Jinamanjari 2000 09 No 22

Author(s): Jinamanjari
Publisher: Canada Bramhi Jain Society Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/524022/1

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JINAMANJARI International Journal of Contemporary Jaina Reflections Volume 22 Number 2 October 2000 ISSN 1188-0287 A bi-annual publication of BRAMHI JAIN SOCIETY, Est. 1989 United States of America and Canada www.Jainelibraryjorg

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JAINISM TODAY International Quarterly News Magazine in English A Publication of Jain Friends Editor Mahavir Sanglikar Write to Jain Friends 201 Bombay-Pune Road Chinchwad East Pune - 410019, INDIA Tel: (20) 7488916 Fax: (20) 7474373 E-mail:jainfriends@123india.com

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EXPLORING JAINA ART AND ARCHITECTURE With Theme Guest Editor Dr. Ann W. Norton Professor of Art and Art History Providence College, Rhode Island, U.S.A.

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JINAMANJARI For the expansion and diffusion of Jaina knowledge and reflection A bi-annual journal published every April and October Editor-in-Chief Dr. S.A. Bhuvanendra Kumar Associate Editor Dr. Sushil Jain Production Mikal Austin Radford Ambika Jain Publication Council President Dr. Dilip K Bobra Tempe, AZ Members Dr. Pradip Morbia Port Neches, TX Dr. Sushil Jain Windsor, ON Mr. Sachindra K. Jain Brampton, ON Mr. Jitendra A. Shah Edmonton, AB Prof. S.A.S. Kumar Bangalore, India Dr. C.K. Khasgiwala Andover, MA Dr. Mahendra R. Varia Martin, KY Dr. Narendra Hadpawat Woodmere, NY Dr. Pushpa R. Jain Bluefield, VA Papers must be accompanied with notes and references separate from the main text. Send to Editor 4665 Moccasin Trail, Mississauga Canada LAZ 2W5 Copyright of Articles is Reserved IN THIS ISSUE 1 Jina Sculpture and Iconographic Norms Dr. T.V.G. Sastri, 5 Jaina Architecture and Iconography in Andhra -- Dr. N.S. Ramachandra Murthy, 14 Styles of Jain Images of Dhala Mandala and South Kosala, Central India -- Dr. R. N. Misra 20 The Jaina Architectural Forms at Mathura in India Dr. Ann W. Norton 42 Socio-Religious Aspects of Relievos on the Manastabhaat Humcha - Dr. Vasanta Kumari, 52 Jaina Sculptural and Architectural Details In The Tilakmanjari -- Dr. N.M. Kansara 60 Book Reviews Mikal Austin Radford --Ambika Jain

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Jinamanjari, Volume 22, No.2, October 2000 JINA SCULPTURE AND ICONOGRAPHIC NORMS Dr. T.V.G. Sastri, Secundrabad, India Jaina iconography in general does not and should not be restricted to the study of the images alone. The authoritative Jaina vastu texts which lay down specific norms applicable for making of images help in the identification as well as significance, and they furnish different artistic trend and traditions. Incidentally, they also offer a critical approach to the departures from normal, and throw some light on the chronological sequence, from time to time. The earliest work that gives the origins of iconographic norms is the Kalpasutra, dated to third B.C.E., composed by Bhadrabahu-I. This was followed by the Uttarapurana of Jinasena of the eight C.E. The later texts include the Pratistasara, the Pravacana Saroddhara, Mandira Pratistavidhi, Nirvana Kalika, etc. The theoretical approaches as found in the texts with regard to the execution of the Jina images in different media thus may be divided into four groups. Nama Jina. Images are generally made out as Jina for general worship anywhere. Stapana Jina. Images made of gold, copper, stone etc., meant for installation in the temple. Dravya Jina. The images endowed with the attributes of the given Jina. The contemporary kings of Haryanka vamsa -- Srenika and Kunika were said to have witnessed the attributes of Mahavira displayed with austerities and renunciation of material world.

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Bhava Jina. Images of those who have attained samosarana like Mahavira. The practical problem of the execution of the Jina images with individual details are taken into consideration in respect of symbols, foretelling birth events, parentage in the historical tradition, yaksa attendees and the lancana itself. In the iconographic norms, the Jina images in padmasana were confined to four out of the twenty-four. The vastu texts have identified those four with Rsabha, Nemi, Parsva and Mahavira as they all had their enlightenment in the padmasana position contemplated thoroughly in the spiritual and meditational activities. The padmasana posture is described as sitting on a seat of lotus petals with right leg being placed on the left thigh and the left on the right and the eyes are fully closed or half closed but fixed on the nose tip. Some texts prescribe that the palms should also be shown placed one over the other below the navel. There is also the srivatsa symbol placed on the chest. The padmasana Jina images usually present problem in the identification of the pre-Common era, except for the labels written in Bramhi characters, and in the later period, the concept of the lanchanas became very prominent.. The kayotsarga posture in meditative yogic style as referred in the Jaina vastu texts as a raised up erect body. This posture is also known as Khadgasana. The Jinas being yogic as well as teachers of living the religion reflect the observance of penance and the practical aspect of their teaching. Thus the kayotsarga posture fully reflects the precisely standing erect figure with the feet two inches away or four fingers width between the toes, and lesser width of the heels. The straightened hands are nearer to the body but not to touch it, as pictured in the Gwalior Fort of The Jinas. Iconographic Norms: Symbols and Anthropomorphic Elements The identification of the Jina images are the symbols that are called lanchanas in the Jaina terminology are twenty-four in number in respect to each of the Jinas, and they are also accompanied by the other elements in the anthropomorphic features of the yaksa elements. Beginning with the first Jina Rsabha and ending with the last are represented by the lanchanas. They are, in the respective order from the first to the twenty-fourth: bull, elephants, horse, kraucha, lotus, swastika, crescent moon, alligator, srivatsa, rhinoceros, buffalo, yaraha, sneya (hawk), vajra (diamond), deer, goat, nandyavarta (a kind of fish), kalsa, kumbha (pot), blue lotus, conch, hooded snake and lion. The

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lanchanas are found located in the centre of the pedestal. For Parsva, it is an exception as the hoods of the snake are shown crowing the head of the image. The vastu texts also explain that the Jinas must be represented with a tree under which enlightenment occurred, and hence, different trees are shown. The anthropomorphic elements that accompany the Jinas are known as yaksas - a semi-god angels, and also of the royal lay votaries with all their insignias of their heritage. The representation of the angels on both sides of the Jina indicate that these were those who bring to bear efforts in alleviating the obstacles for the deep meditating Jina would not be disturbed by harsh attack or injury that may be caused in the process by outside interference. The Jaina iconography of the anthropomorphic representatives of the yaksas are reported for each one of the twenty-four Jinas, and these yaksas are again have their own iconographic features in their identification which is usually characterized by the kind of animal they ride on and other attributes like number of hands that carry some kind of insignias and the colour. In this group of anthropomorphic yaksa, there are both the male and the female known as yaksa and yaksini respectively. They are equal in number, twenty-four of each. According to the Jain vastu texts, the Jinas had quite a number of yaksinis who played a major role in the religious propagation, and they are therefore have been represented as sasanadevis, vidyadevis etc. They are Cakresvari and Nivanidevi of Rsabha and Dharmanatha respectively. In the case of vidyadevis, they are indicated by their association with veena, swan, lotuses etc. Yaksini Manovega or Syama, as the case may be, of Jina Padmaprabha is associated with veena instrument which identifies her as a vidyadevi, goddess of learning. The Jaina image worship although has been recorded as having seen during the life time of Mahavira' and there are some nude torsos and seals from the Indus Valley cities of Harappa and Mohenjadaro in the archaeological context, the Nanda period could be regarded as the earliest Jaina anthropomorphic reference to it is found in the lithic record of the Hathigumpha caves in Orissa. Nevertheless, the archaeological evidence to this Nanda period is yet to come. Recent excavations at Veerapuram in Andhra Pradesh substantiated both stratigraphically and by radio carbon dating that the early Maharathis in south of Srisailam region reigned independently from 50 B.C.E. onwards freeing themselves from Mauryan yoke. This Veerapuram Mauryan cultural level equated with the Mauryan antiquities of Vaddmanu -- the Jaina archaeological site of Vardhamana

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Mahavira -- where independent kings like Siri Sada, Maha Sada, Sivamaka Sada etc., the contemporaries of the early Maharathis, caused Jain stupas on Vaddamanu hill. The site however has not yielded any anthropomorphic forms but only several symbols of stupas, astamangalas like swastika, dharmacakra, purnaghata, srivatsa and nandyavarta. The Jaina archaeological site of Mathura has yielded an inscribed Jaina image dated 42 of Satrapa king Sodasa, and this may probably cited as the earliest anthropomorphic form of a Jina. REFERENCES 1. Nama Jina Jinama thavanajina punijinanda Padimavo davvajina Jinajiva bhava Jina samavasaranatha - Pravacana Sarodhara, dvara - 41. 2. B.C. Bhattacharya, Jain Iconography, p. 186. 3.Veera rsavha nemimhih tesam Jinanam paryankasanam sesa Jinanam utsargasanam - Sattva Sarodhara, dvara 151. 4. Chattarimangalam purvohunnaijatya paschimasara paryanam assago esapuna hoyi Jinamndra - Pancastikaya - 3 viva. 5. Vasa hagaya turaya vanara kuncho Kamalamchana satthio chando Mayara sirivachha gandaya mahisa varahoya senoya Vajjam harino chhagalo mamdavathhaya kalasa kumbhoya. Niluppala sankhaphani siho ajinana cinayim. Pravacana Sarodhaa, dvara 16. 6. Yapati sasanamjainam sadya pratyuhanasini Sabhipreta samudyarthabhuyat sasana devata: Pratistakalpa, p.13. 7. Dr. U.P. Shah, "Beginnings of Jaina Iconography" in Jainthology, ed. Ganesh Lalwani, p.110, Jain Bhavan, calcutta, 1991.

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Jinamanjari, Volume 22, No.2, October 2000 JAINA ARCHITECTURE AND ICONOGRAPHY IN ANDHRA Dr. N.S. Ramachandra Murthy, Dept of Archaeology, Hydrabad, India Eminent historian Professor Jyoti Prasad Jain has rightly observed that "pieces of Jaina art and architecture belonging to different types and ages are scattered all over [India], but the places of Jaina pilgrimages are in particular veritable store-houses... [their] templearchitecture while adopted the styles prevalent in the places and times and when they built their temples, [they] introduced certain characteristic features in keeping with their own culture and ideology, which tended to make it almost a distinct Jaina art." In fact the Jaina art and architecture, most of the times reflect their ethical concepts. They not only aim at elevating human spirit but also inspire religious values in terms of philosophical concepts and rules of conduct to understand the power of human living.? Andhra in southern India was no exception. Jainism had enjoyed favour in Andhra, and its prevalence and popularity may be seen through an examination of the various antiquarian remains and sites that exist in both the Rayalasima and Telangana regions. Interestingly, the Jaina art of these regions has been depicted as a means of attaining divinity through its principal objective of viewing the "perfection of man or transformation of the individual mundane soul into the a state of paramatman.3 That is, the spiritually inclined emotional, sublime and uplifting nature of the faith is reflected in its art -- an art that is marked by a sober, sublime and inspiring feeling of self abnegation, peace and equanimity.4 Though many of the sculptures of the Jinas or Tirthankaras in this region are numerous, artistically they tend to suffer from a form of visual monotony. Despite the fact that these icons offer little scope

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for the artist to display skill and talent, they nevertheless draw admiring appreciation in the sense that they "stand as "veritable embodiments of immovable strength and indestructible Power."5 The Jaina architectural characteristics are exhibited in such structures like natural caves, manastambhas erected in front of the temples, stupa, ayagapata, torana and the other decorative sculptures. In Jain literature, the term applied to a temple is ayatana and it dates back to the time of Mahavira who use to stay in yaksayatanas in the course of his sojourns.6 Later, these places came to be known as Jinayatanas. Jain ascetics, being wanderers and forest reclusive, often lived in natural caves or caverns on the top of the hills which lie far from human habitation. In these caverns, rock-cut and polished bed-like structures are found where daily functioning of spiritual and meditational activities were carried out. As well, the performance of sallekhana, a characteristic feature of Jain culture and ideology, was observed by the ascetics. Of note, Jain iconography is referred to in the earliest of the canonical texts such as the Angas and Upangas. Jain Prakrit texts like the Diparnava of Viswakarman, the Rupamandana, the Prasadamannana of Mandana, the Vastumanjari of Nathaji, and the Vastusara Payarana deal with the Jaina iconography and the temple architecture. In South India, particularly in Andhra and Karnataka, the Jain temples are known by the term basadi, basti or vasadi, and iconographical features are distinguished into main components such as the pitha or adhisthana, the mandovara or bhitti, the wall portion supporting the roof, and the sikhara or the spherical roof. There also other architectural forms like the stupa or tumulus, caitya-vasa and nisadhi or tomb stone. The earliest known Tirthankara images come from Lohanipur near Pataliputa. They bear a Mauryan polish. It has been established by well known art-historian Dr. U.P. Shah that the image worship - verily a portrait statue - of Mahavira is known from the SindhuSauira land of king Moruka whose queen Uddyana, and later king Pradyota of Ujjain worshipped this great Jina of the times. This lifetime portrait statue known as jivantasvami-pratima of sandalwood was prepared when Mahavira with a crown, some ornaments and a lower garment was in standing meditation about a year prior to the final renunciation. This image was used to be taken out on a chariot on a certain day at Vidisa and during this ratha-yatra, Samprati, the Maurya king and grandson of Asoka, was converted to Jainism by Acarya Suhasti. The image worship from archaeological data coming 10 6

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from Lohanipur confirm that the worship ritual as well as the canonical description of the rules for the making of the images fall in the closing of the Mahavira millennium and the beginning of the common era." The earliest known work prescribing the rules for a Tirtharkara or Jina image is the Brihatsamhita of Varahamihira belonging to 5th C.E. According to it, 'the God of the Arhata is to be represented as having beautiful countenance and the srivatsa mark on the chest, arms reaching the knees."12 The Manasara, another work on architecture, assigned to 6th C.E., also supplies some details about Jaina iconography. It specifies that "the image of Jina should have two arms, two eyes and the head should be clean shaven and there should be a topknot."]3 Further, it mentions that "there should be no ornaments and no clothes on any part of the body. It should be straight, erect in sitting or standing posture. In the seated position, the two feet are placed on a lotus seat (padma pitha) the whole image being firm, bearing a meditative look. The hands should be placed with palms upwards. On the back should be a pinnacle or crocodile arch -makara torana. Above it should be the kalpa tree together with the royal elephant and such other images like the yaksas - vidyadharas and demi-gods." The Jina images are identified on the basis of lancanas and sanadevatas carved below their seats. However, the full parikara on Tinthankara images is not found at Mathura of the Kusana period. Instead of the camaradhara yaksa attendees on either side, donor and his wife or more generally a monk on each side, or a monk and a nun are found at Mathura. The Jina sits on a simhasana with lions on two ends and the dharma-cakra in the centre flanked by monks, nuns, and the male and female votaries. The datable sculpture with lancana is of Neminatha from Rajgir in Bihar with an inscription of Gupta period.!4 Furthermore, the antiquities from Mathura attest to the existence, amongst the Jainas, of the worship of the caitya-tree, the ayagapatas and the astamangalas" - svastika, triratna, stupa, dharma-cakra, indrayashti, purnamusha (the full vase), mina-yugala (pair of fishes), the padma (full-blown lotus) and darpana (mirror). Certain Jaina motifs we come across are the lotus with four petals which represent the four dignitaries in each direction with the Jina in the centre. Next comes the panca paramesti and the brihat and laghu siddhacakra. Hemacandra refers to balipattas with figures of astamanagalas in the Jain shrines. A detailed description of the Purnabhadra-caitya shrine in the Aupapatika-sutra refers to a prthvi-sila-patta, which Dr. U.P. Shah regards, as a highly polished N.B.P. terracotta as it is soft to touch

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and shining like mirror. The existence of such N.B.P. in the sixth B.C.E. at Kosam and Vaisali excavations authenticates the description of the Purnabhadra-caitya shrine visited by Mahavira as a genuine old tradition. In the opinion of Dr. U.P. Shah, such shrines which the Aupapatika-sutra refers to and the prthvi-sila-pattas, which are non-Vedic and non-Aryan in origin, are precursors of the Jaina ayagapatas from Mathura dating first B.C.E. to first C.E."? The centres of the wandering Jaina ascetics who resided often in isolated places like caves and hills were given special care by the lay votaries in creating an environment for carrying out of the spiritual and meditational activities. The spiritual atmosphere was made possible by erecting architectural forms on the site. Andhra -- bound by Orissa in the north, Maharastra in the west, Karnataka in the south and Bay of Bengal in the east -- has such centres beginning from the Maurya period to the medieval times. Some such important and historical sites took fashion of architectural forms out of the living rock, as in the case of natural caves and the erection of temple. Art and Architectural Centres in Andhra MUNULAGUTTA is a hillock from where the first known natural cave settlement of the Jainas in Andhra has been reported. On the brow of a rock overhanging another are found four cut stone-berths with pillow loft. The discovery of the Satavahana coins from the site gives the date of the site to the early Satavahana period. JILAKARAGUDEM, a small village of the same name, has a hill which contains a group of rock-cut caves with an inscription of the Salankayana period. It refers to its ancient name known as Mahanagaraparvata. The discovery of another inscription of Sirisada, 18 the descendent of Mahameghavahana Kharavela of Kalinga, records the mantapa by a certain Chulagoma. This suggests that the place was a prominent Jaina centre in the first B.C.E. The site was later appropriated by the Buddhists and now is considered as a Hindu shrine. KONAKONDLA which dates back to the time of great philosopher and saint Kundakunda is located in the southern region. Kundakunda who claims the lineage of the pontiff Bhadrabahu-II, is a bright star in the exposition of soul, its mechanism, functioning in lateral, upward or downward mobility in respect of the karma particles, was the resident of this place. Presently, it is a village which claims fame of its hill called Rasa-Siddhulagutta where a spacious natural

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cave exists. It is in this cave Kundakunda spent time for his deep meditation and other austerities. The cave has a flat horizontal roof and as one enters it, an open space with an uniform floor is encountered. It can accommodate about fifty people. The natural light enters only through the entrance. The cave is perhaps the earliest Jaina centre in Andhra associated with Kundakunda whose assigned date is the beginning of the Common Era. On the hillock antiquities belonging to thirteenth century are found. VADDAMANU is the Telugu name etymologically derived from Vardhmana, the name of the last Jina Mahavira. Archaeological excavations assign the date from second B.C.E to sixth C.E." There are two stone stupas: a pyramidal one with a series of tiers at regular intervals and a platform paved with bricks, and a wheeled one with spokes. The study at the site pushes back the antiquity of Jaina stupa in India to the period earlier than Kankila Tila at Mathura. BODHAN. According to the Jaina legend, its antiquity goes back to the period of Bharata and Bahubali. It was the capital of Asmaka ruled by Bahubali, the younger son of the first Jina Rsabha. In the Jaina texts, it was known as Potali, Podana, Bodana, Bahudhanya. There are several Jaina antiquities in the form of inscriptions and sculptures from the time of the Rastrakutas and the Western Calukyas of Kalyani - dating from ninth to twelfth C.E.20 The present Deval Mosque there, which was originally a Jaina temple as can be seen from a large number of Tirthankara images on the pillars and in niches, was converted by Mohamed Bin Tughlaq. RAMATIRTHAM is a village, which according to records, is identified with the ancient Ramagiri. There lies a large number of caves and images on the Gurubhakta hill. The well known Jaina physician Ugraditya, author of the Kalyanakara, studied science at the place under his teacher Srinanadin.21 Inscription engraved on the wall of the Durgapanca cave mentions that Trikalayogi Siddhantadeva of Desigana, teacher of one Vimaladitya, visited the place to pay homage to the shrine. 22 The influence of the Rastrakuta and the Calukya architecture is prominently seen here. Ambika and other Jaina images under the sacred tree with triple umbrella are seen in the prabha which is circular in Calukya style and is decorated by dots in the circles along its circumference. Figures of three lions are carved below the seat in the

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upper cell. 23 DANAVULAPADU. Its original name was Kurumarri, which had a large Jaina establishment during ninth - tenth C.E. It was also known for the sallekhana rites performed by several faithful. Archaeological excavations of 1909 revealed two Jain temples, four nisadhis - tomb stones, two caumukha, one pedestal of Tinthankara, two feet images of Parsva and an image of Padmavati. 24 The temple was of stone and is comprised a garbhalaya, antarala and an ardhamantapa - all raised three feet above the ground. According to an inscription of Nityavarsa Indra-III (913-922 C.E.), he caused a panavatia to be made for the snapanavidhi (ablution ceremony) of santinatha. 23 The pedestal is circular bearing the carvings of a frieze of carts drawn by bullocks and horses, recalling the motif at the Jaina stupa at Mathura and of the style of the Kadambas, who were great patrons. There is also a figure of veena with two resonating gourds, unlike the seven stringed instrument at Barhut. The sarvatobhadrika is an excellent piece of art comprising the lotus, the Jina in ardha-padmasana, the circular prabha around the head, the triple umbrella above and the chowri bearers delineated on all the four sides. In concept and execution, it is marvellous. Other architectural forms are the nisadhis of the saints and the lay people. The special architectural feature of the site is found in the sculptures made in the round as against the relief sculptures at Ellora. KOLLIPAKA is identified with modern Kulpak. It was a rich Jaina centre during the Rastrakuta and the Western Calukyas periods. It is recorded that a Jain temple called Ambaratilaka was commissioned by king Somesvara-III, son of Vikramaditya-VI, and it suffered destruction in the attacks of the Colas. There are a large number of sculptures: notable ones are - the Bhadrasana of Adinatha with bull symbol and worshippers and lions carved on both the sides; and yaksini holding vajra, noose and fruit in three of her hands and the fourth in kataka mudra, identified with Padmavati. There is also a tall monolithic manastambha in front of the Samanatha temple. HANUMAKONDA. Epigraphical records inform that there was a Jaina establishment since Rastrakuta times, dating to ninth C.E. In its hey days, Mailama, the wife of Minister Beta of the Calukya king Vikramaditya-VI, caused a Jain temple named Kadalalaya basadi, which has been replaced by the present Padmakshi temple. It consists of a brick sikara, over one of the huge boulders and a closed mantapa. 10

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On the surrounding boulders are the figures of Parsva in standing and sitting positions, with a seven hooded serpent over the head. VEMULAVADA. It was the capital of the Calukyas of Vemulavada and a well known Jain centre from the eight to twelfth C.E. The kings, like their overlords Rastrakutas, patronized Jainism through commissioning of temples and literary compositions. The first poet of Kannada literature, Pampa and his brother Jinavallabha, and the famous saint scholar Somadevasuri were in their court. Baddena commissioned the Subhadhama Jinalaya dedicated to Parsva for Somadevasuri. In the present, the temple cannot be located but the Parsva image with five hooded serpent above the head can still be seen in the compound of the Rajarajesvari Hindu temple. Vemulavada was also rich with a large number of Jaina images such as Vardhamana, Parsva, Gommata with architectural creeper finesse in slender form, etc. - all belonging to the Rastrakuta and the Calukya periods. The cauvisa Jinas are examples of fine workmanship, modelled in the shape of temple with two stories above the ground floor and in the centre on each floor are seated Jinas flanked by chowrie bearers and triple umbrella above. CHIPPAGIRI The Jaina king Kalacuri Bijjala (1162-1167 C.E.) over threw the Western Calukyas with the full and complete support from another Jain minister named Rechana of the Vaji vamsa of Lakkundi.20 He passed his last days at this place. A beautiful Jain temple was commissioned by Bijjala, and it has stepped pyramidal sikara and four faceted amalaka. In its front is arthasikara resembling the Jaina caitya facade at Ellora. Below it, there is a Jina in ardhapadmasama. In the lintel are gajalaxmi and seated Jina. the door jambs of the astarala bear purnakunchas below and the Jina above. GOLLATHAGUDI. Recent archaeological excavations have brought to light a Jaina temple at a depth of 3.5 meters. It is dedicated to Mahavira and consists of an ardhamantapa and mukhamantapa in front. There are also four cardinal shrines. Besides, a frieze of beautifully carved stone makara toranas is found. Close to the north of this stands a unique brick temple analogous to the Bhitargaon temple by the Gupta kings. KULCHARAM. A colossal Parsva image is found. It is in sitting position with a label inscription below. It states that it was

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installed by Tailapa-II in the tenth C.E. VESTIGES IN MEHABOOB NAGAR DISTRICT. Recent discovery of traces of an ancient fortification, 30 ft. wide and 18 ft. high, on a hill called Singavaramgattu was made by Drs. Nagireddy and Subramanyam of the Andhra State Archaeology. Passing across the gateway there lies a huge standing nine feet Jain image at the farthest end of the hill. In front of the image are found traces of a ruined temple, with completely fallen sanctum sanctorium and yet the ardhamantapa in tact. According to the authors, the image is of Parsva with five hooded serpent, decorated by the triple chhatras and three umbrellas on the top. It appears to belong to the Kakatiya period, 12th 13th C.E. The image is worshipped presently by the local people, every year in the month of Vaisaka on the last Saturday, and at time of dry spells. This discovery further adds to the several Jaina vestiges seen at places like Nandi Vaddeman Makthal and Kodangal, all in the district. This brings out the fact that Mahaboobnagar region was a flourishing Jaina stronghold during the Kalyana Calukya and Kakatiya times Apart from these places, Jaina centres also thrived at Bejawada, Rayadurga, Aryavatam, Pudur, Peddatumbulam, Jainad in Adulabad district, Nindra, Penchikalapadu, Tatipaka and Chilkur. A recent discovery of an inscription of the Western Calukya Jayasimha-II dated 1034 C.E. from Saidapuram in Nalgonda district refers to a mahamandalesvara mahasamantadhipati Aggalayya. It calls him an adept in surgery and a vaidyaratnakara. On the Jaina literary front, Dr. P.V.P. Sastry observes that Jaina Malliyarechana, author of the Kavijanasraya a chhando laksana work in Telugu, flourished at Vemulavada and belonged to the time of Arikersari-III (950 C.E.). He was assisted by Jinavallabha whom he refers as "vachikabharana", and was the brother of poet Pampa, the father of Kannada literature. This brings the fact to light that there existed a work on prosody in Telugu a century earlier before the stated work of Nannaya, considered as the first Telugu poet. 28 REFERENCES 1. Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. 1, p.35. 2. Ibid., pp.42-43. 3. Ibid., pp.35 ff. 4. Ibid. 127 -

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5. Ibid., pp.37. 6. Ibid., vol. III, pp.501 ff. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid., pp.465 ff. 9. Ibid. 10. Jainthology, p.113, ed. Ganesh Lalwani, Jain Bhavan, Calcutta. 11. Ibid. 12. Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, pp.466 ff. 13. Manasara LV 71-95 14. Archaeology Review, ASI. 1925-26, Calcutta; also U.P. Shaha "Studies in Jain Art" Benaras, 1955-fig.18. 15. Jaina Art and Architecture, vol. III, pp.482 ff. 16. U.P. Shah, "Vardhamana Vidyapata" Journal of the Society of Oriental Art IX, 1941; Jainthology, pp. 119-120. 17. Jinamanjari, Oct.1999, p.35. 18. Jaina Art and Architecture, vol. III, pp.483 ff. 19. Dr. P.V.P. Sastry "Evidence on the Origin of Jain Stupa at Vaddamanu" p.6 20. H.A.S. No.7, 1925. 21. Dr. G. Jawaharlal, Jainism in Andhra, pp.122. 22. Ibid. 23. S.G.K. Murthy, Jaina Vestiges in Andhra, pp.29. 24. Ibid., pp.31 ff. 25. MER 331 of 1905. 26. Dr. Hampana, Chandrakoduge, Hampi University, India 27. Annual Report of Andhra Archaeology, 1970-71,pp.5 28. Personal Information from Dr. P.V.P. Sastry. 13

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STYLES OF JAINA IMAGES OF DAHALA MANDALA AND SOUTH KOSALA, CENTRAL INDIA Jinamanjari, Volume 22, No.2, October 2000 Dr. R. N. Misra A brief study of Jaina sculptures in Central India and their stylistic evolution style in the region under the patronage Kalachuris of Dahala and South Kosala have been made.' The Kalachuris first started as a branch of the main line of Tripuri and sometime during the reign of Jajjiladeva-I (1090-1120 C.E.) became independent. The regions of Shadol (Antara, Singhpur) and Jabalpur (Tewar, Karitalai, Bilhari, Darshani Gurji, Bahoribaodha), Sagar (Biba-Barha, Deori, Rtal), and Satna (Ramvan Museum, Patyan Dae) were once the part of an extensive Dahala Mandala. Images of Jinas, sasanadevis and upasakas having a bearing on the Jaina art and iconography12 are abundant in the regions of Dhahala Mandala. The records of the Kalachuris show the construction of Jain temples and patronage of the religion by both the royal and individual households. 3 4 The pedestal inscription of an image dated 1149 C.E., and now in Sagar university Museum, records the setting up of a Jina image at Tripuri by Jasadeva and Jasadhaval of Mathura.3 Another inscription on the Bahoribandha Jina image of the time of Gayakarna (1123-1153 C.E.) also records the construction of a temple with a very white vitana canopy in front of it dedicated to Santinatha Jina by Mahabhoja, son of Sarvadhara. Its architect was Sreshthin and the acarya who consecrated it was Subhadra of the Desigana in the line Amnaya of holy Chandrasekara." The Alhaghat inscription dated 1159 C.E. mentions that Ranaka Chihula who belonged to the line of the Rautiyas of Kausambi and a feudatory of the Kalachuri Narasimhadeva (1153-1163 C.E.) commissioned the Shatishadika Ghat and a temple of Ambika on the road to the ghat. It also mentions the names of the craftsmen: Kamlasinha and his team of 6 -- 14

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Some, Kokasa, Palhana and Dalhana. Some of these images of the Jinas, seated sasana devata couples (variously identified as Dharanendra-Padmavati, AmbikaSarvahana) and upasakas are related to a distinct iconic tradition which is sui geeris has also been sometimes stressed.? The Jaina remains are prolific in the region but are scattered as loose sculptures. The Jaina temples at Bilhari, Karitalai, Patyan Dae in Satna district and Bahoridhanda in Jabalpur district were important ones from the region. The temples at Bilhari and Karitalai with their doorframes are still in existence while connected monuments have disappeared now. The ruins of these two temples have been shifted now to Rani Durgavati Museum at Jabalpur and Mahant Ghasidas Museum at Raipur. The Bilhari temple came to prominence architecturally during the time of Nohala, the queen of Yuvarajadeva (915-945 C.E.), and the Patyan Dae and the Bahoridhanda temples were famous during the reign of Laxmanaraja-II (945-70 C.E.). The existence of a Jain temple at Patyan Dae in Satna district belongs to twelfth C.E. Stylistically, the figures of the Jinas on the doorway lintel and other decorative figures on the doorframe appear to belong to a period when decadence had set in to Dahala art. However, the tenth C.E. image of Ambika from the temple is now in the Allhabad Municipal Museum. These constructions define the background of building activity which eventually seems to have influenced the content of Jaina art also, for it was a significant part of a whole in which sharp lines of division in respect of stylistic details get blurred. These circumstances also explain as to why in the otherwise wholly Jaina-style images there is often a distinctive iconographic touch which does not conform to the conventional Jaina iconography. A major example of this is to be seen in the Jaina temple of Arang which is an architectural marvel interpreting the bhumija style of architecture usually reserved for Saiva temples. Another example of iconographic adjustments is Hanumantal Jina image (Jabalpur). A Jaina image from Karitalai, now displayed in the Raipur Museum, similarly interprets a variation of the same idiom which is predominant in the Hanumantal image. Stylistically these images conform to the idiom of sculptures of Karitalai and TripuriJabalpur region as a whole. Sagar and Narasinghpur regions also have several sites abounding in Jaina remains. At Bina-Barha and Ranital in Sagar district there are rich remains exhibiting nine Tirthankara images such as Rsabha, Sambhava, Santinatha, etc. and Ambika. There is a pillar, in the compound of City Hall at Narasinghpur, decorated with 15

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sarvatobhadrika images whose pedestals have empanelled sasanadevi figures of Padmavati, Ambika and Cakresvari.10 In the same town the images at Subhash Park also interprets the images of Sohagpur and Jabalpur." South Kosala Region Geographically it covered almost the whole of the present Chattisgarh and Bastar regions besides Amarkantak and Marakanda in Maharashtra state. Images are known from Bilaspur and Ranipur districts at such places as Sirpur, Malhar, Dhanpur, Ratnpur, Padampur, etc.13 Some Jaina Images of Rsabha belonging to late 7th or probably 8th C.E., the buried Jina image outside the enclosure of Parghaniadeva temple as well as the later dated Jina images studded in the walls near the house of Amarnath Sao at Malhar (Bilaspur district) exhibit a distinguished sophistication and purity by balanced surfaces bounded with a rhythmic movement. The mellowed and sensitive form of the torso is accentuated with a balanced dispersal of solidity and mass sophistry, but somewhat stiff thrust of limbs seems subdued. These features represent a re-statement of classical idiom. In due course of time the sculptural forms evidently were decline in South Kosala while the early phase Orissan features of artistic tradition were imbedded in them. 18 The images cut in black stone (Ratanpur, Bilaspur) or in greyish sandstone (Malhar) have come up at various places during the Kalachuris. The images have lengthy limbs tending towards extreme lateralism, swollen faces, broad plump chest suddenly constructing to an almost triangular waist with a central lump near the navel, below which are attached feet which look more like unhappy appendages. The sculptures of South Kosala during this phase thus interpret an idiom which is emphatically provincial. The exuberate variations are fairly recurrent from about 10th C.E. to 14th C.E. in South Kosala (Candraprabha, Rsabha and other images in black stone from Ratanpur have such features). The Jaina temple of Bhand-Dewala at Arang (Raipur district) is stellate in plan standing on a lofty pitha decorated with seven mouldings in which the major ones consist of gajapitha, aswapitha and narapitha. The jangha of the temple has six vertical buttresses decorated with two bands of sculptures. The sculptured bands are demarcated from each other by a moulding called vidydhara pattika. The images on the jangha represent sasanadevis on the bhadra niches and minor deities - dikpalakas and apsaras on the other projections. 16

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These recesses alternating with buttresses have the usual motifs of erotic couples which became an essential feature of the Kalachuri temples from the 11th C.E. onwards in the Dahala as well as South Kosala regions. Ceratin mouldings on jangha have figures of yaksas and Jinas. No less than twenty-one figures of yaksas appear. The vyala figures so commonly used everywhere are conspicuously absent with the exception of a lone vyala figure occupying a recess on the south face of the temple. The sikhara of the temple is a bhumija type with the usual latas rising from bhadra; the latas have on them a series of panels containing Jina figures in a group of two or more. Stylistically the decorative images do not show the contortion of limbs, a feature which otherwise is predominant in this region. Stylistic Variations In the period following the Guptas, Central Indian region indicates a very definite idiom of style in sculptures, derived from the classical mannerism mainly of the Gupta-Vakataka tradition of the North and of the Deccan. In Dahala the images from Namndchand (Panna district) and Sagar provide stylistic indices to the evolution of modes and mannerism in sculptural art of the transitional phase. Transformation of classical idiom into medieval has reference in the regions of Central India - namely the Dahala and the South Kosala," respectively under the patronage of the Kalachuris and the Panduvamsis. The South Kosala idiom has a greater sophistication artistry and a concerted historical tradition. The inscriptions of the Sarabhapuriyas,15 Pandus, and Nalas17 indicate the important position it occupied following the dissolution of the Guptas and the Vakatakas. The art idiom of the region thus underwent a change. 14 16 In Dahala region, the predominant idiom of sculptural style has its epicentres and the spread tends to indicate simple decoration unencumbered with profuse ornamental features of parikara. In the anthropomorphic form of the distinctive features in images reflect an oval face, a simple hair style or crown wherever found, and a short almost squatting proportions devoid of any exaggerated lateralism. The Jina images at Bina-Barha indicate these features rather emphatically. These forms may reflect 9th C.E. features of the region. The Jina images from Bilhari and Kalitalai also belong to this tradition; stylistically marking various stages of sculptural development during the period extending from 10th through 11th C.E. They indicate a style in which figures are elongated, torso triangular instead of square, resting on thin waist, and feet which are sometimes columnar. The whole standing posture has an elegance attenuated by the bhanga on the main 17

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axis of the body. The images of Karitali (Raipur Museum) and Bilhari have these features adjusted to the canonical requirements. The particular images of the period were of Parsva and Candraparabha, and Padmaprabha at Bilhari. Close to Narasingpur at Barahata and Naunia, the figures of Rsabha, Parsva and Mahavira seem to belong to this period. The eleventh C.E., particularly the second and third quarter witnessed the efflorescence of sculptures in Dahala region. The decorative details got increased in the parikara, and a very delicate scroll work covering portions of halo and the whole background of relief heightened the sculptural aesthetic quality during this period. Although the Jina images are monotonously similar in their seated or standing postures, the wealth of decorative details on the parikaras is what makes the images of this period very distinctive. The parikaras from Dahala in the early 9th C.E. lack in details except for the garland bearers at the top of stele and an attendant or attendants on either side. In the tenth C.E., the details of parikara tend to proliferate and have such motifs as elephants, attendants, Jina groups standing or seated and fly-whisk bearers. Below the Jina images have usually a couch from which in the middle, hangs an astaraka which is sometimes decorated with festoons and carries the cognizance of Jinas. Pedestals indicate balusters with the inset figures of devotees or the lions or such symbols. Courtesy of Tirthankar Mahavir April 2, 1977, ed. Prof. Ravindra Malav, University of Jiwaji, Gwalior, India REFERENCES AND NOTES 1. Many of the sites in the region were explored by Cunningham and his assistants, Bagalar and Garrick in the last century. 2. K.D. Bajpai in the Bul. of Ancient Indian History and Archaeology (Sagar, 1967), p. 74. 3.Cf. M.G. Dikshit, Madhya Pradesh Ke Puratatva Ki Ruparekha (Sagar 1954). p.70; Tripuri-1952 (Sagar 1955), p.12, pl.VII,B. 4. Cf. V.V. Mirashi, Inscription of the Chedi Kalachuri Era, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. IV (1) (Otacamound 1955. Inscription no.59, pp. 310-311; A. Cunningham, Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Vol. IX, p.40; R. Bhanadarkar, P.R.A.S.W.I. for 1903-04, pp.54-55.

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5. According to Mirashi Chedis may be identical with the Chandrakapat gaccha of the Digambara tradition. Cf. C.II., IV (1), p.310, note 3; Indian Antiquary, XXI, p.73. It is also of interest to note that Sarvabhadra, the father of donor, belongs to a line namely golla parva anvaya which still has several adherents in M.P. 6. Mirashi, opcit, pp.323-24. 7. R.N. Misra, "Yaksini Images and the Matrika Tradition in Central India" in Prachya Pratibha III (1), pp.29-34. 8. Cf. B.C. Jain, Sculptures from Karitali in Raipur Museum, Journal of Indian Museums, Vol. XIV-XVI (1958-60), pp. 19-20. Cf also Prachya Pratibha, vol. III (I) 1975, p.89. During the course of my field work which covered contain Jaina sculptures. 9. For details of this image of Ambika, cf. S.K. Saraswati, JISOA, VIII, 148; U.P. Shah, Studies in Jain Art, Benaras 1955, p.18, Journal of University of Bombay, Sept. 1941. 10. For a detailed study of bhumja mode in temple architecture see Krishnadeva, Bhumija Temples in Studies in Indian Temple Architecture, ed. Pramod Chandra (1975), pp.90-113. 11. Cf. Munikanta Sagar, Khandaharon ka Baibhava (Hindi), pp.199-200. 12. R.D. Banerji, The Haihayas of Tripuri and Their Monuments (M.A.S.I. No. XXIII), p.100, pl. XLI, B; p.102, pl.XLVIII, B. 13. Raipur District Gazetteer, PP.65-66; Bilaspur District Gazetteer, p.6l. 14. Cf. Pramod Chandra, Sculptures in the Allhabad Museum (1970), pp.33 ff. 15. Cf. M.G. Dikshit, opcit, (1954), pp.58-61. 16. Cf. Mirashi, The Pandva Dynasty of Mekala in Indica (Silver Jubilee Volume of Indian Historical Institute, St. Xavier College, Bombay, pp.268-73. 17. Dikshit, opcit (1954), pp. 60-61; Mirashi, El., XXV1.54. 18. The Harbingers of this South Kosala tradition in the Orissan region were primarily the Somavamsis. The Brahmeshwar inscription indicates that Janmejaya, the Somavamsi, conquered Odra and during the reigns of his successors, the regions of Kosala, Utkala, Kongoda and the parts of what then was known as Kalinga assumed a unity distinguished by cultural and linguistic bonds. Panigrahi K.C., Archaeological Remains of Bhuvaneswar (Orient Longmen, 1961), p.251. 19

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Jinamanjari, Volume 22, No.2, October 2000 THE JAINA ARCHITECTURAL FORMS AT MATHURA IN INDIA Dr. Ann W. Norton, Professor of Art and Art History, Providence College, U.S. During the late Sunga and Kusana ages Mathura was an important centre politically and economically. It was also a place where different religions were allowed to exist and prosper in close proximity. During the period of around the 1st - 3rd C.E.. the popular sramanic religions -- Jainism and Buddhism were beginning to develop their own artistic character out of an often common matrix in Mathura. (217) While it is certain that Jainism is the older of the two religions, Buddhist stupas of an elaborate magnitude predated the Kusana period by at least two hundred years. Nonetheless, some of the plaques at Mathura prove that stupa worship was also important to the Jains at that time. TUS TEAVI SVELDEN SANAS Fig 2. Fragment of a Jain tympanum/torana-archway, from Mathura, ca. Ist2nd c. C.E., National Museum, Delhi. Ibid (Also, Shah, U.P., op.cit., Plate VI, Fig.16. 20

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Some unique architectural forms at Mathura are found belonging to Jainism. They are ayagapatas, caturmukha and samavasarana which are architectural characteristic features found in Jainism. Ayagapatas: Literally, it means "tablets of homage" dedicated by devout Jains, generally members of the laity, and apparently had some important ritual purpose.1 U.P. Shah developed the theory that they may have been silapatas, which were "placed on a simhasana under a the shade of the Asoka-tree in the garden of a caitya."2 A laywoman, Vasu, daughter of the courtesan Lonasobhika, who dedicated an ayagapata depicting a stupa flanked by columns, also set up a shrine to the Jinas, a hall of homage (ayagasabha), and a cistern (well). All of these elements could be seen as part of a large samavasarana complex: the stepwell outside the entire structure, the assembly hall, the central shrine, and, at the very centre, the Jina seated beneath a tree, in the form of a 'silapata'. 4 B - puja mApadaM Fig 1. Ayagapata of Sihanadika, ca. 22" square. From Kankali Tila, Mathura, ca. 1st-2nd c. C.E., Lucknow Museum. Smith, V.A., op.cit, Plate VII. AMAND 21

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U.P. Shah gave an extensive study of the silapata and its relationship to the caitya-vrksa or tree shrine, an important and very early form of nature worship in India. According to T.V.G. Sastri who discovered the ancient Jaina site of Vaddamanu in Andhra Pradesh in south India, the caitya-vrksa [is] "no doubt we find similar motifs in the Buddhist centres like Bharut, Sanchi and Amaravati. At Vaddamanu, it was displayed as a most important motif while it was casually shown in the Buddhist art." 5 In developing the tradition that their religious leaders attained enlightenment beneath trees, thus incorporating the ancient and popular tree-cults, Jainism and Buddhism became stronger in their opposition to the ritual-bound Brahmans. The Aupapatika Sutra refers to Mahavira having visited a tree shrine which was decorated with assamangala. In later Jaina literature caityavrksas occurring within a samavasarana are described as having Jina images (caityas) placed beneath them on four sides." Ja 42 . . . A VATNOJL. WALAUPUN SAMAN Fig. Ib. Detail of agapata of Sihanadika For Private Personal Use Only

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Some of the Mathura ayagapatas include references to what seem to be 'astamangalas' (figs. 1 and 2). Not all of the symbols can be clearly recognized, and it is also probable that at such an early date the lists of eight auspicious signs and the 'pratiharyas' connected with the Jinas had not yet been fully crystallized. In symbols related to the astamangala group are shown in the upper and lower bands of the outer frame. Above at the left the two fish can be seen, holding between them a sort of garland. Next to them is a form which may refer either to a throne (bhadrasana) or a mirror. Right of centre are the srivatsa, with a fish for its centre, and probably the 'powder box'. On the bottom row at the left is a strangely double-arched bound leafbunch, almost giving the impression of fish-tails holding up a lotus-wheel. The second form on the bottom row appears to be the centre of a full lotus flower, emphasizing its seeds. Next to it appears the stand, and finally, to the far right, a full-jar (kalasa), with rich leaves spilling from its mouth. Leafy srivatsas again fill the interior corners of the main square, and the outermost corners are decorated with what may be elaborate nandyavarta. Mathura was said to have a Jaina stupa 'built by the gods'.8 It would seem at this early period of both Jaina and Buddhist art of a more monumental and permanent in nature that there were often cross-influences and sharing of common sources and symbolism. The circular mountain-like form encircled by vedika on various levels is similar in examples from the two religions. Even such details as toronas, separate monumental columns holding dharmacakras or animals, and subsidiary figures such as graceful yaksis or directional guardian figures appear in both Buddhist and Jaina works. The central core of the Jaina stupa from the Kankali mound, Mathura, shows in outline an eightspoked wheel, certainly indicating by way of 'hidden symbolism' the very essence of the spiritual cakravartin. Although Buddhist and Jaina art had many similarities between the late 2nd c. B.C. E. and the 2nd c. C.E.., it is also important to refer to some differences. One such difference can be seen in the figure of the religious leader himself. The Jina figures are nearly always shown naked and in the attitude of meditation. The Buddhist figures, on the other hand, are always 23

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clothed, and the right hand may be raised in the gesture of abhaya-mudra. Also, of the so-called ayagapatas, none are Buddhist, and most can be identified through their inscriptions as Jaina. One further note of interest is that while the stupa was still in the Jaina vocabulary at this time, it was on the wane, and would afterwards only be referred to in texts as subsidiary to the samavasarana. 9 This development diverges strongly from Buddhism, which would emphasize the stupa for centuries to come. HuzE KOR GRENE. - Xhej 299 RRIOXF12XXX nice 25 A C . : 171 CU Fig. 3. Tablet of the Jaina Monk Kanha, the gift of the wife of Dhanahastri, dated '95', ca. 20" wide, from Mathura, Lucknow Museum. Smith, op.cit., Plate XVII, Fig.2. It is my belief that at Mathura during the Kusana period there was a transition in Jainism's iconography, where the choice of the samavasarana as major religious symbol began to override the stupa. One factor to strengthen this point of view would be the disappearance of the stupa from Jaina art after the 2nd c. C. E. Along with this can be the reassessment of some of the Mathura ayagapatas as precursors to later samavasarana depictions. I must differ with U.P. Shah, who stated, "It may be noted that not a single representation of the samavasarana is known 24

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from the ayagapatas from Mathura."10 Padmanabh Jaini, on the other hand, in his discussion of what he refers to as the 'votive slabs' from Mathura, says, "This scene, of course, is the samavasarana so often described in Jaina literature." 11 DIGAMBARA SAMAVASARANA Manastambha Chaityaprasadabhumi Road Khatika-bhumi Vall1-bhumi Upavana-bhumi PODERARE Lak gun Ivaramandapa Bhavana-bhums NORTH > Kalpaka-vsiksabhumi Davaja-bhumi Fig. 4. Digambara samavasarana plan. Drawing by Thomas Norton. Now it is further known that the two Jaina traditions -- Digambara and Svetambara -- each have different literary descriptions of the samavasarana, or preaching hall of the Jina. (Figures 5-8) [11] Thus, ayagapalas must be analyzed with both versions in mind. Concomitantly, such a study may shed light on

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the disputed time of the division of Jainism to Digambaras and Svetambara. In his "The 'Dome of Heaven' in Asia," Alexander C. Soper suggested that such ayagapalas as the one shown in Figure 1 could be considered a more primitive form of what would later evolve into the great Buddhist mandalas. 12 Referring to what may appear to be a two-dimensional design in such painted mandalas, Stella Kramrisch pointed out that they must be interpreted as three-dimensional forms. 13 DIGAMBARA SAMAVASARANA (ENLARGEMENT OF CENTER) 3-Tiered Pedestal Bhavanapati-devis Gandhakuti Bhavanapatis Vyan tara-devis -- Vyan taras Jyotiska-devig - Jyotiskas PORT Nuns and Women Kalpadevas Kalpadevis - Kings and Men * Male Ascetics Animals NORT4 NORTH > Eastern Road 2 AM Fig. 5. Digambara samavasarana - Enlargement of Centre. Drawing by Thomas A. Norton. 26

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Speaking of the different levels, walls and steps, she said, "This bird's eye view-like compression of an elevation [is] ....the summit of Mount Meru...."!4 Alex Wayman conjectures that the ayagapata of fig. 1 shows a Jina seated atop the mythical Mt. Meru with the astamangala high in the atmosphere around him." SVETAMBARA SAMAVASARANA Step-well - 3rd Rampart : 2nd Ranipart - 13t Rampart Assembly Region Road Vehicle Regiony Animal Regioni Reating Unis NORTH > Fig.6. Svetambara samavasarana plan. Drawing by Thomas A. Norton Samavasarana depictions, both Digambara and Svetambara, often show a two-dimensional 'ground plan' of the fuller, three-dimensional version. If the ayagapatas which have meditating Jinas at their centre are taken as 'mountain' forms, then each of the surrounding circular or square bands can be 'read' as levels below the central figure. Counting the 'top' pedestal as being the one on which sits the Jina there are generally two other 'lower' (outer) levels indicated. 16 Three levels have been seen in connection with both the Svetambara and Digambara versions of 27

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the samavasarana. While the former has three levels bounded by 'ramparts', either circular or square, the latter has at the centre of its more complex structure a three-tiered pedestal. The circle immediately around the central one in fig. 1 may be interpreted as arches made of bunched leaves. True to the Indian love of polyvalent symbolism and play on forms, these conformations also take on the aspect fish-tails and, when each uses the central circle, a ratnatraya. Leafy srivatsas or lotuses fill in the other four quarters of this level. Those could refer to the ornamental doorways over cach of the four roads of the samavasarana. In the Svetambara version they were made of 'emerald leaves'. In the Digambara literature they are described having arches, flags and festoons. " If the Jina and these leafarches are taken on one level, however, the whole could stand for the centre of the Digambara samavasarana, where the Tirthankara sits in his 'bower of fragrance', the gandhakuti. SVETAMBARA SAMAVASARANA ENLARGEMENT OF CENTER) Vyan tara-devis Bhavanapatia Jyotiska-dovlo - Jyotiskas Bhavanapa ti-devia Vyan taras Tree <- jina Y Female Ascetics - kal padeves Valmanika-devis Men Easter Road Mal. Ascetics - Women Fig. 7. Svetambara samavasarana - Enlargement of Centre. Drawing by Thomas A. Norton. 28

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The astamangalas were given predominant positions in both Svetambara and Digambara samavasarana. In the former, "...below the arches were the eight auspicious signs, svastika, etc., just like those on offering stands."18 Lined up as they are in the upper and lower bands of fig. 1, the astamangalas could be considered up on such stands. If the Digambara texts are followed, the astamangalas would appear on the middle circular terrace of the three-tiered central pedestal. Thus, counting the four 'arches' as part of the gandhakuti, this would put the auspicious signs on the next level. Mandala-type ayagapatas such as fig. 1 further aid a threedimensional interpretation by showing in their border columns topped by a wheel or animal. Similar columns, more easily read as towering high above the ground, are seen at either side of a stupa in two other Jaina reliefs from Mathura." This close relationship of such columns with a stupa could also be seen in Buddhism even somewhat earlier. It is known that the developed version of the Digambara samavasarana has four manastambhas, or pride pillars, one at each of its four outermost gates. Since the stupa plaques are depicted frontally, and the Jina-centered avagapalas combine frontality with a bird's-eye perspective, the columns may be considered as two of four, each standing at the four main directions. The fact that they appear similarly both on what I shall call 'proto-samavasarana' plaques and on stupa depictions could indicate a transitional period in Jaina iconography. In the ground-plan of a Digambara samavasarana the different bhumi, shown separately by lines in fig. 5, are meant to be read as ever rising levels , giving the entire structure the effect of a sacred mountain. This is also the effect meant in the stupa, whose pradaksina paths are delineated by vedikas, except for the last, the harmika, which houses the sacred space at the top. In his detailed description of the Digambara samavasarana, Ramachandran points out that there is a subtle differentiation between the various structures dividing each bhumi. Five of the structures, including the one encircling the inner (and therefore topmost) pedestal are called 'vedika, or fences, while the other 29

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four are referred to as 'sala', or walls. 20 In the Kusana period Jaina stupa renditions in the outermost vedika had decorated makara-beamed toranas, one probably meant to stand at each of the four directions. Dancing girls, similar to those at Sanchi, perform at either side of the gate. The Digambara samavasarana, it is stated, has on either side of the gates along the four roads, "theatres....where dances and music were a permanent feature." 21 ht 15016A 1. SP Fig. 8. Svetambara samavasarana of Santinatha, detail of ceiling panel in front of cell #12 at Vimala Vasahi, Mt. Abu. southern Rjasthan, 10th-12th century. (Photo by A.W. Norton). There is some indication from inscriptions that there were both Digambaras and Svetambaras at Mathura as late as the 11th century C.E.. 22 There seems to be enough archaeological evidence to show that both traditions were also active in the Mathura region during the Kusana period. There are Kusana plaques from Mathura that show Svetambara elements, such as crowned Jinas, a monk wearing a loincloth, and Harinegamesin, the antelope-headed god involved in the 'embryo-exchange story in every Tirthankara's biography. An important Digambara aspect found in other Kusana works is the sky-clad Jina figure. The 'proto-samavasarana' ayagapatas, while exhibiting

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elements common to textual descriptions of both traditions, tend to contain slightly more Digambara qualities. My inclination is to choose the earliest date for the Digambara-Svetambara division, just after the famine and migration of ca. 360 B.C. E. 23 Taking into account important caturmukha sculpture from Mathura showing four naked Jinas, it would certainly seem evident that the Digambaras were well established in that city in the Kusana period. 24 . E, WODO SERIKALI Fig. 9.Svetambara Siddhacakra, dated 1865, brass, 5%" high. Private Collection. The term 'pata' has been translated invariably as 'tablet' when referring to the ayagapalas. This is understandable, since the word 'ayagapata' is actually inscribed on a number of these stone plaques. It should be noted, however, that these stone carvings are unique among archaeological finds in India. Yet, the intricacy of the work and the highly developed iconography point to an established tradition. A somewhat similar story can be found in relation to the great Buddhist monuments at Sanchi and 31

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JAINISM IN TAMILNADU: ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY Ekambaranathan The book details extensive new data on Jain religion, from ancient to almost the last quarter of Common Era under a vista of art and archaeology from a collection of material that was never presented before in a single source. It deals with history of Jainism in Tamilnadu, before and after the Bhakti movement of the Saivites and the Vaishnavites in Southern India. Although the book may be read at one level as an intellectual property, it is portrayed as a representative of Jain school manifested by time and life over a period of two thousand years. The mythology or the major marvelling theme and categories of the religion of the Sramanas has never been presented to the western reader, compared to the exhaustive presentation carried out on the Saivites or the Vaishnavites whose historical position on the land do not figure before Jainism. . ISBN-09699978-1-7 * 119 pages * Hard Bound $19.95

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CANADIAN STUDIES IN JAINISM Bhuvanendra Kumar IN JAINISM Dr. Bhuvi This anthology is *CANADIAN STUDIES a rich collection of Jain papers which originated in Canada, and each one throws light on different aspects of Jain religion from early to medieval and recent times. It consists of three sections - aspects of Early Jainism, Medieval History of Jaina India and Recent Jain Tradition. Canadian Studies in Jainism is a welcome and significant book accessible for the study of an often unknowing Jain tradition, and it might spur further discussion about this religion, which claims its pre-Aryan origin in ancient India and its renaissance in sixth B.C.E. under Lord Mahavira, before Buddhism. Indeed, the book has a place in the study of world religions. Jain Humanities Press ISBN-09699978-2-5 * 127 pages * Hard Bound $19.95

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JAINISM IN AMERICA Bhuvanendra Kumar This is a first ethnographic and social study of Jains in America. It briefly defines their religion in western concept, and narrates its history of religion from Indus Valley civilization where the ancient Jinas, Lord Rsabha and Ajita onwards, were said to have set the structure of the first organized religion in the ancient world. First chapter deals with Jainism and its characteristics. It defines the terms Jain and Jina as found in literary and lithic records, and the coopting of the term Jina into Mahayana Buddhism in around 750 C.E. The Jain characteristics are explained through their basic anuvratas-mahavratas, and metaphysics which consists of the Seven Truths and the Triratna theory of samyag-darsana, jnana and caritra-Right Faith, Knowledge and Conduct. Principal Jain doctrines of ahimsa, karma and anekanta are covered in the second chapter, and each is elaborated in light of philosophic religiosity and logic. Jain religion in ancient India from pre and protohistoric to the last four historic Jinas, and of the undivided church up to the schism in 82 C.E. are presented in third chapter. Early Jaina historic contact and influence outside India, and their coming to America are covered in fourth chapter. Characteristics and distinguishable features of identity of AmeriJains are dealt in the fifth chapter. Sixth chapter describes a range of Jain religious externals such as temples, worship, rituals and festivals. Thus, Jainism in America is a study of sociology of Jains delineated by a methodical system and rigorously documented. Conclusively, it establishes that Jains [i] form an extension of an ancient religious group [ii] have a religious, cultural and social organization as outward expression of community and people [iii] maintain a religious entity and structure in new American environment [iv] indigenously have developed a coherent and homogenous community that is indivisible on sectarian or social grounds, and [v] as a world religion, it possesses historical, doctrinal, ethical, social and experiential dimensions. Indeed, Jainism in America provides an awesome degree of philosophic fervour sans Agamic literalism, plus it is the first comprehensive literature from academic point of view offered about Jainism in America. ISBN-09699978-3-3221 pages *Hard Bound $24.95

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Bharhut. At Sanchi several clues help show how such evolved art could appear so suddenly with seemingly no predecessors. The post-and-beam construction of the fences and gates, while in stone, immediately tell us that earlier less permanent works of wood had existed. Workmen familiar with working in ivory were responsible for much of the stone carving at Sanchi, as evidenced by an inscription on the western gateway. Finally, the carved scroll-work ends of the torana cross-beams indicate that originally these narrative strips were of cloth rolls, or 'patas'. DAR Triin PUTETI *** TOTO TI * Fig. 10. Digambara samavasarana of Parsvanatha, detail of painting on courtyard wall, Digambara Jaina Math, Sravana Belgola, 17th century. (Photo by A.W. Norton) Pata, according to Monier-Williams, means "woven cloth, cloth...., a painted piece of cloth, a picture." 25 It is known that Mathura was a wealthy community during the Kusana period, and that various religious groups were active there, including both Digambara and Svetambara Jainas. This devout and wealthy Jaina population would understandably wish to have religious art of a permanent nature. Therefore they, like the Buddhists at Sanchi and Bharhut, had their monuments made of brick and stone, with such elements as vedikas and toranas of stone rather than of perishable wood or 32

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cloth scrolls. Devotional paintings, also, would be carved in stone. Since they had never before been created in that medium, these plaques after paintings, for want of a better term, were called 'pata'. This theory does not seem out of keeping with later examples on cloth, which rightly retain the name. 20 I feel that the ayagapata designs, particularly of the 'proto-samavasarana' variety, come from a long tradition of painted patas which also continued after the Kusana period. Their perishable nature, however, meant that no examples other than those few in stone from Mathura have come down to us until the medieval period. The first literary reference to a samavasarana is in the Svetambara subsidiary canon, the Aupapatika Upanga of the Angabahya, where it is said that Mahavira came to a samavasarana.27 The earliest written description of a samavasarana appears in the 8th century Adipurana of Jinasena, although it is so highly evolved that it presumably had developed over a number of centuries. While the Svetambara written descriptions are not found until the 12th and 13th centuries C.E., the core similarity to the Digambara variety would indicate a common heritage. This heritage, I believe, can be found in the Mathura ayagapalas and their 'lost' cloth precursors, combined with stupa symbolism. The use of both the 'proto-samavasarana' type ayagapata and the stupa in Mathura may indicate an ambivalence as to which symbol should be of highest importance. Later Jaina art proves that the samavasarana won favour, due in part, perhaps to the emphasis placed on the stupa by rival Buddhists. 28 An arch fragment found in the Jaina section of Mathura shows devotion paid to both a stupa and to what appear to be ayagapalas. (fig. 3) It is not known, however, whether the arch itself comes from a gateway to a stupa or to an architectural samavasarana. Manastambha Svetambara texts express the necessity of overcoming pride before the message can be heard. The Digambaras, on the other hand, actually construct a manastambha, or 'pride pillar', to remind one entering either a samavasarana or a temple that all pride must be relinquished. While the Digambara samavasarana

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40 Fig.11. Manastambha Digambara Temple, Mathura. (Photo by A.W. Norton) has four manastambhas, one standing at each of the four entries, a Digambara temple has only one. (figs. 11, 18; 12, 13) This is one indication that the temple itself stands in some way for the samavasarana. Early reference to the manastambha can be recognized in the columns appearing on certain Mathura ayagapatas. Fig.12. Manastambha before Soni's Temple, Mathura. (Photo by A.W. Norton) 34

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Fig. 13. Detail of manastambha, showing caturmukha Jina in gandhakutri. (Photo by A.W. Norton) Caturmukha The Jaina caturmukha sculptures of the Kusana period could also be indicative of this important and developing them. The caturmukha showing seated Tirthankaras may be a reference behind a Kusana plaque from Mathura. (fig. 4) Mitra has pointed out the possibility that the four Jinas seated in pairs on either side of a stupa may mean that they are actually placed at the four gates. 29 Ayagapatas showing only a frontal view of the Jina can surely be read as the caturmukha image at the centre of a samavasarana. (fig. 4) Many later examples, carved and painted, indicate such an interpretation. (figs. 9, 11) The caturmukha form itself is described as the centre for both the Digambara and Svetambara samavasarana. Shown with a central tree, or enclosed in a shrine (gandhakuti), it symbolizes the central place where a devotee may hear the message of salvation. The 35

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caturmukha Jina, positioned at the centre and apex of the samavasarana yet facing the four directions, extends the holy doctrine to pilgrims coming from all corners of the earth. 2013 . ..::::: SIG SAUNAS A4 " S Fig. 14 Svetambara samavasarna shrine, Strunjaya, Palitana, Southern Gujarat, 1439 C.E. Legacies of Early Architectural Forms The samavasarana elements seen in the Kusana artefacts of Mathura are reflected in later works of Jaina art. A Svetambara samavasarana in the ceiling of Vimala Vasahi, Mt. Abu inherits much from the design of the 'proto-samavasarana' ayagapalas. (fig. 9) Even the Siddhacakra echoes the mandala form of these early plaques. (fig. 10) Two-dimensional Digambara samavasaranas often make evident the four manastambhas at each of the four gates. (fig. 11) The caturmukha Jina image in the shrine atop the manastambha marks the entrance to Digambara Jaina temples throughout India today. Two such examples include the Digambara temple at 36

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Mathura and the Soni temple in Ajmer. (figs. 12, 14) YE " a . . U .. TUNIKL ri E . Fig. 15. Svetambara samavasarana at Satrunjaya under construction (1980). The texts indicate that the samavasarana, 'built by the gods', is so large and elaborate that indeed no human could create it. However, over the centuries, attempts have been made to give some indication of this wondrous construct. Shrines containing carved three-dimensional Svetambara samavasaranas can be found at both Mount Abu and Satrunjaya. (fig. 15) More recently, a large samavasarana has been built at the base of Fig.16. Completed Svetambara samavasarana at Satrunjaya, height 85'. (Photo by G. Tartakov) 37

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Satrunjaya which allows pilgrims to actually walk into it. (figs. 16, 17) In Bangalore's Digambara temple there is a large room filled entirely with a model of a samavasarana. (fig. 18) Fig. 17. Samavasarna model (detail), Digambara Temple, Bangalore. (Photo by AW. Norton) III Fig. 18. Remains of built Digambara samavasarana in storage rooms of the Lucknow Museum. Originally from Mathura, Jusana period. (Photo by A.W. Norton) 38

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H Fig. 19. Close-up View of Fig.18. Such recent examples of the samavasarana are not a new idea, however. In 1984, during a visit to India, I had the good fortune to visit the storage area of the Lucknow Museum. There I saw the archaeological remains of a built samavasarana of the Kusana period in the familiar red stone of Mathura. This discovery added to the evidence that the samavasarana was indeed of major importance to the Jainas at least as early as the period of the ayagapalas. (figs. 19, 20) Fig. 20. Samavasarana in open court before main shrine, Adinatha Temple, Satrunjaya, Palitana, Southern Gujarat. (Photo by A.W. Norton) 39

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Today, the samavasarana continues to play an important role in Jaina worship. A small model of the Jina's Preaching Hall is generally found in a primary place in or near the main shrine, and, if sheltered by a carved ceiling or painted 'pata', may act as a modern reflection of Kusana 'proto-samavasarana' plaques. (Fig. 21) The major portion of this essay was written as a doctoral dissertation, The Jaina Samavasarana, for New York University's Institute of Fine Arts in 1981. NOTES 1. The expressions "Arhata-pujaye" appearing in all of the inscriptions has been translated "in honour to the Arhats." Shah, U.P. Studies in Jaina Art, Banaras, 1955, p. 81. 2. Ibid., p. 83. 3. Ibid., p. 81; Plate V, fig. 14B. 4. Ibid., p. 67. 5. Arhat Vacan, pVol. 1, (3-4), June- Sept. 1989, Indore] 6. Shah, U.P. Studies in Jaina Art, Banaras, 1955, p. 71. 7. Smith, V. A., The Jaina Stupa and Other Antiquities of Mathura, Allahabad, 1901, p. 22. 8. Ramachandran, T.N., Tiruparrutikunram and Its Temples, Madras, 1934, p. 108. 9. Shah, U.P., op.cit., p. 86. 10. Jaini, Padmanabh S., The Jaina Path of Purification, Berkeley,1979, p. 192. 11. The textual descriptions can be found in the following: Digambara - Adi Purana and Sri Purana (Sanskrit) and Merumandara Purana (Tamil), in Ramachandran, T.N., op.cit; Svetambara - Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, ty Hemacandra, 12th c. A.D., translated by Helen Johnson, Baroda, 1931-1962, and Samavasarana-stavana, e after 1270 A.D., translated by D.R. Bhandakar, "Jaina Iconography", The Indian Antiquary, May, 1911. 40

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12. Soper, Alexander C., "The 'Dome of Heaven' in Asia," The Art Bulletin, December, 1947, p. 226: "The Indian impulse toward formal organization of a divine hierarchy, visible at an early stage in the Mathura Jaina plaque, was carried to conclusion in the next half-millennium by the perfection of the Tantric Mandala." 13. Kramrisch, Stella, 'Nepalese Paintings," Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, vol. 1, #2, December, 1933, p. 136 ff. 14. Ibid., p. 140. 15. Wayman, Alex, from a paper delivered at Mathura in December, 1979, "The Astamangala (Eight Auspicious Things)". 16. The circle of these 'pedestals', being slightly concave, looks rather like a Siddhaloka in the round. It could also refer to the halo supposed to appear behind the head of the Jina. 17. Ramachandran, op.cit., p. 106. 18. Johnson, Helen, op.cit. Such offering stands with carvings of the auspicious signs are still used today in ritual. See Jain, Jyotindra, and Fischer, Eberhard, Jaina Iconography, Leiden, 1978, Plate Xvb. 19. See note #4. 20. Ramachandran, T.N., op.cit., pp. 106-109. 21. Ibid., p. 107. 22. Smith, V.A., op.cit., p. 6. 23. Jaini, Padmanabh S., op.cit., p. 5. 24. Smith, V.A., op.cit., Plate XVIII. 25. Monier-Williams, Sir M., A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Delhi, (1974), p. 579. 26. Examples can be found in Shah, U.P., op.cit., Plate XXXI, and in Chandra, Moti, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India, Ahmedabad, 1949, Fig. 187. 27. Shah, U.P., op.cit., p. 86. Also see p. 21 and note #59. 28. Tantric Buddhism's reliance on mandala symbolism could be considered an exception. Such cosmograms as the Kalacakra Mandala, for instance, has striking similarities to the elaborate descriptions of the Jaina samavasarana. 29. Mitra, Debala, "Mathura", Jaina Art and Architecture, vol. I, (A. Ghosh, Ed.), New Delhi, 1974, p. 66. For Private 4ersonal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 22, No.2, October 2000 SOCIO RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF RELIEVOS ON THE MANASTAMBHA AT HUMCHA Dr. Vasanta Kumari, Maharani's College, Mysore, India The political ascendancy of Jain religion during the reigns of the Kadambas, the Calukyas, the Gangas and the Rashtrakutas from 4th to 10th century was a great time for the Jainas who had a big share in the development of socio-religious and cultural life. This period of progress and prosperity continued even at the time of Jaina kings of Santara dynasty with its capital Humcha, an historic and ancient town in Karnataka in southern India. The Establishment of Historic Humcha ancient names of Pomburcha, Hombucha with morphological and phonetic changes, have become Humcha in the current usage. It is situated 60 km northeast of Shimoga in northwest part of Karnataka. According to the records from the place, Humcha was founded by Jinadatta, son of king Sakara and queen Sriyala of Northern Mathura, great devotees of goddess Padmavati, the yaksi of Parsva. From about twenty Santara inscriptions, it is known that Jinadatta, founder of the dynasty, belonged to Ugravamsa which can be traced back to the genealogy of Tirthankara Parsva in Ninth B.C.E. In fact Sagara ins.159,1159 suggests that Santara genealogy originated from Ugravamsa of Parsva. The legend and the literature have it that Prince Jinadatta of Northern Mathura was put to peril at the age of sixteen when his stepmother plots to kill him in order to sworn her own son Maridatta to the throne. Coming to know the peril Jinadatta was in, his mother Sriyala sends him away to her parental place, Southern Mathura. Travelling half way, Prince Jinadatta makes a stopover in the 42

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thick forest which at present is the part of northern Malnad region of Karnataka. In the dream, yaksi Padmavati foretells Jinadatta that he should establish his own kingdom in the region rather than continuing his journey to Southern Mathura. Attracted to his great personality, the local tribal peoples join Jinadatta in the task of building his kingdom in the region. Prince Jinadatta thus after establishing his kingdom with its capital Pomburcha and founding the Santara dynasty came to be known Jinadattaraya, the word raya standing for king. The kingdom was known as Santalige kingdom, which consisted of the northern sector of the Malnad region. This legendary and literary construction of the life of Jinadatta and his kingdom have been supported by later epigraphic records. The earliest inscription of Humcha dated 897 C.E. states that Jinadattaraya was the founder of Santara dynasty under the blessings of goddess Padmavati. A later epigraph dated 1062 C.E. mentions that the earliest Nokkiyabbe Jina temple of the place was originally built by Jinadattaraya. Professor Hampana is of the opinion that the Santaras ruled from Seventh century to Thirteenth century, and commissioned the temple for Padmavati, the goddess of the dynasty, in seventh century. In any event, the Santaras were known for their Jaina religiosity, love for art and architecture, and literature. Sanataras developed Humcha into a remarkable religious and cultural centre of Jainism. The history of region is but of the Santaras, and their history is very closely associated with that of Jain religion, the professed faith of the Santara kings and the majority of their subjects. From the time of the establishment to the end of their rule, the prosperity and the peace in the Santara kingdom indicate the religious fervour with which the kings and their subjects enriched Jainism through commissioning of monuments and carrying out religious performances. Commissioning of the Temple and the Manastambha Among the royal ladies, Cattaladevi, daughter of Arumuli Ganga alias Rakkasa Permandi Ganga and Gavabbarasi of the Ganga family, and the wife of Pallava king of Kanchi, who has not been identified yet, are well known personalities. Having lost her son Goggi and husband, Cattaladevi took a vow of desavrata, and settled down at Humcha with her sister Viramahadevi, the queen of Santara king Vira. Along with her nephews Taila, Goggiga, Odduga and Barma Santaras, she launched various religious schemes in the interest and welfare of the people. She also commissioned in 1077 C.E. the panchakuta basadi 43

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along with the manastambha at Humcha, under the spiritual guidance of acarya Vijaya Bhattaraka who has been extolled in the inscriptions as Pandiata Parijata. A number of inscriptions from the region make references to this temple and glorify it as Urvitilaka Jinalaya. Of the many art architectural monuments of the Santara times, manastambha of the panchakuta basadi is a testimony to the Santara passion for art and architecture. The pillar is a forty feet tall structure and is erected over two tiers of decorated stone platform. The Manastambha It is a monolithic pillar and most interesting piece of work in the region. It has square shape to a certain height, and then it becomes octagonal and finally it is circular at the top. There is a niche surmounting the pillar with seated figure each facing one of the four directions. The images enshrined in the niche are the images of yaksas, seated in the ardhaparyankasana, holding padmas and phalas. The Mahapurana gives the description and notes that four images of the Jinas or caaturmukha Jinas are to be placed in the niches. Particularly in Karnataka, these instances are found where the images of yaksas either single or caturmukha are placed in the niches. The system thus signifies the popular yaksa worship in the Jain socio-religious practice. The lower tier of the platform has a view of a throne supported by eight carved elephants - four in the corners and the other four at the cardinal points. In between these elephants, there are on all four sides relievos of lions in different postures. (Fig.1) ON 2 CA S2 22 OOOOOO WON XOVE 300D Fig. 1. Plate of the manastambha. Astadikpalakas moving in procession. 44

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The upper tier of the platform is covered by the relievos on all four sides, depicting celestials accompanied by their retinues. Socio Religious Significance of Relievos The manastambha is erected in front of Jain temples and is an integral part of the complex. The height of the pillar is usually twelve times the size of the idol consecrated in the main altar. The relievos on the lower tier of the platform of the manastambha represent Jaina socio-religious culture. In the Jain tradition, the elephants are held in high esteem for the reason of their living style wherein they are pious despite their enormous strength and power and are totally vegetarian in their diet. The Jaina philosophical doctrine of non-violence; the functional mechanism of karma in force, the process of reincarnation and the final liberation being in place in the affairs of all and each individual living being are thus implicated in these elephant relievos. As such, elephants in Jain tradition are placed in position of strength and power, and as such they are referred as diggajas, a unique Jaina vocabulary, which stands for and symbolizes protection. In the relievos there are eight of them - astadiggajas, placed in eight positions protecting all the eight quarters of the manastambha. It is well known in Jaina panegyric system that each Tirthankara has five auspicious stages in life, from conception in the womb to the final liberation; and each stage is an auspicious event of the Tirthankaras. The relievos in the lower tier of the manastambha depicts this panegyric theme - pancakalyanaka rites, which are well described in Jain texts. According to the Mahapurana, the celestials are headed by Saudharmendra, the lord of all Indras, come down to earth to perform pancakalyanaka rites to the Tirthankaras. They move in procession accompanied by their retinues playing the musical instruments, singing and dancing. The Tiloyapannati gives a list of hundred Indras and among them, Saudharmendra with his Airavata insignia is the chief of them all. The relievos at Humcha show only the dikpalakas - celestials of directions, moving in procession playing their musical instruments, singing, dancing and rejoicing over the auspicious events. According to Jaina tradition, there are ten dikpalakas, each presiding over a particular direction. Indra - East, Agni - Southeast, Yama - South, Nirriti - Southwest, Varuna - West, Vayu - Northwest, Kubera - North, Isana - Northeast.. The last two, Brahma and Naga represent the upper and 45

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lower regions. The Jain texts also provide description of the consorts of these dikpalakas and their respective vehicles. This is depicted in the relievos at Humcha. Following is the short run: Indra: He rides on his elephant Airavata and carries his thunderbolt. He is also accompanied by his consort Sachidevi. (Fig.2) Fig. 2. Indra - Elephant Agni: He rides on his vehicle ram and carries spear with seven flames. His consort is Svaha. (Fig.3) 12 NOW w UNA 2 WA W XXXXXX RE Fig.3. Agni 46

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Yama: He rides on his vehicle buffalo. His consort is Chaya. (Plate is missing) Nirriti: He rides on his vehicle bear. His consort is Tamasi. (Plate is missing) Varuna: His vehicle is dolphin and consort is Varuni. (Fig.4) Fig.4. Varuna Kubera: He moves on a man bearing gems and club. His consort is Dhanadevi. (Fig.5) ASS SO 8 3 X2 Fig.5 Kubera Isana: He rides on his vehicle bull. Consort is Sampati. (Plate missing) 47 www.jainelibrary

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soinulim for Vayu: His vehicle is deer. Consort is Vayuvegi. (Fig.6)3's onl Fig. 6. Vayu Brahma: He rides on swan, and he represents the upper region. (Plate missing) Naga: His symbol is snake, and he represents the lower region. (Plate missing) The practice of worshipping of dikpalakas is quite ancient and widespread in Karnataka. The antiquity of their worship can be established from the literary references found in the Tiloyapannati and the Puranic works like the Mahapurana which provides a vivid description of the pancakalyanaka rites, as seen below: Garbhavatarana: It is the first of the rites, and it is unlike the ordinary conception in the womb, but mystical and yet powerful. This auspicious event is experienced through dreams, fourteen in all. The Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu I (400 B.C.E.) gives the description of the fourteen beatific dream-visions, and they are: White elephant and bull; sportive lion, goddess Sri, garland, full moon, shining sun, flying flag, silver urn, lotus lake, milky sea, vimana, heap of gems, and smokeless fire. Accordingly, mothers of all Tirthankaras are visited by these fourteen beatific dreams whenever an illustrious one would be and soon to be born upon the conception in the womb. These dreams are symbolic inferences affecting the conception 48

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of an illustrious person, to be Tirthankara, who would rejuvenate the Jaina Path of Purification, and heralds a historic event in the renaissance of the faith, as and when they are bom. Janmabhiseka: An auspicious event of birth of a Tirthankara. The Mahapurana text describes the event in this fashion: Saudharmendra accompanied by his consort Sachidevi and retinues proceeds to pay homage to the born baby, whom he joyously carries on his lap riding Airavata, to the summit of Mount Meru. Celestial devas follow him in procession holding festoons and curis. Renunciation: The celestial devas lead the Tirthankara to the forest in a grand procession for the illustrious soul is about to leave everything and get initiated to renouncing the material world. Kevalagnana: When a Tirthankara attains omniscience, the celestial devas under the instruction of Saudharmendra begin to create samavasarana mantapa - heavenly pavilion from where the kevalin begins to expound the philosophical doctrines and sermons. Moksa Kalyana: This is the final and the fifth event in the life of a Tirthankara, when he attains final liberation, never returning to the life cycle. Saudharmendra orders the celestial devas to make funeral pyre from the wood of the fragrant trees, and Agnikumara produces fire. The material body of the enlightened soul thus reaches an end as the body is engulfed by the flames. These five rites headed by Saudharmendra and his retinues are represented beautifully by the dikpalakas in procession on the lower tier of the manastambha platform. From the point of Jaina panergytic system, the pancakalyana rites are a must for consecrating and installing Jina images in the temples. In the same fashion, the religious sanctity and the erection of the manastambha in front of the temple is inherent in the Jaina system. Because, monastambha forms a part of the auspicious samavasarana mantapa, built by the Indra and other celestials. The Mahapurana contains an elaborate description of the samavasarana and the manastambha. Accordingly, manastamha is described to have been erected on the outer rampart of the samavasarana, and it constitutes huge column placed on the pedestal. The top of the columns are decorated with flags and festoons and below them are niches containing images of the Jina.

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The Tiloyapannati also gives detail description of the height of the manastambhas, which vary according to the height of the Tirthankara. In other words, the height of the manastambha, according to the text, must be twelve times higher than that of the height of the Tirthankara. The height of the Tirthankaras is provided in the Mahapurana text, and is expressed in dhanus. Jaio YEP Fig.7. Panchakuta basadi, front view. This architectural feature of the manastambha with engraved relievo on the base at Humcha is the earliest one found in Karnataka. An ancient manastambha supposed to be about 2200 years old has been 50

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reported from. The ancient Jaina temple at Nathanagar Road in Bhagalpur district of Bihar has been reported with two manastambhas on the east and south sides. They are about fifty feet high, and presumably of the Sunga-Kusana period. They were partly destroyed in the earth quake of 1934, but repairs were done in 1938. REFERENCES 1. The Kalpasutra, Prakrit Bharati, Jaipur, 1984. 2 A. Shantaraja Sastri, ed. Mahapurana, Bangalore, 1981. 3. Drs. A.N. Upadhye and Hiralal Jain , eds. Tiloyapannati. 4. Jaina Siddhanta Kosha. 5. Encyclopaedia of Indian Culture. 6. A. Shantaraja Sastri, Chaturvimsati Tirthankara Aradhana, Dikpala Stotra. 7. Dr. T.N. Ramachandran, Tirupparuttikunram and Its Temples, Govt. Museum, Madras. 8. Brahmasuri, Trivarnikachara, University of Mysore. 9. Aradhana Pustaka (Unpublished) 10. A. Shantaraja Sastri, Pujasara samuchchaya, Mysore, 1925. 11 The Brahmadeva Pillars, Vol. XXXIII 1/2 ARTIBUS ASIE, New York University. 12. Dr. M.A. Dhaky, Santara Sculpture, Oriental Art IV, 1971-72. 13. Epigraphia Carnatica, Vols. VII, VIII, (Shimoga) 1902-1904. 14. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1913,1929. 15. Jinamanjari, pp54-57, Vol.4, No.1, April 1992. 16. Jinamanjari,pp.6-7, Vol.10, No.2, October 1994. 17. Dr. Hampa Nagarajiah, Santaras, Siddhanta Granthamale, Humcha 577436, 1997. 18. Dr. B.K. Tiwary, History of Jainism in Bihar, p.127, Academic Press, Gurgaon, 1996 51

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Jinamanjari, Volume 22, No.2, October 2000 Jaina Sculptural and Architectural Details In The Tilakmanjari Dr. N.M. Kansara, Ahmedabad, India It was during his Presidential Address of Fine Arts and Technical Sciences Section of XXIV All India Oriental Conference at Varanasi, October 1968 that Dr. U.P. Shah pointed out a few references to architectural details in various descriptions of Jaina shrines in the Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala (11th C.E.). The text exclusively deals on sculptural ornamentations and furnishings in temples and palaces; iconography and yantras. Following the old tradition, the poet Dhanapala has employed works which provide an elaborate description of sculpture and architecture. For this, he has utilized the motif of the Jaina temples and the palaces. His familiarity with architectural details of Jain temples is quite descriptive. The temple on Mt. Ekasmiga dedicated to Lord Rsabha and the temple on Mt. Ratnakuta dedicated to Mahavira are the chosen examples.' The Tilakamanjari contains valuable data on the Indian architecture and sculpture, and of town plans of the tenth and the eleventh centuries, especially in its descriptions of the regions of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat, and perhaps to some extent, southern India as well. Town Plans of Kanci and Ayodhya According to Dhanapala, these towns were protected on all sides by a white-washed outer wall, buttressed with a wide rampart, and protected by a deep wide moats filled with carnivorous reptiles such as alligators and crocodiles. Facing each of the four principal directions, the city walls had four colossal gates which opened inward to an extensive array of wide streets which were lined with both shops and a 52

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series of high mansions made of satakumbha (gold). Situated at the major crossroads were several temple sites and hundreds of step-wells with broad steps reaching to the water. As for the public parks, they appeared to be situated primarily on the outskirts of the residential area of the city. However, as seen from the story about the Kanci women gathered in Kusumakara garden attending the festival of Cupid while the city was besieged by the forces of the Vajrayudha, it can be made that the garden must have been situated within the protecting confines of the city walls. Palace Description at Kanci The royal palace was surrounded by hundreds of tall buildings, which according to Dhanapala, were built in the Sita-style. The palace itself consisted of a number of individually gated apartments or dwelling areas with the innermost being reserved for suddhanta (royal harem). According to the description in the Tilakamanjari, the king would ride his elephant to the threshold of the second gate, would climb down from the elephant, and then proceed to the third apartment where there was a central hall with a raised platform located in the middle of the room. Located at the rear of this platform was a turret-like structure, which served as the location for the ivory throne and gold-embossed footstool. Adjoining this third apartment was the sizeable aharamandapa (dining hall). Next to this hall was astha-na-mandapa (large court hall). Adjoining to this was harem, which consisted of several rooms, but only one served as the primary prasuti-grha' (lying-in chamber). The harem with its lavish garden contained sports and bathing area, indicating that water was supplied to the area possibly from a nearby stream through a canal system. The second-story contained danta-valahika (an ivory pavilion) where a bed was erected on an extensive platform made from a slab of crystal rock. It appears that it was used for napping after meals. The Palace at Rathanupuracakravala According to the textual information provided in the Tilakamanjari, the palace had a lofty pinnacle, surrounding buildings, a number of outer apartments for the storing of musical instruments, a vast array of weapons, and several items with the royal insignia. The middle palace wall had a lofty gate, and to the rear of the palace the harem garden was located with its Cupid temple, a variety of fruit trees, and artificial stream, and a quadrangular pool. Scented waters flowed in the artificial stream, and special boats built from the hard wood of For Private Personal Use Only

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camphor trees were used on these streams to entertain the members of the royal household. Sabara couple were housed in the caves of the sports hill. All the ridges and sri-mandapa of the saudha-style palace were painted red with the juice from the leaves of the Tamala Creeper. The floor of the place "looked like clear water." In the front of the living room there were several sports pools. The pattasalas had extensive parivastra-pata (curtains), as did the doors opening into the dipti-pata (diamond-studded turrets). The moulding of the marble columns was considered so transparent that the harem maids often missed to notice them in the daily routines, and often walked into them. Various types of interior building are mentioned: adarsabhavana, padmaraga-sadma and the indranila-mandira, in conjunction with the jewel-studded dining hall and large gardens, which are described as having a step-well and sports pool. Finely grated elephant tusk and powder of pearls were spread on the garden lanes. The steps of the staircases of the palaces and royal tanks were lined with precious slabs of jewel stones. A canopy was built to serve as a bathroom, while the bathrooms for the royal ladies were streamlined with kandapatka (curtains) for privacy. This particular saudha-style palace, like other compounds of this nature, was multi-storied, surround by high compound-walls with gates made in the "alligator architraves." These compounds had swingcouches suspended on a pair of pillars located on a platform in the courtyard. Many of these buildings had domestic gardens and sports pool in their compounds, usually supplied by fresh-water springs or local streams. The palace which was multi-story structure was known by a special name, bhadrasala. On the topmost floor of the building there situated an apartment called the candrasala. This area served as a private theatre for dance and dramatic performance. Next to the theatre were quarters called sayana-citrasala or the sayana-citrasalika -- having windows studded with moon-stones and extensive jewel-studded canopies raised on golden pillars. There was a raised platform on the terrace, and the floors were studded with jewels, or at least, painted with a jewel motif. There were many buildings within the palace complex: such as residences for princes, princesses, and companions. A school for the prince was also built inside the royal premises. And there were separate buildings used as stables for horses and elephants. 54

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Temples of Tirthankaras Dhanapala has described two Jain temples in the course of his narration: of Lord Rsabha at Mt Ekasrnga, and of Lord Mahavira at Mt Ranakuta. Several interesting details have been given, and Dhanapala's intimate knowledge of Jain temples is reflected in the graphic descriptions of the these two temples. Interestingly, it appears that the Vastuprkarana of Thakkura Pheru seems to have served as the practical handbook detailing Jain temples. Lord Rsabha Temple It is believed to be located in the Eastern Himalayan range at Ekasriga. The shrine was a prasada-type stone structure, lined with ruby slabs, and resembled a sura-vimana (divine mansion). The architectural sub-type of the shrine is known as sarvatobhadra. Bhoja in his Samarangana-sutradhara and N. M. Sompura in his Silparatnakara have provided lengthy details on the sarvatobhadra-type prasada. The term vimana, according to Kramrish, denotes the inner most sanctuary with a generally square floor plan. On the insights provided by Mrs. Stella, Dr. Dwijendranth Shukla has differentiated the terms prasada and vimana. According to him, prasada is an extension part of the temple to various attached halls, and vimana is a temple constructed by applying various proportionate measurements or various standards of proportionate measurements and is based on the sastra tradition. Dhanapala gives the description of Lord Rsabha temple. Accordingly, the whole structure was encircled by a compound prakara (wall) which appears to have had at least four gates, placed in the principal directions, and each had a corresponding pratolika (roadway). Surrounding the temple was a beautiful garden, containing two subsidiary marble (quartzite) shrines to the right and left of the main shrine (mulayatana). Within these smaller shrines were various images of Tirthankaras carved in such materials as topaz, ruby set on sapphire thrones, moonstone, and emeralds. Although presented in a different textual context within the work, Dhanapala provides other details of this particular temple. For example, he mentions that the temple had mani-kuttima (jewel-studded floor), a wide basement built of marble slabs; topaz needles were served as lamps; birds were carved on the eaves, and that strings of pearls were suspended from the ceiling vaults. He also notes that there were wide attractive doors, golden 55

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pillars with huge capitals, carumanjarika (foliage ornamentation) and jewel-strips of various colours, ratna catuska (jewel-studded quadrangle), and a lion-figure projection. The canopy made of white silk had strings of pearls knitted into the edges. Caranas had written Subhasitas on the top of the doors, and young men, fond of gambling, had carved out various gambling boards on the floor of the sapphire window. On the pascatya-bhitti (western wall), a marble slab with a prasasti (eulogy) engraved was set into the surface. The sapphire floor of the temple had a quadrangular design of pearls. As for garbhavesman (sanctum), the ground floor had a series of moonstone stairs leading to the emerald gate and to the mandapa door. On one side of the gate an image of a yaksa was installed and white camara was suspended from nagadanta (peg) fixed to a wall. A javanika (curtain) covered the body of the icon. On the jayantika, vajraghanta (adamantine diamond bell) was suspended by a golden chain. The image of Rsabha -- in padmasana with the palms place upright in the lap -- was carved out of philosopher's stone. It was set on simhasana (lion throne) with frescoed motifs of a group of constellations, a deer and a lion. The curls of hair reaching both the shoulders had foliage decoration. The ends of the eye seemed to touch the root of the ears (front view), and the eyebrows were slightly fallen suggesting a state of perfect mental poise and total absence of perturbation. The face resembled the lunar disk. On either side of the image was a figure of Indra carrying a white camara on his shoulder. Other accompanying features were: a circular halo around the face, three white parasols, figures of various flying gods -- some playing divine trumpets, some showering flowers, some folding their hands and nymphs in aeroplanes. These features in their totality constitute what is technically known as parikara in Jaina iconography. Lord Mahavira Temple at Mt. Ranakuta This was also a prasada-style structure, and was built with jewel slabs. The high vikatapita (bandy-shape basement) of the temple was built of emerald slabs, and sopanamala (staircase) -- with steps studded with moonstones -- led to the wide mandapa-dvara. The hall itself had numerous mattavaranaka (turrets) made of ruby, and the bracketing salabhanjikas (female figures) were also carved into ruby slabs. The stambha-skhara (pillar capitals ) were made of topaz, kalasa (crest-pitcher) was carved from ruby, jalaka (frets) were made from diamond needles, sitapataka (white flag) fluttered on the 56

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amalasaraka carved from sapphire, and the high sikhara rose to the sky. A marble wall in conjunction with subsidiary golden temples surrounded the main shrine. The wide-railed jagati (parapet) was quite conspicuous, as were the numerous ornate windows and visama-patrabhanga (complex foliage decoration) that astonished all visitors to the temple. In the extensive manikya-mandapa, a canopied pata-vitanaka (curtain)) covered the entire icon. Nearby, many strings of variegated pearls were hanging, as were dhvamsuka (silken banners), mani-pradipa (diamond lamps), sphatka-darpana (marble mirrors) and camikarastambha (golden pillars). In the centre of mandapa-ksana (pavilion) was a sphatkavitardika (marble platform). There were several staircases in the inner side of the temple wall to reach its top. The huge vajramani-silamaya (adamantine-diamond image) of Mahavira was installed on simhasana made of gold. There is a reference to the parikara also, however, the only details given about it are the motifs of the elephant, the lion and the wheel carved at the base of the throne. Temple of Cupid at Kanci Dhanapala has given some small details of a similar temple in Ayodhya. The shrine of cupid at Kanci was situated in the public park known as Kusumakara. Among its architectural features, he has mentioned the red silk flag with crocodile design, the flag post made of coral, the high dome, a wide rampart, white subsidiary domes with golden crest-pitchers, an extensive hall with tall, strong pillars, and a pool facing the main gate. A series of steps appears to have enabled an individual to reach the top of the rampart of the temple. There were pavilions adjoining the door, and in a nearby location, a water-hall with mango trees was situated. The image in pure gold was installed on a bandy-legged pedestal. A Shrine to Sri The temple dedicated to the goddess, Sri, was built by King Meghavahana, and situated within the walls of the palace garden. The shrine itself was relatively small, had few pillars, was surrounded by a low, compound wall, and had a wide pavilion with polished jewelled slabs. In the niche of the walls of the side-steps near what is described as shady banyan tree, image of various gods were installed that were probably guardian deities. The image of Sri was said to have been carved in the wood of a tree found growing on the Pearl Mountain. 57

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A Religious Retreat for Hermits The religious compound for hermits or nuns, according to Dhanapala, was attached to the Temple of Lord Rsabha on Mount Ekasonga. It was reported to be a three-storied building studded with jewels. On the top level, it appears that there was a sleeping chamber with paved floor, and the walls had ivory pegs on which to display things. On the terrace there was a small pavilion of ruby slabs and moonstone with a series of jewelled domes covering the front portion of the pedestal. On the uncovered part of the terrace there appears to have been a silver platform, and an extensive jewel slab. Miscellaneous Structures and Yantras There is a passing reference to a series of stairs which descend to the waters of Lake Adcstapara with its banks of moonstone slabs. There is also mention of a sandalwood aeroplane (haricandana-vimana) which is said to be a sort of small wooden prasada which could fly through the air and, if need be, float on the surface of streams, lakes and oceans. It had at least two levels (as is evident from the reference to the topmost floor), and latticed windows or air-holes. It was decorated with silk banners, and had a flag-post. Also, mention was made of minor structures as sites that are believed to be Pattamsuka-vitanaka, Cinamsuka-vitana, and Patamandira. The term yantra 'has been defined by Bhoja in his Samaranganasutradhara as a contrivance by which the natural forces lie earth, w lled for the benefit of human beings. Dhanapala has referred to the following yantras in the Tilakamanjari: od 1 ind ether NICOLIITUNU Ghati-yantra: It is the waterwheel mounted on a well, consisting of a wheel through a pair of joined circular ropes. A number of earthen pots were tied at regular intervals in such a way that the ropes along with some of the pots reached considerably below the surface of the water in the well. Even to this day they are present in places around Palanpur in North Gujarat. Cami-cakra-dola-yantra: It appears to have been a sort of a horizontally rotating merry-go-round, and possibly mounted on a central golden pillar serving as a pivot. It was decorated with silken banners on the top. Vimana-yantra: It was a type of wooden aeroplane, studded with jewels and decorated with a cloth banner. It is supposed to have flown with great speed in the air. Vilasa-yantra-putrika: It was a mechanical contrivance in the 58

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form of a female figure, and most probably carved from stone or wrought in metals such as gold and set on pillars. Such mechanisms were utilized for waving camaras to the kings and royal inmates in the palaces. Yantra-dhara-grha: According to Dr. Dwijendranath Shukla, this was a type of shower-bath; however, on the evidence of Dhanapala, it actually appears to have been a room on all the sides of which water was made to fall in jets as a cooling device (much in the same manner as, for instance, is to be found in the chimney-like cooling towers of the thermal power-house at Sabarmati, Ahmedabad) The water supply to the object was connected with the adjoining reservoir. N.S.P. 2nd edn. 1938, pp.224 ff., and 344 ff; the readings are according to the critical text as determined by me with reference to about ten original mss. 59

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BOOK REVIEWS Jaina Karmology: An English Translation with Notes on Chapter Eight of the Tattvartha-Raja-Vartika of Akalarka. By N.L. Jain. Parsvanatha Vidyapitha, Varanasi, 1998. Pp.180, with index and appendix. Parsvanatha Vidyapitha Ser. No. 109. ISBN 81-86715-31-2 Rs. 100.00 Of all Jaina philosophical texts the Tattvartha-sutra of Umasvati (Umasvami) is not only considered one of the most comprehensive summaries of Jaina metaphysics -- it manages to synthesize the entire Jaina doctrinal system into a mere 350 sutras -- but also holds the unique position of being the one text recognized as authoritative by both the Svetambaras and Digambaras communities. Linguistically, the Tattvartha-sutra (also known as the Tattvarthaadhigam or Moksa-sastra) also holds the unique distinction of being both the first Jaina text written in the Sanskrit language, and one which uses the aphoristic mode of presentation known as the sutra-style. As N.L. Jain quickly outlines in his introduction, the problem with texts written in this particular style is that their depth in meaning tends to be masked by their beauty in grammatical construction. That is, much like texts such as Patanjali's Yoga-sutras or Badarayana's Vedanta-sutras, the rather short and technical sentences tend to obscure meaning and clarity -- a condition which can be rectified only with subsequent explanation or commentary. To date there are more than twenty extant commentaries on the Tattvartha-sutra. According to the Svetambara tradition, Umasvati himself is credited with writing the first bhasya (commentary) known as the Svabhasya (auto commentary) or Svopajna-bhasya. The Digambaras, on the other hand, reject proposals of Umasvati's authorship of the Svabhasya and contend that perhaps some of the more commanding commentaries of the Tattvartha-sutra are Pujyapada's Sarvarthasiddhi (c. 6th century C.E.) and Akalanka's Rajavarttika (Tattvartharajavarttikalankara). It is the eighth chapter of the latter text that is the focus of Dr. N.L. Jain's recent translation. According to his introduction there are three primary questions asked in all Indian philosophies: Why does suffering enter into an individual's life? Are there any partial or complete remedial measures to 60

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alleviate suffering? What is the meaning of life in relationship to the human experience and is there a way of attaining liberation through this experience? Although many religious and philosophical traditions attempt to answer these questions, it is Jain's position that chapter eight of Akalanka's commentary on karmology and Umasvati's karma theory that "excels over others as it not only has qualitative details but it has quantitative details as well (31)". That is, Jaina karmology is not only an articulate science of tranquility, self-introspection and self-intervention, it is also the science behind the perfecting of one's lifestyle in order to gain equanimity, and ultimately moksa. For those of us in the West, N.L. Jain's translation is a tremendous aid to help plumb both the depths of the Tattvartha-sutra and some of the components of Akalanka's work. Jain's introduction is quite provocative and provides intriguing insights into both the discussion of Umasvati's text and the debate over the authorship of the subsequent commentaries. With these positives stated, however, Jain's presentation does tend to be a bit 'choppy' at times, and it appears the author is confidently assuming that his readers are more than familiar with his sources. For example, he often falls into the habit of making statements such as some other scholars say' and 'many authors state' (e.g., pp.12-13) without providing proper citations that would offer a much better map for those relatively new to the territory. Despite these minor shortcomings (he does provide an appendix of readings) the language employed in this translation does not overwhelm, and provides an interesting challenge for both the researcher and general reader alike. Mikal A. Radford is a Ph.D. Candidate at McMaster University (Hamilton) and Lecturer of Religion and Philosophy at Sheridan College, Oakville, ON Jainism: An Indian Religion of Salvation. Translated from the original German (Helmuth von Glasenapp) by Shridhar B. Shrotri. Motilal Banarsidas, 41 U.A. Bungalow Road, Jawahar Nagar Delhi - 110007, India. ISBN # 81-208-1376-6. Price: Rs. 595.00 The original German work (1925) by Otto Max Helmuth Von Glasenapp was a superb monograph which covered all aspects of 61

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Jainism, from a detailed study of its history through to its hagiography, philosophy, ethics, practices, cosmology, logic and literature. After remaining seventy-five years in the German language, its translation into English as Jainism: The Indian Religion of Salvation by Shridhar B. Shrotri is a true credit to the translator. Glasenapp's work as a whole was one of the very few publications on the Religion of the Jainas in the West. Its publication in 1925 quickly gained the attention of Western readers and scholars who were just discovering Jainism and its importance within in the context of the Indic religio-cultural configuration. In other words, Max Helmuth von Glasenapp introduced Jainism with its rich philosophy, historical connections, and cultural practices in a comprehensive manner to a new European audience without compromising scholastic outlook or diminishing the richness of a faith that had historically carried its sway in the indigenous as well the Aryan cultural fabric of India for over three thousand years. I would suggest, however, there are some misconceptions about Jaina ceremonies and rites found in the text. For example, the author states that "Jainas share many of these rites with Hindus; they have been even partially borrowed from them." In some respects I believe the author has entwined Jain theology, which I would suggest is more distinct, with Jain culture which may bear some resemblance to Hindu rites. In an other example the author describes a Jain wedding ceremony with a mandap, fire, and an expensive arrangement. Without the influences from Hindu culture, a Jain wedding is actually a rather simple ceremony, and one that avoids the use of fire to prevent jiyhimsa (killing life). Another ritual described in the work deals with the issues surrounding the birth of a child: "...a piece iron, red sandal, otter's-hair among other things is put into the bundle; then it is tied with a black thread to the hand of the child..." Jain scriptures, I believe, would not suggest the use of "otter's hair" in a Jain ceremony. Though the author admits that Jains share Hindu ceremonies, this does not mean that these ceremonies should be classified as Jain. They are still non-Jain rituals (whether they are Hindu or not, I'm not sure), and they should not be categorized as Jain simply because a certain group of Jains practice them. Despite these shortcomings, Jainism: Religion Of Salvation is an authoritative and scholarly work which should have been made available a long time ago to the English speaking world. COD 62

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Collected Papers on Jaina Studies. Collected Papers on Jaina Studies by Padmanabh S: Jaini, 1999. Motilal Banarsidas, 41 U.A. Bungalow Road, Jawahar Nagar Delhi - 110007, India. ISBN #81-208-1691-9 Price: Rs. 395.00 This is a monograph which consists of select published papers by the author. As such, the book provides not only an insight into the author's reflections on various Jaina topics, but also highlights these reflections as a process -- a process interdisciplinary study over the course of the author's remarkable career. For example, when discussing issues surrounding the Digambara and Svetambaras traditions in Jainism, the author commendably remains unbiased. This is particularly seen in the paper on the salvation of women in Jainism. The opinions of both the traditions are accurately explained and critically examined using scriptural references and situation examples. For comparison, however, the author extends himself beyond just the Jaina tradition and presents as comparison and contrast the philosophies of non-Jaina texts from Buddhism and Hinduism. The translation of Bhavasena's Digambara text is very intriguing. The text again describes the ability of woman to attain moksa in the Digambara view as compared to the Svetambaras. My bias aside, by adding text translation Jaini allows a Jain youth of the 21st century to make a connection to a Jain thinker of the 14th century. This in itself is beautiful; also it gives readers a chance to reflect on their own interpretation of Jainism. In general, by remaining unbiased, providing various doctrinal translations, and presenting a clear view, the book is an enjoyable read -- especially as the essay-style format used by Jaini is far more interesting than some of the more standard reiterations of Jainism. The work is best suited for those who need an explanation and interpretation of basic Jain thought and those topics of contention. Ambika Jain is a student at the University of Toronto. 63

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JAIN JOURNAL International Quarterly Research Publication on Jainalogy A Publication of Jain Bhavan Editor Dr. S.R. Benerjee Write to Jain Bhavan P-25, Kalakar Street Calcutta - 700007, INDIA Annual Subscription US $ 10.00

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ARHAT VACAN International Quarterly Journal of Jainalogy in Hindi and English A Publication of Kundakunda Jnanpith Editor Dr. Anupam Jain Write to Kundakunda Jnanpith 584, M.G. Road, Tukoganj Indore - 452001, INDIA Annual Subsription US $ 5 Bramhi Jain Society 1331 Clinton Street Buffalo, NY 14206 Non-Profit Org. US Postage Paid Buffalo, NY Permit No. 2699 Book Post