buddha, Althouglı they had not personally met cach other, there were occasions wlien they felt interested in knowing and discussing each otlıcr's views through some intermediaries. Dirgharapasus and Saryaka (Pali Sachchaka) among the Virgraniha recluses, and Abhaya, the prince, Upāli, the banker, and Siruha, the Lichchhavi General among the Jaina laily, loom large among

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those intermediaries. While they are said to have halted at Nālandā, Vaiśāli and Rajagriha at one and the same time, they are not known to have seen each other.1 Mahavira was senior in age to Buddha, the former predeceasing the latter by a few years.
72
That Mahāvīra and the Buddha were contemporaneous is proved by the synchronization of certain historical facts. When they had started their career as religious teachers and reformers, Śreņika Bimbisāra and Ajātaśatru were powerful kings of Magadha; Anga was annexed to the kingdom of Magadha, and the Vṛijji-Lichchhavis of Vaiśālī and the Mallas of Kuśināra and Pāvā formed two powerful confederacies. Prasenjit was the monarch of Kośala, and Kāśī was annexed to the kingdom of Kośala.
It is not without reason that Mahāvīra has been represented in the Abhayarājakumāra Sutta as personally interested in the welfare of Devadatta who fomented a schism within the Buddhist Order of the time. B.M. BARUA suggests that Devadatta was a man with Jaina leaning. It is probably under the influence of Mahavira's teaching that Devadatta insisted on having the five special rules introduced in the Buddhist Order.
SCHISMS
Even in the life-time of Mahavira, there arose schimatic tendencies in the Jaina Church. In the fourteenth year of Mahāvira's becoming a prophet, his nephew and son-in-law, Jamali, headed an opposition against him. Similarly, two years later, a holy man in the Jaina community, Tisagutta, made an attack on certain points in Mahāvīra's doctrine. Both of these schisms were, however, concerned with mere trifles, and seem to have caused no great trouble, as they were speedily stopped by the authority of the prophet himself. Jamali, however, persisted in his heretical opinions until his death. The Digambaras seem to be ignorant of the earlier schisms.
NIRVĀŅA
Mahavira attained Nirvana at the age of 72 at Pāvā. It
1 NATA. p. 402. 2. Majjh, I, pp 392-393. 3. LMLT p. 17.

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is said in the Kalpasūtral that when Mahāvīra died, the eighteen confederate kings of Kāśi and Košala, the nine Mallakss and the nine Lichchhavis instituted an illumination, saying "since the light of intelligence is gone, let us make an illumination of material matter."
There is a persistent Jaina tradition that Mahāvīra attained Nirvana in 527 B.C. but this seems to have become controversial by an incorrect statement of Hemachandra's (1078-1172 A.D.) to the effect that 155 years after the Nirvana of Mahāvira, Chandragupta became king. The whole problem was made more complicated and controversial by connecting it with Buddha's Nirvana, the date of which has not yet been fully and authoritatively ascertained.3 Scholars are therefore not unanimous about the date of the Nirvana of Mahāvīra as they still hold different views.
In order to solve this problem of the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana, one should take a comprehensive view. It is well known from the different sources that Mahāvīra flourished in the age of Sreņika (Bimbisāra) and Kūnika (Ajātaśatru) of Magadha, Prasenajit of Kośala, Udayana of Vatsa, Pradyota of Avanti and Pushkarasărin of Taxila. It is also certain that he lived in the days of Markhali Gośāla and Buddha. Mankhali Gośāla was his senior contemporary and died sixteen and a half years earlier, while Buddha was his junior contemporary and died afterwards. A Jaina tradition states that Mahavira attained Nirvana in the 16th year of the reign of Kūņika and the Buddhist tradition places the Buddha's Nirvāṇa in that king's Sth regnal year. The date of Mahāvíra's Nirvana is said to have coincided with the date of the coronation at Ujjayini of Palaka, the son of Chanda Pradyota, the king of Avanti. We can be successful in determining the date of Mahāvıra's
1. Kalp, 128. 2. Pari, VIII, 339.
The different Buddhist traditions place the date of the Buddha dific. rently: thc Ceylonesc in 514 B.C., the Burmese in 501 B.C.; the Tibetan in 4SS B.C. and the Cantonese in 486 B.C. (Somc scholars havc suggested even 477 B.C. or 453 B.C.) The recently advocated vicw is 483 B.C. Sce D.R. Bhandarlar Vol. I. p. 322-330.
.
.
..

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Nirvāṇa is we dcpend not only on the Buddhist but also on the Jaina and Brahmanical sources to fix up the dates of Mahāvīra's contemporary rulers and religious teachers.
THE THEORY OF MAHĀVĪRA'S NIRVĀŅA IN 467 B.C.
The theory that Mahāvīra's Nirvāṇa occurred in 467 B.C. was suggested long ago by H. JACOBI and strongly supported by J. CHARPENTIER.K.A. SASTRI,3 who subscribes to the same opinion, supports this theory with almost the same arguments which are as follows.
1. This date is based on a tradition recorded by the great Jaina author, Hemachandra, namely, that there was a gap of 155 years between the death of Mahāvīra and the accession of Chandragupta Maurya. According to the Jaina tradition, the accession of Chandragupta Maurya at Ujjain took place in 312 B.C. Hence, the year of the Nirvāṇa is 467 B.C. Here the year 312 B.C. probably indicates the date of extension of the Mauryan rule over Ujjayini in the reign of Chandragupta Maurya.
2. J. CHARPENTIER believed the year of Mahāvira's Nirvana to be 467 B.C. on the presumption that the Buddha's death definitely occurred in 477 B.C. According to the Buddhist texts, Mahāvīra and the Buddha were both contemporaries, and they flourished in the reign of Ajātaśatru. -
3. He believed that no person of the name of Vikrama ever existed about 57 B.C. and further that there was discrcpancy of 60 years between the account of other Jaina sources and that of Hemachandra who stated that Chandragupta Maurya came to the throne 155 years after Mahāvira's dcathi, Hence by deducting 60 years from the traditional period of 527 years before Christ, he arrived at the year 467 B.C.
4. According to the Jaina tradition, the Jaina Pontill Sambhūtivijaya died exactly in the year following Chandragupta's accession, or 156 after Vsra. Bhadrabāhu, thc succe
1. Introductions to Sbe, xxii and XLV, on Mahavira and his Predeces.
sors, I, A, IX, pp. 150 ff. 2. JA, XLIII, pp. 118 fi; also sec CAI, Vol. I, p. 130. 3. History of India. Pt. I, pp. 39-40.

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ssor of Sambhūtivijaya, died fifteen years later. All Jaina traditions from Hemachandra downwards give 170 after Vira as the year of Bhadrabāhu's.death. This would be 297 B.C. if the date 467 B.C. is accepted as the year of Mahāvīra's death. The Jaina tradition also brings Bhadrabāhu into the closest connection with Chandragupta in whose reign the date 297 B.C, falls.
5. The Kalpasūtra in its present form is a compilation made 980 years after the passing away of Mah vīra during the reign of Dhruvasena, king of Gujarat, but in another recension the number is 993. King Dhruvasena is known to have ruled from 526 to 540 A.D. From this, the date 467 B.C. is fixed as the year of Mahāvīra's Nirvāṇa.
While discussing the date of Gośāla's death, A.L. BASHAM fixes the date of Mahāvīra's death in 468-467 B.C., which agrees with the date suggested by H. JACOBI on the basis of Hemachandra's Parisishțaparvan and supported by J. CHARPENTIER. Prof. BASHAM accepts 483 B.C. as the date of the Buddha's Nirvāṇa. On the basis of the Mahāvam sa synchronism, the accession of Ajātasatru must have occurred in the year 491 B.C. and the second campaign against the Vajjis in 481-180 B.C. There are two synchronisms for the date of Gośāla's death, the first being the tradition of its occurrence sixteen and a half years before that of Mahāvīra, and the second that of its taking place during the war between Magadha and Vaiśālī in the reign of Ajātaśatru-Kūņiya. Of the two, the latter seems the more reliable. There were two campaigns of the war called Mahāśilakanţac and Rahamusale respectively. A.L. B.ASHAM suggests that the first campaign, soon after which Gośāla died, must have taken place at some time between the date of Ajātaśatru's accession and the year preceding the Buddha's death. He held the view that the first campaign occurred in 485 B.C. and the death of Gośāla in 484 B.C., if a year is allowed for the news of the Battle of Great Stones' to spread to Sāvattli and to become fixed in the popular consciousness. With regard to the death of liaharira as taking place at Pāvā during the Buddha's lifetime and as mentioneri 1. A.L. BASIAN: History and Doctrines of the d ..rp. 66.75.

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in the Pali scriptures, he considers it to be that of Gośāla at Sãvatthi, which the Bhagavatī Sutra also mentions as having been accompanied by quarrel and confusion. The Mahāparinibbāna Sutta records that the preparations for the campaign against the Vajjis were made in the last year of the Buddha's life while Mahāvīra was still alive during the course of war.
477 B.C.
JAMES HASTING1 tries to fix the date of Mahāvīra's Nirvāṇa in c. 477 or 476 B.G. He comes to this conclusion by combining the Jaina date of Chandragupta's accession to the throne 155 years after the Nirvāna with the historical date of the same event in 322 B.C.
484 B.C.
In his attempt to discuss the date of Gośāla's death, A.F.R. HOERNLE? also fixed the date of Mahavira's Nirvāna. He accepts 482 B.C. as the practically certain date of the Buddha's Nirvana. King Bimbisāra, the father and predecessor of Ajātaśatru, was murdered by his son eight years before the Nirvāṇa or in 490 B.C. A.F.R. Hoernle believes that for some years before this, Ajātasatru was the de facto ruler, and that the war took place, not in the year of his legal, but of his de facto accession, which cannot have been long before the murder of Bimbisāra. H. JACOBI's theory of the later date of Mahāvira's death he now rejects, in order to devise a chronological scheme according to which Mahāvīra may predeccase the Buddha; but the Bhagavatz tradition of the sixteen years interval between the deaths of Mahāvira and Gośāla hc acccpts without question. He therefore suggests 484 B.C. for the death of Mahāvīra and 500 B.C. for that of Gośāla and for the war and the de facto accession of Ajātaśatru.
486 B.C.
H.G. RAYCHAUDHURI suggests 478 B.C. or 486 B.C. and 536 B.C. as the probable dates of Mahāvira's Nirvana, according 1. Erg, Vol. vii, p. 467. 2. Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 260-61. 3. An Advanced flislory of India, p. 73.

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to the Cantonese reckoning which places the death of the Buddha in 486 B.C., or according to the Ceylonese one which places it in 514 B.C., whichever is accepted as the basis. Between 478.B.C. and 486 B.C., the first date is said to be in conformity with Hemachandra's who is said to have placed Chandragupta's accession in M.E. 155, that is 323 B.C. in this case, which cannot be far from the truth, but that would be at variance with the clear evidence of the Buddhist canonical texts which make the Buddha survive his Jñātņika rival. Hence he considers 486 B.C. to be a more likely date as it is also in keeping with the year of Ajātaśatru's accession. The Jaina statement that their Tirthankara dies some sixteen years after the accession of Kūņika (Ajātaśatru) can be reconciled with the Buddhist tradition about the death of the same teacher before the eighth year of Ajātasatru, if we assume that the Jainas, who refer to Kūņika as the ruler of Champī, begin their reckoning from the accession of the prince to the viceregal throne of Champā while the Buddhists make the accession of Ajātaśatru to the royal throne of Rājagriha the basis for their calculation.
C.D. CHATTERJEEI also favours 486 B.G., because for him 483 B.C. is definitely the correct year of the Buddha's death and because he believes, on the basis of 'clear evidence of the Buddhist tradition on this question' that Malāvīra prcdeceased the Buddha. 488 B.C.
H.C. Seth suggests 4SS B.C. as the date of Mahāvíra's death on the basis of the Buddhist tradition, assuming 487 B.C. as the date of the Buddha's dcath. The great difficulty in accepting 468 B.C. according to him is that it will place MahāVira's death several years after that of the Buddha. On the other hand, the tradition preserved in the Buddhist Pali canon clearly says that Nigantha Nātaputta, i.e. Jahāvīra, died at Pāvā a little before the Buddha.
1. B.C. Law Volunc, Pt. I, pp. 606-607, f.n. 30, 2. Bhürala-kaumudi, Part II, pp. 817-838.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times.
The traditional chronology given in Merutunga's VichaȚaśreņī puts Mahāvīra's Nirvana 470 years before the Vikrama era. All the Jaina traditions assign 40 years of reign to Nahavāņa between the period of Mahavira's Nirvāṇa and Vikrama. This Nahaväna is generally identified with Naliapāna, the Mahākshatrapa of Kshaharāta family, who lived after the commencement of the Vikrama era. If we take out 40 years of Nahavāna from 470 years, the interval given in these traditions between Mahāvīra Nirvana and the commencement of the Vikrama era, the difference between these two important events will be 430 years. This will give 488 B.C. as the date of Mahāvīra Nirvana. This will place Malāvīra's death about a year before that of the Buddha who died in 487 B.C. These two dates will reconcile most of the Buddhist as well as the Jaina traditions about these two great religious teachers.
490 B.C.
Y. MISHRA? presupposes 487 B.C. as the date of Buddha's death, and then, by comparing the details of the lives of the Buddha and Mahavira, especially the places where they spent their rainy seasons, he comes to the conclusion that Mahāvira died in 490 B.C. In order to find out the date of that specific rainy season when Mahāvīra died, he consulted the lives of the Buddha and Mahāvīra, viz. Buddhacharjā (in Hindi) by RAHULA SANKRITYAYANA and framana Bhagvān Mahaurra by. RATNAPRABHA VIJAYA. In the Buddhacharzā, it is stated that Lord Buddha spent the 17th rainy season at Rājagrila, further in the Mahāsakuludāyi Sutta," it is said that on that particular occasion, both Buddha and Nigantha Nätaputta were present. Taking 567 B.C. as the date of the birth of the Budidha, this conies to 516 B.C. By taking 561 B.C. as the date of the birth of Mahāvīra, it becomes clear that lie spent his 16th rainy season in 516 B.C. at Rajagriha. In the rainy season of 513 B.C. also, both the Buddha and Mahavira were .at Rājagriha.
1. Y. MISĦRA: An Early History of Vaišãli, pp. 202-213. 2. Majjh, II. 3. 7,

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· The Samaññaphala Sutta tells us how king Ajātaśatru of Magadha paid visits to one after another of the six heretical teachers to hear their doctrines, and at last discontented with them all, he took refuge with the Buddha. This visit of Ajātaśatru to the Buddha took place in 491 B.C. The rainy season of 491 B.C., which was his forty-second rainy season, was passed by the Buddha at Srāvasti. This Buddhist reference therefore means that sometime in the last month of the Chāturmāsya, the Buddha came to Rājagriha. Coming to Mahāvīra, it is known that he lived at Rājagriha in 491 B.C. during the rainy season of the forty-first year of his ascetic life. Thus it was possible for Ajātaśatru to meet the Buddha at Rājagʻiha after having met Mahāvīra. Mahāvīra passed his forty-second rainy season in 490 B.C. at Madhyamā Pāvā where he died.
Both from the Buddhist and the Jaina traditions, it is clear that both the Buddha and Mahāvīra were at Vaiśālī in 519 B.C. and that the conversion of Siha to Buddhism also took place at the same time. The Upālisutta is also important, because the event took place at Nälandā when both the teachers were there in 491 B.C.
So the year 490 B.C. as the year of Mahāvīra's death is able not only to show that Buddha survived Mahāvīra but also to make both the teachers spend the same rainy season at Rājagriha, Vaiśāli and Nālandā.
498 B.C.
B.C. Law advocated another theory when he postulated 498 B.C. as the date of Mahāvīra's Virtāna. According to him, 5:27 B.C. and 544 B.C. as the dates of the demise of Mahāvīra and Buddha respectively cannot hc harmonized with the historical facts connected with the lives of the two great teachers of India. Two things, he says, may be taken as certain: (1) that lahivira predeceased the Buddha by 5 or 6, 7 or S or even 14 or 15 years; and (2) that lahärra passed as a Jina bcfore the Buddha. The autheniicity of
1. LUIT, p. 53.

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B.C. 544 or 543 as the date of Buddha's demise has been questioned by modern scholars who propose either 486 B.C. or 484 B.C. as the correct date. The figure 544 or 543 is accounted for as the date of the accession of Śreņika Bimbisāra. Similarly, the figure 527 is accounted for as the date of the attainment of Jinahood by Mahāvira. Accepting this date of Mahāvīra's Kevaliship, one has to compute the date of his birth as B.C. 570, and that of his demise as B.C. 498. 545 B.C.
80
K.P. JAYASWAL fixed the date of Mahavira's Nirvāņa in 545 B.C. His main argument was that since according to some Jaina Paṭṭāvalis, it was the interval between Mahavira's Nirvana and Vikrama's birth, and not his accession, which is said to have been 470 years, and since Vikrama ascended the throne and started his era at the age of 18 in 57 B.C., Mahāvira's date should be pushed further back by 18 years. He tried to corroborate his theory by a statement of some of the other Paṭṭāvalis which give 219 years as the interval between Mahāvira and the accession of Chandragupta Maurya, which according to him is otherwise fixed in 325 B.C. He also tried to reconcile his chronology based upon the Jaina sources with the Puranic traditions, identified Vikrama with King Pulumavi, the son of Gautmiputra Satakarņi, and fixed the Buddha's Nirvana in 544 B.C.1
437 B.C.
S.V. VENKATESVARA puts forth 437 B.C. as the date of Mahavira's Nirvana. Believing that the Buddha died sometime between 485 and 453 B.C., and that he could not have. died after Mahāvīra, this scholar surmises that 470 years' tradition relates to the Ananda Vikrama era of 33 A.D.2
CRITICISM OF THE ABOVE THEORIES
Although some of the theories set forth above are well reasoned and convincing, they present some serious difficulties.
1. JBORS, 1, Pt. I, pp. 99-101.
2. JRAS, 1917, pp. 122-130.

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The greatest defect of some of the above theories is that their advocates, H. JACOBI, J. CHARPENTIER, J. HASTING and A.L. BASHAM, based them on the statement of Hemachandra (12th Century A.D.). Chandragupta Maurya ascended the throne in M.E. (Mahāvīra era) 155. His statement is the solitary instance of this view and is at variance with all other Jaina sources, Digambara or Svetāmbara, earlier or later than himself, that give this date as M.E. 210 or 215. This caused confusion and has misled these scholars. The Tiloyapannati of Yativsishabha (5th century A.D.), the Harivañía of Jinasena (783 A.D.), Trilokasāra of Nemichandra (973 A.D.), Vichāraśreņi of Merutunga (1306 A.D.) and others mention 215 years.
That Palaka mentioned in the lists was the son of King Chanda Pradyota of Ujjayini and that during the period of 60 years allowed to Kūņika and Udāyi he was ruling at Pāțaliputra, are facts corroborated by some other sources. In connection with these dynastic chronologies, it may, however, be noted that it is not correct to treat them as referring to the kings of Magadha. All kings and dynasties mentioned in them are definitely known to be connected with Ujjayini in Malwa or Western India. Of course, some of them ruled over a big empire covering other parts of India, including Magadha as
well.
Curiously enough, even Hemachandra? in another context of the same work has admitted that the Nanda dynasty began in M.E. 60 and in another work of his he gives the traditional date 527 B.C. when he mentions that Kumārapāla became a ruler 1669 years after Mahāvīra's Nirvana. The year of Kumārapala's accession to the throne is known to be 1143 A.D.
Another serious desect of these theories is that their advocates attempted to determine the date of Vsahāvīra's Nircana on the basis of that of the Buddha's which itself is full of controversy. That has resulted in divergent conclusions. H. Jaconi and J. CHARPENTIER believed ile date of sahāvīra's
1. Pari, VI, 243. 2. Tri. P:l. Ch, X, 12, 15-16.

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Järeira to be 467 B.C. on the assumption that the Buddha's death occurred definitely in 477 B.C. A.L. BASHAN and A.F.R. HOERYLE accepted 483 B.C. as the date of the Buddha's Vircāra, and then attempted to fix the dates of Gośāla and Jahavira. H.C. RAYCHAUDHURI, B.C. LAN, H.C. SETH. and Y. JISHRA first presupposed 486-4ST B.C. as the date of Buddha's death, and then attempted to fix Jahāvira's death. K.P. JATUSISAL, by accepting the Buddha's death in 54 B.C., fixed Asahāvīra's
lïrranc in 545 B.C. The proper approach to the problem is that one should seitle the date of the Buddha's arcana br accepting that of Vahāvīra in 527 B.C. is it is not controversial.
H. JACOBI, J. CHARPENTIER, A.L. BASH:X. H.C. SETH and K.P. JAFASIYAL wrongly think that the Buddha predeceas. ed Jfahāvīra. From the study of the earlı- Buddhist texts, it is clear that sahāvīra was the senior contemporary of the Buddha ; that he attained hecalajñara earlier and that he predeceased the Buddha by 5, or 6, 7 or 8, eren 14 or 15 years. These Buddhist texts record the death of Maharira or Siganta Nätaputta as taking place at Pârā during the Buddha's life time and as being accompanied by serious confusion and quarrelling among his supporters.
The view held by some scholars that there are irregularities in the list of kings and dynasties ruling from the period of the Jörräna of Mahavira to 57 B.C. or 78 A.D. is not wholly correct. On the other hand, many scholars also believe that the Jaina traditions have definite historical background. In spite of minor discrepancies in dates, the general account giren in them is fully in keeping with the known facts of history." Here the question does not relate to the rerification of individual dynasty and king but to the determination of the general correctness of the date of Vahāvīra's.lïrcäna giren in the Jaina traditions.
All the Jaina traditions assign forty years of reign to Naharāna before Vikrama. H.C. SETH thinks ihat this Nahavāņa or Nahapāna, the Mahakshatrapa of Kshaharata
1. R.C. MLAJTHIDAR, The Age of Inferic! Urit, pp. 155-156.

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family, lived after Vikrama, and by taking 40 years out of 470, he considers 430 years to be the difference between the date of Mahavira's Nirvāṇa and the commencement of the Vikrama era. Against this, it may be suggested that Nahavana here means the Śaka rule in Ujjayini before Vikrama in the second or first century B.C. This Jaina tradition is supported even by numismatic evidence.1 Copper coins of five rulers, viz., Hamugama, Valāka, Mahu, Dãsa and Sauma, have been scooped out from Ujjain and from the neighbouring region. With the help of palaeography, the historian can place these rulers in the second and first century B.C. K.D. BAJPAI tried to prove that the rulers who issued the coins were Śakas, the predecessors of the two well known dynasties of Bhūmaka and Chashṭana. The names on the coins resemble those of the Saka chiefs already known from inscriptions and other coins. On the reverse, there are figures such as those of frog, moon on hill, tree within railing; or a double-orbed Ujjain symbol.
J. K. MUKHTAR2 attempts a refutation of the theory propounded by J. CHARPENTIER as also by K.P. JAYASWAL by trying to prove that Vikrama era started neither with the birth nor with the coronation of Vikrama but with his death, and that therefore no addition or reduction in the traditional interval of 170 years was needed.
Y. MISHRA came to the conclusion that the death of Mahavira occurred in 490 B.C. when he compared the details of the lives of the Buddha and Mahavira, especially the places where they spent their rainy seasons. For this, he consulted Buddhacarya (in Hindi) by R. SANKRITYAYANA and Śramaṇa Bhagvan Mahavira by RATNA PRABHA VIJAYA. In the very early Jaina and Buddhist scriptures, no chronological description of the rainy seasons spent by Lord Mahavira and the Buddha have been given. Both R. SANKRITYAYANA and Ratnaprabha VIJAYA have based the account of rainy seasons on very late works which cannot be relied upon.
83
As regards S.V. VENKATESWARA's theory to the effect that Mahavira died in 437 B.C., there is absolutely no tradi
1. KмA, p. 156.
2. Jaina Sahitya Aura Itihasa Para Vilada Praküla, pp. 26 f

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tion which can support it. Moreover, as the late G.H. OJHA1 showed in his article 'On the conception of an Ananda Vikrama Era', no such cra was ever started or gained currency, nor does it find any mention in the Prithviraja-rāso of poet Chanda as is alleged.
THE THEORY OF MAHĀVĪRA'S NIRVĀŅA IN 527 B.C.
There are scholars who maintain that Mahavira's Nirvāṇa took place in 527 B.C. The following arguments may be advanced in support of this theory.
1. There is a continuous Jaina tradition from the fifth century A.D. onwards about the date of Mahavira's Nirvāṇa in 527 B.C. Yativṛishabha (5th century A.D.) seems to have been the first to record this tradition in the Tiloyapanṇati, and it is corroborated by Jinasena (783 A.D.) in the Harivamsa, by Nemichandra (973 A.D.) in the Trilokasara, by Merutunga (1306 A.D.) in the Vicaraśreṇī, and by others. The Jaina writers, whenever they expressed the date of Mahāvīra, did it either straight away in the Mahāvīra Era, or in terms of either the Vikrama or the Śaka era. The Vikrama era and the Saka era are known to have started in 57 B.C. and 78 A.D. respectively with the well-known interval of 135 years between them. The Jainas have never had any difference of opinion regarding the date of Tirthankara Mahāvīra, as, for instance, the Buddhists had regarding the date of the Buddha. The reason is that there was no cultural break. Jainism continued to live in India while Buddhism disappeared. In spite of schismatic tendencies and the predominance of particular sects in particular regions, it remained in constant touch with its coreligionists wherever they were or to whichever sub-sect they belonged. Thus the Jainas were able to preserve their cultural traditions.
1. NPPI, pp. 377-454, pp. 377-451.
2. G.C. OJHA: Bharatiya Prachina Lipimālā; V.S. AGRAWALA: Tirthankara Bhagavan Mahāvira, II Bhūmikā, p. 19; H.L. JAIN: Tattva Samuchchaya, p. 6, KALYANA VIJAYA: Vira Nirvana Samvat Aura Jaina Kala Ganană. VMT; NATA, p. 87.

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904
61 ,
57
2. In the Vicāraśreni of Merutunga, there are some old gāthas containing references to hisorical and chronological events taking place between the Mahāvīra era and the Vikrama and Saka eras. The substance of this information may be submitted in the following chronological table. Mahāvīra died
527 B.C. Pālaka, acc.
527 B.C. Nandas established supremacy
467 Mauryas established supremacy
312 Pushpamitra, acc. Balamitra, acc.
174 Nabhovahana, acc.
114 Gardabhilla, acc. Gardabhilla expelled by the sakas Vikramāditya recovers Ujjayini Four successors of Vikramāditya
3-78 A.D. Saka era commences
78 A.D. There is nothing in this general chronological scheme which, on the face of it, appears to be absurd or cven unworthy of belief. In point of details also, this account is in fair accordance with known historical facts. This chronological scheme must be regarded, on the whole, as transmitting an old historical tradition, which, though not acceptable in all its details without .further corroborative evidence, cannot be thrown out as worthless or contradicted by positive testimony of reliable character. Hence, the date of Mahāvira's Nirzāņa, which is the foundation of this chronological schemc, cannot be wrong.
3. The Jainas have tried to preserve the traditions relating to the Srutāvatāra (i.e. the reduction of the canon). In this connection, some Jaina workså give the genealogy of 28 immediate successors of Mahāvīra, divided into five groups with the periods taken by cach group. These works tell us at
1.
Tiloyapannati (5th century); Jambudrina-brajiapii Sangra'a (700 A.D.); Dhooala (750 A.D.), Hariran'a (783 A.D.) Ja;adiacali (537 A.D.), Kalbastra Thericali, Parisishiafartal and Problutalocarilc, Pu!!:alis of Nandi, Scna and Kashtha Samghas.

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the end that 'by deducting 77 years and 7 months from this period of 683 years, we get 605 years and 5 months, which is the exact intervalbetween Mahāvīra’s death and the commencement of the Saka era. All these sources are in perfect agreement as to the fact that this succession lasted till 683 years after Mahāvīra's Nirvāṇa, that up to this time, the direct canonical knowledge, though gradually declining in volume, continued to be preserved in the memory of these Gurus, and that it was about this time that the redaction of the surviving canonical knowledge was undertaken and the Jaina canons for the first time appeared in book form.
The slight differences one notices in these various sources, relate only to certain names. Some sources also differ in the extent of knowledge preserved by groups V and VI. The Pațțāvalis of the Nandi Saṁgha, particularly its Prakrit Pattāvala, which is quite an old document, gives the total period for the 5 Gurus of group IV as 123 years, whereas the other sources give it as 220 or 222 years; and while this Patļāvali allots 99 years to group V, they allot 118 years to it. According to the Jaina traditions, Bhadrabāhu was the contemporary of Chandragupta Maurya (324-300 B.C.), but in the genealogy of the Pontiffs, he is allotted 365 B.C. K.C. Sastri? has tried to rectify this mistake of sixty years in the genealogical table of the Pontiffs.
4. There are also traditions which relate to Kalki who is believed to have flourished at about the close of the first millennium after Mahāvīra's death.2 In this connection, chronological lists of the ruling dynasties, particularly of Ujjayini, have been preserved for these one thousand years ending with Kalki's tyrannical rule. Kalki is identified with either Yaśodharman of the Aulikara dynasty of Mandsor or with Mihirakula of the Hūņa dynasty.3 It is more likely that he was Mihirakula.
5. Another tradition, which further conforms this date relates to the great schism in the Jaina Samgha. According
1. Faina Sāhitya Ka Itihāsa, pp. 356-369. 2. Tiloyapannati, Harivansa, Trilokasära, etc. 3, NR. PREMI: Jaina Sahitya Aura Itihasa, p. 20.

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to the Svetāmbara sources, the schism took place in M.E. 609, and according to the Digambara ones, in V.E. 136, thus giving the date as A.D. 82 or 79.1
6. The date of the redaction of the Svetāmbara canon is another instance. Tradition places this event in M.E. 980 or 993 (i.e. A.D. 453 or 466) which seems to be quite correct since Bhadrabāhu III, who wrote the Niryuktis on the redacted Agamasūtras, was an elder brother of Varāhamihira, the astronomer (427 S.E. or 505 A.D.).
7. Pushkarasärin, who was a contemporary of Pradyota of Avanti and Bimbisāra of Magadha, was the ruler of Gandhāra with its capital at Taxila. Pradyota was engaged in hostilities with Pushkarasārin the cause of which is not known. Pushkarasārin is said to have sent an ambassador and a letter to king Bimbisāra of Magadha. But Bimbisāra was in no mood to alienate Pradyota. Pradyota was unsuccessful in his war, but was saved from disaster by the outbreak of hostilitics between Pushkarasārin and the Pāndavas. The Pāņdavas appear to have settled in the Punjab.
This area of Gandhāra seems to have become a part of the Persian empire from about 550 B.C. It is generally held that the eastern conquest of Cyrus (558-530 B.C.) included the Districts of Drangiana, Sattagydia and Gandaritis (Gandhāra). The two later inscriptions of Persepolis (518-515 B.C.) and of Naksh-i-Rustam (515 B.C.) mention Hi(n)du or the northern Punjab as a part of the domain of Darius, the successor of Cyrus. These references indicate that probably it was Cyrus who conquered Gandhāra which was inherited by Darius as a part of his empire, while for himself he pushed his Indian conquest farther into the region called Sindhu.
As Gandhāra became a part of the Persian empirc from 550 B.C., its ruler Pushkarasārin must be placed earlier. Bimbisāra and Pradyota, who were the contemporaries of Pushkarasārin, were ruling in about 550 B.C. As Vsahávira is known to be a contemporary of Bimbisāra and Pradyota. the drie of
izasyaka lülibhashya (609 A.D.), Diracasura (933 AD.

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his Nirvāņa in 527 B.C. as recorded in the Jaina scriptures is not improbable.
8. If we assume this date of Mahāvīra's death to be correct, it does not conflict with the known facts of history. Chanda Pradyota, king of Avanti, died on the same night of 527 B.C. as Tirthankara Mahavira, and he was succeeded by his son Palaka. Chanda Pradyota is known to have ruled for 23 years, which implies that he became a ruler in about 550 B.C. Pradyota is known to be one of the contemporaries of both Bimbisāra and his son Ajātaśatru. According to the Jaina tradition, Mahāvīra died sixteen years after the coronation of Ajātasatru, and this period might have included some years of his Viceroyalty over Champā. It seems that he started his rule from about 535 B.C. His father Bimbisāra, is known to have ruled 28 (or 38) years according to the Purānas, and 52 years according to the Sinhalese chronicles. Hence his accession to the throne may be placed either in 587 B.C. or in 563 B.C. Since Gośāla is known to have died sixteen and a half years before Mahavira, his date of death may be presumed to be 513 B.C. As Buddha was a junior contemporary of Mahāvīra, he might have attained Nirvana a few years after Mahavira.
PERSONALITY
Mahavira was one of the great religious teachers of mankind. He recognized the need for the perfection of self and prescribed certain practical rules of conduct for the attainment of this aim. He did not preach to others what he did not practise himself. For the realization of such an aim, he believed in the blissfulness of the entire being. This happy state, he said, cannot be bought by the wealth, pomp, and power of the world but can certainly be realized through patience, forbearance, self-denial, forgiveness, humanity, compassion, suffering and sacrifice. For this purpose, he inculcated the doctrine of Ahimsa or non-violence in thought, word and action. Those who came under the influence of his personality, gave up the eating of meat and fish and took to vegetarian diet. This principle was at the back of many

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philanthropic and humanitarian deeds and institutions which he encouraged.
For Mahāvīra distinctions of caste, creed or sex did not matter. According to him, salvation is the birthright of everyone, and it is assured if one follows the prescribed rules of conduct. His doctrine of Karma (action) made the individual conscious of his responsibility for all actions. It also awakened the consciousness that salvation was not a gift or favour but an attainment within the reach of human beings.
Mahāvīra was tolerant in religious matters. As there were different conflicting religious and philosophical views current in his time, he formulated the scheme of Sjadvāda in which there is room for the consideration of them all. This attitude in religious matters produced an atmosphere of mutual harmony among the followers of different sects, who began to appreciate the views of their opponents as well.
Mahāvīra was a great Māhanal who possessed fully formcd knowledge and insight, who was adored and worshipped by the three worlds, and who was furnished with a wealth of meritorious works. He was known to be a great Guardian because he protected and guarded, with his staff of the Law, all those numerous living beings that in the wilderness of the world were straying or perishing, being devoured or cut as under or picrced through or mutilated or castrated, and with his own hand brought them to the great fold of the Nirvana. He was a great preacher because by means of many discourses and cxplanations he delivered them from cril and with his own hand saved all those numerous living beings that were straying or perishing, and because, overwhelmcd by the power of falsehood and overcast by the densc darkness of the cightfold kinds of works, thcy had lost the true path and were brought back to the right road. He was a great pilots because by means of the boat of Law, with his own liands brought them straight to the shore of the Virana and delivered all thosc numerous living beings that, on the great
1. Upasakadasa-Sutrari, cd. by :1.F.R. HOIRSLI, p. 141. :. Ibid. 3 Ibid. 144.
4. lbid, 140.

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sea of the world, were straying or perishing by sinking or drowning or floating.
Mahāvīra, who was the wisest sage the world has known possessed infinite knowledge and faith. This wise man had explored all beings, mobile or immobile, high or low, eternal or transient. Like a lamp, he saw the Law in a true light. He knew this world and the world beyond.2 His knowledge was inexhaustible like the water of the sea. As he had mastered all philosophical systems, he understood the doctrines of the Kriyāvādins, of the Akriyāvādins, of the Vainayikas, and of the Ajñānavādins. His perception was infinite. 4
He endured severe tortures and penances in his life in order to annihilate his karmans. He bore everything like the earth. Having conquered the passions which defile the soul : wrath, pride, deceit, greed, the great sage did not commit any wrong, nor did he cause any wrong to be committed by others. He observed the chastity, the highest type of austerity, by abstaining from women. He practised the highest contemplation, which is the purest of the pure-pure without a flaw. He granted protection to all and was the most vigorous. He
wandered about without a home and crossed the flood of the • Samsāra. He renounced everything because he had broken away from all ties. 5
Mahāvīra was a great reformer. Since many abuses had crept into Jainism, he did his utmost to remove them. For this, he had to bring about some changes even in the traditional religion coming from Pārsva. He added the vow of chastity and emphasized the importance of nudity. Though his teachings were based on the old religion, he made a more systematic arrangement of its philosophical tenets. All these point to his great reforming zeal.
Mahāvīra possessed a great organizing capacity, and he made the laity participate in the Sangha along with the monks. He encouraged a close union between laymen and monks by advocating similar religious duties for both, duties that differed not in kind but in degree. 1. Sutra, I, 6, 4.
4. Ibid, 1, 6, 25. 2. Ibid, 1, 6, 28.
5. Thid, 1, 6, 6. 3. Ibid, I, 6, 27.

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CHAPTER IV
TEACHINGS OF MAHĀVĪRA
Mahāvīra was not the founder but only a reformer of the existing faith of Jainism. His teachings are partly based on the religion of his predecessor, Pārsvanātha, and partly independent. He appears to be a religious philosopher who gave a philosophic justification for the rules of conduct propounded by Pārsvanātha. He was responsible for the codification of an unsystematic mass of beliefs inhering the earlier religion of his predecessor into a set of rigid rules of conduct for monks and laymen. Besides, he had to introduce changes in the existing religion in order to meet the needs of the time. There were several orthodox and heretical sects with their wellknown teachers going strong during his time. He understood and mastered the doctrines of the current philosophical systems such as the Kriyāvādins, the Akriyāvādins, the Vinayavādins and the Ajñānavādins. Sometimes he borrowed certain ideas from others in order to bring them into harmony with his own system. He also formulated his own doctrines under the influence of the controversies endlessly going on with his religious contemporaries. Some of his teachings also arose as a natural reaction against corrupt practices current in the society of this period.
No direct evidence regarding the teachings of Malāvira has been preserved. Originally, they are supposed to have been embodied in the Fourteen Pîrvas and the Eleven Augas. Thesc original texts are, however, according 10 thc Digambaras, lost without a trace, but the Svetämbaras do not subscribe to this view. According to them, an attcmpwas inade for the compilation of the Eleven Angas at the Council of Pājaliputra after a faminc of twelve year's duration in about the third century B.C., and the Pārvas were considered to be the twelftli Auga under the name of Drştirica. This type of Acoma

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literature grew up by stages during the ten centuries following the death of Mahāvira. The final redaction of this Āgamika literature with several alterations took place at the council of Valabhi under the presidency of Arya Devarddhi in 454 (or 467 A.D.).
It seems that the teachings of Jainism underwent some changes in the interval between the time of Mahāvīra and the final composition of the Jaina canon. Older parts of the Achäränga and the Satrakrtānga may well claim to preserve much original matter, and the same may be true to some extent of some portion of the Bhagavati Sūtra and the Uttarādhyayana Sītra. The earliest Buddhist texts, known as the Pāli Nikayas, also refer to the beliefs and teachings of Mahāvīra. Though we cannot expect them to give a fair and honest exposition of the tenets of their opponents, they somehow corroborate the evidence of the Jaina texts. In the light of both these evidences, an estimate of the teachings of Mahāvīra should be made.
The teachings of Mahāvīra were simple, practical and ethical, but gradually they developed into a complicated system with considerable emphasis on details. Because of conservatism, the evolution was more or less in a straight line, and there are no dissensions on fundamentals in Jainism. Mahāvīra and his disciples propounded not only the doctrinal side of Jainism relating to the nature of the truth and the ideal but also mapped out the practical and disciplinary path leading to the realization of both. It was chiefly in and through the life of monks or mendicants that the ideal of conduct was sought to be fulfilled. NIRVANA
The ultimate object of Jainism as taught by Mahāvira is Nirvāṇa which consists in the attainment of peace and infinite bliss.? Nirvana is just another name for Mokṣa or liberation, Mukti or deliverance, salvation or beatitude. Gautama, a disciple of Mahāvira, explained Nirvāna to Keśí, a disciple of Pārsva : "It is a safe, happy, quiet and eternal place in view of all but difficult of approach where there is no old age, nor death, nor sorrow, nor pain, nor disease. It is a state of 1. Sūtra, I, 11, 11.

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perfection which is obtained by putting an end to the stream of existence." It is liberation from a state of bondage brought on by karman. It is deliverance from old age, disease, death, and all that constitutes the self.
This highest goal is to be attained through annihilating the old Karmans (Nirjarā) lying heavy on the soul by the practice of austerities (Tapas), and to stop the influx (Asrava) of new Karmans by the practice of self-restraint, called Samvara, with regard to the body, speech and mind.
93
Even in a Pāli Sutta, the main aim of Mahavira's teaching has been mentioned as Sukha or infinite bliss which is not reachable through the finite happiness of even so fortunate among men as the reigning monarchs; it is reachable only through dukkha or pain of foregoing and forsaking all finite happiness. Had it been possible to attain beatitude through mundane happiness, king Śreņika Bimbisāra of Magadha would certainly have attained it. In the Pāli Sutta, Dukkha or painful and difficult path meant Dukkarakarika, or a rigorous practice of penances. It was to be resorted to by us as a means of wearing out and ultimately destroying the effects of sinful deeds (papakamma) committed in a former existence. The practice of the threefold self-restraint was to be taken recourse to by the aspirant as a means of not giving effect to a new karman.
RIGHT FAITH (DARŚANA), RIGHT (JÑÄNA), AND RIGHT CONDUCT (CĀRITRA)
1. Uttara, XXIII, 81-84.
2. Majjh, I, pp. 93-91.
3.
Uttara, XXVIII, 30.
KNOWLEDGE
Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Conduct arc the three essential points in Mahavira's teachings which lead to perfection by the destruction of Karmans. Without Right Faith, there is no Right Knowledge; without Right Knowledge there is no Virtuous Conduct; without virtues, there is no deliverance and without deliverance (Moksha), there is no perfection.3

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Lord Mahāvira and His Times The excellence of one's faith depends on the following points : that onc has no doubts about the truth of the tenets ; that one has no preference for the tenets of others ; that one does not doubt the saving qualities of one's own faith; that one is not shaken in the right belief; that one practises piety, that one encourages the weak ; that one supports and loves the confessors of the law, and that one endeavours to exalt one's own faith.1
Faith is produced by nature (Nisarga), instruction (Upadeśa), command ( Ājña), study of the Sūtras, suggestion (Bija), comprehension of the meaning of the sacred lore (Abhigama), complete course of study (Vistāra), religious exercise (Kriyā), brief exposition (samkshepa), and law (Dharma).
He who truly understands by a spontaneous effort of his mind the nature of soul, inanimate things, merit and demerit, and who puts an end to sins (Āśramasanvara), believes by nature. He who believes the four truths taught by the Jinas believes by nature. He who believes these truths having learnt them from somebody else believes by instructions. He who has got rid of love, hatred, delusion and ignorance believes by command. He who obtains righteousness by the study of the Sūtras believes by the study of the Sūtras. He who knows the sacred lore believes by the comprehension of the sacred lore. He who understands the true nature of all substances believes by a complete course of study. He who sincerely performs all duties by Right Knowledge, Faith, etc. believes by religious exercise. He who is not versed in the sacred doctrines believes by brief exposition. He who believes in the truth of the realities, believes by the law. There is no right conduct without right belief; it must be cultivated for obtaining Right Faith ; righteousness and right conduct originate together or righteousness precedes right conduct.3
There are different kinds of obstruction to right faith, such as sleep, activity, very deep sleep, a high degree of activity, and a state of deep-rooted greed. Vedaniya is two-fold : pleasure and pain, Mohanīya is twofold : faith and conduct. 1. Uttarā, XXVIII, 31. 2. Ibid, 16.
Ibid, 17-29.

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95 The three kinds of Mohanīja concerning faith are right faith, wrong faith, and faith, partly right and partly wrong.1
The Uttarādhyayana Sūtra speaks of five kinds of knowledge :(1) Śruta or knowledge derived from the study of sacred books; (2) Abhinibodhika or knowledge obtained from one's own experience, thought, or understanding ; (3) Avadhi or supernatural knowledge; (4) Manaḥparyāya or knowledge of the thoughts of other people, and (5) Kevala, the highest knowledge,
The Avadhi-Jñāna is also employed in the sense of knowledge co-extensive with the object. The Kalpa Sūtra, for instance, says: "He viewed the whole Jambudvīpa with his knowledge called Avadhi." Here Avadhi means that which is limited by the object, that which is just sufficient to survey the field of observation.
The Manahparyāya-jñāna is defined in the Āchäränga Sitra as a knowledge of the thoughts of all sentient beings. The Kevala-jñāna according to the same text, is omniscience enabling a person to comprehend all objects, to know all conditions of the world of gods, men, and demons : whence they come, where they go, where they are born, etc.5
The first kind of knowledge in Jainism corresponds to the Buddhist Sutamaya paññā; the second kind to Chintamaya paññā; the third kind to Vilokana; the fourth kind to Chctoparijanāņa; and the fifth kind to Sabbañsulā or omniscience involving the three faculties. One of the Buddhist texts refers to limited knowledge (Antavanta Jñāna) as propounded by Asahavira. Knowledge which is confincd to the limited world is itself limited in its character. The Păli Antavanta Jñana is evidently the samc term as the Jaina Ivadhi Jiūna.
Knowledge of substances, qualities and all developments (Dravya, Guna and Parpāja) has also been imparted by the Jinas. Substance is the substratum of qualities ; qualities are inherent in a substance, but a characteristic fcaturc of developments is that they inhcrc in substances or qualities.
1. Ullarā, XXXIII, 5.9. 2. Ibid, XXVIII, 4. 3. talpa, I, 15; SBE, XXII, p. 293.
4. 1.0, 11, 15, 23. 1. Ibid, II, 15, 25. 6 din, IV', p. 475.

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Dharma, Adharma, space, time, matter, and souls are the six kinds of substances. Insofar as Dharma, Adharma, and space are concerned, each of them is a substance, but time, matter, and souls form an infinite number of substances. The distinctive feature of Dharma is motion, that of Adharma is immobility, and that of space (Ākāśa) is room. The distinguishing mark of time is duration, that of the soul the realization of knowledge, faith, conduct, austerities, energy and its manifestations. The characteristic mark of matter is sound, dark-. ness, lustre, etc., that of development is singleness.
Right conduct, which destroys Karma, is the avoidance of everything sinful (Sāmāyika), the initiation of the novice (Khedopasthāpana), purity produced by peculiar austerities (Parihāravisuddhika), reduction of desire (Sūkshma samparāya), and annihilation of sinfulness (Akashāya yathākhyāta).
Virtue consists in right conduct. But there is no right conduct without right belief, and no right belief without the right perception of truth.3 Right conduct is achieved by threefold restraint, the restraint of the body, the restraint of speech and the restraint of mind.4 The first step towards virtue lies in the avoidance of sins. There are various ways of committing sins, directly and indirectly, through physical acts or through spoken words or even through thoughts.5 Thus to avoid sins, one must guard oneself by the Samitis and Guptis.
Not to kill anything, to live according to the rules of conduct and without greed, to take care of the highest good, to control oneself always while walking, sitting and lying down, and in the matter of food and drink, to shake off pride, wrath, deceit and greed, to possess the Samitis, to be protected by the five Samvaras, and to attain perfection by remaining unsettered among the fettered-these, in short, are the cardinal principles of Cāritra as taught by Mahāvíra...
1. Uttarā, XXVIII, 5-12. 2. Ibid, 32-33. 3. Ibid, 28-29. 4. Sutra, 1, 1, 2, 27. õ. Ibid, I, 1, 2, 26. 6. Ibid, 1, 1, 4, 10-13.

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Austerities
The road to final deliverance also depends on austerities which destroy the bad Karmans. These austerities are of two kinds : external and internal. The external austerities are of six kinds—(1) fasting ( Anaśana), (2) abstinence (Avamodarikā) (3) collecting alms (Bhikshācharyā), (4) abstention from dainty food (Rasaparityāga), (5) mortification of the flesh (Kāyakleša), and (6) taking care of one's limb (Saṁlinatā).
Fasting is of two kinds (1) temporary (Itvara) and (b) fasting which precedes and ends with death (Maranakāla). Temporary fasting is either that in which a desire (for food) is present, or that in which no such desire exists. Temporary fasting is briefly of six kinds : (1) in the form of a line,2 (2) in the form of a square, (3) in the form of a cube, (4) of a sixth power, (5) of a twelfth power, and (6) of any arrangement. Fasting, which is to precede death, is of two kinds with regard to the motions of the body : with change (of position) and without change. And, again, it is twofold : admitting relief or not admitting relief; one may either leave the place (which one has chosen to die in) or not leave it ; in both cases one may not take any food.
Abstinence is briefly of five kinds : with regard to (a) substance, (b) place, (c) time, (d) state of mind, and (e) development. He who takes less food than he usually does performs abstinence with regard to substance. Place significs a village, a capital, a mine, settlement of a wild tribe, a poor town, a town with a liarbour, a large town, an isolated town, a hcrmitage, a halting place, a resting place, a garden, a house, ctc. Abstinence with regard to time is observed by him who goes about in the time of the four Paurashis (3 hours) of the day. If he collects alms in a part of the third Paurishi or in its last quarter, he observes abstinence with reference to time, Abstinence with regard to the state of inind is observed by him who acccpts alms from a man or a woman, from a person richly ornamented or plain, if that person does not change his disposition or condition. A monk who observes abstinence according to the particulars which have been cnumerai. 1. Ullari, XXX, 7-30.
2. Ibid., p. 176, 1.si. 4.

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ed with regard to substance, place, time, and state of mind, observes abstinence with regard to development too.
With regard to collecting alms, there are eight principal ways of collecting them : the seven Eshanās (or modes of begging) and other self-imposed restrictions. Abstention from dainty food means abstention from such highly nourishing food and drink as milk, curd, ghee, etc. Mortification of the flesh consists in such different postures as Vīrāsana, etc. which benefit the soul, and which are difficult to perform. Using unfrequented lodgings and beds consists in living and sleeping in separate and unfrequented places where there are neither women nor cattle.
Internal austerities are of six types (1) Prāyaśchitta or expiration of sins, (2) Vinaya or politeness, (3) Vaiyāvstya or serving the Guru, (4) Svadhyāya or study, (5) Dhyana or meditation, and (6) Vyutsarga or abandoning the body. Expiration of sins is tenfold, what must be confessed, etc. This is to be strictly observed by a monk and is called expiration of sins. Politeness consists in rising (from one's seat), folding of the hands, offering a seat, loving the Guru, and cordial obedience. There are ten kinds of service, such as serving the Ācārya, etc. ; doing service consists in giving one's assistance as well as one is able to give. Study is fivefold: (1) learning one's lesson, (2)
questioning the teacher about it, (3) repetition, (4) pondering, .and (5) religious discourse. To abstain from meditation is to
abstain from meditating on painful and sinful things; one should, rather, meditate on the Law with a collected mind. If a monk remains motionless while lying down, sitting or standing upright, this is called abandonment of the body, which is one of the internal austerities: Five Vows (Vratas) for the ascetics
While Pārsva taught only four vows for the realization of absolute happiness, Mahāvīra taught five in all, making chastity a separate vow altogether. Thesc five vows are Ahimsā (not to kill), Satya (not to lie), Astera (not to steal), Brahmacarya (to abstain from sexual intercourse), and Apratigraha (to renounce all interest in worldly things, especially in property).

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The first great vow of the Jaina is abstinence from killing living beings. In thoughts, words and acts, he should do nothing injurious to beings who people the world, whether they move or not.1 A Jaina is wary in his walk. He searches into his mind and speech. He is careful in laying down his utensils of begging. He eats and drinks after proper inspection.
99
The visible effect of Ahimsa was sought to be proved by a practical demonstration. Already in Mahavira's time, the righteous kings of India made it a point of duty to vouchsafe lawful protection to all forms of life within the sacred precincts of a religious establishment. This principle of causing no harm to any being had a salutary effect on man's habitual diet. Those who came under the influence of Mahāvira's personality and teaching gave up the eating of meat and fish for good, and adhered to a strictly vegetarian diet.
The second great vow is the avoidance of falsehood. A Jaina speaks after deliberation. He comprehends and renounces anger, greed, fear, and mirth. The third great vow is the avoidance of theft. A Jaina begs after deliberation for a limited space. He consumes his food and drink with the permission of his superiors. A Jaina who has taken.possession of some space should always take possession of a limited part of it and for a fixed time. He should constantly have his grant renewed. He may beg for a limited ground for his coreligionists after deliberation.
The next vow is the avoidance of sexual pleasure. A Jaina should desist from continually discussing topics relating to women. He should not regard and contemplate the lovely forms of women. He should not recall to his mind the pleasures and amusements he formally had with women. He should not eat and drink too much. He should not drink liquor or cat highly seasoned food. He should not occupy a bed or a couch belonging to women.
The last great vow is freedom from possessions. If a living being with his ears open hears agreeable or disagreeable
1. Uttara, VIII, 10.
2. Majih, II, p. 101, etc.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times sounds, he should not be attached to them. If he with his eyes sees agreeable or disagreeable forms, he should not be attached to them. If he with his nose smells agreeable or disagreeable smells, he should not be attached to them. If he with his tongue tastes agrecable or disagreeable things, he should not be attached to them. If he with his organs of feeling feels agreeable or disagreeable things, he should not be attached to them. 1
The explanation offered by the Jaina texts in support of the addition of the vow of celibacy is as follows. The Uttarādhyayana says that "the first saints were simple but slow of understanding, the last saints prevaricating and slow of understanding, those between the two, simple and wise : hence there are two forms of the Law. The first could but with difficulty understand the precepts of the Law, and the last could only with difficulty observe them, but those between them casily understood and observed them."
It is however wrong to suppose that Pārśva did not advocate celibacy. What he did was that in the vow of Aparigraha (non-possession) he included the vow of celibacy. This indirect implication of non-possession could easily be understood by the followers of Pārśva who were 'simple and wisc'. Mahāvīra's disciples, on the other hand, being prevaricating and slow of understanding could only with difficulty observe the vow of non-possession'. He had therefore to add the fifth vow of abstinence from all sexual acts in clear terms.
On this H. JACOBI remarks, "As the vow of chastity is not explicitly mentioned among Pārsva's four vows, but was understood to be implicitly enjoined by them (i.e. Pārsva's followers), it follows that only such men as were of an upright disposition and quick understanding would not go astray by observing the four vows literally, i.e., by not abstaining from sexual intercourse, as it was not expressly forbidden. The argumentation in the text presupposes a decay of morals of the monastic order to have occurred between Pārśva and Mahāvīra, and this is possible only on the assumption of a sufficient interval of time having clapsed between the last ). Acha, II, 15-i-v. 2. Uttara, XXIII, 20-27.

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two Tirthařkaras. And this perfectly agrees with the common tradition that Mahāvīra came 250 years after Pārsva."1
It is on the basis of the number of vows observed that the sect of Pārsva was known as Cāturyāma” and that of Mahāvīra as Panchayāma. These vows were strictly observed by monks who took them on entering the order. In their case, the vows were called the five great vows (Mahāvrata). Lay people, however, observed these vows as far as their worldly situation permitted. The five vows of the lay people were, of course, aņuvrata or small vows.
A correct representation of the 'fourfold self-restraint', even in the sense of which the followers of Pārsva understood it, is not wanting in Buddhist literature. Just then a separate vow of chastity was added to the 'fourfold self-restraint' to complete the list of five great vows (pañcamahāvratas) promul. gated by Mahāvīra. These have been enumcrated as abstinence from the idea of killing, the idea of theft, the idca of unchastity, the idea of lying, and some such tapoguna or virtue of an ascetic.3 It is interesting indeed to note that even some of the Jaina phrases have been reproduced in the Buddhist text.
As celibacy and nudity are closely related from the point of view of controlling the senses and the non-attachment to bodily pleasures and external necds, Malāvira also introduced the practice of nudity among the monks. His predecessor, Pārsva, is said to have allowed an under and an upper garmcnt to his followers.
DOCTRINE OF THE NINE CATEGORIES OR TRUTHS (NAVA TATTVA)
It was in opposing to Gośāla's deterministic thcory based on his biological researches that Mahāvira is said to have gradually formulated his thicory of the ninc categories as well as his thcory of harma. His doctrine of the nine carcgories was mcant to explain how the bondage of the soul arises by way
1. SBE, XLV, p. 129, f.n. 3. 2. Sutra, 11, 7. 39; Ullara. X.XIII, 12. 3. Vajih, II, 35-36: Sa, 1. 06. 4. Ulfara, XXIII. 13.

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of karmic effects upon it and how these effects are got rid off and the liberation of the soul is obtained. The categories are as follows : (1) Jiva (soul), (2) Ajīva (inanimate things), (3) Bandha (the binding of the soul by Karma), (4) Punya (merit), (5) Papa (demerit), (6) Aśrava (that which causes the soul to be affected by sins), (7) Samvara (the prevention of Aśrava by watchfulness), (8) Nirjarā (the annihilation of Karma), and (9) Moksha (final deliverance). He who verily believes in the true teaching of the above nine fundamental truths possesses righteousness.1
As corollaries to these terms, the theory of the categories came to include two other groups of terms.2 The Pañcâstikājas (five substances) comprehending and characterizing the world of existence are : (1) Dharma (medium of motion), Adharma (medium of rest), Ākāśa (space), Jiva (soul) and Pudgala (matter). The three terms of substance (Dravya), qualities (Guna) and Paryāya (Development) comprehend and characterize the five Astikāyas.
The first pair of terms, Jiva and Ajíva, comprehends the world of existence as known and experienced. The Jiva signifies all that has life while Ajīva indicates those that are without life. The world of life is represented by six classes of living things and beings, three of which are immovable and three movable. Earth-lives, water-lives, and plants are immovable beings, while movable beings include all fire-lives, wind-lives, and those with an organic body. Living things are either subtle or gross, and living beings are either those still belonging to Samsāra or those whose souls are perfected. Through the gradation of living things and beings, one can trace the evolution of the senses. The lowest form of being is provided with only one sense, the sense of touch,3
It is only in relation to the six classes of beings that the process of Karma sets in and the nature of man's conduct is determined. “Know and understand," taught Mahāvīra, “that they all desire happiness; by hurting these beings, men do harm
1. Uttarā, XXVIII, 14 & 15. 2. Ibid, 5 & 7. 3. Ibid., XXXVI, Sülra, 1, 7, 1.

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to their own souls, and will again and again be born as one of them. Every being born high or low in the scale of the living creation, among movable and immovable beings, will meet with its death. Whatever sins the evil-doer commits in every birth, for them he must die."1
Things without life are either formed or formless. The formed are compound things and atoms constituting the world of matter. The world of the formless is represented by four Astikāyas, viz., Dharma, Adharma, Ākāśa (space) and time. Dharma and Adharma explain motion and absence of motion respectively; Akāśa (space) provides habitation for all living and non-living beings, and time explains their duration of existence. Dharma, Adharma, and space are each one substance only ; but time, matter and souls are in infinite number of substances. Thus the category of Ajiva helps us complete the study of the world of life and existence.?
The third term or category is Bandha or bondage of the soul. Bandha is the subjection of the soul to the laws of the birth and death, of youth and age, of pleasure and pain, and other vicissitudes of life brought about by the effect of Karma.
The soul, which is one of the Astikājas, represents the principle of intelligence. The characteristic of thc soul is knowledge, faith, conduct, austerities, energy, and realization of its developments.3 Buddhaghosha in his commcntary on the Brahmajāla Sutta, Digha Nikāja I, 2, 381, mentions the Niganthas as holding the opinion that the soul has no colour, and it continues to exist after death and is free from ailments. This description is consonant with the opinions of the Jainas about the nature of thc soul."
The catcgories of Merit (Punja) and Demerit (Pala) comprehend all acts or deeds, pious and sinful, which keep the soul bound to the circle of the births and dentis.
1. Sitra, I, 7, 2-3. 2. Ullari, XXXVI. 3. Ibid, XXVIII, 11. 4. SBE, XLV, p. xix.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times Aśrava is that which causes the soul to be affected by sins, and Samvara is the principle of self-control by which the influx of sins is checked or stopped. The category of Samvara comprehends the whole sphere of right conduct.
Nirjarā or Karmakshaya consists in the wearing out of the accumulated effects of Karma on the soul by the practice of austerities, and Moksha, which logically follows from Nirjarā, signifies the final deliverance of the soul from the bondage of Karma. Siddhi or perfection is just another aspect of liberation. THEORY OF KARMA
Mahāvīra's theory of Karma is known as Dynamistic philosophy or notion of the freedom of the will. According to it, pleasure and pain, and happiness and misery of the individual depend upon his free will, exertion and manly strength. Karma is the deed of the soul. It is a material forming a subtle bond of extremely refined Karmic matter which keeps the soul confined to its place of origin or the natural abode of full knowledge and everlasting peace.
Mahāvīra's great message to mankind is that birth is nothing, caste is nothing, Karma is everything, and that on the destruction of Karma, all future happiness depends. The theory of Karma represents the most ancient and original feature of Jaina thought. According to H. JACOBI, "This Karma theory, if not in all details, certainly in the main outlines, is acknowledged in the oldest parts of the canon and presupposed by expressions and technical terms occurring in them. Some of the passages concerning the theory of Karma found in the old texts of Jainism are as follows :
"The painful condition of the self is brought about by one's own action, it is not brought about by any other cause (fate, creator, chance or the like)."
"Individually a man is born, individually he dies, individually he falls (from this state of existence), individually he rises (to another). His passions, consciousness, intcllect, perceptions, and impressions belong to the individual exclusi1. BHPIP, p. 385. 2. Sūtra I, 12. 11.

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vely. Here, indeed, the bonds of relationship are not able to help nor save one."l
“All living beings owe their present form of existence to their own Karma; timid, wicked, suffering latent misery, they err about in the circle of births), subject to birth, old age, and death."
"The sinners cannot annihilate works by new works ; the pious annihilate their works by abstention from works ; the wise and happy men, who got rid of the effects of greed, do not commit sins." "Pleasant things are not produced from pleasant things."3
"He who intends (to kill) a living being but does not do it by his body, and he who unknowingly kills one, both are affected by that through a slight contact (with it) only, but the demerit (in their case) is not fully developed."
"He who knows himself and the world ; who knows where (the creatures) go, and whence they will not return; who knows what is eternal and what is transient ; birth and death, and the future existences of men."5
“He who knows the tortures of beings below (in hell); who knows the influx of sin and its stoppage ; who knows misery and its annihilation, he is entitled to cxpound the Krijāvada”. G
"A perfect saint believes in the soul, believes in the world, bclieves in reward and believes in action. I did it, I shall cause another to do it ; I shall allow another to do it."?
The passages cited above are sufficient to prove that Krijāvada expounded by Malāvīra is in its essential feature only a thcory of soul and liarma. According to this theory, there are as inany souls as living individuals, and liarma consists of acts, intentional and unintentional, that produce effects 1. Sülra, II, 1, +1. 2. Ibid, 1, 2, 18. 3. Ibid, 1, 3, 4, 6. 4. Ibid, I, J, 9, 35. 5. bid, I, 12. 20. 6. Ibid, 1, 19, 21. 7. Achi, I, 1, 1. 4.

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on the nature of the soul. Thus the scul is not passive in the sense that it remains untouched or unaffected by what a person does, but is susceptible to the influences of Karma..
Even in some early Buddhist texts, we find the traces of Kriyāvāda as expounded in Jainism. In Anguttara Nikāya, III, 74, for instance, a learned Lichchavi prince of Vaiśāli, Abhaya, gives the following account of some Nigantha doctrines : "The Nigantha Nātaputta teaches the annihilation by austerities of the old Karma, and the prevention by inactivity of new Karma. When Karma ceases, misery ceases; when misery ceases, perception ceases ; when perception ceases, every misery will come to an end. In this way, a man is saved by pure annihilation of sin (nijjarā) which is really effective."
Another piece of information about Nigantha doctrines may be gathered from the Mahāvagga,1 There a story is told of Sīha who wanted to pay the Buddha a visit, but Nătaputta. tried to dissuade him from it simply because the Niganthas held to Kriyāvāda while the Buddha's beliefs were grounded in Akriyāvāda.
These passages throw light on the doctrine of Karma expounded by Mahāvīra. The theory of Karma has special significance if we consider it along with the views of MahāVira's contemporary religious thinkers. The Vedic thinkers thought that the world has been created and is governed by the gods. Pūraņa Kassapa maintained that , when a man acts or causes others to act, it is not his soul which acts or causes to act.Kātyāyana advocated that whether a man buys or causes to buy, kills or causes to kill, he does not thereby commit any sin.3 Kesakambain explained that life ends here, and there is no world beyond. Denying the hereafter and the efficacy of all social institutions founded upon beliefs in the future existence of man, he cannot inform us whether an action is good or bad, virtuous or vicious, well done or otherwise, whether it is in man's power to reach perfection or not, or whether there is a heaven and a hell.4 Gośāla denies that
1. Mv, VI, 31. 2. Sūtra, I, 1.1 13. 3 Ibid, I, 1.1.15 ; II. 1.22-24. . 4. Ibid, I, 1,11-12 ; II, I, 16.17.

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our happiness and misery, weal and ill, are caused by us individually or determined by any other cause than what we term fate or necessity.1
107
Karma is believed, according to Mahavira, to be the result of actions arising out of four sources: (1) the first source of Karma is attachment to worldly things such as food, raiment, dwelling place, women, etc.; (2) it is produced by uniting one's body, mind, and speech to worldly things; (3) it is also engendered by giving the reins to anger, pride, deceit or greed; and, (4) lastly by false belief which is a fruitful source of it. Karma accumulates energy and automatically works it off without any outside intervention.
Karma is divided according to its nature, duration, essence, and content. It is intimately bound up with the soul. There are eight kinds of Karmans: (1) Jñānāvaraṇīya acts as an obstruction to right knowledge; (2) Darsanavaraniya prevents one from beholding the true faith; (3) Vedaniya leads to the experience of pain or pleasure; (4) Mohaniya leads to delusion; (5) Āpukarma determines the length of life; (6) Nāma determines the name or individuality of the embodied soul; (7) Gotra determines his Gotra, and (8) Antarāya prevents one's entrance into the path that leads to eternal bliss.2
While it is on the first step (Mithyāttvaguṇasthānaka) the soul is completely under the influence of Karma and knows nothing of the truth. Whirling round and round in the cycle of rebirth, it loses some of its crudeness and attains to a state which enables it to distinguish between what is false and what is truc. A soul remains in an uncertain condition, one moment knowing the truth and the next doubting it. Either through the influence of his past good deeds or through the teachings of his Guru, man comes to acquire what is true faith. He then realises the great importance of conduct and finds himself quite capable of taking the twelve vows. As soon as he reaches the state of an Ayagikevaliguṇastkānaka, all his Karma is purged away, and he proceeds at once to Moksa as a Siddha.
1. Sutra, I 1.2.1-5; 1. 1.4 SV; II 1. 32; Ch. VI. 15.
2. Uttara, XXXIII, 2-3.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times There are four kinds of destructive Karma (Khatiyakarma) which keep the soul tethered to mundane existence. They are as follows : (1) knowledge-obscuring Karma, (2) faith-obscuring Karma, (3) Karma which obstructs the progress of the soul, and (4) Karna which deludes the soul. Indeed Karma plays an important part in Jaina metaphysics. Jainism as a practical religion teaches us to purge ourselves of impurities arising from Karma. SIX LEŚTĀS
The Leśyās are different conditions produced in the soul by the influence of different Karmans. They are, therefore, not dependent on the nature of the soul, but on the Karma which accompanies the soul, and are, as it were, the reflection of the Karmans on the soul.2 The Leśyā is, according to the Satrakṣitānga, a term signifying, 'colour'.2
The Ajīvika expression Chalabhijātiyo as explained by Buddhaghosha implies the same method of classification of men in terms of six colours.3 According to H. JACOBI,4 Mahāvīra borrowed the idea of the six Leśyās from the Ājivikas and altered it to bring it into harmony with the rest of his own doctrines. This view is not correct because the idea of the six Leśyās was prevalent in Jainism earlier than Mahāvīra. The classification of living beings in terms of six colours may be traced back to Parsva's doctrine of six Jivanikayas.
The Mahābhārata expression Jiva-Shațvarnah hardly leaves room for doubt that Lešjā is a term indicative of colour. The Buddhist idea of the contamination of mind by the influx of impurities from outside, illustrated by the simile of a piece of cloth dyed blue, red, yellow, or the like would seem to have some bearing on the Jaina doctrine of the Leśyās.
The Jaina religious efforts are directed towards the acqui
1. SuE, XLV, p. 196, fn. 2. 2. Ibid, p. 280, f.n. 1; Sitra, 1, 6.13. 8. Burir, pp. 309, 318. 4. SBL, XLV, p. xxx. 5. Iche, II, 15. 16. 6. B.M. BARUA : Chittarisuddhiprakarana and its Pāli Basis, published
in Indian Culturc.

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sition of pure leśyā. This doctrine of the six Lešjās is merely hinted at here and there in the Satrakstāngal and fully explained in the Uttarādhyayana.? They are named in the following order : black, blue, grey, red, yellow, and white. The black Lesyā has the colour of a rain-cloud, a buffalow's horn. The blue Leśyā has the colour of the blue Aśoka having red flowers. The grey Lesyā has the colour of Atası having blue flowers, The red Leśyā has the colour of vermilion. The yellow Leója has the colour of orpiment. The white Leśyā has the colour of a conch-shell. The taste of the black Leśyā is more bitter than that of Tumbaka. The taste of the blue Lešja is infinitely more pungent than that of Trikațuka (black pepper and dry ginger). The taste of the grey Leśyā is infinitely sourer than that of unripe mango. The taste of the yellow Leśya is infinitely better than that of excellent wine and various liquors. The taste of the whitc Lešja is infinitely better than that of dates, grapes, and milk.
The smell of the bad Lešjās (viz., of the first three) is infinitely worse than that of a dead cow, dog or snake. The smell of the three good Leśyas is insinitely more pleasant than that of fragrant flowers and of perfumes when they are poundcd. The touch of the bad Lcśyās is infinitcly worse than that of a saw, the tongue of a cow, or the leaf of the icak tree. The touch of the three good Lešjās is infinitcly niore pleasant than that of cotton, bulter or Sirisha flowers.
The degrees of the Leśyās arc tlirce, or ninc, or twentyseven, or cighty-onc, or two hundred and forty-thrcc. Each of thesc degrees is thrce-fold : low, middle, and high. Ilc who acts on the impulse of the five sins, who commits cruci acts, and who is wicked and mischicvous, is described as one fostering the black Lesya. Hc who nourislıcs anger, ignorance, hatred, wickedness, doccit, grccd, carelessness. love of anima ment, etc., develops the blue Lesja. He who is distinges in Words and acts, who is a herctic, a deceiver. . vc!!c.. develops the grey Lessa. He who is humble, well-disciplim , restrained, free from doccit, who loves ihc lax, devels the 1. Säri, I, 4, 21, where a Jaina saint is descriu p asi!:)
is in a pure condition (I ). .. Chardi, xxxiv.

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red Leśyā. He who controls himself and is attentive to his study and duties, develops the yellow Leśyā. He who controls himself, who abstains from constant tliinking about his misery, who is free from passion, who is calm and who subdues his senses, develops the white Lesya. The black, blue, and grey Leśyās are the Lowest Lesyās; through them, the soul is dragged into certain miserable courses of life. The red, yellow, and white Leśyās are the good Leśyās, for through them the soul is brought into a state of happiness. In the first and last moment of all these Laśyās, when they are joined with the soul, the latter is not born into a new existence. DOCTRINE OF NAYAS
Sanjaya is an important landmark in the development of Mahavira's philosophy. H. Jacobi assumes that in opposition to the agnosticism (Ajñānavāda) of Sañjaya, Mahāvīra propounded his doctrine of Nayas.1 The canonical texts just mention Nayas without fixing up their number four or seven. It is true that the Bhagavati and the Pannavanā refer to the sevenfold Naya, but these texts contain a good deal of later material. In the post-canonical works, the doctrine of Nayas was called Syādvāda (Saptabhanginyāya), according to which there can be seven alternatives to a decisive conclusion. Nayas were actually the ways of expressing the nature of things from different points of view ; they were the ways of escaping from the tendencies of insensitivity and dogmatism which Mahāvīra disliked. They appealed to the masses because they encouraged a tolerant attitude towards different religions.
The questions with regard to which Sañjaya suspended judgment were in fact the questions to be excluded from the problems of knowledge. Is the world eternal, or is it noneternal ? Is it both eternal and non-eternal, or is it neither eternal nor non-eternal ? Is the world finite or infinite ? Is there any individual existence of man after death, or is there not ? Is the absolute truth seen face to face by a scer, comprehended by a philosopher, part of real tangible existence, or not? It was with regard to these and similar questions that Sañjaya refused to submit any affirmative answer. To aroid 1. SBE, XLV, p. xxvii.

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error, he contented himself with the four famous negative propositions: A is not B; A is not not-B;1 A is not both B and not-B, A is not neither B nor not-B.
It is with regard to these questions that Mahāvīra declared: "From these alternatives, you cannot arrive at truth; from these alternatives, you are certainly led to error." The world is eternal as far as that part is concerned which is the substratum of the (dravya) "world"; it is not eternal as far as its ever-changing state is concerned. In regard to such questions, Mahāvīra's advice to his disciples was neither to support those who maintained that the world is eternal nor those who advocated that it is not eternal. He would have said the same thing regarding such propositions as the world exists and it does not exist; the world is unchangeable; the world is in constant flux; the world has a beginning; the world has no beginning; the world has an end; the world has no end, etc. Those who are not well-instructed differ in their opinions and hold fast to their dogmas without reason.3 And these were precisely the questions which Buddha regarded as unthinkable on the ground that those who will think about them are sure to go mad, without ever being able to find a final answer, or to reach apodeictic certainty.*
If one has to answer such questions, one should answer them by saying, contrary to both a dogmatist and a sceptic, "It may be that in one sense, looking from one point of view, A is B. It may be that in another sense, looking from another point of view, A is not-B. It may again be that looking from a third point of view, A is both B and not-B. It may equally be that when viewed from a fourth point of view, A is neither B nor not-B."
111
EXERTION OF RIGHTEOUSNESS
Mahavira has given instructions regarding exertion of righteousness. Those who believe in it, accept it, practise it,
1. Dia. II, pp. 39-40; 75.
2. Sitra, II. 5.3.
3. Ácka. I. 7.3.
4. digu. II. p. S0.

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comply with it, study it, and understand it, have obtained perfection, enlightenment, deliverance and final beatitude. He has dealt with the following subjects :1
1. Longing for liberation (Samvega) .
By longing for liberation, the soul obtains an intense desire for the Law. Impelled by an intense desire for the Law, he quickly arrives at an increased longing for liberation. He destroys anger, pride, deceit and greed. He becomes possessed of right faith and by the purity of faith, he will reach perfection after one birth.
2. Disregard of worldly objects (Nirveda)
By disregarding worldly objects, the soul quickly feels disgust for pleasures enjoyed by men, gods and animals. He becomes indifferent to all objects and ceases thereby to engage himself in any undertaking, with the result that he enters the road to perfection.
3. Desire for the Law (Dharmasraddha)
Through his desire for the Law, the soul becomes indifferent to pleasures. He abandons the life of householders and as a houseless monk, he puts an end to all sufferings, mental and physical. : 4. Obedience to the Co-religionists (Gurusādharmikaíuérī
shaņā)
Through obedience to them, the soul obtains discipline. Through discipline and avoidance of misconduct, he avoids being born as a denizen of hell; through his devotion to the Guru, he obtains truth as a good man and gains perfection and beatitude.
5. Confession of sins before Guru ( Alokana)
By this act, the soul gets rid of the thorns of deceit, wrong belief, etc. Hc obtains simplicity and annihilates Karma. . 6. Repenting of one's sins to oneself (Ninda)
By this act, the soul obtains repentance, and becoming indifferent by repentance, he prepares for himsclf an ascending
1. Utlarā, XXIX.

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scale of virtues, by which he destroys the karmans resulting from delusion.
113
7. Repenting of one's sins before the Guru (Garhā)
By this act, the soul obtains humbleness. He will leave off all blamable occupations and apply himself only to the praiseworthy ones.
8. Moral and intellectual purity of the soul (Samāyika)
This purity enables the soul to refrain from all sinful occupations.
9. Adoration of the twenty-four Finas (Caturviṁśatistava) Through this adoration the soul arrives at the purity of
faith.
10. Paying reverence to the Guru (Vandanā)
It enables the soul to destroy such Karma as leads to birth in low families. He wins the affection of the people and brings about general good-will.
11. Expiation of sins (Pratikramaṇa)
Through expiation of sins the soul obviates transgressions of the vows and thus stops the Asravas or sins.
12. A particular position of the body (Kayotsarga)
Kayotsarga helps the soul get rid of the past and present transgressions which require prayaśchitta (expiatory rites).
13. Self-denial (Pratyākhyāna)
Self-denial enables the soul to close the door against Asravas and to prevent desires from arising in him.
14. Praises and hymns (Stavastutimangala)
Through praises and hymns he obtains wisdom consisting in knowledge, faith, and conduct.
15. Keeping the right time (Kālasya pratzupekshaṇā)
By keeping the right time, he destroys Karma which obstructs right knowledge.
16. Practising penance (Prāyaścittakarana)
By practising penance, he gets rid of sins and commits no transgressions.
17. Begging forgiveness (Kshamapaṇā)
By begging forgiveness, he obtains happiness of mind. 18. Study (Sadhyaya)

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Study helps him destroy the Karma which obstructs right knowledge.
19. Recital of the sacred texts (Vacana)
By the recital of the sacred texts, he obtains destruction of Karma and preserves the sacred lore.
20. Questioning the teacher (Paripricchanā)
By questioning the teacher, he arrives at a correct comprehension of the Sutra and its meaning.
21. Repetition (Parāvartana)
By repetition, he reproduces the sounds or syllables and commits them to memory.
22. Pondering (Anuprekshā).
By pondering on what he has learnt, he loosens the firm hold which the seven kinds of Karma have upon the soul ; he shortens their duration and mitigates their power.
23. Religious discourse (Dharmakatha)
Through religious discourses he destroys his Karma and exalts the creed, and by exalting the creed, he acquires Karma for the future bliss.
24. Acquisition of sacred knowledge (Śrutasyārādhana)
By the acquisition of sacred knowledge, he destroys ignorance.
25. Concentration of thoughts (Ekagramanaḥsannivesanā).
By concentration of his thoughts, he obtains stability of the mind.
26. Control (Saṁyama) By control, he achieves freedom from sins. 27. Austerities (Tapas) Austerities help him cut off Karma. 28. Cutting of Karma (Vyavadāna) By cutting off Karma, he obtains freedom from action. 29. Renouncing pleasure (Sukhasūta)
By renouncing pleasures, he obtains freedom from false longing.
30. Mental independence (Apratibaddhata)
Through mental independence he gets rid of attachmcnt.

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115 31. Using unfrequented lodging and eds (Vicitraśayanāsa
nasevanā) By using unfrequented lodgings and beds, he obtains Gupti or conduct. He will be steady in his conduct.
32. Turning away the world (Vinivartana)
By turning away from the world, he will strive not to perform any bad action. 33. Renouncing collection of alms in one district only (Sam
bhogapratyakhyana) By doing so, he overcomes obstacles and unhindered by them, exerts himself to attain liberation; he is content with the alms he gets, and does not hope for, care for, or covet those of a fellow-monk, Not envying other monks, he takes up a separate, agreeable lodging.
34. Renouncing articles of use (Upadhipratyakhyāna)
By renouncing the articles of use, he studies successfully; in the absence of the articles of use he becomes exempt from desires, and does not suffer misery.
35. Renouncing food ( Ahārapratyakhyāna)
By renouncing (forbidden) food, he ceases to act for the • sustenance of his life ; ceasing to act for the sustenance of his life, he does not suffer misery when without food.
36. Conquering the passions (Kashāyapratjākhyāna)
By conquering his passions, he becomes free fronı passions ; thereby he becomes indifferent to both happiness and pain.
37. Renouncing activity (logapratjākhyāna)
By renouncing activity, he obtains inactivity ; by ccasing to act, he acquires no new Karman, and destroy's the one hc had acquired before.
35. Renouncing the bod; (Šarirapraljakhjāra)
By renouncing his body, he acquires the pre-eminent virtues of the Siddhas, by the possession of which he goes to the highest region of the universe, and becomes absolutc!; happy.
39. Renouncing Company
By renouncing company, he obiains singleness andavicds disputes, quarrels, passions, cic.

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40. Renouncing all food (Bhaktapratyākhyāna)
By renouncing all food, he prevents his birth many times.
41. Perfect Renunciation (Sadbhāvapratyākhyāna)
Through perfect renunciation, he enters the final stage of pure meditation where there is no return.
42. Confirming to the Standard (Pratirüpatā)..
By conforming to the standard of monks, he obtains ease and will be careful. He will inspire all beings with confidence and practise austerities.
43. Doing Service (Vaiyāvsitya)
By doing service, he acquires Karma which gets for him. the name and family name of a Tirthankara.
44. Fuilfilling all virtues (Sarvagunasampūrņatā)
By fulfilling all virtues, the boon he receives is that he will not be born again ; he will thus be exempt from the pains of the body and mind.
45. Freedom from passion (Vitarāgata)
Freedom from passion enables him to cut off the ties of attachment and desire, making him indifferent to all agreeable and disagreeable sensations of sound, touch, colour, . and smell.
46. Patience (Kshānti). . Patience enables him to overcome troubles. 47. Freedom from greed (Mukti)
Freedom from greed helps him welcome voluntary poverty and frees him from the desire for material prosperity.
48.' Simplicity (Ārjava):
Through simplicity, he will become upright in action, thought and speech, and will become veracious and a true practitioner of the law.
49. Humility (Mardava)
Through humility he will acquire freedom from selfconceit ; he will become a man of kind and meek disposition, and avoid the eight-kinds of pride.
50. Sincerity of Mind (Bhāvasatya) :
Sincerity of mind will help him obtain the purity of mind, which will induce him to exert himself for the ful

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filment of the Law; and he will practise the Law in the next world too.
51. Sincerity of Religious Practice (Karanasatya)
Through sincerity in religious practice, he obtains pro'ficiency in it; being proficient in it he will act up to his words.
52. Sincerity in Acting (Yogasatya)
Through sincerity in acting, he will become pure in his actions.
53. Watchfulness of the Mind (Manoguptatā)
Through the watchfulness of the mind, he concentrates his thoughts, thereby practising true control.
54. Watchfulness of Speech (Vag-guptatā)
Watchfulness of speech ensures freedom from prevarication and enables one's mind to act properly.
55. Watchfulness of the Body (Kāyaguplatā)
Through the watchfulness of the body, he obtains restraint (Samvara) and prevents sinful Aśravas.
56. Discipline of the Mind (Manaḥsamādhārana)
By disciplining his mind, he obtains concentration of his thoughts and obtains development of knowledge, which produces righteousness and annihilates wrong belief.
57. Discipline of the Speech (Vaksamadhāraņā)
By disciplining his speech, he obtains development of faith and acquires facility in becoming cnlightened, destroying all preventing causes.
58. Discipline of the body (Kājasamadhāraṇā)
Through the discipline of the body he facilitates thic development of his conduct. Hc may also obtain perfection, enlightenment, and deliverance.
59. Possession of Knowledge (Jņānasampannata)
Through his possession of knowledge, he acquires an understanding of words and their mcanings.
60. Possession of Faith (Darśarasambaurata)
Through his possession of it, hic destroys wrong belics, which is the cause of worldly existence, and he will not loschis inner light ; but hc endues his self with the highest knowledge and faith, and purifies il.

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Lord Mahāvira and His Times 61. Possession of Conduct (Caritrasampannata)
Possession of conduct helps him obtain stability, with which a houseless monk destroys the four remnants of Karma which even a Kevalin possesses ; after that he obtains perfection, enlightenment, deliverance and final beatitude, and puts an end to all misery.
62. Subduing the Ear (Śrotrendriyanigraha) . .
By subduing the organ of hearing, he overcomes his delight in all pleasant or unpleasant sounds and ‘acquires no new Karma while destroying the old one. 63-66. Subduing the eye, the organ of smell, tongue and the
organ of touch (Cakshurindriyanigraha, Ghrāņendriyanigraha, Jihvendriyanigraha and Sparsanendriyani
graha) This applies also to his subduing the organs of sight, smell, taste and touch with regard to pleasant colours, smells, tastes, and touches.
67. Conquering anger (Krodhavijaya)
By conquering anger he obtains patience ; he acquires no Karma productive of anger, and destroys the Karma he had acquired before. 68. Conquering Pride (Mânavijaya).
By conquering pride he obtains simplicity. 69. Conquering Deceit (Māyāvijaya)
By conquering deceit he obtains humility. 70. Conquering greed (Lobhavijaya)
By conquering greed he obtains contentment. 71. Conquering Love, Hate and Wrong belief (Premadvesha
mithjādarśanavijaya) By conquering love, hatred and wrong belief, he exerts himself for right knowledge, faith and conduct. After destroying various kinds of Karma, he obtains absolute and complete knowledge and faith. .
72. Stability (Saileshi)
He first stops the functions of his mind, then the functions of his speech, then those of the body, and at last he ceases to breathe. During the short interval required for pronouncing five short syllables, he is engaged in the final pure mcditation

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in which all the functions of his bodily organs cease and the four remnants of his Karma are at the same time destroyed.
73. Freedom from Karma (Akarmata)
After getting rid of his Audārika Kārmaņa (and Taijasa) bodies the soul takes the form of a straight line, goes in a moment, without touching anything and taking up no space, (upwards to the highest Ākāśā), and then develops into his natural form and obtains perfection.
THE FOUR REQUISITES
It is difficult for a living being to obtain these four things of great value : (1) Human birth, (2) Instructions in the Law, (3) Belief in it, and (4) Power of self-control.1 The universe is filled with innumerable creatures born in the world in different families and castes for having done various actions. Sometimes they go to the world of gods and sometimes to hell and sometimes they become Asuras (demons) in accordance with their actions ; sometimes they become Kshatriyas or Chandālas or worms or ants. Living beings of sinful actions, who are born again and again, are not disgusted with this Sańsāra. Through the destruction of thcir Karma, living beings will reach in time a pure state and will be born as men. Though born as human beings, it would be difficult for them to hear the law ; having heard it, they will do penances, combat their passions, and abstain from killing living beings. It will be difficult for them to believe in the law though indeed they will hcar it. Many who are shown the right way are lcd astray.
The pious obtain purity and the purc stand firmly in the law. Having cnjoyed in duc time the unrivalled pleasures of human life, they will obtain true knowledge through thcir purc religious merit acquired in a former birth; knowing full well that the four requisites are difficult 10 obtain, wicy will apply themselves to self-control and will be eternal Siddhas (perfccica
1. Utori, III, 1. 9. Ibid, IIT, 7.

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ones) when they will be able to shake off the remnant of Karma by their penances.1
IMPURITY
120
Since one cannot prolong life," one should not on that account be careless. Those who acquire wealth by evil deeds and by adhering to wrong principles, will lose it. People in this world and in the next cannot escape the effect of their own actions. Wealth will never protect a careless man in this world. Like a wise man, trust nobody but be always wary and on the alert.
One cannot quickly arrive at discernment; therefore one should exert oneself, abstain from pleasures, understand the world, guard oneself, and be impartial like a sage. External things weaken the intellect and allure many; therefore keep them out of mind. Remove pride, delusion, greed and deceit. Heretics, who are impure and proud, are always subject to love and hatred, and they are wholly under the influence of their passions. Despising them as unholy men, one should desire virtue till the end of one's life.3
40
DEATH AGAINST (AND WITH) ONE'S WILL
with one's
There can be two ways of dying1 : (1) Death will, and (2) death against one's will. Death against one's will is the death of an ignorant man, and it happens to him several times. Death with one's will is the death of a wise man, and it happens only once as, for instance, in the case of a Kevalin. A fool being attached to pleasure does cruel actions. He who is attached to pleasures and amusements will be caught in the trap of deceit. The pleasures of this life are within the reach of your hand but the future pleasures are uncertain. It is doubted whether there is any world other than our own. An ignorant man kills, lies, deceives, drinks wine and cats meat, thinking that there is nothing wrong in doing what he does. A man desirous of possessing wealth and woman accumulates sins by his act and thought. Fools, who do cruel deeds, will
1. Uttara, I11.
2. Ibid, IV. 1., Sutra, 1. 2, 2, 21.
3. Ullara, IV, 10-13.
4. Ibid, V, 1-32.

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suffer violently. When death really comes, the fool trembles in fear. He dies against his will. Some householders are indeed superior to some monks of self-control. But the saints .are verily superior to all householders in self-control. A faithful man should practise the rules of conduct meant for householders. He should never neglect the fast. Those who are trained in self-control and penance, whether monks or householders, and those who have obtained liberation by the absence of passions, go straight to the highest regions. The virtuous and the learned do not tremble in the hour of death. A wise man will become calm through patience and will have an undisturbed mind at the time of death. When the right time for death has come, a faithful monk should in the presence of his teacher suppress all emotions of fear or joy, and wait for his end. When the time for quitting the body comes the sage dies willingly.1 ON DISCIPLINE
A wise man should not be angry if reprimanded. He should rather, be a man of forbearing temperament. Nor should he associate with mean persons and be guilty of doing anything mcan (chandālija) or evil. He should mcditatc by himself after having learnt his lessons. He should never refuse to confess if he does anything mean. He should not speak unasked for. He should not tell a lie when asked. If the self is subdued, a person will be happy. It is better to subduc onc's own self by self-control and penance than be subducd by others with fetters and corporal punishment. He should never do anything disagreeable to his superiors cither in words or deeds, openly or secretly. He should never remain silent if spoken to by his superiors. He should always approach his tcacher politcly. An intclligent pupil will rise from his scat and answer the teacher's call modestly and attentively. A good pupil has the best opinion of his icacher, for he thinks that his tcacher treats him like his own son or brother. He should not provoke his tcacher's anger, nor should he himself lose his 1. Athu, 1, 7, S. 2. Lilleri, I, 16. 3. Ibid, I, 21.

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temper. If the teacher is angry, he should pacify him by kindness and appease him with folded hands. An intelligent man, who has learnt the sacred texts, takes his duties upon himself. When a worthy teacher is satisfied with a pupil, he will transmit to him his vast knowledge of the sacred texts, and the pupil will gladden the heart of his teacher by his good deeds.1.
Egoism, delusion, carelessness, illness, and idleness are the five causes which render good discipline impossible. Discipline calls upon the practitioner : (1) not to be fond of mirth, (2) to control himself, (3) not to speak evil of others, (4) not to be without discipline, (5) not to be of wrong discipline, (6) not to be covetous, (7) not to be choleric, and (8) to love: truth.2 ACTIONS OF IGNORANT AND WISE MEN
All men, who are ignorant of truth, are subject to pain. A wise man who considers well the way that lead to bondage and birth should search for the truth. A man of pure faith should realize the truth that he will have to suffer for his own deeds.3
Clever talking will not bring salvation. Even while sinking lower and lower through their sins, fools believe themselves to be wise men. One should move about carefully in the endless Samsära. One should never desire worldly objects but sustain one's body only to be able to annihilate one's Karma. Recognising the cause of Karma, one should move about waiting for one's death.4
It is an ignorant man who kills, tells lies, robs on the highway, steals goods, and deceives others." He will go to the world of the Asuras (demons) against his will. Those men ,who, through the exercise of various virtues, become pious householders, will surely reap the fruit of their actions. A virtuous man cheerfully ascends to the state of gods. He who 1. Ullarā, I, 47. 2. Ibid, XI. 4-5. 3. Ibid, VI, 3 ; Sutra, 1, 9, 5. 4. Ibid, VI, 10-14. 5. Ibid, VII, 5.

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has not given up pleasures will not be able to reach the true end of his soul. He will go astray again and again though he has been taught the right way. A sinner will be born in hell and a virtuous man will be born in heaven.
The best of the sages who are free from delusion and possess perfect knowledge and faith, speaks for the benefit, eternal welfare, and the final liberation of all beings.
It is difficult to satisfy anybody. The more one gets the more one wants. Man's desire increases with his means. One should not desire women who continually change their minds, who entice men, and then make a sport of them as of slaves.1
VANITY OF WORLDLY PLEASURES
Karma is produced by sinful thoughts, and it is by the influence of his Karma that Chitra and Sambhūta were separated. All singing is but prattle, all dancing is but mocking, all ornaments are but a burden, all pleasures produce but pain. Pleasures, which are liked by the ignorant and which produce pain, do not delight pious monks who do not care for pleasures but are intent on the virtue of right conduct. He who has not done good deeds in this life and who has not practised the Law, repents of it in the next world or even when he has become a prey to death which leads off a man in his last hour. He alone will have to endure his sufferings, neither his kinsmen, nor his friends, nor his sons, nor his relations, for Karma follows the doer. Life drags on towards death continuously, and old age carries off the vigour of man." Time runs out and the days quickly pass. Pleasures which men enjoy are not permanent. They leave them as soon as they come just as a bird leaves a tree devoid of fruits. If onc is unable to give up pleasures, then one must do noble
1. Uttara, VIII. 17-18.
2. Ibid, XIII, S.
3. Ibid, XIII, 16.
4. Ibid, 17.
5. Ibid, 21-23.
6. Ibid, 26.

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deeds, follow the Law and have compassion on all creatures.1 Man's life is transitory and precarious. He finds no delight in domestic life. Pleasures bring him only a moment's happiness. But suffering for a long time brings intense suffering and no happiness. Pleasures are an obstacle to the liberation from existence, and are a mine of evils.2 The soul cannot be apprehended by the senses because it possesses no corporeal form ; and, since it has no corporeal form, it is eternal. The fetter of the soul born of our evil deeds is called the cause of worldly existence. Being ignorant of the law, human beings formerly did sinful actions, and through their wrong-mindedness, they could not enter the order. Mankind is harassed by death. He who has acquired righteousness may look upon death as his friend.3 Faith will enable him to put aside attachment. The pleasures he enjoys cause the continuance of his worldly existence.5 One should be cautious in this matter. He should learn the law thoroughly, practise severe penance, and never dissipate his energy."
Lord Mahavira and His Times
THE CAUSES OF CARELESSNESS
Through the possession of true knowledge, through the avoidance of ignorance and delusion, and through the destruction of love and hatred, one arrives at deliverance which is nothing but bliss." One should serve the Guru and the old teachers, avoid foolish people, apply oneself earnestly to study, and to ponder over the meaning of the Sutras. A sramaṇa who engaged in austerities longs for righteousness should cat only the quantity of food allowed, should select a companion of right understanding and should live in a solitary place." If he does not meet with a suitable companion, he should live by himself, abstaining from sins and not devoted to pleasures.10 Love and hatred are caused by Karma which has
1. Uttara, XIII, 31-32.
2. Ibid, XIV, 13.
3. Ibid, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27.
4. Ibid, 28.
5. lbid, 47.
6.
lbid, 49.50.
7. Ibid. XXXII, 2.
S. Ibid, 3.
9. Ibid, 4. 10. Ibid. 5.

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its origin in delusion. Karma is the root of birth and death.1 Misery ceases with the absence of delusion, delusion with the absence of desire, desire with the absence of greed, and greed with the absence of property.2 Rich and delicious food should not particularly be preferred, for it generally makes men overstrong, and desires rush upon the strong.3
The mind of those who always live in unfrequented lodge ings, who eat poor food, and who subdue their senses, will not be attached by passions which are vanquished as disease is by medicine.4
A monk engaged in penance should not allow himself to watch the shape, beauty, coquetry, laughter, prattle, gestures, and glances of women nor retain a recollection of them in his mind.5 Not to look at women, nor to long for praise, and think of them, is the high ideal of all noble souls and is always wholesome to those who delight in chastity. Those who possess the three Guptis cannot be disturbed by the well-adorned goddesses." To a man who longs for libcration, who is afraid of Samsāra and lives according to the law, nothing in the world offers so many difficulties as women who delight the mind of the ignorant.8 To those who have overcome the attachment of women all other attachments will offer no difficulties. From the desire for pleasure arises the misery of the whole world. The dispassionate will put an end to whatever misery of the mind and body there is.10 A monk who is engaged in austerities and who longs for righteousness should not fix his thoughts on the pleasant objects of the senses. Il
He who is passionately fond of colours will come to
1. Ullarā, XXXII, 7. 2. Ibid, 8. 3. Ibid, 10. 4. Ibid, 12. 5. Ibid, 14. 6. Ibid, 16. 7. Ibid, 16. S. Ibid, 17. 9. Ibid, is. 10. Ibid, 19. II. Ibid, 21.

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untimely ruin.1 He who passionately hates a colour will, at the same moment, suffer pain. He who is very fond of a lovely colour hates all others, hence a fool suffers misery.3 He who has a passion for colour will kill many movable and immovable beings. A passionate fool intent on serving his own personal end torments those beings in many ways. When he is not satisfied with these colours and when his craving for them grows stronger and stronger, he will become discontented. Misled by greed, he will grab another man's property.5 When overcome by a violent desire, he grabs another man's property and when he is not satisfied with those colours, then his deceit and falsehood increase in proportion to his greed; yet he will not get rid of his misery. He who is indifferent to true colours is free from sorrows. All such passions as anger, pride, deceit, disgust, aversion to self-control, delight in sexual things, mirth, fear, sorrow, carnal desire for women, arise in him who is attached to pleasures. When he ceases to desire the objects of his senses his desire for pleasure also becomes extinct. A dispassionate man, who performs all duties, will quickly remove the obstacles to right knowledge and right faith." Then he knows and sees all things. He is free from delusions, hindrances, and sins. He is proficient in meditation and being pure attains beatitude.10 He gets rid of all misery which afflicts mankind. He becomes infinitely happy and obtains the final aim.11
SINFUL AND WICKED DEEDS
There are three ways of committing sins: by one's own action, by commission, and by approval of the deed. 12 A learned
1. Uttara, XXXII, 24.
2. Ibid, 25.
3. Ibid, 26.
4. Ibid, 27.
5. Ibid, 29.
6. Ibid, 30.
7. Ibid, 34.
S. Ibid, 102, 103.
9. Ibid, XXII, 108.
10. lbid, 109.
11. Ibid, 110. 12. Sülra, 1, 1, 3, 26.

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or a virtuous man will generally be punished for his deed when he is given to actions of deceit. Men who are drowned in lust and addicted to pleasures will be deluded for want of self-control.? Heroes of faith, who do not commit sins, and who exert themselves as they should, who subdue anger and fear, will never kill living beings.3 The wicked suffering latent misery wander about in the circle of births, subject to old age and death. One should not kill living beings in the threefold way (in thought, act and speech) if one is intent on spiritual welfare and abstention from sins. A sinner does not confess himself to be wrong; instead he boasts of his sin when reprimanded. The adulterers are severely punished. The feet bound together with the fetters of sensuality, will be subject to delusion again and again.
Those who kill others for the sake of their own pleasure are wicked. Reckless men who cut down the sprouts for thicir own sport destroy many living beings. 5 Sprouts are beings capable of natural development. People who destroy sccds for their own pleasure are wicked. All creatures who have committed sins will suffer. A miserable man who becomes a monk in order to get food from others and a flatterer in order to fill his belly will come to grief.? Wrong beliefs and bad conduct are worthless. A servile man should not desire pleasant sounds and colours; he should rather conquer his longing for all kinds of plcasures.8
Sinners, subject to love and hatred and wrong-doing, acquirc Karma arising from passions and commit many sins. The careless commit sins in thcir thought, act and speech. A crucl man docs cruel things and is thereby involved in other crueltics, 10 Sinful undertakings will in the end entail suffering.
i ci
1. Sutra, 9, 1, 1,
Ibid, 2, 1, 10. 3. Ibid, 2, 1, 12. 4. Ibid, 21.
Ibid, 1, 7, 8. 6. Ibid, 7, 9. 7. Ibid, 7, 25. S. Ibid, 7, 26.
9. Ibid, s, 6. 10. Ibid. I. $, 7.

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A pious monk, free from bonds and fetters, annihilates his. bad Karma and removes the thorn of sin... Following the rules. of right conduct, he exerts himself.2
Sentient beings engage themselves in the following kinds. of activities : sinning for one's own interest, sinning without a personal interest, sinning by staying, through accident, by error or sight, by lying, by taking what is not freely given, by mere conceit, through pride, through greed, through deceit, through bad treatment of one's friends, and actions concerning a religious life.3 HELLS
In hell there is suffering from heat and cold.4 The sinners are cut, pierced, and hacked to pieces with swords and daggers, with darts and javelins. They undergo sharp, horrible, and acute pain. The imprudent sinners, who injure many. beings without relenting, will go to hells and cross the river Vaitarani, the waves of which cut like sharp razors. They are pierced with long pikes and tridents. They roll about and are roasted in the Kadamba Bāhula river.8 They come to the great impassable hell called Asūrya,' where the Sun does. not shine. Here also they are roasted.10 The sinners are hewn with axes like pieces of timber. They are stewed in iron caldrons filled with their own blood.11 They are not reduced to ashes. They undergo this kind of punishment for their misdeeds. 12 In hells sinners suffer on account of their sinful deeds done by them while on earth. The noses, ears, and lips of the sinners are cut off with razors and their tongues are pulled out 1. Sūtra, I, 1, 8, 10: 2. Ibid, 1, 8, 11. 3. Ibid, 2, 2, 4. 4. Uttara, XIX, 47-48. 5. Sūtra, I, 5, 1, 5. 6. Ibid, 5, 1, 8. 7. Ibid, 5. I, 9. 8. Ibid, I, 5, 1, 10. 9. Ibid, 5, 1, 11. 10. Ibid, 5, 1, 12. 11. Ibid, 5, 1, 15. 12. Ibid, 5. 1, 16.

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with sharp pikes. They are thrown into large caldrons and boiled there. They are compelled to drink molten lead and copper when they are thirsty. In hell there is a terrible towering mountain called the Vaitālika where evil-docrs are long tortured.3 Thus the sinners are tortured day and night. They cry at the top of their voices in a dreadful hell which contains various implements of torture.
Hells are round inside, square outside, their floor thickly set with razor-like arrows. They are filled with perpetual darkness. Their floor is slippery with a coat of marrow fat, flesh, blood, and matter, and besmeared with grease. They are very rugged, difficult to pass and horrid. Those who arc condemned to live in these hells do not sleep, nor do they get any consolation or comfort or recreation. The denizens of hell suffer intolerable agonies. A GLOOMY VIEW OF THE WORLD
Mahāvira presents a gloomy picture of the world. According to him, the soul has to undergo births and deaths, and all their concomitant experiences. The senses and mental faculties become manifest in varying degrees in thc varying forms of beings. Because of affection, passion, and attachment, man finds himself in an awful situation. The world presents a constant scene of quarrel and strifc, death and carnage, and of all mad pursuits of life, the ultimate end of which is disappointment. For the sake of food and drink, lodging and comfort, woman and wealth, man is involved in various difficulties that lead the soul from sin to sin. Because of their attachment to seductive plcasures of the senses like sounds and colours, tastes and smells, and touches and perceptions, living beings suffer and find no escape from pain. The path to these pleasures is the path to birth, discasc, decay, and death. Looking at the miserable condition of the world, man craves for libcration, deliverance and perfection. RE:L BRAHMANA
He who has no worldly attachmen: after eniering the order. Who does not repent of having become a monk, and she 1. Sätra, 5, 1,22. .. Ibid. 5, 1, 3. 3. Ibid. 5, ?, 17.

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takes delight in noble words is called a Brāhmana.1 He who is free from love, hatred, and fear is called a Brāhmaṇa. A lean, self-subduing ascetic, who reduces his flesh and blood, who is pious, and who has reached Nirvāņa, is a Brāhmaṇa.3 He who thoroughly knows living beings and does not injure them in any of the three ways (by his thought, word, and deed), is a Brāhmaṇa.4 He who does not speak untruth from anger, or from greed, or from fear is a Brāhmaṇa.5 He who does not take anything which is not given to him is a Brāhmaņa. He who does not carnally love divine, human, and animal beings in thoughts, words, and deeds is a Brāhmaṇa.' He who is not defied by pleasures is a Brāhmaṇa.: He who is not greedy, who lives unknown, who has no house, and who has no friendship with householders, is a Brāhmana.' He who has given up his former connections with his relations and parents and who is not given to pleasures is a Brāhmaṇa.10 One does not become a Šramana by the tonsure, nor a Brāhmaņa by pronouncing the sacred syllable Om, nor a Muni by living in the forest, nor a Tāpasa by wearing clothes of Kuśa-grass." One becomes a Šramaņa by equanimity, a Brāhmaṇa by chastity, a Muni by knowledge, and a Tāpasa by penance. One becomes a Brāhmana or a Kshatriya or a Vaisya or a Sūdra by one's actions.13 He is a Brāhmana who is exempt from all Karma. 11 The most excellent Brāhmanas, who possess good qualities, are able to save themselves and others.15
1. Uttarā, XXV, 20. 2. Ibid, 21. 3. Ibid, 22. 4. Ibid, 23. 5. Ibid, 24. 6. "Ibid, 25. 7. Ibid, 26. 8. Ibid, 27. 9. Ibid, 28. 10. Ibid, 29. 11. Ibid, 31. 12. Ibid, 32. 13. Ibid, 33. 14. Ibid, 34. 25. Ibid, 35.

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CODE OF CONDUCT FOR ASCETICS
Mahāvīra also prescribed certain rules of conduct for ascetics. These rules are classified under such general heads as begging, walking, modes of speech, entry into other's possessions, postures, place of study, and attending to the calls of nature. Here begging includes begging food and drink, begging a bowl, begging clothes, and begging a residence or a couch. Under these subheads are to be found the rules governing the modes of eating, drinking, and lying down. Walking includes travelling, crossing, swimming and other forms of movement. The postures are those that are involved in religious exercises.
The reasons why these rules have been laid down are grounded in such general principles as the avoidance of situations in which the monk or nun may be guilty of hurting or killing all forms of life, or of inconveniencing others, or of wounding the social, moral, or religious scruples of others, the avoidance of situations in which the monk or nun may run the risk of endangering his own position or of receiving bodily injuries, or of feeling discomfort, or of being found guilty of theft or trespass, or of moral degradation, or of mental perturbation, and the avoidance of all situations in which the monk or nun may be found acting under the slightest influcnce of greed, ill-will, evil intention, discontent, delusion, inconsideration, haughtiness, and the like. DISCIPLINE
A monk on receiving an order from his superior goes to him, watching the movement of his head and motions. He is well-bchaved. He who desires his own welfare should adherc to the rules of good conduct." He w10 desires libcration will be received everywhere. He should acquire valuable linowledge and avoid what is worthless. He should rather bc mock than talkative in the presence of thic wise. A monk should avoid untruth and never tell anything sinful or incaningless or 1. Urcra, 1, 2, 2. Ibid, 6. 3. Ibid, 7. 4. Ibid, s,

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hurtful." On the highway or in a barber's shop, a monk, who is all alone, should not stand with a single woman, nor should he talk to her.2 A monk should sally forth at the right time and return at the right time. He should not approach dining people sitting in a row; he should collect alms that are freely given.' He should eat moderately at the right time. He should wait for his alms alone, not too far from other monks, nor too near them.5 ON TROUBLES
There are twenty-two troubles which a monk must learn and know, bear, and conquer in order not to be vanquished by them. They are as follows : hunger, thirst, cold, heat, gadflies and gnats (all biting or stinging insects like lice), nakedness, women, to be discontented with the objects of control, erratic life, place for study, lodging abuse, corporal punishment, asking for something, to be refused, illness, the pricking of grass, dirt, kind and respectful treatment, understanding, ignorance, and righteousness. A monk, who is strong in selfcontrol and does penance, should not cut or cause another to cut anything to be eaten, nor cook it or cause another to cook it, even though his body is weakened by hunger. He should know the measure of food and drink permitted and wander about with a cheerful mind. Though troubled by thirst, he should drink distilled, not cold, water. Wandering about in deserts and feeling thirsty, he should bear the suffering caused by thirst. If a restrained monk occasionally suffers from cold on his wanderings, he should not walk beyond the prescribed time, remembering the teachings of the Master. A monk should not entertain such a thought : 'I have no shelter and nothing to cover my skin, therefore I shall kindle a fire to warm myself.' If a monk suffers from the heat of things hot or from the heat of the body, he should not lament the loss of comfort. 1. Ullarā, s. 2. Ibid, I, 26. 3, Ibid, 31. 4. Ibid, 32. 5. Ibid, 33.

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A monk should remain undisturbed even if bitten by insects. He should not scare them away nor keep them off. He should not kill living beings. Nor should he entertain such thoughts : “My clothes are torn, I shall go naked or else I, shall get a new suit." A houseless and poor monk, who wanders from village to village, should endure the hardships of an ascetic life. He should wander about free from sins and perfectly passionless. He knows that worldly men have a natural liking for women. Knowing this, he renounces women and easily performs his duties as a perfect monk.
A monk should acquire no property. He should sit down above in a burial place, or in a deserted town, or under a tree. Sitting there, he should brave all dangers. A monk, who does penances and is strong in self-control, will not be effected beyond measure by good or bad lodgings. If a layman abuses a monk, he should not be angry with him. If a monk hears bad words, he should silently overlook them and should not take them to heart. He should not be angry if beaten. He should not entertain sinful thoughts. He should mcditate on the law. He should beg food from a householder when his dinner is ready. A monk who thinks thus, "I get nothing today, perhaps I shall get something tomorrow", will not be grieved by his want of success.
If a monk suffers pain or falls sick, he should cheerfully make his mind stcady and bear the evils that attack him. He will be a true monk if he continues to scarch for the welfare of his soul. If a naked ascctic lies on the grass, his body will be hurt. Even then he will not usc clothes. I wise monk should not lament the loss of comfort. He should overcome all difficulties while waiting for the destruction of his liarmo. By practising the noble and excellent Law, he should carry the filth on his body till hc expires. He should not cvince any predilection for one who salutes him or rises from his seat on his approach or invites him to accept nlns in his house. He should not think thus : “There is no life to come nor an exalied statc to be acquired by penances."
Amonk should know what alms may be accepice and 1. Urarů. II, 1-44.

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beg food only for the sustenance of life. Those who explain the marks of the body and who know its imminent changes are not to be called novices. THE LEAF OF THE TREE
Just as the yellow leaf of a tree falls to the ground when its days are done, so does the life of man come to its close.? As life is so fleeting and existence so precarious, one should wipe off the sins ever committed. A rare chance is human birth for living beings and hard are the consequences of actions. The soul, which suffers from its carelessness, is driven about in the Samsāra by its good and bad Karmans. It is a chance rare enough to become an elect. If one believes in the law, one will surely practise it when the human body grows old and the hair turns white, when the power of the ears, eyes and the tactile nerves diminishes--when, in short, all human power begins to decline. One should cast aside all attachments and give up wealth. The enlightened and liberated monk should control himself and should show all the road to peace. THE TRUE MONK
If a monk is dogmatic in his assertions, if he is malicious, egotistical, greedy, and without self-discipline, if he is always unkind, if he does not share what he has with others, then he is ill-behaved. If he is always humble, steady, free from deceit, if he is not proud of his learning, if he listens to friendly advice, if he does not speak ill of his friend behind his back, if he is enlightened, polite, decent and quiet, then he is well-bchaved. Monks will go to the highest place only after their liarma has been annihilated.
He who adopts the law with a vicw to living as a monk should live in company of other monks, upright and free from desires. Free from love, hc should live as a model of righteousness, abstaining from sins and versed in the sacred law.
1. Ultarā, X. This sermon was preached by Mahāvira to Gautama to
help him attain kecala-jnana. It contains much or asahavira's doctrine. Thc sermon was meant to enable Gautama to cut off love and reach
perfection. 2. Ibid, XI, 10-13.

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Ignorant of abuse and iniquity a steadfast monk should be a model of righteousness, always protecting his soul from sins; neither rash nor passionate, he should endure everything. He controls himself, keeps the vows, practises austerities and meditates on his soul. A true monk does not care for his life, abandons every delusion, avoids' men and women, and does not betray any curiosity. He does not progress and live on divinations. He also abstains himself from spells, roots, every kind of medical treatment, purgatives, emetics, fumigation, anointing of the eye, etc. A Jaina monk is forbidden to take beds, lodgings, drinks, food, dainties and spices from the householders. He who understands all religious disputations, who practises self-discipline, who meditates on his soul, who is wise, hardy, and observes everything, who is calm, and does not hurt anybody-he who does all this is a true monk. He who does not live by any art, who is without house and without friend, who subdues his senses, who is free froin all bondages and sins and who eats little and lives single-he, too, is a true monk. THE TEN CONDITIONS OF PERFECT CHASTITI
There are ten conditions for the realization of celibacy. By liearing and knowing them, the monk will reach thc liglicst degree of self-discipline, of contemplation, of stopping sins by means of Samitis and Guptis, will be well proiected, will guard his senses and chastity. The ten conditions are the following :
(i) A monk may occupy various places for sleep or
rcst, but loc should not occupy such places frcqucnt. cd by women, cattlc, or cunuchs. If he occupies such places for sleep or rest as are frequcnted by women, cattle, or cunuchs his chastity will be sus. pect or he will acquire a dangerous illness of long duration or lic will become a slave to pas.
sion. (ii) He should not talk about women. (iii) He should not sit togetlicy with women on the
samnc scat. 1. Uriara, XV.

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(v)
(iv) He should not look at or think of the charms or
beauties of women. He should not eavesdrop behind a screen or wall and listen to the singing or laughing or crying of
women, (iv) He should not remember the pleasures and amuse
ments which he enjoyed in the past in the com
pany of women. (vii) He should not eat well-dressed food. (viii) He should not eat or drink to excess. (ix) He should not wear ornaments. (x) He should avoid sounds, colours, tastes, smells and
sensations of touch, BAD MONKS
A bad monk is one who despises learning and discipline which his preceptors and teachers have taught him. He is disrespectful to his teachers and preceptors. He does not control himself though he believes himself to be well controlled. He hurts living beings and walks with great haste and without care. He is fierce and overbearing. It is the duty of a monk to examine very closely everything which he uses in order to avoid hurting living beings. He always slights his teachers and is deceitful, talkative, arrogant, greedy and rough. He delights in quarrels and perverts truth. He is not careful in sitting down. He is careless about his bed. He does not practise austerities. He eats after sunset, and when admonished, he makes an angry reply. Leaving his own teacher, he follows a heretical one. He is a man of bad disposition and frequently changes his school (Gana). He lives by fortunetelling, not by alms, and eats the food given by his relations. A pious monk is one who avoids sins, who is welcomed in this world, and who is the conqueror of the world.” DUTIES OF A MONK
One should adopt the Law of the monks as well as their Vows, virtues, and their endurance of the calamitics, an endur. ance which enables him to abandon the grcat distress and the 1. Ullarā, XVI. 2. Ibid, XVII,

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great delusion. He should keep the five great vows, viz. not to kill, to speak the truth, not to steal, to be chaste, and to have no property at all. A wise man should follow the law taught by the Jinas.2 A monk should be of a forbearing nature, restrained, and chaste. He should live with his senses under control.3 He should walk about in utter indifference and bear everything, pleasant and unpleasant. He should not approve of everything everywhere nor care for respectful treatment or blame. A monk, who encounters dangerous and dreadful ·calamities, is not afraid of them. He should endure with .equal equanimity both cold and heat, unpleasant feelings and physical disorders which attack the human body. An ascetic will by means of his simplicity enter the path of Nirvana." He is neither grieved nor pleased. He is intent on the bencfit of his soul and strives for the highest good.8 A merciful monk should use beds far from those which have not been prepared for him.'
THE SAMITIS AND THE GUPTIS
There are five Samitis and three Guplis which constitute -eight articles of the Jaina creed. The Samitis are the following: (1) going by paths trodden by men, bcasts, carts, etc., and looking carefully so as not to cause the death of any living being ; (2) gentle, sweet, and religious specch; (3) receiving alms in so nice a manner that the forty-two faults are avoided; (4) receiving and keeping things necessary for religious excrcises; and (5) answering the call of nature in an unfrcqucnicd place. The three Guptis are the following: (1) preventing the mind from sensual pleasures by engaging it in contemplation, study, ctc., (2) preventing the tongue from saying bad
1. Ullari, XXI, II, .. Ibid, 12. 3. old, 13. .. Ibid, 15. 5. Ibid, 16-17. 6. Ibid. is. 7. Ibid. n. S. Thid, 21. 9. Ibid, 22.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times things through a vow of silence, and (3) putting the body in. an immovable posture.
A well-disciplined monk should have only such walks as: are pure with regard to their cause, time, road, and effort. Knowledge, faith, and right conduct are included in the cause', the 'time' is daytime, the 'road' excludes bad ways, and the 'effort' is, fourfold as regards substance, place, time, and condition of the mind. He should work diligently and avoid anger, pride, deceit, greed, laughter, fear, loquacity, and slander. He should use blameless and concise words at the appropriate time and avoid while begging faults in the search, in the receiving, and in the use of food, lodging, and the articles of daily consumption. There are sixteen Udgama doshas by which food becomes unfit for a Jaina monk : the undesirability for instance inherent in the food prepared by a layman for religious men-- dicants, the undesirability of the food which a layman has prepared for a particular monk, which has been prepared for festivities or which has been reserved for a monk when he has to open locks before he gets the food or when a monk calls while the dinner is being cooked, and for his sake more food. is put in the pot which is on the fire, etc.
There are ten faults of receiving, e.g. when a monk accepts alms from a frightened layman (Sankita), when the food is soiled by animate or inanimate matter (Mrakshita), when a layman mixes up pure with impure food (Unmis;ita), etc. A zealous monk should wipe the thing, after having inspected it with his eyes; then he should take it up or put it down. Excrements, urine, saliva, mucus, and uncleanliness of the body should be disposed of in the way prescribed. In a place neither frequented nor seen by others, which offers no. obstacles to self-control, which is not covered with grass or leaves, which is spacious, in such a place he should Icave his. cxcrements, etc.
There arc (1) truth, (2) untruth, (3) mixture of truth and untruth, and (4) a mixture of what is not truc and what is not untrue. A zealous monk should not harbour any desire for the misfortune of others, nor should he think of causing misery to living beings or their destruction. In standing, sitting, lying down, jumping, going and in the usc of his organs, a

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zealous monk should prevent his mind cherishing evil desires, etc. These are the Samitis for the practice of the religious life and Guptis for the prevention of everything sinful.1
139.
THE CORRECT BEHAVIOUR OF MONKS DURING THE SEVERAL PARTS OF DAY AND NIGHT
"The correct behaviour of monks consists of the following: Avasyika is required when a monk leaves a room; Naishedhiki on entering a place; Apṛichchhanā or asking the Superior's permission for what he is to do himself; Pratipṛichchhana, for what somebody else is to do; Chhandanā or placing at the disposal of other monks the things one has got; Ichchhākāra in the execution of one's intention by oneself or somebody else; Mithyākāra in blaming oneself for sins committed; Tathākāra in assenting to make a promise; Abhyutthāna in serving those who deserve respect, and Upasampad in placing oneself under another teacher.
After sunrise during the first quarter of the first Paurushi (the fourth part of a day or a night), a monk should inspect and clean his things and pay his respects to his superior. He should ask him with folded hands: what shall I do now? If he is ordered to do some work, he should do it ungrudgingly. A clever monk should divide a day into four equal parts, and fulfil his duties in all the four parts. In the first Paurushi, he should study; in the second he should meditate; in the third, he should go on his begging-tour; and in the fourth, he should study again. The Paurushi increases or decreases a digit (equal to five minutes) every week, two digits every fortnight, and four digits every month. A clever monk should divide the night into four parts and do his duties in all the four parts. In the first Paurushi, he should study; in the second, he should meditate; in the third, he should sleep and in the fourth, he should study again. When a small part of the quarter is left in which the leading star is seen, a monk should watch.
In the first quarter of the first Paurushi, he should inspect his things, pay his respect to his superior, then begin his study not allowing himself to be affected by any pain. In the last
1. Uttara, XXIV.

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quarter of the first Paurushi, after paying his respect to the Guru a monk should inspect his alms-bowl without performing the expiation of sins concerning time. He should inspect his mouth cloth, then his broom; and, taking the broom in his hand, he should inspect his cloth. Standing upright, he should hold his cloth firmly and inspect it leisurely. Then he should spread it and at last wipe it. He should spread the cloth without shaking or crushing it in such a way as to make the folds disappear; he should fold it up six times in length and nine times in breadth, and then he should remove whatever living organisms that are there with his hands. He must avoid inattentiveness in commanding his work, in taking up the corners of the cloth, in folding it up, in removing the dust, in putting it down on some other piece of cloth, and in sitting upon the hunches (Vedika). One must not hold the cloth loosely or at one corner. If he who is engaged in inspecting a thing talks with anybody, renounces something, receives his lessons from another, he obviously neglects his inspection. One who is careful in his inspection, protects the six kinds of living beings, e.g. the earth bodies, the water bodies, the fire bodies, the wind bodies, plants, and animals.
In the third Paurushi, he should beg food and drink for any of the following six reasons: (1) to prevent illness. (2) to serve the Guru, (3) to comply with the rules of walking, (4) to comply with the rules of self-control (5) to save one's life, and (6) to meditate on the Law. A zealous Jaina monk should not beg food for the following reasons : (1) in the case of illness, (2) in the case of disaster, (3) to preserve one's chastity, and the Guptis, (4) out of compassion for living beings, (5) in the interest of penance, and (6) to put an end to one's life.
In the fourth Paurushi, a monk should put away his almsbowl, and then he should begin to study. In the last quarter of the fourth Parrushi, he should pay his respects to the Gurul, and having performed Kālapratikramana, he should inspect his lodging. A truc monk should find a suitable place where to discharge his excrements and urine. He should reflect on the transgressions he has committed during the day with regard 10

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knowledge, faith, and conduct. Having finished Kayotsarga and paid his respect to the Guru, he should confess the sins committed during the day. Then, having recited the Pratikramana Sutra and having destroyed his sins, he should pay his respect to the Guru. Having finished Kayotsarga, he should pronounce the customary prayers. A monk should do the same thing in the first Paurushi during the night, in the fourth Paurushi, and in the last quarter of the fourth Paurushi. Then he should reflect on all the sins committed during the night with regard to knowledge, faith, and conduct. Then he should confess the sins committed during the night. Having finished Kāyotsarga and paid his respect to the Guru, he should practise those austerities which he has undertaken, and praise the saints who have attained perfection."
MODE OF LIFE
A monk will not be subject to transmigration if he practises self-control in the different spheres of life. Love and hate are two evils which produce bad Karma. A monk should always keep away from hurtful, conceited and delusive acts. Hurtful acts (danda) are threefold since they refer to thoughts, words, and acts. Conceited acts are pride in riches, in taste and in pleasure or fashion. Delusive acts are Mājā, Nidāna and false belief (Mithyādarśana). A monk endures calamitics and does his best to escape from the four different kinds of praises, passions, expressions of the emotions, and of the four meditations. He always exerts himself with regard to the five vows, the five objects of the senses, the five Samitis, and the five actions. He also exerts himself with regard to the sis Lesys, the six kinds of bodics, and the six regular functions as cating. He always cxerts himself with regard to the seven rules of accepting alms and the seven causes of danger to others.
A monk guards himself against the ciglt objecis of pride whilc following the ten-fold Law of the monks. The cigit objects of pride arc : caste, family. bcauiy, ctc. The mon!: devotes himself to the cleven duties of the Upasaka(lay-disciples) and to the twelve duties of the B!ril:khus. He always exerts
1. Lillari, XXVI.

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himself with regard to the thirteen actions productive of Karma, fourteen kinds of living beings, and the fifteen places of punishment of the wicked. He is always aware of the sixteen gathās, eighteen kinds of continence, and nineteen ñātadhyajanas (Nāyā), twenty-one fobidden actions, and twenty-two troubles. He always exerts himself with regard to the twenty-three lectures of the Sūtrakṣitānga, the twenty-five clauses, and the twentysix chapters of the daśās. He always exerts himself with regard to the twenty-seven virtues of the laity and the twenty-eight lectures of the Prakalpa, the twenty-nine causes of wrong knowledge, the thirty causes of delusion, the thirtyone qualifications of the perfected ones, the thiry-two pure operations of the mind, speech, and body, and the thirty-three articles regulating the intercourse between monks, especially pupils and teachers.?
THE HOUSELESS MONK
· Renouncing his wife, a sage should know and give up those attachments which enslave men. A monk possessing self-restraint should abstain from killing, stealing, dying, physical intercourse, and greed. He should not long for a pleasant dwelling house. He should happily live in a burial place, in a deserted-house, beneath a tree, in solitude, etc. A well-controlled monk should live in a place which is not much too crowded and where no women live. He should abstain from building a house. Full of compassion for living beings he should neither cook nor cause others to cook. He should cause nobody to cook because beings, living in water, corn, wood, etc., are destroyed in the process. A monk should not light a fire. He should not in his thoughts long for gold and silver. He is not to engage in buying and selling. He who is to live on alms should beg, not buy. He should collect his alms in parts and contentedly go at his begging hour, whether he gets alms or not. A sage should not cat for the sake of the delicious taste of the food but for the sustenance of his life. He should mcdi. tate on truc things only, committing no sins and owning no property. He should walk about carcless about his body till
. Ullora, XXXI

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his end comes. Only such a sage obtains absolute knowledge and reaches eternal beatitude, free from passions and sins, and without property and without egoism. BEGGING FOOD
A monk or a nun on a begging tour should not accept as alms whatever herbs he or she recognizes. Only such things should be accepted as are pure and acceptable. None should accept food which has been prepared for Brāhmaṇas, guests, beggars, etc.3 Nor should one accept food which does not belong to the giver.4 The monk and nun may accept food from noble families, distinguished families, and royal families.5 They should not, however, attend any festive entertainment. Nor should they accept food about which they have some doubts in their mind. A monk or a nun desirous of entering the abode of a householder should not do so when it is found 'that the milch cows are being milched, or the food is being cooked, and that it is not yet distributed."?
A monk or a nun on a begging tour should not accept fiattened grains, grains containing much chaff. He or she should not accept fossil salt or sea salt which is impure and unacceptable.' He or she should not accept food which has been prepared over the fire, for such food is impure and unacceptable.10 He or she should not accept food which has been placed on a post or on a roof or on a platform or some such clevated place.11 Hc or she should not accept food which is kept in an earthen ware.12 He or she should not accept food placed on the carth body, wind body or firc body, for such 1. Ullarā, XXI. 2. Ichâ, II, 1, 1, 3, 4, 3. Ibid, II, I, I, 12. 4. Ibid, 13. 5. Ibid. II, 1. II,?. 6. Ibid, 5. 7. Ibid, II, 1, 4.3. 8. Ibid, II, 1. 6, S. 9. Ibid, 9. 10. Ibid, 10. 11. Ibid, II, I, 7, 1. 12. Ibid, II, I, 7, 9.

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food is impure and unacceptable.1 He or she should not accept food which is placed on vegetable or animal matter.? He or she should not accept such water as has been taken from the bare ground. He or she should not accept juice of mangoes, pomegranates, cocoanuts, tamarinds, etc. He or she should not accept raw things, such as mustard seeds, raw powdered fruits, unripe wild rice, honey, liquor, etc. He or she should not accept raw plants, vegetables, raw substances, etc. He or she should not accept any part of a sugarcane, as it is impure and. unacceptable, meat or fish containing many bones; but food which is offered on a plate or in a copper cup may be accepted if the moisture on the hands of the giver is dried up. A monk or a nun should not use for religious postures a lodging used. by a householder, in which there are workmen, children, cattle, food, and drink.5
A mendicant should not stay in halting places, garden. houses, family houses, monasteries much frequented by fellowascetics. It is difficult to obtain pure and acceptable alms. A. monk or a nun should not use for religious postures a lodging where the householder and his wife go about naked or hide. themselves, or talk about sexual pleasures. He or she should not use for religious postures a lodging which is a common.. playground.
A monk shall not beg pointing at the householder with a finger or goading, the threatening, or scratching him with a. finger, praising or cursing him. MODES OF SPEECH
He or she should speak with precision, employing his language with moderation and restraint, a language which is grammatically correct and whose true import, he fully understands. A monk or a nun should not use specch if it be sinful, blamable, rough, coarse and hard. Sccing a diseased person, he or she should not talk thus : "He has got boils or leprosy. His 1. Āchā, II, I. 7, 4. 2. Ibid, o. 3. Ibid, 9. 4. Ibid, II, 1, 8.1, 5. II, 1, 8, 4-15. 6. Ibi:!, II, 1, 6, 3.

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hand, foot, nose, ear, or lip is affected." A monk or a nun seeing a man should speak about him thus: 'His body is well grown, well compacted, his flesh and blood are abundant." WALKING
145
When a monk or a nun knows that in a village or a town, there is no large place for religious practices or for study, he or she should not remain there during the cold season. He or she may circumspectly wander from village to village. When on a pilgrimage, he or she should not choose a road passing through a forest. If there is some water-way on the way which must be crossed in a boat, he or she should not get into a boat which plies up or down or across the river. A monk or a nun entering a boat should not choose the stern or the prow or the middle of the boat. If a monk or a nun finds water entering through a leak in the boat which becomes dirty all over, he or she should not approach the boatman and inform him about it. While swimming in the water, he or she should not touch another person's foot, hand, or body with his or her own hand; he or she should not dive up and down, lest water should enter into his or her eyes, ears, nose, or mouth. If while swimming in the water he or she is overcome by weakness, he or she should throw off his or her clothes, either all or a part of them. A monk or a nun should not wipe or rub or brush or dry or warm or heat his or her body. If while going on a pilgrimage he or she comes across shallow water, he or she should first wipe his or her body from head to feet. He or she should wade through the shallow water in a straight line. A monk or a nun wading through the shallow water must not plunge into deeper water for the sake of pleasure.
If a monk or a nun perceives wagons, carts, a friendly or hostile army, he or she should not walk straight on. A monk or a nun, wandering from village to village together with a master or a teacher, should not touch the hand of the master or the teacher with his or her own.
1. Acha, II, 3, 1-3.
2. Ibid, II, 4, 1-2.

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BEGGING CLOTHES
A monk or a nun wanting clothes may beg for clothes made of wool, silk, hemp, palm leaves, cotton, etc. He or she should not accept clothes which a layman has bought, washed, dyed, rubbed, cleaned, or perfumed. A monk or a nun should not accept clothes made of fur or clothes that are fine or beautiful, etc. He or she should not accept plaids of fur or other materials. He or she may ask a householder or his wife for clothes which have been well inspected. He or she should not accept clothes which are full of eggs or living organisms, for they are impure. He or she may accept clothes which are strong, lasting, and are fit for a mendicant.
If a mendicant borrows for a short time a robe from another mendicant, the owner of it should not take back such a robe for himself nor should he give it to somebody else. A monk or a nun should not make coloured clothes colourless, he or she should not, that is, colour colourless clothes. If a monk sees thieves on his way, he should not leave the robe out of fear to save his clothes.1
BEGGING FOR A BOWL
Monks, and nuns should not accept a bowl bought by a layman. They should not accept expensive bowls or bowls containing precious materials. They may accept a bowl from a householder or his wife after having it thoroughly inspected. They may beg for a bowl used by a former owner or by many people. Entering into the abode of a householder for the sake of alms, they should circumspectly leave it after examining their alms-bowl and removing all living beings from it if there be any. They should not wipe or rub a wet or moist almsbowl.2
SPOT WHERE ONE CAN EASE ONESELF
They should not empty their bowls of excrement on the bare ground or on wet ground or on dusty ground or on a rock or clay containing life or a timber inhabited by worms. They
1. Acho, II, 5, 1-2. 2. Ibid, II, 6, 1-2.

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should not ease themselves at a place where the householders or their sons have sown or will sow rice, beans, pulse, or barley. They should not ease themselves at a place where there are heaps of refuse, mud, etc. They should not shit in fireplaces or at a place where suicide is committed, or in gardens, parks, woods. temples, or wells. They should not shit on cross-roads or on town-gates or on pathways or at a place where charcoal is produced or the dead are burnt. They should not empty their bowls at sacred places near rivers, marshes or ponds. They should not ease themselves in fresh clay-pits, fresh pasture-grounds for cattle or in a field of vegetables. Monks and nuns should take their own chamber-pot and ease themselves in a secluded place where no people pass or see them, and leave the excrement on a heap of ashes. 1
OTHER MISCELLANEOUS ACTS
A monk is-holy through his innocence. He allows no trouble to influence his words, thoughts and acts. He should take no notice of seductive pleasures and endeavour to shake off delusion. Knowing the highest Law, he should perform his religious duties. He should be free from attachment and earnest in the performance of austerities.
Begging is a hard task. It is painful never to take anything but what is freely given. Some weak men, who are unable to preserve their chastity, will become disheartened. Some fools take a pious monk for spy, bind him and insult liim. Some low people, who lead a life of iniquity and who are subjcct to love and hatred, injure a monk.
There are some tender affections which monks cannot casily overcomc. A monk should renounce attachment, for cvery attachment is a cause of sin. A holy monk may find many inducements and seductions in this world, but he should not break down like weak bullocks carrying a heavy burden uphill. A monk should snap off thc tics that bind him to his louse; he should wander about for the welfare of his soul, A wisc and thoroughly restrained monk should bear all hardships 1. Acha, 11, 10.

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and wander about till he attains his final liberation. The Buddhists hold that pleasant things are produced from pleasant things. Those who exert themselves at the proper time feel no remorse afterwards. The heroes, who get rid of their fetters, do not long for their life. A monk should strive for the attainment of Nirvāṇa which consists in peace.
Considering the consequences a worthy monk should have no intercourse with women. He should avoid them. Those who have intercourse with women have ceased to practise meditation. When a monk breaks the Law, dotes on women and is absorbed by that passion, they afterwards scold hin, lift their foot up, and trample down his head. One should not mind the entreaties of women, but abstain from their friendship and company. The pleasures which are derived therefrom are causes of blamable actions. A monk should abstain from women and commit no unnatural crime. A wise and learned monk, whose soul is uncontaminated, will abstain from doing work for others; he will endure all hardships with all his might.
A virtuous monk should never keep company with the wicked. He should not stay in the house of a householder except under compulsion. He should obey and serve a wise and pious teacher. If bcaten, he should not be angry. With a placid mind he should bear everything.
A true monk should not say that this is meritorious and that is not meritorious. He should guard his soul, bring his senses under his control, and put a stop to the current of thic Samsāra. Free from sins, he is cntitled to expound the purc, completc, and unparalleled Law. He should try to attain beatitude.
If a poor monk, subsisting on the meancst food, clings to vanities and makes his monkhood a means of sustcnance, he will suffer again and again. An cloquent monk gifıcd with bright ideas and possessed of a high intellect and purc soul, should combat pride of genius, pride of sanctity, pride of birth, and pride of good living. A monk having conquered atrrsion to self-control and delight in sensual objects, should silently

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repeat to himself, "A man must come and go according to his Karma alone." The pious are not given to blamable sinful practices. Avoiding all evils, monks should without embarrassment and passion preach the Law.
Making manifest the conduct of the virtuous, an intelligent monk should not leave the company of his teacher. A monk who complies with the rules for the Yatis regarding postures, lying down, sitting and exertion, who is thoroughly acquainted with the Samitis and Guptis, should explain each single point of conduct. He should not allow himself to be influenced by pleasant sounds. He should perserve in selfcontrol. A novice, who has not mastered the law, does not know the law, but he will know it afterwards through the words of the Jainas. A monk possessed of a sound conduct will explain the moral nature of the virtuous. A monk, by hearing the desired truth, gets bright ideas and becomes a clever tcacher; by desiring the highest good and practising austerity, he obtains his final liberation. Such virtuous men do not conceal the truth or falsify it. Nor do they cherish any desire for fame. Indeed, a monk should be honest and fearless in his exposition of the Syadvāda. He should use words appropriate to a monk and should be impartial and wise. He should utter pure speech in accordance with the crccd of the Jinas and should learn the sacred text thoroughly. While his endeavour should be to teach the creed and not to speak unduly long, hc should also do his utmost to deliver faithfully what he lias learnt. He should not prevent the truth from coming to light nor render it obscure.
A monk, who does not act nor kill, who is free from anger, pride, deceit and greed, who is calm and happy, will never entertain the wish that after his departure from the world he will become a god or a perfected saint. He does nothing that arises from a sinful cause, nor does he get such things done by another person. Amonk should not take food or drink when he knows that a houscholder, to satisfy him or a co-religionist, has brought it. One slould ca: when i: is time for cating, seek cover when it is time for seeking cover, and sleep when it is time for sleeping. Then a monl: preaches the law, he should preach it not for ile sake of food or drink, bu:

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A monk abstains from the five cardinal sins, from the slaughter of living beings, etc. He does not clean his teeth with a tooth brush; he does not accept perfumes, emetics, and collyrium. Such a monk does not act nor kill; he is free from anger, pride, deceit, and greed; he is calm and happy. He is well controlled and restrained, avoids and renounces sins, is not active but careful and thoroughly wise.
The wrongly instructed Šramanas do not comprehend the soul's bondage through Karma (Karmabandha). A wise monk should improve his chances for final liberation. He should conform himself to the rules laid down by the Jinas and wander patiently about till he attains final liberation.
A monk, who has achieved his religious perfection through the instruction of the Awakened one and stands firm in it, who guards himself in the threefold way with regard to thoughts, words and acts, and who possesses the things requisite for crossing the immense Ocean of existence, may prcach the law.
If a mendicant thinks that on account of his illness, hc has become weak and is unable to wander from house to house, on his thus complaining the householder may bring food and give it to him. By practising monastic rules, onc becomes tranquil, free from sin, and guards himself against the alluremenis of the senses. Entering a village or a town, a monk should beg for straw. After getting the straw, he should retire with it to a secluded spot. After having examined and cleanı' the ground, he should spread the straw on it. A naked monk thinks thus: 'I can bear the pricking of the grass, the influence of cold and heat, the stinging of flies and mosquitoes. I can sustain all those painful feelings but cannot abandon the cove! ing of the privities'. Knowing the two obstacles relating to the

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body and mind, a wise man who has thoroughly learnt the law, can get rid of his Karma. Subduing the passions and living on little food, he should endure hardships. If a mendicant becomes unattached internally and externally, he should strive after absolute purity. If crawling animals feed on his flesh and blood, he should neither kill them nor rub the wounds; even if these animals destroy the body, he should not stir from his position. A well-controlled monk should give up all motives except his own in thrice threefold way (of body, speech, and mind). He should not lie on sprouts or grass, but inspecting the bare ground, he could lie on it. Without any food or comfort, he should bear pain. If a sage becomes weak, he should strive after calmness, that is to say, he should not give way to melancholy thoughts. He should move about on the ground, and stretch his limbs for the benefit of the whole body. He should walk about when tired of lying and sit down when tired of standing.
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CHAPTER V
LORD MAHĀVĪRA'S RELIGIOUS CONTEMPORARIES
AND CONTEMPORARY SECTS
The age of Lord Mahävira (6th century B.C.) was of far-reaching religious reformist activities not only in India but also throughout the ancient world. It was an age of enlightenment for the human race. The materialistic interpretation of history would attribute this change in human consciousness to a change in social milieu. The idealist historiography would see here an unfoldment of the spirit or the progress of thought through its autonomous dialectic. Suddenly and almost simultaneously and almost certainly independently, there started religious movements at separate centres of civilization. Zoroaster gave a new creed to Iran; Confucius and Loa-tse taught in China; the Jews in their Babylonian captivity developed their tenacious faith in Jehova, and the Sophists in Greece began tackling the problems of life.
Even in India, this was an age of freedom of thought which gave rise to new religious movements and brought about radical changes for the better in the old ones. The Samaññaphala Sutta and the Brahmajāla Sutta in the Digha Nikāya of the Buddhists mention about sixty-three different philosophical schools-probably all of them non-Brāhmaṇa existing at the time of Buddha. In the Sūtrakṣitānga, Bhagavati, etc., of the Jainas, we find a far larger number of such heretical schools. These statements about the number of sects may have been influenced by the tendency to exaggerate which was widespread in ancient India. We should not assume that they were independent religious sects or schools because these are distinguished only by very subtle and minor differences in matters of doctrine and practice. It is not possible today to prove once for all that all these sects originated at the same time. Some of them may have owed their origin to a time far more remote than that of Mahavira.

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ORIGIN OF THESE SECTS
There are divergent views among the scholars about the origin of these ascetic intellectual movements. According to T.W. RHYS DAVIDS1, the growth of the wandering bodies of religieux, the Paribbājakas, was the result of an intellectual movement before the rise of Buddhism which was, in a large measure, a lay-movement, not a priestly movement. It is difficult to understand this movement as a lay-movement. It was in fact neither priestly nor lay. It originated neither in Brahmanical reform nor in Kshatriya revolt; nor was it a middle class effort. It was a classless and casteless movement, and it had no special affinity with the attitude and interest of any particular social classes.
MAX MULLER,2 G. BUHLER,3 H. KERN, and H. JACOBI5 -all contend that the Brahmanical 'ascetic' was the model of the Buddhist, the Jaina, and the other heretical sects of this age. It has also been suggested that these arose out of the antiritualistic tendency gaining ground within the religion of the Brahmaņas. G. C. PANDEY has tried to show that the antiritualistic tendency within the Vedic fold is itself due to the impact of an asceticism which antedates the Vedas. Some of the sects, such as Jainism and the Ajivikism, may represent a continuation of this pre-Vedic stream.
There was not one but several factors which gave rise to these religious movements. It was an age of frequent and bloody wars, which made people long for peace. The great economic prosperity also filled some of them with despair of material life. There was considerable social distress because of the rigid caste system. The clash of rival schools and sects also led the people to spiritual quest.
ŚRAMAŅA AND BRAHMANICAL SECTS
The sects of this age were divided into many classes, but
1. RBI, p. 111.
2. Hibbert Lectures. p. 351.
3. SBE, II, pp. 191, 192.
4.
153
Manual of Indian Buddhism.
5. SBE, XXII, p. xxiv.
6. Pson. p. 317.

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the main division was between the two Śramaņa or Non-Brahmanical sects and Brahmanical sects. The main differences between the two were as follows.
1. The attitude of the Brahmanical sects towards secular life was not so uncompromising, for they emphasized renunciation only after the proper fulfilment of social duties. On the other hand, in the śramana Sects, their followers practised a detached life with a view to liberating themselves from all worldly attachments. They could take to a life of renunciation (pravrajya) any time after ceasing to be under age.
2. In Brahmanical sects, only a Brāhmana or Dvija could become a Parivrājaka, while in the Sramaņa sects, all members of the community, irrespective of their social rank and religious career (Varna and Aśrama), could be admitted to their church.
3. The difference in scriptures and in the attitude towards them was another dividing line between the two sects. The Šramaņas challenged the authority of the Vedas.
4. The orthodox sects did not permit renunciation for women, who however, could and did join some of the heterodox ascetic Orders.
5. The Brahmanical sects emphasised the rituals, while the followers of the Sramana Sects observed a set of ethical principles.
Some of Mahāvira's chief contemporary religious teachers belonging to the Sramaņa sects were : Pūraņa Kassapa Pakudha Kachchāyana, Makkhali Gośāla, Ajita Kesakambalin, Sañjaya Belatthiputta, and Buddha. The following account of their views based on the Jaina and Buddhist texts is both brief and lop-sided and, therefore, it may not give us a correct picture. PŪRAŅA KASSAPA . From the Jainal and Buddhist records, it is clear that Pūraņa Kassapa (Pūrna Kaśyapa) was an old, experienced, and respectable teacher, Though his date is not definite, it is 1. Sutra. 2. Samañña; Digha. I. 47; Milinda, p. 4; W. ROCKHILL'S Life of the
Buddha, pp. 80.96 foll.

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presumed that he might have lived in the sixth century B.C. as is evident from references to him as a contemporary of king Ajātaśatru of Magadha. He was the head of a religious order and the founder of a school (tittha-karo). He was followed by a large body of disciples and honoured throughout the country. It seems from his name that he was born in a Brāhmaṇa family. The name Pūraṇa (Pūrṇa) indicates that he was believed to have been fully enlightened and perfect in wisdom. NO-ACTION THEORY (AKRIYĀVĀDA)
Pūraṇa Kassapa is known to be the exponent of the 'noaction' theory (Akriyāvāda). It is said that Ajātaśatru once visited Purana Kassapa, who expounded his views thus: "To him who acts or causes another to act, mutilates or causes another to mutilate, punishes, or causes another to punish, causes grief or torment, trembles or causes another to tremble, kills other creatures, takes what is not given, breaks into houses, commits dacoity or robbery or tells lies, to him, thus acting, there is no guilt.... no increase of guilt would ensure.... In giving alms, in offering sacrifices, in self mastery, in control of senses, and in speaking truth, there is neither merit nor increase of merit." 331 This is called an exposition of the 'no-action' theory (Akriyavada). According to it, man is an irresponsible agent, because his action brings neither any merit nor any demerit. In other words, this doctrine was amoral because one might do whatever one wanted to do without becoming sinful or virtuous.
155
The Sutrakṛitanga furnishes a parallel passage where the doctrine is expressly called Akriyavada. Śilanka calls it Akārakavada and implicitly identifies it with the Sänkhya view. The identity between the view of Puraṇa Kassapa and this Akūrakavada is probable, not certain.
THE DOCTRINE OF THE PASSIVITY OF THE SOUL
Most probably, Kassapa was, as B.M. BARUA states, an advocate of the theory that the Soul was passive (nishkripa). that no action could affect it, and that it was beyond good and
1. RBI. pp. 69-70.
2. Sutra, I. 1. 1. 13. 3. Burir. p. 279.

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bad, a view which many previous Vcdic thinkers had enunciated. When we act or cause others to act, it is not the soul that acts or causes others to act. Whether we do good or bad, the result does not affect the soul in the least. NO-CAUSE THEORY (AHETUVĀDA)
Kassapa is said to be an upholder of the 'No-cause theory' (Ahetuvāda). It is reported in the words of the Buddha that no hetu (cause) and no pachchaya (condition) are accepted by Pūraņa Kassapa as instrumental in either defiling a person or purifying him.1 Abhaya says that Kassapa accepts no cause for ñāna (knowledge) and dassana (insight).2 B.M. BARUA tries to bring his view under Adhichcha-samuppāda (fortuitous in origin) referred to in the Brahmajāla Sutta, i.e. Ahetuvāda. G.C. PANDEY4 does not subscribe to the view that Pūraņa Kassapa held to the doctrine of Adhichcha-samuppāda. Events may "have nothing to do with the soul,” and yet may not be fortuitous in origin. THEORY OF INTROSPECTIVE KNOWLEDGE
In the passage of the Anguttara Nikāya,5 two Lokāyatika Brāhmaṇas are said to have stated that according to Pūraņa Kassapa's theory only an infinite mind can comprehend the finite world, whereas according to Nigantha Nātaputta's theory the finite world can only be a context of finite knowledge. Pūraņa Kassapa has been described as one always in possession of ñāņadassana (introspective knowledge), while walking or staying etc., and that he perceived the finite world through infinite knowledge. In another passage, Buddha is said to have represented Kassapa, along with other heretical teachers, as possessing the power of divining where a particular dead person was reborn.?
1. Sam, III, p. 69. 2. Ibid, V, P. 69. 3. BGPIP, pp. 278-279. 4. Psob, p. 345, 5. Angu, IV, p. 428. 6. Ibid, 7. Sam, IV, p. 398.

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THE DOCTRINE OF THE SIX CLASSES OF BEINGS
(CHHALABHIJĀTIYO)
157
In a passage of the Anguttara-nikaya, Ananda expounds to Pūraṇa Kassapa Makkhali Gośāla's doctrine of the six classes of human beings (Chhalabhijātiyo), such as Kanhābhijāti (black class of being), nīlābhijāti (blue class of being) etc. A.L. BASHAM2 has tried to prove that Pūraṇa, a heretical leader of long standing who maintained a fatalistic doctrine with tendencies to antinomianism, came in contact with Makkhali Gośāla, a younger teacher with doctrines much the same as his own, but with a more successful appeal to the public. Recognizing his eclipse, he admitted the superiority of the new teacher, and accepted the sixfold classification of men, which placed Makkhali Gośāla and his forerunners, Nanda Vachcha, and Kisa Sankichcha, in the highest category.
PAKUDHA KACHCHAYANA (KAKUDA KĀTYĀYANA)
Pakudha Kachchāyana was an elder contemporary of the Buddha. He was a leader of some religious body and was held in great esteem by the people of the time. Buddhaghosha says that Pakudha is his personal name and Kachchayana his family (gotra) name. The term 'Pakudha' has been traditionally interpreted as prakrudha, furious. Its alternative form is Kakudha or Kakuddha which means the same thing. Assuming 'Kakuda' to be the original and correct form meaning 'a man having a hump on his back, B.M. BARUA connects this Katyayana with Kabandhi Katyayana, one of the pupils of the sage Pippalada of the Praina Upanishad. The suggestion, though ingenious, lacks a convincing proof.
As Pakudha Kachchayana has left us no records of his own, we have to depend for a knowledge of his doctrine on the Prasnopanishad, the Sāmañña-phala-sutta, and the Sutrakṛitanga. In the Praśnopanishad, in answer to Katyāyana's question to Pippalada as to the roots of things, he was told that the roots were Matter (Rayi) and Spirit (Prāṇa). Buddhaghosha records
1. digu, III, pp. 353-St.
2. History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas, p. 90. 3. Burir, p. 227.

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that Kachchāyana never used to touch cold water. He never even crossed a river or a marshy pathway, lest he should transgress his vow.
THE DOCTRINE OF SEVEN CATEGORIES
In the Buddhist Sāmañña-phala-sutta,2 Kachchāyana's philosophy is described as the doctrine of seven categories (Satta-kāya-vāda). He has been represented as saying : "The following seven things are neither made nor commanded to be made, neither created nor caused to be created; they are barren (so that nothing is produced out of them), steadfast as a mountain peak, as a pillar firmly fixed. They move not, neither do they vary; they trench not one upon another, nor avail aught as to ease (pleasure) or pain or both. And what are the seven ? The four elements--earth, water, fire and airm, and ease (pleasure) and pain, and the soul as a seventh. So there is neither slayer nor causer of slaying, hearer or speaker, knower or explainer, when one with sharp sword cleaves a head in twain, no one thereby deprives any one of life, a sword has only penetrated into the interval between seven elementary substances." Kāchchāyana accepted seven elementary substances as permanent and eternal, neither created nor caused to be created. This Sattakāyavāda furnishes an instance of what the Buddhists called Sassatavāda. Its plurality of substances recalls Vaiseshika; its denial of interaction between soul and matter as well as the aloofness of the soul from Sukha and Dukha recalls Sankhya. THE DOCTRINE OF SOUL AS A SIXTH CATEGORY (ĀTMA-SHASHȚHAVĀDA)
The Satrakṣitānga4 presents the system of six categories omitting pleasure and pain, adding ether or space in their place. Sīlānka named it 'the doctrine of soul as a sixth category (atma-shashtha-vāda) which somehow resembles the doct1. Sumangala-Vilāsini, I, p. 141. 2. Digha, 1, p. 57. 3. Dia, 1, p. 74. 4. Sūtra, I, 1. 1. 15-16.

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rines of Pakudha. It is also somewhat different because the existence of Ākāśa (ether or space) is distinctly recognised, and it omits sukha and dukha. Śğlāöka identifies the doctrine of soul as a sixth category with the doctrine of the Bhagavad Gita, as well as with the Sankhya and some of the Saiva systems. There is no doubt about some sort of historical relationship existing between them.
VIEWS ABOUT ACTION AND THE SOUL
Like Kassapa, Kachchāyana denied not the appearance, but the reality of action and also asserted that the soul was really untouched by change and was therefore superior to good and evil. It is perhaps not too much to imagine that this doctrine was formulated in opposition to the doctrine of Samsāra according to which the soul suffered and was itself responsible for its sufferings. Gośāla accepted the process of Saṁsāra but gave of it a new explanation. Being apparently Brāhmanas, Kassapa and Kachchāyana were probably acquainted with the Upanishadic speculation and were still more radical in their denial of the real existence of the problem itself. THEORIES OF ETERNALISM AND NON-ACTION
The fragment of the Satra-kṣitāiga clearly shows that Kachchāyana adopted the Gotamaka or Eleatic postulatc of being that nothing comes out of nothing.? It appears from the fragments of both the Satraksilānga and the Samañña-phala-sulta that the term Eternalismo was strictly applied by Mahavira and Buddha to the doctrine of Kachchāyana. It also comes under the definition of what Mahāvīra calls Pluralism (Anikka
vāda).3
Mahāvīra and Buddha considered Kachchāyana's doctrinc to be a doctrine of non-action (akrijā-žādn). If the clements are ctcrnally existent and unchangeable by their very nature, if clicy incchanically unite or separate by Picasure and Pain inlicrcnt in cach of tlıcm, if there is no volitional activity or consciousness, there is no ground for the conception of or dir
1. 2. 3.
Salra, 11-2. Standinga, IV; Digha, 1.13-17. Ibid. IV. 4.

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tiction between good and bad, between knowledge and ignorance, and so forth. From this it follows that in reality, there is no act of killing or hearing or instructing. The act of killing, if it is possible at all in the world, means nothing but the act of separating from one another the elements of being in their organic unity. KACHCHĀYANA AND EMPEDOCLES COMPARED
B.M. BARUA compares Kachchāyana and Empedocles, looking upon the former as the Empedocles of India. Both of them maintained that the elements of being are so distinct qualitatively from one another that there is no transition from the one to the other. Just as Empedocles is called, justly or unjustly, an Eleatic, so is Kachchāyana called an Eternalist, an Eternalist being but an Indian Eleatic. In the view of both becoming is impossible. Both conceive Being as a plurality of unchangeable elements. According to both, the four roots of all things are the four elements, which are in their nature permanent, that is, they know no qualitative change. Just as Empedocles conceives some ground or cause of change, similarly Kachchāyana regards Pleasure and Pain (Sukha, dukha) as the two principles of change. Finally, they resemble each other in admitting that there are pores (vivara) in organic bodies, and they also deny the void. The only point of difference between the two thinkers is that while in the case of Empedocles, it is not known whether he left any room for the conception of soul in his scheme of existence, in the case of Kachchāyana, it is positive that he did. A7ITA KESAKAMBALIN
Ajita Kesakambalin is known to be the historical founder of Indian Materialism. He was held in great esteem by the people of his time. He was called Kesakambalin because he put on a blanket of human hair. The philosophical and religious ideas of Ajita Kesakambalin are known from the Samaññaphala Sutta. There are two aspects of his philosophy, negative and positive. 1. BAPIP, pp. 284-285. 2. Sāmāñña, (Digha, I. No. 2), 23.

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NEGATIVE AND POSITIVE ASPECTS
Ajita was antinomian in ethics. It is remarkable that his categorical assertions are all negative in form. According to him, there is no merit in sacrifice or offering, no resultant fruit from good and evil deeds. No one passes from this world to the next. No benefit results from the service rendered to mother and father. There is no afterlifc. There are no ascetics or Brāhmaṇas who have attained perfection by following the right path, and who, as a result of knowledge, have experienced this world as well as the next and can proclaim the same.
There is no existence of individuality after death. The four elements of existence constitute a living body. When a man dies, carth returns to earth, water to water, heat to fire, air to air, and the sense faculties pass into space. It is a doctrinc of fools, this talk of existence after death, for all alike, the foolish and the wise are cut off, annihilated, and ceasc to be after death.1 Ajita in the negative aspect of his doctrine resembles Epicurus, while on the positive side of his speculations lic seems to be more a Stoic than an Epicurcan, his fundamental point being that nothing but the corporcal is real." DOCTRINE OF TAM-JĪVA-TAN-SARĪRA-VĀDA
Ajita's doctrine was described by Mahāvíra and Buddha as Tari-jiva-tari-sarira-vāda, in contradistinction to the doctrine of the soul being distinct from the body (Aññanijiva-aññai-sarīra-vāda). Ajita was not so much against the dogmas of the Bralımanic faith as against thc doctrine of Kachchīyana and others who made a hard and fast distinction between the body and the soul, beteen matier and spirit, in sliori, who conceived the soul as an entity cxisting independently of anything corporeal or material. Thus in one sense like a Stoic, hic identified the crorju.scal with the menial, and in another sense he did not. His in srition was not to identify the body with the soul,
j d soon. cepts, for what lie sought to establish was ina! t?r real hier experience is always a living wins, a whole whir! :17;é1. Dic!, B, 11. 73-74. :. Rutir, p. 2?!,

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hending mind can conceive in its various aspects. Hence the distinction which Kachchāyana made between the elements of being is in the view of Ajita untenable, the distinction being only an act of our mind. No such distinction exists in the living concrete individual taken as a whole.
Ajita's view was followed by Pāyāsi, and it was made more intelligible. The soul is not an entity distinct from the body. We cannot separate the soul from the body like him who draws a sword from the scabbard and says, “This is the sword and that the scabbard."2 We cannot say this is the soul and that's the body. Ajita and Pāyāsi viewed the corporeal from the point of view of the self on the ground that form cannot exist apart from matter.
THE MORAL DEDUCTIONS OF AJITA'S THEORY OF SELF
According to Mahāvīra, by denying future life, Ajita taught men to kill, burn, destroy and enjoy all the pleasures of life. The truth seems to be quite the contrary. He taught us to believe rather in life than in death and to show proper regard to persons when they are alive rather than honour them when they are dead. In another Jaina passage, we are told that Ajita was an Akriya-vādin, as he upheld the doctrine of non-Being. The study of the views of Silānka and Sāyaņa Mādhava leads us to believe that the foundation of Ajita's doctrine was laid in a statement of Yājñavalkya which is : the intelligible essence emerging from the five elements vanishes into them at death.4 SAÑAYA BELA?ȚHIPUTTA
Sanjaya Belaţthiputta was one of the religious teachers of the sixth century B.C. As is obvious from the Sāmaññaphala Sutta, he was a wanderer and the founder of a religious Order as well as of a school of thought in Rājagrha. He is believed to be identical with Parivrājaka Sanjaya, teacher of Sāriputta
1. Vedānta-sára (Ed. by COWELL), p. 32. 2. SBE, XLV, pp: 310-341; Dia. B, III, 368-361. 3. Ibid, p. 341. 4. BAPIP, p. 296.

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and Mogallāna described in the Vinaya Mahāvagga, and the Dhammapada. Such an identification is possible, because Parim vrājaka Sañjaya is known to be a sceptic. Still, we are not definite as the name Parivrăjaka Sañjaya is not found along with Sañjaya Belațçhiputta in the early Buddhist work named Samaññaphala Sutta.
Sañjaya Belaţthiputta was celebrated for an opinion which was a blend of scepticism on the one hand and a primitive stage of criticism of knowledge on the other, like that of the Sophists in Greek philosophy. From the point of view of their philosophical doctrine his disciples were known as Agnostics, Sceptics, or Eel-wrigglers, and from the point of view of their moral conduct, as friends or Good-natured ones. JAINA ACCOUNT
The Jainas mention the theory of Ajñanavāda or Agnosticism of which Sanjaya Belațțhiputta secms to be the chicf advocate. Silāñka says : "Literally, the 'Agnostics' are those in whom there is 'ignorance' or 'who walk about in ignorancc'. They think : cven if we avowedly maintain a view "That this is good" (Kušala), we are conscious that we are not acquainted with truth, the matter is not familiar to our knowledge. Indeed, we have not as yet got beyond 'perplexity'-perplexity which is blindness and delusion of thc inind.
"Some conceive the existence of an all-seeing soul, while others controvert it. Somc speak of an all-pervading self; others contend that the body being such an enzity', it cannot be all-pervading. Sonic estimate that soul is equal to a digit in size, while others say that it is cqual to a grain of rice. Some posit a soul that has a material form while others inaintain that it is forinless. Some point out that the heart is the son: or soul, while others oppose them by saying that the forrlicad would be the right place....
“How can there be an agreeincnt of views 2017, there pliilosopliers? llany moral injuries may resul: 0::2 ihcipolis of such antagonistic llunders. For us, ignorancais ar 1r!!? than these follies.""}
1. $:!1, Ti. pp. 131-152.

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According to the Sāmaññaphala Sutta?, Sañjaya's doctrine was neither a doctrine of acceptance nor a doctrine of denial. He neither denied the existence of the next world nor accepted it. Whether the beings are produced by chance, or whether there is any fruit of good or bad action, or whether a man who won the truth continues after death—to all these questions he gave the same answer.
A follower of this sect has been described in the Brahmajāla Suttaa as Amarāvikkhepika, who, when asked a question, would equivocate and wriggle out like an eel. B.M. BARUA thinks that the Aviruddhakas mentioned in the Anguttara Nikāya were also followers of Sañjaya, that they were called Amarāvikkhepikas for their philosophical doctrines and Aviruddhakas for their moral conduct. SAÑJAYA'S PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY
The very fact that Sanjaya's opponents were compelled to put his views to the hardest test demonstrates that these could not be so easily dismissed. He had a large following, a fact which goes at once to prove that there was some truth in his teaching that could appeal to so many thoughtful men. He suspended his judgments only with regard to those great questions of which a decisive answer will ever remain a matter of speculation. He called away the attention of the philosopher from fruitless inquiries and directed it towards the Summum bonum, which is the attainment and preservation of mental equanimity.
Sañjaya may be considered to be a true precursor of Mahāvīra who propounded a doctrine of antinomies (Syadvada) and of the Buddha who advocated a critical method of investigation (vibhājyavāda). Both Mahāvīra and the Buddha agree that there are some important questions of cosmology, ontology, theology and eschatology on which no finality is possible.
1. Samaína, 31. 2. Brahma, 37. 3. BarIP, p. 327.

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MANKHALI GOŚĀLA
Mahāvīra's contemporary leader of the Ājivaka sect was Mankhali Gośāla who seems to have been preceded by Nanda Vachchha and Kisa Samkichchha.? He was born at Saravana near Sāvatthi. His father was Mankhali and his mother's name was Bhaddā. His father was Mankha, that is, a dealer in pictures. Gośāla himself followed his father's profession in the beginning and hence he was so named.? As he is said to have been born in the cow-shed, he was called Gośāla. In the Buddhist records, the name is also spelt : 'Makkhali', which means one who stumbled in the mud. The true name secms to be Maskarin, the Jaina-prakrit form of which is Markliali, and the Pali form Makklali. This name indicates a school of Wanderers or Sophists who were so named not because they carried a bamboo staff about them but because they denied the freedom of the Will. RELATIONSHIP OF GOŚĀLA AND MAHĀVĪRA
When Gośāla grew up, he left home for some unknown reason and became a homeless wanderer, spending twentyfour years as an ascetic. After his meeting with Mahāvīra at Paņiyabhūmi, he spent six years with him. Probably because of this association we find some points of similarity in Jaina and Ājīvika doctrine and practice. From the account of the Bhagavati Sūtra, it is known that Gośāla became a disciple of Mahāvíra. Contrary to Jaina account, H. JACOB' and B.V. BARUA' arc of opinion that Mahāvīra remained a disciple of Gośāla for some time. Gośāla was much scnior 10 Wahavira in age, and was recognised as a tcacher some time before the latter. Afterwards, Gośāla parted company with Valāvira on account of doctrinal differences and went to Srāvasti where he spent sixteen years as a rcligious leader of the Ājsvika seci. The two years intervening between these two periods were no doubt filled with a journey to Kumiragām., six months' 1. A.F.R. HOCANLI suggests that Kisa and Sanda wrte probably Make
kali's contemporaries. 2. Blag, X1,1; :5, p. ). 3. SIE, XIV, F. XXS. 4. Rarır, p. 300.

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Lord Mahāvira and His Times penance, and preliminary wanderings before making Śrāvasti his headquarters. HIS EFFORTS FOR PROPAGATION
It is not likely that Gośāla resided for sixteen years continually at Săvatthi; probably like his great rivals Mahāvīra and the Buddha, he travelled from place to place among the towns and villages of the Ganga valley, preaching and gathering converts. There is evidence that the Ajīvikas, both ascetics and laymen, existed in a fairly large number at this time. His mission consisted largely in knitting together local Ajivika holymen and their followers, regularising their doctrines and gaining converts by the display of pseudo-supernatural powers. He obtained the strongest support for this sect at Sāvatthi. The Kośalan king Pasenadi was more favourably disposed towards this sect than was his contemporary Bimbisāra of Magadha. ĀJĪVIKA SCRIPTURES AND THE DEATH OF GOŚĀLA .
When Gośāla made his headquarters at Săvatthi in the workshop of the potter woman Hālahalā, he was surrounded by many disciples. At this time, he was visited by six disacharas, in consultation with whom he codified the Ājivika scriptures. The scriptures of the Ājīvikas consisted of ten Puvvas, i.e., eight Mahānimittas and two Maggas, like the fourteen Pūrvas of the Jainas. The dialect adopted for their scriptures was closely allied to Ardha Magadhi, a few stereotyped fragments of which have survived in the Jaina and Buddhist literatures.
Soon after the visit of the six diśācharas, Mahāvīra exposed Gośāla openly with the result that the relations between the two sects became very hostile. Afterwards Gośāla suffered from delirium and died. His death took place sixteen years before that of Malāvíra.
The comparison of the Buddhist references with those found in Jaina sources enables us to form a tolerable picture of the doctrines of Gośāla. While discussing these doctrines, we must also keep in mind that both Gośāla and Mahāvira lived together for some time and that the scriptures of the Ājīvikas and the Jainas are said to have some common sources of origin.

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167 DOCTRINE OF TRANSFORMATION (PAUȚȚAPARIH ĀRAVĀDA)
Gośāla was the propounder of a doctrine of change through re-animation' (pauttapariharavāda), or, better still, of a theory of natural transformation (pariņāmavāda) which he came to formulate from the generalisation based on the periodical re-animations of plant life. He came to the conclusion that just as the sesame seeds after having completely perished come to life from their inherent force or will-to-be, so are all living beings capable of re-animation. THEORY OF PURIFICATION THROUGH TRANSMIGRTION (SAMSARA-SUDDHI)
The basic idea underlying the above doctrinc implics a process of purification through transmigration. In the Buddhist phraseology, purification is the equivalent of 'ihc end of pain' (dukkhassanta), and the word transmigration signifies the passing of soul from one state of experience to another. According to this theory of purification through transmigration, onc will put an end to pain after wandering through various births for the allotted term. There are eighty-four hundred thousand periods during which both fools and wise, wandering in transmigration, shall at last make an end of pain. Neither the wisc nor the fool can get rid of the farmathere can be no increase or decrease thercof. Everything is predestined. Just as a ball of string wlicn unrolled, spreads out as far as and no farther than it can unwind, so shall both fools and wise alike, wandering in transmigration exactly for the allotied 1cm, make an end of pain. FATE, SPECIES IND NATURE (.V7721TI-SANGATI-BIĀV1 PARINATA)
Gośāla offers for his theory of perfection through trausformation no less than three explanations : Fate or Access Class or Species, and Nature.3
Is a rigid descrminist. Gosālr exed fair (..:!) 14. Thyra status of the motive factor of the universe and the sole ancora 1. Bics, X1.1. 2. Dicia, 1. p. ; , 1, p.31:7:1, 1, p. 3. Higha, 1, 53.

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all phenomenal change.1 Man's destiny is pre-ordained, human effort could effect no change in it, and emancipation was to be obtained only through a long series of transmigrations. Pleasure and pain are not caused by the souls themselves nor by others, but by destiny. There is no such thing as exertion or labour or power or vigour or manly strength, but that all things are caused by destiny which is unalterably fixed. The Samāññphala Sutta also gives an account of Gośāla's teachings from where we get the same denial of the usefulness of effort or manly vigour.
The attainment of a certain peculiar condition, and of a certain peculiar character on the part of all things, all lives, all beings, depends in part on the class or type to which they belong. It is partly according to their position in this class or that that they possess certain special properties, that they have certain physical characteristics, that they inherit certain peculiar habits, develop certain faculties, and so on. Thus fire, for example, is hot, ice is cold, water is liquid, stone is hard, a thorn is sharp, a peacock is painted, the sandal tree possesses fragrance, the elephant's cub, if it does not find leafless and thorny creepers in the green wood, becomes thin ; the crow avoids the ripe mango, etc.?
Buddhaghosha explains Gośāla's term 'nature' as 'the. peculiar nature of each being'.3 The world originates and develops from its inherent force or immanent energy. It is also probable that he sought for an explanation of the diversity of appearances, characteristics, habits and behaviour of things in nature. He conceived Nature as a self-evolving activity. Nature has two modes of operation : by one made things come to pass and by the other they cease to be (pravịtti and niortti). More accurately, he seems to have understood by Nature the specific faculties or characteristics of a living substance other than those which it possesses in common with the race or species. 4 1. Uvā, vi-vii. 2. Buddhacharita, IX. 47, 48, 52; Silārika's Sūtra. Tikā, p. 30; Sarvodar
sanasangraha, p. 7. 3. Sumangala Vilasini, I. 161. 4. BHPIP, p. 312.

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VIEWS OF KAMMA
Gośāla's views on Kamma appear to have been peculiar, The classifications found in Sāmaññaphala passages are obscure, and Buddhaghosha sheds little light. From this it appears that once earned, the inheritance of Kamma was held to be independent of individual will and supposed to work its way out, along its own logic. From the statement just made, it appears that Kamma was considered to be in some way casually connected with Sukha-dukkha. How, then, was it supposed to be related to the triad of Niyatisangatibhāva ? Since individual initiative is denied, Niyati, probably, was considered to be the cause of Kamma prior to the attainment of liberation. Gośāla, in short, considered man bound to the cycle of rebirth by a force--Kamma or Niyati over which he had no voluntary control.
SIXFOLD CLASSIFICATION OF HUMANITY
Gośāla's classification of human beings into six abhijātis? (groups) according to their psychic colour is as follows: black (Kanha) includes all who live by slaughter and cruelty, such as hunters, thieves, fishermen and others ; blue (nila) contains ‘monks who live as thieves”; red (lohita) probably applies to all monks of Jaina type ; (4) green (halidda) scems to refer to Ajivika laymen ;(5) white (sukka) is related so Ājivika ascctics of both sexes; and (6) Supremely white (Parama-sukka) contains only three names, that is, those of Nandi Vachcha, Kisa Sankichcha, and Makkhali Gośāla. The 1bhijātis have much is common with the Jaina lešjās, and it is possible that both Gośāla and Mahāvira might have derived from some common source. By urging this doctrine, Gośāla wants to cmphasize that the supreme spiritual cffort of man consists in restoring the mind to its original purity, i.e., rendering it colourless or supremely white by purging it of all impurities that have stained it.
1. Disti, 1, 53 ; dico, III, pp. 359-54.
Sma:gala-Pilasini, I, p. 10. Voijh, I, p. 38.

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Lord Māhāvīra and His Times THEORY OF EIGHT STAGES OF DEVELOPMENT (AȚTHAPURISA-BHŪMIYO)
Gośāla advocated that there are eight stages of development through which every man must pass for the attainment of perfection in order to become a Jina. The first stage is babyhood which begins with the birth of a person. Babyhood is followed by the play-time, and that again by the third stage when the child attempts to walk. This period of trial is duly succeeded by the period when the child is able to walk. When he becomes older, he is sent to learn under a teacher. In course of time, he renounces the world and equips himself, sooner or later, with all that his teacher knows. Then comes a time when he realizes that what his teacher taught him was not all, that in fact it was nothing. The Aśrama theory of the Dharmaśāstras was based on the notion of the gradual development of the self but it was formulated as a biological principle of evolution in its application to education. PENANCES
We also know about the penances of the Ājivikas. The Bhagavatī Sūtra says that they abstained from eating umbara (ficus glomerata), vaļa (ficus Indica), bora (jujube), satara (?) and pilankhu (ficus infectoria), all fruits, and also from cating roots, etc. The Sthānānga Sutra? says that the Ājivikas practised four kinds of austerities, viz., severe austerities, fierce austerities, abstention from ghee and other delicacies, and indifference to pleasant and unpleasant food. They observed the fourfold brahmacharya consisting of (1) tapassitā, asceticism ; (9) lūkhacharizā, austerity ; (3) jeguchchita, comfort-loathing ; and (4) pavivittatā, solitude. The Aupapātika Sutra: describes the system of collecting alms as adopted by the Ājivika ascetics. Some of them begged in every second or third or fourth or fifth or sixth or even in every seventh house; there were seven who accepted lotus stalks only as alms under certain conditions ; some begged in every house, but did not accept alms if there was a flash of lightning. There were some ascetics who practised penances by entering into big earthen vessels. 1. Dial, II, p. 72; Uvā, 11, p. 24; Jâ, IV, pp. 496-97. 2. Sthāna, 4. 2. 310. 3. Aup, 41.

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ETHICS
Both the Buddhists and the Jainas regarded the Ājivikas as amoralists and proceeded to condemn them as immoral in practice. On the evidence of Jaina scriptures, A.F.R. Hoernlel accuses Gośāla of hypocrisy and incontinence.
B.M. BARUA? on the other hand considers these strictures merely sectarian. According to him, Gośāla's theory of Parināmavāda seeks to establish even with the help of its fatalistic creed a moral government of law in the universe where nothing is dead, where nothing happens by chance, and where all that is and all that happens and is experienced are unalterably fixed as it were by a pre-determined law of nature.
It teaches that as man is pre-destined in certain ways and as he stands highest in the gradations of existence, his freedom, to be worth the name, must be one within the operation of law, and that the duty of man as the highest of beings is to conduct himself according to law, and to act and behave in a manner that does not induce him to trespass upon the riglits of others, to make the fullest use of one's liberties, to be considerate and discreet, to be pure in life, to abstain from killing living beings, to be free from carthly possessions, to reduce the necessaries of life to a minimum, and to strive for thic best and highest, i.e., Jinaliood, which is within human powers.
This fatalistic creed, which is a logical outcome of Parināmavāda, confirms popular Indian belief that action has its reward and retribution and that heaven and liell arc ilic incvitable conscqucnccs hereafter of merits and demcrits of this life.3
AJITIKA DOCTRINE VIS-1-17S THE YIG:1.VTHAS
Apart from those relating to practice, the chief differences between the Ajsvikas and the Niganthas concerned the nature of will and of the soul. s ro 1)ic latter. Buddhaghosha
1. Err, 1, pp. 263-265. 2. Burir Jil, II, pp. 12-13. 3. Ibid, pp. 317-31S.

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informs us that while Gośāla held the soul to be Rūpī, Mahāvira considered it Arūpī. Among the striking similarities between the two doctrines ; one may mention the common expression Sabbe Sattā Sabbe pānā...bhūtā...Jīvā, the division of animals into Ekendriya, Dvindriya, etc. Belief in the omniscience of the released was also common. Gośāla and Mahāvīra both enjoined the practice of nudity on saints. THE BUDDHA
Gautama Buddha, the founder of Buddhism, was the junior contemporary of Mahāvīra. We possess no authentic accounts of his life and teachings. Two poems in the Sutta Nipāta and a few early Suttas supply us with some data but for details, we have to depend upon comparatively later. works, which appear to have preserved older traditions. EARLY LIFE
Gautania alias Siddhārtha was born in 563 B.C. at Lumbinivana, now identified with Rumminidei on the border of Nepal. His father Suddhodana of the Säkya clan was the ruler of Kapilavastu. His mother Māyā died seven days after his birth, and he was brought up by his mother's sister Mahāprajāpati Gotami. When he grew up, he married Yaśodharā, and had a son, Rāhula.
The idea of renunciation, according to the later text, came into his mind from seeing four persons in four different stages--an old man, a cripple, an ascetic, and a corpse. In the early texts like the Sutta Nipāta, it is simply stated that looking at the miseries of the world, he embraced the life of a wandering hermit at the age of twentynine.
Passing through a number of villages, Gautama at last reached Vaiśālī where he stayed at a hermitage of the teacher Ārāda Kālāma. There he became his disciple and learnt the Sankhya doctrine from him. Since evidently he was not satisfied, he left the hermitage of Ārāda to become a disciple of another teacher Rudraka Rāmaputra, who was then living in the outskirts of Rājagrha. Not satisfied with Rudraka either, he left him and began to observe severc penances along with five other Brāhmana ascetics. He was deserted by the Brāhmaṇa companions when they noticed slackness on his

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part in observing penances, and he decided to take food just sufficient to sustain his body.
After leaving Rudraka's hermitage, Gautama went to Uruvilva where he took his seat under a pipal tree. After spending seven weeks in meditation under this tree, he finally realized the Truth. He thus became the Buddha (the Enlightened One). With his attainment of both insight and knowledge, he became emancipated from birth and rebirth. He then turned his attention to his five Brāhmaṇa companions who were then residing at Rishipattana (Sārnāth) near Banaras. He proceeded there and delivered before them his first sermon, which is metaphorically represented in Buddhist literature as "turning the wheel of the Law".
MISSIONARY LIFE.
Along with these five Brāhmaṇa companions, Buddha went to Banaras where he converted Yaśa, a rich Setthi's son. and other followers. From Banaras, he proceeded to Rājagriha where he spent the second, third, and fourth Vassās (retreats). In Magadha, at this time, there were many Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical teachers and wandering monks. The Buddha spent much of his time and energy in refuting their doctrines and convincing them of the excellence of his tcaching. He succeeded in making a large number of converts, the most notable among them being Sāriputra and Maudgalyāyana, who were formerly disciples of Sañjaya Belaţthiputta, the Brahmanical ascetics, the Jațilas, Upāli Grahapati, and Abhayarājakumāra, all staunch followers of Nigantha Nātaputta ; Anāthapiņdika a merchant possessing fabulous wealth ; kings Bimbisära and Ajātaśatru, and later, king Alunda. Besides Rājagrilia, Buddha visited Gayā, Uruvilva, Nālandā, and Pāçaliputra.
Buddhism gained a footing even at Kośalā (Savauthi) where the Buddlia spent the last twentyone rassās. His favouritc resort was the famous Jelavana monastery, which was purchased for him by Anāthapiņdika at a fabulous price. King Prasenajit (Pascnadi) became interested in his discourses, while his qucen sallikäand his two sis:eos, Som and Sakula,

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became lay-devotees. Another influential supporter was Visakha, who built the Pubbārāma monastery for him.
174
The Buddha visited Kapilvastu and converted the members of his family including his son Rahula and foster-mother Mahāprajapati Gomati. Buddha also spent the fifth Vassā at Vaiśāli, where Ambapāli, the famous courtesan became his devotee and offered her mango grove to the Samgha. The Buddha passed the ninth Vassā at Kausāmbi where queen Sāmavati of Udayana became his follower. He visited a distant place Verañjā (near Mathura) to spend his twelfth Vassa there. and deputed his disciple Mahakachchāyana for the propagation of Buddhism in Avanti. He converted king Pradyota and others to Buddhism. He made his last journey to Malla's capital Kusinārā where he gave up his body after a fatal illness and attained parinirvāņa at the age of eighty.
TEACHINGS
The earliest available source of our knowledge of the Buddha's teachings is the Pāli Piṭaka which consists of the five Nikayas, viz., Digha, Majjhima, Samyutta, Anguttara and Khuddaka. As many alterations and additions were made in it from time to time by the succeeding generations, it cannot be called homogeneous, nor is it possible to state definitely what actually were the original teachings of the Buddha.
Buddhism, like Jainism, was originally a moral code rather than a metaphysical or religious system. The Buddha instructed his followers to pursue practical methods in order to`arrive at the Truth. For the removal of ignorance, thirst, attachment, etc., for instance, he advocated the four Aryasatyas (Noble Truths), viz., (1) that worldly existence is full of misery (dukkha); (2) that thirst, attachment, etc., are the causes of worldly existence (samudaya); (3) that worldly existence can be ended (nirodha) by the destruction of thirst, etc. The Path is the well-known Eightfold Way, viz., right speech, right action, right means of livelihood, right exertion, right mindedness, right meditation, right resolution, and right point of view. The first three practices lead to physical control (Śila), the second three to mental control (chitta), and the last two to intellectual development (prajñā).

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The exposition of the Eightfold Path is said to be the Buddha's first discourse. It is also widely known as the Middle Path (madhyama pratipat) as it keeps clear of the two extreme ways of life, one being that of ease and luxury and the other of rigorous asceticism. This path allowed a monk to live a life of moderate comfort, with the bare requirements of food, clothing and residence, but with the wind intent on achieving the goal.
The second discourse, which is said to have been delivered by the Buddha, strikes the keynote of his teachings, viz., that the five constituents which make a being are without a self (anātma), impermanent (anitya), and are not desirable (dukkha). He who realizes the absence of soul or substance in the constituents knows that he does not exist as an individual and as such there can be no relationship between himself and the objects around him. There is nothing in this world to make him happy or sad and so he is free (vimukta), he is an arhatperfect. ASCETICS OF THE BRAHMANICAL SECTS
The Brahmanical ascetics were probably divided into two classes, i.c., the one retiring to the forests Vänaprasthins and then passing to the stage of Sannjäsa, and the other consisting of the Tavasa, the Geruya or Parivrājaka etc. The Jatakas most probably depict the life of the Vanaprasthins and the Sannjäsins, but there is no line of demarcation drawn between the two. It is only in the Dharmastra literature of a later period that a clear distinction is made between the two stages of life. Now the question is : how far does the account of the Jåtalas correspond with that of the Dharmasaira. According to the BardhaJana-Dharmasūtra, to cite one example, one could renounce the world aftcr thc student life, or after being a houscholder, or from the forest. Apastamba and Vasishịha allow one to have the option of becoming an ascetic after the completion of ile Brahmcharia singe or after becoming a houscholdcr.. Thus we find the Bralımanical sources supporting the Buddhist account. 1. Ba Di. S, 11, 10.2-6; Snr:, XIV, 273. 2. Spr., II, 155; XIV, 10, 46.

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TĀVASAS
The Tavasas lived in forest where they occupied themselves with meditation, sacrificial rites, self-torture, and in reading the scriptures. They gathered fruits and roots for their sustenance and visited the villages for alms. On one of the journeys he made during his ascetic life, Mahāvīra put up in a hermitage (āsamapada) in Sannivesa.1 He came across another hermitage named Kanakakhala in Uttaravāchāla where five hundred hermits were staying;still another hermitage is referred to in Poyanapura where Vakkalachīri was born.3
The Ovāiya Sūtra4 mentions the following classes of Vānapattha Tāvasas residing on the bank of the Ganga. It is possible that some of the classes might have belonged to the later period than that of Mahāvīra but we are not in a position to distinguish them positively.
Hottiya : they offered sacrifices. Kottiya : They slept on the bare ground. Pottiya : They put on a special kind of clothes. Jannaž : They performed sacrifices.
Saddhai : They belonged to the devotional class of ascetics.
Thālai : They carried all their belongings with them. Humbauttha : They carried a water vessel with them.
Dantukkhaliva : They lived on fruits and used their teeth as mortar.
Ummajjaka : They bathed taking only a dip.
Sammajjaka : They bathed without taking a dip in water.
Nimajjaka : They remained in water only for a short time.
Sampakkhāla : They rubbed and cleansed their limbs with mud.
Dakkhiņakūlaga : They dwelt on the south bank of the Ganga. 1. dīva, Nir, 463. 2. sīra. chū, p. 278. 3. Ibid, p. 457 ; Bühiya Dāruchiriya in the Dhammaboda A. II, pp. 209 1. 4. Ora, p. 170: Nir.7, 3, p. 39.

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177 Uttarakūlaga : They dwelt on the north bank of the Ganga.
Samkhadhamaga : They blew a conch-shell to keep people away.
Küladhamaga : They blew a conch-shell on the river bank to keep people away while they took their meal.
Miyaluddhaya : They killed animals.
Hatthitāvasa : They used to kill an elephant every year with arrows and lived many months on its flesh. The motive was to spare the lives of other animals for as long as the flesh of the elephant would last. They claimed that they committed but one sin in a year, the killing of the elephant, which was counterbalanced by the merit earned by not killing other lives during this time.
Uddandaya : They moved about raising their staff and are referred to along with Bodiya and Sasarakkha mendicants who went about naked and used the hollow of their hands as alms-bowl.?
Disāpokkhi : They sanctified all sides by sprinkling water and then collected flowers and fruits. The Bhagavati: refers to the royal sage Śiva of Hattināpura, who joined the order of the Disāpokkhiyas on the bank of the Ganga. He practised chatthama (a fast, broken at sixth mcal), and on the day on which lie broke his fast, he sprinkled the castern quarter, propitiated Soma, the lord of the cast, and collected bulbous roots, Icaves, flowers, fruits, seeds and green vegetables. Then he returned to his hut, cleaned the sacrificial altar (V'edikū) and went to bathe in the Ganga. He made another altar with grass and sand, kindlcd a fire by thc friction of picces of wood, and keeping ritualistic paraphernalia by his side, offered honey, ghee, and rice to the fire. Then he prepared Chart (oblation), worshipped l'aissadeva and the guests, and then took his mcal. Then Siva observed the Chatļhama fasi again and procecded to the south io propitiate lama, then in the West in propitiate Varuna, and finally to the north to propitiate Vera1. Blas, 11. 2. 418; 12.5, 35; S:6, 11, Vi, 32. 2. Mick chi, p. 10!. 3. Bias, 11.9.

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mana. Somila was another hermit of Vārāṇasi who belonged to the same order and was a worshipper of the four disas.1 King Pasannachand also belonged to the same order which he joined along with his queen and the nurse.2
Vakavāsi: They put on a dress of bark. Ambuvasi: They lived in water.
Bilavasi: They lived in caves.
Jalavasi They remained submerged in water. Velavasi They lived on the sea-coast.
Rukkhamulia: They lived under trees.
Ambubhakkhi: They lived by drinking water only. - Vaubhakkhi: They lived by inhaling air only. Sevalabhakkhi: They lived by eating moss.
The Tavasas followed the rules of the Vanaprastha Aśrama. Like other ascetics, they also moved in a body. We hear of three hermits, Koḍinna, Dinna and Sevāli, who were followed by a body of five hundred disciples each. They lived on roots, bulbs, decayed leaves, and moss; they set out to pay a visit to Aṭṭhāvaya."
THE PARIVRĀJAKA OR GERUYA SAMANAS
Though they formed a distinct and separate group, the Parivrajakas belonged to the class of ascetics. According to T.W. RHYS DAVIDS," the Paribbājakas or the wandering mendicants were teachers or sophists who spent eight or nine months of every year wandering about, and they were often lodged in the public halls where conversational discussions were held on philosophical and religious questions. Besides, they lived on alms collected from door to door." B.M. BARUA" mentions that these Brahman wanderers were in a position to learn the
•
1. Nirya, 3, pp. 39ff.
2. Aoa. chũ, p. 457.
3. The Rāmāyaṇa III, 11-13 mentions Mandakarni, a hermit who lived
on air.
4. Lalitavistara, p. 248.
5.
Uttară. Ţi, 10, 154.
6. RBI, p. 161. 7. BпгIP, p. 350.

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languages, customs, and usages of the people living in different parts of the world in which they themselves lived. In those early ages of civilization, when there was neither any printing press nor any easy means of communication between one country and another, elements of knowledge could be gathered, disseminated or utilised for scientific purpose by no better means than such travelling.
The Parivrājakas or the wanderers were the great teachers of the Brahmanic lore and were highly respected. In the Vasishtha Dharmasūtra, it is stated that a Parivrājaka should shave his head, clothe himself with one piece of cloth or skin, cover his body with grass pulled off by cows, and he should sleep on bare ground.1 The Parivrājakas maintained their regular monasteries (Avasaha) and wandered from place to place in order to propagate their teachings. From the Ovaira, we know that they were versed in the four Vedas, Itihāsa, Nigghantu, six Vedāngas, and six Upāngas. They preached the doctrine of charity (Danadhamma), purity (soadhamma), and that of bathing at holy places. According to them whatever was impure became pure by applying mud to it and by being washed with water. They believed that they were pure themselves and that by taking bath they would attain heaven. They never travelled in a cart or a litter, never entered a lake or a river for bathing, never rode a horse or an elephant, never visited the performance of a dancer or a bard, never trampled upon or rubbcd green vegetables, never indulged in talks regarding women, food, country, king, and thieves, never kept any costly pots except a bottle gourd, wooden, or an carihen pot, never put on garments of various colours except one pair dyed with red-clay, never wore any ornaments except one copper ring, never wore any garland cxccpt a pair of flower carings, never besmeared their body witli any fragrant substance except the clay of the Ganga, and they took only one Jagadho prasila (a incasure used in sagadha) filtered (Paribi; a) Water for drinking purposes.
From the Bhagaratisītra, we know abom one wandering
1. 1':5. Dh. S, 11-0. 11.
Bhag, 2. 1.

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mendicant, Ajjakhanda of Kachchayana gotra, a disciple of Gaddabhāli, who was putting up in Savatthi. Once he took his ritualistic objects, viz., triple staves, water pot (Kundi), rosary (Kañchaniya), earthen bowl (Karoḍiya), seat (bhisiyā), sweeping duster (Kesariyā), teapoy (chanṇaliya), hook (ankusaya), ring (pavittaya), and the forearm ornament (kalāchikā), and taking an umbrella and wearing shoes and dyed robes, proceeded to pay a visit to Mahāvīra. He was well-versed in Vedic literature.
180
In the early Buddhist records, we have frequent mention of a number of such Parivrājakas (wanderers), all of whom were the contemporaries of the Buddha,. e.g. Poṭṭhapāda, Digha-nakha, Sakula Udāyi, Anna-bhara, Varadhara, Poṭāliya or Potali-putta, Uggahamāna, Vekhanassa Kachchana, Māgandiya, Sandaka, Uttiya, three Vachchhagottas, Sabhiya, and Pilotika Vachchhayana. Besides these wanderers, we have to take into account many celebrated Brāhmaṇa teachers of the Buddha's time, such as Pokkharasāti (Pushkarasādi), Sonadaṇḍa (Śaunadanta or Śaunaka), Kuṭadanta, Lohichcha, Kanki (Chanki), Tarukkha (Tārukshya), Jānussoni (Jātaśruti), Todeyyas, Todeyya-putta or Subha, Kāpaṭhika Bharadvāja, Aggika Bharadvaja, Pindola Bharadvāja, Käsi Bharadvaja, Vasettha, Assalāyana, Moggallana, Pārāsariya, Vassakära, and
others.2
Most of these religious teachers belonged to Magadha, and Rajagriha was the centre of their activities. The famous Parivrājaka Sañjaya lived at this place with two hundred and fifty disciples among whom Sariputta and Moggallana were the foremost. Sariputta was the first to resolve to cmbrace the faith and was followed by Moggallana.3 These two friends tried to persuade their teacher, Sañjaya, to see the Buddha, but failing to convince him, abandoned him and went over to the Buddha, followed by all the disciples of Sañjaya. Sakula-Udai was also residing at Rajagriha. Poțaliputta and
1. Digha, I, 178; Majjh, 1, 359, 481, 483, 489, 491, 501, 513; II. 1, 22, 29, 40; III. 207. Angu, II. 30. 1; II. 185. I; etc.
2. Digha, 1. 87, 111, 127, 224, 234; Majjh, I. 10, 164. 175 etc.
3. Mu, I, 23. 1.
4.
Ibid, 23, 2-10.

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Dighanakha also established their headquarters at this place. Moliyasivaka and Sabhiya are said to have met the Buddha here. The Anguttara Nikāgal refers to Annabhāra Sarabha and others as staying in the Parivrājakārāma on the bank of the Sappiniyā river. Anugāra and Varadhara are mentioned as staying at Moranivāpa Parivrājakārāma in Rājagriha which had several delightful spots like Veluvana, Ghijjhakūța mountain, Moranivāpa, the Parivrājakārāma on the bank of the Sappiniyā river, Tapodārāma, Jivaka's Āmravana, Sítavana, Maddakuchchi,, and so on which were resorted to by a large number of Parivrājakas. These had made Rajagriha famous as a halting place for the wandering monks.
. There was another pleasant and delightful Asrama at Uruvela on the bank of the river Nerañjara. Pavārika's mango grove at Nalanda, Ghaggara Pokkharani at Champā, Mahā. vana near Vaiśālī, Mallikārāma in Śrāvasti, and others were important places meant for the Pariurajakas during this period. Vachchhagotta stayed at Vaiśālī in the Pundarska Parivrājakārāma. Jambukhādaka is known to have met Säriputta at Nálakagāma (in Magadha) and Ukkavela (in Vajji). Ugghamāņa had seven hundred Parivrājakas under him. The leaders of the Brāhmaṇa ascetics were known as the Ganasatthâs.3
Besides these, other parivrājakas too have been mentioncd. 4
Charaka : It is said that they begged alms while moving in company and kept on moving even while cating. They accepted cleansed alms and put on a lion-cloth. It is said that these mendicants were the direct descendants of Kapilamuni, 5
Chirika : They picked up rags from the road side.
Chainmakhandia : They cither wore a dress of hide or else tlicir religious requisites were made of hide. 1. Angu. II, 29, 176. 2. Majjh, II, 22.29. 3. Ja, 11,2 4, , 20; Nara Ti. 15. 5. Papa, Ti, II, 20 p. 405; also ichi, p. 26.3. 6. The Dicha, I, p. 166 also mentions such ascetics.

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Bhikkahunda : They would eat nothing except what had been obtained by alms and would not take cow-milk etc. They are considered identical with Buddhist monks.
Panduranga or Paņdaraga : These were saiva mendicants who besmeared their body with ashes. According to the Nišitha chūrni, however, the disciples of Gośāla were called Pandarabhikkhu. The Anuyogadvārachūrni identifies them with the Sasarakkha (Sarajaska) Bhikkhus.
Then there were other Pariuvāyagas. Sankha : They followed the Sāmkhya system. Joi : They followed the Yoga system.
Kavila : They followed the atheistic Sankhya system and regarded Kapila as their master.
Bhiuchcha : They were the disciples of Bhrigu.
· Hamsa : They lived in mountain caves, roads, hermitages, shrines, and gardens and entered a village only to beg.
Paramahaṁsa : They lived on river banks, the confluence of streams and discarded clothes before they died..
. Bahūdaga : They lived one night in a village and five nights in a town.
Kudivvaya : They lived in their own house and considered getting victory over greed, illusion, and egotism as their goal.
Kanhaparivvāyaga : They worshipped the Nārāyaṇa. JAŢILAS
Some Brahmanical hermits were called the Jațilas on account of their matted hairs. These ascetics lived in large groups in forests, had group leaders, engaged in austerities, tended fire, and performed sacrifices. They were also called Aggikā Jațilaka.
Uruvelā, the place of the Buddha's Sambodhi, was then a great centre of Vedic religion. There were three settlements or colonies of the Jațilas on the banks of the river Nerañjara under three Kassapa brothers, Uruvela Kassapa, Nādi Kassapa, and Gaya Kassapa, each at the head of 500, 300 and 200 Jatilas respectively. They were born in a Brāhmaṇa family or Magadha and were highly respected by the inhabitants of 1. DPPX, I, 931; Udara Arphakathā, 74. 2. SBE, XIII, 118; Jā, VI, 219-20.

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Anga and Magadha. Most probably they were Naishțhika Brahmachūrins. It is said that Uruvela Kassapa used to perform annually a great sacrifice which was attended by the neighbouring people with abundant food. On the occasion of the Ashțakas, in the snowy-cold winter nights, they are described as plunging into the river Nerañjara and emerging out of it repeatedly on account of their belief in purification by bathing.3
That these three brothers had gathered quite a large number of followers and had made three colonies of them, shows that they had developed a congregational life. In the opinion of B.M. BARUA, there was no corporate life, and among the Jațilas forming three distinct groups, the tic in each group was rather domestic than congregational.4 To convert these Brālimana ascetics who performed Vedic rites and enjoyed the respect of their people, was the principle aim of the Buddha, for that would, he thought, produce a magical effect on popular monks. According to Mahāvagga, he was successful in changing the heart of 1000 Jatilas along with their leaders who entered the Order.5 LOKĀYATAS
There is a reference to the Lokayatas in the Dighanikāja. A Brahmaņa well-versed in the Lokāyata doctrine asking the Buddha a series of questions has been mentioned. A Jataka passage refers to Lokāyatika doctrine. The teacher and the student of this doctrinc were both known as Lokayatila. The name of this school was identical with the theory of clements as the prime cause (Bhülavāda and Uchchhedarāda).
OTHER SCHOOLS AND SECTS THE FOUR GREAT SCHOOLS
The Sūtrakṣitingas describes the four herctical creeds of 1. Do, 1, 1,5. 2. SRE, XIII. p. 124. 3. Ibid, p. 130. 4. Gavă and Bodha-Gay?. Vol. I, p. 99. 5. 1. 1. 20. 17-24. 6. Ser: DPPX, VI, 787 7. Ji, VI. 235 S. Suita, 1, 12-1.

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the time of Mahāvira, creeds called Krizāvāda, Akrijāvada, Ajñānavāda, and Vinayavāda. These four great schools comprise three hundred and sixty-three schools : Krijāvāda consists of one hundred and eighty schools; Akrijāvada of eighty four schools, Ajñānavāda of sixty-seven schools, and Vinayavāda of thirty-two schools. KRIYĀVĀDA
Kriya denotes the existence of the soul (jiva), and those who believe in the existence of the soul are called Kriyāvādins. It is stated that one who knows the tortures of beings below in hell, one who knows the influx of sin and its stoppage one who knows misery and its annihilation, is entitled to expound Kriyāvāda. AKRIYĀVĀDA
The Akriyāvādins deny the existence of the soul, etc., for according to them everything is of a momentary existence, and a state comes to an end the moment it comes into existence, and, therefore, it cannot have any kriya. Without continuity of existence, no krijā is possible; the existence itself is the cause and effect of it. They are identified with the Buddhists, who hold the doctrine of Kshanikavāda. Akrivāvádins were also called Viruddhas, since they held to doctrines opposed to those of other heretics. AJÑĀNAVĀDA
The Ajñānavādins deny the necessity or importance of knowledge to attain salvation, since there is assertion of contradictory statements in it. VINAYAVĀDA
The Vinayavādins or Vainayikas are mentioned as Aviruddhakas in the Anguttara,1 They do not accept signs, external rules of ceremony, and the scriptures, but uphold the supremacy of reverence as the cardinal virtuc leading to perfection.
The upholders of this faith paid equal reverence to cight classes of beings, viz. god and master, ascetics, men, aged persons, inferiors, mother and father, and they maintained that to each of these cight classes of persons reverence may be shown in
1. Argu, III, p. 276.

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four ways, i.e., physically, mentally, verbally and with gifts. Vasāyaṇa was a Vinayavādi ascetic who was practising pāņāmā pavajjā with his arms uplifted when Mahāvīra and Gośāla arrived in Kummagāma.l
Besides these, the names of some other sects too have been mentioned in Jaina literature.
. Attukkosiya : They belonged to the class of ascetics who were proud of themselves.
Bhūikammiya : They administered ashes to the people suffering from fever, etc.
Bhujjo bhujjo Kouyakāraka : They administered auspicious baths for procuring good luck. They are also known as Ābhiogias.
Chandidevaga : They had hangers (sikkaka) as their ritualistic paraphernalia.
Dagasoyariya : An adherent of the Dagasoyariyas, also known as Suivādi, who took bath after cleaning his body sixty four times if touched by anybody, has also been mentioned. A Dagasoyariya ascetic, it is said, was putting up in the Nārāyaņa Kottha in Mathura. After breaking his three-day fast he pretended to have taken cow-dung; he never uttered the word itthi (woman) and observed silence. People were so much attracted by his practice that they offered him robes, food, and drink. According to Malayagiri, however, these ascetics were the followers of the Sāmkhya religion.
Dhammachintaka : They studied religious books, and contemplated on the Dharmasanhitās composed by Yājñavalkya and other sages, and acted accordingly.
Giyarai : They devoted themselves to songs and pleasures of love.
Goama : They carned their living by painting and decorating a young bull with cowries in his neck and performing tricks of touching feet cic., and created amusement for the people. These ascetics lived on ricc.
Govraia : They bchaved like a cow, and in order to sup. port thcir bovinc character, followed a cow sherever it went.
1.
Tro. Nir, 491.

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grazed, drank water, returned home, and slept. They lived only on grass and leaves.
Kammārabhikkhu : They led a procession with idols. Kuchchiya : They grew beard and moustaches.: Paraparivāiya : They spoke ill of other ascetics.
Pindolaga: They remained very dirty, and their body which was an abode of lice emitted a foul smell. A Pindolaga is said to have crushed himself under a rock on the mountain Vebhāra.
Sasarakkha : They were adepts in casting spells, etc., and stored dust for the rainy season. They moved about naked, and used the hollow of their hands as alms bowl. . .
Vanimago : They were greedy of food and begged alms by exhibiting themselves to the devotees of Sākya, etc. They put themselves in a pitiable state, and in order to divert the attention of the donors spoke pleasing words.
Vāribhadraka : They lived on water or moss and engaged themselves in bathing and washing their feet.
Vārikhala : They washed their pot with mud twelve times.
CONTEMPORARY SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT (FROM BUDDHIST SOURCES)
The Brahmajāla Sutta in the Digha Nikāya classifies the contemporary philosophical thought into sixty-two schools which were in existence in the sixth century B.C. The four schools of Eternalists or Sassatavādas held that the soul and the world are both eternal. The first three schools held this vicw as a result of their having perceived through a recollection of the memories of past lives that the soul and the body have always been in existence, and the fourth school held this view not as a result of memory but on logical grounds.
The four schools of Semi-Eternalists or Ekachcha-Sassalikas were also well-known. The first school believed that while Brahmā was eternal, individual souls were not. The second school believed that debauched souls are not cternal but that undebauched souls are. The third school bclicved exactly the same thing as the second school cxcept that in the case of the

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former the debauchery of the gods is mental unlike the debauchery of the gods of the latter school which is physical. The fourth school held that the soul was eternal but not the body.
The first of the four schools of Extentionists or Antānantikas held that the world was finite, the second that it was infinite, the third that it was infinite sidewise but finite upward and downward, and the fourth that it was neither finite nor infinite.
The four schools of Eel-wrigglers or Amarāvikkhepikas did not give categorical replies to any question but avoided them by ambiguous and equivocating replies, and differed only in respect of the motives for giving such replies.
The two schools of Fortuitous-Originists or Adhichchasamuppannikas held that the soul and the world came into being without a cause. The first came to this conclusion as a result of the remembrance of past lives and the second as a result of logical reasoning.
The thirty-two schools of consciousness-maintainers or Uddhamāghatanikas believed that the soul after death passed into various states of existence, viz., conscious or unconscious, subject to decay or not subject to decay, neither conscious nor unconscious, and all in respect of the forın, finitude, different modes of consciousness, and happiness of the soul.
The seven schools of Annihilationists or Uchchedavādis maintained that the soul is annihilated after death and identified it with the body, essence of the body, mind, infinite space, infinite consciousness, or with the boundless and with that which is beyond ideas.
The five schools of Nirvanists or Ditthadhainmanibbūnažādas believed that a soul was capable of obtaining complete cmancipation in this visiblc world through full cnjoyincni of the pleasures of the senses or through each of the four stages of dliyāna. VEDIC PANTHEON IVD RELIGIOUS PR:1CTICES
People liad not forgotten the Vedic panilicon and religious practices because of the rise of different religious secs and schools during the time or alavira. The Viic rituals viere

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scrupulously performed by a large section of people. Though their number grew smaller and smaller, they never died out altogether.
The Jaina and Buddhist literary sources throw some light on Brahmanical religion and practices. The Sotthiyas and the Brāhmaṇa Mahāsālas of the age were custodians of the Vedic religion which was mostly sacrificial. The Brāhmana Mahāsālas sometimes performed sacrifices for themselves, and sometimes officiated as priests in the rajñas performed for kings. Descriptions of the preparations for the Mahāyajñas of the Brāhmaṇa Kütadanta of Magadha?, of the Brāhmaṇa Uggatasarıra of Sāvatthi’ and of king Pasenadi of Kośala3 throw considerale light on the method of performing these Yajñas. Animals sacrificed included cows, bulls, steers, goats, sheep, etc. The number of animals used for sacrificial purposes sometimes rose to 500 or 700.
There are references to the performance of the Assamedha, the Parisamedha, the Sammapasa and the Vajapera sacrifices.* Yajñas were performed with pomp and grandeur, and people flocked from neighbouring places to witness it. They were attended by big feasts, offerings, gifts of cows, beds, garments, women, chariots, carpets, and even places filled with corn. The picture of the rajñās thus revealed by the Buddhist sources is similar to that painted by the Brahmanical sources leaving aside a few exaggerations.
The Brāhmaṇas appear as teachers representing various Vedic schools, such as the Addhariyas (Aitareyas), Tittiriyas (Taittiriyas), Chhandokas (Chhāndogyas), Chhandāvas, and so on." They worshipped Indra, Soma, Varuna, Išāna, Prajāpati, Brahmā, Mahiddhi, Yama, etc. They invoked them and offered prayer.6
POPULAR DEITIES Because of the new notions regarding religion current during the time of Lord Mahāvīra, the functions of the 1. Digha, 1, 127.
Angu, IV, 41. 3. San, I. 76. 4. lbid. 5. Digha, 1,p. 237. 6. Ibid, p. 244.

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old gods underwent modification and alteration, and new gods were created. Contact with indigenous cults at this time was responsible not only for the importation of new objects of worship, but also for the incorporation of new mythologies of the older cult. Not only from Brahmanical literature, but from Buddhist and Jaina literature also, we know about the popular deities worshipped during the sixth century B.C.
INDRA
Indra, the chief of all other gods, is the Vedic god of great antiquity, and it appears that he was one of the most popular deities. In the Kalpasūtra, Indra has been described as enjoying divine pleasure in heaven in the company of various gods, eight chief queens, three assemblies, seven armies, seven commanders-in-chief, and body-guards. Indramaha was most prominent among all other mahas in ancient days. The festival of Indra was celebrated with great pomp and show. In Buddhist literature, he is mentioned by various names such as Sakka, Vasava, Maghava, and so on. He is also described as descending to this world for helping the virtuous punishing the evil-doers. He resides in the place known as Sudhammi, Vejayanta, and Missakasāra in the beautiful Tävatinsa heaven.3
BRAHMĀ
During the period of the Brāhmaṇas, Prajāpari occupied the supreme position and was looked upon as the creator. In the sixth century B.C., he was called Brahma. In the Buddhist Vikāyas, it is this personal Brahmă of the popular religion that is pictured, attacked, and ridiculed. In fact, his unity is not recognized, and many Brahmās with different appellations, such as Sanatkumāra, Salampati, and so on were conceived for worshipping."
1. Kalna, 1. 13 2. Ja, No. 540. 3. KS. 1, 254-307; ja. II, 312. 4. J:, I. 3.4; Digha, 1. +1; Sa, 1, 210; KS. 1, 251, 191-2, 2;
II, 21,
nr.

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AGNI
Agni (Fire-god) occupied an important place in Brahmanism on account of the importance of Agnihotra. The Gțihyasūtras and the Dharmasūtras prescribe a number of domestic sacrifices for which Agni is needed. Agni was given a high position due to his use in yajña. The Buddhist writers' ridicule Agni-worship probably due to the association of fire with yajiia which involves slaughter of living beings. SŪRYA
In the Vedic period, the Sun occupied an important position but the moon was insignificant. From Buddhist literature, it appears that both were popular deities as they were worshipped by a fairly large number of people. FEMALE DEITIES
Siri and Sirimā the goddesses of Fortune and Luck, were the popular deities of this period. They are referred to also in the Kalpasūtra.3 In Buddhist literature, Siri has been regarded as the daughter of Sakra while Sirimā as the daughter of Dhțitarāshtra. 4 Of the abstract deities that were worshipped, some were Vedic and others new additions. Saddhā (Sraddhā) is a Vedic deity, but Asā and Hiri are non-Vedic.
Ajjā and Kottakiriyā were two different forms of the goddess Durgā who is also called Chandiya. The 'Achärānga refers to the worship of Chandiya with the sacrifice of goats, buffaloes, and human beings to please an inferior type of god. The peaceful goddess Durgā is called Ajjā, and when she rides on a buffalo she is called Koţțakiriyā. LOKAPĀLAS
There are four Lokapālas (Chātumahārājika Devas)? in the four quarters. Dhatarattha Mahārāja, Virulhaka Mahārāja, Virupakkha Mahārāja, and Vessavaņa Mahārāja are the lords of the East, the South, the West and the North res1. Su. Ni, III, 7.21. 2. Therigatha, 87; Jā, I, 474; Vi, 1, 203. 3. SBE, XXII, 232. 4. Ja, III. 262. 5. Jā, V, 392, 6. Achâ. p. 61. 7. Mo, 1, 6.30; Majjh. II, 194.

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pectively. 1 YAKSHA WORSHIP
From the Brahmanical, the Jaina, and the Buddhist sources, it appears that Yakshas were objects of worship. In Vedic literature, the word 'Yaksha' signifies a supernatural being, or a ghost-like appearance. In the sixth century B.C., the worship of the Yakshas or Jakkhas became very popular, and so every important city had its own shrine dedicated to the Yaksha. The Yakshas sometimes granted worldy desires, especially progeny and wealth while some of the Yakshas have been associated with cosmological functions, others are looked upon as malevolent beings who take possession of men's persons inducing in them symptoms of frenzy.
Yaksha Ganditinduga of Vārāṇasī guarded the great sage Mātanga in the Tinduga garden. Bihelaga was another Yaksha who paid reverence to Lord Mahāvīra when the latter was engrossed in meditation.3 Gangadatta,“ Subhadda,s and Bhaddā were blessed with a child by the worship of the Yakshas. The Yakshas are also said to have cured diseases, Pūrṇabhadra and Manibhadra, both Yakshas, seem to be more popular, for to them offerings of food were made. Some of the Yakshas caused trouble to the people and often were satisfied only after killing them. We hear of Sūlapāņi Jakkla who used to kill persons who happened to stay in his shrinc. Another strange belief regarding the Jakklas was that they enjoyed sexual intercourse with human maidens. Thc Ganditindurga Jakkha is said to have had sexual intercourse with the princess Bhaddā.
Like Yakshas, the Vanainantaris or thc Jakklinis also played an important part in ancient Indian life. The lāna1. Digha, II, 220-21. 2. Utlarā. 12 and the com. p. 173 (a). 3. dra, Nir, 457. 4. Vivāgasuya. 7, p. 42 f; also of Hatthipala
Jä. (IV. No. 509), p. 474. 5. sro, ch:1, II, p. 193. 6. Vozā, ?, p. 496. 7. Nisf.cha, 11, ... 709. 8. Aro, chii, pp. 272.-4. ?. Gardaliridu ja. (No. 520).

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mantri Salejjā is said to have paid reverence to Mahāviral whereas Katapūtanā gave him trouble. Various feasts and festivals were celebrated in honour of the Jakkhas. Bhandira. vaņa, the abode of Bhandira Jakkha, a popular deity of Mathurā,3 drew a large number of pilgrims.
The abode of a Yaksha is often referred to as cheiya, a term which was applied to the whole sacred enclosure containing a garden grove or park and a shrine. Mahāvíra, the Buddha, and many other religious ascetics are represented as halting or resting in these shrines. From the Uvāsaga-dasão, we learn that Mahāvīra visited the shrine of Pūrnabhadra at Champā, the shrine called Dvipalāsa of Vanijagrāma, the Koshthaka shrine of Vārāṇasī, the garden called Sankhavana of Alabhi, the garden called Sahasrāmravana of Kampilyapura, Sahasrāmravana of Polāsapura and the shrines called Gunasila and Kushthaka of Rājagriha.
Buddhist literature refers to the cities and haunts of the yakkhas. Their cities were known as Yakkhanagaras, which were usually situated in islands, deep forests, and deserts. A Jātaka story mentions a l'akkhanagara called Sirisavatthu in Tambapannidīpat and another in a forest.5 But some had individual haunts. More than thirty individual Yakshas are known by name. Yakkha Süchiloma had his haunt near Gayā.8 The Samyutta-Nikāya and the Sutta-Nipāta describe him as discoursing with the Buddha.' Yakkha Indrakūta made the Indrakūta hill at Rājagriha his abode.10 For yakkha Manimāla, there was the Maņimāla chetiya. 11 Ajakalāpaka resided at Pataliputra in the Ajakalāpaka chetiya.12 1. Âua. cha, p. 294. 2. Ibid, 490; the Ayoghara Jā, (V. No. 510), p. 491. 3. Ava chii, p. 281.
Jā, II. 127. There are references to other rakkhanagaras.
Ja, I, 240. 5. Jā, I, 399. 6. Sam, I, 207.
7. DPPN. · 8. Sam, 1,207; KS, I. 264; Su, Ni, II. 5.
9. Sarn, 1, 207; KS, I. 26 4; Su. Ni, II. 5. 10. San, I, 206; KS, I. 262. 11. SN, 1. 20S; KS, 1,266. 12. Udang. 1,7.

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NĀGA WORSHIP
Naga worship seems to have a non-Aryan origin. Its emergence as a cult may be traced to the time of the civilization of Mohenjodāro as it is clear from the two seals where it appears in an attitude of devotion to a figure in Yogic posture. It appears that this cult was adopted by the Aryans partly as a consequence of the absorption of non-Aryan deities into the Brahmanical fold, and partly as a protection against snake-bites.
References to Nāga-worship, like those to the worship of Yakshas, are abundant in the Jainal and the Buddhist sources. Jainism and Buddhism bad to admit the serpent in a subordinate capacity in their own religious systems. Pārsvanātha has a serpent as his special symbol. It is said that the Buddha received the homage of Muchilinda and Elāpattra. The Buddha advised the Bhikshus to honour the royal families of the Nāgas, so that they could be protected from snakc-bites, and the regions which were covered with dense forests may have given impetus to snake worship. As Magadha was originally a non-Aryan land, it remained a centre of Nāga worship from the earliest times. The Mahābhārata refers to the images and temples of the Nāgas at Rājagriha. The Buddhist sources tell us that the Nagas were worshipped by the offerings of milk, rice, fish, meat, strong drink, and the like. According to the Gțihya-sūtras, they were offered fricd grain, flour of fried barley, and flour over which ghee had been poured." TREE WORSHIP
That the trce was a non-Aryan object of worship is clear from some of the seals of the Indus-Valley Civilization. These scals show that the Pippal tree was worshipped by the people in two forins, i.e., in its natural forn and in thic form of the spirit of the tree which was shown cmerging from thic irce. Because of the absorption of the non-Aryan uribcs in the Iryan fold, many non-Aryan objects of worship were also gradually incorporatcd in Bralumanism. 1. Maya 2. Ja, I. 498; 11, 149. 3. ibid. 1998. 4. SBE, XXIX, pp. 1.8.29: 201-2; 3:1-3).

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During the time of Mahāvīra, tree-worship seems to have been well known. Trees were considered to be the residences of some divine spirits who were worshipped by people for the fulfilment of their desires for sons, daughters, honour, wealth, and so on. Sometimes they were regarded as abodes of evil spirits like Pretas, and people worshipped them out of fear so that these malignant spirits may not harm them. The tree cult became further popular when the custom of using trees as symbols of saints and worshipping them as such became fashionable. The Bodhi tree, for instance, was one such tree for the Buddhists. MISCELLANEOUS DEITIES
Besides the celestial gods worshipped by their devotees, people seem to have worshipped various animals and birds too, such as elephants, horses, bulls, cows, dogs, and crows. The Buddhist sources speak of the honour shown to the bull, sometimes in normal course and sometimes on occasions like his death. The custom of showing reverence to the bull was probably on account of his indispensability to agriculture.
Rivers and sacred streams began to be venerated, and tirthas or sacred spots on their banks came into existence and began to be thronged with worshipful pilgrims. People made pilgrimages to these holy places because facilities for travel were available.
The dread of demons must have driven people to take recourse to rites in order to keep them in good humour. Magical formulae and incantations must have been largely used to placate the invisible spirits and to control their vagaries. There are numerous allusions to persons versed in demonology (bhūyaväiya). There were dealers in antidotes as well as charmers who knew the science of spirits, and by means of various ceremonies, enchantments, and preservatives cured those possessed.3 The Bțihatkalpabhäshya refers to a shop called kuttiyāvana' 1. India as described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, pp. 195,
197-199. 2. Ji, II. 225; Jā, IV 326. 3. Ullara. Ti, I, p. 5; Ara, Ti, p. 399. 4. Brih. Bha, 3. (214; Ava. Ti, p. 413.

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where everything living or non-living was available. It is said that there were nine such shops in Ujjeni during the reign of Chandapajjoya.
From about the sixth century B.C., the old Vedic religion and practices gradually underwent transformation, and formed some sort of a new religion. Although the final form of this new religion is not clearly perceptible, its beginnings were marked in this age by the adoption of theistic Vaishnavism and saivism within the fold of the Brahmanical religion. These two theistic religions centred round two deities, Vishņu and Siva, and they both emphasized devotion.
The first step in the evolution of Vaishnavism was the identification of Vāsudeva-Kțishna with the Vedic deity Vishnu, standing originally for the 'Sun'. This reference in the Chhāndogya Upanishad seems to point to a date in the seventh or sixth century B.C. Next, that Vāsudeva-Kộishiņa-Vishnu was identified with a sage Nārāyaṇa, is clear from the BaudhaJana Dharmasūtra. This Bhāgavata or Vaishnava religion scems to have originated first with the Yādava-Sätvata-Vșishņi people of the Mathura area.
The cult of Śiva probably goes back to a very early period. That it was current among the non-Aryans of the preVedic period is obvious from the fact that some scholars have identificd the figures on seals with Siva who is also identified with the Vedic god Rudra. In the Svetāśvatara Upanishad, Siva figures as the Great God (Mahādeva) superior to the Vedic pantheon.
Belief in heaven and liell was widespread at this date and it was said that those who perform various noble acts attain heaven, while those who indulge in evil acts go to hell.

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CHAPTER VI
POLITICAL CONDITIONS AND INSTITUTIONS
Since at the time of Lord Mahāvīra, there was no paramount power in North India, the region was divided into many independent states. The period, however, was politically very important in ancient Indian history and marked the end of the tribal stage of society, while it also gave rise for the first time to those organized states which were known as sixteen great countries Solasamahajanapada. These states formed some definite territorial units and included both monarchies and republics. A trial of strength was taking place amongst the monarchies, and, what is more, between the monarchical and the non-monarchical forms of government. It led to the decline of the republics, the rise of absolutism, and the growing success of Magadhan imperialism.
The Jaina, Buddhist, and Purāņic texts furnish catalogues of these states. In spite of the striking resemblances bctween one list and another, there are also important differences, a fact which leads to the assumption that the lists were originally drawn up at different times, and they reflect the difference in their author's knowledge of or interest in or even his intimacy with the different parts of the country..
The Jaina Bhagavati Sūtra,1 (otherwise called VjākhyāPrajñapti), provides a list of sixteen Mahajanapadas at the time of Lord Mahāvīra as follows:
(1) Anga, (2) Banga (Vanga), (3) Magaha (Magadha), (4) Malaya (5) Mālava (ka),(6) Achchha (7) Vachchha (Vatsa) (8) Kochchha (Kachchha), (9) Padha (Pāņdya or Pauņdra) (10) Ladha (Lāța or Rādha), (11) Bajji (Vajji), (12) Moli (Alalla), (13) Käsi (Kāís), (14) Kosala (15) Avāha and (16) Sambhuttara (Sumhottara). 1. Saya XV, Uddessa I (Hoerule-the Urā, II, (ppendix).

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The Buddhist texts,1 which testify to their existence in the sixth century B.C., only incidentally refer to them. Among them, the Anguttara Nikāya is the most important as it is the earliest. The sixteen states enlisted in it are as follows :
(1) Kāsi (Kāśi), (2) Kosala (Košala), (3) Anga, (4) Magadha, (5) Vajji (Vțiji), (6) Malla, (7) Chetiya (Chedi), (8) Vamsa (Vatsa), (9) Kuru, (10) Panchāla, (11) Machchha (Matsya), (12) Sūrasena, (13) Assaka (Aśmaka), (14) Avanti (15) Gandhāra and (16) Kamboja.
The Janavasabha Suttanta (Digha Nikāya, II) refers to some of them in pairs, viz., Kāsi-Kosala, Vriji (Vajji)-Malla, Chedi-Vamsa, Kuru-Pañchāla, and Matsya-Śūrasena. The Chullaniddesa adds Kalinga to the list aud substitutes Yona for Gandhāra. The Mahāvastu list agrees with that in the Anguttara Nikāya save that it omits Gandhāra and Kamboja and mentions Sivi and Daśārņa instead.
Anga, Magadha, Vatsa, Vajji, Kāsi, and Kosala are common to both the Bhagavatisülra and the Anguttara Nikāya lists. Mālava of the Bhagavatī is probably identical with Avanti of the Anguttara. Molí is probably a corruption of Malla. The other states mentioned in the Bhagavati are new, and indicate a knowledge of the far east and the far south of India. E. J. THOMAS suggests that the author of this work lived in South India, and that the more extended horizon clearly proves that its list belongs to a later period than the one given in the Buddhist Anguttara. Along with the monarchics, both the Jaina and Buddhist texts mention the existence of republics which formed the distinctive feature of Indian politics in the sixth century B.C. Pāṇini, in his Ashtādhyāyi (500 B.C.), mentions both classes of states, viz., the Republics, to which he applies the term Sangha or Gana, and the kingdoms called Janapadas. Baudhāyana in his Dharmasīītra mcntions states like Surāshira Avanti, Magadha, Anga, Pundra, and Vanga. ANGA
The Jaina Prajñāpanā ranks Anga and Vanga in the first
1. Arigu, I, 213; IV, 252, 256, 260; Harzrasla, 1, 34, 11, 3; pinche Texes.
II, 140 sn; Viddesa, II. 37. 2. History of Buddhist Thought. p. 6,

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group of Aryan peoples. Arga seems to have comprised the districts of Bhagalpur and Monghyr. Dadhivāhana is known to Jaina tradition: as having ruled over this region in the time of Lord Mahāvīra. His daughter Chandanā or Chandrabālā was the first female who embraced Jainism shortly after Mahāvīra had attained the Kevaliship. There is another tradition that when Śreņika (Bimbisāra) conquered Anga, he posted his son Kūņika (Ajātaśatru) as its Governor.
The capital of Anga was Champā which stood at the confluence of the river of the same name. A. CUNNINGHAM points out that there still exist near Bhāgalpur two villages Champānagara and Champāpura, which most probably represent the actual site of the ancient capital. At the time of Mahāvīra, the capital was a beautiful and prosperous city, a detailed description of which is given in the Ovõiya.4 It was one of the ten important capitals, a big centre of trade, from where merchants travelled as far as Mithilā, Ahichchhatrā, Pihunda, and other places with their merchandise.
The Digha Nikaya also refers to Champā as one of the six principal cities of India. It was noted for its wealth and commerce, and traders sailed from it to Suvarņa-bhūmi in the Trans-Gangetic region for trading purposes. Other important cities in Anga were Assapura (Aśvapura) and Bhaddiya (Bhadrika).6
KĀŚi
That Kāść was more powerful than most of the contemporary Janapadas, including Kosala, is clear from the combined testimony of many Jatakas and the Mahāvagga. The kingdom of Kāśī, whose extent is given in the Jalakas as three hundred leagues, was wealthy and prosperous. The twentythird Jaina Tirthankara Pārsvanātha, who died 250 years before Mahāvīra, i.e. in or about 777 B.C., was the son of
1. Ara, chū, p. 203 ff; Urtarā Ți, 9, p. 132. 2. Bhag, 300; Digha, 1, 111. 3. B.C. La, Geography of Early Buddhism, p. 6. 4. 0:2, 1, 9, 10. 5. Ja, No 530, VI, p. 31. 6. DPP.X, p. 16.

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King Asvasena of Banaras. Kāśī was conquered by Kosala some time before Mahāvīra. Kāśī and Kosala were known for their eighteen confederate kings (Gaṇarājā), who fought against Kuniya on the side of Cheṭaka. Several Jātakas bear witness to the superiority of its capital Banaras over the other cities. It was also a commercial centre of repute.
KOSALA
199
Kosala was one of the most important kingdoms in Northern India during the life-time of Lord Mahāvīra. It exactly corresponds to modern Oudh. It was probably bounded by the Sadānīra (Gandak) river on the east, Pañchala on the west, the Sarpikā or Syandikā (Sai) river on the south, and the Nepal hills on the north. Kosala contained three great cities, namely Ayodhya, Saketa, and Savatthi or Śrāvasti, besides a number of minor towns like Setavya and Ukkaṭṭhā.
The only kings or princes in the Puranic list, who are known from the Vedic and early Buddhist texts to have reigned in Kosala or over some outlying part of it, are Hiranyanabha, Prasenajit, and Śuddhodana. Though the Puranic chroniclers make Hiraṇyanābha an ancestor of Prasenajit, they are not sure of his position in the dynastic list.1
Prasenajit of Kosala, a contemporary of Mahavira, figures as one of the most important rulers of the time. Under him, Kosala became a powerful kingdom. First of all, he annexed Kast to his kingdom. That he soon extended his supremacy over the Sakyas of Kapilavastu, probably also over the Kālāmas of Kesaputta, and other neighbouring states, is clear from the evidence of the Aggañña Suttanta and the introductory portion of the Bhaddasāla Jātaka.3 His relations with Śrenika (Bimbisāra) of Magadha were cordial. He married Śreņika's sister and gave him the dowry of a village in Kast with a revenue of 100,000. But after the death of Śrenika, he carried on a protracted struggle with Kūņika (Ajātaśatru). The Jaina texts present Ajātaśatru as the conqueror of the
1. AIHT, 173.
2. Digha, III (P.T.S.), $3; Dia, III. 80.
3. Ja, No, IV, 145.

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powerful political confederacy which included the Gana-Rājjas of Kāśī and Kosala.1 Vidūdabha, who succeeded him, seems to be the last ruler. The rivalry with Magadha ended in the absorption of the kingdom into the Magadhan empire. VRIJI
The Vrijji (Vajji) territory lay north of the Ganges and extended as far as the Nepal hills. At the time of Lord Mahā. vira, it was ruled by the Vajjian republic, about the constituent clans of which we are in the dark. On the basis of the name of a Judicial committee of the RepublicAtthakulaka (Ashtakulakā) some scholars2 assumed that the confederacy consisted of eight Kulas (clans). Of these, the old Videhas, the Lichchhavīs, the jñātrikas, and the Vrijis were the most important. The remaining seem to be the Ugras, the Bhogas, the Aikshvākavas, and the Kauravas because these are associated with the Jñátạis and the Lichchhavis as subjects of the same ruler and members of the same Assembly.3 The Anguttara Nikāya4 too refers to the close connection of the Ugras with Vaiśālī, the capital of the Vțijian confederation.
There is no reason to believe that the eight members of the judicial court represented the eight clans of the republic. YOGENDRA MISHRA5 has-tried to prove that Videhas of Mithilā did not form part of the Vajjian Republic. Vriji was only the name of the confederacy but not of the constituent clan. Only the six clans may be treated as inhabiting the Vajjian territory. The Lichchhavi capital was definitely at Vaiśāls, which is represented by modern Besarh (to the east of the Gandak) in the Muzaffarpur district of Bihar. The Jñatsikas were the clan of Siddhārtha and his son Mahāvīra, the Jina. They had their seats at Kundapura or Kundagrāma and Kollāga, suburbs of Vaiśālī. Though dwelling in suburban areas, Mahāvira and his fellow clansmen were known as
1. Bhag, 300. 2. CAG, pp. 512 ff. RBI, p. 25; B.C. LAW, Geography of Early
Buddhism, p. 12. 3. SBE, XLV, 339; Ucă, II, p. 138 fn. 304. + lagu, I. 26; III, 49; IV, 203. 5. An Early History of Vaisali, p. 122.

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Vesālie, i.e. inhabitants of Vaiśālı." The remaining people of the confederacy, viz., the Ugras, Bhogas, Kauravas, and Aikshvakavas, resided in the suburbs, andin villages or towns like Hatthigāma and Bhoganagara.?
The Lichchhavis were on friendly terms with king Prasenajit of Kosala. Their relation with the neighbouring Mallas was on the whole friendly. The Jaina Kalpasūtra3 refers to the nine Lichchhavís as having formed a league with the nine Mallakis and eighteen clan-lords of Kāśi-Kosala. We learn from the Nirayāvali Sūtra that an important leader of this alliance was Chețaka whose sister Trišalā or Videha-dattā was the mother of Mahāvīra, and whose daughter Chellanā or Vaidehi was, according to Jaina writers, the mother of KūņikaAjātaśatru. The great rival of Vaiśālı was Magadha. According to tradition, the Vaiśālians sent an army to attack Magadha at the time of Bimbisāra.4 The matrimoninl alliance was, according to D.R. BHANDARKAR, the result of the peace concluded after the war between Bimbisāra and the Lichchhavis. In the reign of Ajātasatru, this great confederacy Vriji was utterly destroyed. MALLA
Originally, the Mallas had a monarchical form of Government, but at the time of Mahāvira, they were a Samgha or corporation, of which the members were called Rajās. The Jaina Kalpasūtras refers to the nine clans of the Mallas, and each of them ruled over a separate territory. Among these, two were prominent : one with its headquarters at Kuśnārā and the other with Pāvā as its chief town. The river Kakutstha (Kakutthā) formed the boundary between the two territories. Kuśınārā is identified with Kāsia on the smaller Gandak about 56 km. to the cast of Gorakhpur, and Pāvā with Padaraona 19 km. to the north-cast of Kasiã.6 In the Sangili Suttanta, we 1. HOERXLE. Urā, II, p. 4 n. 2. PHAI, p. 12. 3. SBE, XXII, p. 266. 4. HTB, II, 166. 5 SBE. XXII, p. 200.
CAG, p. 498. CARLLEYLE, however, proposes to identify it with Fazilpur, 10 miles S.E. of Kasia.

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have a reference to the Mote Hall of the Pāvā Mallas named Ubbhataka.I There were some other Malla towns, namely, Bhoganagara lying between Jambugrāma and Pāvā, Anupiyā between Kuśīnārā and the river Anomā and Uruvelakappa.
The relations between the Mallas and the Lichchhavīs were sometimes hostile and sometimes friendly. They became allies for self-defence at the time of Kūņika-Ajātaśatru's inva. sion, though the Bhadasāla Jataka? offers us an account of a conflict between them.
Jainism and Buddhism found many followers among the Mallas. From the Jaina Kalpasūtra, we learn that the nine Mallakis or Malla Chiefs were among those that instituted an illumination on the day of the new moon, saying, “Since the light of intelligence is gone, let us make an illumination of material matter." At the time of the Buddha's death, we find both the main sections of the Mallas claim. ing a share of his bodily remains. This also proves that these two main clans retained their distinctive independence.
Soon after the Buddha's death, the Mallas appear to have lost their independencc with their dominions annexed to the Magadhan empire." CHEDI (Cheti)
The Chedis were one of the most ancient tribes of India. They had two distinct settlements, of which one was in the mountains of Nepal and the other in Bundelkhand. D. R. BHANDARKARS maintains that Cheta or Chetiya corresponds roughly to modern Bundelkhand. Sotthivatinagara, probably identical with Sukti or Suktimats of the Mahabhārata, was its capital. Other important towns of the Chedis were Salajāti and Tripuri. Sahajāti lay on the trade route along the river Ganga. We learn from the Vedabbha Jalaka that the road from 1. DPPN, II, 191. 2. JC, No. 405. 3. SBE, XXII, p. 266. 4. CL, 1. 79. 5. Ibid, 1. 52. 6. RBI, p. 103. 7. ja, No. 48.

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Kāśī to Chedi was unsafe on account of its being infested with roving bands of marauders.
The Mahabharata and some of the Jātakas mention the names of the early kings of Chedi, but their accounts are legendary and cannot be relied upon for genuine historical purposes. VATSA
Vatsa or Vamsa was the country south of the Ganga of which Kaušāmbi, modern Kosam, on the Yamuna, near Allahabad, was the capital. The king of Vatsa in the time of Mahāvīra was Udayana.
According to the Purāņic evidence, Udayana was a scion of the Bhārata Kula. There is no unanimity in regard to the names of even the immediate predecessors of Udayana. His father's name is said to be Śatānika II. He married a princess of Videha on account of which his son is called Vaidehīputra.” He is said to have attacked Champā, the capital of Aiga, during the reign of Dadhivāhana.3
There are legendary traditions about Udayana Vatsarāja of Kaušāmbi and his contemporary Pradyota of Avanti. A critical examination of these legends will yield a number of historical facts of considerable importance. Udayana and Pradyota, both rulers of two adjoining kingdoms, appear to have been connected by marriage and to have engaged in war. It seems that later on cordial relations were established between them. According to the Priyadarsikā he conquered Kalinga and restored his father-in-law, Dridlavarman, 10 the throne of Anga. The laticr is probably the same as Dadhivāhana who, according to another legend, was descated by Udayana's father.
Udayana had a son named Bodhi, but we do not know anything definite about Vatsa after Udayana, noi even whether Bodhi ever succeeded his father to the throne.
1. In the Buddhist texts, his father's name is given Parantapa. Ses
l'inaga II, 127; IV, 198; Majjh, II, 97; , III, 157. In the Jaina Texts his name has been incntioned Sayarita.
Srahna-rasasadalla, Act VI, p. 129. 3. JASB, 1914, p. 321.

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MAGADHA
In the time of Lord Mahāvīra, Magadha corresponded roughly to the present Patna and Gaya districts of South Bihar, The boundaries were probably the Ganga to the north, the Son to the West, a dense forest reaching to the plateau of Chotā Nagpur to the south, and Anga to the East. The river Champā formed a boundary between Magadha and Anga : but in Mahāvīra's time Anga was subject to Magadha. Its earliest capital was Girivraja or. Rājagņiha.
Mahāvīra's contemporary rulers of Magadha were Bimbisāra and Ajātaśatru. In their reign, Magadha was the first among the states of the sixth century B.C. to make a successful bid for the establishment of its supremacy over them. By his conquests and matrimonial alliances, Bimbisāra enlarged his influence and power. Afterwards, his son crushed the great republic of the Lichchhavis after sixteen years of struggle, vanquished Kosala, and annexed Kāśi. The kingdom of Bimbisāra is stated to have been 300 leagues in extent, to which an addition of 200 leagues was made by Ajātaśatru's conquests.
Jaina writers mention two early kings of Rājagriha, Samudravijaya and his son Gaya.1 Little reliance can be placed on them in this regard because what they say is not corro. borated by any other evidence. Bimbisāra, who belonged to the Haryanka-Kula, occupied the throne of Magadha immediately after the fall of Brihadratha dynasty in the sixth century B.C. According to the Mahāvamsa, he was fifteen ycars old when he was anointed king by his father. This would show that he was not the founder of the royal family. D.R. BHANDARKAR has inferred that Bimbisāra, who was originally a Senāpati probably of the Vajjis, made himself the king.
Bimbisāra was helped in his political career by his matrimonial alliances. His first wife was a sister of Prasenajit, the king of Kosala, who gave him the dowry of a village of Kāśí with a revenue of 100,000. His second wife was Chellană, daughter of the Lichchhavī Chief, Chotaka. His 1. SBE, XLV, p. 86.

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third wife was Vaidehi Vasavi. His fourth wife was Khemā, daughter of the king of Madra (Central Punjab).
Not content with these matrimonial alliances, Bimbisāra embarked upon his career of conquest and aggrandisement. His father was defeated by Brahmadatta, king of Anga. It was probably to avenge this defeat that Bimbisara led a compaign against Anga. He was completely successful and enlarged Magadha by conquering and annexing this powerful and prosperous kingdom. He appointed his son Kūņika as the Governor at Champa. According to Jaina legend, Pradyota of Avanti set out to attack Rājagriha even during the lifetime of Bimbisāra but he was foiled in his attempt by the cunning art of Prince Abhaya.1 Bimbisära is known to have friendly relations with Pradyota and with Pushkarasārin, king of Gandhara. When the king of Avanti was suffering from jaundice, he sent his own physician Jivaka.
According to Buddhist traditions, Bimbisāra lost his life at the hands of his son Ajātaśatru who was incited to the crime by Devadatta. But Jaina tradition is more charitable to Ajātaśatru. It does not represent him as a parricide. It relates that in his eagerness for the throne, he put his father in prison, but Bimbisāra took poison and killed himself.
Ajātaśatru added largely to the extent of the kingdom by his conquests. He started with a war against Kosala because Prasenajit revoked his gift of the Kāśī village after the death of the Kosalan princess. Ajātaśatru was defeated and had to surrender himself to Prasenjit along with his army. In the end, peace was concluded between the two by Prasenjit restoring to Ajataśatru his liberty, army, and the disputed village of Kasi and even giving his daughter Vajira in marriage to him.
205
The Jaina texts present Ajātaśatru as the conqueror of the powerful political confederacy which dominated Eastern India at that time and comprised thirtysix republican statesnine Mallaki, nine Lichhhavis, and eighteen Ganarajyas of Kašt and Kosala. The overthrow of this confederacy resulted from
ABORI. 1920-21. 3.
1.
2. Bhag. 300.

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Ajātaśatru's conquest of its most powerful member, the Lichchhavi republic, although the cause of the conflict between the two is differently stated in different texts.
(1) According to the Buddhists, a jewel mine was discovered at the foot of a hill at a port in the Gangā and it was agreed that Ajātaśatru and the Lichchhavís would have an equal share of the gems. The Lichchhavis violated this agreement and so brought on the conflict.
(2) According to the Jaina version, the bone of contention was the Magadha state elephant Sreyanāka and a huge necklace of eighteen strings of pearls which were given by Bimbisāra to his sons Halla and Vehalla. They carried off the elephant and the necklace to Vaiśāli and sought the protection of their grandfather, king Chețaka, against Ajātaśatru. Having failed to obtain them peacefully, Kūnika-Ajātaśatru declared war on Chețaka.?
(3) It is also stated that Pamāvatī incited her husband Ajātaśatru to this conflict.
. It was not easy to conquer the Lichchhavis who were then at the zenith of their power as the head of a vast confederacy. Their leader Chetaka actually mustered up the confederate powers, including the Gana-rājās (republican chicss) of Kāśı and Kosala and inspired them to fight.3 They all maintained their high traditions and were ready to stake everything for the success of the republic. Ajātasatru proved equal to his difficult task and took recourse to three mcans for the subjugation of the hostile state-machination, military strength, and strategy. He deputed his minister Vassakāra on the mission of sowing seeds of disunion among thc Lichchavis at Vaiśāli. Infected with jealousies and quarrels between the different classes, between the rich and the poor and the strong and the weak, the Lichchhavis became a changed, people, lacking the social unity of former days.
But Ajātasatru had to plan his military preparations for the conquest on a large scale. Rājagriha was too far inland 1. Uca, II, App. p. 7; B.C. LAT : Some Jaina Canonical Sūtras, (Niraga)
p. $7. 2. Arassaka, p. 684. 3. B.C. Law: SomJaina Canonical Sütras, (Niraya), p. 87.

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to serve as a base of operations against the distant Lichchhavis on the other side of the Ganga. Therefore he selected a convenient site directly on the Ganga for the construction of a fort and laid the foundation of Paṭaliputra, his new capital. He also made secret weapons of war which may be compared to modern tanks.
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The construction of the fort was followed by his expedition against Vaisali. The war between Ajātaśatru on the one hand and these various republics under the leadership of Chetana of Vaiśālī on the other was a long-drawn-out and arduous affair. It must have lasted for at least sixteen years. Ajätaśatru came out successful on account of his manifold and well-designed preparations.
These conquests of Ajätaśatru by which he became the paramount power of Eastern India provoked feelings of hostility in his equally ambitious rival king Chaṇḍa Pradyota of Avanti. He was planning an attack upon his capital at Rājagriha. Ajataśatru applied himself to the task of strengthening its fortifications. But the king of Avanti could do nothing against him. He thus extended the boundaries of his kingdom and laid the foundations of the Magadhan empire on solid grounds.
KURU
Kuru is identified with modern Kurukshetra or Thaneshwar. As is apparent from the Maha-sutasoma Jātaka,1 it was three hundred leagues in extent. The capital of the Kurus was Indraprastha near modern Delhi, which extended over seven leagues. Another important town was Hastinapura. Besides other small towns and villages known to us, were Thullakotthita, Kammāssadamma, Kandi, and Varaṇāvata.
The Jatakas mention the names of some Kuru kings and princes such as Dhanañjaya, Koravya, and Sutasoma, but we are not sure of their historicity in the absence of further evidence. The Jaina Uttaradhyayana Sutra mentions a king named Ishukāra ruling at a town, Ishukara, in the Kuru country. It seems that the Kuru realm was divided into small
1. Ja, No. 537.
2. Ja, Nos. 276, 413, 515 and 545.
2. SBE, XLV, 62.

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states of which Indraprastha and Ishukāra were apparently the most important. "Kings” are mentioned as late as the time of the Buddha when one of them paid a visit to Ratthapāla, son of a Kuru magnate, who had become a disciple of the Śākya Sage. PAÑCHĀLA
Pañchala roughly corresponds to the modern Badaun, Farrukhabad, and the adjoining districts of the Uttar Pradesh. In very early times, this country was divided into northern or Uttara-Pañchāla and southern or Dakshina-Pañchāla. The Northern Pañchāla had its capital at Ahichchhatra (identificd with modern Rāmnagar in the Bareilly district) while Southern Pañchāla had its capital at Kāmpilya. i.e. Kampil in the Farrukhābad District.
The history of Panchāla from the death of Pravāhaņa Jaivali to the time of Bimbisāra of Magadha is obscure. A great Panchāla king named Chulani Brahimadatta is mentioned in the saha-Ummagga Jātaka', the Uttarādhyayana Sūtra, the Swapnavāsavadatta, and the Rāmāyana.4 In the Uttarādhyajanasūtra, Brahmadatta is styled a universal monarch. The story of this king is, however, essentially legendary, and littlc rcliance can therefore be placed on it.
The Uttarādhyayana Sūtra mentions a king of Kāmpilya named Sañjaya who gave up his kingly power and adopted the faith of the Jinas.5 It is difficult to assign any definitc date to this ruler. It seems that in the sixth century B.C., the Panchālas like others established a Samgha form of Government of the Rāja-sabd-opajivin type and its lcaders assumed the titlc of Rājās. One of those Rājās was apparently the maternal grandfather of Viśākha Pañchālīputra, a disciplc of the Buddha.
1. Ja, No. 546 .. SBE, XLV, 57-61. 3. det v, 4. Romājara, I. 32. 5. SBE, XLV, 30-82. 6. DPP.X, II, 10S.

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MATSTA
The Matsya or Machchha country corresponds to the modern territories of Jaipur and Alwar. Its capital was Virāțanagara (modern Bairāt) named after its founder king Virāța. Upaplavya was another city of Matsya kingdom where the Pāņdavas transferred themselves from Virāța on the completion of the period of their exile. The Mahābhāratal refers to a king named Sahaja who reigned over the Chedis as well as Matsyas. The Matsyas had no political importance of their own during the time of Mahāvīra. In Pāli literature, the Matsyas as a people are usually associated with the Sūrasenas. ŚŪRASENA
Mathurā was the capital of Śūrasena which is identified with the region round Mathurā. In the Mahābhārata and the Purāņas, the ruling family of Mathurā is labelled as the Yadu or Yādava family. The Yādavas were divided into various branches, namely, the Vitihotras, Sātvatas, etc.
At the time of Lord Mahāvīra, Avantiputra was the ruling chief of Sūrasena country. It may be inferred from the epithet 'Avantiputra' that Avanti and Sūrasena were bound to each other by a matrimonial alliance. Avantiputra, king of the Śūrasenas, was the first among the chief disciples of the Buddha through whose help Buddhism gained ground in the Mathurā region. Mathurā was also a centre of considerable importance for the Jainas. It is said to have been visited by Mahāvira, Ajja Mangu, and Ajja Rakkhiya. SINDHU SAUVIRA
Sindhu Sauvira is the Lower Indus Valley, Sindhu being the name of the inland portion lying to the west of the Indus' while Sauvfra includes the littoral as well as the inland portion lying to the cast of the Indus as far as Jultan. Vrabhaya was the capital of this province.” Udayana was a very powersul monarch of Sindhu Sauvira. He was converted after he heard Xlahāvara's sermon at Villabhaya. In course of time, 1. Mbl, V. 74, 16; VI. 47, 07; 52. 9. 2. PHAI, pp. 507 and 019.

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he anointed Keśíkumāra, his sister's son, king over Sindhu Sauvīra and joined the order under Mahāvira.1 On the other hand, according to the Buddhists, Udrāyana, king of Roruka, accepted Buddhism and was ordained by the Buddha. AŚVAKA
The early Buddhist texts refer to Aśvaka as Mahājanapada the capital of which was Potana or Potali corresponding to Paudanya of the Mahabharata. This Ašvaka of Buddhist literature was a south Indian country and it was located either on the Godavari or comprised the region of Mahārāslitra.
The Kingdom of Aśvaka is believed to have been founded by Ikshvāku chiefs. The Mahāgovinda Suttanta mentions Brahmadatta, king of the Assakas, as a contemporary of Sattabhu, king of Kalinga, Vessabhu, king of Avanti, Bharata, king of Sauvira, Reņu, king of Videha, Dhatarattha, king of Anga, and Dhatarattha, king of Kāśī.2 The Chulla Kalinga Jataka mentions Aruņa, a king of Assaka, and his Minister Nandisena, and refers to a victory which they won over the king of Kalinga. We are not definite about the historicity of these early rulers. In the sixth century B.C. at the time of Lord Mahāvīra, the ruler of Assaka was a king whose son was prince Sujāta. AVANTI
The kingdom of Avanti seems to have comprised roughly modern Malwa, Nimar, and the adjoining parts of Madhya Pradesh. It was named after Avantis, one of the branches of Haihayas. It seems that when the Vitihotras and Avantis passed away, the country of Avanti was divided into two kingdoms, one placed in the Dakshiņāpatha having Māhishmatí for its capital, and the other, i.e. the northern kingdom, having its capital at Ujjayinī. The southern kingdom, with its capital Māhishmati, was ruled by Viśvabhū, one of the seven contemporary kings of the line of Bharata.3 At Ujjain, 1. Bhag, 13. 6. 2. Dia, Part II, p. 270. 3 Digha. II, 30. The Alahogorinda Suttanta also rcfers to this rulcr. See,
PHAI, P. 143.

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a Minister named Pulika (Puņika) is said to have killed his master and appointed his own son, Pradyota, the ruler in the very sight of the Kshatriyas.1 Pradyota was thus Puņika's son, and with him commenced the Pradyota dynasty.
Pradyota was one of the most powerful monarchs of North India in the days of Lord Mahāvīra, and during that period Avanti rose to a high position. It was no less than Magadha in strength and position. According to the Buddhist text Mahavagga,2 Pradyota was a great soldier; and, according to the Puranas, he reduced many of his contemporary rulers to subjection. The Purānas do not give us a detailed list, but those subjugated may have been among the rulers of ShoḍaśaMahajanapadas.
211
The relations of Pradyota with Bimbisāra of Magadha were cordial. Bimbisara sent his famous physician Jivaka to cure Pradyota when he fell ill. On the other hand, the Jaina legends mention that Pradyota went forth to attack Rājagriha, even during the lifetime of Bimbisāra, but the attempt was foiled by the cunning prince Abhaya. It is however definite that Pradyota's relations with Bimbisara's son, Ajātaśatru became strained. Ajätaśatru adopted an aggressive policy of attacking and conquering Vaisali. Being an ambitious ruler himself, Pradyota could not tolerate the aggression launched upon him by Ajataśatru. Both of them wanted to establish their supremacy in northern India. Pradyota was planning an attack upon his rival's capital at Rajagṛiha. Apprehending this invasion by Pradyota, Ajātaśatru fortified his capital.
Pradyota wanted to consolidate and extend his kingdom. In his neighbourhood, there was the powerful kingdom of Kausambi ruled by his rival Udayana Vatsarāja of the celebrated Bharata family. Pradyota seems to have engaged in war with Udayana but later on amity between them was
1. Matsya, p. 272, I, V. 37. 303.
2. SBE, XVII, p. 187.
3. ABORI, 1920-21; DPPN, I, 128.
4
CHI, I, p. 311.
5. RBI, pp. 4-7.

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restored. Pradyota gave his daughter Vasavadatta in marriage to Udayana.
Pradyota engaged in hostilities with Pushkarasarin of Taxila but he was unsuccessful in his war.1 Pradyota seems to have established close relations with the Śūrasenas of Mathura. The king at this time was known as Avantiputra, a name signifying the existence of some relationship between Pradyota and the ruler of Śūrasenas. The Lalitavistara2 gives the personal name of the king of Mathura as Subāhu.
Pradyota is said to have ruled for twenty-three years. That he was cruel is evident from the sobriquet Chanda and from the fact that he hardly ever followed a good policy. His younger brother, Kumārasena, was killed when he tried to put a stop to the practice of selling human flesh in the Mahakāla temple.3
GANDHĀRA
Gandhara comprised the region of the modern districts of Peshawar and Rawalpindi. Its capital was Takshaśilā. It was an ancient seat of learning where people from different provinces came for learning. It was also a great centre of trade and its distance from Banaras was 2,000 leagues.4
The Purānas represent the Gandhara princes as descendants of Druhyu.5 Jaina writers inform us that one of the early kings, Nagnajit, who is reported to have been a contemporary of Nimi, king of Videha, and other rulers, adopted the faith of the Jainas. As Pārśva (777 B.C.) was probably the first historical Jain, Nagnajit, if he really became a convert to his doctrines, must be placed between 777 B.C. and 544 B.C., the date of Pushkarasarin, the Gandharian contemporary of
6
Bimbisāra. •
In the time of Lord Mahavira, the throne of Gandhara was occupied by Pushkarasarin. He is said to have sent an
1. RBI, p. 15.
2, Ed. by RAJENDRA LAL MITRA, p. 24.
3. PRADHAN: Chronology of Ancient India. pp. 72, 335, 4. Ja, No. 408; Telepatta Ja, No. 26; Susima Ja, No. 163. 5. Matsya, 45.6; l'oyu, 99. 9.
6. SBE, XLV; 87.

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embassy and a letter to king Bimbisāra of Magadha, and waged war on Pradyota of Avanti who was defeated. He is also said to have been threatened in his own kingdom by the Pāndavas who occupied a part of the Punjab. In the latter half of the sixth century B.G., Gandhāra was conquered by the king of Persia. In the Bahistan inscription of Darius, Cir. 520-518. B.C., the Gandhārians (Gadara) appear among the subject people of the Achamenidan or Achaemenian Empire. KAMBOTA
Kāmboja, which is included in the Uttarāpatha is generally associated with Gandhāra in ancient literature. The Kāmbojas occupied roughly the province surrounding Rajaori or ancient Rājapura, including the Hazara district of the North-West Frontier Province and probably extending as far as Kafiristan. Dvārakā, mentioned by T.W. RHYS DAVIDS as the capital in the early Buddhist period, was not really situated in this country, though it was connected with it by a road. Their capital seems to have been Rājapura, while Nandi Magura was another important city.
Though the Vedic texts do not mention any king of Kāmboja, they do refer to a teacher named Aupamanyava who was probably connected with this territory.3 The Mahabharata* mentions their kings Chandravarman and Sudakshina, but we are not definite about them. In latter times, the monarchy gave place to the Samgha form of goveriment, SMALL REPUBLICS IN THE AGE OF LORD MAHĀVIRA
Besides these sixteen big states in the time of Lord Mahāvīra, there were also small republics ruled by autonomous or semi-independent clans such as the Sākyas of Kapila. vastu, the Koliyas of Devadaha and Rāmagāma, the Bhaggas (Bhargas) of Sursumāra Hill, the Bulis of Allakappa, the Kālamas of Kesaputta and the foriyas of Pipphalivana.
The Sākja state was bounded on the north by thc Himalayas, on the cast by the river Rohini, and on the west and on the 1. RBI, p. 28; DPPN, II, 215; Essay on Gunidhya, p. 176. 2. DPPN, 1.536. 3. Vcdic Index, 1. 197, 135. 4. 17hh. 1. 67. 32; II 4.22; 1', 165, 1-3; VII. 90-95, c!c.

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south by the Rāpti. Their capital was Kapilavastu, represented most probably by the ruins of Tilaura Kot near Lumbinivana now identified with Rummindei in Nepal.Tarai. Another town was Devadaha which they appear to have shared with their eastern neighbours, the Koliyas. They acknowledged the suzerainty of the king of Kośala.
The Koliyas of Rāmagrāma were the eastern neighbours of the Sākyas on the side of the river Rohini which helped to irrigate the fields of both the clans. A. CUNNINGHAM places the Koliya country between the Kohāna and Aumi (Anomā) rivers. The Anomā seems to have formed the dividing linc between the Koliyas on the one hand and the Mallas and Moriyas on the other.
The Bhaggas (Bhargas) are known to the Aitareya Brahmaņal and the Ashțādhyāyī of Pāṇini”. In the latter half of the sixth century B.C., the Bhagga state was dependent on the Vatsa kingdom-a fact evident from the preface to the Dhonasākha Jātaka in which we are told that prince Bodhi, the son of Udayana, king of the Vatsas, dwelt in Sussumāragiri of Bhagga State and built a palace called Kokanada.
About the Bulis and the Kālāmas, we possess little information. The Dhammapada commentary refers to the Buli territory as the kingdom of Allakappa and says that it was only ten leagues in extent. Allakappa was perhaps not far away from Vethadipa, the home of a famous Brāhmaṇa in the early days of Buddhism who set up a cairn over the remains of the Buddha in his native land.
The Kālāmas were the clan of the philosopher Alära, a teacher of Gautama, before he attained Sambodhi. Thcy scem to have acknowledged the suzerainty of the ling of Kośala because their town, Kesaputta, was annexed by this state in the sixth century B.C.
Thc Moriyas (Mauryas) were the same clan which gave Magadha its greatest dynasty. They are sometimes spoken of as Sākyan in origin, but the cvidence is late. The name is derived, according to onc tradition, from Mora (Mayūra)
1. Ail. Br, VIII. 23. 2. P2, ix, i, iii, 177.

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215
or peacock. Pippahalivana, the Moriya capital is identical with the Nyagrodhavana or Banyan Grove mentioned by Hiuen Tsang.
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS The age of Lord Mahāvīra witnessed a number of important changes in the political sphere. The tribal stage of society gradually disappeared, giving place to organized states. Magadha, Vatsa, Kośala and Avanti became very powerful. The position and functions of the king gained in importance. The Samiti of the Vedic period was replaced by the Council of Ministers. The income of the states considerably increased on account of the induction of new resources. The government machinery became complicated and new officers were appointed to meet the new requirements.
We may divide the states of this period into two groups, monarchical and non-monarchical. We shall first discuss the government machinery of the monarchical states. MONARCHICAL GOVERNMENT King and Kingship
In ancient India, a king was absolutely necessary and was considered an essential factor for the well-being of the people. He was regarded as the head of men.2 Generally, the rulers of these monarchical states belonged to thc Kshatriya caste. Though an absolute despot, the king was to follow the ten prescribed traditional duties of the king (dasarājadhamme) : giving alms, a moral course of life, sacrifice, truthfulness, mildness, self-denial, forgiveness, not to cause any pain to anybody, patience, and a yielding disposition. These are but prescriptions of the general Buddhistic morality applicable to all lay disciples.
According to the Ovaijā, king Künika- jätasatru had all the qualifications of the royalty; he was honoured by the people, he belonged to a purc Kshatriya family, was duly consecrated on the thironc, and was compassionare. He was a warden of the marchers, an upholder of peace, and a proiccior of the janapada. He was the inasier of palaces, hed. 1. Rāji muhan marussaran, S:..Vi, p. 107; Mi, V1, 35. S. . FSONB, p. ico.

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rooms, seats, carriages and vehicles in large quantity. His treasury was full of gold and silver, and his people had ample food. He was the master of the slaves of both sexes, of cow's, buffaloes, oxen, and sheep. His treasury, granaries, and armouries were brimming to the full.
Very often we see in kings an unrestrained tyrant guided by his own whims and caprices, who oppresses and puts down his subjects by punishments, taxes, torture, and robbery. He suffers from many vices such as drunkenness, cruelty, corruptibility, untruthfulness, and unrighteousness. 4.
There are instances of tyrannical rulers being removed from the throne or killed by the people. In the Padakusalamāņava Jataka,5 there is probably a trace of authentic history; in spite of its legendary garb, it may have preserved the memory of actual facts. It is narrated how a young Brāhmaṇa, after discovering by magic the treasures stolen and concealed by the king and his purohita, calls the king a thief in the presence of the assembled people who resolve to kill the bad king so that he may not plunder them any more. Another example of such a violent removal of the unrighteous king is found in the Sachchamkira Jataka. Here also the king is driven out of the town by the enraged Khattiyas, Brāhmaṇas, and other citizens, and in his place, a Brāhmaṇa is installed king.
Pālaka, the ruler of Avanti, was reputed to have been a tyrant. The populace headed by the President of the guild merchants of the capital deposed him, and, having brought out Gopāla from the prison, put him on the throne."
Those were the times when wars and quarrels among these states were very frcquent as were internal rebellions too. Under such circumstances, the first and foremost duty of the king was the protection of the subjects against internal and 1. Ora, 6. 2. Khantitādi Já, II, 3919. 3. Bharu Jā, II, 169. 4. Cheliya Ja, III, 454. 5. Ja, III, 501. fi. Ja, I, 326. 7. JBORS, Vol 1 Pt. I, 315.

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external enemies. The people on their part bore the cost of administration of the state, the army, and the court by paying taxes. Gradually, with the growth of civilization, there came other interests as well into the foreground like the king's own cares : the land was made fertile, cities were built, and trade and commerce were encouraged.
According to the Jātakas, kingship was generally hereditary and when there were several sons, it was the eldest who succeeded his father to the throne, while the second son became the viceroy (Uparājan). As a rule, only the sons of the eldest queen (aggamahisi) who must be of the same caste as the king himself and thus a Khattiya, were deemed legitimate. If the king was without a male heir and if he had a daughter, his son in-law became heir to the throne. If there was neither a male heir nor a kinsman who could succeed to the throne, the successor was chosen by the ministers. The Jaina texts mention two types of kings, viz., Sāvekkha and niravekkha.
The former established the crown-prince on the throne within his life-time thus avoiding civil wars and other calamities. In the latter type, however, the crown-prince succeeded after the death of the king. The question of succession to the throne was sometimes complicated by the ambitions and jealousies of the princes. The prince Kūņiya-Ajātaśatru of Rājagriha succeeded to the throne after putting his father Śreņika-Bimbisāra into prison.
The ceremony, which accompanied the accession to the throne was, according to the Jātakas, the same as that which we know from the Vedas and the epics. The priest or the Purohita consecrated the king and sprinkled water upon him. Originally its significance may have been only a religious onc, as symbolizing an act by which the blessings of the gods were showered or, more correctly expressed, invoked by magic, upon the king. It signified a certain dependence of the king upon the pricst consecrating him.
The king lived with his court in a fortificd town. The Panchaguru Jūlaka“ describes the royal entry of a princc how
1. Tn. Bhâ, 2, 327, .. Ja, I, 470.

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he went to the spacious hall of the palace and took his seat in godly pomp upon a throne studded with precious stones, over which a white umbrella was spread; surrounding him, there stood, bejewelled with all their ornaments, the ministers, the Bāhamanas, the Gahapatis etc., and the princesses, while sixteen thousand dancing girls 'skilled in dancing, singing, and music, sang and played.
The Jaina canonst give exaggerated account of the royal palaces. They are described as seven-storeyed, adorned with towers and pinnacles and supported by many columns. They are described as lofty, touching the sky and decorated with flags, banners, umbrellas, and garlands. They had domes and their floors were richly studded with various gems and jewels. The harem, (anteura), which was a part of the royal pomp, played an important role in the inner and outer politics of the country. The kings were fond of enriching their harem with beautiful women and girls without any distinction of caste. The harem was a great source of danger to the king and was, therefore, carefully guarded by eunuchs and old men. Besides, the Jaina texts mention the type of guards who should keep watch over the inmates of harem. OTHER MEMBERS OF THE ROYAL FAMILY
The handing over the Viceroyalty (Uparāja) to the king's eldest son generally took place after the completion of his studies.3 If he was still minor, the eldest among the younger brothers of the king would go to Uparāja. On ceremonial occasions, the Uparāja sat behind the king on the back of an elephant,5 a seat which was otherwise occupied by the Purohita. In the evening, the Viceroy would do the king's work. Wc read repeatedly of the king's fears that the Uparājan-might onc day become very powerful and dominate him and of disciplinary measures taken by him to guard against such an cvcntuality. When Śreņika annexed Anga to his kingdom of Magadha, hc posted his son Kūņika as Viceroy. The heir apparent thus 1. Naya, I. p 22; Ullarů. Tí, 13, p. 180. 2. Naya, 16, p. 185. 3. J2, 1, 259, III, 123-107. 4. Ja, I, 133; II. 367. 3. Jü, 11, 374.

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got an opportunity of having considerable administrative experience before succeeding to the throne.
In addition to the Uparājan (Viceroy) there was the Senāpati, a kinsman of the king. From the Devadhamma Jataka, we learn that the king gave his younger brother the office of Uparāja and his step-brother that of Senāpati." MINISTRY
The Council of the Ratnins disappeared and its place was taken by the council of Ministers variously described as Mantrins, Sachivas and Amātyas. The number of Ministers usually depended upon the size of the state but the Ministry usually consisted of five members only. Among the Ministers of the king, Rajjugāhaka amachha (Surveyor) occupied an important position. The Atthadhammānusāsaka amāchchha guided the king in worldly and spiritual matters. Thc Senāpati was the Minister of War. The vinichchāyanachchha (Minister of Justice) not only gave judicial decisions but also adviscd on matters of law and morality.
The influence of Ministers upon the course of internal and external politics depended upon the ability of the ruler. When there was a weak ruler, these Ministers had a dominating voice. The decision regarding the successor was often left to the Ministers. Indeed, allusions to the actual cxercise of sovercign powers by the Ministers are also found. In the Ghała Jataka, for instance, the king sick of worldly life hands over the reins of government to his Ministers.
When there was a powerful and self-willed ruler like Bimbisāra upon the throne of Magadha, some Ministers were dismissed for giving bad advice, others were degraded for inefficiency, while a few were promoted for the wisc counsel they gave.3 Vassakāra and Sunidha were the Jlinisters of Ajātaśatru ;t his contemporary in Košala, king Prasenajit, relied upon the advice of his Ministers, Jrigadhara and Srfyridha, in carrying out important schemes. 1. FSONB, p. 133. 29. Jā, Ill. 170. 3. Chti, 1, 1. 4. Dir, IJ, p. 75. 5. Ura, II, Appendix, P, 5G.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times OFFICERS OF THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT
The Secretariat might have gradually evolved in the post-Vedic period. The art of writing was.coming into more extensive use; kingdoms were developing into empires, and functions of government were becoming more numerous. It may safely be presumed that some kind of Central Secretariat must have existed in the courts of historical emperors like Bimbisāra and Ajātaśatru.
The important officials at headquarters were called Mahāmātras and were divided into three classes, viz., (1) the Executive (Sabbätthaka), administering all affairs and interests ; (2) the Judicial (Vohārika); and (3) the Military (Senänāyaka). In addition to these, there were other officers too as is evident from the Jätakas.
Purohita : The family priest of the king, the Purohila, occupied an extremely peculiar position in the court. For the performance of sacrifices and magical chantings, the king nccded a Purohita. The sacrifice was meant to protect the king from imminent misfortune and to help him in acquiring a city which was difficult to conquer. He not only guarded the king's trcasures--this was part of his duties but also acted as a judi. cial officer.
There were officers who increased the wealth of the king. Rajjugahaka? was the officer of survey. Donamāpaka” was one who mcasured with a dry measure. Balipaliggāhakas, Niggūlakas, and Balisādhakas were the tax-collectors who sometimes plundered and oppressed the pcople by lcvying heavy taxes.3 Rājabhoggas: werc Royal officers appointed and paid by the king whosc orders thcy had all to obey.
Sürathis was the king's charioteer. The Keeper of the king's purse was known as Heraññika and thc superintendent
1. Ja. IV, 179. 2. Ibid. II, 378. 3. FSOXB, p. 120. f. Räjcbhogza is explained in the Sultacibhanga, Nissaggisa 102.1 (l'inaja
Pijata ed. Oldenberg, Vol. 3, p. 222.) 3. ju, 11. 377. 6. Ibid., III. 193.

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of the king's storehouse as Bhandāgārika.1 Dovārika’ had for his duty the closing of the gate of the city at night, while Nagaraguttika: was charged with the duty of arresting and executing the robbers of the city. Choraghātakat occupied the public office of the executioner of thieves. PROVINCIAL AND VILLAGE ADMINISTRATION
In provincial administration, a considerable degree of autonomy was allowed. We hear not only of a sub-king at Champā, but of Mandalika rājāss corresponding perhaps to the Earls and Counts of medieval European polity. In the small towns and villages, the king's power must have been represented by his officers.
The superintendent of the village, the Gānabhojaka, held a position of power and honour. He collected the taxes of the village and exercised judicial powers in the village, insofar as he settled quarrels and made the guilty to pay a fine. He issued prohibitory orders against the slaughter of animals and against the sale of intoxicating liquors.
While according to the Jātakas the villages transacted their business themselves? evidence corroborating the existence of any regular Council or Standing Commitee is not found in these works. Initiative was usually left with the headman, but if he acted unreasonably or against the established customs of the locality or realm, the village elders could set the matter right by pointing out his mistake.8
With the growth of the royal power, self-government was incrcasingly and proportionately reduced. In the lagadha kingdom, thc Gāmabhojaka (village Superintendent) remained under the personal supervision of the king, as it is clear from a passage of the Vinaja Pitaka.? To the king Bimbisāra, the 1. Jā, IV. 43. 2. Ibid, II, 379. 3. Ibid, III. 59. 4. Ibid, IV. 41; 111, 179. 5. DPPN, II, SOS. 0. Ja, I, 354; 1. 453; and IV. 115. 7. Kusala ja. S. Pániya fa. 9. Mi, V, 1.

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overlordship of 80,000 villages was apportioned ; he collected together the chiefs (Gamikas) of these villages and gave them instructions in worldly things. . JUDICIAL ADMİNISTRATION.
In times of peace, the principal work of the king was to attend to the administration of justice. In the Rājovāda Jātaka, it is said of the king that he gave decisions in law-suits. The final decision in law-courts as well as the final word regarding the punishment for breaking the law remained with him. The legal life of the smaller towns and villages passed very much out of the direct sphere of action of the king and remained a matter for his representatives as long as no appeal was made against the judgments of these to the king as a higher authority.
The Ministers, especially the Vinichchayāmachcha, and also the Purohita and the Senapati, both took part in the administration of justice, advised the king and, in some cases, had some influence upon his judgments. Vinichchayāmachcha was the Minister of justice. His judgment was final in the case of aquittal; in other cases, the matter was referred to the Vohārikas. He not only gave judicial decisions, but also advised on matters of law and morality. The Grāmabhojaka also exercised judicial powers in the village. The penal code in the reign of Bimbisāra included as punishments imprisonment in jails (Kāra), mutilation of limbs, and the like.3 MILITARY ORGANIZATION
As wars and frontier troubles were very common in those days, the state had necessarily to keep and maintain a wellcquipped and organized military force always at its command. The army consisted of four branches, namely, chariots (raha) clephants (gaja), cavalry (haza), and infantry (pāyatta).
1. Ja, 11. . 2. l'ohuritas-SX.Vyacahārikas are not found in the Jatakas. In Mv, 1.40,3
and in the Chy, VI, 4.9, they have been mentioned. They were judicial
officers, 3. l'inara, VII, 3, 5.

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A chariot was a very important means of conveyance in olden days. Excellent horses were yoked to it and it was provided with an accomplished charioteer. The king's chariots bore special names. For instance, the chariot of Pajjoya (Pradyota) was called Aggibhiru (fire proof) and was considered to be one of the four jewels.?
The elephant played an important part in the army as well as on certain royal occasions. The kings were very fond of elephants, and the state-elephants bore special names. We hear of the elephant Sechanāga over which a great battle was fought between Kūņika-Ajātaśatru and Halla and Vehalla. The Bhagavati3 refers to two other elephants of Kūņika, viz., Udāyin and Bhūtānanda. Nalagiri, another elephant which belonged to Pajjoya, was considered one of his four precious possessions. Bhadravatı belonged to Udayana who successfully carried off Vāsavadattā on its back from Ujjayini to Kośāmbi.5 King Udayana was an adept in the art of winning over elephants by music.c
While the third constituent of the army was the cavalry, the foot-soldier formed its main portion. The whole army was under the control of the Senapati whose duty was to enforce discipline among the soldiers.
Realizing the terrible loss of both men and money, people tried to avoid wars in general. They first tried the four diplomatic means, viz., Sama, dāna, danda, and bheda, failing which they had to declare war. Before the two parties actually entered into war, a Dūta or a courtier, who convcyed the royal proclamation to the opposite party, was deputed with the message. We learn that before entering into war with Chcdaga, Kūņiya sent his Dūta to his opponent thrice, finally giving him orders to place his left foot on the foot-stool of the cncmy (in a spirit of defiance) and deliver him the letter keeping it on
1. Ara, chi, II, p. 160. 2. Ara chil, II, p. 1707. 3. Bhag, 7.9. 4. dra. chi. II, p. 160.
Ava. chu, II, pp. 161 f. 6. Ibid, II, p. 161.

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the edge of the spear.1
The art of warfare together with its various tactics, stratagems, and practices, was well known in those days. Jaina texts give some interesting details of the military operations of the Magadhan forces. The sagadavūha (waggon array) and garudavūha (eagle array) are mentioned in Niryāvalirão.The army of Chedaga formed the former while that of Kūņika the latter. Kūņika for the first time made use of two secret weapons of war. The first, the Mahāśilakanțaka, was a kind of catapult hurling heavy pieces of stone. The other was the Rathamussala, a chariot which created havoc by wheeling about and hurling destruction by its attached rods.3
Siege-warfare, which was the usual mode of fighting, sometimes continued for a considerable time. Kūnika is said to have besieged the city of Vaiśāli for a long period. It was for this reason that the cities of those days were strongly fortified. Since Rājagriha was too far inland and remote to serve as an efficient base of operations, Kūņika had to construct a new base, a fort at a convenient site on the river Gangā, and thus was laid the foundation of the new capital, Pataliputra. It was constructed under the supervision of his chief ministers, Sunsdha and Vassakära.
Strategy and diplomacy played an important part in this type of warfare. Manoeuvres and novel tactics were adopted to compel the other party to surrender. We are told as to how Abhayakumāra, by a clever subterfuge which consisted in burying counterfeit coins in the enemy's camp, crcated suspicion in the mind of Pajjoya about the fidelity of his soldicrs and thus foiled his attack on Rāyagiha.5 A regular system of espionage was another feature of sicgc-warfarc. Spics were regularly employed to watch, over the activities of thc cnemy. Künika deputed his Minister Vassakāra on the nefarious mission of sowing seeds of disunion among the Lichchhavis at Vaicālr. 1. Virya, 1. 2. Ibid, I, p.. 3. Urd, II, App. pp. 39, 6); Bhag, 299 ff. 4. Asc. Chi, II, p. 173. 3. Ibid, p. 159.

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225 TAXATION
About the system of taxation during this period, we possess little information. Jatakas may be presumed to give us a glimpse of this age, but the information they give is mcagre. They tell us how good kings levied only legal taxes and how the bad ones so oppressed the subjects by illegal impositions that they would often flee to forests to escape from tax-collectors. 1
Besides the taxes, there were certain privileges of the king which he could use for filling up his treasury. The unclaimed property belonged to the king. If anybody died without heirs, his succession would devolve upon the king. Sometimes the entire worldly possession of a person who renounced the world went to the ruling chief.3 CONSTITUTION AND ADMINISTRATIVE MACHINERY OF THE REPUBLICS
Along with the monarchical states, there existed some republican states too in the time of Lord Mahāvīra. The terms Gaņa and Sangha have been used for these republican states as distinguished from the monarchical ones. A Jaina work warns a monk that he should avoid visiting a country which has no king, or has a crown prince as its ruler or two kings fighting with cach other or is governed by the Gana form of government. This passage denotes a dcfinite form of government in which the power was vested not in one person but in a Gana or group of people. These ancient republican states do not satisfy the modern definition of 'republic' in which the power is vested in the whole body of citizens. There werc republican states like Sparta, Athens, Rome, and Iscdicval Venice where sovereignty was not vested in one individual, but sometimes cither in a small number of persons or in a fairly numerous class.
There is paucity of evidence regarding the constitution and administrativc machinery of these ancient Indian rcpub. 1. Sec Já, IV. p. 300; V, pp. 95-9; 101; 11, p. 17. 2. Jā, III, 299. 3. Ibid, IV, 455. 4. Ācha, 1, 3. 100.

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lics. The early authentic literary works make only general statements about these republics, while the detailed information given by the Jātakas is also undependable unless confirmed by some other evidence. These ancient Indian republics possessed certain common features, though they reveal at the same time certain significant differences which were due to their needs and temperaments.
226
DIRECTIVE PRINCIPLES OF STATE POLICY
When Varshākāra, the chancellor of the king of Magadha, wanted to know the opinion of the Buddha on behalf of his master, as to the advisability of invading the Vajjis-the Lichchhavis and the Videhas-the Buddha indicated to Ananda their seven points of excellence. These may be regarded as the directive principles of state policy. It is not improbable that similar directive principles might have been followed by other contemporary republic states. These principles are as follows:1
1. The Vajjians hold full and frequent public Asscmblies;
2. They meet together in concord and rise in concord and carry out Vajjian business in concord;
3. They enact nothing not already established, abrogate nothing that has been already enacted, and act in accordance with ancient institutions of the Vajjians as established in former days;
4. They honour and esteem and revere and support the Vajjian elders, and regard it as a point of duty to hearken to their words;
5. No women or girls belonging to their clans were detained among them by force or abduction;
6. They honour and esteem and revere and support the Vajjian shrines (chaityas) in town or country, and do not allow the proper offerings and rites, as formerly given and performed, to fall into desuctude;
and
1. Mehpariibbana-Suta, For Eng. tr. See SBE, 11, pp. 3-4 and Dia, 11, Pp. 70-50.

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227 7. Rightful protection, defence, and support is fully
provided for the Arhants among them, so that they may enter the realm from distant lands, and may
live therein at ease. CITIZENSHIP
It seems that the right of citizenship was not granted to the whole population but was confined to the aristocratic Kshatriyas who had a voice in the administration of their respective countries. The artisans, farmers, servants and serfs had no such privileged position. When a quarrel arose beween the farmers and servants of the Koliyas and the Sākyas about the distribution of the water of Rohiņi, they reported it to the officer of their own state, who in turn apprised their Rājās of it. It is the latter who decided to go on war with the enemy state. This incident therefore shows that the commoners did not have much influence on the momentous decisions taken by the central government on important topics, such as peace and war, that affected the whole population.
Although there was a privileged system of citizenship, outsiders were eligible to it if they settled in the realm permanently, Khanda, who was a refugee of Vidcha country, settled in Vaiśāli and rose to the post of Senāpati and Ganapramukha. Thus, once a person acquired citizenship, he was offered all opportunities to show his abilities in the political life of the country. THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
There werc scparate Supreme Assemblies in cach rcpublic state. The Assembly of the Sākyas seems to have been composed of 500 members. A few details of the Supreme Assembly of the Lichchlaris of Vaiśāli are preserved in the Jätako storics. The Ekapanna Jataka' speaks about the nunber of members of this Assembly. The Challalaliiga Jaicka informis us that these members were given the right of argument and disputation. Further, the Bhadasala Jūtoka: refers to the land: 1. IHQ, XXIII, p 59. 2. Jā. No 149. 3. Ibid, III, Xo. 301, p. 1. 4. Ibid. IV', p. 148.

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in the Vaiśālī city from where the families of the kings drew water for ceremonial sprinkling.
K. P. JAYASWAL1 interprets the passage of Ekapanna Jātaka in this way: "The rule vested in the inhabitants, 7707 in number, all of whom were entitled to rule. They became Presidents, Vice-Presidents, Commanders-in-chief and Chancellors of Exchequer." What the Jataka means to say is that 7707 of the inhabitants, probably the foundation families, were the ruling class, that it is they who became the executive office holders. The natural meaning and interpretation of the Jataka text would make it mean that 7707 Rājans lived at Vaiśāli and that the number of Uparajans, Senapatis, and Bhanḍāgārikas was the same in each case. As regards K.P. JAYASWAL's view that the Rajan, the Uparajan, the Senāpati and the Bhaṇḍagarika constituted the Cabinet of the executive authority, it seems to be a mere hypothesis unsupported by facts. So far as the monarchical state is concerned, the Jataka evidence conclusively proves that the Rājan, the Uparajan, etc. formed successive grades in the official hierarchy instead of forming a co-ordinate body.
228
R.C. MAJUMDAR2 thinks that while the number 7707 may be dismissed as a purely conventional one, it may be accepted that the Supreme Assembly of the state consisted of a pretty number of members and must as such be held to be a popular one. Again, he says that the reference to the like number of Viceroys, Generals, and Treasurers would imply that cach member of the Supreme Assembly possessed a full suite of officers requisite for the administration of a state. In other words, the whole state consisted of a number of administrative units, cach of which was a state in miniature by itself and possessed a complete administrative machinery. The business of the state as a whole was carried on by an Assembly consisting of the heads of these states who were in their turn attended by their principal officers. R. C. MAJUMDAR concludes with the observation that those who are familiar with the Cleisthenian Constitution of the city state of Athens cannot fail to find its prototype in the city of Vaišali.
1. Hindu Polity, p. 43.
2. Corporate Life in Ancient India, pp. 92-04.

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229 D.R. BHANDARKARI makes the Lichchhavi state a federation of small principalities. He writes, "The number of the kings constituting the Lichchhavi Gana was pretty large. It again seems that each Lichchhavi king had his separate principality where he exercised supreme power in certain respects. Nevertheless, the Gana as a whole had power to kill, burn or exile a man from their kingdom which meant to aggregate of principalities of the different kings." Again he says, "The Lichchhavi Gana was a Federation of the chiefs of the different clans of a tribe who were also each the ruler of a small principality. Each confederate principality maintained its separate autonomy in regard to certain matters and allowed the Sangha to exercise supreme and independent control in respect of others affecting the kingdom." D.R. BHANDARKAR concludes by suggesting some points of resemblance betwecn the constitution of the Lichchhavi Sangha and the confederation of the German States called the German empire.
A.S. ALTEKAR has tried to justify the famous Jataka statement that there were 7707 kings and an equal number of Upa-rājās, Senapatis and Bhandāgarikas in the Vaišāli Statc. When the Aryans came and occupied this territory, it seems to have been divided into about 7707 Kshatriya families, who were something like so many Zamindar families of the state. They were all Kshatriyas and were known as Rājans. The heads of these families lived in the capital while their managers stayed in the countryside and were known as their treasurers. If the Kshatriya householders were known as Rājans, their sons were naturally called Uparājans or Prvarājas. When they werc unable to lead their army thiemselves, thcy used to nominate a Senāpati or Gencral to act for them.
U.N. GHOSIAL points out that the statements in the Jātaka text belong to a late chronological stratuin, while all rcferences in older and more authentic canonical tradition describe the Lichchhavi constitution in very gencral terms simply as Sarigha or Gama. There are therefore grave reasons for doubling the genuineness of thic later account. 1. CL, 1918, pp. 155-150. .. State and Government in Ancient India, p. 115; Homage, p. 0%. 3. IHQ.XX, 334 ; XXI, 1 ff.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times · The number of Vaiśālī nobles exercising sovereign power
is 7707, not a round number. It means that there were nobles enjoying privileges who lived outside Vaiśāls. There is no mention of priests, traders and farmers. How, then, could they form a popular body ?
The reference to as many Rājans, Uparājans, etc. is not corroborated by any other text. To base a definite conclusion on the authority of a single belated and uncorroborated text seems to be opposed to all canons of history. It is, however, hard to understand how a cumbrous constitution of the kind sought to be found in the Jataka text which puts a premium upon disruptive tendencies, could work in actual practice.
The analogy of the Cleisthenian constitution seems to be hardly convincing. The ten Cleisthenian tribes consisting of the inhabitants of different demes were groups of citizens scattered over the whole of Attica, and their function was to elect five hundred members. On the other hand, according to the interpretation suggested above, the Lichchhavi Rājans with their staff of Uparājans, etc. would also be resident at the capital, each forming a state in miniature..
Equally unwarranted is the analogy of the constitution of the late German empire. In this constitution, the emperor was the head of the army and controlled a considerable portion of the imperial finance. Among the Lichchhavis on the other hand, the constituent provinces had their separate armies and treasuries while there was no single ruler in charge of the federal army and finance. Again, the German princes, unlike the Lichchhavi princes, ruled their states from their respective capitals.
R. C. MAJUMDAR' has published an article in support of his earlier views and has thrown some new light on the constitution of the Lichchhavis. His observations are as follows :
The analogy of the Lichchhavi Constitution with the Cleisthenian constitution of Athens is not unfounded. The main object of the Cleisthenian constitution was the substitution of the deme for the clan. The transition from the principle of kinship to that of locality was also achieved by Athens.
1. IHQ, XXVII, p. 327 ff.

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The recently discovered Vinaya text of the Mülasarvāstivādas sheds some interesting light on the constitution of the Lichchhavis which we do not find in Pali texts. According to it, Vaiśāli was divided at this time into three quarters inhabited by the high, the middle, and the low classes. The Vinaya text does not favour the view that the Supreme Assembly of the state consisted merely of the Lichchhavi nobles. For we find even new comers to Vaiśāli not only admitted into the assembly but also elected to the highest post. It also demonstrates the popular character of the Assembly, It contains strong sentiments against hereditary privileges and enunciates the principle of free election by the Gana to all important posts, including that of the Commander-in-chief which seems to have been the highest in the state.
Membership of the Assemblies depended upon wliether the aspirant belonged to the privileged order or he did not. There was no electoral roll giving a list of qualified voters; nor were there any periodical elections. Had any such existed, they would have been referred to in the literature bearing upon the science of polity.
The place where the General Assembly met was called Santhāgūra. In the Assembly, there were different groups known as vargya, gļihya, and pakshya who clashed from timc to time for power, a phenomenon so common tliat it has been referred to even by the grammarians. The term dvandua was used to denote the rival parties and the term Vyutkramaņa lo thcir rivalry.
The rules of procedure and debates in these Assemblics seem 10 bc the same as thosc of the Buddhist Samghas which were modelled on Sangha or Gana states. Transaction of the Asseinbly business strictly required a quorum without which it was considered to be invalid. Pāņini refers to gana-litha as the person whose attendance complcıcd the quoruin in a Gana and to Sangha-litha as one who completed thc quonimo the Saingha. The person who acted as a 'whip' 10 sccurc the quorum was known as Ganapiiraka. There was an ofice:
1. Hi, IX. 4.); 1. 13.12; 1.31.2; VIII. 24.7; IX, 3... . Ibid, III, 3. 6.

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known as Āsanapaññāpaka (seat regulator) who was in charge of the allotment of seats. Probably the executive officers had their seats on a dais and other members were grouped partywise in their front. A person who acted as a Polling Officer in the Assembly was known as Śalākāgrahāpaka,1 or he who collected votes. The technical term for vote was Chhanda, which meant free choice. The Samghamukhya or the President of the state presided over the Assembly and regulated its debates. He was expected to observe strict impartiality; if he failed, he was furiously criticised.
Definite rules were laid down regarding the method of moving resolutions in the Assembly. Generally, a proposal was repeated thrice, and if no objections to it were raised, it was taken as passed. In case of objection, it was determined by votes of the majority. When the ultimatum was received by the Sakyas from the Kośala king, who was besieging their capital, their Assembly sat to deliberate whether they should open the gates or not. Some favoured the proposal, others opposed it. Eventually, therefore, votes were taken to ascertain the majority view, which, it was discovered, favoured capitulation. Accordingly action was taken. This practice must have been followed by other assemblies also.
Voting was sometimes done by the secret method (guthaka), sometimes by whispering method (Sakarṇajapakam), and sometimes by the open method (vivatakam)3. Generally, complicated questions were referred for settlement to different Committees.1 It seems that there were clerks in the Assembly who kept records of its proceedings. Matters, when once properly and finally decided, were not allowed to be reopened.5
The evidence of Buddhist literature shows that the General Assemblies of the republics controlled foreign affairs, entertained ambassadors and foreign princes, considered their
1. Chu, 14. 26; Vinayapitaka. II, 315; JASB-1833. p. 993 f. n. 2. W. ROCKHILL: Life of Buddha, pp. 118-9.
3.
Cho, IV. 14. 24,
4. Ibid, XII, 2, 8.
5. Digha, II. p. 220.

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proposals and decided the momentous issues of war and peace.1 Generally, this Assembly controlled the Executive. Though there is no specific evidence, it is almost certain that the appointments to the state services were made by this Assembly. That must have been one of the reasons for the keen contest for power that was often witnessed in that body.
The Assembly Hall also served the purpose of a social club, where social and religious topics were discussed at times. The Mallas of Kusinagara discussed the problems of the funeral of the Buddha and the disposal of his ashes in their Assembly Hall. They, as well as the Lichchhavis, are known to have requested the Blessed One to perform the opening ceremonies of their new Assembly Halls by first using them for delivering a sermon to a congregation assembled thcrcin. The matters concerning commerce and agriculture were also deliberated there. EXECUTIVE
The membership of the Executive varied with the size and traditions of each state. The Malla state, which was small, had an Executive of four members only, all of whom are known to have taken a prominent part in the funcral of the Buddha. The Jaina Kalpasūtra rcfers to a passage Navagana Rājāņo, the exact sense of which is uncertain. It may stand for the nine kings or Executive officers of the Lichchhavi Gaña. The confederation of the Lichchhavis and the Videlas liad an Executive of eightcen members. It appears that normally speaking the Executive of a Republic consisted of four to twenty members. The General Assembly must have clecicd the members of the Executive council, because it is inconccivable that the affairs of a state could have been managed by it.
The President (Rījā), the Vice-President (Upa-Rajā), General (Senāpati), and Bhandīgārika scem to be the designations of the four Executive members. The President of the
1. Ja. IV, p. 145 (No. 465); W. ROCKHILL : Life of the Buddha, pp. . IIS.. 2. SBE, XXII, p. 206. 3. Ibid.

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Executive was probably the President of the Assembly also, a person whose main function was the general supervision of the administration. Besides, he was to ensure internal harmony by promoting concord and preventing quarrels. The general looked after the army. The treasury was in charge of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. There must have been also the portfolios of foreign affairs and of justice. In the course of time, the posts of Executive Members became more or less hereditary, and they assumed the title of Raja.
The members of the Executives of the Republic States must have been normally capable captains and dauntless leaders, competent to guide the State on occasions of emergency. In addition, they were men of tact and experience, energetic in action, firm in resolution and well grounded in the laws, customs, and traditions of the country. Chețaka, the Head of the Lichchhavi republic, was an influential leader of eighteen confederate kings (Ganarājā) of Kāśi and Kośala who were his vassals,1 His sister, Tisalā, was, as pointed out earlier, the mother of Mahāvīra, the son of Siddhārtha, a petty chief of Kundiyapura near Vaiśālī. Khanda and his son Simha, . who were competent enough, were elected to be Generals (Senāpati) in succession. The President of the Sākya republic bore the title of Rajā which in this connection does not mean king, but rather something akin to the Roman Consul or the Greek Archon. At one time, Bhaddiya, a young cousin of the Buddha, was Rajā, at another the Buddha's father, Suddhodana, held that rank.3 FEDERATION
The Lichchhavis, according to Buddhist documents, formed a league with the Videhas and were together called the Vajjis. We also know from a Faina Sūtra that the Lichchhavis had once formed a federation with their neighbour, the Mallas. 4 The Federal Council was composed of eighteen members, nine Lichchhavis and nine Mallakis. The members of 1. Nirya; Some Jaina Canonical Sūtras, p. 87. 2. IHQ, XXIII, p. 60. 3. Digha, II, 52. 4. SBE, XXII, p. 166. 5. Ibid.
.

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the Federal Council are designated Gaņa Rājās. The composition of the Federal Council shows that the Federal states had equal votes and that the federation was based on terms of equality. Though the Mallas were not so great a political power as the Lichchhavis, yet in Federal Council, both had an equal number of members, i.e., equal voice. Leagues were naturally formed to oppose the great powers amidst whom they were situated, namely, Magadha and Košala. JUDICIARY
It seems that the Judicial administration of the republic states was remarkable, and the liberty of the citizens was efficiently guarded. A person was not declared guilty unless his crimes were proved by all the courts.
The Aţthakathāl throws light especially on the judiciary of the Lichchavis of Vaiśāli. A criminal was at first sent for trial to the officer called Vinichchaya Mahāmatta. If he found the accused innocent, he acquitted him but if in his opinion, he was guilty he could not punish him but had to send him to the next higher tribunal viz., that of the Sultūdhara. If hc considered him guilty, there were three other tribunals with similar functions viz., those of Atthakulaka, Senāpati, and Uparajā, each of which could acquit the accused, if innocent, but had to send him to the next higher tribunal is found guilty. The last tribunal, viz., that of the Rūjā, had alone the right to convict the accused, and in awarding the punishment, the Rūjā was to be guided by the book of precedents. Thus a person could be punished only if seven successive tribunals had unanimously found him guilty, and he was quite safe is but one of them found him innocent.
U.N. GHOSHAL” expresses doubt in the Judicial sysicin of the Lichchhavis described above. The first difficulty in accepting the above interpretation lies in the latencss of the Sinhalese tradition which has come down 10 is only as prescribed by Buddhaghosha who flourished some cight ccn:uries after the fall of the Vajji republic. Again, the very elaborare procedure described above for which there sccins to be no 1. JASB, VII (1933), pp. 993 €. 2. IHQ, XX, p. 331 [T; XXI, 1 fŤ,

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times parallel elsewhere, is enough to raise suspicion about the genuineness of the whole account. But to suppose that no one in the Vajji state could be convicted unless unanimously found guilty by seven successive courts is to imply that the supreme authority in the state had little or no confidence in the judicial capacity or honesty of its own officers. In any case, a cumbrous procedure of the kind suggested above providing ample loopholes for the escape of criminals from the hands of justice would be attended with grave risk of abuse of liberty by the subjects.

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CHAPTER VII
SOCIAL CONDITIONS
The age of Lord Mahāvīra is remarkable for many social changes. The religious reformers of this period opposed the caste system based on birth and even challenged the superiority of the Brāhmaṇas. The Sannyasa Āśrama became quite distinct from Vanaprastha during this period because of the influence of Jainism and Buddhism. Marriage was made gradually compulsory both for men and women. While society was based upon the joint-family system, the idea of proprietary rights had also begun to grow. The Gotra and Pravara came into existence. The old system of Niyoga gradually disappeared bccause of the growth of ascetic ideas in the society. Women enjoyed a high position. Because of the propagation of the doctrine of Ahimsā, people began to prefer a vegetarian dict. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
The four Varnas, Brāhmaṇas, Kshatriyas, Vaiśyas and Sūdras, which were formed more or less on birth during the later Vedic period, became gradually rigid and fixed. The influence of the Brāhmaṇas greatly diminished both in the intellectual and political field and thcir place was taken by the Kshatriyas who began to consider themselves superior to other classes on account of the great importance they attached to their purity of blood. Consequently, they occupied the first position in the caste hierarchy. This period also witnessed thc dctcrioration in the position of the Sūdras, with the result that a number of religious leaders raised their voice for their uplift. Mixed castes resulted from organizations like guilds of people following different arts and crafts. Inicr-caste marriages also lcd to the origin of such castos.
The fecling of caste superiority was inicnsc during this period. Both the Kshatriyas and the Brāhmanas considered thiemselves to be superior to odlicr casics. This feeling of

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superiority was wide-spread even in certain groups of the same caste because they considered themselves higher than others. The Udichchha Brāhmaṇas who were proud of their origin, regarded themselves as 'higher than other Brāhmaṇas. The Sākya Kshatriyas regarded themselves as higher than other Kshatriya clans..
Both Mahavira and the Buddha opposed the idea of a hereditary caste system, emphasising all the time that one's caste should be determined by what one did rather than by the caste of the family to which one belonged. It is a mistake, however, to suppose that caste distinctions were abolished once for all during this period. No doubt, both succeeded in removing caste distinctions in their monastic order, but they failed in their attempts to abolish it permanently from society.
KSHATRIYAS
During the time of Lord Mahāvīra, the Kshatriyas of the Eastern countries consisted of kings, nobles, ministers, military commanders, and other officers. In Jaina Suttas and Buddhist Pali texts, they are mentioned as occupying the foremost position in the caste order. It is believed that no Tirthankara was born in a family other than that of a Kshatriya. A legend tells us that before his birth, Mahāvīra was removed from the womb of Brāhmaṇī Devānandā to that of Kshatriyāņi Trišalā.
The Kshatriyas, took keen interest in the intellectual activity of the time. It is clear from the Jatakas that they used to devote considerable time to the study of the Vedas and other branches of knowledge. Several princes used to go to Taxila at the age of sixteen for higher studies. Even in the spiritual field, the Kshatriyas of this time were not behind any caste. The doctrine of salvation was, advocated by Mahāvira and the Buddha, who were Kshatriyas. The superiority of the Kshatriyas is clear from the legend in which the Buddha decided to be reborn as a Kshatriya and not as a Brāhmaṇa. In one of the Buddha's discourses, there is a dialogue between the Buddha and Ambattha, a dialogue in which the latter recognised the Buddha's superiority.

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There were certain factors which led to the feeling of superiority among the Kshatriyas. They enjoyed the highest privilege, the right to rule, that is, which could not be claimed by others. It is natural that the ruling class should enjoy power, prestige, and dignity. The head of the state was known to be the best among men. In was in the Kshatriya caste that the leaders of the two new schools of thought, Buddhism and Jainism, were born. In was but natural that the members of the caste from which emerged Mahāvīra and the Buddha should have developed a sense of superiority. As both the Kshatriyas and the Brāhmaṇas received similar education under the same teacher, there was no valid reason for feeling inferior among the Kshatriyas in the intellectual sphere.
Certain Buddhist texts also show that instead of following their own professions strictly, the Kshatriyas worked as potters, basket-makers, reed-workers, garland-makers, and cooks. We find Kshatriyas of the Sākya and Koliya clans cultivating their fields.
BRAHMANAS
The Brāhmaṇas of this period may be divided into two broad categories : (1) true Brāhmaṇas and (2) worldly Brāhmaņas. The true Brāhmaṇas included ascetics, Vedic teachers, and priests. In fact, the true Brāhmaṇa was one who attached value only to virtuous conduct. In a dispute between two youths as to whether a person is a Brāhmaṇa by birth or by his action, the Buddha is said to have given his decision in favour of the latter alternative. Mahāvira himself was styled Mālaņa" or Mahāmāhana'3
The gencral duties of the true Brāhmaṇas were the study of the Vedas, teaching, performance of sacrifice for themsclvos as well as for others, making and accepting gifts, etc. From the Jalakas we know of the Brālmaņas as renouncing the world and going to the forest either at an early stage' or after passing 1. Ja, V. 290. 2. Sülra, 9.1. 3. Urü, 7. 4. Ja, 1. 333, 361, 373, 450; 11. 131. 232, 262, 145 Cic.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times through the successive stages of Brahmacharya and Garhasthya.? Brāhmanas have been described as well-grounded in the Vedas and versed in the different branches of learning such as Nighanțu, Vyakaraņa, and Lokāyata.? Brāhmaṇas like Sunetta', Sela, 4 and others5 possessed vast knowledge and imparted education to a large number of students, some of whom came to be known as the teachers of world-wide repute,
The practice of offering sacrifices was very common among the Brāhmaṇas. During his tour, Mahāvīra is stated to have spent the rainy season in a sacrificial house of a Brāhmaņa of Champā.. The Brāhmaṇas made sacrifices and assumed that the gods were willing to accept their offerings. On the occasion of these sacrifices, they used to receive dāna. In the Somadatta Jataka, it is narrated that the king gave a Brāhmaņa 16 cows, ornaments and a village. With the spread of Jaina and Buddhist doctrines, the cult of sacrifice gradually declined. It is said that while Vijayaghosha was engaged in performing Brahmanical sacrifice Jayaghosha, a monk approached him for alms and converted him to his faith after telling him what true sacrifice really meant.? .
The second category of the Brāhmaṇas, known as worldly Brāhmaṇas could not stick to their hereditary professions of teaching and priesthood but followed other professions under the pressure of social and economic necessities. According to Āpastamba and Gautama, trade and agriculture were to be taken up by them in times of distress. From the Buddhist sources, it is gathered that the Brāhmaṇas in the ordinary walk of life appeared as farmers, craftsmen, businessmen, soldiers, administrators, and so on. The Dasa-BrāhmaṇaJataka8 states how Brāhmaṇas in those days pursued ten
1. Jā, II. 85. 394, 411; III. 147, 352. 2. Digha, I. ii, 120; Angu, III, 223; GS. I 146; Su. Ni. II1, 5; Majjh, Il.
133, 3. Angu, III, 371. 4. Su.Ni, III, 7. 5. Jā,; VI. 32. 0. dva-Chū, p. 320. 7. Uttarā. 25. 8. Jā, No. 495.

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occupations against rules. They acted as : (1) physicians, carrying sacks filled with medicinal roots and herbs; (2) servants aad wagon-drivers; (3) tax-collectors who would not leave a household without collecting alms; (4) diggers of the soil in the garb of ascetics with their long hairs and nails, and covered with dust and dirt; (5) traders selling fruits, sweets, and the like; (6) farmers; (7) priests interpreting omens; (8) policemen with arms to guard caravans and shops, like Gopas and Nishādas; (9) hunters in the garb of hermits killing hares, cats, fish, tortoises, etc.; and (10) menials of kings who helped them in their baths in the garb of Pājñikas. This may appear as over-exaggerated but in other Jātakas too, there are references to Brāhmaṇas practising as physicians, ploughing the land,2 trading and hawking goods, 4 working as carpenters, 5 as shepherds, as archers' and as hunters.8
There were others who expounded dreams' and went about telling fortune (Lakkhana-Pāthaka),10 reading the past, future, and the character of an individual from the signs on his body (Anga-Vijjā-Pāthaka), 11 and reading the luck of swords (Asikkhana Pathaka).1. Some of them worshipped demons and practised magic. They possessed Mantras like the Vedabbhamanta,13 the Pathavijayamantal4 and Chintāmanivijā.15 The art of exorcism was also practised by a few.16 It appears from these references and from the account of the Brahmajāla Sutta that
1. Jā. II. 213; VI. 181. 2. Ibid, II. 165; III. 162-63; ja, V. 68. 3. Ibid IV. 15-21; V. 22, 471. 4. Ibid, II. 15. 5. KS, 1.2-27; Ja, IV. 207. 6. Jū, III. 401. 7. Ibid, III. 219; V. 127. 8. Ibid, II. 200; VI. 182. 170, 9. Ibid. I. 343; IV. 334-36; VI. 330. 10. Ibid, I. 272; IV. 79, 335; V. 211. 11. Ibid, 21, 250; V. 459. 12. Ibid, I. 455. 13. Ibid, 1. 253. 14. Ibid, II, 243, 15. Ibid, 111, 504. 16. Ibid, III, 511,

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the Brāhmaṇas could be found in all walks of life, and that some of them took up objectionable practices such as hunting, carpentary, and chariot-driving.
The picture of the Brāhmaṇas in Jataka literature is quite different from the one given in Brāhmanical literature. It is gloomy, especially in Jātaka literature. The Brāhmaṇas are pictured as greedy, shameless, and immoral. While the shamelessness of the Brāhmaṇas is clear from Junha Jataka, the Sigāla Jataka” shows that they were greedy. That their moral standards were not quite high is clear from the Sambhava Jataka.3
Brahmanical literature on the other hand makes it abundantly clear that the Brāhmaṇas enjoyed certain special privileges. For certain offences, for instance, they received milder punishment than those belonging to other classes. They were exempt from taxes. In the matter of treasure-troves, they were more favourably treated than the members of other classes, As a matter of fact, these privileges were granted only to learned Brāhmaṇas, not to all of them. Moreover the Brāhmaṇas did not occupy a privileged position in the eye of law. A criminal, whosoever he was, was executed, as is evident from a number of passages in the Jātakas, one of which also speaks of the execution of a Brāhmana. VAISTAS
The Vaiśyas were not homogeneous in their occupation but followed different professions. They were known as Gahapati or Gahāvai, Kutumbika and Sethīs. Gahapati or Gahāvai means, literally, a householder, but it seems to have constituted the high and rich middle-class families owning land and cattle. Jaina texts mention a number of Gahāvais who were adherents of the Jaina faith. One such Gahāvai was Ānanda, a rich landowner of Vāniyagāma, who possessed a large number of cattle, ploughs, and carts. Pārāsara was another Gāhāvai, prosperous in agriculture (kisi) and hence known as Kisipārāsara; he
1. Ja, III. No. 456, p. 61. 2. Ibid, I. No. 113, p. 255. 3. Ibid, V. No. 515, p. 31. 4. Uvā.

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had six hundred ploughs.1 Kuiyanna is described as another Gāhāvai who is said to have owned a pretty large number of cows.
The expression Kutumbika is used to denote the head of a family, but during this period, he belonged exclusively to the Vaiśya community. We find him both in cities and in villages; in the former mostly as a businessman, dealing in corn, 4 practising trade and money-lending and in the latter as a well-to-do cultivator.? Some of the Kutumbikas figure as very rich citizens.8
The Sethīs were the richest aristocratic section of the Vaiśya caste. They are represented as respectable tradesmen, enjoying a high position of honour among the members of their caste. They rendered various services to the kings and tradesmen. It appears from the Jatakas that some of them occupied an official position in the royal court. Nanda is mentioned as an influential Sethi of Rājagriha.' Anāthapiņdika had spent considerable wealth for providing residence for Buddhist Bhikshus. They were usually charitable, and spent a good portion of their wealth in charities. Their sons receive ed education along with the Kshatriyas and the Brāhmana youths, and offered the teacher a handsome honorarium.10 THE SŪDRAS
The word 'Śūdra' denotes a number of castes. In the contemporary Jaina and Buddhist literatures we do not find a specific mention of a caste called 'Śūdra'. But the occupation and status of a class of people living in those days make it clear that they were none other than the Sūdras. Both Jahavīra and the Buddha tricd their best to improve the general condition of these down-trodden people. 1. Ultarā. Ti, 2, p. 45. 2. Ava. Chū, p. 44. 3. Ja, II. 267. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid, IV, 370. 6. Ibid, II. 358.
Ibid. II. 267. S. Ibid, IV. 370. 9. Vāra, 13, p. 141. 10, jā, IV, 38.

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The artisans were developing into different castes all engaged in their hereditary professions. The potters (Kumbhakāra), smiths (Kammāra), ivory-workers (Dantakāra)3, carpenters (Vaddaki),4 etc., belonged to hereditary families and had their own settlements.
There were a number of unorganised, unsettled, and wandering castes, who earned their livelihood by entertaining the people. There were the dancers and singers (Nata)5, acrobats (Langhanațaka), tumblers, jugglers (Mayakāra),8 snakecharmers (Āhitundika),9 mongoosetamers (Koņdadamaka),10 musicians (Gandhabba),11 drummers (Bheri Vadaka),12 conchblowers (Sankhadhamaka)13 and so on. Expressions such as Bherivadakakula,14 Sankhavādakakula,15 Natakakula,16 Gandhabbakula17, and the like suggest that they formed separate castes of their own.
Similar in status to these people but leading a more settled life were the cowherds (Gopālaka), cattlemen Pasupalaka) grass-cutters (Tinnahāraka), stick-gatherers (Katthahāraka), and foresters (Vanakammika) as they are described in the MajjhimaNikāyal8 and Kuņāla Jātakas.19 They probably lived an exclusive life, collecting together into villages of their own, away from the towns and cities which they visited for selling their produce to earn their livelihood.
1. Majjh, II. 18, 46; III. 118; Jā, II. 79; III. 376. 2. Su. Ni, 1.5; Digha, 33. 3. Digha, I. 78; Majjh, II. 18; Jā, 1. 320. 4. Jā, II. 18, 405; IV. 344. 5. Ibid, II. 167; III. 61, 507. 6. Ibid, I. 430. 7. Ibid, II. 142. 8. Ibid. IV. 495. 9. Ibid, 1. 370; II. 267, 429; III. 198, 348. 10. Ibid, IV. 389. 11. Ibid, II. 249. 12. Ibid, I. 283.
Ibid, I. 284.
Ibid, I. 283. 15. Ibid, I. 284. 16. Ibid, II. 167. 17. Ibid, II. 248. 18. Majih, I. 79. 19. jā, V. 417.
14.

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THE DESPISED CASTES
There were certain castes which were looked down upon by the higher sections of society either due to their ethnic origin or on account of their following low professions. The Chandālas, the Venas, the Nishādas, the Rathakāras, and the Pukkusas appear as low castes.
Among the despised castes, the Chandālas were the most unfortunate. 'Contemptible like a Chandala' became a proverbial expression. He was the lowest and the meanest on the earth, and the Sigāla Jataka compares a jackal, low and wretched among animals, with a Chandala.2 The Chandalas were not only untouchable but also unseeable. The daughter of the Sethi and wealthy merchant washed her eyes when she saw the Chandāla at the city gate. Food was polluted at the sight of a Chandala. Sixteen thousand Brāhmaṇas were once ostracized because they committed the sin of eating the food served by a Chandāla. One Brāhmaṇa was starved to death because of the same sin. The wind, that had touched the body of a Chandala, was considered impure. The Chandālas lived outside the city gates. Their dialect was different and showed thcir ethnic difference. They were often engaged as carriers of corpses and as slaughterers of criminals condemned to death by the
king.
However, we also come across some Chandalas who were respected in the society. Harikeshabala, born in the family of Chandalas, became a monk possessing some of the highest virtucs. He subducd his senses and observed the rules of walking, begging, speaking ctc. He controlled himself and was always attentive to his duty. Hc protected his thoughts, speech and body from sins.3
Along with the Chandūlas, there were Nishadas, Pukkusas, and others. The Nishādas were generally hunters and foresters. The Pukkusas used to pluck flowers and lived generally by hunting and only occasionally by dirty work like clcaning temples and palaces. There were carpenters, baskci-makers,
1. Ja, IV, 397. 2. Ibid, II. 6. 3. Uliara, XII.

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flute-makers, weavers, and barbers whose professions were considered to be low. MIXED CASTES
There must have been a steady increase in the mixed castes during this period, and these are found mentioned in the Dharmasūtras. These mixed castes arose not only as a result of the permitted anuloma marriages (a member of a higher caste marrying a woman or women of lower castes), but also as a result of the prohibited pratiloma marriages (where the husband's caste was lower than that of the wife). Difference in occupation must have resulted sooner or later in an increase in the number of such mixed ċastes.
From the four Varņas, there came into existence several castes and sub-castes, such as Ambaștha, Ayogava, Sūta, and Karna. A passage in the Sūtrakritāngai names the following classes in this order-Ugras, Bhogas, Aikshvākavas, Jñātrīs, Kauravas, Warriors, Brāhmaṇas, Lichchhavis, commanders, and generals. Other passages of the Jaina scriptures add princes, artists, and Kshatriyas.3 The Nāgas, too, formed a part of the country's population. Many cities were named after castes or professions, e.g., Uttara-Kshatriya-Kundapura (after Kshatriyas), Dakshiņa-Brāhmana-Kundapura (after Brāhmanas), Nātika (after Jñātis or jñātrikas), Bhoganagara (after the Bhogas), and Vāņijyagrāma (the village of commerce.) SLAVERY
During this period, slavery was quite common in the society, and both male and female slaves (dāsas and dasis) were employed for doing all sorts of household work. Not only kings and wealthy people, but even ordinary families could keep slaves. The practice was confined not only to cities but was in vogue also in the villages. It was not restricted to a particular Varna, but even Kshatriyas, Brāhmaṇas, and men belonging to the upper strata of society were reduced to
1. SBE, XLV. p. 339. 2. Ibid, XLV. p. 71. 3. Ibid, p. 321. 4. Dia. II, p. 288,

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slavery,1 It is said that Pūraņa Kassapa and Ajita Kesakambali had been slaves in their previous lives,
There were different categories of slaves. Slaves born of slave mothers were known. That slaves were bought and sold is mentioned in the Jaina, Buddhist and Dharmaśāstra literatures. According to Nanda Jātaka, seven hundred paņas were enough for the purchase of a slave. The Sattubhakta Jatakao reveals that one hundred Kärshāpaņas were more than sufficient for having nine slaves. ·
The physical fitness of a male slave and the beauty of a female one might have been responsible for a higher price. Slaves were also given in gift. The Digha and Anguttara Nikājas say that the Buddha had prohibited the Bhikshus from accepting the gifts of slaves, either male or female.5 According to a Jātaka, a Brāhmaṇa demanded a hundred slave girls from a king along with other requisites as his gift, and his demands were fulfilled. 6
War-captives, who were reduced to complete subjection, might have been either sold or given in gifts to others by their masters. Chandanā, the first female disciple of Mahavira, was a slave of this type.? Some people became slaves for paying off their debts. A widow who purchased two palis of oil from a grocer on credit, had, when unable to pay off the debt, to serve him as a slave girl.8 Slaves were made during famine for want of food. The lidhura-pandita-Jätaka rcfers to those men who were driven to slavery mainly on account of fear.10 Some were condemned to slavery as a punishment for their crimes.11 1. U. N. GUOSEAL: Studies i: Indian History & Culture, pp. 461-467. 9. BANDOPADHYAYA, N. C: Economic Life and Progress in Ancient
India, p 297. 3. ja, IV. No. 39. 4. Ibid, No. 402. 5. Digha, I. 64; drig:, II. 209. 6. Ja, IV. 99 7. Ara, chù, p. 319. 8. Pinda, Air, (319), 9. Vya. Bha, 2.207; also Nahi. Vi, p. 25, 10. ja, Yo, 545. 11. Ibid, 1.200.

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The nature of the work of a slave depended upon his own ability as well as the social and financial status of the master. In the case of rich masters, the qualified slaves could be kept as treasurers, store-keepers, and even private secretaries.1 Thus, from the Nanda-Jataka,2 it is known that the master showed his full faith in his slave by giving the latter all sorts of information relating to his treasure. In the Nānachchhanda Jataka,3 the Brāhmaṇa master is found taking the advice of Pannā, a slave girl, about the boon he would asks of the king.
In spite of all the commendable jobs given to slaves, there is no doubt that most of them were employed to perform ordinary household duties. U. N. GHOSHAL rightly observes, "A slave was ordinarily engaged in cooking, fetching water, pounding and drying rice, carrying food to and watching the field, giving alms, ministering to the master when he retired, or handling the plates and dishes, bringing the spitoon and fetching the fans during 'meals, sweeping the yards and stables and other such duties."4
As regards the treatment meted out to the slaves, it depended upon the temperament of the master. There are conflicting statements on this subject. Generally masters harassed their slaves but in a few cases, they showed kindness towards them. Slaves were punished for their acts of commission and omission. Sometimes they were ill-treated by their masters when the latter chose, in a wanton mood, to do so.
The Anguttara-Nikāya5 states that the slaves toiled with tearful faces for fear of the rod. One Fatakan informs that the wanton daughter of a high treasurer used to revile and beat her slaves and servants. According to the Namasiddhi Jataka," the master of the slave girl Dhanapālī used to beat her. She was also sent
1. FSONB, p. 311. 2. Ja, No. 39. 3. Ibid, No. 289. 4. Studies in Ancient Indian History & Culture, p. 463. 5. Angu, II. 207-8. 6. Jā, I. 295. 7. Ibid, No. 97.

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on hire to work for others. Slaves were given thrashing and kept in fetters by their masters.
No serious attempt was made to improve the lot of slaves. Even a great reformer like Mahātmā Buddha did not have courage enough to admit any slave into his Order. The Lichchhavis were not prepared to recognize the sons born of their female slaves as free men. Vãsavakhattiyā was not recognized by them as a member of the Śākya family only because she was the daughter of Prince Mahānāma's slave girl Nāgamundā.
There are some instances to prove that some slaves received good treatment from their masters. They were given opportunities to learn reading, writing, and handicrafts along with their masters' sons. Kațāhaka grew up in the company of his master's son, got his education along with him, learnt two or three handicrafts, and was appointed as the storc-keeper of his master.2 Sometimes, the daughters of the masters fell in love with their slaves. In the Kațāhaka and Kalanduka Jātakas,4 girls of some reputed families are found marrying their slaves and eloping with them.
Certain methods of liberating the slaves prevailed in the society. War-captives made slaves could get emancipation if the vanquished party subsequently regained its strength and conquered the enemy. Slaves could also be liberated cither by accepting Sannyāsa (monkhood) or by the will of the masters or by paying them a ransom for their emancipation. ORDERS OR STAGES OF LIFE
Even before the time of Mahāvira and the Buddha, the existence of the three well-known Asramas (stagcs), namcly, Brahmacharya, Gșihasta, and Tapas, is a fact cvident from the Chhandogy'a Upanishad and the Bșihadārangaka Upanishad. As a matter of fact, the number of Aśramas is four, not thrce, though there are slight differences in their nomenclaturc and in their scquence. All the four were known by their
1. Economic Life and Progress in Ancient India, p. 297. 2. Ja, I. 451. 3. Ibid, No. 195. 4. Ibid, No. 127.

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specific names to the Jabalopanishad. From the time of the early Dharmasūtras, these four Aśramas with their successive stages became well known. The Āpastamba Dharmasūtral says, “There are four Aśramas, viz., the stage of a householder, that of one staying in the teacher's house, the stage of being a Muni, and the stage of being a forest-dweller. Āpastamba places the householder first among the Asramas probably on account of the importance of that stage to all other Āśramas. To Gautama? the four Āframas were Brahmachari, Grihastha, Bhikshu and Vaikhānasa. Vasishtha Dharmasūtra’ names the four Aśramas as Brahmachāri, Gțihastha, Vānaprastha and Parivrājaka. The Buddhist literature4 knew all the four stages into which the life of the three upper classes was divided.
The first part of man's life is Brahmacharya in which he studies in his teacher's house; in the second part he marries and becomes a householder, pays off his debts to his ancestors by begetting sons and to the gods by performing Yajñas. When he sees that his hair is growing grey and that there are wrinkles on his body, he resorts to the forest, i.e., becomes a Vānaprastha. After spending the third part of his life in the forest for some time, he spends the rest part of his life as a Sannyāsin.
It is believed that the scheme of the Asrama was so devised that the individual may attain the four goals of existence, namely, Dharma, Artha, Kāma, and Moksha. In the Brahmacharya stage, through the discipline of his will and emotion, he attains dharma. In the Gșihastha Āśrama,' he marries, becomes a householder, tastes the pleasures of the world, enjoys life, has sons, discharges his duties to his children, to his friends, relatives and neighbours and becomes a worthy citizen, the founder of a family. He is supposed to attain Artha and Kāma during this period. In Vānaprastha, he is called upon to resort to a forest life for pondering over the great problems of the life hereafter and to accustom himself to self-abnegation,
1. Ap. Dh.S, II. 9. 21-1, 2. Gau. Dh. S, III. 2, 3. Vas. Dh. S. VII, 1-2. 4. Abhidhammapadipika, 409; Dhammapada, 135.

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austerities, and a harmless life, In Sannyāsa, he may succeed in realizing the supreme goal of Moksha in this very life or he may have to continue to rise in spiritual height until after several births and deaths the goal is in view.
This Āśrama system was related to the theory of the three debts--Rishisiņa, Pitsisiņa, and Devasina-and through this tripartite system, an attempt was made to pay them off. The debt to the Rishis was paid off by studying their works at the stage of Brahmacharya, the debt to parents by procreating sons and educating them at the stage of Grihasta, and the debt to gods by performing sacrifices at the stage of Vānaprastha.
It is difficult to accept the theory propounded by RHYS DAVIDS) to the effect that the four orders of life were of PostBuddhistic origin and that the Brahmanical class unable to cope with the progress of new ideas formulated the theory of Aśramas according to which no one could become either a hermit or a wanderer without having first many years as a student in the Brahmanical school. The theory of Aśrama was formulated long before the advent of Buddhism. It is possible that the separation of the last two orders, and particularly the development of the last one, may be due to the development of ascetic ideas stemming from the risc of Jainism and Buddhism.
No attempt was ever made to make the four stages obligatory except the first stage. It was not compulsory for an individual to enter into other stages. This system was never imposed arbitrarily with state legislation, ex-communication, perpetual banishment, or execution. The hold of the Āśrama dharma on the life of the people was rather loose. Had it been strictly imposed on the whole population, the conscquences would have been disastrous. It seems that it was confined only to the superior communities like the Brāhmaṇas without any binding obligation. FAMILY LIFE
Throughout this period the system most in vogue was the joint-family system, and it included father, wise, children, 1. RBI. p. 113.

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mother, minor brothers, and sisters. The relationship between the different members of the family was mostly cordial and affectionate. The father was the head of the family, and he was respected by all the members. His wife was the mistress who performed her household duties, looked after the members of the family, and was obedient to the master. The mother was highly respected by one and all. We hear of king Püsanandi who was greatly devoted to his mother.? The mother on her part had great love for her children. When prince Meghakumara decided to embrace the life of an ascetic, his mother became unconscious and fell to the ground like a log of wood. She was sprinkled over with water, fanned with a palm-leaf, and was consoled by her friends. Her eyes were filled with tears, and using some of the most pathetic words, she persuaded her son not to give up worldly pleasures.2
There are also instances which reveal that amity did not exist between one member of the family and the other. Daughters-in-law and mothers-in-law often sought refuge in nunneries to escape from the tyranny of one another. One daughter-in-law even conspired to kill her mother-in-law. In one case, four daughters-in-law drove their father-in-law out of the house. We have the case of a son who refused to marry on the ground that wives generally showed scant respect to their parents-in-law and even domineered over them.3 .
The conception of proprietary rights came into existence in the family circle. The reason was that trade and commerce prospered highly, and the number of professions increased. The members of the family began to earn their living independently. Some of the Dharmasūtra writers began to give due recognition to the self-acquired property of the son. Gautama says, “Among the brothers one who is Vaidya, need not give his own earning to those who are not Vaidyas." Vishņu clarifies the point a little further, saying that if the Vaidya had acquired his knowledge with the help of the family property, he must share the property with others. 1. JLAIDJC, p. 147. 2. Nayā, 1. p. 25 f; Uttarā, 19. 3. The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, pp. 107-8.

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Formerly, the father had extraordinary powers. There was a time when the gift or a sale of a son was not regarded as beyond the power of the father. These practices came to be disallowed during this period, no matter whether this was due to a Sastric prohibition in the proper sense of the term or to an alteration in the conception about the extent of the father's right over the son. With the beginning of the Vanaprastha system, the joint-family system began to crumble. Before becoming a Vānaprasthi, the father had to divide his property among his sons. Sometimes he had to divide his property among his sons against his will. The son started demanding his legitimate share in the property even against the wishes of the father. Some of the Dharmasutras declared that a son, who would force a partition upon his father should not be invited to perfom the latter's Srāddha. This shows that such a procedure was disapproved by the society, but the son had legal rights and could get them enforced through the court of law. Gautama says that sons have rights by birth. Āpastamba opines that the connection of the son with inheritance cannot be broken. MARRIAGE
In the sixth century B.C., marriage was generally regarded as necessary and desirable for all. There are also exccptional cases where both males and females thought of leading an unmarried life by renouncing the world under the influence of religion. Sometimes such persons were unable to live up to their high idcals, and their lapses were furiously commented upon by the public. Hence it was the married who cnjoyed rcal respect in society and felt clcvated and dignified. FORMS OF MARRIAGES
From the Jaina and Buddhist sources, it appears that Brāhma, Prājāpatja, Āsura, Gandharia, and Rūkshasa marriages were common during this period. Varriages rcferred to in the Dharmasutras arc of cight forms, viz., Brah:6. Daira, Arsho, Prajāpntra, Asura, Gandharra, Rakshasa and Paitario. Brühre and Prūjāpalja marriages were the most popular: In these two forms, marriage was settled by parents. Auspicious days

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were fixed for the marriage ceremonyl and the bridegroom's party reached the house of the bride on a fixed day. The bride was carried in a car to the bridegroom's place escorted by a number of people.2
The Asura form of marriage, in which a wife was procured by paying a substantial amount to her father, was also prevalent. The minister Teyaliputta wanted to marry the daughter of a goldsmith.3 A merchant, after leaving his negligent wife, married another girl by paying a large sum.' A robber, who had plenty of money, paid the desired amount, and married a girl.5 From Buddhist literature we know that the father of Isidasi had received a bride as price for her in her marriage.
The Gāndharva or love marriage was also popular among the nobles of the time. In this form of marriage, both the bride and bridegroom made their own choice by falling in love with each other without the knowledge of their guardians, and were married without rites or ceremonies. The marriage of Udayana with Vāsavadattā is well known. We hear of King Sīharaha of Puņdavaddhana who married a girl in the Gāndharva way.” Some Fataka stories also refer to this type of marriage. The Baudhayana Dharmasūtra refers with approval to the view of some thinkers that love-unions ought to be commended as they presuppose reciprocal attachment.
People sometimes resorted to the Rākshasa form of marriage. The forcible carrying of the girl to be married was the essential feature of this kind of marriage. There are many instances of elopement and abduction. Suvarṇāngulikā, a maid servant of Udayana, was abducted by king Pajjoya, Ruppiņi 1. Digha, I. 11; Jā, I. 258. 2. Jā, I. 258. 3. Näyā, 14, p. 148. 4. Uttarā, Ti, 4. p. 97. 5. Ullarā, Chū, p. 110. 6. Theri, 5, 5/120 and 163. 7. Uttarā. Ti, 9, p. 141, also 13. p. 190, 8. Ja, VI, 364 f; 1. 134-36; I, 300. 9, 1/11/13/7.

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by Kanha, Kamalāmelā by Sagarachanda?, and Chellaņā by king Seņiya. The Jaina texts also refer to the abduction of Dovai by king Paumanāva of Amarakanka. This type of marriage figures frequently in the Jātakas,3 and it remained quite popular among the warrior class from very early times.
The Jaina and Buddhist texts of this period do not refer to the Paisacha, Ārsha, and Daiva marriages which are known from certain Brahmanical sources. In the Paišācha marriage, the bride is either duped very often by making her overdrunk or physically overpowered by the bridegroom in order to make her yield to passion. Jainas and Buddhists do not regard it as marriage at all. When a daughter was offered in marriage to an officiating priest by the sacrificer, the marriage was designated as a Daiva one. This marriage was not practised among the Jainas and the Buddhists, who might have included it in the category of Brāhma and Prājāpatya forms of marriage. In Arsha marriage, the bride's father received a bull and a cow at the time of his daughter's marriage. Since it was thought to be a variety of Asura marriage, it was probably not mentioned.
The most interesting type of marriage known as Svayanvara (self-choice) was confined originally to the Kshatriya class, wherein a princess selected her husband of her own free will, from among the assembled suitors, or as a result of a tournament or contest in the use of warlike weapons. There are several instanccs of this type of marriage. The Vājādhammakahā refers to the Svayamvara of Dovai which was attended by various prominent kings and princes. The Ullarādhyayana commentary refers to another Stayamvara marriage of the princess Nivvui.5 CASTE AND GOTRA CONSIDERATION
During this period, castc and family (jali and bula) became important factors in determining marriages in order to preserve the purity of blood. Brāhmaṇas, Schis, clans1. Brin. Bha, Ti, p. 57. 2. Maya, 16, p. 186. 3. Ja, V. 425-6; Jā, I. 297. 4. Vara, 16, pp. 179-S2. 5. Ultara. Com, I, S. p. 59,

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men, treasurers, and others are mentioned as solemnising marriages with the members of their respective castes of equal family status. The Jaina and Buddhist accounts are supported by the Dharmaśāstras which prescribe that the bride should be of the same caste. Generally, endogamy was in practice, and restrictions were imposed on the intermixture of castes.
During the Vedic period, Gotra denoted a cow-pen, but it came to be used in the sense of lineage or ancestry at this time. When king Prasenajit asked the Gotra of Angulimāla's parents, the latter replied that his father was of the Gargya Gotra, and his mother of the Maitrāyani.1 Opinions are divided about the consideration of Gotra in settling marriages. Some of the lawgivers (e.g., Gautama and Baudhāyana) are silent on this point, but some of them prohibit Sagotra marriages. A verse in the Kachchhapa Jātaka suggests that generally, parties united in wedlock belonged to different Gotras.2 .
There are during this period a few examples of brothers marrying their own sisters. Buddhist literature speaks of the Śākyas marrying their sisters for the sake of continuing their family line.3 Incestuous marriages were also prevalent among the Lichchhavis. Marriage with one's own cousin was also in vogue. Bambhadatta married his maternal uncle's daughter.5 The Jataka stories refer to the marriages of Kāśi and Sivi princes with their maternal uncle's daughters. The sister of the Košala king Prasenajit was married to Bimbisāra, and his daughter Vājirā was wedded to Ajātaśatru, the son of Bimbisāra." The marriage of Jyeshțhā to Nandivardhana, the elder brother of Mahāvīra, also belongs to this category. Such marriages were not confined to the royal families, but were prevalent also among the common folk as is evident from several popular stories. Some Dharmasūtras refer to the custom of marrying one's maternal uncle's daughter, but this practice was confined to the South.8 1. Majjh, 11. 102,
7., 11. 360. 3. Dia, 11-115; Jā, V. 413 (No. 536). 4. IHQ, II, p. 563. 5. Uttara, ȚI, p. 189, 6. Ja, I. 457; Jā, II. 327 and Jā, VI. 486.
Ibid, II, 237, 403-4; IV. 342-43. 8. Bau. Dh.S I. I. 19-26.
NO

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Marriage was guided by two special laws among the Lichchhavis of Vaiśāls. One of them prohibited the marriage of a Lichchhavi lady with any outsider. This law was so strictly followed that the secret marriage of Simha's daughicra with the romantic king Bimbisāra of Magadha brought on the dreadful fight between the Lichchavis and the Magadha people, resulting in the discomfiture of the former and their resolve to make "a requital of enmity (Vairaniryātana) even to the sons of the king." They were so particular about it that this resolution was got recorded and kept in a box duly scaled.3
The second law was in connection with Stīratna 'the jewel of women' (the most excellent woman).4 According to this law, the Strīratna was not allowed to be married for herself, but was to adorn and entertain the society in which she was brought up, for which she was called Nagarasobhini. She was thought to be one of the greatest trcasures of the nation, a treasure which was not to be under the possession of an individual, however great he might be in position or in wealth. She was to belong to the whole Gana. At this time Ambapālī, for example, was the most excellent girl, and was therefore made Nagaraíobhinī. INTER-CASTE MARRIAGE
The system of inter-caste marriages was not a common practice. Only the people of higher classes practised it, but not quite often. The marriage of a bridegroom belonging to a higher castc with a bride of a lower castc was known as Anuloma marriage, and the marriage of a high-caste girl with a low-caste boy was named Pratiloma marriage. We find in a Jätaka that a king saw a beautiful girl named Sujātā, daughter of a greengrocer selling jujubes, fell in love with her and made her his queen consort.5 A Jalaka describcs Sonapati Ahipäraka as marrying Ummadanıs, a merchant's daughter."
1. W. W. RockuLL: The Life of the Buddha, p. 62; IHQ. XXIII, p. 59. ... IHQ, XXIII, p. 591. n. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid. 5. Ja, III.SI. 6. Ibid, V. 211,

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Majjhima-Nikaya states that the relatives of a woman, who did not like her husband, intended to separate her from him and to unite her with another person.1 A Jātaka relates the story of princess Phusati of Madra, who wanted to get rid of her ugly husband Kansa (the Bodhisattva) of Kuśāvatī and to marry another prince who was handsome, according to her wishes.2 Family and local traditions also played an important part in controlling this custom. A Jataka story shows that in spite of the absence of any deep-rooted love for the husband the wife did not exercise her right of divorcing him, but preferred to remain in her uncomfortable condition.3 It is said that a Brāhmaṇa who was asked, whether he would keep or abandon his wife found guilty of adultery, expressed his view against deserting her and remarrying.1
POLYGAMY AND MONOGAMY
6
Generally monogamy was followed by the vast majority of the people, but polygamy was a fashion among the rich and ruling sections of the society. The kings and princes considered it a privilege to have a crowded harem. In the Jātakas, most of the princes have been described as polygamous.5 Kings like Bimbisāra, Prasenajit, Udayana, and Ajātaśatru were all polygamous. The rich house-holder of Rajagṛiha, Mahāsayaga, had thirteen wives. The Raṭṭhapala-Sutta describes Ratthapāla, the son of a Brāhmaṇa, Grihapati, as having several wives. In the Anguttara-Nikaya, a wealthy and happy householder is described as being waited upon by four wives with all their charms. The Therigāthā tells us that Isidasi in her former birth was married to a merchant's son who had already another wife. The Paraskara Gṛihyasutra states that a Brāhmaṇa should have three wives, a Kshatriya two and a Vaiśya one, besides one Śūdra wife to all.10
1. Majjh, II. 109.
2. Ja, No 531 (Kusa Jā).
3. Ibid, IV. 35.
4. Ibid III. 351.
5. The Chullasutasoma Jātaka (Jā, V, 178).
Suruchi Jataka (Ja, IV. 316).
6. Uva, p. 152.
7. Majjh, II. 63.
9. Angu.
8. Therīgatha, 446. 10. Pa. G.S, 1. 4. 8-11.

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261 THE COURTESANS
Courtesans became a special feature of city life during this age, especially in cities like Rājagriha. Champā, Vaiśālī, Mithilā, Sāketa and Srāvastī. People had become wealthy and begun to entertain themselves in different ways. As the courtesans were custodians of such fine arts as singing, dancing, and music, they occupied a respectable position in the society of the period. They were beautiful, graceful and pleasant. As their presence in a royal city was material to its citizens, they were especially installed with honour. They appeared even in royal palaces on festive occasions to give the finest exhibition of their artistic talent.
Sālavati of Rājagriha and Ambapālī of Vaiśāli were two of the most well-known courtesans of this time. When Ambapāli was installed as a courtesan of Vaiśāls, her example was followed by installing Sālavatı as a courtesan of Rājagriha.1 Both were not only superbly charming but also well versed in singing, dancing and music. The fact that the Buddha accepted an invitation extended to him by Ambapäls and went to her residence with the Bhikshu Sangha" and that she dedicated the Ambapāli grove to the Samgha), shows that a courtesan occupied no mean position. The way in which Ambapāli proceeded to see the Buddha at Kotigāma with a number of magnificent vehicles shows that her equipage was almost royal. She was supposed to be "the pride of the city's (Nagarasobhini). King Bimbisāra of Magadha was so much intoxicated by her beauty that he risked even his life to pay a visit to her at a time when a severe fighting was going on between Magadha and Vaiśāli. Hc is said to have stayed with her for some time. And it was Ambapāli who is said to have given birth to prince Abhaya, son of Bimbisāra. That the great physician Jivaka was born of Salavats, the courtcsan of Rājagriha, shows that some of the sons of the couriesans could 1. Vr, VIIl. ). 2. 2. Vr, vi. 30... 3. Ibid, VI, 30. 5. 4. Ibid, VI. 30, 1. 5. W. W. RockmI: The Life of the Buddha, p. 61. 6. Ja, VIII. 1.4.

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rise to eminence and occupy positions that had a prestige value in society.
The Jatakas inform us about Sāmā,1 Sulasā2 Kālī3 and other courtesans. Kali is described in the Takkariya Jātaka as one possessed of the qualities of social decency and self-respect. The Sulasa Jātaka represents Sulasā as a woman of rare wisdom and courage. About the income of these courtesans, the Jātaka stories give exaggerated accounts which are not reliable. On the other hand, the information given by the Vinaya Pitaka appears to be authentic and we may accept fifty to one hundred silver punch-marked coins as their daily income. Ambapāli is described as earning 50 Kahāpaṇas per night, whereas Sālavatī is said to have been charging 100 Kahāpaṇas.5
The character of the courtesans has also its seamy side. Generally, they sold their flesh for money for which they were looked down upon by men and women alike. Their profession is described as a vile trade (nichakamma). Expression like 'a house of ill fame' (nichch-ghara or gaṇikāghara)" and ‘a low woman,8 (duratthi kumbhadāsī) indicate that the profession of the prostitute was not considered respectable.
6
FOOD AND DRINK
Both literary and archeological sources reveal that rice, wheat, and pulses were the main cereals which people consumed. Rice, no doubt, was known in the preceding age too, but wheat and pulses were added to the dietary system of this period. Rice was very popular. The chief varieties of rice were Sali, Taṇḍula, Hayana, Shashțika, and Nivāra which seem to have been cultivated in this region. Rice of superior quality 1. Kanavera Jā, (No. 318).
2. Sulasa Ja, (No. 419).
3. Ja, IV. 248 (No. 481, Takkāriya Jî).
4. Athana Jā. (No, 425).
5. Mu, VIII. 1. 1-1. 3.
6. Ja, III. €0.
7. Ibid, III- 61; 1V. 249.
8. Ibid, VI. 228.
9, Majjh, I. 57; III. 90; Ja, I. 429, 484; II. 110, 135, 378;
IV. 276; VI. 367.
Asva. G S, I. 17. 2; Sañ. G. S, I. 24. 3; I 28 6;
Pa, III 1.48; III. 3. 48; V. 1. 90; V. 2. 2.

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was taken by the rich sections of society, whereas the inferior variety was the food of the people belonging to the lower strata."
Cooked rice was called Bhatta or Bhakta”, and by Pānini Odana.3 It was ordinarily eaten with sūpa (pulses) and vegetables.4 Pāṇini tells us that meat, sūpa, vegetables, guda, ghee, etc. were added to Bhāta 5 Rice-milk was highly praised by Buddha, and he recommended it for the Bhikshus as a morning breakfast, Honey was also mixed with it. Y'avāgū (rice-barley gruel) was a common liquid food.
There were a few special preparations known to us. Sattu? was also eaten during this period. Kummāsa or Kulm isha was a coarse food of the poor, Sweet cake now known as Puvā was a favourite dish. According to the Illisa Jataka, it was prepared from rice, milk, sugar, ghee, and honey. Pitthakhajjaka (Khāja) was another sweetmeat liked by all. Säriputta was fond of it but took a vow not to eat it, for it tended to make him greedy.' Palala (modern tila-kuta) was a delicious sweetmcat mentioned by Pāṇini.lo It was made of powdered
Tila and sugar or Guda. Pishțaka, now known as Pithū, was prepared from the ground paste of rice.11
Milk and milk-products like curd, butter, and ghee were largely eaten.Vegetables like pumpkins, gourds, and cucumbers and fruits like mango and jamboo were included in the diet of the people.13
That during this period a large number of people were nonvegetarian is proved by the discovery of boncs at different archaeological sites. They seem to have been very fond of mcat 1. Ja, 1. 486; III 2. Ibid, IV. 43; 3. Pa, IV. p. 67. 4. Ja. VI. 372. 5. Pa, VI. 1. 128. 6. Afr', VI. 24-25. 7. Sattubhasta Jā, (No. 402), 8. kumnasapinda Jā, (-Vo. 415). 9. Ja, 1. 31. (l'iscranta-78,) (.Xo. 60). 10. Pa, V.2, 1.8. 11. Ibid, IV. 3. 147, 12. licu. II. 95. 13 ja, 1. 37; P3. IV. 1.4.; VIII. 4. 5; 14. 3. 163.

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and fish. There were butchers1 who earned their livelihood by killing various animals in the slaughter-houses and by supplying their meat to the people. The flesh of goat, pig, sheep, and deer was much used. In certain sections of society and on special occasions, cows and oxen were also slaughtered, but the tendency to revere the cow and to spare the useful bull was gaining ground. The Jataka stories mention pigeons,2 geese3, herons, peacocks, crows and cocks as eatables. A large number of people cherished fish diet. Meat and fish were carried in carts to the towns and cities where they were sold in the open market.
264
Meat and fish were important items of diet in the royal kitchen. On festival days and on occasions of marriage, meat was lavishly consumed. Even from the Jātakas we know that the Brāhmaṇas relished meat and fish with great delight. They are nonvegetarian diet on sacrificial occasions10 and on the occasion of the Śraddha ceremony.11 A guest was also served with meat so that the fruits of the merit of honouring him could be reaped.12 It seems that the custom of meateating was so common that the Buddha did not prohibit it, except for the Bhikshus, who could accept it only in alms and could not procure it otherwise. In the Mahāparinibbāna-suttanta, the Buddha himself is described as eating pig-meat (Sūkaramaddava),1 ,13 and in a Jātaka story, he is found cherishing cooked meat at the house of a householder.14
This widespread practice of meateating during this period 1. Majjh, I. 364; II. 193; KS, 11. 170-11; KS, II. 171; G.S, I. 229, KS, II. 171.
2. Romaka Jā, (No. 277).
3. Punnandi Jā, (No. 214).
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Ja, II. 412.
8. Mamsa Jā, (No. 315). 9. Ibid, I 242.
10. Ibid, III. 429.
11. Ibid, I. 166 (No. 18).
12. Ap. Dh. S. 11. 3. 7. 4.
13. Digha, II. 127; Udana, VIII. 5. 14. Ja, II. 282.

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might have produced a natural reaction in the mind of Lord Mahāvira which led to the propagation of the doctrine of non-injury to living beings. For the protection of animal life, he instructed both monks and laymen to abstain from meateating.
Drinking was fairly common during this period. There are references to Surā and Meraya (Maireya) as intoxicating drinks. The kings, princes, nobles, warriors, and rich people called Sethis drank liquor. The religious people and the Brahmachārins of all castes were to abstain from drinking. The Jaina süītras prohibit the Jaina monks from visiting festive gatherings in which people drank: According to the rules of the Vinaya, the novices were not to drink strong drinks and intoxicating liquors, and the same rule applied to the elders. We learn from the Dharmasūtras of Āpastamba," Gautama," and Visliņuo that the Brāhmaṇas were not allowed to indulge in drinking.
The Jaina and Buddhist sources inform us that the festive occasions were marked by feasting, drinking, and merry-making. There used to be a festival known as SuraNakkhata (drinking festival) which was marked by unrestricted drinking, feasting and dancing, leading finally to brawls in which people broke their heads, feet, and hands.
Liquor was manufactured or consumed on a large scale. Taverns (Pānāgara : Kappasāla) where various kinds of winc were sold were common. From the jātaka stories we know that there were crowded taverns, where liquor was kept filled in jars and sold.10 The owners of the taverns kept apprentices who helped them in their business. 11 Gencrally, these taverns 1. Chu, XII, 1 3; Angu, 11. 53, II. 54; IV. 3; 249; Titulala, 74: PE, IT,
4.25; VI. 2.70. 2. SBE, XXII; pp. 91-95. 3. SBE, XIII. 211, 215. 4. lp. Dh. S, 1, 5 17.21.
Gau. Dk. S. IT. 26. 6. l'as, Dh. S, XXII. S4, 7. SBE, XXII, pp. 04-05. S. 38, 1. 362, 459. 9. Ibid. IV. 115-16. 10. Ibid. 1.251-252 (Nos. 47, 78). 11. Ibid.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
were managed by the Sethis who were the aristocratic Vaisyas owning considerable property. Some people used to go to these taverns for drinking with their wives. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS
Besides the usual vastra and vasana denoting clothing in older literature, chira, chela, and chivara began to be used during this period. There were different fabrics used for preparing clothes. The Achārānga” mentions some of them as wool (jangiya or jānghika), bhanga (bhag tree), hemp (sāņiva), palm leaves (pottaga), linen (khomiya), and tūla (tūlakada). It is stated that a monk or a nun could beg for the garments mentioned above.3 Although cotton (kārpāsa) was the material generally used, cloths made of Silk (kaušeya); linen (kshauma), and wool (aurna) were also in demand.
The dress of the people consisted of antaravāsaka (under garment), uttarāsanga (upper garment), and Ushanisha (turban or headgear). The Vinaya texts4 refer to the variety of ways in which dhotis (undergarments) were arranged-hastiśaundika (forming the trunk of an elephant), tālavșintaka (in the shape of a fan), matsyavalaka (like a fish-tail), chatushkarņaka (having four angles), and Satavallika (having a hundred folds). The same texts refer to a complete weaving outfit. The cloth was fastened at the waist by a Kāyabandha (girdle), and a variety of girdles are mentioned in the Vinaya Texts, such as Kalābuha (those made of many strings plaited together), deddubhaka (those made like the head of a water-snake), muraja (those with tambourines or beads on them), or maddavina (those with ornaments hanging from them). Both men and women wore Kañchuka, a robe probably like the modern shirt. Women wore sārīs known as satta-sâțtaka.? Ladies of the upper strata of society wore coloured garments, while widows were dressed in white. . Jā, IV. 114.
Acha, 11. 5. 1. 361, 368. 3. Bịh, (2.24) and the Sthână, (5.446) menticn tiridapa !a in placc of
tülakada which was made from the bark of the tirida tree 4. Cho, V. 29. 4. 5. Ibid. 29. 2. 6. Ibid. 7. Ja. No. (431) Vol. 3. 196.

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A Jaina monk was allowed to wear three robes, two linen (Kshaumika), undergarments (omachela) and one woollen (aurņika) uppergarment. The Buddha also allowed three robes : a double waist cloth (samghāta), an upper robe (uttarasanga), and a single undergarment (antaravā saka).
Both from the Jaina and Buddhist sources it is evident that sewing and stitching of clothes were coming into fashion. There are referencess to the needle, thread, scissors, etc. The monks were allowed to sew their clothes,
People also put on shoes. A large variety of shoes is also referred to in the Vinaya Texts, such as shoes with one, two, three, or even more linings ; shoes adorned with skins of lion, tiger, panther, antelope, otter, cat, squirrel, and owl; boots pointed with horns of rams and goats, ornamented with scorpions' tails, sewn round with peacock feathers : boots, shoes, slippers of all hues, such as blue, red, yellow, brown, black, and orange. Sometimes, the shoes were ornamented with gold, silver, pearls, beryls, crystal, copper, glass, tin, Icad or bronze. Poorer people used wooden shoes, shoes made of leaves of palmyra and date-palm, or of various kinds of grass. Shoes were also made of wool. The Bțihatkalpa Bhashya prcscribes the use of shoes for the Jaina monks, especially when they were on tours, and in the case of illness single-solcd (egapuda) shoes, pudaga or Khallaka shocs to cover the foot sore, vāgurā shoes to cover the toes and also the fcct, Kosaga shoes to cover the toes, Khapusa shoes to cover the ankles, and ardhajanghikā and janghika shocs to cover the half and sull thighs respectively.
The difference between the malc and female dresscs and ornaments was not much marked. The ornaments, which decorated the bodies or both men and women, were costly and of various types and designs. Every part of thic body from head
1. icha, 7. + 205. 1. Alu VIII, 13. 4, 5. 3. Sútra, 4,2. 12; #cha, II. 1. 1. 364. 4 Chi, V. 11-1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7; My, 1 1 .1.5, 111. 12. 2; viii. 21. 1.
Ja, No. 387. Vol.2, pp. 178.70
l'inaya, Il 14. 6. Pisin 1.9993; 3 3867,

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to foot had its appropriate ornaments made of gold, silver, pearls, gems and precious stones. We know from the Vinaya Texts, that at first even monks used to wear ear-rings, eardrops, strings of beads for the neck, girdles of beads; bangles, necklaces, bracelets and rings. The only ornaments referred to as worn by women alone were waist-bands and anklets. The Jātakasa also mention earrings, frontlet pieces and torques round the neck. Among ornaments, Pāṇini refers to anguliya (finger-rings)3 Karnika (ear-rings), 4 lalātika (ornaments of the forehead),5 and graiveyaka (torques or necklaces). Some luxurious ornaments of this time like ear-lobes, torques of different shapes, necklaces, bangles, pendants, and rings made of different materials such as terracotta, precious stones, glass, ivory, bone and copper, have been discovered from North Indian sites.
There are elaborate references to toilet articles in the Vinaya Text. Hair was besmeared with pomade or hair-oil of bees-wax, and them smoothed with a comb. Scents, perfumes, garlands, and unguents were used, and faces were rubbed with ointment and painted. The body was also painted, and feet were rubbed with sandstone, gravel, and seafoam. To keep long hair seems to have been the fashion. Beards were also dyed blue, red, purple or green according to individual taste. Nails were polished or cut with nail-cutters, and toothsticks were used for cleaning the teeth. Some of the objects of toiletry discovered in the excavations included antimony rods of copper, hair-pins of bone, combs of ivory, terracotta flesh rubber, and nail parer.
When bathing, people used to rub their bodies-thighs, arms, breast and back-against wooden pillars or walls. Chunam (lime) was also rubbed over the body by means of a wooden instrument in the shape of a hand or a string of beads. Special bathing pools or tanks are also referred to.
1. Chv, V. 2. 1. 2. Ja, VI. 590. 3. Pā, IV. 2. 96. 4. Ibid, IV. 3. 65. 5. Ibid. 6 Ibid. IV.2 96.

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They were floored or faced with brick, stone, or wood, and had walls or steps of the same material. To prevent water becoming stale, pipes were laid to drain it off. There were also arrangements for hot-bath rooms with chimney and fireplace, and the roof covered with skins. The bathers put scented clay over their faces and took their bath seated on stools. There were cells to be used as cooling rooms after the steam bath.1 The Brahmajala Sutta contains a stock list of dress-andtoilet processes comprising no less than twenty items. Of these items, Pāņini3 refers to mirror, collyrium, garlands, perfumes, shoes, and staff.
269
FURNITURE AND UTENSILS
The progress of civilization during this period brought with it certain amenities, such as furniture and utensils, to make life easy and the homes comfortable. The Vinaya Texts1 give a long list of the articles of furniture and utensils. There was a pretty large variety of chairs rectangular, cushioned, cane-bottomed, straw-bottomed arm-chair and state chair, and sofas with or without arms. There were also different types of bedsteads with legs carved to represent animals' feet. Some bedsteads had lofty supports with arrangements for rocking backwards and forwards, and the bed, comprising mattresses stuffed with cotton and pillows half the size of man's body, was strewn over with flowers. Bolsters stuffed with wool, cotton cloth, bark, grass or talipot leaves, and chairs and bedsteads covered with upholstered cushions to fit them were in use. For poorer people, there were mats made of grass and bedsteads made of laths of split bamboo.
For reclining their bodies people used lofty and large things such as large cushions, divans, coverlets with long fleece counterpanes of many colours, woollen coverlets, white or marked with thick flowers, mattresses, cotton coverlets dyed with figures of animals, ruga with long hair on one or both sides, carpets inwrought with gold or with silk, large woollen
1. Che. V. 14.
2. G. P. MAJUMDAR, Toilet, Ind. Culture, Vol, I. p. 651.
3. Pa, V. 2.6; IV. 9-9; vi. 3. 65; IV. 4.53-54; V. 1. 110; V. 1. 14. 4. Chr, Sixth Khandhaka.

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Lord Mahavira and His Times
carpets with designs such as a nautch girl's dance, couches covered with canopies or with crimson cushions at both ends. There were also rich elephant housings and horse-rugs or carriage-rugs. Sheep-skins, goat-skins, and deer-skins were used as coverlets, and fine skins, such as those of lions, tigers, panthers or antelopes, were either used for reclining upon or cut into pieces and spread inside or outside the couches and chairs. We also hear of sun-shades, mosquito-curtains, filters for straining water, mosquito-fans, flower-stands, and fly-whisks (chamara) made of tails of oxen and peacocks or of bark and grass.
Costly utensils were used such as bowls of various kinds made of beryl, crystal, gold, silver, copper, glass, tin, lead or bronze, and some of them were painted or set with jewels. Even circular supports of bowls were made of gold or silver, The increasingly large use of pottery vessels during this period is proved by archaeological excavations. The most remarkable is North Black Polished Ware which enjoyed the status of a de luxe ware of the period on account of its beauty and durability. Bowls and dishes of this ware have been found in a large number.
FESTIVALS AND GAMES
People amused themselves by participating in Samajjas (festival gatherings) which formed a regular feature of social life during this period. The Jātakas inform us that the Samajjās were special gatherings where crowds of men, women and children gathered together and witnessed various kinds of shows and performances, such as dancing and music, combats of elephants, horses and rams, bouts with quarter-staff and wrestling. The Jaina sutras inform us that festive entertainments were characterised by feasting, drinking and amorous acts.2
Though the festive assemblies at this time were mostly secular, some of them were no doubt religious in nature. The centres of these festivals were the cities and towns where people gathered from the neighbouring villages to enjoy them
1. Pre-Buddhist India, p. 355.
2. SBE, XXII, pp. 94-95.

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selves. On the occasion of a festival the cities were decorated, displaying great pump and show. Generally these were organized by the kings themselves who went on elephants round the city in solemn processions. The beauty of the festivals lay in the nocturnal decorations when people in their fine and colourful garments came out of their houses to enjoy and entertain themselves. On the occasion of some festivals, pcople were given holidays. Some festivals lasted for seven days while some continued even for a month.
The Chaturmäsyas were old seasonal festivals. The Apastamba-Grihya-Sūtral tells us that there were three Châturmāsy'a festivals, each celebrated at an interval of four months, which indicated the advent of the three seasons, spring, rainy, and winter. They were celebrated on the full-moon days of Phal. guna, of Ashādha, and of Kārttika.
Jaina and Buddhist texts mention various other festivities. The Chaturmāsya festival of the month of líūrilika was known as the Kaumudi or the Kattika. On the day of Kaumudimahotsava, men and women came out of their houses after sunset, and spent the whole night in wanton merriment. In the Samaññaphala Sutta of the Digha- Vikāya," king Ajātasatru or Magadha is described on the Kaumudi night as sitting on the upper terrace of his palace, surrounded by his ministers. The Sanjiva-Jalakat tells us that when Ajatašatru was the king of Magadha, the city of Rājagriha was so lavishly decorated on the Kattikā festival days that it looked like a veritable city of gods.
The name of a festival Sura- Nakkhota dedicated only 10 drinking points out that drinking was so much in voguc that pcoplc thought it necessary to organise festivals in honour of a popular habit. A drinking festival at Rajagrila is mentioncd in the Sigāla salaka." Another jätaka tells us of a drinking festival held at Vārāṇast. The occasion was characterized by 1. Life in North-Easter. India in Pre-Jaurson Times, p. 83, 2. JLAIDJC, p. 238. 3 Digha, 1 47; SBE. II. 65. 4. Ja l, Yo. 150, 498. 5. Ibid. 459. 0. Ibid, S62.

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unrestricted enjoyment of drinking and dancing. Even ascetics, for whom drinking is strictly prohibited, were for a while led astray. Women also drank hard, danced, and sang in a large number.
272
Sankhadi (Sankhati in Pali)1 or bhojja was another special festival during this period. Sankhaḍi is so called because at this time animals were killed in large numbers and their flesh was served to the guests. It is stated that monks and nuns should not participate in a festival when they know that they would be served chiefly with meat or fish or roasted slices of meat or fish.3
The Hatthi-Mangala (Elephant Festival) was celebrated with a view to exhibiting the feats of elephants in a spectacular manner. The Susima Jātaka1 describes this festival held annually in the royal courtyard. The chaplain of the king conducted the festival and was expected to know the three Vedas and the elephant-lore (Hatthisuttam). This festival was performed for the entertainment of the nobles and of those associated with royal dignity.
Śālabhañjikā festival was a popular festival during this period and a large number of people assembled on certain days in the Sāla groves, plucked Sala flowers, sported, and spent the time in merry-making. The. Avadānasataka5 gives a graphic account of this festival: "Once the Lord Buddha dwelt at Śrāvasti in the Jetavana, the garden of Anathapindika. At that very time, the festival called Śālabhañjikā was being celebrated at Śrāvasti. Several hundred thousands of beings assembled there and, having gathered Sala blossoms, they played, made merry and roamed about." The description of the Salabhañjikā festival celebrated in the Lumbini garden situated between the two towns, Kapilavatthu. and Devadaha, has been given in the Nidanakathā" : "The whole of Lumbini Grove was like a wood of variegated.
1. Majjh, I, P. 418. 2. Brih, I. 3140.
3. Acha, II. I. 4, 245.
4. Ja, II. 46.
5.
6.
Avadanasataka, p. 21.
RHYS DAVIDS: Buddhist Birth Stories, London 1880, Vol. I, p.
66.

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creepers, or the well-decorated banqueting hall of some mighty king. The queen beholding it was filled with the desire of disporting herself in the Sāla grove ; and the attendants entered the wood with the queen. When she came to the root of an auspicious Sala tree, she wanted to take hold of a branch of it. The branch, bending down, like a reed heated by steam, approached within reach of hand. Stretching out her hand, she took hold of the branch, and then her pains came upon her." According to Pāņini, this festival was peculiar to the eastern people.
The people of Rājagriha were very fond of festivals. In the Vinaya-Pitaka, a festival celebrated at an elevated place at Rājagriha is described as Girajjasamajja. That it took place at the top of a hill, probably a sacred place, points to the religious nature of the gathering. From the Visuddhimaggawe learn that there was a festival at Rājagriha in which five hundred virgins (Kumāris) offered Mahākassapa there a kind of cake which he accepted. There used to be held at Rājagriha a festival known as the Nakkhattakilam (the spot of the stars) in which the rich took part. This festival lasted for a weck. Chhana and Sabbarttivāro were the most important festivals in which the Lichchhavis of Vaiśālı spent the whole night in merry-making.
There was a ploughing festival which has been described in the Tiūma-Jälaka. It is said that on that day the king held the plough. Most probably the first ploughing at the beginning of the rains was observed as a sacred day and celebrated as a festival. In addition to these important festivals, there were other minor oncs celebrated in honour of gods likc Skanda, Rudra, and Mukunda ; there were festivals to propitiatc Demons, Yakshas, and Nāgas : there were festivals to honour shrines and tombs, and there were festivals to worship trees, cows, wells, tanks, ponds, rivers, lakes, scas, and mines. 1. Käsik, on 11. 2. 74; III, 3. 109; II.2.17. 2. P. T. S. p. 403. 3. l'inraralth Commentary, pp. 63.
W.W. RocruLL : The Life of the Buddha, p. 03.
u. No, 46.. SBE. XXII, p. 9).

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Some household ceremonies too were celebrated with great rejoicings. Avaha was celebrated before wedding when betel leaves etc. were served; vivaha was the wedding ceremony;1 āhena was held at the time of the bride entering the bridegroom's house; pahena was celebrated when she returned to her father's house. Then hingola was celebrated in honour of the deceased person or a yaksha; in pindanigara, food was offered to fathers. Then sammela or goṭṭhi was a social gathering in which the relatives and friends assembled.2 According to the Jaina tradition it was king Bimbisara who first promulgated this feast.
Lord Mahavira and His Times
Besides participating in festivals, people amused themselves in different ways. They took keen interest in singing and dancing. King Udayana of Kauśāmbi was a great musician who by his music could control elephants run amuck. He was asked by king Pradyota of Avanti to teach music to the princess Vasavadattā. A court-musician named Pañchasikha of Sakka is known to have pleased the Buddha by his music. It seems that singing and dancing played an important part in Ajivika religious practices. The Ajivika scriptures namely two Maggas (paths) are said by Abhayadeva to have been those of song and dance.5 Possibly the Ajivikas in their Ājīviya-sabhā gathered together for ecstatic religious singing and dancing. "Wandering dancers and musicians" gave additional pleasure to the people by showing their skill. There were drummers and conch-blowers" to entertain them.
The gatherings of religious preachers and learned philosophers certainly soothed their hearts and quenched their mental thirst. Besides, dramatic performances were also quite popular, and they might have been an important source of recreation. Painting9 and embroidery," apart from proving
1. Jiva, 3, p 280a; Kusa Jataka, No. 531.
2. Nisi. Chu 8, p. 502; Acha II. 1. 3. 245.; Ava. chu, II, p 172.
3
Ava. Chu, 11. p. 161,
4. Digha, II, 263.
5. Bhag, Fol. 659.
6. FSONB, p. 286. 7. Ibid, p. 297.
8. Economic Life and progress in Ancient India, p. 241.
9. Angu, PTS, III, p. 76.
10. PBI, pp. 31, 41.

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sources of income, must also have charmed the people. The manufacture of clay figurines of both human and animal forms was an object of amusement for children. The performance of jugglers' and snake-charmers (ahigunthika“) gave them special delight. As long as the festivities lasted the youths had the pleasure of enjoying the company of the nagarasobhinis.3
Parks and gardens with diverse flowers and fruits were also the places where people used to visit for recreation. The existence of several beautiful tankst and the nearness of rivers must have facilitated them in cultivating the habit of taking interest in swimming and sailing. There were forests where they took special delight in hunting animals and birds. Chariot-races, archery matches, wrestling, cock-and-peacock fights, and combats of buffaloes, bulls, horses and elephants5 were the noteworthy pastimes of the people,
1. FSOXB. pp. 294, 296 2. Ibid, p. 20G. 3. JASB, XVII, p. 267. 4, Vaisili Excavations, 1950, p. I. 6. Achei, , 11, p 392; Digha, 1. p. .

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CHAPTER VIII
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
The period of Lord Mahāvīra was epoch-making in economic history because of the numerous important changes that occurred in it. States well organised came into existence for the first time, leading to the establishment of peace and order. As a result, this period witnessed an allround development of agriculture, industry and trade. The increased use of iron for different purposes resulted in the surplus of wealth and prosperity. Many new arts and crafts came into existence, and they became localised and hereditary. Both trade and industries were organized into guilds. The coined money was introduced, which facilitated trade and commerce. The merchants became very prosperous and a number of cities and towns came into existence. Population increased by leaps and bounds on account of better means of subsistence and living condition. RURAL ECONOMY
(i) Village
Rural economy had its centre in the grāma or village, a collection of gộihas (houses) and kulas (families) numbering from 30 to 1000. It was closed by a wall or stockade provided with gates.1 Beyond this enclosure lay the arable land of the village, the grāma-kshetra, which was protected by fences and field watchmend against pests like birds and beasts. This land was divided into separate holdings cut off from one another by ditches dug for co-operative irrigation.4 Usually thesc holdings were small enough to be cultivated by their owners and families with the help of hired labour, if necessary.5
1. Jā, 1, 239; II, 76, 135; III 9; IV, 370. 2. Ibid, I, 215. 3. Ibid, II, 110; IV, 277. 4. Dhp, Ver. 80–145=Theragi, 19; Jā, V, 167; 1. 338; V. 412. 5. Jā, I, 277; III, 162; III, 107.

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277
Large holdings were not unknown. We read of estates of 1000 Karisas (probably acres) and more, farmed by Brāhmanas. In the Suttas, again, the Brāhmaņa Kāśibhāradvāja employed 500 ploughs and hired men (bhatikā)- to drive his plough and oxen.3
The rural economy at this time was based chiefly on a system of village communities of landowners. There was no such proprietary right as against the community. We hear of no instance of a shareholder selling or mortgaging his share of the village-field to an outsider ; and it was impossible for him to do so at least without the consent of the village council. Nor had any individual the right of bequest, even to the extent of deciding the shares of his own family. No individual could acquire either by purchase or inheritance any exclusive right in any portion of the common grassland or woodland. The king granted not the land, but the tithe due, by custom to the government as yearly tax.
Adjoining the arable land of the village lay the grazing pasturest of herds of cattles and goats,_herds belonging to the king? or commoners.8 Commoners customarily entrusted their flocks to a communal neatherd called Gopalaka whose duty was to pen up the flocks at night or to return them to their owners by counting heads. Besides pastures, villages had their suburban groves like the Veluvana of king Bimbisāra at Rājagọiha, Anjanavana of Sākcia, or Jetavana of Śrāvasis.
(ii) Different types of villages Gama," Gāmakalo, Dvāragăma'l, and Pachchantagāmat:
1. Jä, III, 293; IV, 276. 2. San. I, 4; S. I., 171; Jū, III, 293. 3. Ja. II, 165; 300. 4. Ibid, I, 3$S. 5. Ibid, 111, 149; IV, 320. 6. Ibid, III. 401. 7. Ibid. I, 210. S. Ibid; 1, 194, 399.
Digha, 1. 193; „Vlajk, 1, 150. II. 70; inca, IV. 335; Su..V. 1. .
Ja, I. 233, 378; 11. GS. 11. Ibid, 111. 33. 19. Ibid, 1. 475; II. 70; IV. 330, 31.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times mentioned in Pāli literature seem to be different types of villages. The Gāma and the Gāmaka were probably the ordinary village and the hamlet respectively, the difference being only in size. The Nigama was probably a busy market village, distinct from the quiet agricultural one. The Dvãragāmas were situated at the gates of cities, and probably were suburbs, most of them being industrial villages. The Pachchantagāma was located at the border of the kingdom. Owing to border invasions, the economic condition of such villages always remained unstable.
Several industrial villages, exclusively inhabited by men of the same craft, came into existence during this period. Such villages were those of carpenters, smiths, weavers, and so on. Another feature of some of the villages was that they were peopled by the men of the same caste. Such caste villages were Brāhmanagrāma named after the Brāhmanas,4 Kshatriya. grāma5 after the Kshatriyas, Baniyagrāmas after the Vaisyas, Chandalagāna? after the Chandālas, and Nesādagāmas after the Nesādas. There were also villages of park-keepers (Ārāmikagāma) and robbers (Choragāmaka).10 Thus the economic factor of specialisation of labour was responsible for the localisation of various industries at separate villages and for the grouping of the people of the same profession and caste. The number of such villages, however, was small. Most of the villages had the mixed population of persons of different castes, occupations and trade, following their own professions.
These villages can be classified into two categories--the agricultural villages and the industrial ones. In the agricultural 1. Jā, II. 18, 405: IV. 159, 207. 2. Ibid; III, 231. 3. Psalms of Sisters, p. 88. 4. The Buddhist evidence tells us of several Brāhmana villages. Sec
Digha, I, 127; Digha, II, 263-61; KS, 1, 216; KS I, 143; Jā. II. 293.
IV. 276; Majjh, 1, 285, 400; GS, I, 162; Argu. IV, 310-41. 5. Vaisăli Abhinandana-Grantha, pp. 85-86. 6. Ibid. 7. Jā, IV. 200. 376, 390. The Mahāram'sa (V.41) speaks of Chandāla
village to the east of pataliputra. 8. Jā, II. 36; IV. 413; VI. 71. 9. MV, vi. 15. 4. 10 jā, IV. :30.

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villages, the main occupation of the people was agriculture. With the growth and development of industries, there came into existence the industrial towns where the craftsmen migrated to pursue their crafts. It seems that the Duāraçāmas, which supplied the needs of the cities, were industrial towns. Such expressions as Duāragāmavāsi Vaddhaki, Dräragāmavasi Kumbhakāra, etc., probably refer to the inhabitants of such villages. The Uvāsagadasão tells us of a village of 500 potters outside the city of Polāsapura.3
(iii) Agriculture
(a) Methods : Agriculture was the main source of people's livelihood. It made further progress during this period with the methods of cultivation becoming more perfect than those of the Vedic period. Vast areas were brought under cultivation. New devices were introduced for the irrigation of agricultural land. The literary sources of this period make references to the ploughing and fencing of the fields, irrigating them, sowing the seeds, getting the weeds pulled up, rcaping the harvest, arranging the crops in bundles, getting them trodden, picking of the straw, removing the chaff, winnowing and garnering of the harvest as the various successive stages of the agricultural process.
For the purpose of cultivation, big ploughs were also used.5 At some places, the land was ploughed with hundreds and thousands of ploughslares. We read of the gahāvai Ananda who limited the cultivable land to five hundred ploughshares, cach one ploughing one hundred acres (nizatlana) of land. The ploughing of land and harvesting of crops becamc casy with iron sickles and hoes which began to bc uscd.
(0) Crops: Some new crops scem to have been discovered during this period, crops which are conspicuously absent from Vedic literature. Vihi and Tandula arc tie ierms used for rice
1. Ji, I\'. 344. 2. Ibid. III. 376. 3. Uvā, VII, Isi. 4. Chi. VII. 1, 2; GS, 1. 209, 21; 4:19. 11, 237-; ju. 1o. I. 5. Sari, III, 155.
l's.. I, p. .

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in the Pāli Nikayas1 and the Jatakas2 which probably denote its different varieties. In the Jaina canonical literature, Kalamaśāli, raktaśāli, mahāśāli and gandhaśālia have been mentioned as different varieties of rice. Godhuma (wheat), barley (Yava), and millet (Kangu) were also produced. Among pulses cultivated were grams (Kalaya)5, beans (Mugga), pear (Māsa)", and Kolatthis. Among oil seeds, castor oil seed (Eranda), sesame (Tila), and mustard oil seeds were well known. The discovery of the cereals, namely, rice, wheat, and pulses in the excavations at Ter and Nevasa in the N.B.P. level, testifies that they were cultivated.
280
Among fibre-yielding plants, cotton (Kappāsa) was the most important. Among other kinds of fabrics, silk (Kosseya), wool (unniya), linen (khoma), and hemp (sana) may be mentioned. Probably indigo (guliya)1o and other chemical dyes were produced, for the mention of a variety of colours leads us to believe in their existence.
Among the spices mention is made of fresh ginger (singavera),11 dry ginger (suntha), cloves (lavanga), turmeric (haridrā), cumin (vesana), pepper (mariya), pippala (long pepper), and mustard (sarisavatthoga)12.
Sugarcane (uchchhu) seems to have been a common crop. A sugarcane store-house (uchchhughara) is mentioned in Dasapura.13 The sugarcane press (Mahajanta: Kolluka)14 is also mentioned, There were sheds for pressing sugarcane (janta
1. Majjh, I. 57; III, 90.
2. Ja, I. 429. 484; II. 110. 135, 378; IV. 276; VI. 367.
3. Uva, I, p. 8,
4. Brih, 2. 3301, 3397.
5. Su. Ni, III. 10; Ja, II. 74.
6. Majjh, I. 57, 80; III 90; Angu, IV. 108; Su. Ni. III. 10; Jā, I. 429.
7. Majjh, I. 57; III. 90; Angu, IV. 108.
8. KS, I. 189.
9. Uttara, Ti, 4. p. 78a.
10. Nāyā I, p. 47.
11. Bhag, 8. 3; Panna, 1. 23. 31, 43-4.
12. Acha, II, 1.8. 268.
13.
Uttara. Ti, 2. p. 23.
14. Ibid, 19. 53; Brih. Bha. Ti, P. 575.

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sālā)1. Jantapilaṇa was an occupation specialising in crushing sugarcane, sesame, and other articles by machine2. Puṇḍravardhana was noted for sugarcane cultivation.3 Three varieties of sugar are mentioned, viz., Machchaṇḍikā, puppottara, and paumuttara.4 Gourds were grown and were used by the ascetics.6
Betel (tāmbula) and arecanut (pūyaphali)s were known. Vegetables called śāka and mūla were grown in addition to brinjal, cucumber, radish, pālanka (mod. pālak), karella (mod. Kerela), tuber roots (āluga), water-nuts śringatala, (mod. singhāḍā), onion, garlic, and gourd. Vegetable-gardens (kachchha) were known where radish, cucumber, etc., were grown". Among flowers, most important are navamālikā, koranṭaka, bandhujivaka, kaṇera, jāti, mogara, puthikā, mallikā, vāsantī, mṛigadantikā, champaka, kunda, and others.10 Among fruits mention may be made of mango, fig, plantain, date, woodapple, citron, bread-fruit, pomegranate, grapes, cocoanut, and others.11 Koṭṭaka was a drying place for fruits; people used to gather fruits from jungles and store them at this place; they carried them in waggons, bundles etc. to cities for sale. Among the miscellaneous products of this period mention may be made of saffron (kumkuma), camphor (kappūra), lac, sandal,12 honey (mahu), and others.
For protection of the standing crops from animals and birds, various steps were taken by the farmers. They dug pitfalls around the fields, fixed stakes, set stonetraps, and planted snares.1 13 They also guarded the fields by fences and
1. Uva. Bhā, 10. 484.
2. Uva. I, p. 11; Jambu. Ti, 3. p. 193a.
2. Tandula Ti, p. 2.
4. Naya, 17, p. 203.
5. Uttara, Ti, p. 103, 6. Brih, Bha, 1. 2886.
281
7. Ura, I, p. 9.
8. Panna, 1. 23. 36.
9. Ibid. 1. 23. 18-9, 26 T. 37-S, 43 fl. Uttara, 30.90 II.
10. Panna, 1.23. 23-5.
11. Ibid. 1, 23, 12-7; Acha, II, 1. S. 266.
12. Naya, I, pp. 3. 10.
23. Ja. I. 143.

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Lord Mahāvira and His Times placards. Wealthy cultivators kept watchmen who guarded their fields day and night.2
Crops were also damaged by natural calamities like drought and flood.3 Their references are found in many a literary work. Famines are known to have broken out in the countries of Uttarāpathao, Kosala, 5 and Dakkhiņāvaha. Pāțaliputra,? Kanchanapura, 8 and Srāvastī suffered considerable loss due to floods.
Arrangements were made for irrigating the fields by drawing water from tanks and wells, the remains of which have been discovered in the archaeological excavations conducted at Ujjain, Vaiśālī, etc. There were engineers who constructed canals for watering the fields." The sākyas and the Koliyas had made a dam on the river Rohinī,10 an example which might have been followed by others elsewhere too.
Agriculture depended upon cattle comprising cows, buffaloes, goats, sheep, asses, camels, pigs, and dogs. The possession of these animals meant a sort of wealth for the people. In fact, cattle-rearing was one of their main occupations. The pasture grounds were known as gochara. During the day time, cattle were taken out to the grazing-land by the cowherds (Gopalakas) and returned by the evening to the people.
There were large cow-pens (gomandava) where the herds. . of cows, bulls, and calves were kept. Cattle-lifters (kūdaggaha) often went to the cow-pen and robbed the cattle at night.12.
1. Jā, I. 153; IV. 282-3. 2. Ibid, II. 110; III. 52; IV: 277. 3. Argu, III. 104; Jā, II. 135, 149, 367; V. 401; VI. 487. 4. Ảua. chủ, p. 396. 5. Vya. Bhū, 10. 557-60. 6. Ava. Chi, p. 404. 7. Kalyan Vijaya, l'ira Nirvana, p. 42 ff. 8. 10. 450. 9. Dhp, 80; Theragā, 19, 877. 10. Kunāla Jů, (No. 536). 11. Viva, ?, P. 14 f.

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Cows
Quarrels among cowherds are frequently referred to. were often attacked and devoured by lions and tigers in the jungle.1
Dairy farming was in an advanced state and the supply of milk, and its four products (gorasa), viz., curds, buttermilk, butter, and ghee, were abundant. People, therefore, could get highly nutritious food. References to the milk of cow, buffalo, camel, goat, and sheep are often met with. Khiraghara was known as a place where milk products were available in plenty.3 Bullocks were used for pulling the plough. The cattle were also utilized for the production of hide, bones, ivory nails, and hair. Slaughter-houses were known. A slaughter-house where five hundred buffaloes were slaughtered every day has been mentioned.5
283
Flocks of sheep and goats were confined in an enclosure (vāḍaga). They were utilized for woolproduction. Brooms (rayaharaṇa) and blankets were made of sheep wool. People used to kill sheep and eat their flesh seasoned with salt, oil, and pepper. Mention is made of a young ram which was fcd on rice and grass till it was fattened and killed on the arrival of the guest. Veterinary sciencc also flourished.10
FOREST TRACTS
Near the village and town, forest tracts were located. A forest (adavi) of eighteen yojanas is said to have existed near Rayagiha. Many species of trees covered with fruits and flowers have also been mentioned: nimba, ümra, jambu, sula, ankola, bakula, palāśa, putrañjana, bíbhitaka, šiṁśapā, śriparņi, aśoka tinduka kapittha, mātulinga, bilva, āmalaga, phaṛasa, dāḍima,
1. Ara. chu, p. 44.
2. Ibid II, p. 319.
3. Nisi. Chu, 9. p. 511,
4. Pinda, 50.
5. Ara, chủ, II. p. 169.
6. lica, 4, p. 30.
7. Brin, 2, 25; Bka, 3. 3914.
S. Sutra, II, 6. 37.
9. Uttara, 7.1 ff.
10. Nisi. ch. 19. n. 1244. 11. Uttara, Ti, S. p. 125.

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asvattha, udumbara, vața, nandi, tilaka, śirisha, saptaparṇa, lodhra, chandana, arjuna, tālatamāla, and others.1
The trees provided people with wood for the supply of firewood and litter. Various kinds of bamboos, creepers, grass, medicinal herbs, and roots were found in plenty. Vanakamma is mentioned as the occupation of those who dealt in wood, an occupation which included the felling of trees. Ingālakamma was another profession the followers of which prepared charcoal from firewood. There were woodgatherers (Katthaharaga), leaf-gatherers (pattaharaga and grasscutters (taṇahāraga) whom we meet frequently roaming about in the forest.3
The forests also yielded other valuable animal products such as hides, skins, sinews, bones, teeth, horns, hoofs, and tails of such creatures as the leopard, tiger, lion, elephant, buffalo, yak, crocodile, tortoise, snake, and birds. ARTS, CRAFTS, PROFESSIONS AND INDUSTRIES
Arts and crafts made considerable progress during this period. The earlier industries continued to make progress, but there was a tendency towards specialization in different branches of the same industry. With the growth and development of urban life, some new arts and crafts also began to meet the needs. With the establishment of big kingdoms, military needs also increased. Wide use of metal further increased the efficiency of several industries.
TEXTILES
Next to agriculture, spinning and weaving should be regarded as most important. References to the weaver (tantuvāya)4, the loom (tanta)5, weaving appliances (tantabhaṇḍa),° and weaving sheds' (tantuvayaśālā) in literary works suggest that weaving was fairly common in society. There were various textile fabrics such as linen (Khomam), cotton (Kappāsi
1. Panna, 1. 23. 12 ff. 35. f. Raya, 3, p. 12. Thu, 10., 736. 2. Ura, 1, p. 11; Vya. Bha, 3. 89; Acha, II. 2. 303.
3. SBE, XIII. 2S; Digha, I. 51; Ja, IV. 475, Panna, I. 37. 4. Ja, I. 356.
5. Vinaya II. 135.
6. Ava. chu, p. 282. 7. Ibid.

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kam) silk (kosseyam), wool (Kambalam), and hemp (sāņam) out of which threads were spun and woven into cloth of various varieties and qualities.1
There are references to what is called the Kāśí clothes which are said to be very fine. It is likely that other cities such are Śrāvasti, Kaušāmbi, Rājagriha, Champā, Vaiśālī, Kusinārā, and Mithila manufactured plenty of textile goods of high quality both for domestic as well as foreign market.
Textile goods manufactured in those cities were of numerous varieties. Various kinds of garments, blankets, and curtains were among the finished goods. Costly and dainty fabrics of silk and gur are said to have been worked out into rugs, blankets, cushions, coverlets, and carpets.3 The Jātakas tell us that embroidered clothes were also manufactured. Kings put on turbans worked with gold. State elephants were adorned with golden clothes. Various kinds of garments, blankets and curtains were among the finished goods of the period.
Then there was also the washing and dyeing industry. Washermen formed one of the eighteen corporations and soda (Sajjirākhāra) was one of their washing materials. Mention must also be made of the existence of laundries (rayagasala). Clothes such as towels were dyed in saffron.' Clothes dyed in red colour (kāsāi) were worn in hot weather. 8 CARPENTRY
Carpentry, which was one of the important occupations during this period, made great strides. Prior to the development of stonc-architecture, wooden architecturc was common. Carpenters were employed for building houses, palaces, halls and staircases. Next to house-building, they built ships, boats, vehicles of all sorts, carts and chariots of different kinds, and 1. No. VIII. 2. 1; Peta, II. 1. 17; India as linown to Panini. pp. 123-26. 29. GS, I. 128; 225-26; Argu, III. 50: Ja, IIT, 11; VI, 49, 50, 144. 3. Jā, I. 149; II. 274; III. 184; VI. 280. 4. Ibid, V. 32., 5. Ibid, IV. 404; V. 255. 6. Vya. Bhü, 10; 484. 7. Vaya, 1, p. 7. 8. Dil Bhi, Pi, 613.

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various machines. They made furniture for houses, such as seats, chairs, bed-steads, pegs, boxes, and toys. Wooden Sandals (padalehaņiyā) were made by clever artists from the wood of various trees,1 were set with vaidurya and excellent rishta and añjana (granite) and then ornamented with glittering and precious stones.2 Axe, hatchet, and other implements were known as the tools of a carpenter.3 HOUSE BUILDING
With the rise of cities and towns, the house-building activity greatly increased. For building a house the services of different artists were required. Among them, the architect was the foremost and indispensable. He was skilled in divining good sites4 and was well grounded in the science of constructing houses. Masons who worked with bricks (Itthakavaddhaki)5 and clod-hoppers (Gahapatisippakāra)6 were also required for the construction of buildings. Apart from wooden structures, houses were built of bricks and mud. Probably such houses were of durable nature. Most probably houses of bricks and mud had wooden ceilings and roofs.
In the Jatakas, the stone-cutter (Pashānakotįaka)? also figures as taking part in house-building. There is no direct evidence of stone architecture prior to the Mauryan age and the Jātakas in this respect may be regarded as referring to the Mauryan and post-Mauryan periods. Stone was used for laying the foundations of buildings in the pre-Mauryan age, but whether it was cut into specific sizes is doubtful.
The Jataka description of the construction and decoration of a play-hall8 suggests that the practice of decorating the walls of buildings with various paintings was in vogue. It was the painter Chittakāra who gave the finishing touch to the work of the architect, the carpenter, and the stonecutter. He pro1. Břih. Bhā, 3, 4097. 2. Kalpa, 1. 44. 3. Ullarā, 19. 66. 4. Jā, II. 297-98. 5. Ibid, VI. 333. 6. lbid, 438. 7. Ibid, I. 478. 3. Ibid, VI. 332-33.

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bably painted frescoes on the clay and wooden walls after they were plastered. MINING
Mining was an important industry at this time. The principal kinds of ores obtained from the mines were iron, copper, tin, lead, silver, gold and diamond.1 Iron and other metals were obtained by fusion.2 Besides metals, there were also several substances, such as salt (lona), Soda (ūsa), yellow orpiment (harijāla), vermilion (hingulaza), arsenic (maņasila), mercury (sāsaga) and antimony (Añjana).3 SMITHY
The economy of this period is marked by the widespread use of iron. The blacksmith (Kammara) occupied an important position among the artisans. In literary works, we find mention of smith-shops (Kammārasālā : aggikamma).' Iron furnaces (ayakottha) are referred to and it is said that they were filled with ore, and a man handled it with tongs (sandası), then it was taken out and put on the anvil (ahikarani). The existence of the villages of blacksmiths consisting of a thousand families suggests that this craft was in a flourishing condition.
The discovery of different types of iron objects from the post-chalcolithic and pre-N.P. levels in the excavations at Ujjain, Nagda, Eran etc. confirms the wide popularity of iron to which the literary works of this period iestisy. Ujjain has yielded evidence of the existence of a kind of furnace mcant for melting iron.? Both from the literary and archacological evidences, it is clear that iron was used for scveral purposes. Tools and implements of warfarc, such as daggers, knives, swords, arrow-heads, spear-heads, spikes and caltrops, were manufactured. Looking at the military needs of the time, production of war material must have been a largescalc industry that absorbed a number of blacksmiths. Articles 1. Nist, 5. p. 412; Panna, 1. 15; Thu, 4. 319. 2. Bțih. Bhū, 1, 1090. 3. Ullardi, 36. 74; Sülra, II. 3. C1; Parra, 1, 15. 4. l'ra. Bhi, 10. 484. 5. Bhag, 16.1. 6. Ja, III. 281. 7. IP, p. 197.

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of domestic use comprised blades, hooks, nails, chisels, drills, axes, lamps, ladles, bowls and rings. Iron had also penetrated into the sphere of agriculture in the form of hoes, choppers, hooks and sickles. The limitless potentialities of this new metal led to the quickening and expansion of agriculture, the utilization of forest wealth and the exploitation of mineral resources. It resulted in a surplus of wealth and prosperity. In the wake of the popularity of iron, use of copper became restricted. It was now used in the production of punchmarked and cast coins and also for manufacturing antimony rods, toys, rings, and beads. INDUSTRY OF PRECIOUS METALS .
Because of great general prosperity, the industry of precious metals made its mark. The gold-smiths (suvarnakāras) and maņikāras had a flourishing trade. Kumāranandi is mentioned as a rich goldsmith of Champā.? Musiyadāraya was another goldsmith (Kalāya) of Teyalipura.2 Gold was first collected in the form of an ore metal; it was then refined and afterwards used for making ornaments. Both men and women were fond of wearing ornaments. The Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical sources reveal that several types of ornaments for different parts of the body were made out of such metals as gold and. silver. We find allusions to Patţikā, muddikā (ring), vallika or kundala (ear-ring), Keyūra or Graiveyaka (necklace), Suvarnamālā or Kāñchanamālā (golden chain), Pāmanga (ear-drop), ovattika (bangles) Hattharana (bracelet), mekhalā (waist-band), etc.?
Not only men and women but even elephants and horses were adorned with ornaments. The elephant wore neck-ornaments made of various gems and jewels and an upper garment. The horses were adorned with small mirrors (thasaga) on their waists and chowries. 4 Mayūrāngachū
1. Āva. chů, p. 397. 2. Näyā. 14. 3. Cho, V. 2. 1; Majjh, III. 243; GS. I. 232, 236; Angu, III, 16; Jā. I.
134, II. 122, 273, III. 153, 377; IV. 60, 493; V. 202. 215, 2.39, 297, 400, 433; VI. 141-15, 217, ctc. Achă, II. 2, 1, 11 (SBE, XXII, pp.
123-24); India as known to Pāṇini. 4, Pra, ?, p. 13.

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likās are referred to as ornaments of cows. The SamyuttaNikāja- and the Jatakas3 inform us that elephants, horses, chariots, etc., were decorated with golden ornaments (Sovannālaknāra), golden banners (Suvannadhaja), golden network (Hemajālapatichihhādana) and the like.
The kings and nobles used golden bowls in which they ate and drank. The chair, bed-steads, thrones, and royal cars used by kings were inlaid with gold.4 Golden vases (bhingāra) were not unknown. Silver (rajata) was used frequently for preparing household utensils.5 PEARLS, GEMS AND PRECIOUS STONES
In Jaina literature, we find references to many precious stones, jewels, pearls, conches, corals, rubies, gomedaya (zircon), ruchaka, anka, sphaţika (quartz), lohitaksha, marakala (emerald), masāragalla, bhujagamochaka (serpentine), indranila (sapphire), hamsagarbha (a variety of rock-crystal), pulaka, saugandhika, (a ruby), chandraprabhā, vaidūrya (cat's eye), jalakānta or chandrakanta (moon-stone) and Suryakanta? (sun-stone). Buddhist literature refers to muktā (pearls), mani (crystal), beluriya (beryl), bhaddaka (luck-stone), sankha, sila, parala (coral), lohitajika (ruby), and masāragala which were obtained from the ocean.8 Most of the jcms and precious stoncs mentioned above were used for making ornaments and inlaid work. The art of skilfully cutting precious stones and giving them various shapes was known. Nanda is mentioned as a rich jeweller of Rāyagiha.10 Bhandāgāra was known as a trcasure-house where no less than sixteen kinds of jewels were preserved. 11 We also hear of ten expert stringers (multis).1: 1. Va, 2. p. 13. 2. Ja, III. 145. 3. lbid, 11, 48, 143, IV 404; V. 255-59; VI. 39; 457-S, 510. 4. Vöyå Ti I. p. 420. 5. Ibid. 6. Kalta, 4. 89. 7. Ulicra, 30. 75 f.
Arg:1, IV, 255, 238, 262; Aigu, IV, 199, 203; U'cona, 1, 5, ?. Wč come across marilundela (ja, III, 153; IV. 42.; VI, 235) %:ita!
ara (Já. III. 377), Variatima (ja. IV.). 10. Väri, 13, p. 141. 11. Visi, chio. p. 311. 13. . Ti, 947, p. 4:20a.

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IVORY WORK
Ivory work ( dantavānijja ) was also a well-known industry, and ivory workers are mentioned among important artisans (šilpa-ārya). Some of the cities having separate quarters for the ivory-workers became the centres of this industry. These ivory-workers made bangles, trinkets, and articles of diverse forms. Costly carvings, ornaments, handles for mirrors, and inlaying of royal chariots were made by them.” An instrument resembling a saw (kakacha or kharakakacha) is known to have been used for shaping the ivory pieces.3 Ivory was obtained from the forests, either from dead elephants or from the living ones. This industry had probably given rise to a class of people whose occupation was to collect elephant tusks from the forests. GARLAND-MAKING AND PERFUMERY
Garland-making and perfumery were practised because flowers were grown in large quantities. The garland-makers made beautiful garlands and bouquets.5 Apart from being objects of daily consumption, these garlands were in special demand on the occasion of marriages and festivals. There was a garland-maker named Ajjuņaya who had a flower garden (pupphärāma) in Rāyagiha where flowers of different shades and colours were grown.
The perfumer (gandhaka) used to manufacture several kinds of perfumes from various materials. His shop, known as gandhiyaśālā, was also common in those times. The Mahavagga refers to sandalwood, Tagara, black Anusāri, Kaliya, and Bhadramuktaka which were used for perfuming ointments.8 The Nikājas refer to scents produced from roots (Mīlagandha), sära, flowers (Papphagandha), Phegu, Tacha, Papaļi, fruits (phalagandha), leaves (pattagandha), and juice (rasagandha). 1. Jā, II. 197 2. Ibid, V. 302; VI. 223. 3. Ibid, 1. 321, VI. 261. 4. Ibid, 1, 320-21; 11. 197. V. 45, 49. 5. Nāyā 8. p. 15. f. Anta, 3. p. 31 f. 7. Vya. Bhā, 9. 23. 3. Mr, VI. 11. 2. 9. Micijh, III. 6-7; Sam, III. 156, 251-2; GS I. 205-6.

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Among flowers from which perfumes were produced were Vassika, Mallika, lotus and Piyangu,1 Agara, Tagara, and other flowers were also used for perfuming. POTTERY
Literary as well as archaeological sources reveal that pottery was in a flourishing condition. The most important ware of this period is North Black Polished Ware. Smoothness and lustre are the characteristics of this pottery. It originated in the Indo-gangetic plains where much has been found in the excavations.
The Jātakas tell us that there existed potters' villages where various types of bowls, jars, and vessels of all types were made. Like weavers and blacksmiths, the potters also found favour with the Jaina Śramaņas who frequently took shelter in their shops. Saddālaputta is mentioned as a wellknown potter of Polāsapura who owned five hundred shops outside the city, shops where a number of servants were employed. Hālāhalā was another rich potter woman of Śrāvasti in whose shop Gośāla stayed.
The usual way of making wares was this : lumps of clay (mattiya) were kneaded with water and mixed with ashes (chāra) and dung (karisa); the mixture was placed on a wheel (chakka) which was rotated in order to mould the mixture into various vessels. The wet vessels were then dried and baked. Besides these vessels, various types of toys were also produced.5 This is also confirmed from the finds of terracotta figures of various objects from the archacological excavations at several sites. DYEING
From the Jaina and Buddhist sources, it is known that dycing was the profession of Rajaka, both washerman and dyer, wlio dyed clothes after properly washing them. The Vinayapitaka informs us that dyed clothes-blue, light yellow, crimson, brown, black, brownish yellow and dark yellow-were prohibiicd for the monks. This suggests that clothes of shesc 1, Jlajjh. III. ; Sai, III. 156; D!ip, 54; Ja, VI. 336. 2. Ja, III. 368, 376, 385, 508; V. 291.
Uri. Ed. by H. F. Hornxer, p. 119. 1. Bhag, X1, 539, vol. 658. 5. ja 11. 6. 12. 6. Vir, VIII. 29. 1.

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colours were used by the laity. The Jātakas mention garments, rugs, and curtains as dyed scarlet, orange, yellow, and red, and umbrellas as red. They also mention various colours such as white (seta), dark-blue (Nila), brown (Pingala), yellow (Halidda), golden (suvanna), silvery (rajatamaya), red (Ratla Indagopa), black (kāli), madder-like (Mañjettha), etc. It can be presumed that these colours were utilised for dyeing clothes.
The practice of dyeing clothes presupposes the existence of the industry of dye-making. Dyes were prepared from roots, trunks and barks of trees, leaves, flowers, and fruits. Dyes were first boiled in order to give a fast colour to clothes. Apart from dyeing clothes, dyes were needed for ladies who often painted their hands and feet. GUMS, DRUGS AND CHEMICALS
There were small industries of gums, drugs, and chemicals, all in a flourishing condition. The Mahāvagga mentions seven kinds of gums-Hingu, Hingulaka, Sipātika, Taka, Takapatti, Takapanni, and Sajjulasa." Drugs and chemicals were made of various roots, 8 leaves, and fruits. 10 For the mineral industry, acids were also produced. HUNTERS, FISHERMEN AND FOWLERS
From Jaina and Buddhist literatures it is known that people earned their livelihood as sheep-butchers, pork-butchers, fowlers, hunters, and fishermen. This indicates that eating flesh was common in those days. This is further confirmed by the discovery of a large number of bones from different archaeological sites.
Hunting (miyavaha) is referred to in the Bhagavati;11 there were regular hunters (migaluddhaza) whose occupation was to 1. Jā, IV. 258; V. 211. 2. Ibid, VI. 218.
Ibid, VI. 279. 4. Alv, VIII. 10. 1.
Ibid. VIII. 10. 2. 6. Jā, III. 183; VI. 218. 7. Mv VI. 7. 8. Ibid. VI. 3. 1. 9. Ibid, VI. 5. I. 10. Ibtd, VI. 6.1. 11. Bhag, I. 8.

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:
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capture or kill the animals and earn their living by selling them. Hunting with hounds is also mentioned. Such hunters were called soņiya (saunika), others who captured animals with the help of snares were known as Vāgurika.2 Hunters were differentiated according to the animals or birds they used to catch or kill.3
4
The fowlers (sauniya) are noticed with bow and arrow aiming at partridges, ducks, quails, pigeons, monkeys, and francoline partridges (kapiñjala). * Birds were caught with hawks (viḍamsiya), trapped in nets (jäla), and captured with the help of bird-lime (leppa).5
Fishermen known as Machchhaghatakas and Kevatas caught fish with hooks (jāla) and in bow-net (maggarajāla) and then cleaned and killed." There were colonies of fishermen who caught fish from rivers and sold them in the market.
LEATHER WORK
Leather industry seems to have been in a fairly advanced condition. The cobbler, known as Chammakāra or Padakūra, manufactured various types of leather goods, but shoemaking was his most important occupation. Shoes were made with skins of lion, tiger, panther, otter, cat, squirrel, and owl. Shoes and slippers could be blue, yellow, red, brown, black, orange, or yellowish. Sometimes they were set with goldio and wrought with various threads."1 Besides shoes, the cobbler also made leather socks,12 shields of hundred layers, and leather
1. Sutra, II. 2. 31.
2.
3.
4.
Brih. Bha, 1. 2766; ya. Bhā, 3. p. 209.
Ja, III. 61; Jā, II. 153. Jā, Nos. 33, 533; Ja, I. 208.
Sutra, II 2 31f.
293
5. Uttara, 19. 65.
6. Ibid, 19.64.
7. Ja 1. 234
S. Mr, V. 2.
9. lbid V. 2. 1-2.
10. Ja, IV. 370; VJ. 370.
II. Ibid. VI. 218.
12. Ibid, V. 45. 13. Ibid, VI. 454.

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parachutes." He also seems to have been making ropes, sheaths and traps:2 LIQUOR DISTILLING
The profession of a rasavānijja or of a dealer in wine is also mentioned. The Jaina literature refers to the following varieties of wine : chandraprabhā, manisilākā, varasīdhu, varavāruni, āsava, madhu, meraka, rishtabhā or jambuphalakalika, dugdhajāti, prasannā, tallaka (variant nellaka or mellaga), sutāt, kharjūrasāra, mặidvikāsāra, kāpiśāyana, supakva and ikshurasa.” Most of these wines were named after their colour and prepared from various fruits, flowers, and grains. Drinking wine seems to have been common in those days, and there were also wine-shops in the inarket. TRADE AND COMMERCE
Trade and commerce prospered greatly during this period owing mainly to plentiful production. Numerous crafts and industries sprang up for preparing manufactured goods. Facilities for transport and communication led to their proper distribution and utilisation. The beginning of coinage provided facilities for the exchange of goods..
In every village and town, there were markets with several shops (apaña). Arrows and carriages and other articles for sale were displayed in the āpaña4 or fixed shop or, it might be, stored within the antarāpa na.5 Textile fabrics, groceries and oil,? green groceries, 8 grain.' perfumes and flowers, 10 articles of gold and jewelleryll were among the items sold in the bazars. For the sale of liquors, there were taverns (pānāgāraapaña). Trade in strong drinks, poisons, flcsli,. 1, Jā, V.45, 2. Ibid, 1. 175, 11, 153, III. 116; IV. 172, V. 47, 106, 375; V. 1, bl. 3. JLAID JC, p. 125. 4. Jā, II. 267; IV, 458; VI, 29; Vin. IV. 248. 5. Ibid, 1, 55, 350; 111. 406. 6. Vin. IV. 250 f. 7. Ibid, IV. 148-9. 8. Jā. 1. 411. 9. Ibid, 11, 267. 10. Ibid, I. 290 f; IV, 82; VI; VI, 336; l'in. Texts. III, 343. 11. Jā, IV, 228. 12. Ibid, I, 251 8; 263 F; IV, 328.

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daggers, and slaves was disapproved for those who cared for morals. The prices of goods were settled between the producer and merchant by haggling, competition, and custom." There were hawkers3 who earned their livelihood by retail trading. Local products were consumed in the villages and towns and the surplus, if any, was despatched to trade-centres in different parts of the country. TRADE AND INDUSTRIAL CENTRES
Many trade and industrial centres of this period are known. Champā was an important industrial centre in those days. The Nasādhammakahat describes the sea-faring merchants of Champā, who loaded their waggons with various goods and proceeded to deep sea-harbours. Jiņapāliya, Jiņarakkhiya,5 Palita, and Dhana? were famous merchants who dealt both in inland and foreign trade. Rājagļha, Vaisālī, and Banaras were rich, happy and thriving commercial centres where wealthy merchants resided.
Ujjeņi was another great centre of trade. During the reign of king Pradyota, nine great stores or emporiums arc mentioned in Ujjeni, where all sorts of goods, including diamonds, were available.8 Dhanavasu, a merchant of this place who left for Champā with a caravan, was attacked by robbers.' Ayala of this place loaded his boats with goods and journeyed to Pārasaula ; hic earned plenty of wealth there and anchored at Bennāyada.10
lathurā was another business centre. People lived licre on trade, and there was, curiously enough, no cultivation of land in this town.11 Thc merchants from Jathura used to go
1. tigu, III, 208. 2, JäIII, 282 . 3. Ibid, 1, 111 f. 205, 11. 24; III, 21.232 f. 4. Novi, S, p. 97 ff. 6. Ibid, 9, p. 121 f. 6. Ular, 21.1. 7. 7., 15. p. 159. 8. Brik. Bai, 3, 4:20 r. 9. ., Vir, 1270 f. 10. C:07:. Ti, 3, 7.61, 11. Bril. 17, 1. 1239.

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to the south on business. Sopāraya is described as another emporium of trade, a centre which was inhabited by five hundred tradesmen.2 Then there was Surattha3 which was joined with Pāņdu Mahurā by sea. We hear of horse merchants arriving in Bāravai for trade.5 Vasantapura was another emporium whence traders used to journey to Champā.. We hear of a merchant going from Khilpaţthiya to Vasantapura.? Hattisisa was a commercial centre where a number of merchants resided. From here they journeyed to Kāliyadiva where there were rich mines of gold, jewels, and diamonds and which was also noted for horses.8 A merchant named Pālita of Champā went on business to the town of Pihunda or Pithunda a sea-coast town. COMMODITIES OF INLAND TRADE
With regard to inland trade, all we know is that there were several commodities that were exchanged. The sea-faring merchants of Champā loaded their carts with four kinds of goods, viz., that which could be counted (ganima) such as betelnuts etc., balanced (dharima) such as sugar etc., measured (meya) such as ghee, rice, etc., and scrutinized (parichchhejja) such as cloth, jewel, etc. 10 Gold and ivory were carried from Uttarāpatha to Dakshiņāpatha for sale. Cloth seems to be an important exchangeable commodity. Mathurā and Vidiśā are mentioned as textile centres. 11 The country of Ganda was 1. Aua, cha, 472. 2. Bțih. Bhā. I. 2506. 3. Das. chū, p. 40. 4. dīva. chú, II, 197. 5. Ibid, p. 553. 6. Äva. chū, II, p. 531. 7. Ava. Ti, (Hari.), p. 114a. 8. Nāyā. II, p. 201 f. Ullara XXI. See Indian Culture, XIII, p. 20.
Pithunda is identified with Khāravcla inscription's Pithuda and Ptolemy's Pitundrai, LEVI locates Pitundra in the interior of Maisolia between the mouths of the two rivers, Maisolos and Manadas, i.e., between the delta of the Godavari and Mahanadi ncarly at an equal distance from both. It would therefore be convenient to search for its location in the interior of Chikakole and Kalingapatam towards the course of the river Nāgāvati which also bears the name of Län
guliya. 10 Näya, S, p. 98 I]. vita. Ti, (Hari.), p. 307.

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famous for silken garments. Textile fabrics coming from the east to the country of Lāta were sold at a higher price.” *Tāmalitti,3 Malaya, 4 Kāka,5 Tosali, Sindhu, and Dakshiņāpatha were famous for various kinds of textile materials. Nepal was noted for fluffy blankets.' Woollen blankets were sold at a high price in Mahārāshtra.10
The Nājādhammakahā refers to various kinds of textile fabrics which were loaded in waggons and carried for sale.11 *There was another important commodity that was exchanged in those days. Kāliyapiva was known for beautiful horses, and it had mines of silver, gold, jewels, and diamonds. 1° Another name celebrated for horses13 is Kamboja. Uttarāpatha was famous for thorough-bred horses.14 Dilaväliyā was noted for mules.15 Pundra was known for black cows, 16 Bheranda for :sugarcane, 17 and Mahähimavanta for gosīsa sandal. TRADE ROUTES AND TRANSPORT
There was a network of routes not only connecting the important cities and towns through roads and water-ways within the country but also leading to foreign lands. Rājagrha, Vaiśāli, Śrāvasti, Vārāṇasī, and Champā were the important towns of Eastern India. From the account of the journeys made by Mahāvīra and the Buddha, we know about the routes connecting these towns. These cities had trade 1. Āchā. Ti. II, 5, p. 361a. 2. Brih. Bhā, Vr. 3, 3884. 3. Uvā, 7. 32. 4. Anu, 37, p. 30. 5. Nisi. Chi, 7, p. 461. 6 Ibid. 7. Ichā. Chi, p. 304; Achā. Ti. 11, 1, p. 36la. S Icha. Chu; 363, 9. Brih; V. 3. 3821. 10. Ibid, 3. 3914. 11. Najā. 17, p. 203. 12. Ibid. p. 202 . 13. Uttara 4, 11. 16. 14. Das, chu, 0, p. 213. 15. Tandula Ti, p. 269, 10. Jiri, 3. p. 355. 17. Ullari. Ti, IS, 2529.

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transactions through land routes with distant lands like Gandhāra, Kamboja, Sind and Kashmir. Not only merchants but also warriors and saints traversed these routes.
There were several minor routes in Eastern India connecting towns and cities. As Rāagsha was the capital of Magadha at this time, it was connected with Kapilavastu, Śrāvastī, Mithila, Champā, and Kalinga by scparate routes as is apparent from Buddhist literature. From the itinerary of Mahāvira also, it seems that Rājagļha was linked separately with Kuņdagrāma, Alabhiyā, Śrāvasti, Vaiśālī, and Champā. I Besides, there were three distant routes which started from Rājagrha to far off places. . RĀJGRHA-PUSHKALĀVATI ROUTE OR THE UTTARĀPATHA
This route connected Rājagļha with Takshasilā and Pushkalāvati which were great trade centres of North-west India. Takshasilā became an international trade centre because it is through this place that India established trade relations with the West. This route has been referred to as Uttarapatha by Pāṇini? and was known to the Greeks as 'Northern Route'. It seems to have passed through Pataliputra,. Vārānasí, Kausâmbi, Mathurā, Indraprastha, and Sakala. From Pushkalavatı, it probably branched off to Kashmir tothe North-East and to Bactria to the North-West. It is only by this route that students from various parts of Eastern India, such as Rājagriha,3 Vaiśālī, Mithila, 4 and Vārāṇasī, used to go. to Takshasilā, the famous seat of learning. RĀJAGRIHA-PRATISHȚHĀNA ROUTE
According to Pāṇini, this route was known as Kāntārapatha' because it passed through a forest region. It is the same as the above route (Kājagộiha-Pushkalāvati) upto Kaušāmbi, from where it passed through Vansahvaya, Vedisa, Gonaddha, Ujjeni, Mahissati, and then Patitthāna. Caravans going to 1. Based on the authority of the Kalpa. 2. Pa. V. 1.77. 3. Darimukha Ja, No. 378; Nigrodha Jā, No. 445. 4. Suruchi Ja, No. 499; Vinilaka Jā. No. 160. 5. AGRAVALA : India as known to Pānini, p. 242. 0. Su. Ni. V 1. 36.

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Bharukachchha passed through this route up to Māhishmati from where they had to branch off to Bharukachchha.
RĀJAGRIHA-SINDHU REGION ROUTE
This route led westward to Sind, the home of horses and asses, and to Sauvīra and its ports, with its capital called Roruka. Up to Mathurā, this western route was the same as the Rājagrha-Pushkalāvati route, but there it branched off to the Sindhu region. It passed through the desert of Rajasthan.
MEANS OF CONVEYANCE
For inland trade through roads, the chief modes of conveyance were carts drawn by oxen, horse carriages, litters and sedan chairs. The merchant Ananda had five hundred carts for distant traffic and the same number for local use. While the rich rode on elephants, the ordinary people employed camels, horses, and asses. THE CARAVANS
Keeping in view the difficulties inct with by the traveller on these land routes, merchants used to travel in a caravan. After loading their carts and animals with gocds, thcsc merchants started their long journey with their captain called Satthavāha, who gave them directions regarding halts, inns, routes, fords, and danger-spots. The Jatakasl inform us that the caravan had to face five major difficulties and dangers-- robbers, wild beasts, draught, demons, and faminc. The Sattarūhas had to have ample and proper equipment for a safe journey. The journey through the desert was hard as well as interesting. The guide, who led the caravan through the desert, was known as the Thalanijāmaka(descrt pilo:). Equippcd with his knowledge of the stars, lie led the caravan in the right direction. The Ārassalachirni gives an account of luis a caravan suffered in passing through the deseri ducin scarcisy
1. Ja l. 99. 2. Ibid, 107. 3. Ansi, Chi. 17:3; II. 34.

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of water. The Vinaya texts also refer to caravan going from Rājgașiha to the west.? RIVER TRANSPORT
Besides land routes, there were also river routes. The great rivers, such as Gangā, Yamunā, Sarayū, Soņa, Gandaki, Kosi, and others, served the purpose of communication and transport. The famous riverports Champā, Pāțalīputra, Vārāṇasī, and Kośāmbī were connected by waterways. These waterports were connected with trade centres on the land. Sometimes, the river routes were more convenient and less costly, and safer and quicker than roads. Because of these river routes, there must have been brisk inland trade. Ships, big boats, and small sailing boats were used for the purpose of navigation. Sometimes heavy objects such as pillars and logs were transported from one place to another. OVERSEA TRADE
From the literary sources of this period, it is clear that Indians were carrying on brisk oversea trade. The Theragatha speaks of merchants sailing on sea with the hope of earning wealth.2 The Jātaka stories tell us of several shipwrecks,3 specious ships' ship-building activities, and of seafarers sailing to different countries for trade. The Nāyādhmmakahā gives a beautiful description of a sea voyage. Arhannaga and other merchants of Champā loaded their boats with merchandise and proceeded on their journey. There is a description of a shipwreck caused by a terrible cyclone. The Baudhāyana-Dharmasūira’ shows that navigation was peculiar to Brāhmanas of the North. The mention of various terms associated with navigation leaves no doubt about the practice of travelling far and wide during this period.8 1. Sutta-Vibhanga, SBE, XIII, 15. 2. Theraga, 530. 3. Jā, II. 111, 127-29; V. 75; Jā, No. 196. 4. Ibid, Nos. 446, 539. 5. Ibid, IV, 159; VI. 427. 6. Vāgā, 1. S p. 97 ff; 17, p. 201. 7. Bau. Dh. S. 1. 1. 20. S. AGAPATALA : India as known to Pānini, pp. 155. 156.

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The Jatakas inform us that traders from the river-ports on the Gangā went to the eastern lands across the sea. The Sankha Jataka describes the journey of the Brāhamaņa Sa kha from Vārāṇasī to Suvarnabhūmi (Burma and portions of IndoChinese Peninsula). There are references to voyages from Champā to Suvarnabhūmi. Prince Mahājanaka is said to have travelled in a ship with approximately 350 men and reached there.? Traders from Vaiśāli also seem to have been going to Suvarnabhūmi and other places for trade. The Valahassa Jätaka speaks of trade between Vārāṇasi and Tāmbapannidipa. It seems that these traders of Vārāṇasī, Champā, and Vaiśāli sailed to eastern lands with their ships carrying locally manufactured goods. Though only Suvarnabhūmi and Tāmbapaņņidipa are mentioned, it can be assumed that trade was carried on with many other islands of the East Indies. The Mahāniddesa tells us that India's trade to the East existed with Kālamukha, Suvannabhūmi, Vesunga, Verapatha, Takkola, Tāmali, Tāmbapanni, and Jāvā. The first two of these places can be identified with Arakan coast and lower Burma. The next two correspond to Ptolemy's Besyngeitai, Barbai, and Takkala. Tāmali has been identified by SILVAIX LEVI with Tāmralinga in the Malaya Peninsula. The padāna states that traders from Malaya and China visited India.s
There is archaeological and literary cvidence for a maritime trade between India and the western countries during this period. A beam of Indian cedar in thc palace of Nebuchadnezzar (601-562 B.C.) at Birs Nimrud has been found. In the second storey of the temple of the lfoon-god at Ur, rebuilt by Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus, TAYLOR found two rough logs of wood, apparently icak imported into Babylonia from India. Thc Bavcru-Jataka: relates the adventurcs of certain Indian marchants who took the first peacock:
1. Ja. IV, 15-17. 2. Mchājancka Jū, (.Xo. 539). 3. Ja, II. 127-29. 4. R.C. MAJOMDAR : Suvarnacvipa, p. 57. 5. Spodãng. I. p. 2. 6. A History of Indian Shipping. 7. Ja, III. 120.

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by sea to Babylon. J. KENNEDY1, who worked on this subject concluded that maritime commerce between India and Babylon flourished in the seventh and sixth centuries B.C., especially in the 6th century. B.C. Writing on India's ancient trade, Jackson has observed that the Buddhist Jatakas and some of the Sanskrit law-books too tell us that ships from Bhroach and Sopārā traded with Babylon from the eighth to the sixth century B.C.2
The Supparaka Jātaka3 says that a band of travellers sailed from the port of Bharukachchha and passed through six seas, under the leadership of a skilled mariner. The seas, thus mentioned, are Khuramala, Aggimāla, Dadhimāla, Nilakusamāla, Nalamāla, and Balabhāmukha. These seas have been identified with the Persian gulf, the Arabian coast, Nubia on the North-East corner of Africa, the canal joining the Red sea and the Mediterranean, the Mediterranean and some portion of the Mediterranean. If this identification is correct it can be established that Indians possessed the knowledge of a sea-route from the West coast to the Mediterranean.4
In the Digha Nikaya, there is an explicit reference to ships sailing out of sight of land. Certain Indian commodities, e.g., rice, peacocks and sandal-wood, were known to the Greeks and others with their Indian names in the fifth century B.C. It follows that they were imported from the west coast of India into Babylon directly by sea.5
India's trade relations with Persia during this period are known. Ayala is said to have loaded his boats (Vahana) with goods and journeyed from Ujjeņi to Pārasaula (Persia); he earned plenty of wealth there and anchored at Beņnāyaḍa. Persia was used to export various commodities, such as Sankha, phopphala, chandana, agaru, mañjiṭṭha, silver, gold, jems, pearls, and corals. Trade relations between India and Persia were normal because Gandhara (Northern Punjab) became a part
1. JRAS 1898.
2. A History or Indian Shipping, p. 90. Quoted by R.K. MOOKERJI. 3. Ja, IV. 135-143.
4. JBORS, VI, 195.
5.
6. Uttara. Ti, 3, p. 64.
A History of Indian Shipping, p, S8.

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of the dominions of the Persian emperors in the sixth or fifth century B.C., and the Indians paid tribute in gold to them. Herodotus also refers to the Indian contingent of Xerxes' army clad in cotton garments and armed with cane bows and irontipped cane arrows.
The description in the Ceylonese chronicles of prince Vijaya's voyage to Ceylon from Bengal with his 700 followers presupposes a regular sea trade and commercial intercourse. We read of traders coasting round India from Bharukachchha on the west to Suvarnabhūmi and touching on the way at a port in Ceylon. It is said that the sea-going merchants halted at Simhala diva (Ceylon) in the middle of their journey.3
The head of the mariners (Niyāmakas) was known as Nijāmakajețhaka. He was probably the captain, the owner of the ship, and the leader of travellers voyaging with him. It was his great responsibility to pilot the ship efficiently and unerringly.
The merchants, who returned to their country with valuables, sometimes practised fraud in order to avoid payment of royal taxes. The Rāyapaseniya refers to those who traded in anka jewel, conch-shells or ivory, and to those who, instead of taking the regular highway, always chose the most difficult routes in order to evade taxes.4 We hear of the king of Benņāyaļa who detected the trick of a deceitful merchant and had him arrested.5
The chief articles of export from India were spices, perfumes, mcdicinal herbs, pigments, pearls, precious stoncs like diamond, sapphire, turquoise, and lapis lazuli, iron, stcel, copper, sandalwood, animal skins, cotton cloth, silk yarn, muslin, indigo, ivory, procclain, and tortoise-shell. The principal imports were cloth, linen, perfumes, medicinal herbs, glass, tin, lead, pigments, precious stoncs, and coral.
Progress in the sphere of trade and commerce is reflccied in the general economic condition of thc pcoplc. We have several references to very rich merchant-millionaires of those 1. Diparamsa. IX, 10-28; Mahāvamsa, VI. 2. The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 602. 3. Tcha, Ți, 6. 3, p. 223a. 4. Rüya, 104. 5. Utlar:7. Ti, op. cit.

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days in literature. One of them, Anāthapiņdika, is said to have purchased the Jetavana park for the Buddha by.covering the whole surface of it with gold coins. Ananda from Vānijagrāma, Kāmadeva from Champā, Sūradeva from Banaras, Sardalaputra from Polasapura, and Mahasataka from Rājagriha were famous wealthy merchants who became followers of Mahāvīra. The wealth of the middle classes appears from their dress, ornaments, houses, and furniture. There is no reference to extreme poverty or to paupers as a class. On the whole, people lived happily in peace and prosperity. ORGANIZATION OF TRADE AND INDUSTRIES
The most remarkable feature of the economic life during this period was that trade and industries were organized for the first time into guilds known as Srenis. These Srenis were the corporations of the people belonging to the same or different castes but following the same trade and industry. These guilds. were autonomous bodies and their members managed their own affairs. There was little interference by the state in the affairs of the guild.
The Brahmanical, Buddhist, and Jaina sources make references to guilds. The Gautama Dharma Sūtra? mentions the guilds of cultivators, traders, herdsmen, and artisans. The Jatakas” refer to eighteen guilds which, though a conventional number, show the extensive character of the organisation. There are various branches of trade and industry which, together, considerably exceed the number eighteen. The guilds of woodworkers, the smiths, the leather-dressers, and the painters are specifically mentioned.3 In Jaina literary works, the guilds of goldsmiths, painters, and washermen are mentioned, and about the rest, we do not know much. ORGANIZATION AND CONSTITUTION
The Jālakas throw some light on the organization and constitution of these guilds. These guilds were, to begin with, 1. Gau. Dh. S, X1, 2. Ja, VI, 22, 427; J7, 1. 267. 214; IV. 43, 411. 3. Ja, 1., 314; III, 251; IV. 411; VI. 22. 4. Mayâ, p. 105. 5. Ibid, p. 107. 6. Ira.chu, II. p. 182.

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well organized under their respective chiefs called Pamukha or Jetthaka, an officer who was something like an alderman or a president. Among such craft-guild chiefs, the names of Baddhakijeţthaka?, Malakārajetthaka”, and Kumārajetthakal are important. These chiefs might be important Ministers in attendance upon and in favour with the king. In the Suchi Jataka,4 there is a description of Kumārajetthaka, a favourite of the king's.
There were also merchant-guilds under the chiefs called Setthis. Because of wealth, they got special status in society. They visited the royal court as representatives of the business community. One such chief was Anāthapiņdika, who was the Mahā setthi, the president of a commercial federation, with numerous Anuseţthis under him. Different guilds also federated under a common president, called Bhāndāgārika, to check their internal disunion. Such a Bhāndāgārika was acting in the city of Banaras. He was expected to be conversant with the affairs of trade and business and with the working of the guilds.
These guilds were gradually converted into hereditary castes on the basis of occupation. In ordinary times, the sons pursued their paternal occupation. Besides, these guilds became localized in particular areas. They gave impetus to specialization and efficiency of labour. Villages inhabited almost exclusively by one type of craftsmen came into existence. There are references to the villages of smiths, potters, carpenters, saltmakers, etc. Even in towns, there was provision for separate quarters and suburbs for the members of cach guild.
The guilds were autonomous bodies having their own laws. The corporate existence of the guild was recognized by the state. Guilds cxcrcised considerable control over the
1. Ār. Ghi, IV. 161; IV, 332, 2. Ibid, III. 405. 3. Ibid, III. 281. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid, I. 93; Jå. \', 357. 6. Ibid, IV, 43; II. 12.52. 7. Ja, III.281.

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members.1 Probably the settlement of disputes among its members and the solution of the problems of trade and business fell under the jurisdiction of the guild. It could also settle the disputes between wives and husbands.? That guild organizations were well-disciplined and maintained solidarity is suggested by a Jātaka story which describes the shifting of 100 families of carpenters overnight.3
A guild worked for the welfare of its members, and it had a right to approach the king and demand justice. A painter was ordered to be executed by prince Malladinna; the guild of the painters visited the king, explained the matter, and requested him to quash the sentence passed against the member of its union. The king was pleased to commute the sentence into banishment.4 Then we hear of a washermen's guild approching the king in order to demand justice.5
Some of the guilds probably carried on banking business too. In cities like Rājagriha, Srāvasti, Vaiśāli and others, where brisk trade and business were carried on, the guilds of Sreshthins might have been functioning as banking institutions. They accepted money from others on interest and invested it in trade or lent it on interest to smaller tradesmen.
Some of these guilds might have issued coins. The carliest coins known as the punchmarked coins started in about the seventh or sixth century B.C. It is probable that some of them might have been issued by these guilds even in the sixth century B.C., because it seems, there was no statc monopoly of manufacturing and of issuing coins. That Takshasilā merchant guilds minted coins is almost certain in the light of the evidence yielded by Negama coins.
The members of these guilds sometimes carried on their business in partnership. Some Jātakas, such as Kițavanika Jataka?, Bāveru Jātaka, 8 and Mahāvanija Jātaka," describe
cici inwenci so
1 Ja, 1. 267; IV. 411. 2. Gou. Dhr. S, XI. 22-23.
Alaih, 1. 286. 4. Naya, 8. p. 107.
Asc. Chu, Il, P, 182.
A CUNNISGITA3!; Coins of Ancient India. 7. O, I. p 404 also II, 181.
Ibid, III. p. 126. 9 lbid IV. p. 350,

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business partnership of merchants. This enabled the smaller traders to transact business on a fairly large scale. Such an undertaking was much useful for the land-trader (Satthavāhas) transacting business under a Jetthaka. Tho traders of Sāvatthi became partners and went to the west with a large caravan. Similar may have been the case with traders of Rājagsha, Vaiśāli, Pāçalīputra, and other centres of trade. The partners divided their earnings either equally or in proportion to their investments, or as agreed upon among themselves.
The exact nature of the relations between the guilds and the state is not known. The king used to recognise the guild laws and also consulted with the guilds on matters of mutual interest. There was probably a permanent representative of the guild at the royal court or in the Ministry. The Uruga Jātakatells as that two of the guild leaders were included among the Kosala Mahāmālras. A blacksmith is called Rājaballabha in one of the Jatakas, which suggests his close association with the royal court. In some of the stories, kings are described as summoning all the guilds (Sabbaseniyo) on certain occasions. Probably the Setthi visited the royal court as a representative of the business community, and the same may have been the case with the heads of the guilds. COINAGE
The most remarkable feature of this period is the introduction of regular coins in business transaction. The ancient system of barter and of reckoning values by cows or by grains was gradually replaced by coinage. Beforc the beginning of the regular currency, there were ingots of gold and other metals of calculated wcight. We find transition from this stage to that of ihe coin proper, i.e., a piece of metal of recognized weight and fineness guaranteed by the stamp of authority.
The coins in use during this period are known as punchimarked coins and cast coins. The punchmarked coins were punched by a number of symbols successively by different punches. Sometimes the syinbols orerlapped one another and sometimes they were but partly accommodated on the filan. 1. Jä, II. 294. .. Ibid. I, No. 154.

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Insofar as the cast coins were already carefully arranged and they were struck on the bank.
Lord Mahavira and His Times
concerned, the symbols were engraved on the die before
Punchmarked coins were known at the time of their issue as Kārshāpaṇas-a term by which they are referred to in the Tripitaka, the Jataka, and the Ashṭādhyāy of Pāṇini, some of the Dharmasutras1 and Jaina canonical literature.2
Several hoards of punchmarked coins have been found throughout India, some of them containing even pre-Mauryan currency, The larger Bhir Mound3 hoard of puchmarked coins at Taxila found in the second stratum contained two coins of Alexander the great and one of Philip Ariadeus which were in the mint condition, besides 1055 silver punch-marked coins. The stratification of this hoard and the mint condition of the coins of the two Greek rulers show that the hoard was buried not much later than 317 B.C. As some of these punchmarked coins of this hoard were old, blurred and indistinct, it may be assumed that they were used at least about two centuries earlier. The Paila hoard contained about 1245 coins. These coins belong to very early times. They were probably the currency of Pañchāla before the rise of the Mauryan empire. The Golakhpur hoard of 108 coins and the Ramna hoard" of 48 coins have been assigned to the pre-Mauryan age by G.H.C. WALSH. 709 out of 2873 coins of the Patraha hoard and about onethird of the Machhuatoli hoards fall under the category of preMauryan currency. Early punchmarked coins have been found at Rajagriha."
An analysis of the punchmarked coins found in different hoards helps us in postulating some rough tests to determine
1. Gau. Dh. S, XII. 6-8, 19; Vas. Dh. S, V. XIX, 21.
2. Uttara, 20. 42. Also sec CHARANDAS CHATTERJEE's article on some Numismatic data in Pali literature, Buddhistic Studies, pp. 383 ff.
3. WALSH, Memoir No. 59 of the 'ASI.
4. JNSI, II; N. S. No. XLVII of JASB.
5. JBROS, 1919, pp. 16-72.
6. Ibid, 1939.
7. Memoir No. 62 of the ASI, 1940.
8. JBORS, 1939, pp. 91-117. 9. J. Ar-A Review, 1961-62.

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the chronology of some of these coins. It may be presumed that the larger and thinner punchmarked coins belong as a general rule to an earlier date than the smaller and thicker ones. D.D. KOSAMBI has shown that generally the number of reverse marks on the early coins increases with their age while their weight decreases correspondingly.
A six-armed symbol with three arrow heads and three ovals was found on the coins in the Golakhpur hoard. It has therefore been suggested with great probability that this particular variety of the six-armed symbol belongs to the pre-Mauryan age. On the coins of the Bhir Mound hoard, we find the symbols of the Sun, the six arms, a hill above a tank with two fish, and a peculiar symbol surrounded with five taurincess. The coins with these symbols were current just before the foundation of the Mauryan empire. Coins having a hare on a hill and a bull on a hill were widely current in northern India on the eve of the Mauryan empire, and may have been, issued by the kings of the time of Bimbisāra and some by the . rulers of the Nanda dynasty.
The number of symbols on the obverse is generally five. On some coins, there is a sixth symbol, but it probably represents an authentication mark punched later; 19 coins in the Bhir Mound hoard (1924) had a sixth mark. One coin in the Patrāha hoard had also a sixth mark. There are also some coins having four symbols. Such for instance is the case with thc coins of the Paila hoard. The bent bar coins have only two symbols along with a third one which may have been added later. The obverse symbols on ardha-Kārslāpanas and pāda-Kārslāpaņas were naturally fewer. The tiny māshaka picces could with difficulty accommodate only one symbol.
Thc reverse side, which was originally blank, began to be punched haphazardly at different times with a number of symbols. On the coins of the latcr period, their number is reduced to onc or two, and they seem to have been impressed on a dcfinite plan and probably at one time. The symbols on the reverse are gencrally smaller in size than those on the obverse. Somc of them arc squarc, some reciangular, soinc oblong, some polygonal, sonic elliptical, and some circular. Some coins have become cupshaped owing to the punching of

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a number of symbols on their thin flans. Some are of the shape of a bent bar.
The punchmarked coins are usually found in silver and copper Silver pieces are more numerous than the copper ones. Gold Kārshapanas may also have been issued like the silver and copper ones. Their non-discovery is not a decisive argument against their existence.
The vast majority of the silver punchmarked coins follow the standard of 16 mäshakas of 32 ratis. The average weight of well-preserved punchmarked coins is approximately 56 grains. In ancient Kośala, we have found a number of punchmarked coins weighing only about 42 to 43 grains. It is, therefore, clear that ancient Kośala was following lighterweight standard of 12 māshakas or about 42 grains. The province of Gandhāra was issuing silver punchmarked coins known at present as Bent-bar coins and probably called Ayatākāra Karshapanas in ancient times. The largest denomi nation coins of this series weigh about 175 grains. This weight is equal to that of 100 ratis or double sigloi of the Achaemenian standard.
Dvi-Kärshāpaņas of this weight standard are also found. Large Kośala coins, which weigh about 79 or 80 grains, are most probably dvi-Karshāpaņa pieces of the 12 māshaka standard. Ardha-Karshapanas are frequently referred to in the Tripitakas, the Jātakas, and in the grammatical works. Quarter Karshāpaņas were often known as pādas. The chaturmashaka, Trimashaka, Dvi-mashaka, Eka-mashaka, Ardha-mashaka, and Kakaạikā were also known. To carry on daily transactions, currency of small denominations was also issued. THE SYMBOLS ON THE PUNCHMARKED COINS
The reverse marks on thc carlier coins occur haphazardly. Usually, the more worn out a coin is the larger is the number of its reverse marks. The principal marks on the obverse appeared not haphazardly, but thcy had a desinitc significance. Thc most common symbols are the Sun and six arms. It is quite possible that this Sun symbol had a myo thological significance, Solar dynastics were ruling at Ayolhyā and in Videha. It is, therefore, not improbable that the Sun

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symbol was originally intended to denote the Solar origin of the dynasty of the issuer, and when once it had become popular, it may have been mechanically copied on the coinage of other dynasties as well. This is also the tone of the coins bearing an elephant and a bull as symbols
The symbols had probably some conventional, local or religious significance. The bull may denote Vatsa dynasty of Kośāmbi. The hill and tank marks in their different varieties may be different places or region marks.
On most of the punchmarked coins, there are five symbols on the obverse which have occasioned a number of conjectures to explain them. Two of these symbols, the Sun and the six-armed symbol, are constant and do not carry much significance. DURGA Prasad had suggested that the third symbol probably changed with the king, the fourth with the year, and the fifth with the locality. According to D.D. KOSAMBI, they may refer to the names of the ruling king, his father, and his grandfather. It is equally possible that one of the symbols may have stood for the Governor, the other for the mint master and the third for the place or province of issuc.
D.D. KOSAMBI has also suggested that the symbol of the hill may denote descent. Thus the peacock and the elephant on the hill would denote descent of the dynasty of the issuer from the peacock or elephant or gods, having them as their mounts. G.H.C. WALSH has suggested that all coins having elephants upon them may be taken to have been issued by kings as distinguished from those issued by Samghas. Elcplants are almost universally associated with royalty.. PRICES
In carly Buddhist literature, we find the prices of cvery vendiblc commodity mentioned, prices of a dead mouse too as well as fees, pensions, fincs, loans, stored treasures and incomes stated in figures of a certain coin or its fractions. In most cases, prices given are fantastic and fabulous. Only a few references may be regarded as mentioning the actual marketprice of certain commodities. It appears that articles of food were cheap. According to the l'inay'a texts, il small quantity 1. For details of prices, see JRAS, 1901, pp. 882 .

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of ghee or oil could be bought for a Kahapana only.1 Meat for a chameleon could be bought for a Kakini or an Addha-Māsaka," and a fish cost only seven Māshakas?. A jar of liquor was available for one Māshaka.4 It is further said that a Mashaka was sufficient for an ordinary wage-earner to buy a garland, perfume, and some strong drink.5 .
Animals of inferior quality were cheap while those of superior quality were costly. A thoroughbred horse cost 1,000 Kahāpanas a donkey only eight Kahāpanas? a pair of oxen 24 Kahapanas, a nice plump dog one Kahapana, and a cloak' and a dead mouse only one Kakini10. As far as the price of land is concerned, a monastic cell (vihāra) could be purchased for 500 Kahāpaņas.11 A play-hall for 600 boys constructed by voluntary labour is estimated to have cost 1,000 Kahāpanas.12 We are told that a partridge could be bought for one Kāhāvana13 and a cow for fifty coins ;14 the price of a blanket varied from 18 rüpakas to a hundred thousand rūpakas.15
There are numerous references that show how prices were determined by haggling.16 The act of exchange between the producer and dealer during this period was a free bargain, a transaction unregulated by any system of statute-fixed prices.17 There was no authority which could fix prices and force the traders to sell at the rate fixed. No doubt, there was an official of the state known as the court-valuer (Agghakāraka,
1. Vinaya, IV. 248-50. 2. Jā, VI. 346. 3. Ibid, II. 424. 4. Ibid, 1. 350. 6. Ibid, III. 4 16. 6. Ibid, II. 306. 7. Ibid, VI, 3:3. 8. Ibid, VI, 313. 9. Ibid, 11. 2-17. 10. Ibid, 1. 120. 11. Majjh, No. 52) I. 553. 12. Ja, VI. 332. 13. Des. cha, p. 55. 14. dra. chu, p. 117. 15. Oh, Cha, 3.3590. 16. Ju, 1.111-13, 193; 11, 299. 124-55; III, 126-27; VI, 113. 17. JRAAS, 1901, p. 874.

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Agghapanaka, Agghāpanika)1 whose duty was to fix prices of the articles bought for the royal household, but he was not concernd with the whole society. FEES AND SALARIES
Like prices, we find generally exaggerated statements about fees and salaries, but a few references do appear to be authentic. Thus the Mahāvagga tells us that a courtesan's fee for one night was 50 to 100 Kahāpaņas.2 A teacher's honorarium for the whole course was probably 1,000 silver Kahāpaņa.3 A labourer earned only 11 Mäshaka daily according to a Jataka story. There are references to show that the earning of the labourer was not sufficient enough to ensure him a happy life, and that he lived in stark penury and misery.5 .LOANS AND INTEREST
Loans and debts could be taken on interest. There was a money-lender Ananda of Vānijyagāma. Money lending was looked upon as an honest calling. Letters of credit as substitutes for money were known. It is noteworthy that the Gautamadharmasūtra? prescribes a limit to the interest chargeable by the creditor. The lawful limit is 12% per month or 15% per year. The interest cannot exceed the principal howsocver long the debt may remain unpaid.8 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
Because of the repid progress in the sphere of trade and -commerce, weights and measures were properly maintained. Pāṇinio mentions them as Ādhaka, Achila, Palra, Droņa, and Prastha. According to the Vasishtha Dharmasūtralo, right measurcment is necessary and the king should arrange for it. False "weights and measures were considered to be crimes. According
1. Jā, I. 124. 2. MU, VIII. 1. p. 1-3. 3. Jā, II 47; 278; IV. 33; V. 128. 4. Ibid, III. 326. 5. Ibid, 1.475; Ja, III. 446. 6. Uva, 1, p. 6. 7. Gau. Dh. S, XII. 26. S. Ibid, XII. 28. 9. Pa,, -102; 5. 1. 53. 20. Vas. Dh, S, 19. 23,

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to Āpastamba,if any one uses wrong measure, he should not be invited to a Srāddha. The Buddha says that if a person carns. money by weighing less, he is a liar. In the Mahānārada Kassapajātaka,3 there is a reference to a Weighing House. Weights made of steatite and jasper of different denominations discovered in excavations at Eran, Vaiśāli and Chirand also prove that commodities were weighed and sold.
1. An. Dk. S. 2.6.19. 2. Digha, 8. 3. 43. Vol. 3, p. 134. 3. Ja, Vol. VI, p. 119.

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CHAPTER IX
ART AND ARCHITECTURE
It is somehow difficult to give a detailed account of art and architecture during the age of Lord Mahāvīra, primarily because no sufficient specimen are surviving. It is not unlikely that being made of perishable materials like wood, they have vanished. It is also likely that some of them might still be lying buried under the soil. The noteworthy feature of this period is the revival of urban life and coming into existence of a number of towns, the remains of some of which ave ben excavated. Along with the urban life, several new arts and crafts started. This period is noteworthy also for the introduction of a new fabric in pottery known as the North Black Polished Ware. Many a literary work throws abundant light on the art and architecture of this period.
ARCHITECTURE 1. Secular Architecture
(a) Town architecture
Even before Lord Mahāvira, there were towns and citics during the period of the Indus Valley civilization. The traces of such towns liave been discovered at Mohenjodāro, Harappā, Rūpar, Alamgirpur, Sarasvati Valley in Rajasthan, Lothal, and Raigpur. Vedic literature offers cvidence of the cxistcncc of such towns as Āsandivant," Kāmpila, Ayodhyā,' and Kaūśāmbi." The word Pura dcnoting ramparı, fort, or stronghold
1. Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 72. 2. Taitt. Sa, VII. 4.; Maitia Sci. III. 12. 20. 3. il. Br, VII. 3. 1. 4. Sal. Br, XII. 2. 2. 13; Gip: Br. 1.2.2:; 6a!. Br. VIII. 14.

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frequently occurs in Vedic literature. Deities like Indra and Agni are involved in destroying enemy's forts, many of which were wide and broad and had ramparts of mud or unbaked bricks, probably also a stone facing. The word Dehī, referring to defences or ramparts of hardened earth with palisades and a ditch, occurs in the Rigveda4. A passage in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa shows that the moat or ditch was also known in the period of this Brāhmaṇa.5
Archaeological excavations reveal that in about 1025 B.C, Kausāmbī developed as a town fully equipped for its protection by the magnificent defences built on the Harappan pattern. The discovery of Harappan site at Alamgirpur (District Meerut, U.P.) has established definite evidence of the penetration of the Harappan culture into the GangaYamunā Doab. Similarly the fortification of Kaušāmbi built after the Harappan pattern is obvious. A rampart of mud with sloping sides revetted with a burnt brick wall, battered back to about 30° to 40°, of which the coarses are laid in the socalled English bond, leaving footings in successive courses, reinforced by bastions and towers, square in plan, arc clements of construction strongly reminiscent of the Harappan citadel. The defences, built on this model, continued for some time, and they also made use of a curved entrance, enclosing an underground passage built on corbelled arch. In about 885 B.C., the concept of defence was revolutionized by the construction of a moat round the rampart, a feature not yet recorded from any Harappan city.
Literary works of the days of Lord Mahāvīra contain the names of the principal cities of India. Some Jaina canonical works? refer to ten capital citics of India—Rāyagiha, Champā,
sahurā, Vārānasi, Savatthi, Sakeya, Kampilla, Kośāmbi, Vlihilā, and Hatthināura. The Buddhist canons testifies to the 1. RV. 1. 53.7; 1. 131. 4; 11). 15. 4; dil. Pr, IV. 6. 23; Sar. Br. III. 4.4
3; V.3.3 24. 2. RI. 1. 83. 2. 3. Ibid, 11. 35. 6. 1. Ibid. VI. 47.2; VII. 6.5; Vedic Index, Vol. I. pp. 379, 539. 3. Sal. B:, VII. 1. I. 13. 6. The excavations at Kausambi. p. 41. 7. Tra, 10, 718; „Visi. Si, 9. 19. s. Jako cricib bura Sutla (SDE. XI), 99.

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existence in India of populous cities with large buildings long before the time of the Buddha. Pāṇini? refers to some important towns of his time : Kāpiśī, Takshasilā, Hastināpura, Šāmkāśya and Kāśi. T.W. RHYS DAVIDS gives a list of the principal cities existing in India in the seventh century B.C.: Ayojjha, Baranasi (Benares), Champa, Kampilla, Kosambi, Madhura, Mithila, Rajagaha, Roruka, the capital of Sauvira, Sagala, Saseva, Savatthi, Ujjeni, and Vesali.2
The existence of these cities shows progress in the art of town-planning (Nagara-māpana) and architecture (Vastuvidya). From different literary sources of this period, it is known that a well laid-out city was equipped with a multitude of buildings, both for its defence and for the practical needs of residence and business. The fortification consisted of moat, parapet wall, and gateways, while the civil architecture had its residential buildings, business quarters ( Āpaña), intersected by streets (Saṁchara), royal store-houses (Koshthāgāra and Bhāndāgāra), king's council-hall (Rājasabha), and a number of other buildings comprised under the general term Salā, e.g., places of dramatic performance, dancing, music, concerts and sports.
It is known from Jaina canonical literature that the city of Champā was solidly built and hard to enter. Its moat (Phalihā) was broad on top and cut deep down; it had discs (Chakka), clubs (Gaya), maces (Musundhi), barriers (Graha), war-machines (Sayagghi), and double doors (Jamalakavāda); it was surrounded by a wall (Pagāra) bent in a curve like a bow, and decorated with cornices (Kavistsa) arranged in circles; its bastions (Attālaja), rampart paths (Chariya), door-ways (Dāra), gatcs (Gopura), and arches (Torana) were lofty, its high roads (Rāgamagga) duly divided; its gate bars (Phaliha) and bolts (Irdakila) were strong and fashioned by skilful artificers.3
It is said that Mahāgovinda planned the city of Rājagriha and several other capitals of Northern India and that he also designcd palaces. The city of Vaišāli was surrounded by
1. India as knoin 10 Puniri, p. 137. .. RBI, p. 21. 3. 0:1, 1; also Ullira, l. 18-24. 1. Timnarallhu commentary, p.S.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times. three walls at a distance of a Gāvuta from one another, each provided with gates and watch towers. It was rich in a variety of buildings, chaityas, and palaces of its 7707 chiefs.? There were beautiful parks, gardens, and lotus ponds. The city has also been described as 'opulent, prosperous and populous." It looked like the loka of Sakra' in the magnificence of its appearance and the happiness of its inmates who had continual festivities. The city comprised three districts. The first district had 7,000 houses with golden towers; the middle one had 14,000 houses with silver towers, and the last district possessed 21,000 houses with copper towers. These houses were under the possession of the upper, the middle and the lower classes, according to their positions. Jaina traditions inform us that Kshatriyas, Brāhmanas, and vaniks occupied their respective Upanagaras in Vaiśāli.”
The existence of some of these cities in the sixth century B.C. is confirmed even by the archacological evidence. The planning of the city of Girivraja8 or Rājagriha' in the sixth century B.C. was the work of a genius. It is surrounded on all sides by hills and its surviving city walls and fortification still show the architectural standard reached during that period. These city walls were built in cyclopacan fashion, of massive unheaven blocks of stone pierced by gateways, cach flanked on either side by a semi-circular bastion, over which probably rose the watch-tower, an almost invariable fcature of these fortress cities. The fortification hitherto believed to be built of rubble is supposed to have been founded by Ajātaśatru. Originally, there was a mud rampart. The top of this rampart was hardened by yellowish mud and brick
1. Jā, Vol. I, No. 149. 2. Ibid, p. 316. According to the Mahavagga, there werc 7707 pinnacled
buildings. 3. LEFMANN: Lalitaristara, Chap. III, p. 21. 4. W. W. ROCKHILL : The Life of the Buddha, p. 63. 5. Ibid, p. 62. 6. Ibid, p. 62. 7. Vaisili Excavations, 1905, p. I. 8. Girivraja or the city of hills is said in the allahübhūrata to belong to the
Bárhadrathas in which time Jarasandha was a great sulcr. 1. The new Rajasșiha was founded by Bimbisára.

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bats. Associated with it was a moat, the full width and depth of which has not been so far determined. The original rubble fortification wall was strengthened gradually by brick wall in course of time.
At Rajghat’ near varanasi, an enormous clay rampart dating back to the first quarter of the first millennium B.C. has been discovered. Built directly over the natural soil and available to a height of about 10 metres, the rampart has a pronounced slope towards the river. It has been breached several times by heavy floods, but it was in existence in 600 B.C. That a large urban population existed at Mathura in the sixth century B.C. is proved by the vast Katra mound. Furthermore, an exploratory survey revealed the existence of two rings of mud-ramparts—the first elliptical in shape and the second quadrangular and comprised within, the first, as if signifying a: citadel.3 From the excavations at Srāvasti, it is clear that there was habitation in the sixth century B.C. and the mud rampart was erected in the fourth century B.C.4
At Eran, a moat and a mud-defence wall built in the late phase of the chalcolithic occupation have been discovered. They continued even during the sixth century B.C.
The excavations at Ujjain reveal a continuity of occupation on the site from a date prior to 600 B.C. The massive rampart with a moat can be traced back to the earliest period of occupation on the site, which coincides with the Pradyota period. This type of fortification was of mud and belonged to a citadel, but the humbler habitations were situated undefended in the outside area. The rampart cnclosed an area approximately two kilometers with a basal width of a little over two hundred feet and a maximum extent height of forty-two feet. The contours of the arca occupied by the rampart show several openings of varying dimensions, suggesting gateways. The rampart was built by the dumping of
1. I. Ar.-A revicw 1961-62. 2. lbid, 1960-61, p. 37. 3. Ibid, 1954-55, p. 15. 4. Ibid, 1958-59, p. 47. 5. Ibid, 1963-64, p. 15. 0. Ibid, 1956-57, p. 20; 1957:58, p. 32.

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dug-up yellow and black clays to form a thick wall, with a gentle slope on the inner side and a less pronounced on the interior.
The rampart was surrounded on the west, and distantly on the north, by the river Siprā, while a moat on the eastern side, formed to be filled with greenish water-borne silt, added to it a line of defence in that direction, and presumably on the south side as well, completing the circuit of a waterbarrier. . The moat was found to have been at least eighty feet wide and twenty-two feet deep. The fortification on the riverside was breached by floods on at least three occasions during this period but it was repaired from time to time. (b) Building Architecture.
The actual remains of the buildings of this period are few because of the frail or perishable nature of the material used. In order to get information on the building activity during this period, we must depend upon literary works, both Jaina and Buddhist, some of which have preserved a record of traditional forms as current in memory and folk-lore. Somctimes the description given of these buildings in these litcrary works is exaggerated, but still after critical examination and sifting the evidence, we can infer some of the general features of art during this period. These literary works mention a number of architectural terms and various forms of particular structures which show the extensive development of this science in those days. The main types of building found in those days were royal buildings, lofty mansions for rich and well-to-do people, houses of the ordinary people, huts of thic poor, and religious buildings.
The palaces were known as Pasāda and Vimūna to distinguish them from ordinary dwellings. In the Jaina Agama literature, the most illustrative example of palacc architecturc occurs in the Rūrapaseniya Suttal in an account of the Vimana of Suryabha Deva. It was surrounded on all sides by a rampart, and cmbellished with beautiful cornices. There were gates with cupola opening on all sides. Gates, pillars and doors were decorated with various kinds of figurcs and motiss. 1. Dez. S:,97.

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There is also a description of a big theatre hall (Pekkhaghara-nandava) which was supported on many columns and was furnished with a terraced railing, gateways with architrave and Salabhañjikā figures. It was decorated with many other motifs and ornamental figures. At the centre of the theatre hall was a stage.
In the Nājādhamma Kaha is a description of the bedchamber of a queen which had an outer courtyard, an assembly hall polished and well set with pillars, endowed with statues (Sala-bhañjiyā), latticed windows, moon-stone at the foot of the stairways, projecting ledges, and a room upon the roof called Chandra-śālikā. Its interior was lined with paintings; the floor was inlaid with semi-precious stones and the ceiling had a canopy painted with designs of lotus flowers and creepers.
In a description of the palace of the Chakravarli king Mahā-Sudassana, some details of palace architecture arc found. Its height was equal to three Purusha measures, it had bricks of four kinds, pillars 84,000 in number, wooden planks of four colours, staircases, cross-bars, copings, rooms with beds of gold, silver, ivory and crystal; doors with palm trces on two sides, a double railing round the palace, a net work of jingling bells and several lotus-ponds provided with staircases and platforms.3
A Jataka gives a vivid account of the palace of the Afaha. Ummagga. It had big dimensions worthy of a royal palacc. There were gateways in the palace wall, one of which opened towards the city. On both sides of the long corridor of the palace wercone lundred niches for lamps closed and opened by mechanically operated shuttcrs. It was provided with hundreds of rooms. In cach room was laid a great couch overhung with a white parasol and a throne placed ncar the couch. The principal lall of this palace was decorated with ren motifs of divine character. There were also courtyards, one of which was known as the assembly Hall. The pillars and walls wer: decoraicd with a number of painicd motifs. 1. Raya Sü, 103, n. 164. 2. P. L. Vaidy's cition, para 208. 3. B aucassana Sutta, Digha .Vilya. 4. Ja, IV. p.31.

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At Nālandā, Lepa who was a rich householder, had a beautiful bathing hall called Seshadravyā containing many hundreds of pillars.
From the description of different royal palaces in literary works, it is possible to form an idea of the general architectural features of these palaces. The royal palace was constructed at the centre of the capital town along with other royal buildings. The palace was divided into courts of which there were usually three in the early stages. The first court had a Dvārakottha leading to open grounds for stables for horses and elephants and also barracks for soldiers. In the second court on the ground floor was the great pillard hall which was used for public audience of the king.
The royal palace had two distinct parts, the ground floor and the upper floor. On the ground floor were located the palace garden, kitchen, bath-rooms with fountains of flowing water, wells, step-wells, lotus-ponds, temple, etc. The upper floor was meant for the members of the royal family. There were stairways going up into or coming down from a palace. The king's own chamber was known as Sirigabbha. A separate building was provided for the crownprince, and it was spoken of as Upathāna and located in a portion of the king's palace. The quarters meant for the queens, princesses and other ladies were collectively called Antepurikā, and they were properly guarded. The palace was surrounded by an outer wall (Präkāra), having a main gate or perhaps four gates. The outcr gate. house lay at some distance from the actual palace, and somctimes the guests were received at the outer gatc. The pillars and walls of the palace were overlaid with many beautiful motifs.
The palace had onc or more storeys, but a building of three storcys was more common. Sometimes cach storcy of the palace consisted of a number of rooms known as linļāgāras with a peaked top, usually a pavilion with a gabled end and vaulted room bearing small Slūpis over it. The Kaļagara room was provided with a latticed window or screen, and a ventilator. It could be closed from insidc by drawing
1. SBE, XLV, p. 420.

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across the doorleaves, a transverse bar, and also from outside by locking.
Different kinds of palaces (Kokanāda Pushpaka etc.) are inentioned as having different forms. Some were constructed with only one pillar (Ekathunakam) and such buildings were of the shape of round towers'. Palaces with many columns were not unknown. In one Jātaka, there is a mention of a palace with a thousand columns 3 Palaces were surrounded by various kinds of wall having gateways. Verandah or porticoes were attached to buildings and were called Alindaka. The term Uparipāsādatala, or the upper storey of a palace with a roof surmounted by a pinnacle called Kannika is an indication of the development that took place in the science and art of architecture. Many-storeyed palaces with many pinnacles are also mentioned in some of the tales.
There were lofty mansions for rich and well-to-do people, costly buildings with a large number of rooms and halls. The walls and pillars were profusely decorated, and the houses were provided with all kinds of comfort and luxury.
The Vinaya Texist gives us an idea of the common dwelling houses, which were made of stone, brick or wood, and had roof of five kinds—brick, stone, cement, straw and leaves. The walls and roof were plastered from within and without. The sleeping rooms were whitewashed, the floors were coloured in black, and the walls in red. They were overlaid with paintings and engravings such as human figures, and motifs such as wreaths and creepers. Provision was made for window's with shutters and curtains, elaborate doors with key-loles, verandahs covered terraces, inner verandahs and overhanging caves, dwelling rooms, retiring rooms, store-rooms, closets, and wells with lids under sheds made of hidc-skin. Hygienic arrangements were kept in view while constructing privics. The house had sometimes two or more storcy's, and it was fashionable to have verandahs supported on pillars with capitals in the form of heads of animals. 1. Jā. Nos 121, 451 and 465. 2. Ibid, No 465 3. Ibid, No. 543. + Sixth Khandhaka.

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Generally, the bulk of the people at this time lived in flimsy luts, often thatched with leaves and grass and having walls made of reed or wood. This does not mean that sturdier structures of wood, brick and stone were unknown. In order to assure greater stability, wood was used for constructing posts, walls, doors, and also for laying foundations of the huts. One Jatakal describes a Pannaśālā (a thatched hut) in which trunks of fig wood were used to construct, and obviously to strengthen, its foundation. Its walls, however, were made of interwoven reeds.
There were also cellars and big underground tunnels. The description of an Ummaga or an underground tunnel which a certain person, named Mahosadha, had constructed in order to elude the pursuit of his enemies is an instance which shows that underground structures were also nol unknown in those days. The entrance of the great tunnel was provided with a door eighteen cubits high, fitted with a mechanical device so that it could be manipulated by pressing a peg. On either side, the tunnel was built up with bricks and worked with stucco; it was roofed over with planks, smeared with cement and whitencd.2
There were different types of public building. The Svayamvara halls rested on hundred. columns and were embellished with sportive Śālabhañjikā statucs.3 We also come across references to Uvatthānasāla" (attendance hall), Posahasalas (Fasting hall), Kūdāgūrasālā (pinnacled hall) and squarc tanksi (Pokkhariņi). There were also Aļļaņasālā (hall for gymnastic exercises), Majjanaghara (bathing house) and Nhānamandapins (bath room).'
2. Religious Architecture
Some literary sources refer to Devalulikas or Chaityas, the worship of which was very popular during the time of 1. Jú. No. 45..
Ibid, Yo, 516. 3 tari, p. 179..
hich, 4618. Ū V , 1, p. 19. ti. Riis. 9 p. 150. 7. 1 13, 12 S. Ho:-air bash are described in the Ci::!!07.1936. . 9. Kalr2. . GI f.

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Lord Mahāvīra. A Chaitya or Devakulikā was some sort of sacred enclosure containing a garden, grove or park and a shrine. Mahavira, Buddha and many other religious ascetics are represented as halting or resting in these shrines. From the Uvāsaga-dasão, it is known that Mahāvīra visited the shrine of Pūrņabhadra at Champā, the shrine called Dvipalāśa of Vaņijagrāma, the Koshthaka shrine of Bāraṇasī, the garden called Sankhavana of Alabhi, the garden called Sahasrāmravana of Kāmpilyapura, Sahasrāmravana of Polāsapura, the shrine called Gunasila of Rājagriha and the Koshịhaka shrine of Rājagriha.
In the Mahāparinibbānasutta,1 Buddha spoke of the efficiency of erecting dhātu-chaityas, and he himself visited Chaityas like Udena, Gotama and Sattambaka of Vaiśāli while the Dighanikāya bears testimony to the fact that the Buddha lived at the Ananda-Chaitya in Bhojanagara. In the Asvalāyana Gțihy'a Sutra, we find for the first time the mention of a Chaitza sacrifice. Whether the reference to the Chaita by Aśvalāyana is a reference to the Vedic Chaitya or Yajñasthāna or to something else is, of course, a matter of dispute.
Some of these shrines had the form of a temple equipped with doors, hall, etc. We hear of a shrine (Deuliza) about the size of a man's hand and built of one block of stone.” The images were of wood. There was a hall (Sabha) attached to the shrine which was besmcared with cow-dung. We hcar of the Puņnabhadda shrine of Champā which was decorated with umbrella, standards, bells, flags, peacock-fcather whisk and railing; the interior floor was coated with cow-dung and the walls white-washed; it bore palm impressions in red Gosisa or Dardara sandal-wood; it was beautified with Chandana kalains and on the doors were crected Toranas with Chandanaghała decorations. The floor was sprinkled with perfumed water and garlands were hung, and it was fragrant with flowers of five colours, kālāguru, Kundurukka and Turukka; it was haunied by actors, dancers, ropc-walkers, wrestlers, boxers, jesicis balladsingers, story-tellers, pole-dancers, picturc-showmen, pipers. 1. Chap. III. Sccs. 36-47 and especially 47. 2. Ulard. Ti 9, p. 142.

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Lord Mahāvira and His Times flute-players and minstrels. Many people came to worship at this shrine.1
The evidence of early structures of stūbas is available in the archaeological remains discovered at some places. At a village Lauria Nandangarh in Champaran District of Bihar, three rows of earthen barrows or huge conical mounds of earth have been discovered. These were identified by A. CUNNISGHAM as sepulchral mounds, and they belonged too 600 B.C. or earlier. Their character as burial mounds, seems to be supported by the wooden post found in the centre of one of them known as lofty Chaitya-yūpa. Two of the mounds are formed of whitish clay. T. BLOCH actually found a repousse gold plaque depicting the earth goddess in the characteristic pose of the ancient Mother-Goddess figurines, also depicted on ancient small rectangular metallic pieces from Rajgir.
The remains of a very early stūpa have been discovered at Piprahwa (District Basti) on the Nepal border, 16 km from Kapilvastu. The stūpa, 116 feet in diameter at the base and 21.5 feet in height at present, was built in brick (16/11"/3") as a solid cupola, with excellent masonry, well and truly laid, containing a great sandstone coffer, made out of a huge monolith with a lid fixed by clamps having perfect edges which confirm a high standard of craftsmanship. According to an inscription, the stūpa was built by the Sākyas, relatives of Buddha, to enshrine a part of his original relics. The stonc box contained, in a casket, not only some scraps of bonc as relics but several hundreds of other articles of high artistic value, c.g. ornamental forms, flowcrs and leaves wrought in various semi-precious stones as carnelion, amythist, topaz, garnet, coral, crystal, shell and metal and gold, all in exquisite designs. They included a squarc gold lear stamped with a lion, gold Icaf stars, dedicately carved miniature leaves of crystal and other substances, Tri-ralna gold leaf cross, a coil of fine silver wire, Svastika stamped on gold Ical, taurine symbols stamped on gold Icar, small pearls, bcads of beryl; topaz etc, a small bird in red-carnellion carved with great skill, an elephant in gold leaf; a figure of the Earth
1. 02, 2.

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Goddess stamped on gold foil closely resembling Earth-Goddess from Lauria Nandangarh; another standing female figure heavily draped, having an elaborate fan-like coiffure, marked by some auspicious symbols fixed in the hair. A remarkable decorative design is found on a large disc of gold leaf, consisting of rows of whorls with six wavy arms going round a centre, an intricate form of Avarta, covering the whole field in a symmetrical way of forming an intricate Vjūha.
Amongst other relics are pots, covered bowls, round relic-caskets, including one made of cut and polished crystal with a lid beautified on the top of a fish-design, most minutely worked and highly polished, which gives an indication of the extremely fine workmanship of the lapidarists, who lived and worked in the sixth or fifth century B.C.
The Jaina stupa of Mathura is known to be the work of the gods, from the inscription of the second century A.D.1 It was probably, therefore, erected several centuries before the Christian era. Jinaprabhasūri, an author of the fourteenth century, has preserved the legend of the foundation and repair of this 'stūpa built by the gods' in his work Tirthakalpa2 which is based on ancient materials. This account confirms the belief that the original stupa, a small one, was a mound of earth which concealed a miniature stūpa of gold and gems. Later on, it was encased by larger stupas of bricks and stones. Some scholars ascribe the original one to the third century B.C. while others go as far back as to the sixth century B.C. If the ascription of the original stupa to the sixth century B.C. is right, it would be the oldest known specimen of religious architecture.
327
MATERIAL
As very few structures of so carly a period are surviving, a fair idea of the materials used may also be formed from 1. V. A. SMITH: The Jain Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathura, p. 12. 2. According to this work, the Stupa was originally of gold, adorned with precious stones, and was erected in honour of the seventh Jina, Suparivanatha; by Kubera Yakshi at the desire of two ascetics named Dharmaruchi and Dharmaghosha. During the time of the twentythird Jina, Parsvanatha, the golden stupa was encased in bricks, and a stone temple was built outside. The Sanctuary was restored in honour of Parsvanatha by Bappa Bhattasari, thirteen hundred years after the Lord Vira had reached perfection.

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these literary works. The material employed in constructing even ordinary dwelling houses was wood. References to bricks, both burnt and unburnt, are found. Rhys DAVIDS is of opinion that in earlier times "the superstructure of all dwellings was either of wood-work or brick-work." The Vinaya Pițaka, compiled not long after the Parinirvana of Buddha, makes men. tion of Buddha's permission that his disciples might use bricks in the basement of their halls, stairs and roofings of palaces.
The use of stone for architectural purpose during this period is a controversial matter. Scholars generally believe that stone was not used in Indian architecture before the third century B.C. as no definite archaeological evidence is now available in this connection, Rhys DAVIDS3 notices that "in the books referring to this earlier period, there is no mention of stone except for pillars or staircases. A palace of stone is only once mentioned and that is in a fairy land. This palace of stone has been referred to in connection with a Jataka story”.4
This view does not seem to be reasonable. There are some literary references to a few stone buildings which may safely be accepted as reliable evidence of the fact that the .ancient Indians knew how to use stone in architecture even in the sixth century B.C. Direct references to the use of stone may be found in the Jātakas also. We read of bascs of pillars like mortars of stones, thrones of yellow marble, hill forts or Giridurga, stone cutters and stone pillars. In thc Vinayn rules, the Buddha allowed his disciples to make use of stone not only in the basements of their halls, stairs, flooring and walls but also in the roofing of their houses. This literary evidence proves the existence of stone buildings in the sixth
1. RBI. p. 65. 2. Che, V. 11. 6; VI.; 3.11. 3. RBI, p. 63. 4. Ja. Vo. 515. 5. ibid. Vo. 514. f. Ibid. 519. 7. Ibid 310. 8. Ibid, 470. 9. C:. VI. 3. ll.

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century B.C. Jarāsandha-ki-Baithaka at Rājagļiha, the approxiimate date of which was the sixth century B.C., if not earlier, and which was built wholly of blocks of stone neatly fitted together without mortar supplies an instructive archaeological 'proof. Structures of this kind must have been few and far between in the earliest times because wood was generally used for building purpose. This may account for the rarity of stonebuilding in that age.
During this period, there was a tendency to bid good bye to the age-old building materials like mud and mud-bricks, but a complete switch-over to the more durable material-i.c. burnt bricks, had not been made. It seems that the use of the kiln bricks was largely confined to the structures of public utility. The perplexing discovery of 250 ft. long wall at Rupar, probably an enclosure of a big edifice, a barn and .chain from Hastināpura and remains of tank and well at
Ujjain testify to this fact. Structures made of mud and mud'bricks still persisted, and they are found at Nagda, Atranjikherā, Hastināpura, Mathurā and Rājghāt. While at Ujjain and Awra, the use of dressed stones with mud for building purposes is also noticed. Small hearths of bamboo and recd have been discovered at Chandraketugarh2 and Mathura.3 "The discovery of terracotta ring-wells, soakage jars at close intervals, brick and pottery draint in the habitual arcas reflect, in a way, the high civic sense and sanitation arrangements. PAINTING
We have no extant specimen of painting because walls, pillars and roofs made of wood and bricks used for purposc of decoration perished in course of time. But it is clcar from iboth the earliest Jaina and Buddhist canonical literature that painting, both sccular and religious, was considered an important forin of artistic expression and was widely practised by the classes and masses alike. A number of motifs illustrating
1. 1. Ar. A Revicw, 1953-54, p. 6. 2. Ibid, 1959-50, p. 30. 3. Ibid, 1954-55, p. 15 4. Ibid. 1959.69), p. 60.

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scenes from heavenly life, mythical beliefs and Naturc are: found mentioned.
The Samyukta Nikāya refers to a method of preparing pigments, and the Chullavagga refers to a kind of plaster on which colours were to be painted. In the Chullavagga?, Buddha. is further said to have instructed his disciples on the rules of building and painting on their walls. In some Jaina literary works, the painters are mentioned along with brushes and colours ; first they divided the wall surface and then prepared the surface. There were painters who were adepts in their profession. One painter is mentioned who could portray the complete figure of bipeds (duvaya), quadrupeds (Chauppaga) and objects without feet (Apaya). even if he saw a part of their body. Pictures were drawn on walls as well as on panels.
Portrait-painting was very much in vogue. According. to the Vinaya Pițaka, Āmrapali invited painters from various countries and asked them to paint on her walls the figures of kings, traders and merchants seen by them; and it was by seeing the portrait of Bimbisāra so painted that she fell in love with him. We are told that a Parivvãiya painted the portrait of the princess Sujetthā on a board and showed it to king Seniya who fell in love with her. Similarly, prince Sagarachanda became enamoured of Kamalamālā when her portrait was shown to him.
The patronage given to painting by kings and wealthy persons during this period is clear from the mention of picture-galleries. The Vinaya Pițaka also makcs several references to the pleasure-houses of king Prasenajit, containing Chillāgāras or picturc-halls or gallcrics. One such picturegallery was built by a bankcr of Rājagiha in the forest adjoining the city which was decorated with wooden (kaffhakamma), earthen (Pollakamma) and plaster decoration (Leppa), wrcaths (ganthima), images (Vadhima), and dolls (purimay which were stuffed and made of cloth (Sangh:iim). We are
1. Cris, VI.3. 11. 2. My A, p. 106 (; Urrará 31. . 3. Yaya, 13. p. 14.

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told that in the picture-gallery of prince Malladina, the pictures were imbued with coquettish sentiments and feelings. (Havabhāva), the play of the eyes (Vilāsa) and amorous gestures (Bibboya).1 Jiyasattu is mentioned as another king who owned a picture-gallery. We are told that when the construction of this gallery was in progress, a painter's daughter formed the design of a peacock feather in the inosaic floor. The king, under a false impression of its being natural, was tempted to pick it up but in this attempt, the nails of his fingers scraped against the floor, and he hurt his hand.? Dummuha is mentioned as still another king to have a picture-gallery.3
Besides portraiture and mural paintings, we also find mention of such widely-known practices as Lepa-chitras, Lekhya-chitras, Dhüli-chitras, etc. Lepya-chitras are nothing but continuous narratives in lines and colour on textiles, and partook of the nature of pata-chitras of later tradition. Lekhyachitras are probably line-drawings of a decorative nature like Alimpanas or Alpanās of later tradition, while Dhūli-chitras arc also of the same nature and character, but the material used is powdered rice, white or coloured.
Trees, mountains, rivers, seas, houses, crecpers, full vessel and Sovatthiya etc. were painted. The Rāyapasaniza Sutla4 describes that the Vimāna of Sūryābha Deva was decorated with many kinds of figures and motifs (Bhatti-chitra), c.g. fabulous animals (īhāmiga), bulls (Usabha), horses (Turaya), Yakshas or Atlantes figures (Nara), crocodiles (Magara), birds (Vihaga), serpents or dragons (Vālaga), Kinnaras (Centaurs), dcer (Rurul), Sarabha (lion-like figures), Yak (Chamara), clephants (Kunjara), wild creepers (Vanalaja) and lotus-creepers (Paumalaya). Some of these figures as listed in Jaina iexts arc almost the same as we find elsewherc, from the stone railings and gateways of Bharhut and Sānchi painting to pre-existing wooden prototypes.
An interesting list of motifs illustrating scenes from
1. Visu, 8, p. 106 [T. 2. Ullara, Ti, , p. 111, 3. Ibid, p. 135. 4. Rosa. Su 97 f.

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heavenly life and mythical beliefs on the walls of the Great Hall of the Mahā-Ummaga palace is also given :1
1. SAKKA-VILĀSA: Scenes of Indra enjoying dance and music with his heavenly nymphs in Sudharmā Assembly Hall
2. SINERU-PARIBHANDA : The beautiful designs on the vertical faces of the terraces round the mountain Sumeru.
3. SĀGARA-MAHA-SAGARA : Small and big ponds with lotus and other flowers and a number of watery birds and aquatic animals.
4. CHATU-MAHĀDVIPA: The four continents which faced the four cardinal points of Sumeru.
5. HIMAVANTA: The great Himalaya mountain shown with its Kailāsa peak, especially Lake Mānasarovara or Anavatapta with the four great rivers flowing in the four directions.
6. ANOTATTA: This was the same as Mānasarovara, the ideal holy lake described in Jaina, Buddhist, and Brahmanical literatures, as the holy lake of Brahmã. The Saptarshis, gods and other divine beings, take their bath in the Anotatta in which the Buddha also is said to have taken his bath.
7. MANO-SILĀTALA: The great throne made of red stone which was placed near a pond or in the main Assembly Hall of the palace for the king to sit and rest.
S. CHANDA-SŪRIYA: The motif of the Moon and the Sun who were drawn as gods in human form or in natural
form.
9. CHĀTUM-NAH ĀRĀJIKA: The four Mahārājika Gods with their courtly attendants, viz., Vaisravana, king of Yakshas in the north ; Dhșitrashtra, king of Gandharvas in the cast ; Virūdhaka, king of the Kumbhändas in the souih; and Virūpāksha, king of thc Nāgas in the West.
10. CHHA-KĀMA-SAGGA: i.e. the six heavens of scnsuous pleasures, popularly conceived as abodes of happiness and longevity, same as kamā achara Deva-loka. 1. 'lcha Ummoze ja, VI, 432.

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Some paintings of this period seem to have been preserved in rock shelters discovered at Mahadeo Hills round Pachmarhi, Singhanpur and Kabra Pahar, Bhim Baithaka, near Bhopal, Mori in District Mandsor, Likhunia, Kohbar, Mehraria, Bhaldaria and Bijaigarh in Mirzapur area, and Manikpur in Banda District. The paintings both of prehistoric and historic periods have been found. During the historic period, the cultural scene changed from that of primitive hunters to that of well-armed warriors and mounted horsemen in the battle field where archers and swordmen are engaged in fierce action, Armed cattle raiders are also seen. Besides, the home life of the people is also depicted, c.g. a man playing on a harp; a woman pounding roots and grinding grain; huts with women inside; men and women dancing in groups and pairs; men playing drums and a double pipe, entertained by a performing monkey and a dancing bear. Cattle and birds of various kinds, including geese and peacocks and also pigs and dogs, are represented--virtually a cross-section of the life of the people. In Mahadeo Hills, ncar Pachmarhi, we find bun hairdressing, loin-cloth ending in a tail between the legs, bows and quivers, straight swords, leaf-shaped daggers and round shields. There are a few mythological figures as wella lieroic personage in a vimāna or sky-chariot and a giant leading a tiger with a rope as if he were a pet dog. Another subject shows a male person resisting a lion or tiger on one side and a wild bull on the other while the cattlc thus protected are moving below. Cave paintings at Manikpur show mounted archers and a person seatcd in a whcelless bullock cart. The Mori rock paintings depici animals, dancing human figures, and pastoral scenes.
SCULPTURES
Even before the time of Lord Mahavira, there were traces of image-worship. The Indus-valley civilization rcucalcd innumcrablc sculptures in tcrra-coita, stone, and bronze. Image-worship must have existed in the Vedic pcried anong the lower stratum of sociсty, cven if not among the followers of the Vedas. The custom of image-wors!rip s dciinitely in

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vogue in India in the later Vedic period.1 The MaitrāyaṇiSamhita, while referring to the names of several gods and goddesses, also describes the iconographic features of some of them. Thus the names Karata Hastimukha and Chaturmukha Padmasana of Gaṇeśa and Brahma respectively indicate the iconography of those deities. Similarly, the Taittiriya Āranyaka refers to the traits of some of the gods such as Vakratundadanti i.e. Gaṇeśa), Mahāsena Shanmukha (Kārttikeya), Suvarṇapaksha Garuḍa. Vajranakha-Tikshṇadaṁshtra-Narasimha. The Mahānārāyaṇa Upanishad further elaborates iconography of some of these gods who were, according to J.N. BANERJEE, mostly folk-gods absorbed in the Vedic society. The iconographic traits of the folk-gods, such as Yakshas, also arose in the later Vedic age.
The earliest materials for constructing images seem to have been wood. The Vyavahāra Bhashya. refers to the sage Vārattaka whose wooden figure was built and worshipped by his son. We also hear of images made of plaster, ivory, and stone. During the time of Mahāvīra, the worship of Yakshas was popular. Both Mahavira and the Buddha are known to have stayed in these Yaksha temples.
The images of these Yakshas were made of wood. Jaina traditions tell us that Pradyota, the king of Ujjain, installed the Jivanta Svāmī (life-time) images of Mahāvīra at Ujjain, Dasapura, and Vidiśā.5 The Jātaka stories refer to the statues of Indra (Sakka). One Jātaka" story refers to a boy "as lovely as Brahma" which indicates the beauty of the image of Brahmã of that period. The Siri-kalakanni Jātaka offers a description of the goddess Kalakanni which may be regarded as containing the iconographic features of a prototype of the goddess Kali in her dreadful form.
1. J. N. BANERJEA: The Development of Hindu Iconography, pp 57678.
2. Vya. Bha IV. 1-1S.
3. Ibid, 2. 11.
4. Brh. Bha 1. 2469.
5. Jaina Tirtha Sarva Samgraha, p. 322.
6. J. No. 541.
7. Ibid, No. 118.
S. Ibid, No. 382.

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In the Sūtra period, we find definite references to icons. "The iconographic features of many gods seem to have been fixed in this period. The Baudhāyana Gțihyasūtra refers to Jyeshțhā; the Āpastamba to Išāna Midhuși and Jayanta; the Pāraskara to Iśāna, Midhuși, Jayanta, Śri., Dhanapati, Bhadrakālī, Kshetrapāla, etc. Pāṇini's Grammar also contains reference to images. The Asvalāyana Gțihyasītra Parisishļa describes the inconography of many Vedic and Puranic gods.
TERRACOTTAS
The art of terra-cottas known as clay-figurines outlived the art of sculptures. The earliest female figures, all handmodelled and belonging to the Indus-Valley civilization (2500 B.C.), are (1) female figures and (2) animal figures. The female figurines, though rudimentary as specimens of art, are marked by bold expression. The animal figurines, on the other hand, both of faience and clay, are much more finished and realistic. In the figurines of a bull and a tiger, the vigour and charm of animal life are seen at their best. The terra-cotta objects of the Chalcolithic period are human and animal figures, pottery discs, wheels, etc. Among the animal figures, those of bulls are in large number.
About the terracotta figurines during the time of Mahāvira, we get some knowledge both from literary and archaeological sources. In the Bhaddasāla Jataka, reference is found to princes receiving presents of elephants, horses, and other toys from their mother's father. We come across a mechanical image (Jantapadimā) of a human being which could walk, opon and shut its eyes. Another specimen of fine workmanship in mechanical toy is supplied by the mechanical clephant (Jantamayahatthi) manufactured by king Pradyota to capturc Udayana of Kaušāmbi,s
1. India as known to Panini, pp. 361-364. 2. Ch. 1. Sec. VI and Ch. II. Sec. V. 3. Jā, No. 465. 4. Brih. Bha, 4. 4915. 5. Āra Chu II, p. 101.

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The terra-cotta sigurines belonging to this period like those of the preceding cultures are hand-inade, but they are important for their modelling, surface treatment, details and continuity of the tradition in a developed form. The figurines are better modelled than the specimens of the prcceding cultures. Production of human and animal models in grey, N.B.P. and red ware is evident in the period. The occurrence of human models is comparatively more than the preceding postHarappan chalcolithic cultures. The use of a pedestal for the figurine disappears.
The terra-cotta figurines of this age are obtained from such sites as Hastinapura, Mathurā, Ahichchhatra, Rajghat, Prahladpur, Sarai Mohana, Alasaon, Śrāvasti, Sonepur, Pätaliputra, Chiranda, Kayatha, Burar, Sugh, and Noh.: Thcy are. decorated by incision, circles, and stamping. The circlets bccame common in this period for expressing, along with the old technique, anatomical details and decoration on the body. It was probably a development over'applique' and pinch' techni. gue. It introduced a new trend in the tradition which involv.. cd less time, lively execution, and, lastly quick production of the figurines. This idca of punching the circlcts on the figurines was probably borrowed from punch-marked coins. The stamping of thic figurines with Chakra and leaf symbol seems to have been a later development in the period.
From the specimens discovered at Rājghāt, it is clear that there is closer similarity in the slip, polislı, and painting with the black slipped and N.B.P. warc pottery. This clcarly indicates that the artist modeller was inspired by the porter's techniquc. The figurines discovered from Pājaliputra arc important in cxhibiting the composite technique. In the figu. rines, the eyes, breasts, and genitals are clearly shown by punciicd circlers, while hair and singers are inrlicated by incision. Th: use of the coinpojite icchniqu: for modelling can be further aries::. by the Visa urine; discovered at Sonepur; the breasts and eyes of the speciinoniare un bon ih: appliqa: markol while other details are depicted loy pilna ciel circles and incision. The animai fizurines discourtil at
1. 10:10:02a! 11, 1:1, 1971, p. 7).

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Mathurā and Masaon are stamped with Chakra and leaf. Similar symbols along with circlets have also been noticed on the elephant figurines at Hastināpura. Painted terra-cottas have been discovered at Noh and Buxar (Charitravan). CERAMICS
That this period witnessed a great boom in the ceramic activities is clear both from literary and archaeological evidences. From the Uvāsagadasão?, it is learnt that Saddālaputta, a Śrāvaka of Mahāvīra, owned, outside the town of Polasapura, five hundred pottery shops where people prepared a large number of bowls, pots, and pitchers and jars of different sizes. At Rajagriha, there was a Magadhan potter, Bhagava, in whose workshop the Buddha spent a night.2 Mankhali Gośāla also had his headquarters at Săvatthi in the workshop of the potter woman, Hālāhalā.3 The archaeological excavations conducted at different sites give us an idea of the ceramics used by the people. This period was noteworthy for the introduction of some new fabrics, the most important of which was the North Black Polished Ware. Black slipped Ware, Red and Black Ware, Grey Ware and Red Ware were the associate potteries of this age which met the increasing demand of the people.
Smoothness and lustre are the characteristics of the North Black Polished Ware. We may describe it as the prince of Indian potteries. As it was a costly ware and used by aristocrats, it was praised as a ware de luxc. It is made of well levigated clay and fired under very high temperature. It is of various shades and colours, such as golden, silvery, pinkish, gold-blue, brown-black, and steel-blue. The chief carthenware vessels produced by this pottery include dishcs with incurved sides, bowls with straight convex, corrugated or tapering sides, lids, and rimless carinated handiwork.
This Northern Black Polished Ilare seems to have originated in Magadha in the seventh century B.C., and became very popular in the Gangetic valley in the sixth century B.C. 1. Uvī, p. 119. 2. ABORI 1926-27, p. 165. 3. Bhag, xv.

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This ware has been obtained from several sites in Bihar such as Bodha-Gaya, Vaiśālī, Rajgir, Chirand and Sonpur. At Sarnath, Kaušāmbi, Rajghat and Śrāvasti, large quantities of this ware in various shades and in finc fabric have been found, though not as frequently as that found in Bihar. At Taxila, Rupar, Atrañjikheda, Hastinapura, Tamluk, Siśupālagarh, and Amaravati, it has been found in a small quantity, and that also in one or two sherds only. Ujjain was a separate centre of this pottery, but here it was of a poorer quality. The political cxpansion of Magadha is responsible for the spread of this warc in different parts of the country, but commerce and religion are also no less important factors. METAL OBJECTS
Different kinds of metal objects recovered from carly historical sites in the excavations give an idea of the state of art during this period. Some objects were used for ornaments, while others served domestic and other purposes. Such ornaments as ear-lobes, torques of different shapes, necklaces, bangles, pendants and rings made of different materials like terracotta, precious stones, glass, ivory, bone, and copper began to be used by women for adornment. Those who could not afford to have precious ornaments made of stonc or copper, contented themselves with carthen beads, bangles, and carstuds, while on the other hand, the rich section adorned theinselves with ornaments of precious stoncs like shell, agaic, carnelian, amcthyst, soapstone, and glass.
Beads of different shapes, sizes and designs, have been obtained from Ujjain, Nagda, Valcśvara, Avra, Eran, Bharoch, Sonpur, ctc. They are of different shapes barrel-like, spherical, and triangular. These are made of agate, carnclian, frience, stealise, rcrracotta, shell, glass, poste, ctc. Nagria and Sonpur harc oftere pendants made of ivory and crystal respectively. The finding of unfinished beads at Avra and Ljjain proves the existence of local industries for their manis. Ficiu; .
Tin toileiry included an imong rods of copper, hair pins of bone, combs of ivory', !erracotta fich ruhlrr, and nzil

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The extensive use of iron during this period bears testimony to the advancement made in the technical knowledge of smelting and forging iron implements. The excavations at Ujjain serve as evidence of it. The manufacture of weapons like lances, spears, javelines, arrow-heads and daggers proves that people were better equipped for war purposes than before. For both war and domestic purposes, pans, lamps, nails, knife blades, clamps, etc. began to be prepared from iron. Further, the use of iron implements brought momentum into the field of agriculture, as a result of which ploughing and harvesting became easy with iron plough, sickle, and loe. Tools, such as drills, adze, and chisel which boosted the woodcraft of the period, began to be manufactured
While the use of iron increased, that of copper became limited. It was now used in the production of punchmarked and cast coins and also for manufacturing antimony rods, toys, rings, and beads. The use of silver is also attested by the discovery of silver punchmarked coins. BONE AND STONE OBJECTS
A large number of bone objects have been uncarthed from different archaeological sites. These are points, styluses, arrow heads, etc. Perhaps bone points and arrow heads were used in hunting small birds. Some polished stone celts have been discovered from Sonpur, Chirand, Vaiśāli, and Oriup in Bihar, Jaugada and śiśupālagarh in Orissa and Taxila in the North West. These were employed to cut dowu forests and bring wider areas under cultivation and settlement in the neighbourhood of urban centres. SYMBOLS ON COINS
Punchmarked coins in the sixth century B.C., such as Kärshāpaņas, have a number of symbols punched upon them by different punches one after another. These symbols arc important from the artistic point of view. They are known to us from the coins of Bihar mound hoard of Taxila, Paila hoard, Ahaura hoard, and Golakhpur hoard. The Sun, the six-armcd symbol, a hill above a tank with two fish, a peculiar symbol surrounded with fivc taurincs, a harc and a bull on a

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hill-these were the current symbols on the punchmarked coins in the sixth and fifth century B.C. The Sun is represented as a rayed figure with a circle in the centre having a point or pellet within it. The rays are both thick and thin, straight and curved. The six-armed symbol consists of six spokes crossing at the centre, the six arms being tipped with ovals, globes, tridents, taurines, arrow-heads, triangles, balls, heartshaped signs, dumbles, etc. MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS
There are some miscellaneous objects also which give an idea of the art of this period. These include seals and sealings, potter's dabbers, potter's stamps, stone pestles and querns, stone discs, and dice made of terracotta and bone. Clay spundles prove that weaving was practised. Ring wells recovered from the excavations at Ujjain, Hastināpura and Kaušāmbı reveal that they were used for storing grain and other domestic purposes.

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CHAPTER X
EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND SCIENCES
The period of Lord Mahāvīra can justly be regarded as the most creative epoch in the spheres of education, literature and the sciences. Education acquired greater complexity and exactitude, and produced specialists in the form of privato teachers in different branches of learning. Another development was the art of writing, which proved to be instrumental in the advancement of learning and the diffusion of knowledge. Prakrits (Vernaculars) grew as literary languages. Different religious teachers contributed to the growth and development of literature of their respective sects. As a result, there was a prolific output of religious literature in which instruction was imparted through oral methods. The Satra (a short rule) style was devised to memorise this type of literature, and it became a special feature of the age. This literature survived for considerable time in the form of oral traditions, and was codified in local dialects with habitual interpolations.
EDUCATION
When there was neither any printing press nor an casy means of communication from one place to another, the religious teachers, who wandered from place to place propagating their doctrines, proved to be potential media of mass education. True education was not understood as comprising merely of reading books, but as self-culture and self-development. It was regarded as a process of illumination which brought about harmonious development of physical, intellectual and spirilual faculties of man. Education was understood as the acquisition of knowledge by which a person achieves an understanding of words and their meaning and thus finds his way in the forest of the fourfold Samsāra; like a needlc with its thread, the scul possessing sacred knowledge will not be lost in the Sarasüra. If one performs all prescribed actions relating to knowiedge,

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discipline, austerities and conduct, and is well-versed in his own as well as heterodox creeds, he will become invincible.1
AIMS AND IDEALS OF EDUCATION
As this age is characterised by the rise of different religious sects and schools, it was natural that the infusion of piety and religiousness among students was regarded as the first and foremost aim of education. Different religious rituals, observances, prayers and festivals tended to foster piety and religiousness in the mind of young students. The formation of character by the proper cultivation of the moral feeling was the second aim of education. Character was considered to be more important than learning. He alone was learned who was righteous. During this period, students lived in hermitages (Aśramas) under the direct and personal supervision of their teacher who was not only responsible for their intellectual progress but also looked after their moral conduct.
The development of personality was the third aim of educational system. This was sought to be realised by eulogising the feeling of self-respect, by encouraging the sense of self-confidence, by inculcating the virtue of self-restraint and by fostering the powers of discrimination and judgement. The feeling of self-respect was developed among students by giving them honourable place in society. Self-confidence was fostered by emphasising self-reliance. For the attainment of self-restraint, simplicity in life and habits was insisted upon. The different branches of learning such as Logic, law and philosophy, bristling with controversies, helped to develop the powers of discrimination and judgement.
The inculcation of civic and social duties was the fourth aim of education. After finishing his studies, the student was not to lead a self-centred life but had to work for the good of the whole society. The promotion of social efficiency and happiness was the fifth aim of education. A large number of professions and industries came into existence during this period and the society accepted the theory of division of work. Each trade, guild and family trained its 1. Uttarā, XXIX, 59.

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members in its own profession. Differentiation of functions and their hereditary specialisation in families naturally heightened the efficiency of trades and professions.
The preservation and transmission of cultural heritage was another important aim of education. It was incumbent on the religious teachers to commit their respective sacred books to memory in order to ensure their transmission to unborn generations. Members of the professions were also to train their children along their own lines. These religious and professional teachers were not only preserving the knowledge of the ancients in these branches, but constantly increasing its boundaries by their own contributions. For the preservation of cultural traditions, special methods were adopted. The theory of three debts was propounded. First of all, one owes a debt to gods, and one can liquidate it only by learning how to perform proper sacrifices and by regularly offering them. Religious traditions of the race were thus preserved. Secondly, one owes a debt to Rishis or savants of the bygone ages and one can discharge it only by studying their works and continuing their literary and professional traditions. This enabled one to master and maintain the best literary and professional traditions. The third debt was to ancestors, which could be rapaid only by raising progeny and by imparting proper education to it. There were also practices of Svadhyāya and Rșitarpaņa; the former enjoined a daily recapitulation of at least a portion of what was learnt during student-life and the latter required a daily tribute of gratitude to be paid to the literary giants of the past at the time of daily prayers. SOME EDUCATIONAL PRINCIPLES AND POSTULATES
The aim of the cducational system was not to impart general education but to train experts in different branches of learning. It took particular care to train and develop mcmory. Education was available to all those who were qualificd to receive it. The Upanayana ritual, which marked ilic beginning of religious and literary education, was made obligatory both for males and femalcs. Teaching was considered to be a pious duty which was to be discharged without any consideration

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for fee. In order to bring education within the reach of the poorest, it not only permitted students to beg but elevated begging itself into the highest duty of student-life.
Education was a serious proposition. At the time of study, students had to lead a celibate life. Long, continued and laborious preparation was necessary to acquire real grounding and efficiency in a subject.
Both the rich and the poor had to submit to stern discipline in order to become learned. The fifth year and the eighth year were considered to be the proper time for the beginning of primary and secondary education respectively.
The Gurukula system was one of the most important features of the pattern of education during this period. The student began to live under the supervision of his teacher after his Upanayana. Direct, personal and continuous contact with a teacher produced a powerful effect on students. The general belief that Gurukulas (hermitages) were founded in forests, away from the din of city life, is only partly correct. In majority of cases, Gurukulas were located in villages or towns. The famous Gurukulas during this period, as known to us from Buddhist literature, were situated at Rājagriha, Champā, Vaiśālī, Nalanda, Śrāvasti, etc. TEACHER AND STUDENT
The teacher was held in high reverence in society. He was to lead the pupil from darkness of ignorance to the light of learning. He was considered to be a spiritual and intellectual father because he used to offer a new life, and no education was possible without his help and guidance. During this period, sacred learning was transmitted orally from one generation to another. Great importance was attached to proper accent and pronunciation in its recitation and it could be correctly learnt only from the speech of a properly qualified teacher. Spiritual salvation also depended upon the proper guidance by the teacher. Books being rare and costly, the student had generally to rely upon his teacher alone. In the case of professions, a good deal had to be learnt from the teacher.
1. Āp. Dh. S, i, 10, 11... 2. Ibid, 1.1, 1. 12-17.

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There were different classes of teachers such as Ācharya, Pravaktā, Šrotriya, Upadhyāya and Adhyāpaka. There was no course of teacher's training prescribed for these different categories of teachers. During the course of study, brilliant students acquired sufficient experience of teaching. They participated in debates, and discussions, and they were also provided opportunities for teaching.
The teacher was an ideal person of high character and was to treat his students impartially. He was well grounded in his own branch of knowledge and was to continue its study throughout his life. In the Sūtrakṣitānga', the ideal teacher has been described as follows: "He is not to conceal or contradict the truth, not to show any pride and not to denounce teachers of other religions. He is to be a genuine scholar having complete knowledge of all other religions. His life is to be full of penances and his speech should be chaste.” Baudhāyana insists that the teacher should teach his student the sacred science with whole-hearted attention without withholding from him any part of the whole Law. The generosity and large-heartedness of teachers can be judged from the conduct and exclamation of Alāra Kalāma, when the future Buddha had finished his education under him :
"Happy friends are we in that we look upon such a venerable one, such a fellow ascetic as you. The doctrine which I know, you too know, and the doctrine which you know, I too know. As I am, so you are, as you are, so am I. Pray, Sir, let us be joint wardens of this company”.3
The teacher was to adopt and love the pupil as his own son. Though it was the duty of the pupil to render services to the teacher to please him, the teacher must be carclul to see that the pupil is not exploited for his own purposes to an extent detrimental to his studies. Such services were meant for the pupil's own moral improvement and not solely for the practical benefits of the teacher. In times of distress,
1. Sülra, 1, 14; 19-27. 2. Bar. Dh. S, i. 2. 48. 3. Further Dialogues of the Buddha, Irisalariesana Sutta, p. 116 4. Bau. Dh, S, i. 2. 48.

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however, the teacher was permitted to accept the assistance of his pupil.
346
The teacher had no fixed income. It consisted partly of offerings obtained by him on occasions of rituals and sacrifices and partly of voluntary gifts given by his students either during or after their course of study. The respectable status of a teacher depended not on his wealth but on his scholarship and character.
The relations between the teacher and the student were direct and not merely institutional. They were very cordially intimate, united, to quote the words of the Buddha, 'by mutual reverence, confidence and communion of life." A good pupil never disobeyed his teacher or behaved rudely with him; he never told a lie and always carried out his command like a thorough-bred horse. If he perceived the teacher in an angry mood, he pacified him by meekness, appeased him with folded hands and avowed not to do wrong again. It is stated that a pupil should not sit by the side of the teacher, not before him, nor behind him; he should never ask questions when sitting on a stool or his bed, but always rising from his seat and coming near, he should ask him with folded hands.2
There were bad pupils too. They received kicks and blows from their teachers. They were also beaten with sticks and addressed with harsh words.3 Bad students are compared with bad bullocks who break down through want of zeal. Such pupils, if sent on an errant, did not do what they were asked to do, but strolled about wherever they liked. Sometimes, teachers were tired of such pupils, left them to their fate, and retired to the forest.4
It does not mean, however, that the student was to follow blindly even his teacher's misconduct. Both Buddha and Apastamba, who enjoin high reverence for the teacher, lay down that the student should draw his teacher's attention in private to his failings, dissuade him from wrong views if he happened to be inclined towards them; the duty of obedience
1. Mo I. 32. I.
2. Uttara, I. 13 f, 12, 41, 18, 22.
3. Ibid, 33; ibid, 3, 65a; also Ja, II, p. 279.
4. Uttara, 27. 8, 13, 16.

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comes to an end if the teacher transgresses the limits of Dharma. His commands were to be regarded as ultravires, if they were likely to jeopardise the student's life or were against the law of the land. PRIVATE TEACHERS AND OTHER AGENCIES
As education became more complex and exact during this period, specialists started appearing in the form of private teachers. They were to be found scattered all over the country, but they used to congregate in large numbers in certain places on account of the facilities they received. Such places were usually capitals of kingdoms and famous holy places. Taxila and Banaras became well known educational centres where a number of famous scholars imparted education in their individual capacity but did not as a rule combine to form any colleges. If the number of pupils under any teacher happened to be large, he would either engage an assistant teacher, or assign part of the work to brilliant advanced students.
Besides these private teachers, the followers of different Vedas had formed their own Academies of learning called the Charaņas. These Charaṇas were merely loose organisations based upon a fellowship of teachers and students working at different centres but promoting the study of particular Vedic Sākhā. At different centres of learning, there were Councils of learned men known as Parishads which also worked as agencies of education. After completing their education, students were to present themselves for a test of their knowledge.
EDUCATIONAL CENTRES
Taxila became a widely known scat of learning during this period. It had many famous teachers to whom hundreds of students flocked for higher education from distant places like Rājagriha, Vaiśālī, Banaras, Ujjayinr and Mithilā. These teachers were not members of any organized institution like college or University but every teacher, assisied by his advanced students, formed an institution by himself. Onc such institution under a world-renowned teacher had five 1. drabhirati Ja, II p. 185 and Mchädhammagala Ja, IV, p. 447.

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hundred students under his charge. From the Sutasoma Fātaka, it is known that one of the archery schools at Taxila had on its roll 103 princes from different parts of India. Heir-apparents of Banaras came to this place for higher studies.3 King Prasenajit of Kośala, a contemporary of Mahāvīra, was educated here. Prince Jivaka, an illegitimate son of Bimbisāra, spent seven years at Taxila in learning medicine and surgery. As Pāņini hailed from Salātura near Attock, he also must have been on the alumni of Taxila University.
Generally, students used to go to Taxila for higher studies at the age of sixteen. As a general rule, they stayed with their teachers. Those, who were rich like prince Junha from Banaras, used to have separate special houses for their residence. The well-to-do students used to pay their lodging and boarding expenses along with their fees, sometimes even at the beginning of their course. Poor students, who were unable to pay fees, used to work in their teacher's house by day, Special classes were held for them at night.
Next to Taxila, Banaras was an eminent seat of learning. In the earlier period, one of its kings, Ajātaśatru had been a great philosopher and a patron of learning. Many of the teachers of this place had been students of Taxila.5 It seems that Banaras, as a seat of learning, was largely the creation of the ex-students of Taxila. In the course of time, the teacliers of Banaras began to attract scholars from far and wide. Kosija and Tittiri Jatakas refer to the famous teachers of Banaras maintaining schools for the teaching of three Vedas and eighteen Sippas, and Akitta Jātaka describes how students used to flock to Banaras for higher education, when they were about 16 years of age. The son of a Brāhmaṇa magnate worth eighty crores was educated in Banaras. There were again certain subjects in the teaching of which Banaras seems to have specialized. There is a reference, for instance, to a school of 1. Jā. 1, No. 239, 317, 402; III, 18. 235, 143, 171 etc. 2. Ibid, V, p. 407. : 3. Ibic, No. 252.
4. Jā, No 456: -5: Ibià, No. 150, See also No. 80. 6. jā, Vol, IV, 237,

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Music presided over by an expert who was "the chief of his kind in all India." Buddha selected this place for the first promulgation of his gospel because it became the famous seat of learning in eastern India. It it stated that prince Agadadatta of Sankhapura went to Banaras for study. He stayed in the house of his teacher, and returned home after completing the course of study. Sāvatthi’ is mentioned as another centre of education.3
Mahāli4 a native of Vaiśālī, is known to have gone to Takshasilā for learning Silpa or arts. After the completion of his studies, when he came back home, he trained five hundred Lichchhavis. These five hundred again, after finishing their courses, instructed many in different parts of the country. Vaiśālı itself was a centre of learning. The Lichchhavis were so much interested in high religious and philosophical discussions that they built a Kūțāgāra Hall, where such discussions took place. The Buddha gave many of his discourses at this place. HERMITAGES AS CENTRES OF LEARNING
The educational system of this period produced men of affairs as well as those who renounced the world in the pursuit of Truth. The life of renunciation indeed claimed many an ex-student of both Taxila and Benaras. In the sylvan and solitary retreats away from the busy life of cities, thc hermitages served as schools of higher philosophical speculation and religious training. These special schools of spiritual study are also referred to as being consisted of 500 ascetics gathering round the personality of an individual hermit of establishıcd reputation to impart instruction as his disciples. Such hermitages were generally established in the Himalayas. Sometimes,
1. Jā, No. 243. 2. Ullarā. Ti, 4, p. 83. 3. Ibid. 2, p. 22. 4. FAUSBOLT.: Dhammapadam (Old cdition), p. 211. 5. Chullakäliiga jā, No. 301. 6. Ruys Darius : Surarigalarilasin, Pt. I, PTS, London, 1894 7. Jii, Vol. I, 11. 8. Ibid, Vol. I, 406, 431; III, 143; 11, 74.

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however, they were built near the centres of population in order to have facilities for attracting recruits.
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SUBJECTS OF STUDY
In the Bhagavatisūtra,1 eighteen subjects-six Vedas, six Vedāngas and six Upangas have been mentioned for study. In the Uttaradhyayana Tikā,2 we find the following fourteen subjects of study-4 Vedas, 6 Vedangas, Mimāṁsā, Nyāya, Purāṇa, and Dharmmasattha. Seventy two Kalas are frequently mentioned in Jaina texts. The list contains the Sippas and also the list of traditional knowledge and sciences. These Kalas may be classified under thirteen heads-1. Reading and writing; 2. Poetry; 3. Sculpture; 4. Music; 5. Clay-modelling; 6. Gambling; sports and indoor games; 7. Personal hygiene, toilet and food; 8. knowledge of various marks and signs; 9. The science of omens; 10 Astronomy; 11. Alchemy; 12. Architecture and 13. Art of fighting.3
The three Vedas, Grammar, Philosophy, Law and eighteen Sippas were the principal subjects selected for specialisation at Taxila. Among the latter were included Medicine, Surgery, Archery and allied military arts, Astronomy, Astrology, Divination, Accountancy, Commerce, Agriculture, Conveyancing, Magic, Snake charming, the art of finding treasurers, Music, Dancing and Painting. Jivaka had gone to this place for studying medicine and surgery and two youths from Banaras went there for studying Archery and Elephant Lore. Two Chaṇḍāla boys from Ujjayini in the disguise of young Brahmaņas visited Taxila for the study of law. There were no caste restrictions on the choice of subject; Kshatriyas used to study the Vedas along with Brahmanas and the latter used to specialise in archery along with the Kshatriyas. A Brāhmaṇa royal priest of Banaras had once sent his son to Taxila not to learn the Vedas but to specialise in Archery.5 Similar subjects were also taught at Banaras and other educational centres.
1. Bhag, 5, 3. 3. 185.
2. Uttara, Ti. 3, p, 56.
3. JLAIDJO, pp. 172-173.
4. Ja, No. 498.
5. Ibid. 522.

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HOLIDAYS
A systematic list of holidays has been given in the Brahmanical literature. Interruptions of study were allowed for a variety of causes and circumstances. The principal cause of such interruption was the occurrence of certain natural phenomena-untimely clouds, thunder, heavy showers, frost, dust-storms etc. Secondly, the standing list of holidays included the following : four in the month at an interval of a week, the new and full moon days and the eighth day of each fortnight; certain other days were set apart for religious ceremonies and festival days. Thirdly, study was forbidden in the event of certain political or other incidents taking place, e.g. when the peace of the settlement was disturbed by an invasion or by incursions of robbers or cattlelifters, or when the king or a Brāhmaṇa had met with an accident or died. Arrival of distinguished guests led to the suspension of studies. Fourthly, study was to be stopped when certain sounds were heard, e.g. howling of jackals, barking of dogs, braying of donkeys, grunting of camels, cry of a wolf, screeching of an owl; the sound of an arrow, of a large or small drum; the noise of a chariot and the wail of a person in pain or weeping ORGANIZATION AND DURATION OF COURSES
There was no clear cut course of a definite duration in different subjects because cducation was mostly imparıcd by private teachers without any government control. Tlie duration and contents of the course were therefore largely determined by the will, capacity and convenience of the student. Thosc, who were content with a superficial knowledge, used to return home in six or even three years. Persons desiring higher education had to spend about 15 or 16 ycars subscquent to the time of his Upanayana at the age of cight or ninc. Usually one could finish education and become an espert in one particular subject at about the age of 24 which was regarded as the ideal age for marriage. Actua!cd by spiritual motives, som persons used to observe life-long celibacy 1, Gall. Dk. S, 11. 7; Baile Dh. S. 1. 11. The works of lasishtis, Vishnu
and Vibhānas a hardly add anything new regarding intcrrup:io:1 of study.

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and devote their time entirely to religion and education. They were known as Naishțhika Brahmacharins, Their primary motive was spiritual salvation, but they set out to achieve this not by penance or meditation, but by the dedication of a life of celibacy to the cause of the sacred lore. FEMALE EDUCATION
The permission granted by Mahāvīra and the Buddha. for the admission of women into their respective Orders, provided an impetus to the spread of education and philosophy among the ladies. Some of them distinguished themselves. as teachers and preachers. They used to lead a life of celibacy, with the aim of understanding and following the eternal truths of religion and philosophy. Ajita Chandanā became the first disciple of Mahāvīra under whom a large number of nuns practised the rules of right conduct and attained salyation. Another famous lady Jayanti, the sister of king Sayāmīya of Kośãmbi, abandoned her royal robe and became a devout nun.2 Some of the nuns well-versed in the knowledge of the sacred texts became teachers of the junior nuns.
The ladies who entered the Buddhist order were known Theris, some of whom made themselves off. The most distinguished of them was Dhammadinnā who brought about her husband's spiritual salvation. She solved all difficult metaphysical problems with the ease of 'one who severs the stalk of a lotus with the sword.' Mahāprajāpati, the sister of the Buddha's. mother, who entered the Order with a following of 500 other Śäkya ladies constituting the Order of Nuns, was hardly inferior to any of the monks in piety and learning. Kisa Gotami was known for her progress in virtue and philosophical learning. Sukkā was such a successful speaker and preacher that, to hear her speak, people would flock out of the city and not feel tired of listening to her.3
When a large number of ladies were receiving higher education and were making their own contributions to the growth of knowledge, it is but natural to suppose that some of them 1. Anta, 8; Kalpa, 7. 135. 2. Bhag, 12 2.
C.A. FOLEY's article in the Ninth Oriental Congress Report Vol. I, pp, 310 f, See also A. S. ALTEKAR: Ancient Indian Education, pp. 464-466.

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must have followed the profession of teaching. Āchāryāl and Upadhyāyā' were the titles of female teachers. Pāṇini refers to female students as Chhātri and their hostels Chhātrīšala.2 These hostels were probably under the superintendence of lady teachers, who had made teaching their profession. ;
Women students were divided into two classes--Sadyodvāhas and Brahmavādinis. The Sadyodvāhas used to prosecute their studies until their marriage at the age of 15 or 16. Girls. could remain unmarried until the age of 16 and the Upanayana was as common in the case of girls as it was in the case of boys. During the eight or nine years, they used to learn religious hymns prescribed for daily and periodical prayers and 'for those rituals and sacraments in which they were to take active part after marriage. Like men, women used to offer their prayers regularly in the morning and in the evening. Brahmavādinis aimed at high excellence in scholarship. They were lifelong students of Theology and Philosophy. ART OF WRITING
The period of Lord Mahāvīra is noteworthy for the evolution of the art of writing. G.H. OJHA3, R.B. PANDEY, 4 and D.R. BHANDARKARS are of the opinion that a system of writing was prevalent even earlier during the Vedic period. But, most of the indologists do not ascribe to this view. Since no positive evidence regarding writing has been found in Vedic literature, it is not possible to hazard any final conclusion.
The definite traces of writing hail from the sixth century B.C. The Pāli Tripitakas give numerous references to writing and the material used for it. Pițaka means 'basket which im. plies something to hold or contain—a written document. References to writing occur in the Vinaya Pitaka at many places. The terms Lekhaka and Lekhapeti? are used for 'writer' and 'caused to be written' respectively. Further, a ‘letter-game known as Akkharikā clearly indicates that some 1. India as known to Pāṇini, p. 288. 2. Pā, VI. 2. 36. 3. Prachinalipimālā, p. 12. 4. Indian Palacography, p. 15. 5. Sir Asutosh Mookerjce Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, p. 494 r.
6. Vin, IV-8. • 7. Ibid, II-110.

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sort of writing was known to the people. A prescribed thief is called Likhitaka chora which means literally 'registered thief." The word Akkhara occurs in the Anguttara Nikaya, the Samyutta Nikaya and the Dhammapada. The word Lekhani (pen) is mentioned in the Anguttara Nikaya.5 The prose-Jātakas, which were admittedly compiled later, possess a number of references to writing, writing material and several kinds of written documents. All these Pāli evidences prove that some sort of writing definitely existed during the sixth century B.C. or even earlier, but unfortunately we do not know its name or character.
The Ashtadhyayi of Panini contains the terms denoting the existence of the art of writing-Lipis and Libi (script), Lipikāra (a writer or scribe), Yavanāns (Greek script), Grantha' (a book) and Svarita1o (a mark in writing).
For the first time we meet two scripts, Brahmi and Kharoshthi, in cursive and advanced forms of letters during third century B.C. in the Aśokan inscriptions. This fact also leads us to infer that writing had had a long history before the epigraphs of Aśoka were engraved.
Brahmi and Kharoshthi are the two most important scripts mentioned in the Jaina and Buddhist texts. In the Jaina sutras the Pannavaṇā, the Samavāyānga (Ch. XVIII) and the Bhagavati (Ch.V), the names of scripts are mentioned. The first two contain a list of eighteen scripts and the last one refers to only one-Brahmi, The Buddhist work Lalitavistara contains the names of 64 scripts, both Indian and foreign, known to or imagined by the Indians during the
1. Vin, I-2.
2. Angu, I-72, III-107.
3. Sam, II-267, 1-38.
4. Dhp, (Tanhavagga-19)
5. Angu, II-200.
6. På, 13. 2. 21.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid, 4. 1. 49.
9. Ibid, 1..3. 75..
10. Ibid, 1. 3. 11.
11. According to Jaina traditions, this script was given by the first Tirthankara Rishabha to his daughter Brahmi,from whom it derived its name.

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period when these lists were compiled. Out of these, only two, the Brāhmi and Kharoshthi seem to have been current in the sixth or fifth century B.C. The Brāhmi was written from left to right and it was popular in eastern India. G. BUHLER' has adopted the designation Brāhmi for the characters in which the majority of the Aśoka edicts were written. He and his followers like W. JONES," A WEBER, and ISAAC TAYLOR3 advocated that Brāhmí originated from a Semitic alphabet. The theory of the indigenous origin of Brāhmi has been propounded by many modern scholars, mostly Indians. Some of them like R.B. PANDEY4 and D.C. SIRCAR5 even think that Brāhmi alphabet seems to have been derived from the pre-historic Indus Valley scripts.
The Kharoshthi script was written from right to left. It was introduced in the extreme north-west of India in about the sixth or fifth century B.C. and was used locally in Gandhāra. G. BUHLER6 suggested that it originated from the Aramic alphabet because there is resemblance of letters in these two scripts. During the Achaemenian rule, Aramic script was used for official and other purposes in India and adjacent countries. Kharoshțh; alphabet was the result of the intercourse between the offices or the Satraps and the natives. The Indians probably used at first the pure Aramic characters, and they introduced in the course of time the modifications observable in the Kharoshthi alphabet. On the other hand, R.B. PANDEY’ does not agree with the theory of Aramic origin of the Kharoshthi and has proved that it was invented by Indian genius.
LANGUAGE
The most remarkable feature of this age is that Sanskrit lost its position as the medium of expression and its place was soon taken by the Prakrits (Vernaculars) which also grew 1. BURLER : Indian Palacography, pp. 9-11. 2. TAYLOR ; The Alphabet, Vol. II, p. 304. 3. Ibid, Vol. I. pp. 335-316, 4: R. B. PANDEY: Indian Palacography, p. 50. 5. D. C. SIRCAR : Inscriptions of Asola, p. 25. 6. BUHLER : Indian Palacography, pp. 19-20. 7. R. B. PaxdY : Indian Palacography, pp. 57-59.

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as literary languages. It is for this reason that both Mahāvīra and Buddha propagated their faiths among the masses with the help of the Prakrits and not Sanskrit. It is, probable, though not definitely proved, that both Mahāvīra and Buddha preached their doctrines in old Ardha-Māgadhi dialect, but the extant canonical texts of their sects are written in a language which is quite different. The original scriptures are lost, but the language of the preserved Jaina canons has under gone considerable changes and shows a strong influence of the Mahārāshtrí Prakrit. As regards Buddhist canon, the best preserved is that of the Hīnayāna school (Theravāda) in Pāli. The particular prakrit dialect from which pāli was derived is a matter of dispute among scholars and no unanimous con. clusion has yet been arrived at. While some derive it from the Prakrit dialect current in Magadha, others find a closer association between it and the dialects of Kaušāmbi or Avanti i.e. the Midland or Madhyadeśa.
From the different Sūtra works (600-400 B.C.) and Pāṇini's Ashtādhyāyī we know about the contemporary position of Sanskrit Language. This language had now become widely differentiated from the Vedic idiom. These Sūtras are written in a peculiarly terse style which may be traced to the prose of the Brāhmaṇas. They, however, employ long compounds and gerunds to economize the use of syllables. The language of the Sūtras comes very close to the norm set up by Pāṇini. Occasionally, we find words and forms belonging to the Vedic period and also some Prākritisms and solecisms. The contact of the Aryans with the aboriginal tribes may have hastened to a certain extent the process of simplification of the older language. The language of these works was the spoken language as was current among the hieratic classes. Sanskrit language ceased to be the language of the masses and its use was restricted only to the highly educated class.. LITERATURE
There was a general efflorescence of literary activity during this age. Because of the rise of different religions, religious and philosophical literature proliferated in context and diversity. Most of this rich literature was lost because it

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357 was handed down by the religious teachers orally in the form of traditions and was not committed to writing. Even those preserved orally took literary form after considerable time, and it underwent many changes in language and subject matter. Hence, it is not possible to offer a definite and true picture of literature. The achievements in some branches of technical literature also were of high order. THE JAINA CANON . .
Originally, there were two kinds of Jaina sacred books--- the fourteen Pürvas and the eleven Angas. The fourteen Pūrvas are said to be coming down from the time of Pārsva, the illustrious predecessor of Mahāvīra. Traditionally, the eleven Angas based on the teachings of Mahāvīra are said to have been composed by his immediate disciples but actually they do not belong to one period. The fourteen Pūrvas were reckoned to make up a twelfth Anga called the Drishtivāda. Mahāvīra preached his religion in Ardha-Māgadhi which is said to be the language of the canon. The language of the available canon, however, shows a great influence of Mahārāshțrī Prakrit. Besides, the present. canon has undergonc considerable modifications and interpolations and at the same time, certain canons or parts of the canons have become totally obsolete. Different names are ascribed to one and the same canon and the number of canons varies considerably.
The Agama or Canonical literature, according to the Śvetāmbara Jains consists of the eleven Angas, twelve Upüngas, ten Painnas (Prakirņas), six Chhedasūtras, Nandi and Inujogadtūra and four mīlasūtras. The cleven Angas are the oldest part of the Canon. On the other hand, according to the Digambar tradition, not only the Drishțivada but also cleven Angas were lost by degrees in course of time. They do not know of other works grouped as Upangas, Chhedasūtras, ctc., which are found in the present canon of the Svetāmbaras. A list of these texts according to the usual cnumeration is as follows: 1. Eleven Angas : Āchāra, Sūtrakṣita, Sthāna, Samarāja, Bhaga
... vali, Jiūtādharmakathās, Upasakadašās, rintakriddcias,
Anuttaraupapatikadašas, Prabnarjakarana Vipaka (Drishi ţi-văda, no longer extant): .........

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Lord Mahavira and His Times 2. Twelve Upārgas : Anupapātika, Rājaprašniya, Jivābhigama,
Prañapanā, Jambūdvzpaprajñapti, Chandraprajñapti, Sūryaprajñapti, Nirayāvali (or Kalpika), Kalpāvatansikā,
Pushpikā, Pushpachūlika and Vrishạidašās, 3. Ten Paiņņas (Prakīrṇas) : Chatuḥsaraņa, Saṁstāra, Aturapra
tyākhyānam, Bhaktāparijñā, Tandulavaiyāli, Chandavīja, Devendrastava, Ganivija, Mahāpratyākhyāna, and Virastava. Chhedasūtras: Nišitha, Mahānisītha, Vyavahära, Dašā
śrutaskandha, Bțihatkalpa and Panchakalpa. 5. Two Sūtras without a common name : Nandi and Anuyoga
dvāra. 6. Four Mülasūtras : Uttarādhyayana, Āvaśyaka, Dasavaikālika
and Pindaniryukti.1 Among these different Angas, only the Achāranga, the Sutrakṣitānga and the Uttarādhyayana contain the oldest part of the canon from linguistic and literary points of view.2 The same may be true to some extent of the Bhagavatī Sutra. The Samayika prayers, like the Buddhist formulae of confession, obviously formed the very beginning of the sacred writings, but unfortunately we do not have them in their authentic form. The older parts of the canon contain many archaic forms.
The older prose works generally abound in endless repetitions , but some contain systematic expositions. Of the twelve Upan
gas, only the first two perhaps contain some early material, the rest being 'systematic and exaggerated dogmatic, scientific and mythological treatises. Of the first two Upāngas 1. During the course of three recensions, the Jaina Sutras have undergone
cons Jer ble changes. The first attempt was made by convoking the council at Pataliputra 160 years after Mahāvīra's death (i.e. about 307 B C.) and the sacred lore which was in a state of decay, was put in order. This is known as the Pāțaliputra version (Vāchanā) of the Jaina Canons. Another council was summoned at Mathură under the presidentship of Ārya Skandila between the years 827 and 844) after the death of Mahāvira" (i.e. 300-273 A. D.) and the Scriptural texts were brought into order. This is known as the Māthuri version (Vāchanā) of the Canons. Lastly the council of Valabhi met under Devardhi Ganin Kshamāśramana (Vira 980=A. D. 513) and the Jaina Canon was written down in book form. This is known as Val
abhi version (Vachana) of the Canons. 2. SBE, XXII, pp. XI-XLIII.

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the Rājapraśniya, in particular, seems to be based on an old tradition, since the Pāyāsisutta in the Dighanikāya is either an adaptation of it or draws on the same source. The painnas, as their title indicates, are miscellaneous pieces and their list is in reality quite indefinite. Of the Chhedasūtras, according to M. WINTERNITZ, only the Brihatkalpa, with its supplement -the Vauhāra-and the Āyāradasão, can be considered early.
359
THE BUDDHIST CANON
It seems that Gautama Buddha, like Mahavira, preached his doctrines in Old Ardha-Magadhi, but he enjoined upon his disciples that his teachings should be studied by the people in their own dialects. We have definite evidence that Buddhist canon was redacted in Päli, Mägadhi and other dialects. of these, the Pāli version alone has survived in its entirety. Of the rest, only very small fragments have so far come to light.
The Pāli canon consists of three piṭakas (baskets) known as the Tripitaka. These are Vinaya, Sutta and Abhidhamma Pițakas. There is yet another division of the canon into nine Angas. They are sermons in prose only (Sutta), sermons in prose and verse (Gavya), explanations (Veyyakarana), stanzas (Gāthā), epigrams (Udāna), short saying beginning with "Thus spoke the Buddha" (Itivuttaka), stories of previous incarnations (Jātaka), miracles (Abbhutadhamma), and teachings in the form of question and answer (Vedalla).
The Vinaya Pitaka comprises the following texts: Pätimokkha, Sutta Vibhanga, Khandhakas and Parivara. The Sutta Pitaka comprises the following five collections called Nikājas: (1) Digha, (2) Majjhima, (3) Samyutta, (4) Anguttara and (5) Khuddaka. The Abhidhamma comprises seven books commonly known as Sattapakarana which belong to a later date containing a more elaborate and classified exposition of the Dhamma than given in the Nikayas.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE BUDDHIST CANON
Like the Jaina canon, the Buddhist canon too was not compiled at one particular time. The quotations from scriptures in Aśokan edicts, references to persons well-versed in sacred texts in inscriptions of the second century B. C. and

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scriptures,' reliefs and inscriptions on the railings and gateways at Bhārhut and Sanchi, suggest that the works on-Dharmà and Vinaya were current before the rise of the Maurya dynasty. The Mahāvagga and Chullavagga are evidently assignable to the period of Asoka, as they are silent about the third Council. The Sutta Vibhanga and the five Nikāyas which'are referred to in the Chullavagga are certainly much older. There is no reference to the Abhidhamma, which is the latest of the Pițakas. As the. Nikāyas know no place in the east, south of Kalinga, and no place in the west, south of the Godāvarı, the Geography. of the Nikāyas points to their age being much earlier than Asoka. Therefore, it appears that the bulk of the Vinaya Pitaka and the first four Nikāyas of the Sutta Pitaka were compiled before 350 B.C.
· After discussing the chronology of the Pāli canonical texts from different points of view, B..C. Law places them in the following groups in their chronological order..
1. The simple statements of Buddhist doctrine now found in identical words in paragraphs or verses recurring in all the books;
2. Episodes found in identical words in two or more of the existing books; : . ... . 3. The Silas, the Pārāyana group of sixteen poems without the prologue, the Atthaka group of four or sixteen poemis, the Sikkhapadas;
4. Digha . Vol. I, Majjhima, Samyutta, Anguttara and earlier Pātimokkha with 152 rules; ;
.: 5. Digha . Vol. II, IIÏ, Thera-Theri-gāthā, 500 Jatakas, Suttavibhanga, Pațisambhidāmagga, Puggalapaññatti and Vibhanga;. in. 6. Mahāvagga, Chullavagga, Patimokkha with 227 rules, Vimānavatthu, Petavatthu, Dhammapada, Kathāvatthu;
2 7 . Chülla-and Mahă-niddesa, Udāna, Itivuttaka, Sutta Nipata, Dhätukathā, Yamaka, Pathāna;
8. Buddhavamsa, Chariyāpițaka, Apadāna;
9. Parivarapātha;"" .. *** . . , ::.10. Khuddakapātha. '.:. : .
::.. .. Vangisa, a native of: Magadha; is known to have been the.celebrated' poet during the time::of Buddha. - He repeated
i Historie oë Palem : 4:; !:-*. **

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Education; Literature and Sciences many beautiful stanzas before the Buddha who praised him much:1 THE AFĪVIKA CANON
That the Ājivikas had a canon of sacred texts in which their doctrines were codified, is clear from the Pāli and Prakrit texts of Buddhism and Jainism. The Ajivika cánon consisted of eight Mahānimittas and two Margas, which are at least partially based upon the Pūrvas coming down from the time of Pārsva. B.M. BARUA, on the other hand, interprets the word Pūrva in the text not in the specialised Jaina sense, but-merely as past traditions. His view is strengthened by the fact that the eightfold Mahānimitta of the Ājivikas bears no resemblance to the titles of the fourteen lost Pūrvas of the Jaina tradition. In spite of this, it can be said that the scriptures of the Ajivikas may have had something in common with the earliest scriptures of the Jainas.
. In the Bhagavat isūtra,3 it is described that the six Disāchāras "extracted the eight-fold Mahānimitta in the Puvvas with the Maggås making the total up to ten, after examining hundreds of opinions”, and that this was approved by Gośāla markhaliputta after brief consideration. The eight Angas of the Mahānimitta are as follows
: 1. Divyam, "of the Divine",
2. Aulpālam, "of Portents”,
3. Antariksham, of the sky”, :: 4. Bhaumam, "of the earth”,
5. Angam, "of the body”.
6. Svāram, "of sound, • 7. Lākshanam, "of characteristics”; and
8. Vjāñjanam, "of indications'.
The Mahānimittas are listed in the Sthānanga Sūtras," with the variation Suvine (drcams) for Divyam. Thc Utlarādhgayana Sūtras gives a similar list, and adds that the Jaina Bhikkhu should not live by such mcans. The two Mlaggas arc described 1. Sam. I, p. 185. 2. JDL, II, p. 41. 3. Bhag, 'XV. S. 539, Fol. 658-9. . .
VIII; GOS. ... ...... . . 5. Ullarā, XV, 7.

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by the commentator Abhayadeva to have been those of song and dance. The Maggas may represent texts containing Ajīvika religious songs and directions for ritua dances respectively. VEDANGA LITERATURE
The Vedānga literature composed during this period does not form part of the Vedic literature, but is in close association with it. It is not the Veda, a divine revelation, but the Vedanga, “the limbs of the Veda", constituting works of human authorship. These Vedāngas include a number of exegetical sciences like Śiksha (phonetics), Kalpa.. (ritual), Vyakarana (Grammar), Nirukia (etymology); Chhandas (metrics), and Jyotisha (astronomy). These six Vedāngas refer to the six subjects that help the proper understanding, recitation, and the sacrificial use of the Vedas. As a whole, these have been written in a Sutra style. A Sutra has come to mean a short rule, in as few words as possible, giving a clue to the learning of a particular topic. The voluminous increase of knowledge along with the oral system of instruction necessitated this peculiar fashion of Sūtra style so that it might be easier to memorize. The intricacies of Vedic ritual, which were to be scrupulously observed in every small detail, contributed to a certain extent to the development of this form of literature.
In course of time, each of the original Vedic Angas gave rise to a number of allied sciences through its specialized and scientific study in special schools. The sacrificial ritual itself led to the growth of some of the sciences. Geometry and Algebra arose out of the elaborate rules for the construction of altars. Astronomy and Astrology grew out of the necessity of finding out the proper times and seasons for sacrifice and other purposes. The foundation of Anatomy was laid in the dissection of sacrificial animals. Grammar and Philology had their origin in the care to preserve the sacred texts from corruption and fix the methods of their proper. pronunciation. CLASSES OF SUTRA WORKS
The first branch of the Sūtra literature is called śrauta. The Srauta Sūtras deal with the rites and sacrifices which

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involve the services of a number of priests. The second branch is the Gțihya Sutras which are concerned with the numerous ceremonies applicable to the domestic life of a man and his family from birth to death. The third is the Dharma Sūtras dealing with the customary law and practice. They enumerate the duties of the castes and stages in life (Āśrama). They lay the foundation of civil and criminal law. The last is the Sulva Sutras giving minute details regarding the measurement and construction of the fire-altars and the place of sacrifice. They may thus be regarded as the oldest books of Indian geometry.
The dates of the principal Srauta Sūtras and some of the Gțihy'a Sutras have been decided between 800 and 400 B.C. G. BUHLER and J. JOLLY have placed them between the sixth and fourth (or third) centuries B.C., though others assign to them a somewhat later date. Although none of the extant Dharma Sülra is older than 600 B.C., there is no doubt that there were works of this class belonging to an earlier period.1 PHILOSOPHICAL LITERATURE
In the sixth century B.C., there was a rise of new philosophical tenets often of a revolutionary character. Many of these philosophical dogmas had a merely temporary phase and gradually faded away but a few, however, came to stay. Besides Mahāvira and Buddha, the chief heterodox religious teachers of this age were Pūrņa Kassapa, Pakudha Kachchayana, Makkhali Gośāla, Ajita Keśakambalin and Sanjaya Belatthiputta. They were renowned philosophers of their times and propounded independent views on different philosophical subjects. Their works are not available, but we know about their views from the Buddhist and Jaina literature.
The six systems of Indian Philosophy are distinguished as orthodox systems from the heterodox systems of the Buddhists, Jainas and Chārvākas, because they are all somehow reconcilable with the Vedic system, though they mutually differ in their relations to the same. The six systems are known as (1) the Sāmkhya of Kapila, (2) Yoga of Patanjali (2) Nyaya of Gautama, (4) Vaiseshika of Kaņāda, (5) Pūrva llimänisă or Jaimini, and (6) Vedānta of Bādarāyana. 1. KHDS, 1. pp. 8-9; SBE, II, XIV, Introduction.

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- Lord Mahāvira and His Times . These systems of philosophy certainly had their beginning much earlier, earlier perhaps than even Lord Mahāvīra, but the texts of the Sūtras which embody their conclusions were composed later. There is a great controversy among scholars about the chronology of these Sūtras. The proposed dates for the different. Sūtras vary over a wide range of more than a thousand years between the fifth century B.G. and fifth century A.D. Generally, Vaiseshika and Nyāya Sūtras are regarded as the earliest and Sānkhya as the latest.. :
It is to be noted that the philosophers to whom these systems are ascribed were not necessarily their originators. They gave the final form to the Sutras which themselves refer to older philosophers. Some of the Sūtras refer to the opinions of other Sūtras and their refutations which show that the different philosophical schools were already in existence before the final redaction of the Sūtras took place. It may.further be noted that the extant literary works in which the doctrines of the six systems are embodied are themselves much later in date than their original founders. It is possible that these systems of philosophy originated much earlier but they were composed in Sūträ style much later. .. TECHNICAL AND SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE
Another noteworthy feature of this age is that separate schools of Kalpa; Vyakarana, and 7 otisha“ apart from Vedic schools, came into existence. These subjects were not taught ás auxiliary branches of the Vedic lore to the students of a common school, but each of these subjects was attaining independent development through treatment in a special school. Independent works were written on these branches of knowledge. . ini
: ** (A) Grammar . . . . . . . .The earliest existing work, dealing with the Grammar of the contemporary spoken language is Pāṇini's -Ashțādhyāyi. The author refers to his predecessors like 'Sākațāyana and Saunaka but their works are not available. It indicates the existence of a long tradition of grammatical studies before the days of Pāṇini. Pāṇini was the native of a village called Śālātura in N.W.F. Province. His work. consists of some 4,000 Sūtras divided, as the title' suggésts, into eight chapters.

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The date of Pāņini is not definite, and he has been placed between the seventh and fourth centuries B.C. It is to be noted that the subject, as treated by Panini, is no longer subservient to the needs of mere Veda-study but has an independent life and destiny of its own, though it does not exclude the Veda from its purview. It is no longer a mere handmaiden of the Vedavidyā. It is a distinct science laying down the laws applicable to the entire Sanskrit language, of which the typical form assumed is what we call classical Sanskrit.
(B) Metrics
There are many scattered references to metre in the Brāhmanas, but it is in the Sūtras (e.g. the Sänkhāyana Srauta Sutra, the Rigveda Prātisakhya and the Nidāna Sūtra that an attempt is made to arrange the archiac metres systematically, The earliest existing work on Metrics is Pingala's Chhandašāstra. He started the practice of measuring a metrical line with the help of the. Trikas or the eight groups of three letters cach. From very old times, the Sanskrit metres in the Vedas were distinguished from each other by the number of letters contained in each line of a stanza. Pingala's date is uncertain but he may be assigned to the first or second century B.C. Pingala himself mentions earlier authorities like Rāta, Māndavya, Kāśyapa and others while defining the classical metres, which shows that the development of the classical metres had begun long before Pingala.
(C) Science of Polity'
It is only after the rise of the well organized states in the age of Mahāvīra that the Science of Polity scems to have originated. Both the Mahābhārata and the Arthašāstra give us information about the early writers of Hindu Polity and the thcories propounded by them. These two works represent independent traditions and sources. Kautilya rcfers to nincteen tcachers who prccede him-Manu, Brihaspati, Parāśara, Ušanas, Bharadväja, Viśālāksha, Piśuna, Kaunapadania, Vätavyādhi, etc. The Mahabharata mentions somc common names besides five others.
Unfortunately, the works of thesc authors have been losi, but their opinions quoted in the Mahabharatc and the Arthe

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śāstra give us some idea of their contents. One of them named Uśanas went to the extent of advocating the extreme view that politics was the only science worth study. They believed in the monarchical form of government. They seem to have devoted considerable space to the discussion of the training of the prince and the qualifications of an ideal ruler. The relative importance that he should attach to the difficulties and calamities in connection with the treasury, forts and army were also exhaustively discussed. The constitution and functions of the Ministry were described at length by most of them and they widely differed from one another about the number of the Ministers and their qualifications. Principles of foreign policy were also debated upon, Bhāradvāja advocating submission to the strong when there is no alternative and Viśālāksha recommending a fight to finish, even if it meant annihilation. Vātavyādhi did not ascribe to the theory of Shadgunya but advocated that of Dvaigunya. The questions of the control over revenue and provincial officers were discussed. These early works contain important sections dealing with civil and criminal law and laid down a scheme of fines and punishments, theft, robbery, misappropriation, etc.?.
Thus, these different schools of political thought before Kautilya definitely prove that they were not confined to a mechanical repetition of each other's views but they ceaselessly endeavoured to ascertain how far the end of the state could best be realized within the ambit of the ancient dharma. MATHEMATICS, ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY
The early Jaina texts provide ample evidence of progress made in Mathematics, Astronomy and Astrology. It is said that Mahāvīra was versed in Arithmetic and Astronomy. Ganita is also described as one of the four expositions of the principle (anuyoga) in the Jaina text.3 The Thāņānga mentions ten kinds of science of numbers, viz., parikamma (fundamental operation), vavahāra (subject of treatment), rajju ("rope" meaning geometry) rāsi ("heap” meaning measurement of
.
..
- 1. State and Government in Ancient India, pp. 8-9. • 2. Kalpa, 1. 10. . . . . 3. Das, chủ, p. 2.

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solid bodies), Kalāsāvanna (fractions), jāvantāvam (as many as' meaning simple equations), vagga ("square" meaning quadratic equation). ghana ("cube" meaning cubic equation), vaggavagga (liquidratic equation) and vikappa (permutation and combination).1 · The Suriyapannatti and the Chandapannatti, the fifth and the seventh Upangas of the Jaina canon respectively deal with Astronomy. The Suriyapannatti deals with various astronomical views of the Jainas such as the orbits which the Sun circumscribes during the year, the rising and the setting of the Sun, the speed of the course of the Sun through each of its 184 cubits, the light of the Sun and moon, the measure of the shadow at various seasons of the year, the connection of the moon with lunar mansions (nakshatra), the waning and the crescent of the moon, the velocity of the five kinds of heavenly bodies (the Sun, the Moon, planets, nakshatras and tārās), the qualities of the moon-light, the number of Suns in Jambūdvipa, etc.?
The Jonipähuda; and the Chūdāmaņi“ deal with astrology. Vivāhapadala was another work of astrology. The knowledge of astrology was considered necessary for fixing the time of religious ceremonies.
It seems that the eight Mahānimittas, the early scriptures of the Ājivikas contained considerable sections on the subject of Astrology because the Ājivika mendicant often acted as an astrologer or reader of omens. The Jaina saint Kālaya or Kālaka is said to have learnt the Mahānimittas from the Ājivikas. That the Jainas, despite the veto of the Uttaradhyajana, also employed the cightfold Mahānimitta is shown by Kälaka's knowledge of it, and by an inscription at Sravana Belgolā, which states that the pontiff Bhadrabahu knowing the cightfold Mahānimitta, seeing past, present and future, foretold in Ujjayini a calamity of twelve years' duration: 1. Thā, 10.747. 2. M. WINTERVITZ: History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 457, JASB,
Vol. 49, Pt. I, 1880. 3. Brih. Bhå, I. 1303. 4. Ibid. 1. 1313. 5. Jā 1, p. 257. Nakthalia Jataka. 6. Panchakalpa chirri. 7. Epi. Carn, II, No 1.

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That the Brahmaṇas also acted as the fortune-tellers by reading symbols of men and by interpreting the dreams and other omens is known by the evidence of the Jatakas.1 SCIENCE OF MEDICINES
368
L
(
The science of Medicine (tegichchhaya or Ayuvveya) is said to have been discovered by Dhannantari2 (Dhanvantari). Hewas well versed in the medical science which comprises eight. branches. It is not possible to fix the date of Dhannantari.
In the days of Mahavira, the medical science was in the stage of advancement because Taxila was famous for the medical school which must have been the best of its kind in India. It is for this reason that prince Jivaka spent seven years there, learning medicine and surgery. The practical course in Medicine included a first hand study of the plants to find out the medicinal ones. The Jatakas also refer.. to the medical students. at Taxila treating for cranial abscesses and intestinal displace-ment.
4
On his return to Magadha after completing education,. Jivaka was appointed the royal physician because he was successful in operating on the fistula of king Bimbisāra. He had also to treat the Bhikshu patients suffering from leprosy, goitre, asthma, dry leprosy and apasmara. He cured the head. trouble of the wife of a banker of Saketa, the skin disease of a. banker of Banaras and jaundice of king Pradyota.5 There was. also another physician at Rājagriha named Akāsagotta who operated on the fistula of a bhikkhu.6
The Acharanga mentions the following sixteen diseases :: boils (gandi), leprosy (kuttha), consumption (rayamsi), epilepsy (avamariya) blindness (kāniya), stiffness (jhimiya), lameness. (kuniya), humpback (khujiya), dropsy (udari), dumbness (müya), swelling (suniya), over-appetite (gilasani), trembling (vevai), disablement (pidhasappi), elephantiasis (silivaya) and diabetes. 1. FSONB, pp. 229-234.
2. Nisi. chu, 15, p. 944; Ayoghara Ja. (No. 510), IV, pp. 496, 498.
3. Viva, 7, p. 41.
4. Ja, No. 498.
5. Vinaya Texts of the Mulasarvästivādins (Gilgit Manuscripts, Vol. III,
part 2, pp. 1-52.
6. Vinayapitaka, I, p. 215.

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(madhumeha).1
Hospitals (tigichchhayasalā) are freely mentioned. The Nāyādhammakha mentions that a hospital was built on hundred pillars where a number of physicians and surgeons were employed who treated various kinds of patients with various kinds of medicines and herbs. There were state physicians and hospitals as well. The physicians carried their bage of surgical instruments and gave various treatment according to the nature of the disease.
SCIENCE OF ENGINEERING
The science of Engineering seems to have become very popular and well-developed. The construction of cities, forts palaces, buildings, tanks, canals, etc. would not have been possible without a proper study of the subject. Even the Bhikshus, who now-a-days are seen only having a life of ease and comfort and engaging themselves merely in religious and philosophical studies and meditations, were then enthusiasti. cally concerned with the work of superintending the construction of fine buildings."
1. Acha, 6 1. 173. 2. Näyā, 13, p. 143. 3. Brih. Bhā, P. 1. 376; Isa. Bhii, 5 21 4. Chū, VI (Tr. by Ruys Davids and OLDENBERG SBE.XX). pp. 189-20.

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GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY .
I. ORIGINAL SOURCES (A) Texts and Translations 1. BRAHMANICAL ...
(a) VEDIC Aitareya Brāhmaṇa : Ed.K.S. Agashe, Poona, 1896.
Trans. by A.B. KEITH, Hos, Vol. XXV, Cambridge, Mass.,
1920. Atharvaveda
: Ed. with Sāyaṇa's Comm. by S.P. PANDIT, Bombay, 1895-8. Trans. in part, M. BLOOMFIELD,
SBE, Vol. XLII, Oxford, 1897. Brihadārangaka : Ed. with trans. by O. BOHTLINGK, Lei
Upanishad pzig, 1889. Chhāndogya Upani- : Ed. with trans. by O. BOHTLINGK, Leishad
pzig, 1889. Gopatha Brāhmaṇa : Ed. by RAJENDRA MITRA and H. VIDYA
BHUSHAN, Calcutta, 1872. Kathaka Sanhitā : Ed. by VON SCHROEDER, Leipzig, 1900-11. Kaushitaki Brāhmana: Ed. by E. B. COWELL, Calcutta, 1891.
Trans. by A. B. KEITH, HOS, XXV,
Cambridge, Mass., 1920. Maitrāyaṇi Samhitā : Ed. by Vox SCHROEDER, Lcipzig,
1881-6. Panchaviṁsa Brāle : Ed. by A. VEDANTAVAGIS 1, Calcutta, mana
1869-74. Rigveda :
Samhita and Pada tcxt with Sāyana's Comm. Ed. by F. Max XIULLER (Second Edn.) 1890-2. Samhita and Pada tcxt with Sayana's Comm. Critically edited by Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala; Poonai, Four Vols. 1933, ctc.

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Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
Šatapatha Brāhmana : Ed. by A. WEBER, London, 1885. Trans.
i by J. EGGELING, SBE, XII, XXVI, XLI,
XLIII, XLIV, Oxford, 1882-1900. Taittiriya Samhitā : Ed. by A. WEBER, Berlin, 1871-72; with
the Comm. of Mādhava, Calcutta, 1854. 99.
(b) SŪTRAS, EPICS, PURĀNAS AND GRAMMAR
Āpastamba Dharma- : Ed. by G. BUHLER (Bombay Sanskrit Sutra : Series), 1892-1894. Apastamba Gșihya- :SBE, Vol. XXX.
Sutra . Ashādhyāyī of Pāṇini : Tr. by S. C. Vasu, Vārāṇasī, 1891-1898. Ašvalāyana Gțihyasutra
: Ed. A. G. STENZLER, Leipzig, 1864. Baudhayana Dharma- . sutra
: Ed. by W. CALAND, Calcutta, 1904-23. Baudhāyana Gșihya- Ed. by R. SHAMA SASTRI, Mysore, 1920.
sutra Bhagavadgitā : Ed. by K.S. AGASHE, ASS, Poona, 1909.
Eng. Trans. by K. T. TELANG, SBE, 2nd
Ed. Oxford, 1908. Bhāgavata Purāņa : Ed. by V. L. Pansikar, Bombay, 1920,
Eng. trans. by J. M. Sanyal, Calcutta,
1930-34. Gautama Dharmasūtra : Text ASS, Tr. SBE, II. Mahābhārata : Eng. trans. by M. N. DUTT, Calcutta,
1985-1905. Matsya Purāņa : Eng. trans. by A. Taluqdar of Oudh.
SBH. 2. Vols. Allahabad, 1916-17. Pāraskara Gțihyasūtra: Ed. by GOPAL SHASTRI NENE, Benares,
1926. Rāmāyaṇa
: Trans. into English prose by M. N.
DUTT, Calcutta, 1892-94. Sankhāyana Gșihya
Sūtra : :SBE, Vol. XXIX. Sarvadarśana SangTaha
: Trans. by Coweli and GOUGH.

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Śrīmālapurāņa athavā: Ed. by JATASHANKAR LILADHAR and KESHAVAJI and VISHVANATH, Ahmedabad, 1899, V. S. 1955.
Śrimala Mahatmya
Vasishtha Dharmasūtra: Ed. by A. A. FUHRER, Bombay, 1916. Vedāntasära : Ed. COWELL.
Achārānga
: Niryukti, Bhadrabahu.
: Chūrni, Jinadasagani, Ratlam, 1941.
: Com. Silanka, Surat, 1935.
: Trans. H. JACOBI, SBE, XXII.
: Com. Abhayadeva, Ed. by M. C. MODI, Ahmedabad. Ed. P. L. VAIDYA, Poona, 1932. Trans. L. D. BARNETT, London, 1907.
Anuttarovavaiyadasão: Com, Abhayadeva, Ed. by M. C. MODI,
Antagaḍdasão
Anuyogadvara
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2. JAİNA
(a) CANONICAL
Bhagavati
Ahmedabad, 1932.
: Ed. P. L. VAIDYA, Poona, 1932.
: Chūrṇi, Jinadāsagaṇi, Ratlam, 1928.
: Com. Haribhadra, Ratlam, 1928.
: Com. Maladhari Hemachandra, Bhavanagar, 1939:
: Ed. by N. G. SURU, Poona, 1936. : Niryukti, Bhadrabāhu
: Bhashya
: Churni, Jinadāsagaņi, Ratlam, 1928.
: Com. Haribhadra, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1916.
: Com. Malayagiri, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1928.
: Niryukti Dipika, Manikyaśckhata, Surat, : 1939.
: Com. Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1921, Ratlam, 1937.
: Ed. by JOZEF DELEU with introduction,

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Critical analysis, commentary and indexes De Tempel' Tempelhof 37, Brugge
(Belgie). Bșihatkalpa : Bhashya, Sanghadāsagari: . : ... .
: Com. Malayagiri and Kshamākīrti, .; : Ātmānanda .. Jaina Sabhā, Bhavanagar,
1933-38... Dasaveyaliya : Niryukti, Bhadrabāhu.
:-Chūrņi, Jinadāsagani, Ratlam, 1933.... . ..: .::: Com. Haribhadra, Bombay, 1918.
. : Introduction and notes W. SCHUBRING,
Ahmedabad, 1932. . Jivābhigama - :: Com. Malayagiri, Bombay, 1919. - Kalpasūtra : : Trans. H. JACOBI, SBE, XXII, 2nd
. . - Reprint, Delhi, 1968. Mahānisītha : Ed. W. ScĦUBRING, Berlin, 1918. Guj.
. .. trans. NARSIMHA BHAI (Ms): - Nandi, Devavāchaka : Chūrņi. Jinadāsagani Ratlam, 1928. Kshamāśramaņa : Com, Haribhadra, Rạtlam, 1928. Com,
..Malayagiri, Bombay, 1924. Nāyādhammakaḥā : Ed. N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940.
Com. Abhayadeva, Āgamodaya, Bombay
1919. : Com. Chandrasūri, Ahmedabad, 1938. . Ed. GOPANI and CHOKSHI, Ahmedabad,
1934, Ed. P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1932. Nišitha
:-Bhashya,
Chūrņi. Jinadāsagani, Ed. VIJAYA PREMA SURISVARA, V. S. 1995.
Eka Adhyayana by D. S. MALAV.'NIA. Ogha Nijjutti . : Com. Dröņāchārya, Bombay, 1919. Ovaiya
: Com. Abhayadeva; Second Ed. Surat,
:: V. S. 1914. Painnas (ten) : : : Bombay, 1927. Pańhavagaraña : Com. Abhayadeva, Bombay, 1919.
Niryāvalijão ..

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A critical introduction to the Panhavā. garaņāim.
by AMLYACHANDRA SEN, Wurzburg, 1936. Pannavaņā : Com. Malayagiri, Bombay, 1918-19. i
: Guj. trans. BHAGAVANDAS, Ahmedabad,
V. S. 1991. Pindanijjuti : Com. Malayagiri, Surat, 1918. Rayapaseniya .. : Com. Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad. V.S.
1994. : Eng. Trans. by N. V. VAIDYA, Ahmeda
bad, 1938. Samavāyānga : Com. Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1938. Sūtrakṣitānga. : Niryukti, Bhadrabāhu.
: Chūrni, Jinadāsagani, Ratlam, 1941.'" : Bom. Šilānka Āgamodaya Samiti, Bom: bay, 1917. : Eng. Tráns. by H. JACOBI, SBE, XLV,
Delhi, Reprint 1964. Tandulaveyaliya : Com. Vijayavimala, Devachandra Lala.
bhai. Ţhāņānga
: Com. Abhayadeva; Ahmedabad, 1937... Uttarādhyayana : Niryukti Bhadrabahu.
: Chūrņi Jinadāsagani, Ratlam, 1933. : Eng. Trans. by H. JACOBI, SBE, XLV,
Delhi, Reprint 1964..
: Ed. J. CHARPENTIER, Upsala, 1922. Uvāsagadasão : Eng. Trans. by A. F. R. HOERNLE, Cal
cutta, 1888, Ed. P. L. VAIDYA, Poona,
1930. Vavahāra
: Bhāshya
: Com. Malayagiri, Bhavanagar, 1926. Vivāgasuya : Com. Abhayadeva, Baroda, V. S. 1922.
: Ed. A. T. UPADHYE, BELGAUM, 1935.
· (b) NON-CANONICAL Aradhana Kathākosha of Nemidatta with Hindi Trans. Bombay
1915. Darsanasāra of Devasena, Ed. by N. R. PREMI, Bombay, 1. S.
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Lord Mahavira and His Times Dasabhaktyādi-samgraha of Pūjyapāda, MS Harivamsapurāna of Jinasena Sūri, Bombay, 1930, with Hindi
. Trans. 'Bharatiya Gyānapitha, Kashi, 1962. Jivandhara Champū of Harichandra, with Hindi Trans. Bhāra:.:.:. tiýa Gyānapīįha, Kashi, 1958... Kasāya-Pāhuda (Fayadhavala) of Virasena and Jinasena, Vols.
I & II, Mathura, 1944, " . Mahāpurāņa (Ādipurānd and Uttarapurāña) of Jinasena and Guņa: -
bhadra, Indore, V. E. 1973-75, with Hindi Trans.
Bhấratiya Gyānapstha, Kashi, 1951-54. Mahāvīrachariya of Guņachandra, Bombay, 1929, with Gujarati
"Trans. Bhavanagar, V, S. 1994, Mahāviracharita. of Nemichandra Devendragaņi, Jaina Ātmā
nanda Sábhā, Bhävanagara, 1933.' Parišishța-Parvan of Hemachandra, Ed. by H. JACOBI, Cal
... cutta, 2nd edition, 1932. "Paum-chariu (Rāmāyana) of Vimalasūri, Ed. H. JACOBI, Bhava
nagar, 1914. 1 Tiloyapannāti of Yativrishabhá Ed. A. N. UPADHYE & H.L.
JAIN, Solapur, 1951..., Tțilokasāra of Nemichandra, Bombay.. Trishashțisalākāpurushacharita, trans, by. H. M, JOHNSON, Baro
da, 1930. ... Varänga-charita of Jațāsimhanandi, Ed. by A. N. UPADHYE,
Bombay, 1933. ..... Vardhamāna-chärita of Asaga, Solapur, 1931. Vasudevahindi of Dharmadāsa, Bhavanagar, 1930. Vividha-tirtha-kalpa of Jinaprabha, Ed. by JINAVIJAYA, Bombay.
:: 3. BUDDHIST
(a) CANONICAL Anguttara-Nikāya : Ed. R. MORRIS and E. HARDY, PTS.
London, 1885-1900.Tr. F. L. WOODWARD' and E: M. HARE, The Book of the Gradual Sayings, .5 Vols. P.T.S. London, 1932-36; I & II Vols. 1951.

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Rii
::
:...
General Bibliography Apadāna :. : Ed. MARY E. LILLEY, PTS, London,
1925-27 Buddhacharyā : (Being a Hindi translation of selected it. .... .... portions from the Tripitaka and Atthakaha
Tr. by RAHULA SANKRITYAYANA, 2nd
Ed. Sarnath, 1952. Dhammapada :: Text. Ed. by RAHULA SANKRITYAYANA,
. Rangoon, 1939..
Eng. Trans. by F. Max MULLER, SBE,
Oxford, 1898. Ed. and trans. by Mrs. .:" .. RHYS DAVIDS, SBE, London, 1931. Digha Nikāya : Ed. T. W. Rhys Davids and J. E. Car
PENTER, , 3 Vols. PTS, London, 1890, 1903, 1911. Eng. trans. (Dialogues of the Buddha) by T. W. Rhys Davids. 3 Vols. SBB. London, 1899-1910, 1921. Tr. RAHULA SANKRITYAYANA in Hindi Dighanikāya, Mahābodhi Sabha, Sarnath,
1936. Jataka : : Ed. V. FAUSBOLL. 7 Vols. London, 1877
97. Eng. trans: under the Editorship of E. B. CoWELL, 7 Vols. Cambridge, 1895
1913. Mahāvagga
: Ed. by N. K. BHAGAT, 2 Vols, Bombay
1944-1952. Majjhima Nikāya : Ed. "by V. TRENCKNER and R. Chal
MERS, PTS, London, 1888-1902. Eng. Trans. (Further Dialogues of the Buddha by Ford CHALMERS, 2 Vols. SBE, London, 1926-27. Tr. RAIIULA SANKRITYAYASA in Hindi,
Mahabodhi Sabha, Sarnath, 1933. Niddesa.
: Mahāniddesa, Ed. by L. DE La Vallte
Poussix and E. J. THOMAS. PTS, London, 1916-17. Chullaniddesa, Ed. by W. STEDE. PTS, London, 1918.
T
:: Ed

Page #396

378
Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
Petavatthi ... : Ed. by J. MINAYEFF, PTS, London,
1888. Samyutta Nikāya. : Ed. by Leon Freer, PTS, London, 1884
98. Indexes by Mrs. Rhys DAVIDS; Lone don, 1904. Eng. trans. (Book of the kindred sayings or Grouped Suttas) by Mrs. Rhys Davids and F.L. WOODWARD,
PTS, London, 1917-30. Sutta Nipāta
: Ed. by D. ANDERSEN and H. SMITH,
· PTS, London, 1913. .... Eng. trans, by. V. FALSBOLL, SBE, Ox
-ford, 1898.Ed. by. Rahula Sankrityayana,
Rangoon, 1937.. Therz-gatha : Ed. by H. OldenBERG, PTS, London;
1883.Eng. trans (Psalms of the Brethren) - by Mr. Rhys Davids, PTS, London,
1913. Thera-gāthā Ed. by R. PISCHEL, PTS, London, 1883.
Eng. trans. (Psalms of the Sisters) by
Mrs. Rhys Davids, PTS, London, 1909. Udana
: Ed. by P. STEITHAL, PTS, London, 1886. ...Eng. Trans: by D. M. STRONG, London,
i 1902. Vimanavatthu : .:.Ed. by RAHULA: SÄNKRITYAYANA, Ran
goon, 1937. 5 . Vinaya Pitaka .: Eng. trans. (Vinaya Texts) by T. W.
Rhys Davids and H. OLDENDERG. SBE, Oxford, 1881-85. Tr..by RAHULA SANKRITYAYANA in Hindi, Mahabodhi Sabha,
Sarnath, 1935.
.(b) NON-CANONICAL Dhammapada Commentary Ed. by H.C. NORMAL, 5 Vols. PTS,
London. 1906-15..
. Eng. trans. (Buddhist Legends) by E.W.
BURLINGAME, 3: Vols. HUS. Cambridge, ..".
. Mass. 1921... Dipävařśa .......: Ed: and trans. by H: OLDENBERG, London,
........ 1879.

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Cambridge, 1886. Lalitavistarà : Ed. by R. MITRA, Calcutta, 1877.
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1912.. , Mahāvastu : Ed. by E. SENART, Paris, 1882-97. Milindapañhow ": Ed. by V. TRENCKŅER, London, 1880.
Eng. trans. by T.W. Rhys Davids, SBE,
Oxford, 1890-94.; Sumangala Vilasini : Commentary on the Digha Nikāya.
Ed. by T.W. Rhys DAVIDS, PTS, London,
1886.
II. MODERN WORKS ON HISTORY AND LITERATURE : :, ::.. (A) ENGLISH : AGRAWALA, V.S. : India as known to Pānini, Lucknow,
1953. Indian Art, Varanasi, 1965. ALLAN, J. i Catalogue of Coins, Ancient India, Lon
don, 1936. ALTEKAR, A.S. : State and Government in Ancient India,
2nd ed. Benaras, 1955. The Position of Women in Hindu Civi. lization, Benaras, 1938. Education in Ancient India, Varanasi,
1957. BA. DOPADHYAYA, : Economic Life and Progress in Ancient N.C.
India, Calcutta, 1945. BANERJEA, J.N. : Development of Hindu Iconography,
Calcutta, 1956. BANERJEE, S.C. - : Dharma Sūtras, A Study in their Origin
• and Development, Calcutta, 1962. Barua, B.M. : A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Phia
losophy, Reprint 1970, Delhi. Gaya and Bodha-Gaya, Calcutta, 1931.

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don, 1951. . BEAL SAMUEL : Buddhist Records of the Western World
.: from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsang,"Lon
don, 1884. i BHANDARKAR," : Lectures on the Ancient History of India D.R.
(Carmichael Lectures, 1918), Calcutta,
1919. BUH
: Uber die indische Secte der Jainas, Viena,
1887.
(Eng. trans." The Indian Sect of the
Jainas by J. Burgess, London, 1903).
: Oñ the Indian Origin of the Brāhmi
... Alphabet. CUNNINGHAM, A : Ancient. Geography of India, Calcutta,
1924.
: : Coins of Ancient India, Lórdon 1891.' Deo, S.B. : History -of. Jaina Monachism, Poona,
1956..:
:...
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Deva KRISHNA and MISHRA, VIJAYAKANTA
• Vaiśālı Excavations, Vaiśālı, 1961. DIWAKAR, R.R. : (General Editor) : Bihar through the
.: s. ..;"" : Ages, Calcutta, 1959. DUTTA, S.K. :. Early Buddhist Monachism, London, ..
.:1924.. .... FICK, R.
: Social Organisation in North-East India is : in Buddha's Time, Tr. S.K. MAITRA,
Calcutta, 1920.". FORLONG, J.G.R. : Short Studies in the Science of Compara
tive Religions, London, 1897. GHOSHAL, U.N.:. : History of Hindu Political Theories,
London, 1923. Studies in Ancient Indian History and
Culture, Calcutta, 1957. JAIN, B.C. .: Lord, Mahāvīra (A study in Historical
Perspective), Benares, 1948. Jais, C.L. : Jaina Bibliography, Calcutta, 1945.

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JAIN, :J.C...... ; : Life in Ancient India as depicted in ihe:
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Malwa Through the Ages, Delhi, 1972. JAYASWAL, K.P. : Hindu Polity, 3rd ed. Bangalore, 1955. KANE, P.V... : History of Dharmaśāstra, 3 Vols., Poona,
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• tion, 3. Vols., London, 1931. MATHUR, J.C. and MISHRA, YOGENDRA : Ed. Homage to Vaiśāli, Vaiśāli, 1948." MAX MULLER' : Hibbert Lectures. MEHTA, RATILAL N.: -Pre-Buddhist India, Bombay, 1939. MISHRA, YOGENDRA : An Early History of Vaiśāli, Delhi,
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Allahabad, 1957. : - PANDEY, R.B. : Indian Palaeography, Banaras, 1952. PARGITER, F.E. : Ancient Indian Historical Tradition,
London, 1922. PRADHAN, S.N.. : Chronology of Ancient India, Calcutta,
1927.. RAPSON, E.J. Ed. : Cambridge History of India, Vol. I :
Ancient India, Cambridge, 1922. RAYCHAUDHURI, : Political History of Ancient India, Sixth H.C.
edition, Calcutta, 1953. ROCKHILL, W.W. : The Life of the Buddha, Second Edition, " ; . . London, 1884. Rhys DAVIDS, T.W.: Buddhist India, ninth edition, Delhi, ... . 1970.
: Buddhist. Birth Stories, London, 1880. SANKALIA, H. D. : Ed. Indian Prehistory, Poona, 1964. SEN AMULYA- : Schools and Sects in Jaina Literaturc, CHANDRA ... Calcutta 1931. SHAH, C. J. L. : Jainism in North India, London, 1932. SHARMA, G. R. : The Excavations at Kaušāmbi, Allaha
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SINGH, M. M. : Life in North-Eastern India in Pre
Maurya Times, Delhi, 1967. Sircar, D. C. : Inscriptions of Asoka, Delhi, 1967. . SMITH, V. A. .: Jaina Stūpa and other Antiquities from
Mathura, Allahabad, 1901. STEVENSON, Mrs. : The heart of Jainism, first Indian Edition SINCLAIR
1970. Taylor, ISAAC : The Alphabet, 2 Vols. THOMAS E. J. : History of Buddhist Thought, London,
New Delhi, 1953. Tulsi
: Pre-Vedic Existence of Śramaņa Tradi
tion. UPASAKA, C. S. : The History and Palaeography of Mau
ryan Brahmi Script, Varanasi, 1960. WINTERNITZ, M. : A History of Indian Literature, Calcutta,
1933. H. ZIMMER : Philosophies of India.
(B) VERNACULAR HASTIMAL
: Jaina Dharma Kā Maulika Itihāsa, I,
Jaipur, 1971. Jain, H. L. : Bharatiya Samskļili me Jaina Dharma la
Yogadāna, Jabalpur, 1962. : Jaina Tirtha Sarvasamgraha, Ahmedabad,
1953. KALYAN VIJAYA : Šramana Bhagavān Mahavira, Jalor, V.S.
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Gananā, Jalor, 1930. MUKHTAR, JUGAL- : Jaina Sahitya aura Itihasa para visada KISHORE
: Prakāša, Delhi, 1956. NAGARAJA : Āgama aura Tripiļaka cka Anušilana, 1969. OJHA, G.H. : Prūchina Bharatiya Lipimala, Ajmer, 1919. PREMI, N.R. : Jaina Sahitya aura Itikāsa, Bombay, 1958. SHASTRI, K.C. : Jaina Sahitya la llihasa, Varanasi, V.X.S.
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Page #403

INDEX
Abhaya (Writer), 156, 361. Abhaya or Abhayakumāra
(Prince) 64, 70, 71, 106,
173, 205, 211, 224, 261. Abhayarājakumāra Sutta, 72. Abhidhamma, 359. Abhinandana, 2. Ābū Road, 70. Achalabhrātā, 58. Achamenian Empire. 213. Āchārāṁga Sūtra (Āyāramga
Sutta) 19, 20, 23, 34, 40,
92, 95, 266, 357, 358, 368. Achchha, 196. Achchhandaka, 50. Addhariyas (Aitareyas), 188. Adhichchasamuppannikas,
187. Africa, 302. Agadadatta, 349. Aggañña Suttanta, 199. Aggika Bhāradvāja, 180. Aggika Jațilakā, 182. Aggimāla, 302. Agni, 190, 316. Agnibhūti, 58. Agnihotra, 190. Agnimitra, 63. Agniveśyāyanagotra, 5S. Ahaura. 339. Alichchhatrā, 13, 29, 198,
208, 336. Ahipāraka, 257. Aikshvākus, 20, 200, 201,
246.
Aitareya Brāhamana, 214. Ajakalápaka, 192. Ajātasatru, 22, 65, 66, 72-77,
79, 88, 155, 173, 199, 201, 202, 204-207, 211, 215, 217, 219, 220, 256, 260,
271, 318, 348. Ajita, 2. Ajita Kesakambalin, 154, 160,
161, 162, 297, 363. Ajja Mangu, 209. Ajja Rakkhiya, 209. Ajjunaya, 290. Ajñānavāda, 19, 184. Ajñānavādins, 91. Akampana, 58. Akampita, 58. Akārakavāda, 155. Akäsagotta, 368. Akitta Jataka, 348. Akriyāvāda, 19, 106, 155,184. Akriyāvādins, 91. Ālabhi or Alabhikā or Āla
bhiya, 21, 44, 46, 48, 53,
54, 61, 68, 192, 268. Alamgirpur, 315, 316, Älāra or Alāra Kalāma, 172,
214, 345. Alavi, 46, 48. Alexander, 309. Allahabad, 203. Allakappa, 213, 214. Alwar, 209. Amalakappa Amarakanka, 255. Amarāvikkhcpika, 161, 187. Ambagāina, 52.

Page #404

386
Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
313.
Ambapā l 174, 257, 261, 253, 265, 313, 335, 346. 262, 330.
Āpastamba-Gșihya-sūtra, 271. Ambaţtha, 238.
Arabian Coast, 302. Ambubhakkhí, 178.
Arakan Coast, 301. Ambuvāsi, 178.
Aramic Script, 355. Āmravati, 338.
Arbudabhūmi, 70. Anabhāra Sarabha, 181. .. Ārdraka, 69, 70. Ananda (disciple of the Arhannaga, 300. Buddha), 226.
Arishtanemi, 5-8. Ananda (house holder), 46,
Arthaśāstra, 365. . 63, 242, 279, 299, 304,
Aruna, 210.
Āryadatta, 13. Ananda Chaitya, 325.
Āryaghosha, 13.
Āsā, 190. Ananda Vikrama era 80, 84. Asaga, 25. Ananta, 2.
Āsandıvant, 315. Anāthapiņdika, 173, 243, 272,
Ashtādhyāyi, 28, 197, 214, 304, 305.
308, 354, 356, 364. Anāthi, 64.
Asoka, 68, 354, 355, 359, Andhavela or Anvachela, 58. 360. Anga, 21, 27, 35, 45, 72, 183,
Assaka (Aśmaka), 197, 210. 196, 197, 198, 203-205,
Assalāyana, 180. . 210, 218.
Assamedha, 188. Angas, 14, 58, 91, 357, 361. Assapura (Aśvapura), 198. Angulimāla, 256.
Asthikagrầma, 44, 45, 61.
Asūrya, 128. Anguttara, 26, 106, 156, 157,
Ašvaka, 210. 164, 174, 181, 184, 197,
Āśvalāyana, 325. 200, 247, 248, 259, 260,
Āśvalāyana Gșihyasūtra, 335. 354, 359, 360.
Aśvasena, 12, 199. Añjanavana, 277.
Asvinī, 63. Anna-Bhara, 180.
Atharvaveda, 6. Anojjā, 39.
Athens, 225, 228, 230. Anomā, 202.
Atimukta, 64. Antaksiddaśās, 357.
Atranjikhera, 29, 329, 338. Antānantikas, 187.
· Atthakathā, 235. Antaksiksham, 361.
Atthāvaya, 178. Anugāra, 181.
Atthiyagāma, 51, 53. Anupapātika, 357.
Attock, 348. Anupiyā, 202.
Attukkosiya, 185. Anuttaraupapātikadaśās, 357. Āturapraiyākhyānam, 358. Anuyogadvāra, 358.
Aulikara dynasty, 86. Anuyogadvārachūrņi, 182. Aumi (Anomā), 214. Apadāna, 301, 360.
Aupamanyava, 213. Apāpāpuri, 62.
Aupapātika Sūtra (Ovaväiya Āpastamba, 175, 240, 250, Sūya) 19, 65, 170.

Page #405

Index
Autpātam, 361. Avadanaśataka, 272. Avaha, 196.
Avanti, 22, 27, 28, 35, 73, 87, 88, 174, 197, 203, 205, 207, 209, 210, 211, 213, 215, 216, 274, 356. Avantiputra, 209, 212. Avasyaka Bhashya, 49. Avaśyaka Chūrņi, 23, 24, 49, 299,358.
Avaśyka Niryukti, 49. Avaśyaka Sutra (Āvassaya Suya), 19, 22-24, 69. Avasyaka Tika, 49. Avattagāma, 51. Aviruddhakas, 164. Aviwa, 46.
Awra, 329, 338. Ayala, 295, 302.
Ayodhya or Ayojjhā, 5, 199, 310, 315, 317.
B
Babylonia, 152, 301, 302. Bactria, 298. Badaun, 208.
Badarāyaṇa, 363.
Bahistan inscription, 213. Bahudaga, 182. Bahula, 47.
Bahuśāla Chaitya, 37. Bahusalagagama, 53. Bairāt, 209.
Balabhamukha, 302.
Baladeva, 51, 53. Balakagräma, 63.
Balamitra, 85. Balarampur, 50. Bambhadatta, 256. Bambhaṇagama, 51. Banda District, 333. Baniya, 36, 37, 45. Bankura, 52.
Bārāṇasi, 21, 4S, 63, 68, 317, 325.
387
Bāravai, 296. Barbai, 301. Bareilly District, 208. Bargaon, 45.
Basarh, 36, 37, 45, 200. Basedita, 50. Basukunda, 36, 37. Baudhayana, 27, 175, 195, 197, 254, 256, 300, 325. Baveru Jātaka, 301, 306 Benaras, 49, 173, 199, 212,
295, 304, 305, 347, 348, 349, 350, 368.
Bengal, 51, 54, 61, 71, 303. Bennayaḍa, 295, 302, 303. Besyngeitai, 301.
Bhaddā, (Mother of Gośāla), 165.
Bhaddā, 191.
Bhaddasala Jataka, 199, 202, 227, 335.
Bhaddiya (Bhadrika), 45, 52, 198, 234. Bhadra, 63.
Bhadrabahu, 4, 23, 74, 75, 86, 87.
Bhadrakali, 335.
Bhadravati, 223.
Bhadrika, 44, 45, 61. Bhagalpur, 45, 198. Bhagava, 337.
Bhagavad Gitä, 159. Bhāgavata Purāṇa, 6. Bhagavati Sūtra, 17, 20, 24,
32-34, 40, 46, 48, 61, 63, 70, 76, 92. 110, 152, 165, 170, 177, 179, 196, 197, 223, 292, 350, 357, 358. Bhagga (Bharga) 213, 214. Bhaktaparijña, 35S. Bhaldaria, 333.
Bhandira Jakkha, 192. Bhandiravana, 192. Bharadvaja, 365, 366. Bharadvaja-Gotra, 58. Bharata, 5.

Page #406

388
Bharata, King of Sauvira, 210.
Bharata Kula, 203, 210, 211. Bharhut, 331, 359. Bharukachchha (Bhroach), 299, 302, 303, 338. Bhaskara, 69. Bhauman, 361. Bheranda, 297. Bhikkahunḍa, 182.
Lord Mahavira and His Times Brahmadatta, 205, 2.8, 210. Brahmajälasutta, 26,103, 152, 156, 164, 186, 241, 269. Brāhmaṇakunda, 37. Brahmi, 354, 355. Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, 249.
Brihadratha dynasty, 204. Brihaspati, 365. Brihatkalpa Bhashya, 23, 24, 195, 267, 358.
Bhilsa, 68.
Bhima, 16.
Bhim Baithak, 333. Bhirmound, 308, 309, 339. Bhiuchcha, 182.
Bhoga, 20, 71, 200, 201, 206. Bhoganagara, 52, 201, 202, 246, 325. Bhogapura, 54. Bhopal, 333. Bhuikammiya,
Buddha, 5, 11, 12, 14, 18, 26, 27, 31, 36, 45, 66, 68, 71, 72, 73-84, 106, 152, 154, 156, 157, 159, 161, 164, 166, 173-175, 180-183, 192, 193, 202, 208-210, 214, 226, 233, 234, 238, 239, 243, 249, 261, 262, 264, 267, 271, 297, 304, 314, 316, 325, 326, 328, 330, 332, 334, 337, 345, 346, 349, 352, 356, 360, 363. Buddhacharya, 78, 83.
185.
Bhujjo Bhujjo Kouyakāraka, 185. Bhumaka, 83.
Bhutabali, 14. Bhutananda, 223.
Bihar, 45, 51, 53, 61, 71, 200, Buddhaghosha, 103, 108, 157,
168, 169, 171.
204, 326, 338, 339. Biharsharif, 46. Bihelaga, 191. Bijaigarh, 333. Bilavāsi, 178.
Bimbisāra, 45, 64, 65, 66, 67, 72, 73, 76, 80, 81, 88, 93, 166, 173, 201, 204, 205, 206, 208, 211, 212, 213, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222, 256, 257, 260, 261, 274, 277, 309, 330, 348, 368. Birbhum District, 47, 53. Birs Nirmud, 301. Bodh Gaya, 338. Bodhi, 203, 214. Bodiya, 177.
Brahma, 188, 189, 332, 334. Brahmacharin, 13.
Buddha Vamsa, 360. Bulis, 213, 214. Bundelkhand, 202. Burdwan, 52. Burma, 301. Buxar, 336, 337.
C
Ceylon, 303. Ceylonese Chronicles, 303. Chammakhandia, 181. Champā, 21, 22, 44, 45, 48,
51, 55, 61-67, 77, 88, 181, 192, 198, 203, 205, 221, 240, 261, 285, 288, 295298, 300, 301, 304, 316. 317, 325, 344.

Page #407

Index
389 Champā (river), 204.
Chulani Brahmadatta, 208. Champānagara, 45, 198. Chūlanipriya, 63. Champāpura, 45, 198. Chulla kālinga Jātaka, 210, Champaramanijja, 51.
227. Champaran, 29, 326.
Chullaniddesa, 197. Chanda, 84.
Chullaśataka, 63. Chandanā or Chandanabālā, Chullavagga, 26, 330, 359, 22, 60, 64, 67, 198, 247, 352. 360. Chandapradyota, 22, 73, 81, Chunar, 54. 88, 195, 207.
Cleisthenian Constitution, Chandāvīja, 358.
228, 230. Chandidevaga, 185.
Confucious, 152. Chandiyā, 190.
Cyrus, 87. Chandragupta, 73-77, 80, 81,
86 Chandrakeiugarh, 29, 329. Dadhimāla, 302. Chandraprabha, 2.
Dadhivāhana, 64, 67, 198, Chandraprabhā, 66
203. Chandraprajñapti, 357, 366. Dagasoyariya, 185. Chandravarman, 213.
Dakkhiņakúlaga, 176. Charaka, 181.
Dakkinavāchala, 50. Chariyapitaka, 360.
Dakkhiņāvaha, 282. Chashtana, 83.
Dakshināpatha, 296, 297. Chatuhsarana, 358.
Dalabhum, 54, Chelanā, 57, 65, 201, 204, Damodar river, 55. 255.
Dantukkhaliva, 176. Chețaka or cheďaga, 21, 22, Darbhanga, 45.
32, 34, 63, 65-67, 199, Darius, 87, 213. 201, 204, 206, 207, 223, Dāsa, 83. 224, 234.
Daśabhakti, 25. Chetiya (Chedi), 197, 202, Dasa Brāhmana Jataka, 240. 203, 209.
Dasamabhadra, 68. Chhamāṇigāma, 55.
15.
Dašapura, 67, 280, 334. Chhandāvas, 188.
Daśārņa, 20, 68, 197. Chhāndogya Upanishad, 7, Daśārnabhadra, 20. 195, 249.
Dāsasuyakkhandha, 23, 358. Chhandokas (Chhāndogyas) Dasavcyāliya, 23, 24, 258. 188.
Delhi, 207. Chhedasūtras, 358.
Devadaha, 213, 214, 272. Chhota Nagpur, 53, 204. Devadatta, 72, 205. China, 152, 301.
Devadhamma Jāiaka, 219. Chirand, 314, 336, 338, 339. Devaki, 7, 33. Chirika, 181.
Devānandā, 32, 33, 238. Chorāga, Sannivesa, 51. Devardhi, 92. Chorcya, 51, 52.
Devendrastava, 358. Clūdámani, 367.
Dhainmachiniaka, 185.

Page #408

390
Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
Dhammadinná, 352.
Empedocles, 160. Dhammapada, 163, 214, 258, Epicurus, 161, 354, 360.
Eran, 29, 287, 314, 319, 338. Dhana, 295. Dhanañjaya, 207. Dhampāli, 248.
Farukhabad District, 49, 208. Dhanapati, 335. Dhanāvaha, 22. Dhanavasu, 295.
Gaddabhāli, 180. Dhannantari, 367.
Gāmāya Sannivesa, 52. Dhanyā, 63.
Ganda, 296. Dharanendra, 12.
Gandakı river, 36, 37, 50, 54, Dharma, 2.
200, 201, 300. Dhatarattha 210.
Gandaritis, 87. Dhatarattha Mahārāja, 190. Gandhāra, 16, 87, 197, 205, Dhātukathā, 360.
212, 213, 298, 302, 310. Dhauli, 54.
Ganditinduga, 191. Dhonasākha Jātaka, 214. Ganesa, 334. Dhțitarashtra, 190, 332. Gargā, 176, 177, 200, 202-4, Dhruvasena, 75.
206, 207, 224, 300, 301. Dhuhabasti District, 52. Gargadatta, 191. Dighanakha, 180, 181. Ganga valley, 166, 337. Dighanikāya, 26, 103, 152, Ganga Yamunā Doab, 316.
174, 186, 197, 198, 247, Gārgeya, 17.
271, 302, 325, 358-360. Ganivīja, 358. Diluväliyā, 297.
Gardabhilla, 85. Dinna, 178.
Gārgya Gotra, 256. Dirghatapasvi, 71.
Gautama (Disciple of Mahā. Disāpokkhi, 177.
vira) 15-17, 19, 32, 59, Divyam, 361.
61, 68, 70. Dovai, 255.
Gautama (Dharmsūtra writer), Drangiana, 87.
250, 252, 253, 256, 265, Dșidhavarman, 203.
301, 313. Drishtivāda, 14, 91, 357.
Gautama, (Nyāya) 363. Druhyu, 212.
Gautama Buddha, 172, 173, Dummuha, 331.
214, 359. Durgā, 190.
Gautama Gotra, 58. Durmukha, 16.
Gautamīputra Sãtakarni. 80. Dvārikā, 7, 213.
Gayā, 173, 192, 204. Dvipalāsa, 37, 192, 335.
Gaya (king), 204.
Gaya Řassapa, 182. E
German, 229, 230.
Ghaggara pokkharaṇí, 181. Eatwah, 46.
Ghata Jātaka, 219. Ekachacha-Sassatikas, 186. Ghijjhakūta mountain, 181. Elāpattra, 193.
Ghora Angirasa, 7.

Page #409

Index
Giranara, 7. Girivraja, 204, 318. Gita, 7. Giyarai, 185. Goama, 185. Gobbaragāma, 58. Gobhūmi, 53. Godavari, 360.
Golakhapur, 30, 201, 308, 309, 339.
Gonaddha, 298. Gopāla, 216.
Gośāla, 11, 17, 21, 40, 46-48, 51-53, 75, 76, 82, 88, 101, 106, 159, 165-72, 182, 185, 291, 361, 363.
Gotama, 325. Govvaia, 185.
Greece, 152.
Greek, 298, 302, 308. Greek Archon, 234. Gujarat, 75. Gunabhadra, 25, 58. Gunachandra Gaņi, 25, 49. Gunasila, 192, 325.
H
84.
Haryanka Kula, 204. Hastinapura, 28, 29, 207, 316,
317, 329, 336, 337, 338, 310.
Hatthisisa, 54, 296. Hatthitavasa, 177. Hattinapura, 177. Hazara district, 213. Hazaribagh, 55. Heledduga, 51.
Hemachandra, 25, 49, 65, 73
75, 77, 81. Herodotus, 303.
Himalayas, 213, 332, 349. Hiranyanābha, 199. Hiri, 190.
Hiuen Tsang, 215. Hoogly, 52. Hottiya, 176. Howrah, 52. Humbauṭṭha, 176.
I
Ikshvāku, 5, 12, 200. Illisa Jataka, 263. India, 153, 160, 196, 199, 202, 298, 301, 302, 303, 317, 348, 349, 355, 368.
Indra, 5, 188, 189, 316, 332, 334.
Haihayas, 210.
Halahala, 166, 291, 337. Halla, 21, 206, 223. Hamsa, 182. Hamugama, 83. Harappa, 8, 315, 316. Haribhadra Sūri, 24. Haribhadriya Vṛitti, 69. Harikeshabala, 20, 245. Harita Gotra, 58.
Harivamsapurāṇa, 25, 70, 81, Isibhāsiya, 23.
Indrabhuti Gautama, 21, 57, 58, 59, 62. Indrakūta, 192.
391
Indraprastha, 207, 208, 298. Indus valley, 193, 315, 333,
335. Iran, 152. Iśāna, 188.
Isana Midhusi, 335. Ishukara (king), 207, Ishukara (town), 207, 208.
Isidasi, 254, 258, 260. Itivuttaka, 360.
J
Jabalopanishad, 250.
Hastipala, 44, 61.
Hatthigama (Hastigrama) 45, Jaimini, 303.
201.
Jaipur, 209.

Page #410

392
Lord Mahüvira and His Times
Jalavāsi, 178.
Junha, 348. Jamalı, 39, 72.
Junha Jataka, 242. Jambhigaon or Jřimbhika- Jyesthā, (wife of Nandivargrāma, 55-57.
dhana), 22, 256. Jambhiyagāma, 55.
Jyeșthā (goddess), 355. Jambudvīpa, 95, 367. Jambudvīpaprajñapti, 24,
357. Jambugrāma, 202.
Kabanadhi Kātyāyana, 157. Jambukhādaka, 181.
Kabra Pahar, 333. Jambusanda, 53.
Kachchāyana, 158, 159, 160, Janakapur, 45.
161, 162, 393. Janavasabha Suttanta, 197. Kachchāyanagotra, 181. Jannai, 176.
Kachchhapa Jataka, 256. Jānussoni, 180.
Kadamba Bāhula river, 128. Jarāsandha-ki-Baithaka. 329. Kafiristan, 213. Jatilas, 173, 182, 183,
Kāka, 297. Jaugada, 339,
Kakutthā (Kakutsthā), 201. Jāvā, 301.
Kālahasti, 52. Jayadhavalā Tīkā, 25. Kālaka or Kālaya, 367. Jayaghosha, 20, 240.
Kālakanni, 334. Jayanta, 335.
Kālāmas, 199, 213, 214. Jayanti, 64, 352.
Kalambuka Sannivesa, 52. Jehova, 152.
Kālamukha, 301. Jetavana, 173, 272, 277, Kalanduka Jätaka, 249. 304.
Kālāsavesiyaputta, 17. Jews, 152.
Kālāya Sannivesa, 51. Jinadāsagani Mahattara, 24. Kāli (goddess), 334. Jinapāliya, 295.
Kāli (woman), 17. Jinaprabhasūri, 327.
Kälı (courtesan), 262. Jinasena, 25, 81, 84.
Kalinga, 16, 20, 69, 197, 203, Jinavakkhiya, 295.
210, 298, 360. Jīvābhigama, 357.
Kāliyadīva, 296, 297. Jivaka, 181, 205, 211, 261,
261 Kalki, 86. 348, 350, 368.
Kalpasūtra, 4-7, 12, 19, 24, Jivandhara, 69.
33, 34, 39, 40, 43-45, 48, Jivandhara Charita, 69.
61, 70, 73, 75, 95, 189, Jivantasvāmi Śrī Mahavira, 190, 201, 202, 233.
Kālpasūtra Tīkā, 49. Jiyasattu, 21, 49, 68, 331. Kalpāvatamsikā, 357. Jñātādharmakathā (Nãyā- Kámadeva, 63, 304.
dhammakahāo), 19, 357. Kāma Jātaka, 273. Jñātri or Jñātrika, 20, 36, Kamalāmalā, 255, 330.
37, 71, 77, 200, 246. Kamatha, 12. Joi, 182.
Kamboja, 197, 213, 297, Jonipāhuda, 367.
298.
70.

Page #411

Index
393
Kammārabhikkhu, 186. Kauravas, 20, 200, 201, Kammāssadamma, 207.
246. Kāmpilyapura of Kampilya Kauśämbi, 22, 54, 55, 64, (Kampil), 13, 21, 48, 49, 63, 67, 174, 203, 211, 223,
68, 192, 208, 315-317, 274, 285, 298, 300, 311, 325.
315-317, 335, 338, 340, Kanāda, 363.
352, 356. Kanakakhala, 50, 176. Kausika Gotra, 39. Kanchanapura, 282.
Kuțilya, 365, 366. Kandi, 207.
Kayalisamāgama, 52. Kanha, 255.
Kayangalā, 51. Kanhaparivāyaga, 182. Kayatha, 336. Kaňkajol, 51.
Kesakambalin, 106. Kanki 180.
Kesaputta, 199, 213, 214. Kansa (the Bodhisattava), Keśī (Disciple of the Tir260.
thankara Pārsva), 15, 16, Kántārapatha, 298.
17, 22, 68, 70, 92. Kāpathika Bhāradvāja, 180.
Keśí Kumāra (Prince), 66, Kapila, 180, 182,363.
210. Kapilavastu, 46, 172, 174,
Keśī (Vedic Saint), 6. 199, 213, 214, 272, 298,
Khalitābad Tehsi, 52.
Khanda, 227, 234. 326.
Khandhakās, 359. Kāpiśí, 317.
Khāravela, 69. Kappa, 23.
Kharoshthi, 354, 355. Karakandu, 16, 20, 69,
Khema, 205. Karmāragrāma, 36, 37.
Khilpaţihiya, 296. Kashmir, 70, 298.
Khuddaka, 26, 27, 174, 359, Kāśi, 22, 28, 72, 73, 196
360. 199, 203-206, 210, 234,
Khuramāla, 302. 256, 285.
Kisa Gotami, 352. Kasia, 45, 46, 201.
Kisa Sarkichcha, 9, 157, 165, Kāśi Bhāradvāja, 180, 277. 169. Kāśi-Košala, 19, 197, 200, Kochchha (Kachchha). 190. 201, 205, 206, 317.
Kodinna, 178. Käsivaddhaņa, 64.
Kohāna 214. Kāśyapa, 365.
Kohbar, 333. Kāśyapagoira, 32.
Kolhuā, 47. Katălaka, 249.
Koliyas, 213, 214, 227, 239, Kajāhaka Jātaka, 249.
282. Katapūtana, 52, 192.
Kollaga-Sanniveśa. 36. 37, Kathāvatthu, 360.
47, 50, 51, 58, 200. Katyāyana, 106.
Koluá, 37. Kauņinya Gotra, 58.
Koravya, 207. Kaunapadanta, 365.
Košala. 22. 28, 46, 49, 58, Kaundinya Gorra, 39.
08, 72, 73, 173, ISS, 190.

Page #412

394
Lord Mahavīra and His Times
197-199, 201, 204-206, Kusasmala, 12... 214, 215, 219, 232, 234, Kuśāvatı, 260.235, 256, 282, 307, 310, Kushthaka, 192. 348.
Kuśinārā or Kušinagara, Koshthaka Shrine, 192, 325.
46, 52, 72, 174, 201, 202 Kosi, 300.
233, 285. Kosiya Jātaka, 348.
Kūtadanta, 180, 188. -- Koțigāma, 36, 261.
Kūšavaņika Jataka, 306. Kottiya, 176. Kovila, 182. Krishna, 7, 8, 33.
Lachhwad or Lachhuār, 35. Kriyāvāda, 1105, 106, 184.
Lādha (Rādha) 52, 53, 197. Kriyāvādins, 91, 105.
Lākshanam, 361. Kshaharāta, 78, 82.
Lalitavistara, 212, 354. Kshatriyakuņda, 35, 37.
Lāta, 297. Kshetrapāla, 335.
Lauria Nandangarh 29, 326, Kuchchiya, 186.
327. Kudivvaya, 182.
Lepa, 322. Kuiyaņņa, 243.
Lichchhavis, 19, 20, 27, 35, Kuiya Sannivesa, 52.
36, 45, 63, 67, 70-73,
106, Küladhamaga, 177.
200-202, 204-207, Kulādhipa, 55.
224, 226, 229-231, 233-235, Kulapura, 55.
246, 249, 256, 257,273, 349. Kümana Chhaparāgāchhi, 37.
Likhunia, 333. Kumāragāma, 165.
Loa-tse, 152. Kumāranandi, 288.
Lohaggalā, 53. Kumārapāla, 81.
Lohardagā, 51. Kumārasena, 213.
Lohārya, 59. Kumārāya Sannivesa, 51.
Lohichcha, 180. Kumbhāndas, 332.
Lokāyatas, 183. Kummagāma, 53, 185.
Lokäyatika Brāhmaṇas, 156. Kundäga Sannivesa, 53.
Lothal, 315. Kundagrāma or Kundapura,
Lumbinivana, 172, 214, 272. 22, 34, 35, 36, 37, 49, 71, 200, 234, 246, 298.
Machchha (Matsya) 197, 209. Kundakolita, 63.
Machhuatoli, 308. Kuņdalakeśa, 258.
Maddakuchchi, 181. Kūņiya or Küņika, 21, 22,
Maddanagāma, 53. 63, 65, 73, 75, 77, 81, 198,
Madhayadeśa, 259, 350, 199, 201, 202, 205, 206,
Madhya pradesh, 68, 210. 215, 217, 218, 223, 224.
Madra, 205, 260. Kunjarāvarta, 69..
Magadha, 16, 21, 22, 26, 27, Kūrmagrāma, 47-50.
28, 45, 52, 57, 05, Kuru, 197, 207, 208.
67, 70, 72, 73, 75, 79, si, Kurukshetra, 207.
87, 155, 166, 173, 179, Kurusha, 69.
180-183, 188, 193, 196 197,

Page #413

Index
395
199-202, 206, 208, 211, 198, 211, 290, 292, 313, 213-215, 218, 221, 226, 359, 360." 235, 257, 261, 271, 298, Mahāvamsa, 75, 204.
337, 338, 356, 360, 368. Mahāvana, 181. Māgandiya, 180.
Mahāvanija, Jātaka, 306. Maghavā, 189.
Mahāvastu, 197. Mahābhārata, 7, 108, 202, Mahāvira, 1, 3, 5, 6, 11, 12,
193, 203, 209, 210, 213, 365. 14-22, 24-26, 28, 30-63, Mahadeo Hills, 333.
65-93, 96, 98-102, Mahāgovinda, 317.
104-108, 110, 111, 129, Mahāgovinda Suttanta, 210. 131, 153, 154, 159, 161, Mahāhimavanta, 297.
162, 164-166, 169, 172, Mahājanaka, 301.
176, 180, 184, 185, 187, Mahākachchāyana, 67, 174. 188, 191-193, 196, 198-201, Mahākāla temple 212.
203, 204, 209-213, 215, Mahāli, 319.
225, 234, 237-240, 243, Mahānāma, 249.
247, 249, 256, 265, 276, Mahānāradakassapa jātaka, : 297, 298, 304, 316, 316, 314.
325, 333-335, 337, 341, Mahānārāyaṇa Upanishad, 348, 352, 353, 356, 357, 334.
359, 363, 365, 368. Mahāniddesa, 301, 360. Mahāvíra Charitra, 49. Mahānimittas, 14, 166, 361, Mahāvīra Chariyam, 25. 367.
Mahävira era, 81, 85, 87. Mahānisītha, 358,
Mahāvīra Janmasūtra, 70. Mahapajāpati, 352.
Mahiddhi, 188. Mahāpariņibbāna Sutta, 26, Māhishmati or Mahissati 76,265, 325.
(Maheśvara) 210, 298, Mahāprajāpati Gotamı 172, 299, 338. 174.
Mahosadha, 324. Mahāpratyākhyāna, 358. Mahu, $3. Mahārāshtra, 210, 297. Mahurā, 316. Mahāsakuludãyi Sutta, 78. Maitrāyaṇi, 256, 331. Mahasataka, 63, 304,
Maitrcya, 58. Mahâsayaga, 260.
| Majjhima, 26, 174, 200, 350, Malāsena, 57.
360. Mahāscna Shanmukha (Kārt- Majjhima Nikāya, 11. tikcya), 334.
Majjhima Pāvā or Madhyama Mahāsudassana, 26, 321.
Pāvā, 55, 57, 79. Mahāsudassana Sutia, 26. Mālava (ka), 196. Mahā Sutasoma Jālaka, 207. Malaya, 54, 196, 207. Malā Ummaga, 27, 321, Malayagiri, 185. 332.
Malaya Peninsula, 301. Maha Ummaga Jataka, 27, Nalladonna, 300, 331. SOS.
Mallakas, 19, 73, 1201. 202, Malāvagga, 26, 36, 106, 183, 205, 31.

Page #414

396
Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
Mallas, 46, 50, 71, 72, 174, 200, 261, 285, 298, 316,
196, 197, 201, 202, 214, 317, 347. 233-235.
Miyaluddhaya, 177. Mallika, 173. Mallikārāma, 181.
Mogallāna or Maudgalyāyana, Malwa, 81, 210.
163, 173, 180.
Mohenjo-daro, 8, 9, 193, 315. Mānasarovara Lake, 332. Mandara (Mt.) 44.
Moliyasīvaka, 181. Mandikata, 58.
Monghyr, 35, 45, 198. Mandsor, 86, 333.
Morāga Sannivesa, 50. Manibhadra, 191.
Moranivāpa, 181. Manikpur, 29, 333.
Mori, 333. Manimāla, 192.
Moriyas, 213-215. Markhali, 165.
Moriya, Sannivesa, 58. Markhali Gośāla, 11, 21, 73, Mosali, 54.
154, 157, 165, 169, 337. Mțigāra or Mrigadhara, 63, Manu, 6, 365.
219. Mārgas (Maggas) 14. 166. Mrigāvati, 22, 64, 67. 274, 361.
Muchilinda, 193. Marudeví, 5.
Mukunda, 273. Masaon, 336, 337.
Mūlasarvástivāda, 231. Mātanga, 191.
Multan, 209. Mathurā, 28, 29, 32, 174, 185, Munda, 173.
192, 195, 209, 212, 295, Mundakopanishad, 9. 296, 298, 299, 317, 319, Mungusthala, 70. 327, 329, 336, 337.
Munichanda, 17. Maundra, 58.
Musiyadāraya, 288. Maurya, 58, 85.
Muzaffarpur, 36, 45, 200. Mauryan empire, 308, 309. Mauryaputra, 58. Māyā, 172.
Nābhirāja, 5. Mediterranean, 302.
Nabhovāhana, 85.
Nabonidus, 301. Megha (Ruler), 64.
Nadi Kassapa, 182. Meghakumāra, 252.
Nāga (Dynasty) 193, 246. Mehraria, 333.
Nāgamundā, 249. Mendhiyagāma, 54, 55. Naga Worship 193. Merutunga, 25, 78, 81, 84, Nagda, 29, 287, 329, 338. 85.
Nagnajit, 16, 212. Metārya, 58.
Nahapāņa, 78, 82. Midnapore, 52.
Nahavāņa, 78, 82. Mihirakula, 86.
Naksh-i-Rustam, 87. Mirzapur, 29, 54, 333.
Nalagiri, 223. Missakasära, 189.
Nālakagāma, 181. Mithilā (Mihilā) 44, 45, 48, Nalamāla, 302.
54, 58, 61, 62, 68, 198, Nalanda, 35, 44-48, 51, 61
Megha, 52.

Page #415

Index
397
Nimi, 16, 212. Nirvāṇists or Diţthadhamma.
nibbanavādins, 187. Niryāvali Sūtra (Niryāvaliya.
Sūya) 9, 21, 201, 224,
357. Nikatha Churpi, 23, 182, 358. Nisstha Sutra, 24. Nivvui, 255. Noh, 336, 337. North-West Frontier Province, Nubia, 302. Nyagrodhavana, 215.
259.
213.
0
63, 72, 79, 173, 181, 344. Nāmasiddhi, Jātaka, 248. Nanachchhanda Jataka, 248. Nanda (Weaver), 47. Nanda dynasty, 81, 85, 309. Nanda (Sethi) 243, 289. Nanda Jataka, 240, 248, Nandarāja, 69. Nanda Vachcha, 157, 165,
169. Nandi, 358. Nandiggāma, 54. Nandi Magura, 213. Nandinipriya, 63. Nandi Samgha, 86. Nandisena, 210. Nandivardhana, 22, 39, 40,
42, 256. Nangala, 51. Nārāyana, 182, 195. Nārāyaṇa Kortha, 185. Nāta Clan, 32. Nātaputta, 5-7, 21, 26, 31, 32,
71, 77, 78, 82, 106, 156,
173. Nātihas, 36, 246. Nāyādhammakahão, 17, 21,
255, 295, 297, 300, 321,
368. Nāyasandavana, 49. Nebuchadnezzar, 301. Nemichandra, 25, 49, 81, 84. Neminātha, 7, 8. Nepal, 45, 172, 199, 200, 202,
297, 326. Nepal Tarai, 214, Ncrañjara, 181, 182, 183. Nevāsă, 250. Newal or Nawal, 46. Nidānakathā, 272. Nidāna Sūtra 365. Nikāvas, 92. Nilakusamāla, 302. Nimajjaka, 176. Nimar, 210.
Orissa, 54, 339. Oriup, 339. Oväiya Sutra, 176, 179, 198,
215. Oudh, 199.
р Pachmarhi, 29, 333. Padakusalamāņava Jataka,.
216. Padaraona, 46, 201. Pādha (Pāņdya or Pauņqra),
196. Padma, 64. Padmaprabha. 2. Paesi, 17, 22, 50, 68. Pagabbhá, 17. Paila, 30, 308, 309, 339. Paiņņas (Prakirņas),357, 358. Paisīhāna, 298. Pakudha Kachchayana, 154,
157, 158. Pālaka, 73, 81, 85, 88, 216. Palayagāma, 55." Pälita, 21, 295, 296. Pamävau, 206. Panchaguru Jātaka, 217. Panchakalpa, 355. Panchāla, 16, 187, 199, 208,
308.

Page #416

398
Lord Mahāvīra and His Times
Panchaśikha, 274. . .
Pāyāsi, 162. Panchavimśa Brāhmana, 9. Pāyāsi Suttanta, 22. Pandarabhikkhu, 182.
Pedhāla, 54. Pāndavas, 87, 209, 213. Pedhālagama, 54. Pāndu Mahurā, 296.
Persepolis, 87. Panduraiga, 182.
Persia, 213, 302, 303. Panini, 28, 197, 231, 263, Persian gulf, 302.
268, 269, 273, 298, 308, Peshwar, 212. 313, 317, 335, 348, 353, Petavatthu, 360. 356, 364.
Phālguni, 63. Paniyabhūmi or Panitabhūmi, Philip Ariadeus, 308.. 44-48, 61, 165.
Phusati, 260. Pannā, 248.
Pihunda or Pithunda, 21, Pannavanā, 110, 354.
198, 296. Pāpā or Pāvā, 44-46, 54, 55, Pilotiká Vachchhāyana, 180.
61,72, 75, 77, 82, 201, 202. Piņdaniryukti, 358. Paramahamsa, 182.
Pindola Bhāradvāja, 180. Paraparivāiya, 186.
Pindolaga, 186. Pārāšara, 242, 365.
Pingala, 365. Pārāsariya Vassakāra, 180. Pippalāda, 157. Pārasaula, 295, 302.
Pipphalivana, 213, 215. Pāraskara, 335.
Piprahwa, 29, 326. Pāraskara Gșihyasūtra, 260. Pišuna, 365. Parisamedha, 188.
Pokkharasāti, 180.. Parišishtaparvan, 25, 61, 75. Polása, 54. Parivāra, 359, 360.
Polāśapura, 21, 48, 49, 63, Parivrājakārāma, 181.
68, 192, 279, 291, 304, Pārsvanātha, 1, 3, 5, 7, 11, 325, 337.
13-17, 22, 32, 40, 48, 64, Potaliputta, 180. 68,91, 92,98, 100,101, 108, Potāliya or Potali-putta, 180.
193, 198, 212, 357, 361. Potana or Potali, 210. Pārsvanātha hill, 13.
Potthapada, 180. Pasannachand, 178.
Pottiya, 176. Pāțaliputra, 65, 81, 173, 192, Poyanapura, 176. .
207, 224, 282, 298, 300, Prabhāsa, 58. 307, 336.
Prabhāvati, 12, 64, 66. Patañjali, 363.
Pradyota or Pajjoya 63,64,66, Pātimokkha, 359, 360.1
67, 73, 87, 88, 174, 203, Patisambhidāmagga, 360.
205, 210,211-213, 223, 224, Patnā, 36, 37, 46, 50, 204.
254, 274, 295, 319, 334, Patraha, 30, 308, 309.
335, 368. Pattakālaya, 57.
Pragalbhā, 52. Patthāna, 360.
Prahladpur, 336. Paudanya, 210.
Prajāpati, 188, 189. Paumanăva, 255.
Prajñipanā, 197, 357. Pavārika's Mango grove, 181. Prasenajit or pascnadi, 12, 16,

Page #417

index
399
R
72, 73, 166, 173, 188, 199, 201, 204, 205, 219, 256,
260, 330, 348. Praśnavyäkaranavipäka, 357. Praśnopanishad, 157. Pravähana Jaivali, 208. Pravritti Vāduka Purusha,
65. Prishtichampā, 44, 51. Prithvirājarāso, 84. Priyadarśikā, 203. Priyakariņi, 32. Ptolemy, 301. Pubbārāma monastery, 174. Puggala paññatti, 360. Püjyapāda, 25. Pulika (Puņika) 211. Pulumāvi, 80. Pundarska Parivrājakārāma,
181. Pundariya, 17. Pūndavaddhaņa, 254. Pundra, 27, 197, 297. Pundravardhana, 281. Punjab, 87, 205, 213, 302. Punnakalasa, 52. Punphachūlá, 17. Pũrana Kassapa or Kassapa,
106, 154, 155-157, 159,
247, 363. Purimtāla, 53. Puruliā, 53. Pūrņabhadra, 191, 192, 325. Püsanandi, 252. Pushkalāvati, 298, 299. Pushkara sārin, 73, 87, 205,
212. Pushpachūla, 13. Pushpachulikā, 357. Pushpadanta, 14. Pushpamitra, 85. Puslapikā, 357. Pushyā, 03. Putra, 58. Puvvas, 13, 14, 58, 63, 91,
166, 357, 361.
Radha, 42, 46, 52. Rahula, 170, 174, Raivataka hill, 7. Rajaghat, 29. Räjagriha, 28, 29, 44-48, 51,
57, 58, 61-66, 72, 77-79, 162, 172, 173, 180, 181, 192, 193, 204-207, 211, 224, 243, 260, 261, 271, 273, 277, 285, 295, 297300, 306-308, 317, 318, 325, 326, 329, 337, 338,
344, 347. Rājamats, 7. Rajaori, 213. Rājapraśniya Sūtra (Rāya
paseniya Sūya) 19, 68,
303, 320, 331, 357, 358. Rājapura, 213. Rajasthan, 70, 299, 315. Rajghat, 319, 329, 336; 338. Räjovāda Jātaka, 222. Rāmagāma, 213, 214. Rāmāyana, 208. Ramna, 308. Rämnagar 208. Rangpur, 315. Rapti, 46, 214. Rawalpindi, 213. Rāyagiha, 13, 46, 53, 54,
224, 283, 289, 290, 316,
317, 330, 368. Rāyapaseniyasūya, 17, 22. Räta, 365. Rathāvarta, 69. Ratthapăla, 208, 260. Ratthapāla Sutta, 260. Red Sea, 302. Renu, 210. Revati, 60. Rigveda, 6, 8, 9, 316. Rigveda Prātisakhya, 365. Rishabha. , 5, 6. Rishabhadatta, 33. Rishipattana (Sārnāth), 173.

Page #418

400
Lord Mahavira and His Times
Lambhav vijaya, 177.
Rohiņi, 33, 213, 214, 227,
282. Roman Consul, 234. Rome, 225. Roruka, 66, 210, 299, 317. Rudra, 55, 195, 273. Rudraka Rāmaputra, 172,
173. Rudrāyaṇa Udrāyaṇa, 66. Rukkamūlia, 178. Rumminidei, 172, 214. Rupar, 29, 315, 329, 338. Ruppakūlá, 50. Ruppini, 254.
S Sabhiya, 180, 181. Sachchamkira Jātaka, 216. Sadānīra (Gandak) 199. Saddālaputta, 21, 291, 337. Saddha (Sraddha), 190. Saddhai, 176. Sagadamuha, 53. Sāgarachanda, 255, 330. Sāgeya or Säkeya, 13, 316. Sahaja, 209. Sahajāti, 202. Sahanipati, 189. Sahasrāmravana, 192, 325. Sahet-Mahet, 46, 50. Saka, 83, 85. Saka era, 84-86. Sākala, 298. Sakalakírti, 25. Sākatāyana, 364. Sakdal, 12. Sāketa, 199, 261, 277. Sakha, 301., Sakka' or Sakra, 189, 190, : 274, 318, 332, 334. Sakra, 190. Sakulā, 173. Sakula-Udai, 180. Śākya, 186, 199, 208, 213,
214, 227, 232, 234, 239, • 249, 250, 282, 326.
Śākya Kshatriyas, 238. Şalatipriya, 63. Sālātura, 348, 364. Sālavati, 261, 262. Sālejjā Vāņamāntari, 53. Sālisisayagāma, 52. Sāmā, 262. Sāmāga, 56. Sāmaññaphala Sutta, 16, 26,
79, 152, 157-160, 163, 164,
168, 169, 271. Sāmavati, 174. Samavāya, 357. Samavāyānga, 354. Sambhuttara (Sumhottara),
196. Sāṁkāśya, 317. Sambhava, 2. Sambhava Jātaka, 242. Sambhūtivijaya, 74, 75. Samkhadhamaga, 177. Sammajjaka, 176. Sammapasa, 188. Sammedaśikhara, 13. Sampakkhāla, 176. Saṁstāra, 358. Samudravijaya, 7, 284. Samyutta, 26, 174, 192, 289,
330, 359, 360. Sanatkumāra, 189. Sanchi, 331, 359. Sandaka, 180. Sangiti Suttanta, 201. Sañjaya, 38, 64, 208. Sanjaya Bealatthiputta, 110,
154, 162-164, 173, 180,
363. Saũjiva Jataka, 271. Sankha, 64. Sankha, 54, 182. Sankha Jātaka, 301. Sankhapura, 349. Sankha Sataka, 60. Şankhavana, 192. śānkhāyana Srauta Sūtra,
365.

Page #419

Index
401
Sankhya, 155, 158, 159. Sanmati, 38. Santhal Pargana, 51. Sānulaţthiyagāma, 54. Sappoiniyā river, 181. Sarai Mohana, 336. Sarasvati Valley, 315. Saravana, 165. Sardalaputra, 63, 304. Sariputta, 162, 13, 180, 181,
263. Sarnath, 338. Sarpikā or Syandikā, (Sai)
river, 199. Sasarakkha (Sarajaska) Bhik
khus, 182. Sasarakkha, 177, 186. Saseva, 317. Şassatavādas, 186. Satānika, 22, 63, 67, 68, 203. Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, 316. Satiabia, 50. Sattabhu, 210. Sattagydia, 87. Sattambaka, 325. Sattubhakta Jätaka, 247. Sätvatas, 209. Satyaka (Sachchaka), 71. Sauma, 83. Şaumya, 13. Saunaka, 364. Saurāshtra, 27, 197. Sauvira, 20, 21, 209, 210,
299, 317, Sävatthi, 13, 46, 51, 53, 54,
68, 75, 76, 165, 166, 173, 180, 198, 199, 307, 316,
317, 337, 349. Sayaņa Mādhava, 162. Sayāniya, 352 Segala, 317. Sela, 240. Seshavati, 39. Sctavyā, 22, 199. Scvālabhakkhi, 178. Seväli, 178.
Seyaviyā, 17, 50, 54. Shařkhandāgama, 14. Siddhangrām, 47, 53. Siddhārtha, 32, 33, 172, 200,
234. Siddhārthagrāma, 47, 48. Siddhatthapura, 53, 54. Sigala Jataka 242 245, 271, Siharaha, 254. Sikhandı, 66. silanka 155, 158, 159, 162,
163. Simha, 36, 67, 79, 106. Simha (Son of Khaņda), 234,
257. Simhaladıva (Ceylon), 303. Sind, 298, 299. Sindhu River, 35. Sindhu Sauvira, 35, 61, 66,
209, 210, Sindhu Valley, 10. Sindhu Vishaya or Sindhu
deśa, 34, 35, 209, 297,
299. Singhanpur, 333. Singhbhum District, 54. Sinhalese Chronicles, 88. Siprā, 320. Siri, 190. Siri Kālakanni Jātaka, 334. Sirimā, 190, Şirisavatthu, 192. Siśupālgarh, 338, 339. Śrtala, 2. Sitavana, 181. Siva, 177, 195. Sivā, 22, 66. śivādevi, 7. Sivanandā, 63. Sivi, 197, 256. Skanda, 273. Soma, 177, 188. Somā, 173. Somadatta Jataka, 240. Somila, 57, 178. Son, 204, 300 (River)

Page #420

402
Lord Mahāvira and His Times
Sonadaņda, 180. Sonepur 29, 336, 338, 339. Sopāraya, 296. Sopārā, 302, Sophists, 153, 163, 165. Sparta, 225. Sotthivatīnagara, 202. Sramana, 39. Śramaņa Bhagavān Mahāvıra
78, 83. Śravana Belagolā 367. Śrāvasti, 28, 29, 44, 46, 48,
61, 63, 79, 165, 166, 181, 199, 261, 272, 277, 282, 285, 291, 297, 298, 307,
319, 336, 338 344. . Śreņika, 20, 21, 45, 54, 63-65,
67, 70, 72, 73, 80, 93, 198, 199, 217, 219, 255,
330 Śreyāmśa, 2, 32. Sreyanāka or Sechanāga,
21, 206, 223. Śri, 335. Sridhara, 13. Śrīkfishņa, 7. Srimāla, 70. Srsmālamāhātmya, 70. Śrīvrdha, 219. Sthāna, 357, 361. Sthānārga Sūtra, 170. Sthūlabhadra, 14. Subha, 13, 180. Subhadda, 191. Subhoma, 54. Suchchetta 54. Sūchi Jataka, 305. Sūchiloma, 192. Sudakshina, 213. Sudakshina, 213. Sudarśanā, 39, 46, 63. Suddhodana, 172, 199, 234. Sudhammā, 189.' Sudharma, 58, 59, 332. Sugh, 336.
Sujāta, 210, 257. Sujyeștha, 22, 330. Sukkā, 352. śukti or Šuktimatí, 202. Sūlapāņi, 50, 191. Sulasā, 60, 262. Sulasā Jātaka, 262. Sumangalgāma, 55. Sumati, 2. Sumsumārapura, 54. Sursumāra Hill, 213, 214. Sunandā, 13. Sunetta, 240. Sunidha, 219. Sunnakhālaya, 51. Sūpārśva, (Tirthankara),2, 8. Supārśva (Uncle of Mahi
vira), 39. Suppāraka Jātaka, 302. Surabhipura, 50. Sūradeva, 63, 304. Sūrasena, 197, 209, 212. Surattha, 296. Sūriyapaņņatti, 23. Sūryābhadeva, 22, 320, 331. ' Sūryaprajñapti, 357, 366. Susima Jătaka, 259, 272. Sutasoma, 207. Sutasoma Jātaka, 348. Sūtrakritānga (Sūyagadamga),
19,23, 34, 36, 92, 108, 109, 142, 152, 155. 157-159,
183, 246, 345, 357, 358. Sutta Nipāta, 172, 192, 360. Sutta pitaka, 25-27, 359, 360. Sutta Vibhanga, 359, 360. Suvannakūlā, 50. Suvarnabhūmi, 198, 301,
303. Suvarṇāngulikā, 254. Suvarnapaksha Garuda, 334. Suvidhi, 2. Suvrata, 13. Švabhrabhūmi, 42, 53. - Svapnavāsavadatta, 208. Svāram, 361.

Page #421

Index
Svayambhu, 13. Svetasvatara Upanishad, 195. Tripuri, 202. Śyāmā, 63.
T
Taittiriya Araṇyaka, 6, 9, 334. Takkala, 301. Takkariya Jātaka, 262. Takkala, 301. Tämali, 301. Tamalitti, 297.
Tambapannidipa, 192, 301.
53.
Tambaya Sannivesa, Tamluk, 338. Tämralinga, 301. Tandulavaiyalı 358. Tapodarāma, 181. Tarukkha, 180.
Tavatinsa, 189.
Taxila, 27, 30, 73, 87, 212, 238, 347.
Takshašila, 213, 298, 306, 308, 317, 339, 348-350, 368.
Ter, 280.
Teyalipura, 288. Teyaliputta, 254. Thalai, 176.
Thananga, 24, 366. Thaneshwar, 207. Theragatha 27, 300, 360. Therigatha, 27, 360.
258, 260,
Thullakotthita, 207.
Thüṇāka Sannivesa, 50. Tilaura kot, 214. Tiloyapanṇatti, 25, 81, 84.
Tinduga Garden, 191. Tirabhukti, 35. Tirthakalpa, 327. Tisagutta, 72. Tittiri Jätaka, 348.
Tittiriyas, (Taittiriyas), 188. Todeyyas, 180. Todeyyaputta, 180. Tosali, 54, 297.
Trilokasăra, 25, 81, 84.
403
Trisala (Tisalā), 32, 33, 63, 201, 234, 238. Trishashtiśaläkāpurusha-charita, 7, 25. Turigika Sannivesa, 58. Tungiya, 17.
U
Ubbhataka, 202. Uchchedavādis, 187. Udaka, 17.
Udāna, 360. Udayabhadra, 65. Udayana (Ruler of Vatsa),
67, 68, 73, 174, 203, 211, 214, 223, 224, 260, 274, 335. Udayana (Ruler of Sauvira) 20-22, 61, 62, 64, 66, 209. Udayi, 81. Udayin 223. Uddandaya, 177. Uddhamaghatanikas, 187. Udena, 325.
Udichchha Brahmaņas, 238. Udrāyaṇa, 210. Uggahamana, 180, 181. Uggatasarira, 188.
Ugras, 20, 71, 200, 201, 246. Ugrasena, 7. Ujjayini (Ujjain), 22, 28, 29, 35, 55, 67, 73, 74, 81, 83, 86, 210, 223, 282, 295, 298, 302, 317, 319, 329, 334, 338-340, 347, 350, 367.
Ujjuväliya, 57. Ukkattha, 199. Ukkavela, 181. Ummadanti, 257. Ummajjaka, 176. Unnaga, 53. Unao District, 46. U.P., 46, 61, 71. Upaplavya, 209.

Page #422

404
Lord Mahavira and His Times
236.
Tal
Upāli, 63, 71.
Vaiseshika, 158. Upāli Grahapati, 173.
Vaiśravana, 332. Upāli Sútra, 63, 79.
Vaissadeva, 177. Uppala, 17, 53.
Vaitālika mountain, 129. Upāsakadašā (Uvāsagadasão), Vaitarani river, 128.
19, 21, 40, 48, 192, 279, Vājirā, 256. 325, 337, 357.
Vajjis, or Vriji, 26, 45, 71, Ur, 301.
72, 75, 76, 196, 197, 200, Uruga Jātaka, 307.
201, 204, 226, 234, 235, Uruyela, 180, 182. Uruvelakappa, 202.
Vajrā, 205. Uruyela Kassapa, 182, 183.
Vajrabhūmi, 42, 46, 53. Uruvilva, 173.
Vajranakha-Tikshnadanshtra Usabhadatta, 32.
Narasimha, 334. Uśanas, 365.
Vajrasvāmi, 69. Uttaradhyayana Sūtra (Utta- Vakavāsi, 178.
rājjhayaņasūya), 15, 16, 19, 20, 23, 24, 34, 64, 68, Vakratundadanti, 334. 92, 95, 100, 109, 207, 'Valabhi, 92.
208 255, 258, 361, 367. Valahassa Jataka, 301. Uttarakūlaga, 177.
Valāka, 83. Uttarāpatha, 213, 282, 296- Vāluyagāma, 54. 298.
Vāma, 12. Uttarapurāņa, 25.
Vānamantri Salejjā, 192. Uttaravāchåla, 50, 176. Varga, 27, 196, 197. Uttar Pradesh, 208.
Vangisa, 360. Uttiya, 180.
Vanimago, 186. Uvavaiya Sūya, 22.
Vāniyagrāma or Vānijya
grāma, 17, 35, 36, 37, 44,
45, 48, 54, 61-63, 192, Vāchāla, 50.
242, 246, 304, 325. Vachchha or Vaṁsa (Vatsa), Vansāhvaya, 298. 196, 197, 214.
Varadhara, 180, 181. Vachchhagotta, 180, 181. Varāhamihira, 87. Vaidehīputra, 203.
Vārānası (Banaras), 12, 28, Vaidehi Vāsavi, 205.
29, 54, 178, 191, 192, 271, Vaiśālı, 21, 22, 32, 34-37, 44- 297, 298, 300, 301, 316,
46, 52-54, 61-63, 65, 67, 319. 70-72, 75, 79, 106, 172, Vardhamāna, 37. 174, 181, 200, 201, 206, Vardhamāna, (Modern Burd207, 211, 224, 227, 228- wan), 45. 231, 234, 235, 257, 261, Vardhamāna Charitra, 25. 273, 282, 285, 295, 297, Vāribhadraka, 186. 298, 301, 307, 314, 317, Vārikhala, 186. 318, 325, 338, 339, 344, Varshākāra, 26. 347, 349.
Värttaka, 334.

Page #423

Index
405
Varuna, 177, 188.
Videhadattā, 32, 201. Vasantapura, 296.
Vidhura Pandita Jātaka, 247. Vāsapūjya, 2.
Vedisa or Vidiśā, 67, 68, 69, Vāsava, 189.
296, 298, 334. Väsavadattā, 212, 223, 254, Vidūdabha, 200. 274.
Vijaya, 17, 52. Vāsavakhattiyā, 249.
Vijaya, 38, 46, 63, 303. Vāsettha, 180.
Vijayaghosha, 20, 240. Vasishtha, 13, 175, 179, 250, Vikrama or Vikramaditya, 259, 313.
74, 78, 80, 82, 83, 85. Vasishtha Gotra, 32, 58. Vikrama era, 84, 85. Vassakāra or Varshakāra, Vimala, 2. 206, 219, 224, 226. .
Vimānavatthu, Väsudeva, 51, 53.
Vinaya Mahāvagga, 163. Väsudeva Krishna, 7, 195. Vinaya Pitaka, 25, 26, 221, Vātavyādhi, 365, 366.
262, 266-269, 273, 291, Vatsa, 67, 73, 263, 205, 311. 301, 311, 323, 328, 330, Vāubhakkhi, 178.
353, 359, 360. Vavahāra, 23.
Vinayavāda, 19, 184. Vayaggāma, 81.
Vinayavādins, 91. Vāyubhati, 58.
Vipulāchala, 57. Veda, 153, 154.
Vira, 74, 75. Vedabbha Tâtaka, 202. Virabhadra, 13. Vehalla, 21, 206, 223. Vírajasa, 64. Vejayanta, 189,
Virasena, 25. Vekhanassa Kachchāna, 180. Virastava, 358. Velavāsı, 178.
Virāța, 209. Veluvana, 66, 181, 277. Virātanagara, 209. Venice, 225.
Virudhaka, 332. Vesamana, 177-178.
Virulhaka Mahārāja, 190. Veruñjā, 174.
Virūpakkha Mahārāja, 190. Verāpatha, 301.
Virūpāksha, 332. Vesayana or Vasāyaṇa, 47, Visākha, 63, 174, 258. 185.
Višākha Panchāliputra, 208. Vessabhu, 210.
Višālā, 35. Vessavana Mahārāja, 191. Viśālāksha, 365, 366. Vesunga, 301.
Visālie i.e. Vaišálika, 34, 36. Vethadipa, 214.
Vishnu, 195. Viangaya, 64.
Vishnu (Dharmasūtra writer), Vibhanga, 360.
265. Vibhelaka Jakkha, 52. Visuddhimagga, 273. Vichāraśrent 25, 78, 81, 84, Viśvabhū, 210. 85.
Vitibhaya, 61, 66, 209. Vidarbha, 16.
Vatihotras, 209, 210. Vidcha, 16, 21, 34-36, 45, 200, Vțijideśa, 35.
203, 210, 212, 226, 227, Vrishabha, 6. 233, 234, 310.
Vrishabha (Writer), 25.
www

Page #424

406
Lord Mahavira and His Times
Vțishnidaśās, 357.
Yājñavalkya, 162. Vyākhyā, Prajñapti (Bhaga. Yama, 177, 188..
vati Viyahapaņņatti), 19, Yamaka, 360... 196.
Yamunā, 203, 300. Vyakta, 58.
Yasa, 173. Vyāñjanam, 361.
Yaśāmśa, 32. Vyavahāra Bhäshya, 23, 24, Yaśas, 13. 334.
Yaśodā, 39. Vyavahāra Sūtra, 24, 358. Yaśodharā, 172.
Yasodharman, 86.
Yaśovati, 39.. Xerxes, 303.
Yativộishabha, 81, 84.
Yuan Chwang, 37. Yadava race, 8, 209. Yadava Sātvata Vțishội, 195. Zoroaster, 152.
Z
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Page #425

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Page #427
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