Jain Journal 1992 01

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520105/1

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ISSN 0021-4043
A QUARTERLY
ON JAINOLOGY
SILVER JUBILEE YEAR
VOL. XXVI
JANUARY 1992
No. 3
un JOUrnal
daudal JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents
Light on Religion and Philosophy from the Early Jaina Inscriptions from Rajasthan (upto 1200 A. D.) Krishna Gopal Sharma
Ya-Sruti in Prakrit
Satya Ranjan Banerjee

The Relevance of Nompies in Karnataka Jainism
Vasantha Kumari
Jaina Concept of Memory Mohanlal Mehta
Jaina View on Darkness Himanshu Shekhar Acharya
Books Received
149
Plates
157
Gleanings
190
Treasure Trove of Jaina Art and Architecture :
Bibhuti Mishra

170
181
186
Silver Jubilee Celebration of Jain Journal 149
193

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Books Received
ACARYA VIDYASAGAR, Pañcaśati, Jnan Ganga, Delhi, 1990. Pages 16+351.
A compilation of Śramaņa Śatak, Niranjan Satak, Bhāvanā Satak, Parişahajay Satak, and Suniti Batak written in Sanskrit by Acarya Sri with Hindi translation in verse. Sanskrit ţikā, Hindi translation and annotation by Pt. Pannalal Sahityacarya.
CHANDRA, K. R., Prācin Ardhamāgadhi-ki khoj-me (in Hindi), Prakrit
Jain Vidya Vikas Fund, Ahmedabad, 1991. Pages 20+112. Price Rs. 32.00
In search of old Ardha-magadhi in Manuscripts. It contains instances of changes made by the copy-writers while copying.
JAIN, LAKSHMI CHAND, Pravacansar : Ek Adhyayan (in Hindi), Sri
Digambar Jain Sahitya Sanskriti Samrakshan Samiti, Delhi 1990, Pages vi+166.
It is Hindi translation of Dr. A. N. Upadhye's Treatises on Prayacanasāra.
JAIN, TILAK CHAND, Anmol Ratna (in Hindi), Sri Atmanand Jain
Mahasabha, Ludhiana, 1987. Pages 25+255.
A treatise on Navatattva etc.
JIVANPRAKASH JIVAN', Sacitra Tirthankar Caritāvali, Acarya Sri
Atmaram Jain Prakashan Samiti, Ludhiana, 1983. Pages 188. price Rs. 15.00.
Short life sketches of 24 Tirthankaras in verse.
MUNI JAYANAND VIAY, Samadhân-ki Raśmiyān, Sri Syetambar
Jain Sangha, Dhanasa (Jalore), 1991. Pages 4+144.
Contains Jaina tattva in question and answer form.

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Light on Religion and Philosophy from the early Jaina Inscriptions from Rajasthan (upto 1200 A.D.)
Krishna Gopal Sharma
The early Jaina inscriptions from Rajasthan are in the main donative records meant to highlight the generosity of certain individuals, including both laymen and royal personages. Incidentally, they us some glimpses into the political and cultural history of the period. The inscriptions are mostly dated in the Vikrama Era. The Barli fragmentary stone inscription (obtained from a village 36 miles southeast of Ajmer) belonging perhaps to the fourth or fifth century B.C. is the earliest Jaina inscription reported from Rajasthan. In all we have 52 inscriptions in our list, and most of them come from eleventh and twelfth centuries. Our study sheds light essentially on the Rajasthan of eleventh and twelfth centuries. The inscriptions are written mostly in the Nagari characters and the language used is generally Sanskrit.
Jaina Pantheon
It is interesting to observe that in the Nadol plates of the Rajaputra Kirtipala, dated V.E. 1218, the Hindu gods comprising the trinity are called Jinas or Jaina Arbats. The inscription invokes, in the beginning, after the words oṁ svasti, the blessing of the gods Brahma, Sridhara (Vişnu), and Samkara (Śiva), 'who, always free from passion, are famous in the world as Jinas'.?
The early passages of the Bijolia Jaina inscription of Chahamana Someśvara, V.E. 1226% makes mention, rather elaborately, of the exploits
1 See Kielhorn, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, pp. 66-70. 2 Cf. line 1 of the record, which reads : om svasti. sriyai bhavamt u vo deva.
vra(bra)hma-sridhara-samkarah sada viragavamto ye jina jagati visrut ah.
See EI, IX, p. 146. 3 A. K. Vyas, EI Vol. XXVI, pp. 84-102.

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of some Jaina pontiffs. Historically these references are not of much value, but they throw some light on Jaina mythology.
Jaina Philosophy
The Bijolia Jaina inscription, V.E. 12265 contains some references to the Jaina tenets. The verse 41 of the inscription reads :
şaț-khandāgama-baddha-sauhrda-bharāḥ şad-jiva-rakşeśvarāḥ sad-bhedendriya-vas yatā-parikarāḥ sat-karma-kr (klr) ptādarāḥ şat-khand-āvani-kirti-pālan-parāḥ şād-gunya-cintākaraḥ şad-drsți-ambuja-bhāskarāḥ samabhavaḥ şad-deśalasyà-angajāḥ
The term șaț-khandāgama used in the above verse appears to refer to the Āgamas or religious literature pertaining to the six divisions of the cosmos, called dravyas which are jiva, dharma, adharma, ākāśa, kāla, and pudgala.
Şad-jiva refers to prthvi, ap, tejas, vāyu, vanaspati and trasa.
The term sad-indriya in the above verse appears to include manas also, the sixth sense.
The șat-karmas of a Śrāvaka are enumerated in the following couplet of the Umåswami's Śrāvakācāra : devapūjā gurupāstiḥ svādhyāyaḥ samyamastapah/dānaṁ ceti grhasthānāṁ șațkarmāņi dine dine.
The sat-khandas denote the six parts of the earth as postulated by a Digambara Jaina doctrine. Of these six khandas, one is the Aryakhanda between the Ganges and the Indus and the rest are Mleccha-khaņdas outside the region.
The conception of şad-gunya is perhaps identical with the sixfold political expedients viz. samdhi, vigraha, yāna, asana, dvedhibhāva and āśraya.
4 For details, see Dr. Krishna Gopal Sharma, "References to Jaina Pontiffs in the
Bijolia Inscription of V. S. 1226", Jain Journal, Vol. XVIII, No. 3, Jan. 1984,
pp. 103-105. 5 Op. cit.

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Şad-drsti appears to have been used as a variant of sad-darśana.
The verse 48 of the Bijolia inscription reads : 8
pancācāra-parayaņātma-matayah pañcānga-mantro-ijvalah panca-jñāna-vicāranāsu-caturāḥ pañcendriyā-rtho-ijayāḥ srimat-pañca-guru-praņāma-manasaḥ .....
The term pañcācāra denotes the five ācāras which are darśanācāra, jñānācāra, viryācārā, câritrācāra, and tapācāra; these are specified in the Nemicandra's Dravya-samgraha, Ch, III, gāthā 52, which runs as follows : daṁsaņaņāņapahāņe viriyacāritta-varatavāyare appaṁ param ca jujai so āyariyo muni jheo.
The pañcăngamantra appears to refer to mantras classified under five heads, viz., ävhāna, sthā pana, samnidhikaraņa, pūjana, and visarjana, for the worship of the god.
The pañca-jñānas are mentioned in Umāsvāmi's Tattvārthasūtra. Ch. I. Sūtra 9 which runs as follows: mati-śrutā-avadhi-manahparyayakevalāni-jñānam.
The pañca-indriyārthas are specified in the sūtra : sparsa-rasagandha-varna-sabdāstadartha, Umāsvāmi's Tattvārthasūtra, Ch. II. sutra 20.
The pañcagurus are Arhat, Siddha, Acărya, Upadhyāya and Sarvasadhu as mentioned in the well-known sacred Jaina mantra : ņamo-arhaņtāņam namo siddhānam ņamo äiriyāņam ņamo uvajjhāyanāṁ namo loe savvasāhūnam.
Jaina Preceptors
The names of ascetics Jāmbava (?) and Amraka (?) belonging to the gaccha of Dhanesvara find mention in the Ghațiyala Jaina inscription of Pratibāra Kakkuka, V. E. 918.The verses 22 and 23 of the inscription
6 Op. cit, 1 See Kielhorn, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, pp. 513-521.

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records that Kakkuka built a temple of the god Jina and entrusted it to the community presided over by the asceties Jambava (?) and Amraka (?) and the merchant Bhākuța (?) in the gaccha of the holy Dhanesvara.
The Bijāpur inscription of Rastrakūța Dhavala of Hastikuņdi, V. E. 10538 mentions the name of Vasudeva, who was a Jaina preceptor. Vasudeva, it is recorded in the inscriptlon, was the preceptor of the Råstrakūţa prince Vidagdharāja of Hastikundi whom he imparted spiritual knowledge and induced him to erect a temple dedicated to the god Jina in the town of Hastikundi. The prince, it is said, had himself weighed against gold, of which two-thirds were allotted to the god and the remainder to the Jaina preceptor, i.e., Vasudeva. The same inscrip. tion, in later verses, speaks of a Sūri named Santibhadra who is said to be the pupil of Vasudeva.
The Byāpå stone inscription of the Adhiraja Vijaya, V.B. 1100° mentions the name of Maheśvarasüri. The inscription states that, in the kingdom of the Adhirāja Vijaya (line 5), at the city of Sripathā (line 6) there was the Suri or Jaina teacher Maheśvara (line 4) a leader of the Svetāmbaras and belonging to the Kāmyaka-gaccha or sect (line 3) who occupied the seat of Vişņusūri, i.e., who was the successor, or a successor of Vişņusüri. Lines 6 to 11 record that Maheśvarasuri died when the year 1100 was drawing to its close, when the waning fortnight of the month Bhadrapada was current, and when the second lunar day of the dark fortnight, coupled with the name of the moon, was passing away. Lines 12 to 17 describe how Maheśvarasüri's fame, like the river Gargă, flowed through the three worlds.
An Ācārya Cărukirtti of Mathura-samgha is mentioned in the Ajmer Museum Image inscription, V.B. 1216.10 The inscription records the obeisance of Viga, daughter of Rāhila and Sonama, the former of whom was a devotee of Acārya Cărukirtti of Mathura-samgha,
The name of Jinacandrasuri occurs in the Bijolia inscription of Cahamāna Somesvara, V. E. 1226,11 The verse 83 of the record states
8 See Ram Karna, EI, Vol. X, pp. 17-24; also Kielhorn, Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Vol, LXII, Pt. I, No. 4, pp. 309-314. 9 See J. F. Fleet, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIV, 1885, pp. 8-10. 10 Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1957-58, B 419, p. 518. 11 Op. cit.

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that Jinacandrasűri was the preceptor of Lolaka, the founder of the temple therein.
A Parṇabhadrasūri, pupil of Candrasäri, the foremost of the Candra-gaccha is mentioned in the Jalor stone inscription of Samarasimhadeva, V.E. 1239.12 We are told that the inscription was a composition of Püīņabhadrasūri.
A Purnadevācārya. pupil of Devăcărya, is mentioned in the Jalor stone inscription of Samarasimhadeva. V. B. 1242.18 The third part of the inscription (which is of a later date) informs us that on the 11th of the bright half of Jyaiştha in the (Vikrama) year 1256, the work of installation was done, according to the behests of the royal family, by Purnadevācārya, pupil of Devācārya in the case of the torana etc. of (the image of) the god Pårsvanátha and also of the hoisting of the flag on the golden flag-staff on the original spire of the temple.
Jaina Samghas, Ganas and Gacchas
The holy' gaccha of Dhaneśvara is mentioned in the Ghatiyala Jaina inscription of the Pratihāra Kakkuka, V.E. 918.14 The community presided over by the ascetics Jámbava (?) and Āmraka (?) and the mercbant Bhakuta (?), belonged to it, To this community was entrusted the temple of the god Jina by the Pratihāra Kakkuka of Mandor who himself had caused the temple to be built.
The name of Vāgata-samgha is mentioned in the Ajmer Museum Image inscription from Katoria, dated V. E. 1052.15 The inscription records that the said Jaina image was installed by three brothersSimbaika, Yasoraja and Nonnaika at the instance of Sūrasena of Vagatasamgha.
Vagata-samgha is also mentioned in the Ajmer Museum Mahåvira image inscription, V. E 1061.16 The inscription mentions the name of Dharmasena of Văgața-samgha.
12 See D. R. Bhandarkar, EI, Vol. XI, pp. 52 54. 13 Ibid., pp. 54-55. 14 Op. cit. 15 Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57, B 232. 16 Ibid., 1957-58, B 421, p. 59.

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A Kamyaka-gaccha is mentioned in the Byānā stone inscription of the Adhiraja Vijaya, V.E. 1100.17 Maheśvarasuri, the Jaina teacher, and a leader of the Svetambaras, at the city of Sripatha, belonged to the Kamyaka-gaccha.
The Kamyaka-gaccha originated from Kāmā in Bharatpur district and remained confined only to this area.1 18
The Sanderaka-gaccha finds mention in (i) the Sevaḍi stone inscription of Katukarāja, V.E. 1172;19 (ii) the Nadol plates of Alhaṇadeva, V.E. 121820 and (iii) in the Sanderav stone inscription of Kelhaṇadeva, V.E. 1221. The last inscription mentions a grant made by Analadevi, the queen-mother of Kelhaṇadeva, to the god Mahavira, who is said to be the 'mulanayaka' (the primeval leader) of the Shaṇḍeraka-gaccha.
Sanderaka denotes Saṇḍerāv, 10 miles north-east of Bali town in the Pali District. It is one of the many instances in which the Jaina gacchas are called after the names of places in Marwar. 22
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A Mathura-saṁgha is mentioned in the Ajmer Museum image inscription, V.E. 121628 and in an another inscription of V.E. 123114 from the same Museum. Gunabhadra, the author of the Bijolia inscription,25 we are told, also belonged to the Mathura-samgha.
The Mathura-saṁgha is a sub-division of the well-known Kāṣṭhāsamgha. The Mathura-samgha appears to have remained influential in Rajasthan during the eleventh and twelvth centuries.26
A Candra-gaccha is mentioned in the Jalor stone inscription of
17 Op. cit.
18 See K. C. Jain, Jainism in Rajasthan, p. 28.
19 See D. R. Bhandarkar, EI, Vol. XI, pp. 30-32.
20 See Kielhorn, EI, Vol. IX, pp. 63-66; also H. H. Dhruva, Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XIX, p. 26ff.
21 See D. R. Bhandarkar, EI. Vol. XI, pp. 46-47.
22 Ibid., p. 31.
23 Annual Report on Epigraphy, 1957-58, B 419, p. 58.
24 Ibid., 1957-58, B 430, p. 59.
25 Op. cit.
26 See K. C. Jain, Jainism in Rajasthan, pp. 71-72.

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Samarasimhadeva, V.E. 1239.27 Purpabhadrasuri, pupil of Candrasuri, we are told, was the foremost of the Candra-gaccha.48
Jaina Literature
There is another large Sanskrit inscription from Bijolia dated V.E. 123, incised on a rock different from the one on which the inscription of Cahamāna Someśvara, dated V.E 1226, is engraved The inscription is a katha in verse, entitled Uttama-śikhara Purāna which appertains to the Jaina creed About this inscription, F. Kielhorn29 writes thus :
To this inscription Colonel Tod, in his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 744 has given the title 'Sankha Purāna' at the same time informing us that it appertains to the Jaina creed; while according to the Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of Western India for the year ending 30th June, 1905, p. 52, the inscription is a Jaina poem entitled, 'Unnata-śikhara Purāņa'. Moreover, in the Annual Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey Circle, North-Western Provinces and Oudh, for the year ending 30th June, 1893. p. 21, the same inscription has been called a prasasti, and stated to give 'a long list of the spiritual heads of the Kharatara-gaccha'. All these statements are more or less incorrect.
The inscription (which consists of forty-two lines of writing, covering a space of about 15'2" Jong by 4'91" high) is a 'kathā' in verse, entitled 'Uttama-śikhara purāņa'. This poem was composed by Siddhasūri, and consists of five 'sargas', with a total of 294 verses. It was engraved on the rock in the Vikrama year 1232. The title, everywhere clearly engraved and well-preserved, occurs in the five passages.
This 'Uttama-śikhara Purāņa' is sure to exist somewhere or other in manuscript, and I write this note to draw attention to the poem, and to urge scholars in India to search for it in Jaina libraries. To edit the text solely from the inscription would be a very trouble
27 Op. cit. 28 The inscriptional evidence indicates that Candra-gaccha was influential in and
around Sirohi area, approximately from 1125 A. D. to 1435 A. D. See K. C. Jain,
Jainism in Rajasthan, p. 60. 29 Journal af the Royal Asiatic Society, 1906, pp. 700-701,

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some task, because the writing on the rock in several places has been more or less effaced. 30
The Vidhicaitya Movement
The Jangla Jaina inscription of V.E. 1176 shows the spread of the Vidhicaitya movement, so eagerly sponsored by many Jaina Ācāryas of the period, to such remote regions of Rajputana as the south of Bikaner,31 The inscription records the setting up of an image of Santipatha in a Vidhicaitya at Jangalakapa, now known as Jangala, a village twenty-four miles to the south of Bikaner. The Ajayapur Jaina inscription of V.B. 11768 also seems to be the outcome of that very widespread movement of the consecration of the Vidhlcaityas Ajayapura seems to be merely another name of Jångalaküpa'.88
30 Kielhorn, "Bijoli Rock Inscription: The Uttama-sikhara-Purana", JRAS, 1906,
p. 700 and p. 701. 31 Dasharath Sharma, "The Jangalu Inscription of V.E. 1176", The Jaina Antiquary,
Vol. IV, No. 2, Sept. 1938, p. 63. 32 Dasharath Sharma, "Another Jaina Inscription of V. E. 1176", The Jatna Anti:
quary, Vol. V. No. 1, June 1939. p. 27, 33 Ibid.

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Ya-sruti in Prakrit
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Y'a-śruti1 is a vital phenomenon in Prakrit including in all its dialects, but in Ardhamägadhi its presence is sharply felt. The very word s'ruti denotes that it is meant for pronunciation and not for writing, and therefore, y'a-śruti would be lighter than the original pronunciation of ya-kāra. This lighter pronunciation is said as laghuprayatnatara. Though y'a-śruti is one of the vital features of Prakrit, it is not always present in all the Prakrit texts printed so far. The editors of the respective Prakrit texts face enormous difficulties in editing their texts with regard to y'a-śruti. Some manuscripts ( Mss) of the same text have it, and others do not, while in some cases the y'a-śruti is not used at all. Hence the difficulty to solve the problem. The present paper is an humble attempt to review the position of y'a-śruti, so that scholars may get a clue in editing a Prakrit text.
Y'a-śruti has been discussed by the Prakrit grammarians. But as the Prakrit grammarians are divided into two distinct schools, an Eastern and a Western, their treatment on y'a-śruti is also not the same. Hemacandra (1088-1172), a grammarian belonging to the western school, in his Prakrit Grammar (I. 180) has prescribed y'a-śruti after a and a only, but in his commentary under the same sutra, he has further added that y'a-śruti is also occasionally noticed after i as well.' His text runs thus ;
a-varno y'a-s'rutiḥ, I. 180
1 The symbol y' is used to indicate y'a-sruti in order to differentiate it from the semi-vowel y.

2 For the divisions and descriptions of the two schools of Prakrit grammarians see S. R. Banerjee, The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammrians, Vidyasagar Pustak Mandir, Calcutta 1977.
3 In my book, The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians, I have discussed the problem of y'a-sruti from the point of view of the two schools of Prakrit grammarians (pp. 100-103). Here I have incorporated those ideas freely. But I have not used any inverted commas here to indicate that. Moreover, I have revised some of my earlier ideas, and added something more for understanding the development of y'a-sruti.

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ka-ga-ca-jetyādinā luki sati śeşah avarṇaḥ avarņāt paro laghu-prayatnatara-y'a-kāra śrutir bhavati.
It simply means that when by the rule ka-ga-ca-ja-ta-da-pa-ya-vām prāyo luk (I. 177), the medial single consonants, such as, ka, ga, ca, ja, ta, da, pa, ya and va are dropped leaving behind the accompanying vowel, the remaining a-varna, i.e., a ora, if preceded by a or ā, is pronounced like a lightly articulate y'a (laghu prayatna-tara).
The reason for happening this y'a-śruti phenomenon lies in the fact that it is due to the articulation of sounds "first the teneues were softened into mediae and were then dropped. This means that the plosion was weakened between voiced sounds and finally disappeared."'4 And because of this, the remaining vowel is pronounced in a lighter form, and to represent that lightly articulate ya, the symbol y'a or y'a is to be written to distinguish it from the semi-vowel ya. For example,
Skt. nagara>Pkt. naara > Pkt. nay'ara, Skt, kācamani > Pkt. kāamani > Pkt. kāy amani, Skt. pātāla > Pkt. päāla > Pkt. påy'āla, Skt. dayālu > Pkt. daālu>Pkt. day'ālu.
It should be noted here that according to Hemacandra, y'u-śruti can be used to all kinds of Prakrit dialects where intervocalic stops are elided.
Hemacandra strictly observes that the y'a-śruti is possible only after a-varņa. So in his opinion lokasya would be loassa and not loy assa, devaraḥ would be dearo and not dey'aro. But in his výtti he maintains the view that it is occasionally seen after i also,.e.g., piy'ai Page #14

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Vararuci (3rd-5th cent. A.D.) does not recognise it at all, so also his commentator Bhamaha (II. 2). But the other commentators, such as, Vasantaraja and Sadananda, recognise it." They both quote the same line isat-pṛṣṭaḥ prayojyo yaḥ kvacid lupteşu kādiṣu (ṭīkā under II. 2) -in order to justify some of the usages as kanayam for kaṇakam, caṇayā for canakaḥ etc. Kramadiśvara (12th-13th cent. A.D.) does not formulate any hard and fast rule on this point. In his opinion y'a-śruti may optionally come after any vowel and in any dialect (II. 1). We do not know the views of Purusottama (12th cent. A.D.) on y'a-śruti, because that portion of his Prakrit grammar is not available. Ramaśarmā Tarkavägisa (end of 16th cent. A.D.) has not discussed anything on y'a-śruti. Markaṇḍeya' (17th cent. A.D.) also does not make any provision for this, but he simply gives a quotation according to which the non-innitial vowel a and i may sometimes be pronounced like y'a : anādāv aditāu varṇāu paṭhitavyāu yakāravad iti Päṭhaśikṣā (II. 2). Other grammarians of this school do not say anything on the subject.
From the above it is evident that the grammarians belonging to the eastern school do not practically advocate the rule of Hemacandra, they follow a different method. In their opinion, the rules regarding the substitution of ya for a refer to pronunciation (śruti) and not to writing. It is, therefore, evident from the grammars of the eastern school that the proper way is to write a in all cases irrespective of any vowels and leave the reader to pronounce it in accordance with his speech habit. So according to the eastern school we could write loassa and loy'assa, dearo and dey'aro, but according to the westerners we could write only loassa and dearo.
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In modern times while editing a Prakrit text, be it Jain or non-Jain, Hemacandra's rule for y'a-śruti plunges us into the very vortex of controversy. In this respect also two different problems are faced. In some Jaina Mss. we find y'a-śruti after a or a almost strictly following Hemacandra, while in others it is found after all sorts of vowels. The Prakrit passages of Sanskrit drama and some other Prakrit books as edited by different scholars do not show any evidence of y'a-śruti. Let
5
Prakrta-Prakasa ed by Batuknath Sharma and Baladev Upadhyay with the Sanjivani of Vasantaraja and Subodhini of Sadananda in parts. The Princes of Wales Sarasvati Bhavana Texts No. 19, Government Sanskrit Library, Benaras,
1927.
6 Prakrtadhyaya of Kramadisvara ed by S. R. Banerjee, Prakrit Text Society, Ahmedabad, 1980.

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us discuss the problem as experienced by some eminent scholars in editing their respective texts.
Albrecht Weber while editing the Bhagavati (1865)?, a Jaina canonical work, has come across the problem of y'a-śruti occurring in the fragmentary Ms. of the Bhagavati, and after much deliberation he considers it to be one of the exclusive characteristics of Jaina Prakrit, and by that he, perhaps, meant Ardhamāgadhi. But even in the Ardhamāgadhi texts the use of y'a-śruti is not uniform. Hermann Jacobi in editing the Kalpasūtra (1879, 8 and the Ācārānga-sūtra (1883)' has noticed it. In his opinion in the use of y'a-śruti Jaina Mss. follow no uniform practice. In the Mss. of the Kal pasūtra and of the Acārānga used by him, he has noticed erratic practice in Mss matter. But at the end he concludes by saying, "From an etymological point of view, it is more self consistent that y'a-śruti should be written after all vowels, because it is the remnants of lost consonant."10 Practically speaking, Jacobi has echoed the views of Kramadiśvara who indirectly prescribes y'a-śruti after all vowels whenever the intervocalic stops are elided. Incidentally it can be mentioned here that L. Alsdorf, while editing the Kumārapāla-pratibodha, 11 thinks that y'a-śruti is a characteristic feature of Jaina Mss. alone. In fact, it was Richard Pischel who was not always uniform with regard to the problem of y'a-śruti in several of his treatises. In his edition of Sakuntalā (1879) Pischel has not used any y'a-śruti in the Prakrit passages, even in those places where, according to Hemacandja (I. 180), y'a-śruti is expected. He has not corrected the Mss, as he has done in the case of Dešināmamālā by following the dictum of Hemacandra, e.g., pamaño instead of pamay'ão for pramadāḥ. In the description of the Mss. consulted by him, he has not even noticed any controversy regarding y'a-śruti. With regard to Prakrit passages he has said, "I have given special attention to the Prakrit passages, and I trust this edition will contribute to a better knowledge of scenic Prakrit than it has been possible to acquire."'18 His edition shows that Pischel is not keen to change the intervocative a into y'a, if it is not corroborated by any Mss., whereas in the case of Deśināmamālā
7 Ueber ein Fragment der Bhagavati, aus dem Abhandhungen der Koengl Akademie
der Wissenschaft zu Berlin, 1865, p. 397f. 8 The Kalpasutra, Leipzig, 1879, pp. 20-21. 9 The Acaranga Sutra, London, 1883, p. xv. 10 Kalpasutra, p. 21. Cf. Ghosh, Karpuramanjari, p. 42. 11 Der Kumarapala-pratibodha, Hamburg, 1929, p. 52, $ 2. 12 Kalidasa's Sakuntala, 2nd edn. HOS, Cambridge, Mass. 1922. 13 p.xi of the 2nd ed of Pischel's Sakuntala.

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his argument was different. In 1880 while editing Desināmamāla14 Pischel corrected the Mss, and used y'a in places where the Mss. have simple a in the light of Hemacandra's grammar (1. 180). This fact is recorded by him in his Introduction when he observes, “I have also followed throughout Hemacandra's own rule on the use of the euphonic y'a (Grammar I. 180). There is no Mss. either of the Siddhahema candra or of the Dešinimamālā which strictly observes it. They all write y'a, also after other vowels than a, à especially after i; i. As Hemacandra makes no exception with regard to the Deśināmamālā I have patiently undertaken the tedious task of correcting the many hundreds of instances in which the rule has been infringed by the Mss. I have not, however, made even the slightest correction without giving the reading of the Mss. in the critical notes."15 The second edition of Pischel's Deśināmamālā was revised by P. V. Ramanujaswami and was published in 1938 by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. In his second edition Ramanujaswami has consulted some more seven Mss. His remarks on y'a-śruti is interesting and worth quoting here :
«The text of the Deśināmamālā may be considered to have been settled with considerable purity. I have, therefore, allowed the text to remain as it stood in the first edition. In few places, however, a euphonic ya has been substituted for a to make the text consistent throughout, although personally, I hold a quite different view of the matter. Hemacandra in his grammar (I. 180) calls it y'a-śruti and allows it after i also. Märkandeya in his Grammar (II. 2) requires it after all vowels and remarks that it is a rule of Pathaśikṣā. It is, therefore, clear that the rules regarding the substitution of y'a for a refer to pronunciation and not to writing. There are certain rules, though a few, which refer to pronunciation of letters. Such, for instance, are Präkrtaprakāśa, XI.5 and Prākrta-sarvasva IX.27. The rule relating to y'a-śruti is one of this kind. From the rules of Hemacandra and Märkandeya, as well as from the practice of Jaina Mss. it will be seen that y'a is heard not only after a or ā but also after other vowels and Markandeya says that i is similarly to be pronounced as y'i. The proper way, therefore, is to write a in all cases and leave the reader to pronounce it according to his practice. A similar practice occurs with regard to the vowelse and o. It is admitted on all hands that the Prakrits possess
14
The Desinamamala of Hemacandra, part I, text and critical notes, ed by R. Pischel, Bombay, 1880, 2nd ed revised by P. V. Ramanuja Svami with Introduction, critical notes and glossary, Poona, 1938. Ibid., p. 30.
15

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these vowels in the short and long forms. They are to be pronounced short when followed by a conjunct consonant. Both the long and short vowels are represented by the same character and the short vowels are only heard in pronunciation. In the same way, the vowel remaining after the elision of the consonants is always to be written as a but it has to be pronounced as y'a when preceded by a or i short or long. In the text of the Deśināmamālā Prof. Pischel has taken the trouble of correcting every a into y'a, when it is preceded by a or ā. I have allowed them to stand as they are rather than take the trouble of rechanging every such y'a into a, and changed a few others which have been left due to oversight in the first edition, although, as I have explained above it is not necessary to do so. I have done so for the sake of uniformity."16
Ramaswami's view seems to be quite logical and can go on a par with that of the eastern school of Prakrit grammarians. In the case of Pischel what happens is this that in the meantime his edition of Hemacandra's Prakrit Grammar came out in two volumes (Vol. I, 1877, Vol. II, 1880). In the notes of his Vol. II (1880) under the sūtra I. 180 he remarks that y'a-śruti cannot be restricted to the Jaina Prakrit alone, but later on in his Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen (1900) Pischel is more explicit than his notes under I. 180 in accepting y'a-sruti as a feature of Jaina Prakrit and sums up the whole discussion in the following manner.17
"In the place of the consonants that have dropped off a weakly articuted ya (laghu-prayatnatara y'a-kāra) is uttered, that is indicated in his Grammar by y'a ($ 45, C. 3.15; Hc I, 180; Ki 3.2.). Except in Mss written by Jainas this y'a is not indicated. Hc. I. 180 teaches that it comes in between a and 7 only, but he attests also piy'ai – pibati and I. 15 sariy'ā Pali saritā – sarit. MK fol. 14 refers to a quotation, according to which y'a-śruti occurs when one of the vowels is either an a or an i sound : anādāy aditau varnau pathitayyau yakāravad iti Pāțhas' ikṣā. In Kakkuka Inscription y'a is generally written only between a sounds as 1 say'alāna, 9 payā, 10 näy'a, manay'am pi (sic) 11 say'alam pi (sic) ; on the otherhand it is mostly wanting after an i sound. But the inscription is not uniform. Besides niy'a (9) stands nia (12), in 14 there is iy'a and in 13 ney'a naiva also. The oldest Mss write ya
16 Ibid., p. 2. 17 R. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen, Strassburg, 1900, translated into
English by Subhadra Jha, Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi 1957, § 186.

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after all vowels before a, ā in AMg, JM, JS and for these dialects y'a is a characteristic. Therefore, indiya-indriya, hiy'ay'a - hrdaya, giya - gita, dihiya – dūhikā, ruy'a = ruta, düy'a=dūta, tey'a = tejas, loy'a - loka are rightly written. One says, however, only ei – eti, loe - loke, dūo = dütah. Numerous examples are found in the preceding and following paragraphs. The Jainas erroneously carry this and other modes of writing from AMg, JM, JŚ over to other dialects too ($ 11.15)."
The picture of y'a-śruti is different in non-Jaina Prakrit texts. For example, A. L. Che' zy in his edition of Sacountală of Calidasa (Paris, 1830) has not used any y'a-śruti, probably he has not found them in the Mss. It may seem probable that as his edition is called a Bengal recension, his Mss may not have any y'a-śruti. Similarly MonierWilliams also did not use any y'a-śruti in the second edition of his Śakuntala (1876). The opinion of Pischel is already said before. In a similar way, N. B. Godabole in his edition of the Mrcchakațika (1896) has not used any y'a-śruti in the text. He has not indicated them even in the variants given by him in the footnotes. In the dramas of Bhasa as edited by T. Ganapati Shastri and C. R. Devadhar no y a-śruti is found. The remaining vowels (udv rttasvara) are used after the elision of intervocalic consonants, e.g., kusali so dado, āama-ppahānāņi and so on.
The only Prakrit drama in which y'a-śruti poses a problem is the Karpūra-mañjari of Rajasekhara. The two editors, Sten Konow and Manomohan Ghosh, have some difficulties in editing it. Sten Konow has utilised 13 manuscripts for his edition of the Kar pūra-mañjari : eleven Mss (ABC NOPRSTUW) for the text and two (KJ) for the commentaries. Out of these eleven MSS, he has distinguished two groups : "a South Indian group comprising STU and a Jaina group, to which belong ABCPW." The others are more or less copied from the Jaina group. Among these Mss, the y'a-śruti is not found in all the Mss except in the Jaina group. In some cases, say N, "a few instances of y'a-śruti (or writing of an intervocalic y in cases of secondary hiatus, as in may'aņa for maaņa) show influence from Jaina Mss."'18 In the preface he has said, "I leave unmentioned the y'a-śruti in the Jain Mss."19 In fact, in his edition he has practically avoided y'a-śruti as the Karpūra-mañjari is not a Jaina text. A look at the KM will reveal this fact quite clearly. Even in the foot-notes, he has seldom recorded any variants with y'a-śruti. This shows that Sten Konow is, perhaps, tacitly accepting the fact that y'a-s'ruti is a feature of Jaina texts,
18 Sten Konow, Karpuramanjari, HOS, 1902 p. xxv. 19 Şten Konow, loc, cit.

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and not of others. Manomohan Ghosh, on the other hand, in his edition of KM, after discussing a lot, on y'a-s'ruti, has concluded, "Hence words occuring with y'a-s'ruti in the Mss W can be maintained in their original form in the reconstructed text. But this procedure requiring emendations of many words where y'a-s'ruti does not occur (but can be expected), we have not adopted this. It may be hoped that this will not in any way diminish the usefulness of the text."20 Ghosh has not also used y'a-s'ruti in his edition of KM. He too has not supplied any variants with y'a-s'ruti in the footnotes.
JAIN JOURNAL
Recently, A. N. Upadhye has talked about y'a-s'ruti in several of his edited Prakrit texts. But in all the texts he could not maintain the same view. In 1945 his edition of Candralekha s'aṭṭaka was published. In that Prakrit drama no y'a-s'ruti is used and he has no remark on it either. In one of his Mss designated Ka lots of scribal lapses are found, of which y'a-s'ruti is one.21 Hence he has not constituted the texts with y'a-s'ruti. But in 1949, while editing the Lilāvatikathā (≈ Pkt. Lilāvaikahā),22 a Prakrit romance of circa 800 A.D., his argument was different. By that time he considered y'a-s'ruti as a vital factor in Prakrit, at least, in his edition of Lilävaikahā. While constituting the text from several manuscripts, Upadhye has noticed that y'a-s'ruti is found in three Mss designated by him as P, J and B. But in P and J, the y'a-s'ruti is regularly used "with a and a irrespective of the preceding vowel", whereas B "does not introduce it, if the preceding vowel is not a or a". As a result he concludes by saying, "so I have retained y'a-s'ruti following the best Mss and in those cases where all the three Mss do not give y'a-s'ruti, I have noted the readings with P, J, B. The possibility of getting the Mss of the Lilavati in which y'a-s'ruti is less frequent is not in any way, ruled out; in fact, though present here and there, y'a-s'ruti is not the regular feature in the extracts quoted by Kavi in his article referred to above."23
A. N. Upadhye further says that Prof. L. V. Ramasvami Aiyar, Ernaculam, informs him that a 14th century Malayalam grammar (written in Sanskrit), called Lilätilakam, refers to the y'a-s'ruti of Prakrits as yakāracchāyā.
20 Manomohan Ghosh, Karpuramanjari, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1939 2nd ed 1948, p. 43.
21 Candralekha, ed by A. N. Upadhye, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1945, p. 4. 22 Lilavai of Kouhala ed by A. N. Upadhye, Singhi Jaina Series 31, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1949.
23 Upadhye, Lilavai, p. 12.

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However, with regards to y'a-s'ruti, the opinion of Upadhye24 is worthquoting:
"The phenomenon of y'a-s'ruti is quite natural and justified in the evolution of Indian languages. To begin with, ya like pronunciation of certain udvṛtta vowels in Prakrit must have been detected by grammarians, but the practice and the degree of thoroughness of writing y might have differed from locality to locality and from school to school. Some grammarians appear to hint that some vowels, though written as vowels, are to be pronounced like y, possibly to avoid vowel combination. In Jaina Mss of Prakrit works it is regularly used. In non-Jaina works, not preserved in Jaina Mss, it is absent. The Prakrit grammarians, both Jaina and non-Jaina, recognise it. The Jaina authors and writers might have consistently, if not mechanically, used it in their works and in their Mss after any vowel before Hemacandra's time and generally after a and a subsequent to Hemacandra. But we cannot say that it was not at all used by non-Jainas, because non-Jaina grammarians have recognised it and some words in modern Indian languages do show y'a-s'ruti. These facts place us in a difficult position. The editor could be failing in his duty, if he sets aside the norm supplied to him by Mss. Like Pischel a grammarian may like to eschew y' in Mahārāştri, but an editor will have to be faithful to his material on the basis of which he is building the critical texts."
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But a few years later the same learned scholar did not use y'a-s'ruti in his edition of Anandasundari (1955). His argument then was a little different than the former. In the Introduction of that drama he says "The y'a-s'ruti is not used, because P does not give it; and what is given by T is a highly exaggerated practice. Some readings of y'as'ruti are, however, noted by way of illustration."5 And naturally Upadhye has not used it in his edition of Anandasundari.
The above survey has furnished us four different ideas. First, all the Prakrit grammarians are not unanimous with regard to y'a-s'ruti. The western Prakrit grammarians headed by Hemacandra prescribe y'a-s'ruti mainly after a or a, and sometimes after i also. Whether y'a-s'ruti will be observed after any other vowels, such as u, u, e, o etc. is not clear from Hemacandra's prescription. But the eastern Prakrit
24 Ibid., pp. 11-12.
25 Anandasundari ed by A. N. Upadhye, Motilal Banarsidas, Banaras, 1955 p. 11.

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grammarians do not maintain such views. In their opinion the vowels should remain as they are after the elision of intervocalic consonants. They have not practically advocated for y'a-s'ruti, but from the statement of Kramadiśvara and Markaṇḍeya we can infer that y'a-s'ruti could be used after all sorts of vowels. As it is a matter of pronunciation, it is better not to show it in writing. Secondly, y'a-s'ruti is predominantly found in the Jaina Mss, be it canonical or non-canonical. But even there no uniformity is maintained. In some Mss it is used uniformly, in others haphazardly. The editors are therefore at a loss to decide which course to adopt. Thirdly, some scholars think that y'a-s'ruti is a chief feature of Jaina Prakrit and therefore, it must be shown in the text, and in that case Hemacandra's dictum should be followed. Lastly in the Sanskrit dramas and other non-Jaina Prakrit works y'a- s'ruti is not used at all, nor does it pose a problem. In those texts the vowels remain as they are (without any y'a-s'ruti) after the elision of some intervocalic single consonants The rule of Hemacandra is not followed at all.
JAIN JOURNAL
It should be noted in this connection that linguistically y'a-s'ruti is a natural and logical phenomenon. Something like this is also noticed by Panini in one of his sutras. The sutra says that "y and y are pronounced with a lighter articulation before an as' letter, according to the opinion of Sakaṭāyana"26 (cf vyor laghu prayatnataraḥ Sākaṭāyanasya VIII. 3.18). Under the sutra Bhaṭṭoji Dikşita explains laghu-prayatnatara as follows:
yasyoccarane jihvāgropāgra-madhya-mūlānām saithilyam jāyate so laghüccaraṇaḥ, i. e.,
"The lighter articulation results from the relaxation of the muscles and the organs employed in speech, The places of pronunciation are palate, etc, the organs are the root, the middle and the tip of the tongue. When the contact of the tongue with the various places is very light the articulation is laghu prayatnatara"27, for example, bho + atra=bhoyatra, asau+adityaḥasav' adityaḥ. Panini generally admits it after o and au.
From Panini's aphorism it is also clear that laghu prayatnatara is a matter of pronunciation. "Effort or articulation is a quality of the
26 S. C. Basu, Siddhanta Kaumudi, reprinted by Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi, p. 85. 27 Ibid., p. 85.

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person who utters and which is the cause of the utterance of a letter v and y of lighter articulaion are substituted for the final v and y in bhoy, bhagoy, aghoy or after an a or a. The lighter v' will replace the heavy v, and so the lighter y' the heavy y.' "28
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2
In this connection a great linguistic feature is worthnoting. The heavy and lighter nature of y and v in Sanskrit is recorded in the Šikṣās and the Prātiśākhyas. 30 The Sikṣās, though not of very early origin, have stated the different qualities of y and v in Sanskrit. In the Yajnavalkya Sikṣā 31 (verses 150-159) it is stated that y and v are of 3 kinds: guru (heavy), laghu (light) and laghutara (lighter, very light). In the initial position y and v are guru (heavy), medially they are laghu (light) and finally they are laghutara (lighter). 31 The heavy quality of y and v is pronounced with great obstruction, whereas the light quality of them is prononuced with less obstruction. But almost no obstruction is made in lighter pronunciation. The Sikṣās 33 further say that by doubling the initial y and v (i. e., yy and vv) the heavy nature is often indicated. This doubling in the initial position is found in the Satapatha-Brāhmaṇa of the Madhyandina school, perhaps, to indicate the heavy quality, The light quality can be understood when y and v either become vocalic or they are elided medially. This nature of elision of y and v is recorded by Hemacandra in his Prakrit grammar (I. 177) as a result of which a sort of y-like (śruti) is heard (I. 180). The lighter (laghutara) quality of y and v are generally available in sandhi between diphthongs plus other vowels, agnavagni etc. This fact is recorded by Panini in his sūtra-vyor-laghu-prayatnataraḥ Śākaṭāyanasya (VIII 3. 18).
Even in Pali y'a-s'ruti sporadically appears. This fact is recorded by Geiger in the following:
28 Ibid., p. 85.
29 The Siksas where this idea is reflected are the Yajnavalkya Siksa (verses 150-159), Parasari Siksa (60-63), Laghu Amoghanandini Siksa (1-5), Padyatmika Siksa (12-13), Kesari Siksa (1-2), Pratijnasutra (II. 1) etc. See also Siddheshwar Varma, Critical Studies in the Phonetic Observations of Indian Grammarians. Chapter VI, pp. 126-132. (1st ed 1929), reprinted Indian ed by Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1969. This problem is also discussed by I. Datta, 'Had Sanskrit a Fricative w?" Anviksa, Vol XII, 1989, pp. 75-84; On the Treatment of y in old IndoAryan, Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol 31, 1989, pp. 61-67.
30 Rgveda Pratisakhya II. 9-11; Taittiriya Pratisakhya X. 19-23; Vajsaneyi Pratisakhya IV, 124-25; Atharvaveda Pratisakhya I. 25, II. 21-24.
31 Varma, Ibid., p. 126.
32 Ibid., p. 126.
33 Laghu Amoghanandini Siksa, Pratisakhyapradipa Siksa, Kesavi Siksa. See also Varma, Ibid., p. 127.

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"The various phenomena of Prakrit are met with sporadically also in Pali... One of these sporadical phenomena is the occasional elision of an intervocalic mute which is replaced by the hiatusfiller y or v: suva 'parrot' (beside suka) = s'uka ; khāyita 'eaten' – khādita ; niya 'own' (beside nija) = nija; sāyati 'tastes' (beside sādiyati, sădita)=svädate."34
This y'a-s'ruti is also noticed in some of New Indo-Aryan languages.*5 In numerous tadbhava words of NIA, y'a-s'ruti can be traced. For example, Skt. s'ükara > Mg. s'üara > Beng. s'üyara ; Skt, modaka > M. moaa > Beng moya ; piano > Beng piyāno ; Skt. sitārāma > Hindi siyarāma ; Skt. śrgāla>M. siāla>Guj sīyāla ; Skt pāda > Marathi pāya.
The above survey shows that y'a-s'ruti is a natural and logical consequence in language, and in Prakrit this is reflected after the elision of some intervocalic single consonants. If that be the case then what should be the position of y'a-s'ruti in Prakrit.
In general, y'a-s'ruti can be avoided in writing in Prakrit, instead the remaining vowels (udyrtta svara), whatever they might be, can be retained. As it is a matter of pronunciation, let the readers pronounce it the way they like it. This should be the general practice of the editors of Prakrit texts. But in the case of Jaina canonical literature, the y'a-s'ruti can be retained (if it is found in the Mss), maintaining the dictum of Hemacandra (I. 180). It appears to me that as Hemacandra is a Jaina, he has prescribed it for Jaina literature mainly, though without mentioning it categorically, instead he has made it a general feature of Prakrit. Though it is a natural and logical result of Prakrit, its indication in writing can be avoided for the sake of uniformity in Prakrit texts. And that is the case with the non-Jaina Prakrit texts like Gatha Saptas'ati, Setubandha, Gaudayaha, Usāniruddha, Karpūramañjari, Anandasundari, and so on, where no y'a-s'ruti is noticed, not even in their Mss. In the case of Des'ināmamālā, it was Pischel who corrected the Mss for the sake of y'a-s'ruti. As Hemacandra is a Jaina,
34 Pali Literature and Language tr by Batakrishna Ghosh, University of Calcutta
Calcutta, 1943, pp. 81-82, § 36. 35 S. K. Chatterjee, The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, University
of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1926, $ 170 p. 338f. G. A. Grierson, Introduction to Maithili Dialects, Calcutta 1909, pp. 9-11, 24; Pandit Hazari Prasad Dvivedi, 'Hindi y'asruti ki Pariksa', Madhuri Vol 9, 1932, 527 f; A. N. Upadhye, Lilavai, p. 11.

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Pischel must have thought that Hemacandra might have used y'a-s'ruti in his book, and so it should be restored, despite the fact that Mss do not always preserve them. So is also the case with Hemacandra's Kumārapala-carita ; otherwise in non-Jaina Prakrit texts, no y'a-s'ruti is found. In the Prakrit passages of the Sanskrit dramas y'a-s'ruti does not cccur at all, and hence there is no need of using it. Though logically it is possible, it is better to avoid it at least in the non-canonical texts. I believe in this way we can avoid lots of controversy about y'a-s'ruti.

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The Relevance of Nompies in Karnataka
Jainism
Vasantha Kumari
The prominent role of religion in shaping the life of mankind has always been upheld for, religion is considered as a means to attain peace and tranquility. The worship of the divinities, the observance of rituals, the visit to the temples-basically form the inherent human instincts and this has much to do with the ways and life of the community. Thus, devotion and worship form the integral structure of religion.
Jainism does not believe in the God as creator. Hence the noncreator omniscient Jina does not favour his followers with divine grace. But essentially the Jainas have lived as a devotional creed and they have been worshipping the images of Tirthakaras and other lesser gods and goddesses like Yakşas, Yakşis, Kșetrapālas etc and their favours are sought.
The term 'nompy' and 'vrata' are synonymous! but the term nompy is commonly used by the Jainas of Karnataka. It refers to the ritualistic and ceremonial religious observances.
The different forms of nompies performed by the affluents of the Jaina community of Karnataka are found in a number of lithical and literary records. It is imperative that, the nompies formed a significant socio-religious activity of Karnataka Jainism during the 12th Century A.D. and its unbroken tradition is maintained even to this day. Consequently this religious activity has always been upheld as a virtue.
1 Hampa Nagarajaiah, Nompiya Kathegalu, (Nom. Ka-HPN). 2 EC, Vol. II. 3 Ranna, Ajitanatha Purana. 4 Descriptive Lists of Stone Copper Plate Inscriptions, 1940-41 and 1942-43,
K.R.I., Dharwar, 1961.

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The origin and development of the ritualistic performance of nompies may be assigned to the pre-Camunḍaraya period, the doyen of Karnataka Jainism. More emphasis seems to have been given to this observance after the installation of the free standing monolithic colossal image of Bahubali at Śravanabelagola in Karnataka and the mahābhişeka ceremony which was observed subsequently.5 This event also resulted in the stimulation of the sectarian feelings of the Jaina community of Karnataka. The aristocratic class and the commoners alike, were actively involved in socio-religious meritorious activities like building nişidhis in honour of Jaina monks who died of sallekhanā, engraving footprints of prominent Jaina Acaryas, building temples, donating money, making land grants for feeding the ascetics, worshipping the deities, maintaining bastis, etc,"
Jainism in Karnataka made its speedy ascendency till 12th Century A.D. The decline thereafter may be attributed to many zealous Hindu religious activists like Rāmānujācārya, the advocator of Sri Vaisnava cult, and Basavesvara (1105-1167), a minister of Bijjala, a Jaina king of the Kalacuri dynasty. The Virašaiva movement attained wide popularity on account of the missionary activities of Channabasava and Ekanta Rāmāyya and others. They popularised the philosophy of bhakti as a means to realise the spiritual and materialistic objectives. Simultaneously they advocated the miraculous and blessing abilities of their respective religious gods, goddesses and their saints, etc.10
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Giving credence to these factors the Jaina Acaryas also conceded to the required change and encouraged the affluent laymen to adhere to the ritualistic observance of nompies. The worship of the lesser blessing divinities like Yakṣa and Yakşi also became widely popular thereafter. They shrewdly encouraged these developments so that it would maintain the parity with the popular bhakti movement. As a matter of fact, devotion, worship and invocation were emphasised in the religious observances. Innumerable fables, upholding the religious merits of
5 EC, Vol. II.
6 Ibid.
7 Kalghatagi (ed), Jainism-A Study.
8 Saletore, Medieval Karnataka.
9 E. P. Rice, Kanarese Literature. 10 Ibid.

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nompies were narrated11 to the householders, generally by the Acaryas in order to evoke the faith in the doctrine of Vardhamana Mahavira.
The nompies were usually performed in the regional temples but the prevalent belief was that it was meritorious to perform the worship at places of pilgrimage, particularly during some auspicious months of the year when the temples were accessible to a large number of pilgrims. These auspicious months were mostly Aşaḍha, Śravaṇa, Bhadrapada and Aśvina. These months are considered auspicious because they are associated with the ascetic observance of caturmäsa. During this period, the ascetics restrict their movements and conduct themselves to religious discourses, svadhāya, writing, meditation, etc.12
Aṣṭānhikā pūjā was one of the popular nompies which was observed by the Jainas of Karnataka. Reference to this nompy has been made in Rappa's text Ajitanatha Purana whereupon he stresses the need to perform Aşṭāṇhikā vrata by all the Jaina Śravakas.
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sakala śrāvaka janangal mālpa pujayakkum18
Initially this nompy was observed for eight days. During this period, upavāsa (fasting) was also observed. The observers of this nompy were called Asto pavāsis.14 An inscription at Śravaṇabelgola also refers to Pattani Guruvadigal. This inscription is in the Tamil character and hence it is also presumed that the monks were from Tamil Nadu, 'Pattani' in Tamil means 'fasting'. This proves that there is a semblance between the term 'Pattani' and the term 'Aştopavăsi' of the Kannada region. This shows that fasting (during the Aṣṭāṇhikā pūjā) was observed both by the ascetics and the laymen during auspicious days.15
Nandiśvara nompy was generally performed by the Jaina aristocracy initially and later even the common house-holders observed this nompy in a simple form. On the eve of the udyāpana or final con
11 Nom. Ka-HPN.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 P. B. Desai, Jainism in South India.

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clusion of the nompy, the construction of temples for 24 Tirthankaras was followed by the celebration of pañcakalyāṇaka rites and granting of lands to the newly built temples.16 They also donated metal images of Jina, gongs, lamps and other utensils which were necessary for conducting regular worship in the temples. The Nandiśvaras, which form a unique representation in metal were also gifted to the temples. According to the Jaina canon, a full fledged Nandiśvara should contain the 1014 figures of Tirthankaras on each of the faces with Siddha at the top.1 Many such representations are seen in the Jaina temples of Karnataka. One such unique representation is found at Sankha basti18 in Lakṣmeśvara and another at Bandarada basti, Śravanabelgola.19
Some of the nompies which were commonly performed in order to achieve specific objectives are as follows:
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Karma-nirjarā nompy-the performance of this nompy is believed to free a person from the effects of his bad deeds in the previous births. 20
Karmaharastani ya nompy-the aspirants in general, desired to seek birth in Indraloka. 21 In the connecting narrative story of this nompy even women during pregnency after pasturities and a barren wife are also listed among those who performed this nompy to seek fortune.
Kalpa-kunjada nompy-wherein the aspirants desired to seek heavenly life. The lamps in the temple were lighted in the evening, continuously for four months by the celebrators of this nompy.22
Kilvagu nompy-a reference to this nompy is also found in an inscription which belongs to the period of Calukya Tribhuvanamalla Someśvara IV. It is stated that, the gift of land and money was
16 Nom. Ka-HPN.
17 Annual Report on Kannada Research in Bombay Province, 1939-49, K.R.I. Dharwar, 1941.
18 Ibid.
19 Homage to Sravana Belgola (Marg Publications).
20 B. S. Kulakarni, Nompy Kathegalu, (Nom. Ka-BSK).
21 A Descriptive Catalogue of the Kannada Manuscripts, Madras, Vol. III.
22 Ibid.

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received as dakşineya dāna by one Narasimha Patta Vardhana from Malala Mahadevi, when she performed the Kilvagu nompy.28 It is also mentioned in another inscription dated 1176 A.D. that Malal Mahadevi was the daughter of Vikramaditya VI and a wife of Kadamba chief of Goa, Jayakesi II.24
Kaivalya-sukhāştami nompy -- was performed to obtain wealth, children, etc.25
Migeyarala nompy&6 and Nirgatisayada nompy were performed to overcome poverty.87
aspirants hoped
for
Navanidhi-bandārada nompy-wherein the peaceful and prosperous life.28
Nāgara-pañcami nompy--deals with the worship of snakes according to the Jaina custom. This worship includes certain rites in the temples like conducting the abhi şeka and aştavidhārcane. Here it may be noted that the Non-Jaina practice of worshipping ant-hills was condemned by the Jainas.29
Nitya-sukhada nompy was performed to obtain fame, popularity and prosperity. 30
Jivadayāstami nompy emphasised the faith in the doctrine of ahimsā, in philosophy and in practice. Retributions are also illustrated for violating non-violence, wherein the aspirants desired for heavenly life.31
Siddhara nompy-the observer of this nompy aspired for long life and prosperity.
23 Dr. B. R. Gopal, Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol. V., K.R.I., Dharwar. 24 Ibid. 25 Nom. Ka-BSK. 26 A Descriptive Catalogue of the Kannada Manuscripts, Madras, Vol. III. 27 Nom. Ka-BSK. 28 Ibid. 29 Nom. Ka-HPN. 30 Nom. Ka-BSK. 31 Ibid.

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Sapta-jyotiya nompy was observed to seek peace and tranquility. 38
Saubhāgyada nompy-In a copper plate inscription of early 16th Century A.D, found at Moodubidri, in South Kanara District, it is stated that this nompy was performed by one Bhiravendra, the king of Karkala. He celebrated this nompy under the guidance of Lalita Kirti Ācārya of the newly established Karkala Mutt More than 10,000 people of his administrative jurisdiction are stated to have taken part in this celebration. The ruler's motive in performing this nompy indeed was to proclaim the religious significance and to seek peace, prosperity and heavenly life."
Sapta-paramastānada nompy81 and Puspäñjali nompy were performed by the aspirants in order to lead a happy married life and to get male issues.85
Upasargada nompy was celebrated to accomplish ratnatraya that is to achieve right faith, right knowledge and right conduct. An Epigraphical reference to ratnatraya36 nompy is found in an epitaph of 15th Century A. D. at Sravapabalgola, where it is stated that the concluding rites of ratnatraya nompy was celebrated at the feet of Lord Gommateśvaja at Sravanabelgola by the Sråvakas of Bididi. It is also mentioned that, they went on a pilgrimage to Sravanabelgola to perform the concluding rites of Ratnatraya nompy. 37
Candana-sastiya nompy was performed to get rid of all sorts of diseases specially leprosy An inscription of the 12th Century A.D. found at Akkigunda, Dharwad District refers to this nompy. On the eve of the udyāpana ceremony, the Bhavyas of Harati presented the image of Cauvisa Tirthaakaras. 88
Āyigahiya nompy was performed by the forsaken wives to revive their happy family life.89
32 Nom. Ka-HPN. 33 V. Lokanatha Shastri, Noodabidureya Caritre, 1937. 34 Nom. Ka-BSK. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 EC, II. 38 A Descriptive List of Stone Copper Plate Inscriptions. 39 Nom. Ka-BSK.

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An extensive list of nompies exist and so far, nearly 200 nompy narrative stories have been discovered. An eminent Jaina intellectual giant of Mysore, in Karnataka by name Sri Padma Raja Pundit, is stated to have published, by his own effort, nearly 200 nompy stories between the year 1893 to 1930. But unfortunately the copies are seldom accessible to the people. Very recently, in the year 1976 and 1981, many nompy stories were collected and published by Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah and Dr. B. S. Kulakarni respectively. These collec. tions narrate all the periodically observed ceremonies and rituals, along with the norms and practices prevalent among the Jainas. These ritualistic compendium helps us to understand the religious customs which prevailed during the medieval period in Karnataka among the Jainas.
The descriptive offerings and the meaning of each items offered by the performer presents an interesting picture in the Kaivalyasukhāṣṭami nompy. The following offerings were made during the concluding ceremoney of this nompy and each item so offered is said to bestow a particular fortune to the performer.
40
Kannada
name
1 Uppu
2 Akki
3 Bele
4 Yellu
5 Godi
6 Uddu
40 Ibid.
Botanical
name
Oriza Satvia
Cicer Arictirm
7 Togari Cajanus Indicum bele
English
name

Salt
Rice
Sasamum Indicum Gingelli
Dal
Triticum Sativum Wheat
Phaseolus Radiatus Black Gram
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Pigeon Pea
Fortune
To keep up the virtue of one's promises
To beget children
To avoid being born in the lower class/caste
To avoid getting a bad
name
To become a scholar
To give up addiction to Alcoholic drinks

To seek good fortune to one's own daughter

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Kannada name
Botanical
name
English name
Fortune
8 Hesaru Phaseolas Mungo Green Gram To possess gold
ornaments 9 Alasaude Vigna Catiaug Runners Beau To achieve fame 10 Navane Panicum Italicum Millet To get rid of quarrel
some nature 11 Batta Oryzasativa
Paddy
To become a scholar
Apart from these, fruits, flowers, ghee, jaggery, hurige, birusege* and other fried items were also offered as gifts. Besides these, clothes were offered) to the monks and the nuns and ahāradāna to Caturvarņa Muni Sangha and many such meritorious deeds were performed. This nompy was observed by one Kaņakamālā, according to the instruction of Devapāla Muni and consequently she was bestowed with wealth and children. After leading a happy family life, she entered the monastic life and died of samādhi marana.41
The nompy celebration also gave rise to the multiplication of rituals. resulting in the widening of the socio-religious activities. Thereupon the Jaina householders were also inspired by the Ācāryas to conduct religious rites more or less at par with the Brahminical religious complexity. 48 However, the fundamental Jaina concept of Right faith, Right knowledge and Right belief was upheld and thus the Jaina religious structure was kept intact.
It has also resulted in the amalgamation of many Hindu rites and ceremonies into the Jaina structure. For instance, the Ananta-Caturdaśī vrata is a popularly observed nompy among the Brahminical section of the Hindu society. This is observed on the 14th day of the bright fortnight during the month of Bhadrapada that is August September. This vrata is celebrated in honour of God Narāyaṇa, reclining on the back of a serpent, symbolising the space and wisdom in a posture of inactivity. This posture is called "Ananta Sayana'. The intention of performing of this nompy is to develop immunity to all the sorrows.43
*Sweets fried in ghee. Rice or wheat flour mixed with jaggery and other incenses like cardamom, clove, etc. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 Encyclopaedia of Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 71.

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An observer of this vrata ties cotton band, made up of 14 threads around his right arm, called 'Ananta Dharma' symbolising the forces. In contrast to this, the Jainas worship 'Ananta Tirthankara.' The concluding ceremony of this nompy was usually performed by the couple.44 This nompy seems to have become widely popular and is prevalent even to this day. There are many epigraphical references to this nompy. An inscription belonging to the late 19th Century found at Sravaņabelgolă states that while concluding this nompy at Bhandara basti, Śravaņabelgola, the image of fourteen Tirthankaras, beginning with Vrşabha and ending with Ananta Tirthankara were presented by Chittiram Appava Śrāvaka of Tanja Nagaram. Yet another inscription found at Akkigunda near Sangali states that the image of Cauvisa Tirthařkara was presented by Padami Goudi, Sugigavdi and other Bhavyas of Harati, disciples of Jayakirti Bhațțāraka Deva of Mula sangha, Surasta gana, on the occasion of udyā pana, after performing the religious observance of Ananta nompy.45 Two more inscriptions of Varakodu, dated 1425 and 1431 also deal with the performance of Ananta nompy by the Bhavyas of that place. 46
Śivarātri and Gauri nompies are the religious feasts observed by the Hindus of Karnataka. The Jainised form of observation of these nompies may be attributed to the popular Viraśaiva Movement. The Jainas worshipped Tirthankara Adinātha instead of Siva. On the occasion of this nompy, abhi şeka is performed four times during the night at regular intervals. Gauri, Yakşi of þreyāmsa Tirthankara was worshipped by the Jainas. This was in contrast to the popular Hindu conception of Gauri pājā, wherein Goddess Gauri, wife of divine Śiva and her son, Ganeša are worshipped.
The Jainised form of Nagara.pañcami, constituted the worship of Pārsvanatha Tirthankara along with Yakşa Dharaṇendra and Yakşi Padmavati. On the contrary, the Non-Jainas worshipped the ant-hills and this was ridiculed by the Jainas. 47
The contemporary socio-religious rivalries and atrocities on the Jaina shrines and monks by a section of conceited Non-Jaina religious group has been picturised in the Vastu-kalyāṇada nompy.
44 Nom. Ka-BSK. 45 EC, II. 46 M. A. R. for 1920. 47 Nom. Ka-H PN.

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The use of Jaina shrines for prostitution, throwing of dead bodies inside the garbhagudi, ridiculing nudity of the Tirthankara images and the ascetics ; the concept of non creativity, non-creator God Jina and forcing the ascetics to vacate the temple vicinities, etc., has been depicted very effectively.48
The calamities of such severe persecutions were not fictitious. Many historical evidences in support of this unpleasant rivalries have been found. But the Jainas of Karnataka, have proved themselves to be excellent protectors of socio-religious norms of peaceful existence and toleration. The doctrinal depth provided them with enough moral strength to bear such impended humiliation. Obviously, these socioreligious developments caused the rise and growth of communal organisation. But it has to be noted that the Jainas of Karnataka did not develop any antagonistic attitude towards the Non-Jainas. Instead, many nompy stories were written, illustrating retribution for intolerant religious crimes which were considered to be evil. In Vāstu-kalyāṇada nompy49 it is depicted that one Nandimitra suffered from leprosy on account of his involment in a heinous crime. In his subsequent birth, he was born as a tiger and was killed by a hunter. He was reborn as pig, dog, buffalo, etc., such narrative stories and supporting stories upheld, not merely the Jaioa theory of karma, they also aimed to mould the life pattern of people by inculcating in them the spirit of co-existence, harmony and peaceful life.50
Nompies were observed for consecutive years like 3, 5, 7, 9, 12 and so on. A festival atmosphere of sanctity and splendour marked the beginning and the concluding ceremonies of the nompies, Mangala signs and other decorative rangolis were usually drawn or painted with powdered rice mixed in water. The kalasa, darpana, svastika, etc., are considered as signs of goodluck and therefore they were exhibited to ensure success to an undertaking. 51
The gift of metal images of Tirthankara, Nandiśvara, Pañcaparameştis, Yakşas and Yakşis were made to the temples during the udyā pana
48 Nom Ka-BSK. 49 Ibid. 50 Pandit Kailash Chandra Shastri, Jainism (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, Kannada
Grantha-2). 51 Nom, Ka-HPN,

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ceremony. Thus, the Jaina iconography swelled into a complex system and idol worship became an integral part of religion and philosophy.58
Various kinds of dishes, food grains, and other important ingredients like jaggery, sugar, betelnuts, betel leaves, milk, ghee, etc.. offered to the deities by the observers 53 of nompies formed a considerable source of income to the Purohits.
Although the ritualistic form of worship was in contrast to bhāvapūjā, it became a natural course of religious celebration. This has also been approved by the Acāryas like Pujyapada, Elăcărya, Akalanka, Mallisena, etc.54 Simultaneously, the sanctity of 'mantra śāstra' was also upheld. Various works were written on mantra śāstra. In Mallisena's Bhairava Padmăvati-kalpa Sūtra, the meaning of 'om hrim' is interpreted as 'om'
symbol of divya dhyani of the Tirthankaras and ru+hu + yi== hrim as symbolic worship of Pārsvanātha Tirthankara and Yakşa Dharanendra and Yakşi Padmavati, 55
Though the wider celebration of nompies can be assigned to the period of 12th Century A.D., the antiquity of nompies has been associated to the period of Vardhamana Mahavira. Various nompy stories depict Śrenika Mahārāja and Celini Devi as the pioneer performers of nompies. According to the Jaina tradition, they are stated to have been the contemporary of Vardhamana Mahāvira. They performed the nompy rituals according to the instructions given by Gautama Gañadhara.58
The popular narrative nompy stories gained relevance among the Jainas of Karnataka and they form an integral part of the socio-religious activities of the Jaina community even to this day. The nompy performance is considered to be the essence of religious activity, capable of giving worldly happiness, and also ultimate salvation.
52 Ibid. 53 Ibid. 54 Pandit Bhujabali Shastri, Sanskrit Vangmayake Jaina Kavigala Kanike,
Moodibidure. 55 D. Padmanabha Sharma, Jinasasanadevategala Mattu Deviyara Manyate, Bhuva
nahalli, p. 13 and Mohanlal Bhagwan Das Jhavery, Mantra Sastra. 56 Nom. Ka-H PN.

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Jaina Concept of Memory
Mohan Lal Mehta
Modern psychology regards memory as a specific kind of revival or reproduction of past events. It includes the following factors : retention, reproduction, recognition and localisation. To remember an event, the event must have been experienced before and the experience must have been retained or preserved in the mind in the form of an unconscious trace. This is called retention. But the mere retention of a percept is not memory. It must be reproduced in the shape of an image. Thus, one may retain the multiplication-table in the mind, but he is not said to remember it until the table is actually revived in consciousness in the form of visual or verbal images. This stage is called reproduction. Again, any vague reproduction cannot be regarded as memory proper. The image reproduced must be recognised as the image of a former percept. The image must be known to be the image of the object which was experienced in the past. This state of cognition is called recognition. Further, in memory the percept reproduced is referred to a particular point of time. This stage of memory is called localisation. Thus, retention implies the process of power of preserving the unconscious traces or dispositions of past percepts. Reproduction is the revival of past percepts in the form of images and ideas that pre-supposes the retention of those percepts in the shape of mental traces. Recognition means the cognition of an object knowing it to be old and familiar or as something perceived before. Localisation is the recognition of the object having a temporal and spatial reference to it. In the light of this process, it will be easy to explain the Jaina concept of memory.
Retention follows in the wake of perception. At this stage the determination that took place at the stage of perception is retained. The Nandi-sütra defines retention as the act of retaining a perceptual judgment for a number of instants, numerable or innumerable.1 According to the Tattvārtha-bhāşya, retention is the final determination of the object, retention of the cognition and recognition of the object in the future. Thus, according to the opinion of Umäsväti, retention
1 Nandi-sutra, 35. 2 dharana pratipattiryathasvam
bhasya, I, 15.
matyavasthanamavadharanam
ca-Tattvartha

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develops through three stages. Firstly, the nature of the object is finally determined, secondly, the determination of the object is retained, and thirdly, the object is recognised on future occasions. Jinabhadra defines
ce of the lapse of perceptual cognition'.8 At this stage the judgment which has been acquired in perception, becomes so firm that it does not lapse. Like Umāsvāti he also admits three stages of retention. As he says : 'The absence of lapse of the perceptual judgment of the object, the formation of mental trace, and the recollection of it again in the future constitute retention. All of them follow in the wake of perception.' Pajyapāda defines retention as the condition of the absence of forgetting in the future of what has been cognised in the state of perception'.5 Akalanka defines it as 'the absence of forgetting the same of what has been cognised by perception'.8 Vidyananda defines it as 'the condition of recall’.? Vadideva gives a different definition. According to him, 'retention is the consolidation of perception'.8 It is the gradual consolidation and the absence of the lapse of perceptual cognition for some time because of the mindfulness of the cogniser.' He criticises the view of those who regard retention as the condition of recall in the future. It has been observed by him that retention is nothing but the consolidation of perception for a certain length of time. It is not the condition of recall in the future, since it is a category of perceptual cognition and, hence, cannot last up to the time of recollection, Furthermore, if it were to last up to that time, it would be impossible to cognise anything else during that interval, inasmuch as even the exponents of the said view are not prepared to admit the presence of two conscious activities at the same time, Thus, how can retention be defined as the condition of recall? We recollect our past experience on account of the special capacity of the soul to remember past events. The faculty of retention cannot be regarded as the cause of recollection. Retention, however, can be admitted as a remote cause of recall, and not as the immediate one, since it is not an impossibility to admit so many remote causes of an event. 10 According to Hemacandra, 'retention is the condition of recollection'. 11 This condition is nothing but the causal stuff capable of
3 .........aviccui dharana tassa-Visesavas yaka-bhasya, 180. 4 Ibid., 291. 5 avetasya katantare avismaranakaranam dharana-Sarvarthasiddhi, I, 15. 6 nirjnatarthavismrtirdharana--Tattvartha-varttika, I, 15, 4. 1 .........smrtihetuh sa dharana - Tattvartha-sloka-varttika, I, 15, 4. 8 sa eva drdhat amavasthapanno dharana-Pramana-naya-tattvaloka, JI, 10. 9 Syadvada-rat nakara, II, 10. 10 Ibid. 11 smrtihet urdharana - Pramana-mimamsa, I, I, 29.

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change into the effect called recall that consists in the recollection of past events. To express the same idea in a different manner, retention is nothing but the latent mental trace left over as legacy by previous experience. It is, thus the continued existence of a particular perceptual judgment for a certain length of time. Hemacandra further remarks that this latent mental trace should be admitted as a species of cognition on the ground that it is a category of comprehension. It should not be supposed that it is different from cognition as such, because if it were not cognitive in character, it could not produce recall which is a category of cognition. One kind of existence is impossible to be transformed into another kind of existence which is opposite in nature. If retention in the form of hidden mental trace were not cognitive in nature, it could not be an attribute of the self, inasmuch as the attributes of a conscious entity cannot be non-conscious in nature.13
Recollection is the cognition that has the stimulus of a latent mental trace for its condition. It refers to its content by a form of the pronoun 'that'.13 The latent mental trace is nothing but the disposition retained by our past experience. Its emergence to the surface of consciousness constitutes the stimulation of recollection. The emergence of recollection is necessarily conditioned by this sort of stimulation. Unless and until this type of stimulation is present, recollection cannot emerge. But how does the latent mental impression serve as the stimulus for the emergence of recollection ? It requires another stimulus. The disposition of past percepts, though it may have continued for a certain length of time, does not operate as the cause of recollection unless it is awakened by another stimulus. The stimulus to excite it is admitted to be two-fold by the Jaina.14 First of all, the person reproducing his past experience must be competent to do so. Now, what is this competency ? It is nothing but the destruction-cumsubsidence of the obscuring karmic veils. The second factor is nothing but the external conditions that bring the disposition to maturation. It includes the observation of similar objects and the like. Now, mere observation of similar objects and such other conditions are not enough to arouse recollection, since sometimes it happens that such conditions as the observation of similar objects and the like being present recollection does not arise. All the external conditions may be
12 Commentary on Pramana-mimamsa, I, i, 29. 13 vasanodbodhahet uka tadityakara smrtih-Pramana-mimamsa, 1, 2, 3. 14 avaranaksayopasamas adrsadarsanadisamagrilabdhaprabodha tu smrtim janayati
- Commentary on Pramana-mimamsa, I, 2, 3.

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there to arouse recollection, and yet, recollection does not emerge because of internal incompetency. Unless the mental make-up is efficient enough to recollect what has been experienced in the past, no emergence of recollection is possible. Mere external causes cannot give rise to internal activities. In cooperation with internal states only external conditions can produce certain mental functions. For this very reason the Jaina thinkers admit both internal and external conditions as the cause of recollection. One without the other is incapable of giving rise to it. However, when the requisite conditions such as the destruction-cum-subsidence of the obstructive veils, observation of similar objects, and the like, are at work to bring the latent mental trace to maturation, the disposition produces recollection. The contents of recollection are expressed by a form of the pronoun 'that', in as much as it refers to our past percepts. Thus, all the cognitions that point to their contents as that jar, that cloth, that ear-ring, and the like, are the cases of recollection. The line that distinguishes recollection from perception is that perception alwaws refers to its content as existing in the present, whereas recollection always has reference to its content as existed in the past.
Recognition is a synthetic judgement born of perception, i.e., direct sensory observation and recollection. It is represented by such forms of deliverance as 'that necessarily is it', 'it is like that', 'this is dissimilar to that', 'this is different from that', and so on.15 Recognition is a complex mode of cognition. It includes both perception and recollection. Perception is the direct observation of the objects existing before our sense-organs. Recollection is reproduction of the latent mental trace. These two are the conditions of recognition. Thus, recognition is a kind of synthetic judgment. When perception and recollection are combined in a particular form, recognition emerges. As recollection refers to its content by a form of the pronoun 'that', recognition delivers its contents in forms like the following ; That necessarily is it' is one of the forms. It is the judgment of identity. All such judgments as 'this is necessarily that jar', this is necessarily that cloth', 'this is necessarily that man' are the cases of this type. When the same object is cognised on different occasions, such judgments occur. This is like that' is the judgment of similarity. When we happen to come across an object which is similar to another one that has already been experienced, such judgment as 'this is like that emerges. All such judgments as 'this book is like that one', 'my watch is like that of yours', are the cases of the judgment of similarity. There are certain judgments that
15 Pramana-mimamsa, 1, 2, 4.

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are just reverse to the judgments of similarity. The buffalo is dissimilar to the cow', 'the horse is dissimilar to the ass', and the like can be mentioned as examples of this variety of judgment. This is called the judgment of dissimilarity. There is also the judgment of difference. All such judgments as 'ten is less than twenty', 'five is more than three', 'the elephant is heavier than the camel', are cases of the judgment of difference.
Now, an objection may be raised against the very notion of recognition. We do not come across any phenomenon called recognition, which is given out as an independent category of cognition, as anything different from the two cognitive acts, viz., 'recollection' indicated by the form 'that' and 'perception' indicated by the word 'this'. When both these mental processes are in fusion, we derive the notion of recognition. Thus, strictly speaking, recognition is not a separate factor of our cognition. This contention is not a sound one. Recognition is not merely a combination of recollection and perception but something more. The object of recognition is the entity that stands out as the identity in and through its precedent and subsequent states.16This identity cannot be the content of recollection, since recollection cognises only what has been perceived before. As has been stated : 'Recollection cognises only what has been known before and refers to its content as 'that', whereas recognition establishes the identity of a past datum with a present one in the form that is this'. Therefore, the content of recognition is certainly different from the datum of recollection.'17 Nor can this identity be the content of perception which is confined to the present state of an object only. In other words, the province of perceptual cognition is limited to what is actually present and given to the senses. "That which is in direct contact with the senses and actually present, is directly grasped by the senses of sight and the like.'18 Hence, the identity of a past object and a present datum cannot lie within the jurisdiction of sensory perception. Therefore, we are justified to conclude that the province of recognition is different from that of recollection and perception. No doubt, recognition is a synthetic judgment born of perception and recollection, but it cannot be regarded as the mere combination of the two, inasmuch as it is a new state of the mind as a unitary cognition.
16 purvaparakaraikadhurinam hi dravyam pratyabhijnans ya visayah-Commentary
on Pramana-mimamsa, 1, 2, 4. 17 purvapramitamatre hi jayate sa iti smrtih, sa evayamitiyam tu prat yabhijnatire.
kini --Tattva-sangraha, 453. 18 sambaddham vartamanam ca grhyate caks uradina-Sloka varttika, IV, 84.

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The Jaina View on Darkness
Himanshu Shekhar Acharya
The Jainas accept darkness (tamas) as one of the modes (paryāya) of pudgala.1 Pudgala is one of the five non-soul substances (ajīvadravyas) enumerated in the system. It is found in two forms, i, e., atoms (aņu) and aggregates (skandha). Aggregate which is equivalent to the whole of the Vaišeşikas is a product of the conglomeration of atoms. Atoms arise only through disintegration of aggregates.5
Umàsvati in his commentary on his own work titled Tattvārtha - dhigama-sūtra notes that the four such as darkness, shade, heat and lusture out of the ten modes of pudgala are caused by the transformation of pudgala. Probably this is the reason for those being known as vikāra or paryāya in the system.? Besides, while clarifying the
i sabdabandha-sauksmya-sthaulya-samsthanabheda-tamas-chayatapo-dyotas ca,
TAS, 5:24; BS, 5:9:224 and US, 28 : 12. 2 ajivakah dharmadharmakasapudgalah, TAS, 5:1.
Here the word pudgala consists of two terms i. e., pud and gala, pud means 'to integrate' and gala denotes 'to disintegrate'. Pudgalas according to Jainas are subject to integration and disintegration which result in the creation of bodies.
Explaining this Umasvati says--samghatabhedebhyo ut padynte, TAS, 5.26. 3 anavah skandhas ca, Ibid., 5:25. 4 khando paramanusamgasamghado, PS, 2:79. 5 bhedad anuh, Umasvati, op. cit., 5.27. 6 tamas' chayatapo' dyotas ca, Umasvati's Bhasya on his TAS, p. 272. For other
six modes of pudgala vide TAS, 5.24. 1 ete pudgalavikarah, SS, p. 64;
.........pudgaladavvassa pajjaya, BDS, gatha, 16. For a proper understanding of the status of darkness in Jaipa philosophy, we have to be clear regarding the Jaina conception of substances (dravyas) and modes (paryayas). According to Jaina philosophers each of the dravyas mentioned above possesses certain inalienable qualities and again with its qualities it must exist in some state or form. This is its mode of existence or paryaya. Due to continuous transformation this mode or paryaya is subject to change. At every moment it is destroyed and a new mode crops up. But a dravya remains eternal being free from creation and destruction.

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necessity of formulating two independent sutras for the enumeration of the modes and qualities of pudgala, he says that the qualities like colour etc. (enumerated in the sutra 5.23) are transformed from both atom and aggregate while darkness etc. (enumerated in the sūtra 5,24) are transformed from aggregate only.
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Vijayalāvaṇya Suri quotes Syadvadins saying that pudgalas are transformed into light and darkness. During transformation from light to darkness the luminousity of pudgalas of light are removed with their substanceness remaining constant.10
The arguments of the scholars like Hemacandra Suri, Vijayalavanya Suri, Bhavasena etc. go in favour of the positivity of darkness.11 The author of BS points out that the destruction of light transforms into darkness.18
Pujyapada, Nemicandra etc. hold darkness to be the factor obstructing our visual perception besides being a mode of pudgala.18
To conclude, tamas according to Jainas is a mode of pudgala and it can be considered as a substance since a mode (paryāya) is not different from a substance.14 It is worth mentioning here that tamas and chaya are considered as two different entities in the form of two independent modes of pudgala15 while these are accepted as identical by Naiyayikas, In the texts of Nyāya chāyā is used as a synonymn
8 Umasvati, op. cit., p. 27.
9 Interestingly, the gramarians too consider darkness to be caused by transformation of atoms. Bharttrhari states, anavah sarvasaktitvat bhedasamsargavrttayahl chayatapatamah-sabdabhavena parimaninah, VP, 1.110,
10 diparupena parinatanam bhasvarapudgalanam tamorupena parinamad bhasvaraparinamatyagepi dravyatvaparityagat tamaso dravyarupatyaiva syadvadibhir abhyupagamad ety asayah, STSVS, p. 121, 1.24-26.
11 Vide SR, p. 14; Vijaylavanya Suri, op. cit., VTP, p. 252, 1. 9-10.
12 dipadivinasas yapi tamisradirupataya parinamat, BS, 1.3.32.
13 tamo drstiprativandhakaranam prakasavirodhi, ete pudgalavikarah, Pujyapada, op. cit.; cf. Nemicandra, op. cit., Bhasya thereon, p. 47.
14 cf. Kundakundacarya, op. cit., 1.12.
15 Umasvati, op. cit., 5:24.

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for tamas or älokābhava. According to Jainas cháyā is the form of an object reflected on another substance.16 It is divided into two types such as one in the form of an envelope of light and other is in the form of image (pratibimba).17 Tamas is considered as opposed to light by both Jainas18 and Naiyāyikas. It may also be observed that the second variety of chāyā, i. e., envelope of light resembles by its nature of enveloping the tamas of Vaiseşikas and Samkhyas, 19
16 Ibid., Bhasya (Hindi Tr.), there on, p. 272. 17 Ibid., cf, sa ca dvividha varnadivikaraparinata prativimbamatratmika ceti, Pujya
pada, op. cit., p. 64; also Bhasya on BDS. p. 47. 18 Pujyapada, op. cit., p. 64. 19 ........guruvaranakam eva tamah, Sk, Ka. 13.

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Abbreviations and Bibliography
BDS: Brhaddravyasaṁgraha of Nemicandra, ed by Monobaralal
Shastri, Srimad Rajachandra Ashram, Agas, 1966.
BS : Bhagavatisūtra with Abhayadevasūri's com., ed. by N. V, Vaidya,
Vijayadeva Sūri Samgha Series : 9, Bombay.
PS : Pañcāstikāyasärah of Kundakundācārya, ed. by A. Chakravarti
Nayanar, Bharatiya Jnanapith Publication, Varanasi, First edition 1975,
SK : Samkhyakārikā of Isvarakrşpa with commentary Sārabodhini
of Sivanarayan Shastri with Samkhyatattvakaumudi of Vacaspati Mishra, Nirnayasagar, Bombay, 1940.
SR : Syādvāda-rahasya of Hemacandra Suri, ed by, Yasovijayajñāni.
śvara, Bharatiya Pracya Tattva Prakashan Samiti, Pindwada, 1974,
SS : Sarvārtthasiddhi of Pujyapāda, ed. by C. S. Mallinathan, Jaipur,
1951.
STSVS : Syādvā datikā of Vijayalāvanya Suri, a com, on Sastravartta
samuccayaḥ of Haribhadrasari, ed. by Pannyasasri Suśīlavijayoganih, Sri Vijayalāvanya Sūrisvar Jnanamandir, Botad, Saurastra, 1953.
TAS: Tattvārthādhigamasutra of Umāsvāti with his own commentary,
ed. by Khubchand S. Shastri, Bombay, 1932.
US : Uttarādhyayana Sūtra, ed, with a commentary by Jarl Charpentier,
Ajoy Book service, New Delbi, 1980.
VP: Väkyapadiya of Bharttshari, ed. and tr. by K, Raghavan Pillai,
Motilal Banarasi Das, Delhi, 1971.
YTP: Visvatattvaprakās'a of Bhavasena, ed. by V. P. Johrapurkar, Jaina
Samskrti Şamraksaka Mandal Samgha, Solapur, 1964.

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Gleanings Treasure Trove of Jaina Art and Architecture
Bibhuti Mishra
Orissa has been a cauldron for brewing of various religious faiths in different periods of its chequered history. Jainism, that thrived here from very early times, reached a stage of efflorescence in the first century B. C. during the reign of king Khāravela, perhaps the mightiest king in Orissa's history. Today though Orissa abounds in relics of prime Jaina centres, the twin hills of Khaņdagiri and Udaygiri, honeycombed with rock-cut caves, occupy the pride of place. Writes Debala Mitra, “Among the Jaina centres of Orissa, Udaygiri and Khaņdagiri occupy, the supreme position in the fields of history, cave architecture, art and iconography."
Just about seven kilometres to the west of Bhubaneswar rise Khaņdagiri and Udaygiri, the twin hills of tranquility. Known as Kumāra Parvata and Kumāri Parvata in ancient times the hills were an important seat of Jaina religion and culture and the rock-cut caves here appear to have served as the holy apartment houses for the wandering Jaina monks.
It appears that king Khāravela, a devout Jaina himself, has declared Jainism as the sate religion. It is also believed that Mahavira, the last of the Tirthankaras, had visited Udaygiri along with a group of his disciples carlir. Even after the fall of Khāravela's Maha-Meghavahana dynasty Jainism continued to flourish as a popular faith for many centuries, though no other royal dynasty seems to have extended patro. nage to it.
Khåravela and his successors are believed to have excavated more than 110 caves at the twin hills for the Jaina ascetics who seem to have looked upon it as an ideal monastic retreat because of its seclusion. The rocks being soft and brittle many of the caves have fallen prey to the assults of nature. Of the existing 33 important caves Khandagiri has 15 while Udaygiri has 18. These caves have been excavated at different heights and spots over a period of 300-400 years. "... even if the occupation was not as long as at Ajanta, where we find a 1000 years of artistic activity. Khandagiri and Udaygiri must have taken some 350 years to create. There is evidence of Jaina occupation from the 2nd century B. C. into the 11th century A. D. perhaps with a gap of a few hundred years between the 2nd century A. D. and the 8th."-says the noted historian Charles Fabri.

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191
wwwwwwwwwwww
The Double-storeyed Ranigumpa
Khāravela's chief queen was reputed to be a patron of arts and is believed to be responsible for the impressive sculptural decoration of the caves. These caves are important in many ways and they constitute an archaeological, historical and cultural treasure trove. Remarks Fabri, "With the possible exception of the much later Jaina caves at Elloră, the caves of Udaygiri and Khaņdagiri hills must be counted as the finest rock-cut works the Jaina community has ever produced. They are not only fascinating as a continuous document for the development of archaic art they also embrace some of the most admirable sculptures of the period produced anywhere in India by any community and bear, in many senses, comparison with the entire development of early Indian art at Bharhut, Sañci and Amarăvati especially the last.”
The caves follow an interesting pattern of construction. They consist of one or more small cells by a pillared verandāh, in which shelves have been carved.
The other famous cave on Udaygiri is Häthigumpha (Elephant cave) But its fame mainly rests on the 13 years lithic record of Khåravela's reign that is engraved here, architecturally it is insignificant. This inscription gives us an idea about the contemporary lifestyle, art, culture, religion, welfare measures undertaken by the king, his military

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exploits and his passion for music and dance. It constitutes one of the most ancient and magnificent specimens of Pali records found in India.
Khandagiri, about 4 metres higher than Udaygiri, also boasts of a number of important caves like Navamuni, Barabhuji and the two Tota gumpha (Parrot cave), the last named taking their name from the figures of parrots carved on the arches of their doorways. The Tota caves, like the Rani gumpha, have excellent relievo carvings on their facades. The hill of Khandgiri is crowned by a pink Jaina temple believed to be of the 18th century although the main image in marble was installed only about 50 years back. The temple of course, has no architectural merit and the terrace near it, with a number of monolithic miniature shrines, is known as 'Deva Sabha' or the assembly of gods.
JAIN JOURNAL
Though tourists throng this little world of bliss all the year round the largest assemblage occurs during a week-long festival beginning on the same day as the celebrated Kumba Mela. An eternal fire is kept burning by (Hindu) sadhus and a dip in a small pool of water known as Gupta-Ganga is considered sacred as it is supposed to have underground link with the holy Ganges.
from The Hindu, October 27, 1991

The Pink Temple atope Khandagiri

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