Jinamanjari 1998 09 No 18

Author(s): Jinamanjari
Publisher: Canada Bramhi Jain Society Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/524018/1

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JINAMANJARI International Journal of Contemporary Jaina Reflections Volume 18 Number 2 October 1998 ISSN 1188-0287 This Issue Explores PRAKRIT NARRATIVE AND ONTOLOGICAL ASPECT OF JAINISM air Education International With Theme Guest Editor Dr. Fuginaga Sin Miyakonojo National College, Japan a bi-annual publication of BRAMHI JAIN SOCIETY Est 1989 United States and Canada

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JINAMANJARI for the expansion and diffusion of Jaina knowledge and reflection a bi-annual journal published every April and October Editor-in-Chief Dr. S.A. Bhuvanendra Kumar Associate Editor S.N. Prakash Production Siri P. Kumar Mikal A. Radford Publication Council President Dr. Dilip K. Bobra Tempe, AZ Members Dr. Pradip Morbia Port Neches, TX Mr. Jitendra A. Shah Edmonton, AB Prof. S.A.S. Kumar Bangalore, India Dr. C.K. Khasgiwala Andover, MA Dr. Jagat S. Mehta Rochester, NY Dr. Mahendra R. Varia Martin, KY Dr. Narendra Hadpawat Woodmere, NY Papers must accompany with notes and references separate from the main text Send to the Editor 4665 Moccasin Trail, Mississauga Canada L4Z 2W5 Copyright of Articles is Reserved Jain Education Internati IN THIS ISSUE 1 Editorial 3 A Narrative From Jain Literature - Dr. Fuginaga Sin, Japan 9 Agadadattacariyam of Devendragani - Dr. N. Suresh Kumar, India 14 A Study Of Syadvada - Dr. Atsusi Uno, Japan Personal Use Only 21 Path of Moksa According to Kundakunda - Amar Singh Jain, Canada 25 Jaina Theory Of Transmigration - Kiyomi Nagao, Japan 33 A Note on Abhidan Rajendra: Jain Canonical Dictionary - K.L. Banthia, India 36 Jainism and the Western World - Dr. Peter Flugel, London, U.K. 48 Sat-Prarupana Sutra Of Acarya Puspadanta - Dr. N.L. Jain, India 59 Book Reviews - Ashij Kumar, Canada Mikal A. Radford, Canada 62 News Digest

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EDITORIAL In our last volume of Jinamanjari, Vol.17, No, 1 April 1998, there carried an editorial regarding Sammed Shikarji and the report of the judgement on the contentious issue of the ownership of the shrine. As the reported disposal of the case by the Supreme Court of India, new information from the other side of the contention has been received by us. This has come to us through the courtesy of Dr. Padmanabh S.Jaini, Professor Emiritus of Buddhist Studies, University of California at Berkeley. The new information originated at Institute of Jainology, Ahmedabad, India. Here we reproduce it for the interest of the readers: "While we appreciate your desire to acquaint your readers with the relevant developments [on the matter], may we draw your attention to some factual inaccuracies therein? .... the judgement of Single Judge of Ranchi Bench of Patna High Court delivered in July 1977, (against whom the appeals are admitted by the Division Bench of the same court and are still not taken up) held that the mountain was covered by Bihar Land Reforms Act and as such vested in the Govt. of Bihar, no particular sect can claim exclusive rights. It went on to add (in para 232) that Digambaras do not have even a semblance of a right there. The court held the view that as Digambaras have equal right of worship in a limited number of tonks on Sammed Shikarji they should also be associated in a committee of management, formation of which the court suggested. The Division bench, while admitting our appeals, turned this suggestion into a direction. It is against this direction that we went to the Supreme court [which] did not even mention about the land act of that state and only said that as the direction to form a joint committee is only an interim order of the High Court, the Supreme Court would not interfere. The judgement dated 6.11.97 given by the Supreme Court was as follows: 'Heard learned counsel for the petitioner at length. We find that the impugned order of the High Court is interim in nature which

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would not warrant any interference at our and the High Court is in session of the Letters patent Appeal which, we feel in the facts and circumstances, ought to be given top priority in disposal. With these observations, we dispose of the S.I.Ps. We do hope you will kindly publish the above corrections." We at Jinamanjari do not have any communication with the Institute of Jainology at Ahmedabad, India, or any with any representatives of the Svetambara Murtipujak Group in Ahmedabad. The editorial in the last issue of Jinamanjari was completely based on reported news paper source, and represented no group. Sat-Prarupana, First part of the Sat-Khandagama will be rendered to English Beginning with this Issue of Jinamanjari In this issue of Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No. 2, October 1998, we are happy to report that Dr. N.L. Jain, Jainasiddhantacarya has undertaken to present the Hindi edition of the text Sat-Prarupana, First part of the Sat-Khandagama (edited by Pandit Kailash Chandra Shastri). After successfully serving as a college Professor for over thirty decades, Dr. Jain has taken a deep study of Jain texts since a dozen year. He has published interesting books on Jainism in English and currently associated with Jain University at Ladnun in the translation of the Hindi Sthanaga text, edited by late Acarya Tulsi, into English. It is a three year project. We are pleased that Dr. Jain heeding to our request has found some time in to undertake the English translation of the Sat-Prarupana text for Jinamanjari, which will carry it as a continuing series. For Private & heersonal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 A Narrative from Jaina Literature Dr. Fuginaga Sin, Miyakonojo National College, Japan Introduction Jainism, one of the three ancient religions of India, has produced vast body of narrative literature and philosophy in Prakrit language whose influence once had reached as far west as ancient Persia. From the early era of Jainism, these narratives were employed to elucidate, explain and illustrate its doctrines. Later, Jainism also produced literary and philosophic works in various modern Indian languages such as Gujarati, Marathi, Kannada and Tamil. These languages were not only pioneered by Jains as found in the case of Kannada but the Jaina saint scholars and poets were also responsible and influential in the fuller literary development of these languages - particularly in the creation of Jain literature in Tamil, Kannada and Marathi - producing vernacular classics in their own unique literary style. Samantabhadra, who lived circa 120-185 C.E. in southern India, in his work Ratnakarandaka-Sravakacara treats behaviour or moral ethics. He points out samyagdursana - the Right Belief and its eight elements. To understand them completely or more deeply, Samantabhadra says one should study the narratives of eight persons, each corresponding to an element. However, he only mentions the names of the persons, and does not make reference to the contents. This leads to the probable situation that the narratives were quite famous and popular during and prior to his time. Prabhacandra, a commentator on Ratnakarandaka-Sravakacara, has written all the stories in Sanskrit. This paper takes up one of the stories: Story of Visnukumara, to explain the seventh element namely, vatsalya (of the Right Belief) - love and respect of one's co-religionist. The story There was a king called Srivarman ruling the country of Avanti from the city Ujjaini. He had four ministers: Bali, Brhaspati, Prabhadan and Namucci. There once upon a time sage Akampana, who had mastered all srutas and possessed splendid knowledge, arrived in the city, along with his samgha of seven hundred disciples and camped in a garden. He instructed his samgha that no one should talk to anyone, even if For Private Personal Use Only

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the king should visit. "Otherwise," he cautioned, "the whole community would be desacralized." King Srivarman having observed, from the upper part of his palace, the people going with offerings in hands, queried his ministers: "Where are they going at such an unusual time?" The ministers replied: "There is a Jain ascetic samgha camped in a garden outside of the city. Majesty, would be pleased to go, we would accompany you." That being said, the king headed out, attended by his ministers. They saluted every monk one by one, but surprisingly, no one gave blessings to them. The king thought that the monks did not react to his salutations, as they are so pious that they have no desire and no emotional connections. On the other hand, the ministers had jeer thought about the monks: "They are of dull mind like ox; they know nothing, they stand silently." On the way back home, the king and his ministers encountered a monk named Srutasagara who was returning from his duty. Referring to him, the ministers uttered to the king, "This young ox seems to be completely satisfied." Hearing this, the monk over power them with the doctrine of Anekanatavada (Many-Sideness). Reaching the samgha, Srutasagara explained to Akampana about his encounter with the ministers. Akampana who became unhappy with Srutasagara's behavioural reaction toward the ministers, said to the young monk: "You action has ravished the samgha; please go to the school? and stand all night alone. It will relieve the samgha from the ill-feelings of this altercation and as well as, you will be purified." Meanwhile the ministers, angered and very much ashamed, went out at night with an intention to destroy the samgha. They took up the sword simultaneously to slay the monk, having the thought that one who obstructs should be killed. The town-deity, feeling pity for the monks, freeze the attackers to remain just as they were. The king angered by the misbehaviour of his ministers decided that they must be punished by gardabharoha-public humiliation of donkey-ride parade, instead of punishing them with death. Now in the country of Kurujangala, there was a king called Mahapadma ruling from the city of Hastinaga. His queen was Laksmimati and they had two sons named Padma and Visnu. The king gave the kingdom to Padma and joined, along with Visnu, the holy Srutasagaracandra. Bali and another three men became the ministers of king Padma. Soon after, a king by name Simhabala of a Fort Kumbhapura invaded the kingdom, and king Padma was captured by the enemy. Minister Bali sensing the feebleness of Padma, asked him:

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"What is the reason, Oh king, of your feebleness?" Having heard the reason, Bali rushed to Fort Kumbhapura and captured Simhabala, whom he physically placed under the sword of king Padma. He said, "King! Here is Simhabala." King Padma, delighted by the meritorious deed of his minister, told him: "You could have whatever reward you wish." Bali appreciating the kind gesture of his king, replied: "Sire, you are very generous. I would like to seek the reward but not right now. I would hold it for a future time." Several days later, the holy Akampana along with his seven hundred disciples arrived in the town, in the course of religious wandering. Minister Bali heard a great lot about the coming of this ascetic community, which was revered by the king as well as his subjects. Bali not being a follower of this samgha, unlike his king and subjects, suspected a mortal danger to himself. He thought this was the time to cash his future reward from the king. He went to the king and said that he would like his reward now. "What is your wish, dear Minister? Name it, I will award," the king asked. "Sir, I wish that I would have full power and control of the town for a week." The king granted Bali's wish and retired to his harem for a week. Bali then devised a plan to kill the monks. In the pretext of performing a sacrifice. he ordered to erect sacrificial stone around monks who were in deep meditation in kayotsarga position at Mt. Atapana." But the plan to kill the monks became unsuccessful, as it was obstructed by smoke and animals. Now at the city of Mithila at midnight, holy Srutasagaracandra observed the constellation of Sravana vibrating. Through the clairvoyance, he saw the event and told of a horrific disaster that overtook many monks. Having heard this, a vidyadhara ksullaka called Puspadhara queried: "Where and to which monks, Oh holy one, does the horrific disaster happen to?" "At Hastinapura to holy Akampana and his seven hundreds disciples." "By what means will the disaster be ceased?" "There is a monk Visnukumara at Mt. Dharanbhusana. Ile has mustered art of modification. The monk can cease it." Having learned this, the ksullaka went to Visnukumara and told him of all that happened. "What kind of art do I, indeed, have?" Having thought so, he expanded his alms to examine it. At that time, he created a miracle to destroy the mount and went far away. Then having ceased the miracle, he went to the place of Hastinapura and asked the king Padma: "Why on earth have you brought such disaster upon the monks? So far no one in your clan has done such a thing." For Private S Personal Use Only

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The king replied: "All what I did was to give boon to the minister." So the monk Visnukumara changed himself into a dwarf Brahman and began to chant phrases of Veda in a sweet voice. The minister Bali asked, "What shall I give you?" He replied, "Give me land as much as I could pace in three steps." "Oh, what a foolish Brahman you are ! Ask much more as a boon." People said so repeatedly but he asked only that much. Having performed the ceremony of water in hand? and other, the land encompassed by the three steps was given. With the first step, he reached to the Mt. Meru; with the second to Manusottama and the last step that made the palace of gods tremble. Putting his foot on Bali's back, the monk not only punished Bali but also the disaster was ceased. Meanwhile the four ministers, fearful of the king, took refuge at the feet of the holy Akampana and others. Then, the ministers pleaded to ordain them as Jain mendicants. Analysis As we have seen, the Jaina tenet itself is not explained in details, only some technical words as kayotsarga are mentioned but the story must have interested the audience, especially those in pre-modern times. Because Bali, one of the most important figures in the story, was also a famous deity in Hindu mythology. Hence, the name of this deity appearing in the very first part of the story, the audience might have had the curiosity and wonder how the story reveals the kind of relation between Bali and the Jaina tenet. The name of Visnukumara who appears in the middle of the story implies that the audience know some future miraculous events. Because, most Indians are aware of what happened between the two gods, Visnu and Bali. The most interesting point in this story is of the boon. Both Bali and Visnukumara had a chance to ask the boon. The former asked for permission to commit an evil act while the latter asked for permission to punish Bali and his group. The criteria of good or evil must be decided from the Jaina stand point of view. So this moral has an educational purpose as well. The story of Visnukumara cannot be a pure creation of Prabhacandra because, as mentioned above, in the times of Samantabhadra it must have been famous among people. However it is not clear what kinds of stories were known to them. Beside Prabhacandra, in the time of Harisena (ca. 9th century), similar stories were common among the Jainas. In his collection of narratives, the Byhatkathakosa, we find the story called Visnukumarakathanaka. This For Private 6ersonal Use Only

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story consists of nearly two hundreds slokas and tells more detail points. For example, in Prabhacandra's version, we cannot understand the reason why the monk Srutasagara committed the vow not to talk to any one. He did so, according to Harisena's version, because he did not take the vow like other monks as he was absent being gone for alms. The popularity of this story and other related ones in this period is known from the fact that Somadeva's Yasastilaka also contains an analogous story. All the authors mentioned above belong to the Digambara tradition. However, Svetambara authors also seem to have known and used the story to explain tenets. In some commentaries on canons of the Svetambara, Visnukumara appears as an ascetic who taught a lesson to an arrogant king. Now let us consider some minor figures; the three ministers, Brhaspati, Pralhada and Namucci. Only their names are mentioned in the story and their activities are never referred to independently. Because their plights were never mentioned, one wonders what literary use they serve? The three seems to have no relation to the story. The last two names of them imply their ill-behaviour because in Hindu tradition we know gods who have the same name and evil nature. However, it is not so in the case of Brhaspati. This god is regarded good in the Veda as well as Hindu Purana. In the story, he must be an evil person because he is a friend of the wicked Bali. So, it is reasonable to consider him as a symbolised heretic. The Indian materialists or Cravakas regard Brhaspati as their founder and their compendium is called Barhaspatya sutra, which means a standard text book derived from or belonging to Brhaspati. ENDNOTES 1. This word is synonymous with the Jaina philosophy. 2. Vadasthana: its exact meaning is not clear. According to Hindi translation, it means a place for studying. 3. Gardabharoha: literally it seems to indicate putting someone on the back of a donkey. Here, however, the king did allow it as punishment. 4. Sannyasa: meaning is not clear. It may mean the life of ascetics. Then the phrase will indicate that the whole group of the monks is divided into two groups. 5. The presiding deity of this constellation is Visnu and the constellation contains three stars representing the three steps. 6. This may mean that he made a miracle to move the remainder of the mountain far away. 7. The ritual of pouring water from one's hand to the land is confirmation of the gift. Cf. Bhagavatapurana VIII-20-16. For Private Personal Use Only

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8. As it is well known, Mt. Meru is at the centre of the world. Manusottama is a name of a mountain which is located at the continent of Puskara. Outside of Puskara, no human life exists and no human life can exist. Thus, it is implied that with two paces Visnukumara stepped across the entire domain of human kind.

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Jinamanjari, Volume 19, No.2, October 1998 Agadadattacariyam of Devendragani Dr. N. Suresh Kumar Department of Prakrit and Jainology, Mysore University, India Gunadya, the ancient author who created the Brhatkatha epic in Prakrit language, ranks alongside of the authors of other Indian epics - the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. Later authors like Dandin (6th C.E.) and Bana have praised Gunadya. Udyotanasuri (779 C.E.) has made reference to the Brhatkatha epic in his Kuvalayamala and mentions that the Baddakaha (Prakrit form) as an abode of all the arts and knowledge, "a veritable mirror for poets." Poct Dhanapala (970 C.E.) in the introduction to his Tilakamanjari remarks that "the Sanskrit stories borrowed in little drops from the ocean-like Brhatkatha simply look like patched-up garments." ""] The Vasudevahindi of Sanghadasagani Vacaka who composed it in the First or Second century2 has assimilated the tales of the Brhatkaatha in different contexts. The publication of the Vasudevahindi in 1930-31 edited by Muni Caturvijaya and Muni Punyavijaya thus has become a landmark in the study and reconstruction of the lost Brhatkatha of Gunadya. Sanghadasagani Vacaka's contribution to the field of Prakrit narrative literature is indeed remarkable.3 In the introduction to the work, he points out that he is going to narrate the Vasudevacariya, a compilation handed down through a succession of teachers. Sudharma, the srutakevalin, narrated the story to his disciple Jambu, who recounted it in the Padhamanuoga. Dharmasenagani Mahattara, the author of the Majjhimakhanda (an unpublished MSS at L.D. Institute), however, notes the Vasudevacariya story has come from the Drstivada and is based on Gandikanuoga (Ganitanuoga ?).4 Dharmasenagani Mahattara must have been well acquainted with Sanghadasagani Vacaka's work, since he claims in his work that he has completed the unfinished parts of the Vasudevacariya story. A few scholars have carried out research work on the Vasudevahindi text. They are: - - A.P. Jamkhedkar's doctoral thesis, "The Cultural History From Vasudevahindi." University of Nagpur in 1965. 9

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- Shriranjan Suridev's doctoral thesis "Vasudevahindi - A Critical Study." University of Patna. Donald A. Nelson of the University of Chicago has worked on the stylistic aspects of prose writing of the Vasudevahindi" - Late Prof. Jagdish Chandra Jain has observed that the Agadadatta story is a original and independent one, and it is a later addition to the Vasudevahindi, and it is also included in the commentaries of Santisuri and Devendragani. The Agadadattacariyam is in Maharashtri Prakrit, but it is slightly different from the Sethubhandha, the Gaudavaho and the Lilakahavo. Santisuri in his Brhadvrtti of Uttaradhyayana refers to some old tradition (vrddhavyakhya) of the Agaddatta story. Like Santisuri, Devendragani in his commentary of Uttaradhyayana also refers to an old tradition of the Agadadattacariyam, and narrates it in 328 gathas. J.J. Meyer's English translation Agadadattacariyam first appeared in 1909 in his Hindu Tales; A. Belini translated it into Italian in 1903; J.Hertel translated it into German in 1921 in Indische Marchen, and in 1938, L. Alsdorf authored it in New Indian Antiquary." The story of Agadadatta is simple in style. In the kingdom of Sankhapura, there ruled a king named Sundara with his queen Sulasa, and Agadadatta was their son. The prince as he grew became known for his arrogance, debauchery and misdeeds towards citizens in the kingdom. As he was thus hated by citizens, the king banished him from the kingdom. Consequently, Agadadatta walked towards Varanasi and there he found refuge in the house of a teacher named Pavanacanda, a master expert in archery, the science of arms and weapons and so on. He told him all about his family and how he was banished from the kingdom. Pavanacanda, noting the distressful situation of Agadadatta, promised that he would teach him everything he knew. He was taught archery with the five-fold fists, control of the whole body; taught two kinds of uses of the bow and arrow and expertise in cutting, felling and breaking the trees and other sciences of arms. Meanwhile, a beautiful girl Madanamanjari, daughter of a well known merchant - Bandhudatta of Varanasi, falls in love with him, and he too was hit by the arrow of cupid. But he expresses his impropriety on his part since he was staying with his teacher. Once, a wild elephant deserted by the herd was creating havoc in Varanasi, and the king's men who were unable to catch the elephant with its contracted trunk and wide opened eyes was roaring vigorously, striking the ground with trunk and terrorising the town. Agadadatta 819

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knowing the destruction and despair the elephant had caused, goes to catch the elephant. He skilfully strikes elephant's temple with arrows and wounds him deeply. With a harsh shriek, the elephant collapses to the ground feeling the pain and unconscious. The king's men then rush to the scene and the subdued elephant was caught. On another time, Varanasi was menaced by robbers and thieves. At this time the citizens reported to the king that theft was being committed by robbers in the city, something which was never heard of before. They requested protection. Hearing this, the king immediately called his men and commanded them to catch the robbers within seven days. This was the time to act for Agadadatta. He went to the king and promised that he would catch the thief within seven days. The king grants him the permission. It is known that thieves go in different guise to rob places and people. So, Agadadatta dressed in tattered and dirty clothes goes in and around the city looking for the thieves. Within seven days, he catches them submits to the king. The stolen wealth of the people is returned, and Agadadatta is honoured by the king, as well the king offered his daughter in marriage. Thus, he begins his life happily at Varanasi. The news of Agadadatta being successful in Varanasi reaches his parents back home in Sankhapura. His parents send him message desiring to see him. He takes the permission from the king to go to his country to see his parents, and prepares for his journey. In the meanwhile, he comes across with Madanamanjari who insists him to take her along with. They both begin the journey to Sankhapura. As they travel towards Sankhapura, Agadadatta encounters king Billa, who is well equipped with arms and weapons, and surrounds him on all sides. No sooner Agadadatta identifies Billa, he turns his horses and chariot towards him and the fight begins with showering arrows on one another. As the fight continues, Agadadatta realises Billa's superiority as well as his weakness. Immediately, he asks Madanamanjars to sit in front of the chariot in order to divert Billa, who in turn, was stunned by cupid beauty, succumbs to the hit in the chest with an arrow. Wounded and bleeding, Billa falls to the ground, and his men including his five younger brothers disheartened by the death of their king, run away from the field. Agadadatta continues the journey through the forest. On the way, a mendicant carrying a trident and a pot in hand approaches and begs that he would like to join the caravan to Sankhapura. After passing through certain country, they camp in a mountain-stream surrounded by lush greenery for rest. The mendicant then explains that he could obtain For Private 1 Personal Use Only

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food for the caravan from a nearby place which he had encountered many times in his journey. Later, he returns with pails of rice and begins to serve to the people. It was poisoned food and all who had eaten become sick and unconscious. Then he rushes towards Agadadatta swinging his sword at him, but he was over powered by Agadadatta's strong sword hit. Laying on the ground, the mendicant cries out: " I am not a mendicant but a robber named Dujjohana (Sk. Duryodhana). No one dared to outwit me. You indeed is brave. On the slope between the two rivers, there is a cavern where I have hid all my treasures. Perform my funeral rites and take all my treasures." Agadadatta carries out the rite, gathers the treasure and further proceeds towards Sankhapura. In the course of time, the caravan reaches Sankhapura. Hearing the arrival, Agadadatta's parents embrace him and welcome home their banished son, for the sinister now has turned out at last as a man of integrity and valour. Once, the king announces the garden-festivity in which Agadadatta participates along with Madanamanjari. When the event comes to a close in the evening and Agadadatta is to get into his chariot, Madanamanjari is bitten by a snake and unconsciously collapses into his arms. While he begins to lament the seemingly sudden death of Madanamanjari, a pair of vidyadharas, a male and a female, appear enquiring about the situation. The male vidyadhara touches the unconscious body, and immediately Madanamanjart wakes up. Both bow to the vidyadharas, who after continue their journey leaving behind the couple. It has almost become dark and therefore they decide to go to the nearby temple. There is no light in the temple, and in there, five brothers of slained Billaraja are hiuing expecting that they will get a chance to avenge their brother's death caused by Agadadatta. Not knowing the situation, Agadadatta telling Madanamanjari not to frighten of the darkness, goes to fetch some fire. Soon after, the Billa brothers light the temple when Madanamanjari sees the handsome youngest Billa brother. Infatuated by his handsomeness, she proposes to marry him. Although handsome Billa shows inclination to the proposal, he expresses the fear of her husband. Madanamanjari on the other hand confides that she would assassin her husband if he agrees to her proposal. In the meantime, Agadadatta returns with fire and notices light in the temple. When he enquires how there was light in the temple, Madanamanjari gives him a dubious answer: "It was the reflection of the fire in your hand." In order to light the place, Agadadatta removes his sword from the sheath and hands it to Madanamanjart and bends down to lit the light. For Private 12ersonal Use Only

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Infatuated with young Billa, she ceases this opportunity to slay her husband. At this juncture, the Billa brother shakes the grip of the sword from Madanamanjari's hand, the sword falling in front of Agadadatta. Agitatedly, he queries her, "What is it ?" She replies, "Due to my nervousness the sword has dropped from my hand." The next morning, the couple proceed towards home. The Billa brothers witnessing the act of Madanamanjari with infatuation and treachery, become disgusted in life and enter asceticism. Once, Agadadatta when riding on a horse, which turns violent in the middle of the ride, runs into a distant forest away from the town, and gathering himself from the subjected peril, he descends down the horseback. In search of his way out on foot, he comes to a place where five young Billa brothers turned monks are residing. On enquiry how they chose to enter asceticism, he hears from them the whole account of their reason and disgust which led them to become monks. Realising that it his own account, Agadadatta repents and begs them to administer religious ordination to him in order to end attachment to worldly things and women. Thus Agadadatta enters the monkshood. The moral of the story: "The wise may know the measure of sand of the river, the measure of water in the ocean and the measure of the Himalayan mountains, but will they know the heart of woman?" First appeared in Baraha Bagina (Kannada) Felicitation Volume of Dr. Hampana pp.319-330, Ed. H.V. Nageshsa, Shimoga-577201, India 1996. REFERENCES 1 The Vasudevahindi of Sanghadasagani, Ed. Dr. J. C. Jain, L.D. Institute, India 1977. 2. Ibid., pp.27-28. 3. Ibid., p.8. 4. Ibid., p.11. 5. Ibid., p.13. 6. Ibid., Foreword,p.8. 7. Ibid., p.595. 8. Ibid. For Private 3ersonal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 A Study Of Syadvada Dr. Atsusi Uno, Professor Emeritus, Hiroshima University, Japan The theory of syadvada is generally understood as synonymous with anekantavada meaning non-absolutism, or rather, positive relativity. Syadvada is a fundamental principle underlying the Jaina philosophy and sometimes denotes nothing but the whole scope of Jaina philosophy. Though its original idea might be traced back to Mahavira and indeed there occur very often in the Jaina Agama texts, polemical expressions qualified with the term siya>, yet these expressions are not made up of seven formulae (sapta-bhanga) as are elucidated in later Jaina works. It is very likely that a set of seven formulae called saptabhangi is of later invention, and its formal and substantive systematisation has been brought about in gradual course of time. However, the great concern here centres about what position the svadvada does occupy in the field of Jaina logic, that has been traditionally understood to consist of pramana and naya. On this point as well as on the definition of syadvada, there is considerable divergence of opinion, and no such a uniform interpretation is available as is admitted unanimously by all the Jaina works. Shortly speaking, the notion of syadvada comprises various significant problems in that it is intelligible only on the basis of multiformity. It is probably by Vadidcva Suri in the eleventh century that spudvada was given a certain distinct position as a subject matter of Jaina pistemology and logic. There remains much scope to be scrutinised whether Vadideva's interpretation was accepted almost intact by his successors. Though it is an undeniable fact that nonJaina polemical works, almost without exception, give an intentional misinterpretation to the Jaina doctrine, there are found very often some misleading elucidation about the syadvada in question even among modern Indologists. Such being the case, this article is intended for giving an outlined account of the theory of syadvada, paying regard to its historical development. Therefore, prior to taking up the question at issue, it might be advisable to give a brief account of various uses of syadvada in chronological order of important Jaina logicians. Mabavira (599-527 B.C.E.) mentions in Jaina Agama texts two kinds of knowledge or its means viz., pramana and naya, but not a single word For Private 14 ersonal Use Only

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of syadvada (Pkt. siya-vaya) However, there occur in them often enough propositions qualified by is not in use, (inexpressible) is mentioned, but it has not a sevenfold formula. Kundakunda (8 B.C.E - 44 C.E.)' does not mention the term syadvada in any of his works, but the following two verses explicitly show the sevenfold formula. siya atthi natihi ubhayam avattavvam puno ya tattidayar / ddavvam khu sattabhamgam adesa-vasena sambhavadi // (Pancatthikavasara 1.14) [Establishing the identity of substance and qualities - there is neither quality without substance nor substance without quality; hence these two are not incompatible in their nature, Kundakunda explicitly show seven forms of Predication.]? Atthi tti ya natthi iti ya bhavadi avattavvam idi puno davvam / pajjayena du kena vi tad-ubhayam adittham vall(Pavayanasara II.23) Umasvati (c.40 - 90 C.E.), also called Umaswami, describes in his Tattvarthadhigamasutra 1.5 that 'Knowledge (of seven categories) is obtainable by means of pramana and naya (pramana-nayair adhigamah),' but no term like syadvada is mentioned in it. Some scholars suggest that the notion of syadvada is implicitly shown in the aphorism V.32 "Because the contradictory characteristics] are established from primary as well as secondary points of view (arpitanarpita-siddheh).' Yet, the aphorism as such only indicates the manifold nature or point of view attributed to an entity, even according to most of the commentaries thereof, and it is quiet unlikely that the author had in mind the notion of syadvada composed of seven formulae. For Private Personal Use Only

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Samantabhadra (c.120 - 185 C.E.) repcats in his Aptamimamsa which consists of 114 stanzas, and a stanza makes the following effect : "Those who hate the system of syadvada maintain the absolute dualism which is self-contradictory. On the other hand those who maintain absolute inexpressibility could not express that something is inexpressible. (verses 13, 32, 55, 70, 74, 77, 82, 90, 94, 97) He further proceeds to elucidate it as follows: 'Syadvada is the assertion of an entity by some way or other (kimvrtta-cit=katham-cit) by discarding 'absolutism in every respect' (sasrvathaikanta). It depends on seven-fold formula (saptabhanga) and view-point (naya), and ascertains what is to be taken and what is to be rejected. (v.104) And right knowledge (pramana) or the knowledge of reality is of two kinds ; one manifests the whole aspect of an object simultaneously, and the other does successively: thus it is adorned with syadvada and naya. (v.101) Syadvada and omniscient knowledge (kevala-jnana) manifest the whole truth, but the distinction between the two lies in its intuitive and non-intuitive natures respectively. And any knowledge other than these two is false knowledge. (v105)' He further explains as follows : Even the absolute view (ekanta) is of two kinds ; one is false absolutism (mithyaikanta) which accepts one particular aspect only, totally discarding other aspects, while the other is true absolutism (samyag-ekanta) which holds fast to one aspect, without rejecting the other, each representing [su-]naya and durnaya respectively. The former is, to a certain extent, a true knowledge so long as it conveys the true nature of an object. And finally the right knowledge (prumana) or its expression is accepted as valid, which is the view of non-absolutism or anekantavada qualified by the term . (vs.108,112) Siddhasena Divakara (c.550 - 600 C.E.) 'describes in his Nyayavatara as follows: 'Object of omniscient knowledge is composed of infinite attributes, while that of nuya (knowledge based on particular stand-point) consists of a single aspect. And since the naya, rolling on the course of the scriptural knowledge (sruta), determines partial aspect of object, the For Private 16ersonal Use Only

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knowledge which ascertains the whole aspect of object is called syadvada-sruta.'(vs.29,30). Thus two kinds of sruta are accepted ; one is svadvada, and the other is naya. Though it is not clear, only from the above verses, whether the author had in mind three varieties of sruta as are mentioned in Siddhasena Gani's commentary, viz. mithya-sruta (=durnaya), nayusruta and syadvada-sruta, yet it might be safely concluded that such division appears only after Akalanka Deva. Siddhasena Divakara was, to the writer's knowledge, the first to use the term 'svadvada,' and it is understood by him to be a specific means to comprehend an object, together with nava, both being dependent on verbal expression. Akalaska Deva (c.625 - 675 C.E.)" well-known for his Akalankanyaya, undoubtedly occupies the highest plac" in the Jaina logical literature, as a logician and doughty controversialist against opponent schools. It may be said without exaggeration that he was the first to systematise the Jaina logic and philosophy, exerting the greatest influence on later Jaina literature on that line. He divides the forms of manifestation or of function of sruta (verbal and scriptural knowledge) into three groups : durnaya, naya and syadvada. Out of them, naya is interpreted as incomplete and partial expression (vikaladesa), and syadvada as complete expression (sakaladesa). (Laghiyastraya v.30, 42, 43, 51, 62, 69). It is briefly stated that syadvada consists of seven formulae, being considered from two stand-points viz. affirmation and negation. (Nyayaviniscaya v.47) And three kinds of scriptural knowledge (sruta) are put forward as following : i) that which is derived from one's own perception according to other's indication (pratyaksa-nimittaka), ii) that which is derived from one's own reasoning and not from other's indication (anumana-nimittaka), and iii) that which is produced by scripture (agama-nimittaka). (Pramanasamgraha 1.1, p.97) On the other hand, Vadideva and others define ugama (or sruta) as cognition derived from words of reliable person (apta-vacana), and thus Akalanka's interpretation seems more reasonable in covering wider range of sruta or agama. Furthermore, he puts forward eight kinds of apparent fallacies (dusana, dosa) and the refutation thereof, which will be later dealt with. (Pramanasamgraha III.24) In passing, Manikyanandin (c. 800 C.E.) wrote Pariknamukhasutra, the first systematic compendium of Jaina logic, containing 207 sutras, based on Akalanka's works like Nyayaviniscaya etc., but he does not refer to svadvada in it at all. It is also to be added here that Vidyanandin (c.775 - 825 C.E.)' and Prabhacandra (980-1065 For Private Personal Use Only

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C.E.) made a great contribution to the development of later Jaina logic, by their logical treatises as well as commentaries on Akalanka's works. Haribhadra (730 - 820 C. E.)mentions, in his Anekantajayapataka and autocommentary, the following terms synonymous with syadvada : anekantu-vada, samhara-vada, sarva-vastu-sabala-vada, akula-vada, tad-atad-vada, vibhajya-vada (Pkt. vibhajja-vaya) etc. Hemacandra (1089-1172 C.E.) well-known for his epithet Kalikalasarvajna, gives no detailed account of syadvada in his uncompleted work Pramanamimamsa, In his Anyayogavyavacchedadvatrimsika (or otherwise called Vitaragastuti), he divides the knowledge into three: prumana, naya and durnaya, probably on the model of Akalanka's interpretation. According to him, syadvada is considered nothing but pramana which covers the whole range of Jaina doctrine of anekatavada. Vadideva Suri (1089-1169 C.E.) made a sort of compendium of Jaina logic Pramananayatattvaloka, which consists of eight chapters and 378 aphorisms, modelling it, in matter and arrangement, after Manikyanandin's Pariknamukha [-sutra). But the difference between the two works lies in the following points. The former adds two additional chapters to the latter; chapter 4 dealing with the scriptural knowledge (agama) in general and syadvada or saptabhangi-pramana in particular, and chapter 7 treating of nayavada exclusively. Though there are found in the Jaina Agama texts various kinds of classification of knowledge, Vadideva follows the view of Pariksamuhka which is again based on Akalanka's opinion, in accepting the two-fold division of knowledge. That is, knowledge is of two kinds viz. direct knowledge (pratyaksa) and indirect knowledge (paroksa) : the former consists of mere awareness of an object (avagraha), speculation (iha), perceptual judgement (avaya), retention (dharana), clairvoyance (avadhi) and telepathy (manahparyaya); and the latter consists of recollection (smarana), recognition (pratyabhijnana), knowledge producing the cognition of invariable concomitance of probans with probandum (tarka. uha), inference (anumana) and scriptural knowledge (agama). The inconsistent use of the terms viz. sabda, agama and sutra is likely to be derived from the following reason. The Agama texts comprise a confusion or disagreement in interpreting the notion of knowledge, since two different kinds of classification of knowledge have For Private 18ersonal Use Only

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been prevalent side by side : one is jnana and the other is pramana, both being rooted in utterly different sources and traditions. In the Agama texts of later period, however, some efforts were evidently made to adjust the differences, by including one into the other, or by identifying each subdivision of one category with that of the other. Umasvati secms to be the first to be successful to compromise such diversity, to a certain extent, and many efforts were made for that purpose by his successors like Siddhasena Divakara, Jinabhara, Akalanka etc. Take for instance the above-mentioned sruta which was originally included in the five-fold jnana, it has come to be identified with the idea of agama (=sabda), probably taking into allowance the conception of pramana of the philosophical systems. Similar is the case of Vadideva, who identifies sruta with agama (IV.1 ff., VIII.1). And he explains that a word (dhvani, sabda) always conveys its meanings from affirmative and negative aspects, dependent on a set of seven-fold proposition (IV.13). That is, according to him, syudvada or nava is always based on the last mentioned knowledge viz. aguma or sruta. It is not a merc knowledge or its resultant cognition, but it invariably has to assume a form of verbal expression. Upon Vadideva's autocommentary Svadvadaratnakara, Ratnaprabha made a short gloss (Laghu- tika) in 1181 C.E., or rather, an abridged compendium called Ratnakaravatarika, but the greater part of its descriptions are taken almost verbatim from the former work. Such reproductions are not only limited to Ratnakaravatariku, but are often enough referred to in the Svadvadamanjari of Mallisena (written in 1292 C.E., on the afore-said Vitaragastuti), Saptabhangi-tarangini of Vimaladasa (16-17th cent.? C.E.) and Nyayakhandakhadya of Yasovijaya (1608-1688 C.E.). As has been explained briefly in the preceding passages, the notion of svadvada is interpreted in various ways, and its various uses might be, for convenience sakc, grouped under the following headings. i) In the Jaina Agama texts, the term is used only for polemical purpose, and the emphasis is laid on manifold nature of reality held by the Jaina metaphysics. ii) Jaina logic is formally interpreted by three divisions : pramana dealing with perception and inference ; and syasvada representing two kinds of expressional form of reality. That is, syadvada and naya are regarded as the expressions of the wholc aspect and of the partial aspect of reality respectively. Though it is quite uncertain to the writer which For Privatele personal Use Only

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source the above trichotomy is derived from, yet such interpretation is often found in popular and informative books about Jainism. iii) Svadvada is established as a knowledge or its expression based on words of reliable person (apta-vacana) or sruta fagama) which constitutes a part of indirect knowledge (paroksa-jnana), and as such is always accompanied by verbal expression. Thus it represents, so to speak, a sort of verbal reflection of the Jaina doctrine of anekantavada, non-absolutism. It is almost certain that such placement of syadvada in the Jaina logic beings with Siddhascna Divakara and its systematisation reaches to a height of perfection by Vadideva Suri. iv) Syadvada is understood to be identical with pramana (right knowledge ) as contrasted with nava (right partial view) and durnaya (wrong partial view), as with the case of Vitaragastuti of Hemacandra Suri, and sometimes it is considered, in the widest sense, as identical with the Jaina philosophy itself. * This is a portion of a revised edition of the paper with same title in the Proceedings of the Faculty of Letters of Tokai University No. 12. REFERENCES 1. Historian Dr. Jyoti Prasad Jain, after an elaborate investigation into different evidence, has assigned him to the early part of the 1st C.E., to be exact, to this date in his The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, p.125, Munshiram Manoharlal Publication, Delhi 1964. 2. Pancastikayasara of Kundakunda, pp.9-10, eds. Prof. A. Chakravarthi and Dr. A.N. Upadhye, Bharatiya Jnanpith Publication, Delhi 1975. 3. Dr. J.P. Jain, op.cit. p. 267. 4. Ibid., p.148. 5. Nyayavatara of Siddhasena Divakara by Dr. S.C. Vidyabhusana, p. *79, ed. Dr. A.N. Upadhye, Jaina Sahitya Vikas Mandal, Bombay 1971. 6. Dr. J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 165. 7. Ibid., p.201. 8. Jinamanjari, Vol.4, No.1, April 1993, p.63, Canada For Private qersonal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 Path of Moksa According to Kundakunda Amar Singh Jain, Mississauga, ON Acarya Kundakunda who followed in the original path of Mahavira and the line of Bhadrabahu-II (c.53-77 B.C.E.)' is a great Jain philosopher and teacher of the Digambara tradition. Dr. J.P. Jain identifies him as the third of the four gurus, who succeeded a group of five Ekadasaangadharis. According to him, Bhadrabahu II lived circa 37-14 B.C.E., and knew only nine Angas. 2 Many dates have assigned to Kundakunda by many writers. Without any meaningful and relevant investigation, they simply have misplaced him in different periods. However, Dr. A.N. Upadhye - a scholar and Prakritist of international repute; and Dr. Jyoti Prasad Jain -a renown historian of ancient Indian history - have exhaustively worked out a much older date to Kundakunda. Based on the Digambara Pattavalis as worked out by professor Hoernle, the archaic nature and of the content in terms of both the application of the words and their contextual developed meanings vis-a-vis philosophical notions, and later inspirational and literary records, the two eminent scholars have assigned early Current Era to Kundakunda. Further more, they have sketched a brief biography of Kundakunda as to his nativity, activity and works. To be precise the assigned date is 8 B.C.E - 44 C.E.3 This work with all relevant data as regards the date of Kundakunda is available since several decades. Later scholarship without this original work can not simply make statements on the date of Kundakunda. The date of Kundakunda, 8 B.C.E 44 C.E. therefore stands valid. As late as 1987 Dr. Shuddhatmaprabha conducted an exhausting investigation into the data on the age of Kundakunda. Based on her study, she concludes that Kundakunda lived in early Current Era. Without hesitancy we therefore can accept 8 B.C.E. - 44 C.E. as the date of Kundakunda. 4 Kundakunda did not expound any new doctrine of liberation. He has said it that he is not the originator of the doctrine, as he points out in the following verse: Jinagama revealed by Jinas Thus charts the path of liberation, - For Private Personal Use Only 21

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That entails four gatis to salvation. Listen! I am just an elucidator for you to learn.' We see his geniusness in the exposition of soul and its functional mechanism in pursuit of liberation. His prolific works thus form the most authoritative and critically valued source on the subject of soul and its moksa in Jaina metaphysics, and indeed in the whole context of Indian philosophy. Even the monist Sankara (circa 8th C.E.] was well acquainted with Kundakunda's (metaphysical exposition] either through the original or in the Sanskrit commentary [of] Amstacandra." For the faithful, Kundakunda was very venerable as demonstrated in the following maxim: Manglam bhagavan Viro, Manglam Gautamagani Manglam Kundakundadyo, Jaindharmostu Manglam The aim of Jain spiritual endeavor is the liberation of soul from its transmigration, freed from accumulated karmas. Hence the soul has the tendency to aspire for moksa, and the Jinas have expounded the path of purification, which the saint scholars and philosophers have elucidated in detail on the specifics of the functional mechanism. The early saint scholar and philosopher who carried out exposition on the specifics of the functional mechanism was Acarya Kundakunda. The nature of soul and its endeavor to achieve liberationoften obstructed by karma material- have been investigated and elucidated in a methodical exposition by Kundakunda in his great works - in Sauraseni Prakrit- Samuyasara, Pravucunasara, Pancastikasara, Niyamsara and Astapahuda. His philosophical exposition underlined by logic, fruits of the karma is subjected within the preview of tri-ratna, which is otherwise could be stated as Jain Trinity, in the evangelical concept. This tri-ratna concept is quite unique from all other thoughts in relation to its formation; not perceived but based on real life existence, which might have lateral or upward movement toward human condition or superhuman state. As it implies, it has three components and without one the other cannot march forward. Kundakunda describes the three paths to moksa, very concisely: Samyag- caritra undictated by desire or aversionTogether with samyag-jnana and samyag-darsan, Forms the path to moksa For Private Dersonal Use Only

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To those who realize knowledge of the self." Know ye, soul in intrinsic purity Rests on samyag-darsana, jnana and ca ritra. Samyag-darsana- Right Belief. From Jaina philosophical point, it is 'to see into the Reality - logically and rationally.' In other words, 'to look into the nature of Reality.' According to Kundakunda, samvagdarsana is the understanding of the constituent categories of reality in light of the nature of tattvas, and belief in deva, sastra and guru also become components. Samyag-jnana-Right Knowledge. According to J.L. Jaini, it is 'an examination in detail of the matter brought into the mind by samyagdarsana, and it preserves from ignorance and indifference. There are five kinds of them." The examination of reality and understanding knowledge has resulted in two Jaina doctrines: Anekantvada, principle of manysidedness of reality, where recognition of the fact that an object may be perceived from many views or sides while it being one and the same. Syadvada, a corollary to anekantavada, is a theory of knowledge which signifies the relativity and multifaceted nature of human judgment. It is conditioned upon seven assertions. 1. Svadasti - may be it truly is 2. Syadnasti - may be it truly is not 3. Syadastinasti - may be it truly is and is not 4. Syadavaktavyam - may be inexpressible 5. Syadastiavaktavyam - may be it is expressible 6. Syadnastiavaktavyam - may be it is not and inexpressible 7. Syadastinastiavaktavyam - may be it is and is not and inexpressible. 10 Samyag-curitra-Right Conduct, the third jewel of Jainism, 'is living a life in accordance with the light gained by the first two jewels: samyagdarsana and jnana. Right conduct must be such as to keep the body down and elevate the soul." For Private Personal Use Only

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In his Niyamsara, Kundakunda explains about the Path and the Fruit in this way: Jinasasana declares thusThe Path and the Fruit are constituents; Former is niyama, the latter is moksa."? In the view of late professor T.K. Tukol, the works of Kundakunda, particularly the Niyamasara deals with triratna concept in full detail. The Path of liberation accordingly rests on the foundation of triratna concept as Kundakunda lucidly elucidates. According to him, one without the other two or viceversa delinks the path of liberation, and therefore, all the three jewels must be unconditionally followed, if the transmigration must come to cease. I REFERENCES 1. Profs. A. Chakravarthi and A. N. Upadhye, Pancastikayasara, p.v, Bharatiya Jnanpith, Delhi 1971. 2. Dr. J.P. Jain in The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, p. 106, assigns him to 37-14 B.C.E. 3. Ibid. J.P. Jain, op. cit., pp.33n; 125; 267. 4. Dr. Shuddhatmaprabha, Acarya Kundakunda and His Commentators (Hindi), pp.38-40, Pandit Todarmal Publication, Jaipur, India 1987. 5. Pkt. Pamcattiiya-samgaha; Skt.Pancastikayasara, Verse 2. 6. Prof. A. Chakravarthi, Samayasara, Introd, p.105, Bharatiya Jnanpith, Delhi 1971. 7. Pancastikayasara, verse. 106. 8. Samayasara, verse.2. 9. J.L. Jaini, Outlines of Jainism, pp.58-59, JL Jaini Trust, Indore 1979. 10. Pancastikavasara, verse 14. 11. J.L. Jaini, op. cit., p.65. 12. Sumatibhai Shah, Nivamasara of Kundakunda, verse 2, Solapur, India 1988. 13. T.K. Tukol, Compendium of Jainism, p. 180. Karnatak University, India 1980. For Private Personal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 JAINA THEORY OF TRANSMIGRAGTION Kiyomi Nagao, Doctoral Student at Hiroshima University, Japan The Jaina cosmos theory and its analysis of the psychology and destiny of man, represents the aboriginal and pre-Aryan Indian tradition, and accordingly, it is dualistic' in the view that the world is composed of jiva and ajiva, and their combination brings about transmigration (samsara). The soul abandons one body and attains another. And the bodies of all living beings are said to be produced through the combination of jiva and karman, the latter being a form of pudgala (matter) and belonging to the domain of ajiva. In other words, jiva is absolutely different from ajiva-the karmic matter- bound down and withheld from liberation. Based on Umasvati's work the Tattvarthadhigamasutra and the Ganadharavada-chapter of Jinabhadra's Visesavasyakabhasya, the present paper aims at a clarification of the Jaina concept of samsara, with special reference to the attainment of a new body. Particular attention will be given to the relationship among the three factors jiva, karman and the body on the one hand and karmanasarira (karmic body) on the other. The Seven Tattvas - Fundamentals In Jainism, the world is explained through the dualism of jiva and ajiva, so that everything that exists in the world should be either the one or the other. While jiva is sentient, ajiva is non-sentient. Therefore, seven tattvas are employed in order to classify the possible relationships between the two. TAAS 1.4: jivajivasravabandhasamvaranirjaramoksas tattvam || Jiva (sentient), ajiva (non-sentient), asrava (inflow of the karman), bandha (bondage of karman), samvara (outflow of karman), nirjara (shedding off of karman) and moksa (liberation) are the seven tattvas. Physical, verbal and mental actions cause an inflow (asrava) of karman or subtle karmic matter into jiva, which is pure by nature, is bound (bandha) with this inflow. Thus, jiva repeatedly undergoes rebirth, or samsara. The two ways to escape from rebirth are protection against new inslow of karmic matter by control of action (samvara) and For Private Personal Use Only

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shedding off (nirjara) of karmic matter which has already flowed into jiva. If the bond between jiva and karman is severed by cither of these methods, moksa is attained. Liberation is therefore the state of jiva in which karman has been completely destroyed. In this way, jiva and ajiva form, together with asrava, bandha, samvara, nirjaru and moksa, the seven fundamental verities which systematically account for the path from samsara to moksa. Thus both sumsara and moksa can be explained by clarifying the relations between jiva and ajiva. Hence, the Jaina theory of samsara can be elucidated by reference to jiva, karman and the body. The Argument for the Existence of Jiva as a producer The Jivasiddhi-section of the Ganadharavada-chapter Visesavasyakabhasya aims at proving the real existence of jiva. in the VABh 2022ab: dehassatti vidhata patiniyatakarato ghadasseva/ (dehasyasti vidhata pratiniyatakarato gha asteva / The body has a producer (vidhatr). Because it has a fixed shape. Just as a pot (with a fixed shape has a producer). This demonstration seems to prove only the existence of a producer of the body, but in fact the author of the Visesavasyakabhasya intends to establish the existence of jiva, as can be understood from Jinabhadra's Svopajsavrtti. VABhSV ad 2022: yas casya kartta sa jivah / tasmad asti jivah/ And the producer of this [body] is jiva, and hence jiva exists. Of a thing which does not have a limited shape, like a cloud, there is no producer, whereas of a thing which do have a limited shape, like a pot, there is one. The body has a limited shape, and therefore should be brought about by a certain producer, which is jiva, so that jiva exists as the producer of the body. For Private26ersonal Use Only

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The Argument for the Existence of Karman as the Necessary Means The Karmasiddhi-section, the second section of the Ganadharavada-chapter, aims at proving the real existence of karman. The following demonstration explains that, without the existence of karman, it is impossible to conceive of a producer of the body. VABHSV ad 2097: nayam akarma sariram arabhate / nirupakaranatvat / iha yo nirupakarano nasav arabhate, yatha dandadivikalakulalah /yas carabhate nasau nirupakarano yathasav eva dandadisametah / na casya karmantarenanyad upakaranam asti / A [Jiva] which does not possess karman does form a body. Because [such a jiva] does not have the [necessary] means. Here (in the secular world), whoever does not have the (necessary) means does not produce [anything]. Just like a potter who does not have a stick etc. And whoever is a producer is not without (necessary) means. Just like a potter who has a stick. And jiva does not have any other means except for karman. A person who does not have the necessary means for production cannot be a producer, such as a potter who does not have a stick for making a pot. And it is held that a producer of something must certainly have the necessary means. In the Jivasiddhi-section, it was proved that jiva exists as the producer of the body. Therefore, jiva must have the necessary means to produce the body. Here in the Karmasiddhi-section, it is now stated that this means is nothing but karman. Consequently, the jiva which does not have karman, that is, the liberated jiva, does not have the necessary means, and cannot be the producer of the body. The jiva which has karman, being bound into samsara, is in possession of the necessary means and can therefore produce the body. In this manner, karman exists as the means for jiva's production of a new body. Transmigration: Karman and jiva However, jiva produces not only the body with karman but also the karman itself. This demonstration, taken from the Bandhamoksasiddhi-section-the sixth section of the Ganadharavadachapter, deals with the relation of karman and jiva: For Private 27ersonal Use Only

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VABh 2270ab: katta jivo kammassa karanato jadha ghadassa ghadakaro / (karta jivah karmanah karanato yatha ghatasya ghatakarah /] Jiva is the producer (karty) of karman. Because it has the means (karana). As a potter [is the producer) of the pot. Because jiva has the necessary means to produce karman, jiva is the producer of both karman and the body. In producing karman, the body serves as the means. Transmigration: Jiva and the Body As mentioned above, the Jivasiddhi-section of the Ganadharavadachapter establishes that jiva is the producer of the body. This is shown directly in the Bandhamoksa-section, the sixth in the chapter, with the following demonstration: VABh 2270cd: evam ciya dehassa vi kammakaranasambhavato tti // sevam eva dehasyapi karmakaranasambhavad iti //] (jiva is) also (the producer of the body. because it has karman as the (necessary) means. Thus, jiva is proved to be the producer of the body because of its possession of karman as the necessary means, so that, as a conclusion, jiva produces the body with karman as the necessary means and produces karman with the body. Transmigration: Karman and the Body As mentioned above, for jiva as a producer, the body and karman are both means and result, so that these two entities have a relationship of cause and result, just as a seed and a sprout, or a hen and an egg. VABh 2268 (Bandhamoksasiddhi): samtano natio paropparum hatuphalabhavato / dehassa ya kammassa ya mandiya biyamkuranam va // (samtano nadikah prasparam hetuphalabhavat / dehasya ca karmanas ca mandika bijankurayor iva II For Private28ersonal Use Only

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O Mandika, There has been a successive occurrence of the body and karman from beginningless time. Because there is a mutual causal relationship [between]. Just like [in the case of] a seed and a sprout. This causal relationship is further detailed in the following passage: VABH 2269 (Bandhamok asiddhi): [asti sa deho yah karmakaranam yas ca karyam anyasya / karma ca dehakaranam asti ca yat karyam anyasya //] atthi sa deho jo kammakaranam jo ya kajjam annassa / kammam ca dehakaranam atthi ya jam kajjam annassa // It is the body which is the cause of [a future] karman and which is the result of another (past karman). It is karman which is the cause of [a future] body and which is the result of another (past body). Because karman arises from the body as its cause and the body arises from karman, there is no beginning to the succession of the body and karman. This 'beginningless succession' is nothing but samsara, the main subject of our concern. Even if jiva gives up the body at death, it attains another body from the cause, karman, which is in turn the result of the body. The repeated occurrence of such an abandoning of one body and attainment of the next is samsara or transmigration. Depending on the situation in which karman is mentioned in relation to samsara, it is occasionally called karmanasarira. following section will be dedicated to the explanation of this concept. The Rebirth in Another World and Karmanasarira So far, the relations among jiva, karman and the body have been considered, and it was pointed out that karman can be the means for the production of the body. When the texts emphasize that karman is a cause for rebirth, they refer to it as karmanasarira. VABH 2069, Karmasiddhi: balasariram dehamtarapuvvam indivatimattato / jadha baladehapuvvo juvadeho puvvam iha kammam // [balasariram dehantarapurvakam indriyadimattvat / yatha baladehapurvo yuvadehah purvam iha karma // For Private29ersonal Use Only

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The body of a newly-born infant is preceded by another. Because it has sense-faculties etc. Just like the body of an unweaned baby is preceded by that of a newly-born infant. [And] in this [demonstration], the other body is the karman (i.e. karmanasarira). Just like the body of a baby exists prior to that of an infant, which, in turn, exists prior to that of a child, it is experienced that another body exists prior to that of every living being which has sense-faculties, etc. What, then, is this other body which exists prior to that of a newlyborn baby? this question is answered by referring to the concept of karmanasarira. According to Jaina doctrine, there are altogether five kinds of bodies: TAAS 2.37: - audarikavaikriyaharakataijasakarmanani sarirani // Gross (audarika), changeable (vaikriya), transferable (aharaka), fiery (taijasa), and karmic (karmana)-these are the [five types of] bodies. Out of these five, the visible, gross body which we actually possess is audarikasarira. It is this audarikasarira which we have so far referred to as 'the body'. The cause for all bodies, including the gross one, is karmanasarira with which jiva has been connected from beginningless time is then nothing but karman itself.4 At this point, it may be useful to ask precisely which problems would arise without the assumption of a karmanasarira. The problems are outlined in the following passage: VABh 2088 (Karmasiddhi): - - ko tiya vina doso thulato savvadha vimukkhassa / dehaggahanabhavo tato ya samsaravocchitt' // [kas taya vina dosah sthulaya sarvatha vimuktasya / dehagrahanabhavas tatas ca samsaravyavacchittih //] What problem does arise without this [karmanasarira]? For Private30Personal Use Only

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[Without karmanasarira), someone who left his gross [body] altogether will never get a new gross] body; as a result, samsara is cut off [without any effort). In other words, jiva, being released from the gross body through death, would gain emancipation without the possibility of rebirth, if no karmanasarira existed, which would lead that there would be no samsara as such. In affirmative term, it is possible for jiva to transmigrate only when karmanasarira exists, and hence the karmic body is thought to be the cause or means of the rebirth of jiva. From such arguments, it can be concluded that karmanasarira is nothing but karman and that it is the subtle body, i.e., the means of transmigration. This karmic body has been connected with jiva from beginningless time. For the jiva which exists together with the gross body in this world, 'the connection between karmanasarira and jiva' means nothing more than 'the connection between karman and jiva'. On the other hand, for the jiva which transmigrates from one life to the next, the expression 'karmic body' (kurmanasarira) is highly significant. VABhSV ad 2089, Karmasiddhi: atha (apy a-) sariratve sati sarvamoksaprasangah /asarirasyapi ca samsaranapratipatiav akaranah samsarah svat, muktanam api cakasmat patanaprasangah /tatas canasvasadosah / If there were no body, it would mean that everyone gains emancipation. If [a jiva) is understood to transmigrate even without a body, samsara would be without a cause, and those who are already emancipated would fall [back into the world of samsara] for no reason, and therefore, the fault (would arise that one cannot have confidence (even when emancipated). From this, it can be understood that there is need for the constant connection between jiva and the bodies in order to keep jiva within transmigration, that is to say, a certain body is always required to exist in order to maintain samsara. Thus, jiva must have some kind of body even when the gross body is destroyed at death. It is precisely this body which is karmanasarira. However, as for the statement from TAAS that jiva moves into another body after death, the following question arises: How does the jivu which left a gross body at death moves into another gross body without the means, the gross body, for its movement? As jiva is For Private 3 Personal Use Only

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incorporeal, there must be something which has a definite shape as a basis for physical movement. Again, the answer is karmanasarira. After leaving the gross body, the subtle matter of karman is all that is left for jiva. This subtle matter has a definite shape, even though it is microscopically small and imperceptible, and this subtle matter can be the means for physical movement. 5 In conclusion, it is impossible to explain the movement of jiva without the existence of karman or karmanasarira. As long as the gross body exists, karmanasarira, which is imperceptible, exists as karman, and moves jiva to the new gross body after the gross body perishes. What is Samsara? Following TAAS, it is the movement from one gross body to the next which is samsara. But as was explained earlier, it is also the production of the gross body which is samsara. Furthermore, in the process of transmigration, jiva is not necessarily reborn in the same world. To give a simple example, a jiva which exists in this world may be reborn in hell or heaven. Bearing in mind the possibility of rebirth in a different world, the concept of jiva' s movement is highly significant. And the driving cause for this movement is nothing but karman, called karmanasarira,. If the gross body actually exists, it must have a producer. What is the producer? It is jiva, and the necessary means is karman. Bearing in mind the producer of the gross body, it can be said that jiva's production of the gross body through karman, or of karman through the gross body, brings about transmigration-in this sense, samsara is the succession of karman and the body. At any rate, it is clear that karman is the cause of samsara. Therefore, the following can be stated in conclusion: As long as karman has a connection with jiva, the karmic body (karmanasarira,), exists, even when the gross body perishes. That is to say, samsara is the alternation between the karmic body and the gross body, brought about by a mutual causal relationship-samsara is the succession of karmanasarira and audarikasarira. Put in simple words, karman and the body are alike, because both are ajiva, and in this way, the successive connection between jiva and ajiva is samsara. I am grateful to Ms. Birgit Kellner, Prof. Shoryu Katsura, Prof. Hideyo Ogawa, Dr. Tomoyuki Uno, for comments on this paper. For Private 32ersonal Use Only

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OPEN BOUNDARIES JAIN COMMUNITIES AND RES IN INDIAN HISTORY edited by John E. Cort

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OPEN BOUNDARIES JAIN COMMUNITIES AND CULTURES IN INDIAN HISTORY 4461 John E. Cort, editor Open Boundaries provides a new perspective on Jainism, one of the oldest yet least-studied of the world's living religions. Ten closely-focused studies investigate the interactions between Jains and non-Jains in South Asian society, with detailed studies of yoga, tantra, aesthetic theory, erotic poetry, theories of kingship, goddess worship, temple ritual, polemical poetry, religious women, and historiography. Viewing the Jains within a South Asian context results in a strikingly different portrait from the standard models represented in both traditional Western and Indian scholarship. "What I like most about this book is that it makes a tremendous advance on the research for the Jain identity. It examines the ways in which Jains identify themselves in relation to other communities, whether religious or political, from the ancient to the modern period, and the manner in which the others relate to them. No other South Asian religious community, whether the ancient Buddhists or the medieval Sikhs, has been studied in such a comprehensive manner. An indispensable reference work for the study of South Asia." ---Padmanabh S. Jaini, University of California, Berkeley "There is no question that Jainism is an important topic, and this collection has something in it for everyone including solid papers on philosophy, sociology and anthropology, art history, religious studies, and literature." --Phyllis Granoff, McMaster University John E. Cort is Associate Professor of Religion at Denison University. A volume in the SUNY series in Hindu Studies Wendy Doniger, editor State University of New York Press Visit our web site at http://www.sunypress.edu ISBN 0-7914-3786-8 9780791 437865 90000>

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REFERENCES 1. Philosophies of India by I leinrich Zimmer, Princeton University Press 1989, p.241. 2. Ibid. 3.Cf. VABh 2094, Bandhamoksasiddhi;VABh2120, Tajjivataccharira vadanirakarana. 4. TAAST ad 2.26 : karmaiva sariram karmasariram karmanam / The karmic body (karmasarira - kurmana/-sariral) is the body which is nothing but karman. 5. TAAS 2.26 : vigrahagatau karmavogah// The karman fi.e. the karmic body becomes active in jiva's movement to (another) body. Abbreviations TAAS: Tattvarthadhigamasutra of Vacaka Umasvati. Ed. by Sri Yutarasikadasa Tanujo Iliralala, Srestha Devacandra Lalbha Jaina Pustakoddhara Granthanka 67, Bombay, 1926. TAASBh: Tattvarthadhigamasutrabhasya of Vacaka Umasvati. See TAAS. TAAS?: Tattvarthadhigamasutratika of Siddhasena Gani. See TAAS VABh: Visesavasyakabhasya of Jinabhadra Gani. With auto-comm. and comm. Vivarana of Kotyarya, 3 Vols., Ed. by Dalsukh Malvania, L. D. Series No. 10, 14, 21., Ahmedabad: L. D. Institute of Indology, 1966-8. VABHSV: Visesavasyakabhasyasvopajnavrtti of Jinabhadra Gani. See VABh. .613. For Privat 33- ersonal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 A NOTE ON ABHIDAN RAJENDRA JAIN CANONICAL DICTIONARY K.L. Banthia, Kanpur, India Rajendrasuri, the eminent saint scholar who compiled the Jain canonical dictionary in Hindi, has compared the Agama, the sacred scripture of the Jainas, to kalpavraksa, which should be cared and watered through studies. The teachings and preaching of the Tirthankaras which have come down through the ages were codified and categorised by the chief Ganndhara Gautama in sixth B.C.E., and later redacted. The metaphysical nature of Jain cosmology; life and its entanglement in the rebounds of rebirth; and its final liberation, being the focal point of life, find full of technical terms in the Agama, often expressed and employed distinctly and differently in a Jain meaning from that of the classical Hinduism or Buddhism. The need therefore for a canonical encyclopaedic lexicon was found necessary by Acarya Vijaya Rajendrasuri, in the early years of nineteenth century. He considered this kind of dictionary as essential tool for scientific and systematic study of metaphysics, ethics and logic contained in the Agama. It was also the period the westerners had embarked on Indology in general and the Jain scriptural material were lying hidden and decaying. Acarya Rajendrasuri ceased this moment to revive and reestablish the study of Jaina texts and old Prakrit. In pursuit of this mission, Suriji found out that a great number of invaluable Jaina Prakrit lexicons have disappeared, have become obsolete, or have assumed different meaning incorporated into other system. Thus he went on to the great task of preparing the Jaina canonical dictionary. He began the task in 1889 at the age of 63 and continuously carried on the work with great perseverance and stride for a total of 14 years. He completed the work in 1903 and titled it Abhidan Rajendra Kosh. Abhidan Rajendra Kosh followed a methodical system with an alphabetical arrangement. Each word or term with their etymological derivations, grammatical descriptions along with Sanskrit equivalents, shades of various meanings in the context of connotations, allusions and For Private 34 ersonal Use Only

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employed references from general as well as particular texts were meticulously presented. This dictionary generally provides a detailed history of each word, its origin, gender, suffixes, sutras, vrattis, bhasya, niryuktis and curnis. In addition, it presents the history of various schools of thoughts like Vedanta, Nyaya, Vaisheshika and Mimamsa. All these are put into a total of seven volumes, each running over in excess of 1200 pages to 2700 pages. In all there are 60,000 Prakrit words and their Sanskrit synonyms, starting from 'A' to 'Ha,' with their matras in Devanagari script. Contents of the volumes are: One. Words with letters A to A Two. Words with letter s A to U Three. Words with letters E to Chh Four. Words with letters Ja to Na Five. Words with letters Pa to Bha Six. Words with letters Ma to Va Seven. Words with letters Sa to Ha 893 pages. 1215 pages 1362 pages 2777 pages 1637 pages 1468 pages 1250 pages Chapter Eight of Acarya Hemacandra's Siddhhem Prakrit Grammar has also been included as a Preface to the volumes. And these volumes have a total of 97 reference works and approximately contain about 450,000 Sanskrit verses. All in all they cover all aspects of Jain religion whether it is philosophy, ethics or history. Suriji was unable to see the publication of his voluminous work. He passed away in 1906, and the first edition came out some seventy years ago. Second edition appeared in 1984 and the third edition appeared in 1986 under the able guidance of Dr. Nagraj Muni, a modern Jain saint scholar, and Acarya Jayantsensuriji. O NOTE: The article is based on Fiftieth Commemorative Souvenir, Rajendrasuriji, Tirthankar 1975, Shaswathadharma Jan-Feb 1990, and Abhidan Rajendra Canonical Dictionary Volumes I and II. For Private P ersonal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 Jainism and the Western World Jinmuktisuri and Georg Buhler and Other Early Encounters Dr. Peter Flugel, London, United Kingdom It is puzzling to the student of religion that even though in 1867 the Calcutta High Court decided that Jainism is not an independent religion, sixty years later it was widely depicted as a 'world-religion' by virtue of it's universal principles of non-violence and world-renunciation and the existence of an independent body of sacred scriptures (Glasenapp 1925:316). One of the many paradoxes of Jain history is that books. which initially were considered to be products of acts of violence, became objects of religious veneration itself, and as such, from the 11th century onwards, were hidden away from the public eye in subterranean bhandhars, or treasure houses, in fear of persecution and plundering, only to be unearthed by Jain lawyers and European Indologists in the 19th century as proof for the independent existence of the Jain religion vis a vis the emerging Hindu Law. The history of the opening of the Jain libraries is still to be written, but for the moment three views prevail. One school of thought attributes this achievement to the protest of reform-minded Jain laity against the illegitimate privileges of the yatis, or property-owning monks, who supplied the majority of the few remaining Jain ascetics at the beginning of the 19th century and often controlled access to the bhandhars. Others have pointed to the efforts of monastic reformers, like Atmaram (1837-1896), Vijayvallabhsuri (1870-1954) and others, to publish the Jain scriptures, while many western Academics continue to recite the Orientalist narrative of the western 'discovery' of the Jain bhandhars, which critics rather want to portray as a story of imperialist plunder. It is this version of the events which will be the prime concern of this paper. The central stage belongs to the Sanskritists Georg Buhler (1837-1898) and Hermann Jacobi (1850-1937), who in the year 18731874 travelled together to the famous library of Jaisalmer "in order to make its contents accessible to science (Buhler 1875:82)." The fascinating story of Buhler's journey from Disa via Sirohi and Jodhpur to Jaisalmer and on to Bikaner in company of the young Hermann Jacobi belongs to the stock of Orientalist legends which are re-told over and For Private Personal Use Only

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over again. The original report, however, written ten years after the event and published in German in an Austrian weekly, has almost been forgotten. The following translation of the most significant passages of this report should therefore be of interest. Buhler was the education inspector for a district of northern Gujarat, when he received an order from the Viceroy in 1868 to access and catalogue the indigenous libraries of the region, and to buy manuscripts with the help of a Jain agent as source materials for the compilation of a digest of Hindu Law to be produced for European Universities (Johnson 1992:200). He undertook several journeys through Gujarat in 1868, 1870, 1871 and1872-3, before he decided to visit the famous Jain libraries in Jaisalmer and Bhatnir, which were first mentioned by James Tod (1830:282), who himself caught a glimpse of the Hemacandra Bhandar at Patan with the help of his Khartar Gacch Jain Guru (Johnson 1992:197ff ). In his report Buhler described the importance and the difficulties of his task as follows: These libraries are in part extraordinarily extensive and old. They contain many valuable manuscripts and often even works of the brahmanical literature, which are not available elsewhere. But they are under the supervision of a community committee, a socalled Panch, which only in very rare cases is prepared to grant curious Sanskritists access to its treasures. Mostly it requires a hard struggle, out of which the European not always emerges victorious (Buhler 1883:518). Particularly interesting is his description of two meetings with Jain monks. The first took place in the Parsvanath temple in Randol, where Buhler copied some ancient copper plates and bought some scriptures for the Government. He writes: My agent received these from the monk naturally under the seal of discretion [Buhler does not mention his name]. The latter seemed to be very happy with our visit and the business that was done later. In the afternoon he offered us a return visit, which such saints rarely do, and brought along a disciple, whom he educated to be a monk. According to his statement, he bought him during a famine in the year 1869 from his parents. Although the boy was only nine years old, he knew already large parts of the sacred scriptures by heart (522). For Private 3 Personal Use Only

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The following account of Buhler's subsequent encounter with the Kharatara Gaccha Sripaj Jinmuktisuri in Jaisalmer - during 15.1.1874 to 4.2.1874 - is of great historical significance. According to his pupil Winternitz (1898), he owed much of his success in searching Jaina libraries "to his intimate friendship with the Sripuj Jinamuktisuri (344)": Sripaj Jinmuktisuri was the head of a great portion of the Khartara Gaccha, the sect of the strict ascetics, which was founded in the 11th century. His stay in Jaisalmer was caused by the fact that Sheth Himatmal, one of the richest bankers, had built a new temple near Jaisalmer, which he had consecrated by the Shripuj. Although this happened a year ago, and Jaina ascetics are really only permitted to stay in one place for the three months of the rainy season, Jinamukti had lived in the monastery of the Khartar-community already for nearly one and a half years. Probably he found it too difficult to break loose, because the community was extraordinarily rich and generous. In the year 1873 he was a man of approximately 35 years, with most intelligent, pleasing features and of great kindness. He received us with great amiability and replied to my "Maharaja Vande", "my veneration, great king", with a heartily spoken 'Dharmalabha", "may the faith increase". He spoke Sanskrit very skillfully and in our conversation showed himself to be well-versed in the Jaina scriptures, Sanskrit poetry and the sciences. Even the strictest Brahman would have declared him to be, if not a great pandit, then a real Byutpanna or a well-educated man. I told him that he should become my Guru or teacher in Jainism, and he declared himself ready to answer all kinds of questions concerning his faith. Even my intention, to enter into the library of the Osvals, interested him. He told me that he, though being the Shripuj, [and] despite many promises [to admit him to the library), had not seen it. They were probably afraid to show him the books, lest he requested some of them as a gift for himself. He showed us his very significant personal library, which he carried with himself, and made an offer to copy what I wanted. It made a peculiar impression to even find in this library a Hindustani Bible, which was presented to him by a missionary. Jinamukti said, that he had read the Bible. That he held it in honour was apparent, because he preserved it as carefully as his sacred books. This first visit was followed by many others, and throughout the whole period of my stay our relationship remained equally cordial. In the morning one of his subordinate monks usually came to ask about my well-being, and at approximately four o'clock I went to him. He always For Private 28ersonal Use Only

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gave answers to my many questions, supported me with good advice in my negotiations with the Osval library committee and took a lively interest in the discoveries which I soon began to make. Once, when he preached to the congregation, he made a special invitation for us to listen, and allowed us to witness how the community richly presented him with gifts after the sermon. He received some 700 Florins in cash, four small golden and four large silver waterjugs and 860 pieces of cloth, stitched by pious hands, for wrapping his books. Of the latter he gave me one specimen as a remembrance. Even in later years wandering monks did bring me greetings from him, and once, when I sent him a copy of a book which I found in Jaisalmer and had printed later, I received a friendly letter of acknowledgement in Sanskrit. The beginning of my scientific activities looked promising. Already two days after our arrival on the 18th we were guided to the temple of Parishnath [sic] in the fort, in whose vaults the great library was kept. A number of manuscripts were brought to us, amongst which were many extraordinarily old ones dating from the 12th century of our era. Until the year 1873 one did not at all know that manuscripts existed in India, which went back to the year 1258. But the most important European colleagues, like Muller, Weber and Aufrecht, still doubted the authenticity of the dates. My joy therefore was not small, when I suddenly got to see manuscripts which were even 150 years older, and I was not less pleased, when I found amongst these works, apart from the religious works of the Jainas, important books of the brahmanical literature, and amongst the latter a very old historical work, the life of the famous Chaulukya-prince Vikramaditya V of Kalyana, which was written around 1158 before Christ by his court-poet, the Kashmiri Bilhana. There was no question of its being a fake and I felt that I had found something which made my journey a successful one. Unfortunately my joy was soon tainted. Already after three days, during which we saw, catalogued, and checked about 50 books, it was suddenly said, that his was to be all for now. Instead of books only some heaps of loose leaves were brought to us, the inspection of which was very toilsome. Then the librarian led one of the people of the Maharawal once more down into the vault and convinced him that nothing else was left in the opened room. I was very angry about this report, which did not convince me, and mocked the committee that the world-famous library of Jaisalmer should only contain 50 manuscripts. This was to stir their ambitions to show us more, but the answer remained: "We have nothing else." For Private39ersonal Use Only

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So I had to retract provisionally, putting a good face on it, and borrowed the most important manuscripts, partly to copy myself, and partly to have them copied. But I promised myself to pay the Jaina committee the anger back with interest. During the next days I worked calmly with Dr. Jacobi on the copy of the historical work, which I, because the characters were very archaic, wished to do myself. In doing so I made inquiries about the library in secret through my agent. But no one apart from the committee of the Jainas and the librarian had ever seen it. The reports were thus not very certain or clear. At last my friend, the Shripuj, helped me. He too could not come to know anything directly, but he said: "If the books, which you have seen, did not contain all the sacred scriptures of our religion, then you have not been shown everything. For all our community libraries must contain the 45 Angas." That was enough for me. I went to Thakur Juvansingh and told him seriously, that the Jaina committee wanted to make a fool of me. It would be all the same to me, whether the books would be shown or not, but I would report [this] to the Government. Likewise I asked the ministers to come to me and told them the same, only adding that, if the government authorities would come, they could lose their posts. This, at last, had an effect. One of the ministers, who was himself a Jaina and a member of the committee, began to work on his colleagues, and after various turbulent meetings it was decided to show us the real library, since it couldn't be helped. However, one more trick was tried. The entrance to the real library, a large door made of stone, was painted over, and it was decided to guide me into the next vault where the books were kept which I had seen already, in order to convince me that nothing else was there. All these pleasant things were reported to me by She Shripuj. He advised me to be very careful and not to step into the vault. But in case I had to do it, he provided me with a detailed plan of all the vaults under the Parishnath [sic] temple. Finally the day arrived when we were called again to the temple. It was January the 28th. The committee received me solemnly, led by the Jaina minister. The latter spoke exactly as predicted by the Shripuj. I decidedly refused to enter the vaults, to check whether there was still something there. Likewise I forbid my agents to go down and always repeated that the masters of the house would know best where the things were. When the minister saw that I could not be tempted, he stood up with a deep sigh, remarked that he wanted to look around down there himself. He stayed away for about half an hour. Then he returned with For Private 4Wersonal Use Only

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three servants, which carried large sacks full of manuscripts. He said, he had opened a door, which usually would not be opened, and found yet more manuscripts. Then he took (our] leave (with a] smile. Now the inspecting and cataloguing set about afresh, and the manuscripts that were now brought to light contained even more precious treasures than the earlier ones. Until February 3rd, we still had to work in the temple daily for about six hours, and could hand to the scribes more than 50 works for copying. All contained something new or very rare from the Brahmanic, Jaina- and Buddhist literature. One old catalogue of the library from the year 1780 proved to us that we had now seen everything. It contained several hundred manuscripts on palm leaves and some more on paper. The opening of this carefully concealed library was however not the only success which I had. I received many other lists from private libraries and acquired about fifty original manuscripts (Buhler 1883:503-32). This account shows how Buhler used whatever means he had to gain access to the Jain bandhars. Before receiving the second load of manuscripts an obviously very frustrated Dr Buhler wrote a letter dated January 29 to the Indian Antiquary reporting his earlier discoveries: The Yatis here do not possess much more than we have got in Surat. They are very friendly and communicative. The Panch of the Osval, to which the great bhandhar a belongs, is very tough, and requires frequent admonitions from the Rawal, but, I believe, finally we shall see everything (1874:90). Until Alsdorf's visit in 1951, no other modem scholar had visited the Jaisalmer collection, though Shridhar R. Bhandarkar tried to gain access in 1905, while searching for manuscripts for the Government. Alsdorf arrived on invitation by Muni Punyavijaya (1896-1971), who at the time worked in Jaisalmer on his catalogue of the Jaisalmer collection, and later wrote: He who stepped down the steep staircase into the two narrow subterranean chambers lacking any openings for light and air -- the rear one only accessible through a loop-hole barely meterhigh -- he understands without further ceremony how easy it was to thoroughly dupe Buhler... until now every attempt of cataloguing could only lead to partial successes (Alsdorf 162). For Private 4 Personal Use Only

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Obviously Buhler had been mislead about the real contents of the Jaisalmer library, which according to Muni Punyavijaya's New Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts: Jesalmer Collection (Ahmedabad: L.D. Institute, 1972, Foreword) contains 2697 manuscripts, not 460 as Buhler was lead to believe. And of the 28 he asked to copy, only 4 were done (Johnson 1992:205). Evidently the Pancacayat and the Sripuj did not represent competing interests, as Buhler presumed, but decided together to sacrifice a significant part of the manuscripts to science in order to protect the bulk of the collection from outside interference. Dundas (1992) noted that, although the contents of the library are now known, "Even today, direct access to this material is difficult to gain, usually requiring the simultaneous presence of all trustees, a rare event. .. The conflict of interest here is obvious: for the European, the value of the manuscripts lay in their content by means of which Indian history could be reconstructed, while for the Jain their true worth lay in their role as sacred objects (p.72f.)." But the conflict of interest was not merely confined to European scholars and the collectors of Jaina material culture. It manifested itself in various forms within the Jain community itself, as a conflict between conservatives, who wanted to keep the bhandars locked and under their own exclusive control, and reformers, like Vijayvallabhsuri and the members of the Svetambara Jain Conference, who were keen to publicise the content of the collections and to preserve the precious but sometimes already decomposing manuscripts. Sometimes the reformers were monks, sometimes laity. Although in Jaisalmer the Panc and not the Sripuj seemed to own the manuscripts, it was not unusual for the period of the 19th century that the yatis themselves were the actual owners of bhandars, and there were frequent "lawsuits between lay sanghs and yatis concerning the possession of manuscripts (Cort 1995:81)," which mostly the yatis won. John Cort (p.81ff.) has shown how ownership patterns varied, and that there is still an ongoing trade in Jain manuscripts. The fact that Buhler bought manuscripts from a vati in Randol was therefore not coincidental, nor were the payments which Jinmuktisuri received for his sermon. Buhler's queries, however, were met with different responses in each locality. In Surat, Cambay, Limbdi, and Ahmedabad, Bikaner and during his first visit to Patan, Buhler could overcome the resistance of the Pancs, and was able to obtain copies of almost all the 45 canonical Svetambara scriptures already in 1872-1873 (cf. Johnson 1992:203, For Private 42ersonal Use Only

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205). But during his second visit to Patan in the year 1874 he found that "The Pantit (of the Hemacandra Bandhar] had to sue for many months in vain, as the leading Jains feared that some sinister attempt against the books might be intended when the new catalogue had been prepared (Buhler 1881:44)." Their reasoning was compelling: The 1868 act does not specify what would be the ultimate disposition of the manuscripts and most Indians feared they would go to Europe and thus not be available in India. The response was not to sell or give their precious titles to Buhler or the other collectors. After much debate the Government of India decided that the manuscripts collected under the auspices of the program would remain in India. The research program now had the possibility of evolving into a meaningful vehicle to support Sanskrit research in India (Johnson 1992:201f.). The study of the materials collected by Buhler ultimately led to Jacobi's (1884) textual proof that Jainism originated independently from Buddhism, for which he was honoured with the title Jaina Darsana Divakara during his visit to the All India Jaina Literary Conference in Jodhpur 27.12.1913 (Glasenapp 1925:77. His work was particularly well-received by the leading members of the Bharat Jain Mahamandal, which was founded in Bombay 1882 (The Times 3.7.1882:5), because it could be used as evidence for overturning the judgement of the Calcutta High Court "to force the British Indian courts to recognise the faith of the Jainas as a separate religion, and not as a mere sect of the Hindus, and to raise the status of the relevant Jain scriptures" (Derrett 1976:4). Three Digambara Jain lawyers in particular, Padmaraja Pandit, Jugrhandir Lal Jaini (1881-1927), and Champat Rai Jain (1867-1942), were instrumental in getting this judgement reversed by publishing Jain sacred scriptures and selected translations from Jain legal-texts as a proof of the independent existence of 'Jaina Law'. In so doing they had to rally against the continuing policy of secrecy of the Jain Mahasabha, which, according to C.R. Jain, "repeatedly passed resolutions against printing. The effect of this has been that the world has not yet known what Jainism is like (1926:8)." Nowadays printing and translating Jain scriptures is more or less taken for granted, and there are no inhibitions to the world-ride dissemination of Jain religious knowledge anymore. However, the advent of printed editions, which at first were met with the same resistance as the technique of writing a thousand years before, makes For Privat 43Personal Use Only

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protective storage obsolete, and provokes the question "how marginal the manuscripts are to the ongoing Jain identity (Cort 1995:86)." John Cort (1989:20-37) held against Edward Said's one-sided attack on western Orientalism that in fact "Jain dogma and Orientalist scholarship coincide in their valuation of the past over the present (p.27)," and that Western scholar pioneers merely accepted and repeated Jain normative statements as historical descriptions (p.39-40). However, this conclusion could only be reached by abstracting from the colonial context and the crucial role of the Jain scriptures in the late 19th century communal politics. Strictly speaking a coincidence of interests was only emerging in the period after the forced 'opening' of the Jain libraries. In the 20th century many close contacts developed between western Jainologists and reformist Jain monks like Vijaydharmasuri (1868-1922) and Vijayindrasuri, who shared their scholarly interests. Moritz Winternitz (1926:351f.) for instance writes that he exchanged many letters with the 'free spirited' Vijaydharmasuri, who also sent him manuscripts, and helped him with the chapter on Jaina literature in his famous book History of Indian Literature. A personal meeting between the two men was already scheduled for October 1922, when Winternitz received the news of Vijaydharmasuri's death on the 5th of September 1922, and postponed his journey. He accepted, however, immediately Upadhyay Indravijay's invitation to attend the memorial ceremony starting on the 22nd of January 1923 in Shivpuri, where a temple (samadhimandir) in Vijaydharmasuri's honour was erected on the site of his cremation. The similarities and differences shared between the European Indologist and the Jain sadhu are well caught in Winternitz' description of his farewell from Indravijaya, who, Winternitz writes, emerged from his abode in the evening "cheerful and happy as ever": It is remarkable how happy, calm and serene these monks are, despite the hard life which they lead. He asked me: "How many meals did you have today already?" I had to concede shamefully, that there had been four, whereupon he told me - not without an innocent joy, I cannot call it pride - that he had eaten nothing for 36 hours already, for he fasted in honour of the acarya. Curious as ever, he asked, how much salary I got per month, and how much of that I needed, and things like that. Then he asked, whether I believed in reincarnation and a soul. I had to answer in the negative. He could not imagine that one did not believe in reincarnation. Then indeed the whole doctrine of karman would be futile, and the people would not receive their due reward or For Private44ersonal Use Only

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the just punishment for their deeds. That one can love the people and do good, without thinking about one's own ego and believing in one's soul as a thing that is eternally alive, as I maintained, he seemed not to understand (Winternitz 374f.). I had, throughout these days, when I participated in the many ceremonies, often the feeling, that in all this ceremonial there is endless ritualism involved, outward show, joy of pomp and not very much true religious sentiment. In which religion is it any different ? But nevertheless in this wonderful moonlit night it was to me an endlessly touching sight to see all these good and pious people, offering their reverence to their great teacher, the monk who entered into nirvana. All these people, who lived in the world, most of them as merchants, traders etc., united nevertheless here in the veneration of a man, who did not want to have anything to do with worldly goods, but who took upon himself the hard life of a wandering monk, in order to teach and preach what he held to be the highest truth and wisdom (Winternitz 375). Today the direction of travel has reversed. Even Jain religious functionaries are now moving out of India both to be educated in scientific research and to proselytise, since due to the efforts of Vallabhvijaysuri and other reform-minded monks the Jain community has incorporated the ideals of scientific research as far as Indological studies are concerned. Apparently before he became a monk Muni Jina Vijay, for example, went to see Hermann Jacobi in Bonn: When I went to Germany in 1928 with a view to acquiring firsthand knowledge of the methods of research and with a view to establishing close contact with the German scholars working on indological subjects and especially on Jain literature, the great scholar, Dr. Hermann Jacobi immediately came from Bonn specially to meet me in Hamburg and invited me with great affection to come there and stay with him for some months (Preface by Jina Vijaya Muni, in Jacobi 1946:11). The 'opening' of Jain libraries and the revival of interest in the study of Jainism by European Orientalists is today merely a footnote in the history of the Jain renaissance in the late 19th and 20th century, if only by virtue of the fact that much of the task of critically editing and commenting the literary tradition of the Jain heritage has been taken over by secular Jain research institutions like the L.D. Institute and others, For Privat-45-ersonal Use Only

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who are also increasingly interested in the study of comparative religion. Yet the quest for the transformation of Jainism into a world-religion has only begun. To date it is practised merely by a small proportion of the Indian population, with a distinctive caste and class background. In the eyes of P.S.Jaini (1990) the claim of universality is yet to be realised: "Having not confined to the original homeland, India; having made new homes in all parts of the world, now there is the opportunity, indeed a duty, to make this benevolent religion accessible to the whole world (9)." But in order to make it universally acceptable as well, doctrinal and organisational innovations might be inevitable. 1. It might be added that access to the only remaining copies of the Digambara Satkhandagama, which were already in a state of decomposition, was gained by Hiralal Jain and A.N. Upadhye only by using the equally devious means of smuggling some manuscripts out of the monastery at Mudbidri (Dundas 1992:56). ENDNOTES 1. Alsdorf, Ludwig. "Neues von alten Jaina-Bibliotheken." In Kleine Schriften. Ed. A.Wezler, 160-166. Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1974. 4. 5. 2. Buhler, J.Georg. "On the Bhandar Of the Osval Yatis at Jesalmer [Correspondance: Jesalmer 29th January 1874]." IA 3 (1874) 89-90. 3. ------. "Dr. Buhler on the Celebrateed Bhandar of Sanskrit MSS. of Jessalmir." IA (1875) 81-83. "Sanskrit Manuscripts in Western India." IA 10 (1881) 43-46. "Eine Reise durch die indische Wuste." Osterreichische Rundschau 1 (1883) 517-535. 6. "On the Authenticity of the Jaina Traditionon." Vienna Oriental Journal 1 (1887) 165-180. 7. Cort, John E. Liberation and Wellbeing: A Study of the Murtipujak Jains of North Gujarat. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1989. 8. ------"The Jain Knowledge Warehouses: Traditional Libraries in India." JAOS 115,1 (1995) 77-87. 9. Derrett, J.D.M. "Quid Possit Antiquaritas Nostris Legibus Abrogare. The Role of the Jurist in Ancient Indian Law." In Essays in Classical and Modern Hindu Law I by J.D.M. Derrett, 140-149. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976. 10. Dundas, Paul. The Jains. London: Routledge, 1992. 11. Jacobi, Hermann. "Introduction." In Jaina Sutras. Part I. SBE 22 (1884) ix-l ------ REFERENCES For Private46Personal Use Only

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12. ------ Studies in Jainism. Ed. jina Vijaya Muni. Ahmedabad: Jaina Sahitya Sambodhara Karyalay, 1946. 13. Jain, Cahmpad Rai. The Jaina Law. Madras, 1926. 14. ------ Jainism and World Problems: Essays and Addresses. Binor: The Jaina Parishad, 1934. 15. Jaini, P.S. "Jainism as a World Religion." Jinamanjari 1,1 (1990). 16. Johnson, Donald Clay. "Georg Buhler and the Western Discovery of Jain Temple Libraries." JI 26 (1992) 197-209. 17. Glasenapp, Helmut von. Der Jainismus: Eine indische Erlosungsreligion. Berlin: Alf Hager Verlag, 1925. 18. Gough, Archibald Edward (ed.). Papers relating to the Collection and Preservation of the Records of Ancient Sanskrit Literature in India. Edited by he Government of India. Calcutta: Government Printing Office, 1878 19. The Times. "An influential Jain meeting," London, 3.7.1882. p.5. 20. Tod, James. "On the Religious Establishments of Mewar." Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland II (1830) 270-325. 21. Winternitz, M. "Georg Buhler. In Memoriam." IA 27 (1898) 337-344. 22. ------ "Erinnerungen an Indien. Eine Woche bei den Jaina Monchen in Shivpuri (Gwalior)." Zeitschrift fur Buddhismus 7.Jg. Neue Folge IV (1926) 349-377 For Private47ersonal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 SAT-PRARUPANA SUTRA (Enunciation of Existence) OF ACARYA PUSPADANTA (c.50-80 C.E.) This is a English translation of the same title in Hindi edited by Siddhantacarya Pandit Kailaschandra Shastri, Principal, Syadvad Mahavidyalaya, Benaras. The text was published by Shri Ganeshprasad Varni Granthamala, 1/128 Dumraonbag, Assi, Varanasi -5, India 29 May 1971. English translation is by Dr. N.L. Jain, Rewa, India. The entire Hindi text will be serialised in Jinamanjari beginning with this volume. The translator has attempted to interject modern view wherever found it relevant. This is our first attempt to present the work which is not available to the English speaking readers and scholars. - Editor. General Introduction The Sat-khandagama (Six-Sectioned Canon) is one of the oldest aphorismic post-canonical Praksit texts in the Jaina system, belonging to Digambara tradition. Saint Dharasena (circa 156 C.E.) transmitted it to his two disciples Acarya Puspadanta and Bhutabali, who committed the teaching to writing during the years 614 to 683 M.E. (Mahavira Era), corresponding to 87 to 156 C.E. The First Section was composed by Acarya Puspadanta and the other five Sections were composed by Bhutabali. The work contains about six thousand long or short aphorisms in Sauraseni Praksit, influenced by Ardhamagadhi, Maharastri and other native dialects. While the origin of its content lies in pre-canonical and primary canonical texts, but it refers to the doctrine of karma as prevalent in the time of its authors. Almost all the texts have commentaries to facilitate the understanding of the aphorismic meaning. Of the many voluminous commentaries known to have been written on the Sat-khandagama, only the Dhavala commentary of Virasena (743 - 820 C.E.) is extant. The Dhavala commentary was composed during the Raastrakuta empire in south India. The composition is said to have begun in year 792 C.E. and completed on the 8th of October 816 C.E. It contains an equivalent volume of 72, 000 verses, each having sixteen For Private 4ersonal Use Only

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letters. In the mathematical equation, it corresponds to the composition of approximately 3000 verses per year, and 24 years to complete it. The content deals with the explanation of the Jain karma theory with reference to the original canons. The composition with its richness and style implies that the author, Virasena was one of the outstanding scholars of Prakrit, Sanskrit, and equally had possessed knowledge of other philosophical systems. For the first time here we have earnestly made an attempt to translate one of the Sections of the Sat-khandagama into English. It is important to note that the Hindi translation of the original text was begun in 1939 and its completion in sixteen volumes was achieved after nearly twenty years. Introduction to Sat-Prarupana Sutra The text is simple of the lot and consists of 177 aphorisms. The subject matter refers to the search of the living beings in fourteen spiritual stages under fourteen categories of Investigations through eight Disquition doors. It describes the basic Jaina concepts through systems of ogha (generalisation) and adesa (specialisation). It consists of four subsections, namely: Enunciation of Existence-1 - Enunciation of Existence-2 (general and specific) Eight Disquisition-door based on the numeration of the living beings Nine appendices describing topics related with the living - The first subsection - relating to the living beings with respect to fourteen spiritual stages under fourteen-fold investigative approach is most important for the general reader. The term "Enunciation" is defined as 'an examination of the living beings from different angles.' The content may be summarised by aphorisms in the following manner: * Mangalacarana - Benedictory Prologue * Marganas - Methods of Investigations Anuyogadvaras - Disquisition Doors * * Descriptional Categories * Upward Spiritual Stages * Gati -Destiny * Indriya - Senses * Kaya- Idealisation Yoga - Contempletive Activities * For Private Personal Use Only 125x9+35 aph. 1 8 24 33 47

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* Veda - Libido * Kasayas - Passions * Jnana - Knowledge * Darsana - Conation * Samyama - Self-restraint * Lesya - Colouration * Bhavyatva - Liberatablity * Samyaktva - Righteousness * Sanjni - Instinctive * Ahara - Intake 101 111 115 123 131 136 141 144 172 175 - 177 From this we note that eight out of the fourteen characteristics like destiny, senses, activity, embodiments, libido, instincts, intake and colourations deal with physically living beings; and the six relate to the psychology of human beings - passions, knowledge, conations, righteousness, liberatablity and restraint. Thus both the physical and the psychological content of the living beings may be seen. It is therefore forms a Jaina text which encompasses the study of biology and psychology, dating from the early Current Era. Hence, it is an important source book from India for the early history of these sciences. Also, it should be noted that part of its sections is equally important for the study of mathematics prevalent during the period. Translation Technique It follows five steps: [i] English transliteration of Praksit aphorisms; [ii] Meaning of the aphorisms in English; [iii] English translation of the notes by Pandit K.C. Shastri; [iv] Additional notes wherever required, and [v] English terminology from Glossary of Jain Terms, Jain International, Ahmedabad-380014, India 1995. For Private 850rsonal Use Only

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SAT-PRARUPANA SUTRA OF ACARYA PUSPADANTA English Translation of the Hindi Text Edited by Pandit Kailash Chandra Shastri English Rendition By Dr. N. L. Jain, Rewa, India Acarya Puspadanta begins the text Sat-Prarupana Sutra with the benedictory prologue of Pentadic Bowings: Namo arihaMtANaM, Namo siddhANaM Namo AiriyANaM / Namo uvajjhAyANaM, ! Namo loe savva sAhUNaM // 1 // Namo Arihantanam, Namo Siddhanam, Namo Airiyanam. Namo Uvajjhayanam, Namo Loe Savva-sahunam. Namah Arihantebhyah, Namah Siddhebhyah, Namah Acaryebhyah. Namah Upadhyayebhyah, Namah Loke Sarva-sadhubhyah. Bowings to the Arihantas the Enlightened Venerables, the Siddhas Liberated ones, the Acaryas Mendicant Leader, the Upadhyayas - Preceptors, all the Sadhus - Mendicants in the world. Q. Who is called Arihantas? A. He who conquers Ari ( of inner passion enemy) and hanta (destroys) it. Q. Who are the enemies? A. The cause of sufferings and the celestial - of the hellish, the sub-human, the human - is moha, the delusion. It is moha which is the enemy. Q. If only moha is considered as the enemy, do other karmas have any bearing in the worldly sufferings? A. The other karmas are incapable of performing their functions without the karma of delusion; they are dependent on the karma of delusion, and therefore the basic enemy is moha. Q. Though moha karma is destroyed there remains other karmas, and hence, is it proper to assume other karmas to be dependent on delusion? A. When the delusion karma is destroyed, other karmas become devoid of their capacity to produce worldly sufferings of the cycle of birth and For Private 5 Personal Use Only

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death. The existence of other karmas therefore is as good as their nonexistence. By the ghatiya (destructive) karmas jnanavaraniva (knowledge obscuring), darsanavaraniva (faith obscuring), antaraya (progress obstructing) and mohaniya (deluding) the Arihantahood is attained. Q. Why is it there are only three karma destructions mentioned ? A. Because with the destruction of these three karmas, all the remaining karmas essentially get destroyed. Thence, the attainment of Arihantahood. - Alternatively, Arihantahood is acquired due to destruction, or of absence of antaraya (progress obstructing) karma, which is invariably concomitant with the destruction of the remaining three destructive karmas. Moreover, when antaraya karma is destroyed, other four nondestructive karmas become inert like the rotten seeds. Q. Who are the Siddhas? A. He who has destroyed all the eight karmas - ghatiya (destructive) and aghatiya (nondestructive) ones - attains Siddhahood. Q. What is the difference between Siddha and Arihanta? - A. Siddha is the one who has destroyed all the eight karmas, and Arihanta is the one who has destroyed only the ghatiya karmas. Q. Is there any qualitative difference between Siddha and Arihanta, as all the qualities of the latter's soul become manifest on the destruction of the four ghatiya karmas ? A. Yes, there is a difference between the two with respect to qualities. Because, Arihanta has the existence and realisation of the four aghativa karmas. Q. As there is existence and realisation of aghatiya karmas in Arihanta, is he capable of performing his functions nearly half-burnt by the fire of meditation? A. It is not correct. If it is regarded that Arihanta's karmas including the ayus kind which determines the life conditions are incapable of functioning, the body should leave. But the body remains until the completion of life-span, and therefore the functioning of the remaining karmas is validated. For Private $2ersonal Use Only - Q. It is said that the function of karmas is to let the living beings wander in 84,000 birth places. This function is not observed in case of Arihanta despite the existence of aghatiya karmas, which are also incapable of destroying the co-existing qualities of the soul. Hence, is it not illogical to differentiate between Arihanta and Siddha with respect to these qualities?

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A. No, it is not. They could be differentiated with respect to the smearing and non-smearing of karmas; the Siddha is of non-smearing category because of the devoid of all the eight karmas, and the Arihanta is of smeared category, being associated with the four karmas. Q. Who is called Acarya ? A. He who not only practices fivefold observance of conation, knowledge, conduct, austerity and potency, but also impart the same to the disciples. He is to be proficient in eleven primary texts or at least the first primary text of Acaranga (Book on Monastic Conduct); in the tenets of his faith and as well in other tenets; be steady like the Mount Meru and enduring like the earth; observe the six daily essential duties or dispassionation devices faultlessly; possess no internal and external attachments or possessions, and is skilled in managing and leading the fourfold sangha. Q. Who is called Upadhyaya ? A. The mendicant who has deep interest in the study of the Purvas - fourteen pre-canons; teach and self-absorb in the Path of Purification is called Upadhyaya. Q. Who is called Sadhus ? A. He who practices mahavratas, indulges in the nature of soul, guards his mind, speech and body, and who observes 18000 types of sila (good conduct) and 8400000 types of secondary restraints. These are personages full of valour like the lion; full of selfesteem like the elephant; gentle like the bull; innocently simple like the deer; wanderers like animals; unattached like air; mighty fiery like the sun; deep like the ocean; solidly firm like the Mountain Meru; deeply calm like the moon, and enduring like the earth. Special Note The above benedictory prologue called Nammokara mantra contains two words: savva (all) and loe (world) in locative case, and employed as terminal endings. As such it makes the mantra candidly secular and universal in application without any dogma attached. Q. How is it bowings are offered first to Arihanta with ghatiya karmas when Siddha is there, devoid of all the karmas ? A. Because Arihanta teaches true virtues, attributes of the true deity, scripture and the nobleness of life and living. He is the one who imparts a total and true knowledge about the nature of soul and its search for the eternal bliss. For Private 83ersonal Use Only

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Q. The Jaina system proclaims that the true deity is omniscient, detached and sermoniser of beneficience. If Jina Mahavira was devoid of karmic stains, he would be body-less, and hence, he could not be a sermoniser. Had he stains of karmas, he could not be a true deity, and as such, he could not be a beneficiary sermoniser. His words could not be scripture if he is not a true deity, jsut as the words of the rogues will also have to be called scripture. A. To be precise, Arihanta has not been assumed to be devoid of karmic stains but devoid of ghatiya karmas, which are the basic roots of all evils. It is only these karmas which lead to the loss of deity-hood or divinity. The Enlightened Mahavira does not have the destructive karmas and therefore, he has true dietyhood in him. Q. Considering that Arihanta has no ghatiya karmas but has only aghatiya karmas, how could he be called the true deity ? A. Listen, aghatiya karmas are not contradictory for deityhood. Had they been so, they would not have been referred as non-destructive, and their designation itself therefore reenforces the view that aghativa karmas do not contravene the deityhood. This fact can be explained in the following way. Arihanta is devoid of delusion, and hence, he could not have attachment or aversion due to ayus (life duration), nama (physical characteristics), and gotra (status determinig) karmas, which are not the causes of evil. However, vedaniya (feel producing) karma produces feelings of sufferings with the help of ghatiya ones. As the Arihanta does not have these karmas, vedaniya karma alone cannot perform its function, just as there could be no germination of seed without the soil and water. If Vedaniya karma is capable of creating sufferings without ghatiya karmas, there will be no propensity to observe ratnatraya without hindrance. Further more, he will have natural desire for food and water on account of Vedaniya karma, and it results in moha. Q. Arihanta does not take food due to desire; but does he take for the observance of restraint, meditation and knowledge ? A. It is totally wrong. He does not take food for acquiring knowledge since he has already acquired samyag jnana. Neither for restraint, as he has acquired the state of absolute restraint. Similarly not for meditation as he has learnt completely about the three worlds, and nothing left for him to be meditated upon. He is no more a worldly being looking for strength, increased life-span, tastes and pleasures. Q. What is wrong in considering non-omniscient's words as scripture? For Private 54ersonal Use Only

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sed2 A. It can not be considered scripture for the fact that those words would lack truth without the foundation of ratnatrava or triratna (samyagjnana, s- darsana, s -caritra). It will knowingly lead to the loss of religious order. Hence, it is only that scripture is valid which has been sermonised by the Enlightened who has attributes of infinite potency, righteousness, omniscience, etc. Q. Where did Lord Mahavira sermonise the Religious Order ? A. Lord Mahavira delivered his sermon on Mt. Vipulacala situated southwest of the town of Rajagpha in Magadha kingdom and it was attended by king Srenika along with his queen Celana. Q. When was this Religious Order sermonised? A. In the fourth period of the Jaina time cycle Lord Mahavira was born and in the life span of seventy-two years, he spent the first thirty years as a prince and twelve years as an ascetic during which time omniscience was achieved. Sixty-six days after the attainment of omniscience, the Lord sermonised his order. From the day of the sermon to the completion of the fourth period of the Jain time cycle, there remained nine days, six months and thirty-three years. Q. Why sixty-six days have been deducted for Lord's first sermon after acquing omniscience ? A. The rule is that Lord's divyadvani (divine sermon) must be received by the chief disciple who could not only understand but also must elaborate and expound the essence and the spirit of the sermon. Q. How could he get the chief disciple, then? A. There was a Brahmin named Indrabhuti Gautama who was wellversed in Vedic studies. Gautama, coming in contact with Lord Mahavira and getting his inner volitions purified, along with his two brothers - Agnibhuti and Vayubhuti joined the order of Mahavira. Within a time of one muhurta (48 minutes) after getting initiated, Indrabhuti acquired all the qualities required for being a chief disciple of the Lord and the capacity to understand the seed letters spoken by the Lord during the samosarana. Then there was the first sermon of the Lord in the forenoon of the first dark day of the month of Sravana (July - August). Indrabhuti Gautama collected the sermons in twelve Angas. Accordingly, Lord Mahavira is the author of psychical scriptures and meaningful syllables and his chief disciple, Gautama is the author of the physical scriptures. Q. How have the sermonised scriptures come down to us? A. Indrabhuti Guatama transmitted orally the knowledge contained in the twelve Angas and fourteen Upanga texts to Loharya, also known as Sudharma, who in turn, transmitted it to Jambu. Thus, these three - For Private 55 ersonal Use Only

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Indrabhuti Guatama, Loharya and Jambu were all scripture proficient. The three became omniscient and attained moksa. Afterwards Visnu, Nandimitra, Aparajita, Gobardhana and Bhadrabahu became five precanon proficients. They were followed by eleven pontiffs who were proficient in eleven primary texts and ten pre-canonical texts along with partial proficiency in the remaining four pre-canonical texts. They were - Visakhacarya, Prosthila, Ksatriya, Jayacarya, Nagacarya, Siddharthadeva, Dhrtisena, Vijayacarya, Baddhila, Gangadeva and Dharmasena. As time passed there followed five pontiffs - proficient in eleven primary texts and part proficient in fourteen pre-canonical texts. They were - Naksatra, Jayapala, Pandusvami, Dhuruvasena and Kansacarya. Later came four pontiffs who were proficient in whole of the primary (first) book on Monastic Conduct (Acaranga) and partially proficient in the remaining primary and pre-canonical texts. They were Subdhara, Yasobhadra, Yasobahu and Loharya. This partial knowledge of the scriptures coming down in the tradition was received by Acarya Dharasena, who was living in the Candra cave of the Girinagara (Girnar, Gujrat) in the Saurastra country. Realizing the possible the loss of scriptures in a later time, he dcided to transmit the same to other competent sages. At that situation there was a gathering of the southern Jain monks for some religious celebration in the city of Mahima - present Mahimangarh in Satara district of Maharastra. To this assembly Acarya Dharasena sent a letter which stated his thoughts regarding the scripture. In response, the assembly dispatched two monks, who went to Girinagara through the path on the banks of the Vena River. In the meanwhile, Acarya Dharasena had a dream that occured in the later part of the night. In the dream two white bulls appeared offering bowings to him. As if the dream has come true, the monks from the assembly at Mahima appeared in the morning. They were ushered two days of rest after which they presented themselves to Acarya Dharasena: "Great Acarya, here we are for the specific purpose we were sent." In orde to test the genunity and competence of the two disciples before commencing teaching of the scripture, Dharasena gave each one a incantation, one with extra letters and the other with less number. The two monks, being proficient in the science of incantations, found the defects in the number of letters in the incantations and corrected. Satisfied with the accomplishments of the disciples, the Acarya commenced the teaching of the scriptures to them, and finaly it was completed in the forenoon of the eleventh day of the month of Asadha For Private 56ersonal Use Only

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(June-July). Then he gave new names to them - one became Bhutabali and the other was named Puspadanta. The same day both the disciples bid good-bye to their teacher and went to Ankalesvara in Gujrat and spent their rainy season there. Puspadanta came in contact with a realtive of his, Jinapalita who joined him to procced towards the country of Vanavasa in what is presently known Karnataka. Bhutabali went to the country of Dramila (Tamilnadu). Acarya Puspadanta later initiated Jinapalita and composed aphorisms on "Enunciation of Existence" expounding twenty types of enunciations. He taught these aphorisms to Jinapalita and sent him to Bhutabali. Realizing the situation of Puspadanta whose end appears to have come, Bhutabali completed the text, from section 'Numeration of Realities' to 'The Great Bondage.' Hence, the author of the aphorisms of "Enunciation of Existence" is Acarya Puspadanta and the author of the remaining five sections of the text is Acarya Bhutabali. Thus, the primary author of this aphorismic text is Lord Mahavira, its secondary author is Gautama; and Acarya Puspadanta, Bhutabali and others are the tertiary authors of this Jinistic scriptures. English Render's Supplementary Notes 1. Benedictory prologue involving hymns to the paragons has a capacity to subdue life negativities resulting in total positivities that lead to physical and spiritual progress. Further more, it is the general tradition to ward off physical, psychical or demigodal disturbances, and its main objectives appear to be: To minimise disturbances. - To follow the tradition of the early Acaryas. To encourage disciples in the tradition. 2. The benedictory prologue is called Mangala, which has a multitude of etymological meanings: - * Gala (destroyer, purifier and remover) of the physical, psychical and literica mala (impurities). La (brings) manga (happiness; also success). - - - Mam (ego, I- ness). 3. The benedictory prologue given in the text is called 'Pentadic Bowings, Litany or Incantation,' otherwise known as Panca Nammokkara Mantra. It is in Prakrit language. Literally, it has developed from Nammo Siddhanam in the canonical period to five terms in about first to second century CE. The Sat-khandagama is the first text to contain it in the five-fold form. For Private $ersonal Use Only

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Detailed Particularities of Panca Nammokkara Mantra Terms Letters 5 35 30 34 Consonants Vowels Prosodical syllables (matras) Vowels and consonants Vowels, consonants and letters Letters in vocable knowledge Derivation from letters: Karma theory 3+ 5 = 8; Yogas3 x 5 5-32 (jiva and ajiva). Basic realities Derivation from no. of vowels: Realities 3 + 4 = 7; Vows 3 x 4 = 12 Derivation from consonants: Threejewels 3+0=3 (triratna or ratnatraya) Derivation from addition of all the numbers above: Karmic subspecies 35+34 +30 + 58+ 15 (vogas) + 11 (special terms) = 148 58 64 34+ 30+ 35 = 99 264 1 - The effectivity of incantation is judged by the order and number of short or long letters associated with specific attributes. Repetitive recitals produce sound vibrations causing increase in internal energy; awakening of various psychic centres in the body and various manifestations through thought, touch, sight and sound. It takes about three respirations per recital. The rosary employed in recitations has 108 beads which represent purification of passions, or the reverring attributes of the five paragons. In the meditating condition the recitation is relates to five psychic centres, five colours, five elements and five vitalities. This mantra is not only binding but fundamental in Jain religion. It is prescribed as a daily hymnal recitation mental or vocal for both the physical and pschical effectiveness and toward spiritual progress and well being. - to Continue in Forthcoming issues 15; 58

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 BOOK REVIEW ARHAT PARSVA AND DHARANENDRA NEXUS Editor: M.A. Dhaky. B.L. Institute, Delhi - 110036. L.D. Institute, Ahmedabad - 380009. Distributor: Motilal Banarsidass, Jawahar Nagar, Delhi-110007, 1997. Pp.148 + Pp. 40 of photographs. Price: Rs.400. ISBN: 81-208-1485-1. It is a collection of research papers presented at a Seminar held at the B.L. Institute of Indology, 21 thru 24 March 1987. It has a total of fourteen papers, of which two are in Hindi. As the title suggests, all the papers are about Parsva, the 23rd Jina, his distinct teachings, his reference in the canonical literature, his association with yaksa Dharanendra both in ontological interpretation and in hymnal literature, and finally his images and temples from all over India, dating back from fourth to fifteenth century. Hence, we categorise all these papers into three groups: may Parsva in Canonical and hymnal literature, Parsva in association with Dharanendra, and Parsva in art and archaeology. In the first category, Dr. Sagarmal Jain and Prof. D.D. Malvania, based on the Isibhasiyain and Canonical literature, depict personality of Parsva and his teaching, which, in my view, was the philosophy of Jainism as existed prior to Mahavira, who continued the tradition with a great vigour and gave a newer dimension to its body. Parsva in association with Dharanendra has two papers. Late Prof. Umakanth P. Shah presents historical origin and ontological interpretation of Paasva in association of his yaksa. Prof. M.A. Dhakay brings out a full account of the hymnals compositions to Parsva in association with Dharanendra. Thus he provides names of various compositions and their authors. His one point in reference to Bhadrabahu (p.47) however creates confusion in the mind of the reader. "Uvasaggabara-thotta [which is ] regarded as the composition of Arya Bhadrabahu (active c. 310-290 B.C.E.) or his namesake, the so-called Bhadrabahu II." This anomaly between Bhadrabahu I and II definitely warrants clarification or explanation. For Private 59ersonal Use Only

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Parsva in art and archaeology has a total of nine papers, of which two are in Hindi. They deal with architectural style of Parsva images and temples from almost region of India - Central, Eastern, Western and Southern. The monograph is a welcome addition to Indological and Jainalogical studies. MAHAVIRA: LE GRAND HEROS DES JAINS by Pierre Amiel. Maisonneuve & Larose, 15 Rue Victor-Cousin, 75005 Paris. ISBN 27068-1326-1. Price138 FF. This is a French translation of Dr. Boolchand's Lord Mahavira: A Study in Historical Perspective, first published in 1948 and later in 1987 by PV Research Institute, Varanasi. There are a total of Seven Chapters, dealing from Mahavira's Epoch to Schism, and a conclusion. In all it has 145 pages. It is a welcome addition in French language to the study of Jainism. Both Mr. Amiel and the publisher Maisonneuve & Larose deserve all appreciation and congratulation. Ashij J. Kumar is a Graduate Student, University of Toronto Jaina View of Life. By Dr. T.G. Kalghatgi. Second Edition published by Lalchand Hirachand Doshi and the Jaina Samskrti Samraksaka Sangha, Sholapur, India [1984]1997. Pp. xii + 233. Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala Series, No. 20. (Hardcover) Ever so often a buried gem manges to push aside the dust of time and surface once again. Such is the case with a re-issue of the second edition of Jaina View of Life. It consists original eight essays with susequent revision, and two new sub-sections, "Right Understanding Some Hurdles" and "Jaina Mysticism.". In the first essay entitled "Synoptic Philosophy," for example, Prof. Kalghatgi is apparently sets sights towards those students acquainted with the Western philosophical lineage of Plato, Descartes, Locke, Hume and the schools of Logical Positivism and Empiricism, or those familiar with the Eastern traditons of Mimamsa, the mahavakyas of Vedanta, Nagarjuna's Madhyamika School of Buddhism, or the concepts of nyaya-prayoga (logical linking the syllogism of the East). He skillfully gleans the essentials of many of the philosophical systems of the East and the West, and presents it into a rich narrative tapestry, For Privateersonal Use Only

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displaying both inherent strengths and pitfalls of these traditions. He commends Logical Positivism and Empericism as being the foundation of the Western model of Science and early Modernism. He states that much like the Jaina doctrine of anekantavada, Whitehead has come to recognise that although beliefs and ideals are the instruments of change, the characteristics of such ideals and aspirations at any moment are limited by the philosophical understandings available at that moment (Adventures of Ideas, Whitehead). He brings this particular thread to its conclusion: To save philosophy from this impasses, we have to adopt a synoptic view towards the [epistemological] problems of philosophy. ...Whitehead's fundamental attitude in philosophy is essentially the same as the anekatva view of life. Whitehead defined speculative philosophy as the endeavour to frame a coherent, logical, necessary system of general ideas in terms of which every element of our experience can be interpreted. ... [and] the Jaina view of anekanta comes nearer to this approach. ... We have to note that the function of philosophy is not merely an academic pursuit of reality. It is a way of life. Philosophy has had the dual purpose of revealing truth and increasing virtue. (10-11). With anekantavada and the optimistic philosophy of Whitehead as his springboard, Prof. Kalghatgi delves into his other tracts with an equal enthusiasm and integrity in his summation of such topics as: an approach to reality, the Jaina theory of soul, a critique of knowledge, and the doctrine of karma. Although the technical language employed appears to be geared towards the philosophical and historical scholar, particularly those in the West, his coherent style of writing makes this collection accessible to most. This book is indeed a rare gem. Mikal Austin Radford is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Religious Studies, McMaster University, Canada. For Private 6 Personal Use Only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 18, No.2, October 1998 NEWS DIGEST FOURTH ANNUAL SEMINAR ON PHILOSOPHER - SAINT ACARYA KUNDAKUNDA AT L.B. SHASTRI UNIVERSITY NEW DELHI, MARCH 18-19, 1998. Prakritists Dr. Rajaram Jain and Dr. Devendra Kumar Sastri, were two prominent scholars who presented papers at the gathering. Origin and Development of Sauraseni Prakrit was the theme of Dr. Rajaram Jain and DR. Sastri's theme was Sauraseni Prakrit Literature. Professor Vachaspati Upadhyay, Vice-Chancellor of Sastri University, made announcement of the independent faculty of Prakrit at the university beginning the academic year 1998-99. Currently, L. B. Shastri University gives Certificate and Diploma courses in Prakrit. - Prakrit Vidya, Jan-Mar 1998 Quarterly Research Journal 18-B Institutional Area New Delhi-110067. JAINISM AND EARLY BUDDHISM IN THE INDIAN CULTURAL CONTEXT: An International Conference at Lund University, Sweden, In Honour of Prof. Padmanabh S. Jaini, June 4 Thru 8, 1998. The Four day event was attended by scholars from Europe, USA and Japan. Papers on many aspects of Jainism presented at the conference are: A Jaina Version of the Simhalavadana by Siegfried Linehard of Stockholm University, Haribhadea's Lalitavistara by Paul Dundas of Edinburgh University, Social Change and the Privatisation of Indian Jainism at the End of the Twentieth Century by Marcus Banks of Oxford University, The Ancalagaccha Viewed From Inside and From Outside by Nalin Balbir of Universite de Paris, A Comparative

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Perspective on the Origin of Jaina Image Worship by William Johnson of University of Wales, The Mystic Experience According to Yogindu's Paramatmaprakasa by Collette Caillat of Institut de France, Vidyanandin's Satyavsasasanapariksa and His Critique of the Buddhist Vijnanadvaitasasana by Jayendra Soni of Marburg University, On the Source of Vimalasuri's Version of the Lavakusopakhyana by William Smith of Stockholm University, Jainism in Tamil Inscriptions and Literature by Alvappillai Veluppillai of Upsala University, Some Thoughts About Shadow and the Evil in Jainism exemplified by Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha and Reflected by Western Jungian Psychology by Eva Tornow of Heidelburg University, Jainism's First Schismatic by Johhanes Bronkhorst of Lausanne University, and Spiritual Accounting: The Role of the Kalyanaka Patra in the Spiritual Economy of Terapantha Svetambara Jaina Ascetics in Rajasthan by Peter Flugel of London, and Peregrinations of Pancasikha by Christian Lindtner of Copenhagen. Papers from the United States are: Nineteenth Century Views of Jains and Jain Art by Janice Leoshko of Texas University, The Story of Padmanabha: Binding and Modifications of Ayu Karma by Kristi Wiley of California University at Berkeley, From Nigoda to Moksa: The Story of Marudevi by Padmanabh S. Jaini of California University at Berkeley, Sacrifice and the Identity of Jain Communities by Alan Babb of Amherst College, Merit Transfer in Jainism: The Evidence from Practice by John Cort of Denison University, Construction of Femaleness in Jain vernacular Devotional Literature by Whitney Kelting of St. Lawrence University, Vibhajya and Avyaktva in Early Buddhism and Jainism by John Koller of Rensselaer University, and Hidden Gold: Jain Temples of Delhi and Jaipur and their Urban Context by Catherine Asher of Minnesota University, and Purity and Reality in Haribhadra's Yoga Texts by Christopher Chapple of Loyola Marrymount University. Papers from Japan are: Yasovujaya on Perception by Koju Sato of Toho Kenkyu-Kai, Tokyo, Karma and the Body by Uno Tomouki of Hiroshma University and Moksamarga by Sin Fujinaga of Miyakonjo Kosen Institute. AT HARVARD JAINISM AND ECOLOGY CONFERENCE UNIVERSITY, FRIDAY JULY 10 THRU 12, 1998. A two day conference has been convened on the subject and scholars from Hawaii University, Loyola Marymount University, University of Guam, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Denison University, University For Private 63ersonal Use Only

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of Edinburgh, University of California, King's College England are presenting papers on different ecological aspects and issues related to Jainism. From India, scholars are participating from Nalanda University, Jain University at Ladnun and University of Nagpur. SOME RECENT DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS ON JAINISM Karnataka University in Dharwar has awarded its doctoral degree to Prof. R.E. Icchangi for his thesis Kannada Parsvanatha Purana: A Comparitive Study. The thesis contains the study of Sanskrit and Prakrit works on Parsvanatha. Dr. B.V. Shirur is the supervisor. Dr. Icchangi teaches language at Naganur College of Arts and Commerce in Hukkeri, in northern Karnataka. - Gommatavani, 1 February 1998. University of Benaras, India has awarded Ph. D to Mrs Manorama Jain for her thesis Mahakavi Rajmalla's Pachadyayi: A Study. Prof. Kamlesh Jain is the supervisor. - Prakit Vidya, Jan-Mar'1998, New Delhi. University of Rajasthan, Jaipur has awarded Ph.D. to Narendra Kumar Jain Shastri for his thesis Poet Bhugardass in the Religious works of Hindi Language. H.G. University of Sagar, Madhya Pradesh has awarded doctoral degree to Vinod Chinmoy Shastri Jain, Vidhisa for his thesis Samyagdarsan in Jain Philosophy: An Analytical Study. Dr. Radha Vallabh Tripathi, Professor of Sanskrit, is the guide. Parshvanath Vidyapith of the University of Benaras has awarded doctoral degrees to the following candidates: Asim Kumar Misra for his thesis Jain Texts As Testimonials in History Subject: A Study. Mrs. Sheila Sinha for her thesis A Comparative Study of the Story of Draupati Based on Jain and Hindu Texts. Miss Ranjana Kalavist for her thesis A Comparative Study of Valmiki Ramayana and Jain Ramayana. Mrs. Ratna Giri for her thesis Significance and Importance of Vratyas in Indian Culture. For Private 64 ersonal Use Only

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Shodadarsh, Lucknow, India. THE JAINA SANCTUARIES OF GWALIOR by Dr. T.V.G. Sastri,. Publisher is Kundakunda Jnanapitha, 584 M.G. Road, Indore-452001, India. ISSBN # 81-86933-12-3. Price $50.00. The book is a rare record of the Jain sanctuaries of Gwalior in the central part of India. It gives a systematic study and presentation of the richness of Jain shrines and their sculptural glory untold to the present. The author, Dr. T.V.G. Sastri, is an eminent archaeologist as well as a scholar related to Jainism. His first book was Vaddamanu, the work on the third -second B.C.E. Jain archaeological site in the Indian southern state of Andhra. - Arhat Vacana, April 1998. JAINISM: A PICTORIAL GUIDE by Kurt Titze. As reported about this publication in the last issue of Jinamanjari, the publication was released in the month of June 1988 by Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi. The book is 260 pages in art paper, 11 by 9, and contains a tonal of 325 photographs of which 50 are in colour. -K.C. Jain, Ratnatrya Education & Research Institute C-1/47 Safdarjung Development Area, New Delhi-110016. INTERNATIONALLY ACCLAIMED PRAKRIT AND JAIN SCHOLAR LATE JAGDISH CHANDRA JAIN IS REMEMBERED The Govt. of India brought out special postal stamps on 28 January 1998 in recognition and honour of Late Professor Jagdish Chandra Jain, 1909 - 1994. The releasing of this special stamps was befittingly held at Bhandarkar Research Institute, Poona. - Arhat Vacana, April 1998, Indore REVIVAL AND REESTABLISHMENT OF JAINA MATHA AT POLUR IN TAMILNADU IN SOUTH INDIA A few centuries after Lord Mahavira, the establishment of dharmapithas - centres of religious activities lead by erudite men for Jaina communities were said to have come into existence. And one For Private $ersonal Use Only

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such centre was Tirumalai in Tamilnadu, where saint-scholar Akalanka had founded an Jain educational centre. Tirumalai which flourished as a Jain centre during the Cola times when the queen Kundavai commissioned the temple dedicated to Lord Neminatha, a colossal image measuring sixteen feet in height. at the foot of the hill bears best of the Cola workmanship. During the same period, the neighbouring rock-shelter was commissioned to carve exquisite relief of yaksi Ambika, Bahubali, Adinatha and Parsvanatha. Later, another temple dedicated to Mahavira was commissioned within the temple complex. Jain shrine of Tirumalai hill in Polur village situated in Tiruvannamalai district of Tamilnadu lies in the Bangalore and Hosur axis towards Madras. History notes that Tirumalai hill was the place where last Srutakevalin Bhadrabau I had spent some time with his penance. Jaina community of Tamilnadu recently revived and reestablished Arhatgiri Jaina matha at Tirumalai on Sunday, February 1, 1998. Ksullaka Dhavalakirti who has M.A. and Jainadarsanacarya degree has been chosen to become the Bhattaraka of the matha. The coronation ceremony was attended by Bhattarakas - Carukirti of Sravanabelagola, Laxmisena of Jinakanchi and of Kolhapur, and Bhuvanakirti of Kanakagiri, which was founded by saint scholar Pujyapada. There was a large attendance of over 5000 people at the ceremonies. S. Adirajan, President of Tirumalai Jain community, Rajendran, President of Tamilnadu Jain Priests, Mahendra Kumar Jain of Madras Jain Association, Padmachand Jain of Tamilnadu Jain Mahasabha, Rajendran, Tamilnadu Legislature and film star Rajan were some of the dignitaries who participated in the ceremonies. - Gommatavani, 1 February 1998. DISCOVERY OF JAIN CAVERN IN KARNATAKA Tirthahalli, a town in Shimoga district in Northwest Karnataka, is located at about 30 kms from Humcha, ancient capital of Jain dynasty - Santaras who reigned from Seventh century to Sixteenth century. From this town, B.K. Devaraj Swamy and Raghuvira Hegde have reported the discovery of natural Jain caverns with inscription and carvings of Tirthankaras. To the Northeast of the town is small mond, locally known as Jogi gudda - mond of the ascetics. The mond lies within the For Private Personal Use Only

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Gungabhadra river, and several boulders of the mond have been exposed to the river stream for about a km. Thus, the boulders have formed two natural caverns. Within the caverns, there are inscriptions and carved figures of Tirthankaras. Inscriptions I. Lakumadevi, daughter of Challadevi, commissioned the figure of the devaru (Jina) 1. Srima(tu) Chelladevi madisida devaru Chelladevi commissioned the figure of the devaru (Jina) 2. Magalu Lakumadevi madisida devaru II. Inscription is in Kannada and is undated. However, it can be assigned to circa Eleventh century basing on its scripted form. Next to this inscription, there are two figures of Jinas, one is of Parsvanatha, and the other is not determinable as no insignia can be noticed. 3. Vije pattachari madida devaru Vijaya Pattachari was the sculptor. III. 1.Pattasahani Kaleyana Queen (of) Kaleyana 2. Madadi Dhagi... madisd(lu) Wife Dhagi... commissioned This two line Kannada inscription is also not dated, and makes reference to adjacent carvings of Tirthanakara. Based on the scripted form, it could be assigned to circa Eleventh century. 1. Nikarasana dharma Nikarasa's dharma (faith) Single line Kannada inscription mentions one Nikarasa and his faith, as well the carving of Parsvanatha figure. It is undated, but the scripted form suggests the later part of Eleventh century. Though names of Challadevi, Lakumadevi, Dhagi, Kaleyana and Nikarasa are found in these inscriptions, contemporary inscriptions from the area or other spots do not appear to have any information about these people. For Private Personal Use Only

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Carvings: The natural caverns have a total of five spots where the carvings of the Jinas are found. The cavern in which the No.I inscription is found in 3 ft by 8 ft area contains two carvings of the Jinas one is of Parsvanatha and the other is unidentifiable with its insignia absent. The images are about 2 ft high and are in kayotsarga position. The serpent of Parsva signia has seven hoods and its tail hugs around unto the legs behind. Also, on either side, there are yaksa figures of Padmavati and Dharanendra. In the No.II cavern, there a total of four images of Jinas, of which three of them in kayotsarga position and the other is in padmasana position. Because of the absent of insignia, their identification is not possible. Adjacent to these figures, there is an inscription consisting of two lines in worn out condition due to water denudation. Right next to this cavern, there is a large boulder containing a figure of Jina measuring about 2 ft. 6 in. This figure is not fully completed and bears no signia. - A boulder behind cavern No. I has an figure of Parsva with seven headed serpent and his yaksa yaksi - Dharanendra and Padmavati. The figure was commissioned by a person whose name was Nikarasa. Behind the Jogi Gudda, there is a cavern which measures 5 ft. 3 in. wide and about 10 ft long. The outer surface of Jogigudda is quite flat and measures about 50 ft. by 30 ft. There occurs ancient vestiges of a Jain temple. Places which are nearby Tirthahalli - like Melige, Danashale, Kundadri, Kanive, Araga etc. have still many Jain vestiges such as temples and inscriptions. During the time of Santaras, these caverns and their inscriptions have come into existence. For Private 68 Personal Use Only

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JAIN HUMANITIES PRESS Religio-Historic and Social Studies Publications From North America - Unit of Braundi Jain Society - a non-profit Charitable Organisation - founded in 1989 TaID. USA #37-1263596 and Canada #0855916-39 Presents First of its Publication Titles JAINISM IN AMERICA by Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar. This is a first ethnographic and social study of Jains in America, dealt in six chapters. It provides an awesome degree of philosophic fervour sans Agamic literalism, plus it is the first comprehensive monograph from academic point of view dealt about Jainism in America. ISBN-09699978-3-3 * 221 pages * Hardbound * Price $24.95. CANADIAN STUDIES IN JAINISM by Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar. This anthology is a rich collection of papers which originated in Canada, and it consists of three sections: Aspects of Early Jainism, Medieval History of Jaina India and Recent Jainism. ISBN-09699978-2-5 * 127 pages * Hardbound * Price. $19.95 JAINISM IN TAMILNADU: ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY by Dr. A. Ekambaranathan. The book details extensive new data from ancient to later medieval period under a vista of art and archaeology from a collection of data that was never presented before in a single source. ISBN-09699978-1-7 * 119 pages * Hardbound * Price $19.95 For a single suggested donation of $45.00, you will receive all three books, and check made payable to Bramhi Jain Society entitles you tax benefit. In addition, you pay no shipping and handling charges. Send your order with check payable to Bramhi Jain Society 2072 E Lavieve, Tempe, AZ 85284 in USA.Fax:(602)839-2882 4688 Owl Circle, Mississauga, ON L4Z 2W6.Fax:(905)890-7797

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Jain Quarterlies from India Jain Journal Editor Dr. S. R. Banerjee P-25 Kalakar Street, Culcatta - 700007 Annual Subscription US $ 10 Arhat Vacan Editor Dr. Anupam Jain 584 M.G. Road, Tukoganj, Indore - 452 001 Annual Subscription US $ 15 bhArata INDIA 100 gAcIsIGANDHA Od bhArata INDIA 100 INDIA Bramhi Jain Society 1331 Clinton Street Buffalo, NY. 14206 HOINVOI GANDA Ecce DEPT.OF SANSKRIT/PRAKRIT GUJARAT VIDYAPITH AHMEDABAD,GUJARAT INDIA 380014 www.jainelibres