Jain Journal 1993 04

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520110/1

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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY
ON JAINOLOGY
VOL. XXVII
APRIL 1993
No. 4
Jain Journal
॥ जैन भवन॥ JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents
Sacred Literature of the Jains
Albrecht Friedrich Weber
The Doctrines of Mahavira Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Anekantavada-The Theory of Relativity Hem Chandra Jäin
Refutation of the Jaina View of Moksa Criticized 215 Rabindra Kumar Panda
Book Review
Bhava Pahuda: edited by late Ajit Prasad Vardhaman-Jivan-Kosa compiled by Mohanlal Banthia and Srichand Choraria
Satya Ranjan Banerjee

Plates
Jain Temple, Kobe, Japan (colour) Jain Centre, Leicester, U. K.
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Book Review
BHAVA PAHUDA, edited by Late Ajit Prasad with an English trans
lation and a commentary and published by All India Digambar Jain Mahasabha, Aishbagh, Lucknow, 1992. Pages XV+105. Price Rs, 50.00.
The All India Digambar Jain Mahasabha, Aishbagh, Lucknow, is to be congratulated for publishing the Bhāva-påhuda of Kundakundācārya, a treatise on the discourse of soul activity with an English commentary by late Pandit Ajit Prasad who died on 17 September, 1951. Naturally the translation and the commentary were done before 1951. It was K. B. Jindal who took the labour of redrafting and recasting the whole matter and prepared a fresh manuscript for the press. Thanks for his honest and scholarly endeavour,
Though difference of opinion will never be swept away as long as the world endures, it is the general belief of the scholars that Kundakunda belonged to the first century A.D. He is a Digambar Jain and a prolific writer. It is said that the birth place of Kundakundăcărya is the town Kundakunda in Anantapur District near the Guntakul Railway Junction in modern Andhra Pradesh in the South. His writings are many. Bightyfive books are generally ascribed to him, out of which Pravacanasära, Niyamasara, Samayasära, Pancastikāya are well-known. He has also written Asta-pähudas for the Jaina monks who are reminded not to deviate from the path of rectitude and asceticism prescribed for them. Of these eight pahudas, the Bhāva-påhuda is the fifth one, others being on Darsana, Sūtra, Căritra, Bodha, Moksa, Linga and Sila.
In his preface K, B. Jindal has explained the meaning of pahuda on the basis of the discussion found in the Kasaya-pähuda. These meanings of pāhuda are suggested :
1. All that is written in Prakrit verse-form is pāhuda (pähude tti kā pirutti ? jamhå padehi phudam tamha pähudam).
2. All that is laid down by the Tirthankaras is pahudia (prakrstene Tirthankarena abhrtar prasthāpitam iti prābhrtar).

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3. All that is imbibed by the Acaryas and later on, preached and carried over from predecessor to successor is pāhuḍa (prakṛśṭairācāryair vidyävittavadbhirabhṛtam dharitam vyäkhyātamanitamiti vä prabhṛtam).
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From this point of view all śästras offered at the feet of the Masters are pāhuḍas.
The Bhava-pähuda has four elements. It has the original in Prakrit with Sanskrit rendering (chaya) together with an English translation. It has a very good commentary in English also. It has no verse index and no analysis of the topics is added to it. Even then the treatise itself is very nicely and neatly printed with a very good paper befitting the publication of the Sacred Books of the Jains. It is a pity that the book is published after the lapse of forty years of the demise of the author. However for the future generation it is a welcome treatise.
The commentary and the English translation are well executed. The language of the author is lucid and simple, and every point of it is clearly explained. I believe that this edition will be adorned by all Jain scholars.
VARDHAMAN-JIVAN-KOSA, compiled and edited by Mohanlal Banthia and Srichand Choraria, Jain Darshan Samiti, 16C Dover Lane, Calcutta-600029, 1988. Pages 80+448. Price Rs. 75.00.
The Volume three of Vardhaman Jivan-Kosa compiled and edited by Mohanlal Banthia and Srichand Choraria is a valuable source-book on the life and teachings of Vardhamana Mahavira. Some few years ago, the two other volumes (Vol. I, 1980 and Vol. II, 1984) of the same series came out. In all the volumes the plan and scope are the same. The methodology adopted in all these volumes is not only unique of its kinds, but also totally new in this type of cyclopaedic work. The material collected in all these volumes is very systematic, and will remain as a source-book for years to come to the scholarly world.
The book is well-printed and the binding is carefully executed. The printing mistakes are exceptionally few. It supersedes all the previous volumes.
For preparing a Dictionary on the life and teachings of Vardhamana, the erudite editors are to be thanked for presenting such a research

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work. The book is divided into several sections as far as 99 and these sections are again sub-divided into several other decimal points for easy references. Each decimal point is arranged in accordance with the subject matter connected with the life and teachings of Lord Mahavira. The table of contents of this work will tell us how to use this Cyclopaedia. All the facts of Mahavira's life are authenticated by quotations from over 100 books followed by Hindi translations These quotations are necessary for making this volume useful. This unique feature of the book shows the critical outlook and deep scholarship of the editors. The project of this research work indicates that there could be somo two or more volumes of this Vardhaman-Jivan-Koša. The Jain Darshan Samiti is to be heartily congratulated for uudertaking such a laborious and tedious project on Jainism.
This Cyclopædia of Vardhamana will be very useful for the sourcematerial on the life and story of Lord Mahavira. As the editor has ransacked both the Svetambara and Digambara source-books, this volume is free from all sorts of parochial outlook. I hope, this book must be in the library of every learned scholar.
-Dr. Satyaranjan Banerjee
OUR CONTRIBUTORS
SATYA RANJAN BANERJEE Department of Linguistics, Calcutta
University, Calcutta,
RABINDRA KUMAR PANDA, Research Assistant, Oriental Institute,
Baroda.
HEM CHANDRA JAIN, BHEL, Bhopal.

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Sacred Literature of the Jains
[ from the previous issue ]
Following upon the enumeration of the seven groups in the significant statement483 that six of this number (according to the schol. the first six) belong to the system kat' e'loxy'v (sasamaiyāni) and that the number seven belongs to the ajīviyas. The six are then characterized as caükkanaiyāni (catur nayikāni); the seven as terasiyåņi (yāim nayāim N, trairāśikāni). The scholia explain one of these two names of schools by [351] Gośālapravartitājivika ('ta äjivikaḥ N) - påşandasiddhāṁta (pasandinah N), the second by trairāśikapāşandasthas, The mention of this second name leads us, so to speak, to the domain of history. The Terasiyas represent the six schism,484 which Āvāśy. 8, 56, 72, refers to the year 544 after Vira ;485 and this name is perhaps attested by epigraphic testimony of the time of Got a Satakarni, If we suppose that the reading Teräsikā, proposed by Bühler (Archaeolog. Survey of West India, 1882, p. 104) for the inscription Nasik No. 11a, is conclusive, it is not improbable that it refers to the Terāsiyas quoted above. Bühler, it must be confessed, has adopted another explanation of the name in his Survey.
The explanations of the scholiasts have as yet not assisted me in the endeavour to discover what is referred to by the four nayas,486 &c [352]. It is a significant fact that the twelfth anga, according to the above statements, treated not merely of the proper but also of heterodox doctrines, or, as the case may be, of hermeneutic methods; and the title of this anga seems to refer to this peculiarity in its contents,
493 In the Berlin MS. of the Nandi this passage is omitted in the text, though it is
explained by the scholiast 484 See above p. 275 ; accord to Abhayadeva however ta eva cā "jivikäs trairāśika
bhanitäh, or, accord, to the schol on the Nandi which is identical :-ta eva Gosalapravartitā ājivikah pasandinas trairāśikā ucyante - the trairāśikā are the same as the adherents of Gośāla. In § 6 of the Therävali of the Kalpasutra Chalua, the founder of the sixth schism, is stated to have been the scholar of Mahägiri. who was the successor of Thūiabhadda (Vira 215, cf. p. 348), and is placed about 300 years earlier than Vira 544. These are discrepancies not easily overcome. The further explanation of the name trairāśika in the schol. on N. is :- te sarvam vastu trayātmakam icchati, tad yathā , jivo' jivo jivāji vas ca, loko 'loko lokā-lokas ca sat asat sad-asat, nayacimtayam dravyästikam par yāyāstikam ubhayāstikan ca; tatas tribhi(h) rāśibhis caraħti 'ti trairāśikās, tanmatena sapta'pi parikarmāni ucyante. It is worthy of note that the triad form ascribed to the Trai. rāśikas is made use of-cf. p. 266 in anga 4, where the statement of the contents of angas 2-5 is given, and in fact with the citation of two of the examples quoted here. Accord. to the schol. on Kalpas., cf. Jacobi, p. 119, the
Vaibesikadar Sanań took its rise from the Terāśiyas. 485 Cf. Avasy. 8,37: eehim (ebhir naigamādibhir nayath) dithivãe paruvană suttaattha
kahana ya. 486 nayah sapta naigamadayah, naigamo dvidha, sämänyagrāhi visesagrāhi ca, tatrā
"dyah sangrahe dvitiyas tu samvyavahāre pravistah, tato dvau sangrahavyavahārau, rijusutras cai' kah sabdadayaś ca trayo 'py eka eva nayah kalpate, tata evan

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which was probably of great moment in determining the fate of the last of the angus. See pp. 248,342.
The suttăi are cited as constituting the second part of the ditthivaa. In all there are 88 suttâi, a number ascribed487 to the second part in anga 4, 88. In reality, however, there are but 22, beginning with ujjuya (ujjusua N; rijuka), but conceived as divided into four parts, The proper orthodox (sasamaya) doctrine and the heterodox views are represented as being equally authoritative. The former are divided into two different forms which are also represented by the äjiviya (Gośālakapravartitapāsanda Abh.), or teräsiya. The 22 names are not explained by the scholia. They refer488 the name sūtra to the explana. tion of the meaning of the pūrvas, and consider this as well as the first part as an introduction to the third part of the ditthivāa which follows.
1353) The third part is composed of puvva gae, pūrvagatam, i. e.489 the 14 pūrvāni, which the Tirthankara (Mahavira) himself is said to have imparted to his scholars, the gañadharas- see above p. 216,217 -- who then composed the angas (ācārädikam). Besides this explana. tion which represents the pūrvas as older and earlier doctrines anticipating the angas, there is another which is possible. If our second conjecture is correct, we should have to understand by the pūrvas that preliminary knowledge necessary to the comprehension of the doctrine. The titles of the 14 pūrvas490 quoted here in the text and enumerated before in § 14 are explained singly in the scholia, and the number of their padas, is stated. The enormous size of the e figures greatly exceeds as a rule that which the scholiasts -- see above p. 288 state to be the number of the padas of the angas, each one of which was said to contain twice the number of padas of the preceding
catvāra eva nayāḥ, etaiś caturbhir, nayair adyani şat parikar māņi svasamayavaktav
yatayā cintyante ; on this see Silänka on anga 1, 1, 8, above p. 347n. -87 The ujjusuya and the parinayāparinayam are stated to be the first two in the series.
As regards other names reference is made to the Nandi and not to the independent
treatment of the subject further on in anga 4. See above p. 284. 488 Sarvasya purvagatasūtrarthas ya sucanat sutrāni, tāni ca sarvadravyānām sarvapar
yāyānā sarvanayānan sarvabhagavikalpanań prakāśakani dvävinsatih prajnaptani,
tathā rijusutram iti adi. 489 Cf. Schol. Hem. 245; purvanām gatam iñanam asmin purvagat am. The anonymous
author of the Vicārāmftasamgraha which contains in 25 vicāras a grouping of siddhānta passages, alapakas, states that the purvagataśrut adharas were called Vācakas, or, accord, to the Nandivytti cited by him, but which I have not seen, three other names vādiya khamasamane divāyare vāyaga tti egalthā / puvvagayammi tu sutte ee sadda pauttamri. Can the Vicärāṁytasangraha be identical with
the Siddhāntālāpakoddhāra of Kulamamdana, Sañv. 1409-55 cited in Kl. 255b ? 490 They agree in generai with those in Hem. 247,248. The explanation is likewise
identical ; see the schol. ibid. The number of padas is the same as that stated in

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The names of the purvas [354] are as follows :
1. uppāyapuvvam,491 utpādapūrvam; 10 vastu and 4 culiya vastu ; ekā padakoți, 10 millions.
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2. aggeniyam (A B C), agge-aniyam N (aggāṇīyam N ed., according to Leumann); agreniyam Abh.,492 and agrāyaṇiyam493 Schol. on N ; 14 vastu (so also in § 14) and 12 culiya vastu; sannavatiḥ padalakṣaḥ (9,600,000). A direct citation from this is found in Avasy. 10,42494 and in Malayagiri on upanga 4 (agrayaniyakhye dvittyapurve karmaprakṛti prabhṛte bamdhavidhane sthitibamdhadhikare catvāri anuyogadvārāṇi...). An anonymous avacuri on Candra-mahattara's Saptatikā (ms. or. fol. 690) calls this work an excerpt from the diṭṭhivaa, especially from the fourth prabhṛtam (karmaprakṛtināmam of the fifth vastu of the second purva ("agrāyaṇiya"). In the Vicārāmṛtasaṁgraha we find the following interesting statement taken from the "Nandivṛtti: -Sivaśarma-Suryadibhir agre 'niyadipurvebhyaḥ samuddhṛtāḥ śatakādi karmagraṁthiḥ. There actually [355] exists a siddhapāhuḍam in 120 gāthās, which is characterized as having taken its rise from the aggeniyapuvva; see p. 361.
3. viriyam, viryapravadam ;495 8 vastu and 8 culiya vastu; tasya 'pi(!) saptatiḥ padasahasrāṇi Abh., but in the schol. on N: 78 padalak ṣaḥ 7,800,000.-Citation from this in Haribhadra on Avasy. 10,42 (see p. 354, note 4).
4. atthinatthippavayam, astinästipravādam ;496 18 vastu (also according
the introduction to the Kalpäntarvācyani. In this work the number of vasti (? vastu) of each purva is said to increase from 1 on by geometrical progression (8192 in the case of purva 14). Here however in the text itself-see p. 366-we find entirely different figures which are quite credible. The figures in the case of 1.3.7.10 vary somewhat in the enumeration of the purvas in Nemicandra's pravacanasarodhāra § 92, v. 719-25.
491 sarvadravyäṇām paryavāṇām ( paryāyāṇām) co'tpadabhavam amgikṛtya prajñāpanā Abh., sarvadravyānam ut padam adhikytya prarupana N.
462 tatra' pi sarveşam dravyäṇām paryavānām (1) jivaviseṣānam ca 'gram parimāṇam varnyate ity agreniyam, Abh. ; agram parimanam tasya 'yanam paricchedas tasmai hitam agrāyaṇiyam sarvadravyādi-parimaṇakari Schol. on N.
493 The Schol. on Hem. Kalpäntarvacyäni has the same.
494 aggeṇiammi jahā Divāyaṇa jattha ega tattha sayam/jattha sayam tatthe 'go hammai va bhumjae va vi//Haribhadra says: jaha agrianinie (!) virie at thinat thipavayapuvve ya padho: jatthe 'go Divayano bhumjai tattha Divāyaṇasayam bhumjai, jatthä Divayanasayam bhumjai tattha ego Divayano bhumjai; evam hammai. According to this the similar passage should be found also in puvvas 3 and 4. See the remarks on Ambaḍa in Aup. § 89; Ambada is mentioned ibid § 76 together with Divāyaṇa. 495 padaikadese padasamudayopacārāt sakarmetarāṇām jīvānāṁ ajivanam ca viryam pravadati 'ti viryapravadam Schol. on N.
496 yat loke dharmastikäyādi vastu asti vac ca na 'sti kharaśrimgadi tat pravadati 'ty astin dam, Schol. on N. yal loke yatha va na (del, ?) 'sti athava syadvādābhi

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to § 18) and 10 cūliya v. ; 60 padalak şåḥ, 6 millions.-Citation as above.
5. nāņappavāyaṁ,497 jñänapravādam ; 12 vastus ; ekā padakoți ekapadonā (Abh., padenai 'kena nyünă schol. on N), i. e., 9,999,999(!) Malayagiri on N has, according to Leumann, 10,000,006.
6. saccappavayam, satyapravādam :498 2 vastus, eka padakoți șadbhir adhika, 10,000,006(!) 060 Malay., according to Leumann.
7. āyappavāyam atmapravādam ;499 16 vastus (also according to $ 16) ; 26 padakoțayaḥ 260 millions. Leumann says that a passage, which caused the second schism, is found in the schol, on anga 3,7 (see above, p. 275). Uttarajjh. 3,9, Āvasy. 8,65.
[356] 8. kammappavāyam, karamapravādam500 ; 30 vastus ; eka padakoti 80 padasahasrāni, 10,080,000(!). A passage from this, which caused the Abaddhia or Gotthämähila to inaugurate the seventh schism is found in the extract just quoted, and in Haribhadra on Avašy., 8,89, where he remarks : atthame kammappavāyapuvve kammaṁ parūvirti upon the following passage of the text : Gotthāmāhila navamatthamesu puccha ya Vimjhassa.
9. paccakkhänappavāyam 501, pratyakhyānapravādam ; 20 vastus (also in $ 20) ; 84 padalaksäḥ, 8,400,000. For this pūrvam we have quite a number of references. The above cited passage of Āvasy. 8,89-91 and Haribhadra's scholion seem to prove that the Abaddhià stood in some relation to the ninth pūrva,502 The statement is frequently made that the kalpasūtram, which forms the eighth adhyayanam of the dasă
prāyatas tad eva nā 'sti 'ty evam pravadati 'ti, Abh. The sydväda, which the Brahmins consider to be a distinguishing mark of the Jains, comes here for once
into prominence. 497 matijñānādibhedabhinnan saprapańcam vadari 'ti Schol. on N; matijñānādipanca
kasya bhedasya prarūpanā Abh 498 satyam samyamo vacanam ca, tat prakarseņa vadati, Schol. on N; tad yatra
sabhedam apratipaksam ca varnyate Abh. 499 åt mānam jivam anekadha nayamat abhedena yat pravadati, Schol. on N. 500 karma nānāvar aniyādikam astaprakāram, tatprakarsena prakytisthity-anu
bhāga-pradeśadibhir bhedaih saprapaṁcam vadati. Schol. on N.....bhedair anyais
co 'ttarottar abhedair yatra varnyate, Abh. 501 tatra sarvaprat yakhyānasvar upam varnyate, Abh, in the Schol. on N merely ; atrā
'pi padaikadese padasamudāyopacārāt. 502 The text reads puttho jaha abaddho I kamcuinam kañcuo samunnei l'evam puffhanh
abaddhañ / jiyo kamman samanneil/90/1 paccakkhānañ seañ/aparimānena hoi kāyayvan jesiñ tu parimānañ / tai dathun (dutphan BH) asasă. hoi (1911| Haribh. has : pratyakhyanam śreyah aparimānena kalavadhi vihāya kartavvaí-ja tassa avasesar navamapuvvassa taħ sammat tam ; tato so abhinivesena Pusamittasayasath ceva gamtuna bhanai - Pusamitta's name is elsewhere brought into connection with the fourth schism. See schol. on up 1, below p. 381. This name occurs frequently in the legends of the Brahmins and Buddhists.

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śrutaskandha, and the fourth chedasutra, was "uddhṛta" by Sri Bhadrabähusvāmin from the ninth pūrva. Thus, for example, in the introduction [357] to the Kalpāntarvācyāņi. 503 This appears to me to rest upon a misunderstanding (as will be developed further on) of the statement that is frequently met with elsewhere, e. g. in Dharmaghosa in the Rṣimandalasutra v. 167 (see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 11,12), to the effect that Bhadr. extracted dasa50 kappavvavahārā from the 9th puvva. By these are meant the chedasutras 3-5, and by kappa, not the kalpasūtram, but the fifth chedasutram is implied. Haribhadra, too, on Avasy. 6, 88, characterizes the ninth purvam in general as chedasutra lakṣaṇam and especially the twentieth prabhṛtam (by name oghapr.), the third vastu (by name ācāra) as the source of the oghaniryukti treating of the ogha. Samācāri. He says that the oghaniryukti is nirvyūḍha therefrom. In an avacuri (composed505 A. D. 1383) on Droņācārya's vṛtti of the oghaniryukti, the chedasutras, especially kalpa and vyavahāra, are referred to the same source. See also the scholiast on Uttarajjh. 26.
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10. vijjāņuppavāyam, vidyānupravādam ;506 15 vastus (also in § 15); eka padakoțiḥ dasa ca padasahasrani (dasa ca p. omitted in N) 10,010,000. The cause of the formation of the fourth schism is a passage from this puvva, cited in the passages quoted on puvva 7, or Av. 8,59. [358] neuniã 'nuppaväe, on which Haribhadra says: anupravādapūrve neuniyam vacham [vatthu ?] padhati) Leumann compares the 9 neuniyam vatthus in anga 3,9.
11. avamjham, avaṁdhyam ;507 kalyanam Hem, ; abandhyam iti vā Schol. 12 vastus; 26 padakoṭayaḥ, 260 millions.
12. pāṇāum, prāṇāyus ;508 prāṇāvāyam(!) Hem.; 13 vastus (cf. § 13); 1 padakoți 56 padaśatasahasrani, 15,600,000.
503 This is the chief passage, which contains the statements in reference to the purvas.
504 Dasa is not to be connected with kappa, as is assumed by Jacobi (The ten kalpas), but denotes the dasão, the fourth chedasutram itself, a part of which exists to-day under the title of the kalpasūtram.
505 navamapurvāmt arvarti tritiyam sāmācārivasty asti, tatra 'pi vinsatitamat prabhytat sädhvanugrahartham Bhadrabähusvamina nirvyudha. The following fact speaks decisively against Bh. as author of the oghan. In v. 1 not only are the cauddasapuvvins praised, to which he himself belongs, but also the dasapuvvins which reach to Vajra; consequently the existing text must have been composed at a period considerably posterior to Vajra.
506 tatra 'nekavidyātisaya varṇitäh Abh., vidya anekātisayasampannā ānukulyena siddhi prakarsena vadatiti, Schol. on N. On satisayatva in connection with vidya, cf. p. 251n.
507 vamdhyam nama niḥphalam, avamdhyam saphalam ity a., tatra hi sarve jñanatapahsamyamayogah subhaphalena saphala vaṛnyamte, aprašastas ca pramādādikāḥ sarve aśubhaphala varnyamte, Abh.
508 prnah pance 'mdriyani 5, trini mānasadini valāni 3, uchväsa-ni (h) śvāso 1, ayuśca, tani yatra varnyamte tad upacarat präṇäyuḥ schol. on N.

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13. kiriyāvisālam, kriyā (bhiḥ) viśālam ;509 30 vastus; 9 padakoṭayaḥ, 90 millions.
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14. logaviṁdusaram (without loga in § 14), vimdur iva säram510; 25 vastus (also in § 25); ardhatrayodaśa (särdha° N) padakoṭayah 125 (135 N) millions. This pürvam is often mentioned as the conclusion of the angas or of the suanana. See above p. 245,346.
It is now perfectly clear that the number of padas which has been handed down to us is purely a matter of fiction. The exact figures in the case of 5 and 6 are simply amusing. It is easy to revel in detail, when the fancy is the only controlling agent.
The enumeration of the names in the text is followed by detailed statements in reference to the number of each of the vatthus, 1359] vastus and culiyas or cula-vatthus,511 i. e. sections into which each of the 14 puvvas are divided. These numbers, in all 225 vatthus (mulav.) and 34 culav., are also mentioned in three kärikäs, which have been inserted; and each of which has been quoted in its proper place.
The fourth part is called anuyoga; Hem. calls it purvānuyoga512 and places it (cf. p. 347) in the third position, the purvagatam occupying, according to him, the fourth place. A contents of historical character is ascribed to this fourth part. The anuyoga518 is divided into two sections (1) into the mulaprathamänuyoga, treating of the root (of the tree of the sacred doctrine), or, according to the scholiasts, of the Tirthankaras,514 ie., the history of the beginning, of the preliminary birth, of the existence and of the final completion of the bhagavaṁtānam arahaṁtāṇam; and (2) into the gaṇḍikānuyoga, i. e., the doctrine of the
509 kriyabhiḥ samyamakriyadibhiḥ visalam, schol. on N; tatra käyikyadayaḥ kriyāḥ sabhedāḥ samyamakriya-chedah (chamda ?) kriyavidhānāni ca varnyamte, Abh. (Malay. has according to Leumann: samyamakriyachaṁdakriyadayaś ca). 510 loke jagati śrutaloke va'kşarasyo 'pari vimdur iva säram, sarvākṣarasamnipätalabdhihet utvät, schol. on N.
511 N has cullavatthuni, which is explained by the schol. by ksullavastuni, whereas cula is explained by sikharam! Abh. understands here, as in anga 1, cuḍā to be secondary additions. See p. 360n.
512 cf, Wilson Scl. W. 1, 285, purvānuyoga on the doctrines and practices of the Tirthankaras before attaining perfection, purvagate on the same after perfection(!)
513 anuyogaḥ, sutrasya nijena 'bhidheyena sardham anu (rupaḥ ?) sambamdhaḥ ity a. Abh.
514 iha dharmapranaya(na) mulam tavat tirthakarās, teṣām prathamam samyaktvavaptilak şarapurva (bha) vadi gocaro 'nuyogo mu gah, Abh."

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“little knots," single knotted points, members, sprouts,515 of the sacred doctrine, i.e., the history of the numerous figures of the Jaina hagiology which are stated to be-(360] kulakara, tirthakara, gañadhara, cakkadhara, Dasära,516 Baladeva, Vasudeva. The history of Harivaṁsa is added to this group and, strangely enough, that of Bhadrabahu himself, whom tradition represents to be the last teacher of the ditthivåa. Other "knots" are finally added, viz. tavokammagandikā cittastara (citrāṁtara) gaṁdika, osappini' and ussappiņi', and also all sorts of stories illustrating the way how beings become gods, men animals or hell-beings.
Abhayadeva is unfortunately very brief here, and to add to our difficulties the MS. is full of corruptions. Abh. refers especially to a Nandiskā517 composed probably in Prakrit, which is, however, not the same as the commentary on N, which I have before me. This too, is very brief and presumably contains a direct citation from one of the sections which belong here. See below p. 368 on cittaṁtarag.
The fifth part is composed of the cūliyās--additions, which were referred to p. 358 in the discussion on part 3 to which they belong. They belong however to the first four puvvas alone. According to the schol. (and also to the schol. on Hem. 246) by these cūliyās we are to understand cūla-like (i. e., like excrescences) paddhatis, which embrace that which was not treated of in all the four preceding518 parts of the drstivada. [361] The text, however, takes pains to limit them to the first four puvvas.
In the final remarks in reference to the complete extent of the ditthivāa, the following parts are ascribed to it,-1 suyakkhandha, 14 puvvas, samkheyya "computable” (perhaps "innumerable," see above p. 281) vatthu and cūla (culla N) vatthusle and pāhuda (prabhṛta), pähudapåhuda, pähudiyā and pāhudiya pähudiya, to which the same epithet is attached. The payasahassa,520 akkhara, &c., are characterized by the same epithet, i, e., sarkheyya.
515 ik şv-ādinām purvāparaparvaparicinno madhyabhāgo gamdika gandike 'va gamdikā,
ekārthadhikarā, granthapaddhatis tasyā anuyogah, schol. on N; ihai kayaktavyatarthādhikaranugatāvāk yā (tavāk yah?) paddhatayo gaṁdikā ucyařte tāsām anuyogo
'rthakathanavidhir gao gah, Abh. 516 See Pet. Dict. S. v. dasärha, attribute of every Buddha. 517 Doubtless that of Haribhadra is meant. See schol. on Ganadhara-särdhasata v.
55. This, too, is indicative of the fact (see p. 284, 352) that the Nandi is strictly the proper place for that entire treatment of the 12 angas, which later on found
a home within the fourth anga. See p. 349, 363. 518 iha dystivāde parikarma-sutra-purvagatā 'nuyogoktänuktārthasangrahapaddha
tayah (samgrahaparā granthapaddh. N. Schol.) culāh. 519 The number of vatthu and cülay for the 14 puvva at least, was shortly before (cf.
p. 359) stated with exactness in the text itself. 520 See above for the fabulous accounts of the scholia,

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Though the scholia fail to explain further the words pahuḍa, &c., they manifestly signify the same as chapter, paragraph, &c., and are actually so used521 in upångas 5, 7; and in anga 10 (see p. 333), the word pahuḍa is used in connection with the 14 puvvas. In the Anuyogadvārasutra (end of the pamäṇa section), the diṭṭhivaa is said to be computed according to pahuḍa, pahuḍiä, pähuḍapāhuḍia, and according to vatthu. This method of counting is said in the Anuyogadvārasutra to be similar to the division of the kalia sua, i. e., into uddesaga, ajjhayaṇa, suakkamdha, anga, which is there contrasted with the ditthivaa. Vatthu appears in up. 6 as the name of the sections of up. 5 and 7 in which it no longer occurs in the signification.
JAIN JOURNAL
If we now cast a glance at the entire field of information which we possess in regard to [362] the twelfth anga, it is manifest that, though this anga had a genuine existence, nevertheless the information at our command produces an impression of less weight than that concerning the previous eleven angas. In the case of the latter we possess the texts themselves as a means of verification, but in the case of the twelfth anga there is no such help upon which we can rely.
These statements, and especially those in reference to the 14 pūrvas, are, however, not purely fictitious. This is clear from the citations adduced above in our consideration of each, and especially of 2-4, 7-10, and from traditions in reference either to the extracts from them or to their relations to the origin of some of the seven schisms. Another proof of the validity of these statements lies in the fact that the number of the vatthus, māuyāpadāņi and suttāni, contained in the diṭṭhiv, which is mentioned in anga 4 §§ 13-16, 18.20.25.26 and 88 is in direct agreement with the later statement of contents. Finally the name pahuḍa in anga 10 appears in direct connection with the 14 puvvas. At the period of the Avaśyakasutra, especially, and at that of the Anuyogadvarasutra these texts must still have existed, and perhaps even at the time of the older commentaries (cf. e. g., p. 347n.), if the statements of the latter are not mere reproductions of old traditions. See p. 225.
The statement of the contents of anga 12 is found in anga 4, or Nandi (N), and is as follows:
Se kim tam diṭṭhiväe? diṭṭhiväe nam savvabhavaparuvaṇaya522 āghavijj
521 The name pahuḍa is found in the Siddhapancasika of Devendrasuri in 50 gāthās. The author, in v. 1, says that he has taken his material sirisiddhapahuḍão. See above v. 354.
522 ABC, vaṇā N.

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aṁti, 528 se samāsao pańcavihe paṁ (363] (natte), taṁ : parikammar524
uttaim puvvagayam625 anuyog0526 cūliya ;- se kim taṁ parikamme ? 2 sattavihe par, tam ; siddha547 seņiyāparikamme, 528 manussase", buddhase,529 uggahanadse°,580 uvasampajjanāse0,531 vippajahaņase”, cuyācuyase'; -se kim tam siddhase® 7532
2. coddasavihe pannatte, taṁ jahā : màuyāpayāni533 egatshiyapayāim påşho ațịhapayāņi634 ăgăsapayāņi586 keūbhūyar rāsibaddham egagunań dugunaṁ tiguņam keubhūya586 - padiggahe587 saṁtharapadiggahe538 namdavattaṁ siddhavattam, se 'ttam siddhase; - se kim tam manussaseo? 2 coddasavihe par, taṁ : tāiṁ ceva māuyāpayaiṁ539 jāva nardāvattar manussavattam,540 se 'ttam manussase ,541 - avasesäiṁ parikammaiṁ padhaiyai ekkārasavihāņi542 paṁ ; - icc (364) eyaim543 satta parikammăim, cha544
523 ABC, Rjjai N. 524 ABC, omme N. 525 ABC, gae N: when 1 henceforth cite N alone, ABC agree. 526 BC, °ugo A, Roge N. 527 siddhi AN. 528 etani siddhasrenikāparikarmādi (dini) mulabhedatah saptavidhāni, mātkāpada.
dyuttarabhedapek sayā tryasitividhani, schol. on N. 529 BC, putthaseo AN. 530 BC, ugadha A, ogādha N. 531 onā BC, ona AN. 532 siddhi A. 633 A, odani BC, mõugāpayāim N. 1:34 BC, ațfha AN; in N before pādho. 535 BC, anasa A, amāsa N. 536 N, bhūye BC, bhūyaḥ A, 537 ggaho AN. 538 BC, samsão ho AN. 539 mauyaim pao BC, mâuyap, A, mäugāp N. 540 AN, ssabaddham BC, incorrectly. 541 In N this $ is differently understood, since all the 14 names are again enumerated,
and, in fact, just as above with the same variations :-maugao, padho after aftha
payāim, āmāsao (sic!), keubhuyappadiggaho, saħsarapadiggaho. 542 It follows from this ekkārasavihāni that the reading of N. which gives pādho after
atthāpaväirk, is correct; otherwise there would be twelve species, not eleven. N consequently has preserved the original form of the text. N is also more exact in another point From the text we conjecture merely that the last member of each of the seven series (after nathdävattam begins in each case with the first part of the name of the series. In N, however, where as in the case of manussase and in all the foll. series, the enumeration of the 14 members is in each case complete, the readings being the same as heretofore, the last member of each always varying, or it is expressly called pufthavattam, egădhavattam, uvasampajjanăvattan vippaja. hanāyattan, cuācuävattam. Further on N has frequently, sometimes in agreemont with A, the better reading. Some omissions are due to the incorrectenss
of the Berlin MS. 543 eyat in BC, eiyain AN, 544 cha s. s. dj. omitted in N, the schol. however says : eteşām ca saptānām pari

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sasamaiyāņi satta ājīviyāņi, cha caükkaņaiyāņi,545 satta teräsiyāni,546 evām eva547 sapuvvävarenar satta parikammaiṁ teslim bhavaṁti'ti-m-akkhāyāiń; se 'ttaṁ parikammāni ;-se kiṁ taṁ suttaiṁ ? suttäin548 atthästi bhavrti 'ti-m-akkhāyatim,549 tań ;550 ujugar,551 parinayäparinayam, bahubhamgiyam, vinayapavvatiyar,552 anaṁtaram,558 paramparaṁ, sämāņaṁ,554 samjuhaṁ,555 bhinnaṁ, ahavvayaṁ,556 sovatthiyar,557 ghamtam, namdāvattań, bahulam, putthāputphar558 viyāvattam,569 evaṁbhūyar, duyävattaṁ vattamaņuppayar, 560 samabhirūdhań,561 savvatobhaddar, 562 panåsam563 dupadiggahar, icc-eiyāim bāvisaṁ suttaim chinnaceyaņai yāņi564 sasam [365] ayasuttaparivādle ; icc-eiyāim565 bāvisaṁ suttăi achinnacheyaraiyaņi566
n samanam, 554.angiyan,
mabhirudho viyāvattam. Sehiyam, 657
(karmaņā)m adyāni (Abh. has : şat ādimani parikarmāni) şaf syasamayavaktavyatanugatāni svasiddhāṁtaprakāśakāni 'ty a.. yetu Gošalapravartitā ājivikah pāşamdinas tanmatena saptā pi (cyutācyutaśrenikāparikarmasahitāni Abh.)
prajñāpyante. 545 nayāim N; adyāni sat catur nayopetani, schol. on N. 516 yaiṁ N; trairāśiukāni, trairāśikamatam avalambya sapta parikarmäni trividhana.
yacimtaya cimt yamte, schol. on N. 547 Instead of evām eva to akkhāyāim N has merely nayāim parikamme. 548 Instead of suo to akkhāyātiñ N has suttaim vävisam pan. 549 BC akkhāyath A. 550 A omits. 551 BC, ujjayan A, ujjusuan N. 552 C, pacco B; vijayavirayan A, vijayacariyam N. 553 ra BC. 554 BCN, sāmo A. 555 bü B, simply juhan A. 556 BC, cc A, āyaccāyam N. 557 sāva N. 558 merely puffham A. 559 vaccam N. 560 Opayam A. 561 ruddham N. 562 BC, savvão° N, savvaü A. 563 AC, pannās am BN. 564 °yaim N; iha yo nama nayah sutram chedena chinnam eva'bhipraiti, na dvitiyena
sütrena saha sambandhayari; tathā hi : dhammo mangalam ukkitfham iti slokań chinnachedanayamatena purvasurayah tathā vyakhyamti sma yatha na dvitiyādislokānām apeksa syöt, tatha dvitiyādin api tatha vyakhyāṁti sma yathā na teşām adyaslokāpekšā syāt ; tathā sutrany api yatrayabhihprāyena (yan nayābhio) parasparam nirapekşāni vyakhyāṁti sma, sa chedachinnanayah tatah, svasamayavaktavyat ām adhikytya chinnachedanayatvam, tatha yah sutram sutramtarena saha 'chinnam arthatah sambamdham abhipraiti, sa achinnachedanayah, yatha : dhammo mamgalam ukki tham ity ayam sloko 'chinnachedanayamatena vyakhyāyamano dviliyādin apeksate, 'py et am ślokam, evam anyonya(i) dvävinsati (h) sutrāni akşararacanan adhikytya parasparam vibhaktany apy dvitīyādayo
arthasarvadham apeksya sāpekşāni, schol. on N. 565 A. N. etäim BC. 666 Onayaith BC.

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äjiviyasuttaparivädie ; icc-eiyaimn567 bävisaṁ suttäiṁ tika568 nayani569 terāsiya570 suttaparivadle ; icc-eiyāim bāvisaṁ caükkanaiyāņi571 sasamayasuttaparivādie672 evām eva sapuvvävar enam573 atthās17574 suttaiṁ575 bhavamti 'tti576 m-akkhāyaṁ ;577 se 'ttam suttaim.
Se kim tam puvvagae 2578 puvvagae coddasavihe578 pań, tam : uppāyapuvvaí, aggeniyam580 viriyam atthinatthippavāyaṁ, nāņappavvayam, saccappvāyaṁ, dyapp., kammapp., paccak-khānapp.581 vijjāņuppavāyar, avaṁjhar, panāuṁ,582 kiriyāvisālaṁ, logabimdusaraṁ ;- uppåya [366] puvvassa nam583 dasa vatthū cattāri cūliya584 vatthū pam", aggeniyassa585 nar puvvasso coddasa v. barasa586 cūliya v. par, vīriyapuvvassa attha v. atha cūliya v. p., atthinatthipavāyassa587 ațsharasa v. dasa cūliyā v. p., nāņappavāyassa naṁ puvvassa bārasa v. p., saccappaväyassa naṁ p. do588 y. p., āyapp. nam p. solasa v, p. kammapp, nam p. tisar v. p., pacchakkhāṇassa ņam p. visaṁ v. p., vijjäņupp. nam p. pannarasa v. p. avaṁjhassa naṁ p. bārasa v. p. pāņāussa naň p. terasa v. p. kiriyävisälassa raṁ p. tisaṁ v. p., logaviņdusärassa naṁ p. panavisam
567 eyalm A; atha nayavibhāgät ar am adhikyt ya bhedam aha : trairāśikanayamatena
sutraparipätyām vivaksitāyan trikanayikāni, svasamayavaktavyatám adhikttya suo vio samgrahavyavahararljusutraśabdarüpanayacatuskayo (! omission) schol. on N (Malay, accord, to Leumann, continues catusfayopetani saingrahadinaya
catustayena cintyanta ity a.) 568 tikka A. tiga N. 569 yaim N, 570 stim A. 571 oyaim N. nayāini A. 572 N adds suttain. 573 purvāparasamudāyarūpena saryasamkhyaya, schol. on N. 574 Ositi B, osita C, osii A, osai N. 575 oni A. 576 titti A, titi N, bhavatiti BC. 577 "iyaim BC, 'iyani A, 'iyan N. 578 See Abhayadeva's scholion. above, p. 216. The anonym, schol. on Nandı has the
foll. iha tirthakaras tirthapravartanakale ganadhar än adhikytya purvan purvagatasuträrthan bhāsate tatah purvāny ucyante ; ganadhara api tathai 'va racay
anti paścad acăradikam. 579 caüddo N. 580 ABC aggeariyam N, aggāni. Ned. (accord. to Leumann). 581 BC, Pruppavāyam A, kkhanam N. 582 BC, pāņāu A, pāņão N. 583 N adds puvvassa. 584 cullao N. 585 Oniassa N. 586 duvalasa N. 587 °yapuyvassa N. 588 donni N.

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v. pam; dasa coddas' attha aṭṭhāraseva (sa N) bārasa duve ya vatthūḥi589/solasa tisă visā pannarasa aṇuppavāyaṁmi||bārasa ekkārasame bārasame terase' va vatthūņi/tisă puṇa terasame coddasame590 pannavīsā u//cattări duvălasa aṭṭha ceva dasa ceva cula591 vatthūṇijāillāṇa cauṇham sesāṇaṁ cūliyā na 'tthill; se 'ttam puvvagayaṁ.592
Se kim tam aṇuyoge 7593 a ge duvihe p., tam : mula594 paḍhamāṇuyoge ya gamḍiyaṇuyoge ya : Se kim tam mūlapa ge? ettha595 nam arahaṁtāṇam bhagavaṁtāṇaṁ puvvabhava596 devalogagamaṇāiṁ597 auṁ598 cavaṇāiṁ599 jamma [367] ṇāņi ya abhiseyā rāyavarasirio600 siyāu601 pavvajjāo602 tava ya bhatta603 kevalanāṇāuppāyā604 titthappavattaṇāṇi ya, saṁghayaṇam,60 5 samṭhāṇaṁ uccattaṁ äuṁ806 vannavibhāgo,607 sîṣā gaṇā608 gaṇaharā ya, ajjā pavattiņio,609 samghassa cauvihassa jaṁ că 'vi6lo parimāņam, jiņa 11 manapajjava 12 ohiṇāṇi613 sammatta-suyiṇāṇiņo ya vādṛ614 anuttaragati ya 15
589 mülavatthunam N.
590 AN, cauda° BC.
591 culla N.
592 gae A; se 'ttam p. omitted in N.
593 BC, oge N, uge A; and so throughout.
594 N. omits.
595 ABC, mu ge N.
596 arhatam bhagavatam samyaktvabhavad ärabhya purvabhavaḥ, devalokagamanāni, teşu purvabhaveșu ca'yuh, devalokebhyas cyavanam, tirthakarabhavat veno 'tpadas, tato janmāni, tataḥ śailaraje surasurair vidhiyamana abhiseka ity-adi pathasiddham yavan nigamanam; tha sarvatra 'py apamtarale vartibhyo vadvyah (vah ?) pratiniyataikārt hadhikaras, tato vahuvacanam: schol. on N.
597 NA, nani BC.
598 N, aum A, au BC.
599 N, cayaṇāņi BC, ciyāņi A.
600 N. rito BC, riu A. (Ned. breaks off, Leumann says, at abhiseya and is merely prāt hamabhäga,)
601 N, omits.
602 N, jjāto BC, jjāu A.
603 ABC, ugga N.
604 A, ppāyātā BC, ppãyão N.
605 samgha to vibhago omitted in N.
606 au A.
607 vaṇavibhāu A.
608 ABN, gant C.
609 N, niu ABC.
610 vāvi ABC, ca N.
611 jina BC.
6'2 vä N.
JAIN JOURNAL
613 nāņi N; hiņāņi to siddha omitted in A.
614 BC, pavai N.
615 °gai a N.

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uttaraveuvvino616 ya munino jattiya 2 siddha, siddhapaho61? jaha desio jacciraṁ kalań, pãovaga0618 ya jo jahim jattiyaimbia bhattăim cheyaittā620 aṁtagad e621 muņi varuttame622 tamaraoghavippamukke623 siddhi paham624 anuttaraṁ ca patte,625 ee anne ya evam-ār626 bhāvā mūla627 padhamāņuoge kahiya aghaviijamti628 pannavio parūvio ; se 'ttar mūlapadhamāņuyoge ;se kim tam gandiyānuyoge ? 2 anegavihe pannatte, tam jahā629 kulagarag. amdiyā0630 titthayarag. gañadharag,631 cakkaharag.632 Dasarag. Baladevag. Vasudevag. Harivassag, 638 Bhaddabāhug. (368] tavokammag. cittaṁtarag.634 osappinig.635 ussappinig 836 amaranaratiriyaniraya637 gati 888 gamaņa viviha pariyattānanuyoge, 630 eyam-adiyā0840 gatigaṁdiyão641 aghavijjaṁti panna 649 parū° ; se' ttaṁ gaṁdiyåņuyoge.648 616 utt. ya m. in N alone. 617 siddhapaho to kalam in N alone. 618 N, pātovagato BC, pāüvagaü A. 619 AN, jettio BC. 620 ABC, cheitta N. 621 N, do BC kado A. 622 N, 'mo ABC. 623 N, kka ABC. 624 BC, sidha A, mukkhasuhan N. 625 N, pattā ABC. 626 adi A. 627 A omits. 628 agh. p. p. omitted in N. 629 jahā omitted in A ; instead of 2 añeo jaha N has gaoge nam jaha. 630 Thus N, Øyāto BC, °yäu A ; so also further on; kulakar änāṁ Vimalavahanādināń
purvabhavajanmanamadini saprapancam upavarnyante evam tirthakar agandika
di şv abhidhänavasato bhavaniyam schol. op N 631 In N after Vasudevag. 632 BC, cakkavatti AN. 633 In N after Bhaddao. 634 In N after osapp.; citra anekārtha aitare Rşabhäjitatirthakarāpāṁtarale
Rsabhavainsasamudbhutānām bhupatināṁ sesagativyudāsena sivagatigamananuttaropapāt aprat ipadikā gandikās, tāsām ca prar upanā Subuddhinämna Sagaracakravartino mahåmät yena 'stapade Sagaracakravartisur ebhya Adityayasahprabhytinām Rsabha, vansarājānāṁ narapatinām samkhyapradarśanena kytā
sācā" iccajasainan Usabhasse 'ty-adina 'vaseyā, schol. on N. 635 N usao BC, ussa A ; ni BCN, ņi A. 636 BN omit; usao A, ni C. 637 niraya omitted in A; amare 'ti vividhesu parivarttesu bhavabhramanesu jantu
nām iti gamyate 'maratiryagnirayagatigamanam, evam adika gaidika vahava (1)
akhyāyamte, schol. on N. 638 gai N. 639 BC, 'uge A ffanesu N. 640 yāu A. ātiyāto BC, merely ai in N 641 A omits. 642 N omits, 643 AN, go BC.

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Se kim taṁ cūliyão 7644 jan nam645 Willanaṁ caunhaṁ puvvānam cūliyā0646 sesäiṁ puvväiṁ acūliyaiņ647 se 'ttam cūliyão.
At the conclusion of this review of the 12 angas, I present the apostrophe to eternity, which is given in anga 4 and in Nandi, in enti agreement with each other, at the close of their statement of the contents of the anga. With all the unwavering firmness of this apostrophe it looks like a protest against all who might either doubt or attempt to undermine its validity (see p.293) :
Icc eiyam duvālasamgam ganipidagań attte848 kale martā jīvi āņãe849 virähittă câuraṁtasaṁsārakaṁtāraṁ anupariyatsińsu ; 660 icc eiyar du® ga paduppanne (369) käle (bis) anupariyatgimti851 icc eiyar du ga' anăgae kale (bis) anupariyattissaṁti ;--icc eiyaṁ du ga'atite kale a. j. āņāe ärāhitta ca vitivatiṁsu,662 viivaisti, vīivaissanti ;-icc eiyam du ga' na kaydi na asi,658 na kayāi na tthi, na kayāi na bhavissal, bhuvimo54 ca bhavarti ya655 bhavissarti ya656 dhuve niae657 sasae akkhae658 avvae659 avatthi e660 nicce ; 681 se jahā nāmae parca atthikäyd na kayäi na āsi na kayai na tthi na kayāi na bhavissarti,668 bhuvim ca bhavaṁti ya bhavissarti ya dhuva nitiya$68 jāva niccă, evām eva du ga na kayai na åsi (bis) nicce ; --ettha664 nam duo ge ga ge anaṁtā bhāvā a. abhāvā, a, heū a, aheu, a.
644 N yato BC, yāu A. 645 BC, AN omit. 646 BC, °yain N, yau A. 647 N, has avasesā purvā aculiyā. 648 tie N. 649 ajnaya. 650 anuparivyttavamtah Jamalivat. 651 bhramanti. 652 vyativrajitavantaḥ 653 nāsı N (thus in every case). 654 bhuim N. (always) 655 bhavai a N (always). 656 bhayissai a N (always). 657 niyatan. 658 N omits; akşayam. 659 avyayam, 660 avasthitam. 661 Instead of av, nicce N has here suparitthie. In the following repetition, however,
it is the same as in the text. 662 ssai N. 663 niyaya N. 664 The following is omitted in N.

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kāranṇā a, akāraṇā, a, jīvā a. ajivä, a. bhavasiddhiya a. abhavasiddhiyā, a, siddhā a. asiddha aghavijjamti paru panna damsi nidamsi uvadamsi, eyam du gam ga° gaṁ.
181
Before I proceed further I should like to state that beside the Vidhiprapa of Jinaprabha (A.D. 1307) (see above p.223) in the meantime two other samācārī texts, unfortunately anonymous, have come to my knowledge. They are both written in Prakrit with an occasional intermingling of Sanskrit, and are in agreement throughout with the statements in the Vidhip, which they antedate. The first of these texts, äyäravihi, in 21 dāra, contains in its tenth däraṁ, jogavihi, not merely the enumeration of the angabahira texts, as Nandi [370], Pākṣikas, and Vidhiprapa, especially in the form of the two latter, but also the same detailed exposition and examination of the single portions of the angas, upangas, &c., according to the period of time requisite for their study (measured according to dina and ayambila). The order of succession is the same as in the section of the Vidhiprapa which treats of this point. It is especially interesting that ten, and not five, ajjh, are here- see p. 322- ascribed to each of the first two vargas of the second part of the anga 6: dusu dusu vaggesu kamā ajjhayaṇā humti dasa ya cauppanna/battisă cau aṭṭha ya dhammakaha bla suakkhamdhe. The text which we possess does not agree with this allotment of ajjh. The same holds good of the second of these two texts, which bears the name sämāyārivihi. We read in it the following concerning the first vagga: tammi dasa ajjhayana and immediately thereupon vie dasa ajjhayana. Since this second text is twice--at the conclusion of the jogavihi section and at the conclusion of the whole-expressly ascribed665 to Abhayadeva, or to his oral instruction of the author Paramananda, it is very surprising that we find such differences between it and the present text, Abhayadeva himself in his commentary commenting upon that text which allots to both vagga only five ajjh. each. If the sāmāyārtvihi appears to be more than two hundred years older than the Vidhiprapa on account of its pretended relation to Abhayadeva (A. D. 1064, above p. 277), [371] the āyāravihi must be regarded as of greater antiquity. Its author refers, at the conclusion of dára 21, "etāni gurukṛtyāni, śrāvakakṛtyaṁ punaḥ śrimad Umāsvätivācaka-sri Haribhadrasuri pratiṣṭhakalpädibhyo, 'vaseyam" to two authors considerably before his time. In v. 50, 51 of the Ganadharasärdhasatakam composed by Jinadattasuri, the scholar of
665 Siri Abhayadeva suriguruvayana mayam mae eyam/Paramāṇamdenakayam......!! fri Abhayadevasurer äsyasararuhavihāriņi (?) patre/sämācāri rumari (?) Paramanamdat padam cakrell.

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an
Jinavallabha who died A.D. 1112, (see Kl. 248 b), the former of the two authors is called the first teacher after the interval following upon Aryarakṣita and Durbalikăpuşpa (above p. 348)666 In Sarvarājagani's schol, on the Gaṇadharas rdhaśatakam a śrāvakaprajñapti is cited among the 500 (or 105 ?) payaraṇas (prakaraṇa), composed by him in Sanskrit according to the statement in the text. The title śrāvakaprajñapti is in entire harmony with the statement of the āyāravihi just quoted. According to the Gurvavali of Tapagaccha Kl. 253a (28) there lived Umåsvätikara in 1190 Vira (Samvat 720), who is, however, distinguished from the author of the śravakaprajñapti (ptyādi)-(yataḥ sammativṛttau, of, above p 347, Śri Umäsvätivācaka ity uktam). The latter is probably, as Klatt kindly informs me, the person of this name who appears in the Bombay MS. of a paṭṭavali of the Vṛhat-Kharataragaccha, in the continuation of the old Sthaviravalt immediately after its last member. Düşagani, the teacher of Devarddhigani, and separated by one gradation alone from Haribhadra who is mentioned together with him in the äyäravihi. Since the date of Devarddhigani is 980 Vira, and the death of Haribhadra is placed in [372] 1055 Vira, see Kl. 253a (27), tradition seems to place Umāsvätikara, the author of the śrāvakāprajñapti, about 1000 Vira (= Samvat 530)! While it is true that the ayaravihi does not claim to stand in direct connection with Umasv. and Haribh, merely citing them, yet this citation is of such a character that it is calculated to afford ancient testimony concerning a treatise which mentions, not sources of information of later date, but merely these two names which are manifestly of tolerable antiquity. The statements contained in this work gain consequently in authority and the same conclusion holds good of the information of a literary and other nature in harmony therewith, contained in both sāmācāri texts (sa vihi and vihipava). In continuing from this point on to adduce the testimony of the Vidhiprapa (V) especially, I do so, partly because it has a fixed date, and partly because it contains the most detailed statements. I shall, however, not fail to state where Ayäravihi (Avi) or Samiyārtvihi (Svi), which takes an intermediate position between Avi. and V. as regards fullness, offer anything worthy of particular note.
JAIN JOURNAL
The second part of the Siddhanta is formed by the 12 uvamgas, upangas. This title is applied in the angas to the Brahmanical upangas alone. In anga 3, three of the existing uvamgas are apparently mentioned, but under the title angabahira and not under that of
666 The very faulty MS. reproduces the Umäsäyi of the text by Umasvami in the commentary! This form of the name is found elsewhere, e. g., in the Vicārāmṛtasamgraha as that of the author of the fra°pti.

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uvaṁga. In the uvamgas themselves this appellation occurs at the beginning of the eighth alone, but there, according to all probability, it is a special designation of uv. 8-12 alone, and had consequently [373] not yet acquired its present signification. The Nandi, too, does not accept it in its present meaning. It enumerates all the texts in question, which now bear this name, but enumerates them among the anangapaviṭṭha (for which term the Pākṣikasūtram &c. present angabahira) and in an order different from the usual one at present in vogue. The solitary passage, in which I have been able to discover this title used in the Siddhanta in its general signification, is in the Mahānisiha, Book 3 (angovanga...).
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At the present day there are 12 texts bearing this name, corresponding to the number of the angas. This arrangement is probably intentional and dates from a period (see p. 344), in which the twelfth anga either really existed or at least was counted in with the others. There is an alleged 67 inter-relation between the 12 angas and the 12 uvangas, uvanga 1 being placed in connection with anga 1, uvanga 2 with anga 2, and so on. In the three sāmāyārī texts,668 uv. 8-12 are called nirayavaliyāsuakkhaṁdho uvamgam (Avi., Svi.), in the Vidhipr. egamuvamgam; each of the five vaggas of which respectively corresponds669 to angas 8 to 12. It is not improbable that [374] the existing order of the 12 texts may have been the result of such considerations; and the similarity in extent of each of the different members of both series renders this assumption the more worthy of credence.670 There are, however, so far as I can see, no instances of real inner connection
667 cf. Abhayadeva on uv. 1, Malayagiri on uv. 2,4, Śanticandra on uv. 6.
668 The order of succession adopted there, and which I follow from this point on, varies so far as the position of uv. 5-7 is concerned from that of Bühler-see above p. 226 where these appear as Nos. 6,7,5.
669 In the Vidhiprapa we read; Some, however, regard both uv. 7 and uv. 5 as belonging to anga 5, and according to their view the uvamgam belonging to angas 7-11 is the frutaskandha formed by uv. 8-12: anne puna camdapannattim surapannatim ca bhagavai-uvamge bhanamti tesim maena uvasagadasaina pamcanham amganam uvamgam nirayavaliyasuyakkhamdho. This is manifestly an arrangement of those who no longer count the ditthivaa as belonging to the angas and is in entire harmony with the actual facts of the case. The statement in V. that follows is a riddle: oraji annavaṇā sujamcamcikakapupphavaḥhidasā āyārāi-uvaṁga nayavvā āṇupuvvie (this is the close of the uvamgavihi). The same remarkable statements are repeated in the Jogavihana in v. 60: vaccai satta-dinehim nirayavaliyasuyakkhamdho 1159|| oraji pannavana sujamcamnikakapupphavanhidasal ayarai-uvamga neyavva anupuvvie 1/60/1. A solution of this riddle is, however, not far to seek, if we read o raji su jam cam ni ka ka°. By this means we have the beginning syllables of uvamgas 1-3, 5-10 in their present order; and here again there is reference to 12 uvamgas and to 12 angas.
670 The last members in both series have the least, those in the middle the greatest, extent.

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between the angas and the uvaṁgas having the same position in the series. I say this, despite the fact that the scholia are only too zealous in attempting to establish such an inter-relation.
JAIN JOURNAL
Definite groups are recognizable here as in the case of the angas. Though all the uvamgas with the exception of uv. 3 begin with the legendary introductory formula tenaṁ-kāleṇaṁ yet in the case of uv. 2.4 the pamcanamukkāra, which we have met with already in anga 5, is placed before this introduction. In uv. 4 a verse, designed to glorify this paṁcanamukkāra, follows upon it, and then come several other verses of an introductory character. In the case of uv. 5, there is a larger number of introductory verses or of verses descriptive of the contents of the whole, before the legendary beginning; in the case of uv. 7 these are placed after the legendary beginning. Both of these uv. (5 and 7) differ from the others in the following particular,-- [375] they make use of the title pahuḍa for their sections, a title which we have met with in the case of the 14 purvas. In the introduction of uv. 7 and in uv. 4 there is a direct reference to the purvas. These two uv. are peculiar in being identical or at least in representing two recensions of one and the same text. Uv. 5, 7 and 6 are mentioned together in anga 3, and share an introduction that is completely identical, mutual references in the text to each other, and above all in the concluding part of their titles, the common factor pannatti, prajñapti. A part of uvamga 3, the divasagarapannatti, belongs to the same category with them, since it has on the one hand the same termination in its title, and on the other is mentioned in anga 3 with them. At the period of the Nandi and of that of anga 3 it appears to have enjoyed a separate existence. Finally the title of upanga 4, pannavaṇā, is to be brought into this connection, so that upangas 3-7 may be regarded as a group which is bound together by external criteria. The word pannatti which is here the link between them, was found in the title of anga 5. The words pannatta (prajñapta) and pannatti (prajñapti) and the finite verb prajñapay have such a special use in the Bhagavati and, as was discovered later, in the entire Jaina Siddhanta, that (Bhag. I, 368) I called attention to the [376] Pannattivāda, or Prajñaptivadins, who are mentioned by the northern and southern Buddhists671 among the 18 chief sects of Buddhism at the time of the second council of Aśoka. According to Wassiljew, pp. 228, 244 (German transl. pp. 251, 268), this sect dates from the second century after Buddha's nirvana.
671 pannatti is found in Pali as the title of a work. See Childers s. v. pannatti (Abhidhammap). Works of the name were produced by the later Jains. See (above p. 371) my remarks on the śravakaprajnapti of the Umāsvāti(mi) vācaka.

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Upangas 8-12 form a second group closely connected with each other (see above). They form, as tradition itself asserts, in reality but five chapters of a single śrutaskandha, and are counted as five special texts merely to complete the parallel with the twelve angas. The title of w, 8 is later on, e. g. in the Vidhiprapă, regarded also as the collective title of all five; and a special name, kappiyao, kalpikās, is allotted to uv, 8. In the Nandi all the 6 titles are placed together.
According to the introduction of the avacūrni to the Oghanir yukti (see above, p. 217), the daśapūrvins gained especial honour in performing the meritorious service of composing saṁgrahani to the uvargas (or of composing the uv. and the saṁgr. ? ), and therefore had just claim to the salutation (namukkāra) in the first verse of that Niryukti. Tradition calls Ajja Säma the author of the fourth uvamga, the Pannavana ; see verse 4 of the introduction to that uvařga. There is, however, another, who in this passage characterizes himself as the real promulgator, and introduces himself with the word "I".
(377) In the case of the first uvařga, secondary additions are, according to Leumann, clearly demonstrable. The second uvarga appears however to have suffered more, and the present text may, in fact, be a different one from the original. The reader is further referred to my remarks made on angas 8-10 and especially on anga 10,
In the remarks of the rodactor scattered here and there in the angas, there were many references to the upangas, their titles being directly mentioned or the names of particular divisions cited, In the upangas vice versa there is no lack of reference both to the angas and to other upangas. Apparently we must recognise in these remarks of the redactor a hand aiming at unity (see above, p. 228), a hand which has dealt uniformly with the angas and upāngas in that form of the text which both at present possess.
The varying statements in the MSS. in reference to the extent of each of the upāngas are as follows : up, 1 has 1320 granthas872_-2, 2079,-3.4750, -4,7785--5. (2000 ?)673_6,4454,-7.1600,674__8,12, 1109.
672 The statements vary here e. g. between 1167 (Kielhorn's Report, 1880-81, p. 50)
1200, 1267, 1320 and 1500. Leumann counts 1220. 673 The statement is here omitted ; cf uv. 7. 674 Other statements are: 1854, 2000.

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XIII, The first upangam, uvaväiyam, aupapatikam, of renewed births. The explanation of the name by aupapätika is (see above, p. 323, Leumann, p. 2) an incorrect Sanskrit rendering, since the formation is from pad+upa and not from pattupa. The work is divided into two parts, which are however, not separated by any recognized dividing line. The first, which is greater in extent than the second [378), treats in great detail of the appearance and sermon of Mahavira in Campa under king Kaniya Bambhasāraputta, 675 and of the pilgrimage of the king to Mahāvira. The many varņakas, which, on such occasions as this, are found in the legendary introduction to the angas, uvařgas, occur in this intance in their full form. They are consequently cited elsewhere merely by their introductory words; and for anything beyond this, reference is generally made to our text. The law proclaimed by Mahavira is here (§ 57) designated partly as ägäradhamme and partly as ágärasāmāie. See remarks on page 244 ad anga 1. The second part, which contains the essence of the work, is in extent scarcely more than a third of the whole, and looks, as Leumann says, like a more detailed treatment of Bhag. 1,1,77 (see Bhag. 1,162). It is divided into divisions of tolerably small compass, which all possess a form equally solem. These small divisions are not equal in extent nor are they counted on to the end. At the end there are 22 kārikās. which describe the abode &c. of the Siddhas, viz. of those that have escaped migration of souls. We find the teaching of Imdabhati by Mahavira treated of, partly in a general way, partly in reference to 15 definite categories of men as regads their uvavaya among the neraiyas, &c., up to the heavenly worlds, and to the final perfection and residence of the blessed in the Isipabbhåră pudhavi, Dr. Ernst Leumann has given a detailed account of its contents in the introduction to his edition of the text (''the aupapātikasūtra," Leipzig., 1883), accompanied by an excellent glossary.
Among the interesting facts contained in the middle part of the work, the following is of especial importance. In $ 76 there is an enumeration of alien sects, [379) parivvāyā, viz., the Samkha Jogi Kävila 678 Bhiuccā677 haṁsā878 paramahamsa bahuudagā kulivvaya879 Kanhaparivvāyā680. In immediate connection with this is an enumera
675 cf. chedasutra, 4,10. 676 Kapilo devatā yeşām, Sähkhyā eva nirīśvarāḥ. 677 Bhrigur loke prasiddha rşiviseșas, tasyai 'va šisyah Bhargavāḥ (!). 678 In reference to the following names see Wilson Sel. warks 1,231 (ed. Rost). 679 kufivrataḥ; kuțicara in Wilson, also in the Arunikop. Ind, Stud. 2,179, 680 Nārāyanabhaktika iti kecit.

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tion of the 8 representatives of each class681 from the Brahmaņa caste; tattha khalu ime attha mähanapariyyāyā bhavati Kanne®82 ya Karakaṁte ya Ambade ya Paräsare Kanhe Divāyaṇe ceva Devagutte ya Närahe883/1, and from the warrior caste : tattha khalu ime attha khattiyaparivvāyā bhavarti, taṁ. Silai Masihāre684 Naggai Bhaggai Tiya (Tikā ?) Videhe rāyd Rāme Bale 'ti ya. After this follows an enumeration of the works of Brahmanical literature which is identical in every particular with that in the fifth anga685. See above p. 304.
The sage Ambada, 686 who is enumerated among the 8 mahanaparivayās, must have played no unimportant role in the opinion of his Jain colleagues or enemies, either at the time of the composition of this upānga or at that of those who interpolated the statements in reference to bim. There have been inserted two detailed legends concerning him, the first of which deals especially with his [380] scholars,887 the second with himself, with his second birth in the person of the boy Dadhapainna, and with his final perfection. Here occurs an enumeration of the ($107) 72 kalās, which are in fact essentially the same as those in anga 3, and ($ 105) of the foreign peoples from whom the female attendants of the boy (as in anga 6) came. These names are in general identical with those enumerated in angas 5 and 6, and are also mentioned in a previous passage ($ 53) where the maid servants of the queen are treated of. The list is as follows - bahūhim khujjahim Cilaihim vāmaņihiṁ vadabhihis Babbarihi Paü siyahiṁ (baii) Joniyahim Palhaviyähim Isini yähiTM Caruiniyāhim (Väru' Thāru°) Lasiyahiń Laü siyāhiṁ Damilihi Simhalihiṁ ArabihiTM Pulirdihim Pakkanihiń Bahalihim Maruṁdihim Sabarihiṁ Pārasihim nānādesthiń. For v. 1. sec Leumann, p. 60.
The 18 desibhāşas888 unfortunately are merely mentioned here
681 Kamtā (Kamdv-ā ?) Kanne refers, it is true, to kanva as Leumann afflrms in his
glossary) dayah sodaśa parivrājakāḥ lokato' vaseyah. 682 Kanhe var. 1. 683 These Jains, possessed by the desire of changing everything, have not allowed even
the name of the old Nārada to remain unaltered. Some MSS. have even Närabhe. 684 var. Masimo, Masamo, Masah", also bāre. The Maşpāra name of a country in
the Ait. Br. may perhaps be compared. 685 sadamgavi is here too explained by : şadamgavidah and satthitamtavisāra, by :
Kāpiliyatamtraparditāḥ. *686 Also Ammada, Ammattha,- This name must be derived from Amrata, short form
of Amrabhata.-L. 687 Who once wandered jefthāmulamāsammi along the Gangā from Kampillapura to
Purimatālam nagaram. The name of the month is explained as follows: jyestha
mulam vā (!) nak satram paurnamas yan yatra syāt sa jyesthamulo māsah. jyalsthah. 688 See below pp. 399,400 for the 18 different methods of writing.

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(§ 109) and not enumerated by name. We might readily conjecture that the 18 foreign peoples, just mentioned, were here referred to, though the expression desi is not in harmony with such an assumption. For the expression desibhāsāvisārae, which we meet with here. we find a fuller form in anga 6 (cf. above, p. 313) aṭṭhārasavihipagāradesībhāsāvisarae. Dr. Leumann has had the kindness to inform me that the commentary has at least the appearance of referring this to the 18 modifications of one desibhāṣā and not to 18 special languages; aṣṭādaśa vidhiprakārāḥ [381] pravṛttiprakārāḥ uṣṭādaśabhir vā vidhibhir bhedaiḥ pracāraḥ pravṛttir yasyāḥ så, tatha tasyāṁ desibhāṣāyām sabhedena varṇāvalīrūpāyām visāradaḥ pamḍitaḥ. By the annaüṭṭhiya (§§ 26,99) of the text, i. e. according to the scholia anyayuthika (see p. 299), which are opposed to the niggantha pāvayaṇa (§ 16) of the genuine doctrine of the Jains, we are to understand the śäkyädayaḥ. By the ceiyas (§ 99) we must understand the arhaccaityäni jinapratimāḥ, and by the ājīviyas (§ 120) the adherents of Gosala.689 The seven pavāyaṇaninhagās (§ 122) i. e. representatives of the seven schisms, which, to use the expression of Abhayadeva, Jināgamam nihnuyate (! nihnuvate ?) apalapamti ca, are enumerated one by one in the text. They are as follows: bahurayā, jivapadesiyā, avvattiya samuccheiya, dokiriya, teräsiyā (see p. 351), abaddhiya (avvaṭṭhiya var. 1.). Abhayadeva characterizes them according to their order as Jamalimatānusāriṇaḥ, Tiṣyaguptäcär yamatāvisaṁvādinaḥ, Aṣāḍhācāryaṣiṣyamatāṁtapāḥtinaḥ, Puspa ( şya) mitramatănusāriṇaḥ,690 Gaṁgācāryamatānuvartinaḥ, Rohagupta691 matānusäriṇaḥ, Goṣṭha-mahila-matavalambinaḥ; on this see p. 275. on anga 3, p. 355-6 on pūrvas 7-9 and below my remarks on Avasy. Nijj. 8, Uttarajjh. 3,9.
JAIN JOURNAL
[382] There is a commentary by Abhayadeva, a vārttikam or avacāri by Parsvacandra. In reference to the difference of the constituent parts which were united to form this uvamgam, the reader is referred to Leumann, p. 20, who has made some pertinent remarks upon the subject.
*689 On this point cf. the interesting statements in Nemicandra's pravacanasäroddhāra, § 94,v. 739-41. Leumann tells me that these statements are found earlier, viz., in Silänka on anga 1, 2.2 and in Abhayadeva on anga 3,2. They are as follows:niggamtha-Sakka-tavasa-geruya (gairukah)-ajiva pancaha samaņā || tammi ya niggamtha te je Jinasasanabhava munino||Sakka ya Sugayasissä, je jaḍilā te u tavasa giya Ije dhaurattavattha tidamdino geruya te u je Gosalaga-mayam anusaramti bhannamti te u ajiva samaṇattena bhuvane pamca vi patta pasiddhim imell Here then all the five kinds of śramanas are represented as possessing equal authority; gerua is doubtless for gairikās "ruddles," according to their dhaurattavattha, cf. Bhag. 1,255.273, where, "metals and jewels," is an error. The first line of the above quotation (nigg°......samanā is drawn from Nisithabhāṣya XIII. 163a-L, 690 Or Asvamitra; on Pusyamitra, see pp. 348,356.
691 Or Chalua.

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XIV. The second upāngam, rāyapaseṇaiyyam, which is always translated by rajapraśniyam. This is perhaps to be explained as a complete misunderstanding of the Prakrit title by which this text is always cited in those passages from the hand of the redactor which refer to our text in the angas, etc. For paseṇaiyyam cannot properly be praśniyam, since the latter words rather pre-supposes a Prakrit form paṇhiyam. Pasenaiyyam seems, according to the conclusion at which I arrived ad Bhag. 1,382, to refer to the name of king Prasenajit who is well-known in the legends of the Jains.692 There is, however, one important objection to this conclusion, there is no mention of this king in our text, which mentions a king Paesi but no Paseņai. In as much as the authenticity of the form of the name paseṇaiyyam cannot be gainsaid,693 there remains but one possibility open that the original title of the text has been preserved and either the name of Paesi has been substituted for that of Paseņai94 (see p. 384) in the text, or there has been substituted an entirely different text for the whole of the old one. [383] Though the latter conjecture savours of boldness, we are not without analogous examples as we have seen in the case of angas 8-10. Our first means of explanation appeals much more to our sympathy, especially as we have a perfect parallel in a later legend. We possess two recensions of the Samyaktva-kaumūdīkathā, in the first of which the scene is laid at the time of "Śrenika, son of Prasenajit", in whose place Uditodaya, son of Padmodbhava appears in the second. This is, however, brought about in such fashion that Śreņika is referred to in a two-fold introduction. The legend in question appears to be old and to antedate the two existing recensions of the Samyaktva-kaumudikathā.
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The Sanskrit translation of the title Rayapasenaiyyam by rajapraśniyam is very far from being in harmony with the contents of the work. The burden of the very smallest portion of its extent is in our text the questions of a king. The questions play here no greater role than in any other of the legends similar to this in which a king requests instruction. The irreconcilability of this Sanskrit title with the content of the work itself makes co ipso for the conclusion that the title is nothing but a mere makeshift to conceal the original contents.
It is, therefore, of no little significance that a beautiful conjecture
692 See e. g. anga 8, p. 320.
693 In Nandi, Pakṣikas, and Avi. the name is rayapa (ppa) seniya; Svi. and V. have senaiya; the passages in the texts showing the hand of the redactor always have the form senaiyya.
691 Leumann is of the opinion (Aupap. p. 2) that the name Rayapaseṇaiyya arose by "connection with Räjä Prasenajit by a popular etymology". It seems to me, however, that Rayapaseṇaiyya is the prius and rajapraśniyam the posterius.

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elaborated into an investigation by Dr. Leumann has shewn that one of the Pali texts of the Buddhistic Tipițaka viz. the Pāyäsi-suttam (Dighanikāya 1,22), -is especially closely connected [384] with that part of our upanga which treats of king Paesi. It is apparent, then, that we must assume either a common foundation for both or the use of a special Buddhistic work as a ground-work. That the original text of the Rayapaseņaiyyam might easily have suffered a transformation, is indicated by the irreconcilability of this title with the Sanskrit translation and with the contents. Thus the old name Prasenajit gave place to that of our text Paesi (Payāsi in Pali).
It is noteworthy that at the conclusion of the work there is an exclamation of reverence addressed to the Jinas, to the suyadevayā (śruta®) bhagavai, to the pannatti bhagavai, and to the bhagavat arahat Pāsa. Joined to this exclamation are some very corrupt words, which are perhaps to be restored as follows,695 Passasuyassa vänie. It is at least certain that Påsa, and not Mahavira, is glorified in this paragraph. Could this not be a residuum of the original text, which had a right to the title råya pasenaiyya and which perhaps treated of the relations of King Prasenajit and Påsa ? Pasa, it should be noticed, appears as a teacher in up. 10, 11. The seer glorified in our present text is at least called Pasāvacciyya, i, e, scholar' of Påsa ; and appears in a recital put in the mouth of Mahavira as the teacher of king Paesi. In the other legends, in which [385] any such Pasāvacciyyas occur, they are invariably characterized as converts to the teachers of Mahavira. See above p. 300. Malayagiri attempts to find this reference to the Päsăvacciyyas a special proof of the connection of upānga 2 with anga 2, which, he maintains, treats of the views of the foreign pāsandas.
We were for some time left in doubt whether the references in the angas to the Rayapaseņaiyyam were in reality all contained in the Rayapaseņaiyyam (cf. Jacobi Kalpas, p. 107); but Leumann has shown that this doubt is without foundation. See above, p. 299. But, granted the actual occurrence of all these citations, this fact only makes for the conclusion, that, at the period of these remarks by the redactor, the substitution, which I assume, was already a fait accompli. Nor does this exclude the assumption that our text originally possessed a content that was really in harmony with its title.
695
namo bhagavao) arahao, Pasassa. passe supasse, passavāni namo e A, arahanto passe supasse passavante namo E, arahanto passe supassa vārie namo E, arahanto passe suyassa vānie namo G.

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The subject of the largest portion (almost two-thirds) of the existing text, which after the pamcanamukkara begins with the customary legendary introduction tenam kaleṇam, is as follows:-The god Suriyabha, who has his throne in the Sohammakappa, makes a pilgrimage with a numerous retinue to Amalakappa, the city of king Sea (Sveta) in order to offer his reverence to Mahavira (who is abiding in that city), especially by means of music, dancing and singing.696 Furthermore, the information is treated of which, in long spun-out details, is imparted in reference to Suriyabha, his synonymous vimana and all his splendour, by Mahavira to Goyama (Imdabhuti) who questions him on these points. [386] The discussion of the subject consists in reality of a mere heaping together of compounds; and the sentences often extend over several pages. It is idle to talk of this as style, since it exceeds even the widely extended license which is customary in these sacred We recall Baņa's Kadambart in this connection, though the latter possess a wealth of poetic thoughts and images which elevates it above this dreary and insipid hodge-podge. We have, however, the right to propound the question whether there may not be a genetic connection between works like the Kadambari and this species of Jain literature, since at least the confused style of the Indian novel may have been influenced by Jain legends of this sort.697
texts.
191
On page 205 of the edition698 (of the text of 296 pages printed in India), Mahavira finally comes to the point and informs us how Suriyabha reached this glory of his, and of his first birth as king Paesi (Pradesi) in Seyaviya. The latter sent his charioteer Citta [387] with presents to his vassal Jiyasattu at Savatthi in the land of Kuņāla.699. At that place Citta heard the sermon of the "Päsävaccijje Kest nāmam kumare,700 and was so much edified thereby that after his return home
696 32 nattavihi, 4 väitta, 4 geya, again 4 nattavihi and 4 natṭabhinaya are given here in great detail. The commentator, Malayagiri, however, offers scarcely any explanation on this point,
697 It is certain that Indian fables are greatly under the influence of the simple jataka tales of the Buddhists. Likewise, the modern stories as Sinhasanadvätrinsikā etc. are without doubt influenced by the kathanakas which were gradually cultivated more and more by the Jains. It is noteworthy, that in Bana as in the Dasakumara, the style of which is much better than that of Bana, the same persons are frequently born thrice. This three-fold birth is the special delight of the Jain legends. Our text, in this very place, affords an example of this fact. Cf. the verse quoted. Ind. Stud. 16 page 156 from the Anuyogadv. in reference to the abbhu
arasa.
698 This quarto edition contains the commentary of Malayagiri and a gloss in Bhașa. The text gives the year Samvat 1732 (!) the gloss 2732 (!). Itävägramma is mentioned in the latter as being the scene of the events narrated.
699 Reference to this point is found in upanga 8.
700 See Uttarajjh. Chap. 23. See the statements of Dharmaghosa in his Kupakṣaka

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he induced his master Paesi to let him drive him to the sanctuary, where Kesi happened to be preaching at that very time. Citta brought about that conversation between Paesi and Keši to which the translation of the name Rāyapasenaiyyam by Rajapraśniyam refers. This conversation, which starts with the question in reference to the relation of the jiva to the sartra, reaches in the printed text from page 242 to page 279 and contains, therefore, about an eighth part of the whole. In reality, however, there is more than an eighth, since the beginning contains a good deal of commentary.
With the relation of the former birth of Sariyābha as Paesi, Mahavira connects his prophecy in reference to his future birth as Dadhapainna. This prophecy is in all essentials completely identical (though somewhat more detailed) with that form of the history of this person, which we met with in up. I and in up. 8 (cf. also Bhag. 11,11)'01. We have then discovered here a fact that is likely to cast a somewhat suspicious light upon the history of the text of up. 2. The enumeration of the 72 kalās (p. 290) varies here but inconsiderably; and Malayagiri does not help us by giving any explanation of the names. The enumeration of the foreign peoples is in essential agreement with Bhag. 9,33 (above p. 302), with the single exception [388] that here, too, the Caü siyā (Vau, Paio) and the Joniya have been included in the list. There are, however, some few variations in the names and in the order of their succession. See Leumann, Aup. p. 60. On page 52 cinapittharäsi is adduced among the redstuffs, and likewise in up. 3 ; cf. cinapatta in anga 10, p. 333.
The commentary of Malayagiri dates, according to Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 396b, from the year (Vira ?) 1772 ; according to Leumann this is merely the date of the tabà based upon Malayagiri.
XV. The third upāngam, jivābhigamasūtram, - instruction, in dialogue form, of Goyama (Indabhati) in reference to the different forms and groups of animated cature. This instruction is not placed in the mouth of Mahavira, but in that of a person who is not designated. The introduction is composed without any legendary ballast, and reads as
usikāditya (1,7), in my treatise on this subject page 22, Journal of the Berlin Acad. of Sciences 1882, p. 812, in reference to modern descendants of this Keśikumāra,
who themselves claim this title until the end of the XVI century. 701 s. Leumann, Aup, p. 75 fg.

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follows :--Tha702 khalu Jinamayaṁ Jinā numayaṁ Jiņānulomam Jiņappanita Jinaparūviyaṁ Jiņakkhāyaḥ Jiņānucinnań Jiņapannattaṁ Jinadesiyam Jiņapasatthaṁ anuvītiyam (?) tam saddahamānā tań pattiyamänā tam roemäņš therā bhagavaṁto Jiväjivābhigamam nāma 'ijhayanaṁ pannavaimsu. In up. 10 these therā bhgavaṁto are adduced by Mahavira himself cf. chedasūtra 4. The introduction then proceeds to give, in response to the question se kim tań jivābhigame ? a species of division of the entire work. No smaller sections, except some, 703 are marked off in the text. [389] The various views of those704 are here enumerated705 who characterize the jiva either as duviha (to 17a of the MS, -ms. or fol. 1081-consisting of 212 leaves) or as follows, -as tiviha (to 34a), as caüvviha (to 184a ; this is the chief part, almost of the whole, 706) as pascaviha (to 186a), as chavviha (to 193a), sattaviha (to 193b), attha (to 195a), ņavao (to 195b), and dasaviha (to 197b). Then the same padiyatti, follow in the same order, but according to another guiding principle. Within this system there are innumerable groups, species and sub-species of each of the jivas according to their properties and relations. The contents is remarkably dry and offers but little of genuine interest. Very frequent are the references to the fourth upānga, which is quite similar to it in contents and form. At present it is impossible to decide which text has the better claim to priority. Many single verses and sometimes whole series of gäthäs, or kärika-like verses are inserted.
The section which treats of the divas (and samuddas) (i.e. 89b to 167a) appears at the date of anga 3 and of the Nandi707 to have had a separate existence under the name divāsāgarapannatti which is mentioned twice in anga 3. See p. 268. This section unfortunately contains almost nothing of real geographical value [390] and nothing but fan. tastic conceptions concerning mythology. This holds good in reference to the astronomical (if we may use the expression) remarks concerning the different numbers (!) of the suns, moons and stars in each of the dvipas, which appear to harmonize completely with the statements of the fifth (or seventh) upānga. See Ind. Stud. 10, 283. The 28 nakșatras
702 This is preceded by a reverential exclamation namo Usabhadiyānań cauvyisde
titthagarānam, an unusual form, which appears to belong to the text itself and
not to emanate from the copyists. 703 In the MS. chiefly used by me the conclusion of an uddesa is given three times 704 ege evam ahańsu. 705 In nine groups (padivatti, Vidhiprapā), introduced in a way that is quite identical
in each separate case. 706 We find treated here the division into neraiya to 52b , tirikkhajoni ya to 59b,
manussa to 746, deva to 183a. and then a few further remarks to 184a, 707 In the Vidhiprapa there is a saingrahari on it cited among the painnayas.
in

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consequently begin with Abhijit and not with Kfttika. There are no legends whatsoever. Dr. Leumann sends me the following detailed statement of the contents of this upangaṁ :
I. Introduction ; II, Two-fold division of creatures : 1-10 thāvard, 1-5. pudhavikkäiya egimdiyā, 6-7. aukkāiyā eg., 8-10. vanassaikkāiyā eg., 11-26 tasā, 11. teukkaiyá eg, 12. vāukkāiyā eg., 13. beirdiyā, 14. teiṁdiya, 15. caüriṁdiyā, 16-26, pamciṁdiyā, 16. neraiya, 17-20. sammucchima tirikkhajoniyā, 21-24. gabbhavakkartiyatir, 25. maņussa, 26. devā, 27. tasa and thāvarā (in general); III. Three-fold division of creatures : 1-6. itthiyao, 7-12. purisă, 13-18. napussagā, 19-26, the three together and among themselves ; IV. Four-fold division of creatures. A geographical text is inserted called the divasamudda. 1. padhamo neraiya-uddeso, 2. bitiyaneraiya uddesao, 3. tāio nāraya-uddesao, 4. tirikkhajoniya-padh. udd. 5. tirikkh. udd. bio., 6. manussă, 7 31-33. devă. 8-28. divasamudda. 8-16 the Jambudiva, the inmost part of the world, of circular form. 8. Description of the above, in general the same as that of Suriyabhavimāņa in Rajapr. 9. the gate of the east, Vijaya dāra. 10. The residence rāyahāni of the god Vijaya who rules there. 11. [391] The walk of reverence of Vijaya within his vimāna, 12. The duration of the existence of Vijaya, 13. The gates of the three remaining regions of the world : Vejayamta dāra, Jayamta dāra and Aparāiya dara, and the distance of the dāras from each other. 14. Jambuddiva as bounded by the Lavaņa sea which surrounds it on all sides like a ring, 15. Explanation of the name Jambuddiva, 16. Number of the constellations moving over Jamb., 17. The Lavaņa sea, the first ocean surrounding Jambuddiva like a ring ; the description here corresponds to that of Jamb, and from this point on is in the same strain, 18. The Canda-diva and Süradiva of the different parts of the earth and oceans 19. Appendix to 17 : Bbb and flow etc., 20. The second part of the globe. Dhayaisanda, that in circular form is contiguous to the Lavaņa sea; then the second ocean Kaloda which, in the form of a ring, is adjacent to Dhày. ; and finally the third part of the globe. Pukkharavara, contiguous to Kaloda, 21. The Samaya or Maņussa Khetta, consisting of the above mentioned two first parts of the globe and the first two oceans together with the inner half of the ring of the third part of the globe, which is separated from the outer half by the circular mountain, Manussuttara. 22. The following parts of the globe and oceans which are connected with one another as rings : Pukkharoda, Väruņavara diva, Varuņoda, Khiravara diva, Khiroda, Ghatavara diva, Ghatoda, Khodavara diva, Khododa. 23. The following world-ring, Nandisaravara diva. 24. The following oceans and world-rings ; Nandi

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saroda, Aruņa diva, etc., to Haravarobhāsoda. 25. The remaining oceans and world-rings up to Sayambhuramaņa dīva and Sayambhuramanoda. 26. The names of all these parts of the globe and oceans, 27. The [392] waters and aquatic animals of the different oceans. 28 In reference to the divasamudda in general (nāmadhejja, uddhārasamaya, pariṇāma and uvavāya). 29. 30. A brief insertion, perhaps an appendix to the divasamuddā. 29. About pariņāma 30. Concerning the ability of gods to catch an object that has been thrown, to split a hair ? gaḍhittae), to lengthen or to shorten one. 31-33 deva continuation; (see 7), 31. joisa-uddesao. 32. paḍhamo Vemāniya-udd. 33 bio Vemāniyaudd.708 34. Final collective statements (duration of existence, etc.) in reference to the four divisions of creatures. V.-X. Five-fold to the ten-fold division of creatures. XI, Introduction to the following analogous divisions of all creatures. XII-XX Two-fold to ten-fold division of all creatures.
195
XVI. The fourth upāngaṁ, pannavaṇa (prajñāpanā) bhagavai, likewise treats of the different forms, conditions of life, etc., of the jiva.709 It is divided into 36 payas, (padas), of which several (15,17,23,38) consist of from two to six uddeśakas. According to the fourth of the nine verses of the introduction, it is the work of Ayya Sāma (Arya Śyāma, also Śyamarya), who at the same time is called the "twenty-third dhirapurisa" i. e. after Vira (after Sudharmasvamin, according to Malayagiri. [393] This statement causes no little difficulty. According to Klatt, 1,1. p. 247 and 251° (9,23) and in the Journal of the German Oriental Society 33,479 the modern Jain lists of teachers place, with some few difference, 710 Syama in the fourth century after Vira; but the "twentythird successor of Vira is placed by one list immediately before Devarddhigani, 980 after Vira., and is regarded by the other as contemporaneous with the destruction of Valabhi (Valabhibhanga), 845 after Vira. The Gurvavall of the Tapagaccha expressly enumerates Syamarya as contemporary of the ninth patriarch; and in both of the old Theravalis of the Nandi (or Avasyaka) and of Merutunga he is enumerated as the
a
708 This concluding title, says Leumann, is incorrectly placed after Chapter 34 instead of after 33 in the Berlin MSS and in those of Prof. Monier Williams.
709 Cf. in the Schol. on the Nandi: jivadinam padarthānāṁ prajñāpanam yatra sā prajñāpanā, sal 'va vṛhattara mahāprajñāpană. Two texts of this name are referred to there, a simple pann and a mahapann. The latter is adduced as the sixth upangam by Kashinath Kunte (p. 227) p. 5 and p. 7, who calls it, however, "obsolete and extinct". He does not mention the candapannatti.
710 The Patt (avali of Kharataragaccha) dates his birth 376 (or 386) after Vira; in the same year the Gurv (avali of Tapagaccha) assumes his death to have occurred. He was also called Kalaka and was one of the three celebrated teachers of this name. See Jacobi, Journ. Germ. Orient, Soc. 34,251 ff.

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13th (not the 23rd) successor of Vira. This apparent contradiction is done away with by the explanation of Bhau Dāji, referred to p. 217", according to which the eleven ganadharas of Vira are regarded as being included in the designation of Syama as "23rd" successor. This method of including the gaṇadharas has however not been traced elsewhere.
JAIN JOURNAL
The text begins with the pamcanamukkara, followed by the following glorification; eso pamcanamukkāro savvapāvapaṇāsaṇo|maṁgalāṇaṁ ca savvesim paḍhamaṁ hoi maṁgalam//. This glorification is to be ascribed to the last dasapurvin, śrī Vajra (584 Vira) according to modern tradition. See Kup. 811 (21) on this point also the same passage in reference to the question whether in the last pada we must read hoi or havai,711 about which there is fierce contention among the Jain theologians.
[394] Then follows712 in nine verses the real introduction of which Jacobi (Journ. Germ. Orient. Soc. 34,231) says "it is manifestly the production of Devarddhiganin, the redactor of the Siddhanta." The first verse praises Mahavira; the second characterizes the pannavaṇā savvabhāvānam as uvadaṁsiya by him (bhagavaya); the third and fourth pay reverence to that saint, Ajja Sāma, the "23rd dhirapurisa," whose wisdom, perfected by listening to the purvas, gave to his scholars this śruta-jewel after he had brought it up from the śruta-sea: vāyagavaravaṁsão tevīsatimeņa dhirapuriseṇa/duddharadharena718 muniņā puvva-suyasamiddhabuddhie14||3|| suyasāyarā viņeūṇa jeņa suyarayaṇam uttamaṁ dinnaṁ sīsaganassa, bhagavato tassa namo Ajja Samassa||4||.
In verse 5 an "I" promises to describe (or proclaim) the work in the same way as the 'bhagavant' has described it; and the work is characterised as "dripping with dṛṣṭivada": ajjhayanam inam cittam suyarayanam diṭṭhivayani samdam715/jaha vanniyam bhagavaya aham avi taha vannaissāmi.//5// It is, of course, clear716 that some one else than the previous speaker is to be understood by this "I"; and Jacobi's [395]
711 Thus in the beginning of the Kalpasutra, see Jacobi, p. 33, and Avasy. 9,132. 712 The preceding is omitted by Malayagiri, whose commentary begins here.
713 Jacobi translates "undergoing a severe test". I propose "holding that (in his head) which is difficult of retention"; cf. the use of dharae p. 304n (Bhag. 2,245n). 714 buddhinam var. 1., construed by Jacobi with vayagavara, as if we had 'varāṇam. 715 dvādasas ya 'mgasya nisyamdam iva. The expression di nisamdam recurs in the words "aggeniya-puvvanissanda" at the end of the siddhapahuḍa. See above, page 355.
716 Malayagiri refers "bhagavaya" to Mahavira and not to Ayya Sama as the one who in the text carries on the dialogue with Goyama. According to his conception then the work of Ayya Sama begins with this verse; and this is probably correct.

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conjecture, mentioned above, must be referred and indeed limited to v. 1-4 alone in so far as these verses appear as a prelude of secondary origin. In the four verses which then follow are contained titles of the 36 sections :
197
1. Pannavaṇā, 2. thaņaim, 3. bahuvattavvam, 4. thii, 5. visesä yal 6. vukkamti, 7. ussāso, 8. sannā,717 9. joņi ya, 10. carimāiṁ//6||, 11. bhāsā, 12. sarira, 13. pariņāma, 14. kasãe, 15. 'mdiya, 16. (- is wanting) ppaoge ya 17. lesā, 18. kāyaṭṭhil ya, 19 sammatte/(samyaktva), 20. aṁtakiriyā ya||7||, 21. ugahaṇāsamṭhāṇe,718 22. kiriya, 23. kamme i yavare (?), 24. kammassa bamdhae, 25. vedassa bamdhae, 26. kammassa vedae,719 27. veyaveyae//8/1,720 28. ähäre, 29. uvaoge, 30. pasaṇayā (darśanatā), 31. sanni721 (samjnin), 32. samjame ceva/33. ohi (avadhi), 34. paviyāraṇā722 (read rana ya), 35. veyaṇā (vedanā), 36. tatto samugghāe/|9||.
Then comes the text кar' e'çoxn'v which begins with the questions se kim tam ajivapannavaṇā? It consists furthermore of the questions of Go(yama) and the answers probably of Mahavira, though it is uncertain whether Mahavira be meant or not, since there is absolutely no addition of a legendary colouring. These questions and answers are couched in the style and manner of the dialogues in the Bhagavati, and though there is here a connecting thread (which we do not find in the Bhagavar, every padam forming a connected whole, nevertheless, there is, as a rule, [396] no genetic succession of the padas, despite the fact that Malayagiri makes every effort at the beginning of every padam to restore the connection with what has gone before. Many gāhās are found in the middle of the text, and many of the padas begin with a short statement of contents clothed in gāthā form-daragāhā (dvāragāthā). There are no legends whatsoever. The "contents" is as dreary as that (cf. above p 389) of the third uvamga which is closely connected with it, is dogmatic, speculative or even fantastic, and contains but little of general interest. There is much, however, that is important in the first book in the section on Man, who is divided into two classes: milikkha and äriya. First there is an enumeration of 53 Mleccha peoples, secondly an enumeration of 25(!) Aryan peoples with their
717 ahārāi dasasaṇṇāpayam, Vidhiprapā (V).
718 agahaṇāpayam V.
719 25 and 26 are transposed in BCV; in V we read kammaveyagapayam 25, veyagabamdhagapayam 26, veyagapayam 27.
720 The metre is faulty in v. 8.
721 maṇovinnāṇasannā payam 31 V.
722 paviyār aṇāpayam 34 V.
123 Malayagiri claims in the beginning of his discussion of the subject that there is a special connection between this upanga and anga 4.

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chief cities, and lastly an enumeration of 18 manners of writing. All this possesses some chronological value which would be more apparent if the names had not been so corruptly handed down to us. Malaygiri offers us no assistance in the case of the first and third enumeration.
In the list of the Milikkhas (Milakkhas) the names are frequently the same as those cited, p. 332 from anga 10, and are arranged in the same order of succession. Various differences of detail are, however, not wanting, and in fact the names here make a less favourable impression upon us and seem to be of less antiquity724. They are :725 Saga [397] Javana Cilaya Savara Pappara (Babbara BC) Kaya (only ya BC) Muruído 'dda (ddha C) Bhadaga. Niņņaga Pakkaņiya Kulakkhā Komda?26 (Gorda C) Sihara (Sihala) Pārasa Godhova (Gadhodamba B, Gadhãi C) Damila Vilala (Villana B) (Cillala C) Pulinda Härosa Dorva (Tova B, Doca C) Bothakāna (Vokkāna BC) Gamdhaharavă (häraga B) Pahaliliya (Bahayaliya B, Pahaliya C) Ayyala Rama Pasa Paüsă Nalaya (Navaya C) ya Bardhuyā ya Suyali korkana gå Meya (Moparya B) Palhava Mālava Maggari (ora BC) Abhāsiyā Nakvaviņā (Kaņavira B) Lhasiya (Lhão B) Khagga (Kkhasa B) Ghäsiya (Khasiya B) Noha (Nedu B, Naddu C) Ramadha727 (tha B) Dombilaga (Do°C) Lausa (osa C) Paosa Kvokvatā (! Kakkveya B, Kakveya C) Arakāga (Aravāga BC) Hūņa Romagā Bharu Maruya Visalāpavāsi (Cilāyavisavāsi ya B, Vilāyavisayavasi ya C) evamädi, se 'ttaṁ Milakkha.
The åriyas are divided into nine groups, the first of which is formed by the Khettāriya, and is in gåtha form. It is as follows:
Rāyagiha Magaha, Campå Asgå taha, Tämalitti Varga ya/Kāṁcanapuram Kalimgā, Bānārasi (!) ceva Kāsi ya //
[ to be continued ]
724 The Cina have disappeared or their name is concealed under that of another people
The name of the Arava has received another form - Aravāyā-and its position has
been changed. 725 Malayagiri has merely: sakadeśanivāsinah Sakah, Yavandeśanivasino Yavanah
evan sarvatra, navaram ami nānādeśā lokato vijneyāḥ. The names are found partly in the thematic form and partly in the Nom. Plur.-In Nemicandra's pravacanasāroddhāra $ 274 v. 1594-7 we find 38 pames, among which only 20 agree with those given here ; and there are important variations. His enumeration de. cked out in a modern dress is as follows:-Saga Javana Savara Vavvara Kaya (Kāyāh) Marundo 'dda (Murundah Udrāh) Goda Pakkanaya | Aravāga (Aukhāga C, Aksāgah !) Huna Romaya Parasa Khasa Khāsiya ceva // 94 // Dunvilaya Lausa Lakušah) Bhokkasa Bhillindha (Bhillā Andhrah) Pulimda Kumca Bhamararuya (!! Bhramararucah) I Kovāya (Korpakāh) Cina Camcuya (Cināh Cancukāh) Malaya Damila (Dravidāh) Kulagghā (Kulārghāh!) ya 119511 Kokaya Kirāya Hayamuha Kharamuha Gaya-Turaya-Miidhayamuha (Mindhakamukhah) ya / Havakannā Gayakannä anne vi anāriya bahave / 96/1. It is of interest that
the name Araväga has been completely misunderstood. 126 B. omits. 727 An acceptable reading instead of Marahattha (1) in anga 10.

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Having its moorings in the past, Jain Centre, Leicester is trying to project itself in the future by organising a Jain Academy offering undergraduate and post-graduate courses of Jain Studies and teaching for children and adults within the community. A noble task. Here are some views of the
centre.
Mandap of Jain Centre, 32 Oxford Street, Leicester, U. K.

Interior View
Carving on Pillar

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Window at Jain Centre : Candanbala fulfilling the vow of Mahåvira.
....
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...
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Another Window at Jain Centre : Enlightenment of Mahåvira

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The Doctrines of Mahavira!
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
The time of Mahavira, that is, the sixth century B. C., is extraordinarily important in the intellectual history of mankind. Some great men were born at that time, In India we have Vardhamāna Mahavira and Gautama Buddha, in Persia Zoroaster, in China Confucius and Lao-tzu and in Greece Pythagoras--all were promulgating their new doctrines in their respective countries, and as a result, some basic human religious ideas emerged out of their doctrines. All these great men revolutionized some of the then fundamental ideas of human beings. Mahăvira's contribution towards the religious development of mankind is a great landmark and unparalleled in many ways in the annals of human history.
It is to be noted that seers and saints, philosophers and poets, theologians and thinkers, playwrights and writers, great men and reformers are born in this world only to mould the destiny of men from generation to generation. They have left their riveted thoughts and trenchant ideas only to influence the opinions of their followers with the instructiveness and values of their lives which lay in the means which they had shown to prove themselves what they were. The history of human civilization would not have been like this to-day, had not these great men left their contributions for the betterment of human beings. In fact, "No great men", says Carlyle, "lives in vain. The history of the world is but the Biography of great men.”
Such was the life and activities of Lord Vardhamana Mahavira, an almost forgotten saint of India, who came to the arena of intellectual battlefield over 2500 years ago, when the majority of the world were in the infernal gloom and cimmerian darkness of colossal
1 For Mahā vira and his doctrines, see Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, SBE, Vol. 45,
1895; see also his article on Jainism in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics ed by Hastings, Edinburgh, 1908-21 ; H. L. Jhaveri, The First Principles of the Jaina Philosophy, London, 1910. Jagmander Lal Jain, Outlines of Jainism, Cambridge, 1940; A. Chakravarti, Samayasära, Bharatiya Jñanapitha, Delhi, 1944.

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ignorance. He dedicated his life to the cause of mankind, consecrated the most extraordinary energies ever conferred upon a man, beaconed the path of human knowledge and created a new horizon in the domain of Religion and Philosophy. He is great and divine, not because he dedicated his life to the right cause of humanity, not because he had a high feeling of honour for all sorts of living beings, not because he respected the rights of conscience, but because he found the eternal truth of peace and happiness for mankind, but because all his utterances, full of wisdom, have the "trumpet of a prophecy", but because he nobly advocated equality of privileges and the universal brotherhood of man. That is why, even after the lapse of 2500 years of ever-new expansion of human ideas, we feel to remember him, to analyse his ideas and principles, to vivisect his doctrines and to resuscitate his thoughts from the pages of forgotten history.
I
Lord Vardhamana Mahavira2, a contemporary of Gautama Buddha and a new interpreter of human life, was born in 599 B.C. at the site of the modern village of Basarh about 27 miles north of Patna. His father Siddhartha was a ruling Kṣatriya ('a warrior class') in the republic of Vaiśāli in Bihār. He was born at a time when Magadha, an area in Eastern India, was, perhaps, both politically and spiritually in the height of its power. Vardhamana seems to have lived with his parents till they died. At the age of 30 Vardhamana, with the consent of his brother Nandivardhana, entered the spiritual career. For twelve years he led a very austere life and visited many places in Radha, a country adjacent to his birth place. Vardhamana (lit. 'the prosperous one') attained kevala-ship (lit. 'one who is recognized as omniscient') at the end of the twelve and a half years. Then he virtually got the titles Mahavira ('the great victorious'), Jina ('the conqueror'), Tirthankara ('the one who has crossed the ocean of this world'). After attaining this omniscient knowledge, he started preaching and teaching his doctrines for the last 30 years of his life. During this time he organized his order of ascetics and gave it a proper shape. At the age of 72 in 527 B.C. he attained nirvāņa ('salvation').
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The basic tenets of Jainism are found in the epithets by which Mahavira is often described. He is called Jina (Page #42

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the suffix nak), because he has conquered the five senses and thereby destroyed all the karmas, and ultimately attained sarvajña-hood ('omniscience') by performing tapas ('penance'). People who worship the Jinas and follow their paths are Jainas. Jainism is, therefore, the tenets or doctrines of the Jinas. The Jinas are also called Tirthankaras and Arhats, and therefore, Tirthankaras and Arhats can also be used as synonymns of Jaina religion. "The term Tirthankara means one who helps human beings to cross the ocean of samsara by providing them with a vessel to sail with in the form of dharma, Jinadharma is the boat which is provided for the human beings for the purpose of crossing the ocean of samsära and because of this noble task of helping the mankind Jina is called Tirthankara." The designation arhata shows that Jina is "worthy of adoration and worship". "Arhat Parameşthi is, therefore, the Lord worshipped by all the Jainas.' "He is represented by a pratibimba, or image which is installed in a caityalaya ('a Jaina temple') built for the purpose. The pratibimba is always in the form of a human being, because it represents the Jina or the Tirthankara who spent the last portion of his life on earth in the noble task of proclaiming the mokṣa-märga ('path to salvation') to the world. The idol will be either in a standing posture or käyotsarga ('renunciation of body') or in the posture of padmasana. Whether standing or sitting it represents the Divine Lord absorbed in the self-realisation as a result of tapas or yoga. Therefore the facial expression would reveal the intrinsic spiritual bliss as a result of self-realisation and omniscient knowledge (kevala-jñāna). People who worship the Jina in the form installed in the jinālaya ('a Jaina temple') and who follow the religious tenets proclaimed by the Jina are called the Jainas and their religion is Jainism."
The Jina is, therefore, the divine person (sarvajña) who lived in the world with his body, and it refers to the period after attaining sarvajña-hood and the last period of the parinirvana, when the body is cast away and the self resumes its own intrinsic pure spiritual nature and it becomes paramātmā or siddha. This is the last stage of spritual development and is identical with the self completely liberated or mukta-jiva or the self which attains mokṣa. This siddha-svarupa or paramātmā-svarupa is without body (asarira) and without form (arūpa). Hence its nature can be understood only by yogic contemplation."
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II

According to the belief of the Jainas themselves, the Jaina dharma
4 Ibid, pp. 79-80.

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is eternal, and it has been revealed again and again, in every one of the endless succeeding periods of the world, by innumeral Tirthaikaras. In the present period which is avasarpiņi according to the Jainas, there are 24 Tirthankaras, the first of them was Rşabha and the last three were Aristanemi, Parsvanatha and Mahavira. All these Tirthankaras have reached nirvana at their death. Because of their attainment of moksa, all these Tirthankaras are regarded as ideal man-god (deva) by the Jainas. In order to honour and worship them, the Jainas have erected temples where the idols or images of these 24 Tirthařkaras, the favourite being the first and the last three ones, are found. Some sects, especially a rather recent section of the Svetāmbaras, the Dhundiya or Sthanakavāsips, reject this kind of worship. Except the last two (Pārsvanatha and Mahavira), all the Tirthańkaras belong to mythology rather than to history. But the 22nd Ariştanemi is connected with the legend of Krşņa as his relative. Though Parsvanātha was the real reformer of Jainism, Mahavira gave it a shape in the present form in which we get it in the canonical literature,
III
Historically the Jaina religion is very old, older than Buddhism. In Buddhist literature5 some references to Niggantha-Nătaputta are found, and this is nothing but another name for Jina or Jaina religion. Similarly, the Jaina literature composed at the time of Mahavira contains cross references to Buddha and his vows. In the dialogue of Payāsi and Kumāra Kassapa in the Pāyāsi-sutta of the Dighanikaya (No. 23), the existence of a soul substance is denied by Payasi as it was done by Bauddha himself. A version of this dialogue is also found among the Jainas. In the Upāli-sutta (No. 56) of the Majjhima-nikāya, there is a dialogue between Bauddha and Jaipa with regard to the practice of asceticism. In the Anguttara-nikāya (III. 27) eight powers of people belonging to the different strata of the society are describod, and these are also found in the Thānanga and Samavāyanga suttas of the Jainas. Some of the verses of the Dhammapada are also found in the texts of the Jainas, particularly in the Uttarajjhayana-sutta. The parable of the blind man and the elephant (andha-gaja.nyāya) is also found in the Jaina Syadvāda-mañjari as well as in the Udana (VI. 4).
The idea of a true brahmana is dealt with in the Uttarajjhayanasutta (XXX) as well as in the Sela-sutta (III. 7) of the Sutta. nipäta, in the
5 M. Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, Calcutta, p. 44. Winternitz
thinks that both the sects might have borrowed their ideas from an earlier source.

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Dhammapada (ch. 26.343-423), in the Udana (I) and in many other places. The Jataka No. 530 (Samkiccajātaka) has a specimen in the Jaina text. About the influence of the Jātakas, Winternitz says, "Directly and indirectly the Jātakas have also enriched the literatures of many other peoples, and have therefore been of immense importance in Universal literature, even though today we no longer believe, with Th. Benfey, that the entire fairytale literature of the World is of Buddhist origin. Nevertheless, however, largely the Brahmaņas, Jainas and other sects might have contributed to Indian narrative literature, Buddhism alone pressed forward far beyond the limits of India as a world-religion, thus diffusing Indian civilization and literature far and wide in all countries of the East and West." There are some other references to Jainism in the Buddhist literature. In the story of Moggallana a very hostile attitude towards the Jaina monks is described. So also in the Kalpana-maṇḍiṭikā the religious views of the Brahmanas and Jainas are confuted. In the Divyāvadāna (p. 427), the persecutions of Jaina monks are mentioned.
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There is one interesting point to note that in the Sumagadhāvadāna, there is a legend of Sumagadha, the daughter of Anathapiṇḍada, a merchant, who alienates her husband from the Jaina monks, and then converts the whole town into Buddhism. So also in the Lankava tāra sutra I, Arişțanemi, among others, is mentioned.
"As a matter of fact", says A. Chakravarti", "Buddha was a younger contemporary of Lord Mahavira. Buddha himself in his conversation with his friend and disciple Sariputta, narrates the fact that he himself in his earlier days was adopting Jaina practice of austerity which he had to give up because of the rigorous discipline which he did not like." The date of Mahavira's parinirvāņa is 527 B.C. According to Cambridge History of India, the 23rd Tirthankara, Parsvanatha lived 220 years prior to Mahavira. If that is taken to be partially true, then Jainism must have been prevalent in India nearly three centuries before Gautama Buddha. Though Charpentier did not go beyond Parśva, we may add here that the 22nd Tirthankara, Arişţanemi is said to have preached and practised Jainism and to have attained nirvana on the Mount Girṇar in the Junagar State. If Śrikṛṣṇa is to be taken as a historical person, then Aristanemi may also be regarded as such. The above discussion, at least, shows that the Jaina religion is very old, though Mahavira in the sixth century B. C. gave it a final shape into the present order which we find these days.
6 Chakravarti, Samayasara, p. 81.

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IV
The doctrines of Jainism are embalmed and treasured up in the canonical literature of the Jainas compiled at a much later time. After the nirvana of Mahavira, in the fourth-third centuries B.C., after a famine in Păţaliputra, the Jainas were divided into two broad sects : Svetambara and Digambara after the return of some monks from the South. So their canonical literature (Āgamas), though originally based on the sermons of Mahāvira, is also different. Mahavira was not the composer of these texts, but these were compiled by his disciple Indrabhūti Gautama who, in turn, preached these doctrines to Sudharma who again related these texts to his disciple Jambusvāmi. It is belived by both the sects that originally the Jaina sacred texts were preserved in the 14 Pūrvas and 12 Angas including the Drsțivada. The knowledge of the 14 Pūrvas continued only down to Sthulabhadra, the 8th patriarch after Mahăvira, the next 7 patriarchs down to Vajra knew only ten Purvas, and after that time the remaining Pūrvas were gradually lost, until at the time when canon was written down in books in 980 after the nirvana of Mahavira (i.e. 454 A.D.). So all the Pūrvas and the 12th Anga Dșstivāda were lost. What remains is the 11 Angas and these eleven Angas are the oldest part of their Siddhānta. The Svetāmbaras accept the Āgamas which consist of 45 texts divided into 11 Angas, 12 Upāngas, 10 Paiņņas, 6 Cheda-sūtras, 1 Nandi, 1 Anuyogadvāra, and 4 Mülasūtras. The Digambaras do not accept these Āgama texts at all; on the contrary, they have their own canonical texts comprising of almost 45 books under the name of Şarkhandāgama, Kasayapähuda, Mahābandha, Tiloyapannatti, etc., and they claim that the lost Drstivāda has been restored and preserved by them in their canonical literature. Without going into controversy it can be said that for Jainistic studies all these books are complementary and supplementary to each other. It is a fact worth noting that the Svetāmbara Agama texts are written in Ardhamāgadbi, while the Digambara texts are in Sauraseni. In both cases, the texts are either in prose or in verse, or in prose and verse mixed. In course of time, a large literature of glosses and commentaries has grown up round the Agama texts of both the sects. Besides these, the Jainas possess separate works in close material agreement with the former, which contain systematic expositions of their faith in Prakrit and Sanskrit. Gradually, the Jainas have covered all branches of literature, such as, cosmogony and cosmology, theogony and philosophy, folk-lore and tradition, tales and stories, ornate kāvyas
7 Seo Jacobi, Jainism, ERE, p. 467.

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and dramas, grammar and rhetorics, and so on. All these treatises will tell us all about Jainism.
It is generally said that Jainism is basically a revolt against some of the fundamental issues of Vedic religion. But to me it appears that it is not. It is one of the ways of interpreting human life and society, and from that point of view it is, in a sense, unique of its nature. Mahavira has, of course, challenged some of the fundamental issues of Vedic religion, but they are interpreted in a more straight forward way than it was done before. His logic is more mundane and acute than the previous one. And from that point of view it seems revolutionary, but it is really not. Let us discuss some of the points in a nutshell.
First, the Vedic conception of the ultimate Reality or Divinity as an outside creator-God is challenged. Not only that the conception of God as a perfect being is questioned--it was often asked if God were perfect, then why his creations were imperfect? If the world is the creation of a perfect Being how is it that there are sorrows and sufferings, miseries and want, and iniquities in his created beings ? Whatever may be the position of God as a perfect Being, it is an undeniable fact that there are miseries in the world. The Jainas and the Buddhists went on further to emphasize that if the woes and troubles of the creatures are to be accounted for by the act of the creatures themselves, and if the creator-God could not be held responsible for them, then what is the point of accepting the outside creatorGod ? So they eliminated the outside creator-God from their process of thinking. They accepted this world as it is and tried to account for the miseries. Buddhism says that the miseries of the creatures are due to taṇhā (funquenchable thirst') for existence on the part of the creatures themselves. Jainism asserts that miseries and imperfections are due to karma ('a series of actions') on the part of the upemancipated soul for which he comes to live in this world again, Honce if any Godhood is attached, it is to be attached to a person who is a perfectly emancipated soul being possessed of Omniscience, and a perfectly all powerful man being absolutely free from all taints of selfishness. He is a person who saw the eternal verities as they were and realized the truth as they came to him. So to the Jainas there is no need to accept an outside creator-God. This is the first thing which the Jainas did with regard to the Vedic conception of creator-God.

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Secondly, when the foundation of a creator-God is questioned, the other elements based on it naturally dwindled down. The question about the validity of sacrifice is criticised, particularly the element of animal sacrifice. As the main object of Jainism is to establish the doctrine of ahissà ('non-violence'), sacrifice has no place in it. So the Jainas do not even believe in the authoritative character of the Vedas. They contend that these Vedas cannot be said to be eternally selfexistent. The fact of non-remembrance of any author (kartur asmaranāt) of the Vedas does not prove that they had not any author at any time. In order to justify their case, they have given an example : In the case of an ancient well, an ancicnt house, or an ancient garden people may not know who in olden times made it, the name of its maker may long have been forgotten, but nobody would be prepared to say that the well or the house or the garden is self-existent from the eternal past. So the doctrine of the eternal existence of the Vedas is thus untenable. The Jainas further point out that the very fact that the Vedas are a collection of words, so arranged as to carry an intelligible sense, shows that they were carefully made." In this way, the Jainas have refused to accept the validity of the Vedas as well as the sacrificial rites.
Thirdly, in Vedic literature self or Atman (or ultimate Being or Reality) is maintained as permanent, without beginning, change or end.
he Jainas oppose this view, and declare that Being or Sat (as it is called), is not persistent, unchangeable, or endless. Reality is permanent and changeable, there is a growth, development and destruction in it. So the Reality has two aspects, and this is what is known as anekāntavāda in Jaina philosophy.
Lastly, about the origin of the idea of ahińsä. The cult of ahińsă is very old in India. It is found in Vedic as well as in the Buddhist. But in Buddhism the doctrine of ahimsa is not as fully and rigorously stressed as it is done in Jainism. In a sense, the doctrine of ahiṁsā is mainly associated with Jainism. According to the Jaina tradition (also corroborated by the non-Jaina sources, such as, Bhagavata (skandha V), Väyupurāna, Visnupuräna), it is maintained that the ahiṁsā-cult was first preached by Rşabha, the first Tirthařkara of the Jainas. Rşabha was a hero of the Ikşvāku family. His periods represent a complete change of world conditions. Prior to this, the country was called bhoga-bhumi (land of enjoyment') where people were satisfied with all their wants by the mere wish through the help of the traditional kalpa-vrksa. During the time of Rşabha these happy conditions completely disappeared and the people were in a perplexity

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as to the way of life which they were expected to carry on. Then they all went to Rşabha for help. He is said to have consoled them by showing how to cultivate land, how to weave. And through his people, he established a sort of social organization by dividing his society into agriculturists, traders and soldiers. After ruling over his kingdom for a long period, he abdicated his throne in favour of his son, Bharata, and went into the forest to perform tapas. After the practice of tapas for several years he attained kevala-jñāna ('omniscience'). Then he went on preaching his ahińsädharma to the people of the land, so that they might have also spiritual relief. The idea of ahiṁsā might not have developed at that time, as it was at the time of Mabavira, or that idea of ahiṁsā was, perhaps, on a par with the Vedic idea of ahirsā, but the doctrine of ahiṁsā as a system of philosophy is the contribution of Mahavira and his disciples. It is to be noted that the doctrines of ahińså are based on the above mentioned fuudamental ideas of the Jainas. According to the Jainas, the basic idea of ahiṁsā is not just to control the outward events of one's life, but to control the inward temper in which he faces these events. So the practice of ahiṁsā will teach us not how to control events in the world around us, but how to preserve a purely inward integrity and balance of mind; in other words, how to conquer the world around us from a world both hostile and intractable.
The Jainas have a sense of sacredness of all lives, and this idea is followed both in positive and negative ways. In the negative way, it teaches the principles of ahiṁsā ('non-violence'), and the positive side of it is upekṣā ('ignoring evils received'), muditā ('the spirit of graciousness and happiness in all circumstances'), karuna ('a feeling of pity and charity') and maitri ('a spirit of active friendship by doing good'). This idea is equally found in Buddhism
Though it seems that Jainism has many things in common with Buddhism, there is a wide divergence between the two in some essential points. Jainism stresses far more on asceticism and all manner of cult exercises than Buddhism. Buddha was silent about soul, while Mahāvira taught a very elaborate belief in it. Of all Indian religions, the Jainas only emphasize the doctrine of ahinsa in more rigorous way than the others. The common characteristic feature of both the religion is the "ascetic morality".
8 For the rest of the ideas, see my article, The Philosophy of Mahavira, Sri Puskara
Muni Abhinandana Graniha, Bombay, 1979, pp. 259-261.

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Unlike Buddhism, which developed into a sort of world-wide religion, Jainism has always been a national religion. But the Jainas claim that their religion is "world-religion" in a sense that its tenets are being practised and followed by all human beings of the world. Jainism has a closer and stronger affinity with Hinduism, so much so that they have retained many things of Hindu system of social structures.
In the evolution of Indian thought and culture, the Jaina literature can supply us material as free-thinking and sophistic ideas. Herein lies the value of Jainistic teachings and practices. The Jainas afford us many an interesting glimpse of the every-day life of a section of people of India which is identified as a part and parcel of Indian life, not only of the life of the monks themselves, but of that of the other classes of people as well.
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VI
It is to be noted here that Mahavira, and for that matter Jainism, has not asked the people to renounce this world. It will be a great mistake if we think so. In all his teachings he wants to emphasize that we must not be goaded or swayed by the passions and impulses of this mundane existence. But, to all intents and purposes, we must control them to allow us to grow stronger mentally, so that our life can become serene, pure and holy. This does not mean that we should not enjoy life to its fullest extent, but the enjoyment should not be of a beastly type, but of a divine nature. It must not transgress the purity and serenity of life and of Dharma ('Religion').
Through his doctrines of ahimsā, Mahavira stresses on social equality and justice. He stood up both for the rich and the poor, the strong and the weak, and for the ruler and the ruled. He did not allow any body to be exploited and oppressed, but through his principles of non-violence, he wanted to maintain peace and tranquility in a society with his splendid and imperishable excellence of sincerity and strength.

It seems somewhat paradoxical to think of any religion in this advanced age of science and technology, It may seem outlandish too to think of a religion at the present day, which speaks of non-violence, when the spectacular contribution of science erode the foundations on

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which our beliefs and values of life have rested for centuries. But in spite of all these achievements one thing is still true ; Are men really happy ? Has science been able to bring mental peace and tranquility ? Is it not true that one violence has brought back another violence ? Has one war stopped another war ? Material world does not and cannot bring happiness. It did not happen in the past and it does not happen now. People have realized now that spiritual and ethical teachings and practices may restore happiness in our life. And in this respect Mahavira's doctrines have profound significance in the present society as it had in the past. To be precise, if Jaina philosophy is properly understood, one is inclined to believe that it will contribute much to the development of human personality and will make life worth living. A proper understanding of Mahavira's teachings will lessen the misery and dishonesty, corruption and fear, malice and hatred under the pressure of which the present world is so helplessly groaning.
It is to be remembered that Mahavira's intellectual empire as reflected in his principles of non-violence is imperishable, and the heart of a great number of people burst up into a boundless admiration has been greatly moulded from deep thousands of years over the whole terrain of Indian life, A section of people still belives that Mahavira's doctrines of ahińsä should be preached and practised in this world of today, a world which is full of toil and turmoil, a world which is full of violence and conflicts, a world where the values of human lives are jeopardised at the altar of human power, a world where beastk propensities of human beings are increasing rapidly; where the human finer qualities are sacrificed for the cause of material expansion and prosperity, and where lives of all sorts are butchered as food for powder. It can be said that if Mahavira's basic tenets are imparted to the present generation as a part of their education, a new world may usher in in course of time, where there will be no violence, but a permanent bliss will pervade all over the world. To conclude, his teachings will deepen our ideas and thoughts, broaden our vision, heighten our mental horizon, strengthen our mind with a new vigour and enlighten our future generation for the betterment of our life.

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Studies on Jaina Art -a Brief Survey and Prospects -
Maruti Nandan Tiwari
Jainism as one of the three principal religions of India has contributed immensely to the field of Indian art. The study of Jaina art has drawn considerable interest of the scholars both from India and abroad for well over past fifty years. As a consequence, the studies of different aspects of Jaina art, including architecture, iconography and painting-have been published in the forms of numerous books, monographs and articles. Among the earliest scholars, the mention may be made of A. Cunningham, J. Burgess, V. A. Smith, T. N. Ramachandran, D, R. Bhandarkar and few others. A. Cunningham in his reports published valuable data about some of the Jaina sites namely, Mathura, Khajuraho, Gwalior and Budhi Canderi, Cunningham, besides giving the correct identification of some of the Tirthankara images, also published the inscriptions. The works of subsequent scholars were confined mainly to the Jaina antiquities and inscriptions from Mathura. G. Bühler (1892-94) published articles on Jaina inscriptions from Mathura, besides an article on Jaina sculptures. The discussions on Jaipa dyāgapatas, Naigameşi and a narrative pațța showing the scene of transfer of embryo from the life of Mahavira are of particular interest. The Kuşāna Jaina inscriptions distinctly show that the Jaina art activity of Mathura was a mass activity, ? joined alike by the sreşthin, särthaväha, gandhika (perfume seller), suvarnakāra, vardhakin, lauhakarmaka, nāvika, nartaka and veśyās. V. A. Smith (1901) published the first exhaustive work on Mathura entitled The Jaina and Other Antiquities o: Mathurā wherein the detailed and authentic study has been done of Jaina āyāgapatas and Tirthankara images, besides discussion on the antiquity of Jaina stūpa of Mathura.
1 A. Cunningham, Archaeological Survey of India - Annual Report, 1964-65, Vol. II
and III. 2 G. Bühler, New Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura', Epigraphia Indica, Vol. Il ;
Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura', Epigraphia Indica, Vols. I and II;
Specimens of Jaina Sculptures from Mathura', Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. 3 V. A. Smith, The Jaina Stupa and Other Antiquities of Mathura, Varanasi, 1969
(Rep.)

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The specific writings on Jaina iconography started with the beginning of 20th century and J. Burgess and H. M. Johnson were the pioneers. J. Burgess wrote on Digambara Jaina iconography on the basis of some Kanarese dhyāna mantras while Johnson wrote on Svetambara Jaina iconography, enunciating the iconographic features of Jaina Sasanadayatās on the basis of important Jaina work of the 12th century, the Trisasțiśalākāpuruşacaritra.
J. Burgess, H. Cousens, J. Fergusson, D. R. Bhandarkar and Percy Brown dealt with the architectural remains and other antiquities of the Jainas in their works on Indian architecture under different titles which further enlarged the scope of Jaina art study, furnishing varied architectural and sculptural data.& D. R. Bhandarkar in his article on Jaina iconography identified a sculpture depicting the aśvāvabodha tirtha and sakunikāvihāra story associated with the life of Tirthankara Munisuvrata and also discussed the Jaina samavasarana in his other article on Jaina iconography.? The study was further widend in course of time and some scholars concentrated on identifying the earliest Jina image from Lohānipur, datable to the Mauryan period, while significant contributions were made on Jaina remains from Rajgir, Udaygiri and Khaņdagiri caves, Deogarh and Tiruparusţikuņaram followed by comprehensive and detailed study of Jaina iconography by some scholars. Such a study was first presented by B. Bhattacharya
4 J. Burgess, 'The Digambara Jaina Iconography', Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXII,
1903. 5 H. M. Johnson, Svetāmbara Jaina Iconography', Indian Antiquary, Vol. LVI,
1927. 6 J. Burgess, 'Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kacch', Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. II, New Imperial,Series. Reprint, Varanasi, 1971 ; Historical Information in Connection with Mt. Satrunjaya, Bombay, 1969; The Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarāt', Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IX, New Imperial Series, London. 1903; H. Cousens, Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency', Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XVI, New Imperial Series. Bombay, 1897; The Architectural Antiquities of Western India, London 1926; Calukyan Architecture; J. Fergusson and J. Burgess, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 2.Vols. Delhi, 1967 (reprint); D. R. Bhandarkar, "The Temples of Osiañ', Archaeological Survey of India-Annual Report, 1908-09 (1912), Jaina Caumukha Temple at Rāņakapur', Archaeological Survey of India-Annual Report, 1907-08 ; Percy Brown, Indian Architecture
(Buddhist and Hindu), Bombay, 1956 (reprint). 1 D. R. Bhandarkar, Jaina Iconography' ; Archaeological Survey of India - Annual
Report, 1905-06; Jaina Icongraphy-Samavasarana', Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL,
1911. 8 K. P. Jayaswal, Jaina Image of Maurya Period', Jr. Bihar Orissa Research Society,
Vol. XXIII, Pt. 1, 1937; A. Banerji-Shastri, Mauryan Sculptures from Lohānipur, Patna', Jr. Bihar Orissa Research Society, Vol. VI, Pt. Il. 1940; R. P. Chanda, Jaipa, Remains at Rājgir'. Archaeological Survey of India-Annual Report, 1925-26; "The Svetāmbara and Digambara Images of the Jainas'. Archaeological Survey of India-Annual Report, 1925-25; T. N. Ramachandran, Tiruparuttikunaram and its Temples', Bulletin Madras Govt. Museum, New Series Vol. I, Pt. III, 1934.

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(1936) in the form of an article followed by a book by B. C. Bhattacharya (1239) on Jaina Iconography which filled a desideratum." B. C. Bhattacharya in his pioneering work has utilised for the first time the iconographic data available in the texts like the Nirvāṇakalikā, the Acăradinakara, Tirṣaṣṭiśaläkāpuruṣacaritra and Pratiṣṭhāsārasaṁgraha. The iconography of all the important Jaina deities of Jaina pantheon has been discussed in his book and an appropriate corroboration with actual art specimens has also been attempted which illustrate mainly the iconic data from Mathura, and in some cases Deogarh.
The study of Jaina iconography was further advanced and was made in true historical perspective by U. P. Shah who made tremendous contributions through his writings in the form of articles and books for about fifty years beginning from 1940 and continuing upto 1988 till the time of his demise. In his wide ranging authentic writings he discussed variety of subjects pertaining to Jaina iconography and Jaina paintings. He was the first to make detailed, indepth and critical use of the literary data belonging to both the Svetambara and Digambara sects and also making their comparisons with the concrete manifestations in sculptural art and painting. Although sporadic references to archaeological data from all over the country was made by U. P. Shah, he has been exhaustive particularly in reference to western India. In his books and articles Shah discussed intensively the Jaina āyāgapaṭas and other symbols and auspicious dreams popular in Jaina art alongwith the important discovery of Jaina bronzes from Akota, His writings on Jivantasvamin, Sasanadevatās, Bahubali, Minor Jaina deities and several other deities and aspects have been pioneering. His recent book entitled Jaina Rupamaṇḍana (1987) is a monumental work on Jaina iconography which, besides the Jaina Tirthankaras, gives the iconography of the Sasanadevatās particularly of Rṣabhanatha, Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira in detail.10
great
Besides U. P. Shah, a number of scholars like V. S. Agrawala, K. D. Bajpai, H. D. Sankalia, R. C. Agrawala, Debala Mitra, Klaus Bruhn, Balchand Jain, Niraj Jain, R. P. Mohapatra, R. C. Sharma, B. N. Sharma, K. C. Jain, Muni Sri Jayant Vijaya, P. B. Desai, S. Settar and many others have been writing either on different aspects of Jaina
9 B. Bhattacharya, 'Jaina Iconography', Jinācārya Sri Atmanand Janma Śatabdi Smarak Grantha, Bombay, 1936; B C. Bhattacharya, The Jaina Iconography. 1939. 10 U. P. Shah, 'Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Ambikä', Jr. University of Bombay, Vol. IX, 1940-41; Studies in Jaina Art, 1955; Akota Bronzes, 1959; Jaina Rupamandana, 1987.

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art and iconography or have confined their study to the archaeological material from sites and areas like Deogarh, Chandpur, Mathurā, Osian, Khajuraho, Delvada, Elloră, Khaņdagiri, Sravanabelgol etc. I have also tried to contribute a bit to the field of Jaina iconography.11
While the study of Jaina iconography progressed fast, the study of Jaina architecture was comparatively a bit slow. Krishna Deva, M. A. Dhaky, Michael W. Meister, R. Nagaswamy, K. V. Soundara Rajan, M. C. Joshi, R. N. Misra, D. R. Das, K. R. Srinivasan and others have contributed immensely to the field of Jaina architecture. But for architectural difference occasioned by the 24 devakulikās all around to enshrine the images of the 24 Jinas and trikmandapa and navacatuski (Vimala vasahi, Lūņa vasabi, Kumbharia), the Jaina and Brahminical temples appear to be identical in architectural framework.
The contributions of Krishna Deva to the field of Jaina architecture are undoubtedly most extensive covering a vast span of time and area in respect of the Jaina monuments of north India which include Khajuraho, Gyāraspur, Osiāñ, Un, Jhālarăpățana, Ghāņerao, Sevādi etc 18 M. A, Dhaky has written extensively on the Jaina temples of western India, particularly on Osiañ, Ghānerão, Sadari, Naqol and Nadlai.13 Both these scholars have presented the integrated study of Jaina architecture and sculpture alongwith the iconographic features of the icons. Their coaclusions and observations tracing the evolution of Jaina architecture in relation to Indian architecture are of great consequence.
In recent years the study of western Indian Jaina temples has been done in greater detail by K. F. Sompura and Harihar Singh.14 In almost all the recent studies on Jaina temples a synthesis between architecture and sculpture has been established to show their correspondence and interdependence.
11 Maruti Nandan Tiwari, Jaina Pratimāvijñāna, 1981; Elements of Jaina Iconogra
phy, 1983; Khajuraho kā Jaina Purătattva, 1987; Ambikā in Jaina Art and Architec
ture, 1989. 12 Krishna Deva, 'The Temples of Khajuraho in Central India', Ancient India, No. 15,
1959: Mälädevi Temple at Gyāraspur', Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya Golden Jubilee Volume. Bombay, Pt. I. Bombay, 1968; Temples of North India, New Delhi, 1969: Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture (Ed. U.P. Shah), 1975; Jaina Art and Archi
tecture (Ed. A. Ghosh) Vol. I, 1974, Vol. II, 1975. 13 M. A. Dhaky, Some Early Jaina Temples in Western India', Mahāvira Jaina Vidya
laya Golden Jubilee Volume, Pt. I, Bombay, 1968; 'The Chronology of Solanki Temples of Gujarat', Jr. Madhya Pradesh Itihas Parishad, No. 3, 1961; Aspects
of Jaina Art and Architecture (Ed. U. P. Shah), 1975. 14 K, F. Sompura, The Structural Temples of Gujarat, 1968; Harihar Singh, Jaina
Temples of Western India, 1982.

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The veritable heritage of Indian art and culture is preserved in Jaina paintings which are found from different Jaina Bhandaras, most of them being in western India. Since very beginning (1914), the scholars have been writing on Jaina paintings. The most important subjects of the Jaina painting relate to the Kalpasūtra, Kalakakatha, Uttaradhyayanasūtra, Daśavaikälikasūtra and caritas of Rşabhanatha, Neminatha, Santinátha, Parávanātha and Mahăvira Jinas mainly on the basis of Trisasțiśalākāpuruşcaritra (of Hemacandra), Adipurdna (of Jinasena) and Padmānand Mahākāvya. These paintings in most of the cases are of Svetambara origin and are datable between century A. D. to atleast 15th century A. D. The Jainas fostered tradition of painting of even non-Jaina themes. After the initial and important writings by A. K. Coomaraswamy and W. Norman Brown, Moti Chandra, U. P. Shah, C. Sivaramamurti, Karl Khandalavala, Saryu Doshi and few others have contributed immensely to the field of Jaina paintings. 15
The publication of Jaina Art and Architecture in three volumes by Bharatiya Gyanpitha is the most comprehensive and upto date publication on Jaina art and architecture which comprise articles of scholars from different areas and expertise. The volumes published in 1974-75 cover a time span from 0.300 B. C. to 1800 A. D. The entire study has been presented in the backdrop of different regions like East India, West India, North India, Deccan and South India. Apart from the integrated study of architecture and sculpture with appropriate textual corroboration, an account of Jaina inscriptions, symbols on coins, textual references to Jaina iconography and architecture and Jaina antiquities in different museums in India and abroad have further added to the value of the work.
Thus the study of Jaina art and architecture has now attained a stage where investigations are to be concentrated in terms of different areas or sites or even problems. The problem oriented critical and
pprehensive studies are now required to project even better picture of Jaina art underlining its contribution to the field of Indian art.
15 A. K. Coomaraswamy, Notes on Jaina Art', Jr. Indian Art and Industry, Vol. XVI,
No, 120, London, 1914; W. Norman Brown, A Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue of Miniature Painting of Jaina Kalpasūtra, Washington, 1934; Moti Chan. dra, Jaina Miniature Paintings from Western India, Amedabad, 1949; Moti Chandra and U. P. Shah. New Documents of Jaina Paintings, Bombay, 1962; U. P. Shah, More Documents of Jaina Paintings, Ahmedabad, 1965, Treasures of Jaina Bhandāras Ahmedabad, 1978; Karl Khandalavala, Jaina Art and Architecture (A. Ghosh), Vol. III, 1975; Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting. Bombay, 1985.

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Refutation of the Jaina View of Moksa
Criticised
Rabindra Kumar Panda
Jainism is an important ideological phenomenon in the religio-philosophical history of mankind. By nature it attempts a reapproachment between the warring systems by a breadth of vision which goes in the name of syädvāda or anekantavāda. “It shares the realism of the Vedas, the idealism of the Upani sads, the worship-cult of the Puranas, the colourfulness of the Epics, the logical analysis of the Naiyāyikas, the atomism of the Vaišeşikas, the metaphysical dualism of the Sankhyas, the mysticism of the Yogins and most surprisingly even the monistic trends of Advaita Vedanta." In spite of this, the Brahminical systems of Indian philosophical thought have considerably neglected the Jaina school and the philosophical tenets of the Jaina philosophers. While the Jaina authors have shown a desire to classify and codify other systems and shown the place of Jaina thought among them rather than to criticise or refute them, the Advaita Vedantins programatically set out to demonstrate the superiority of Advaita by way of refutation of their view points. The philosophers of the Vaidika schools have little good to say about Jainism. Sankaråcårya has set the example in his Brahma-sūtra-bhåsya. All Vedanta commentators have also criticised Jainism in a similar fashion in their commentaries in the naikasminnadhikarana of the Samayapāda in the second chapter of the Brahma-sūtra. In This paper I attempt to introduce Anandabodha, an outstanding Advaita palilospher of eleventh century A. D. who has wrongly presented the Jaina view of moksa in his Nyāyamakaranda for the sake of refutation and establishment of the Advaita View.
The Jaina View of Moksa
According to the Jaina school moksa is total deliverance of the Soul from all karmic veil-sarvävarana vimuktirmuktih. Moksa is the total and final freedom from all karmic matter, owing to the non-existence of
| Jain, H. L., "What Jainism Stands For", Jaina Antiquary, Vol. 11, No. 2. Cf.
Shastri, K. C., Jaina Dharma (2nd ed. Hindi, p. 63). ? Singh, Ram Jee, Jafna Moksa in the Perspective of Indian Philosophy", Jain
Journal, Jain Bhawan Publication, Vol, XXIV No. 3, 1990, p. 75.

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the cause of bondage and the shedding of all the karmas, Āsraya is the influx of the karma-particles into the Soul, Jiva takes matter in accor. dance with its own karma because of self-possession. Since the karmic inflow is the principle of bondage and hence its stoppage must be a condition of mokşa. So samvara is opposite to äsrava. Samvara literally means controlling ; it only arrests fresh-flow of karma-particles, but what is required is not only stoppage of the fresh flow but also dissipation of the old one. This shedding or dissipation called nirjara is possible by austerities.? Umäsvåmi has two prefixes-vi (višeşarūpena), pra (prakrstarūpeņa)& in defining mokşa, meaning thereby that moksa is the total and exhaustive dissolution of all karmic particles, which is the condition of omniscience.
The jiva attains moksa when it is free from the shares of karma (karma-phalavinir muktaḥ moksa). The moksa is either bhäva (objective) or dravya (subjective). When the soul is free from four ghati karmas, viz., jñānāvaraniya, darśanavaraniya, mohaniya, antaraya, it is bhāvamoksa, and when it is free from aghati karmas, viz., ndma, ayu, gotra, vedantya it is dravya mokşa. The former is negative since in this state the Soul is in the process of nirjarā which is not complete. But after freedom from aghāti karmas (action.currents of non-injury) the Soul attains a state of never-ending blissful beautitude. A person attains a state of omniscience when mohaniya (deluding) jñänävaranlya (knowledge-obscuring), dar sanāvaraniya (faith-obscuring), antaraya (obstructive) karmas are destroyed. After the attainment of kevalajñāna, a person is free from all kinds of karmas and attains final liberation 10 The Soul comes into its own and regains infinite knowledge, infinite faith, bliss and infinite power. When the jiva attains freedom, it rises higher and reaches the summit of lokākāśa which is called Siddhasila or moksa-sthāna (region of the free and liberated). Thus "moksa in Jainism is not the product of something new. It is a rediscovery of man himself through self realisation".11
3 Tattvärtha-sutra, X. 2. 4 Ibid., VI, 1-2. 5 Ibid., VII. 3. 6 Ibid., IX. 1. 7 Ibid., IX. 3. 8 Ibid., X. 1. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Singh, Ram Jee, Jaina Moksa in the Perspective of Indian Philosophy", Jain
Journal, Jain Bhawan Publication, Vol. XXIV No. 3, 1990, p. 81.

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Anandaboda's Refutation
Anandabodha Yati (1150 A.D.), a Sankarite philosopher in his celebrated work Nyayamakaranda' puts forth the Jaina view as pūrva. paksa for refutation. He presents the Jaina view without mentioning the name of the school as : anye tu pralinanikhilopádheḥ kṣetrajñasya satatordhagatilaksanaṁ18 (final release consists of the permanent rising up of the individual self whose entire limiting adjuncts are at rest). But his commentator Citsukhācārya informs us by saying that the above view is of Jaina, Jainamatamäha, 14 Anandabodha refutes this view by arguing that since the doctrine of madhyamaparimina (mediocre size) of the jiva is not accepted by the Advaita school, the Jaina view advocating final liberation as eternal going up of the individual soul does not stand to reason. 15
Further. Ānandabodha mentains that the eternal going up cannot be conducive to liberation (moksa) because it is the cause of great worriness. On the other hand it deserves to be induced among those which bring disaster. 16
This exposition of Anandabodha of the Jaina view is not faithful to the original Jaina texts. We saw in the above going pages that conception of moksa as satataŭrdhagati is not in fact said by the Jaina thinkers which finds place in Anandabodha's exposition. The Jaina school admits ürdhagati (upward movement) of Jiva after his complete liberation. When the Jiva attains freedom, it rises higher and higher and reaches the summit of lokākāśa which is called the region of the free and liberated. To this effect, Dr. Robert remarks “Jaina view that mukti consists in the everlasting upward movement of the soul (which the Jainas have never said, and which is a misrepresentation of how the Jainas conceive of the condition of the Soul in the few moments immediately following death in the final incarnation,"17 Radhakrishnan
12 Published with Pramānamala and Nyāyadi pavali of the same author in Chau.
khamba Sanskrit Series, Benaras, 1907. 13 Nyayamakaranda, p. 270. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid., p. 281. 10 Ibid. 17 Zydonbos. Robert J., "On the Jaina Background of Dvaita Vedānta", Journal of
Indian Philosophy 1991, p. 259; cf. Zydenbos, Robert J, "Moksa in Jainism according to Umasväti", wiedbaden Fr, Steiner, 1983, Beitrage Zur sudasien Forschung, sudasien-Institute Universitat Heidelberg, Bd. 83, pp. 21, 26-27, 36-7; Tattvärtha-sutra X. 5; also see, The Sarva Dar sona Sangraha of Madha vācārya, edited by K. L. Joshi, Parimal Publications, Delhi, p. 77.

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also implies the same while he says : "The loka or the universe, is held in the middle of the aloka, in the form of the trunk of the man, with Siddhasilà at the top, the place where the head should be, Siddhasila is the abode of the omniscient souls, and may be called the spiritual eye of the universe. So moksa is said to be eternal upward movement. On liberation the soul goes upward, because of the momentum due to its previous activity, the non-existence of the relation to the clements which kept it down, breaking of the bondage and its natural tendency to go upwards."18 All this goes to point out clearly that moksa acoot. ding to the Jaina school of Indian philosophy, is not constant upward movement (satata ürdhagati) as presented by Anandabodha in his Nyāyamakaranda. It may be said in passing that like Anandabodha there are a number of prominent philosophers who have made such attempts in presenting wrongly the major tenets of tho Jaina school. For example, Madhya, the propounder of the Dvaita school of Vedanta has also presented1o the Jaina doctrine of moksa as we see in the Nyaya makaranda of Anandabodha.
Conclusion :
This aforegoing discussion leads to the conclusion that the Jaina school does not expound moksa (emancipation) as satata ürdhagati (cong. tant upward movement) as presented and refuted by Anandabodha, It is undoubtedly a misrepresentation which is not found in the original Jaina texts. Since Ānandabodha's purpose was to refute this view of of Jaina School delebararely in order to establish the logical validity of the Advaita Vedānta doctrine of moksa he has wrongly put it forth in his work.
18 Radhakrishnan, S.. Indian Philosophy, Vol. 1. p. 333. 19 Zydenbos, Robert, J., op. cit.

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Anekantavada -The Theory of Relativity
Hem Chandra Jain
The foundation of Jaina philosophy is the conception of reality which is manyfold or infinitefold hence highly complex and pluralistic in character. It is why the Jainism is also called the philosophy of anekanta or anekāntavāda. Aneka' means many, 'anta' means aspects or qualities and 'vāda' means ism or theory. Anekāntavāda is also termed as the philosophy of non-absolutism because it is opposed to absolute monism (ekāntavāda) and nihilism, (sünyavāda)], as the theory of relative pluralism, the theory of relativity, the theory of realism (yatharthavada) and the theory of co-existence.
Each object has many facets, many qualities, nay many pairs of contradictory qualities. Only a dispassionate study based on rational analysis and sympathetic examination can help mutual understanding and a happy reconciliation even in the face of severe antagonism. Hence the Tirthankaras declared—"If one sticks only to one of the many aspects of the thing, ignoring and rejecting all the others, he can never realise the truth. It is therefore, essential to comprehend fully the anekanta (logic) as qualified by the term "syät." Closely associated with anekantavada is the syādvāda which is the theory of conditional predication and is based on the "saptabhangi-naya" (seven modes of predication),
The term 'syat' is most significant. It means 'in a way', 'from a certain point of view', 'also' or 'not absolutely'. Thus sydväda is the method of expressing multifacetedness of objects, i. e., anekänta is expressible and syā dvāda is expression since many qualities of an object cannot be stated together with a single word or sentence and so one quality is highlighted at the cost of the rest. While listening about one quality which is highlighted one should not get the impression that others are depied. In fact this is taken care by the use of the word syāt'.
| Jainendra Siddhantakosa, Vol. 4, p. 501.

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In the appendix to the Atmakhyati'-commentary of Samayasara Acarya Amṛtacandra writes on this principle as follows:
"Syadvāda is the uninterrupted prescription of the Arhantas to establish the nature of all objects. According to this, because of their being multifaceted in nature all objects are multifaceted. What is 'that' may not be that, what is one may be many, what is existent may be non-existent, what is eternal may be transient. In this manner, the manifestation of two contradictory qualities in an object which imparts to its objectivity is Anekānta."
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Further the same Acarya Amṛtacandra in his original book Puruşārtha Siddhyupaya has offered salutation to this great principle of anekänta as under :
"I bow to 'anekanta' (the manysided view of Jaina philosophy) which is the root basis of the Highest scripture, which dispels the wrong notions about elephant of persons born blind and which removes the contradictions amongst all those who entertain one-sided or limited points of view."'s
The famous parable of six blind persons who went to ascertain the shape and form of an elephant is known to all of us. Each touching one part of the elephant maintained that only his conception was right and the others were wrong. The fact was that each of them had only grasped a portion of the body of the elephant and formed only a partial conception, which though true partially, was not the whole truth. Each one of them had a limited but not a perfect knowledge of the elephant as a whole. The man with eyes who could see the whole of the elephant all at once explained to each one of the blind persons that though correctly asserting a part, he was ignorant of the whole truth and thus helped them to understand the whole truth.
The vast majority of philosophers are so very much engrossed in their own theories that they would not care to look beyond. Each is so very partial, one sided and prejudiced that he would not, like a
2 Samayasara Atmakhyāti, p. 571-572.
3 Puruşartha Siddhyupaya, Verse 2.

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person born blind, examine the other systems. Looking at things from different angles of vision each has been disputing with the others, asserting his own system to be correct and the others wrong. Such disputations among the various systems of philosophy are reconciled by the all embracing all encompassing anekanta - the universal system, the all comprehensive science of thoughts and the so called "intellectual ahimsā."
Those qualities in an object which do not clash are accepted by all without raising any controversy but the simultancons existence of two opposite qualities is not easily accepted by the one who is not follower of syddvāda. The syādvada explains the multifaceted nature of a substance with respect to different view points as it makes use of 'also' (bhi), not the emphatic 'so' (hi). Nevertheless to emphasize one particular aspect the use of 'so' (ht) is also made by the speaker but the other qualities and aspects are not denied by him.
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When we use the preposition 'also', it signifies that there is something more but the preposition 'so' tells that so far as it goes this much is correct and no further. Hence the two prepositions do not contradict each other, rather they supplement. Thus 'syädvāda' is not a doctrine of probability it is very much a certainty.
In a 'pramāņa' sentence which engulfs all parts or qualities the term 'syad' is used to denote many facettedness while relative to 'naya' which covers only one part or aspect the term 'so' (hi) is used to denote one facet. In other words when a statement is wholly correct about a part, the use of 'so' (hi) is imperative and when a sentence is partly correct in the context of the whole the use of 'also' (bhi) is imperative.1
Anekānta does not mean that all reverse qualities can exist simultaneously, but it accepts only those consistent qualities which establish the objectivity. For example we may fall in the error of sometimes saying that the soul is animate and sometimes saying that the soul is inanimate. The soul is never inanimate. While applying anekanta, cases like this have to be qualified as 'is' or 'is not'. For instance the soul is animate (embodiment of knowledge) and never inanimate. Though
1 Bharilla, Dr. H. C., Tirthankar Mahavira and His Sarvodaya Tirtha, p. 113.

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animate, and inanimate are truly contrary but not transience and permanence which are only apparently so, they simultaneously co-exist in an object, Anekānta expresses only those consistent qualities which appear to be contrary to each other but they really are complementary forming the nature of substance. Anekanta and syādvāda are very in. tricate and important doctrines whose understanding must be thorough and deep.
Saptabhangi-naya--the logic of seven conditional modes of predication is the dialectical process in which thesis and anti-thesis reconcile in a higher synthesis. This is a syadvädic reconcitation of conflicting approaches about the reality.
When we speak of a thing as self existing entity we mean that it cxists in its own substance (dravya), space (ksetra), time (käla) and essence (bhāva). Without a clear conception of this quadruplet pertaining to a thing, we can not know of that thing as an existential reality. Thus from the point of view of its own quadruplet the "is-ness' of the thing in question is established. At the same time, from the point of view of the quadruplets of all things other than this one, its "is-not-ness" is implied. Thus a thing is (asti) and also "is-not" (nāsti) and since it can not be said to be "is" and "is-not" at one and the same timg it is also "inexplicable" (avaktavya). These three conditions produce seven permutations ; asti, nästi, asti-năsti, avaktavya, asti-avaktavya, nástiavaktavya and asti-násti-avaktavya. And in order to avoid the pitfall of being misunderstood the speaker uses the adverb 'syat' before everyone of these modes of predication. Thus syadvada curbs down, limits and harmonises the absolutist views conveyed by individual stand-points (nayas).5
The theory of relativity formulated by Einstein, the great scientist cum philosopher of the modern age matches very much with the ane. kāntavāda and syādvāda of Jainism. The four directions - East, West, North, South are relative to one another. If East is East and West is West, which is East and which is West ? India which is East to tho Americans, has always been and will remain West to the Chinese and Japanese. It is this powerful instrument in the hands of Jain philosophers with the help of which they have steered clear of nihilism and absolute monism. The theory of relativity fosters a rational outlook
5 Jain, Dr. J. P., Religion and Culture of Jainas, p. 66.

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and provides a thinker an appropriate attitude of looking at things, conditions and relations, gives a breadth of vision to evaluate properly the ultimate realities. It infuses in the believers of this theory a bookthy spicit of sympathetic understanding, reconciliation, tolerance, co-oper tion and co-existence in the every day conduct of their life and in their relations with their fellow beings.
It should not be out of place to quote here the views of some moden thinkers who after a careful study of syädvāda and anekāntavada of the Jainas have admired and appreciated it for the benefit of mankind.
The late M. M. Dr. Ganganath Jha, a great Sanskritist and Vedantist, remarked "When I read the refutation of this Syādvāda by Sankarácărya", I came to the conclusion that "the doctrine of 'Syadvāda' was very sound and that the Ācāryas of Vedanta failed to understand it. I am sure if Sankarăcarya had taken the trouble to study the Jaina scriptures, he would not have taken the pains to criticise this doctrine."
Dr. $. Radhakrishnan, the representative philosopher of modern India, said "Individual freedom and social justice are both essential for human welfare. We may exaggerate the one or under-estimate the other, but be who follows the Jaipa concept of Anekantavāda, Sapta-bhangi naya or Syadvada will not adopt that kind of cultural regimentation. He will have the spirit to discriminate between right and wrong in his own and in the opposite views and try to work for a greater synthesis that should be the attitude which we should adopt."
De. Rajondra Prasad, the first President of India, observed, "Thie doctripe of Syadvada is a valuable contribtion of Jainism to Indian reliwines and world philosophy. It consists of catholic views along with she capability to appreciate others approaches to reality". 8
"This intellectual attitude of impartiality” says Prof. P. B. Adhikari, "Without which no scientific or philosophical researches can be success
6 1 8
Ibid., p. 71. Ibid. Ibid., p. 72.

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ful, is what Syādvāda, stands for. Even the learned Sankarácarya is not free from the charge of injustice that he has done to the doctrine. Sýădvāda emphasies the fact that no single view of the universe or any part of it would be complete. There will always remain the possibilities of viowing it from other stand points."
Dr. Harisatya Bhattacharya says "The Syādvāda is a theory presenting things as they really are ; it is not a set of formal proposi tions divorced from and unconnected with matters of experience."
Dr. Hermann Jacobi, a German scholar of Jain philosophy, stated firmly before the 3rd International Congress of the History of Religions as under.-"In conclusion let me assert my conviction that Jainism is an original system, quite distinct and independent from all others and that therefore, it is of great importance for the study of philosophical thought and religious life in ancient India."10
Science and Religion
Science is the reasoned knowledge based on experimental facts. Science is a series of approximations towards the truth but not the ultimate truth. Einstein the discoverer of the theory of relativity said that "knowledge and faith are the two inseparable companions in the universe. Knowledge is science and faith is religion, Religion without science is blind and science without religion is lame." And I would say that Jainism is a perfect science with true religion. Every aspect of Jainism is based on scientific principle aiming at to understand the living and non-living entities of the universe and to set free the mundane beings from pain and miseries of embodied existence and instal them in the liberated state of supreme bliss. Its message of peace and happiness is for all beings of the world. Jainism does not allow you to accept or believe any statement with blind faith. There is no room for superstitions in Jainism because it is not based on imaginations.
Many persons believe that religion and science both are opposite to each other and the religion seems to reduce tho importance of scionte and vice versa. But if seen in the light of reason and logic they appear
9 lbid. 10 Diwakar, S. C., Glimpses of Jainism, p. 10.

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to be inextricably inseparable. Religion (when) divorced from science makes people superstitious and blind followers of lifeless rituals and consequently the people become narrow-minded and self-centred. It is the need of the time to explain the principles of religion through logically approved facts and scientific methods. Religion is most essential for life but there should be no place for blind faith in religion. According to Jaipa philosophy the religion has two-fold connotation--primarily it means the nature of substance that exists and secondarily it connotes the means or path by adopting which that essential inherent nature of the self-soul is realised.
We are, at present, in the last decade of 20th century and in this century the man has made an unbelievable tremendous progress in the field of science and technology. Today's man can not be compared with that of the so-called stone age. We have entered the space age and advanced in materialism so fast and so high that makes us to feel surprise and we give it the name of "the wonders of science". But on rational thinking we find that "wonder is nothing but the effect of ignorance" and "ignorance is no defence". Though the materialistic science has provided all luxuries to man yet the real and lasting peace is not within his reach. How could it be when it is not there?
Science no doubt, can afford correct explanation and logical thinking about any object, e.g. prediction of weather, evolution of the amount of energy in the explosion of an atom bomb, the distance between two planets etc., but if it attempts to explain human behaviour through its logical thinking, the explanation is likely to be incorrect. Science is an effective means for the study of living beings, because the ultimate end can be determined only through the preachings of all knowing Lord, the omniscient.
An exact science is that which gives an all-round satisfaction to all human beings and that science or scientific approach is available only in Jaina philosophy. A true aspirant of liberation is required to study the Jain religion impartially and unbiasedly. He should give up the individual's opinions and accept the facts which really produce conclusions. He should try to know and realise the true nature of the self and non-self objects. Because true knowledge and conduct with true belief are the pre-requisite of attaining Moksa' (liberation). He should believe in his words only whose blemishes like attachment, aversion, delusion etc, are totally destroyed ; may he be Brahma or Vişņu or Hari or Jina.

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