Later Gangas Mandali Thousand

Author(s): Nagarajaiah Hampa
Publisher: Ankita Pustak
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/006722/1

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Dr. Nagarajaiah, Hampa
THE LATER GANGAS: MANDALI THOUSAND

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THE LATER GANGAS: MANDALI-THOUSAND

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THE LATER GANGAS : MAŅDALI-THOUSAND
Dr. Nāgarājaiah, Hampa (Former Professor of Bangalore University)
ANKITA PUSTAKA 53, Shamsingh Complex, Gandhibazar Main Road Basavanagudi, Bangalore - 560 004
Karnataka, INDIA 8 699 2014 (0) 6549633 (R)

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THE LATER GANGAS: MANDALI-THOUSAND, A monograph on the History of the Later Gangas and their administration, by Dr. Nägarājaiah Hampa, Rtd. Professor and Author; Published by Ankita Pustaka, 53, Shamsingh Complex, Gandhibazar Main Road Basavanagudi, Bangalore - 560 004, Karnataka, INDIA * 699 2014 (0) 6549633 (R)
Pages : xxij + 28 + 112
Price: Rs. 200
$20 £15
© Author
Cover Page: Makali
ISBN: 81-87321-17-2
The publication of this book has been financially supported by the Indian Council of Historical Research. The responsibility for the facts stated or opinions expressed is entirely of the author and not of the council.
Published by: Ankita Pustaka 53, Shamsingh Complex, Gandhibazar Main Road Basavanagudi, Bangalore - 560 004 Karnataka, INDIA * 699 2014 (0) 6549633 (R)
Printed at: Satyasri Printers Pvt. Ltd. Chamarajpet, Bangalore - 560 018 0:080-6525736, 080-6506023

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Dedicated to All the Members of BRAHMI JAIN SOCIETY
(USA & Canada) who are doing excellent work

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AUTHOR'S PREFACE
The period before the migration of the apostle Bhadrabahu gives a hazy picture of the conditions of Jainism in Karnataka; the period after Bhadrabāhu also, for over four centuries, throws only a dim light on the condition of Jainism. But, after the advent and contact of the Gangas, Jaina history is enlivened, leaving behind its vestiges of glory. From then onwards, Karnataka witnessed hectic activities of the construction of Jaina temples, monasteries, of causing images of Jinas, in fervent manner, at the instance of their preceptors.
All this resulted in the perfect methodical organisation of Jaina community in Karnataka, and also in the South India as a whole. It is the active agency of the adept Simhanandi-l, that the mighty Ganga kingdom was created. Daḍiga and Madhava, two forlorn princes from the north were extended a refuge. They founded the Ganga dynasty and ācārya Simhanandi-Il promoted it in the 3rd and 4th cent. C.E., which opened a new era of Jina-Dharma in Karnataka and Jainism, started with a bang of prosperity never looked back. Nirgrantha church spread so fast, covering very vast areas, that by fifth cent. C.E., itself, there were varieties of sects and schisms within the faith the Ahariṣṭis, the Kūrcakas, the Nirgranthas, the Śvetapatas and the Yāpaniyas.
Though the Gangas are called Western Gangas, Gangas of Talkāḍ, Gangas of Talavanapura etc., the great Gangas belong exclusively neither to western origin nor to Karnataka alone; their achievements are the rich heritage of India as a whole. Therefore, I have tried to frame them in temporal terms, as the Early Gangas and Later Gangas. Accordingly, I have presented a comprehensive picture of the contribution of the early Gangas, to the spread and sustainence of Jaina faith in the south, in my previous monograph of 'A History of The Early Ganga Monarchy and Jainism' (1999). This monograph continues to carry the history of the Gangas, from where it had stopped in the above monograph, upto the end of their clearly visible vestiges.

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viii
Like several royal families of ancient India, the Ganga family also had some branches, in ancient times, ruling different parts. One of the main branches was ruling from Kuvalālapura and later from Talkād; another branch of the same stalk was ruling from Mandali; after the liquidation of the former branch, the latter one of Mandali picked up strength and sustained to its glory being a feudatory of the Kalyana Calukyas and the Hoysalas. The Mandali Gangas are rightly termed as the Later Gangas, who are infact, the last Gangas.
The Mandali chieftans ruled at an important epoch in the South Indian history in general and in the history of Karnataka in particular. Their patronage of Jainism, and to other isms, seems to have lasted upto 16th cent., and had firm roots in the masses. The Maṇḍalināḍ administration is the best example of religious tolerance, not because they did not supress other faiths, instead they continued the indulgent policy of their fore-fathers. This enduring spirit of the Mandali reign has been evidenced by epigraphic corroboration. Some of the magnificent temples still bear witness to the bygone affluence and profusion of the Mandali-Thousand.
Either in English or in Kannada, it is for the first time that the history of the Mandalinad is described; so far, not even two pages is written about them. An account of my personal research and extensive field work, voluminous material has come to light and much of it is embedded in this monograph. Necessary care is taken to proper evaluation and selection of material out of a mass of epigraphical sources available; while doing so, I have fixed the date of the kings, queens, princes and other administrators, for the first time.
By way of conclusion, I should emphasise that the description of the Mandalināḍ in its historical development presented in this book, is a broad outline. Broad outlines have their use and can constitute major advances in our understanding. A documented and chronological account of the political and cultural life of the Mandali-Thousand was a desideratum till to-day, and this monograph aims at clearing the gap.

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After voluntarily accepting the onus of perceiving subaltern studies, so far, I have published half a dozen books and some more papers dealing with minor and very minor dynasties of Karnataka. This monograph, one more in the series, again aims at concisely recording the major achievements of a minor principality.
I should place on record that I was really glad when I was complimented from the veteran historians that this is the first exhaustive write up on the Mandali-Thousand rulers. I hope such appreciations will continue to inspire me to take up similar projects and to properly utilise my retired life. I can never forget the enthusiastic villagers who extended their co-operation during my field work. P.S. Ramabhatt, a research scholar, K. Vasudevachar, Jeweller and a Kannada activist, Ratnaiah, education officer, Krishna Murthy - photographer, Dr. Kamala Hampana, who has been a constant source of inspiration for my research work, and M/s Satyasri Printers, have helped me in one way or the other in preparing this book. I remember with gratitude the excellent services of Mr. Benjamin Lewis Rice, who has meticulously edited the volumes of Epigraphia Carnatika (VII-i. 1902, and VIII, 1902), which has helped me as the source book. Similarly I owe my obligation to the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi, whose valuable financial assistance has helped both the author and the publisher. Last, but not least, I am obliged to the young entrepreneur Prakash Kambathalli, my publisher, for assigning this project to me unhesitatingly, and to the authorities of the Government Museum, Shimoga, who so kindly permitted me to take the photos.
Dr. M.A. Dhaky, Director, American Institute of Indian Studies, Dr. S.A. Bhuvanendra Kumar, editor of Jinamanjari, a journal published from Canada and U.S.A., and Dr. S. Settar, Chairman of ICHR, have never allowed me to relax! It is their affection that is generating extra energy in me to concentrate on the quality of production, March, 1999
Nagarajaiah Hampa. Bangalore

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About the Author
Prof. Nagarajaiah, Hampa, one of the major litterateurs of Karnataka, has authored more than 70 books in Kannada and English, on varied subjects including linguistics, history and epigraphy, textual criticism, folklore, biography, transalation, children literature and Jainism. Some of his books have been translated to English, Hindi, Marathi and Telugu. He has taught under-graduate and postgraduate classes for 37 1⁄2 years. He has served Kannada Sahitya Parishat as secretary (8 years) and president (8 years). With 'Hampana' as his nom de plume, he is a recipient of a number of state and national awards. He has presented papers at the national and inter-national congress and delivered endowment lectures at various Universities. Contemporary men of letters have honoured 'hampana' by presenting five felicitatory volumes. Dr. Nagarajaiah's contribution to the study of Jainology is voluminous and significant.

This monograph on the 'Later Gangas: Mandali-Thousand', sheds light on a little known principality.

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1.
2.
The lofty Nandagiri their fortress; Kuvalala their city, the 96000 their country, the blameless Jina their lord, Victory their companion in the battle-field, the Jinamata their faith, the Gangas prospered [EC.VII-I (BLR). Shimoga. 57 C.E. 1115].
In the ocean-girdled world celebrated is the Gangavādināḍu, a Ganga country, with 96000 villages; in it is the Maṇḍalināḍ olim Mandali-Thousand, a most
celebrated sub-division.
- Epigraphia Carnatika, Vol. VII, Part-I (1902), Shimoga 97. C.E. 1113, p. 108.
3. The Gangas were in order to protect the Jina-dharmma of the Kailāsa mountain.
- ibid, Shimoga. 10 C.E. 1085. p. 19

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CONTENTS
Author's Preface
Illustrations
Prolegomena
Origin and Genealogy
The Mandalinādu polity
Society and Religions The preceptors
Appendices
* Inscriptions * Genealogy
Personal names
*
*
*
Place names Bibliography Abbreviations
*
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Illustrations
DETAILS OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1. An ancient flight of stairs, made of rock, leads up to the
historic point, scenically situated at Kallurgudda
('a hillock near the village of rocks'), vide, inscription number Sh. 4. C.E. 1121-22
2. Crest of Kallūrugudda, with a newly built Sivālaya. None of the Jaina vestiages is found on the hill. Standing
here, one can see a panoramic view of the modern Shimoga, a district head-quarters
3 a. Śivalinga inside the sanctum of newly built temple
3b. Upper protion of the slab containing the inscription of Sh.4.1121-22. A Jina seated in paryankāsana dhyanamudra in
the centre, capped with triple umbrella and flanked by two cauri-bearers, an elephant (right) and a cow (left) - are visible
4. One of the pillars in the navaranga to the left of the garbhagriha, with an inscription at the salāka and
piņdi portion of the citrakhanda pillar
5. Slab containing the full text of Tattekere basadi caused by
Nokkayya EC. VII-I (1902) Sh. 10 C.E. 1085, pp. 19-24
6. God Anjaneya svāmy, mūlanāyaka of the converted
Koțe Anjaneya temple, with decoration
7. Sculptural details of a Śrīkāra pillar in the converted
Kote Anjaneya temple, from piņdi to the capital

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The Later Gangas : Maņdali-Thousand
8. Patta-jinālaya, the crown-jain temple of the Mandalināļu, at Harakere near Shimoga. Old basadi has been converted into a
Saiva temple, now known as "Rāmeśvara Devālaya'. Arhat Pārsva image in the sanctum is replaced with Rameśvara
Linga. But, the two citrakhanda pillars in the Navaranga are original with simple capital, kantha, pattike, kantha, a lid, kumba, 4 faces, 16 faces, 8 faces, 16 faces and a square piņņi; garbhagriha, closed antarāļa and navaranaga - are part of the
original basadi
9. A close look at the inscription on the pillar of Pattada basadi [vide, Sh. 6. C.E. 1060. Harakere, p. 18]. Out of the total 26 lines, 19 lines are visible in the plate and the remaining
7 lines are continued at the pindi part of the pillar
7. Ruined site of the original Tattekere basadi commissioned by pergade Nokkayya. IWG: No. 150: 1085:
pp. 468-70; MAR 1923, pp. 114-15
10. Ruined site of the original Tattekere basadi commissioned by pergade Nokkayya. [WG: No. 150: 1085:
pp. 468-70; MAR 1923, pp. 114-15
11. A close look of the same charter as in plate number 8
(upper portion)
12. Two śrīkāra pillars in the rangamaņdapa of the original basadi, now converted into Kote Anjaneya temple at Shimoga
13. Dvāra sākha, door frame (pañca-śākha) details; tutelary deity, a seated Jina in the centre, capped with triple umbrella and cāmara bearers standing on either side, carved on a lalāta block of stone, at the tutelary position upwards in the centre of the door frame looks dim because of the repeated coating of the silver painting. Mālālankāra at uttarānga, below Kapota; animal motif in the creeper bearing band on one side, and the
dance troupe on the other side are not clearely visible

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Hlustrations
14. Śri Kote Anjaneya svāmi, Shimoga
15. Details of the door frame (upper portion) with seated Jina flanked by two cauri bearers as tutelary figure at the lalāta as an auspicious figure, at in the Trikūta Jinālaya at Nyāmati olim Nellavatti in Honnali taluk, commissioned by pergade Nokkayya
16. Dethroned Jaina vestiges including a broken right hand of a
Yakşi and a triple umbrella of a Jina at Nellavatti (Nyāmati)
17. Gūdmandapa padmašilā ceiling in the
Trikūta Jinālaya at Nyāmati
18. Śrikāra pillars in the rangamandapa (navaranga) of Trikūta jinālaya at Nyāmati; doorframe of one of the sanctums with a Sivalinga inside the sanctorum. Details of the pillars: pitha,
piņdi, salāka, kumba, pastike and bodige (capital)
19. Padmašila - ceiling details with a pair of parrots on all the four corners (Nyāmati)
20. A hall ceiling in the Jaina temple at Gurupura,
abovt four kms from Shimoga
21. Sculptures of Arhat Pärśva and Nagaraja, the cobra,
kept outside the jinālaya at Gurupura
22. Dethroned and mutilated vestiges of a Jina and a makaratoraņa, at Gurupura upper half of the Jina, standing on
the lotus pedestal in Kayotsarga posture, is broken. Acolytic divinity attending upon Jina, with the female elemental spirit on
the left and the yakṣa on the right

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The Later Gangas: Mandali-Thousand
23. Old original Jinabimbas, broken into two, triple umbrellas,
a pedestal and other Jina relics kept behind the temple at Gurupura. Though the vestiges contain two broken parts of a Jina, one upper half and the other lower half, yet they are not of the same figure. [Vide, Sh. 64. C.E. 1112. pp. 63-69]. Not less
than three jinālavas must have existed at this place. during leventh and twelfth centuries. This is the same place which is referred in the epigraphs as Kuruļi tirthada basadi and a Ganga Jinālaya commissioned by Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva-ll,
in C.E. 1132
24. Another view of the basadi, from right side
25. A view of basadi, from left side, at Gurupura. The shrine is located in a cocoanut garden which is the property
of Sri Ādicucnanagiri Matha. The ruined Jaina shrine has ekatala śikhara. Vimāna of Drāvida style and rudracanda: sukanāsi seems to have been renovated. Door frame has four säkhăs-vātāyana, pillar, valli (vine) and Vajrapattikā.
Creeper bearing door-jamb and the neatly framed dvārapālakas are very attractive
26. A displaced Jina Pārsva's head dumped behind the basadi
at Gurupura. Though the face is disfigured, frizzy hair on the head, seven hood canopy capped with triple umbrella, aureola, dancers and musicians - are so neatly executed that the original
image must have been a magnificient Tirthankara figure; compare with a similar image from Islāpura (plate No. 64)
27. One of the inscriptions of Gurupura, now safely preserved in the Shimoga Govt. museum
28. Mānastambha, a characteristic Jaina pillar of eminence, in fornt of a Jinālaya at Basavanna Gangūru near
Shimoga; raised platform has collapsed

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Illustrations
29. Old Jinālaya has been converted into a Sivālaya with a new name as Vira Someśvara devālaya. Original jinabimba in the sanctum has been replaced with a Sivalinga installed on the
original simhapitha pedestal of Tirthankara, at Gurupura
30. A close view of the front side with door frame details; Guļamandapa door frame with embellished jälandharas
(vātāyana) on either side. Entire door frame from top to bottom, has beautiful designs, studded with minute details and delicate carving. Block of stone at the tutelary position, upwards in the centre of the doorframe has the usual seated Jina. But, an unusual feature of this door frame is, in addition to the Jina as a lalāțabimba in the centre there are two more
seated Jinas on left and right side corners; and the miniature sculpture (cikaniśilpa) is fascinating,
though slightly covered with whitewash
31. A disused Jaina temple in open field at Basavana Gangūru in ruins, surrounded and hidden under overgrown thick bush
32. Upper part details of the basadi at Basavana Gangūru:
Two figures resembing the Hoysala Lāñcana, torana-arch spewed from the mouths of an opposed pair of makaras (seamonster, dolphin), a seated jina as a a lalāta bimba, tutelary
deity seated on the lion throne.
33. A fort on the outskirts of Bannikere village, which has a reference in a charter vide, Sh. 99. C.E. 1127 p. 109; 'Vira
Gangarasa caused a Kannakāpura fort in the Mandalinādu which was a part of the Gangavādi-96,000'. This fort consists of
five stages, with a bandūku-kindi and a ambu-kimdi
34. A Jaina ruins in a farm abovt 172 kms from Basavāpatņa in Cannagiri taluk. These three images were hidden under over
grown bush and almost buried upto the neck. These three images could be examined only after clearing the bush and
mud, with the assistence of local enthusiastic youth. This site may be the original place where once a basadi existed

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35. An inscription on the (broken) slab in the open field at Bannikere near Shimoga, vide, Sh. 99 C.E. 1127 p. 109
36. Sanctum of a śivālaya (of a later period) at Bannikere
37. A cauri-bearer of the post Rāştrakūta period, with multiple
kanthahāras (addike, cintāku), a pearl yajñopavita, upavita, udarabandha, katibandha, droppery, long distended ear lobes
called taţānka and mālänka kundalas, karandaka mukuta on the head with the figure of Jina in pūrita. His two hands holding a fly-whisk and a fruit are missing; 1 could not
trace them in and around the pit
38. Of the three images, two are seated Jinas completely nude and unornamented but magnificent Tirthankara images. Jina
image to the right seated cross-legged in meditation pose (paryankāsana), with hands resting upon elongated soles of his
feet, as a true embodiment of peace and tranquility
39. Another image of a Tirthankara in a farm near Basavāpatņa. The forehead and eye up to the cheeck on the left side is very much defaced, but the hair arrnaged in short
schematic curls is intact. Since it was getting dark in the evening, Tirthankara image could not be properly examined
40. A portion of the office at Basavāpatņa where the image of Supārsva is preserved. Supārsva image was discovered while excavating a site for the foundation of a hospital; perhaps that
was the place where a Jinālaya existed
41. My visit to Basavāpatņa also yielded another surprising find of a 2 feet suparáva Tirthankara image in khadgäsana posture.
The image could be assigned to early leventh century
42. Sculpture of a Mahāsati at Sãsuvehalli (Honnāļi tk)

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43. A Niśidhi slab at Sāsuvehalli. A characteristic feature of this nisidhi is that a lady votary is sitting before the seated Jina on the lion throne with triple umbrella above; but, the friar who is to administer the sallekhanā rite is absent
Illustrations
44. Two tiered nisidhi stone at Sāsuvehalli; below - a Jaina ascetic administering the sallekhanā vow to the lay follower above - a seated Jina with two fly-whisk on either side and a triple umbrella (chatratraya) over the head
45. An old image of a seated Tirthankara, without head, buried deep in a wet land (paddy field) a km away from Diḍagūru (Honnali tk); local people obliged to recover the broken image of early 12th cent.
46. Details of the upper part garbhagriha door frame of the Arhat Supārsva temple at Diḍagūru which was commissioned in C.E. 1160 [Vide, Honnali No. 5 C.E. 1160. Didagur p. 364]. Block of stone at the tutelary position, upwards in the centre of the doorframe has retained most of its original structure with Jina Supārśva carved on the lalāta-block. Uttaranga, below kapota, has mālālankāra and flowers; but the two buds hanging at the lalāța position are broken. Now the Jinālaya has been convereted into a temple of Virabhadrasvāmi
47. Front elevation of the Arhat Suparśvanatha basadi, with the original doorframe and jalandhara. But the wall of the temple is of a later period, constructed during the conversion of the basadi into a non-Jaina temple, at Diḍagūru
48. Another nisidhi slab, similar to the one in number 44, at Sāsuvehalli. Ārādhanā text being recited at the time of administering the rite of sallekhanā is placed on the trioad in between the monk and the disciple
49. A fourth nisidhi slab at Sāsuvehalli, which was evidently an important Jaina centre. According to the local version a bog to the left side of the place where the four nisidhi slabs are kept was a Jaina site. Further excavation at the site may yield fresh material. An undated nisidhi inscription has been recorded [EC. Vol. VIII (BLR) Honnali 86. p. 411]

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The Later Gangas : Mandali-Thousand
50. Jina Supārsva image in samabhanga posture, displaced
from the original sanctum of the basadi, and fixed to exterior wall of the car garrage (teru mane) of the local Anjaneyasvāmi temple at Didagūru. Face is disfigured, a five hooded canopy, three parasol, a nimbus (tiruvāci) going round consists of a torana-arch issued from the mouths of an opposed pair of dolphins (makara) standing on pillar. At the bottom are the
figures of Yaksa and Yaksi
Plates 51 to 64 are illustrations of the Jaina vestiges neatly
preserved in the Govt. Museum of Shimoga. Unfortunately all of the images are mutilated
51. Ādinātha Tirathankara seated on a lotus pedestal (12th cent) from Gurupura temple, in excellent condition. The delicacy shown in carving the praśānta mudrā, calm posture, clubbed
with spiritual introspection of the perfectly poised sitting Tirthankara figure suggests the artists skill. Graceful cauribearers in tribhanga pose are richly ornamented holding a
bijapūra and fly-whisk
52. A slab, with an inscription, from Gurupura (12th cent)
53. 53 to 64 All the twelve images are from Islāpura and the entire hoard contains only broken, disfigured or mutilated
figures, and the extent of damage can be imagined
65. A front view of the basadi at Basavana Ga after the thick bush being cleared, with the help of local youngsters, who
willingly volunteered their services). Details of the door frame are excellent. Though it resembles the door frame of Gurupura
basadi, the latter is earlier to the former, in temporal terms. Lower part door frame details; jālandara, kamba, valli and vajra
sākhas, dvārapalakas at the doorjamb. (See cover page)

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Chapter 1
Prolegomena
Nhe present Shimoga district in
Karņāțaka witnessed some
extraordinary royal families, both major and minor, like the MandaliSāsira, Sāntaļige-Sāsira, Jidduļige-70, Nāgarakhanda-70 and the Sāmantas of Chikka Māgadi, Tevara Teppa, Elevāļa and Bārangi. A good number of the charters of these families contain references to a chronological history of their successors. This monograph aims at recording a brief survey of the Mandali - Thousand principality through ages.
The Mandali-Thousand did not emerge from obscurity. The Gangas are referred to with the dynastic appellation of the Western Gangas, the Gangas of Talkāç or Talavanapura or Kuvalālapura or of Karņāțaka etc. The phrase of the Western Gangas of Talkādu, coined by B.L. Rice, gained currency, as the subsequent historians accepted it. Lewis Rice, a pioneer in the field, brought to light a good number of the Ganga copper plate inscriptions. J.F. Fleet, gen

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2/ The Later Gangas : Mandali-Thousand
erating a controversy, said that many of the copper plates are spurious or forgeries. A pragmatic study by later epigraphists, allowing a margin of omission and commission, confirmed the genuineness of most of the inscriptions, thus nullifying the ambiguity. As far as the Mandalinād Gangas are concerned, the appellation is analogous with the early Gangas, because, it is an extension of the same traditionally known Ganga family. Evidences of lithic records confirm that the Gangas of Mandali-sahasra are, as the very name also suggests, the direct descendents of the original Gangas of Kuvalālapura ab initio, before the liquidation of the Rāştrakūța empire. Diaspora of the Gangas quickened after the fall of the Rāştrakūļas. Taking its root from Ganga Perūr in the Cuddapah district of Andhra Pradesh, a main stream that branched off earlier is the Mandali-Sāsira, which historically speaking is as old as the Gangas of the Kuvalälapura or Talavanapura, and its history is marked by vicissitudes.
Like several royal families of ancient India, the imperial Ganga family also had its branches, ruling from different centres. There are cogent reasons and records for holding the view that the original home of the early Gangas was the Ganga-Perür which is analogous with the medieval and present day Perür. Later, they shifted to the Nandagiri where the Gangas built a hill-fort and assumed the title of Nandagirinātha. Gradually, the Ganga kingdom extended in extent and the later Gangas had to shift their head quarters from the hill-fort to Kuvalālpura situated on the plain; The Rāştrakūtas in the beginning shifted from Mārkanda hill (Mayūrkhand) to Mārkanda village at its foot; the Bādāmi Cālukyas also shifted from the hill-fort. The Gangas who proceeded to several places, finally settled at Talavanapura.
Of the prasasti text of the Gangas, a relevant portion to the present context runs as follows: The lofty Nandagiri being their fortress, Kuvalāla their city, the 96000 their country, the blameless Jina their Lord, victory their companion in the battle-field, the Jina-mata their faith (Sh. 57. C.E. 1115). Thus the Gangas gained by quick stages mastery over the then Karnāțaka region; imperial appellation of the Gangas, Satyavākya in Sanskrit and Nannisya)

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in Kannada, is vociferous in their charters but it is befitting their achievements. Sources
In respect of the documentation of the genealogy of the Gangas from time immemorial, recorded in the Sh. 4 and 64, the claim is dismissed by the historians as an attempt at driving purāņic pedigree. But, a close scrutiny does throw some interesting light on the problem. Most of the facts narrated may not be literally true, but the suggested and symbolic meaning it carries needs some consideration leading to the origin and early history of the Gangas. Lewis Rice has rightly given deserving credibility to the historical aspect of the inscription (ibid, "Intro". pp. 13-14).
Some of the charters are very lengthy, but contain useful information of historical importance. In particular the epigraphs number Shimoga 4 (1121-22), 39 (1122), 57 (1118) and 64 (1112), contain the quintessence of the history of the Gangas, both the early Gangas and the Mandali-Gangas; All the other charters are either expansion of what is said here or substantial to the most essential part recorded here.
Some of the later branches cropped up, after the Gangas lost all resemblance of independence, sank into the position of local representatives of the greater sovereigns. Following is the broad classification of the main centres and ramifications of the Gangas:
i) Ganga-Perūr: Place of the Proto-Ganga dynasty ii) Kuvalālapura: First phase of their diaspora iii) Mandali nāņu: Second phase iv) Talavanapura: Third phase v) Mandya area branch: Tippūru, Guttalu etc., vi) Hāssan area branch: Sakaleśpura, Bāļļu etc., : vii) Śivanasamudra branch in the Simsa river belt; Chikka
Gangavāời with its capital at Ponganūr (Honganūr)

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Kongaṇivarman, the progenitor and Agamemnon of the Ganga family, second distinctive name of the Ganga kings, perhaps stayed back at Kuvalālapura; his son and successor Madhava Varman-1 proceeded further, with the family preceptor the adept Simhanandi, to the Shimoga area, to be later called the MandaliThousand, where he pitched the army camp that augmented the growth of a prominent branch of their family.
Without repeating what is said of the ācārya Simhanandi in the inscriptions (EC. VII-i (BLR) Sh. 4 1121-22 pp. 10-15), we can proceed with the description apropos of the Mandali Gangas. The two kings Madhava and Daḍiga, on their march to subdue the Konkana country, in mid 4th century, C.E., saw the great Maṇḍalipura which was famous in all the four ages Krita, Treta, Dvapara and Kali-Yugas, with Mahendrapura, Madanapura, Mandalapura and Mandali as their names respectively. Seeing on the outskirts of the town, a large tank with white water-lilly, the thousand-leaved lotus on blossom and the sound of many fish, the Ganga kings pitched their camp. On the advice of their preceptor Simhanandi ācārya, the ornament of the Kräṇur-gana, a cohort of Jaina friars and nuns, the Gangas caused a caityalaya on the Mandali hill in about C.E. 350. Thus it has survived ab origine condition of the Mandali in C.E. 350. This corroborates the antiquity of anekāntamata in this region.
Some of the references to this Mandalinaḍ in the inscriptions deserve a special mention:
i) Mandalināḍ (Sh. 96. C. E. 915, p. 106)
ii) Mandale-Sayira (MAR 1935 No. 33. C.E. 939)
iii) Mandalināḍu-sāsira (Sk. 24. C.E. 970)
iv) Meghutti-Mandali-Thousand (Sh. 51. 1108)
v) Maṇḍali-sāsira (Sh. 5 1108; Sh. 4. 1121-22) vi) (Beautiful) Mandali-Thousand (Sh. 40. 1180. p. 46) vii) Nälprabhu of Maṇḍali-Sasira (Sh. 36. 1180) viii) Mandaliya-beṭṭa (Sh. 4. 1121-22)

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Prolegomena/5
ix) Ganga Mandalinād (Sh. 54. 1216. pp. 53-55) x) Ganga Mandali-rājya (Sh. 78. 1291. p. 78)
An inscription of the 17th century refers to this family with its localisation - the Ganga Mandalinādu on the bank of the river Tunga-Bhadrā (Sh. 27. 1621. Yeragana-hāļu). The main scene of Mandalinād early activities lay on the banks of the Tungā and Bhadrā, where they strengthened their political position.
There were some small sub-divisions in the Mandali-thousand region.
Edatorenād is mentioned in an inscription of 1134 C.E. (Sh. 32. p. 43 Hutta-grāma). Another inscription referes to EdadoreMandali-sāyira, ruled by Hermmādideva, with its capital at Harige (Sh. 64. 1112). Ededore-70 had a Nā!prabhu looking after the region (Sh. 39 1122), whereas the Mandalinād is more known as the Ganga-Mandalinād elsewhere, this is the only instance where the division is mentioned as Edadore-Mandalināò, evidently named after its secondary capital town (Sh. 64. 1112) from where Ganga Hermādideva was ruling under his uncle Nanniya (Satya)- Ganga Permmāạideva, who was ruling from the primary capital Eạehalli. After it was superseded by the Hoysa!a Kingdom, Hosyaļa Vişnuvardhana is introduced in one of the inscriptions along with all titles of the Ganga Mandalinād kings (Sh. 87, 1245 Islāpura). Thereafter, Mandalinad is also referred to as Gangana nāờ, meaning the country of the Gangas (ibid, and Sh. 698 1320). Geographical boundaries of the Mandali-thousand can be marked as follows:
The modern Sikāripur taluk on the north, Honnāļi taluk on the north-east, Cannagiri on the east, Narasimharājapura and Tarikere taluks on the south, Tirthahalli taluk on the southwest, Sāgara and Hosanagara taluks on the west, the taluk of the Soraba on the north-west side - are the boundaries of the Mandalinādu, which evidently had included some of the villages of these taluks. For example the villages of Didugur, Kuruva, Kuruvadagadde, Kotepura and Honnāļi. But, the heart of the Mandali-Sāsira-nāļu

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included the entire Shimoga and Bhadrāvati taluks, and the present taluk head-quarters of Tarikere and Nyāmati town in Honnāļi taluk. It is quite possible that some of the villages in the border of ChikkaMagalur district upto Koppa were within the limits of the Mandalinād.
The Manqali-thousand-nādu had the following broad administrative sub-divisions: Edavale-70 (MAR 1923. No. 116. 1160, Pădari-Hosur, Sh. 23. 115 Arakere), Edadore-70 (Sh. 39. 1122). Bilige-70 (Ci. 61. 1125), Cilūr-balli-30 (Hi. 14. 1076 Kuruva-grāma), Poļalu-12 and Dummi-12 (ibid). Edehalli was one of the capitals (Sh. 97. 1112). Edadore was the main capital. Lewis Rice equates it with a place in Koppa, but there is a town of that name on the bank of Tungā near Shimoga enroute Cannagiri. The Gangas
An indigenous race, the Gangas after their migration to Karnataka, made a modest but consistant beginning in the modern Kolar district region, with their will and skill, grew from strength to strength, expanding the boundaries to include numerically labelled as the kingdom of Gangavādi-96,000. As the fortunes of war and alliances ordained, the Gangas expanded their kingdom in all directions and held sway from the end of the fourth to the mid of tenth century C.E. After the birth of Būtuga and his sons, Mārasimha in particular, the Gangas became unassailable, as the Yādavas after the birth of Krişna. But, at the peak of their imperial power, they were subdued by the more powerful Răştrakūtas. They were reluctant to shoulder the Rāştrakūta hegemony, fought many battles. Ultimately both realised their strength and weakness, wisely decided to strike an honourable ambivalance. Govinda Prabhūtavarşa of the Rāştrakūțas and Nandivarman, the Pallava King, accompanied Śivamāra to the Ganga kingdom, bound the diadem on Śivamāra's brow with their own hands (MAR 1920 para 54). The families were tied together with matrimonial alliance, also motivated by political considerations.
The privity of the Kadambas and the Gangas, the Bädāmi Cālukyas and the Gangas, the Pallavas and the Gangas was not as perpetual and cordial as the Räştrakūtas and the Gangas; The

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Prolegomena / 7
Gangas and the Rāṣṭrakūtas friendship developed into virtually collateral branches of the royal line with marital status. Candrobalabbe was married to Būtuga-l, and Revakanimmaḍi-I was married to the Ganga prince Ereyanga, both were daughters of Amoghavarṣa. Revakanimmaḍi-II, daughter of Baddega and sister of Krişṇa-III, was the wife of Būtuga-II. Kriṣṇa-III presented the 'Madanavatara', royal umbrella of rare honour, to Maruladeva, son of his sister and Būtuga-ll, on the auspicious occasion of the latter's coronation. Kriṣṇa-III himself came to the Ganga capital to attend the coronation ceremony of Mārasimha-ll. Thus, the Gangas had their saving grace in their adverseries, because the Rāṣṭrakūtas cleared the uneasiness by showering on them the warmth of royal treatment, sharing their moments of joy and distress. However, the Gangas while under the aegis of their soverigns, maintained the dignity and identity, and served on the basis of equality. Besides, the Gangas and the Rāṣṭrakūtas were bound together by bonds of a common religion, culture and language.
But, when the things were going smooth, the imperial Rāṣṭrakūtas suffered a set back, never to come back. Ceasing the opportunity, Taliapa-Il heralded and renewed the Calukya dynasty, captured the capital Manyakheța, crowned himself as the emperor. The death of the champion Mārasimha (C.E. 974) led to a greater crisis in the Ganga family, symbolised the disintegration and migration of the forlorn Gangas. Indra-IV terminated his life (982 C.E.) in despair by the rite of Sallekahanā, a slow starvation, at Śravanabelagola. That was the end of the Rāṣṭrakūța rule, and the whole of their kingdom became the Calukya territory. After that those, who were rather reluctant also acknowledged the suzerainty of Tailapa-II. The Rāṣṭrakūtas had gone totally destroyed but, some how the Ganga candle did not extinguish and continued to burn, casting its light on a limited zone of the Mandalināḍ, who could strike a deal with which they were restored to their throne, but never to raise above the Calukya imperialism; the Gangas had no option but to acknowledge their suzeranity. There after, as the efficient torch-bearer of the Ganga

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8 / The Later Gangas : Mandali-Thousand
family, the localised Ganga Mandalinād played a prominent role for another two hundered years and even more, but the later history after the 14th century is obscure; except for its name sake, nothing concrete comes forth.
In the beginning, the Gangas were in gloves with the coeval dynasty of the early Kadambas of Banavāsi, who had wrested their hegemony from the Pallavas. Later, the duo of the GangaKadamba combination paved the way for the Ganga-Cālukya (Bādāmi) combination, with the elimination of the Kadambas by the Cālukyas of Bādāmi. The Gangas had crossed swords with the Cālukyas, the Kadambas and the Rāştrakūtas. Though, the Gangas shifted their political allaince, at the same time maintained a cordial relationship with the Pallavas for sometime to come. The Gangas had matrimonial alliances with the Kadambas and the Pallavas. Avinita was the son of the sister of the Kadamba king Krişnavarman. Infact it is the Pallava king Simhavarman who anointed the Ganga Aryavarman; again, it is the Pallava Skandavarman who put Madhavarman-ll on the throne. The Ganga king Durvinita (Nirvinita) was the son of the daughter of Skandavarman, king of Punnāța. But, by the time the Ganga Mandalinãd could flourish, the kingdom of Kadamba, the Bādāmi Cālukya, the Punnāța, the Rāştrakūta, and even the Pallava had vanquished. The Cālukyas of Kalyāna, their suzerians, did not treat the Mandalinād family more than any other of their feudatories. Hence the question of any marriage alliance with the suzerians did not arise. For that matter, the Sāntaras of Sānta!igenāð Thousand enjoyed more previleges with their overlords of the Cālukya imperialism than the coeval Mandalināự chiefs.
During the period of interregnum in the reign of the Rāştrakūtas and the Cälukyas of Kalyāņa, the Mandalinãd was ruled by the Kambharasa alias Raņāvaloka as the viceroy over Gangavādi, and the Vikramāditya Permmādi as the mahămandalesvara of the Gangavāời.

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Chapter 2
Origin and Genealogy
Á
ven though the Mandalināḍ was started in about C.E. 350, after the mid fourth century, there is a lull period of five centuries, upto the beginning of tenth century. But the Mandali-sahasra had continued uninterrupted as a part of the Gangavāḍi96,000. Owing to the non-availability of charters of the period of four centuries from fifth to tenth, nothing factual can be said about who succeeded whom apropos of Mandalināḍ. Albeit, it is obvious that the Gangas who ruled Gangavāḍi also administered the Mandali territory, as it was included in the Gangavāḍi. There is a reference to the NanniyaGanga in one of epigraphs of ninth century (IWG: No. 91: C. 9th cent p. 293, EC. XII (BLR) TP. 55). It is probable that the person Nanniya Ganga of this inscription being a chief of the Mandalināḍ. A circumstantial evidence in support of this conjecture is

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the regional proximity of Aralaguppe, the find spot of the charter and Mandali-sāsira territory. In that case Aralaguppe inscription will be the earliest to mention the ruler of Mandalinād. Next in the chronology comes a charter of Būtuga-1, which mentions that he was ruling the Mandali region in C.E. 915 (Sh. 96. p. 106. Alahalli), which provide copious attestation to the fact that the Mandali rulers are of the same Ganga-kula. The very fact that the Mandalisāsira rulers are referred in many inscriptions as the Ganga Mandalinād itself is a clear indication of the obvious fact, which does not warrant much debate. But, by that time the ancient city Talkād, the Ganga capital finally fell into the hands of Rājendra Coļa in 1004, assuming the title of Gangai Konda Coļa.
The Mandali-Thousand region, comprising an administrative unit of the Thousand villages, gained its independent status of prominence after the rise of the Kalyāņa Cālukyas. It is during this period, i.e. after tenth century, that a methodical dynastic chronology can be traced. To be more precise, it is during the long regime of Vikramāditya-VI, that the Mandalinād was bifurcated from Gangavādi-96000, with an independent status of a mahāmandalesvara ruling the seperate divison. Perhaps, the wise emperor Vikramāditya must have felt the need for a solid base for his political hegemony in the extreme southern region of the vast kingdom. Hence, he judiciously preferred the well established Mandali branch of the erstwhile Ganga family. The Cālukya king is said to have given the headship of the Mandali-1000, along with all the rights, as regards treasure trove and underground stores, according to the rule of one-third tribhogābhyantara (Sh. 10. 1085). The Mandalinād chiefs also reciprocated their desire to serve. Many of the cognomen of the Mandali chiefs indicate their gratitude and a willing affiliation to the Cālukya benefactor. This was obviously a period of significant shift of loyalty, from the Rāştrakūtas to the Cālukyas, which eased their anxiety. When once the political uncertainity was cleared, the Ganga Mandali family safely settled to persue their religious activities to the great benefit of the state in general and Jainism in particular.

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Nādu : Its Significance
Regarding the numerical description attached to the names of territories such as the Gangavādi-96000, the Noļmbavāļi-32000, are believed to indicate the amount of revenue reckoned in nişkas (varāhas or pagodas), as suggested by A.C. Burnell (South Indian Paleaography, p. 67). But, J.F. Fleet opined that the numerical components of such appellation denote the number of cities, towns and villages consisting in that principality; thus the three Mahārāştras containing 99,000 villages (Aihoļe inscription, IA. VIII. p. 244). According to Lewis Rice, "or else they may refer to subdivisions, or nāds, which were called Thousands. That they represent the number of villages, it is quite plain, is physically impossible, even supposing the whole areas were occupied by villages and nothing else" (Gangavādi-article in Bhandarkar Commemoration volume : 1917: 238-39). The system of administration by dividing the country into circles of tens, twenties, hundreds and thousands of villages is prescribed in the Mānava-dharma-sāstra (VII. 115-18) olim Manusmriti. Śukra has also mentioned grāma, daśagrāma, śatagrāma and sahasragrāma.
My preference for the appellation Thousand is nād; a composite term to the numerical villages. Sāntaļige-nāạ, Mandali-nād are simultaneously used as alternatives of Santalige-Thousand, Mandali-Thousand. Mahārājavādi (Marajavāļi) is the Bāņarasa's Mahārājara-nād, the word näd alternating with vādi, suggests that the Gangavādi is originally a Ganga-nād, the numerical 96000 being the composite nād of different 96 nāds. Gangavādi-6000 in Kolar district was a unit of nāds, using the term nād as a substitute for Thousand and vice-versa. The collective noun form Thousand need not necessarily be an exact 'One Thousand' villages; on the other hand, it is just an honourific or rather a euphemeric term suggesting a unit of big number.
Whatever be the exact number, the nādu is a unit of certain villages, each nādu being administered by the gāvundas. The word nālgāvuņņa a variant, with morpho-phonemic changes, of nādagāvuņda, where in the compound the word nãd taking the form of nā!, is descriptive in nature, signifying that the nālgāvunda

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12/The Later Gangas: Maṇḍali-Thousand
is the chief headman of that unit of villages. Thus the Mandalināḍ had comprised some nādus such as Eḍatore-näḍ, Haduvalikenāḍ. Therefore, the Mandali-Thousand naḍ itself is a bigger unit of nāḍs which had included smaller units of nāḍus, Kampaņas and hence the denoimation Thousand.
A gāvuṇḍa (gāmuṇḍa), a fief and head of village, is called nālgāvuṇḍa, when he is head of a group of villages. Some of the nālgāvuṇḍas were well trained warriors and they were also padevalas (Haḍuvala). Being elevated to still higher position, they would be the daṇḍanāyakas (daṇḍädhipati). A reference to Ganganāḍa nālprabhu Bidirya Haḍuvala Kālayya confirms this statement (HI.7. 1204. Kuruvagadde p. 367 line: 45). Some of nālgāmuṇḍas were also called as the mahāsāmantas, when they were entitled for the honour of the five great drums, the Pañcamahā-vädyas. Nāgayya nayaka (HI. 10. 1111) and Oṭṭighaṭṭiyanna were the famous mahā- sāmantas of the MandaliThousand. Ottighattiyanna, was ruling in peace the gāvuṇḍike, with enjoyment for one generation (HI. 14.1076), in Kotepura belonging to the Cilurur-balle-Thirty Kampana of the MandaliThousnad-nāḍ; he was entitled to the five big drums.
The Perggades (Herggade, Peggade, Heggade, Veggade, Hegde) were feuds, the chief of the village on par with the gāvuṇḍas. Mostly the Perggades are the officers to collect the local taxes, similar to Vodḍa-raulas; they were also in charge of the domestic affairs of the palace. The status of the Perggade is called Perggadetana (Sh. 10. 1085). Perggaḍati (Heggaḍti, Heggaḍiti) is the wife of a Perggade. In the Mandalinaḍ, the Heggades also played a prominent role. For the preceptor Bālacandradeva of Mula sangha Kāṇūr-gaṇa, meṣapāṣāṇagaccha, the Herggade Jakkayya and his wife Jakkavve, caused a Caityalaya to be made in Diḍgur in 1106 C.E., setting up the god Supārsva; the Herggade couple made grants of land (specified) for the god Supārśva, and for gifts of food to the rṣis, the Jain friars (HI. 5.1160 p. 364).
This Caityalaya of Supārsva, the seventh Tirthankara, is a rare temple because most of the thousands of basadis in Karnataka

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Origin and Genealogy / 13
are dedicated to Pārsva, Mahāvira, Ādinātha (Rşabha), Neminātha, śāntinātha, Ajitanātha and Mallinātha (Nāgarajaiah, Hampa: Śāsangaļalli Basadigaļu: 1998-B). There are only a few Jinālayas for Supārsvanātha Tirthankara, at Śravanabeļagoļa (10th century), Are-Tippûr (two mutilated images of 9th century, the earliest known Supārsva images in the state), Honnavāņa (1054), Bidare (11th century), Sindagere (1136), Dānavulapāļu (Andhra: 10th C: a Caturmukha-Supārsva), Heggere (1116), Miļāgesi, Gokak (1842), Pațagundi (1915) and Alarvāļa (1941). Recently ! discovered a Supārsva images at Basavāpatņa (Sh. dt/ cp. tk) of the period of 11th-12th cent., and assigned to the reign of the Mandali rulers.
Most prominent of the Perggades, in the annals of the Mandali-nāļ, is the senior Perggade Nokkayya, with numerous titles and praises, who commanded the respect and affection of all in the Perggade Ganga's house. Since there are references to him else where in this monograph, there is no need to repeat the same, except stressing the point that nobody in the Ganga Mandalinād - Thousand received such highest awards and rewards as the Perggade Nokkayya, which underlines his towering personality. Another Heggade Candimayya was a Sarvādhikari of the village Bāgi, and he sold his gaudike land in Kuruli, and buyer of it made it over to a Jain friar, gauņike land was a rentfree mânya or inām land.
Titles
To consider the titles of the Mandalinād-mahāmandalesvaras, there are certain salient features which deserve clarification and consideration. The usual prasasti is as follows: the lofty Nandagiri being their fortress, Kuvalāla their city, the Ninety-six thousand their country, the blameless Jina their Lord, victory their companion in the battle-field, the Jina-mata their faith, having a crest of a lusty elephant, obtainer of a boon from the goddess Padmāvati, fragrant as Jasmine, Nanniya-ganga (a Ganga of truth), an autmn moon to the water-lily the Gangakula, with these and all other titles and names, Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva.

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Permmā(na)ḍi: Its significance
An analysis of the personal names and the biruda will show that among the names, Mārasimha or Mārasingha is common, and among the royal titles Permmäḍi, Tribhuvanamalla and Nanniya are common. Because their kingdom was first established by Kongaņi varman at Kuvalalpura, the Ganga charters are therefore unanimous in giving credit to Kongaṇivarman and Kuvalālapura. The Gangas of the last phase had their names after the members of Būtuga's family, Mārasimha being more conspicuous, to perpetuate their memory along with the famous titles such as Nanniya Ganga, a Kannada synonym of the Sanskrit word 'Satyāśraya', meaning 'a person of truth'.
Acquiring the biruda 'Permmānaḍi', has an interesting history. The Pallava king Nandivarmma, while defeating the Gangas, deprived them of the most precious necklace containing the rare diamond 'ugrodaya'. But soon the Ganga Śripuruşa got the opportunity of retaliating the Pallavas. The cognoman Permānaḍi was originally a title of the early Pallava kings. But, after defeating Kāḍuveṭṭi the then Pallava king, Śripuruşa of the Ganga dynasty assumed the titles of 'Permmānaḍi' and 'Bhimakopa'. The story did not end at it. Later, after defeating the Gangas and the Rāṣṭrakūtas, the Calukyas of Kalyāna took over the titles of the Gangas along with the popular and prestigeous biruda 'Permmānadi' which implied supremacy. Thus the greatest of all the Calukya emperors Vikramaditya-VI (1076-1126) is known along with the epithets as Tribhuvanamalla-Vikramaditya Permā(na)ḍi. Therefore, with his kind permission, his feudatories of the Manḍalināḍ were allowed to use as the usual rāja-prasasti 'permmāḍi' (Permmānaḍi), along with the typical Cālukya rāja-prasasti 'Tribhuvanamalla' or a similar title of the then ruling king like Bhuvanaikamalla.
But, even then, the royal crest of the Mandalinaḍ was no different from the early Gangas and they continued the same 'mada-gajendra' lancana, lordly elephant in rut (Sh. 97 1103) and the 'pincha' whisk, bunch of the peacock feathers as their dhvaja,

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Origin and Genealogy / 15
the banner of the divine Arhat (1A. XVIII. p. 309 11th century). Satyavākya or Nanniya and Nitimārgga being the other titles are also used as their second name. A process of shortening the lengthy personal name is also recorded. One of the charters of Mandalinād has used the form of 'Ballu', an affectionate abbreviation of Vira Ballasadeva. This reminds of the use of 'Vikki' for Vikramādityadeva. Similarly Goggi is the short form of Govindaradeva. Hegemony
The Mandalinād was within the fold of the Cālukyas of Kalyāņa. But, after its liquidation, the Manďali-sāsira region was officially taken over by the Hoysaļa kingdom, in the last decades of twelfth century, and the Mandali chiefs served the Hoysaļas as their vassals (Sh. 40. 1180 pp. 46-47). Even before that, when the Hoysaļas themselves were the feudatories of the Cālukyas, the region of the Mandali-1000, which was then an independent state directly under the control of Cālukyas, there were unhappy incidents of the Hoysaļas attacking the region of the Mandalinād. Bopaņņa a general of Poysaļa Bittideva had once attacked the Mandalinad (Sh. 12. 1120). An inscription of the early thirteenth century speaks of a general Goggi, an ornament of Nanniya Ganga's kingdom the Mandalinād, as a dweller at the lotus-feet of the Hoysaļa Pratāpa Cakravartti Vira-Ballā!adeva (Sh. 5. 1218). The Hoysaļa kingdom being in receipt of six-taxes from Gangananād and the neighbouring districts (Sh. 69. 1320), and also Vişnuvardhana with all the titles of the Gangana-nād (Sh. 87. 1245) are reported in support of the above statement.
After the GangaMandalināļ was amalgamated with the Āraga kingdom and merged in the Gājanūr-sthaļa or sime, in the year 1524, the villages Urukadvur, Daņāyaka-Hosahalli and Mattūr were given to Triyambaka, who in turn gave it to Hariharārādhya. The village Mattūr was divided into 120 shares out of which 90 shares were given away to the Brahmans (Sh. 26. 1524). An inscription of the 13th century refers to the area of the Ganga Mandalinādas a Svarṇagrāma-sthaļa, a place of the golden village (Sh. 54. 1216).

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A branch of the later Gangas, who ruled for some years from Kolar region, opted to go with the Coļas; another branch of the Gangas preferred to rule independently from Śivanasamudra which was superceded by Sri Rangarāja of Talkād.
Jaina monasteries were prevalent in certain pockets in the Mandalinād, at Bannikere, Nellavatti (Nyāmati), Tattekere etc., continued to enjoy the royal support and received irrevocable grants.
Towards the end of tenth century and to be more precise in the early decades of eleventh century, the Gangas liquidated and scattered to several places of protection and prosperity, though a major chunk found its settlement in the Mandali nād. The Cālukyas of Kalyāna, on the whole, were not hostile to the Gangas and accomodated them wherever suitable. During the reign of the Cālukyas, there was an exodus of the Ganga family to the Hoysaļa region, later to become an independent kingdom. The achievements of the Gangas under the hegemony of the Hoysalas reached its apogee in Gangarāja, who even defeated the mighty and invincible army of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya-VI. But, we have some stray incidents of some individual Ganga chiefs holding responsible positions elsewhere also. For example, Gangarasa of the status of mahāmandalesvara of Kukkavādi-300, is mentioned in an inscription from Gunjagnūr of Holalkere taluk (EC. XI (BLR) Holalkere 68. 1126 (Chitradurga dt)]. When Govaladeva of the Kadambas of Goa was ruling, a Ganga Arikesari, with the titles of the Ganga dynasty, is mentioned as a manāmandalesvara of Kadarvalli-30. Similarly an inscription from Hūli (Pūli) records mahamandalesvara Pitta of the Ganga dynasty with some titles, along with the names of his wife and children, as followers of the Nirgrantha creed [El. XVIII. 22-H. Belgaum dt/Saudatti tk]. Re-instated
Bhujabali Ganga Permmādi Barmmadeva-1 was made manāmandalesvara of the Ganga Mandalinād, during the reign of the Kalyāņa Cālukya emperor Trailokyamalla AhavamallaSomeśvara-I (1042-68). Till then, upto the end of the reign of the

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Origin and Genealogy / 17
Rāṣṭrakūtas, i.e. 973-74, the Gangas were ruling the Mandalināḍ which was an integral part of Gangavāḍi-96,000. Even after Tailapa-II (973-998) was crowned as the emperor, the Gangas were allowed to rule as their feudatories. Rājamalla alias Rācamalla -IV, Rājamalla-V and Kali Ganga, sons of Mārasimha, were administering the Maṇḍalināḍ. Trailokyamalla Ahavamalla, who had Someśvara as his first name, made, out of his four sons, the second son Vikramaditya Permmäḍideva as the mahāmaṇḍleśvara of the Banavasi-12,000 and the Gangavāḍi-96,000 (Nagarajaiah, Hampa: 1997-C: 218-25). During that period he had caused in the royal city Balligave a basadi called Cālukya GangaPermmāḍi Jinālaya (EC. VII-i. Sk. 124. 1077).
Prince Vikramaditya-VI was ruling the Gangavāḍi province, as the mahā- maṇḍaleśvara, between 1058 and 1068, till his elder brother and yuvarāja 'crown prince', Bhuvanaikamalla SomeśvaraII (1068-76) was throned as the emperor. An heir apparent, Bhuvanaikamalladeva, who had Someśvara as his first name, immediately after succeeding his father in 1068, shifted his brother from the Gangavāḍi. It was a political move, because, Vikramaditya was popular and powerful in this region winning the confidence and affection of the sub-ordinate chiefs. Instead of his brother, he made Brahmakṣatra Buvanaikavira Udayadityadeva as the mahāmaṇḍaleśvara of the Gangavāḍi-96,000, Banavāsi-12,000, Sāntalige-1000, Kadambalige-100, Kogali-500 and Masiyavāḍi140 (Sk. Nos. 109 to 130. 1070 to 1075 C.E.).
As things happened so fast that Vikramaditya succeeded his brother and crowned as the emperor Tribhuvanamalla Ahavamalla Vikramadityadeva Permmānaḍi-VI, in the year C.E. 1076, and ruled for a long period of over five decades (10761126). During his reign, Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya-VI, officially confirmed and favoured and made over the Gangavāḍi, including the Manḍali-nāḍ with all the rights of revenue, to the mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Bhujabala Ganga Permmāḍideva. Further the Mandali chief was permitted to use the Calukya emperor's biruda 'Tribhuvanamalla' as an honourific prefix in his name. Thereafter the chief of Mandali is introduced with all the usual titles of the

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18 / The Later Gangas : Mandali-Thousand
early Gangas as 'Satya vākya Konganivarma DharmmaMahārājādhirāja Parmeśvara, boon lord of Kuvalālapura, Lord of Nandagiri endowed with all good qualities, having the crest of a lusty elephant, fulfiller of the mind's desire of the learned, obtainer of a boon from the goddess Padmāvati, scented like the musk, moon to the waterlily pond the Ganga-kula, Indra to the mountain of the mandalikas, elephant to the lotus pond the hostile mandalikas, punisher of the evil', with these names and other titles.
Resurrection
The genealogical details of the epigraph number Shimoga. 39 of C.E. 1122 are, though some portions are broken, by and large clear and in tone with the similar charters. As such, first king of the Mandalinād, after it was superseded by the Cālukyas of Kalyāna and again handed over back to the ab origin Ganga family, was Bhujabala Ganga, who had Barmmadeva as his first name, and Permmādideva as the traditional epithet of the Ganga family. Kali Gangadeva-l, who had Ereyangadeva as his first name, was the father of Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva Barmmadeva-l. Updating his position and to impart fulness to the genealogical discussion, this needs some more clarification.
There is an anomaly regarding the father's name of Barmmabhūpala. According to the charter number Sh. 39 (1122) Maru!adeva's son, was Yeriyangadeva and his son was Barmmadeva. But the inscription number 57 of, 1115 C.E. states that Mārasingadeva's son was Kali Gangadeva and his son was Bramadeva. Therefore, we can easily surmise that Kali-Gangadeva had the Yeriyangadeva as his first name, thus the anomaly gets cleared. Not only that, it is note worthy that the genealogy confirms an unbroken succession from Būtuga-ll has continued.
Jayaduttaranga Koņeyaganga Nārāyaṇa-Ganga Gāngeya, Stayavākya-Ganga-Permmādi, who had Būtuga-11 (938-61) as his first name, had three wives Revakanimmadi, Kallabbā, Paddabbarasi and from them he had two daughters Kundaņasāmidevi wife of Rājaditya and Bijjāmbädevi; and Būtuga

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Origin and Genealogy / 19
had five sons - Maruladeva alias Arumoļideva, Mārasimha [who had the titles Guttiya-Ganga, Nolambāntaka, Ganga-Kandarpa, Ganga-Cakrayudha, Ganga-vajra, Ganga-Cūḍāmaņi, GangaVidyadhara Mārasingha-Permmāḍi], Raja(Rāca)malla, NitimärgaGovindara Permmānaḍi and Vāsava (husband of Kañcaladevi) [Nagarajaiah, Hampa: 1997-C: 629-32]. Out of these five sons, Maruladeva (961-63), the eldest son, had a son by name Mārasinga, a most common personal name in the Ganga family. Mārasinga had a son Kali-Ganga, who had Yereyangadeva as his first name. This Yereyanga-Kali Ganga-PermmāḍiBarmmadeva-l, is the fourth generation after Būtuga-l; in other words Brammadeva is the son of Būtuga's great-grandson.

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THE MANDALI RULERS
Mahāmandalesvara BhujabalaGanga Permmādi Barmmadeva-1 (1045-65)
hujabala
Ganga Permmādideva-l, who had
Barmmadeva as his first name, became the earliest ruler to set up his home in the Mandalināļu in the mid eleventh century, after the other centres of Mānyakheta, Talavanapura, Kuvalālapura and Mānyapura had ceased to be the hub of the early Ganga imperial might. Barmmadeva was a mahāmandalesvara during the reign of the Cālukya emperor Trailokyamalla Āhavamalla Someśvara-I (1042-68). Barmmadeva, who had the other names of Barmmabhūpāla, Bhujabala Ganga Pemmāạideva and the title GangaraBhima, was the son of Kali Gangadeva, younger brother of Rakkasa Ganga, who was a lay disciple of the preceptor Anantavirya Siddhāntadeva; Brammadeva was himself a laic of the monk Prabhācandra-Siddhāntadeva.

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Bhujabala Ganga had his crowned queen Ganga Mahādevi, who was reckoned as a kalaśa, the best among women was born in the Pāņdyakula. She was a female bee at the lotus feet of Jinendra, her beautiful form adorned with good qualities. While Bhujabala Ganga was still a heir apparent to the Mandalinād throne, he made a gift during the region of his father to the Mandali tirthada basadi in the saka year 976 (1054 C.E.). A number of his pious acts are extolled in the contemporary records. He renovated a basadi in Ededore-Seventy of the Mandali-Thousand, giving it the name Pațřada-basadi, 'the crown basadi', endowed it with certain lands specified. This is different from the basadi, which was formerly established on the Mandalihill by the founders of the ancient Ganga line. The Ganga kings perpetually provided the offerings, which the Gangas had at a later period caused to be built of wood. During the time of this king Bhujabala Ganga Barmmadeva-1, this temple attained the royal status of being the chief of all basadis in the state and this Pastada-basadi of the Mandali-tirtha is now called the Rāmeśvara temple at Harakere.
The Mahāmandaleśvara Barmmadeva-1 had four sons from his crown queen the Ganga-Mahadevi, who ruled in quick succession. Mārasingadeva was his first son, Nanniya Ganga-I was his second son and Kali Ganga-Il alias Rakkasa Ganga, who had Govindara as his first name, was his third son, and the fourth son was Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva-II. His second son, Naniyya Ganga was a lay votary of the illustrious preceptor Prabhācandra Siddhāntadeva (Sh. 6. 1060; Sh. 10. 1085; Sh. 60 1115; Sh. 57 Sh. 1118; Sh 4. 1121-22 etc), and all of them made grants of land (specified) to this Pattada basadi.
The celebrated Barmmadeva is described as a favourite of the goddess victory, a moon in raising the ocean his family line, of pleasing form, a bee at the lotus feet of Jina, the victor. Overthrowing powerful enemies and defeating them in great battles, he continued his victory march; attacking quickly his hostiles, and captured the enemies city, their fort and their territory; thus he extended his dominion by the power of his arm.

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Mārasingadeva (1065-70)
Mārasingadeva is the eldest of the four celebrated sons of the Barmmadeva, who had Bhujabala Ganga Permmāạideva as his second name. Mārasingadeva has been described as the lord of wealth of victory, with his three younger brothers who were also equally known for thier valour. Mārasingadeva's mother, Ganga Mahādevi was a constant worshipper of the feet of the Lord Jina. Mārasimha was influenced by his mother in persuit of the glory of their faith; a charter mentions that he was born like the three jewels 'ratnatraya', right faith (insight), right knowledge and right conduct. He made a grant of certain lands (specified) in Ardravalli to the family god the Pattada-basadi on the Mandali hill in the year saka 987 (C.E. 1065). Moreover he was the lay votary of the pontiff Māghaṇandi Siddhāntadeva, a preserver of the established doctrine of non-absolutism, shone with the growth of the true doctrine of Jaina faith. Māghaṇandi was the monk disciple of Prabhācandradeva-l, and a teacher of the illustrious Prabhācandra Siddhäntadeva-ll. Under the guidance of his rājaguru, Mārasingadeva and his younger brother Nanniya Gangadeva together made a grant of certain lands (specified) in Siriyür to the Mandali tirthada basadi, in the year saka 992 (1070) (Sh. 6. 1060; Sh. 10; 1085; 4, 1121-22). Mahāmandalesvara Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya-Ganga Permmādideva-l (1070-86)
With all the usual and traditional titles of the dynasty, Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva-l, second son of Bhujabala Ganga Permmāļi-l, who had Barmmadeva as his first name, succeeded his father as mahāmaņdaleśvara of the Mandalinād. He was a lay disciple of the famous Jaina ascetic Prabhācandra SiddhāntadevaII. He made a grant of certain land (specified) in Siriyūr to the crown basadi of Mandalinād, in saka year 992 (C.E. 1070) to conform the convenance of his family.
Mahāmandaleśvara Tribhuvanamalla Ganga Permmädideva, who had Nanniya Ganga, Jayaduttaranga as his other names, brought under his command the Gangavādi-96000, the then Cālukya emperor Tribhuvanamalladeva having favoured him with

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The Mandali Rulers / 23
the Mandali-Thousand belonging to it, with all rights as regards treasure trove and underground stores, according to the rule of one third. The Cālukya emperor Vikramāditya-VI, shortly after succeeding to throne, personally came all the way and half the way too, to receive his boyhood friend Goggiga Govindara Nanni Sāntara (1076-77). Goggiga gained still greater distinction than even Būtuga-Il from Krişna-III, when the emperor Vikki gave him half the seat on his metal throne, and placed the valiant Sāntara at his side (EC. VIII. Nr. 35. 1077).
It was during the same occasion that the Mandalināờ, adjacent to the Sântaligenād, was officially recognised by the emperor. Thus, Barmmadeva was the first Mandali ruler to possess the imperial title of 'Tribhuvanamalla', after whom his two younger brothers and the son of his youngest brother also had the same title. It was during his time that the senior perggade Nokkayya prospered as a donar and was amply rewarded by the Ganga Permmādideva. He and his younger brother Kali-Gangabhūpati were ruling the Mandalinād together for some years. Tribhuvanamalla-Ganga-Permmādideva granted for the basadi at Tattekere, constructed by the minister and senior Perggade Nokkayya, shop tax and customs dues. Both Nokkayya and Dāmaraja were the ministers of the Tribhuvanamalla Ganga Permmādideva, and of the two, latter was also a poet who composed the text of Shimoga inscription number ten of C.E. 1085 [Sh. 10. 1085). Tribhuvanamalla Ganga Permmādideva Kali-Ganga-11 Rakkasa Ganga Govindara (1079-1103)
The resurrection of the Mandali-Ganga lineage and a regular chronology starts from the period of Kali-Ganga, father of Barmmadeva, Bhujabala Ganga-l. Kali Ganga-Il was the elder brother of Bhujabala Ganga-ll and younger brother of Mārasingadeva and Nanniya Gangadeva-l. In other words KaliGanga-l is the third son of Barmmadeva, a terror to the chiefs. Kali Ganga-ll had Govindara as his first name, reminds us of the similar situation when the famous Ganga king Rakkasa Ganga,

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son of Vāsava and Kancaladevi, and a grandson of Būtuga-ll, had Govindara as his frist name.
An inscription of 1076 from Kuruvagrāma in Honnāļi taluk introduces Tribhuvanamalla Ganga Permmādideva with the usual titles of the Ganga dynasty; Satyavākya Konguņivarma dharmmaMahārājādhirāja, boon lord of Koļālapura, Lord of Nandagiri, having the crest of a ruling elephant, obtainer of a boon form goddess Padmāvati, fragrant as musk, Nanniya Ganga, Jayaduttaranga, Rakkasa Ganga śrimat Tribhuvanamalla Ganga Permmādideva (HI. 14. 1076). This clearly establishes the date of his crowning to the Mandalinād throne and that he was permitted to use the Cālukya emperor Vikramāditya's title name 'Tribhuvanamalla' as a prefix, as exgratia.
King Kali Ganga, known for following a policy to the core, is considered as more distinguished warrior, compared to the Mount Meru, ocean, son of Surendra, the tree of plenty (Kalpavrkşa) - in firmness, bravery, generosity respectively. If he speaks it is truth; if he does not, a śāsana; if he gives, Rāma's arrow; if he stops, death: if he walks, bestowing benefits, that is the road. Thus the charter has carved a niche, in high sounding eulogy, for KaliGanga, a liac votary of Prabhācandra Sidhāntadeva-ll, who laid a foundation for his younger brother Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva-ll (Sh. 57. 1118)
Tribhuvanamalla Rakkasa Ganga Kali-Ganga Permmādi deva was also a lay-disciple of another preceptor Anantavirya Siddhāntadeva. He made a grant of land (specified with boundaries) to the Mandali Tirthada basadi, the crown temple (Sh. 4. 1121-22; Sh. 10. 1085; Sh. 57. 1118). Mahāmaņdaleśvara Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva - II (1103-18)
Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva-ll, last of the four sons of Barmmadeva, succeeded his elder brother Rakkasa Ganga KaliGanga-ll. A fragmentary inscription of 1103 (Sh. 14), the earliest record of his period, registers the erection and grant of land for the god Jakkeśvara. He punished his enemies and was terror to

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his hostiles; he besieged the fortresses of his enemies and became celebrated for his strength; thus he was considered an ornament of the Maṇḍali Gangakula.
Bhujabala Ganga had his capital at Eḍehalli. His consort crown queen Ganga Mahadevi had her first name as Candaladevi, her younger brother was Pattigadeva. A bee at the lotus feet of Pārśva Jinendra, mūlanayaka of the crown basadi on the Mandali hill, Bhujabala-Ganga-ll was a laic votary of Prabhācandra Siddhäntadeva-II. He made a grant of land (specified with boundaries) in Heg-Gangaile, for the daily worship and offerings of the Paṭṭadatirthada basadi of Mandali and for the food of the rṣis, the Jain monks, in the year 1105.
His kula-guru, the religious teacher of the royal family, was the exalted and of unassailable wisdom, Municandra Siddhantadeva, a confrere of both the PrabhācandraSiddhantadeva-ll and Anantaviryamuni and a revered teacher of the wise monk Śrutakirti. Bhujabala Ganga Permmāḍideva-ll caused a Ganga Jinälaya in the Kuruli-tirtha in 1112; after washing the feet of his friar Madhavacandradeva, made several grants. His second consort Bacaladevi had the biruda pätra-jagadale, conferred on her by the king. An inscription of 1103 [Sh. 97] has recorded a graphic description of Bacaladevi's wisdom and mastery in the performing arts, of which there is a seperate discussion elsewhere in this monograph.
The reign of Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmāḍideva-Il ushered in a new era of economic prosperity, ever since he assumed the crown to Ganga Mandali. Both he and his elder brother ruled the region under the imperial Cālukya monarch Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya-IV (1076-1126). Bhujabala Ganga's son Nanniya Ganga Permmāḍideva-Il succeeded him in 1118; the inscription of Nidige [Sh. 57. 1118] is the last inscription of the father and the first charter of the son [Sh. 14. 1103; Sh. 51. 1108; Sh 64. 1112; Sh. 97. 1113; Sh. 57. 1118; Sh. 12. 1220 and Sh. 4. 1121-22].

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Tribhuvanamalla (and Bhūlokamalla) Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva-ll alias Satya Ganga Marsingadeva (1118-58)
Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva-1 was followed on the throne by his son Nanniya Ganga-ll, who ably ruled and consolidated the supremacy of a compact principality. Perhaps the most remarkable personage of the Mandali Ganga family was Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga Permmāạideva-11. His long reign of over four decades and more was the period when the Mandali nād reached the highest point of prosperity. He had vanquished the hostiles and subdued the rest.
Rājyābişavādhipati, anointed ruler of the Mandalinādu, Nanniya Ganga, 'a Ganga of truth' had the titles of Jayaduttaranga and Ganga-Gangeya, popular birudas of Būtuga-11 [EI. XV. 23. 1071-72; MAR 1921. pp. 8-16). He is the only son of Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva-l and Pattamahādevi Candaladevi alias Ganga Mahādevi, and a grandson of Barmmadeva. He was ruling the kingdom in peace and wisdom with his residence at Edehalli. His consort queen Pattamahādevi Kancaladevi, was the daughter of Paddigadeva Mahā-mandaleśvara Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga, important and powerful king, possessed all the traditional titles of the early Gangas. Contemporary records refer to his fame, dancing on the moustaches of the regents of the eight quarters, and his splendour surpassing that of the submarine fire. He also had the title of Viraganga Permmāļideva.
Nanniya Gangadeva and his crown-queen kañcaladevi, having made a vow to the goddess Padmăvati, obtained a son Hermmāờideva; in fulfilment of the promise, he granted a tribute of the five paņa from the villages of the Mandalinād that he governed, to continue forever. His only son Hermmāạideva was also a son-in-law of Ereyanga Hoysaļa.
Dadiga and Mādhava had formerly established on the Mandali hill a basadi for which the kings of Ganga line had continued to provide the offerings. Afterwards the later Gangas caused it to be made of wood; Barmmadeva made this basadi the chief of all

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The Mandali Rulers / 27
basadis giving it the name of the crown basadi. NanniyaGangadeva caused the Pattada basadi to be constructed of stone, and endowed it with lands and customs duties in the year C.E. 1121. His benefactions included the construction of twenty five Caityālayas for the promotion of his faith and made specified grants of lands and customs dues of Basadiyahalli, the meaning of this place name being the village of basadis'. He also erected the Kuralibasadi alias Ganga Jinālaya and made it famous as the Kuruļi tirtha, and made grants to the monk Mādhavacandradeva and distributed food and money.
Gangaya, a general (Hadavaļa) of the Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Gangadeva, was succeeded by his son Hadavaļa Hemmāờidevarasa (Sh. 42. 1122], and his son was Kaļeya alias Kāla, who had two wives (Sh. 55. 1167].
Mārasingha, a sāhani, care taker of horses of the king, slaying the enemy in the battlefield, went to the world of gods [Sh. 15. 1122]. Barmmisetti, the governor of Kalambūru nagara, erected a basadi; to provide for the ceremonies of the basadi and for gifts of food for rşis, the Jaina seers, after washing the feet of the ascetic Subhakirtideva-bhattāraka, the king made over the land free of all imposts. One of the incidents of historic importance that took place during the reign of Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga deserves a special mention. Mahāmandalesvara Tailapadeva, while ruling the peaceful kingdom of the Banavāsi-12000, Beļuvala-600, Sāntaļige1000, Hānagal-500 and the Mandalināļ, ascended to svargga in C.E. 1130, on which Bopanna making good his word of vow for the occasion vele-vāļi, went to the world above with Tailapadeva (HI. 47. 1130-31. Belagutti]. This mahamandalesvara Tailap(h)a is identical with the mahāmandalesvara Tailapa of the Hanungal Kadambakula.
Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva was the most powerful and famous ruler of the Mandalinãd who was also known for his prowess, splendour, learning and religious fervour. In his early days he was a lay-disciple of Prabhācandradeva. During his reign as the Mandalināò chief, his religious teacher

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was Budhacandra Panditadeva. His catholicity was exemplary. He treated the temples of Lord Siva and his devotees with great respect. The great mahamandalesvara BhujabalacakravarttiTribhuvanamalla Bijjana Devarasa of the Kalacurya kula was ruling the kingdom in peace and wisdom in C.E. 1158. Under his command, mahāmandalesvara Nanniya Ganga Permmāļi Devarasa with the titles Ganga-Gängeya and Jayaduttaranga, was ruling the Epavatte-70, Ballave-70, Narivelige and Begūr agraharas [Sk. 18. 1158]. At that time Sovaguada alias Soma, the senabova, kulkarani of the village accountant, for the prosperity of his father Madimayya, at the time of the sun's eclipse, worshipped the feet of 1300 of the agrahāra Begur. After obtaining their approval, Soma made for the god Mallikarjuna, to provide for ablutions, offerings and temple repairs a grant of rice land (specified) measured by the god's pole, in the year C.E. 1158. His reign must have come to an end shortly after C.E. 1158, as that is the last date occurring in the known inscriptions of his reign (Sh. 57. 1118; Sh. 12. 1125; Sh. 4. 11221-22; Sh. 13. 1539.42, 44, all of 1122; Sh. 56 1125; Sh. 59 1127; HI. 47. 1130-31; Sh. 20. 1137; Sh. 37. 1140. Sh. 64. 1150 (?); Sk. 18. 1158]
Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva ruled the Mandalinād as mahāmandalesvara, under four Cālukya emperors. He started during the fag end of the reign of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramāditya-VI (1076-1126) in 1118. After the death of Vikramāditya in November 112, and his third son SomeśvaraIII, who had the title Bhūlokamalla, succeeded his father in February 1127; by that time his two elder brothers, Ahavamalla nūtnaSriharsa and Mallīkārjuna respectively had breathed their last (Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telengana Districts, part IV, No. 21. C.E. 1127]. Bhūlokamalla Someśvara ruled between 1127 and 1137. As a consequence, the Mandali mahāmandalesvara Nanniyaganga changed the royal appellation of his title from Tribhuvanamalla to the Bhulokamalla, thus the Bannikere inscription introduces him as Bhulokamalla Vira Ganga Permmādideva [Sh. 99. 1127. Bannikere. pp. 109-10).

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After Bhulokamalla Someśvara-11I (1127-37), his elder son Perma Jagadekamalla (1137-49), and his second son and brother of Perma Jagadekamalla, Trailokyamalla Tailapa-IV (1149-62) ruled the Cālukya empire. Nanniya Ganga continued to rule as a feudatory under these two kings. Thus, he is the only Mandali ruler who was a mahāmandalesvara during the period of four Kalyāņa Cālukya emperors-Vikramaditya-VI, Someśvara-III, Perma Jagadekamalla and Tailapa-IV. Towards the end of his rule, Nanniyaganga Permmadideva-11 was also a vassal of the Kalacuri Bijjana. It is believed that Bijjaļa alias Bijjaņa declared himself a independent king and started the Kalacuri kingdom in C.E. 1162. But, a charter of the Mandalinād (Shikaripura No. 18, 1158] makes it clear that the Bijjaņadeva had assumed the imperial Kalacuri seat as its first emperor in 1158 itself and the Mandalinãd was under his sway. This charter stands in support to the opinion of the historians who hold the view that Bijja!a established himself as an independent ruler from C.E. 1156.
When, Bhūlokamalla Vira Gangarasa Nanniya GangaPermmādideva was ruling, his friendship with Siddhigesetti, worshipper of Jina and mahā-vadda-vyavahāri, a greater merchant was permanently continuing. Vira-Gangarasa had built a fort at Kannakāpura, near Bannikere, confirmed to the third generation (tribhogābhyntara). To the east of this fort, Siddhigesetti's special patron Ankamayya-nāyaka and Bhāskarasetti had a well dug in front of the Mūlasthāna temple. On the application of several parties Vira Gangarasa and Rudramayya, the Odeya (leader) of Bannikere, made a grant of land (specified). Barmmisetti, who caused a Jina-caityāvāsa at Kalambūru-nagara, was the Pattaņaswāmy during this period. Mahāmaņdaleśvara Ganga Hermmāạideva alias Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva-111 (1127-60)
Mahāmaņdaleśvara Ganga Permmāạideva, who had Hermmā Māndhātabhüpa and Hermmādiarasa as his other names, was the son of Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga Permmādi deva-II. He was also called as the Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva-II; Permmāļi and Hermmādi, the variants are one

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and the same. He is also mentioned as Ganga-Kumāra and Bhujabala Ganga Permmãdideva-III. Hermmādideva was born by the grace of the goddess Padmāvatidevi, attendent yakşi of Arhat Pārsva, the 23rd Tirthankara. His parents Nanniya Gangadeva-1| and Kancaladevi vowed a temple to the goddess Padmăvatidevi, obtained the son in 1101, who was named Hermmādideva, and granted a tribute of five paņa, from the villages of the Mandalinād that he governed, to continue perpetually.
Ganga Hermmāpideva, son-in-law of Ereyanga Hoysaņa Deva (1098-1102) of the Hoysaļa kingdom, described as a 'māvana gandha-vāraṇa', a father-in-law's lusty elephant. His residence was Harige, from where he was ruling a part of the Mandalinād, as a contemporary ruler of his father, and later succeeded him as a feudatory of the Hoysalas.
Mahamandalesvara Ganga Hermmāạideva made a caityālaya in Kuntalapura. To provide for the worship, for food to the four sections of the faith, for repairs of the basadi, for making Kuntalapura the chief station, assembling the chiefs and farmers of Yedadore Mandalinād, to protect the work of merit, made a grant of the village with the rights pertaining free of all imposts. The donee was the Ganga Mandalinād family preceptor Prabhācandra Siddhāntadeva-ll.
Again, in the presence of the mahāmaņdaleśvara GangaHermmādideva alias Bhūlokamalla Viraganga Permmāờideva took place:
Heggade Candimayya, son of Lokkimayya, sold his gaudike land in Kuruli, where a Ganga Jinālaya alias Kuruļi-tirtha basadi was built, to Kaliyara Malli setti, who in the presence of the king, made a grant of it to the preceptor Bālacandradeva. Similarly Siriyamasetti and his sons made a grant of their gauņike land in Hallavūr, in the presence of king Nanniyarasa (satya) Gangadeva, to Bālacandradeva.
After him, his four sons, Ganganļpa, Mārasinganộpa, general Gogginspa and Kaliyanganļpa succeeded for a brief period.

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During which time the Mandalinād was completely superseded by the Hoysaļa kingdom. The general Goggi was the extender of the celebrated Ganga kingdom, a champion of extreme bravery. The prowess of this Hadavaļa Goggi is compared to Recaņa (11351225), a famous general of the Kalacuris and Hoysaļas, who had the title Vasudhaika bāndhava. At the time of general Gogginspa, Recaņa daņdādhinātha was still serving the Hoysaļa pratāpacakravarti Vira Ballāļadeva (Nagarajaiah, Hampa: 1997-C: 49-61). Recaņa, a great devout Jaina, erected Jinālayas at Lakkundi, Arasikere and Jinanāthapura. He commissioned the poet Acaņa to write the Vardhamānapurāņam, a campū kävya of 16 cantos [ibid].
To the general Goggideva and his consort Mailave Rāņi, was born Mudiyaņa, an ornament of Ganga Mandalinād, celebrated for speech without falsehood. To Mudiyanna and his wife Jakkale was born Vibhu Ganga(na) known for his counselling. To him and his wife Vijjale Rāņi was born a son known as Madhusūdanadeva. He was a nālprabhu.
Madhusūdanadeva, compared to cupid (Manmatha), Sanmukha and Javanta, disposed charities to Goravas. Brahman. the poor, the pandits, the elders, the musicians - both vocal and instrumental. In the name of his father, nāļprabhu Madhusudanadeva caused to be built the Gangesvara temple, had a door made in the year 1218. On the holy occasion, he made certain grant of land (specified) below the tank of Gangasamudra, for burning the perpetual lamp and for the auspicious ceremonies in the above temple. The donee was Someśvaraguru, the grandson of Amstarāsi guru. Asandi branch
After being displaced by the Hoysaļas by reason of superior power, the Mandalinād chiefs were allowed to continue their rule as dependants. When the Nissanka pratāpa cakravarti ViraBallāļadeva (1173-1220) was ruling, the mahāmāņdalika Barmmarasadeva, born in the renowed Gangānvaya, was in the residence of Āsandi with his celebrated son Narasimhabhūpa (Ci.

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73. 1180. Kallukere. pp. 468-70), obviously named after the father of the imperial Vira Ballāļa, as a token of allegiance to the new sovereigns of the Hoysaļa kingdom.
When the Hemmāçirāya was ruling the Ganga Mandalināờ, a branch of the same Ganga family Vayja māņdalika was ruling from Āsandi as its capital, with all the titles of the Ganga dynasty. From the grace of Padmāvati, Jina śāsanadevi of Arhat Pārsva, the 23rd Tirthankara, builder of the ford and the omniscient spiritual teacher of the Nirgrantha creed, was born a son, the brave king mahāmāņdalika Barmmarasa, glory of the Gangavamsa (Ci. 72. 1220]. When Barmmarasa was in the residence of Asandi, to him and his companion Gangamahādevi was born Narasimhabhūpa. On receiving the order from his king Ballu, Vira Balla!adeva, mahamāndalika Narasimharasa attacked the kings of Māļava, Lāla, Gujjara and Coļa, on the battle field (Ci. 64. 1214: Alakanālu. pp. 460-62). A dweller at his lotus feet, with all his titles, was the esteemed mahānālprabhu Mūdugere Rāmagauņda, who constructed the tanks at Bilasamudra and Būcasamudra, erected a temple by setting up the linga of god Billeśvara, consecrated by the rāja-guru Kriyāśaktideva, made grants of land (specified) for the decorations and offerings, daily and special ceremonies.
When mahāmāņdalika Barmmarasa was in the residence of Āsandi, ruling his province, Hiriya-Belagāvunda, Kāmagāvunda and his brothers set up the Sivalinga in Kallakere, constructed a tank, erected a temple. Further, for the decorations and illuminations of the god, temple repairs and offerings, washing the feet of Kariyagurudeva, made a grant of land (specified) and for the perpetual lamp, five oil-mills (gāņa), also certain dues [Ci. 73. 1180).
Āsandināờ, comprising some villages of the modern Cannagiri (Sh. dt), NR Pura and Koppa (CM. dt) taluks, was administered by a branch of the Gangas during the transition period of the area from Cālukyas to Hoysaļas. Āsandi became another major residence of the Mandalināļ during the time of the Hoyasaļa king Ereyanga (1098-1102), the subduer by force of enemies who would

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not submit. Those who ruled from Āsandi had their early affiliation to the Hoysaļas.
Āsandi was a part of the Banavāsi Kadambas and continued to be a Jain centre from fifth century onwards. Perhaps the first prominent chief of the Āsandi Gangas was Vaijarasa- I, who was a direct subordinate of the Hoysala Ereyanga. When the hostile Aggadarāya ran into the Bedarabanki forest, in front of Hemmādi alias Tribhuvanamalla Rakkasa Ganga Permmādi (1076-1102), Vaijarasa-l aimed an arrow at the foe from his bow, which not only went through the skull but continuing on, to the amazement of the onlookers, hit one eye of a kite that was flying in the sky. For this extraordinary feat, Vaijarasa received from Hermmāçirāya the title Kanna-ambi, eye arrow (Ci. 64 1214).
To Vaijarasa of extraordinary achievements was born king Nadaņņa alias Nada. Nadaņņa and his consort Nāgale, by the boon of the three eyed god Mukkaņņa (Śiva), was born the king Vayja-11. Vayjamāndalika-11 worshipped the goddess Padmāvati saying 'this is my deity, the only light of my family, character and power. Similarly, his lady partner Vayjala Devi also worshipped daily the same deity. By their single dedication to the goddess Padmăvati was born a son. sandinād, with its head-quarters at Āsandi, now in Cikkamagalūr dt/Kadūr tk, has been a seat of Nirgranta activities, ever since it was a part of the Banavāsi Kadamba dynasty, as early as 5th cent. C.E., and it was very soon under the sway of the Gangas. A basadi at Asandi is mentioned in an inscription of A.D. 961 (EC. VI (old) Kadūr. 159. C.E. 961]. Keleyaladevi was the queen consort of the Hoysaļa king Vinayaditya who was ruling with his residence in Sosevūr.
Vinayāditya (1047-98) and Keleyaladevi, or the occasion of the marriage of Mariyāne Dandanayaka with Dekave Daņdanāyakiti, granted Āsandinäd and Sindagere in the year C.E. 1048 [EC. VI. (1901) Cm. 160). Mariyāne Dandanāyaka, younger brother of Nākaņa Dandanāyaka, was the son of Dākarasa Dandanāyaka and Ecave Dandanayaka's consort Dekave was the sister of the greatest of generals Gangarāja (EC. VII (R) “Intro” p. viii).

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Boppadeva, son of Gangarāja, the senior daņdanāyaka, commissioned a basadi, for the merit of his father, named Drohagharațța-jinālaya. Vişnuvardhana, the Hoysala king, renamed the temple as Vijaya-Pārsva jinālaya and made a grant of the village Jāvagallu in Āsandi-nādu (EC. Vol. IX (R) 13 1. 389. C.E. 1133. pp. 352-56]
Thus Åsandi continued to remain as a property of the Gangas, and during the reign of the Mandalinād also it enjoyed the same previlege. After the Mandalinād and Āsandinād Gangas, their influence gradually waned into oblivion.

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Queen Consorts Ganga Mahādevi-1
'Ganga Mahādevi’ is the usual name given to all the queens of the Ganga kings, as their second name, their first name being different. Ankabbarasi, queen consort of Mārasimhadeva, is also referred to as a Ganga Mahādevi. In the same fashion all the queens of the Ganga Mandalinād are mentioned as Ganga Mahādevi; only in a few instances their first name is also recorded.
Ganga Mahadevi-I was the Pattadarasi, 'the crown queen' of mahāmaņdaleśvara Bhujabala Ganga Permmāļi Barmmadeva. She had four sons - Mārasingadeva, Satya (Nanniya) Ganga, Rakkasaganga and Bhujabala Ganga-ll, respectively. She, along with her husband, four sons and a grandson, made grants of land (specified) to Pattada basadi, the crown basadi olim Mandalitirthada-basadi. It is said the Ganga Mahādevi was born in Pāņdya kula. Everyone of her four sons were renown rulers; when her first son was born, it is recorded in the inscription that his birth was like the birth of three-jewels, the ratna-trayas. Ganga Mahādevi is styled as a female bee at the lotus feet of Jinendra. Her beautiful form adorned with good qualities. In short, Ganga Mahādevi was like a kalasa, a sacred water-vessel, among women [Sh. 6. 1060; Sh. 10. 1065; Sh. 57. 1118; Sh. 97. 1112].
Kancaladevi
Kancaladevi, the crowned queen of Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva-II, had deep devotion to the Jina the victor. She was also an ardent devotee of goddess Padmāvati-Devi, the presiding deity of the Mandalinād Ganga family. She obtained a son, Hermmādideva, a Ganga-Kumāra, to succeed the throne of Mandali-Thousand, after having made a vow to the goddess Padmāvati. Pleased with the success and in fulfilment of her voluntary promise made to the deity, she gifted a tribute of five pana from the villages of the Mandali province to continue as long as sun, moon and stars.

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Candala Devi alias Ganga Mahādevi-||
Ganga Mahādevi-II, who had her first name as Candala Devi, was the crown queen of Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmāạideva-ll. Candaladevi was so kind and generous that a charter has described her as the fabulous cow of plenty (surabhi) to her followers. She was the chief queen ornament of the seraglio of the king; with her sterling character, dexterity in handling the affairs of the harem, she was at the helm. She was also a proud mother of four competent sons - Ganganļpa (Gangarasa), Mārasingançpa, Gogginspa and Kaliyanaganspa, the best of sons who shone as great warriors.
Candaladevi, superior to all queens and kings, had an younger brother Pattigadeva who was a noted person in the kingdom. When the talented Bācaladevi, another wife of her husband, constructed a caityālaya at Bannikere, to that Arhat Pārsvanātha caityālaya, Candaladevi alias Ganga Mahādevi-Il also, along with her husband, ruler of the Mandalināờ, and her four sons made grants, free of all imposts, of Būdanagere. Bäcaladevi :Chief of dancers and musicians
Of all the queen consorts of the Mandalinād rulers, it is Bācaladevi alone who stands unique with her extraordinary genius. Though she could not be given the status of Pattamahādevi or Ganga Mahādevi, because she was the second wife, was second to none in her achievements.
A prominent personality, Bacaladevi, mahāmaņdaleśvara Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva's other half, was the cream of the Mandalinād culture. She was, to her consort, wealth-victory-celebrity-wisdom personified; she was beyond any comparison. She did not confine herself to the four walls of the seraglio. Bācaladevi was a patron of art, with her charitable disposition. She would take delight in liberal gifts to the deserving and thus she is compared to the great 'dānacintamani' Attimabbe, the donor of donors [Kamala Hampana: Attimabbe and Cālukyas: 1995].

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Bācaladevi had earned great distinction in performing arts. The Mandali ruler Bhujabala Ganga permmāļi had conquered the strong rulers by his might, but Bācaladevi had conquered him by her talent. The way in which she captivated her husband was like a play 'nātaka'; pleased with her excellent dance performance, he gave her the befitting title of 'pātra jagadale', 'chief of the world of dancers'. She was also a versatile singer. While the king, with his crown queen Ganga Mahādevi was staying in the capital residence of Edehalli, Bācaladevi was happy at Bannikere, confirmed in its enjoyment to the third generation. Her father was an officer appointed by the king to perform domestic and ceremonial duties of the palace.
Bācaladevi was a female bee at the lotus feet of the Jina, passage maker. She was dedicated to enhance the glory of her religion, so was her elder brother Bāhubali, who had earned name and fame as a devout Jaina. Taking council with her brother Bāhubali, she erected at Bannikere a beautiful basadi called Pārsvanātha caityālaya, which was an ornament of the Mandalinãd. In the ocean-girdled world celebarated is Gangavādināņ, in it is the distinguished Mandalināờ, to which as the face Bannikere was its nose, blessing everyone was its lord Pārsvanātha. For that holy god in the year 1113 the king, Ganga Mahādevi, her four princes, ministers and the perggade Bācaladevi, in the presence of the nād-prabhus, made a grant, free of all imposts, of Būdanagere, certain lands in Bannikere, a garden, two oil-mills and certain customs-dues in both the towns. Grants were also given to the stone mason Kaloja and for the dancing girls.
The donee was the preceptor of Bācaladevi, the chief of Mūlasangha Desiga gana, Subhacandradeva munipa, a disciple of Maladhārideva yamina. For the decorations of the god, Erekaņņa, Lokkigundi prabhu, also granted one and a half Lokki gadyāna, to increase by interest and some land. These grants and the presence of all the chiefs at the basadi, go to confirm the

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influence of the towering personality of Bacaladevi, who rose to the status of a queen from being born in the family of a country sheriff, by the virtue of her wisdom and genius [Sh. 97. 1113. Alahalli. pp. 106-08]
Female religiosity amongst the Jain women of the Mandalināḍ was almost on par with any woman of Hindu caste. Jain women strictly adered to the sanctities of home.

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Chapter 3
The Mandalinādu Polity
W
ithin the limited scope of this monograph, only a summary treatement of selected topics will be possible to sketch the social, economic and cultural conditions of the Mandalināḍ. Albeit, the social, administrative and religious conditions that prevailed in the Maṇḍalināḍ division were very much similar to those in the early Ganga kingdom, harmony and contentment with the existing order being the key-note.
The Mandalinaḍ was divided into certain well-marked territorial divisions which included the following sub-divisions with the Edehalli as its capital, now in Koppal taluk [Sh. 39 and Sh. 97. 1113; Eḍatorenāḍ (Sh. 32. 1134), Eḍedore - 70 (Sh. 39. 1112, pp. 45-46). Hiriyur [Sh. 40. 1180. 43. 1172] and Haḍavalikenäḍ [Sh. 19. 1309]. Although a record of property in land was well maintained, there is no means of informing any estimate of the population of the Mandalināḍ. However, going by the available records we are now review

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ing, the bulk of the population seems to be Jains. So many basadis, inumerable gifts to the maintenance of those Jinālayas attest the devotion of the Mandalinaḍ administration; we will shortly revert to this subject under the title 'religion'.
In the official hierarchy, mahā-prabhu Sindagāvuṇḍa, nā!prabhus Hiriyappa, Nemaveggade, Hoysala Goyisetti, chief of forests, the oilrnen merchant community, as well as in the army, the Jains were in majority. They proved true and efficient to the trust and the rest of the community willingly acknowledged the justice of it. With due regard to the catholicity of the Mandali lords, they were also, along with the enlightened Jaina ascetics, equally responsible for the wide spread of the Nirgrantha creed. But the Jains were not fanatics. They loved and respected the religions of others as their own dharmma: Hoysala Goydi (Goyi)setți in Edadore and his two sons, worshippers of the feet of Jinendra, on hearing the recital of Śiva-dharmma. Purāṇa-kathā-prasanga, made a grant of land to god Siddheśvara. Matrimonial alliances between the Jains and the (Vira) Śaivas was not barred. All these details will be taken up again at the appropriate place.
Although no local quarrels are registered, some stray instances of the turbulance of a chieftain leading to a village being attacked, its cattle being taken away, the local people valiantly defending themselves and the bravery of some village heroes - are reported from the contemporary records of the Mandalinaḍ. No information is forthcoming about observing the rite of sati.
The women of elite class in the Maṇḍalināḍ were more religious minded, dedicated to the traditional rituals. There is only a single record of a lady skilled in fine arts of music and dancing. She is none other than Bacaladevi, the spouse of the king, highly accomplished in performing arts. She displayed her proficiency in dancing to the admiration of her husband (Sh. 97. 1103 p. 10708). The way in which Bacaladevi fascinated Bhujabala Ganga Permmāḍideva was like a play. Highly pleased, the king, who was her husband, gave her the befitting title 'pātra-jagadale', head of the world of dancers, along with the gift of a village Bannikere,

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where she built a basadi to which Ganga Permmādideva also endowed with several gifts of land. “This is a very significant point, for dancing was not looked down upon as an art of any particular sect, but was practiced by persons well placed in society. Secondly, such dancers had so much faith in religion that they would undertake the construction of temples and basadis” [Sheik Ali: 1976: 275-76). In the celebrated Mandalinād as the face to Gangavādinād, the Bannikere was its nose (Sh. 97. 112-13 pp. 106-108].
Intercaste marriage was not uncommon in the Mandalinād. Sindagāmunda of Viragrāma was a bee at the lotus feet of Jinendra. But, he had married Nāgagāvundi who was head of Māheśvara-gana and respecting each others faith they lived happily. Perhaps this type of husband, wife and children each belonging to different religion, but yet living in harmony in the same house, was the order of the day. Jains could marry endogamously, albeit attend the local basadi ("Jain temple' from Sanskrit Vasati') without any intervention, either from the priest or from the Jaina laity. Normally, Jains do accomodate, if not encourage, marriages outside their own sects and castes, which elucidate the catholicity of Jainism. This reminds of a similar family of Mācikabbe and Mārsimhayya, the parents of Patta-mahādevi śāntaladevi of king Vişnuvardhana, who were also supposed to have possessed different caste system. It is said that Vişnuvardhana, having come under the sway of the erudite great Rāmānujaācārya, converted to the Vaişnava dharma and changed his name from Bittigadeva to Vişnuvardhana. In the above two cases, the women were Jains and their husbands were Saiva and Vaisnava respectively. Brahmmaśiva, a Kannada poet (1175) has recorded such instances of inter-caste marriages and their peculiarities in his kāvya 'Samaya-parikse'.
Feudal relations between the state and the merchant guilds, as referred in the epigraphs of the Mandalinād was cordial. They had monopolised the trade and commerce, thus controlling the local civil, revenue and judicial matters. Hoysaļa Goyisetti, a worshipper of the feet of Jinendra, was head merchant of the Mandalinād. He was lord of the forest, evidently a dealer of wood and other products of the forest (Sh. 36. 1180). He was staying at

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Edadore with his son kallisetti, who had two sons Balla-gāvunda and Boppa-gävunda. Kallisetti succeeded his father Goyisetti as the chief of merchants. Kallisetti alias Goydusetti was elevated to the position of pattanasetti (Sh. 88. 1203). He was the 'Vaddavyavahäri' of the beautiful Mandali-Thousand (Sh. 36 and 40. 1180. pp. 44 and 46). The epithet Vaddavyavahāri is generally used in the sense of the chief of the merchants of a particular place or region or guild; even the senior merchants are referred to as Vaddavyavahāri or Vaddabevahāri [SII. ix-i. 177 1108; EC. II. 235. 1185; MAR 1946. 31. 1314]; a derived (corrupted) word from the Sanskrit Vrddhavyavahārin. Perhaps this is below the status of Pattanasetti, chief of the merchant guild, with a state-recognition, where as the “Rāja-śreşthi” royal merchant, is the highest and a royal recognition.
Thus, the ascending order of the mercantile hierarchy would be like the merchant community chief Vaờdavyavahäri, the great merchant Pattaņasetti and finally Rājasreșthi. There are only two instances of Pattanasetti in the Mandalinād, that of Barmmisetti and Goydusețți. The feudatories were permitted to recognise the chief of merchants and declare the pattana-setti status, whereas the recognition of a Rāja-śreşthi status was the privilege of the 'rāja', the king above the mahāmandalesvaras. Therefore, there were no rāja - śreşthis in the Mandalinād. There were chamberlin (mane-verggade) and steward (bānasa verggade), besides a bureaucracy comprising of various grades. Offices of the Mandalinād were hereditary and they were remunerated by assignments of land, suited to their position, in the hierarchy; they were also rewarded with titles of honour.
A reasonable land revenue and tolls on goods in transit was collected to the exchequre; confiscation of property or arbitrary unusual imposts is not reported, instead instances of exemptions are recorded. Building a temple or to endow a monastery or construction of a tank, was not only the act of merit but also road to social eminence and public recognition. Though the Mandalinad was a vassal state, the chief enjoyed autonomy to an extent that he could alienate villages without the imperial sanction. The

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vil
Mandali-nādu consisted of bhuktis with -70, -32, -12 or so, lages each named after the head-quarters towns. The Mandali chiefs carried on the revenue administration in co-operation with the nāḍu-gāvuṇḍas, the hereditary revenue officers, who were remunerated by the grant of rent-free lands, called the gauḍike land. The village head-man had to discharge the duties of military captain also, on such occasions, when the village was disturbed by thieves and dacoits or the rivalaries of adjacent villages. He had to lay down his life, if it comes to that, while defending the hearths and homes of fellow villages; we will have an occasion to take up the details of this reference once again.
Aḍavigove Sinda Gāmuṇḍa was a mahā-prabhu and a leading oil man. In his family, Barmmanṇa, son of Bittiyama was another oilman [Sh. 37. 1140] in the Mandalinaḍ Thousand. The entrepreneur Barmmanna was trained in the skills of the war and once had gone on an expedition of Lokigundi. The other rural chiefs of the Mandalinaḍ were Hiriyappa, Nemaveggade, Hoysala setti, Madhusudanadeva and Sindagāvuṇḍa - all nal-prabhus [Sh. 36-37. 1180. Sh. 42. 1122, Sh. 5. 1218]. Gangimayya alias Gangaya [Sh. 42. 1122 & 56. 1125], Hemmāḍi and his son Kala alias Kaleya [Sh. 55. 1167] were the generals in the army of the Mandalinäḍ.
Wars
Sometimes to exhibit their superior strength, subordinate chiefs used to raid the neighbour territories. Except for some stray incidents of the usual attack on the border villages, carrying of the cattle wealth, there are not much references to any sanguinary battle of greater significance. Of course, there were some clashes between the Hoysalas and the Maṇḍalināḍu, before the latter was formally superseded by the former. A brief analysis of such bloody wars will confirm the validity of this statement.
A battle took place when against the mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmāḍideva, entitled to the previlege of five great drums, the Pañca-mahāvādya, was ruling the Mandalinaḍ Thousand.

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Boppanna, a general of the Poysala Biṭṭideva alias Viṣṇuvardhana (1108-52), rose and came in the battle of Halsūr in C.E. 1120. Bammayanāyaka, son of Cambavansi and Būtabbe, the brave servant (a Lenka) of the Mandalinaḍ chief, while his master was looking on at his boldness, fighting courageously attained to the world of gods [Sh. 12. 1120]. It is clear from this charter that a social custom of 'Lenka', dedication of life of a person to the service of his master, prevailed in the Mandalināḍ also, which was more prevalent in the Hoysala kingdom. But this system of 'Lenka' was in vogue from the early tenth century, and the great Kannada author Pampa refers to this custom in his epic Vikramarjuna Vijayam (Canto-7, prose after verse No. 4). There are similar instances recorded in the inscriptions [SII. XI-i. 50. 1005]. Lenka ('a faithful one') is a Dravidian word which can be compared with velevāli and garuḍa system. A lady with the same motif is called a Lenkiti [MAR 1943. No. 33. 1217], as old as of nineth century. When mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga Permmāḍideva was ruling the Mandalināḍ, his chief of the horses Sāhaņi Mārasingha, in the great battle in 1122, slaying the enemy, drove off many by the might of arm, went to the world of gods [Sh. 15. 1122]. This incomplete hero-stone, set up in memory of the deceased Marasingha, does not furnish other details of the 'great battle', such as the cause of the battle and the enemy who attacked the Mandalināḍ.
While mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Nanniya Ganga Permmāḍideva was ruling the Maṇḍalināḍ, a similar incident happened. This time an oilman Bammaṇṇa, son of Bittiyanna (Telliga-Tailika) in the family of the mahā-prabhu Sindagāmunda of Aḍavigova, played a prominant role. When Bittiga alias Bittiyanna had embarked on an expedition to Lokigundi in C.E. 1140., waiting for the opportunity, 'Torahara' Kālaya carried off the cows of the village. On his return from the hostile march, Barmmanna, the son of Bittiyanṇa, slew his head servant, seized his horse, fought the hostile force which had turned back the arrow in the hands of his younger brother Kusa, recovered the cows, and in the process the oilman Barmanna attained the world of gods (Sh. 37. 1140).

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A similar act of chivalry is reported when mahā-mandalesvara Hoysaļa Vīra Ballaļadeva (1173-1220) was ruling the kingdom in peace and wisdom. Hiriyappa was the nā!-prabhu of the MandaliThousand. Hoysaļa Goyisetti was the head-merchant and lord of forest; his son was Kallisetti and his son was Ballagāvuņda. A person named Halliya-gauda (the valiant of the village) drove away the cows of the village belonging to Balla gāvunda, in C.E. 1180. But the courageous Sibayya appeared on the scene, ranout, confronted Halliya-gauda, slew several men, recovered all the cows and doing his duty to his master, the fearless Sibayya attained the world of gods (Sh. 36. 1180).
Gangimayya, general of the mahāmandalesvara Tribhuvanamalla Vira Permmādideva, made an attack upon the area of Belagavarthi. In the severe battle many being killed, general Gangimayya perceived that he too would fall. Gangimayya, the Hanuman (a loyal and daring person) of Vira Ganga Permmādi deva displayed his intrepidity for his master, bringing down the pride of the opposite camp, went to the world of gods, amid the applause of the soldiers of both the camps (Sh. 56. 1125). Haļuvala (Padevala-chief of the soldiers) Gangayya and his son were devotees of god Śiva; listening the recital of Śiva-dharmma purāņa, he had made a grant of land to the god Siddeśvara (Sh. 42. 1122].
Some more instances of the same nature go to endorse the fact that those who would fight ad finem, were inspired by the popular belief, which is so often repeated in very many inscriptions -
The victor gains spoil, the slain, too, the celestical nymphs; What fear then of death in war to him Who for a moment seeks the close encounter?
A clarification awaits for the rare usage of "Torahara" Kāļaya [Sh. 37. 1170). In this usage Torapa is the nominative base, rather known form and 'a' is the suffix of genitive case. Torapa (Toraha) is the name of a medieval family. Torapa-kula is mentioned in a

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good number of epigraphs [El. XIX. 230. 1179, EC. VIII. (BLR) Sāgara 109, 1042. SII. XI-i. 148. 1099. El. XVIII. 200.1107, Kl. i. 24, 1148 etc). Members of the Torapa (ha)- kula are known for their bravery and participation in battles. Torapa families existed in the Mandalinād is reported from an inscription cited above.
Members of the goldsmith family were skilled architects. Cattoja's younger brother Malloja constructed the tank and erected the temple [Sh. 43. 1172]. Erecting the temples of various castes and creeds was the popular form of identifying with the religious persuasion. As a consequence there were a large number of temples, either newly constructed or the old ones renovated, enjoying very many tax-free endowments, some being renewed from time to time; this subject will be dealt with all necessary details, in the chapter on religion.
Constructing the tanks (Sh. 10. 1085, and 43. 1172] was considered an act of religious merit. A ruined family, a breached tank or pond, a fallen kingdom, who so restores or repairs a damaged temple, acquires merit fourfold of that which accrued from them at first - was the divine influence to infuse the donars to indulge more and more in those acts of glory. Acts of digging wells (Sh. 99. 1127], establishing places for the free distribution of water and food to the needy (Sh. 10. 1085), forming paddyfields (ibid) are reported. Important persons who are indulged and dedicated to the cause of merits were amply rewarded by the Mandalinād chief. Perggade Nokkayya who had acquired such greatness was granted the royal insignia of two horns, a conopy, camaras and big drums by the chief of the näd, Ganga Permmādi deva, in addition to the headship of eight villages including the modern Shimoga (Simoge), a district head-quarters, 20 horses and 500 servants.
One of the measuring rods in the Mandalinād had the name 'Gangana gaļe' [HI. 8. 1228. Kuruvadagadde, p. 368 line: 13).
In concluding the political history of the Mandalinad, we may note that it was throughout under the rule of the line of the western Gangas. They built up a remarkably efficient administrative

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The Mandalinādu polity / 47
system. To judge from their grants, they generally led a peaceful existence without disturbing their neighbours or being very much troubled by them. In proceeding to sketch the policy of the Mandali rulers, emphasis should be laid on certain fundamental characteristics in their attitude. They upheld the existing social order, protected it from any internal trouble and foreign invasion, received as the taxes, according to the rule of one third of the land, as was agreed upon (Sh. 10. 1085).
The Mandalinād rulers respected the numerous social, economic and religious concerns of people. Ascetics, priests, temple servants, guilds of merchants, artisans - all functioned more or less independently of the ruler. A determined will to conquer new territories and raise to higher heights is not found. The village had a headman called gāvunda or nā!-prabhu, a country - sheriff, who was the mediator with royal government. The ūr, grāma, was the common type which included all classes of people who held the movable and immovable property in the village, maintained tanks, managed the affairs of the temples. Gävunda had other regional variants such as grāmaņi [Kautilya, Arthaśāstra, III-10), grāmika [Manusmrti 7-116], raddi or reddi, pațel or pāțil - all equivalent terms signifying a village chieftain.
Traders and merchants also had their own assemblies or associations. As noticed earlier, nā!-prabhus, mahā-prabhus, gāmundas etc., were the officers charged with the maintenance of the peace and securing the safety of life and property. The Mandalinād Gangas specially favoured the particular religious creed they professed; albeit, never sought to impose it on all their subjects. As a matter of policy, the Mandalinād Gangas patronised all the other creeds. Usually succession to the throne was hereditary in the eldest male line, and there was no civil war on this ground. The high officers of the state were held by the hereditary officials who commanded the confidence of the king with their ability, character and descent.
The main royal family of the Mandalinãd was housed at Edehalli where the royal palace was maintained for a long time. The Mandalinãd queens, patta-mahādevi or otherwise, occupied

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a position of equal importance and with the permission of king, made grants of land at their will. The consorts of Mandalināļ chief had the usual cognomen of the Ganga-Mahādevi, apart from a different first name, suggesting that the important lady is the queen of a king in the line of Ganga. These spouses were allowed to favour the tenets of their choice, to practice the talents whatever they possessed, and fine arts, even to the extent of giving public performance; music and dancing being liberally patronised. Bigamy was in vogue.
The Ottighattiyaņņa, a mahāsāmanta ruling the gāvundike in Kotepura belonging to the chiru-Balle - a Thirty kampaņa of the Mandali-Thousand, had a biruda Colamāņikya' (ruby of the Co!a). This is the only instance of a person of Cola lineage enjoying a place of recognition in the Mandali-Thousand [HL. 14 1076]. Another inscription of the same period also refers to a mahāsāmanta Ghattiyarasa (SII. IX-i 135. 1071. Hūvina-Haďagali (Bellary dt];
hether OttiGhattiyanna and Ghattiyarasa are identical or just contemporaries, is worth pondering. Similarities between Mandali-Thousand and Sāntalige-Thousand
The MandalināĐ-Thousand and the Sāntaļigenād-Thousand, ruling concurrently, are marked by some striking similarities and developments in administration, art, architecture, language and religion. The Sāntaļige-sāsira, adjacent administrative unit, serving as subordinates under the same sovereigns like the Rāştrakūtas and the Călukyas, was ruled by a dynasty called the Sāntaras alias the Ugra-vamsa. [Nagarajaiah, Hampa: SāntararuOndu Adhyayana: 1997-A).
The Mandali and Sāntalige-Thousand families were contemporaries for several hundred years sharing common traits. They were not only neighbour states but also closely related by matrimonial alliances. Instead of dealing the subject at length, a comprehensive list of some common factors is given below: a. both the Sāntaras and the Mandali Gangas were contempo
rary dynasties. b. The beginning history of both the kulas are overladen by
legend.

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The Mandalināļu polity / 49
C. d.
e.
g. h.
Both the states upheld and protected Jainism. Arhad Pārśva was the Tirthankara that they worshipped as thier family god and the basadi of Jina-Pārsva, the 23rd marker of the river crossing, was their Patta-Jinālaya or Tirthada-basadi, 'the crown temple'. Goddess Padmāvatidevi, the Jina-śāsanadevi, Yakṣi was their family deity. Thus they followed a common religion from beginning to the end. They had common names starting with Bhujabala (Nr. 35. p. 137), Nanniya (Nr 59 p. 154), Barmma, Goggi and Tribhuvanamalla (T1. 192. p. 205). Both had enmity with the Hoysaļas in the beginning. Both served the same Rāştraküța, Călukya, Hoysaļa, Kalacuri and Vijayanagar empires as loyal feudatories. Both the states were concise and compact provinces in Shimoga district. Both the dynasties have a long and continuous history of over a thousand years. Apart from common Jain gods and goddesses, the temples of god Bhilleśvara and god Kamatheśvara were also found in both these states. After the final dissolution of the Cālukyan hegemony, Kalyāņa passed into the hands of the Hoysala Vira-Ballāļa-1 (11731220) who had struck heavy blows and defeated SomeśvaraIV (1184-90) in 1190, virtually the last ruler of the Cālukyas. Both the Sāntalige-Thousand and the Mandali-Thousand came under the hegemony of the Hovsalas, which was a welcome shift for them, because both the dynasties had developed an affiliation to the Hoysaļas and were followers of a common creed. The rule of succession to the throne in the eldest male line was followed by both these dynasties. Even when there were
.
m.

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more than two brothers, a cordial relationship between brothers prevailed. Any rupture within the sons or brothers, motivated by political ambition is not reported, in both the families.
Thus the two coeval minor states, splendid promoters of the Nirgrantha church, had a regular cultural and political contact maintaining their identity. Such a contact between the Sāntara and the Mandali court is well attested.
The rulers of the Mandali and Sāntalige, brought under one sceptre under the Cālukyas of Kalyāna, carved out two small principalities of their own over which they ruled for centuries, and they preserved the same cultural traditions of their benefactors in the field of art, architecture, sculpture, polity and religion.
The Cālukyas ruled supreme over the destinies of the Sāntaras and the Mandali rulers. After the long reign of Vikramādityadeva-VI, the political power of the Călukyas grew weaker and suffered eclipse during the constant wars with the neighbouring and subordinate chieftains, their territories were distributed between the victors, the Kalcuris, the Seuņas and the Hoysaļas, who emerged as major powers. Obviously, the Mandali and Sāntalige, almost the collateral branch, became a prey to the annexations between the victors, who ruled supreme over the destiny of petty principalities. The Hoysaļas who ruled for a longer period than either the Kalacuris or the Seuņas, were nearer home to the Sāntara and Manqali dynasties in all respects, and ruled almost independently under their new imperial overlordship, contributing greatly in the field of art and architecture as before.
Some of the charters, Sh. 4, 39, 57 and 64 in particular, more or less in identical diction, narrate the genealogy of the Ganga family containing a combination of the Vāmśika-, Anu-vamśika and Rāja-praśastis. Some portions in the very beginning of the narrative, as for example Sh. 4, look bit complicated, without furnishing much historical data. Even that portion of eulogy carrying

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The Mandalināļu polity / 51
information on the reigning king, is full of lofty and lengthy conventional praises liberally showered; such eulogistic stereotyped composition is the hall mark of the medieval period.
The bards in the courts of the Mandali-Thousand Gangas and the Sāntaļige Säntara kings, had evolved a typical but standard royal formulary. It seems that the court poets who composed or drafted the important epigraphs of the Sāntaras and the Mandali Gangas, the two contemporary royal dynasties of the adjacent divisions in the Shimoga district, are one and the same or influenced by each other. For that matter the literary quality and merit of poetic excellence of the charters of the Sāntaras is far superior [Nagarajaiah, Hampa: 1997-A].

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. Chapter 4
Society and Religions
glimpse of the religious conditions: The Mandalinād rulers
have carved themselves a permanent niche of honour in the religious life of Karnataka. They had great deference to all creeds of their times. There is not even a single instance of proselytising either an individual or a group. Available records clearely mirror the catholicity as practiced by the Mandali-Thousand rulers, without Toosing their personal faith
Some of the charters belong to an important phase in the history of Karnataka, because they provide new material for the study of the various aspects of political and religious history and culture of the region. Therefore, a detailed discussion of the important issues connected to this period is worth pondering.
While speaking of a particular king/ kingdom as belonging to a particular religion/Dharma, one should not forget the basic truth that the Indian rulers

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Society and Religions /53
were duty bound to support and respect all religions existing in their kingdom. The rulers were the worshippers of all religious orders, champions of shrines of all gods, a dictum so well enunciated by Khāravela, king of Kalinga, in second cent. B.C.
All said and done, each ruler had his own choice, his own allegiance to a particular caste, sect, creed or religion. He used to take more care to protect and promote his personal faith. Such an act of active patronage of a particular faith would be transparent in his administration. Many a time his or his subordinates annual taxes and other relevant revenues from a particular source of a village or a commodity, used to be turned over to a temple of his sect or a mendicant community of his religion. However impartial a king tries to be, such favours invariably brought a tremendous increase in that religion's political power, prestige and social status. Ultimately, this would lend an impetus to popularise the faith of his choice. The common people considered it to be easy and safe to develop royal contact, to derive administrative benefits and of access to the court by simply following the kings religion.
The socio-religious history of the Mandalinād is not different from this analysis; their catholicism is transparent, but their proJaina attitude is not opaque. During the long reign of the Mandalinãd Gangas, once again the Jainas moved into positions of great influence as ministers, chief of army and as financers. As a consequence they were able to establish a power base in the Mandalinād also, which sustained for centuries. After the Gangas, the Kadambas, the Rāştrakūtas, the Cālukyas of both Bādāmi and Kalyāna, the Kalacuris and the Seuņas supported Jainism to the maximum. Once again fortune smiled on the Jainas, as the Hoysaļas shouldered the responsibility of promoting Jainism as their own religion, which also helped the Mandali-Gangas to thrive for some years. A detailed analysis of the Mandalinād charters will make the above observation more meaningful and confirm that the Mandali rulers made munificent grants for the maintenance of both Jain and non-Jain monasteries without any discrimination. Liberal grants, consistent teaching and guidance of the monks, greatly contributed to the spread of material and

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spiritual knowledge and to the stepping up of educational, literary and architectural activities.
As in all matters of spiritual and material culture, the Mandalinād chiefs, in the sphere of religion also began by being heavily indebted to their ancestors and made signal contributions to the theory and practice of religion. Harmony and tolerance are the main characteristic of the Mandalinād Gangas. Temples of all sects were richly endowed for the daily worship and periodical festivals. There is no mention of Buddhism, Islam and Christianity; but, Jainism as the more favoured creed, Savism and Vaişņavism had greater influence on the life of the people. The donees of the temples are required to use the proceeds of the endowement for the daily rites and observances of the Mūlanāyaka and other deities in the temple. There are no references to Islam in the inscriptions of this period. Some traits of the revival of Brāhmanism can be recognised in the later charters of post-medieval period.
A salient feature worth contemplating is the mutual influence of the Rāştrāküțas and the Gangas. Influence of the Rāştrakūtas on the Gangas, at a later stage, operated on two levels; one, personal names like Govinda (Govindara, Govindaradeva), and the titles like the Javaduttaranga. Secondly, the Gangas started restructuring the old temples and erecting the new basadis, using stone instead of their old tradition of using the brick or wood. This shift in the material used, from wood to stone, is because of the influence of the Rāştrakūtas stone temples, in particular of Ellora. It is possible that the planners and workers of the major monuments of the Gangas were extremely familiar with the earlier magnificient monuments of similar nature at Aihole, Bādāmi, Pattadakal and Ellora.
The influence of the Gangas on their masters, the Räştrakūtas, was in the field of religion and language, in other words, Jainism and Kannada. Most of the emperors of the Rāştrakūta royal house faithfully followed Jaina church because of the impact of the Gangas. Kannada became the official language and also was adopted as their mother tongue, thanks to the Gangas.

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As I have worked out the statistics and distribution of the Rāştrakūța inscriptions; out of 516 charters, 340 are in Kannaựa language, 90 are in Sanskrit, 104 are in Tamil, 7 are in Telugu and only one in Marāthi; and out of the 90 Sanskrit charters, 19 are bilingual of which 17 are in Sanskrit and Kannada. This predominence of Kannada was also due to the power exerted by the Gangas; more and more matrimonial alliances also cemented the process.
Jainism became the principal faith throughout the regime of the Mandali-Thousand kings, who continued to flourish one after another under the patronage of their imperials. The ascetics of the Nirgrantha order were the preceptors who guided and inspired the mahāmandalesvaras to rule with respect and honour to all castes and creeds, to worship all gods. An exhaustive list of the rulers, preceptors, temples, the donors and the donee is recorded in some of the charters. Perggade Nokkayya : a pole star
Mahāmandalesvaras of the Mandalinād used to pay visits to different places and temples under the rule. On one such occasion in C.E. 1085, Ganga Permmāờideva paid a visit to Tattekere, where the main minister and senior perggade, a man of high rank, Nokkayya was living with his two consorts and two sons. During his visit, the king was pleased with his minister, to find and learn that Nokkayya and the members of the family were devoted to the state and to the service of the people, even in their adverseries. Overwhelved by his feelings of warmth, the king gifted Nokkayya, the whole revenue of Tattekere, an important centre of the MandaliThousand.
An incident of taking exception to the construction of a basadi near the big tank of the village is also reported. Gujjaņa, elder son of minister Nokkayya, opposed the idea of erecting temple near the huge tank of Tattikere by his father. But the untimely demise of Gujjaņa made the family suffer a set back. To commemorate the death of his son, the senior perggade Nokkayya built two more basadis, one each at Harige and Nellavatti, the modern Nyāmati

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town in Honnāļi taluk, where the Trikūta-basadi exists to this day; it is converted into a Viraśiva temple and the Jinabimbas replaced by Sivalingas. All the broken Jaina images were dumped into the old well infront of the present Kalmatha, covered with mud and sealed once for all.
But once again, it was the ill-luck of Nokkayya, that his second son Jinadāsa also had a premature death. As a paroksavinaya, respect to the deceased and to preserve the memory, Nokkayya ereceted basadis at Nelavatti and Tattekere. Thus the aged father withstood the sad demise of his two grownup sons, commissioned totally four basadis to perpetuate the remembrance of his sons. Nokkayya dedicated all his time to the service of the people, mostly the rural folk; whatever was good to others, was good to him.
Nokkayyas's service was spontaneous, and had the motto of service to people is service to god. The news of his dedication knocked the doors of the palace. The Mandali king GangaPermmādideva, as a reward of Nokkayya's boldness, liberality and service, presented a good number of precious gifts. Among them the gāvunda-vịtti, chief officer of eight villages (named), 20 horses (horses were preferred to elephants in the army of the Mandali-nād), 500 slaves, together with the fixed revenue of the eight villages, including the present Shimoga city. Tattekere, Kilūru, Areyūru, Harige, Kadavūru, Simoge (Sivamogga), Tarikeri and Hennavura - are the eight villages that Nokkayya was allowed to enjoy the headmanship. As a bonus, Nokkayya also received Panasavādi, free of all imposts for as long as sun, moon and stars endure.
Perggade Nokkayya had acquired such a greatness that the Mandali king once again granted him the royal insignia of two horns, a canopy, cāmaras and big drums, a unique umbrella called the Meghadambara and thus made Nokkayya, cream of the principality, shine brilliantly as a mine of glory. But, Nokkayya did not loose his humility; being a laic of the exalted Prabhācandra Siddhānta Deva-l, of the original congregation (Müla-Sangha),

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Krāņur-gana and Meşa-pāşāņa-gaccha, a cohort of the frairs and nuns, made grants of land (specified) for the sthānpatis, chief of the diocese. Nokkayya also made a specific and seperate grant of wet-land of a mattar to the local drummer (parekārs) and the potterer (Kumbāras). The Ganga king Permmādideva did not lag behind, he also once again endowed the shop tax and customs dues to the basadi of Tattekere. Jainism
Jainism olim anekānta-mata, a comprehensive religion, as opposed to ekāntamata, being one sided, is an organic religion. It adopted, accomodated and assimilated so many alien thought, art, architecture, gods and godesss, so far as these adoptations agree with the primary dictum of Jainism, the universal nonviolence. The religious history of the Mandalinādu opens, continues and concludes with the predominent prevalence of the anekāntamata, as a state and public creed. A good number of inscriptions have irrefutably established the existence of a highly developed and secured Jaina society.
The most significant Kallūrugudda charter of the NanniyaGanga Bhujabala Permmāạideva, registers not only the grants made to but also narrates in a nut-shell the religious history of the Mandali Ganga family. The Harakere epigraph of C.E. 1060 is also a trend setter of their basic religious attitude to be followed by their successors.
'Tirtha', a technical term so often used, needs a clarification; the following quotation will connotate the term tirtha - "in Jainism a place of pilgrimage is called tirtha (literally, a ford), because it helps the aspirant in crossing over the ocean of samsāra which is full of pain and misery, and in attaining liberation from the other wise unending round of births and deaths. The primary aim of Jaina pilgrimage is, therefore, spiritual edification. It is probably why the Jainas have generally selected for the sites of their tirthakşetras mountain tops, seculded dales for jungle-clearings, far from habitations and the hubbub materialism - ridden wordly life, in the midst of captivating natural scenery and peaceful surround

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ings, conducive to concentrated meditation and spiritual contemplation" (Ghosh, A, (ed): Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. 1: 1974:36). Tirthankaras, a synonym for Jina, are the exalted teacher propagators of their own faith.
-
The Mandali tirtha referred to in the charter, a name that has survived to this day, is to be traced in the ruins on the hill. Albeit, 'the Mandali tirthada basadi' was the crown-basadi, the 'Paṭṭa Jinālaya', the patron deity which formed the nucleus of religious life of the Mandali Gangas for several centuries. In other words that was the cathedral of the Ganga family. To be more precise, the Mandali-tirtha-Paṭṭa-Jinālaya was held in high esteem from C.E. 350 to C.E. 1600,till the final termination of the dynasty, Madhava-l being the earliest known Maṇḍali ruler who founded this basadi. The main deity or the Mula-nayaka of this Mandali tirtha temple was the Arhat Pārśva (Sh. 57. 1118, Nidige pp. 5761), the earliest known Jain temple of Jina Pärśva in Karnataka.
From the beginning of the tenth century and onwards, inscriptions provide ample attestation to the religious leanings of the Mandali rulers. Some of the charters also speak of the chief religious faith of the Mandali rulers and their individual subjects including the members of the official hierarchy. The chiefs of the Ganga Maṇḍali were the benefactors of the Jaina Church, the greatest among them being the Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga Permmāḍideva-ll (1118-58), who caused to be built 25 Caityalayas to help on the growth of his faith. He patronised Jaina institutions, both monasteries and monks, with liberal endowments, especially for providing food to spiritually accomplished caste gurus.
The effiicacy of devotion of the Jina, the spiritual victor and ford-maker, and to the Jinālayas also called Caityalayas and basadis, can be better illustrated by referring to the Mandalināḍ epigraphs. The basadis were rendered rich in lands and in money, in cash and kind, by generous donations of the Maṇḍali rulers, thier subordinates and their subjects, which accelerated the activities of Jaina monasteries, and Jainism virtually engulfed the Mandalināḍ.

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A good number of the Mandali charters register the extent of spontaneous support which Jainism enjoyed. The pontifical genealogy of the Jaina preceptors recorded in the inscriptions is just outstanding and betrays zeolously the respect they commanded by the state and its subjects. These preceptors were more than exponents of rigid dogmas. Some of the friars were political advisors to the kings, ministers, the queens and generals; they taught the lay person, who is an adherent of Jainism, initially aņuvratas the five basic lesser vows, applicable to laymen of abstaining from evil conduct. These bhattaraks, the religious teachers, maintained good libraries (śrtabhandaras).
Saints still ruled the society at large. People sought them out for, spiritual or otherwise, guidance. Their grandiloquence to a larger extent determined state policy. Ascetics could exert so much influence on the society, because of their simplicity-simple living and high thinking, ochre-clad renouncer, a portrait of homeless almsman, possessing nothing but bear hands and piñci, a peacock-feather whiskbroom, whose ordained duty was to seek truth, peace, enlightenment and infuse a sense of similar detachment in their followers.
Jaina Temples - the Basadis
The Jaina temples of Digambara and Svetāmbar the two main and prominent sects, are very much similar in every respect, except that the images of the Tirthankaras of the latter sect are decorated with precious stone and necklace of gems or similar rich ornaments of jewels, where as in the former sect absolutely unclothed and unornamented figures are found. Nakedness is in accordance with the monastic rule of the archaic period, the rigid form of the perfected saviours, representing a condition of absolute detachment from the world. In the Mandalinad, practically there are no Svetāmbara sanctuaries; only Digambara shrines abound.
Building the basadis, installing the Jina bimbas and śāsana deities there in, making substantial provision for their permanent sustainance were acts of greater merit for the Mandali rulers.

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On the basis of the inscriptions, it is seen that nearly forty Jaina temples were built during the rule of the Mandalināḍ mahāmaṇḍaleśvaras. Unfortunately most of these Jain temples are not traceable now. Some of them are converted and the rest are destroyed. All the basadis of the Mandali-Thousand sub-division were attached to the Pattadabasadi, the crown temple, olim Mandali-tirthada-basadi, chief of all temples in the province.
Following is the list of some main basadis recorded in the charters:
1. Paṭṭa Jinālaya on the Maṇḍalihill, built by the founders of Gangavāḍi kingdom, Dadiga and Madhava in C.E. 350, but renovated from time to time; a detailed discussion of its significance will follow.
2.
3.
Kuruli basadi, commissioned by Nanniya Ganga Permmāḍi deva-II.
to 28. Nanniya (satya) Ganga Permmāḍideva erected 25 caityalayas at different places.
29-30. Jinaśāsanadevi goddess Padmavatidevi temples; one on the Mandali-hill and the other at Asandi. About the nature and importance of the deity Padmavatidevi, a seperate subchapter is earmarked.
31. Harige, capital town of Hermmāḍideva, had a basadi.
32. Tattikere, an important town, had a basadi. The earliest reference of it comes from a charter of eleventh century (IWG: No. 150, pp. 468-70).
33-34. Two basadis at Nellavatti, another place of prominence. All the above four Jinālayas at Nos 31, 32, 33 and 34, were caused to be made by Perggade Nokkayya, a minister of Mandalināḍ. In particular the basadi built by Nokkayya in the midst of the big tank at Taṭṭekre, shone like a mountain of gods surrounded by the divine river; the Jinabhavana at Nellavatti resembled the Vimana of the season.
35. A Jaina temple at Kalamburu-nagara was erected by the governor of that nagara, Barmmiseṭṭi. For the gifts of food

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for rşis, Nanniya Ganga Permmāạideva gave land, free of all hindrances. The recipient was śubhakirtideva bhattāraka. Nagara (Nakhara, Nakara), occuring in the Kannada inscriptions in the sense of merchant guilds, seems to signify a commercial town where the concerned basadi was built. In the Sivatatva-ratnākara, Nagara is defined as a metropolis of imports and exports, a residence of various communities and castes and a seat of the ruler (Chapt. VI. VV. 15-16). Thus, Kalumbūru Nagara, with a basadi, was a main habitat
of the Mandali-Thousand. 36. When Hermmādideva, impaler of liars, and his father-in-law's
lusty elephant ('māvana-gandha-vāraṇa'), was in the residence of Harige, his capital, ruling Ededore-Mandali Thousand, made a caityālaya in Kuntalapura. To provide for the worship, for food to the four sections of Jaina society (the monk, nun, layman and lay woman), for all the four castes, for repairs of the temple, for making this the chief station for all, washing the feet of their family guru PrabhācandraSiddhāntadeva, Hermmādideva made a grant of the village with all rights pertaining, free of all imposts, in C.E. 1132; the excellent ācārya, the adept, Nemicandra bhattārakadeva,
stayed in this Kuntalapura chapel in the year C.E. 1204. 37. Satya (Nanni) Gangadeva also made a 'Ganga Jinālaya' in
the Kuruļi-tirtha in the year 1132, washing the feet of his religious head Mādhavacandradeva, made a grant of land
(Sh. 64. 1132). 38. A basadi at Hebbandegrāma built by Ketavve, a lay disciple
of the preceptor Municandra Siddhantadeva, a disciple of Kanakanandi Traividya Siddhāntadeva. To this basadi, Bittideva, Bhujabala Ganga Permmādideva, Barmmagāvunda and nā!-prabhu made a grant of land (specified)
with six houses and one oil-mill (Sh. 89. 1111. pp. 102-03). 39. The Arhad Pārśva Jinagļha at Bannikere, erected by the
perggadati Bacaladevi, the beloved queen consort of Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmadideva, was a

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celebrated sanctuary and considered as an ornament to the Mandali-Thousand province. The Ganga king, his two wives, his four sons, his council of ministers-all made a number of grants of various kinds to the basadi, to the stone mason and for the dancing girls (Sh. 97. 1113. pp. 106-08).
At this stage of recording the number of basadis and the grants these temples enjoyed, there are three special points to be clarified, to make the subject in extenso:
In respect of the grant made over to the dancing girls, there are similar instances elsewhere also of setting apart a portion of the endowment for the maintenance of the 'devadāsis'; angabhoga-rangabhoga are the variety of worship, expressing the devotion to god. It is well-known that dances were performed by dancers, particularly dancing girls, who were trained by the dance masters devoted to those temples; such dances were not confined to any one religion. Jaina temples also patronised performing arts such as vocal and instrumental music and dance. Basadis had a seperate dancing hall:
b.
Nāgadeva erected a stone pavement and a dancing hall in front of the Kamatha Pārsvadeva basadi (EC. II (R) 457 (335). 1195. p. 279. lines: 45-46). Manne plates record the grant of a village from the king, free of all hindrances, for dances performed by dancing girls, singing and drums for the Srivijaya jinālaya at
Mānyapura (EC. IX. NL. 61. C.E. 802. p.45). C. Similar instances are not lacking : APGAS - 111. Ng.
43. Ins No. 45. C.E. 1125, SII. XV. 164. 1220. p. 210,
SII. XX.202.1244 etc., To consider the second aspect, a chief of the Lokkingundi granted 1 1/2 Lokki-gadyāna, to increase by interest. This shows that, those who were borrowers from the temple would return the amount with interest. In other words, basadis were also acting as banks.
ii.

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iii. In relation to the structure of the Jaina society, there is a
reference in the epigraph under discussion, that a grant was made to the basadi for providing food to the 'Catur varna sangha samudāya'. In the context of Nirgrantha church, the phrase 'Catur-varņa' does not denote the usual sense of the four castes of Brahmana, Kşatriya, Vaisya and Sūdra; the four sections of the Jaina 'sangha-samudaya' are the monk, the nun, the layman, and the lay-woman; to put it in the accepted terminology, the śramaņa, the āryika, the śrāvaka and śrāvikā constitute the catur-varņa-sangha samudāya (Sh. 57. 1118 and Sh. 64. 1132).
An extraordinary feature of the endowment (Sh. 64. 1132) is that the grant was made not only for the food to the Jains but also to all the four castes, the catus-Samaya (ibid, line: 93), an example of the catholicity of Jaina society. There are instances of the tanks named after frairs as savanana kere '(the tank of the Jaina monk) (Sh. 57. 1118) and the villages named after them as 'Savanana-biļilu-grāma' (EC. VIII-ii (BLR) Soraba. 223. 1139. pp. 97-98).
Jaina faith in the township of Bannikere, Tattekere, Nellavatti, Nidige, Purulegrāma, Harakere flourished; it made its prominent mark on the Mandalihill. Inscriptions endorse profusely the fact that Jainism received tremendous fillip, rose to greater heights during the period of 11th and 12th centuries and it was still the religion of a large section of the people. Apart from the rulers, some of the local assemblies caused the construction of new basadis and renovation of old ones. Pattada basadi - 'the crown temple'
The concept of a Pattadabasadi is exclusively a Jaina invention, particularly in Karnataka. Some major dynasties like the Gangas, the Raştrakūtas, the Bādāmi Cālukyas, the Kadambas, the Hoysaļas and some minor dynasties like the Sāntaras, MandaliGangas, the Cengā!vas had their Pattada-basadis, also called Patta-Jinālayas - 'the crown temples' of those royal houses. The ruling king and the palace would invariably possess a Pattada

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rāni (the crown queen), Pattada-āne (the crown elephant), Pattadakudure (the crown horse), Pattada-katti (the crown sword), Pattada-simhāsana (the crown throne). Analogus with this is the Patta-Jinālaya alias Pattada-basadi (the crown Jinālaya). It is obvious that every royal family will have its own temple for the exclusive worship of the members of the palace. But the PattaJinälaya is conspicuous because there are no parallel term of other religions like Patta-śivālaya or Patta-vişnugeha or PattaBrahmālaya.
Patta Jinālayas or Pattada basadis are also called as the Tirthadabasadis. The Ellamma temple on the hill of Saudatti was the Patta Jinālaya of the Rattas; It is mentioned in the inscriptions as Rattara Patta Jinālaya. Pasta-Jinālaya for the Kadambas was at Palāsika, for the early Cālukyas at Puligese, for the Sāntaras at Hombuja. For the early Gangas, the Pattada basadi was the Rşbhnäth temple on the Nandi hill, but later they had their crown temple at Talavanapura.
The Jaina temple on the Mandali hill, one of the oldest temples in Karnataka and of the Gangas, built in about C.E. 350, was made the Pattada basadi of the Mandali Gangas in the medieval period. The work begun by Madhava-i was continued, after a lull of some centuries, by Barmmadeva Permmāời and his four sons, their children and grand children and the Caityālaya came to be recognised over a large region as the chief basadi of royal worship. Because this was in the province of the Mandali sahasra, it is called as Mandali tirthada basadi (Sh. 6. 1060.p. 18, Sh. 4. 1121-22). This Jinalaya is also one of the rare temples that continued to prosper for nearly a thousand years with very many royal renewed endowments from time to time, ad majorem Dei gloriam, for the greater glory of god. 1. Konganivarma Mādhava (C.E. 350-75), at the instance of
his preceptor the Simhanandin - II, had found a small kingdom of his own called Mandali-sāsira, on the outskirts of the present Shimoga, on the bank of the river Tungā. He also built a Caityālaya which was the earliest and first Jaina temple of wood in Karnataka (Rice, Lewis; Mysore Gazetter-1:

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1897:311, Sharma, I.K.: 1992; MAR. 1912 p. 30 para. 70; Ec. VII-i. Sh.4. 1121-22). In the end of the tenth century, a disciple of the Municandra Siddhāntadeva, Rakkasa Ganga Nanniya Ganga Kșitipāla, Mārasingana-anujam, gifted some wet lands under the tank of Tattekere (1WG: No. 150: 11th cent.: pp. 468-70, MAR
1923, pp. 114-15). 3. Mahāmandalesvara Bhujabala Ganga Permmādi
Barmmadeva-l (1050-65) endowed Mandali-basadi with taxfree gifts in the year 1054 (Sh. 4. 1121-22, pp. 10-15), giving it the name of 'Pattada basadi', the royal chapel. He again made some more grants of land, along with his queen consort and four sons and a grandson, in the year 1060 (Sh. 6. 1060. p. 18). This temple exists in good condi
tion even now at Harakere, as a Saiva temple. 5. Barmmadeva's first son Mārasinga, a lay disciple of
Māghanandi Siddhāntadeva, made a gift to this temple in
the year 1065 in Ardravalli. 6. Barmmadeva's second son, Nanniya (satya) Ganga made a
grant in the year 1070. 7. Rakkasa Ganga, third son of Barmmadeva and a lay votary
of the seer Anantavirya siddhantadeva made another grant in the same year. Bhujabala Ganga Permmāạideva-ll and the fourth and last son of Barmmadeva, made a grant of lands, specified with boundaries, in Heg-Gaņagile, for the daily worship and offerings at the Pastada Tirthada basadi, and for the food of
the Sramaņas. 9. Again in the year 1121-22, Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga
Permmāạideva-ll, grandson of Brammadeva, on the happy occasion of the birth of his son Hermmāạideva, made a hindrance free gift of the village Basadiyahalli, to the crown basadi.

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10. Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga renovated the crown tem
ple, built by his ancestors, caused to be constructed of stone.
Thus, the Maņdali-Thousand Patta Jinālaya on the hill, was one of the rare temples, as old as fifteen hundred years that continued to enjoy renewed endowments. But it is astonishing that no information is coming forth about the time of the disintegration or the manner of the collapse of this crown temple, which had the status of being the chief of all the temples in the Mandalinād.
It is noteworthy and also of historical importance that the Patta-jinälaya in the town exists to this day in good condition, converted into a Saiva temple. It has undergone some modification: the front elevation is altered, the Vimāna on the temple has been removed, the Jina Pārsva image in the sanctum sanctorum has been replaced with the present Śiva-Linga, and in a nut-shell, almost all the traits of Jaina stamp has been systematically dismantled. Albeit, the original stone pillars of the navaranga, the centre hall of the temple, stand strong in situ, with the sculpture and the north-west pillar contains the inscription of C.E. 1060, all the 26 lines in tact, giving the following details:
The mahāmaņdaleśvara Bhujabala Ganga Permmāļi Barmmadeva made grant of land (specified) for the Pattada basadi of the Mandali Tirtha. And his crowned queen Ganga Mahādevi, his son Mārasingadeva, his younger brother Satya Ganga, his younger brother Rakkasa Ganga, his younger brother Bhujabala Ganga, his son Mārasingadeva Nanniya Ganga Permmāļi - all made grants of land (specified). And in the villages of the nãą, which he ruled, he gave a tribute of five Paņa to the goddess Padmāvatidevi, to continue as long as sun, moon and stars. [Sh. 6. 1060. p. 18; total 26 lines]
The (small) shrine, exclusively built as an abode for housing the goddess Padmāvatidevi, either inside the temple or outside but within the temple complex, does not exist now.
The Rameśvara temple as it (Patta Jinālaya) is called today, is just about three kms from proper Shimoga city. Everyday

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the usual rituals of prayer and worship takes place here. The temple is in the heart of the village Harakere, retaining its old name, on one side of the main road from Shimoga, which passes through the village almost bifurcating the hamlet. The river Tungā flows behind the temple and the location speaks of the aesthetic excellence of the Mandali rulers, who have rightly chosen the best site (niveśana) for their crown temple; the area in and around this chaple was the proper or rather heart of Mandali town.
Further, the villages, tanks, paddy field, the wet land and dry land and a pond mentioned in the above endowment charter of the Patta Jinalaya (Rameśvara devālaya) deserve a special consideration. Tattekese, Ādravalli, Konare, Siriyūr, Hūli and its tank, Heggana(gi)le, Heggere, Basadiyahalli, Harakeri and its tank and a pond are the places and the area covered in the gift to the crown-temple. Most of these places have survived to this day, with the very names. Tațțekere, about five kms still further and eight kms away from Shimoga, is the famous Jaina seat and the residence of the senior minister Nokkayya. The basadi that he built at Tattekere does not exist now; but the small shed (of about 15' x 10') called Rameśvarana-gudi was the place where the basadi once existed. The lithic record of the size of 7'6" X 3'3", in front of the guļi, is one of the famous charters of the Mandali rulers, which proclaims that the Gangas were born in order to protect the Jinadharmma of the Kailasa mountain (Sh. 10. 1085, pp. 19-21]. The lone inscription at Tattakere also contains the achievements of Perggade Nokkayya who caused Jinālayas at Harige and Nellavatti.
Thus, it is well established that the entire area of Harakere and its neighbouring villages was attached to the Pasta Jinālaya, with marked boundaries. What happened to the original mūlanāyaka pratime, the Arhat Pārsva image, and the attendent goddess Padmāvatidevi image of the Patta-Jinālaya is not known, it seems that these images are not shifted to the Shimoga museum; similar is the case with the idols of Tastekere Jinālaya.

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We are not in a position to differentiate between the architecture of the kings and the architecture of the people, since the 'Chapel royal' (pasta jinālaya) has undergone so many changes in the course of nine hundred years.
The Jaina style of architecture, on the whole is uncomplicated and does not differ much from non-jaina styles. Looking at the Jaina sanctuaries from a distance, one will easily say that it looks like any other temples. But, only a careful examination of the details, both the outside and the inside of the shrine, will reveal the items and details of difference from non-jaina temples and the elements of its own characteristic Jaina features.
The exterior of the temple may not look so graceful, but the interior details are lively; particularly the breath-taking beauty of its doorways and pillars are typical of the Mandali-nād temples. This can be seen in the sanctuaries at Nyāmati, Basavana-Gangūr, Shimoga, Harakere and Gurupura. These marvels would never have been accomplished, had the ruling mahāmandalesvaras not taken a keen interest in them. Their interest and zeal in these works could be explained only if they lived so close by to these basadis that they and their consorts could visit the sanctuaries as often as they wished. Therefore, a careful examination and fieldsurvey indicate that, the Ganga family might have been ruling the Mandali nād in a feudatory capacity, with their residence at the present Harakere vicinity.
We get manifold sources of information for reconstructing an authentic account of the political, social, economic, religious and cultural conditions of the Mandali nāļ.
The political stability and the economic prosperity during the reign of the Cālukyas prompted the Mandali rulers to patronise different temples and to create permanent endowment in its favour. Goddess Padmāvatidevi
Of the 24 Tirthankaras of Jaina order, only Jina Pārsvanātha temples played a prominent role in the Mandalināļ for two reasons:

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The Ganga family owes its origin to the political and spiritual guidance of the adept Simhanandi, promoter of the Ganga kingdom, who caused by his faith the goddess Padmavati, the attendent deity of Arhat Pārsva, to appear, obtained a boon and gave the Gangas a sword and the whole kingdom.
The crown-basadi, the paṭṭa jinālaya, of the Mandali-Thousand had the god Pārsva as its mūlanayaka, the chief of the sanctum sanctorum. And, this Pārsvanatha Jinālaya was the chief of all the temples; the deity Padmavatidevi is his attendent goddess, a desire fulfiler and a boon giver.
As a consequence to this, the deity Padmavati acquired the place of honour among the goddesses, and became famous and popular in the Ganga Maṇḍalināḍ. According to the Jaina pantheon, the deity Padmavatidevi is the consort of the cobra god Dharanendra (Dharana, Nagendra, Nāgaraja, Phanendra). Both of them are considered as the Jina Sāsanadevi and deva of Arhat Pārśva (Nagarajaiah, Hampa: 1976: 114-16 and 138-41; Dhaky, M.A. (ed): 1997).
The goddess Padmavati is the family deity of not only the Gangas ab initio-ad finem, but also of the Santaras and even the Hoysalas. Sāntaligenād and Mandalināḍ dynasties invariably had in their rāja-prasasti a common phrase - obtainer of a boon from the goddess Padmavati, analogous with that of the early Gangas (Nagarajaiah, Hampa: Santararu: 1997-A). They lived under the guardianship of Padmavatidevi, their favourite deity who presented them with a crest, a royal insignia.
Kañcaladevi, a Paṭṭamahadevi of Marasinga Nanniya Ganga Permmäḍideva, for having obtained a son Hermmäḍideva, a prince of the royal family, by the divine grace of goddess Padmavati, and in fulfilment of her solemn promise, granted a tribute of five pana, in the year 1121-22, from the villages of Mandali naḍu to continue as long as sun, moon and stars shine. Shimoga has the distinction of being the centre place of two of the earliest temples erected for Lord Parsva and goddess Padmāvāti respectively in C.E. 350, by the early Gangas at the instance of Simhanandi

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ācārya, the promoter of the Ganga kingdom. A century after this Padmāvati temple on Mandalihill, Ravivarma (458-519), the Banavāsi Kadamba king, made some grants for the embellishments of the Padmăvati temple at Kallili village; KalliligrāmamPadmāvatyālayasya-Pūjā samskārārtham (Gopal, B.R: Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions 1985: 87). So, the early temples for goddess Padmāvatidevi are at Mandali-hill (mid 4th century), at Kallīli in North Canara (5th century) and at Hombuja in Shimoga district (7th century).
Inscriptions of the Mandali Gangas and the SāntaļigeSāntaras make a special reference to this deity as Lokkiyabbe and Nokkiyabbe. To impart fulness to this monograph, this observation needs further elaboration, covering its background.
Lokkiyabbe alias Nokkiyabbe is a tribal deity. The process of assimilation of tribal divinities is not new to the religions of india. Adoption of the local pastoral deity Lokkiyabbe, absorbing the name and identifying with Padmāvatidevi must have taken place in seventh century C.E. and the melting pot of the regional tribal deity was the present day Hombuja. Inscriptions vouch to the testimony of this process of assimilation of the deity of the tree with the patron deity of Hombuja and the rulers Sāntaras. Tribal origin of Lokkiyabbe is not beyond recognitioin, because we have an access to the etymology of the word: Lokki/Nokki - (Nekki, Lakki, Lekki, Lokki, Lakali, Nakali-being other variants) is a variety of plant, the shrub or small tree vitex negundo or trifolia Lin; Lokki/Nekki is a Dravidian word with its congnates as follows - Kannada, Lokki, Nekki, Lakali, Nakali; Tamil, Noci; Malayalam, Noci; Tulu. Nekki, Lakki; Telugu, Noccil, Lokki; Sanskrit name for the Dravidian Lokki or Nokki plant is Indra-surasa, Indranke, Sephalika, Sinduvāra. Jains in Karnataka worship the shrub Lokki even to this day, considering it a symbol of Padmavatidevi.
The vegetarian character of the deity being the main characteristic feature of the typical Jaina goddess. Thus mostly the Yaksas manifest in their benevolent form on the benefic aspect; they rarely manifest in their terrible form. Only occasionally, with valid reasons, they split into two opposing, yet complimentary

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forms. For instance, if a person/power out of his/its personal hatred and in a state of anger and malice, indulge in causing any thing wrong to an innocent person, a Jina or an ascetic or a devout lay votary, deeply engrossed in meditation, the goddess Yakşi would voluntarily manifest in her terrible form, demonstrate the malefic aspect and dispense the evil.
Generally the Yakṣis manifest as the boon-conferring (anugraha-murti) and desire fulfilling (abhista-vara-pradāyini) deities, but never the Jinas/Tirthankaras. Thus, the Yakṣis became the favourite goddesses for the worshippers; very imposing and aesthetically chiselled and designed images of Yakṣis appeared. Architecturally also, there is scope for the sculptors for the imagination in the images of Yaksis, but particularly no scope for variety in the images of the Jinas. The Mandali rulers also caused Padmāvatidevi alias Lokkiyabbe temples. The Vayjamāņdalika and his queen consort Vayjaladevi of Āsandinād Gangas, saying that "this is our deity and the only light of our family, character and power', they worshipped goddess Padmāvatidevi, everyday; a son was born to them, whom they named as Barmmadeva, who succeeded the throne.
Bhujabala Ganga Permmādi Barmmadeva was a laic devotee of the deity Padmāvatidevi and in fulfilment of the obligation, he gave a permanent grant of five pana from the villages he ruled in the year C.E. 1060. There were temples exclusively built for Padmāvatidevi, as the main deity to be worshipped in the sanctum sanctorum. She figures prominently in the Mandalinād inscriptions in her boon granting divine form.
Padmavatidevi had the other names of Lokkiyabbe and Nokkiyabbe, meaning the 'VỊkşa-devatā', goddess of the plant Lokki or Nokki as variants. Some of the personal names of the Mandalināď important persons were after the name of this goddess; Lokkiyakka, wife of Mārasinganspa, is one such name. Even male persons who were devotees to this deity would prefer to be named after her; Nokkayya is one such name. Since the Yaksas are primarily sylvan deities, Padmāvatidevi's association with the shrub Lokki is not surprising.

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The Mulanayaka, the principle deity of the basadi at Nellavatti, the modern Nyamati, is not mentioned in the concerned inscirption. But the beautiful image of the goddess Ambikā alias Kūṣmāndini, of eleventh century in the village (now placed on the JagatiKatte near Santemāļa), suggests that the temple built in 1085 by the celebrated Perggaḍe Nokkayya, was for the god Neminatha, the 22nd Tirthankara. At Didagur, on the bank of the river, in Honnali taluk, the herggade Jakkayya-Jakkavve couple caused a Caityalaya, in 1160, setting up the god Supärśva Tirthankara, made grants for the god and for ṛsis.
Recently 1 discovered an inscription in the Nyamati temple giving details about Icarasa and Sovaladevi, his consort, who commissioned the extended portion, to the right side of the Trikūța Jinālaya caused earlier by pergaḍe Nokkayya. Icarasa, chief of Sindavāḍi, was ruling from his residence at Belagavatti (Belagutti) as a vassal of the Mandalināḍ, in the early decades of 12th cent.
Belagutti (Belagavatti, Belagāvarti) in Honnāļi taluk, was the capital of Sindavāḍi principality of the Hoysala kingdom. Viraballāļadeva had entrusted it to dandanayaka Toḍapille, in C.E. 1175. Mallidevarasa (1196), Īsvaradevarasa (1216), Simhaladevarasa (1232) and Biradevarasa (1249) succeeded Toḍapille as sāmantas. Later, Belagutti was ruled by the subordinates of Vijayanagara. With the discovery of the new inscription, it has come to light that Icarasa was the earliest to rule Belagutti. Icarasa and Sovaladevi, his spouse, had caused many Jinālayas, made Belagutti look like another Kopana, a celebrated Jaina centre. Sovaladevi, a lady votary of Jinadharma, has been compared to Danacintāmaṇi Attimabbe, an illustrious lady of tenth century in the Calukya kingdom. [Kamala Hampana: 1995].
Nālprabhu Sindagāvuṇḍa, a bee at the lotus feet of Jinendra and a subordinate of the Mandali rulers is mentioned in an inscription [Sh. 39 C.E. 1122]. But, it is not clear whether he was related to Icarasa of Sindavāḍi or not. Yet, the charter confirms. that Sindavāḍi was a part of the Maṇḍalināḍ.

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Chapter 5
The Preceptors
The Nirgrantha creed has its
political order, methodically
maintained in the canonical texts and in inscriptions. This traditionally preserved chronological list of the religious teachers, more or less, is in confirmity with the available historical data. Jaina preceptors are called as Śramaņas (Sanskrit), Samaņa or Savaņa (Prakrit), Yati, muni and rși. In hundreds of inscriptions, the term sși is invariably refers to a Jain saint. Some of these monks were rāja-gurus, royal teachers and mandalācāryas, the abbots of a greater diocese, in which case such ascetics would be introduced with the epithet mandalācārya of so and so.
These pontiffs had their individual and some times traditional titles, occasionally distinguishing prefixes or suffixes that speak of each preceptors monastic status, erudition and achievement. The bhattārakas had the title Jagadguru, teacher of the world [EC. Il (R) 476 (345) A.D. 1159. line: 38]. The word Jagadguru, as an epithet is men

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tioned for the first time in an inscription of A.D. 1067 of Koppala (Nagarajaiah, Hampa: 1978-A: p/73). Bhaṭṭārakas would stay in the Matha attached to the temple, whereas the Nirgrantha friars would stay in the basadi, sleep on the floor during the blunt of seasonal variations. They were profound scholars in various branches of knowledge, not confined to their religious dogmas only. Most of them were grammarians, logicians, eloquent orators, litterateures, proficient in religious discourses and debates. They were experts in siddhanta, the Jaina philosophy, syādvāda, the doctrine of qualified assertion, anekantavāda, the doctrine of manifold aspects, with a working knowledge in medicine. Nirgrantha monks would take food only once in a day, in forenoon, and would not sip even a drop of water for the next 24 hours and never after sunset.
Jaina pontificates were established during the reign of the Mandali-Thousand Ganga kings at several places. Some of the basadis in the province were either newly built or repaired, or rebuilt, on the advice of these friars. Most of the Mandalināḍ charters simultaneously testify to the growth of the basadis and the Nirgrantha-mata, at the hands of the local Mandalinaḍu rulers and the commoners. Thus, religious activities of Jainas accelerated.
The descent of the seers of the Kräṇür (Kānūr) gaṇa, a cohort of the friars and nuns of the original congregation, the Mülasangha has been chronologically recorded, starting from its first and foremost ascetic the adept Simhanandi ācārya.
Apostle Simhanandi ācārya
Quite a good number of Jaina ācāryas flourished in the Mandalināḍu, commanding lot of respect from the state and its subjects. Among the very many monks that adorned the Mandalināḍ, it is the great Simhanandi ācārya who stands unique at the top and all the rest of ascetics simply walked on his foot steps. There were two or three Simhanandi ācāryas; one in the third century, the other in the fourth century.

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Following are the details as recorded in the Mandalinād inscriptions:
Well-versed in the ten forms of righteousness (the Uttama Kşamādi daśa-dharmas, the ten commandments of the Jaina church), possessing the auspicious wealth of immaculate virtues, a sight of pleasure for the devotees was the ācārya Siṁhanandi. He, bearing the stamp of radiance of fame reaching the four sea shore, free and far away from all impurities, a sun to the sky of Krāņurgana, was dedicated to the practice of performing the 12 varities of penance. When he was indulged in his daily penance and leading the life of austerity at the outskirts of the Ganga Perūr, Dadiga and Madhava, Ksatriya brothers in distress, approached the ascetic.
The revered Simhanandi ācārya who carefully listened to the grievances narrated by the forlorn brothers. The adept monk, taking pity, made them indulge in the proper education. After some days, Simhanandi invoked the goddess Padmavatidevi who blessed them with a boon, a sword and a kingdom. Mādhava, revered by the learned, with all his might struck the stone pillar column which broke with a cracking noise. Convinced with the power of Mādhava, prophet Simhanandi placed a coronet of the petals of Karņņikāra flower, blessed them by scattering rice grains (akşata). Thus, the saint with a pleased mind gave them a kingdom with a crest and cognizance, making his piñca, peacock feather whisk broom a signal flag for them, furnished with numerous attendants, elephants and horses.
Simhanandi ācārya's matured wisdom was such, that while establishing a kingdom for his laic followers with all required infrastructure, he also laid down for his protege, rightly swept up in the spirit of the age and history:
If you fail in what you have promised If you do not approve of the Jaina teachings If you seize the wife of another If you eat honey or flesh If you form relationships with low people

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If you do not give your wealth to the needy If you flee from the battle field Then your race will go to ruin
All the Gangas faithfully adhered to these aeonial commandments almost verbatem; they fought bravely and won many decisive battles, whole-heartedly approved the Jaina teachings, maintained sterling character, remained virtuous, followed vegetarianism, aimed at altruistic principles, distributed their wealth to the needy. A number of the Ganga charters go to approve that they are celebrated for their unswerving fidelity to the plighted word. They continued to include the cognomen Dharma-mahādhirāja and Satya-vākya or Nanniya Ganga to aver their guru the adept Simhanandi.
After the great Bhadrabāhu Śrutakevali ācārya, it is Sishanandi ācārya who as an apostle revitalised and opened a new vista to Jaina church in Karnataka, which assumed new proportions. The ācārya had a vision, a mission and an ambition. He had a large number of valiant and loyal royal followers who ably executed his sermon to achieve phenominal success. The charter of Purale village makes it clear that the adept Simhanandi was a native of southern country: Dakşina-deśa-nivāsi (Sh. 64. 1132. p. 67). He is one of the earliest of Jain pontiffs to envisage the importance of political strength to safeguard the religion also. With Bhadrabāhu came Candragupta Maurya, relinquishing his kingdom and accepted monkhood. But, Simhanandi came with a band of martial race and trained them not to renounce the world but to rule the kingdom ably, and they did fulfil the wishes of their preceptor.
The Mūlasangha, a dominant ecclesiastical institution, was established by Mahāvira, and Indrabhūti Gautama (Pk. Indabūi Goyama) was the first to hold its pontiffical chair. Later, apostle Bhadrabāhu first brought the Mülasangha to the south, and gradually it branched off into different gañas and gacchas. Once again the adept koņpakunda ācārya, one of the greatest of patriarchs, consolidated all the splinter groups that had branched off from

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the original congregation, including the Yāpaniya sangha and made Mūlasangha an invincible force in the south: Śri Kondakunda nāmā=bhūn=mūla-sanghā=graņi gani [EC. Vol. II (R) No. 79 (69) C. 12th Cent. C.E. P. 55]
Thus, Mülasangha maintained its hold for more than a thousand years.
Among the congregations of the Nirgranta creed, the best is Mülasangha, the original congregation; in that Mūlasangha the zenith is the Desiga gaņa (Sh. 97. 1113. p. 108). This statement of an inscription of the Mandlinād has crystalised the long tradition of Jaina monachism. Müla sangha superseded some of the early and later branches. Băcaladevi, queen consort of Mandali ruler, was a disciple of this Desiga gana; she caused to be made a celebrated Caityālaya, an ornament to the Mandali-Thousand with Arhat Pārsva as the mūla-nāyaka and dedicated it to the tradition of Mülasangha Desiga gana.
Of the different sects of Jainism, Digambara the sky-clad, Śvetāmbara the white-clad and the Yāpaniya are the earliest. The inscriptions discussed in this monograph, however, do not contain any reference to the Svētambara sect, only Digambara sect held faster to the ground. Though Yāpaniya sangha school of Jainism was different from the other two, but nearer to the former, had its sway in Karnataka between 4th and 14th centuries. But Yāpaniya lost its identity in the pre-medieval period itself, and it merged with the original congregation, in and around tenth and 11th centuries, even though its nomenclature continued to survive for some more centuries. Yāpaniya sangha had its own gaņas and gacchas (Nagarajaiah, Hampa: Candrakode : 1997-C: 15256).
The early Gangas were followers and great supporters of Yāpaniya school, because the very promoter of the Ganga kingdom, adept Simhanandi was himself a Yāpaniya ācārya. Of the many ganas and gacchas, Kāņār gaņa, Sūrasta gana and Meşa Pāşāņa gaccha, three of the cohorts of friars of the Yāpaniya

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school of thought, are mentioned in the Mandali-Thousand inscriptions. Charters of the period of Nanniya Ganga Permmāļi and later epigraphs go to prove that his predecessors and successors continued to be followers of this sangha, and made generous gifts to the basadis.
Most of the preceptors of the Mandali rulers are of Kāņūrgaņa. It is Ponna (C.E. 960), a Jina-samaya-dipaka, light of the Jaina religion, a court-poet of the Rāştrakūța king Kļşna-III, who is the earliest author to mention and pay rich tributes to the Kāņūr gaņa ācāryas. Poet Ponna, in his Sāntipurāṇam, has mentioned Arhadbali ācārya (1-17, 18) and Bettada Dāmanandi (1-23, 24) as the excellent teachers of Kāņār gana. It is note worthy that the above pontiffs mentioned by poet Poona find place in the inscriptions of the Mandalinād. After Simhanandi acārya follows an exhaustive list of Kāņūr-gana ācāryas (Sh. 4, 40, 57,64 etc). This list of the succession of Nirgranta pontiffs of Kāņūr gana is in extenso identical with the Icavādi fragmentary inscription; but, I have explained elsewhere in this monograph, that the Icavādi charter is just a broken piece, containing the second half of the same Kallurgudda inscription, bearing the number Shimoga 4, in Rice's edition of Epigraphia Carnatika volume VII and part-I (1902).
The disciples after Simhanandi ācārya are Arhadbalyācārya, Bettada Dāmanandi bhattāraka, Meghacandra traividyadeva, Prabhācandra Siddhāntadeva-I, Guņacandra Panditadeva, Gunanandideva, Māghanandi Siddhāntadeva, his collegue, Anantaviryamuni, his confrere Municandramuni, his disciple Śrutakirti Kanakanandi-traividya, Mādhvacandra, his disciple Bālacandra yatindra - these are the ācāryas of the Mandali rulers. These are the monks who were the moving spirit behind the construction of Caityālayas. The names of these ascetics are repeated with various epithets, emphasising their spiritual attainment.
This long list does not say that these ācāryas came one after another in the same order; because, some of them were contemporaries, either living at the same monastery or at different basadis. Ālahalli, Basadiyahalli, Bannikere, Didagūr, Edehalli, Harige, Kalambūrunagara, Kuntalapura, Kuruli, Nelavatii, Nidige,

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Purulegrama, Taṭṭekere - were some of the villages where these ascetics had stayed. Bālacandra bratipati was honoured at Purulegrama in 1112; his confrere at Kopaṇatirtha was Vadḍācāryabratipati, who was more honoured than his collegue Nemideva, was evidently a monk to whom the mercantile community had large number of lay votaries.
There are only three niśidhi stones caused to be made in memory of the deceased. One of the nisidhi is of the monk Bālacandradeva, erected by his disciple Nemideva in 1227. Incidentally this is the last reference to a Jaina monk in the Mandalināḍ. It is curious to note that there are no references to nuns, the female Jaina ascetics, in any of the Mandalināḍ charters.
Gunanandideva, a Brahma to grammar, the brilliance of his speech spreading the glory of his qualities, his eloquence growing in fame like a moon, had become great.
There are two pontiffs with the name of Prabhācandra Siddhäntadeva, both being great scholars. The earlier ācārya, adoring the throne of Akalanka, a celebrated logician, a lion to the elephant of disputants, versatile in Saḍdarśanas, proficient in all literature, a sun in the sky of the Nirgrantha congregation, belonged to the Mula sangha, Koṇḍakundānvaya, Krāṇūrgaṇa, Meṣapāṣāṇa gaccha. The later Prabhäcandra Siddhantadeva-ll was his great grand disciple and he also possessed similar virtues and scholarship. It is this ācārya who was a raja-guru to some of the Mandalināḍu chiefs.
Two of the rare instances of a person possessing a typical Jaina personal names are Bahubali and Jinadāsa. Bahubali is recorded in an inscription (Sh. 97. 1113), Jinadāsa is mentioned in an epigraph of eleventh century (Sh. 10. 1085). Lokkiyabbe and Nokkayya are the names after the popular deity Padmavatidevi who had other localised names as Lokkiyabbe and Nokkiyabbe. Basadis
Basadis were nucleus of various socio-religious activities, safe guarding the interests of the community. Along with the attached mathas, the basadis played a prominent role in moulding

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the personality of the laics; its votaries were complimentary to each other and evidently depended on each other. Basadis were of the people, by the people and for the people. Basadis also worked as schools, primarily imparting the scriptural knowledge, initiation to religious texts. As repository of religious books written on palm-leaf, basadis invariably contained stabhandaras, a collection of basic religious books and books on grammar, logic, philosophy, lexicography, medicine, poetics, prosody and poetry. For the lay votaries, they were also centres of attraction. Occasionally dramatic performances, based on the theme of the Jaina purāņas were also arranged in the premises. Pañca Kalyāņa episode, a popular theme, was enacted accompanied by dance and music. Dancing performances were more frequent, and a portion of the grants made over to the basadi was year marked to dances. Thus, basadis were also repositories of fine arts. Even the worship in the Caityālaya was not limited to the well-being of the individual alone. It had a range of wider scope of wishing safety for all people, with the king being god fearing, Indra blessing with seasonal rains, devoid of all diseases, famine and pestilence.
Therefore, basadi was an institution in itself and was more than a mere place of worship. Basadis even today, in and around the proper Shimoga town are found the traces of the predominence of Nirgrantha faith. A number of surrounding villages clearly betray the Jainistic features of iconography, coupled with the presence of more and more Jaina images. Jainism had entered Shimoga vicinity as early as in the early centuries of C.E., that go to confirm the verocity of the statements in Kallurgudda charter. Some of the ancient sculptures, Jaina images, pillars and pedestals and other antiquities, collected from the ruins in this area of the Mandali nādu, are neatly housed in the old palace museum at Shimoga. These excellent masterpieces of architecture are the silent witness to the heyday of dominence of Jainism under the Gangas of Mandali-1000.
It is note worthy that the modern Shimoga city, a district head-quarters, was a small village, with 'SIMOGE' as its early name, included in the Mandalinād principlaity. The present Anjaneya (Hanumanta) temple, in the centre of Shimoga proper

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town, was a basadi Jain temple, built by the Manqali Gangas in eleventh century. The village Simoge, along with another seven villages were gifted as a gāvuņda-vítti, a means of subsistence, to the minister Perggade Nokkayya, by his king Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva-l (1070-76) (Sh. 10.1085 pp. 1921).
In all probability it is Perggade Nokkayya who caused a basadi at the then simoge, the modern Shimoga, in the end of eleventh century around 1090, which after being taken over by the Brāhmins, has been renovated and altered into a Vaisnava temple; but it is happy to note that the old temple of the Mandalināờ, some how survives to this day in good condition, with some alterations. But, the old and original pillars are intact in situ; door frames are also maintained as they were. In these solid and heavy pillars and the door frames, technical skill is as transparent as the patient labour is visible. Śrikāra columns very much resemble the similar columns in the Jinālayas of Halebidu olim Bastihalli of the Hoysaļa period. Catholicity of the Mandali Gangas
The Mandali-Gangas were wont to observe religious tolerance. They were the promoters of the dharma of the four traditional samayas, though Jainism continued to be the implicit faith of the state and the people, throughout the reign of the Mandali1000, fashioned after the early Gangas. There were some agrahāras in the Mandalinãd and the Brāhmaṇas were respected and rewarded everywhere. Cordial relations prevailed between Jains and other sects which had most salutary effect on the state. Ālahalli inscription, one of the earliest of the Mandalinad charters throws light on the catholicism of the Gangas: Cikkabbe, consort of Būtuga-1, made over the tank, granted to her by her husband, as gift for purposes of management to god īsānaśiva (Sh. 96. C.E. 915 p. 106). After the advent of Kāļāmukha Śaivas, as early as tenth century, the Śaivas wielded a greater influence. The Mandalināò patronised Saivadharma and Māheśvara Savia in particular.

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God Siddheśvara temple
Though the progress of Arhatamata institution was unchecked, the worship of Lord Siva was wide spread. Jains and Śaivaites, without any reservation or distinction used to attend each others temples and listen to the recital of Siva-dharma-kāthaprasanga from the holy scriptures with devotion. During the period of the Mandali Gangas, the Maņdali-basadi and god Siddheśvara temple existed in Edadore-70, side by side, and together flourished with hindrance free gifts and endowments.
A nā!-prabhu Sindagāvunda was a bee at the lotus feet of Jinendra; his wife Nāgagāvundi was head of the Māheśvaragaņa. The couple living happily in Vira-grāma, made a grant for the decorations, distribution of food and for the repairs of god Siddeśvara, of land (specified) (Sh. 39. 1122). The god Siddheśvara and the priest Brahmeśvaradeva had their devotees mentioned in inscriptions (Sh. 51. 1108 and Sh. 40. 1180).
The devout Jain lay votaries, Hoysaļa Goydisetti and his two sons, on hearing the recital of Śiva-dharma, made a grant of land for the embellishment and repairs of the god Siddeśvara (Sh. 40. 1180. p. 46). Mahāmandalesvara Nanniya Ganga himself made a grant of a garden for the god Umā-Maheśvara of the Panca Linga temple at Balligāve (Sk. 127. 1118)
A number of Saiva and Vaişņava temples were built during the reign of Mandali Gangas and were endowed with liberal grants. The nāļprabhu Madhusudhanadeva caused to be built the Gangesvara temple in the name of his father of Madu-GangaKhandaļipura in the Mandalinād (Sh. 5. 1218). The god Kamathesvara, whose temple had been erected of stone, was also worshipped and the temple had grants given by the devotees (Sh. 44. 1122). Haduvaļa (general) Gangaya and his eldest son Haļuvaļa Hemmādi-Devarasa, one day, on hearing the recital of Śiva-dharmma, made grant of land (Sh. 42. 1122).
When mahāmaņdaleśvara Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmāạideva-1 was ruling in peace at his residence, a

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temple for the god Jakkeśvara was erected, a linga was set up in the sanctum, a Kalasa was put up, and after washing the feet of Jagadindu-pandita, a grant of land was made (Sh. 14. 1103 p. 22). In the principality of the Maṇḍali, Venkata Nayaka erected the temple of Ranganatha and endowed it with land. Siriyoja, son of Mallojayya of Gangur, was the architect of the temple who also inscribed the inscription.
Begür agrahara was famous and highly respected vedic centre for Mäheśvaras, Vaiṣṇvas and other creeds. 1300 Brāhmaṇas of the agrahāra of Begur were characterised by self control, subjection, recitation of the vedas, meditation, abstraction, silence, propriety, prayer, religious vows. They were skilled in the Mimāmsaka, Lokāyata, Bauddha, Sankhya, Vaiseṣika and other sāstras and āgamas; performances of agnistoma and all other sacrifices; reverenced by the learned; obtainers of three fold fame in many branches of sṛuthi, smriti and the meaning of śruti. Cattagosi, son of Kāļa-gāmuṇḍa of Amba, made a grant of 25 Kamma of rice land and a site for one house, to provide a satra, choultry/feeding house, for distributing food to those of the country and those from other parts, in the year 1089 (Sk. 14 and 16. 1085; Sk. 18. 1158).
A Ghaṭikā sthāna
Bhimesvara temple of Kusukūru agrahara, village assigned to Brahmins for their maintenance, was a Svayambhu LingaKṣetra, self existent and hence hallowed, with the god Bhimanāthadeva. Still more significant is that it was a Ghaṭikāsthāna, a place of learning in 14th century, when pratāpa cakravartti Hoysaṇa Vira Ballāļa Devarasa's ministers for peace and war, Devapa-Hariyapa was the Sarvadhikari of Haḍuvalikenāḍ in GangaMandali. During his time in the year C.E. 1309, Bhimanatha, 60 farmers, 1700 Gavare-gaudas, 120 Sthānas and 18 castes granted for the god Bhimanātha, free of all imposts. Equally famous was the god Ramanathadeva of the village Kuruva.
When Tribhuvanamalla NanniyaGanga Permmāḍideva was ruling and his mahāsāmanta Oṭṭi-ghattiyanna at Kotepura of Ciluru

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balle-30 Kampana of Mandali-1000, Sāvanta Ramayya, after washing the feet of Padmašideva, the priest of god Nāgeśvara, made a grant of land (specified) in 1076. He also made a gift of land for Paļayiga, the dancing girl, the singers, for the man who brings bilpatre leaves, the Bael tree, and others. Rāmayya had carried out the stone work of the Nāgeśvara temple, built a tank for the god Śiva, with devotion set up the god keśava in his own name, Rāma-keśava, and made grants of land including those given by the previous order (HI. 14. 1076)
Bagavadi Someśvara Pandita was the chief of the Saiva temple in Edadore-70 of the Mandali-1000. After washing his feet, the nā!-prabhu Nema Veggade, a liac Jain, with several others, made grant of land for the god (Sh. 43. 1172). A temple of Kāleśvara was erected by the general Hemmāļi, in the name of his mother Kalevve. Later, his son Kāleya alias Kāļa had it built of stone, made for it a grant of land, washing the feet of Kalyāņa Pandita, Malloja built the garbhagsha (Sh. 55. 1167).
Märaya, doorkeeper of Hoysala Vira Ballāla, in the name of his younger brother Cikkatamma, erected temple called Cikkeśvara, and made a grant (specified) for the service, offerings, food of ascetics and repairs of the temples; the people and farmers of Gangana nād (Mandali) also made grants (specified) to the god Cikkeśvara from the customs dues. The donee was Mallikārjuna pandita, disciple of Sūryābharaṇadeva, ācārya of Tripurāntaka, at the eastern gate of Sriparvata. To the Pattaņasvāmi Goyisetti, a dweller at the feet of Jinendra, 20 bullocks were allowed out of the 100 bullocks granted to the temple (Sh. 88. 1203).
Nā!-prabhu Madhusudanadeva, son of Vibhu Ganga and Vijjale-Rāņi, had a door made to the Gangeśvara temple erected by his father. Later he also granted land (specified) for the ceremonies and perpetual lamp of the temple (Sh. 5. 1218). Literature
The Mauryas, the Sātavāhanas, the Cutus - were all alien to the soil of Karnataka; they employed either Prakrit or Sanskrit as

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their language. It was left for the indigenous dynasties like the Gangas and the Bādāmi Cālukyas to employ and encourage the language of the inhabitants of the region. The Banavāsi Kadambas, though a indigenous family, adopted Sanskrit as their official language. The Gangas contribution to Kannada language and literature is remarkable. Some of the early kings of the Ganga dynasty were great scholars. Kannada was the mother tongue of the Gangas, the Rāṣṭrakūtas, the Calukyas of Bādāmi and Kalyāṇa. The Mandalinaḍu Gangas also continued the religion and language of their family tradition. Thus, Kannada was their mother tongue and the language of the administration. The personal names of the Ganga kings and queens such as Būtuga, Eṛeyappa, Eṛeganga, Muttarasa, Mukkara, Kambayya, Kaṭṭāṇe, Arasāne, Kālabba, Padmabbarasi, Revakanimmaḍi, Kallabbā, Puņuseya Marula, Arumolideva, Nanniya Ganga etc., virtually demonstrates that their mother tongue was Kannada language.
But, whether the Mandali Gangas patronised Kannada authors is not known. Albeit, there were some bards in the courts of these māṇḍalikas, capable of authoring the Mandali charters. When the Kalyāṇa Calukya emperor Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya-VI was ruling the kingdom, his feudatory Ganga Permmāḍi's minister was Heggaḍe Nokkayya. His Sandhi-vigrahi and a poet Dāmarāja authored the Shimoga inscription number ten of C.E. 1085. This 'Śāsana-gabba', a śāsana-kāvya as the poet calls it, contains 59 lines, and fairly records the early and later Gangas. This charter with the usual invocatory verse, Śrimatparama-gambhira-syädvāda, in praise of the Jinaśāsana, very often quoted in hundreds of Jaina inscriptions [it is a quotation from Bhaṭṭa Akalankadeva's 'Pramāṇasangrah' (C.E. 730-50)], contains some Sanskrit composition in the beginning. Immediately after the tenth line onwards, the whole inscription is in chaste Kannada language.
Dāmarāja had a sound knowledge of Kannada language and literature. This Taṭṭekere inscription can be considered as an abridged Campūkāvya. It is composed in ornate literary style and contains verses composed in Kanda, Vṛttas of Campakamāla,

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Utpala and mattebha-vikridita form/metre. The epigraph betrays the poet's mastery in handling the historical events in the frame of an inscription, with a touch of poetic excellence. He is proficient in both Sanskrit and Kannada languages and equally at ease in Jaina philosophy.
Apart from Dāmarāja, Kaviśvara Brahmadeva (Sh. 69. 1320) and Senabova Bogadeva, a lay disciple of Kanakanandi traividya deva (Sh. 89. 1111), are the poets who have composed some of the Mandali inscriptions. Except for a few such inscriptions of literary merit, poetic flash and brilliance of ideas, the rest are all conventional and stereotyped.
The mendicant Prabhācandra Siddhantadeva-ll was learned (budha), versatile author in both Kannada and Sanskrit, superior among the poets and was proficient in the three branches of knowledge (trai-vidya); he was a moon to the ocean of Siddhānta (Sh. 57. 1118. Nidige. p.59); The word 'Siddhānta' needs a clarifiction. Digamabara apostle Dharasena transmitted (C.E. 156) to his two disciples Puspadanta and Bhutabali, who compiled Satkhaņdāgama, scripture in six parts; Ganabhadra-l compiled Kaşāyaprābhịta, dealing with theories of bondage of the soul. These two works, being highly technical, are comprehensible to the most advanced scholars or the mendicants. Pontiff Virasena (C.E. 816) wrote Dhavalā, the luminous, a commentary on Satkhanļāgama. The adept Jinasena (C.E. 820) wrote Jayadhavalā, the victoriously luminous, a commentary on Kaşāyaprābhịta. A mendicant possesing full knowledge of Satkhandāgama and Kaşāya prābhrta, the two primoridal Siddhanta canonical works, was honoured by the title SiddhāntaCakravarti. All the preceptors of the Maņdalinād patriarchate were proficient in grammar, epistomology, scripture, Sabdāgama, Yuktyāgama and Paramāgama; the last three are traividyas,
In importance, the most notable event of Bhujabala Ganga Permmādidev's reign was the copying of the Dhavala-Tikā, commentary on the first five parts of Satkhaņdāgama (KammapayadiPāhuda alias Karma-praksti-prābhịta). The illustrious erudite

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Virasena ācārya, a royal teacher to both Jagattunga and Nțupatunga, kings of the Rāştrakūta dynasty, wrote Dhavalā-Tikā, a commentary of 72 thousand verses, using both Prakrit and Sanskrit languages, in A.D. 816.
Bhujabala Ganga Permmāạideva-I's consort Bācaladevi had constructed a beautiful Caityālaya at Bannikere, which had gained more importance, because of the Pāraśvanātha temple, the best of temples in the celebrated Mandalinād. Subhacandradeva Munipa, a pupil of Maladhārideva yamina [EC. 11(R) 484 (351) C.E. 1119], who was a moon to the ocean of Mūlasangha, Desigagana, was the chief preceptor of Bannikere caityālaya. He had mastered āgama literature and had the cognomen Siddāntaratnākara. Once he wanted to read the Dhavala-Tikā to teach his pupil but the palm-leaf text was not there in the Stabhandāra of the Caityālaya. Devamati alias Rati-Deviyakka, mother-in-law of the Mandalinād ruler Bhujabala Ganga Permmādi, who was a lady-votary of the ascetic śubhacandra Siddhāntadeva, had camped at Bannikere Jina Pārsva Caityālaya, for the ceremony of concluding the religious observance of Śruta-pancamí vrata. Knowing the need and excellence of Dhavala-Tikā, Deviyakka immediately arranged for copying the text. Because of the timely action of Deviyakka, a copy of Virasena ācārya's Dhavalāļikā was made available, not only to her revered guru śubhacandra Siddhāntadeva but the whole world, because that is the one and only copy available to this day.
Deviyakka (Devamati, Demati, Ratidevi, Devamati), daughter of Nāgale, sister of both Dandanāyakitti Lakkale (wife of general Gangaraja) and Būcirāja, was wife of Cāmunda, a royal merchant. She has been compared to Sita, Laksmi and to Śāsanadevata, attendent goddess of Jina, the agent in giving protection to the supreme Jaina faith. Demavati, liberal in giving food to the people, refuge to the frightened, good medicine to those rendered miserable by disease, and science and the āgamas (scriptural knowledge) to those desirous of learning them. Demavati, at the close of her life, fixed her mind on the Arhat, according to the prescribed rites for all lay votaries, observed

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Sallekanā at Śravanabelagola on the Candragiri hill, and entered the high heaven as if her own home, in C.E. 1120. Her elder sister Lakkale alias Laksmi, set up a nisidhi, stone pillar, resembling a column of victory, for that excellent lady Demavati [EC. II (R) 158 (129) 1120. pp. 99-101].
Whoever conceived the act of Šāstra-dāna, their dream is realised: there is no other holier or greater Šāstra-dāna, ever known than this, in the annals of Jainism.
Similarly, another pious lady Mallikabbe, a queen consort of Säntisenaraja also got copied by the skilled professional copyists, Maha-Dhavalā (mahā-bandha). She is praised with the epithets Sila-nidhi, an abode of amiable disposition and mahăyasasvini, a great splendour of glory. Mallikabbe, to commemorate the completion of the Sripañcamivrata, had the MahäDhavalā copied and respectfully dedicated to her preceptor Māghanandimuni, as an act of Šāstradāna; providing āgama texts, one of the six essential duties of an householder. Though further details about Mallikabbe and her spouse Säntisenarāja are still lacking, yet it can be safely said that Mallikabbe, perhaps on the guidance of Devamati, did this act of greater significance, in the beginning of 12th century or vice versa. Māghanandi Siddhānatadeva was also a senior confrere of śubhacandra Siddhantadeva, in the Mandalinād principality.
The copysists of the Dhavală commentaries were also Jains and well-versed in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Kannada. They have taken extra care and bestowed keen interest in selecting 'Sitāle', the best variety of palm-leaf, more flexible and durable, with the maximum length of thirty inches long and 3 1/2 to 4 inches in width. Instead of using 'kantha', an iron style, to write on the palm-leaf, the devoted copysits have used a specially prepared ink that would last long for centuries. Miniature paintings on the palm-leaf wherever possible, is done with extraordinary details and care.
Subhacandradeva was the preceptor of Gangarāja, the general, Lakşmimati dandanayakiti, consort of Gangaraja, Devamati who caused the copying of DhavlaȚikā as an act of Šāstradāna

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and sister of Lakşmimati, Jakkaņabbe, the sister-in-law of Gangarāja, Bhujabala Ganga Permmādi, Ganga-Mahadevi and Bācaladevi and many others. Dandanayaka Gangaraja granted the village Parama for the maintenance of Jinālaya commissioned by his mother Pocabbe and his wife Lakşmi. Gangarāja's guru Subhacandradeva was inaccessible to sin, of wide-spread-fame, resembling the milk ocean and a pearl necklace. Gangarāja, after washing the feet of his preceptor, entrusted the gift of the village Parama on 28-1-1118 (EC. 11(R) No. 82 (73) C.E. 1118. pp. 6465).
Lakşmi alias Lakşmimati, consort of Gangarāja, general of Vişnuvardhana, the Hoysaļa king, caused a new Jina temple in the year C.E. 1121 at Śravanabeļago!a, which belonged to the Pustaka gaccha olim Sarasvati-gaccha, a cohort of Jaina friars and nuns, Desiga-gaņa of the Müla-sangha, the original congregation. Lakşmi was a lady votary of Subhacandra Siddhāntadeva, lord of sages, profound and perfect in Jaina philosophy (EC. 11(R). 160 (130). C.E. 1121.p. 101]. Lakşmimati, like her sister Demavati, was a mine of auspiciousness; through her, the method of making gifts of food, shelter, medicine and learning acquired splendour. Laksmimati dandanavakiti, the lay disciple of SubhacandraSiddhāntadeva, adopted sanyasana, ended her life by samādhi, and went to the world of gods on 20-1-1122, on Candragiri hill. Gangarāja, the general and husband of Lakşmimati, set up the nisidhi, an epitaph, as an act of reverence to the deceased and consecrated it with valuable gifts and worship.
Thus, the rulers of Mandalinād and their preceptors had connections with Śravanbelago!a and the merits of promoting their creed in different ways, with far reaching effects. Subhacandradeva is also mentioned in another inscription of the Mandalinad (Sh. 89. C.E. 1111 Hebbande-grāma p. 103].

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APPENDICES
Inscriptions of Mandali-Thousand * Family Genealogy * List of personal names * List of place names * Bibliography * Abbreviations

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Appendices : 97
Inscriptions of Mandali - Thousand
Inscriptions of the Mandalināļu, with the exception of Sh.96 and Sh. 26, mostly belong to the period of three imperial dynasties of medieval Karņāțaka, viz, the Cālukyas of Kalyāņa, the Kalacuris and the Hoysaļas. The two early inscriptions, bearing number Sh.96 and Sh. 26 of C.E. 915 and C.E. 970 respectively, belong to the period of the Rāştrakūtās. Inscriptions of Sh. 26 and 27 of 1524 and 1621 respectively, belong to the Vijayanagara period, by which time the Mandalinād had virtually lost its significance. A predominant ruling dynasty which held sway during the major period of the Mandali Gangas was of the Cālukyas of Kalyāna, and the present day Karnataka State was under their rule. After the Cālukyas of Kalyāņa rose to the highest power, and brought a vast region under one umbrella, the Gangas were indirectly supressed. The fall of the Rāştrakūtas, who were totally obilterated from the political scene, was a severe shock and blow to the Gangas, who could not really rise to the power again, though there was nominal re-establishment of the Mandali-Gangas under the Cālukya hegemony. An analysis of the charters will throw light on this aspect.
There are about fifty charters directly dealing with the Mandalināạ, dating from the early tenth century (C.E. 915) to mid seventeenth century, covering the reign of the Räștsaküțas, the Cālukyas of Kalyāņa, the Kalacuris, the Hoysaļas and the Vijayanagara empires, as mentioned above. Prominent among these major dynasties, aprops of the Ganga Mandalinäd, are only two, the Cālukyas and the Hovsalas. In tote. the lion's share of the epigraphs go to the period of the Cālukyas of Kalyāņa. Shimoga 96 (C.E. 915) and Shimoga 24 (C.E. 970) are the earliest, and only two charters which belong to tenth century. There are three
criptions, Nos. 6, 10 and 58, which belong to eleventh century; but there are twenty records of twelfth century. Totally about 23 inscriptions cover the period of Cālukya regime. Inscription number 27 of 1621 is perhaps the last inscription which refer to the GangaMandalinādu.

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Most of the dates suggested and worked out by Lewis Rice are valid, as I calculated them once again, except a few, where a correction is necessary. For example, the date of the important Nidige inscription number Shimoga 57, should be 1118 instead of 1115, of the Purulegrama (Shimoga 64) should be 1132 instead of 1112 etc. List of inscriptions
Some of the inscriptions are lengthy and contain very useful information of historical importance. In particular the epigraphs, No. Sh. 4 (1121-22), Sh. 39 (1122), Sh. 57 (1118), Sh. 64 (1132) and Sh. 97 (1112), contain a detailed account of the origin and genealogy of the Gangas, Ganga-anvaya-avatāram. Shimoga 4 (1121-22) and Shimoga 64 (1132), each with their very long lines, runs to totally 95 and 104 lines respectively.
On the whole, succession of kings is in general accord with the known facts from other inscriptions, though here and there some of the details may vary, which is to be expected in such extended annals. As noticed and rightly pointed by B.L. Rice, the earliest containing similar account is the inscription at Hombuja (EC. VIII. Nr. 35. 1076), which is much superior in execution (EC. VII-i. "Intro." p. 14. f.n.1). But the details of Hombuja and other similar charters, while narrating the genealogy of the Gangas, does not go beyond the period of Būtuga-l and his sons, which also stops at Rāja(Rāca)malla and Rakkasa Ganga. In a way Hombuja inscription furnishes some details of the third generation after Būtuga-ll, but not the history of the Mandali-1000 province.
One of the famous and significant charters of the MandaliGanga administration is Shimoga 4 of 1121-22, of the period of Kalyāņa Cālukya emperor TribhuvanamallaVikramaditya-VI (10761126). The same slab laying on the rock bed of the Kallūrgudda hill, containing a long inscription recorded earlier by Lewis Rice and his team in 1901 (EC. VII - i. Sh. 4. 1121-22 pp. 10-15), has been later, after a lapse of two decades, shifted to Ichavādi, a nearby village, after breaking it into two. But, the upper half of the stone slab containing the first half of the portion of the above

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Appendices / 93
charter under discussion, was in due course brought down from top of the hill, and is now in the museum of Shimoga. The other half of it was left uncared, which contained the second half of the same inscription. Luckily this was noticed by R. Narasimhachar which he published in the MAR 1923, pp. 14-15. Not knowing that was a part of the same inscription published earlier by Lewis Rice, on paleographic grounds of the charter, Narasimhachar proposed a date of tenth century. K.V. Ramesh, while editing the inscriptions of the Western Gangas, has included this fragmentary inscription of MAR 1923, and also, unware of its background, has suggested the date as second half of the 10th century A.D. (1WG: No. 150 pp. 468-70).
But, after a careful examination, I discovered that the schavādi inscription is an integral part of the Kallurgudda inscription published earlier by Lewis Rice. Therefore, the suggested date of tenth century A.D. to Ichavādi inscription is not correct. It should be C.E. 1121-22. Lack of proper knowledge has cost the country darely, in the form of the destruction of inscriptions and invaluable art pieces. One such example, in the present context of the history of the Mandalināờ, is the above charter of Shimoga number 4, which introduces the king, his wife and four sons, highly praised and credited with numerous virtues and achievements worthy of note.
List of some important inscriptions of the Mandali-1000 principality; reference numbers are from EC. VII-I (1902) and belong to Shimoga (Sh.), Honnāļi (HI.), Sikāripura (Sk.) and Cannagiri (Ci.) taluks: Si. Inscription Date Place and page number No. No. 4 1121-22 Kallūru-gudda, pp. 10-15
1218 Basavana Gangūru. pp. 15-18 1060 Harakere. p. 18 1085 Tattekere pp. 19-21 1400
Gānjanur. pp. 21-22
Gânianur on 1120 Gondi Cattanahalli p. 22
AWN

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15
1122
19
11
14
15
16
17
18
39
19
40
20
21
42
22 23
13
1122 Gondi Cattanahalli p. 22 14
1103 Gondi Cattanahalli p. 23
Hunasavādi. p. 23
1309 Kuskūru. pp. 24-25 23
1115 Arakere-cilāra. p. 26
970 Bhairekoppa pp. 26-27 1524 Mattūru. pp. 27-28 1621 Yaraganahāļu pp. 35-36 1134 Huttagrāma. p. 43
1180 Hiriyūru. p. 44 37
1140 Hiriyūru p. 44 1122 Hiriyūru p. 45-46
1180 Hiriyūru p. 46-47 41
1203 Hiriyūru p. 47 1122 Hiriyūru pp. 47-48 1172 Hiriyūru p. 48 1122 Hiriyūru p. 49 1172 Hiriyūru p. 50 1108 Siddāpura. pp. 52-53
1216 Sogāne. pp. 53-54 56
1125 Bidare. p. 57 1118 Nidige. pp. 57-61 1070 Nidige. p. 61 1132 Puralegrāma. pp. 63-69 1204 Puralegrāma. p. 70 1227 Puralegrāma p. 70 1320 Kudligrāma. pp. 71-72 1245 Isalāpura. pp. 99-100 1203 Sante-gaduru pp. 100-02
1111 Hebbandegrāma. pp. 102-03 96
915 Alahalli. p. 106;
1WG: No. 137: pp. 409-10
1112 Alahalli pp. 106-08 99
1127 Bannikere pp. 109-10 1WG: No. 150. 1121-22 Ichavādi. pp. 468-70 HI.2
1064 Honnāļi pp. 363-64 4
1064 Honnāļi p. 364
54
57
30
64
31
65
32
66
ng
33
34
87
35
88
36
89
37
38
97
41 42

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1160 1204 1228 1111
1076 47 1130-31 Sk. 130 1075 Ci. 64
1214 73
1180 52 MAR 1923. 116. 1106 53. MAR. 1935.33. 939
Didagūr. p. 364 Kuruvadagadde pp. 365-68 Kuruvadagadde pp. 369-70 Kuruvadagadde p. 371 Kuruvagrāma. pp. 372-73 Belagutti p. 392 Balligave pp. 239-40 Alakanāļu pp. 460-62 Kallu-kere 468-70 Pādari Hosūr
Some of the new facts of historical importance, found in the Mandalinād inscriptions are discussed at the appropriate places. The following points also need special consideration: A. Tailapadeva, son of śāntivarma and Siriyādevi, was a mahā
mandalesvara under the rule of Gūvaladeva, a mahāmandalesvara of Gove, with all titles in C.E. 1103. He was placed incharge of Pānungal-500, during the reign of the Cālukya emperor Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya-VI (10761126). Later, he was elevated, with more responsibility of administering Banavāsi-12000, Pānungal-500 and Kontakuli30, from his residence at Pănugal. The charter of Beļagutti is the only inscription giving complete picture of his area of administration, which included Banavāsi-12000, Beļuvala600, Sāntaļige-1000, Hānagal (Pānungal)-500 and the Mandali-1000. Further the importance of this Belagutti epigraph is enhanced, because of the information it provides about the date of his death as C.E. 1131. Thus, Tailapadeva ruled as mahāmandalesvara for over two decades, from 1103 to 1131. His consort Bācaladevi was princess of a Pāņdya king (El. XIII.2. 1107. Nidagundi, El. XVI. 8-B. 1107. Puligere, KI. I. XIX. 1108. Shigavi, SII. XX. 76-1118. Bāļambida. Kl.
V. 18. 1119, EC. VII-I (BLR) HI. 47. 1131 Beļagutti). B. Cikkabbe, queen consort of Būtuga Permmādi-l, who had
Būtugendra as his first name, finds place in an inscription of

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Mandalinad (Sh.96 C.E. 915 p. 106); Būtuga's crown queen was Candrobaļabba, daughter of Amoghavarşa Baddega (MAR 1919 pp. 21-24, 1WG: No. 120: C.E. 906, ibid No. 113, 9th century C.E.). With the evidence of these and other epigraphs the date of Būtuga-I may be fixed between C.E. 880-920. Inscription No. Sh. 65. of 1204 provides an interesting information for the epigraphists. An inscription, in the Jain temple of Kuntalapura in the Mandalināờ, containing wrong information was noticed by the Nemicandra Bhattārakadeva, then abbot of the diocese. He immediately brought it to the notice of the then ruling king, the samantas, and the local gāvundas. With the approval of the government and the public and in their presence, the preceptor got the mischevious Śilāśāsana (stone inscription) defaced and a new stone
śāsana written. Genealogy
Students of history know that fixing the first regnal year of the early Ganga kings, from the Kongaņivarma upto Durvinita, is a very difficult problem. Because of the bewilderingly conflicting dates given for the early Ganga kings, the dates vary and pose a challenge to the historians. This is the main reason for the differences found in the genealogy lists of the Gangas, so carefully prepared by the expert Gangalogists. Based on the list prepared by M.V. Krishna Rao, B. Sheik Ali, I.K. Sharma and others, I have given a genealogical sketch, which includes the genealogy of the Mandali Gangas.
Here again a problem crops up in fixing the succession of the four brothers, Ganganļpa and others. Unfortunately the inscription (Sh. 91.1112-13) is badly damaged exactly in the line containing required information. The line in question (line: 11) starts with an eulogy of the person, supposed to be the brother of either the king or his consort, and abruptly cuts at the spot where some letters with required details are lost. After that luckily the rest of the inscription is intact, in the fairly lengthy charter running into 59 lines.

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The crux of the problem is regarding the decision to be taken of the parenthood of the four brothers, the Ganga, Mārasinga, Goggi and Kaliyanga nrpas. If they are to be treated as the sons of the Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmāạideva-11 (110318), which seems to be reasonable, then the immediate question would be - why there is no mention of his first son the Tribhuvanamalla NanniyaGanga Permmādideva-11 (1118-58) who is known from other inscriptions (Sh. 4.1121-22). Therefore, this problem needs further clarification.
I have tried to record fairly an authentic and exhaustive genealogy of the Gangas, both the early and later Gangas, who ruled in succession. Some scions of the Ganga family survived here and there, and maintained cordial relationship with those in power. I have not tried to workout or trace the genealogy of such stray cases of individuals. Illustrations
I had the opportunity of conducting extensive and intensive field work in Shimoga district. This facilated in acquiring lot of fresh and first hand information. Most of the illustrations in this monograph, except the few photos of Shimoga Government Museum, are being published for the first time. In these illustrations, the history of a vibrant minor principality, hitherto ignored and pushed under carpet, is enlivened.

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Genealogy of the Ganga dynasty
Konganivarmman (325-50)
Mädhava - 1(350-75)
Harivarmman/Aryavarmman/Krsnavarmman
Vişngopa (420-40)
Madhava-II (400-20)
(Simhavarmman)
Mādhava-III (440-69)
Avinita (469-529) alias Curcuvāyda-Ganganspa
Son (?)
Durvinita alias Nirvinita
(529-69)
Polavira
Mokkara/Muskara
(569-584)
(584-594)
Śrīvikrama
(594-609) S.
Bhūvikrama (609/10-34/35)
Śistapriya Śivamära-1
(635-75)
Son (?)
Sripurusa-Kongani-Muttarasa
(725-88)

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Duggamāra
Vijayāditya
Śivamāra-11 (788-816)
Rācamalla-1 alias Rajamalla
(816-43)
Prithvipati
Mārasimha
(796)
Nanniya-Ganga
NítimargaEreyanga-1 (843-70)
Prithvipati-11
Bütuga-1
Rācamalla-11 alias Rājamalla
(877-907)
Ereganga-Ereyappa
Nītimārga-11 (886-920)
Bütuga-ll
Narasimha (920-33)
Rācamalla-III
(933-36)
1. Maruļadeva 2. Kundanasāmidevi 4. Mārasimhadeva-11 6. Nítimärga alias Aramolideva (m. Rājāditya)
(963-74) Goyindara(961-63)
3. Bijāṁbarasi 5. Rājamalla (m. Hariga) (m. Kencabbarasi)
7. Vasava (m. Kancaladevi)
Goyindaradeva-11 Satyaväkya-Rakkasaganga (999-1024)
Nítimarga Arumulideva-11 (m. Gāvabbarasi)
(1020-36)
Cattaladevi (m. Käduvetti of Tondamandala)
Kancaladevi (m. Trailokyamallavira-SāntaraBiruga
Räjavidyādhara alias Lokavidyādhara alias Rājāditya (1034-35)

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Genealogy of Mandali-Ganga Rulers
Būtuga Permmāļi (C.E. 936-61)
Maru adeva-II (C.E. 961-63) (eldest son)
Marasinga (985) (son)
Yereyangadeva Kaliganga - (1020) (son)
Bhujabala Ganga Permmāạideva Barmmadeva-1 (1050-65) (son)
(four sons)
Mārasingadeva
(C.E. 1065)
Nanniya-Ganga Permmādideva-l
alias Satya-Ganga (1076-76)
Tribhuvanamalla Ganga Permmadideva alias Kali-Ganga Rakkasa Ganga
alias Govindara (1076-1102)
Tribhuvanamalla Bhujabala Ganga Permmāạideva-ll (m. Candaladevi)
(C.E. 1103-18)
Ganginspa
General Gogginspa
Tribhuvanamalla Nanniya Ganga Permmādideva-11 (m. Kancaladevi) (1118-58)
Kaliyanganrpa
Vira-Ganga (P) Hermmāạideva Bhujabala Ganga Permmadideva-III
Mārasinganspa
(m. Lokkiyakka)

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Appendices / 101
Nanniya Ganga
Kaliyanganrpa-111
Gogginspa
Mārasinganspa (m. Lokkiyakka)
Mallideva
Mari-setti
Samanta
Cikatamma
Māraya
Kencave
General Gogginspa (m. Mailave-Rāni)
Mudiyana (m. Jakkale)
VibhuGanga (m. Vijjale Rāni)
Nā!-prabhu Madhusudhanadeva
(C.E. 1218)

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102 / The Later Gangas : Mandali-Thousand
Asandi-nād Ganga Māņdalikas
Vajya (nna)-I alias Kannambi C.E. 1125
(son) Nada (nna) (m. Nāgale) C.E. 1140
Vayja-mandalika-ll (m. Vayjala-Devi) C.E. 1160
Mahāmāņdalika Barmm(arasa) alias Barmmabhūpāla C.E. 1180
(m. Ganga-Mahādevi)
Mahāmāndalika C.E. 1120 Narasimhabhūpa-alias Narasimharasa
[Cennagiri Nos. 73 & 77, 1180; ibid. 64. 1214;ibid. 72. 1220]

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Appendices / 103
List of personal names The names of the Mandali Ganga kings and queens are pedantic and studded with the usual, traditional titles. For instance, Tribhuvanamalla-Bhujabala Ganga Permmădideva or Tribhuvanamalla-Nanniya-Ganga-Permmādideva are all rather the royal cognomen and family name. Bhujabala Ganga, Nanniya Ganga, Permmāạideva, Rakkasa Ganga, Satya Ganga, ViraGanga etc. are not the first names of the persons, Even Gangamahādevi is also the usual honourafic phrase of the queens of the Gangas and hence their first name is different from this; for instance the first name of the Ganga-mahādevi-l iş Kancaladevi, and Gangamahādevi-II is Candaladevi. Similarly the first name of the Bhujabala Ganga Permmāļi and Kali Ganga Rakkasa Ganga is Barmmadeva and Govindara respectively. Following is the list of some personal names, mentioned in the inscriptions of Mandalinād: Baicana
Kāļavve Balluga
Kallisetti Bammaya-Nāyaka Kaleyabbe Barmmadeva
Kāmale Bittideva (Poysala) Kancaladevi Boppana
Keleyabbe Būtabbe
Keñca-gāvunda Candaladevi
Kencave Candimayya
Ketanna Deviyakka
Ketavve Ecaladevi
Lokkāmbike Gangaimayya
Lokkiyakka Goggi
Lakkimayya Goggiga
Madiga Goyisetti
Māraya Goydusetti
Madhusudana Gujjaņa
Mailave Hiriyappa
Malliyabbe Jakkale
Mallisetti Jinadāsa
Malloja

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104/ The Later Gangas: Mandali-Thousand
Kāla
Kāļabbe-gāviti Nokkayya
Permmale
Poleyamma
Singana
Mārasinga
Mudiyana Singa-gāvunda
Rācaṇa
Vijjale
anna and a short form (abbreviation) of it, -aņa means 'a brother'; but its secondary meaning denotes the sense of affection and respect; occasionally -anna/-ana is added to the proper personal name as an honourific suffix; Ketanna, Boppaṇa, Mudiyana. Generally -anna/-ana is added in the end of the personal name of male persons; but instances where the female personal names also take this suffix are not lacking. -anna/-ana is semantically very much similar to the suffixes -appa and -ayya (father) added to the personal names of male persons. Morphologically -anna, -appa, -ayya are all free morphemes and Dravidion words. -abbe, -avve, -devi are the suffixes added to the female personal names. Primary meaning of the suffixes -abbe an -avve is "mother". But to express the sense of affection and respect, these two suffixes are used. Sanskrit word -devi meaning 'a goddess, a respected lady' is also affixed to the (female) personal
names.
The variants of Gāmunda, gāvuṇḍa, gauḍa are from the Sanskrit grāmavṛddha, which takes the form of gāmavuḍa in Prakrit; gāvundi, gavuḍi, gavundi and gaundi are the female noun forms; -gāviti, a rare form with the same meaning as gāvundi is also used; gāviti may be derived from the Sanskrit word grāmastri, 'a village woman'.
The personal name Bitți (ga) is again from the Sanskrit word Vişnu (Vittu, Bittu + ga), with the usual suffix -ga, generally added to the male personal names.

List of place names
The following is the list of some of the names of villages and towns mentioned in the inscriptions of the Mandalināḍ:.

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Appendices / 105
Álahalli (Sh. 96 C.E. 915 p. 106; 97-1112-13 pp. 106-08) Ārdravalli (Sh. 4. 1121-22) Arakere Areyūru (Sh. 10. 1085) Bāgi (Sh. 64. 1132) Ballave - 70 (Sk. 18. 1158) Basadiyahalli (Sh. 4. 1121) Bannikere (Sh. 97. 1112-13) Begūr (Sk. 18. 1158) Belagavarthi Bhairekoppa (Sh. 24. 970. pp. 26-27) Bidare (Sh. 56 1125; HI. 7 1204) Būdanagere (97-113) Didugūr (HI. 5.1160) Edehalli (Sh.39.1122 pp. 45-46 and 97.1112-13 pp. 106-08) Edatorenād (Sh. 32. 1134. p. 43) Ededore-70 (Sh. 39. 1122; 40.1180; 43.1172) Edatore (HI. 2 and 4. 1064) Edavate-20 (Sk. 18. 1158. Begur) Gangasamudra (Sh. 5. 1218) Gangūru, Gurupura Haļavalikenād (Sh. 19. 1309) Halasūru (Sh. 12. 1120. p. 22) Hallavūr Harakere (Sh. 6. 1060 p. 18) Harige (Sh. 10. 1085) Hebbaņdegrāma (Sh. 89.1111. pp. 102-03) Heg-Gañagile (Sh. 4.1121-22) Heggere (Sh. 6. 1060) Hennavura (Sh. 10. 1085) Hiriyūru (Sh. 39. 1122. pp. 45-46) Hosahalli (Sh. 26. 1524) Huliyakere (Sh. 4 1121-22) Huttagrāma (Sh. 32. 11134. p. 43) Isalāpura (Sh. 87. 1245. pp. 99-100) Kadavuru (Sh. 10. 1085) Kalambūrunagara (Sh. 57. 1118)

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106 / The Later Gangas : Mandali-Thousand
Kallūrugudda (Sh. 4. 1121-22 pp. 10-15) Kannakāpura - Fort (Sh. 99. 1127) Khandalipura (Mudu-Gangur) (Sh. 5. 1218) Kilūr (Sh. 4. 1121-22) Kuntalapura (Sh. 64. 1132) Kuruli (Sh. 4. 1121-22) Kuntalapura (Sh. 64. 1132) Kuruli (Sh. 4. 1121-22) Mattūr (Sh. 26. 1524) Meguti Mudu-Gangur (Khandalipura) (Sh. 5. 1218) Narivelige (Sk. 18. 1158) Nelavatti (Sh. 10. 1085) Nidige-Nidigi (Sh. 57. 1118 and 58. 1070) Panasavādi (Sh. 10. 1085) Parvatavalli (Sh. 14. 1103) Puralegrāma (Sh. 64. 1112; 65. 1204 p. 70) Siddāpura-Benkipura (Sh. 51. 1108) Simoge (Sh. 10. 1085) (the present Shimoga, now a district headquarters) Siriyūr (Sh. 4. 1121-22) Sogane (Sh. 54. 1216) Tarikeri (Sh. 10. 1085) Tastekere (Sh. 10. 1085. pp. 19-21) Tāgarti Uttavalli (Sh. 32. 1134. p. 43) Vaļagere (Sh. 10. 1085)

Page #150

Dhaky, M.A. 1997 (ed) Bhatsoori K.G.
1995
Fleet J.F.
1896
Krishna Rao, M.V. 1936
Arhat-Pārśva and Dharanendra Nexus
Antiquities in the Government Museum, Shimoga - A Study
1976
1997-A
1997-B
1998-A
The Dynasties of the Kanarese districts of the Bombay Presidency, pp. 297-309 (Reprint 1988)
Kamala Hampana
1995
1999
The Gangas of Talkad
Nagarajaiah, Hampa
Bibliography
Attimabbe and Chaulkyas
Status of women in Jainism in Karnataka, JJ, XXXIII3, Jan 99
Appendices/107
Yakṣa-Yakṣiyaru
Sāntararu - ondu Adhyana
Candrakoḍe
Koppalada Śāsanagalu (Corpus of Koppala inscriptions)
1998-B
1998-C
1999-A
1999-B
Ramesh K.V. 1984 (ed)
Rice B.L.
1902
1917
Śāsanagalalli Basadigaļu
Śāsanagalalli Jaina Tirthagalu
A History of the Early Ganga Monarchy and Jainism Jina Pārśva Temples in Karnataka
Inscriptions of the Western Gangas
(ed) Epigraphia Carnatika (with Introduction) Gangavāḍi, article in the Bhandarkar Commemoration volume, pp. 237-48
Mediaeval Jainism
Temples of the Gangas of Karṇāṭaka
Saletore B.A.
1938
Sharma I.K.
1992 Sastry, Srikantha, S.
1952 Sheik Ali, B 1976
Early Gangas of Talkad
History of Western Gangas

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108 / The Later Gangas: Maṇḍali-Thousand
Kannada works of Prof. Nagarajaiah, Hampa
Linguistics
1.
2. Bhāṣā-vijñāna 1968
3.
Dräviḍa-bhāṣā-vijñāna (1966) 4th ed. 1997
Bhāratada-bhāṣā-samasye
1968
4. Drāviḍa-sankhyā-Vācakagalu 1973 5. Bhāṣe 1973
6. Bhāṣāvijñānigalu 1977
History and Epigraphy
7. Śāsanagalalli Eradu Vamsagaļu 1995
8. Viṣṇuvardhana - Vijayāditya - Kirtivarma 1986
9. Kavivara - Kamadhenu - Attimabbe 1996
10.
Sāntararu: Ondu Adhyayana 1997 11. Koppaļa Śāsanagaļu 1998 12. Śāsanagalalli Basadigalu 1998
Novels
13. Nāgasri (1965) 4th ed. 1994 14. Savyasāci Pampa (1976) 4th ed 1994
Essays
15.
Hesarina Sogasu (1974) 4th ed. 1990 16. Ayda prabandhagalu (1993) 2nd ed. 1996
Books edited
17. Pampa Bhārata Sangraha 1964 (co-editor) 18. Jayanṛipa kāvya Sangraha 1967
19.
Bharatesa Vaibhava 1967 (co-editor) Sāļva Bhārata 1976
20.
21.
Dhanyakumāra carite 1976
22. Nāgakumāra Şatpadi 1978
23. Ratnākarana Hāḍugaļu 1979
25.
24. Apratimavira carite 1975 (co-editor) Neminatha purāṇam 1981 (co-editor) Kelavu Nompiya Kathegalu 1976 Candrasāgara Varṇiya Kritigaļu 1976
26.
27.

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Appendices / 109
28. Anandara Āyda Kathegalu 1985 29. Sadāśivara Hanneradu Kathegaļu 1985 30. Vaddārādhane 1993 31. Pampa 1998
Biographies 32. Ajātasatru (1968) 2nd ed. 1971 (Co-author) 33. Sambhavasāgara Carite 1968 34. Dr. A. Ne. Upadhye. 1996 35. Gaļinādu Gāndhi 1974 (Co-author) 36. Mahāvira 1974 37. Sammelana - Adhyaksarugaļu 1983
Nenapina - Angaļadalli Māsti 1993 39. Attimabbe 1994 40. Govinda Pai 1975 (co-author) 41. Basavappa Sāstri 1975 (co-author)
Folklore 42. Karnāțaka Jātregaļu 1985 43. Ākāśa Jānapada 1985 44. Janapada Kalāvidara sūci 1982 45. Jānapada Adhyana Vicāra Sankirana 1980 46. Vaļņārādhane mattu Jānapada 1997
Children Literature 47. Nādoja Pampa (1971) 3rd ed. 1972
Mahākavi Ranna (1971) 3rd ed. 1972 49. Devarāyana durga 1973 50. Mahāvira 1976
Translation (from English) 51. Ātma-Tattva-Vicāra 1971 52. Krişna Pāņdavaru 1971 53. Bhima-bhakti-parikṣe 1979 54. Vira-Jinendra Carite (from Hindi) 1975
Research 55. Yakşa-Yaksiyaru 1976 56. Nompiya Kathegaļu 1976

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110 / The Later Gangas : Mandali-Thousand
57. Kammatada Kidigaļu 1980 58. Gommata Bāhubali 1981 59. Kavi Bandhuvarma: Jijnāse 1993 60. Nāgacandrana Itivrutta (1989) 2nd ed 1992 61. Karnātaka mattu Jaina dharma 1981 62. Candrakoạe 1997 63. Jaina-Kathākośa 1997 (chief-editor)
Literary Criticism 64. Paiyavara Mūru Nāțakgaļu 1967 65. Sāngatya Kavigaļu 1975 66. Phaņikumāra Kathā Sāhitya 1978 67. Vi. Kru. Gokāk, 1984
University Extension Lecture Series 68. Vaddārādhane (1968) 2nd ed 1973 69. C.V. Rāman 1968 70. Müraneya Mangarasa 1968
English works 71. A History of The Early Ganga Monarchy and Jainism 1999 72. The Later Gangas: Mandali-Thousand 1999 73. Jaina Corpus of Koppaļa Inscriptions: X-rayed 1999 74. Jina Pārsva Temples in Karnătaka 1999 75. Apropos of Vikramāditya-Vl and Jainism 1999
Works translated to other languages Mahāvira 1974: in Kannada, Ten Thousand copies translated to A. Hindi (1975) 3rd ed. 1996, Thirty Thousand copies B. Marāthi (1981) 4th ed. 1996-97, Fourteen Thousand copies
C. English 1982, Ten Thousand copies. 2. Attimabbe 1994: Original in Kannada translated to
A. Telugu 1998 by Dr. Josyula Sadanandam B. Hindi 1999 by T.R. Jodatti

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Abbreviations
APGAS: Andhra Pradesh Governament Report on Epigraphy BLR: Benjamin Lewis Rice
C.E.: Current Era
Cent.: Century
Ci.: Cannagiri CM: Cikkamagalur Dt: District
EC (R): Epigraphia Carnatika El.: Epigraphia Indica
HL: Honnali
IA: Indian Antiquary
ibid: ibidem, same as above
IWG: Inscriptions of Western Gangas
KI: Karnatak Inscriptions
MAR: Mysore Archaeological Report
NG.: Nalgonda
NL: Nelamangala
Nr.: Nagara (Hosanagara) NRPura: Narasimharajapura
p: page
pp: pages
Sh: Shimoga
SII: South Indian Inscriptions
Sk: Shikaripura
Tk: Taluk
TL: Tirthahalli TP: Tiptūr Vol: Volume

Page #155

Page #156
The very name of 'The Later Gangas: Mandali Thousand' evokes historical and mythological memories worth pondering; it is a minor principality, but never to be forgotten. Contemplating over the relevance of the subject to the modern world, the present book provides lot of material of cultural significance, The history of Mandalinad, in the Shimoga district (Karnataka), is a golden chapter of peace, harmony, religious tolerance and of greater achievement in art and architecture. Some of the magnificant temples, still bear witness to the glory and aesthetic taste of the Mandali rulers. Prof. Hampa. Nagarajaiah, litterateur, folklorist, linguist and historian, has vividly portrayed the attainments of the Later Gangas, which is the outcome of his personal researches and extensive field work. Voluminous material that has come to light afresh and embodied in this monograph, has provided authentic supplementary evidences for the reconstruction of the genealogy of the Gangas and, an unbroken history of their cultural life. The monograph, richly illustrated with rare photographs, throws fresh light on the history of Karnataka. Rs. 200/ ISBN: 81-87321-17-2 ANKITA PUSTAKA 53, Shamsingh Complex, Gandhibazar Main Road, Basavanagudi, Bangalore - 560 004, Karnataka, INDIA - Jain Education Internation0-699 2014 (for Private SpArsonal lose Only