Jain Journal 1971 10

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520024/1

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// jaina bhavana // Oct 1971 a quarterly on jainology JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Muni Punyavijayji 45 (A savant among saints and a saint among savants) B. M. Singhi Vedantic Concept of Illusion : a critical analysis 50 Pradyumna Kumar Jain Revival of Sramana Dharma in the Later Vedic Age 60 Joyti Prasad Jain Paumacariu 63 Svayambhudeva Srenika-Bimbisara 69 (In the light of the Jaina Agamas and Buddhist Tripitakas) Muni Nagraj Two Kausaggiyas from Vadnagar 79 Harihar Singh Correspondence 81 Books Received 82 Visva Prahelika (Review) 83 Books on Jainology 86 Plates : Sruta-Sila Agam-Prabhakar Muni Sri Punyavijayji 45 Jaina Patta 69 (coloured painting) J. S. Bothra

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Books Received GANI, BHANUVIJAYA, Paramtej (in Gujarati), Divyadarshan Sahitya Samiti, Ahmedabad. Part I, 1959. Pages 18+16+351. Price Rs. 6.00. Part II, 1969. Pages 36+40+430. Price Rs. 10.00. Lucid commentary on Haribhadra Suri's Lalitavistara Vrtti. JAIN, MISHRILAL (Ed), Sri Kaparda Svarna Jayanti Mahotsav Granth (in Hindi), Shri Svarna Jayanti Mahotsav Samiti, Kaparda, 2025 V.S. Pages 9+158+96+22+70+190+63. Price Rs. 10.00. Commemoration volume containing articles by various writers. Pt.I-Antiquity of Jainism and origin of Kaparda and its history. Pt. II-Jaina pilgrimages of Rajasthan. Pt. III-Jaina pilgrimages outside Rajasthan. Pt. IV-Jaina personalities. Pt. V-Miscellaneous writings in Hindi and Gujarati. Pt. VI-List of members, donors, etc. JAIN, NEMICHAND (Ed), Tirthankara (Hindi), a monthly on Jainology, Hirabhaiya Prakashan, Indore, 1971. Yearly subscription Rs. 10.00; per copy Re. 1.00. A monthly of ideas and thoughts. Has started its publication from May this year. JAIN, SUDARSANLAL, Uttaradhyayana Sutra: Ek Parisilan (Parsvanath Vidyashram Series No. 15) (in Hindi), P. V. Research Institute, Varanasi, 1970. Pages 16+532. Price Rs. 25.00. Critical study of Uttaradhyayana Sutra from all angles. MEHTA, MOHANLAL, Jaina Philosophy (Parsvanath Vidyashram Series No. 16), P. V. Research Institute, Varanasi, 1971. Pages ii+ii+iv+234. Price Rs. 10.00. Revised and enlarged edition of author's earlier work 'Outlines of Jaina Philosophy'. In eight chapters it deals with brief history of Jainism, religious and philosophical literature of the Jainas, reality, soul, matter, knowledge, anekanta and nayas and theory of karma. UPADHYAYA, LABDHIMUNI, Yugapradhan Sri Jinacandra Suri Caritam (in Sanskrit), edited by Bhanwarlal Nahata, Abhaychand Sett, Calcutta, 2027 V.S. Text with short introduction.

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BOOK REVIEW VISVA PRAHELIKA (Enigma of the Universe in Hindi) : Muni Mahendra Kumar (II) : Javeri Prakashan, Bombay, 1969 : Pages 17+364 : Price Rs. 15.00. Muni Mahendra Kumar (II), a young monk of the Terapanth order of the Jainas, has produced a useful volume on the Jaina view of the Universe, based on authoritative canonical texts. It includes Jaina metaphysics (dravya-mimarsa) which discusses the material composition of the universe, Jaina cosmology which discusses its nature and dimensions and Jaina cosmogony which discusses its age, both past and futur This is a field in which Jaina scholars were one of the earliest to take interest and record their findings in their sacred books. Obviously the material was scattered and was not readily available. In bringing it together, the Muni has made it handy to interested people. Apprehending that the title 'Visva Prahelika' may not be adequately expressive of its content, the author has added a sub-title 'Cosmology and Cosmogony in the light of Modern Sciences, Western Philosophy and Jaina Darsan'. The methodology is comparative in which philosophers and scientists of the western world from the Greek times to our own have been freely brought in. There is an elaborate appendix in the end on Jaina mathematics, falling in four parts as : 'measure of space', 'measure of time', 'statistics', and 'loka-dimensions'. A perusual of the book gives the pleasure that our remote forefathers living at least 2500 years back were not 'unscientific' according to modern standards. Man's interest not only in his little home called the earth, but also in all its neighbours--at least as far as his mental and material, more mental than material in the past, equipments would take him-must have been pretty old. Starting, as it perhaps did, to satisfy a vacant curiosity, it later developed into a mature thing when man, the Jainas in particular, were tempted to put it to a spiritual end. It gave satisfaction to the Jainas to think that, stationed as they were on this earth, which was somewhere in the middle of the loka, there were several 'earths' beneath, to which they would be assigned if they indulged in acts of impiety and swerved from the path indicated by the Jina, as there were several such above, to which they would be lifted for all their pious deeds, and on top of them all was a place, most coveted, a place of eternal and never-toterminate bliss, which was the abode of the liberated souls, and which hang before them as the ultimate goal to attain, provided they were

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JAIN JOURNAL eager to put an end to all their glidings to and fro, through the various existences, which were a veritable wilderness. It was this that provided the basis of the Jaina view of the universe, which was not basically very different from a contemporaneous Hindu view of it, with a similar end. With the goal thus set, the Jaina savants indulged into what would appear to us conjectures and speculations about the universe based on their spiritual insight. "Scientific reasoning' was not developed at this period as also material apparatuses and therefore one would look in vain for the use of these in the production of canonical literature. The coverage too was too wide, the whole universe, of which only a microscopic fraction has been revealed to the modern sciences. It is therefore impossible to adjudge how far scientific, or how far from it, is or has been the Jaina, or, in fact, any other traditional, view on the subject but this much mus be admitted that for the presentation of their findings, the Jainas, like their other counterparts, had developed an adequate methodology and an admirable terminology, which one is free to accept or reject. Thus conceived, science became a part of religion, or religion became a part of science, and the two got so much mixed up in India that it was impossible to extricate one from the other. And there was nothing to fear from this admixture, since religion in India was a matter of realisation, not merely a blind faith in the words of the mouth and sacred texts, which each and every person was free to perceive and ultimately achieve. It was never fixed to certain dogmas, but to practices, it was not mere ritualistic but realisation-based that gave religion a built-in strength, and that perhaps is the reason why it has survived in this country the onslaughts of time and impacts of faith-oriented religions that later came to this land. This has not been so in the west where science and religion had remained poles apart, in hostile camps, and this for all times, since, even now, we have it on the authority of scholars like Arnold Toynbee and others, there is no compromise between the two. As things stand in the west, modern science was born around the 12th century A.D., on the basis of inspiration it received from the Greek philosophers who had lived about 2000 years earlier, and who had provided `reasoning', and it was quest for truth which was enshrouded in, and discouraged by, the teachings of a dominant church which provided the immediate impetus. So science started in the west by breaking away from the church teachings and since, in the ensuing battle, science proved the stronger of the two, it dominates the western life today more than the church, but unlike in India, western science, whatever its cause of genesis, is now almost wholly put to a material end, thereby removing any plausible basis for comparison between modern science of the west and traditional knowledge of the east. To this extent, comparative

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OCTOBER, 1971 method is bound to be handicapped, and even though the Muni is too much obsessed with its glamour, he may not be wholly unconscious of its limitations. 85 Even though we may reasonably claim our remote forefathers to be the earliest pioneers of science, modern sciences in the west, as said above, are wholly an independent growth and owe no debt of gratitude to our traditional knowledge. For, having developed it with a spiritual end, our forefathers developed dogmas round it and never pursued it further through researches. Lacking mobility, this traditional knowledge became a stagnant pool and was virtually a dead thing to its unworthy inheritors. It is somewhat painful to record that even though in the mediaeval period, there flourished a number of important Jaina scholars, their interests were wholly literary and their contribution to the growth of the traditional scientific knowledge was negligible or nil. The carcass of this knowledge lay in temple archives for centuries consecrated to weevils, when it was saved from total annihilation by the interest of the Indologists. Our recent interest in our traditional knowledge is less than a hundred years in age. By this time, sciences in the west had come up and become firmly established so that it had hardly any need to look back. Our traditional knowledge now is no more than a matter of historical interest only. And since we ourselves are incapable of advancing it and the west is not interested in it, its future lies in the archives. Even in this dead mass of traditional knowledge, the Muni feels that there may be some elements of growth. He has suggested in his foreward two such growth elements by way of corollary. One is the existence of mass-less objects whose identification makes possible to demonstrate the existence of speed faster than light, and to concieve of the genesis of new matter, and the other he called the 'quantumification' of time. For this, in his critical analysis in chapter 4, he has cited clues from the canonical literature. These suggestions may be worthy of pursuit by some future researcher. The Muni needs be congratulated for so laborious a task he has undertaken through a single-handed effort. Though, because of the fabulous growth of sciences in the west, our traditional scientific treasure holds no brilliant future for growth, the Muni's use of technical terms, some of his own coinage, will, however, provide useful terminology that in future may have the way for scientific discussions through purely Hindi terminology. That is at least a field where our looking back still yields fruit, and if it does even in the present case, it must be conceded, the painstaking research has not all been in vain. -K. C. L.

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on Jainology ABHYANKAR, K. V. (Ed.), Dasavealiya Sutta, Editor, Ahmedabad, 1938. Pages iv+54+ii+113. Price Rs. 3.00. Text with introduction, notes and translation. Books CHOKSHI, V. J. & MODI, M. C. (Ed.), The Vivagasuyam, Gurjara Grantharatna Karyalaya, Ahmedabad, 1935. Pages 16+102+ 136+122. Text with translation, introduction, notes, glossary and Abhayadeva's commentary. DASGUPTA, DEVENDRANATH, Jaina System of Education (Bharati Mahavidyalaya Publication Education Series No. 1) Bharati Mahavidyalaya, Calcutta, 1942. Pages xiv+134. Price Rs. 3.50. Thought provoking treatise on the Jaina system of education. The period traversed extends from the time of Rsabha to Acarya Hemacandra (11th century A.D.). LEUMANN, E. (Ed.), The Dasaveyaliya Sutta, Sheth Anandji Kalyanji, Ahmedabad, 1932. Pages ix+130. Text edited by Leumann and translated with introduction and notes by Walther Schubring. MODI, M. C. (Ed.), The Antagada-dasao and The Anuttarovavaia-dasao, Gurjar Grantharatna Karyalaya, Ahmedabad, 1932. Pages xl-+ 116+191. Price Rs. 3.00. Text with Abhayadeva's vrtti, introduction, translation, notes and appendices.

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OCTOBER, 1971 SALETORE, B. A., Mediaeval Jainism with special reference to the Vijayanagara Empire, Karnatak Publishing House, Bombay, 1938. Pages ii +426. Price Rs. 5.00. Study of Jainism under the mediaeval Hindu monarchs beginning with the Ganga kings and ending with the Vijayanagara Empire. It describes the conspicuous part played by kings, feudatories, nobles, priests, citizens, and women for its propagation and preservation with the aid of contemporary historical records. STEVENSON, SINCLAIR, The Heart of Jainism, with an introduction by G. P. Taylor, Oxford University Press, London, 1915. Pages xxiv +336. Contains historical summary, the life of Mahavira, Mahavira's predecessors and disciples, history of Jaina community, Jaina philosophy, the nine categories of fundamental truth, karma and the path of liberation, the life story of a Jaina, the Jaina layman and his religious life, the Jaina ascetic, the end of the road, Jaina worship and religious customs, Jaina mythology, Jaina architecture and literature, empty heart of Jainism. TANK, UMRAO SINGH, A Dictionary of Jaina Biography, Part I-A, The Central Jaina Publishing House, Arrah, 1917. Pages xvi+116. Gives all the important names of the Jaina men and women in English Alphabetical Order (incomplete).

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a savant among saints and a saint among savants : MUNI PUNYAVIJAY JI B. M. SINGHI A true specimen of the Jaina monkhood and a worthy representative of the tradition and heritage of the Jaina fold, Muni Punyavijayji, who died in Bombay on June 14, 1971 was a life-long traveller in the realms of knowldege. He had an insatiable yearning for exploration of the wisdom of the past. It is absolutely true that but for his ceaseless efforts in the direction of research and scholarship, the vast treasures of knowledge would have remained locked up in the bhandaras of the Jaina temples. Initiated and inspired by Muni Caturvijayji and taught and encouraged by Pandit Sukhlalji, he devoted his whole life to bring to light hundreds of valuable manuscripts written on palm-leaves and preserved in the Jaina bhandaras of Jaisalmer, Patan, Cambay, Baroda, Ahmedabad, Bikaner, Jodhpur, Limbdi, etc. At initiation, he was not a great scholar, but he soon developed under the inspiring leadership and guidance of his master Muni Caturvijayji a passion for learning and threw himself heart and soul in the direction of seeking and acquiring knowledge and learning. It was here that Pandit Sukhlalji helped him. He was indeed fortunate in having an inspiring preceptor in Muni Caturvijayji and an encouraging teacher and guide in Pandit Sukhlalji. He made the best of what he learnt and acquired from both of them and always acknowledged his gratitude and indebtedness to both. He called Muni Caturvijayji as his 'Diksa-guru' and Pandit Sukhlalji as his 'Vidya-guru' throughout his life. He had great respect for both of them and received great affection and admiration from them.

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JAIN JOURNAL Muniji's contribution to research and learning in the field of Indology was supreme. He made concerted efforts to bring out the old manuscripts in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Apabhramsa from the traditionally closed bhandaras through the influence, ingenuity and industry of his Guru Caturvijayji and his own. He took long and arduous journeys in places far off to discover and recover the manuscripts which were treasure-houses of knowledge and learning. He knew no obstacles in his pathway towards the goal he had set out for himself. He did all this single-handed and undeterred by opposition and difficulties which came in his way. He had great conviction of the importance of the scholastic work he had undertaken and a great confidence in his ability to pursue the path he had chosen. It was his great 'vrata' to make the hithertohidden sources of knowledge open and available to scholars and research-workers of the world. It is indeed true that but for him, Jainology would have remained deprived of many important and valuable springs of knowledge in its area. Muniji was an individual but his work proved that he was an institution and what he achieved through his incessant endeavours would have been considered absolutely miraculous even for an institution. Pandit Sukhlalji had once remarked, "What several sadhus of either Sthanakvasi, Murtipujak or other sects combined could not do and achieve, was achieved by Muni Punyavijayji." Not only in quantum his work was great but also in quality and standard of perfection it was great. He was a perfectionist and would never leave his i's undotted and t's uncut. He had no parallel in this respect. He could do this because he had a real mastery over all the three languages of the oriental vidya, viz., Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa. What was really astonishing was that his passion, pursuit and perseverence did not make him flinch in anyway from the disciplined life enjoined upon him by the rules and practices of monkhood. He was a saint first and a saint last. His erudition of knowledge was only an additional embellishment to his sainthood. All through his life, he followed meticulously all yratas of a Jaina monk which he was required to observe. Truly, he had right perception, right knowledge and right conduct. He was great in scholarship, he was grearer still in his character based on religious piety and non-attachment to worldly possessions of any kind. Whatever came to him as a token of respect and appreciation for him and his work from his sravakas was ploughed back in his farm of knowledge to plant more and reap more. By birth and by initiation he belonged to the Svetambara Murtipujak sect of the Jainas, but he was no where secterian in his approach and views. He was a scholar with open mind in every respect, and

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OCTOBER, 1971 his field was open to every one who cared to come to him for any help and guidance in the direction of his specialized study. He was generous in extending all help to all. He never had any reservation or reticence of any kind in the sphere of knowledge, Thus, by giving more and more and requiring less and less, he fulfilled the basic duties and responsibilities of a Jaina sadhu in the truest sense. Even among scholars, we find quite often a spirit of isolation, a sense of arrogance and envy and a habit of holding secrets of knowledge to themselves but Muni Punyavijayji believed in sharing of knowledge and keeping the realm of knowledge free from bounds. He was an embodiment of 'sa vidya ya vimuktaye'. This was a rare quality which Muniji had imbibed from his Gurus and handed over to his disciples and followers. His broad and catholic outlook, his perfect devotion to the true and the good and his absolutely unassuming behaviour with both equals and unequals was exemplary and en-nobling. Inspite of his interest in and attachment to the ancient works of learning, his commentaries, introductions and other writings bear the mark of his modern outlook. His findings were arranged, organised and accomodated in such a way that they could meet the requirements of the modern scholars. His field of work did not confine to and end with the discovery, collection, research, editing and publication of the manuscripts. As an adjunct to his involvement in this field he also developed interest in paintings, inscriptions and coins, etc. He was also a connoisseur of the Jaina paintings and numismatics and was always ready to solve the problem if and when the same arose in these fields. He was actually a versatile scholar, always keen to seek, to understand, to apply and to achieve whenever and in whatever pastures he had the chance to enter. He was in the first line of the scholars of Prakrit texts and it was on account of his knowledge and ability and devotion to the study of Prakrit texts that the Prakrit Text Society was formed by late Dr. Rajendra Prasad when he was President of India. To have a comprehensive view and make a comparative study of Indian religion and Indian culture, he went for the study of the relevant and important texts of the Hindu and Buddhist religions also. This equipped him for a real scholastic and intellectual treatment of the subjects he took for study. Muniji who was called Manilal before he was initiated in February 1909 was born in Kapadvanj in Gujarat on 27th October 1895 but had his primary education in Bombay, where his father Dahyabhai Dosi had gone for earning his livlihood. Unfortunately his father died when Manilal was only ten years old. His mother, thus widowed at the young age of only 27 years, was left alone with this son of ten years. She was very religious minded from the very beginning but this calamity made

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JAIN JOURNAL her far more indifferent to and detached from the worldly affairs. She sought to take diksa and become a nun. But the question was : What to do with Manilal ? However, the desired happened and Manilal also developed an attitude and temperament to be consecrated as a monk. Muni Sri Caturvijayji initiated him into monkhood. Within three days, after the son thus took to monkhood assuming the new name of Punyavijaya, the mother also became a nun and was called Sadhvi Ratansri. Thereafter mother and son both lived in the fold, serving the Jaina faith and liberating their lives from karma. Following the traditions of collection and research into the field of oriental learning, laid down by his Guru's Guru Sri Kanakvijayji and his Guru Sri Caturvijayji, he edited the Sanskrit play called Kaumudi Mitrananda, a drama of Muni Ramacandra, in 1917, just within eight years of his diksa paryaya. Thereafter during the last 54 years, he edited, collected and published several important works of many Acaryas of the earlier times. Brhatkalpabhasya which he edited jointly with his Guru Muni Caturvijayji with niryukti and tika was published in 6 volumes between the years 1933 and 1942. This was one of the most important works of Munisri. Among his other works which impressed the scholars in the country and abroad can be mentioned Vasudevahindi, Nandisutra, Angaviija, Jitakalpasutra, Pavitrakalpasutra, Kirtikaumudi, Yogasatakam, Ramasatakam, Nighantusesa and Akhyanaka-Manikosa, etc. His two volumes of the Catalogue of Palm-leaf Manuscripts and three volumes of Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts provide valuable references for scholars. The last but not the least in the series of his contributions was the editing of the Jaina Agamas. It was at his initiative that the Mahavir Jain Vidyalaya of Bombay undertook a project to publish critical texts of the Jaina Agamas under the joint editorship of himself and Prof. Dalsukh Malvania. This scheme would epitomise the vast collection of his works. It was indeed a very comprehensive and bold scheme to revise the text of the Jaina canonical literature in the light of the new materials now available as a result of recent research. As is well-known, the last vacana of the Agamas was carried out nearly 1500 years ago under the guidance of Sri. Devardhi Gani Ksamasramana. It was in recognition of this great undertaking that the Jaina community honoured him with the title of "Agama Prabhakara', although he never cared for any title or epithet as he did not even accept the title of 'Suri' and 'Acarya'. Work was his worship and was the greatest reward by itself. In 1959, Muniji was elected President of the sectional conference on History and Ancient Indian Culture on the occassion of the twentieth session of the Gujarati Sahitya Parishad at Ahmedabad and two years later, he was elected President of the Prakrit

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OCTOBER, 1971 and Jainism section of the twentyfirst session of the All-India Oriential Conference which had met at Srinagar in Kashmir. 49 In February 1969, when Muniji completed sixty years of his life after initiation as sadhu, felicitations were extended to him in a volume containing an account of his life and works together with appreciations from scholars here and abroad. While paying respectful tributes to Muniji Prof. Klaus Bruhn of Germany had said, "Muni Punyavijayji is perhaps the greatest living specialist in the field of Jaina literature but he is not a specialist in the sense that he devoted all his life-time to the study of one particular section of the material. He had a rare instinct for urgency which compelled him to shift his interest from one field to another, as soon as he felt that the most urgent work had been completed and that new and different tasks awaited for his attention." Similarly, Prof. W. Norman Brown of the University of Pensylvania, U.S.A., had said, "He has been throughout his whole career a worthy representative of the best Indian tradition of learning and teaching." Prof. Dr. Ludwig Alsdorf, Professor of Indology in the University of Hamburg called him, "A model monk and true scholar of wide interests." I have said earlier in this article and will say again that it was in his devotion to work and dynamism of thought that the true greatness of Muniji lay. He was never swept away with either appreciation or opposition and what was most astonishingly revealing about him was that even though deeply absorbed and closely closetted with the works of the past, he was not closed in his mind and in his approach and that gave him the vision of a true sadhu and a religiously upright man. He attached great importance to education, which, to him, was the real foundation for progress. In so far as religion was concerned he was of the opinion that religion should help man in his progress. He had once written, "The time has come when every sensible person should dispassionately see and think how religion can help in the human progress and uplift. Only when religion fulfills this part it will be possible for the religion and religiosity to find a worthy place in our life; otherwise in spite of all the rites and rituals of different sects of our fatih and religion, true religion is bound to decay and die." Let the above be taken as the Muni's message for us all, whether the consecrated or the laity. Religion to live and to help men to live more sublime and more purposeful, and meaningful lives must have a clear and undivided vision and dynamism in order to meet the challenge of the times. Munisri Punyavijayji is dead, no doubt; his message and example are not dead, no doubt.

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Vedantic Concept of Illusion -A Critical Analysis PRADYUMNA KUMAR JAIN [In the following article, the author has made an attempt to evaluate Sankara's 'Philosophy of Error', i.e., rajju-sarpa-adhyasa from the nonabsolutist logic of the Jainas. In a way, it is a challenge to the muchtalked of Vedantic theory of Advaita Brahman. Readers will find it not only interesting but stimulating and thought-provoking.-Editor] The chief aim of the great mission of Sankaracarya was to create an intellectual forum for an advaitic interpretation of the philosophy of Vedanta. He had to prove, with his penetrating acumen, the concept of Brahman, which is knowable neither through any attribute nor any shape nor by any mode of intellect. It is wholly based on the 'No' of all the patterns of description. It is, therefore, nirguna (attributeless), nirakara (shape-less), and advaita (non-dual). Being incomprehensible it comes to be, in that way, from intellectual point of view, a purely negative entity. It, as Sankara asserts, though negative explicitly, is positive implicitly. Brahman is not purely a total 'nihil', but it is positively something-in-itself, which is self-illuminating and self-revealing. Its positivity, no doubt, transcends the whole technique of describability. Hence the assertion of its positivity depends upon the negative technique of expression. This negative expression is an indirect technique of revealing the ultimate truth perceived directly.

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OCTOBER, 1971 Now, Sankara, on the basis of that direct perception, affirms the reality as Brahman to the extent of absolute truth wherein Brahman remains the only reality as a positive truth and all else turns out to be false. At the advent of Brahma-jnana all that had appeared so far as truth ceases to be truth. This multiphased world of senses is proved ultimately to be false and meaningless, just as the illusion of snake is subsided with the perception of rope. Sankara, at each step, employs the analogy of this illusion of rope and snake to explain the exact position of Brahman (reality) and Maya (appearance). He appears to cite this analogy so frequently and with so much confidence in his works that some very eminent scholars of Indian philosophy tend to attach too much value to its valid instrumentality of proving absoluteness of Brahma-jnana. Presently we will examine critically how far the analogy of snake-rope illusion is helpful in the realm of arguments to establish the absolute idealism of Advaita Vedanta. Analysis of Facts On factual analysis of this illusion we inadvertently come to the following: 51 Firstly, we cognized the snake as an objective truth; Secondly, when vision was clearer and wider, we knew that we had no sufficient ground for the cognition of snake; and Thirdly, for want of sufficient ground the cognition of snake was cancelled and that of rope was established. Now, if we carefully analyse, we would find that when the snake was cognized, the basis of that cognition was our sense-perception. That sense-perception was originated from a thing that was existent quite independent of the perceiving mind. But on account of the perversity of mind and insufficient objective conditions we could not acquire sufficient sensations from the object concerned. We could, for example, perceive a curved length and dark colour of the object and we reasoned, to put syllogistically, in the following manner: (A) 1. For all instances the snake possesses curved length and dark colour (in the night); This object possesses these qualities; Hence, this object is snake.

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OCTOBER, 1971 The argument, as above, is the expansion of what is implied in (A)2. It is the illuminator of reality so-apprehended and contradicted the nonreality appeared in (A)1. In nutshell, the cognition of snake in (A)1 was contradicted and displaced by the reason shaped in (A)2 and finally replaced by the clearer vision embodied in (A)3. The rope-knowledge thus became triumphant over the snake-knowledge in its final stage. Now, let us jot down some salient points involved in the above three stages of arguments in the following manner : 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 53 All the three arguments are objective. The object subjected to is independent of the cognizer. The conclusion of all the arguments differ from each other in form. The conclusions of (A)2 and (A)3 are respectively contradictory and contrary to the conclusion of (A)1. All the minor premises of the arguments are compatible with each other and they indicate the hierarchy of progressive knowledge in regard to the characteristics of object perceived. The important point is this, that the characteristics observed and expressed in the minor premise of (A)2 does not come in the way of what has already been expressed in the minor premise of (A)1, but all of them get together in the minor premise of (A)3 in the same form and manner they were originally in the previous stages. The major premises in the syllogism No. (A)1. and (A)2 differ with one another in their denotation with respect to their subjects. The predicates of the major premises of (A)1 and (A)2 are respectively wider than, and approximately equal to, the denotation of the subject, i.e., snake. Hence the predicate of (A)2 is in definition more expressive of the existence of the snake than the predicate of (A)1. The deduction in (A)2 would naturally be more valid than that in (A)1. It is thus ultimately proved, that the object of our perception is rope, not the snake. Evaluation of Argumental Parity Now the Brahma-vadin, on the strength of this analogy, endeavours to prove, that Brahman like rope-knowledge is true and real and the world, snake-knowledge, is untrue and unreal. Hence I have to point

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54 out, that when such analogy was employed to prove the existence of Brahman, we have to accept, for the sake of discovering argumental parity between rope-knowledge and Brahman-knowledge, certain facts as hitherto deduced in the factual analysis of the rope-snake illusion. JAIN JOURNAL On the basis of the deduction No. 1 it is proved that the propositions concerning Brahman and Maya are objective. By having accepted objectivity Sankara distinguished himself from the school of SubjectiveIdealism of Vijnana-vadins, and thus he polemized Vijnana-vadins with no reservation. When the fact regarding objectivity was acceded to, its corrolary automatically came to view. The corrolary is, that the object, which was denoted as snake and later as rope remained unaffected existentially. Change took place only in the form of cognition, not in the substance of the object cognized. Hence from the viewpoint of the existence the cognizer and the cognized-cognized either in the form of snake or rope -emerged as two absolute entities. Now, if on the basis of this analogy, Sankara-vadin proves the world-knowledge as real and also the substantial existence of the world as unreal, then he denies the premises established by himself. Till the Brahma-jnana (knowledge of the Ultimate) persists as jnana (knowledge) like rope-jnana, Brahman can not be other than a thing cognized duly distinguished from the existence of cognizer. In this way, on the basis of this analogy dualism cannot be reconciled. It is for this perennial fault, Sankara shifts to another analogy of 'dream' (svapna), through which he, in order to prove the non-dualism of the Ultimate, tries to maintain, that the snakeknowledge is dreamy, which is contradicted subsequently in the waking reality. But this analogy is entailed by an automatic conclusion that the knowledge of snake was not based on any objective reality, but like subjective existence it was mere imaginary. Then, is this position some way different from that of Vijnana-vadins ? Moreover, how is this analogy of dream-illusion consistent with that of snake-illusion? Advaita-vadins, in order to prove their verdict: "The Brahman is real and the world is unreal' (Brahma satyam jaganmithya) appear to proceed with the following train of arguments : (B) 1. Since, for all the circumstances, the world is multiphased and phenomenal ; or What is multiphased and phenomenal is the world (Granting that the subject and predicate are equal denotatively); And, this (reality) is so; Hence, this is the world.

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OCTOBER, 1971 55 (B) 2. self-con Since, the real is free from self-contradiction ; And, the (phenomenal) world is not free from tradiction ; Hence, the world is not real. (B) 3. Since, the real is free from self-contradiction ; or What is free from self-contradiction is real ; (By simple conversion, granting that the subject and predicate are equal denotatively) And, Brahman is what is free from self-contradiction ; Hence, Brahman is real. Now let us compare the tripartite arguments in group 'B') in regard to the Brahman with the same in group 'A') in regard to the rope-snake illusion : With regard to the syllogism No. 1 in both the groups we find, that the syllogism No. (A)1 consists of two obvious fallacies : the first is formal, i.e., the undistributed middle which is not visible in the syllogism No. (B)1 ; the second is material in the sense, that the predicate in major premise does not express the essential attribute of the reality in subject, while it does in (B)1, due to which the proposition of major premise can be turned into simple-converse in the syllogism (B)1, but not so in (A)1. Consequently, the syllogism (B)1 is valid in all respects, while the (A)1 is not. In order to contradict the argument embodied in (A)1 no other argument, save its own one, is needed. It can be refuted for its own constitutional demerit. For it is invalid on account of its own inherent fallacy lying in the universal concommitance between the middle and the major terms, whereas no such fallacy is discoverable in syllogism (B)1. With respect to the conclusions of first syllogisms in both the groups we may observe that both of them carry the material truth, but the conclusion of (A)1 appears to be unproved (asiddha) merely on the basis of logical analysis of the construction of syllogism, without seeking help of any counter-balancing syllogism. Still it is counterbalanced by the contradictory conclusion of (A)2, thus being refuted by double weight ; whereas in group (B) syllogisms No. 2 and 3 do not counterbalance the syllogism No 1 in that way. The latter is, in no way, unproved. After reviewing the minor premises we find, that all the minor premises in group (A) reveal uniformly the same subject predicated diversely in different syllogisms, which is clear from the following:

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56 JAIN JOURNAL (A) 1. This object possesses these qualities (curved length and dark colour). 2. This object is not so (for being lifeless). 3. This object is so (curved length, dark coloured, immobile and lifeless). But in group (B) we do not find such a uniformity in subjects, as : (B) 1. This (reality) is so (phenomenal). 2. The (phenomenal) world is not free from self-contradiction. 3. The Brahman is what is free from self-contradiction. From the viewpoint of major premise also we observe a heirarchy in group (A): as in (A)l a partial knowledge with respect to the snake is expressed in the form : 'The snake possesses curved length and dark colour, In (A)2 theform of partial knowledge of the same object is expressed, as : "The snake is mobile and ferocious.' Thus in (A)1 on the strength of the major premise, the major term 'snake' as noticed above, is affirmed as predicate in the conclusion, for the predicate of the major is accepted in the minor premise. In (A)2 on the basis of its major premise the major term is negatived as predicate in the conclusion, for the predicate of the major is negatived in the minor premise. In this way, when one alternative delineated by (A)1 was reconciled in the second stage of argument, i.e., (A)2, it was but necessary to find out some such alternative in the third stage that could synthesize, in its construction both of the antecedent alternatives expressed separately in affirmative and negative forms. Nevertheless the reality of rope was established on the third stage, i.e., (A)3, which negatives on the one hand the snake-knowledge and affirms the substantial reality of snake in the form of rope on the other. And in the group (B), unlike group (A), we got no such heirarchy in major premises ; as is clear from the below : (B) 1. The world is multiphased and phenomenal. 2. The real is free from self-contradiction. 3. The real is free from self-contradiction.

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OCTOBER, 1971 57 Thus it is evident from the above that the reasoning for the existence of Brahman is not parallel to the reasoning involved in the illusion of rope and snake. Viewed from the construction of different organs of a syllogism as described above we find therefore, that both represent the different trends of argument which exactly can not be analogized. Still, if we observe these major premises with general analytical method, we can not disprove the immediacy of the world. In (B)1 a valid conclusion was drawn, as 'This is the world', because 'It is multiphased and phenomenal'. In this argument the world's phenomenality was asserted on the basis of direct sense-experience. Now since the world was directly sensed, it is but natural that we should accept the truth thereof. But the Advaitins profess the unreality of what is cognized, because it is full of contradiction. This conclusion, that what is self-contradictory is unreal is drawn not by direct experience of what is unreal, but by some non-sensual experience of a thing which has neither multisidedness nor self-contradiction. In a way it means, that multisidedness was actually not an objective truth but it was a bye-product of sense experience itself. If it is so, then we have obviously departed from the analogy of rope-snake illusion ; because in that illusion snake was an objective truth wrongly transposed on some other objective truth, i.e., rope. None of them is the byeproduct of the cognizing mind. More-over in the instance of ropesnake illusion the basis of snake-knowledge, i.e., 'curved length and dark colour' remained in tact even when the snake-knowledge was negatived. Rope-knowledge, the negator of snake, fully subsumed that basis in its original form. But here multisidedness, the basis of world-knowledge (jagat-jnana) is made absent in its negator, the ultimate knowledge (Brahma-jnana). Moreover, the method of calling some sense-knowledge as untrue on the basis of some transcendental knowledge being proved as true by some of its premises different from that of sense-knowledge, can be no more than a form of indirect method, because in the logic of transcendental experience no attempt is made to disprove the premises of sense-experience. Hence it can certainly be held, that the analogy of rope-snake-illusion is quite misfit in the theory of Advaita Vedanta. Epistemological Analysis Even if it is taken for granted that the inference from analogy is a weak and one sided argument, the resemblance in mutual relationship between the things analogized in both the sides must be established beyond any logical inconsistency. For example, if we say, that just as a

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JAIN JOURNAL mother takes care of her child and punishes it for its fault, in the same way the king looks after his subject and punishes it for its fault. In this analogy we find that the relation between a mother and the child resembles with that between the king and his subject. Here if a barren woman is analogized with the king, then the analogy will be inconsistent and futile. Likewise the relation which exists between rope-knowledge and snake-knowledge does not exactly resemble with the relation that exists between the knowledge of the Ultimate and that of the world. Therefore the analogy of rope-snake-illusion does not help to understand clearly the theory of Advaita Vedanta. Factually, no qualitative change takes place from the snakecognition to the rope-knowledge in the illusion described above. The cognizer in both the positions being extrovert keeps eye over the thing cognized. One direct knowledge being negatived gives place to the other direct knowledge of the same quality. The sense-experience as such persists in both the cognitions, only its interpretations change. But on the other side, the world-knowledge is qualitatively different from the Brahman-knowledge. If the world knowledge is extrovert, the Brahman-knowledge is introvert. World-knowledge is based on our sense-experience, whereas the Brahman-knowledge is not so. In this we find, that the premises of world-knowledge are absolutely different from that of Brahman-knowledge. Now, when the premises are different, the conclusion of one set of premises can not negate the conclusion of the other set of premises, because both of the conclusions are quite consistent with their respective premises. At the most it may counterbalance the other one, but it can not totally disprove of it. When we have closed our eyes from the original object, how can we affirm or negate the object in question. Here, if someone argues, that by means of some intuitional experience the thing is anyhow cognized in its right perspective, in which the cognizer cognizes some such sort of a thing wherein exists no multisidedness. Thus the world based on multisidedness gets negatived and Brahman affiirmed in one stroke. Then should we call the following argument free from any fault? As : Since, Brahman is not full of diversity ; This (intuitional being) is not full of diversity ; Hence, this is Brahman. Is this conclusion drawn from negative premises valid ? Obviously it can not be called valid. The proposed syllogistic argument does

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OCTOBER, 1971 50 not delineate the identity of Brahman and the experienced 'this', because Brahman and the 'this' being in the form of no-diversity are either purely negative entities, or both being, in their own substances, are positive ones. If they are purely negative, the guarantee of their identity is beyond reason ; and if they are purely positive, then logically one substance-unit is not convertible into some other substance-unit. Laying special stress on the absolute stand-point if it is said that both the substance-units are fundamentally one and the same, we find it difficult to prove logically. In this way, when logically the being of Brahman can not be proved in the experienced 'this', the worldliness can also not be disproved logically in the way we disprove the snake along with the positive proof of the analogized rope. Hence with as much of validity do we accept Brahman absolutely, with so much of it will we have to accept the world relatively. Both the arguments are valid in their own contexts. To contradict one conclusion from some different context is not logically proper. It can, of course, be negatived, only when it happens to be inconsistent with its own context. Just as the conclusion of snake was inconsistent with its own premises. Hence its negation was caused by its self-inconsistency, not by the rise of rope-knowledge. The rise of rope-knowledge is quite independent of the process of the negation of snake. Therefore it can definitely be asserted, that the analogy of rope-snake-illusion is not only useless as a proof of Non-dual Ultimate (Advaita Brahman), but also is a misleading one.

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Revival of Sramana Dharma in the Later Vedic Age JYOTI PRASAD JAIN The Vedic age of Indian history is supposed to have ended with the Mahabharata War, which is now generally fixed in the fifteenth century before the birth of Christ. According to the Brahmanical Pauranic tradition, the war also marked the end of the Dvapara age and the beginning of the Kali-yuga. And, historically, the period from circa 1400 B. C. to 600 B.C. is designated as the Later Vedic Age, which is synchronised by a great revival of Sramanism and a consequent decline in Brahmanical Vedicism. The chief features of this age were an unprecedented elaboration and rigidity in Vedic ritualism, a classification and compilation of the Vedic hymns into four Samhitas (Rk, Yajuh, Sama and Atharva), the writing of abstruse prose commentaries, called the Brahmanas on the Samhitas, as also another class of Vedic commentaries, the Aranyakas, so called because they were composed by forest recluses, and the creation of a series of mystico-philosophical treatises, the Upanisads. The six Vedangas, secondary limbs of the Vedas, were evolved. The simple Vedic hymns were burdened with highly intricate, involved and confusing interpretations. The sacrificial cult, at least in theory, reached its climax. In the time of Adhisimakrsna, fifth in descent from Pariksit, the Kuru king of Hastinapura, the sutas, it is said, recited before a congregation of Brahmanical ascetics the traditional saga of ancient heroes, said to have been originally composed by the Rsi Vyasa. It was this collection of traditional lore which later formed the basis of the epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata, dating not much earlier than the beginning of the Christian era, and of the principal Brahmanical Puranas, produced in the Gupta and post-Gupta periods. On the other hand, this age witnessed a widespread revolt against the Vedic sacrificial cult which involved the killing of different animals (cow, bull, goat, horse and even human beings) and was marked by very elaborate ceremonial, rigid and complex ritualism. The chief reason of this revolt was the growing influence of the non-violent and

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OCTOBER, 1971 spiritualistic creed of the Sramanas. Even a few centuries before the end of the Vedic Age, a movement to oppose animal sacrifices had started. The controversy that raged between Narada and Parvata at the court of Vasu Caidyoparicara, King of Magadha, on the interpretation of the texts in favour or against the sacrifice of animals in Vedic yajnas, is a glaring proof which happily finds mention in both the Brahmanical and Jaina traditions. In the Mahabharata age, Krsna and Balarama, the leaders of the Yadavas, under the influence of their cousin, Aristanemi (Neminatha), the twenty-second Tirthankara of the Jaina tradition, came to be staunch supporters of this ahimsite movement. Aristanemi raised his voice not only against sacrifice of animals for religious purposes but also denounced killing them for food. In fact, it was as a protest against such slaughter of animals and birds which was going to take place to entertain the members of his marriage party that he made the supreme sacrifice of his life---renounced all worldly pleasures and took to the life of asceticism and severe penance. It was Mount Girnar (Girinagara or Urjayanta in Kathiawad) where he performed austerities, attained kaivalya and commenced delivering his sermons for the safety, peace and happiness of all living beings. In the post-Mahabharata period, thus it came to pass that barring a section of fanatic Brahmanas, the major part of Indian society began to respond to the influence of this ahimsite movement of which the leaders were Ksatriyas, and not Brahmanas. Even in the Brahmanic fold, many who did not openly adopt the creed of the Sramanas, began to oppose vehemently Vedic ritualim and animal sacrifices on the basis of Vedic tradition itself in which they began to seek the seeds of spiritualism. They gave rise to the mysticism of the Upanisads. * The sacrificial yajnas were denounced. Vedic gods like Indra, Varuna and Surya were substituted by the formless, eternal, supreme sentience, the Brahma. Self-realisation or subjective spiritual experience was the greatest attainable object. Abstaining from vice, control of senses, purity of thought, word and deed, self-discipline, celebacy, meditation, concentration, detatchment and staying in spiritual realisation were prescribed as means of attaining perfection or the supreme spiritual status. Videha in Bihar was the chief centre of this movement and, again, the Ksatriyas were its principal leaders. This Upanisadic movement was a sort of link between the Brahmanic and the Sramana thought currents. As with the Sramana culture, their exponents were mainly Ksatriyas, their stronghold was the same eastern part of India, now included in the State of Bihar, their ideas were remarkably akin to Jaina (Sramana) spiritualism or adhyatma,

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JAIN JOURNAL sometimes the terminology used being the same or very similar, and they were opposed to Vedic sacrifices and rigid ritualism of the Brahmanas. But they upheld, unlike the Sramanas, the authority of the Vedas, tried to or pretended to derive their ideas from them, still looked up to the Brahmanas as custodians of their culture and readily accepted the varnasrama system imposed by them on society. There is no doubt that it was a very laudable attempt to bring together the Brahmanas and the Sramanas. We do not know whether it was a deliberate attempt with that specific object in view, or simply a result of the impact and interaction of the two currents. In this period no Vedic sacrifices, involving slaughter of animals, are known to have been performed even by prominent kings. The common man had developed a dislike for such religious killings. Apart from these, the Vedic religion of the time had become so rigid, complex and elaborate that it lost popular appeal and gradually came to be confined to sections of Brahmanas well-versed in Vedic traditions. The masses either turned to the Sramanas or the Brahmavadi Janakas, or to the new popular cult which was gradually emerging as a synthesis of the two and was based on purity of conduct and personal devotion. The varnasrama institution was a characteristic of this new evolution of this age. The first exponent and pioneer of the Sramana revival of this age was obviously the Tirthankara Aristanemi or Neminatha, who was born at Sauripura (near Batesvar in Agra district of Uttar Pradesh), an important city in the ancient Surasena Janapada. His mother was Sivadevi, and father, Samudravijaya, was a leader of the Yadava Ksatriyas. Samudravijaya's younger brother was Vasudeva whose sons were the famous heroes, Krsna and Balarama. To escape constant harassment at the hands of Jarasandha, King of Magadha, the Yadavas, under the leadership of Krsna, abandoned their cities of Mathura and Sauripura, and migrated to the west coast where they founded the city of Dvaraka and settled down in it. Krsna was the master statesman and politician of his times, and though he had all love and respect for his cousin Aristanemi, he remained a worldly man, while Aristanemi adopted the life of supreme renunciation of a Nirgrantha Sramana. The one was a Karma-yogin, the other a Dharma-yogin or Adhyatmayogin. To be continued

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P A UM A CARIU (from the previous issue) SVAYAMBHUDEVA Y U D DH A KANDA Vibhisana insulted by Ravana goes over to Rama Now the sound of Rama's war-drums reached inside Lanka. Vibhisana became very much concerned about the future. He hurriedly went to Ravana in order to persuade him to stop this mighty carnage by handing over Sita to Rama in time. This would also save him from the sin. Ravana was on the point of confessing his sin but Indrajit flared up against Vibhisana for intimidating them in: Rama's name. Vibhisana persisted in his effort. But now Ravana too changed his mind and became furious. He ordered Vibhisana to get out of Lanka : are khala khudda pisuna akalankahe maru maru nisaru nisaru lankahe. Thus insulted Vibhisana left Lanka with his followers and went over to Rama. On Hanumat's advice, Rama welcomed him and promised him the throne of Lanka. At that time, even Bhamandala joined with a vast army. Angada's mission of conciliation As was the custom, before the first volley of arrows would be discharged, it was necessary to make a last bid for peace. So it was decided to send Angada on a special mission to Ravana to request him to return Sita. But Laksmana did not like a mildly worded despatch.

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JAIN JOURNAL There was then a regular meeting, so to say, of the war council and a highly provocative despatch was made ready which Angada carried. The outcome could be visualised. The proposals were ridiculed by Ravana who was supported by his son Indrajit. Sandhi na icchiya ravanenathese were the last words. Then Angada gave the challenge and returned. Both sides were now getting ready for the war. Ravana's army led by Hasta and Prahasta was four thousand aksauhini strong. It was a very impressive array. In contrast Rama's forces was just half-only two thousand aksauhini strong. The result of the conflict had in fact evoked an universal interest so much so that even the heavenly nymphs had come there and started speculating as to which side would win. The battle starts Now the opposite armies joined in battle. In the first encounter Rama's forces were compelled to retreat. But shortly they re-organised and fell upon the enemy lines with great force, thereby creating a scare among them. Then Hasta and Prahasta rushed to the front to give encouragement to the demon forces and found themselves engaged soon in an encounter with Nala and Nila, two very able generals on Rama's side. Hasta and Prahasta were killed in action. The fighting stopped at dusk. At night Jambuvat reorganised Rama's forces to form the impenetrable Lion Array (simha-vyuha). Ravana too visited his generals and was pleased at their very high morale. He honoured them with suitable gifts. In the morning hostilities were resumed. This was a very bad day for Rama. He lost some of his good officers notably Santapana, Prathita, Akrosa, Durita and Vighna. Naturally, it was a day of great rejoicing for the demon forces. There was sorrow every where in Rama's camp. On the third day raged a great battle. There were encounters between great warriors, Sardula from Rama's side meeting Vajrodara from Ravana's, Bahuvali meeting Simhadamana, Samkrodha meeting Khavicarin, Vilapin meeting Vidhi and Visalatejas meeting Sambhu. Hanumat alone met a number of demon warriors, Malin, Jambumalin, Vajrodara and Mahodara. Soon he was surrounded by all these. Hanumat met them in a single-handed encounter. When others saw

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OCTOBER, 1971 Hanumat thus encircled, they rushed to his help. Meanwhile Kumbhakarna entered the battle field and with his mighty onslaught he created a rein of terror. He hurled a magic missile which lulled the enemy to sleep. Sugriva countered it with its anti-missile. Thereafter other demon warriors took the field, Vajranas crossed the sword with Viradhita, Ghanavahana with Bhamandala and Indrajit with Sugriva. Sugriva and Bhamandala were tied by serpent missile and taken prisoners. Even Hanumat would have suffered a similar fate in the hands of Kumbhakarna but for the timely arrival of Angada who fell upon Kumbhakarna and forced him to release Hanumat. When the news of the capture of Bhamandala and Sugriva reached Rama, he immediately used garuda-vidya and effected their release. Thus ended the battle on the third day. 65 Laksmana fell senseless struck with sakti On the fourth day the encounter started among the top warriors, Ravana meeting his own brother Vibhisana, now on Rama's side, Indrajit meeting Laksmana and Kumbhakarna Rama. If Ravana was a great warrior, Vibhisana was by no means inferior. At last Ravana, in a rage, hurled sakti at him. Laksmana sought to intervene in order to save Vibhisana but was himself hurt by it and fell senseless on the ground. This was extremely painful to Rama but there was no time to loose and it was necessary to engage Ravana in the encounter. So Rama fell upon the demon chief and worsted him six times. Ravana then fled inside Lanka. At the fall of his brother Rama's grief knew no bound. He lamented bitterly in the battlefield. The whole camp was aggrieved. When the news reached Sita, she too lamented for the great misfortune. Even Ravana did not have unqualified rejoicing. For, news reached him that Kumbhakarna was now in the enemy's hands. But he was determined to continue the war. On the other hand Rama took a vow to kill Ravana the next day no matter where he might hide for safety in the three worlds. Meanwhile Laksmana's body had to be protected, lest it should fall into the hands of the enemy. Sugriva rearranged the army for the next days encounter. He himself took his stand at the eastern entrance and Angada, Sasimukha and Nila were posted at the northern, western and southern entrances respectively. The story of Visalya While all these preparations were going on, there arrived king Praticandra of Devasangitapura. He passed on an information about

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JAIN JOURNAL a magic water that could restore to life. This was the ablution water of princes Visalya, the daughter of Dronaghana. Once he himself had fallen into the boundary wall of Ayodhya when Bharata had arranged to procure the water and sprinkled it over thus restoring him to life. The same water, if fetched before dawn, might save Laksmana. The prince further went on to narrate how Visalya had acquired this supernatural power. He himself had it on the authority of a monk. In her previous birth, she was a Vidyadhara princess named Anangasara. Punarvasu took her by force, but unable to counter the attack of the pursuing army, he dropped her in a wilderness and fled. She remained there for many years practising austerities. Then she was swallowed by a python. True to ahimsa she did not allow Saudasa to kill the beast but died herself instead. She has been reborn as Visalya, Laksmana is none other than her former suitor Punarvasu. Visalya is brought : Laksmana revives But this magic water was to be fetched and sprinkled before dawn, and the great Hanumat was again chosen for the task. Sugriva and Bhamandala were to assist him. So the three left by their air-chariots. Flying over the ocean, the mountains Malaya and Kiskindha, rivers from Krsnavena to Narmada and the Vindhyas they reached Ayodhya and informed Bharata of the calamity. Soon the news spread like bonfire. The palace was bereaved and so was the city. But there was no time to loose. Kaikeyi suggested : kim salile sain je visalla jau'why send water, let Visalya herself go'. Accordingly Visalya along with thousand girls started for Lanka. As their chariot approached the island, the sakti got terrified and left Laksmana, promising never to return. At the approach of Visalya not only did Laksmana revive but so did all warriors on Rama's side. Laksmana honoured Visalaya by marrying her right there. The rejoicing in the demon camp proved short-lived. News soon reached that Laksmana has been restored to life. This was enough to establish that Rama was not an enemy to be neglected. Queen Mandodari and Ravana's ministers advised him to seek peace and Ravana too could see the undesirability of carrying the war further provided it could be an honourable peace for him. So an envoy was despatched. Ravana offered to abdicate provided Rama would give up his claim on Sita. Obviously the proposal was unacceptable. When the envoy started bragging, he was thrown out. Now, peace being out of question, Ravana became anxious to acquire magic power by which to overcome

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OCTOBER, 1971 Rama's forces. With this end in view, he not only started meditation himself but ordered intensive worship all over his kingdom on the occasion of the Nandvisvara festival For eight days the worship was to continue. The Nandisvara festival : Ravana's acquisition of magic power bahurupini It was already spring and nature was in full splendour. Ravana followed by his subjects came to the great temple of Santinatha to offer his prayer and worship. After prayer and worship he started meditation for the acquisition of the magic power bahurupini. When this news reached Rama's camp, Anga, Angada and many others immediately started in order to disturb Ravana in his meditation and thus prevent his acquiring magic power. They entered into Lanka but they were soon overpowered by the Yaksa guards who pursued them in their retreat to Rama's camp. Rama then rebuked the guards for protecting Ravana in his immoral acts. The guards felt ashamed at Rama's words, begged pardon and departed with a promise not to obstruct Rama's men any more. Thus assured Anga, Angada and many others re-entered Lanka inflicting havoc as they pleased. Lanka was the most prosperous city of that time. Its wealth and magnificence knew no bound. Ravana, who himself was a mighty conqueror, had fetched wealth from everywhere to enrich his capital. Ravana's palace was the most magnificent building one could imagine. It was such a city that now stood virtually without guard. Angada and his associates did a lot of damage to the city and at last entered the palace. They did not spare Ravana's queens there. They were molested and even disturbance was created for Ravana who was in meditation. The queens made piteous appeals for protection but Ravana would not move till the acquisition of bahurupini. Angada and others had therefore a free hand. Ravana completed his meditation and acquired the magic power. He was now sure of his victory over Rama the next day. He consoled the queens who had been molested and promised to take revenge. Ravana then completed his bath and took food. Then he thought of visiting Sita with a view to persuade her to accept him. But all his persuation failed. Persisting in her refusal, Sita fell down in a swoon. This affected Ravana's heart. He realised that he had committed a really evil act in detaining Sita against her will. After all she belonged to another person and she had never accepted him for a moment. So it was no use keeping her any longer. Ravana made up his mind to return Sita, but not before a victory had been won. For, then people would say, he returned Sita out of fear. And victory was now

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JAIN JOURNAL so near to him, since he had acquired the magic power. With bahurupini in his possession he would tie in battle both Rama and Laksmana the very next day and then of course he would return Sita. The last battle : the fall of Ravana As day broke, Ravana started for the battle-field equipped with his newly acquired magic power. For he was sure of his victory. As he started, however, there appeared evil omens. Mandodari sought to persuade him not to go but Ravana was determined. He would listen nothing. Since it was the last day of the war, the whole army was mobilised. At last the demon army with Ravana at its head entered the battlefield. The other party was already well-arrayed under the leadership of Laksmana. A deadly battle ensued. The dust rose to the sky and all round it became terribly dark. It was a heroic day for the demons. Mriga met single handed Hanumat, Bhamandala, Sugriva and Vibhisana one after another and worsted them all. Seeing their plight, Rama entered the field and routed Mriga. But before long his place was taken by Ravana who now had a straight fight with Rama. The battle raged for seven days but none could oust the other. Then Laksmana replaced Rama. On seeing Laksmana Ravana desparately invoked the magic power bahurupini in consequence of which his form was multiplied and his amputed limbs were soon replaced. It was now difficult to distinguish the real from illusion. In this way the battle raged for another ten days. Both the parties were pretty exhausted by this time. The war had already dragged on for long. So Ravana with a view to force a finale used the most powerful cakra against Laksmana. This was a sure weapon, it could not go in vain. But it did not fall on Laksmana, rather, it recognised him as his master and came back in full fury on Ravana, felling him dead. With the fall of Ravana, the fate of war was now decided. There was grief all over the demon camp. The members of Ravana's family bewailed ; even Vibhisana could not overcome his grief. Rama offered his consolation to Vibhisana-rubahi Bihisana kain. Then the funeral pyre was prepared with the best wood and grease and Ravana's body was placed on it. The last rites were duly performed. The yellow flame soon reached the sky and consumed up Ravana's mortal frame. Here ends Yuddha Kanda. To be continued

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INS Jaina Patta -J. S. Bothra

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SRENIKA-BIMBISARA (In the light of the Jaina Agamas and Buddhist Tripitakas) MUNI NAGRAJ Srenika-Bimbisara was the king of Magadha in the age of Mahavira and the Buddha. He was the sixth king in the line of Sisunagas.1 Rajagrha was his capital where he ruled from 582 B.C. to 544 B.C.? As regards his creed, we have it on the authority of Buddhist sources that he was a follower of the Buddha but the Jainas have claimed him as a convert to the Nirgrantha Order. It is essential, therefore, to make an effort to present the relevant evidence on the controversy and come to a definite conclusion. The Buddhists hold that Bimbisara's first visit to the Buddha took place immediately after his renunciation and much before his enlightenment. According to the Pali literature, the Buddha, after having renounced the world, came to Rajagrha. When he entered the city, thousands of men and women were attracted by his beautiful gait. Describing the incident, the poet Asvaghosa writes : "Wherever the eyes fell--his eye-brows, forehead, face, eyes, chest, hands or feet-these got fixed there instantaneously."3 King Bimbisara also saw the Buddha from his palace. Like his people he was also attracted to him and wanted to talk to him. They met on Mount Pandu (Ratnagiri) near Rajagrha. Bimbisara offered the Buddha his kingdom and invited him to enjoy the luxuries of the palace. The Buddha declined and preached the disastrous results of indulgence in carnal pleasures. He said: "I have accepted asceticism not for royal pleasures but to achieve enlightenment." 1 For details, the author's Contemporaneity and Chronology of Mahavira and Buddha, Today and Tomorrow Book Agency, New Delhi, 1970, pp. 97-98. 3 Ibid., p. 106. 3 Buddha Carita by Asvaghosa, canto x, verse 8.

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70 JAIN JOURNAL Bimbisara replied: "I wish you speedy success. I invite you to visit Rajagrha after your enlightenment.":4 According to the Jaina version, Srenika's first contact with the Nirgranthas was through the sage Apathi.5 The story is very similar. Srenika had gone to a beautiful garden called Mandikuksi for pleasureexcursion and saw there a monk under the shade of a tree. He looked very delicate and unaccustomed to hardship. Bimbisara's astonishment grew when he looked at his complexion. He exclaimed : "O his colour, O his figure, the lovliness of the noble man, o his tranquility, O his detachment, O his perfection, o his disregard for pleasures." Sitting in front of him, Srenika respectfully asked : "Though young and noble, you have entered the order; at an age fit for pleasure you exert yourself as a monk. Will you explain ?" The monk replied: "This is because I was unprotected." The king laughed. Then he said: "How is it that there was nobody to protect one so accomplished as you ? I will protect you, monk, enjoy pleasures together with your family and friends, for it is a rare chance to be born as a human being." "You yourself are without protection, o king," said the monk, "how can you protect me then ?" The king said: "How do you call me unprotected when I have horses, elephants, and subjects, a town, and a seraglio, power and com mand ?" The monk replied : "There is a town called Kausambi where lived my father Prabhuta-Dhana-Sancaya. He was a very rich man. Once in my early youth I caught a very severe pain in my eyes and a burning fever all over my body. My father called in the best physicians but they could not relieve me of my pain inspite of their best efforts. My father would have spent all that he had but could he be able to save me from my pain ? Surely not, O king. Thus finding myself entirely without protection, I sought refuge in religion. I took an oath that if I, for once, shall get rid of these pains, I shall become a Suttanipata, Mahavagga, Pavvajja Sutta, Buddha Carita, canto xi, verse 72. 6 Uttaradhyayana Sutra, chap. XX.

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OCTOBER, 1971 houseless monk. The next morning my pains had vanished. Then I took leave of my relatives and became a monk." 71 It is interesting to note here that the sage Anathi also explained to the king about another kind of protection. He referred to those monks who after being initiated did not adhere to the code of asceticism. Impeaching the laxity of character of such persons he said: "But there is still another want of protection, O king, how some easily discouraged men go astray after having adopted the Law of the Nirgranthas. He is empty like a clenched fist, an uncoined false karsapana, or a piece of glass resembling turquoise. "He who practices divination from bodily marks and dreams, who is well versed in augury and superstitious rites, who gains a sinful living by practising magic will have no refuge at the time of retribution. "He who accepts forbidden alms, viz., such food as he himself asks for, as has been bought for his sake, or as he gets regularly who like fire devours everything, will go to hell from here, after having sinned." Thus condemning the so-called lax monks, the sage Anathi clearly admonishes the king thus: "A wise man who hears this discourse and instruction full of precious wisdom and who discards every path of the wicked, should walk the road of the great Nirgrantha." King Srenika was extremely pleased. With folded hands, expressing his gratitude to sage Anathi the king said: "You have verily explained to me, shown to me what it is to be without protection. You have made the best use of human birth, you have made a true gain, O great sage, you are a protector of mankind and of your relations, for you have entered the path of the best Jinas. O ascetic, I ask you to forgive me. I desire you to put me right. That by asking you, I have disturbed your meditation and that I invited you to enjoy pleasures all this you must forgive me." The concluding verse reads: "When the lion of kings had thus, with the greatest devotion, praised the lion of houseless monks, he together with his wives, servants and relations became a staunch believer in the Law, with a pure mind."

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JAIN JOURNAL It has been already stated that there is a very striking similarity between these two stories, one Buddhist, the other Jaina. In both of them : (a) Srenika-Bimbisara was very much impressed by the elegance and equanimity of the young monk ; (b) offers him the facility of enjoying the royal pleasures ; (c) obtains refusal thereof. But the sequence of the stories forces one to doubt whether the story has been adopted by one sect from the other. Except this single reference we do not find any mention of the sage Anathi anywhere either in the Jaina or the Buddhist literature. We also do not know whether he was a disciple of Mahavira or a follower of Parsva. Nor is there any mention of his ever having seen Mahavira. Dr. Radhakumud Mukherjee is of the opinion that the sage Anathi is none other than Lord Mahavira himself. He arrives to this conclusion on the basis of the word 'anagar-siho' (Lion of the Monks).6 But it is very doubtful because the mention of Kausambi, the name of his father as merchant Prabhuta-Dhana-Sancaya, and the pain in his eyes, all these point to an entirely different personality. The significant difference in the sequence of the stories may here be noted. In the Buddhist version Bimbisara simply invites the Buddha to visit Rajagrha after his enlightenment while according to Jaina version he accepted the Nirgrantha religion with his family. Anathi's description of another kind of unprotectedness is lashing out at pseudo-monks to divert the king's faith from them. It is difficult to say which sect was his target nor is it easy to pronounce whether Srenika was a follower of that sect. Who were the easy-going Nirgranthas? If they were the followers of Parsva, then, the time of this episode must be fixed between Mahavira's enlightenment and his coming to Rajagrha. In the Tripitakas There are several references of king Bimbisara's acceptance of the Buddhist faith. In Vinaya Pitaka? it is stated that the Buddha visited Rajagrha after proselytizing thousands of Jatilass, such as, Uruvela, 6 Hindu Civilisation, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1964, p. 185. 7 Vinaya Pitaka, Mahavaggo, Mahakhandhaka, pp. 35-38 (Nalanda Edition). 8 Jatilas were ascetics with long matted and twisted hair.

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OCTOBER, 1971 Kasyapa, etc. King Bimbisara came to know of this. He visited the Buddha with his twelve hundred-thousand Brahmanas and householders. The Buddha was sojourning at Latthivana at that time. He preached to the audience. On hearing the sermon eleven hundredthousand citizens of Magadha including Bimbisara acquired uncorrupted 'vision of truth' while the rest accepted the Buddhist faith. Having become a staunch believer, Bimbisara considered it his duty to invite the Buddha for dinner. He said: "Lord! To-day I have fulfilled all the five aspirations which I entertained for long. I desired: (a) may I be crowned king; (b) may an Arhat visit my capital; (c) may I seek his presence; (d) may I listen to his preachings; and (e) may I accept him as my preceptor. To-day these five aspirations of mine have been fulfilled. So I invite you and all your monks to be my guest to-morrow." The Buddha accepted the invitation and went to the palace the next day with his monks. The king served them with his own hand and dedicated Venuvana for the use of the Buddha and his followers. This is corroborated by the Kutadanta Sutta of the Dighanikaya9 where the Brahmin Kutadanta says to his advisers and colleagues : "Why should I not go to visit Sramana Gautama? Even Srenika, king of Magadha, together with his wives, sons and ministers has dedicated his life to the cause of Buddhism." In the Sonadanda Sutta1o the Brahmin Sonadanda gives utterance to some such words. There are numerous references in the Buddhist literature regarding Bimbisara's personal visit to the Buddha and his relation with the Buddhist order. Thus we find again in Mahavagga of Vinaya Pitaka that during one such visits he said to the Buddha : "O Lord! Disciples of other faiths congregate and hold religious discussions on the eighth, fourteenth and fifteenth days of the lunar fortnight. Why should we not do the same?" The Buddha agreed and the custom of uposatha was introduced in the Buddhist order. We have it on the authority of the Petavattha Atthakatha11 that king Bimbisara himself observed uposatha every month on the eighth, fourteenth and fifteenth days of the lunar fortnight. 73 On another occasion, Bimbisara entreated the Buddha not to initiate members of the armed forces as monks. This became neces Dighanikaya, 1-5, pp. 111-12 (Nalanda Edition). 10 Ibid, 1-4, pp. 108. 11 Verse 209. 9

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74 sary as many soldiers despatched for fighting sought initiation as monks to escape duty on the battle-field. The Buddha gave his assent to this also.12 JAIN JOURNAL Once Bimbisara called the representatives of eighty thousand villages which were ruled by him. He taught them things political, social and economic. Then he said: "Whatever I have taught is all mundane. For religious knowledge, you should seek refuge in the Buddha." Thereafter all of them went to Grdhhakuta to hear the Lord and became his followers.13 Bimbisara asked his personal physician, the celebrated Jivaka, to look after the health of the Lord and his followers. Description of his having built monastaries is also available. When the Licchavis sent Mahali, who was a member of Bimbisara's retenue, to beg the Buddha to visit Vaisali, Bimbisara himself did not press the Buddha to accept the invitation but when the Buddha agreed to come, he repaired the whole road from Rajagrha to the Ganges-a distance of five leagues for the Buddha to walk and erected rest houses at the end of each league and spread flowers of five different colours knee deep along the whole way. The parasols were provided for the Buddha and one for each monk. The king himself accompanied the Buddha in order to look after him offering him flowers and perfume throughout the journey which lasted for five days. Arriving on the bank of the river he caused two boats to be fastened together and decorated with flowers and jewels. When the Buddha departed, he followed the boats in the Ganges as far as he could go and then returned. He stayed on the bank awaiting the Buddha's return and escorted him back to Rajagrha with similar pomp and ceremony. 14 In the Lalitavistara, it has been mentioned that the Buddha and his monks were exempted from ferry charges. The commentary of the Dhatubibhanga Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya states that once some merchants of Taksasila came to Bimbisara's court. They praised their king Pukkasati and depicted him to be of the same age and virtuous as Bimbisara. Thus a friendly relation was established between the two kings and messages were exchanged. Pukkusati sent five costly multi-coloured shawls to Bimbisara and in 12 Vinaya Pitaka, Mahavaggo, Mahakhandhaka, p. 199. 13 Ibid., Cullavagga, Khuddakavasthu Skandhaka, p. 458. 14 Dhammapada, Atthakatha, vol. iii, pp. 438; Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, vol. iii, p. 288.

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OCTOBER, 1971 return Bimbisara presented a golden plaque inscribed with eulogies of the Buddha. Eventually Pukkusati came to Rajagrha travelling on foot to visit the Buddha and became a Buddhist monk. According to the Amitayurdhyana Sutta, Moudgalyayana, a chief disciple of the Buddha used to visit Bimbisara about the fag end of his life in prison and preach religion by his miraculous power at the latter's express desire. Vaidehi, one of Bimbisara's queens, was also imprisoned in an adjacent cell. The Buddha himself visited her on her prayer.15 75 The description of Bimbisara's next life is contained in the Janavasabha Sutta of the Dighanikaya. Once, Ananda asked the Buddha: "O Lord, since you have described the life after death of several of your disciples it would be fit if you will also describe the same of Bimbisara, who was also a religious and pious king and also your disciple." There upon the Buddha went into meditation when a Yaksa appeared before him and said: "O Lord, I am Janavasabha", and repeated it thrice and asserted: "I am Bimbisara." Then the Buddha knew and declared to Ananda that Bimbisara had been born as a Yaksa and was named Janavasabha. The Therigatha mentions the initiation in the Buddhist order of Khema, one of the queens of Bimbisara. She was ranked by the Buddha foremost among the nuns of his order for her great insight. Now, if one is to rely solely on all these evidences one could not but conclude that Srenika-Bimbisara was a follower of the Buddha. But the Jaina Agamas furnish us with other side of the picture which is more evident than this. In the Agamas We have already noted how Srenika-Bimbisara came into contact with the sage Anathi, and learnt for the first time about the religion of the Nirgranthas. His direct contact with Mahavira and his deep reverence and faith for him has been described vividly in Dasasruta Skandha as follows: "In that period at that time there was a city named Rajagrha. Outside the city was Gunasila caitya. King Srenika ruled there. One day 15 S.B.E., vol. xi, p. 165.

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76 king Srenika while holding his court called in some of his personal attendants and said; 'Go and thus address the proprietors of all the rest houses, gardens, schools, abodes, temples, halls, places of distribution of food and water, market-places, lime-kilns, bazars, wood-depots, factories and workshops surrounding the city of Rajagrha-it is the order of the king Bimbisara, that, whenever Lord Mahavira arrives in this city, you should offer him food and shelter and inform him immediately about his arrival.' The attendants carried out his orders accordingly. JAIN JOURNAL "One day Lord Mahavira arrived in Rajagrha. Proprietors of rest-houses, etc., came to the king Srenika and said: 'O king, To see whom you are so very anxious, and whose name gladens your heart so much, he, the Sramana Lord Mahavira, has arrived and is staying at Gunasila caitya. "Srenika was very happy and content to hear this. Getting up from his throne and walking a few paces in the direction of Gunasila caitya he bowed down and returned to his throne. After having rewarded the proprietors, etc., he called the heads of his army ordered them to make ready the fourfold retinue and charriot used for religious purposes. "Having done this he went to the queen Celana and said: "O Beloved of the gods, visiting the omniscient Lord is a great blessing. Let us therefore, go and bow to him, revere him, welcome him and pay our respects to him. Lord Mahavira is blessed, consecrated, god of gods and omniscient. Let us go and worship him. Worshipping him would be blessing for us for happiness and welfare in this life, the next and all the subsequent cycles of life and achieving emancipation." Hearing this Celana became glad and happy. "Celana completed her ablution, put on costly clothes and ornaments and rode the charriot and sat by the side of Srenika. In due course they arrived at Gunasila caitya. Standing before the Lord Celana venerated him with folded hands, inquired about his well-being. Then presenting Srenika, she busied herself with his worship. "Mahavira preached. Congregation dispersed. Observing the divine like affluence of Srenika some of the monks thought: 'Blessed is Srenika to have Celana as his queen and Magadha as his kingdom. If our austerities are fruitful, then we shall enjoy such delightful pleasures in next life.' Observing the divine splendour of the queen Celana some of the nuns desired similar pleasures.

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OCTOBER, 1971 "Mahavira by his unimpared knowledge knew about these desires of monks and nuns. He called them and explained to them the bad consequence of such desires. The monks and nuns repented for having such desires." This speaks of deep reverence of Srenika-Bimbisara to Mahavira. It also speaks of the fact that it was his first visit to the Lord as queen Celana introduced him to Mahavira. The fact that the monks and nuns desired rewards in their next life on seeing the grandeur of Srenika and Celana also supports this contention. Celana was a follower of the Nirgrantha religion by birth but Bimbisara was not so. It appears that he was drawn towards this faith by Celana's influence. It was why he took her with him while going to visit Lord Mahavira and it was Celana who introduced him to the Lord. The following episode has been described in the Anuttarovavaiyadasa Sutra : "King Srenika after having paid his respects to the Lord, asked : 'O Lord, Who amongst the fourteen thousand monks as Indrabhuti, is the foremost in observing austerities and thus purifying his self ? The Lord replied : 'Srenika, the monk named Dhanya is the foremost amongst the monks who observed austerities and purifies his self.' King Srenika was very happy to hear this. He went to monk Dhanya and complimented him thus : 'O Beloved of the gods, Blessed you are. Lucky you are.' Then he came back to the Lord, paid his respects and returned to the palace." The thirteenth chapter of Nayadhammakaha also records Srenika's visit to the Lord with his full retenue. On the occasion of the initiation of prince Meghakumara Srenika is said to have paid this euology on the Nirgrantha religion : "Nirgrantha religion is true, 'paramount, perfect, leading to salvation, logical, and unique." Srenika's another son named Nandisena also entered the monastic order of Lord Mahavira.16 Once, Srenika was said to have announced in a meeting of his family members, knights and ministers : "If any body wishes to get 16 Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, book 10, canto 6.

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Two Kausaggiyas from Vadnagar HARIHAR SINGH Vadnagar, an ancient city of Gujarat, is situated on the Mehsana-Taranga-narrowgauge Railway line in Mehsana district of the modern Gujarat State. In olden days it was known as Anandapura and later on Vrddhanagara. It is a fortified town lying on the eastern side of the Vadnagar Railway Station and is known to have been built by the renowned Solanki king Kumarapala in A.D. 1151. It has yielded many important antiquities, of which the two wellknown gateways (toranas) are worthy of note. M In this town, there is an old Jaina shrine dedicated to the first of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, Rsabhanatha, in the closed hall in front of the sanctum (gudhamandapa) of which the images under review are now preserved. Both the images are intact and were recovered from the debris on the northern side of the temple compound when its restoration was undertaken a few years ago. Both of them have been executed out of creamy-coloured white marble and their close resemblance with each other shows that they are the work of the one and the same sculptor. They bear an inscription which refers to the same date, namely Vikrama Samvat 1312 (A.D. 1255). These are saparikara images framed between two segmented pillarets and are crowned at the top by a half circle forming a nimbus (prabhamandala) for the deity. Carved almost in the round the central figure in each case stands on a pedestal in the kayotsarga posture and is canopied overhead by a caitya-tree. Except for the lower garment they are represented naked ; they wear a wide belt round the waist tied to which are chains, folded and suspended along the thigh, and in the centre is carved a kirtimukha from whose mouth issues a long undulating chain or string covering the spaces between the two legs. The long arms of divinities hang down to the knees, which is a characteristic feature of Jina images. The srivatsa symbol, which

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80 JAIN JOURNAL is invariably represented with regard to Jina images, is engraved in the centre of the chest, but it has now been concealed under the metal coat. There is a curly type of headdress (usnisa) over the head, the two ends of which hang down touching the shoulders. In the lower right corner of the central figure there is a sitting devotee with folded hands, and a male cauri-bearer holding a flywhisk in his upraised hand, while on the left is shown a figure in the katihasta pose. The camaradharas wear ear-rings, necklace, karanda-mukuta, etc. The pillarets have at each segment a decorative design. From below it starts with a half diamond, then come three standing females with folded hands, and finally a simha-vyala supporting a makara. The pillarets terminate into a capital carved with drooping foliage. On either side of the head of the kausaggiyas is a square niche having two hovering figures; they are Vidyadhara and Gandharva, the former carrying a garland and the latter playing a musical instrument. The nimbus or prabhamandala of the figures is most interesting. At each side of the round part there is an elephant lustrating, and at the top come the heavenly drummers. Bordering the aureole is a row of geese, who are elegantly carved and are very pleasing. Though the images are stylized, rigid and lifeless, as is generally found with the images of this period, they are well carved so far as their chiselling is concerned. No emphasis is given to the anatomical details, which is clearly evident from their squarish facial features and stiffening of limbs. However, the artist is successful in creating the idea of transcendentality through his work.

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Correspondence Sir, Reference to the sculpture of 'Double-headed Eagle'in 'Rishabha's visit to Taksasila' by P. C. Dasgupta (Jain Journal, Vol. VI No. 1) reminds me of Bharunda birds. Like this eagle, they too are stated to have one belly and two necks. There are innumerable references to this bird in the Jaina literature like Vasudeva Hindi, Kalpasutra Kiranavali, Trisastisalaka purusacaritra, etc. It was big in size and mighty in strength and could carry a man in its claws. For this its services were often utilised by the then traders for going to Ratna-dvipa (Valley of Diamonds) and coming back. We have a comparable story in the Voyages of Sindbad, the Sailor. But while Sindbad tied himself to the leg of the giant bird, the Indian traders used to lie down on the ground with a lump of meat tied to their back. Then they were carried to and from the Valley of Diamonds. This giant bird was noted for its restraint as well as foolishness. As to the former, we have it in the Uttaradhyayana Sutra : "Be thou awake, though others sleep, and like the wise trust none. Remain alert for moments are treacherous and this body is weak. Like Bharunda be watchful all the while." This, because the Bharunda bird was always careful to take food by one mouth only. If it took from the two at a time it might have choked itself to death. The foolishness of the bird is depicted in the following lines of the Pancatantra : "Bharunda birds will teach you why The disunited surely die ; For single-bellied, double-necked They took a wrong food." The story is like this. While searching for food, its first neck found some nectar and began to drink it. The second neck demanded its share. Being refused, the second neck took poison to teach the first neck a lesson. Belly being the same, it died. References to its presentation in art are also found. Samayasundara, the poet, refers to some such presentations on the wall-paintings of a king's palace. I have in my own collection some old paintings containing it. Yours, etc. -B. L. Nahata, Calcutta

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